Corbie in the Carolingian Renaissance (Francia, Beihefte 20): Bd. XX

DAVID GAN Z CORBIE I N TH E CAROLINGIA N RENAISSANC E

BEIHEFTE DER FRANCIA Herausgegeben vom Deutschen Historischen Institut Paris

Band 20 CORBIE I N TH E CAROLINGIAN RENAISSANC E by

David Ganz

JAN THORBECK E VERLA G SIGMARINGE N 1990

r

Bayertsch' :hek 1 Staatsfcibliothek Mu;*ichen

DAVID GAN Z

CORBIE IN THE CAROLINGIAN RENAISSANC E

*

JAN THORBECKE VERLAG SIGMARINGEN 1990

NUTRITORIBUS

Corbie en Picardie semble les avoir toutes surpassees. Qean MABILLON, Traite des etudes monastiques, Paris 1691, p. 131).

CIP-Titeiaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek Ganz, David: Corbie in the Carolingian renaissance / David Ganz. - Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1990 (Beihefte der Francia; Bd. 20) ISBN 3-7995-7320-8 NE: Francia / Beihefte

BEIHEFTE DER FRANCI A Herausgeber: Prof. Dr. Horst Moller Redaktion: Dr. Hartmut Atsma Deutsches Historisches Institut , 9 rue Maspero, F-75116 Paris Verlagsadresse: Jan Thorbecke Verlag GmbH & Co., Sigmaringen © 199 0 by Jan Thorbecke Verlag GmbH & Co., Sigmaringen Dieses Buch ist aus saurefreiem Papier hergestellt und entspricht den Frankfurter Forderungen zur Verwendung alterungsbestandiger Papier e fur die Buchherstellung. Gesamtherstellung: M. Liehners Hofbuchdruckerei Gmb H & Co., Sigmaringen Printed in Germany ISSN 0178-1952 • ISBN 3-7995-7320-8

CONTENTS

Preface 7 List of Abbreviations 8 List of Plates 1

0

Introduction 1

1

I TheHistor y o f the Abbey, 659-881 1 II Th e Growth of the Library

4 36

III Th e Evidence of Annotations 6

8

IV Th e Use of the Library: Quotations in Corbie Theology 8

1

V The Lives of Adalhard and Wala: Quotations in Corbie Biography . . . . 10

3

VI Scriptorium , Library , Schoo l an d Readers: Corbie in the Carolingian Renaissance 12 VII Th e Manuscripts of the Corbie Library 12 VIII Unedite d Texts from Corbie Manuscripts 15

1 4 9

Map »The Domains of Corbie in 822« 16

3

Bibliography 16

4

Index of Manuscripts 17

1

General Index 17

4

Plates 1-16 17

7

PREFACE

This stud y depend s o n th e detaile d examinatio n o f manuscript s i n th e librarie s o f Amiens, Diisseldorf, Laon , Leningrad, London, Munich, Oxford, Paris and Wolfenbuettel, an d I a m ver y gratefu l t o th e staf f o f thes e collections , especiall y i n th e Saltikov Shchedri n Public Librar y i n Leningrad an d the Salle des Manuscrits o f th e BibUotheque Nationale, fo r their many kindnesses. I t has benefited fro m th e advice and nourishmen t o f man y helpers . I n Pari s I hav e ha d th e insight s o f Jean Vezin , Hartmut Atsma , Marti n Heinzelmann , Pierr e Petitmengin , Miche l Hugl o an d Francoise Gasparri , i n Leningra d o f Madam e A . D. Llublinskaia, T . Voronova an d my friend Vladimir Mazuga. I am grateful to Donald Bullough, Malcolm Parkes and Bernhard Bischoff fo r their helpful advic e and for detailed criticisms, and to Richard Hunt, Julia n Brow n an d Michae l Wallace-Hadril l fo r encouragemen t whos e fruit s they have not lived to see. Both Mildred Budny, Malcolm Parkes and especially Alan Bishop hav e offere d constan t an d generou s informatio n abou t manuscript s an d discussions o f method , an d thei r work , lik e tha t o f Joh n Contreni , ha s bee n a n example t o me . Mildre d Budny' s discussion s o f codicolog y an d decoratio n hav e taught m e new way s o f understandin g manuscrip t evidence . Ala n Bishop , who ha s been workin g o n th e Corbi e scriptoriu m sinc e 1968, has bee n read y t o shar e hi s knowledge of scribe s and manuscripts with kindness and courtesy ever since we met before his lectures on Corbie in 1976.1 hope that this study is worthy o f the trust he has placed i n it. I have learne d much fro m hi s criticism. Berthe Mart i an d Abb y Wolfso n hav e rea d the tex t wit h attentio n t o detai l an d expectations o f lucidity , an d their precise an d germane comments hav e improve d i t immeasurably. Mme. U. Hugot an d H. Atsma have given essential help in preparing the text for publicatio n an d correctin g th e proofs. While engage d on th e preparation o f thi s book I have received scholarship s fro m the British Council, which enabled me to study the Latin manuscripts in Leningrad, from th e R.J . Reynold s foundatio n fo r work o n th e Vita Adalhardi, an d from th e Alexander vo n Humbold t foundation . Thi s las t awar d enable d m e t o wor k a t th e Monumenta Germania e Historic a i n Munic h an d the n a t th e Germa n Historica l Institute i n Pari s an d I a m delighte d t o hav e bee n abl e t o imbib e th e tradition s o f these tw o exemplar y bastion s o f earl y medieva l history . M y parent s an d m y university hav e als o offere d m e financia l suppor t an d confidence . Bu t thos e wh o have answered questions , offere d encouragement , o r expressed incisiv e interest , fa r exceed the names listed above, and often their help was crucial in ways they may not have known . Non enim excursus hie eius, sed opus ipsum est. (Plinius apu d Sterne) Chapel Hill , July 14 th 198 9

DAVID GAN Z

7

LIST OF ABBREVIATION S

AB Analecta Bollandiana BECh BibUotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes Beeson C.H.Beeson , Isidorstudien, Quelle n un d Untersuchunge n zu r lateini schen Philologie de s Mittelalters IV. 2 (Munich 1913) Bishop T.A.M . Bishop, Th e Scrip t o f Corbi e a Criterion , Varia codkologia: Essays presented to G.I.Lieftinck I (Amsterda m 1972), p. 9-16 Bouhot J.P.Bouhot , Ratramne de Corbie (Pari s 1976) CC Corpus Christianorum Series Latina CCM Corpus Consuetudinarum Monasticarum I Initia Consuetudinis Benedictinaet ed . K . Hallinger (Siegbur g 1963) Chatelain E . Chatelain, Paleographie des classiques latins (Pari s 1884-1900) CLA Codices Latini Antiquiores: A Palaeographical Guide to Latin Manuscripts Prior to the Ninth Century. Vol s I-X I an d Supplement , ed . E.A . Lowe, (Oxford 1934-1972) CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum de Merindol C . d e Merindol, La production des livres peints a Vabbaye de Corbie au XII* siecle (Lille 1976) Dobias- O . Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , Histoire de I'atelier graphique de Corbie Rozdestvenskaia de 651 a 830 refletee dans les manuscrits de Leningrad (Leningra d 1934) Ep. Ars. Paschasiu s Radbertus Epitaphium Arsenii, ed . E. Duemmler, Abhandlun gen de r kaiserlichen Akademi e de r Wissenschaften (Berli n 1900) Fischer B.Fischer , Bibeltex t un d Bibelrefor m unte r Kar l de m Grossen , i n hi s Lateinische Bibelhandscbriften im fruhen Mittelalter (Freibur g 1985), pp. 101-202 Gamber K . Gamber, Codices latini liturgici antiquiores (Fribour g 1976) Ganz D . Ganz, The Merovingian Library of Corbie , Columbanus and Merovingian Monasticism (Oxford 1981), pp. 153-72 Gasparri Francois e Gasparri , Le scriptorium de Corbie a la fin du VIII e siecle et le probleme d e l'ecritur e a-b , Scriptorium 20 (1966) , pp. 265-72 Hildemar Vita et Regula SS. P. Benedicti una cum expositione regulae ah Hildemaro tradita, ed . R. Mittermuelle r (Regensbur g 1880) Holtz L . Holtz, Donat et la tradition de Venseignement grammatical: Etude sur VArs Donati et sa diffusion (IVs-IXe siecles) et edition critique. Documents, Etudes et Repertoires publies par Tlnstitut de Recherche et d'Histoire de s Textes (Pari s 1982) IMU Italia Medievale e Umanistica Karl der Grojie Karl der Grofle, Werk und Wirkung (Aache n 1965) Kasten B . Kasten, Adalhard von Corbie. Die Biographic eines karolingischen Politikers und Klostervorstebers, Studi a Humaniora . Mittelalte r un d Renaissance 3 (Dusseldorf 1985) Koehler W . Koehler, Buchmalerei des fruhen Mittelalters: Fragmente und Entwurfe aus dem Nachlass (Munich 197?) 8

Leonardi

C. Leonardi, I codici di Marziano Capella, Aevum 33 (1959), 34 (1960) and as a separate monograp h Liebaert P. Liebaert, Some Early Scripts of th e Corbie Scriptorium, Palaeographia Latina I (1925), pp. 63-7 Lowe E.A. Lowe, Palaeographical Papers 1907-1965 I—II (Oxford 1972) F. Maassen, Geschichte der Quellen und der Literatur des canonischen Maassen Rechts im Abendlande bis zum Ausgange des Mittelalters (Gra z 1870) P. McGurk, Latin Gospel Books from A.D. 400 to A.D. 800 (Paris-Brussels McGurk 1961) Monumenta Germania e Historic a MGH H. Mordek, Kirchenrecht und Reform im Frankenreich. Die Collectio Mordek Vetus Gallica (Berli n 1975) MS B. Bischoff , Mittelalterliche Studien I—II I (Stuttgart 1967-81) Catalogue des manuscrits en ecriture latine portant des indications de date, MSS Dates de lieu, ou de copiste, ed. C . Samaran, R.Marichal (Pari s 1959-82) B. Munk Olsen, Uetude des auteurs classiques latins au XI€ et XIIe siecles, Munk Olse n I-II (Pari s 1983-85) La Neustrie. Les pays au nord de la Loire, de Dagobert a Charles le Chauve La Neustrie (VUe-IX€ siecles), ed. P . Perm, L.-C.Feffe r (Roue n 1985) O. Pacht, Buchmalerei des Mittelalters. Eine Einfiihrung (Munich 1984) Pacht M. Passalacqua, / codici di Prisciano (Rome 1978) Passalacqua Patrologia Latina, ed . J.P.Migne (Pari s 1844-55) PL Revue Benedictine RB Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'alto Medioevo SS Spoleto A. Siegmund, Die Oberlieferung der griechischen christlichen Literatur in Siegmund der lateinischen Kirche bis zum zwolften Jahrhundert (Munic h 1949) Staerk A. Staerk, Les manuscrits latins du V * au XIII e siecle conserves a la BibUotheque Imperiale de Saint Petersbourg I-I I (St . Petersbourg 1910) T&T L.D.Reynolds (ed.) , Texts and Transmission (Oxford 1983) Translatio Translatio Sancti Viti Martyris, ed . I. Schmale-Ott, Veroffendichungen der Sancti Viti Historischen Kommissio n fu r Westfalen 41 (Munster 1979) B.L. Ullman, The Plac e of Geometr y i n the Earl y Medieva l Curriculum , Ullman Studi in onore di T. de Marinis I V (Veron a 1964), pp. 263-85 Uncialis Scriptura E. Chatelain, Uncialis Scriptura Codicum Latinorum (Pari s 1901) V.A. Paschasius Radbertus, Vita Adalhardi, PL 120, 1507-5 5 Vezin J. Vezin, Les reliures carolingiennes de cuir a decor estampe de la Bibliotheque Nationale, BECh CXXVI I (1970), pp. 81-112 J. Vezin, Le b en ligature a droite dans les ecritures des VIP et VIIIe siecles, Vezin b . Journal des Savants (1971), pp. 261-87 E. Wickersheimer, Manuscrits Latins de Medecine du Haut Moyen Age Wickersheimer dans les Bibliotheques de France (Paris 1966) E.H. Zimmermann, Vorkarolingische Miniaturen III (Berli n 1916) Zimmermann

9

LIST OF PLATE S

1 Paris, B.N. Lat. 17655, fol. 3r. Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum 17 2 Paris, B.N. Lat. 12161, fol. 147r. Hieronymus-Gennadius, de Viris Inlustribus 17 3 Paris, B.N. Nouv . Acq . Lat . 2061, fol.46v. Gregorius , Moralia with cursive marginalia written at Corbie c. 700 17 4 Paris, B.N . Lat . 13046, fol. 118v. Bonifatiu s Aenigmata i n Insula r an d earl y e N script 18 5 Paris, B.N. Lat . 13025, fol.65r. Beda , de Arte Metrica. Chapter s in a very cursiv e form of Maurdramnus script, rich in ligatures 18 6 Paris, B.N. Lat . 11711, fol.4v. Dionysio-Hadrian a i n Maurdramnus minuscul e showing display script 18 7 Paris, B.N . Lat . 11711, fol.29r. Dionysio-Hadrian a i n Maurdramnu s minuscul e showing cursive ligatures 18 8 Paris, B.N. Lat . 13373, fol.34v. Content s tabl e for Alcuin, Quaestiones in Genesim an d Epistolae in purple unica l an d Maurdramnus script . This is the exemplar for Dusseldorf B 3 18 9 Paris, B.N. Lat. 11627, fol. 54r. Hieronymus in Isaiam in AB script 18 10 Paris, B.N. Lat . 12210, fol. 82v . Augustinu s de Praedestinatione Sanctorum wit h marginal annotations indicatin g passage s excerpte d b y Ratramnus i n his de Praedestinatione 11 Paris, B.N. Lat . 12205, fol. 35v and 12210, fol. 84r. Augustinus de Praedestinatione Sanctorum and Augustinus de correptione et gratia showin g excerptin g marks and annotations 12 Paris, B.N. Lat. 12957, fol. 99v. List of names of Corbie monks 18 13 Paris, B.N. Lat . 12156, fol.4v. Hieronymu s in Ep. Pauli ad Galathas i n mid-nint h century Corbie script with a marginal annotation 18 14 Paris, B.N. Lat . 18296, fol.57r. Paschasiu s Radbertus Vita Adalhardi i n mid-nint h century Corbie script, with a sketch of the triangular site of Corvey 19 15 Paris, B.N. Lat. 13381, fol. 60r. Hadoardus, Florilegium 19 16 Paris, B.N. Lat . 12260, fol.6v. Martyrologium Corbiensium fo r June, wit h adde d note about the murder of Archbishop Fulco of Rheims in 900 19

10

7 8 9 0 1 2 3 4 5 186 187 8 9 0 1 2

INTRODUCTION

This stud y open s with a historical accoun t o f Corbi e fro m it s foundation unti l th e reign of Charles the Simple, which clarifies the political importance of the abbey and its relation s wit h ruler s an d bishops . Corbi e wa s always a royal abbey , an d durin g the abbacies of Charlemagne's cousins the links with the court were most crucial, but it wa s independen t o f roya l control . Abbot s Adalhar d an d Wal a establishe d a tradition of oppositio n to royal policy, an d in the theological debates of the reign of Charles th e Bald , Ratramnu s o f Corbi e oppose d th e stanc e o f Hincma r an d th e Carolingian episcopate . Corbie wa s concerne d t o expan d th e frontier s o f th e Christia n world . Adalhar d founded a daughter hous e o f Corbi e a t Corve y i n Saxony , an d Ansgar' s missions from Corvey to Scandinavia and at Hamburg were supported by his fellow monks in both foundations . Th e theologica l need s o f th e ne w convert s a t Corve y spurre d Paschasius Radbertu s t o writ e hi s treatis e o n th e Eucharis t an d hi s biographie s o f Adalhard and Wala. Both the needs of the mission, inspired by imperial policies, and the traditio n o f independen t though t abou t al l o f thes e needs , shape d th e abbey' s intellectual stance . Studies of th e Carolingian Renaissance have tended to concentrate upon the reign of Charlemagn e or on the thought of individual scholars. Such surveys as we have of the whole perio d ar e vitiated b y th e need fo r oversimplifications . Thi s stud y i s no t such a survey; i t is too detaile d an d too partial, concentrating a s it does o n a single monastic library. I chose to study Corbie because the volumes from the Merovingian and the Carolingia n librar y surviv e in various collections . They mak e it possible t o reconstruct a majo r Carolingia n library . Th e numbe r o f survivin g manuscript s enables a preliminary contrast to be made between literary activities before and after the accession of Charlemagne . More important is the possibility o f testin g hypotheses about the growth and use of the Corbie library against the evidence of quotation s contained i n the works composed there . I have touched on some of the problems of understanding these works elsewhere ; here they will b e regarded less as sources fo r Carolingian histor y tha n a s evidence o f th e form tha t the narratives of tha t histor y had to take . The provisio n o f a n available an d comprehensive classica l an d patristic traditio n was the triumph of th e Carolingian Renaissance, but this tradition was accepted and assimilated subjec t t o ever y for m o f fluctuation . Th e stud y o f ho w Carolingia n scholars cope d wit h a legac y t o whic h the y fel t inferior , bu t whic h wa s th e indispensable too l fo r the m t o expres s thei r ow n ideas , is no t withou t interes t an d importance fo r thos e whos e concern s ar e remove d fro m th e nint h century . Th e educational politics of the Carolingians were designed to educate society through the training o f a clerical elit e fo r the service o f Go d an d of lesse r rulers. The mean s b y which thi s achievemen t wa s secure d ar e not ignoble ; Corbi e manuscript s proclai m 11

the love involved in their creation, and the care of their correctors. As Maitland put it in 1890: "The whole aspec t o f th e world ha s bee n change d fo r u s b y th e stud y o f MSS. ... If th e scientifi c instrumen t i s broke n o r lost, I suppos e tha t it s plac e ca n generally be filled by another; not so with MSS., for not only is the supply of ancien t MSS. strictl y limited , bu t ever y MS . i s absolutel y unique. " Th e form s an d th e functions of these books enable hypotheses to be corrected, and their study is both a delight and an inspiration, the remembrance of what a medieval 'textual community ' might be. By concentrating on a centre, rather than on an individual, it is possible t o trace stages in the assimilation o f learning , an d in the increase o f it s uses. The chief focus o f this study i s the intellectual significanc e o f Corbie . Well befor e the Carolingia n reviva l o f learnin g th e librar y wa s establishe d wit h importan t holdings: we have no richer source for Merovingian monastic learning . The abbey' s first monk s cam e from Luxeuil , an d the librar y reflect s th e value s whic h sustaine d the Columbania n expansion . Significantl y ther e ar e n o work s o f Iris h theology ; instead, ther e i s a n earl y cop y o f th e Rul e o f Basil , a work commende d b y Sain t Benedict, offerin g a dialogue which underline d th e spirituality o f monasticism . Th e presence o f Gregor y o f Tours ' history , probabl y th e firs t manuscrip t copie d a t Corbie whic h ha s survived , show s ho w th e abbe y wa s awar e o f th e traditio n o f Frankish monasticism . Bu t th e acquisitio n o f book s fro m Ital y an d Souther n Gau l instances the readiness to expand beyond the resources of Gau l and the traditions of Luxeuil. A uniform group of early annotations show that these alien volumes were at Corbie by c. 700; they also show how the volumes were studied. The development of distinctive scripts at Corbie is a measure of the discipline of the abbey's scriptorium , and of th e problems cause d b y th e diversit y o f minuscul e bookscript s i n Merovingian Gaul. These problems were resolved a t Corbie b y th e creation o f a distinctive Caroline minuscul e i n th e 770's , unde r abbo t Maurdramnus . Th e Maurdramnu s minuscule i s th e earlies t databl e exampl e o f Carolin e minuscul e an d i s a n excellen t and superbl y balance d script . Ove r sixt y manuscript s i n thi s scrip t survive . The y include copie s o f elaborat e multivolum e works , an d a wide rang e o f patristi c texts , together with the collections of grammatical treatises which trained monks in how t o read Latin . Als o presen t ar e work s b y cour t theologians ; thi s testifie s t o th e importance o f Adalhard' s abbacy , an d th e fruit s o f hi s friendshi p wit h Pau l th e Deacon an d Alcuin . Othe r text s i n Maurdramnu s scrip t ar e copie s o f volume s i n Charlemagne's cour t library . A secon d perio d o f expansion , i n th e mid-nint h century , coincide s wit h th e activities of th e Corbi e theologian s Radber t an d Ratramnus. The copie s o f patristi c texts whic h the y use d ca n b e identified , an d th e annotation s mad e b y Ratramnu s show ho w h e worked , an d offe r evidenc e fo r th e conten t o f hi s los t dossier s o n Predestination an d th e Trinity. Detaile d sourc e stud y ha s mad e i t possibl e t o lin k Radbert an d Ratramnus' s theologica l interest s wit h th e content s o f th e Corbi e librarian Hadoard' s patristi c florilegium , Pari s B.N . Lat . 13381. This volume , identified b y Bernhard Bischoff, has not previously bee n studied for its content. I t is a remarkabl e sourc e fo r systemati c Carolingia n theology . Hadoar d wa s alread y known a s the compile r o f a florilegium o f text s excerpte d fro m Cicero , Macrobiu s and Martianu s Capell a an d Bischof f linke d hi m t o th e remarkabl e collectio n o f thirty-five classical texts copied at Corbie in the mid ninth century. Both the classical 12

and th e patristi c volume s copie d aroun d th e mi d nint h centur y ar e carefull y corrected, in some case s through a process o f collatio n with other manuscripts, and often the y ar e annotated . Thi s reveal s a philologica l acume n whic h student s o f classical scholarshi p repelle d b y Christianit y hav e avoide d investigating . Priscian , Macrobius, Martianus Capella , Boethius de Musicd, Sedulius an d Bede de Temporibus wer e provide d wit h detaile d glosse s a t Corbi e and , whil e ther e i s n o wa y o f establishing th e exten t t o whic h thes e glosse s wer e Composed ' there , th e glosse s reveal which text s wer e studie d systematicall y a t Corbie. The investigation of quotations in the works of Corbie authors must proceed from the stud y o f th e library . Th e hun t fo r source s i s rewarding , bu t risks becomin g a process o f inference . Al l to o often earl y medieval text s survive in a vacuum, s o that their contex t an d th e milie u whic h produce d the m mus t b e inferred : th e curren t study o f vernacula r literatur e is a tribute to th e rewards of Quellenkritik unrestrai ned b y palaeography . The opportunit y t o understan d wha t wen t o n i n a major monasti c librar y ha s necessitated identifyin g Corbi e manuscripts , listin g thei r content s an d annotations , reading ill edited texts by unmemorable authors. Traube reminded us that in order to master medieval Latin 'We must pursue the separate parts of a sentence back into the quarry fro m whic h th e material s the y wer e buil t wer e taken. ' (Vorlesunge n un d Abhandlungen II, p. 71). This has been my aim in this endeavour. In his poem to his teacher and abbot , Radbert , Engelmodu s wrote : Impatiens animum somno relevare quietis, Aut documentorum nectar stillando refundis, Librorumve favos operoso construis actu. Sucking th e honeycom b o f book s an d distillin g thei r nectar , i n thi s wa y Corbi e monks wer e remembered .

13

I THE HISTOR Y O F TH E ABBEY , 659-881

The abbey of Corbie was a royal foundation, a new development in late Merovingian monasticism. Earlie r foundation s ha d enjoye d roya l patronag e an d protectio n bu t had depende d o n th e initiativ e o f cleric s o r nobles . Th e developmen t o f roya l foundations was the result of a new monastic policy, which determined the functio n of th e abbe y i n th e politic s o f 659-754. Despite th e lac k o f primar y sources , i t i s possible t o offe r a new interpretatio n o f th e fe w source s fo r Corbi e i n th e ligh t o f comparable documents, and so to clarify th e reasons for the abbey's foundation, an d the natur e o f it s link s wit h th e cour t an d othe r religiou s houses . Th e histor y o f Corbie has too ofte n bee n studie d i n isolation, s o obscurin g severa l feature s whic h made it distinctive. The earliest sources for the history of the abbey are the four royal charters granted by Balthild and Chlothar III, Theuderic II I and Chilperic II , the episcopal privileg e of Bisho p Berthefri d o f Amiens, l an d th e biograph y o f Balthildis , writte n befor e 690.2 The charters and the episcopa l privilege ar e all preserved i n the oldest Corbi e cartulary, M S Berli n Phillipp s 79 (1776 ) ff. 93-128 copied afte r 862 but probabl y before 880. Lists o f Merovingia n roya l charter s produce d fo r confirmatio n b y Pippin III and Charlemagne reveal that Corbie ha d privileges grante d by Clovi s III, ChildebertIII an d DagobertHI , al l o f whic h ar e no w lost. 3 Bu t th e apparen t completeness o f thes e list s implie s tha t n o additiona l privilege s ar e missing , an d suggests tha t th e thre e los t roya l charter s wer e confirmation s o f th e original , an d substantial, foundatio n charter . (Ha d the y grante d ne w estate s o r rights , th e los t charters migh t hav e bee n mentione d i n late r reference s t o thes e estate s o r rights. ) Nevertheless, th e list s o f Corbi e charter s i n th e document s o f Pippi n an d Charle magne do not mention the grants of freedom from tolls accorded by Chlothar III and Chilperic II, s o tha t i t i s possibl e tha t simila r grant s o f freedom s hav e bee n lost . There i s n o extan t recor d o f an y privat e grant s t o th e abbe y i n th e Merovingia n period. 1 All thes e documents hav e been edited b y L . Levillain , Examen critique des chartes merovingiennes et carolingiennes de I'abbaye de Corbie (Pari s 1902). They ar e preserve d i n th e nint h centur y Corbi e cartulary, MS Berlin, Phillipps 79 (1776) ff.93-128v a s well a s in twelfth centur y copies . 2 Vita Balthildis, MGH SRM II, p. 478. On th e life, cf. G. Sanders, Le remaniement carolingien de la Vita Balthildis merovingienne , A.B. 100 (1982) , pp. 411-28. The revision emphasize s th e importanc e o f Corbie. 3 mde et ipsas praeceptiones antecessorum nostrorum seu et confirmationes ChUderici Theodorid, Chlodovei, Childeberti, Dagoberto quondam regibus ipse Leodegarius abba ex hoc in presenti nobis protulit. Levillain , pp.237-40 , a t p.239 . Th e phras e unde ... Dagoberto i s repeate d i n Charlemagne' s charter, ibid., pp . 240-2 at p. 241.

14

The abbe y was founde d b y Balthildi s an d her son Chlotha r III betwee n 657 and 661. 4 The earhe r version o f th e Vita Balthildis, compose d befor e 690, records tha t Balthild founded th e monastery, an d that she asked abbot Waldebert of Luxeui l fo r the first abbo t o f Corbie , Theudefrid, wh o wa s brough t fro m Luxeui l wit h a great flock o f monk s a t her request. The influence o f Luxeui l o n Corbie may b e traced in the dedication, th e liturgy, th e rule and in the library of Corbie . Columbanus ha d founde d th e abbe y o f Luxeui l i n 590 independent o f roya l support, an d th e patrons o f monasterie s founde d fro m Luxeui l ha d bee n cleric s o r nobles, bu t b y th e mid sevent h centur y Luxeui l ha d been integrated int o Merovin gian roya l monasti c policy. 5 A manuscrip t copie d a t Luxeui l i n 669, New York , Morgan 334, is dated no t onl y b y th e year of th e abbot, Waldebert, bu t also t o th e regnal yea r o f Chlotha r III, a n indicatio n tha t Chlothar' s rul e wa s accepte d i n Burgundy.6 Balthil d an d Chlotha r III summone d Jonas o f Susa , th e biographe r o f Columbanus, t o a counci l a t Chalo n i n 659, a comparabl e acknowledgemen t o f Luxeuil's importance to the crown. 7 For after Waldebert's succession to the abbacy, Luxeuil influenc e sprea d north (bot h St . Valery an d Coutance s wer e founde d fro m Luxeuil) an d daughte r foundation s i n thi s perio d wer e distinguishe d b y thei r size . Rebais supposedl y ha d 80 monks, St.Ome r 150, and Salaberga' s nunner y a t Lao n 300 nuns.8 Hagiographer s regarde d Luxeui l a s th e chie f monaster y o f Gaul , an d it was mentioned a s a model i n episcopal privileges , an d in Marculf's formulary . The dedicatio n o f Corbi e t o Saint s Pete r an d Pau l echoe s th e dedicatio n o f Luxeuil, and those of Soissons, Rebais, Solignac, Stavelot, Sithiu, St. Pierre le Vif and Noirmoutier. St . Stephen, the subject of a second dedication for a smaller church at Corbie, was the patron of ten Merovingian cathedrals, chiefly i n the South, but also of St . Germain, Soissons , Auxerr e an d Chartres. Ewi g attribute s the dedications t o Stephen at Corbie, Prum and St. Germain to Stephen's patronage of the cathedral at Paris.9 Bot h Corbie' s foundatio n charte r an d th e episcopa l privileg e explicitl y mention th e regula mixta, a further sympto m o f Luxeui l influence , combinin g th e rules of Benedict and Columbanus.I0 No manuscrip t of the regula mixta survives , so that it is probably bes t regarded a s a modification o f th e Rule o f St . Benedict. The foundatio n charte r give s a ful l descriptio n o f th e propert y o f th e abbe y included i n th e origina l grant . I t ha d belonge d t o Guntlandus , th e mayo r o f th e palace appointed in 616 who died in 641, and on his death reverted to the crown. n I t comprised territor y i n th e valle y o f th e Somme , wit h additiona l propert y i n th e 4 Levillain, pp . 213-7. The foundatio n charte r i s o f uncertai n date , a secon d privileg e date s t o 23 rd December 661, while th e episcopal privileg e o f Berthefridu s date s to 664. 5 I.N.Wood, Th e Vita Columbani an d Merovingian Hagiography, Peritia I (1982), pp.46-77. 6 For a plate of th e colophon with the date L. Delisle, Notice su r un manuscrit de 1'Abbaye d e Luxeuil copie e n 625, Notices et Extraits XXXI , 2 (Paris 1886), pp. 149-64. For th e correct dat e B.Krusch , MGH SRM VII , pp. 495-6; CLA 1659. The manuscript i s now Ne w York, Morga n Library 334. 7 Jonas o f Bobbio , Vita Johannis Prologue, MGH SRG, p . 326; Wood, op. at., p . 80. 8 Vita Sadalbergae, MGH SRM V , p. 59. 9 E. Ewig, Di e Kathedralpatrozinie n i m romische n un d frankische n Gallien , Spdtantikes und Frdnkisches Gallien II , pp. 260-317 at pp. 297-302. 10 The foundation charter , Levillain, p. 214 refers to monachi sub sancta regula, the episcopal privilege to the regula sancti Benedicts vel sancti Columbani (p . 225). 11 Liber Historiae Francorum, MGH SRM II , pp. 311, 315.

15

regions o f Arra s an d the Amienois. n While muc h o f th e lan d was forest, grant s of forest see m to hav e been common, an d monasteries were frequentl y establishe d o n villaey a s a t Peronne an d St . Riquier . Rouch e ha s suggeste d tha t th e origina l gran t comprised 20,000 hectaires o f land , fo r i n additio n t o th e 9500 hectaires aroun d Corbie, h e estimate s th e are a a t Templu m Marti s t o hav e include d mos t o f th e frontier fores t o n th e Amien s Arra s road , wher e h e claim s t o detect evidenc e o f Roman cadastratio n affectin g th e grant. I3 Bu t description s o f th e abbey' s origina l grant found in Paris, B.N. Lat . 12893, 14 made by Jacques Baron in 1499, though they give a fuller lis t o f estate s tha n i n th e foundatio n charter , d o no t regar d Templu m Martis a s a regio n needin g a furthe r boundar y description , no r d o earlie r papa l privileges trea t it as a special area. In the seventeent h centur y th e territory o f th e abbe y wa s described a s follows : 'La situation du lieu en est assez agreable et fertile, les deux rivessont environees de vastes prairies et de paturage. Les terres des environs que toutes sont cultivees sont fecondes en froment et en autres grains, surtout en mudy ou commence le Sancerre, contree de Picardie qui rapporte le meilleur bled de France/15 Such fertility can be inferred from the tithes from Corbie estates in Adalhard's 822 statutes, and is still true today. Wine was grown in the valley o f th e Somme, an d at Corbie i n th e elevent h century , an d perhap s earlier . Ther e wa s a Merovingia n cemetery near the site of Corbie , and the abbey lay clos e t o th e network o f Roma n roads which crossed Neustria. 16 I t is the roads, along wit h the river s an d the villae, which ar e used in th e donation charte r to defin e th e territory o f th e origina l grant , giving a clea r ide a o f th e natur e o f th e Merovingia n geograph y o f th e site . Th e placenames of the valley of the Somme are not Germanic, the Francs moved onto the plateau above . The nearb y palac e o f Baizieux , nort h o f Daours , wa s wher e Ebroi n was t o seiz e th e roya l treasur e i n 675, 17 an d t o th e eas t wa s th e villa o f Vaux , mentioned i n Carolingia n sources . Furthe r upstream, a t Peronne, la y th e palace o f Ebroin o n which that monastery wa s founded . The choice of site for Corbie may have been a reaction to Erchinoald's foundatio n of Peronne. Peronne has been characterized by Dierken s as an Austrasian bastion in Neustria.18 Corbie , furthe r downstrea m o n th e Somme, an d mor e richl y endowed , offered a means of countering this encroachment. It was integrated into a network of dependent houses of Luxeuil , though it lay to the north of most of them , and it had direct links to the court, reflected bot h in its large endowment an d in the exemptio n 12 For the site, R. Agache, B. Breart, Atlas d'Archeologie aerienne de Picardie. Le bassin de la Somme et ses abords a Vepoque protokistorique et romaine (Amien s 1975), p. 38. 13 M. Rouche, L a dotation foncjere d e l'abbay e de Corbi e (657-661) d'apres Fact e de fondation, Revue du Nord L V (1973), pp. 219-27. 14 Fol. 4r-v . 15 Paris, B.N. M S Picardie 32, fol. 11. 16 Picardie, Berceau de la France (Paris 1987), p. 67; cf. R.Fossier, La Terre et les hommes en Picardie jusqu'd lafindu XIH e siecle (Paris 1968), pp. 155-83. 17 E. Ewig, Die Frankischen Teilungen im 7. Jahrhundert (613-714), Spdtantikes und Frdnkisches Gallien I, pp. 178-9. 18 A. Dierkens, Abbayes et Chapitres entre Sombre et Meuse (VIP - XIe siecles). Contribution a Vhistoire religieuse des campagnes du Haut Moyen Age, Beiheft e de r Francia 14 (Sigmaringen 1985), p. 309.

16

from tolls, the earliest such royal privilege to survive . The Merovingian roya l hous e was investing som e of it s considerable wealt h in a bastion o f renewal , an attempt to control som e o f th e novelty linke d t o th e flourishing monasticis m o f Luxeuil. 19 The territory wa s granted immunity fro m charge s imposed b y the crown, such as food rents , and from th e visits of publi c agents, and in a separate grant dating from December 664, Chlothar free d th e abbey fro m tolls . Such a privilege is remarkable, though Marculf's formulary includes a model for it.20 Corbie's privilege predates that for St. Denis . The particular status of the abbey is most clearly defined by the episcopal privilege granted b y Berthefrid , Bisho p o f Amiens , o n 6 th Septembe r 664. The document , witnessed by archbishops and bishops, is dated from a royal palace, suggesting that it was issued at a church council. The text mentions the archbishops of Reims, Lyons, Vienne, Sens , Orleans , Therouanne, Rouen , Cambrai , Meaux , Senlis , Soisson s an d Amiens. The text i s linked to a group of Merovingia n episcopa l privileges explore d by Ewig, the earliest of which dates from 637.2I In a detailed study of the similarities Ewig note s tha t Berthefrid' s privileg e depend s o n thos e grante d t o Sithi u an d St. Denis. Bot h set freedom fro m episcopal interventio n i n a tradition o f cano n law, appealing to a sermon of Augustine, described as Augustinus de gradibusy an d to the 525 synod o f Carthage , a s wel l a s t o th e custom s o f th e Frankis h church , a s exemplified i n th e foundation s o f Agaune , Lerins , th e basilic a o f Chalon , an d Luxeuil. (The specific placing of Luxeuil at the end of this clause may emphasize that abbey's role as model). The specific freedoms of th e privilege show how Corbi e was granted a special status. The ordinator o f the church of Amiens had no rights over the abbey's property , fields , holdings , woods , gol d o r silver . (Unlik e th e privilege fo r St. Pierre of Sens there is no mention of sacris voluminibus whic h may imply that the library wa s no n existan t whe n th e abbe y wa s firs t founded. ) Th e bisho p wa s t o dedicate th e alta r of th e abbe y an d offerings mad e to th e altar. The monk s ha d the right to elect their abbot, who was to be a cleric. They were to pray for the king and kingdom, an d fo r th e tranquillitas patriae. Th e referenc e t o a singl e rule r i n th e potestas clause , despite the recognition in the opening clause of th e privilege that the abbey wa s founde d b y Balthil d an d Chlothar , show s ho w faithfull y th e autho r o f this privilege followe d earlie r exemplars fo r hi s diplomatic. 22 Conflicts were to be resolved in accordance with the Rule, which thereby acquired dispositive function , an d an y infringemen t o f th e Rul e wa s subjec t t o a three year penance. Ewig regards the text of Berthefrid' s privilege a s an adaptation of a privilege for a basilica s o a s t o mee t th e need s o f th e ne w foundation . Th e Vita Balthildis se t th e foundation o f Corbie , an d th e refoundatio n o f th e roya l nunner y o f Chelles , afte r Balthild's refor m o f th e basilica s o f St . Denis, St . Germain, St . Medard, St . Pierre at 19 B.Krusch, Di e Urkunde n vo n Corbi e un d Levillain' s letzte s Wort , Neues Archh 31 (1906) , pp. 337-75. 20 Marculf, MGH Formulae, ed . Zeumer (I, 11). 21 E. Ewig, Da s Privileg des Bischofs Berthefri d vo n Amiens fur Corbie von 664 und die Klosterpoliti k der Konigi n Balthild , Francia I (1973), pp. 63-114 - Spdtantikes und Frdnkisches Gallien I I (Munic h 1974), pp. 538-83. 22 Ibid., pp . 556-7.

17

Sens, St . Aignan an d St. Martin of Tours. These basilica s were t o follo w th e sanctus regularis ordo an d to receiv e grant s o f roya l an d episcopa l immunity . Th e guidin g spirits of this reform were Audoinus of Rouen, Eligius of Noyon, and Genesius, who had been attached to the palace and who became Archbishop of Lyons. According to the Vita y th e grantin g o f exemptio n fo r basilica s wa s extende d t o al l th e seniores basilicae. Bishop s Audoinus , Genesius , Eligius , an d Mommolenu s ar e amon g th e signatories of Berthefrid's privilege, showing that the new foundation of Corbi e was incorporated int o th e hear t o f Balthildis ' reforms . A t stak e was th e distributio n o f resources between king, bishops and monasteries, and by binding the monasteries t o the cour t Balthil d an d her advisors wer e limitin g th e powe r o f th e episcopate , an d securing expansion of the Merovingian liturgy and a steady supply of prayers for the king an d for th e kingdom. Balthild' s attemp t t o lin k th e traditiona l basilica s o f th e Frankish kingdom to her court was augmented by her foundation of Corbie: the Vita records how she encouraged young men to pursue monastic studies. But these studies were not merely concerned with piety. Luxeui l provided bishop s for Laon, Noyon , Therouanne an d Besancon, a s well a s abbots fo r Leuconai s an d Corbie. 23 By favourin g monasterie s an d basilicas the crown wa s abl e to strengthe n it s ow n position. The soUdarity of th e Neustrian magnates, who forced Balthild to retreat to Chelles, soon after the Corbie privilege had called her praecelsay indicates the strength of th e oppositio n sh e ha d aroused . T o subdu e suc h oppositio n sh e appeale d t o Luxeuil, an d t o refor m an d reviv e Chelle s sh e turne d t o Jouarre , a foundation o f Luxeuil. Her Vita implies that Theodef rid was sent to Corbie as a result of the personal intervention of his abbot, Waldebert of Luxeuil. 24 Balthild's monastic policy involve d the roya l contro l o f th e chie f cul t site s o f Merovingia n Gaul , chiefl y unde r th e influence o f cleric s traine d a t Luxeuil. Theodefrid, th e firs t abbo t an d th e autho r o f a set o f rhythmica l verse s o n th e seven ages of the world, later became a bishop, according to the Vita Balthildis.25 Hi s elevation has been dated to 673, and his see identified wit h Amiens, but this seems a hypothesis. H e i s describe d a s a bisho p i n th e diplom a o f Theuderi c III, whic h records tha t h e wa s succeede d a s abbot o f Corbi e b y Chrodegarius , appointe d per nostram voluntatem et perceptionem* O n Chrodegarius ' death , betwee n 673 and 690, the monks of Corbie approached king Theuderic asking that, in accordance with the royal privilege and the episcopal grant, they might elect a successor among their number. They chose Erembert, a monk who had been raised in the monastery, wit h the approval of Bisho p Theudefrid (thi s is the reason for assumin g that Amiens wa s his see), and the king granted their request. 27 Theuderic's privilege is unique amon g Merovingian royal diplomata, and the account of abbatial elections which it contains implies that both the foundation charter and Berthefrid's privilege had been modified so as to secure royal control over the appointment of the abbot. The diploma goes on to specif y th e abbot' s duties: 23 24 25 26 27

18

E.Ewig, Descripti o Franciae . Spdtantikes und Frdnkisches Gallien I , p. 319. Vita Balthildis, p . 490. D. Norberg, La Poesie latine rythmique du haul moyen age (Stockholm 1954), pp. 41-53. Levillain, p. 233. venerabilem virum Erimbertum dum in ipso monasterio fuit nutritus, quern ipsi homines cum voluntate suprascripti pontificis domni Theodefridi episcopi elegerunt. Ibid.

...sicut bonus pastor ea, quae utilia sunt ad opus monasterii et ad regimine monachorum praevideat et regat et erudiat... et ut talia agat, ideo nostra dementia eiindulsit, ut habeat potestatem de tota congregatione ipsius monasterii vel eorum hominibus in eorum terris commanentibus, vel de eorum rebus et possesionibus mobilibus et immobilibus, sicut sancta regula docet et sanctus ordo monachorum dinoscitur esse conservandus. 28 The monk s appeale d t o Theudefri d o n th e basi s o f th e episcopa l privileg e o f Berthefrid o f Amiens , bu t whil e tha t privilege onl y specifie d tha t election s shoul d receive roya l confirmation , i n th e cas e o f Chrodega r th e kin g ha d ordere d th e election accordin g to hi s wishes, an d in the case of Erember t th e bisho p o f Amien s had mad e th e choice . Th e clea r evidenc e o f contro l o f abbatia l election s i s th e strongest argument fo r the authenticity o f Theuderic's diploma, since it cannot have helped any monastic forger, nor was it presented to the bishops assembled at Paris in 846 when th e abbo t o f Corbi e sough t a confirmatio n o f th e abbey' s freedo m o f election.29Theuderic, lik e Childeric II, is mentioned in the diploma of 751 as having confirmed th e abbey' s privileges. 30 The subsequen t history o f th e abbey during th e next half century i s uncertain. A stray fin d b y th e Corbi e antiquar y M . Doubliez o f a sceatt a date d t o 690-725 suggests that the abbey had links to England. 31 Suc h links ar e also suggested b y th e reference t o th e visits t o Corbi e o f th e Irish missionarie s Adalgisu s an d Gobbanus , but the lives of thes e saints are post Carolingian. 32 A diploma of 71633 mentions th e venerabilis Sebastianus abba thoug h the first mention of his name is written over an erasure, an d th e diploma open s wit h a reference t o a religiosus et venerabilis abba s who is not named. The twelfth century hst of abbots of Corbie composed by Nevelo mentions Sebastia n a s Erembert' s successor. 34 Bu t i n th e sixteent h centur y th e Corbie monk an d historian Caulaincour t claime d to have seen confirmations o f th e foundation charte r grante d b y Childeber t III (691-711) and DagobertHI (711-715) issued to abbot Grimo. 35 Grimo is otherwise known from the twelfth centur y hst of abbots,36 an d fro m a referenc e t o hi m i n th e continuatio n o f Fredegar' s history , recording hi s expeditio n t o Rom e i n 739/741 to negotiat e wit h Pope Gregor y III over papal recognition for Charles Martel, in return for that ruler's assistance against the Lombards. 37 I f Caulaincour t wa s correc t i n hi s accoun t o f wha t h e saw , the n Sebastian wa s intrude d i n 716, presumably a t th e insistenc e o f Charle s Martel' s 28 Ibid. 29 K. Voigt, Le Diplome d e Thierry III et l e Privilege de 847 pour Corbie, Le Moyen Age XXV I (1913), pp. 414-22. 30 Levillain, p. 231. 31 I am grateful t o M. Doubliez fo r sendin g m e photographs o f thi s unpublished recen t find. 32 Vita Adalgisi, Acta Sanctorum, June I, p. 224, Vita Gobbani, ibid., June IV, p. 19. 33 Levillain, p . 235-7. F. L. Ganshof, A propo s d u tonlie u sou s le s merovingiens , Studi in Onore di A Fanfani (Milan 1962), pp. 293-315. 34 Paris, B.N. Lat . 17717fol. 197v . 35 Paris, B.N. Lat . 17757 (Caulaincourt's Chronicle ) fol 6v , obtinuit ab Hildeberto tertio et Dagoberto secundo ejus filio, Francorum regibus privilegia quod nullus judex publicus in curtes nostras vel in homines in terris nostris manentes nee ad causas audiendas, nee ad feda exigenda aut mansiones faciendas nee redhibitwnes ex parte ftsci requirendas ingredi omnmo praesumant, sed cum integra immunitate omnia nostra possideamus. Levillain , p. 73-4. 36 Paris, B.N. Lat . 17717fol. 197v , cf. Levillain, pp.319-21. 37 The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar, ed. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill (Londo n 1960), p. 95-6.

19

opponent, Raganfrid. 38 Th e privileg e o f abbo t Joh n (1158-1172) refers t o scriptis Sebastiani abbas huius loci concernin g feuda l dues, 39 bu t thi s ma y merel y b e a garbled reference to the privilege of Chilperic, granting exemption from the tithes at Fos, near Marseilles, which mentions Sebastian. If it could be proved that Grimo had been restore d t o hi s abbac y afte r th e deat h o f Sebastian , whic h th e compiler s o f Gallia Christiana placed in 723,40 then he might be considered a protege o f Charle s Martel. The speculation s o f Laport e asser t that Grim o ha d a royal name/ 1 Charles Mattel's support for Corbie is recorded in the Annates Petaviani fo r 726, which note the death of Martin, monk of Corbie, a man of most chaste life, and very learned, whom Duke Charles held in the highest veneration and to whom he used t o confess hi s sins/ 2 These annal s ar e transmitted i n thre e ninth century manuscripts , one o f whic h come s fro m Corbie , an d wer e edite d fro m a lost fourt h manuscript . They includ e event s relatin g to St . Vaast, bu t Kurz e suggeste d that they migh t hav e been compose d a t Corbie. 43 The las t entr y dates from 798. Grimo, abbot of Corbie is probably the Grimo who wa s appointed archbisho p of Rouen i n 744, and who wa s dead b y 748. The presence of a volume containin g th e autograph of Bonifac e i n the Corbie library (Leningrad, Lat. Q v I 15) suggests that the link s betwee n Grim o an d Bonifac e ma y hav e bee n particularl y close . I n hi s account of the history o f the systematic collectio n o f cano n law, the Collectio Vetus Gallica, Mordek has linked the use of texts available only in the Corbie library with a revision o f th e collectio n mad e durin g Grimo' s abbacy. 44 Thi s suggestion s i s discussed i n detail below . The attemp t t o refor m th e Frankis h episcopat e begu n b y Bonifac e require d th e support of the Frankish monasteries, the best source of traine d clerics. It reached its fulfillment wit h th e renewa l o f regula r Frankis h churc h councils , an d wit h th e canonical reform s o f Bisho p Chrodegan g o f Metz , whic h se t u p a clear distinctio n between canons , wh o wer e entitle d t o ow n property , an d monks , boun d b y a monastic rule which insisted on the renunciation of personal property. 4S Grimo was chosen a s metropolitan , i n a n attemp t t o refor m th e Merovingia n episcopat e b y establishing a hierarchy, so as to ensure the regular holding of provincial synod s and the establishment o f disciplin e a t all levels. There were clearl y difficulties: Bonifac e had asked for three pallia, and then restricted his request to one, destined for Grimo. The papa l referenc e i n a letter t o Bonifac e t o Grimone quern nos iam compertum habemus seems to establish that Grimo, the archbishop chosen by Boniface, was the T. Schieffer, Sachsen und Angehachsen (Main z 1952), pp. 25-6. Paris, B. N. Lat . 17717, The Corbi e cartulary . Gallia Christiana X, p . 1266. J. Laporte, Corbie Abbaye Royale (Lill e 1963), p. 48-9. For a more sceptical view, cf. J.Semmler, Zu r pippinidisch-karolingischen Sukzessionskris e 714-723, Deutsches Archw 33 (1977) , pp. 1-36. P. Fouracre, Observation s o n th e Outgrowt h o f Pippini d Influenc e i n th e »Regnu m Francorum « afte r th e Battle of Tertry (687-715), Medieval Prosopography 5 (1984), pp. 1-31. 42 MGH SS I, p. 9 from MS Geneva 50 s. ix 2/4. The text is also found in Vat. Reg. Lat. 520 from Corbi e and Paris, B.N. Lat. 4995, cf. K.F.Werner, Das Geburtsdatum Karl s des Grofien, Francia I (1973), pp. 115-57. 43 F. Kurze, Uber die karolingischen Reichsannale n vo n 741-829, Neues Archw 21 (18%) , p. 25. 44 Mordek, p . 91. 45 E. Ewig, Sain t Chrodegan g e t l a reforme d e reglise franque , Spdtantikes und Frdnkisches Gallien II , p. 232-59.

38 39 40 41

20

same ma n wh o ha d visite d Rom e i n 739. * The refor m synod s o f Soisson s an d Le s Estiennes wer e designe d t o brea k episcopa l power , t o restor e churc h propert y t o monks an d nuns, an d to estabUsh the Rule a s a norm for monks , perhap s as part of that canonica rectitudo whic h Bonifac e ha d sough t t o restore. During the rapid political change associated with the Arnulphing rise to power the monasteries playe d thei r part in th e securin g o f thi s power . Eithe r the y supporte d Arnulphing claims , o r the y wer e redistribute d i n a proces s o f rewardin g loya l Arnulphing supporters. Whereas previous Merovingian councils had been assemblies of bishops, they now met in the king's presence, and their decisions were formulate d as capitularies. Charles Martel was to depose Wando of St. WandriUe, and reduce the claims of bishop s ove r monasteries. Examples of these claims are the attempts of the bishop o f Soisson s t o contro l th e monaster y o f St . Medar d a t Soisson s an d o f th e bishop of Lao n to impose his rule on the nunnery founded b y St. Salaberga. 47 In the developing Arnulphin g polity , th e defence o f loya l monasteries agains t such threats was strengthened b y th e appointment o f loyal bishops , trained in these monasteries. Grimo, selecte d b y Boniface , ensure d tha t Corbi e wa s i n th e forefront o f th e ne w reforms. The act s o f th e churc h councils , an d a charter issue d b y Pippi n soo n afte r hi s coronation, ar e th e chie f evidenc e fo r th e activitie s o f Leodecharius , Grimo' s successor. Ewig has suggested that he attended the Synod of Compiegne, which met in 757, legislated o n marriage , and issued a privilege for Gorze . Leodega r sign s thi s privilege a s representativ e o f Amiens , an d i t i s probabl e tha t h e wa s bot h bisho p there an d abbo t o f Corbie. 48 I n 762 he wa s on e o f th e seventee n abbot s a t th e assembly of Attigny, which set up a prayer alliance with twenty two bishops and five bishops wh o wer e als o abbots. 49 Linked t o th e abbeys o f St . Denis, St . Riquier, St. Germain, Jumieges, St . WandriUe, and St. Evroult, an d also St. Germain , St . Clou d and Rebais, Corbie was integrated into a group of northern French abbeys. But fe w of thes e abbey s receive d grant s o f immunit y fro m Pippin . Th e Corbi e privilege , which lacks its dating clause, confirms th e abbey in possession of it s property, bot h that comprise d i n th e origina l gran t an d tha t subsequentl y grante d b y roya l an d private donors.M This is our sole evidence for an increase in the abbey's estates, and it may be no more than a formula. The property was to remain free from incursions by judges o f agent s o f th e fisc , th e abbey' s tenant s wer e fre e fro m pubU c service s an d under ful l immunity . Th e charte r record s tha t abbo t Leodega r showe d charter s o f Childeric, Theodoric , Clovis , Childeber t an d Dagobert , a s wel l a s th e origina l foundation charter . Thi s woul d hav e furnishe d a se t o f confirmation s b y ever y Neustrian ruler from 661 to 716. There is mention of property granted by the crown and by lay patrons, gains secured by the abbots and improvements o r augmentations 46 MGH Epp. Sel. 1 Briefe de s Bonifatius, pp. 103, 106. 47 Vita Medardi, Acta Sanctorum, Jan . II , p . 85. J.Semmler, Episcop i Potesta s un d karolingisch e Klosterpolitik, Mbnchtum, Episkopat und Adel zur Grundungszeit des Klosters Reichenau (Sigmarin gen 1974), pp. 305-%, esp. pp. 316-24. 48 Ewig I , pp . 316-7. 49 K. Schmid, O . G. Oexle, Voraussetzunge n un d Wirkun g des Gebetbunde s vo n Attigny , Francia 2 (1972), pp. 71-122, MGH Cone. II , pp. 72-3. 50 Levillain, pp. 237-40.

21

of earUe r grants . This suggest s tha t ther e wa s considerabl e loca l patronag e fo r th e abbey, an d ma y impl y tha t th e associatio n wit h Charle s Marte l ha d preserve d th e abbey's propert y reasonabl y intact , i n contras t t o severa l othe r norther n Frenc h houses. If Leodegarius was also the administrator o f th e see of Amiens, as Ewig ha s suggested, thi s migh t als o reflec t th e importance o f roya l patronage . On Charlemagne' s accessio n h e confirme d th e abbey' s privilege s i n a charter t o abbot Hado, of 16 th March 769.5I Hado had produced the same sequence of charters as are Usted in Pippin' s grant , togethe r wit h tha t grant . The tex t o f Charlemagne' s charter follow s tha t o f Pippi n closely , bu t i t als o include s a reference t o grant s per strumenta cartarum in the clause extending immunity to aU of the abbey's holdings. 52 This suggest s tha t th e abbe y owne d propert y whic h ha d bee n grante d b y la y charters, an d whic h include d th e gift s o f Arnulphin g supporters . Baluz e asserte d that, according to an abbot list from Corbie , Addo died on 28 December 770, after a nineteen year abbacy. M N o othe r references t o hi s activit y ar e known. The date of the charter for Hado offer s a terminus for the abbacy of hi s successor Maurdramnus, whos e nam e i s no t preserve d i n an y charter . H e gav e th e abbe y property a t Thennes, on a tributary of th e Somme south o f Corbie , and this implie s that he came from a local family. M A t hi s death his property wa s to be divided int o three parts , fo r th e need s o f th e monastery , fo r th e need s o f th e poor , th e sick , widows an d orphans, and the third for the repair or embellishment o f thi s church. 55 This suggest s tha t h e wa s wealthy , bu t th e wealt h migh t hav e bee n th e profit s o f office. A colopho n reveal s tha t h e wa s responsibl e fo r th e copyin g o f th e boo k o f Macchabees, M s Amien s 11, one o f th e contemporaneou s volume s o f th e Amien s Bible, an d i t i s probabl e tha t h e encourage d th e growt h o f th e library . Fo r th e scriptorium t o undertak e th e projec t o f copyin g th e Bible , an d th e othe r volume s copied in the Maurdramnus script, required a steady supply of high grade parchment and of high grade exemplars, another sign of the abbey's wealth. During Maurdramnus's abbacy Adalhard, Charlemagne's cousin , entered Corbie, probably i n 772. ** If he can be identified with the count Adalhard who joined other nobles at Carloman's court in going over to Charlemagn e a t Corbeny i n December 771, after Carloman' s death, then despit e hi s youth hi s famil y statu s ensure d tha t h e was alread y promi nent.57 Paschasiu s Radbertus , hi s friend , pupi l an d biographer , record s tha t h e ha d been educate d a t court, presumabl y wit h Charle s an d Carloman. 58 O n Carloman' s 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58

22

Ibid., p . 240-2. Ibid., p . 242. Paris, B.N. M S Baluze 42, fol. 194; Annales Benedictini II , ed. J. Mabillon (Pari s 1704), p. 253. Levillain, p. 247, quoting Paris, B.N. Lat . 13908, a Corbie calendar copied in the statutes of Adalhard. XIII kal. junii obiit Maurdramnus abbas qui Tanedas mo ... dedit nobis. Levillain, p . 243. Bonnefons i n hi s manuscrip t histor y o f Corbi e t o 1661 (Paris, B.N . Lat . 17142-3) says antequam suae dignitati nuntia remitteret consentientibus omnium coenobitarum et voluntatibus et suffrages eundem coenobii in tres partes diviserat. B. Kasten, Adalhard von Corbie (Dusseldor f 1986). I hav e reviewe d thi s fo r Deutsches Archw 44 (1988), pp. 637-9. Annales Regni Francorum a. 771, MGH SRG, p . 32. Annales Mettenses Priores a . 771, MGH SRG, p. 57. Kasten, pp. 16-23. Vita Adalhardi, PL 120, 1511 . Cf. E. Delaruelle, Charlemagne , Carlomann , Didie r e t l a politique du manage franco-lorn bard, Revue Historique 170 (1932), pp. 213-24; Kasten, pp. 24-35.

death, Adalhar d woul d hav e ha d a clai m t o th e inheritance , fo r Carloman' s wif e Gerberga an d he r young so n fled t o Italy , an d i t is doubtful whethe r a minor an d a woman coul d hav e ruled alone. 59 The attitud e o f Charlemagn e t o Ital y had determi ned Adalhard' s decisio n t o ente r Corbie , fo r Charle s ha d repudiate d hi s Lombar d wife, an d thereby ende d th e alliance with Desiderius, king of the Lombards, secure d by Bertha , mothe r o f Charlemagn e an d Carloman , an d aun t o f Adalhard. 60 Thi s caused Adalhar d t o leav e the cour t i n protest agains t Charles * subsequent marriage , which seemed bigamy. Unfortunately ther e can be no firm chronolog y of events; the repudiation whic h ended Charles' s Lombard allianc e may have preceded o r followe d Carloman's illnes s o r death. 61 At Charlemagne' s reques t Adalhar d wa s mad e gardene r a t Corbi e an d h e wa s visited ther e b y friend s an d relatives. 62 T o escap e thi s pressur e h e fle d t o Mont e Cassino, in search o f th e sources of monasticism, but was forced b y Charlemagn e t o return t o Corbie . H e ha d aske d Poto , th e abbo t o f Mont e Cassin o (c . 770-777), to prevent this . For hi s biographer , th e visit t o Mont e Cassin o wa s a pilgrimage an d a renunciation o f the world, but there may also have been political motives; the friend s and relative s wh o thronge d t o Corbi e presumabl y wante d Adalhar d t o remai n i n political life, and as a novice he would no t yet have taken his monastic vows. 63 In th e debate wit h Benedic t o f Anian e abou t monasticism , (date d t o 802 by Semmle r an d Kasten) Adalhard preferred novice s to receive the tonsure and make their professio n earlier tha n Benedict , wh o wante d t o wai t a year. 64 Evidenc e fo r Maurdramnus ' attitude t o Adalhard' s arriva l mus t b e inferre d fro m th e donatio n b y Gerberg a o f lands in Alsace and the Wormsgau t o Corbie. Unfortunately th e source for thi s grant is a twelfth centur y resum e of a lost charter of Charles the Bald, so that the donatio n may dat e fro m anywher e betwee n 768 and 774.65 If i t predate s Carloman' s deat h i t could sho w tha t Maurdramnu s an d Adalhar d ha d supporte d hi m an d ha d bee n rewarded. Thi s loyalt y ma y hav e ensure d subsequen t disapproval : w e hav e n o evidence o f an y grant s mad e to th e abbe y b y Charlemagne . O r th e gran t ma y hav e been a gestur e o f favo r t o Adalhard , perhap s a renunciatio n o f propert y prio r t o Gerberga's fligh t t o Italy . I n 774, after a n ordeal , Charlemagn e commende d th e Corbie advocati Agissericu s an d Aldradu s t o restor e propert y t o th e abbe y o f St. Michael a t Honau , i n Alsace . This documen t ha s suffere d fro m a forged version , the propert y concerne d i s i n Alsace , an d th e circumstance s ar e obscure . Levillain' s comment tha t i t i s not clea r whethe r th e tria l concerne d Corbi e mus t stil l stand. 66 The lengt h o f Adalhard' s earl y sta y a t Corbi e canno t b e securel y dated . Radber t 59 Annales Lobienses a. 771, MGH SS II, p. 195, Liber Pontifkalis I , p. 488. 60 Kasten, pp. 36-41. 61 The Liber Pontificalis asserts tha t Desiderius aske d Pope Hadrian to anoint Gerberga's son s as rulers of th e Franks . Lib. Pont., p . 493. 62 VA., col . 1513. 63 Kasten, p . 40. Sturmi o f Fuld a an d Liudge r ha d bot h spen t tim e a t Mont e Casino , cf. J.Wollasch , Benedictus abba s Romensis . Da s romisch e Elemen t i n der fruhen benediktinische n Tradition, Tradition als historische Kraft. Interdisziplindre Forschungen zur Geschichte des fruheren Mittelalters, ed . N. Kamp, J.Wollasch (Berli n 1982), pp. 119-37. 64 W. Hafner, Der Basiliuskommentar zur Regula Benedicti, p. 140; Hildemar, p. 540. 65 Levillain, p. 127. 66 Levillain, pp. 82-92, 243-6.

23

says that he was appointed successo r t o Maurdramnu s durin g tha t abbot' s lifetime , and accompanied Pippin, Charlemagne's son, to Italy after his coronation as king on 11th Apri l 781.67 Thi s woul d hav e linke d hi m t o Pippin' s tutors , abbo t Wald o o f Reichenau an d abbo t Angilber t o f St . Riquier , wh o becam e a friend. 68 Whethe r Maurdramnus rule d a t Corbi e durin g Adalhard' s absenc e i s no t clear , certainl y Adalhard's electio n require d Charlemagne' s approval , suggesting som e reconcilia tion betwee n th e cousins . The abbe y ma y no t hav e secure d materia l benefit s fro m Adalhard's election , bu t i t wa s brough t close r int o th e spher e o f cour t culture . Adalhard secure d from Pau l the Deacon a copy o f selecte d letter s of Pop e Gregor y the Great dealing with the duties of bishop s made c. 782-786.69 Letter s from Alcui n to Adalhard, written in 790, 799 and 801 imply that Alcuin wished to visit Corbie. 70 Alcuin gav e Adalhard th e nicknam e o f Antonius , an d the 790 letter was sen t fro m England durin g his three year visit there. I t implies tha t Alcui n an d Adalhard wer e friends, and that Adalhard had news of the court, so that not all of the years from 781 to 790 can have been spent in Italy. Further evidence of the friendship with Alcuin is found in the Corbie library, which obtained copies of works by Alcuin and his pupil Joseph soo n afte r the y wer e composed , an d supphe d book s t o th e foundatio n o f Alcuin's pupi l Liudge r a t Werden. 71 Th e volume s supplie d t o Werde n ar e Berli n Theol. Lat . 354, and 345, and th e Berh n cop y o f Gregory' s letters. 72 A lette r o f Alcuin reveal s tha t Adalhar d wa s a t Paderbor n i n 799 during th e visi t o f Pop e Leo III, and his friendship wit h Leo and his knowledge o f Ital y ma y suggest tha t he was present at the imperial coronation. 73 Hincmar was to describe him as one of the chief councilor s o f Charlemagne. 74 Hi s siste r Gundrad a wa s als o a t the court , an d was a correspondent of Alcuin, who dedicated to her his treatise on the soul, as well as a letter on Adoptionism. 7S A younge r sister, Theodrada, wa s abbes s of Soissons , perhaps in direct succession to Charlemagne' s daughte r Rotrud, wh o die d i n 810.76 Adalhard wa s sen t t o Rom e i n 809 with Bisho p Bernhariu s o f Worm s an d abbo t Smaragdus to discuss the singing during the Mass of th e Filioque, which th e Franks had adde d t o th e cree d an d t o th e Gregoria n sacramentary .77 This suggest s tha t h e had theological as well a s political talent , after Alcuin's death he was regarded as an 67 V.A., col . 1517. 68 D. A. Bullough, Baiuli i n th e Carolingia n Regnum Langobardorum an d th e Caree r o f abbo t Wald o (|803), English Historical Review 11 (1962), pp. 625-37. 69 O. Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, L a main de Paul Diacre sur un codex du V l ir siecl e envoye a Adalhard, Memorie storiche Forogiulesi 25 (1926), pp. 1-15. The manuscript is Leningrad, Lat. F v I 7. CLA 1603. The prefatory lette r is printed in MGH Epp. IV , pp. 508-9. 70 MGH Epp. IV, 9, pp.34-5; 175, pp.290-91; 176 , p.291; 222, p.365; 237 , pp.381-2. 71 Paris, B.N. Lat . 12514. The prefac e i s edited i n MGH Poetae I , pp. 149-59. 72 Cf. th e review by B . Bischoff, i n Anzeigerfiir Deutsches Altertum 66 (1953) , pp. 8-9 of R.Drogereit , Werden und der Heiland. Berlin , Theol. Lat . 322 is the mid-ninth century Gregory . 73 MGH Epp. IV , 175-176, pp.290-1; 181, p.299. 74 Hinkmar von Reim s de Ordine Palatii, ed . R . Schieffer , T. Gross, MGH Leges 8, p. 54. 75 MGH Epp. IV , 309, pp. 301-4; Kasten, p. 50. 76 L. weinrich, Wala Graf, Mbnch und Rebel! (Berli n 1963), p. 14. 11 Annales Regni Francorum a . 809, p. 129. R. G. Heath, Th e Wester n Schis m o f th e Frank s an d th e Filioque, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 23 (1972) , pp. 97-113; M.Borgolte, Paps t Leo III , Karl der Grosse und der Filioque-Streit vo n Jerusalem, Byzantina 10 (1980), pp. 401-27.

24

expert on computus. 78 In 811 he returned to Italy as regent of king Bemhard, and he witnessed charters for Nonantula and gave judgments for San Bartholomeo at Pistoia and Farfa and for th e Bishop o f Lucca. 79 Radbert praises hi m for pacifying Spolet o and Beneventum. 80 Th e Translatio Sancti Viti recount s tha t Adalhar d foun d Bernhard a bride, an d tha t he and Leo II I admired his progress a s a ruler. 81 On Charlemagne' s deat h Adalhar d an d hi s younge r brothe r Wal a wer e exiled , Adalhard t o Noirmoutie r an d Wal a t o Corbie, 82 an d Corbi e wa s governe d b y Adalhard II , wh o secure d a charte r confirmin g th e abbey' s immunit y o n 29t h January 815.83 Th e exil e wa s th e wor k o f viri pestilentes accordin g t o th e Vita Adalhardi an d the Translatio Sancti Vitij and they are probably to be associated with Count Bego. 84 Bernharius , Adalhard' s younges t brother , wa s sen t to Lerins , whil e his sister Gundrada was sent from the court to the nunnery of St. Croix in Poitiers.85 The Translatio records that Adalhard II consulted Wala, who acted as his praepositus at Corbie.86 Evidence for Wala's career at Corbie is found in stories in the biography composed b y Radbert , th e Epitaphium Arsenii. H e was in charge of th e almshouse , and a story tell s o f hi s rashnes s i n harvesting. 87 I n 819 the abbe y wa s require d t o supply gift s an d military service s t o Loui s th e Pious. 88 It wa s durin g Adalhard' s exil e i n th e monaster y o f St . Philiber t a t Noirmoutie r that steps were taken to establish a daughter house of Corbi e in Saxony.89 In 815, at Paderborn, Adalhar d I I reminde d Loui s th e Piou s tha t Charlemagn e ha d hoped t o do this, and the emperor discussed this project with Bishop Hathumar of Paderborn. A cell , free d fro m obligations , wa s establishe d a t Hethis i n Soiling , bu t th e monk s lacked th e resource s t o provid e themselve s wit h foo d an d clothing. 90 The y wer e divided into three independent groups under three priors, but this did not resolve the 78 MGH Epp. IV , pp. 565-6. 79 G. Manaresi, / placiti nel Regnum Italiae, Fontiper la Storia d'Italia 92 (Rome 1955); 106, pp. 392-4; 25, pp. 77ff.; 26, p. 80; 28 , p. 85. 80 V.A., col . 1523. Kasten, however , link s thi s t o th e peac e negotiation s o f 802, during Adalhard' s regency for Pippin . 81 Translatio Sancti Viti, ed . I . Schmale-Ot t (Ministe r 1979), p. 38. 82 Kasten, p. 85-109; V.A., cols . 1523-1530. 83 Levillain, pp . 249-51. On pp . 247-9 Levillain print s a transcription o f th e Tironian formul a i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 2718, concerning an exchange of property at Orville, belonging to Corbie, for property from the roya l fisc . Thi s documen t mention s th e vir venerabilis Adalardus , an d th e coun t Maginarius . Levillain date s in 800-821, since the ruler is refered t o a s emperor. I f Maginarius is the courtier wh o signed Charlemagne's treaty with the Danes, and witnessed Charlemagne's will, in both cases together with Wala, then the document mus t predate 817. 84 V.A. col . 1524; Kasten, pp. 86-90. 85 V.A., cols . 1527-8; Kasten, p. 103. 86 Translatio, p. 40. 87 Ep.Ars. I. 9-10, p. 36-7. 88 Notitia de Servitio Monasterii, CCM I , p. 493. 89 L. Weinrich, Wala, Graf, Mbnch und Rebell, pp . 39-41; Kasten, pp. 145-58. For a vision of St . Philibert of Noirmoutier seen at Corbie, which foretold the Viking invasion of 835, see De Translationibus et Miraculis S. Filiberti, ed. R . Poupardin, Monuments de THistoire des abbayes de St. Filibert (Paris 1905), pp. 66-7. 90 The hea d o f th e monaster y o f Hethi s was Hugbert , late r Bishop o f Meau x (823-853). A. Enck, Ei n Monchsverzeichnis de s 9.Jahrhunderts , Westfdlische Zeitschrift 37 (1879), p.217. J.Semmler, Corve y und Herfor d i n de r benediktinische n Reformbewegung , Friihmittelalterliche Studien 4 (1970) , pp.289-319atpp.291-2.

25

problems.91 Onl y afte r Adalhard's retur n from exile was Corve y t o flourish. I n th e interim, the reform synods of Augus t 816 and July 817 had changed the complexio n of monastic life in the Carolingian empire. This affected the monastic diet, work, and the adoption o f th e roman liturgy. The distinctio n betwee n monasti c an d canonica l observance becam e much sharper. 92 The brother s were pardoned a t the syno d o f Diedenhofen , i n October 821, after the death of Benedict of Aniane, whose views on the observance of the rule had often conflicted wit h Adalhard's. 93 Adalhard' s retur n t o Corbi e wa s marke d b y th e statutes whic h h e issue d i n Januar y 822 to reorganiz e th e economi c lif e o f th e abbey.94 These survive imperfectly, a s a series of writs issued t o define th e duties of officials. Onl y the opening sentence of th e writ for the camerarius survives, but th e writs fo r th e hospital , th e gardener , th e cellarer , th e prebend s an d th e porte r ar e preserved i n full. The tex t implie s tha t al l official s ha d writs. 95 A clos e stud y o f th e statute s give s a remarkable pictur e o f th e abbey' s siz e an d organization, which cannot be paralleled for any other Carolingian foundation. The statutes estimate provisions for an abbey which contained 350 monks, 150 prebends and 12 poor men, 96 makin g i t larger tha n St . Marti n a t Tours o r St . Denis. 97 (Th e Reichenau confraternit y boo k list s th e names o f 123 monks a t Corbie i n c. 830). n The prebends were chiefly laymen, but there were 19 clerics, twelve of whom were novices. These wer e i n th e car e o f th e praepositus o f th e churc h o f St . John, th e earliest mentio n o f thi s building. " The remainin g prebend s wer e th e groun d staff , some o f who m worke d a s carpenters, smith s o r bakers insid e th e abbey' s grounds . The abbe y ha d thre e leathe r workers , tw o grooms , a fuller , si x smiths , tw o goldsmiths, two shieldmakers, a parchment maker, three fusarii (spinner s o r bronzeworkers), tw o woodmen , fou r carpenters , fou r masons , tw o doctors . Outsid e th e main enclosure , othe r layme n worke d a s gardeners , fisherme n an d millers . 10° The 91 Translatio, p. 36-40; Ep. Ars. I . 16, p. 45. 92 J. Semmler, Reichside e un d kirchlich e Gesetzgebung , Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte 71 (1960) , pp. 37-65: ibid., Die Beschluss e des Aachener Konzils im Jahre 816, Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte 74 (1963), pp. 15-82. 93 J. Semmler, Benedictus II . Una Regula-Una Consuetude Benedictine Culture 750-10SQ (Medievalia Lovanensia XI, Louvai n 1983), pp. 1-49. 94 Statuta seu Brevia Adalhardi abbatis Corbeiensis, CCM I (Siegbur g 1963), pp. 357-408. There ar e several commentaries , th e mos t recen t ar e E.A.Verhulst , J.Semmler , Le s statut s d'Adalhar d d e Corbie d e Ta n 822, Le Moyen Age 68 (1962) , pp. 91-123, 233-69, and the unpublished Memoir e d e Maitrise by Chanta l Doubliez submitte d to the Sorbonne i n 1978. This comprehensive commentar y benefits fro m exper t knowledge o f th e Corbi e region . 95 Kasten, p. 115. % CCM, p . 376. This figur e doe s no t includ e th e 150 provendaru, ibid., p . 365. 97 O.G.Oexle, Forschungen zu monastischen und geistlichen Gememschaften im westfrankischen Bereich (Munich 1987), pp. 26-39. 98 MGH Libri Memoriales, Das Verbruderungsbuch der Abtei Reichenau, ed . J. Authenrieth/D. Geuenich/K. Schmid (Hannover 1979) p. 112. K.Schmid, Zu m Libe r Vitae des Kloster s Corvey, Ostwestfdlische Forschungen zur geschichtlichen Landeskunde, ed . H.Stoob (Munste r 1970), pp. 30-61 notes that the Reichenau Hst was expanded in three stages to a total of 141 names, and discusses the names of monk s involve d i n the foundation o f Corvey . 99 CCM, p . 366; Doubliez, p . 17. 100 CCM, p . 366; Doubliez, pp . 18-28; F.Schwind, Z u karolingerzeitliche n KJoster n al s Wirtschaftsor ganismen und Statten handwerklicher Tatigkeit, Institutionen, Kultur und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter.

26

tithes an d th e kitche n receive d detaile d regulations , an d these preserv e a list o f th e holidays celebrate d a t Corbie , whic h offer s a n insigh t int o th e abbey' s memoria. Special ration s wer e issue d a t Christmas , Epiphany , th e feas t o f Balthildi s o n 30 th January, th e feas t o f th e Purificatio n o f th e Virgin on 2 nd February , Easter , Ascension, th e feas t o f Joh n th e Baptis t (presumabl y th e Joh n o f th e infirmar y chape l dedication), Peter and Paul, Martin and Andrew.101 A further list adds other feasts on which extra drink was served: St. Stephen, St . John, the Circumcision, St . Gregory , St. Phili p an d St . James , St . Paulinus , St . Martin , St . James , th e feast s fo r th e dedication of the churches of St. Stephen and St. Peter, St. Laurence, the Assumption of th e Virgin , St . Bartholomew , th e Birt h o f th e Virgin, St . Matthew , St . Firmin , St. Thomas an d St . Benedict . The statute s giv e clear evidence o f th e privileged position o f th e abbot of Corbie . He ha d hi s ow n house , wher e h e wa s attende d b y a cleric , a s a t St . Gal l an d St. Germain (Doubliez, p. 11). He also had 50 of the abbey's 600 pigs for his own use each year , th e other s goin g t o th e cellare r (370), the prebend s (120) and th e guesthouse (60). There i s als o a detailed descriptio n o f th e clothin g issue d t o th e monks , whic h comprised two white tunics, another tunic, two pairs of sandals, two sets of leggings, a pair of fel t slippers , tw o pair s o f socks , a pair of glove s fo r summe r an d on e fo r winter, all renewed every year (p. 371) and a wool ha t and coat. The monks were fed on bread and beer, fish, vegetables and fruit. There were fifteen mills, supplying 2000 modi o f grai n according to the reformed modiu s o f 794.102 Each miller had a manse and land, and was require d t o fatten swine , gees e an d chickens fro m hi s grain . The mills wer e se t alon g th e Somm e an d it s tributaries.Th e grai n wa s eithe r spel t o r barley, and the villae als o provided flax, wool, turnips, leeks, shallots and fruit. Foals and calve s supplie d i n tithes wer e sold. 103 Adalhard's Statute s reveal a special concer n t o secur e a surplus o f supplie s fo r th e abbey, whethe r i n extr a pigs , o r i n grain. t04 Th e languag e o f th e statute s contain s several germanic borrowings, baco, friskinga (a sucking pig), garba, humlo (hops) and tuninus (an enclosure) a s well a s the german names of severa l of th e prebendarii. 105 Lambs, goats pigs, piglets, rams , geese, milk , chees e an d beer were al l tithed.The account of the process of tithing furnishes a full list of the abbey's estates. 106 Close to Corbie wer e propertie s a t Wagny, Chipilly , Sailly , Ville - sous - Corbie, Aubigny , Cerisy-Gailly, Vair e sou s Corbi e an d Thezy-Gillmont . Cor n cam e fro m Wailly , Monchy aux Bois, Hainvilliers, Le Donacre near Boulogne, Talmas, Havernas, to the

101 102

103 104 105 106

Festschrift fur Joseph Fleckenstein, ed . L.Fenske , W.Roesener , T.Zot z (Sigmaringe n 1984) pp.100-23. CCM, p . 369-71; Doubliez, pp . 30-40. CCM, pp . 375-7. These ratio s have been discussed b y M . Rouche, L a faim a Pepoque carolingienne , Revue Historique 97 (1973), pp. 295-320; J.C. Hocquet, L e pain, le vin e t la juste mesure a table des moines carolingiens, Annales ESC (1985), pp. 661-90 (with a rejoinder by Rouche) an d J. P. Devroey, Units o f Measuremen t in the Early Medieval Economy: The Example o f Carolingia n Food Returns, French History 1 (1987), pp. 68-92. Kasten, pp. 129-30. Doubliez, pp . 86-115, and her map p. 190. CCM\, pp. 399-403. Doubliez, p . xiii. Doubliez, p . lxvi.

17

north east, Campagne near the mouth of th e Somme, Forceville, Warlincourt, Saill y le Sec , FoncquevilUers , Thermes , Demuin , Paillart , Haille s nea r Thennes, Henen court, Arvillers, Gailly and Vadencourt.107 Mos t o f th e named estates were no mor e than 25 kilometers from Corbie . Distant properties might pay money rents . On th e villae ploughin g an d sowing an d fencin g an d ditchin g due s wer e rendered , thoug h the abbey supplie d th e tools {CCM, p . 381). In addition to the Statuta Adalhard also composed a set of Capitula de admonitionibus in congregatione. Since Mabillon's edition the manuscript has been lost, and all that Mabillon printed was a hst of headings, concerning behavior during the service, compulsory attendance at the Sunday masses and the daily office, includin g punctuality a t Nocturns an d Sext, an d attendanc e a t these service s b y priest s a s well a s the monks. Prayer, chant and reading were also treated, and the monks were not t o call one another by their real names, talk about private property, o r disturb silence. The section L de scribis solarii attests th e importance o f th e scriptorium . Adalhard's las t achievemen t wa s hi s foundatio n o f Corvey . Saxon s ha d bee n novices a t Corbie , a s th e Statut a record , an d som e ha d apparentl y endowe d th e abbey with property in Saxony. I08 On Adalhard's return from exil e he sent funds t o Hethis, bu t als o aske d Loui s th e Piou s t o choos e a mor e suitabl e sit e fo r a foundation. Th e villa regia o f Hoxte r wa s chosen , buildin g starte d o n 25 th Augus t and the monk s move d i n o n 23 rd Septembe r 822. l09 (The Liber Vitae suggest s tha t there were only 9 monks at Corvey.) The chief advantag e of th e new sit e was that it lay i n a fertile ben d o f a populated rive r valley. 110 The tw o charter s grante d t o th e abbey by Loui s the Pious on 2T h July 823 secured th e endowment, an d transferre d property in Saxony from Corbie to Corvey, an d gave the new foundation ful l right s over these estates. The monks were also given rights of fre e election, as long a s they were governed by a Benedictine.U! The second privilege granted immunity and royal protection to Corvey, i n exchange for prayers fo r the emperor and the kingdom. m Louis gave the new foundatio n relic s of St . Stephen, and a gospel book . I n addition Adalhard an d Wal a endowe d a nunner y a t Herford , modele d o n th e Benedictin e nunnery of Notre-Dam e a t Soissons, which supplie d i t wit h nuns. 113 A final source for Adalhard's activities after his exile records his importance at the court. The correspondenc e o f Agobar d o f Lyon s include s letter s describin g th e reactions o f Adalhar d an d Helisacha r t o hi s radica l proposal s o n th e refor m o f church property, and his attack on the rights of the Jews in Lyons. IM But both letters 107 Kasten, pp. 117-8 with her map at p. 122.1 have prefered the localizations of Doubliez , pp. 184-93 to those of Kasten . Se e Map, p. 163. 108 Ep. Ars. 1,13; I, 19. Weinrich, p. 35; Kasten, p. 145. 109 Translatio, p. 42. 110 H. Kriiger, Hoxte r un d Corvey . Ei n Beitrag zur Stadtgeographie , Westfdlische Zeitschrift 87 (1930), pp. 1-131 at p. 47; Kasten, p. 151. 111 R . Wilmans, Die Kaiserurkunden der Provinz Westfalen 773-1313 (Miinster 1876), p. 30. 112 The charter i s printed i n R. Wilmans, pp. 25-8; cf. K . H. Kriiger, Zu r Nachfolgeregelung vo n 826 in den Klostern Corbie und Corvey, Tradition als Historische Kraft: Interdisziplindre Forschungen zur Geschichte des fruhen Mittelalters, ed . N.Kamp, J.Wollasch (Berli n 1982) pp. 181-96. 113 J. Semmler, Corve y un d Herfor d i n de r benediktinische n Reformbewegun g de s 9.Jahrhunderts , Frubmittelalterliche Studien 4 (1970), pp. 289-319. 114 MGH Epp. V, pp. 164-8.

28

may be dated to 822-823, 115 and Kasten is probably right to suggest that the abbot's last years were spent a t Corbie. In 825 he received a diploma from Loui s the Piou s confirming th e abbey' s freedo m o f election. 116 On Adalhard' s death , o n 2 n d Januar y 826, his brothe r Wal a wa s electe d hi s successor in Corbie and also in Corvey.U7 The recent work of Kriiger has shown that Warin was not appointe d a s abbot of Corve y unti l 833, after Wala's exile. Louis the Pious approve d Wala' s electio n a s abbo t o f bot h houses . A s w e lear n fro m th e dedication t o th e de Corpore et Sanguine Domini, Wari n was the magister monasticae disciplinae at Corvey in c. 831. n8 Bu t Wala was not to remain at Corbie, he had accompanied Lotha r t o Ital y i n 822-825 and h e wa s a t cour t i n Jun e 826 when Harald, kin g of th e Danes, was baptized . I t was o n thi s occasio n tha t Ansgar, wh o had bee n th e schoolmaste r a t Corbi e an d Corvey 119 wa s sen t wit h Wala' s frien d Autbert o n a mission t o th e Danes. 120 Three years later Wala sent Witmar, a monk and schoolmaste r a t Corbie , t o joi n Ansgar' s missio n t o Sweden . Bu t Radbert , Wala's biographer , make s i t clea r tha t th e abbo t di d no t neglec t hi s duties , bein g concerned wit h monasti c clothing , an d with th e implementation o f th e Rule. Wala's concern with th e state of th e kingdom led to his intervention a t the synod of Aache n i n Decembe r 828, when h e attacke d roya l right s ove r churc h property , and la y intervention i n church affairs, askin g Louis b y what authority h e acted. H e attacked la y abbots , uncanonica l elections , an d th e increasin g importanc e o f th e palace chaplains. His views were discussed at the Synod of Paris, in May 829, but it was th e decision t o include Charles, Louis the Pious's youngest son , in the division of th e empire on his death, which spurre d the rebellion o f 830. Wala, concerned b y the ris e o f Bemhar d o f Septimania , who m h e considere d Judith's lover, allie d wit h Hilduin of St . Denis, Helisachar and Jesse of Amiens in support of Lothar . Radbert records a meeting a t Corbie in 829 when nobles discusse d th e threat that Bemhar d would contro l Louis' s policy. 121 I n Apri l 830 the rebel s opposin g th e Breto n campaign allied with Lothar, Pippin and Louis the German. Bemhard fled t o Spain, and Lotha r was restored as coemperor at Compiegne in May, 122 but in October 830 Louis the Pious felt ready to exile Wala, first to Corbie and then to Lake Geneva. In 831 Radbert, returning from Saxony, learned of Wala's exile and visited him, hoping to secure his repentance. m When this failed, Wala was exiled to Noirmoutier, wher e Adalhard ha d been forced to spend the years from 814-821 in exile. In October 832 the rebellio n o f Loui s th e Germa n cause d Wala to b e transferre d bac k t o Corbie ,

115 E. Boshof, Agobard von Lyon (Cologn e 1969), pp. 102-8. 116 C. Brunei, L'origina l d u dipldm e des empereurs Loui s l e Pieux et Lothaire pour l'abbay e d e Corbie , Le Moyen Age XX V (1912), pp. 129-46. 117 Translatio, p . 38; Kriiger, op. cit., pp. 193-5. 118 De Corpore et Sanguine Domini, p . 6; De Fide, Spe et Caritate (PL 120), col. 1387. Kriiger, p. 190. 119 Vita Anskarii, c. 4, p. 24, and Corve y (ibid., c.6 , p . 26). There i s a n excellen t recen t discussio n i n I.N.Wood, Christian s an d Pagan s i n ninth-centur y Scandinavia , The Christianization of Scandinavia, ed . P.Sawyer , B.Sawyer , I.Woo d (Alinga s 1987), pp.36-67. 120 Vita Anskarii, c . 7, pp. 27-8. 121 Ep. Ars. II , 2. 122 Ep. Ars. II , 8, p. 69. 123 Ep.Ars. II , 10, p. 74.

29

where he was a monk.124 The division of th e empire in 833, which favoured Judith's son Charles , cause d Lotha r t o rebe l afresh . Th e rebel s o f 833 threatened t o forc e Wala to join them if he refused to come of his own accord he reached Lothar's camp in June , an d succeede d i n calmin g Pop e Gregor y IV , wh o wa s threatene d wit h schism by the frankish bishops who supporte d Loui s th e Pious. Wala supphed a hst of patristi c quotation s t o buttres s th e Pope' s interventio n suggestin g tha t he , an d Radbert, wer e diligen t user s o f th e Corbi e library . Th e Astronome r asserte d tha t Gregory had been brought to excommunicate Loui s the Pious. I25 Wala and Radbert were als o apparentl y involve d i n th e productio n o f th e Capitula o f negotiation s between Lotha r an d Louis , whic h ar e preserve d onl y i n Radbert' s Epitaphium Arseniiy but these negotiations were superseded by the desertion of Louis' s troops to the rebels at the Field of Lies and the subsequent deposition of Louis at St. Medard in November 833. Wala was no t on e o f thos e wh o wante d suc h extrem e measures. 126 He sai d that th e division of th e spoils wa s excellent , excep t tha t there was no plac e for God, and nothing pleasing to good men. I27 After Lothar's surrender Louis seem s to have offere d t o reinstat e Wala if he swor e a n oath of loyalty , bu t he preferred t o follow Lotha r to Italy , where he was made abbot of Bobbio . Wala drew up Statute s for Bobbio, as Adalhard had done at Corbie, following Benedict of Aniane's refor m of th e office o f th e dean and the provost. 128 There i s a remarkabl e ga p i n Radbert' s accoun t o f Wala' s fina l years . Th e Astronomer records that he was reconciled with Louis the Pious in Worms in 836.129 Radbert has no mention of this . Unless hi s silence was an attempt to emphasize th e exile of his hero, rejected by the world, we must infer that Wala's trip to Worms was not known at Corbie, and consequently that there was no attempt to reinstate him as abbot there. The silence of the sources as to how Corbie was governed during Wala's exiles suggest s that confusion prevailed, with his death Corbie lost an y direct access to the court. On Wala' s deat h h e wa s succeede d a s abbo t b y Heddo , wh o die d i n June 837. During his abbacy the relics of St. Vitus were translated from St. Denis to Corvey b y abbot Warin, who was also abbot of Rebais. I3° Heddo was succeeded by abbot Isaac, who rule d fro m 837 to Septembe r 843. The abbe y an d it s estate s la y betwee n th e territories of Lotha r and Charles the Bald, a frontier which was uncertain during the struggles of Charle s to secure his kingdom after the death of Loui s the Pious in 840. In January 843 Charles granted a bridge at Daours to Corbie, which he had visited in order to pray. 131 Bu t this amicable arrangement is belied b y a summary o f a charter dated to 843-844 recorded in Paris, B.N. Lat . 17758, recording an exchange between Charles an d abbot Radber t of propert y a t Vailly fo r a part of Gerberga' s donation . Ibid., p . 75. Ep.Ars. II , 14, p. 81. Ep.Ars. II , 19, p. 89. Ibid., p . 90. Weinrich, p. 86. The statute s ar e edited CCM I , pp. 420-2. Vita Hludowici, c . 55 MGH SS II, p. 641. Translatio, pp . 46-8. Independent confirmatio n o f Warin's abbac y o f Rebai s i s found i n a story tol d by GottschaU t abou t tw o sic k monk s a t Rebais . Oeuvres de Godescalc, ed. C . Lambot, p . 170. 131 Levillain, p. 235-6; Bouhot, p . 84 for th e date. Charles wa s a t St . Vaast on 23 th Jan. Recueil des Actes de Charles le Chauve I (Paris 1943-55), pp. 40-2.

124 125 126 127 128 129 130

30

The estate s o f Vistoni a an d Deonugas , an d lan d a t Fluhe n wer e mad e over t o Lothar's queen , Irmingard. 132 Despit e Charles ' confirmatio n charter , h e clearl y regarded the lands of Corbie as royal property, suitable to augment a queen's estate. A later charter, granted to abbot Odo on 18 th September 857 records that the villa at Wailly was being held by one Diso, a vassal of Irmingard. 133 Consequently until 857 Charles wa s treatin g Corbi e propert y a s hi s own , returnin g land s whic h h e ha d alienated in exchange for further estates. The abbey was used as a royal prison, where Charles, th e so n o f Pippi n o f Aquitain e wa s imprisone d unti l hi s escap e i n 854., 134 This cavalier treatment makes the privilege o f th e Council o f Pari s in 846, affirming the immunity o f Corbi e property, easie r to understand . The abbey's intellectual importanc e was established b y the theological writings of Paschasius Radbertus , wh o ha s bee n calle d "quit e exceptional " i n hi s gras p o f exegesis.135 I n 826, after Adalhard' s death , h e compose d a biography o f th e abbot , which ends with a remarkable verse eclogue, in which personifications o f Corbie and Corvey lamen t thei r dea d leader . I n 831-833 he compose d hi s treatis e o n th e Eucharist, dedicate d t o Warin of Corve y durin g Wala's exile. A revise d version was presented to Charles the Bald at Christmas 843 or Easter 844. Radbert also began his greatest work , th e twelv e boo k commentar y o n Matthew , befor e 831.13* The commentary was originally a set of homilies given to the brothers at Corbie. CC CM LVI, p. 1: diebus sollemnibus licet ineliminato loquendi genere exortandi; ibid., p. 3: qui vocem doctrinae quam saepe ex iussu patris libenter audiunt in loquendo. In addition, Radbert composed his De Fide, Spe et Caritate fo r Warin, sending the first boo k t o Corve y afte r Wari n ha d becom e abbo t there. 137 A s schoolmaster , Radbert ha d anothe r influentia l pupil ; durin g Isaac' s abbac y Heribert , a monk o f Corbie, was made abbot of Lobbe s in 838. Radbert succeeded Isaac as abbot in 843. As abbot he continued to write, completing his commentary o n Lamentations a year after th e Viking invasion s o f th e Seine valley which he s o vividly describes. I38 In 846, at the Council o f Paris , Radbert secured from th e assembled bishop s and abbots a privilege in defence of the abbey's rights. The charter of Louis the Pious and Lothar o f 825 was presented t o the Council , fo r i t had granted freedom o f electio n and free disposal of property, together with the confirmation grante d by Charles the Bald, who had "taken the monastery into his protection as if by hereditary right". 139 Radbert nevertheles s feare d fo r th e freedo m o f election , whic h wa s frequentl y infringed, especiall y i n tim e o f civi l war . Th e counci l confirme d th e freedo m o f election grante d b y Charles , an d urge d king s t o preserv e it , eve n i f th e abbo t wa s 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139

Levillain, p. 127; G. Tessier, RecueU des Actes de Charles le Chauve (Pari s 1943-55), pp. 65-7. Actes de Charles, pp. 507-8. Annales Bertiniani (ed . Gra t et al.) a . 854, p. 70. Beryl Smalley , The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Notre-Dam e 1964), pp.91-2. E.Ann Matter, The Lamentation s Commentarie s o f Hrabanu s Mauru s an d Paschasiu s Radbertus , Traditio XXXVIII (1982,) pp. 137-63. Expositio in Mathaei Libri XII, CC CM LVI , p. viii. Traube, in MGH Poetae III , pp. 38-9. Kriiger, op. cit., pp. 189-92. MGH Poetae III , pp. 51-2. In Lamentathnes, PL 120, col. 1220. On the date of this reference cf. F . Lot, L. Halphen, Le regne de Charles le Chauve 840-877. Premiere Partie (840-851), BibUotheque de VEcole des Hautes Etudes 175 (Paris 1909), pp. 132-8. MGH Cone. Ill (ed . W. Hartmann), p. 144.

31

unworthy or had been deposed, perhaps suggesting that Wala's successors had been appointed. The bishops anathematized anyone who was to seek to obtain the abbey by bribes. The privilege conforms t o the decrees of th e councils of Yutz (c.4) and Meaux-Paris (c.41).140 Radbert was present at the Council of Quierzy in 849 which condemned Gottschalk for heresy.H1 Odo is found as his successor by 851, and it is clear that he was appointed with Radbert' s approval. 142 Three letters o f Lupu s of Ferrieres to Radbert as abbot, dated by Levillain to 846, may perhaps shed some light on the abbot's resignation.l43 Radbert had asked Lupus to suggest something to the king. Charles seems to have made his favour contingent on Radbert's attitude to his relative, who had gone away during a disturbance. Radbert was ready to obey dum eius gratia frueremini. Thi s ma y relat e t o th e followin g letter , whic h recount s Charles the Bald's concern ove r the escap e of th e monk Iv o from Corbie . Lupu s urged Radber t t o follo w th e Rul e o n thi s matter. 144 The abbey , accordin g t o th e Statuta, celebrate d the birth of Charles the Bald and the death of his father.145 After Radbert' s resignation he retired to the monastery of St. Riquier, where he was abl e to complet e hi s grea t commentar y o n Matthew, 145* The work ha d little circulation, but a copy o f the first four books was owned by Martin of Laon . The text is a revision of the copy i n the Corbie library, and was made at Corbie, by a scribe wh o revise d tha t copy. 146 Th e firs t fou r book s ha d bee n dedicate d t o Guntland, a monk at St. Riquier, the last eight books were written for the monks of St. Riquier, and the prefaces refer to them. 147 Radbert also wrote a commentary on Psalm 44 for th e nun s o f Notre-Dam e a t Soissons, who ha d adopted him , an d a treatise o n th e Virginity o f Mary . Hi s fina l wor k survive s i n a twelft h centur y manuscript from Readin g abbey. It is a treatment o f th e benediction s o f th e Old Testament patriarch s Jacob an d Moses , whic h ha d bee n requeste d b y Marcward , abbot of Prum, from 829-853 and was completed after his death and dedicated to his successor Eigil (853-860).148

140 MGH Cone. Ill, pp . 140-9. 141 Hincmar, De Praedestinatione, PL 125, col. 85. 142 CC CM, p . 921 in Matt. I X Epp. KA VI , p. 148: filio tunc mihi carissimo vix expleta tyrocinio « CC CM, p . 932. 143 Levillain, Le Moyen Age XXXI I (1921), p. 211. 144 Lettres de Loup I , ed. Levillain (Pari s 1927), pp. 212-3. 145 Levillain, Le Moyen Age XII I (1900), pp. 345-7. 145" For Radbert at St. Riquier, MGH Poetae III , p. 328. 146 The Corbi e cop y i s Paris , B.N. Lat . 12296, the revision i s Laon , B.M. MS 67, c/.Paulus i n CC CM LVI, pp. IX-XII, and J. Contreni, The Cathedral School of Laon from 8S0 to 930, its Manuscripts and Masters (Munich 1978), pp.44, 77. 147 Expositio in Matheum. CC CM LV I A, pp.463 , 471, 553, 690, 7%, 799 ; LVI B, pp.935, 1067, 1148, 1151, 1266 , 126 8 are references t o St . Riquier. Cf. MGH Poetae III , pp. 40, 271. The best account o f this commentary is still A. Schonbach, Ober einige Evangelienkommentare des Mittelalters, S B Wien phil-hist. Kl . 146 (Wien 1903), pp. 142-73. 148 decreveram olim venerabili viro atque sanctissimo Marcoardo abbati ipso instantius poscente explanare. Sed quia ipse beatus ut credimus et felix tarn ingressus est viam universe terre et tu successisti crebrior in precibus et contiguus exactor in voto et in dilectione mutua heres virtutis ipsum opus tihi dedicavi. Ms . Portsmout h Virtue an d Cahill Librar y 8473. Now Readin g Museum , 40.47. For Marcward, L.Boschen , Die Annales Prumienses (Dusseldorf 1972), pp. 198-201.

32

It is not clear whether Radbert was abbot when Charles the Bald asked Ratramnus to address the issue of Predestination. According to Hincmar Gottschalk had turned to Ratramnu s an d Gislemar , bot h monk s o f Corbie , t o secur e suppor t fo r hi s teachings. A versifie d lette r from Gottschal k t o Ratramnus was edited b y Sirmond ; sadly i t i s no w lost , s o tha t we hav e no mean s o f tellin g whethe r th e titl e Epistola Gotteschalci ad Ratramnum, i s original. 149 Th e poe m date s fro m 17 th July o f a n unspecified year , mos t probabl y 850. In it Gottschal k ask s Ratramnus t o rea d and approve hi s writings , whic h dra w o n Augustine. 150 In this context, Charles * request that both Lupus and Ratramnus should intervene may suggest that his own position was closer to theirs than to Hincmar's. Ratramnus provided a n assembly o f patristi c texts, selected from Corbi e exemplars, and linked by concise and lucid exposition which reveal the same systematic theology a s he had used i n hi s De Corpore et Sanguine Domini. Corbi e seem s to have ha d a particular interest i n th e debate , fo r i t owne d a cop y o f Lupus ' lette r an d Gottschalk' s Confessioy no w boun d wit h Floras * Liber Adversus Joannem Scottum, closel y annotated. The abbey als o owned th e only manuscript o f John's treatis e t o survive, and th e Corbi e annotato r marke d passage s i n which John seeme d t o den y th e Fall and the doctrin e o f eterna l punishment. 1M Odo, Radbert' s successor , i s known fro m tw o letter s o f Lupus , the firs t concer ning a gift o f wine, the second reminding him that his attack on the Viking invaders risked disobeying his renunciation of arms. 152 Lupus also wished to procure a text of Faustus, and it appears that Odo had thought this was Augustine's Contra Faustum, while Lupu s wanted Faustu s De Gratia. Thes e letter s reveal that Odo wa s of nobl e birth and had been married before he entered Corbie. 153 He attende d the Council o f Soissons i n 853, which condemne d Wulfa d an d hi s allies , an d th e Counci l o f Quierzy, i n th e sam e year, whic h condemne d Gottschalk . A s abbo t h e le d troop s which defeate d a Viking rai d on Corbie , probably i n 859. But hi s greatest achieve ment for Corbie was to secure a papal privilege of immunity, o n 7 th October 855.154 This remarkabl e document , o f whic h th e origina l i s stil l extant , confirm s th e immunity grante d by th e Counci l o f Paris , though it makes no mentio n o f Charle s the Bald. One explanatio n is that the papal chancery ha d blundered; grants to Od o from Ermintrud e an d Charle s sugges t tha t h e enjoye d th e favou r o f Charle s th e Bald.155 I n 854 Charles use d Corbi e a s a prison fo r Pippi n o f Aquitaine' s brothe r Charles who had been captured in 849, but later fled and in 873 for Karlomann, who had been blinded , bu t who fle d t o Aache n in 873.

149 Mabillon, Annales O. S. B. Ill , p . 29; P. Grierson, Eudes I . Eveque de Beauvais, Le Moyen Age XX V (1935), pp. 161-98. 150 MGH Poetae III , pp. 733-7. 151 Paris, B.N . Lat . 13386, cf. D . Ganz , The Debat e o n Predestination , Charles the Bald, Court and Kingdom, ed . J. Nelson, M . Gibson (Oxfor d 1981), and th e edition by G.Madec , CC CM L . 152 Levillain, Lettres de Loup II , pp. 134-45. 153 Hincmar, De Praedestinatione, PL 125, col. 388. 154 Levillain, Examen, pp. 266-77. For a full facsimile see C. Brunei, Bulle sur papyrus de Benoit III pour Pabbaye de Corbie 855 (Documents inedit s sur l'abbaye, le comte et la ville de Corbie, Amiens 1912). 155 Actes de Charles le Chauve, pp . 492-4, 507-8 .

33

Odo was rapidly promoted b y Hincma r to the see of Beauvais , most probably i n 861, but retaine d hi s tie s wit h Corbie . H e commissione d Ratramnu s t o writ e th e Contra Grecorum Opposita a t Hincmar' s instigation , whe n Pope Nichola s aske d Hincmar fo r th e views o f th e Frankish churc h abou t th e Photia n schism . Grierso n suggests156 that Ratramnus' work ma y have been sent to Hincmar by Odo unde r his own name, for Flodoard record s a letter of Hincmar thankin g Odo fo r a treatise o n the schism. 157 Od o als o aske d Ratramnu s t o refut e th e teaching s o f Macariu s th e Irishman abou t th e soul, whic h wa s don e i n th e De Anima y an d he asked Hincma r about a homily of Jerome on the Virgin, whose authenticity had been contested by a monk a t Corbie. 158 Grierso n als o suggest s tha t Od o wa s succeede d a t Corbi e b y Trasulphus, who had visited Rome on behalf of Rothad of Soisson s in 862, and who is the recipient of Nichola s I st confirmation o f Benedic t Ill's privilege for Corbie. 159 This privilege was procured by Odo o n his visit to Rome early in 863.16° Trasulph is mentioned i n severa l los t letter s o f Hincma r o f Rheims , recorde d b y Flodoard 161 dealing with a monk who had left th e monastery but had been pardoned by Charle s the Bald (this may refer to Ivo, or to Carlomann, who was imprisoned a t Corbie),162 thanking the m fo r thei r kindnes s t o him , an d urgin g the m t o choos e a pruden t successor, an d tha t the y endur e th e Norma n invasion s withou t abandonin g thei r abbot. Rimbert , himsel f a former Corbi e monk , dedicate d hi s Vita Anskarii t o th e monks of Corbie. The Corbie abbots' list in Paris, B.N. Lat . 17768 lists Hildebert as Trasulph's successor , an d Gontharius a s his successor . Hildeber t i s first mentione d in 873.163 Hincmar wrote a letter to Gonthar who witnesses a charter for the abbey of Charlieu, issue d a t th e Counci l o f Ponthio n i n 876.164 H e wa s th e recipien t o f a charter fro m Charle s th e Bal d whic h ha s bee n lost , bu t whos e authenticit y wa s defended b y Tessier.165 It refers to th e privileges of Charle s the Bald, the Council o f Paris, Benedict H I and Nicholas I st an d it was seale d with a golden bull . I n 881 the abbey was attacked by th e Vikings, who allegedl y destroye d th e original charters. 166 Hincmar als o wrot e (ibid., p . 538) to Fulcra m th e praepositus, concernin g th e election of a new abbot , an d his visit t o th e abbey t o advise the m about this. Heil o died on August 2 nd 891. He was succeeded by Franco, who receive d a diploma fro m Charles th e Simpl e i n 902, confirming th e charter s burne d b y th e Viking s an d mentioning the castellum which Franco had built to fortify Corbie. I67 Flodoard also 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167

34

Grierson, op. cit., p . 177-8. Flodoard III , XXIII; MGH SS XIII, p . 530. Flodoard ut. sup., p. 530. Grierson, op. cit., p . 186. Levillain, Examen , pp. 282-8. W. Goffart, The Privilege of Nichola s I st for St. Calais, a new Theory, RB LXX I (1961), pp. 287-337. Flodoard II I XXIV ; MGH SS XIII, p. 535. Annales Bertmiani a . 873, p. 192-3. Levillain, p. 116, n. 1. The list is printed ibid., p . 320. Paris, B.N. Lat . 13908, the copy of th e Statuta, offers prayer s fo r Trasulphus , wh o die d o n X . Kal . Jan. an d fo r Benedicta , apparentl y a lady wh o endowed th e abbey during his abbacy. Levillain , p. 288. Flodoard II I XXIV, p . 536. Actes de Charles le Chauve, pp . 441-7. Annales Bertmiani a . 881, p. 244. Levillain, pp. 131-3. Lauer, Actes de Charles le Simple, p . 88-90.

preserves the contents of a letter from Fulco of Reims to the monks of Corbie about the illnes s o f thei r abbo t (Franco) , who m the y ha d confine d t o a hut outsid e th e cloister where no one was allowed to visit him. The archbishop reminded the monks that they had no power to depose their abbot. He was to be reinstated, and if he was no longe r abl e t o carr y ou t hi s duties , roya l initiative s an d archiepiscopa l approva l should gover n th e choic e o f a successor.168 Fulc o sough t clos e contro l o f al l o f th e monasteries i n hi s archdiocese . Th e Corbi e martyrolog y i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12260 records the death of Odo , an d the murder o f Fulc o of Rheims. I69

168 Flodoard IV , VII, p.572-3; G.Schneider, Erzbischof Fulco von Reims (883-900) und das Frankenreich (Munich 1973), p. 224. 169 Plate 16.

35

II THE GROWT H O F TH E LIBRAR Y

The stud y o f th e Corbi e librar y begin s wit h Mabillon , wh o ha d bee n a mon k a t Corbie in 1658, and who drew on the Corbie manuscripts a t St. Germain t o illustrat e the sectio n o n th e histor y o f Lati n scrip t i n hi s De Re Diplomatica o f 1681.l Do m Toustain an d Dom Tassin followed hi s example in Volume II I of the Nouveau Traite de Diplomatique. Bot h Mabillo n an d Toustai n an d Tassi n wer e abl e t o stud y manuscripts whic h wer e subsequentl y purchase d b y Pete r Dubrovsky , a n officia l a t the Russian embassy in Paris who worked a s book purchasing agent for Catherin e II until 1792. The manne r o f thei r acquisitio n remain s uncertain. 2 Thoug h the y wer e listed i n a n articl e i n Neues Archiv the y remaine d almos t unknow n unti l the y wer e superbly catalogue d an d photographe d b y Do m Antoni o Staer k i n 1910.3 The firs t systematic accoun t o f th e Corbi e evidenc e wa s th e wor k o f Leopol d Delisle , wh o had publishe d a n inventor y o f th e Fond s St . Germain . Hi s tw o article s i n th e BibUotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes wer e supplemente d b y edition s o f th e extan t library catalogue s fro m Corbie. 4 There ar e three survivin g medieval catalogue s fro m Corbie . The first i s a hst o f 47 titles, headed Hi libri reperti sunt in armario sancti Petri, preserved a s a flyleaf i n Vat. Reg. Lat . 520 (fol. lv) . Si r Thomas Phillipp s owne d th e manuscrip t containin g th e second catalogu e (no w i n Berlin) , which wa s publishe d b y Haene l an d Edwards . I t lists 312 volumes, and dates from 1070-1100. The last, also in Vat. Reg. Lat. 520, was copied b y th e Corbi e scrib e Helia s afte r 1184. It list s 364 volumes. Angelo Ma i firs t published th e tw o Vatica n catalogues, 5 bu t Delisl e wa s th e firs t schola r t o tr y t o identify th e titles listed with survivin g manuscripts. He noticed tha t the entries in th e third catalogu e reproduce d nint h centur y conten t list s preserved i n th e manuscripts . Delisle reedite d al l th e catalogues , an d s o establishe d th e content s o f individua l 1 De Re Diplomatica, pp . 343-460. CLA list s manuscripts engraved for this work. Paris , B.N. Lat . 12161, Leningrad, Lat. Q v 115; Q v I 3; Q v XIV1; F v 113; Paris, B.N. Lat . 12097; 12205; 14086; Leningrad, Lat. F v I 5; Paris, B.N. Lat . 12051, 1335 9 and eleventh an d twelft h centur y items . 2 For a goo d Englis h accoun t cf. P.Z.Thompson , Biograph y o f a Library : th e Wester n Europea n Manuscript Collectio n o f Pete r P. Dubrovski i n Leningrad , The Journal of Library History 19 (1984), pp. 477-503. This account, which J. G. Simmons kindl y brough t to m y notice , draws o n th e importan t work of T.P. Voronova, both in English and in Russian. Cf. he r article P.P. Dubrovsky 1754-1816, and the Saint Germain Manuscripts, The Book Collector 27 (1978), pp. 469-78. 3 A. Staerk, Les manuscrits latins du V * au XIIT siecle conserves a la BibUotheque Imperiale de Saint Petersbourg (St . Petersburg 1910). 4 L, Delisle, Recherches su r Pancienne BibUotheque de Corbie, BibUotheque de VEcole des Chartes 1860, pp. 293-439, 498-51 8 (reprinted i n Le cabinet des manuscrits de la BibUotheque nationale I I (1874), pp. 104-41). Inventaire des manuscrits de Saint-Germain-des-Pres conserves a la BibUotheque imperiale, sous les numeros 11504-14231 du fonds latin (Pari s 1868) originally i n BECh 1865, 1867 , 1868) . 5 Nouveau Traite de Diplomatique V I (Paris 1765), p.230; A.Mai, Spicilegium Romanum V , pp.202-12.

36

volumes which had been divided arbitrarily by Mai. He listed the names of all scribes known fro m Corbi e colophons , includin g those of manuscript s recorde d by Mabil lon but no longer in the Fonds St. Germain, and he attempted to identify th e origins of alie n volume s i n th e Corbi e library . H e als o liste d Corbi e volume s stole n b y Claude Dupuy . Hi s accoun t o f th e library , drawin g extensivel y o n seventeent h century manuscript materials in the Bibliotheque Nationale, remains essential.6 Most subsequent wor k ha s bee n devoted t o th e palaeography o f th e Corbi e scriptorium : projected studie s b y Levillain , Liebaer t an d Lieftinc k wer e neve r completed: 7 th e excellent monograp h b y Olga Dobiach e Rozdestvenskai a suffer s fro m he r inability to examin e th e manuscript s i n Pari s an d Amien s i n an y detail. 8 Th e article s o f Bischoff an d Bishop are classics of Lati n palaeography, but they are preliminaries t o the catalogue of ninth century manuscript s an d the study o f th e Corbie scriptoriu m on which these scholars have long been working.9 A recent thesis on twelfth century Corbie illumination, by Christian de Merindol, provides descriptions of many earher manuscripts, and studies of the Corbie catalogues.10 The unpublished Berlin dissertation by Dr. Ursula Winter attempted to identify th e contents of these catalogues, but it include d th e catalogu e o f volume s i n Charlemagne' s library , whic h Ullma n ha d rashly ascribe d t o Corbie , an d Dr . Winte r wa s unabl e t o explor e th e Fond s St. Germain.11 To attribut e volume s t o Corbi e i t i s necessar y t o star t fro m th e catalogues . The earliest lists 47 volumes, 30 of which ca n be identified wit h titles in the second, and 30 with title s i n th e third . The second , i n Berhn, Phillipps 1865, lists 312 volumes, and th e third , i n Vat . Reg . Lat . 520, lists 364, and the y shar e 170 titles. The firs t catalogue list s th e content s o f a cupboard , th e secon d catalogu e i s organize d b y authors, th e thir d list s th e author s i n alphabetica l order. 12 A 1621 catalogue o f th e manuscripts a t Corbi e wa s printe d fro m Paris , B.N . Lat . 13071 ff. 43-50 by 6 Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la BibUotheque Imperiale I I (1874), pp. 104-41, with the edition o f th e Corbie catalogues at pp. 427-40. - The article by L. W. Jones in Speculum XXII (1947), pp. 191-204 is an unacknowledged translatio n an d abridgement o f Delisle , the plates in its continuation ar e unacknowledged photographs o f th e plates which Olga Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia supplied , a t her own expense , for the five presentatio n copie s o f he r Histoire de Vatelier graphique de Corbie de 651 a 830. 7 Levillain refers to his projects in the preface to the Examen des chartes merovingiennes et carolingiennes de I'abbaye de Corbie, p.xii-iii ; Liebaert' s letter s t o Lindsa y wer e th e basi s fo r th e note , Som e Early Script s o f th e Corbi e Scriptorium , i n Palaeographia Latina I , pp. 62-6; Lieftinck's facsimil e o f Leiden BPL5 2 Umbrae Codicum Occidentalium I (Amsterda m 1960) refers t o a n etude plus approfondie (p . xi) whic h ha s not yet appeared . 8 Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, p . 27. 9 B. Bischoff, Hadoar d an d th e classica l manuscript s fro m Corbie , Didascaliae. Studies in Honor of Anselm M. Albareda, ed . S. Prete (New York 1961), pp. 39-57. T. A.M. Bishop , The Script of Corbie : A Criterion , Littera e Textuales, Varia Codicologia, Essays presented to G.I. Lieftinck, I (Amsterda m 1972), pp. 9-16. 10 C. de Merindol, La production des livres peints a I'abbaye de Corbie au XIV siecle. Etude historique et archeologique (Lill e 1976). 11 U. Winter, Die mittelalterlichen Bibliothekskataloge aus Corbie: Kommentierte Edition und wissenschaftliche Untersuchung (Berli n 1972). 12 Winter describe s th e catalogue s o n pp . 10-6, and edit s the m o n pp . 22-9, 91-13 7 and 354-74, with commentaries on the identification o f the titles on pp. 30-4, 75-90 and 135-44; de Merindol discusses the catalogue s o n pp. 146-51, 1008-1 1 and 1098-1100.

37

Coyecque i n hi s catalogu e o f th e librar y i n Amiens. 13 I n 1638 four hundre d manuscripts from Corbie were sent to the monastery of St. Germain-des-Pres, where they wer e catalogue d i n 1677 and 1740.H A t th e en d o f th e eighteent h centur y th e Corbie historian Dom Grenie r noted th e contents o f Corbi e manuscript s o n scrap s of paper , no w mounte d i n Paris , B.N. Lat . 9368. This hs t conform s i n par t t o th e 1621 catalogue, bu t som e volume s ha d change d thei r shelfmarks . D e Merindo l ha s evaluated the merits of Grenier' s hst; it preserves th e contents of som e lost volume s which ma y hav e been in th e Carolingian library. I5 The earliest datable Corbie manuscripts were copied in a distinct form o f Luxeui l minuscule which is only found in volumes connected with Corbie. In contrast to the standard Luxeui l minuscule , i t use s mor e angula r letterform s fo r a an d o. b enter s into ligatur e wit h succeedin g letter s eithe r from it s bow , o r fro m th e join betwee n bow and shaft.16 The script is found i n three manuscripts: Leningrad , Lat . Q v I 14, the firs t boo k o f Gregory' s Homilie s o n Ezechiel , (whic h wa s copie d fro m a manuscript in Roman uncial of which a single leaf survive s a s Leningrad, F v I 1) in the openin g pag e o f Paris , B.N . Lat . 17655; and i n a pen-trial o n fol . 157 r o f th e Regula Magistri i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 12205. Theofrid, th e first abbo t o f Corbie , ha d been a monk at Luxeuil, 17 and this presumably explain s th e presence of th e script at Corbie. The Leningra d Homilies ar e the most richl y decorated o f al l extant Luxeui l volumes except for the Luxeuil Lectionary . Koehle r has characterized th e ornamentation a s ric h i n th e fre e play o f forms , betrayin g a unit y o f compositio n an d a principle of creating a unitary vision. The volume opens with a carpet page showin g four bird s adorin g th e cross , se t i n a n arcad e wit h th e word s CRUX ALMA FULGET, followe d b y a second carpet page.I8 The text opens with words separate d by bederae wit h coloured centres , and the lemmata are in red half-uncial. The quir e signatures ar e i n ornamenta l coloure d roundels , an d ar e ofte n i n th e centr e o f a n ornate cross; on fol. 32 the signature d is between birds. The incipits and explicits of each homil y ar e ornamented , ofte n wit h a n arche d frame . Th e lavis h decoratio n reveals a command of the art of the book. I f the volume was copied at Luxeuil, the n it wa s copie d a s a presentatio n volum e fo r th e ne w foundation , fo r comparabl e decoration is confined t o Luxeui l presentation volumes. A similar , though uncolou red, arcad e i s foun d i n th e abridgemen t o f Gregor y o f Tour s Historia Francorum I-VI i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 17655.19 The scrib e o f th e pen-tria l i n 12205 is on e o f th e scribes o f th e Leningra d volume . Lowe, in a classic study, was able to link volumes in the Luxeuil minuscule scrip t to th e onl y volum e copie d a t Luxeuil . H e als o note d ho w th e Gregor y o f Tour s volume shows on fol. 3v a change of hand in the capitula, in which 'the pure milk of Catalogue generale des bibliotheques de France, Depanements XIX (Amien s 1894), pp. XXXI-XLVII. Delisle, p. 138; de Merindol, pp . 79-84. de Merindol, pp . 81-3. P. Salmon, Le Lectionnaire de Luxeuil II. Etude paleographique et Hturgique suivie d'un choix de planches (Collectanea Biblic a Latin a IX, Rom e 1953), pp. 1-29, remains th e best account . 17 quern de Luxovia monasterio praefata Domna Balthildis expetit (Vita BathUdis I, c . 7; MGH SRM 2, p. 491). 18 Staerk, pi. XI-XIII ; Zimmermann , pi. 62-67. 19 Zimmermann, E . A. Lowe, A not e o n th e Code x Corbeiensi s o f th e Histori a Francoru m an d it s connection with Luxeuil , Palaeographkal Papers 2, pp. 381-4.

13 14 15 16

38

Luxeuil* i s replace d b y a cramped , hurrie d bu t skillfu l Merovingia n minuscule , which h e ascribe d t o Corbie . Th e connectio n o f thi s volum e wit h Luxeui l wa s confirmed b y a quire signature o f Luxeui l typ e an d by th e use of th e insular autem symbol, whic h Low e believe d t o sho w th e influenc e o f th e Iris h a t Luxeuil . Th e minuscule scrip t used fo r most o f thi s volume, thoug h i t derives from th e ordinar y minuscule of northern Francia, is characterized by a wealth of ligatures, b is linked to following vowels, and the ligatures eo, ep, er, po, ri y ro and ti are frequent. The letters d and / descend below the line and u is often sickle shaped. There is a very distinctive at ligatur e where the a floats above the line of writing. The manuscript also uses half uncial fo r th e chapte r openings , whic h ar e copie d i n red , t o facilitat e access . Th e initials at the start of each chapter and of each book are decorated with fish, bird, and foliage motifs . Th e cop y i s th e mos t richl y decorate d o f th e sevent h centur y manuscripts o f Gregor y o f Tours. 20 Both th e decoratio n an d th e scrip t ca n b e foun d i n othe r manuscript s wit h a Corbie provenance, establishing a further group of manuscripts which can be located at Corbie by the mid-eighth century. This localization cannot determine whether the manuscripts were copied at Corbie, though the wealth and prestige of the abbey, and references to learning in the charter confirming Ermenfrid's election as abbot (before 690), make this probable. Minuscule script with ligature and ductus like that in Paris, B.N. Lat . 17655 occurs i n Leningrad , Lat . Q v I 13, an uncia l manuscrip t wit h a cursive title on the flyleaf, an d in cursive pentrials in Paris, B. N. Lat . 12190 fol. 63 r and o n fol . 240 v o f 13367. (The Nouveau Traite ha s a plate o f th e flylea f o f thi s volume, now lost, which shows the same cursive script in a note on battering rams.21) The script is rich in ligatures, including the suprascript a and the tr an d sta ligatures found in the Gregory of Tours epitome. A comparable cursive minuscule is found in portions of Paris , B.N. Lat . 4403A an d in the upper script of Paris , B.N. Lat . 12161 and Leningrad, Lat. O v I 3 (a copy of the Old Lati n version o f Matthew written in two columns). The range of ligatures in Paris, B.N. Lat . 12161 exceeds even those of 17655 and include s th e petalshape d ep ligatur e late r foun d i n th e en script , a n rg ligature, an d b i n ligatur e t o th e right. 22 I have foun d thi s b ligatur e onl y onc e o n 4403A, o n fol. 180r , bu t jt, an d the suprascript a y are common i n O v I 3. The decoration of Paris, B.N. Lat . 17655 includes an initial S on fol. 3v with a fish in a frilly collar . Such a fish initial, with scales consisting o f a central dot in a round border, is also found in the D o n fol. 37r of Leningrad, Lat. Q v 113, and in the h on fol. 5 of Leningrad , Lat . F v I 2. These tw o volume s als o shar e initia l D an d Q enclosing a pendant trefoil , an d are both copied in a distinctive uncia l with wedge shaped finials on the horizontal strokes of F, L and 2, and a short stemmed uncial d. 20 H.Omont, Gregoire de Tours, Histoire des Francs, livre s I-V I (Pari s 1887); B.Krusch, Di e hand schriftlichen Grundlage n de r Histori a Francoru m Gregor s vo n Tours, Historische Vierteljahresschrift 27 (1932), pp. 673-747. W. Goffart, Fro m Historia e to Histori a Francorum an d Back again: Aspects of the Textual Histor y o f Gregor y o f Tours , Religion, Culture and Society in the Early Middle Ages. Studies in Honor of Richard E. Sullivan, ed . T.F.X . Noble, J.J.Contren i (Kalamazo o 1987), pp. 77-98. I a m gratefu l t o Marti n Heinzelman n an d Ia n Woo d fo r discussin g thi s abbreviatio n o f Gregory's tex t wit h m e (see plate 1). 21 Nouveau Traite III , p. 423. 22 J. Vezin, Le b en ligature a droite dans les ecritures des VIIe et VIIIe siecles, Journal des Savants (1971), pp. 261-87 at p . 274 (see plate 2).

39

Similar uncial is found in the chapter heading on fol. 3 v of Paris, B.N. Lat . 17655. It therefore seems reasonable to group the cursive minuscule manuscripts from Corbi e Paris, B.N. Lat . 17655, and Leningrad, Lat . O v I 3 (and probably als o 12161) with these tw o uncia l manuscript s o n th e ground s o f thi s decoration , an d o f th e cursiv e minuscule pentrial i n Q v I 13. A further group of manuscript s was brough t t o th e Corbie librar y b y c. 700. The common featur e the y shar e is th e presence o f annotation s b y a single reader . These are writte n i n a distinc t cursiv e minuscule , i n greenis h ink , se t of f b y S-shape d flourishes. They occu r in manuscripts o f Italia n and French origi n written in uncial and halfuncial, al l but one o f whic h wa s a t Corbie b y c . 700. Masai disagree d wit h Lowe's attributio n o f thes e annotation s t o a French scribe , an d suggested tha t the y were mad e i n Italy , bu t suc h a n attributio n woul d involv e Frenc h manuscript s crossing an d recrossing th e Alps. 23 The scrib e may, o f course , hav e bee n traine d i n Italy. Many of the ligatures used in the annotations, a s well a s the flat toppe d g an d the hooks at the base of the descenders can be found in the cursive of Paris, B.N. Lat. 12161 and in less elegan t an d distinctive Corbi e marginali a i n Merovingian cursive . I see no reason why the y coul d not be the work o f a n expert Corbie scribe , a s their presence i n a group o f disparat e volumes o f know n Corbi e provenanc e implies . The concerns i n these annotation s wil l b e discussed i n the next chapter, bu t the y show tha t th e volume s presen t i n th e Corbi e librar y wer e studied , an d use d a s a source for a monastic theology . The rang e of text s annotated i s als o important. The volumes comprise a sixth century italian half-uncial cop y of the De Civitate Dei y th e earliest copy t o surviv e fro m a French library ; treatises b y Augustin e o n grace , th e gospels, an d pastoral theology ; th e firs t par t of Gregory' s Moralia ; an d the Regula Magistri. The collectio n o f cano n la w i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12097 is particularl y interesting, fo r it is the earliest galli c manuscript o f canons . The volume wa s copie d in southern Franc e in th e sixt h century , an d contain s councils , an d royal letter s o f Childebert an d Chlothar , wit h a papal lis t datin g fro m th e 550*s. 24 The grou p o f volumes wit h annotation s wa s firs t note d b y Low e i n CLA V I an d Bischof f ha s added a copy o f Jerome's Chronicl e i n Valenciennes 495. I would identif y th e sam e annotator in further note s i n Leningrad, Lat . F v I 4 and Q v I 6-10. Among these volumes Paris, B.N. Nouv . Acq . Lat. 2061, a half-uncial manuscrip t of Gregory, Moralia I, 18 to V, 38 (the first two quires are missing) Paris, B. N. Lat . 12190, Augustinus de Consensu Evangeliorum, an d Londo n B L Burne y 340 + Leningrad, Lat . F v I 4 (Origen an d John Chrysostom ) ar e attributed t o Norther n French scriptori a b y Lowe . Th e los s o f th e openin g quire s o f th e Morali a mak e i t impossible t o compare the title page with th e arcade s in other Corbi e volumes. Bu t there are elaborate large initials, and the uncial used for th e lemmata is very close t o that used for the opening o f the chapters in the Gregory o f Tours abridgement. The paucity o f survivin g evidenc e invalidate s argument s dependen t o n suc h resemblan ces, whil e the presence o f volume s no t writte n a t Corbie i n the earl y librar y o f th e house must increase the probability tha t these three volumes were not copied there. 23 H. Vanderhoven, F. Masai, P. Corbett, La Regie du Maitre edition diplomatique (Brussels , Paris 1953), pp. 37-42. 24 C. H. Turner, Chapters in the Histor y o f Lati n MSS of Canon s The Corbi e MS now Paris , B.N. Lat . 12097, JThS 30 (1929), pp. 225-36.

40

At thi s perio d ther e ar e fe w distinctiv e type s o f scripts , clearl y localize d t o a particular centr e o r region . Nevertheless , th e difficult y o f localizin g manuscript s copied i n undistinguished uncia l an d half uncia l canno t exclud e th e possibility tha t scribes copie d thes e tw o work s for , o r eve n at , th e abbey . A furthe r volume , Leningrad, Lat . O v I 2, a half uncial cop y of th e first five chapter s of th e gospel of Mark, has running titles betwee n hederae i n a cursive scrip t lik e that in Leningrad, Lat. O v I 3, and the half-uncial o f the text resembles tha t of lines 1-3 on fol. 65 r of that volume . Thes e tw o volume s wer e originall y boun d together , fo r a n exorcis m written in cursive scrip t o f th e eighth centur y on fol. 76 v of O v I 3 continues ont o the flyleaf of O v 12. The outline initial of O v 12 has leaves and roundels like those in Q v I 13. So ther e i s a stron g probabilit y tha t thes e volume s wer e writte n a t Corbie, o r a centre influence d b y earl y Corbi e scripts . The insular manuscripts a t Corbie come from Northumbria, South West England, and Ireland. The presence of insular abbreviations in other texts of works by insular authors suggest that insular copies of Bede were available at Corbie by 800. It is more difficult t o dat e thei r arrival , an d s o t o situat e Corbi e i n th e receptio n o f Insula r culture, bu t the link betwee n Boniface an d abbot Grim o confirme d b y the presence of Boniface's autograph, and by a copy of his riddles, in the library implies that such a reception was readily made. Close to the coast and to roads and rivers, Corbie was an important stopping point for travellers to and from the British Isles, as the lives of Irish saint s confirm. 25 Th e earlies t insula r manuscript s ar e Leningrad , F v I 3 and Leningrad, Q v XIV 1. The former, two volumes now bound together, comprises an uncial cop y o f Jo b wit h a n interlinea r minuscul e glos s excerpte d fro m Phillipus * commentary, an d an abridgement o f Jerome o n Isaia h in minuscule. Low e believe d that the y cam e fro m th e sam e scriptorium ; th e quir e signatures , i n th e uppe r lef t hand margin, are distinctive. The Jerome abridgement, copied by three hands rich in capricious abbreviations , an d carefully studie d b y Dobiache Rozdestvenskaia, 26 ha s coloured initials, though they lack the quality of the opening initial of Job. It may be relevant that Bed e cite s Phillipus , an d wrote a poem introducin g Jerome o n Isaiah. Leningrad, Lat. Q v XIVI is a copy of the poems of Paulinus of Nola which relate to St.Felix. 27 Corbi e provenanc e i n th e nint h centur y i s establishe d b y a Caroline contents list above the first line of text, on fol. 2r. The manuscript is a doublet of Vat. Pal. Lat. 235, containing the same text copied in the same centre, though in a slightly more ornat e script , a compresse d minuscule . Th e flyleaf, a singleton , ha s goo d drawings of the unction of David and the slaying of Goliath. The figures are labelled, and th e lea f als o ha s insula r hal f uncia l pentrial s i n prais e o f win e an d o f th e resurrection. Fragment s o f a n insular copy o f Theodore o f Mopsuesti a in Epistolas Pauli, remove d fro m th e binding s o f Paris , B.N. Lat . 13351 and Vat. Lat . 340 (the Paris leave s ar e no w boun d i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 17177) were copie d i n a cursiv e minuscule which may b e contemporary with th e Paulinus. Copies o f thi s rare text in 25 Vita Adalgasi A.A. S.S. Junii I, p. 222; Vita Gobbani, A.A. S.S. Juni V, p. 19-22. These lives are dated to th e eleventh century . 26 O. Dobiache Rozdestvenskaia , U n code x insulair e de s VH C-IXC siecle s a Leningrad , Bulletin de VAcademic des Sciences de VURSS VIV seri e (1930), pp. 183-93, pi. 1-4. 27 Paulinus Carmina, 15, 1, 6, 18 , 28, 27, cf. Code x Vaticanus Palatinus Latinus 235, Armarium Codicum Insignum Vol. IV (Brepol s 1988).

41

AB an d Maurdramnus minuscul e establis h tha t these fragment s wer e a t Corbie b y 800. Other insular fragments recovered from bindings are the scrap of Eutyches with an Ol d Iris h gloss , datin g fro m c . 800, and fragment s o f a n Iris h commentar y o n Matthew (Paris , B.N. Lat . 12292) used b y Radber t i n 830. The most remarkable of the Insular volumes is Leningrad, Lat. Q v 115. It contains texts b y Isidor e an d Jerome , boun d wit h a cop y o f Aldhelm' s riddles. Followin g suggestions made by Traube and Lindsay, Malcolm Parke s has shown that one of th e hands in this manuscript is that of St . Boniface.28 Sinc e the othe r hands are insular, it seems clear that the volume was copied in south west England as parchment and ruling confirm. Bu t th e volume cam e t o Corbi e soo n afte r i t wa s copied , sinc e o n fol . 71 v col. 1, line 25 the text of Isidore's Synonyma is continued in eN script, and this script is also used in this volume fo r poems o n th e zodiac an d the winds. (eN scrip t i s foun d only in volumes of Corbie provenance.) Syllabic Tironian notation is found in annotations to th e first tex t i n the volume, Isidore , de Ortu et Obitu Patrum. Thes e note s were mad e a t Corbie , fo r Tironia n note s wer e no t use d i n England . Th e flyleaves bound into Paris, B.N. Lat. 13046 contain the remains of a copy of the riddles of Boniface, copied by severa l inept scribes , one of whom wrote i n insular script, and one of whom was trying to write eN script . This collaboration suggests that the volume was never an elegant poetic anthology . The riddles were composed o n th e continent, an d Traube believed that this fragment wa s th e work o f Boniface' s pupils . Together wit h works of Bede these texts may indicate that Corbie sought insular texts, and texts known to insula r authors, to complemen t th e Italia n and Frankish volumes of th e abbey. The e N scrip t draws on the letterforms an d abbreviations o f insula r script. 29 I t is characterized by a high e when in ligature and the regular use of uncial Af, open a and sickleshaped ». It wa s use d fo r thre e volume s o f Jerome , Paris , B.N . Lat . 13347, 13348 and 13349, as well as for a volume of Isidore's Etymologiae XVI-XX , a volume of Cassiodoru s in Psalmo$ y copied i n tw o columns , an d a volum e o f Cassian' s Collationes. Th e lates t stag e o f th e e N i s foun d i n Amien s 220, Paterius Liber Testimoniorum, togethe r wit h earl y Carolin e hands . Th e Cassiodoru s als o ha s Caroline scribes on f. 53v-74, though the remainder of the volume, save for fol. 2 and fol. 77v 9 is i n eN. I n Paris, B.N. Lat . 13348 the scrip t at the en d o f th e las t folio i s markedly cursive , wit h elaborat e ligatures , revealin g tha t thi s cursiv e scrip t wa s always th e basi c scrip t i n us e a t Corbie . Th e volum e contain s tw o e N volumes . Jerome in Genesim, Eucherius , letter s o f Jerome , an d Ephrae m Scarapsum y joined with th e prophecie s o f Pseudo Methodius, a separate boo k wit h a new se t o f quir e signatures. The translation of Pseudo Methodius date s from the seventh century an d this is the only cop y t o includ e th e translator's preface . The Leutcha r script , name d fo r abbo t Leutchariu s (752-c765) , i s a half-uncia l script which Lowe characterized as verging on minuscule. A colophon in Leningrad, Lat. F v I 6 is signe d INGREUS ADIUVANTE DNO SCRIPSIT an d o n th e following lea f i s th e entr y LEUTCHARIUS ABBA IUSSIT FIERI. Th e volum e 28 M.B. Parkes, Th e Handwritin g o f St . Boniface, a Reassessmen t o f th e Problems , Beitrage zur Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Literatur 98 (1976), pp. 161-79. 29 I cannot agree with the theory of A. Mundo, Sur l'origine de 1'ecriture dite *ena' de Corbie, Scriptorium XI (1957), pp. 258-60 and pi. 27, that this script is inspired by italian cursive, though hi s suggestion s about the role of marginali a in Paris, B.N. Lat . 12205 in the development o f th e script ar e valid.

42

contains a two colum n cop y o f Ambros e o n Luke , with a distinctive doubl e arcad e on the tide-page, and lush foliate palmette decoration. The arcade is characterized by Koehler a s rule d b y a 'fast wild e Bewegungstendenz'. 30 The sam e scrip t i s use d i n Leningrad, Lat . F v I 5, a Psalterium Triplex o f considerabl e textua l importance , copied in three columns, and in Berlin, StaatsbibUothek Theol. lat. fol. 354, a copy of the Moralia, late r at Werden, and probably linked to the Merovingian copy in Paris, B.N. Nouv. Acq. Lat. 2061. Koehler sees a possible link between the ornament in the Leutchar volumes an d in the finest example s o f th e Maurdramnus script. 31 The Maurdramnu s scrip t ma y b e characterize d b y it s calligraphi c clarit y an d dignity. I t i s regular , wit h ver y fe w varian t letterforms , firm , an d when copie d i n large forma t volumes , majestic . I t is enhance d b y displa y page s wit h titles, an d b y titles i n display capital s o f variou s colours , perhap s draw n b y scribe s familiar wit h inscriptions. The palette includes red, green and blue and a delicate violet, an d either alternate words or alternate lines are coloured differently. The finest examples are the Maurdramnus colopho n i n Amien s 11 fol. 95r , an d th e title s o f th e book s i n th e volumes of the Amiens Bible, but tides in Leningrad, Lat. Q v 116, Paris, B.N. Lat . 12226 and 12260, and th e volum e o f Augustinu s in Psalmos ar e als o noteworthy . Superb an d uniqu e figure d initial s occu r i n Amien s 18 and Paris, B.N. Lat . 13025, though in view of the exceptional range and quality of their artist it is significant that he had no imitators a t Corbie, and his final project, Paris, B.N. Lat . 4884, remained unfinished. In th e monumenta l displa y capital s o f tide s embrace d letter s ar e frequent , an d letters ar e combine d t o for m monogram s o r arrange d wit h a careful alternatin g o f larger an d smalle r forms . This continue s an d develops Merovingia n traditions , and can be paralleled in other Frankish houses. The presence of this scribal ornament not only identifie s th e text , i t als o enhance s it , i n marke d contras t t o th e deliberat e austerity o f mi d nint h century volume s fro m Corbie . Volumes with notable monumental capitals are Amiens 88, Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 19 and F v I 10, Paris, B.N . Lat . 11711, 12133 , 12218 , 12226 , 12260 , 13369 , 13390 , 13377 (fol. 56v) and 14087. The works involved include a glossary and the DionysioHadriana, a s well a s works of patristi c theology whos e lat e antique exemplars ma y have had such decoration . The volumes copied in the Maurdramnus script represent a quantitative expansio n of the library. In my catalogue they are grouped chronologically, here other coherent patterns in the growth of th e Corbie library are inferred. The volumes copied in the Maurdramnus scrip t embod y th e expansio n o f th e librar y i n Charlemagne' s reign . This resulte d bot h fro m th e growt h o f a skilled an d flourishing monasti c scripto rium, and from th e new rol e o f th e abbey i n the expansion o f cour t culture. Abbo t Adalhard, who succeeded Maurdramnus, was a courtier, the cousin of Charlemagne , and he corresponded with Alcuin, Angilbert and Paul the Deacon, whose works are at the abbey. H e wa s the friend o f Pope Le o II I and the tutor of Bemhard , king of Italy. His statutes for Corbie, and his lost treatise on court officials an d organization, reveal his own skills . His biographe r compares him to Augustine, and there is clear 30 W. Koehler, Buchmalerei des Fruhen Mittelalters. Fragmente und Entwurfe aus dem Nachlass, ed . E.Kitzinger, F.Mutherich (Munich 1972), pp. 93-4. 31 Ibid., pp . 93-4.

43

evidence of his interest in Augustine in surviving Corbie volumes. The existence of a developed scriptorium made it possible to produce copies of substantial multivolum e texts, an d t o ensur e tha t thes e copie s wer e legibl e an d luci d i n thei r layou t an d punctuation.32 The multivolum e Maurdramnu s Bibl e wa s copie d Propter Dei amorem et propter compendium legentium33 The balanc e of this regular, firm and majestic script contributes t o this effect. The script , i n various grades , is used i n a conscious policy o f expansio n of the library's holdings. This involved supplementin g th e texts available, obtaining the writings of contemporaries, such as the works of Alcuin and his pupi l Joseph , an d complyin g wit h Charlemagne' s 789 legislation b y securin g grammatical an d computistical texts . To grou p th e volumes i n Maurdramnu s scrip t b y suppose d dat e o f copyin g ca n only provid e on e possibl e sequenc e fo r th e library' s growth . Th e work s o f Bed e show trace s o f insula r exemplar s i n thei r layou t an d abbreviations , an d i n th e preservation of Bede's source marks. The grammatical anthology i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 13025, which contains Donatus, Bede, and excerpts from Isidore , together with Lat e Antique treatises on metre and commentaries o n Donatus, served as an exemplar for copies of Bede on metre, schemes and tropes in Paris, B.N. Lat . 14088 and B.N. Lat . 7296, reflecting th e developmen t an d requirement s o f grammatica l training . Thes e manuscripts see m to depen d o n Insula r grammatical text s an d practices. To grou p thes e volume s chronologicall y woul d risk obscurin g thei r functio n within th e monasti c curriculum . Anothe r grou p o f theologica l text s whic h discus s the Trinit y ma y b e linke d t o Adalhard' s expeditio n t o Rom e i n 809, and t o th e general concer n wit h Adoptionis m i n th e lat e 790's , whic h se t cour t theologian s reading widely . The volume s includ e Paris , B.N . Lat . 12133, Hilary de Trinitate, Leningrad, Lat . F v I 10 Vigilius contra Eutychen, th e antiheretica l writing s o f Augustine i n Paris , B.N. Lat . 12217, 1221 8 and 12210, the de Fide o f Ambros e i n Vat. Lat. 266 and the explanation of the creed by Rufinus in Leningrad, Lat. Q v 119, copied fo r Adalhard. By studyin g th e scriptoriu m vi a th e librar y i t become s possibl e t o char t th e tendencies involve d i n th e growt h o f th e librar y i n term s o f a response t o specifi c needs, whether teaching, or keeping abreast of current texts (the works of contemporaries and recent discoveries , text s mad e availabl e b y loan , purchase , o r exchange). To regard the scribe as no more than a scribe is to overlook his role as a participating member of the monastic community, present at the abbot's collations, at the frequent masses, trained a t the school , involve d i n the administratio n o f th e abbey' s estates . All suc h task s require d skill s whic h migh t involv e som e recours e t o books . T o comprehend th e accumulation of book s in a major monastic library we must situat e them i n th e contex t o f Carolingia n intellectua l life . Thi s require s a distinctio n between commo n texts , eas y t o obtai n becaus e widel y available , an d uncommo n texts, procured fro m afa r or composed i n o r for th e monastery . B y groupin g thes e latter texts we may follow th e evolution o f a programme o f monasti c studie s whic h had a particular colour at a specific date. Corbie volumes copied elsewhere situate the 32 For a n accoun t o f th e advantage s o f Carolin e minuscul e script , cf. D . Ganz, Th e Precondition s fo r Caroline Minuscule, Viator 18 (1987), pp. 23-44. 33 That is 'for the convenience of lectors reading in church*, as Lindsay spotted , W.M. Lindsay, The Ol d Script of Corbie : its Abbreviation Symbols, Revue des Bibliotbeques XXI I (1912) at p. 407.

44

library's growth in the prodigious expansion of early Carolingian libraries. The texts in Paris, B.N. Lat . 13354 + Leningrad, Lat. Q v 119 were copied for Bishop Jesse of Amiens i n Bamberg , Patr . 86. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13363 is a copy o f a sixt h centur y Spanish manuscrip t (Escorial , Cami n d e la s Reliquias , CLA 1629) which cam e t o Germany an d wa s copie d a t Lorsch . Lorsc h als o ha d a cop y o f th e selectio n o f Augustine's letter s in Paris, B.N. Lat . 12226, and Lorsch, St. Gall and Salzburg als o owned Orige n o n Leviticus . The earlies t databl e volum e i s M S Amien s 11, the Machabee s volum e o f th e Maurdramnus Bible . Scribe s activ e in othe r volumes o f thi s bibl e ar e als o found i n the multivolume cop y o f Augustinu s in Psalmos, so tha t the Bible an d Psalter were supplemented b y exegetica l volumes . Paris , B.N . Lat . 13373 includes Bed e an d Alcuin on Genesis , Leningrad, Lat . F v I 13 is Origen on Leviticus, Paris, B.N. Lat . 12274 contains Bede . de Templo, de XXX Quaestionibus in Regem an d Expositio AbacuCy and Bede in Parabolas in Paris, B.N. Lat . 12275. The Psalter was covered by Augustine's Ennarrationes, in Paris , B.N . Lat . 12171-83 which supplemente d th e volumes of Cassiodoru s and the brief introduction in Paris, B.N. Lat. 12597. For the New Testament , Paris , B.N . Lat . 11635 is a tw o colum n cop y o f Augustin e in Johannem LV-CXXIV . Bede o n Act s i s found i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 12284 with Bed e on th e Apocalypse , Ambrosiaste r an d Theodor e o f Mopsuesti a o n th e Paulin e Epistles i n Amien s 87-88 (both attribute d t o Ambrose) , Jerom e o n Ephesian s i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 13351, and Pseudo-Gregory in Ep. Pauli in Paris, B.N. Lat . 13373. The commentary o f Primasius on the Apocalypse is found in Paris, B.N. Lat . 13390. (The text was known to Boniface, but this MS is independent of Oxfor d Douc e 140, which Bonifac e owned.) 34 Maurdramnu s scrip t i s als o use d t o correc t th e A B commentaries o f Basi l an d Ambrose o n Genesi s (Paris , B.N. Lat . 12134-5), Jerome on Ezechie l (12155), Jerome o n Isaia h (11627) and Bede o n Luk e (11681). To thes e biblical text s an d commentaries shoul d b e added the Gospe l Lectionar y in Amiens 172 and the Epistl e Lectionar y (Liber Comitis) i n Leningrad , Lat . Q v I 16. The latter , use d b y Frer e fo r hi s edition , wa s th e earlies t survivin g lectionar y manuscript know n t o him. 35 The stud y o f th e Bibl e an d o f Biblica l commentarie s served t o clarif y issue s o f dogma . This process ca n be traced in early ninth centur y annotations mad e a t Corbie , an d i n th e assemblin g o f theologica l treatise s an d th e decrees of churc h councils. Nor shoul d Adalhard's ow n rol e in the definition o f the dogma o f th e Procession o f th e Hol y Spiri t i n 809 be overlooked . Dating the volumes copied in Maurdramnus script depends on identifying scribe s present i n databl e volume s an d o n assumption s abou t thei r careers . Volumes fro m Corbie may be dated either by colophons or annotations, by date of composition, or by quotation in the datable works of Corbie authors. The Maurdramnus colophon in Amiens 11 reads EGO MAURDRAMNUS ABBAS PROPTER DEI AMOREM ET PROP TER CONPENDIUM LEGENTI 34 Ed. A.W.Adams , CC XCI I (1985). 35 W.H. Frere, The Roman Epistle Lectionary, Studie s i n th e Earl y Roma n Liturg y II I Alcui n Clu b Collections 32 (Oxford 1935).

45

UM HOC VOLUMEN FIERI IUSSI. QUICUMQUE HOC LIBRUM LEGERIT DNI MISE RICORDIAM PRO ME EXORET in purple, red and green ink. The text is noteworthy, fo r few colophons refe r to th e reader's needs, and convey th e ideal of reader s who wil l no t ceas e to read and pray. The term conpendium is found in Cassiodorus Div. Inst. 4, multi compendia lectoris, as wel l a s i n Christia n author s wh o equat e i t wit h salvation. 36 Th e abbac y o f Maurdramnus i s date d above , an d th e inscriptio n ma y b e linke d t o th e Corbi e tradition tha t on e thir d o f hi s propert y wa s give n t o provid e fo r th e need s o f th e monks, an d anothe r t o augment , repai r and defend hi s church. The Bibl e remaine d incomplete under Maurdramnus, ther e are no copie s o f Ne w Testament books , an d in Amiens 7 the flyleaf i s inscribed Liber sancti petri sancti adalhardi. Th e scrip t o f this note is probably tenth century, an d may be an attempt to fabricate a relic, but it is clea r tha t Maurdramnu s scrip t flourishe d unde r Adalhard . A secon d colopho n occurs in Paris, B.N. Lat . 13354 + Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 19. It reads, in Gree k an d Latin characters : Adalhardus monachus iussit fieri volumen istud deo gratias. A second han d ha s adde d Det dominus tanto patrono requiem paradisi. Th e wor d monachus is a problem. I f thi s Adalhar d i s th e cousi n o f Charlemagne , the n i t i s surprising tha t he i s no t calle d abbot , i f th e volum e date s fro m hi s exile , the n i t i s strange tha t it was copied fo r him at Corbie. I t may have been copied fo r Adalhar d the younger , wh o wa s abbo t i n 815. The volum e i s relate d t o Bamberg , Patr . 86, copied for Jesse of Amien s from 799-836 (CLA 1030), the only other volume liste d by Lamber t which combine s th e tw o texts . Maurdramnus volume s wit h a terminus post quern ar e th e letter s o f Alcui n an d Jesse of Amiens on baptism in Paris, B.N. Lat . 13373, the commentary o n Isaiah and prefatory poe m b y Joseph , Alcuin' s pupil , wh o die d i n 804, in Paris , B.N . Lat . 12154, and the Dionysio-Hadrian a i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 11711, which mus t postdat e 789. Paschasius Radbertus, in works completed b y 830, quotes fro m texts preserved in Paris, B.N. Lat . 12156, 12284, 13390 , 1334 4 and 13369, and Vat. Lat. 266 and 515. Such a structure of databl e manuscripts implie s tha t the Maurdramnus scrip t was in use for about half a century, and T.A.M. Bishop has identified som e 60 manuscripts, copied b y som e 100 scribes. Elementary expositions o f Christian teaching are found i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 14088, which contain s Augustine' s Enchiridion an d th e Commonitorium o f Vincentiu s o f Lerins. (Bot h text s ar e acephalou s an d hav e escape d identificatio n an d us e b y editors.) Leningrad, Lat. Q v 119 is Rufinus' commentary o n the Creed, Paris, B.N. Lat. 12218 is Augustinu s de Fide Catholica wit h othe r anti-Donatis t writings , an d Paris, B.N. Lat . 1750 ff. 29-35 is a fragment o f a two colum n cop y o f Junilius, de partibus divinae legis, with insular abbreviations. More substantial theological works are Paris, B.N. Lat . 12133, Hilarius de Trinitate a text widely copie d i n Francia, in which the variant readings are listed.37The elegan t decorated pen initials recall those in Paris, B.N. Lat . 12527. Vat. Lat . 266 contains Ambros e de Fide, de Mysteriis, de 36 Thesaurus Linguae Latinae III , cols. 2037-44. 37 Ed. P.Smulders, CC LXII , pp. 20-2, 36.

46

Sacramentis and de Officiis, an d depends o n a copy which had reached the court in the reig n o f Loui s th e Pious , a s Mirella Ferrar i ha s shown. 38 A furthe r volum e o f Ambrose, Paris , B.N. Lat . 13344 contains th e Contra Novatianum de Poenitentia, with Tyconius Rul e 5 (ascribed t o Augustine ) an d Augustine , de Praedestinatione and de Decern Chordis. Leningrad , Lat . F v I 10 is a corpus containing Vigilius , Contra Nestorium et Eutychen, Petru s Ravennatensi s Episcopus , ad Eutychen, Augustinus, de Cura Pro Mortuis gerenda, Augustinus , de octo Dulcitii quaestionibus. Vat . Lat . 515 contains Augustinu s de diversis quaestionibus LXXXIII an d the de Magistro. Othe r volume s whic h contai n treatise s b y Augustin e ar e Paris , B.N . Lat. 13363, de Baptismo, 13369, Contra Academicos, de Ordine, de Natura et Origine Animae, contra sermonem Arrianorum an d de Quantitate Animae. Paris , B.N. Lat . 12218 contains his adversus quinque Hereses, de Fide contra Manichaeos, contra Maximinum Arrianum an d contra Pascentium. Paris , B.N . Lat . 12210, the most heavily annotated volume of Augustine, contains the de Pastoribus, de Mendacio, Epistolae ad Celestinum an d ad Nebridium, de Praedestinatione Sanctorum, de Perfectione justitiae hominis, de Avaritia et Luxuria. Two Maurdramnus volumes are directly relevant to monastic life: Paris, B.N. Lat . 12260, a martyrology wit h Corbi e reference s boun d with Gregorius , Regula Pastoralisy an d Paris , B.N . Lat . 13384, Cassian, Collationes. Churc h Histor y i s found i n Paris, B.N. Lat , 12527, the second volume of Eusebiu s Rufinus , an d Corbie written copies o f th e live s o f Dionysiu s an d Fulgentiu s o f Rusp e ar e boun d int o th e anthology o f saints ' live s i n Leningrad , Lat . F v I 12, which als o contain s live s o f Marcellinus an d Audomarus copie d i n cursiv e minuscule , th e life o f Apollinari s o f Ravenna, copied in Italy and Fortunatus, Vita Germani copie d at St. Germain-des Pres. Th e excellen t larg e scrip t o f som e o f thes e live s suggest s tha t the y wer e designed t o b e read aloud. Grammatical an d computistical studie s dre w heavil y o n Bed e an d o n th e insular Latin grammarians. Several such works are present in multiple Maurdramnus copie s made a t Corbie . Togethe r wit h multipl e copie s o f Christia n poets , the y offe r a n insight into the teaching of Latin and prosody at the abbey. Some of the grammatical texts cam e fro m Charlemagne' s court , an d the y ar e supplemente d b y a heavil y annotated cop y o f Servius , no w i n Leiden . Th e annotation s dea l wit h point s o f orthography an d grammar , a s wel l a s wit h explanation s o f mythology , agai n implying classroo m use . The stud y o f gramma r develope d i n th e cours e o f th e Carolingia n period . Grammar was th e science o f th e study o f texts , and consequendy th e indispensabl e base o f al l understanding . Christia n gramma r offere d a means o f establishin g th e significance o f eac h specifi c phrase , an d th e reason s fo r it s construction, becaus e these specific s reflecte d th e realitie s whic h Go d require d Hi s tex t t o express . Th e diversity o f interpretations o f Donatus , and of th e grammatical tradition he immortalized, was increased in the ninth century both by the assembling of several strata of commentary, an d by th e production o f newe r commentaries. 38 M. Ferrari, "Recensiones" milanesi tardo-antiche, carolingie, basso-medievali di opere di sant'Ambrogio, Amhrosius Episcopus. Atti del Congresso mternazionale di studi ambrosiani nel XVI centenario della elevazione di sant'Ambrogio all cattedra episcopale, ed. G.Lazzat i (Mila n 1976), pp. 35-102 at pp. 84-9.

47

A full descriptio n of the contents of the two major grammatica l anthologies show s their originalit y i n th e treatmen t an d th e teachin g o f grammar . Instea d o f simpl y compiling an anthology o f texts, the compiler o f Paris, B.N. Lat . 13025 arranged th e texts unde r topics . The volume' s content s ar e a s follows : Donatus , Ars Minor, Ars Maior II ; de finalibus metrorum; Asper , Ars grammatical Ars Maior I, de litteris latinis; Quaeritur enim qui primus; de Hebraeis litteris. Isidore , de orthographia; ara per a scribendum; Agroecius , de orthographia; Terentiu s Scaurus ; Cassiodorus , de accentis; Isidore; Declinationibus Nominum; Expositio de Arte Maiore; Expositio de Arte Minore; Iustitia quid est; Interrogatio de grammatica; Priscianus , Institutio, Ps . Sergius, Explanationes; Bede , de Arte Metrica, de Schematibus. 59 Th e volum e i s copied in two columns, and enlivene d with a unique se t of figure d initials , the wor k of th e artis t o f th e Amien s Psalter . There i s som e overla p wit h othe r Maurdramnu s copie s o f grammatica l texts . Amiens 426 contains a n Expositio de Prima Declinatio; Quae sunt quae omnem veritatem; Expositio de voce; Aggressus Quidam, Phoca s and excerpts from Isidore. 40 Paris, B.N. Lat. 13025 served as an exemplar for th e texts of Bede in Paris, B.N. Lat . 14088 and 7569.4l A furthe r cop y o f Bed e de Arte Metrica an d de Schematibus et Tropis is found i n Paris, B.N. Lat. 13377, after a densely glossed copy of Sedulius an d before Alcuin' s De Grammatica an d Bede's de Orthographia. Th e volume has vers e additions, suggestin g tha t i t wa s use d fo r th e stud y o f th e Christia n poets . Whil e some of the glosses to Sedulius are found i n MS. Laon 468 (a copy of glosses withou t a text, made for Marti n o f Laon) , the Corbie volume is earlier than the Laon glosses , and contains a fuller set . A second volume of verse, with occasional glosses, copied i n the Maurdramnu s scriptoriu m i s Amien s 404, ff. 58-107, a cop y o f Juvencus , wit h corrections an d additions . O n fol . 83 v ther e i s a note abou t nou n ending s an d th e declensions the y imply . Paris , B.N . Lat . 14087 contains tw o glossaries , th e Abavus and th e Ab absens glossary , followe d b y Priscian , Institutio de Nomine et Verbo. Both ar e copied i n a small, two colum n format . THE PROBLE M O F TH E A B SCRIPTORIU M The AB scriptorium, traditionally locate d a t Corbie, presents an instructive anomal y in earl y medieva l palaeography . I t perfecte d a highl y stylize d calligraphi c cursiv e minuscule, the AB script, named fo r its most distinctive letterforms, whic h postdate s the inventio n an d widesprea d adoptio n o f th e simple r an d cleare r Carolin e minus cule. I f th e scriptoriu m i s correctl y localize d a t Corbie , the n th e abbe y ha d tw o scriptoria which worked concurrently , usin g radically differen t script s an d method s of boo k production , bu t apparentl y sharin g th e copyin g o f som e manuscripts . In orde r t o locat e th e A B scriptorium , i t i s essentia l t o determin e ho w th e scriptorium was able to choose to copy the texts which surviv e and what conclusion s follow abou t th e production an d circulatio n o f book s betwee n 780 and 830. 39 Holtz, pp . 371-4. 40 Ibid., pp . 436-8. 41 Ibid., pp . 494-7 (see plate 5).

48

The tabl e indicate s al l 35 surviving A B volume s an d fragments , thei r contents , dates, an d th e evidenc e fo r thei r exemplars . 14 AB manuscript s surviv e fro m th e Corbie librar y wher e the y wer e corrected , i n a Corbi e script , befor e 830. The remaining manuscripts come from different Carolingia n libraries, and no two share a common provenance . Si x are fragments, suggestin g tha t AB manuscripts were ofte n mutilated. I n addition fiv e los t text s al l o f whic h wer e probably i n A B scrip t wer e known i n 1717, when Do m Marten e recorde d the m i n hi s Voyage Litteraire. Th e texts copied involv e several cases of duplication of texts, most notably in the two AB copies o f Bed e o n Canticles , Proba , an d the massive Liber Glossarum. The A B i s a set script with a rich range of variant letterforms whic h ar e modifie d according t o th e positio n o f an y lette r withi n a word . I t use s th e Merovingia n letterforms o f th e royal chancery, including b which enters into ligature and r and s with lon g descenders . Orthograph y an d word divisio n ar e also Merovingian, rathe r than conforming t o classical and 'Carolingian' standards. A flyleaf from a manuscript from Corbie , Paris , B.N. Lat . 12957, copied i n the earl y nint h century, shows ho w the A B alphabe t draw s o n Merovingia n cursiv e script s (plat e 12). It include s a n alphabet in the formal cursive widely used in the Carolingian chancery, with a b with a ligature to the right, and forms of a, d, an d g close to the AB script. The AB script develops fro m th e forma l dail y cursiv e repertoir e of th e traine d late eighth centur y scribe. (Passage s on ff. 23 r and 108 r of Paris, B.N. Lat . 11530, the second volume of Liber Glossarum, ar e copied i n a cursive script less formal tha n the AB but close t o that use d i n th e chancery. They ar e the work o f a n AB scribe. ) The A B scrip t i s closes t i n style to th e B type scrip t used a t Chelles i n the 780's, and to th e calligraphi c minuscul e o f Luxeuil . Low e an d Traube sa w the B type a s a precursor o f th e AB , an d noted it s us e in centres othe r tha n Chelles. 42 The earlies t instances of the B script have been attributed to Northern France, and some volumes copied contai n text s als o foun d i n A B volumes , suc h a s the Gelasia n sacramentar y copied i n the B script in Vat. Reg. Lat. 317, and in an AB fragment in Cologne, Hist . Archiv 140-141. (In one instance in Paris, B.N. Nouv. Acq. Lat. 1619, the B script is used fo r a text de morbo regio, (Jaundice) copied into a manuscript fro m the library of St . Denis.) Apart frorn the perfected instance s from the main AB scriptoriu m A B script i s foun d i n volumes whic h wer e a t Soissons an d Autun in th e nint h centur y and wer e perhap s copie d there , an d in addition s an d annotation s i n volume s fro m St. Denis an d a n unidentifie d norther n Frenc h scriptoriu m (Oxford , Bodl . Can . Misc. 112). A relate d scrip t is used to copy th e oldest witness t o the Collectio Vetus Gallica, a n important systemati c cano n law collection . Like th e script , th e syste m o f assemblin g A B manuscript s i s als o traditional , i n marked contras t to the practice in the Maurdramnus scriptorium. To copy works of the bulk o f Liber Glossarum th e scriptorium neede d a steady suppl y o f parchment . The parchmen t o f A B manuscript s i s seldo m o f th e highes t quality , hole s occu r frequently, an d th e parchmen t i s assemble d i n conformit y wit h th e practic e o f contemporary scriptoria . The hair side is the outside in the quire, flesh side is outside in som e quire s o f th e Leningra d Cassiodorus . I n th e Maurdramnu s scriptorium , uniquely amon g all known lat e eighth century scriptoria in Francia, flesh sid e is the 42 Lowe, CLA VI , Preface. D.Ganz , Traube on "Schritttypen" , Scriptorium 36 (1982), pp. 293-303.

49

EXEMPLARS A N D DATE S O F A B MANUSCRIPT S Shelfmark Paris, B.N. Lat . B.N. Lat . Bordeaux + Paris, B.N. Lat . 789 Paris, B.N. Lat .

12155 11681 17451 + 162 8 8921

Montpellier, Bibl . Un. 69 Paris, B.N. Lat . 11627 B.N. U t . 13048 793 Leningrad, Lat. F v XIV I Brussels, I I 4856 Leningrad, Lat. Q v I 17 Laon, 424 flyleaves Paris, B.N. Lat . 11529^-30 Cambrai, 693 + St. Gen, Karlsruhe leave s Paris, B.N. Lat . 12134 800 Berlin, Hamilto n 132 Paris, B .N Lat . 12217 Paris, B.N. Lat . 12135 Paris, B.N. Lat . 12217 part II London, B.L . Harley 4980 flyleaves Leningrad, F v I 11 Paris, B.N. U t . 13440 Cologne, Dombibl . 91 Paris, Ste. Genevieve 63 Dusseldorf, U B B 3 Bamberg, B HI 4 Paris, Ste. Genevieve 55 Cologne, Hist. Archiv 140 + 141 Geneva, B . Univ. 139 London, Harle y 3063 AB MARGINALI A Oxford, Bodl. Can. Pat. Lat. 112 Paris, B.N. Lat . 12205

Contents

Exemplar

Hieronymus, in Ezechielem Bede, in Lucam Augustinus, in Psalmos

Exemplar copied i n Cologn e 51 (oldest witness ? insular exemplar ) (Not 12183 from Corbie )

Dionysio-Hadriana Gelasian Sacramentar y Prefac e Gregorius, Moralia Hieronymus, in Isaiam Fortunatus, Lactantius , Proba Aldhelm, Boniface , Fortunatu s St. Riquier Syllog e Isidore, Etymologiae I- X

(Not 11711 from Corbie )

Augustinus, Retractationes Gregorius Tur . in gloria martyrum Liber Glossarum Liber Glossarum Basilius, Gregoriu s Nyssensi s Dionysio-Hadriana + St. Amand canon, antiheretica l treatis e Solutiones Div. Quaest. Ambrosius, Hexameron Augustinus, Contra Adimantium Contra Arrianos Augustinus, de Civitate Dei XV I Cassiodorus, Historia Tripartita Ephraem Syrus , Ps . Ambrosius , 816 Regula, Preface , Extract s textus historicus Beda, in Canticum Canticorum Claudius Turinensis, Alcuin, Beda, in Canticum, Lectionarium, Hymnarium Vitae Sanctarum Cassian, Collationes Cassiodorus, in Ps I- L Breviarium Textus incertus Theodorus Mopsuestenus , in Ep. Pauli Pseudo Athanasius, de Trinitate Regula Magistri

Ecriture lombardique i n the Voyage Litteraire (1717) Troyes, ParaUpomena, Macchabees (? Amiens 11 the exemplar ) Soissons, Notre-Dame , de Civitate Dei (perhap s Harle y 4980) Arras, Beda Historia Ecclesiastica (perhap s i n insular script ) St. Hubert, Isidore , Etymologiae, I-X X Brussel s I I 4856 Murbach, Boethius Consolatio Philosophiae

50

insular (Lindsay ) unique Fortunatus collectio n St. Riquier (Not Leningrad Q v 115 from Corbie (Not Libe r Glossarum o r 13048 fron Corbie) oldest witnes s oldest witnes s Cambrai 693 B.N. Lat . 11529-30 (oldest witness: Vivarium) linked to Paris , B.N. U t . 3836 unique ?? Vivarium (Corpus Christ i 193 and B.N . U t 1718 use same exemplar ) (oldest unique witness )

(oldest witness ) (not 12634 or 13348 from Corbie ) (not 12276 from Corbie ) ?? 13373, St. Gen. 63 1 in Turin D V 3 (not 12239 from Corbie ) B.N. U t . 17177

outside o f th e quire. ( A group of A B manuscripts with hair side outside in all sheets must b e assigned t o a separate scriptorium, bot h on accoun t o f thei r codicology an d their provenances. The volumes in this group are Cambridge, CCC. 193; olim Donaueschingen, 18; Paris, B.N. Lat . 3836; Turin, DV 5; Brussels, 9850-52, and Laon, 424.1 am grateful to T.A.M. Bishop for informing me that no scribe identified by him in any of thes e manuscripts i s found i n any AB manuscript outside those in this group.) Traditionally, th e A B volume s hav e bee n date d befor e th e us e o f Maurdramnu s minuscule at Corbie. Of the AB volumes copied, some can be dated by the texts which they contain, and some by additions made to them. While none has a certain date, the range is between 790 and 830. Berlin, Hamilton 132 has an unedited antiadoptionist text referring to Charlemagne as emperor. Claudius of Turin on Genesis, a text composed in 811, is excerpte d i n th e Diisseldor f volume . Paris , B.N . Lat . 13440 includes patristi c excerpts which preface the 816 Aachen legislation for canonesses. The preface to CLA, Volume VI implies that these volumes should be dated before those in the Maurdramnus script, perfected a t Corbie by 780. In fact, the script was used after the scriptorium at Corbie was writing Caroline minuscule, and Maurdramnus Caroline minuscule is used to correct most AB volumes fro m th e Corbie library. The surviving fragments copied in AB are often from substantial works. Augustine on the Psalms in a large format would need twelve volumes, and Gregory's Moralia six. The Bamber g fragmen t o f Cassia n i n 2 columns woul d hav e require d thre e volumes to be complete. O f tw o complete manuscripts o f commentaries by Jerome, Paris, B.N . Lat . 12155 has 292 folia, an d B.N . Lat . 11627 has 340. The A B scriptorium ha d th e resource s i n scribe s an d supplies t o engag e on major works o f copying. It was clearly not a small scriptorium or one supplying the primary needs of a small ne w library . To conside r th e detail s o f boo k production , I want t o loo k a t th e text s copied , because it is clear that they were not chosen haphazardly. I n the early middle ages, it is rare to have evidence as to why a volume was copied. S o we have tended to infe r that copyin g wa s a matter o f chance . The text s copie d i n th e A B scrip t ar e ofte n unfamiliar, three are unique copies, and three more are the earliest extant witness to a text. To procur e the m neede d research , the y wer e uncommo n an d thei r exemplar s must hav e com e fro m on e o r mor e majo r libraries . I f th e Liber Glossarum wa s compiled at the AB scriptorium, the scriptorium had access to rare and rich reference volumes. We must addres s th e following questions : Where was thi s library ? Why di d th e AB scribe s copy thes e particular texts there ? The first question is answered by the study of the textual families of AB volumes. The exemplars of these manuscripts did not come from Corbie. The text of Aldhelm, the copies of Bede on Canticles, Augustine on the Psalms, Cassiodorus and Ephraem can be collated with Corbi e volumes present in the library b y 800 and shown t o be from differen t textua l families . Quotation s i n the Liber Glossarum do no t dra w o n Corbie text s o f Isidore , Augustin e o r Jerome. Since Bisho p ha s advanced powerfu l grounds fo r inferrin g tha t th e A B volume s o f Liber Glossarum were copie d fro m single sheets , i t seem s reasonabl e t o suppos e tha t th e text s o n thes e sheet s wer e excerpted i n a library clos e t o th e A B scriptorium . Howeve r text s quote d i n th e Liber Glossarum wer e als o copie d i n th e A B scriptorium , suggestin g tha t th e 51

scriptorium found th e works cite d i n Liber Glossarum t o b e useful an d then helped to distribute these rather unfamiliar texts . In a scriptorium, books ar e copied for one or more users. The books may remain in the library attached to the scriptorium, o r they may be sent to another individua l or collective user. If the exemplar was borrowed, it should b e returned. But in some cases, th e cop y wil l b e mad e t o replac e th e exemplar . The n th e exempla r ca n b e discarded. A t Corbie , ther e i s a fragmentar y insula r exempla r o f Theodor e o f Mopsuestia's commentary on Paul, which was used for binding in the middle ages. It was the exemplar for a Maurdramnus cop y o f Theodore now a t Amiens, an d for an AB copy now in London. (My collations, which depen d on published photographs, suggest tha t th e A B cop y canno t b e a copy o f th e Maurdramnu s volume , bu t tha t both mus t cop y th e insula r original. ) Th e tex t i s no t know n fro m an y othe r Carolingian centre . Since ther e is no reaso n t o believ e tha t the original lef t Corbie , this may suggest that Corbie was the AB scriptorium. To identify th e homes of othe r exemplars is more difficult. Lindsa y believed that an AB copy of the Moralia (now in Montpellier, Bibl. univ . 69) was also copied fro m a n insular exemplar , and retained its abbreviations. 43 (Th e Corbi e cop y o f th e Moralia, Paris , B.N . Nouv . Acq . Lat . 2061 was copie d i n Norther n France , perhap s a t Corbie , an d lack s suc h abbrevia tions.) Paris , B.N. Lat . 11681 Bede o n Luk e als o derive s fro m a n insular exemplar , and retains some of th e sourcemarks which Bed e used. Together with A B copie s o f Boniface an d Aldhelm, these texts suggest that the scriptorium was quick t o pass on the fruit s o f recen t insula r culture . The exempla r use d fo r th e Hexamero n wa s recopied a t th e court , i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 1718 and th e cour t mus t hav e bee n th e ultimate source for the AB copies of the Dionysio-Hadriana, Paris , B.N. Lat . 8921 a text whic h cam e ther e fro m Rom e i n 789. The Berli n volume o f canons , Hamilto n 132, was compile d fro m th e Dionysio-Hadriana an d th e St . Amand collection , an d the manuscript includes a text against Adoptionists, composed at the court. The copy of Jerome o n Ezechiel i s textually linked to a copy mad e for Hildebal d o f Cologn e before 819. It seems reasonable to assume that the rarer the exemplar, the more select the library from whic h i t was procured, an d the court librar y (o r a library i n clos e contact with it) , seems a reasonable sourc e for severa l AB texts . These may includ e lost copies of Boethiu s Consolatio an d Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica, and rare Italian texts linke d t o Cassiodorus : Paris , B.N. Lat . 12217 Contra Varimadum, B.N . Lat . 12134 Gregory o f Nyss a an d Basil. To determin e wh y th e A B scriptoriu m mad e thes e copie s w e mus t revie w th e activities o f th e A B scribes , an d here we approac h th e material condition s o f boo k production. I n several volumes som e of th e participating scribe s ar e experts, other s are under instruction . Alan Bishop , wh o ha s studie d th e activitie s o f individua l scribe s an d identifie d their stints, asserts tha t a s many a s forty scribe s migh t shar e the copying o f a n A B manuscript, and he has identified over sixty eight scribes involved in copying twelv e manuscripts. Bu t Bishop , awar e o f th e problem s o f locatin g s o larg e a number o f scribes a t Corbie, whic h ha d a total o f n o mor e tha n 350 brethren, som e o f who m 43 W.M. Lindsay, The Old Script of Corbie: its Abbreviation Symbols, Revue des Bibliotheques XXII (1912), pp. 405-29.

52

were illiterate, copying manuscripts in the Maurdramnus script between 780 and 820, has accepted th e suggestion o f th e Nouveau Traite an d of Masa i that the script was written b y nun s a t Corbie . Ther e ar e tw o alternativ e locations : th e monaster y o f Noirmoutiers, since an eleventh century inscription in Cassiodorus, Historia Tripartita claim s tha t i t was writte n ther e for abbo t Adalhar d o f Corbi e durin g his exile , and th e nunner y a t Soissons , mentione d i n ownershi p inscriptions , an d ru n b y Adalhard's sister . (Soisson s i s mentione d i n a carolingia n not e o n th e flyleaf o f Cambridge, Corpus Christi Colleg e 192, and Brussels, 9850-52, ff. 140-145, has AB additions mad e to a seventh centur y volum e wit h a Soissons colophon) . The proble m o f locatin g th e scriptoriu m i s no t ou r immediate concer n here , no r do I want to preempt Bishop's work. But it is important to draw the lessons of book production in the AB scriptorium . Scribe s worked togethe r to copy A B volumes in order to speed their task, and in some cases it is clear that the task was not completed. The initials and tide pages of AB volumes are enlivened with alternating colours, and the allianc e o f fowl s an d fishe s shape s th e openin g titles, evidenc e tha t the scribe s were also artists of qualit y and originality. Koehle r noted their uniqueness, originality an d independence fro m a carolingian tradition." In five volumes th e initials are drawn but no t coloured , suggestin g tha t some volumes wer e produced hastily , an d that there was some division of labour. The artistic originality had been developed in a fast growin g scriptorium . I want t o loo k a t instances o f multipl e copyin g o f th e sam e text , i n orde r to se e how A B scribe s tackle d thi s problem . The poem s o f Fortunatu s surviv e i n manuscripts in Leningrad, Q v XIVI an d Paris, B.N. Lat . 13048. Where the texts overlap, the Leningra d volum e ha s a better text , thoug h th e scribe s cop y som e part s twice . There are two copies of Proba' s cento in a differing format , bot h in Paris. One has a better tex t wit h cleare r wor d division , cleare r blv distinction , repetitio n o f line s 490-527, and a fuller text . The othe r stop s a t line 488.45 Multipl e copie s migh t b e disorderly ones . The Dusseldorf collectio n include s Bed e o n Canticle s copie d fro m the AB manuscript in Paris, BibUotheque Ste . Genevieve. The copy o f th e Hexameron, Paris, B.N. Lat . 12135, is linked to a copy from the court (Paris, B.N. Lat. 1718) and t o anothe r A B copy , i n Cambridge , Corpu s Christ i Colleg e 192, and th e exemplars wer e correcte d agains t eac h other as the volume wa s copied . Clearl y th e AB scriptoriu m wa s wel l staffed , wel l disciplined , an d wel l endowe d t o produc e copies o f text s a s the y wer e required . Th e productio n o f tw o copie s o f Liber Glossarum, an encyclopedia with over half a million entries, in a massive two volume three column format, i s a tribute t o how wel l thes e standards were maintained. The AB scriptoriu m wa s abl e to suppl y multipl e copies . The tw o volume s o f Liber Glossarum, becaus e of th e unique problems presented by their format, suggest what the production of multiple copies involved in terms of scribal discipline . A s a result o f Bishop' s detaile d study , w e kno w tha t th e Liber Glossarum was copied by experienced scribe s and beginners, of whom 15 have been identified i n the Paris and 21 in the Cambrai copy (9 appear in both volumes). Both volumes ar e copie d i n thre e column s o f 52 lines. I n tw o place s ther e i s complet e 44 Koehler, p. 93. 45 C.Schenkl, CSEL 16 (1888), pp. 517-8.

53

agreement i n th e layou t o f bot h copies , coverin g si x quire s o f th e manuscript . Elsewhere, scribes copied from each other, rather than from their exemplar. Bishop' s conclusions abou t thei r productio n revea l tha t skille d scribe s worked o n Parisinus, unskilled on Cambracensis. However bot h volumes were completed an d revised b y Corbie Maurdramnus scribe s who wrot e th e lower portions o f page s begu n b y A B scribes o r who complete d quire s begu n b y suc h scribes , an d copie d al l o f th e fina l quires in the volume. This process of revision was secondary, and not coeval with the production o f thes e copie s o f Liber Glossarum. Durin g thei r production , singl e sheets of tex t were copied , and exchanged betwee n th e teams of scribe s engage d o n each volume . Thi s account s fo r certai n error s o f displacement : th e presenc e o f glosses without lemmat a an d of lemmat a withou t glosse s implie s tha t th e exempla r was incomplete. Therefore th e AB scriptoriu m wa s engaged in the rapid production of a cop y o f a particularl y ambitiou s tex t whil e thi s tex t wa s bein g revise d an d augmented. Correction was piecemeal: the sourcemarks in the two copies differ. The subsequent disseminatio n o f th e tex t throughou t majo r centre s o f th e carolingia n empire ma y serv e t o indicat e tha t i t wa s develope d a s a n educationa l resource ; neither essentia l no r elementary , i t offere d th e prolegomen a fo r advance d lexica l scholarship. Its copying involved very careful organization , because the lemmata are short an d easil y displaced , an d because , a s th e evidenc e indicates , copyin g o f th e separate sections o f Liber Glossarum too k plac e concurrently. The problems invol ved in creating, apportioning and assembling Liber Glossarum make the production of tw o column , 52 line, 450 leaf Tours bible s loo k simple . The lessons of Liber Glossarum are that the AB scriptoriu m wa s able to assembl e the resource s t o compil e s o comple x a work , an d t o produc e tw o copie s o f it . Bischoff ha s suggeste d tha t thi s coul d onl y hav e bee n achieve d wit h th e activ e support o f th e court . Recognizin g th e intrinsi c interes t o f som e o f th e text s whic h Liber Glossarum included , th e scriptoriu m mad e furthe r copie s o f thes e texts . Bu t the A B scribe s wer e not abl e t o correc t th e accurac y o f th e transcriptio n o f word s and phrases . Ther e ar e fe w instance s o f A B scribe s actin g a s corrector s i n A B volumes. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12217 is a particularly instructiv e instanc e o f A B boo k produc tion. The titl e page o n fol. 54v , written in Maurdramnu s script , corresponds t o fol . 212 of Paris , B.N . Lat . 12134, written i n A B wit h coloure d initials . Th e las t tw o leaves o f 12134, which begi n a new tex t i n AB , ar e replace d b y th e Maurdramnu s script o f fol . 58 of 12217. So 12217 was copie d clumsily , th e las t pages wer e boun d into the wrong volume. Afte r fol . 184 there is no rubrication , but spaces have bee n left. Rubricatio n i s als o omitte d o n ff . 116-46. Elsewhere, ff . 66-74, 7 9 and 82 have hollow initials which wer e not completed. There are changes o f han d at ff. 119, 139, 143, and 155, when unskilled scribes take over. On fol. 142 and fol. 163 scribes can be seen under instruction; their poor attempts to master the AB script follow sentence s copied b y a master scribe . The volum e wa s produce d hastily , o n poo r parchment , and bound i n disorder, perhap s becaus e it s texts , concerne d wit h th e Trinity, wer e needed urgentl y t o fue l th e discussion o f th e Processio n o f th e Hol y Spiri t in 809. In Paris, B.N. Lat . 11681, Bede on Luke, there are at least eleven changes of han d in a volume o f 195 folia. The tex t occupies 2 columns o f 38 lines, rule d o n th e hair side. Professo r Dolbea u ha s prove d tha t i n th e earl y nint h centur y thi s cop y wa s 54

dismembered and copied in Paris, B.N. Lat . 17451. In the front o f that volume is an AB fragmen t o f Augustin e o n Psalms . Clearl y th e centr e wher e 17451 was copie d ordered bot h exemplar s an d MSS from th e AB scriptorium . By examinin g eclectic volume s i n AB script , we may clarify wh y th e scriptoriu m chose t o cop y specifi c volumes , an d ho w i t procurred th e text s t o b e copied . The most remarkable AB manuscripts are two small volumes in Paris and in Diisseldorf . The Pari s volum e i s o f remarkabl y smal l format , an d wa s portable . I t contain s a collection which seems highly personal, openin g with Ephraem, Homelia de Decern Virginibus, Pseud o Ambrose , de superbia carnis peccati, Columbanus , ep . VI , a sermon o f Caesarius , excerpts from Caesarius , Jerome, Cypria n an d Athanasius (as cited i n th e prefac e t o th e 816 Aachen legislatio n fo r canonesses , introduce d b y Adalhard's enemy Benedict of Aniane), further excerpts from Ephraem, prayers and an expositio n o f th e Lord' s praye r an d th e creed . Th e volum e no w contain s 222 leaves, which measur e 119 x 80 mm. The tex t o f Ephrae m doe s no t depen d o n th e Corbie cop y whic h wa s a t th e abbe y b y 800. The Diisseldor f volum e contain s excerpts fro m Claudiu s o f Turi n o n Genesis , Alcui n o n Genesis , Alcuin , de Benedictionibus Patriarcharum, lection s for the office fro m old and new testaments , Bede o n Canticles , Gregory o n Canticles , excerpt s fro m a homily o n Matthew, th e lives o f th e transvestit e saint s Euphrosin a an d Marina , 45 hymns fo r th e offic e comprising the earliest known version o f th e New Hymna l introduce d a t Louis th e Pious' court for the liturgical year, excerpts from Augustine, de Opera Monachorum, excerpts fro m Ephrae m an d Augustine, de Disciplina Christianorum. Tw o o f thes e texts are especially significant. The Bede copies the text in the AB volume Paris, Bibl. Ste. Geneviev e 63 and th e Claudiu s o f Turi n abridge s a text compose d i n 811 for Louis th e Pious, which ha d very limite d circulation . (Th e autho r was regarded as a heretic b y 830.) Both o f thes e volume s ar e devotiona l i n character , an d contai n a wide rang e o f shor t texts . Eac h mus t hav e bee n commissioned , fo r th e text s the y contain wer e clearl y carefull y chosen , th e Pari s volum e perhap s t o ai d a cleri c ministering to nuns. Each patron saw the AB scriptorium as the best place to procure the volume he needed. I t offered text s prepared for the court, and texts prepared by the reformer s o f 816 at the court . The sam e i s tru e o f th e copie s o f th e Dionysio Hadriana. The scriptoriu m wa s als o read y t o abridg e thes e texts . I t is har d no t t o infer tha t the AB scriptoriu m provided text s a s prominent courtier s or abbots with court connections though t fit . The A B scriptoriu m ha s long bee n recognized a s the source o f a n eclectic script . (This scrip t was possibly more familiar to carolingian readers than the new Caroline minuscule; as we have seen, it draws on the ordinary cursive script found in pentrials and charters. ) I have show n tha t th e text s whic h i t copie d wer e als o eclectic . Bot h texts an d scrip t ar e ofte n unmistakable , perhap s becaus e the y wer e supphe d t o several differen t libraries . Whil e som e cam e fro m Corbie , o r dre w o n Corbi e exemplars, most did not. I n the AB scriptorium, as in all scriptoria, we se e editorial decisions bein g made. These might involve close collaboratio n wit h the Maurdramnus scribes of Corbie, who also had links with the court. The AB scriptorium offers a key t o th e understandin g o f ho w th e Carolingia n Renaissanc e cope d wit h th e problem o f supplying th e essentia l text s upo n whic h i t depended . A scriptoriu m needs a library as a source for its exemplars, but it does not need to supply copies to 55

that hbrary. If it supplies copies to a hbrary, we may assume that that hbrary was the hbrary fo r whic h i t worked . Bu t tha t nee d no t mea n tha t i t worke d onl y fo r on e hbrary, o r tha t tha t hbrar y an d scriptoriu m wer e a t th e sam e place . Palaeographer s contrast earl y medieva l scriptori a wit h th e stationer s an d bookstore s o f Lat e Antiquity. Bu t th e scriptori a ha d t o replac e al l o f th e stationers ' functions . Th e distinctive product s o f th e A B scriptoriu m remin d u s tha t t o determin e th e origi n and provenanc e o f a manuscrip t i s no t enough : th e condition s o f it s productio n involve finding ou t why i t was thought useful . B y searching for th e home o f th e A B scriptorium w e have postponed thos e questions . Textual criticism ha s show n u s tha t the AB texts do not depen d o n Corbi e exemplars , we have a scriptorium devoi d o f a hbrary, histor y show s u s tha t th e A B scriptoriu m supphe d ne w o r newl y availabl e texts to major abbey s and individuals for specific reasons. If we eschew the search fo r a scriptorium's function s w e reduc e ou r scienc e t o mer e empiricism . THE CAROLIN E SCRIP T O F RADBER T A N D H A D O A R D The transition from late r forms o f the Maurdramnus scrip t to the distinctive Carolin e of th e mid centur y i s abrupt, an d ma y depen d o n externa l a s well a s scriba l criteria . While Maurdramnu s an d Carolin e ca n coexis t i n th e sam e manuscrip t i n th e earl y ninth centur y volume s fro m Corbie , th e calligraphi c minuscul e o f th e mi d nint h century i s seldom foun d togethe r wit h earlie r scripts . The eleganc e an d harmon y o f this minuscul e i s only rarel y enhance d b y elaborat e decoration : mos t volume s hav e simple coloured initials and uncial or rustic capitals for the rubrics. The quality of th e parchment, it s codicology , an d th e layou t o f th e page , al l revea l a distinctiv e an d elegant scriptorium a t the height of its powers. One spu r to such restrained expertis e was the use of Lat e Antique exemplars , especially o f classica l texts; another wa s th e general evolution o f Caroline minuscule throughout th e empire. Corbie was in direc t contact with many other prominent scriptoria, and this contact involved not only th e exchange o f copie s o f work s fro m th e librarie s t o whic h thes e scriptori a wer e attached, but als o the dissemination an d discussion of contemporary works , compo sed a t o r fo r Corbie , o r treatin g issue s o f importanc e t o th e abbey' s theologians . The chronolog y o f th e mi d centur y scriptoriu m ha s bee n sketche d b y Bischoff , who drew attention t o the presence of Corbi e written copie s of works composed b y Corbie authors . Severa l databl e volume s are : Paris, B.N. Lat . 18296, ff. 36-67: Radbert, Vita Adalhardi, c.826 . (Plat e 14.) Paris, B.N. Lat. 12296: Radbert, in Matthaeum I-IV , post 843 since Radbert i s called abbas. Laon, B.M . 67: Radbert, in Matthaeum I-I V (correcte d text) . Rouen, B.M . 141: Radbert, in Matthaeum V-VIII , post 849. Arras, B.M . 775: Radbert, de Corpore et Sanguine Domini, c . 850. Ghent, B.U . 909: Ratramnus, de Praedestinatione, pos t 850. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13909: Radbert, Epitaphium Arsenii, pos t 852. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12050: Sacramentarium Gregorianum, 853. Paris, B.N. Lat . 7499, ff. 59-62: Engelmodus, Vita Radberti, pos t 860. 56

Paris, B.N . Lat . 2863: Ratramnus, Contra Grecorum Opposita, pos t 868. Vatican Reg . Lat . 151: Ratramnus, Contra Grecorum Opposita copie d fo r Laon ? post 868. Vatican Vat. Lat . 630: Pseudo-Isidore, c . 863. Berhn, Phillipps 1776: Cartularium Corbeiensis, post 863. The decoration in the Sacramentary, as Bischoff an d Homburger have shown, offer s a basis for datin g othe r volumes. The volume bear s the colophon : Ego Rodradus, misericordia Dei indigens, victus Hilmeradi antistitis iussionibus, vinctusque episcopalis auctoritatis excommunkationibus IIII Nonas Martii, sacerdotalis ministerii trepidus suscepi officium, anno incarnationis dominicae DCCCLIII indictione I epacta VII, concurrente VII, termino paschali IIII kalendas Aprilis. Quicumque banc ordinationis meae adnotatiunculum legeris et per hunc codicem dominici corporis consecrationem recitaveris tuts quaeso precibus adiutus dicatum Christo exhibere sacerdotium et supernae visionis consequi merear brevium. Hunc ego Hrodadus sanctorum indignus alumnus Composui librum, Christi sub honore dicandum Officiis sacris agni dum victima digni Relligione pia sacram mactatur ad aram Qui licet indignus meritorum dote bonorum Destituar noxae nimio sub pondere vilis Saltern huius studui doni pietate placere Altithrono regi, ferimus quo iudice cuncti Pro merito nostro mercedis praemia dignae. Te quoque suppliciter, Christi benedicte sacerdos, Codice istius frueris quiforsitan usu, Inter sacrorum sollemnia sis memor ipse Posco, mei, precibus deum mihi conciliato Obsequio cuius caelestia munera libas. Both decoration and poem suggest that this was a presentation volume, copied by a priest, an d the presence o f a Missa in Monasterio an d a Missa Monachorum make Corbie the obvious recipient. Hrodad writes in a Corbie script, and may have been a monk, o r a dependent, o f th e abbey . The decorate d initial s of th e manuscript hav e been linke d t o thos e i n Zurich , Car . C . 161, a sacramentary, an d Paris, B.N . Lat . 12051, and t o Florence , Sa n Marc o 257, a cop y o f Cicero' s philosophica l work s which incorporate s Hadoard' s correction s t o th e text of th e Leiden corpus. 46 Since Hadoard dre w o n th e Corbi e hbrar y fo r th e excerpt s i n hi s classica l an d patristic florilegia, an d ma y hav e bee n responsibl e fo r th e hbrary' s widesprea d copyin g o f classical authors, the art historical and palaeographical criteria for dating the Hrodad sacramentary an d relate d volumes assum e a special importance . Furthe r palaeographical criteria for grouping and dating mid ninth century Corbie volumes depend on the wor k o f T. A. M. Bishop, wh o ha s long worke d o n th e Corbi e scriptorium . H e has identified a group o f scribe s who wer e responsible fo r copying severa l volume s of the works of Corbie authors. Leningrad, Class Lat. I (Columella), Paris, B.N. Lat. 7886 (Germanicus, Aratea), B.N . Lat . 8051 (Statius), B.N . Lat . 12125 (Origen, de Principiis), B.N . Lat . 12272 (Bede, in Samuelem), B.N . Lat . 13020 (Boethius, de 46 Schmidt, pp. 121-35.

57

Musica, Ps. Boethius, Geometria), B.N . Lat . 13956, (Periermeneas Apuleii, Aristotelis et Boethii), and Laon 330 (Basilius, Regula; Orosius , Commonitorium) ar e linked by Bishop , becaus e th e sam e scrib e write s th e openin g line s o f al l thes e volumes . Bishop also identifies th e scribe of Paris , B.N. Lat . 18311 in B.N. Lat . 2717 (copied for St. Amand), B.N. Lat. 4841, B.N. Lat . 7569 (Donatus and Bede), B.N. Lat . 11995 (Hesychius), B.N. Lat . 12296 (Radbert) an d 13174 {Acta Apostolorum). Hadoard himsel f copie s a tex t o f Radbert , an d a scrib e wh o cooperate s wit h Hadoard i n his patristic florilegiu m als o copies works b y Radber t an d Ratramnus . In vie w o f th e hterar y activit y a t Corbi e i n th e year s fro m 826-868 (Hadoard's own works cannot be securely dated ) a detailed stud y o f scriba l activit y may enabl e the chronology of both scribal and literary production to be very closely defined. I n characterizing the interests of the abbey it is necessary to explore the possibilities o f groupings o f book s whic h includ e importe d volumes , earl y volumes , an d perhap s borrowed exemplars. Such groupings can sometimes be identified b y the activities of a common annotato r i n disparat e volumes , mor e ofte n the y mus t b e inferre d fro m quotations. The literary activit y a t Corbie, includin g som e works whic h hav e bee n lost, offer s a unique insight int o th e purpos e o f a major Carolingia n library , onl y Rheims an d Lyon s ar e of comparabl e importance. 47 To understand ho w Corbi e approache d th e works o f classica l an d pagan author s we must turn to the surviving manuscripts. In the case of Liv y we are well equippe d to evaluate. The Third Decade was copied at Corbie into Florence, Laur. 63. 20 from the Puteanus , Paris , B.N . Lat . 5730, copied i n th e firs t hal f o f th e fift h centur y i n uncial, with minima l word division and a corrupt text, an d from it s copy, Vat. Reg . Lat. 762. The errors of Vat. Reg. Lat. 762 were studied by Shipley ; it was written at Tours by eight scribes c. 800, but neither they nor their two correctors improved the Puteanus text. 48 The problem s involve d i n copyin g th e Puteanu s ma y explai n wh y the scribes of the Corbie volume turned to the Tours volume as the exemplar for the later book s o f th e Thir d Decade . Alternatively , acces s t o th e Puteanu s ma y hav e ceased. But the text of the Corbie volume is the sole evidence that the Tours volume was loaned t o Corbie , o r that Corbi e scribe s copie d i t at Tours. Interest in Livy is unexpected in the ninth century; only Lupu s refers to him, and his reference ma y be at second hand. Manitius asserte d tha t Einhard rea d Livy, bu t his parallels do not convince.49 So interest in Livy depended on following up patristic references, o r o n copyin g hig h qualit y bu t difficul t Lat e Antiqu e codices . I n thi s context, i t i s ver y remarkabl e tha t Corbi e copie d bot h th e Firs t an d th e Thir d Decade. All that survives of the First Decade is a bifolium in Copenhagen, identifie d by Lehmann. 50 The tex t i s copie d i n tw o columns , a s in th e Florenc e volume , an d there is one marginal note, but no visible corrections. Othe r ninth century copie s of this Decade ar e found i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 5726, which belonged t o Lupus, and B.N . Lat. 5725, a mid-ninth centur y Frenc h copy , s o fa r unlocalized. 5! 47 48 49 50

Devisse, pp. 940-64, 1475-1514 . F. Shipley, Certain Sources of Corruption in Latin Manuscripts (New York 1904). M. Manitius, Einhard s Werke und ih r Stil, Neues Archiv 7 (1882), pp. 517-58. P. Lehmann, Skandinavische Reisefriichte, Abhandlunge n de r Bayerische n Akademi e de r Wlssen schaften 23 (Miinchen 1944) (I am grateful t o Dr. M . T. Gibson for examinin g this fragment fo r me. ) 51 L. D. Reynolds, Texts and Transmission, p. 208.

58

The corrections i n Florence , Laur . 63.20 occasionally rejec t emendation s i n th e exemplar, eithe r fo r a conjecture o r fo r th e origina l text . Bu t despit e th e detaile d analysis of hands in the Oxford Classical Text edition, there is no attempt to date the hands of the correctors. The decision to emend the text shows that the lessons of the grammarians wer e take n seriously a t Corbie, fo r emendation, like judgment, i s on e of th e duties o f th e grammarian . To discus s th e classica l text s fro m Corbi e i t i s firs t necessar y t o distinguis h between texts copied for Corbie and those copied for export to other houses. In the case of fragments suc h as those in London o r Copenhagen i t may never be possible to determine if copies were made for the abbey hbrary or for export. While the bulk of Corbie' s holding s remaine d ther e unti l 1636, some volume s wer e procure d b y humanist scholar s befor e tha t date , an d th e lawye r an d collecto r Claud e Dupu y owned man y Corbi e writte n volumes. 52 B y studyin g th e transmissio n o f text s present a t Corbi e th e extan t volume s provid e a measure o f th e abbey' s link s wit h other centre s o f learnin g throughout th e Carolingia n empire . As Bischof f recognized , th e palace libraries o f Charlemagn e an d Louis th e Piou s were o f prim e importance. Bot h Adalhard , Wala and Radbert wer e i n contact wit h these courts, but the presumed date of th e copies made at Corbie suggest that many of th e exemplar s use d wer e availabl e only afte r c. 843. The hbrar y o f Charlemagn e was sol d o n hi s death , bu t i t i s clea r tha t th e cour t cop y o f th e Libri Carolini remained there until Hincmar copie d them , an d Charlemagne's cop y o f th e Regula Benedicti was copied in 817. 53 Gospel Books were donated by Louis the Pious to St. Medard, an d perhaps t o Lorsch , an d the Harleianus o f Vitruvius, th e Moor e Bede , and th e Oblongus o f Lucretiu s al l see m t o hav e lef t th e cour t librar y durin g th e course o f th e nint h century . Th e bul k o f th e classica l text s liste d i n th e librar y catalogue i n Berlin , Die z B . Sant . 66 can onl y b e trace d i n thei r copies , man y o f which are linked to Corbie. The collection of speeches and letters excerpted from the Bella and the Historiae o f Sallus t in this list was copied in Vat. Lat. 3864 at Corbie, and excerpt s wer e copie d int o Ber n 357 at Auxerre , perhap s fro m th e Corbi e volume.M (Hadoard of Corbie also had access to a text of the Catilina andjugurtha, so fa r unidentified. ) Th e Puteanu s o f Livy , a splendi d tw o colum n Lat e Antiqu e volume, ma y hav e been a t the court, though there ar e no clea r signs o f Carolingia n ownership. It was copied at Tours c. 800 and at Corbie in the mid-ninth century. The palace library had a codex of Martial, as did Lorsch, but neither survives. The Corbie volume of Martial, Paris, B.N. Lat . 8067, is linked textually to two other Carolingian 52 S.Solente, Le s Manuscrits de s Dupuy a la Bibliotheque Nationale , BECh 88 (1927), pp. 177-250. For the thefts, cf. Delisle, p. 137 and Bonnefons's manuscrip t history of Corbie, Paris, B.N. Lat . 17142 fol. 83v. in Us non ultimefuere clarissimi viri Massonius Pithoeus, Bissonius in suprema praeses, Rozois an Hie Sylvancetensis Episcopus sed prae ceteris ... Jacobo Sirmondus, Andreas Duchesne et Thuanus, quern addiscimus vel una vice quinque aut sex ingentia volumma a se selectorum dolia stratagente abstulisse. A similar account is found o n ff. 54-55 of Paris, B.N. Lat . 18370, cf. Delisle, pp. 133-6; de Merindol, pp. 73-8. Petau owned Reg. Lat. 1674 (Servius). Dupuy owned Paris, B.N. Lat . 1662, 4950, 6503, 7494, 7499, 7501, 7539, 7714, 7886, 8051, and Berlin, Phillipps 1865, de Thou owned Paris, B.N. Lat. 1623 (Tertullian), 67% (Pliny). I hav e examine d Sirmond' s paper s i n Paris , an d ca n fin d n o evidence that h e purloined Corbi e volumes , thoug h h e edited Ennodiu s an d church councils. 53 Bischoff, MS III, pp. 166-7. 54 Reynolds, Texts and Transmission, pp. 341-9.

59

volumes fro m Northern France , Edinburgh Advocates Librar y 18.3.1 and Vat. Lat . 3294, from Auxerre. 55 Statius, als o i n th e palac e librar y o f Charlemagne , an d a t York , wa s know n t o Radbert.56 The earlies t extan t cop y o f th e Thebaid an d Achillei d i s a volume fro m Corbie which copies an Insular exemplar. 57 The Harley manuscript o f Vitruvius has been attributed to the palace scriptorium by Bischoff, th e work was known to Alcuin and Einhard and was copied a t Corbie an d Soissons. 58 Two Lat e Antique codice s wer e copied a t the court o f Loui s th e Pious, and the n recopied at Corbie. A Corbie copy of the Aratea, an d a Fulda copy (now Basel, A N IV18) both correct the text copied into the richly decorated Leiden, Voss. Lat. Q 79, apparently correctin g i t agains t it s exemplar. 59 The tex t wa s also copie d a t Laon. A second de luxe illuminated copy of a Late Antique exemplar was the copy of texts of the Roman Agrimensores i n Vat. Pal. Lat. 1564. The volume, copied in the region of Aachen, was correcte d i n chancery script. M A los t cop y serve d a s the exempla r fo r Wolfenbuettel, Gud . Lat . 105, a manuscrip t writte n a t Corbi e i n th e mid-nint h century, which faithfull y copie s th e illustrations . Other importan t centre s i n contac t wit h Corbi e ma y b e identifie d b y thei r possession o f manuscript s whic h belon g t o th e sam e textua l famil y a s a Corbi e codex. This ma y hav e involve d acces s t o a volume fro m Corbie , a s i n th e cas e o f Lupus of Ferrieres ' copy o f th e texts o f Cicer o in the Leiden corpus. Alternatively , alien volumes may have been copied a t Corbie, as in the Avranches copy o f Cicero , Orator an d de Oratore, fro m th e Loire , whic h wa s correcte d b y Hadoard , an d served a s th e sourc e o f th e excerpt s fro m th e de Oratore i n his florilegium. 61 I t i s noteworthy that Auxerre often copied the same texts as Corbie, they shar e copies of the Cato Maior, Martial , Martianus Capella, an d the excerpts from Sallust . Soisson s like Corbie copied the text of Vitruvius and Cicero's Tusculans. (The Corbie copy of the Tusculans, used by Radbert and Hadoard, is lost.) Tours also owned texts of th e de Inventione (Paris , B.N . Lat . 7774 A) wit h a fragmen t o f th e Ad Herrenium, corrected b y Lupus , of th e Somnium Scipionis with th e commentar y o f Macrobius , also corrected by Lupus (Paris, B.N. Lat . 6370) followed b y the Cato Maior, an d of the de Officiis (Paris, B.N. Lat . 6347). Fleury als o had copies o f Macrobiu s an d the Cato Maior i n Vat. Reg. Lat. 1587 + Paris, B.N. Lat . 16677, and Leiden, Voss. Lat. F 12 + F 122. Both thes e volume s shar e correction s relate d t o thos e i n th e Corbi e manuscript, and Paris, B.N. Lat. 16677 copies the verse colophon also found in Paris, B.N. Nouv . Acq . Lat . 454 from Corbie. 62 Ther e wa s als o a cop y o f th e Bellum 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62

60

M. D. Reeve, Texts and Transmission, pp . 239-44. Ep.Ars, p . 25. Ed. O.W.Dilk e (Cambridg e 1954); Reeve, Texts and Transmission, pp . 394-7. Paris, B.N.Lat. 10227; Escorial, F II I 19 apparently copie d fro m th e Harleianus. Reynolds , Texts and Transmission, pp . 440-5; Bischoff, MS III , p . 282. Ed. D. B. Gain, The Aratus ascribed to Germanicus Caesar (London 1976), esp. p. 8 on Paris, B.N. Lat . 7886. C. L. Verkerk, Aratea , Revie w o f th e Literatur e concernin g M s Vossianus Lat . Q 79 in Leiden , University Library , Journal of Medieval History 6 (1980) , pp. 245-87. F.Miitherich, De r karolingisch e Agrimensoren-Code x i n Rom , Aachener Kunstbldtter 45 (1974) , pp. 59-74. R. H. Rouse, Texts and Transmission, p. 104. MGH Poetae VI , p. 169.

Gallicum a t Fleury , Paris , B.N . Lat . 5763, from th e sam e exempla r a s th e Corbi e volume. In the case of Terence and Columella, the Corbie copy is linked to other copies of a lost exemplar . Th e Terence , Paris , B.N . Lat . 7900, is a member o f th e famil y o f illustrated manuscripts linked to Vat. Lat. 3868, copied by the scribe Hrodgarius and the artis t Aldericu s fo r th e cour t hbrar y o f Loui s th e Pious . Thi s wa s copie d a t Rheims i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 7899 and i n th e regio n o f Pari s in th e fragmen t Lyon s B.M., M S 788 ff. 91-97. w Th e Corbi e cop y o f Columell a (Leningrad , Clas s Lat . F v I), comes from th e same archetype as Milan, Ambr. L 85, made a t Fulda, bu t it has the better text, sharing three errors with the excerpts made by Walahfrid Strabo, and copied into St. Gall 878. This may imply that the source for all three copies was a lost code x i n the hbrary a t Fulda. 64 The case of Servius is of particular interest, since this text was the most extensively copied classical author at Corbie. Leiden, BPL 52 is a Maurdramnus copy, the oldest witness t o th e S traditio n o f th e text , a s define d b y Murgia , wit h extensiv e grammatical annotations . I t wa s copie d quaternio n b y quaternio n fro m th e exem plar. By th e mid-ninth centur y severa l o f th e lost quaternions of th e exemplar were supplied at Corbie, and two of these survive, deriving from a different tradition from the rest of the manuscript. A ninth century fragment of Servius from Corbie , owned by de Thou, is in Paris, B.N. Lat . 7761, a miscellany which he assembled. Vat. Reg. Lat. 1674 is a mid ninth centur y copy. w Only in the case of the Cato Maior, Martianus Capella, and Priscian can we follo w the stud y o f classica l text s a t Corbi e beyon d th e leve l o f rudimentar y margina l annotations. (Th e natur e o f th e glosse s o n thes e text s i s discusse d i n th e followin g chapter.) Elsewhere if texts were formally studied, this must have been in unrecorded discussions. But thoug h w e hav e al l to o littl e evidenc e o f ho w an d wh y classica l text s wer e studied (with the notable exception of Hadoard's florilegium), we have very considerable evidenc e o f th e car e wit h whic h Corbi e copie s o f classica l author s wer e corrected. I n many case s thi s was no t simpl y a n attempt t o eliminat e scriba l error s introduced b y a careless copyist; it involved a process of emendation. The Agrimensores, th e de Inventione, Columell a an d Livy , Macrobiu s an d th e younge r Pliny , Vegetius, Martia l an d Statiu s al l sho w carefu l correction s b y a secon d hand . Th e clearest and fullest evidence for such emendation is found in Hadoard's work on the text o f Cicero , wher e w e hav e bot h th e manuscript s whic h h e used , copie s mad e under his supervision after he had emended the text, and the excerpts included in his florilegium. I n Hadoard' s wor k o n Cicer o w e ca n follo w th e Corbi e traditio n o f classical scholarshi p mos t fully . Radbert' s extensiv e quotation s fro m Cicer o i n hi s commentary on Matthew do not include any of the texts in the Leiden corpus. These texts firs t surfac e i n th e unidentifie d Norther n Frenc h scriptoriu m i n whic h Voss. Lat. F 84 was copied. This volume, know n t o editor s a s B, had reached Rheim s b y 63 Reeve, Texts and Transmission, pp. 416-7. 64 Reeve, Texts and Transmission, pp . 146-7; AJosephson, Die Columella-Handschriften (Uppsal a 1955) with plates. 65 C. Murgia, Prologomena to Servius V: The Manuscripts, Universit y o f Californi a Publications , Classical Studies 11 (1975).

61

the fifteent h century . (I t wa s no t copie d there. ) Fro m th e sam e archetyp e deriv e Voss. Lat . F 86 and Vienna 189, the former from a different, unidentified , Norther n French scriptorium, an d the latter from Ferrieres . These tw o volumes , know n a s A and V respectively, diffe r fro m B i n bein g a t on e remov e fro m B' s archetype , an d preserving a less good text. Both A and B have been corrected extensively soo n afte r completion. One of the hands which corrects A is also found correctin g B, and afte r A and B had been corrected against each other, at Corbie, a copy of the philosophical corpus wa s mad e fro m the m there , unde r Hadoard' s supervision . Thi s d e lux e volume, which contains two title pages with an arcade with two medallions, contains a content s lis t i n th e han d o f th e Corbi e librarian . Thi s lis t ma y impl y tha t th e volume (Florence , Sa n Marc o 257) remained a t Corbi e unti l i t wa s presente d t o Strassburg b y Bisho p Werinhar (1001-1028). It served a s the source o f th e excerpt s quoted b y Hadoard i n his florilegium. Both th e productio n o f th e Florence volume , an d the correction s mad e t o A , B , and F have bee n expertl y studie d b y P.L . Schmidt , wh o firs t identifie d Hadoard' s presence in A and who established the chronology o f correction. 66 Hadoard correc ted B with th e ai d o f A , thoug h moder n editor s regar d som e o f hi s correction s a s errors copie d fro m A . B wa s the n correcte d fro m th e correcte d versio n o f A b y a scribe who sometime s misunderstoo d Hadoard' s corrections, an d sometimes emen ded them. For the production of F, B was chosen as the exemplar for the de Natura Deorum, an d th e de Divinatione, th e firs t text s i n th e corpus , bu t when th e scrib e came to copy the Timaeus he turned to A, a manuscript in less disorder, and used this to copy th e remainde r o f th e Corpus. This ma y hav e been befor e th e correctio n o f the secon d par t o f B agains t A. 67 F , copie d fro m A an d B , ma y hav e bee n th e manuscript used by Lupus to correct his own copy of the Leiden corpus, Vienna 189, but Lupu s is not directl y responsibl e fo r any o f th e corrections i n A o r B. For th e correction o f F , reading s foun d i n A wer e ofte n altere d t o reading s foun d i n B , i n some cases readings of B after correction ar e chosen, but in one case a reading o f B before correction is chosen in preference t o a reading rejected by B's corrector. S o F may have been copied during the process of correction of B. Some attempts to emend F fail, bu t their boldness i s noteworthy. 68 A an d B wer e copie d i n differen t centre s i n norther n France , fro m a n exempla r which wa s i n som e disorder , containin g a ver y mutilate d tex t o f th e Topic a an d which was copied in a minuscule scriptura continua. In order to produce F, Hadoard had t o procur e copie s o f bot h A an d B , an d the n chos e t o correc t the m an d t o improve th e orde r o f thei r texts , identifyin g interpolate d passage s fro m on e wor k which ha d becom e interleave d wit h another . H e wa s ofte n a t faul t i n hi s majo r corrections, bu t his recognition o f incorrec t word division and of stylisti c errors , as well a s of scriba l oversights , was not unsuccessful . At th e sam e tim e a s this collectio n o f classica l author s wa s bein g assemble d an d corrected, th e abbe y copie d a n importan t corpu s o f earl y patristi c texts . I n severa l cases the volumes ar e the work o f th e sam e scribes , an d they shar e the eleganc e o f 66 P.L.Schmidt, Die Cberlieferung von Cicero's Schrift de Legibus in Mittelalter und Renaissance (Munich 1974). 67 Schmidt, p. 152 and note 8. 68 ius to iustitia ius aeque i n B: at de Legibus I 48.

62

presentation. Paris , B.N. Lat . 1623, TertuUian, Apologeticum^ i s textually ver y clos e to Leningrad , Lat . Q v I 40, which cam e t o Corbi e fro m Charlemagne' s palac e hbrary.69 Leningrad , Lat . Q v I 38-39 is a cop y o f Philastriu s de Haeresibus, TertuUian (Novatianus) de Cibis Judaicis and the letters of Barnabas and James. B.N. Lat. 1662 contains Lactantius , Institutiones, de Opificio Dei. Paris , B.N. Lat . 2122, Paulinus of Nola , Epistolae, Carmina; Paris , B.N. Lat . 12125, Origen, de Principiis, preceded b y Pamphihus , Apologeticum Origenis, bot h translate d b y Rufinus. 70 The abbey als o owne d tw o volume s containin g work s b y Cyprian , Paris , B.N . Lat . 12126, containing letter s an d treatise s whic h hav e bee n ver y heavil y correcte d an d Paris, B.N . Lat . 17349, Cyprian, Epistolae, Passio; Augustinus, de Immortalitate Animae; Orosius , Liber Apologeticus. n O f th e writing s o f Gree k father s i n Lati n translation Leningrad , Lat . Q v I 46 contains Gregor y Nazianzenus , Apologeticum, de Epiphaniis, de Pentecosten, de Hieremia, de Reconciliatione Monachorum, de Grandinis Vastatione. 72 Paris , B.N. Lat . 11955 is a copy o f th e Lati n translatio n o f Hesychius o n Leviticus , als o a t Fleur y an d Lorsch 73 a work use d b y Radbertus . Paris, B.N . La t 12141 is a coUection o f sermon s b y John Chrysostom , Leningrad , Lat. Q v I 33 a unique copy of his de Sacerdotio (quoted by Hilduin of St. Denis and Hadoard). Anothe r rar e wor k i s Paris , B.N . Lat . 13385, Salvian, de Gubernatione Dei, quote d b y Ratramnu s i n 850.74 The work s o f Ennodiu s ar e found i n MS Vat. Lat. 3803, which was copied in the northern French manuscript Lambeth Palace 325. Corbie playe d a major rol e i n th e transmissio n o f th e work s o f Fortunatus . Paris , B.N. Lat. 8090 was copied there, as was Laon 46975 and Vat. Reg. Lat. 329 which also contains Aldhel m an d Symphosius , providin g a n antholog y o f Christia n verse . A ninth century copy of Fulgentius de Remissione Peccatorum, and Tyconius Regula is in Paris , B.N. Lat . 12235. A uniqu e tex t is B.N. Lat . 12309, Johannes Diaconus , in Heptateucben, a florilegium quotin g Origen , HUary , Didymus , Eucherius , Augu stine, Gregory an d a lost commentar y o f Victor of Capua . Leiden , Voss. Lat . F 58 contains th e work s o f th e Africa n bisho p Verecundus in Cantica, an d Phoebadius , Contra Arrianos. In Paris , B.N . Lat . 13331 is a Corbi e cop y o f th e de Singularitate Clericorum ascribed t o Augustine , foUowe d b y th e Easter sermons o f Gaudentiu s o f Brescia , a letter of Pope Innocent I st and an extract from HUarius de Synodis apparently copied from Rheim s 369. The works o f Augustin e datin g from the mid century ar e Paris, B.N. Lat . 12213, de Baptismo Parvulorum, de unico Baptismo, de Spiritu et Littera, with , o n th e flyleaf, the incipit o f a charter o f Loui s th e Pious, copie d i n chancery script . Paris, B.N. Lat . 12208 contains Augustinus, de Natura et Origine Animae, B.N . Lat. 12210 his de Pastoribus. Paris , B.N. Lat . 12221 contra Cresconium Donatistum an d B.N . 69 CC I, p . 85 ff. 70 Origines de Principiis, ed H. Gorgemans, H . Karpp (Darmstadt 1976), MS G, p . 37-43. 71 P. Petitmengin suggests that this volume was copied at Corbie for Compiegne c. 876. Sous la Regie de St-Benoit (Geneva , Paris 1982), p. 407. 72 The de Pentecosten is quoted b y Ratramnus . 73 Siegmund p . 87-8. 74 This manuscript i s the oldest witness , the text of Salvia n was also excerpted in Bern 109. (Salvien de Marseilles, Oeuvres, ed . G . Lagange (Paris 1975), pp. 45-6). 75 With flyleaf note s from Heiri c Vita S. Germani, adde d at Laon, Contreni pp. 149-50.

63

Lat. 13362 the de Cathecizandis Rudibus. 76 B.N . Lat . 13360 is a collection o f shor t treatises by Augustine, B.N. Lat . 11637 is the second volume of a de luxe copy of the de Civitate Dei i n tw o columns . Paris , B.N . Lat . 12212 consists o f tw o volumes , bound togethe r fro m th e mid-nint h centur y containin g Augustinus , de nuptiis et concupiscentia, an d contra Julianum, an d a collection of 34 letters, identified b y their recipients, rathe r tha n thei r subjec t matter . There ar e tw o volume s o f sermon s b y Augustine, Paris , B.N . Lat . 12202 and B.N . Lat . 13387 (Augustini et Valeriani Homeliae). Paris, B.N. Lat . 12137 contains various treatise s o f Ambrose , i n the first par t the de Noe, de Abraham, de Isaac, i n th e secon d th e de David; de Patriarcbis; de Paenitentia an d de Excessu Fratris. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12156 Jerome, in Danielem i s the only mi d centur y volum e o f Jerom e copie d a t Corbie . Paris , B.N . Lat . 12098 is a Corbie written copy of the Codex encyclicus of Chalcedon, deriving from the copy in Charlemagne's library. 77 I t i s th e onl y extan t cop y o f thi s text , whic h wa s use d a t Vivarium b y Cassiodorus . The mid ninth century saw a greater use of systematic texts, and this is reflected i n the works of Corbie authors. Such texts came to the hbrary in the mid-ninth century. They includ e Amien s 404, ff. 108-70, Aristoteles Latinus , Categoriae, Paris , B.N . Lat. 7539; Marius Victorinus, Grammatica, a work fro m th e cour t library , whic h was also at St. Amand and Lorsch, 78 volumes of Boethius Paris, B.N. Lat . 12960, his commentary o n the Perihermeneas; B.N. Lat . 13956 also contains this commentary , preceded b y th e Perihermeneas i n Apuleius * translation , B.N . Lat . 13020 the de Musica, an d th e Pseudo-Boethia n Geometria. B.N . Lat . 14080 is a copy o f th e de Musica, with its glosses, supplemented by Boethius , de Arithmetica. The grammati cal treatis e o f Virgilius Mar o Grammaticu s i s found i n a mid-ninth centur y Corbi e copy, Amiens , 426, ff. 30-47v . Carolingian works copied at the abbey are mainly the writings of Corbi e authors. Radbert's biographie s ar e contained i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 18926, ff. 36-67; V.A. an d 13909 Ep.Ars. Paris , B.N . Lat . 12296, Radbert, in Matthaeum I - I V serve d a s th e exemplar fo r Lao n 67, which ha s correction s b y th e autho r an d wa s owne d b y Martin o f Laon. 79 The onl y extan t cop y o f Book s V-VIII, Roue n 141, was mad e at Corbie i n the nint h century . I t was als o correcte d b y th e autho r an d later cam e t o Jumieges. Paris, B.N. Lat. 12294, Radbert, in Lamentationes remaine d at Corbie. N o Corbie owne d copie s o f th e Eucharisti c treatise s hav e survived , bu t Arra s 775 and Ghent 909 were both copied there, and the Ghent volume als o contains Ratramnus, de Praedestinatione, a text composed in 850.80 Paris, B.N. Lat. 2863 is a Corbie copy of Ratramnus, Contra Grecorum Opposita, a s is Vat. Reg. Lat . 151. Three poems b y Engelmodus, monk of Corbi e and later bishop o f Soissons, are found i n Paris, B.N. Lat. 7499, ff. 59-62, after Priscian, Institutiones XVI I and XVIII.81 B.N. Lat. 12288 is a text of books VI-X of Ambrosius Autpertus, in Apocalypsin. A second unique text 76 77 78 79 80 81

64

Also in Laon 131 and Rouen 469. Bischoff, MS III, p.152. Bischoff, Lorsch im Spiegel seiner Handschriften (Munic h 1974), pp. 66, 89 . Contreni, pp . 112-3. J. N. Bakhuisen van den Brink, Ratramnus de Corpore et Sanguine Domini (Amsterda m 1974), p. 10. MGH Poetae III , pp. 54-66, quoting Fortunatus an d Ovid, Ex Ponto.

is found i n the quire bound into the miscellaney Paris, B.N. Lat . 8093 at ff. 39-47, a Carolingian metrical version of the psalms. The text is incomplete, but is transmitted in a tw o colum n manuscrip t o f characteristi c Corbi e elegance . Othe r volume s o f Carolingian authors, annotated at Corbie but not copied there, are discussed below . The mid-nint h centur y Corbi e scriptoriu m ha d ver y hig h standard s o f boo k production. The uniformit y o f scrip t makes Corbi e written volumes readil y identi fiable, th e qualit y o f th e scrip t ha d a formative influenc e o n th e Enghs h Carolin e minuscule of the later tenth century. But in an age where copies of texts were seldom standardized, th e accessibility o f a text depended o n the layout o f a manuscript. A t Corbie, b y the mid-ninth century, volumes were provided with content lists on the front flyleaf . The spacin g o f chapte r divisions an d the use of coloure d title s made it possible to leaf through and locate a work by searching for a change in the colour of the ink, and to follow up a reference. I t is noteworthy that Ratramnus often specifie s in whic h sermon , o r chapter , h e ha s foun d a tex t tha t h e quotes . I t wa s mor e common t o refe r merel y t o th e title , an d sa y "furthe r on " if ther e wer e a secon d quotation. I n th e cas e o f th e longes t mi d nint h centur y text , th e Cit y o f God , a chapter list wa s provided . Volumes whic h ha d reache d th e Corbi e hbrar y b y th e end o f th e ninth century , but whic h wer e writte n elsewhere , testif y t o th e abbey' s importan t contact s wit h other religious houses, and to the diligence of the librarians. Paris, B.N. Lat . 11671-2 and 12247-8 are volumes from a set of Gregory, Moralia, copie d at Tours, but used at Corbie b y Ratramnus. 82 Paris, B.N. Lat . 13388 is a Tours written Liber Precum.™ Italian volume s a t Corbi e b y th e mid-nint h centur y ar e Leningrad , Lat . Q v I 3 Augustinus, ad Simplicianum, Contra Epistulam Fundamenti, de Agone Christiana, de Doctrina Christiana I-II . This was copied in North Afric a aroun d 400 A.D. and came via Italy, where it was annotated in Latin and Greek. 84 Paris , B.N. Lat . 12634 contains th e Regula Serapionis; Evagrius Sententia; Regula Augustini; Regula Eugipii; Ephraem , Admonitio, copie d i n Ital y i n the sixth centur y wit h Carolin e corrections mad e a t Corbie o n ff . 8r , 13v , 143v , 149v . Berlin , Lat . 43 is a unique copy o f Irenaeus. Paris, B.N. Lat . 13027 Isidore Etymologiae wit h an Easter poem addressed to Charlemagne . The nint h century Corbi e librarian, whose hs t of th e contents o f a volume often establishe s Corbie provenance, is found on the flyleaves o f Paris, B.N. Lat. 4950, Justinus, an d 7494, Diomedes an d Probus, with th e dedicatory poem t o Charlemagne.85 Of Carolingia n author s Paris , B.N . Lat . 12292 contains Gottschalk , Confessio Brevior, Florus , Adversus Johannem Scottum, Lupu s de Praedestinatione, thoug h it is not clear when this heavily annotate d volume reached Corbie. (It was there in the twelfth century. ) Paris , B.N . Lat . 13386 ff. 103-58 contains Johanne s Scottus , de Praedestinatione wit h importan t polemica l annotation s critica l o f th e author' s doc trine. Amien s 223 is a Fuld a cop y o f Hrabanu s Maurus , de Laudibus Sanctae 82 Vezin, pp. 95-6. 83 A. Wilmart, Precum Lihelli Quattuor Aevi Karolini (Rom e 1940), pp. 61-106. 84 A. Mutzenbecher, Code x Leningra d Q v I 3 (Corbie). Ei n Beitra g z u seine r Beschreibung , Sacris Erudiri 18 (1967/8), pp. 406-50. 85 Bischoff, ^ 5 1 , p. 60.

65

Crucis. * Paris, B.N. Lat . 13029, Smaragdus, Liber in Partibus Donati, wa s copied in Brittany bu t was annotate d a t Corbie b y th e tenth century. 87 By the secon d hal f o f th e century Corbi e scribe s were working a t Corvey . Thei r influence ha s bee n trace d b y Bischof f i n MS . Wolfenbuettel , Gud . Lat . 132, Vitruvius, Martianu s etc . Wolfenbuettel , Gud . Lat . 179, Prosper, Le o Epistulae, Hieronymus. Prague , Cim. 2, a gospel boo k wit h excellen t cano n tables , evangelis t portraits an d scene s o f th e callin g o f th e evangelists , frame d title s an d initials . Stuttgart, H B XI V 7 Rimbert, Vita Anskarii (pos t 865), Liverpool, Cathedra l Library MS. 59: Agius, Computus (876-882), and Munich, Cg m 25 the Old Saxo n Heliand.M A fragmen t o f a Corbi e litan y i n Berlin , Theol. Lat . 452 (Lehmann p . 169f.) was also at Corvey. Corve y owned a n early copy o f Paschasiu s Radbertus, in Lamentationes, Karlsruhe , Aug . CXLVI . Th e earlies t volume s alread y sho w tha t scribes were developing a n independent scrip t at Corvey, thoug h they ha d receive d their training from Corbi e scribes . Lost work s presen t i n th e Carolingia n hbrar y ca n b e inferre d fro m quotations . They include Augustinus, de Trinitate, Origen , in Matthaeum, Boethius , de Consolatione Philosophiae, and an important manuscrip t o f TertuUian. 89 In contrast to many importan t Carolingia n houses , Corbie was a richly endowe d royal foundation, an d there is no evidence for any decline in its fortunes until Wala's exile in 830. By 700 it was obtaining books from Italy , and as well a s the meditative and spiritual writings of Gregory and Isidore which feature among the earliest books at Freising and Luxeuil, it also had a substantial numbe r of majo r works o f patristi c theology, includin g th e Cit y o f God . Althoug h ther e wa s a cop y o f Paterius * systematic rearrangemen t o f Gregory' s Moralia t o furnis h a commentary o n scrip ture, neither Defensor' s florilegiu m no r Taio's Sententiae supplemente d thi s syste matic orderin g o f Gregory' s writings . B y th e mid-nint h centur y Corbi e ha d a complete se t o f th e Moralia, procure d fro m Tours , an d a complet e cop y o f Augustine's Ennarationes in Psalmos, i n contras t t o th e incomplete se t fro m St . Riquier. The mos t surprisin g omissio n i s Bede' s Historia Ecclesiastica, present i n Charlemagne's court library and used at Murbach as an indiculus of Bede's works to enable th e library t o obtai n them all. 90 The commentarie s o n th e Song o f Song s b y Apponius an d Justus of Urge l wer e present at Murbach and St. Riquier, though no t at Corbie, bu t they ar e the onl y notabl e gap s i n patristic holdings. Onl y a t Lorsc h were ther e comparabl e holding s fo r Origen. 91 Th e hbrar y seem s t o hav e lacke d grammatical corpora on the scale of the thirty volumes at St. Riquier, or the volumes 86 H.G.Mueller, De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis, Beihefte zu m Mittellateinischen Jahrbuch 11 (1973), MS C pp . 85-7. This manuscript is close to Trinity College , Cambridg e B . 16 3, copied a t Canterbury i n the tenth century. %7 Ed . L. Holtz, CCCM 66, p.xx. 88 B. Bischoff, Di e Heima t de r Munchener Helian d Handschrift , MS III, pp. 112-9. 89 E. Dekkers, Notes su r les fragments recemmen t decouvert s d e Tertullien, Sacris Erudiri 4 (1952) , pp. 372-83. The volum e wa s use d b y Pameliu s i n 1579, and was know n t o William of Malmesbury , cf. R. Thomson, Identifiabl e Book s from th e pre-conquest Librar y o f Malmesbur y Abbey , Anglo-Saxon England 10 (1982) , pp. 1-19. The Leide n fragmen t i s i n a script aki n t o mi d ninth centur y Corbi e script, cf. G. Lieftinck, Vigiliae Christianae V (1951), pp. 193-201. 90 W.Milde, Der BibUothekskatalog des Kbsters Murbach aus dem 9. Jahrhundert (Heidelber g 1%8) . 91 Siegmund, pp. 110-23.

66

hsted a t Reichenau, no r di d i t hav e majo r anthologie s o f Christia n poets . Anothe r notable ga p is secular legal texts . Corbi e was never closely linke d t o a bishopric, as were the monastic hbrarie s a t Freising, St . Emmeram a t Regensburg, o r St. Peter at Salzburg. A t bot h Murbac h an d Reichenau , comparabl e wit h Corbi e i n thei r independence fro m episcopa l control , th e hbrar y catalogue s hav e a headin g de Legibus. Nothin g comparabl e survive s fro m Corbie . There ar e no extan t copie s o f Carohngian capitularies , eve n though Adalhard an d Wala were bot h administrator s who promulgated them , and Adalhard's lost de Ordine Palatii discusse d the subject in some detail . Another omissio n i s evidenc e o f th e hbrary' s strength . Non e o f Hrabanus ' commentaries i s present, no r did th e hbrary ow n hi s de Institutione Clericorum o r his de Universo. Kottje' s stud y o f th e disseminatio n o f th e de Institutione Clericorum shows tha t the work wa s chiefly rea d in Germany, althoug h a copy survive s from Tours. 92 Corbi e ha d a rich se t o f Bede' s commentaries , an d it s holding s o f works o f Augustine , Jerome an d Orige n covere d mos t book s o f th e Bible. Though Gottschalk cam e t o Corbi e fro m Fulda , h e di d no t promot e contac t wit h Fuld a exegesis. No r doe s Adalhard's friendshi p wit h Alcuin seem to have spurred Corbi e to secure copies of Alcuin's abridgements of patristic works on Ecclesiastes or John, or his treatise s agains t Adoptionism . Th e transmissio n o f contemporar y author s i n the ninth century needs more systematic study, though the absence of poetic corpora of Carolingian authors suggests that their verse never achieved the same status as the poems of Fortunatus or Aldhelm. Knowledge of their prose must have depended on personal contac t and personal recommendations . Though the abbey had a remarkable stock o f Carolingia n text s o n Predestination , i t di d no t hav e Annal s o r an y biography o f a Carolingia n ruler . No r ar e ther e copie s o f th e majo r Carolingia n synodal decrees , though bot h Radber t an d Odo , whil e abbot , participate d a t roya l synods. A s Kottj e ha s shown , Carolingia n legislativ e uniformit y apphe d onl y i n selective areas, 93 and the publication of bot h official an d unofficial text s depended as much o n th e interes t o f possibl e recipient s a s on th e intention s o f th e author . The landscape of Carohngia n learning was very different fro m that of Lat e Antiquity o r of the high middle ages, when it is possible to speak of a book trade. The interests of abbots and librarians were the main factor behind the growth of th e Corbie hbrary.

92 R. Kottje, Hrabanu s Maurus , Praeceptor Germaniae, Deutsches Archw 31 (1975), pp. 34-45. 93 R. Kottje, Einheit und Vielfalt des kirchlichen Lebens in der Karolingerzeit, Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte 76 (1965), pp. 324-42.

67

Ill THE EVIDENC E O F A N N O T A T I O N S

Carolingian annotation s hav e chiefl y bee n studie d i n orde r to observ e ho w indivi dual scholar s worke d wit h texts . Annotation s b y variou s identifie d Carolingia n writers have been found, both in copies of their own works and in works which they excerpted. I n som e case s the y incorporat e note s foun d i n earlie r recension s o f th e text, i n others the y revea l the searc h for patristi c o r canonical authorit y t o suppor t their author's views. But the pleasure and interest o f lookin g ove r the shoulder o f a known autho r shoul d no t blin d u s t o th e importanc e o f anonymous , truncate d o r scrappy marginal signs which, taken collectively, reveal a more general attitude to the authors studied. In an important paper, Bischoff dre w attention to crosses and other marks mad e wit h a dry point . Suc h note s hav e prove d importan t fo r th e stud y o f vernacular glosses. ! The pioneerin g wor k o n th e study o f Roma n shorthan d i n th e Carolingian empir e ha s not advance d a s rapidly, bu t i t has bee n possible t o se e the continuity i n the tradition o f stud y which thes e note s preserve. 2 Before applyin g th e lesson s o f suc h investigation s t o th e manuscript s fro m th e hbrary of Corbie , it is essentia l t o determin e what task s ar e involved. The stud y o f glosses an d annotation s require s a distinct vocabular y i n orde r t o determin e wha t sorts o f annotatio n eve n ver y fragmentar y note s ma y preserve . Th e Alexandria n critics of Home r had developed a set of critica l signs, which were hsted by Isidore. 3 The marginal index, sometimes expanded to form a marginal summary, hastened the identification o f lexica l noveltie s o r definitions o f terms . Reference mark s serve d t o identify quotation s o f authors , or of scriptura l passages , cite d i n the text. Note s o r signs o f approbatio n o r disapproval mad e it possible t o distinguis h th e opinion s o f heretic an d orthodo x authors , an d t o war n subsequen t reader s les t the y fal l int o error. Lastl y th e reade r migh t mak e note s t o assis t hi m i n formin g a n opinion . I n addition, marginali a an d pentrial s unrelate d t o th e tex t whic h preserve s the m survive.4 The critica l signs use d i n Alexandri a b y th e schoo l o f Aristarchu s i n edition s o f Homer wer e preserve d b y Varro an d Suetonius . Their us e i n Rom e seem s t o hav e been restricte d t o verse , an d suc h note s surviv e i n Lat e Antiqu e scholi a t o Terence and Juvenal. Jerome, following Origen , introduced them to editions of scripture, and 1 B. Bischoff, Ube r Einritzungen i n Handschriften de s fruhe n Mittelalters, MS I, pp. 88-93. 2 U.F.Kopp, Palaeographia Critica I & II (Mannhei m 1817); W.Schmitz, Commentarii Notarum Tironianarum (Leipzi g 1893); E. Chatelain, Introduction a I 3Etude des Notes Tironiennes (Paris 1903); P.Legendre, Etudes Tironiennes (Paris 1907). 3 R.Pfeiffer, History of Classical Scholarship I (Oxfor d 1968), pp. 178ff., 218f. ; J.Fontaine, Isidore de Seville et la Culture Classique dans VEspagne Wisigothique I (Paris 1959), p. 74. 4 J. Marenbon, From the Circle of Alcuin to the School of Auxerre (Cambridg e 1981), pp. 114-6.

68

Augustine implies that their use was standard. Our knowledge of them derives from the pagan Anecdoton Parisinum (preserved in a copy made at Monte Cassino , Paris, B.N. Lat . 7530ff.28r-29r) , fro m th e hs t i n Isidor e o f Seville , Etymologiae I , XX I (composed befor e 636, deriving fro m Suetonius , Jerome , Augustin e an d possibl y Sacerdos) an d from a further lis t i n Munich, Clm . 14429, written in Iris h scrip t o n the continen t in th e mid-nint h century . These sign s ar e found i n a seventh centur y Bobbio manuscript of Orosius, and were revived in the ninth century by Hincmar in his hfe o f St.Remigius , b y Floru s o f Lyon s an d by Heiri c o f Auxerre. 5 Any accoun t o f annotation s mus t recogniz e th e difficult y o f reconstructin g th e circumstances in which they were copied; they may have been dictated by a teacher, or copied fro m on e manuscrip t int o another , eithe r b y a teacher, hi s scribe , o r his pupil. Discussion s o f glosse s acknowledg e tha t their 'unity' of transmissio n is ofte n the creation of an editor; discussion of annotation must envisage a similar complexity of selectio n i n th e creatio n an d preservatio n o f marginalia . Bu t thi s shoul d no t obscure the evidence that some of the surviving glosses are the annotations of readers confronting a text. At Corbie , som e Lat e Antiqu e symbol s wer e used , an d the y ma y hav e derive d from Isidore , o r hav e bee n copie d fro m th e exempla r o f th e manuscript s i n whic h they were preserved. The Corbie owned manuscript of the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon, Paris, B.N. Lat . 11611, dating from the mid-ninth century, preserves the elaborate annotatin g symbol s o f th e sixth century canonis t Rusticius , als o found i n Paris, B.N . Lat . 1458. Other Lat e Antiqu e note s preserve d a t Corbi e ar e th e annotating symbols , combine d wit h Tironia n notes , i n th e Corbi e collectio n o f Merovingian cano n law , Paris , B.N. Lat . 12097, and the signs o f disapprobatio n i n the manuscript o f Rufinu s de Fide, Leningrad , Lat . Q v I 6, which war n the reader that th e wor k i s Pelagian , an d no t th e work o f Rufinu s th e translato r o f Origen. 6 Three Itaha n manuscripts o f Augustine , datin g from th e sixth century , hav e elaborate marginal indices in elegant glossing hands, summarizing and identifying notabl e passages. Amon g late r Corbi e manuscript s onl y Hadoard' s florilegium preserve s a comparable marginal inde x identifyin g definition s i n his excerpt s fro m Cicero . The detailed discussio n o f the annotations which survive from Corbi e shows that the context which produced these notes have implications which go well beyond the fragmentary evidenc e o f som e o f th e notes themselves . They offe r th e chief clu e t o the transmissio n o f tradition s an d explanation s o f th e author s rea d i n th e abbe y hbrary, and the contact between living and dead masters and disciples. The monastic school ha d t o absor b th e traditiona l pattern s o f learning , an d t o adap t the m t o it s needs, b y Christianizin g grammatica l teaching , replacin g pagan b y Christia n poets, and developin g a framewor k o f Christia n philosophy . A t Corbi e ther e i s ampl e evidence for the existence of a Carolingian school, an d for its importance in the hves of Corbi e theologians . Ansga r was sen t t o Corbi e durin g Adalhard's abbac y causa 5 Anecdoton Parisinum, ed . Keil , Grammatici Latini VII , pp. 533-6; cf. S.F.Bonner , Anecdoton Parisinum Hermes 88 (1960) , pp. 354-60. U. Schindel, Textkritische s z u de n lateinische n Figurenlehen , Glotta 52 (1974) , pp.95-114. P.L.Schmidt, Isido r un d Sueton , FS Vogt. Hincmar' s symbol s MGH SRM HI , pp. 258-9 and J. Devisse, Hincmar, Archeveque de Reims, I I pp. 1021-37. Florus, C. Charlier, Les manuscrits personnels d e Florus de Lyon, Melanges E. Podechard (Lyon s 1945), pp. 71-84. 6 O.Dobiache-Rozdestvenskaia, L e manuscrit Q v I 6-10, Speculum V (1930), pp. 30-2, pi. I-II.

69

discendi litteras. 7 H e wa s th e magister scolae ad sanctum Petrum 1 whe n a pupi l named Fulbert was struc k wit h th e writing tablet s o f a fellow pupi l an d killed. 9 I n 823 he was sent to Corve y ut inibi officio fungeretur docendi. 10 Peltie r beheved tha t Radbert wa s als o a schoolmaste r a t Corbie , wher e Wari n seem s t o hav e bee n hi s pupil, an d Bouho t regard s Ratramnu s a s Radbert's successor. 11 Th e canon s o f th e 816 council o f Aache n ordaine d tha t th e scholar s shoul d b e taugh t t o lear n th e psalter, the cantica and hymns by heart, and then taught to learn the Rule, the Liber Comitis, an d the n traine d t o rea d th e scriptur e an d thos e wh o expounde d it , th e Collations an d th e Vitae Patrum, wit h th e maste r readin g an d hi s pupils listening . After the y ha d mastere d these , the y coul d procee d t o th e ar t o f literatur e an d t o spiritual flowers. 12 This programm e i s als o implici t i n Hildemar's Commentar y o n the Rule o f St . Benedict , which recommend s tha t the pupils rea d illorum doctorum expositiones in quorum libris non invenitur error, sicuti est Augustinus et Gregorius she Ambrosius, et ceteri alii patres catholici. n Hi s ow n expositio n i s conceived a s a set of lectures, and he is described in the text as magister. His concern to understand the Rule through a network o f etymological exegesis , which often seem s to overru n the requirements o f th e text, i s much mor e comprehensibl e onc e i t is clea r that the Rule i s th e firs t tex t whic h th e pupil s confront , s o tha t th e expositio n i s bot h a n explanation of Benedict's teaching, and an introduction to scholastic method. This is why hi s exposition include d Isidore' s etymolog y fo r Psalterium an d Jejunium, an d long excerpt s from Cassian . Passages in Hildemar's commentar y giv e a remarkable insight into how monasti c reading took place : I studspatium, quod post vigilias restat usque mane, inserviatur i. e. praeoccupetur a fratribus: a quibus fratribusf i.e. ab Mis, qui indigent aliquid psalterii vel lectionum, occupetur istud intervallum, quod restat post vigilias. Forte dicit aliquis monachus: Nolo vigilare usque mane, sed dormire, eo quod non indigeo aliquid adjuvante Domino. Cui abbas talem propositionem debet proponere, quam tile frater nonpossit solvere, ut humilietur ex hoc ille frater, et pro hac ratione debet abbas sapiens et doctus esse, ut possit suos monachos pleniter docere.u The learnin g o f th e abbo t i s superio r t o th e bhn d fait h o f th e sleep y mon k wh o with God' s ai d lack s nothing . Bu t th e syste m o f questio n an d answe r whic h thi s passage implies was a part of a lifelong system of learning. The famous recommenda tion of th e Rule, that the monks were to read during Lent, is the starting point for a remarkable passage in which Hildemar shows what the Carohngian monastic library strove t o achieve :

7 Vita Anskarii, c.2 , p. 20. 8 Ibid., c. 4, p. 24. 9 Ibid., c. 5, p. 25. 10 Ibid., c. 6, p. 26. 11 J. P. Bouhot, Ratramne de Corbie (Pari s 1976), p. 73. 12 Statuta Murbacensia, CCM I (Siegbur g 1963), p. 442. 13 Hildemar, p. 281. 14 Hildemar, p. 279.

70

Isto modo dantur libri in capite Quadragesimae: I liebibliothecarius, qui est monasterii, defert omnes libros cum adjutorio fratrum in capitulum. Deinde sternuntur tapetia et super tapetia ponuntur libri. Capitulo finito tunc legit bibliothecarius in breve, qui frater habet librum usque ad Mam horam. Tunc Me frater ponit librum, quern habuit, in taped, et tunc Me prior, aut cut Me iusserit, accepit librum et interrogat Mumfratrem de Mo libro sapienter causa probationis, ut cognoscat, utrum legerit studiose librum. Si vero Me frater respondent de Mo libro, tunc interrogat Mum, qui liber Mi utilis est, et tunc, quern postulaverit, dabit Mi. Si autem cognoverit abbas, Mi non esse aptum, tunc dicet Mi: Non est iste liber tibi aptus, sed talis aptus est tibi, et non dabit Mi, quern quaesivit, sed quern cognovit Mi esse aptum. Si autem talis fuerit frater, qui non potuerit rationem de libro Mo ponere secundum interrogationem, tunc si vidit Me abbas, quia neglegenter legit librum Mum, non dabit alium Mi, sed ipsum ei reddit, tamdiu Mum habebit postea, donee studiose legerit, et dicit Mi: Quia non legisti bene, debuisiti antea significare, ut tibi dedissemus tempus interrogandi. Si autem cognoverit abbas Mumfratrem studiosum in lectione et tamen nonpotuit intellegere, dat Mi alium librum. I5 Monastic lecti o wa s a spiritua l exercise . Signposte d i n thi s tex t b y th e contras t between negligen t an d studiou s reading , a s revealed i n questioning , i t consiste d i n steady silent reading interspersed by prayer and by rumination on the text as a basis for meditation . The schoo l demande d an d enforce d a vision o f corporat e learning , and thi s serve d t o restric t th e developmen t o f independen t speculation . Car e wa s taken to match book an d reader, not least because reading involved a responsibihty for the book chosen, and for the choice of future readers. This personalized readin g underlies.the annotation s which are our evidence of wha t was studie d i n the schoo l of Corbie. The 859 Synod of Savonnieres received and issued the canons of the synod of Langres , including cano n X : Ut scolae sanctorum scripturarum et humane quoque litteraturae, unde annis precedentibus per religiosorum imperatorum studium magna inluminiatio ecclesiae et eruditionis utilitas processit, depraecandi sunt pii principes nostri et omnes fratres et coepiscopi nostri instantissime commonendi, ut quicumque omnipotens deus idoneus ad docendum, id est fideliter et veraciter intellegentes, donare dignatur, constituantur undique scolae publice, scilicet ut utriusque eruditionis, et divine scilicet et humane, in ecclesia dei fructus valeat accrescere; quia, quod nimis dolendum est et perniciosum maxime, divinae scripturae verax et fidelis intellegentia iam ita dilabitur, ut vix eius extrema vestigia reperiantur. The aim of th e Carolingian school i s clearly outlined, it serves the understandin g of scripture, and must command divine and also human erudition in order to fructif y the church. In the Merovingian kingdoms , only Lyon s seem s to have preserved a tradition of annotations, i n several case s substantia l ones . Low e record s annotation s i n manuscripts o f Eucherius , Orige n in Epistulas Pauli, Augustinu s de Civitate Dei an d Augustinus Ennarationes in Psalmos. 17 Elsewhere , the revival of annotation s begin s

15 Hildemar, p. 487. 16 MGH Cone. Ill , p. 478. 17 E.A.Lowe, Codices Lugdunenses Antiquissimi (Lyons 1924), pp.31, 36, 38, 43.

71

with th e margina l note s an d collation s foun d i n manuscript s copie d a t Tours i n th e mid eight h century. 18 The earliest annotation s from Corbi e ar e a group o f note s written i n greenis h in k and set off with S shaped flourishes, date d by Lowe to c. 700. They ar e the work o f a scholar i n searc h o f notabilia , a s wil l b e show n below . The y rang e fro m stra y comments t o detailed marginalia . In Paris, B.N. Lat . 12190 on fol. 14 v the annotato r wrote socratis sententia. (Eve n unde r ultr a viole t ligh t i t ha s no t prove d possibl e t o decipher the note on fol . 129v. ) In Paris, B.N. Lat . 12097 there is a note o n fol. 106 v concerning th e apostoli c origin s o f th e creed . (Furthe r note s i n thi s importan t volume are discussed below. ) In Valenciennes, MS 495, a manuscript copied in uncia l at Luxeuil , an d no t apparentl y eve r a t Corbie , ther e i s a not e alpes cottica o n fol . 134v. On fol . 13 v of Leningrad, Lat . F v I 4, Johannes Chrysostomu s de reparatione lapsu, th e not e read s non temporis longitudinem sed affectus sinceritate paenitudo pensatur. Mor e elaborat e note s ar e foun d i n Paris , B.N . Nouv . Acq . Lat . 2061, a volume of Gregory' s Moralia, wher e change s in the type of exegesis are recorded o n ff. 2v , 18r, 25r, 38v, 46v, 52r, and 58v. The note on fol. 38v reads hucusque historiam explanat, ab hue allegoriae misteria. I n the Italian manuscripts of works of Augustin e used by the annotator, his notes supplement cursive Italian marginalia. In Paris, B.N . Lat. 12214, the de Civitate Dei, h e has placed a reference i n the chapter list on fol . 5 r et pyrata alexandro respondenti besid e th e titl e o f Boo k I V chapter iv , th e stor y o f the pirate and Alexander the Great. In Paris, B.N. Lat . 12205 there are detailed note s on grac e an d electio n i n th e Augustinia n treatise s de libero Arbitrio an d de correptione et gratia, and the annotator has also noted, on fol. 64r in the Regula IV Patrum, qui errantem corrigere neglegat graviter damnabitur. Th e fulles t note s ar e found i n Paris, B.N . Lat . 13367, referring t o monks, discipline , adulter y an d virginity . In hi s stud y o f th e Collectio Vetus Gallica, th e earlies t systemati c canonica l collection, designe d a s a model fo r reforme d churc h discipline , Morde k ha s show n how th e Collectio Corbiensis wa s used i n the preparation o f a revised versio n o f th e text. The lates t tex t quote d i n thi s revisio n i s th e Roma n syno d o f 721, the earlies t copy date s fro m 747-749.19 The revise d versio n use s the Rule s o f Benedict , Colum banus, Macariu s an d Basil , al l o f whic h wer e know n a t Corbie , an d i t use s a fulle r version o f th e lette r o f Pop e Siricus , preserve d onl y b y th e Collectio Corbiensis, Paris, B.N. Lat . 12097, where it ha s been adde d i n the margin o f fol . 192 r by a hand of the early eighth century. The sam e hand correct s the letter o f Pope Leo to Flavia n of Constantinopl e o n ff . lOO v and 101 r. Furthe r addition s ar e i n syllabi c Tironia n notes, especiall y i n th e earl y Gauhs h councils . Simila r annotation s ar e foun d throughout Paris , B.N. Lat. 4403A, the Lex Romana Visigothorum, whic h contains a detailed se t of margina l summarie s b y thre e hands . Portions o f th e main tex t o f thi s manuscript ar e copie d i n a Merovingia n cursiv e aki n t o th e scrip t o f th e cursiv e additions i n 12097 and t o th e cursiv e scrip t o f th e tex t o f 17655. The mai n scrip t i s close to th e earl y for m o f th e e N scrip t i n Paris , B.N. Lat . 13028. Both 4403 A an d 12097 are sources o f legislation , an d they ma y bot h b e connected t o the activitie s o f Grimo, t o who m Morde k attribute s th e fina l revisio n o f th e Collectio Vetus 18 E. K. Rand, The Earliest Book of Tours (Cambridge Mass . 1934); B. Bischoff, Ei n wiedergefundene r Papyrus und die altesten Handschriften de r Schule von Tours, MS I , pp. 6-14. 19 Mordek, p. 86.

72

Gallica.20 Syllabi c Tironian note s aki n t o thos e i n 12097 are also foun d i n anothe r manuscript associated wit h Grimo , Leningrad, Lat. Q v I 15, where the y transcribe the chapte r titles. The annotations i n other Merovingian volumes from Corbi e are negligible, but in Amiens 220 some o f th e critica l sign s liste d b y Isidor e ar e use d t o characteriz e omissions an d for identification o f Biblical characters. These notes draw on traditional system s o f annotation , an d the y ar e foun d i n a work o f elementar y exegesis , copied by a disparate group of scribes. Both the notes and the script strive to imitate an ideal, bu t fai l t o achiev e th e qualit y the y seek : subsequentl y thi s imitatio n wa s replaced b y th e clarity o f a n independent tradition . Among the notes found in the earliest Carolingian manuscripts from Corbie are a group o f note s whic h see m t o b e th e wor k o f a single han d o r a single grou p o f annotators wh o shar e simila r interest s an d us e simila r annotatin g symbols . Th e characteristic marginal sign is a capital N s o that the notes may be ascribed to the ' N annotator'. Hi s wor k i s foun d i n text s o f Augustine , Jerome , Cassiodoru s an d Servius, surviving in manuscripts in Maurdramnus minuscule or in earlier scripts. In two instances they occur in AB manuscripts, but both of these were demonstrably at Corbie b y c . 825, so tha t the annotator s ma y b e assume d t o have worked there . I n several cases the presence of a later stratum of Carolingian notes in these texts means that the *N annotator' must have worked i n the first hal f o f th e ninth century . The notes in Paris, B.N. Lat . 12205 are particularly important in dating his activities, for they ar e obscured b y late r excerpting mark s used in the preparation o f Ratramnus * treatise de Praedestinatione, complete d i n 850. The note s o f th e * N annotator' ar e concerned wit h doctrin e an d dogma. I n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12218, Augustinus contra Maximinum Arrianorum Episcopum, he i s intereste d i n th e person s o f th e Trinity and ho w the y ma y b e distinguishe d (ff.50r , 52v) . I n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12205 Augustinus, de Libero Arbitrio h e note s Augustine' s us e o f th e Paulin e distinctio n between fait h an d works (fol . 14r ) and Paul's attitude to th e law (fol . 21v) . Furthe r notes relating to Paul ar e found i n Amiens 87, the Corbie copy o f Ambrosiaster , in Epistolas Pauli. On fol. 31 v they treat the resurrection, on fol. 35r on the variants in the Gree k text , o n fol . 35 v o n th e deat h o f Adam , o n fol . 60 v o n th e childre n o f Abraham, o n fol . lOO v on baptism , on fol . lll r wher e th e note i s damaged, o n fol . 205r o n th e immorta l body . (Thi s manuscrip t als o has Tironian annotation s o n ff . 27v, 32 r and 112r. ) A furthe r not e i s foun d o n fol . 178 v on Paul' s definition o f th e church. In Paris, B.N. Lat . 13354 Hieronymus contra fovinianum, th e *N annotator* is foun d o n ff . 15r , 19v , 20r , 21r , 22r , 25v , 47r , 47v , 55r , opposin g marriage , th e remarriage of widows, the diversity of mansions within the church, Phogor, and the elders o f th e Apocalypse . I n Paris , B.N . Lat . 13351, Jerome in Ephesios, there ar e notes on ff. 14v , 87r, 93v and 96v. Further notes are found in Leningrad, Lat. F vl 11, Cassiodorus, Historia Tripartita, dealin g wit h th e Counci l o f Nice a (fol . 35v) , th e Nicene definitions o f divine nature and Christ's corporeal suffering (ff . 37v, 40r), the finding of the Cross (ff . 45v, 47r), the creeds of Sardic a and Constantinople (ff . 71 r, 188v), the campaigns of Theodosius (ff . 230r , 236v, 238r), and usages of the Eastern church. The fulles t note s ar e found i n the volume copie d i n AB script , Paris , B.N . 20 Ibid., pp. 93-4.

73

Lat. 11627, Jerome in Isaiam, wher e th e wealt h o f exegetica l detai l dehghte d th e annotator. He notes the explanation of Hebrew words (ff. 61v , 67v, 70r), and a piece of Jewish exegesis (ff. 58 v CC, p . 139), the destruction o f the temple and the plan of Babylon (ff . 21v , 70v). He note s Jerome's observatio n tha t exegesis ma y hav e to b e prohx in orde r t o b e correc t (fol . 315v) , an d that , withou t God' s help , h e wh o labours to become wise labours i n vain (fol. 156 r CC, p . 373). Leningrad, Lat . F v I 10 preserves a n extensiv e se t o f note s t o th e treatise o f th e African bisho p Vigiliu s agains t th e follower s o f Eutyches . Sinc e thes e note s ar e concerned with th e theological conten t o f th e treatise, an d are preserved i n what i s the earliest extant copy, (save for the palimpsest in St. Gall 908) they merit attention, though the y ma y hav e bee n transcribe d fro m th e exemplar . Th e note s refe r t o prophets (fol . 7r) , t o th e tw o nativitie s throug h Go d an d th e Virgin (fol . lOr) , an attack o n thos e wh o den y th e Incarnatio n (fol . 12r) , testimonie s o f th e prophet s about the Incarnation (fol. 16v) , attacks on heresy (f . 22v , 23r, 37v, 39r), defense o f the unity o f Chris t (ff. 40r , 40v), and the names of thos e fathers o f th e church wh o follow thi s doctrine (ff. 48v , 49r, 51r, 51v, 52r, 52v, 53r). This set of annotation s has obvious relevanc e t o th e Adoptionis t controvers y o f th e 790' s an d Adalhard' s o f Corbie's visi t t o Rom e i n 809 to discuss th e Processio n o f th e Holy Spirit . The Corbi e manuscrip t o f Servius , Leide n BP L 52, has a detailed se t o f annota tions which may be dated to the early ninth century. 21 The manuscript was restore d in the mid ninth century, bu t the quires which were supphe d then lack annotations. This makes it possible to date the annotator's activity, for the manuscript was copied around 800. The notes explain the meanings of words : fol. 8 v inter turn et tunc, fol . 79r quid sit inter indocile et indoctum, o r the meaning o f myths : fol . 23 r fabula de aureo ramo, fol . 46 r de civitatibus romanorum. Mor e interestin g ar e attempt s t o extract abstract ideas from Servius: fol. 64 r quid sit symbolum. Glosse s on Christia n poets copie d at the same date are found in the Corbie manuscript of Sedulius , Paris, B.N. Lat . 13377. Some ide a o f th e contex t o f thes e earl y Carohngia n annotation s ca n b e gleane d from a group of manuscripts which entered the Corbie hbrary during the mid- ninth century, bu t wer e no t copie d there . Fro m variou s scriptoria , the y ar e linke d b y extensive annotations , designe d t o produc e a catena o f commentarie s o n al l o f th e books of th e Bible. A portion o f th e commentary fo r which thes e notes were mad e survives in Paris, B.N. Lat . 11574, a massive commentary o n Romans, with excerpts from Origen , Joh n Chrysostom , Ambrosiaster , Jerome , Augustine , Cassiodorus , Gregory, Didymus , Cyril , an d Victor o f Capua. 22 Preparatory materia l survive s i n notes using alpha and omega, or tironian hie beside passages to be excerpted, whic h are then noted b y th e book o f th e Bibl e t o which the y refe r as tantum evangelium exponit. Amon g th e volume s s o marked , Paris , B.N . Lat . 12124, Origenes, in Ep. Pauli ad Romanos, ha s passage s marke d whic h wer e copie d verbati m int o 11574. Bischoff, wh o discovere d this work, attributed it to Helisachar, abbot of St . Riquier and chancello r o f Loui s th e Pious , wh o ha d suc h catena e volume s a t St . Riquier. Corbie, wher e Adalhar d an d Wal a wer e clos e colleague s o f Helisachar , obtaine d 21 G. I. Lieftinck, Servius, Leiden BPL 52. Umbrae Codicum Occidentalium I (Amsterdam 1960). 22 Bischoff, MS III, p . 231-3.

74

Paris, B.N . Lat . 12124, B.N. Lat . 12220, and B.N . Lat . 13386, none o f whic h wa s copied a t th e abbey , afte r the y ha d bee n annotated . A volum e o f th e work s o f Fulgentius also used for the catena (Paris, B.N. Lat . 17416) was given by Hehsacha r to a house dedicate d t o St . Stephen, while B.N . Lat . 1746, Ambrosius, de Fide, de Spiritu Sancto, was given to St. Denis and B.N. Nouv . Acq. Lat. 1448 went to Tours. A secon d grou p of manuscripts , including some of th e above together with Copen hagen, G.S . 163f. , Eusebius , an d Lao n 129 and 131, was annotate d with excerptin g marks o n a wid e rang e o f scriptura l texts . Her e w e se e a n organize d proces s o f systematic annotation : Corbie' s rol e i n thi s projec t i s define d b y it s succes s i n retaining copie s o f thos e text s no t alread y i n th e hbrary. The abbey' s shar e i n thi s project shoul d not b e underestimated . In contrast to the 'passive' annotation of the early Carolingian period, the writings of Corbi e authors created a more active study of the texts, as a preparation for their own hterar y activity . I n som e case s the y ca n b e identifie d readin g an d excerpting , elsewhere annotation s mus t belon g t o th e work o f thei r circl e o f secretarie s an d pupils. Clearly such a contrast is not the expression of an absolute dichotomy, but in removing som e o f th e anonymit y o f Carolingia n annotatio n it offers som e insight s into th e context o f Corbi e annotations . The second distinctive annotating hand employs a N OT monogram. This is found in severa l manuscript s besid e text s exphcitl y referrin g t o th e eucharis t an d t o predestination, suggesting that the annotator was linked to Ratramnus who compo sed a treatise on thi s theme. On fol. 13 v of Paris , B.N. Lat . 13351 the monogram i s above a not e whic h read s quod dupliciter corpus et sanguis Christi intellegatur, marking a passage quote d i n Ratramnus, de Corpore et Sanguine Domini LXX . I n the same volume, th e note de poenarum qualitate i s found o n fol . 84r . On fol . 51 v and fol. 57 v of Paris, B.N. Lat . 12213 the monogram is placed beside passages on the eucharist i n Augustine' s de Baptismo Parvulorum; unles s yo u ea t o f Christ' s fles h and share in His body you will not have life eternal. It also occurs in Oxford, Bodley Can. Pat. Lat. 112, Athanasius, de Trinitate, ff . 9r , 34r, 35v, 36v, 37r , 39r, 43v, 51v , 54r, besid e passage s quote d b y Ratramnu s i n his Contra Grecorum Opposita, cols . 297, 298, 299, 300, and 301. The monogram is als o found i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 12212, Augustine, de Nuptiis et Concupiscentia an d i n 12210, Augustine, de Perfectione Justitiae c . 16 beside a passage on predestination quoted by Ratramnus (P L 121 col. 49). In Paris, B.N. Lat . 12220 the monogram occurs in Hypognesticon, c. I, fol. 130r , de Praedestinatione an d on fol. 133 r at VI vi. In Paris, B.N. Lat . 13391 Gregorius, in Hiezechielem th e symbol is found on fol. HO r (Quia et in praedestinatione iam facta sunt). I n B.N. Paris , Lat. 12218 it is use d o n fol . 20 r beside a passage o n th e Hol y Spirit. Further interest in the power o f th e Spirit is found o n fol. ll r o f Paris , B.N . Lat. 12283 where the monogram is found beside an account of speaking in tongues at Pentecost, and in Leningrad, Lat. Q v I 46 beside a passage in Gregory of Naziance , de Spiritu Sancto, on fol. 60r. In the same volume a NOT o n fol. 41v marks a passage on th e Nativity . I n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12217 the symbo l i s use d t o identif y passage s relating to th e Trinity, o n fol . 20 v on th e unity o f fathe r and son i n the Trinity, o n fol. 38v , on fol. 106 r beside nolite cogitare de crastino, fol. 107 r by an explanation of how evi l is not the sin but its punishment (Chapters XXV and XXVI). This work i s quoted by Ratramnus, but there is no mark beside the passage which he cites. More 75

practical concern s ar e found i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 12221 Augustinus, Contra Cresconium, o n fol. 23r by a passage concerned with scandalous bishops (PL 474). In Paris, B.N. Lat . 13352, Altercatio Attici et Cretoboli, th e symbol is found o n fol. 8v prayer to Christ (PL 23 col. 501), on fol. 62v with the note de Nativitate Christi (538C ) and fol. 63 r beside passages on virgin birth, fol. 76 v (549) on grace, fol. 90 v (560) on th e sins o f th e Jews, fol . 93 r (563) on th e lamentation s o f Isaiah . Bot h Ratramnu s an d Radbert discussed th e virginity o f Mary . The monogram is used mos t frequently i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 12137, occurring in Ambrose, de Abraham o n fol. 20r by Ambrose' s treatment of Endelechia, on marriage (fol . 35v) , on th e Israelites in Egypt (fol. 58r) . In the de Excessu Fratris, bound u p wit h thi s manuscript , note s occu r o n ff . 112r , 114v, 115v , 118r , 125r , concerne d wit h th e sou l (CSEL LXXII , p . 261), the fea r o f death (p. 274), the wage s o f si n (p. 274) and th e resurrectio n (pp.300 , 307, 311) . Further evidenc e o f interes t i n th e sou l i s foun d i n TertuUian , Apologeticum, Leningrad, Lat. Q v 140, fol. 57r , col. 2 on the capacity of the soul to suffer, a n issue which Ratramnu s treats . Paris , B.N . Lat . 13354, Jerome, Contra Jovinianum, ha s notes on fol. 15 v and fol. 41 v by passages dealing with the body at its resurrection, as well a s earlie r symbol s b y th e ' N annotator* . I n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12208, in th e de Coniugiis Adulterinis o f Augustine, the same symbol occurs o n ff. 33 v and 34r. The first passage is that quoted by Radber t in his commentary o n Matthew 19.10.23 This suggests tha t th e NOT annotato r wa s clos e t o bot h Ratramnu s an d Radbert , o r familiar wit h thei r writings . Th e not e i s foun d besid e passage s o n th e Soul , th e Trinity, Virgin birth , Predestination an d the custom s o f th e Greeks. A furthe r grou p o f note s i n Corbi e volume s sho w Ratramnu s himsel f a t work . Tironian notes used as excerpting marks occur beside passages quoted by Ratramnus in hi s de Praedestinatione, a work compose d i n 850. They ar e foun d i n Gregory , Moralia XXVII-XXX V i n Paris , B.N. Lat . 12248 on ff . 55r , 65r an d 145r , thoug h there ar e eight othe r uses o f thi s mark, possibl y t o identif y text s on predestinatio n which wer e t o b e excerpted fo r th e dossie r sen t t o Gottschalk . I n Paris , B.N . Lat . 11635, Augustine o n John, excerptin g mark s ar e found o n ff . 34r , an d 55v-56 r b y passages quoted by Ratramnus, but also on ff. 94r , 99r, lOOv, 105v, 107 r and 109r-v . Paris, B.N. Lat . 12205 Augustinus, de Libero Arbitrio, de Corruptione et Gratia, ha s excerpting mark s i n th e de Libero Arbitrio, o n ff . 9r , 9v , lOr , 12r-v , 13v , 17r . Ratramnus di d no t quot e fro m th e de Libero Arbitrio, bu t th e passage s wit h excerpting marks all treat predestination. They are accompanied by notes on fol. 13r , quod cogitationes bona gratia Dei sunt, fol. 18r , quod voluntas humana semper libera non semper bona, fol. 19v , quod voluntas bona deus in nobis operatur fol. 21r, quod dilectionis praecepta frustra audimus nisi ex Deo ut diligenda accepimus, and fol. 21v , de eo quod dicit in evangelio libro non vos me eligistis sed ego elegi vos. I n th e following tex t in this manuscript, the de Corruptione et Gratia, Tironia n excerptin g marks identify passage s quote d b y Ratramnus o n ff. 37v-38r , an d on ff. 42 v t o 43r. In Paris, B.N. Lat . 12210 de Praedestinatione Sanctorum, the marks occur on ff. 80v , 81r, 82r , 88r , 89v , 91r , 92v . I n bot h case s ther e ar e mor e excerptin g mark s tha n passages quoted. But some of the Tironian notes may represent passages used i n the dossier compile d fo r Gottschalk . Evidenc e tha t thes e mark s relat e t o Ratramnu s i s 23 CC CM LV I B ed. Paulus, p. 994.

76

twofold, no t onl y do the y ofte n mar k passages which h e quotes in the de Praedestinatione, bu t the y ar e als o accompanie d b y note s whic h correspon d exactl y t o th e passages use d i n tha t wor k t o introduc e th e quotations . Thi s correspondenc e i s found bot h i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12205 and i n 12210. In 12210 the annotatin g hand , most probably th e hand of Ratramnu s himself, wrote fides donum dei est (fol. 73 r c. II, fol. 4), quod cognitio bona ex Deo est (fol. 74r c. II, fol. 5), fides ex divine munere esse (fol. 74v) , testimonium Cypriani (fol . 75 r c . Ill) , de testimonio apostoli quo ait quid habes quod non accepisti (fol. 77r c. V), quod in aliis praeparatur voluntas in aliis non praeparatur (fol . 79 r c . VI) , quod fides opus Dei sit (fol . 79v) , quomodo intellegendum sit quod omnis doceat pater venire ad Christum (fol . 81 r c . 14), quia credunt praedicatione doctorem intus erudiatur a patre (fo L 82r) , Quod est inter gratia et Praedestinatione an d quod praescientia potest esse sine praedestinatione, praedestinatio sine praescientia non potest esse (fol. 84r c. X), de sententia Pelagii (fol. 94r), incohandi et usque in finem perseverandi gratia Dei non secundum merita nostra (fol . 112r) , quod aliquando praedestinatio nomen praescientiae significat o n fol. 119v . c. XVIII. Other notes correspond entirel y to Ratramnus' own words, quod omnis qui audiant a patre venit ad Christum (fol . 80 v = col. 37), quod quoscumque vult docere pater veniunt ad Christum (fol . 81 v = col. 37), quod aliis detur fides qua salvatur et aliis non detur (fol . 82 v = col. 38), also o n fol . 88r . I n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12205 Ratramnus' word s occu r a s the note s o n fol . 35 r = col. 33, quod quipereant non sunt de numero electorum, quodfiliis infidelium dat Deus perseverantiam et fides fidelium non dat (fol . 35 v = col. 35), quod praedestinati etsi nondum renatifili Dei sunt etperiere nonpossunt (fol . 37 v = col. 35), quod certus sit numerus praedestinatorum (fol . 44r = col. 37). In Paris, B.N. Lat . 13385, Salvian de Gubernatione Dei o n fol. 15 v a note read s ut deus omnia dicit besid e th e passag e quote d b y Ratramnus 24 and a further not e in the same hand o n fol. 29r has been cut b y the binder, bu t note s Salvian's question , *wh o woul d b e s o foolis h a s t o den y tha t Go d create d every thing?' The scrip t o f thes e notes i s a round an d undistinguishe d han d wit h frequen t abbreviations, an d th e abbreviatio n mark s rise t o th e right . (Plate s 10-11.) The combinatio n o f note s an d abbreviatio n mark s i n thes e volume s give s a n unparalleled insigh t into the working method s of a Carolingian theologian . Ratram nus firs t carefull y note d th e mai n strand s o f Augustine' s arguments , especiall y a s they touche d o n those issues and scriptural texts central to the debate on predestina tion, an d h e the n incorporate d som e o f thes e notes , togethe r wit h passage s o f th e text, int o hi s ow n treatise . Notes in the same hand are also found i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 13369 on fol. 93v , where there is a note reading de natura. Th e work was used by Ratramnus, but this passage is no t on e whic h h e quoted . Similarl y i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12240, Cassiodorus, in Psalmos L-C, note s reading de praedestinatione copie d b y this hand ar e found o n ff . 22r and 115 r (CC, pp . 497, 619) and a note de libero arbitrio o n fol. 43r (CC, p . 525). There ar e als o excerptin g mark s o n ff . 125v , 222r, 261r , 280r , 289v , 290v , an d 305 r beside passages which trea t the number of those predestined t o salvation , sins which cannot b e redeemed, and th e fulfillment o f predestination. I n Paris, B.N. Lat . 12155 NOT symbol s ar e foun d o n fol . 96 v wit h th e not e Quotquot enim in Christo 24 PL 121, 28-9.

77

baptizati estis Christum vidistis, fol . 234v beside a reference to the Hebrew term for a veil, fol. 247v with the note de poenitentia salamonis, and on ff. 261r , 262r and 277v beside reference s t o th e priestly office . Notes whic h include a comment o r summary o f th e text are found i n Paris, B.N . Lat. 13360 fol. 17 r quod suspitiosus in vitio est (PL 42, 80), fol. 21r quando credulitas culpabilis est (PL 42, 83) , in th e de Utilitate Credendi an d fol . 76 r quod nihil non aliquid significat i n th e de Natura Boni (PL 42, 559) . In th e Contra Grecorum Opposita Boo k IV , Ratramnu s contrast s th e practic e o f fastin g i n th e Easter n an d Western churches , an d interes t i n fastin g i s foun d i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12208 Augustinus de Ieiunio et Sabbati fol . 48 v quod aptius in sabbato relaxato ieiunium quod constrictum teneatur, an d fol. 50r cur quarta et viferia ieiunetur. I n Paris, B.N. Lat. 11637, De Civitate Dei XI-XXI I ther e are notes o n fol . 17v , de Sanctis angelis quomodo deum sciunt ( a passag e quote d i n Hadoard' s florilegium ) de senario numero, de septenario numero, de Sanctis angelis, all on fol. 18r ; Assyriorum regnum translata ad Medos fol . lOOr , Thales milesius fol. lOlr . The concern s o f humanist s like Hadoar d ar e found i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 12156, Jerome in Danielem, o n fol . 4 v Quod sapientiam discere saeculam non sit peccatum, fol . 5 r quod a domino datur disciplina secularium litterarum, thoug h these note s ar e not i n Hadoard's hand . O n fol. 42 r th e not e read s de septuaginta ebdomadibus, an d th e view s o f Eusebius , Origen an d TertuUian ar e identified i n th e margin s o f ff . 44r , 47v, 49 r an d 49v. I n Paris, B.N. Lat . 1662 Lactantius o n ff. 42 r and 43v the phrase nota heresim is found; in B.N. Lat. 13360 ff. 85-8 8 it is noted that a long quotation in the text expresses the teachings o f th e Manichees . The monasti c lectio ha s lef t trace s i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 13384, Cassian, Collationes I-X . Th e wor k wa s recommende d b y Benedic t i n th e Rule (Regula 42 and 73) and there is a note o n fol. 42v de antonii vocatione. Othe r notes read: quod modum caro concupiatur, where Cassia n explain s (Collationes IV ) that the qualities sought b y th e bod y i n a concubine ar e found b y the soul i n God , and a t Collationes I x x where th e mon k i s compare d t o a moneychanger. A mor e immediate concern is found on fol. 38r quodpondus sitpaxametum o n the weight of the monk's biscuit . NT sign s occu r o n fol . 72v , a passage o n discipline , fol . 78 v o n greed, 108v on devotion, 112 v on faith, 12 lv o n demons, 156 v on the Lord's prayer, and 172r on how secular knowledge is a model for divine learning. In these notes we can follow th e proces s o f monasti c ruminatio, an d sens e th e issue s whic h arouse d interest an d concern . These monastic and theological note s coexisted with the development o f substan tial glosse s t o work s o f Bede , Seduhus, Priscian , Cicero , Boethiu s an d Martianu s Capella. In Cicero' s Cato Maior, Paris , B.N . Nouv . Acq . Lat . 454 there is t a margina l index, especiall y o f names , nestor, metellus, diogenes, an d mor e extensiv e margina l glosses o n name s (Tithonius , Homer , Pythagora s etc. ) whic h dra w explicitl y o n Augustine. Som e o f thes e glosse s ar e in a clearly nint h centur y hand . The work is t quoted by Radbert in the prefaces to his commentary on Matthew V and IX. 25 There is a marginal inde x i n Macrobius , de Cartagine Cele (fol . 23r) , de Mundi Anima (fol. 25r), Plato in Timaeo (fol. 27v), Esiodus (fol. 34r), Descensus Animae ad Corpus 25 CC CM LVI A, pp.465, 469; B, p.932.

78

(fol.36r), de Positione Terrae (fol. 43v) , de Novem Sphaeris (fol. 61v ) an d detaile d notes o n astronomy an d numerology whic h recal l the use of thi s text in Hadoard' s classical florilegiu m an d b y Dunga l a t Charlemagne' s cour t a s a sourc e o f astro nomy. Brief note s i n othe r classica l text s giv e som e indicatio n o f wh y the y wer e read . Practical concern s ar e foun d i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 10277 Vitruvius, o n fol . 13 r de lateribus o n bricks , o n fol . 41 v a note o n dam s an d harbou r construction, o n fol . 57v de purpuris an d on fol . 66 r de norma o n Pythagoras ' use of th e right angle. In the ad Herrenium i n Paris, B.N. Lat . 7714 there is some indexing of rhetorica l figures fol . 55 r de contrario, fol . 63 v permutatio, fol . 71 v similitudo an d transiectio. Priscian B.N . Lat . 7499 was rule d fo r a gloss , th e Gree k quotation s hav e a n interlinear glos s an d word s ar e glosse d an d cros s reference s t o treatmen t o f th e topic i n differen t book s i s found . Glosse s en d a t fol . 27. In th e sam e volum e th e text of Eutyche s o n fol. 72 r is very heavily glossed to fol . 84. The complete copy o f Priscian i n Paris , B.N . Lat . 7501 has a ver y heav y se t o f glosses , whic h quot e Donatus, 'Cicero ' ad Herrenium, Victorinus , Bede , Eutyches , Diomedes , Pala emon, Aldhelm , Comminianu s an d Herodianus , a s wel l a s sectio n titles . Inserte d leaves o f glosse s ar e found a t ff. 26, 38, 10 6 and 186-7. The extensiv e glosse s i n Martianus Capella , ascribe d t o 'Marti n of Laon ' include frequent sectio n title s suc h a s DE SYLLABA QUARE DICTA SIT ET QUID SINT EIUS PARTES mostl y fo r book s II I an d IV on Grammatica & Rbetorica. Boethius, de Musica, contains a full glos s on a difficult text . The gloss was copied from Paris, B.N. Lat . 13908, a volume copie d i n the circle of Johannes Scottus, into Paris, B.N. Lat . 13020 and 14080. In the collection of text s on th e liberal arts , B.N. Lat. 13955 Boethius de Musica and de Geometria ar e copied from B.N . Lat . 14080, Boethius in Porphyrium fro m B.N . Lat . 12958 and Martianu s Capell a de astronomia, wit h glosses , fro m B.N . Lat . 8670. Here w e hav e th e firs t instanc e o f a regrouping o f text s fro m th e Corbi e hbrar y t o creat e a n antholog y treatin g th e liberal arts. The glos s t o th e Categoriae decern in Leningrad , F v Clas s 7 has been discusse d and edite d b y Marenbon. 26 I t is a very goo d collectio n o f a set o f standar d glosse s found i n severa l manuscripts , an d her e copie d i n a composit e translatio n o f th e Categories. Th e earlies t extan t copie s o f thes e glosse s com e fro m Auxerr e an d St. Gall. They ar e concerned wit h th e natur e o f being , usia, and the bein g derivin g from it . The glosse s draw , i n part o n the Periphyseon. 27 This surve y o f annotation s a t Corbi e i s the first attemp t t o investigate how text s were studie d i n a Carolingian monastic hbrary . Hildemar' s accoun t o f ho w monk s were examine d o n thei r Lente n readin g suggest s tha t Corbi e volume s belon g i n a context o f Interrogatio a s wel l a s Meditatio, an d th e margina l summarie s an d indexes support this assumption. As well a s a source of doctrine or exegesis the text might becom e a quarr y fo r th e resolutio n o f differen t problems . I n th e case s o f Cassian's collation s thes e problem s wer e spiritual , elsewher e ther e wa s a n interes t in detail s o f history . Fo r Hadoard , i t migh t b e excerpte d an d rewritte n s o a s t o 26 J. Marenbon, From the Circle of Alcuin to the School of Auxerre (Cambridg e 1981), pp. 183,189-93. 27 Marenbon, pp. 177-80.

79

construct a mor e comprehensiv e accoun t o f a problem . A t Corbie , a wealt h o f annotations recor d som e o f th e struggle s o f reader s t o maste r thei r heritag e o f classical and patristic authority. The nature of this dialogue with the text is skillfull y defined b y Augustin e Quaerite fades eius semper; ut non huk inquisitioni, qua significatwr amor, finempraestet inventio, sed, amore crescente, inquisitio crescat inventi. 21

28 En. in Ps. CIV, 3; CC 153 7.

80

IV THE US E O F TH E LIBRARY : QUOTATIONS I N CORBI E THEOLOG Y

To determine the changing attitudes of Corbie readers to the texts in their hbrary the evidence of annotations in surviving manuscripts can be supplemented by quotations found in the writings of Corbie authors. These quotations will be treated under three heads: th e theologica l an d exegetica l work s compose d a t Corbi e b y Radber t an d Ratramnus, th e florilegi a o f Hadoard , an d th e biographie s o f Adalhar d an d Wala. The reason for this division is that there is a different statu s to quotations in each of these thre e groups . I n theologica l treatise s th e authorit y o f th e quotatio n wa s paramount, a suitabl e patristi c sourc e seeme d t o prov e th e poin t a t issue . I n th e biographies o f Radber t quotation s wer e deploye d a s muc h fo r stylisti c a s fo r substantive reasons, increasing the network o f references which made an appropriate evaluation o f Corbie' s dea d abbot s possibl e whil e th e florilegi a consis t onl y o f •quotations, whic h ar e transforme d b y thei r ne w settin g an d context , an d b y th e purpose for which the y wer e assembled . Previous treatment s o f citatio n hav e tende d t o disregar d th e evidence o f manus cript annotations an d the availability o f texts . At Corbie there are frequent case s of quotation fro m work s whic h d o no t surviv e i n Corbi e manuscripts , an d i n som e cases from works which are not listed in any medieval Corbie library catalogue. Such texts may have been excerpted outsid e the abbey library, by scholars who travelle d to consul t manuscript s o f rar e texts , o r the y ma y hav e bee n borrowe d an d subse quently returned , a s i n th e cas e o f th e Leide n Corpu s o f Cicero' s philosophica l works. Both the manuscripts of the Leiden Corpus, and a manuscript of Cicero's de Oratore, no w i n Avranches , bea r corrections mad e at Corbie. ! It i s crucia l no t t o overloo k th e function s o f quotation : onl y i n th e dossier s assembled by Radbert and Ratramnus was there a conscious effort t o create a battery of authorities . Elsewher e quotatio n i s a dialogu e wit h a n earlie r text , servin g t o transmute its contents fo r a specific purpose . In his study of Archbisho p Hincmar, Devisse explain s the extent of that prelate's reading b y drawin g attentio n t o hi s selectiv e searc h for text s o f immediat e utility . Hincmar recognized that the church fathers sometime s disagreed. Though his clerics often assisted him in finding passages to quote, a letter to Odo of Beauvais shows the prelate personally annotating all the passages where he disagreed with Odo. 3 The use 1 For th e Leide n Corpus , P . L. Schmidt, Die Oherlieferung von Cicero's de Legibus (Munic h 1974), pp. 112-30. The manuscript s wer e copie d i n Nort h Easter n France , an d annotate d b y Hadoard , bu t there i s n o reaso n t o suppos e tha t the y wer e a part o f th e Corbi e library . Se e als o Bischoff , MS I , pp. 53-68. 2 J. Devisse, Hincmar, Archeveque de Reims (Genev a 1975), p. 918. 3 * £ XLVI (1934), p. 269.

81

of authoritie s was a standard procedure in the ninth century, but the arrangement of quotations fro m thes e authoritie s ha d a particula r importance : t o argu e wa s no t simply to compile but required selection and an evaluation of sources of doctrine. In Hincmar's case, as Devisse has shown, th e process o f compositio n wa s a process o f dictation. Hi s librar y was conceive d a s a working hbrar y where text s see m t o hav e been procure d a s the y wer e needed, 4 no t a s a mean s o f transmittin g a cultura l heritage. Here there is a contrast with the Corbie hbrary, which was older and richer than th e library a t Rheims. Bu t Hincmar' s methodica l accumulatio n o f writing s o f Augustine offere d a n essentia l bas e fo r th e transformatio n an d elaboratio n o f hi s thought. The transition from dependence on Bede and Jerome to the assimilation o f the thought o f Augustin e an d Gregory mark s an evolution whic h depende d o n th e growth o f th e archiepiscopal hbrary . Annotations suggest that some volumes in the Corbie hbrary were used by abbo t Adalhard a s a source for the participation i n the discussion of th e procession of th e Holy Spiri t at Rome in 809, but the first databl e works compose d a t Corbie are the first fou r book s o f Radbert' s commentar y o n Matthew , an d hi s biograph y o f Adalhard, whic h preced e 830. Both work s revea l a range o f readin g o f remarkabl e originality. In part this is a tribute to Radbert's scholarship, but it also shows that we cannot assum e a standard monasti c curriculu m fo r th e study o f theology , o r o f th e liberal arts. Before th e invention o f printing , th e accumulation o f sources , and their deployment, depende d o n th e resource s an d th e resourcefulnes s o f libraries . T o ascertain ho w scholar s procure d th e text s whic h the y quote d require s bot h th e identification o f thes e sources , and a n estimate o f wher e the y wer e available. Onl y then ca n w e compar e th e readin g o f Hrabanu s Mauru s an d Radber t i n thei r commentaries o n the same scriptural texts, and discriminate between their aims and audiences. The great merit of Paschasiu s Radbertus is his originality in the use of quotations. He i s read y t o alte r the m fo r doctrina l purposes . Th e traditiona l proo f text s o f Carolingian scholarship ar e enmeshed i n a new work, rathe r than simply accumula ted to form a dossier. Though he claimed to hav e identified quotation s b y marginal signs, thes e hav e no t bee n preserved , eve n i n nint h centur y Corbi e copie s o f hi s works.5 Radbert chos e t o commen t o n Matthe w becaus e tha t gospe l displaye d a special concern wit h th e cur e o f sinner s an d th e proble m o f tru e conversion. 6 H e als o betrays a concern with style, seeking to find a means to reach his simpler brethren. 7 The commentar y o n Matthe w depend s o n a carefu l readin g o f patristi c classics , Augustine's City of God, and his treatises on John, the harmony of the Gospels, the Psalms, an d Genesis , Hilar y o n Matthew , Jerom e o n Isaiah , an d o n Matthew , Ambrose on Luke, the sermons of Petrus Chrysiologus, Bede on Luke, and the Irish commentary o n Matthe w containe d i n M S Orlean s 65. This i s a remarkabl y comprehensive collection o f majo r texts. Hilary, Jerome, and this Irish commentary 4 Devisse, p. 1072. The destruction o f portion s o f th e Rheims librar y makes this assertio n tentative, bu t there is little evidence o f a substantial merovingian library at Rheims. 5 Pauius, CC CM LVI , p.ix . 6 Ibid. pp. 1-4, 524 , 1437. 7 Ibid. pp. 3, 1266-7 .

82

provide th e framewor k fo r Radbert , thoug h hi s ow n commentar y i s fa r mor e detailed tha n thes e sources . Bu t i n th e cours e o f hi s work Radber t wa s abl e t o augment th e numbe r o f hi s sources , an d th e natur e o f hi s understandin g o f Matthew's gospel . As h e resumed hi s commentar y afte r his retrea t to St . Riquier, Radber t increased the rang e o f hi s reading . The firs t fou r books , i n additio n t o th e patristi c source s hsted above, only refer to Cicero's de Inventione, an d to Fulgentius, Mythologiarum and Expositio Virgilianae. I n th e late r book s h e quote s Cicero' s de Senectute, th e Laelius, th e de Inventione an d the de Officiis. H e adde d Bede on Mark , Augustin e contra Adimantium an d de adulterinis coniugiis, Gaudentius, Irenaeus , Orige n o n Matthew an d hi s sermon s an d Vigilius o f Thaps e t o hi s patristi c sources . Bu t th e achievement o f thi s commentar y transcend s th e wealt h o f quotation s whic h i t embodies. Ther e i s a remarkabl e originalit y bot h i n Radbert' s treatmen t o f hi s sources, an d in his willingness t o g o beyond them . The great commentary o n Matthew was Radbert's life's work. I t grew as he grew in age and understanding, yet it preserves his humility.8 The work treats problems of theology i n th e contex t o f a continuous an d detaile d commentar y o n th e tex t o f Matthew's gospel. 9 I t ca n achiev e origina l an d movin g exegesis , a s whe n Radber t discusses wh y Chris t wep t o n Calvary. 10 Radber t tackle s th e problem s o f varian t readings,11 an d of th e nature of scriptura l style. 12 He wa s aware of th e problems o f translation from Hebrew, an d ready to criticize Jerome's treatment of this. u Though the commentary contains reference s to contemporary events , such as the conversion of th e Danes, 14 or the disorders i n the contemporary church, 15 the underlying main theme i s th e natur e o f th e Christia n revelation , an d th e capacit y o f mortal s t o comprehend an d to implemen t it . In contras t t o Radbert' s magnificen t commentarie s o n Matthew , Lamentations , and Psal m 44, most Corbi e theolog y i s concerne d wit h definin g Christia n dogma . Radbert's treatise on the Eucharist, which went through several revisions during the author's lifetime, wa s the first forma l treatmen t of the subject of transubstantiation . For Harnack, 'The sacred act effected a t the Lord's Supper had to be developed int o the wonder of wonders, lest its significance shoul d be impaired by comparison with hundreds o f miracle s o f a common stamp.' 16 The Gregoria n Sacramentar y ha d emphasize d th e symbohs m o f th e Mass ; th e realism o f Augustinia n though t influence d Bed e an d Gregory , th e author s mos t 8 Non enim inter tarn efficaces clarissimos ac sapientissimos aliquid vel de minimo loqui auderem nisi me caritas eorum coegisset. CC CM LV I B, p. 931. 9 Cf th e references to Felix of Urgel, pp. 954-5, to Claudius of Turin on prayers to the saints, p. 1206-7, to Johannes Scottus , p. 727, to Ratramnus , pp. 1288-95, to predestination , p . 1386. 10 Pp. 1308-9. 11 in hoc varietas codicum est quoniam alii habentfilii Israhe l et alii a filiis, pp. 1351-2. Cf. pp. 1377-8 on the corruption of Gree k numerals ; p. 1020 on consulting variou s manuscripts. 12 Pp.831, 1414. 13 P. 1384. 14 P. 1165 sicut nuper in quibusdam gentibus Danorum constructs etfabricatas ecdesias quosdamque in eisdem baptizatos novimus. 15 Pp. 505, 870, 1026-7 ; Cf p . 1087 sed misera Galliarum consuetude quae tantis in ecdesiarum negotus tenetur adstricta debuts et inlicite redibitionis fascihus. 16 A. vo n Harnack , History of Dogma V (London 1898), p. 309.

83

easily rea d by Carolingia n scholars. 17 Participation i n the Sacramen t wa s participation i n th e Hol y Spirit. 18 The Sacramen t unite d th e faithfu l i n th e bod y o f Christ , which wa s th e communit y o f believers : Propterea ipsi qui sumimus communionem huius sancti panis et calicis unum in Christi corpus efficimur. This was underscored in the penitential literature, where detailed penalties for those who mislaid or dropped the Host , le t th e chalic e spill , o r lost th e chalic e o r chrisma l ensure d tha t even th e most ignoran t pries t ha d som e sens e o f wha t mysterie s h e celebrated. 19 Hrabanu s Maurus, in his de Institutione Clericorum o f 819 was the first Carolingia n autho r to treat the Mass systematically, drawin g on earlier anonymous Carolingia n Expositions Missae. 20 By the miracle of consecration we become a part of Christ' s body bor n of Mary . The grac e o f thi s miracl e i s th e sig n o f ou r conversion , an d the element s acquire a greater worth b y changin g thei r function. 21 The specifi c proble m face d b y Radber t wa s th e growin g frequenc y o f monasti c masses, whic h stimulate d inquir y int o th e natur e o f th e ceremony . A t St . Riquier, daily masse s wer e sai d a t th e altars. 22 Adalhard' s Capitula de admonitionibus in congregatione reveal some details about liturgical practice at Corbie. All monks were to atten d th e Masses, describe d a s missa publica. Priest s hel d privat e masse s whic h were not to conflict wit h the Sext and Nones services . Communion wa s to be taken frequently.23 His treatis e wa s compose d fo r th e monk s o f Corvey , wh o ha d aske d Wal a t o write, not knowing that their abbot was in exile. In his preface Radbert explains that he is writing for those who have not yet achieved a mastery of the hberal arts, and so it will be written in a simple style. 24 The preface ends with a hst of the authors cited, ut securius tuaperlegat infantia, and the names of these authors are to be indicated in the margin . The deliberat e searc h fo r clarit y mean s tha t th e wor k begin s b y establishing th e law s b y whic h God' s creatio n moves . Fo r th e create d worl d mus t obey th e laws of nature, and so the mystery o f the transformation o f the eucharistic elements i s no t a mystery , bu t i s outsid e o f huma n truth . Her e Radber t quote s Augustine's Contra Faustum: Christ' s fles h i s th e bod y bor n o f Mary . Radbert' s definition o f a sacrament derive s fro m Ambrose , de Sacramentis, an d Hilarius , de Trinitate: verbum caro factum est. Hesychius also provides a definition o f sacramentum i n th e Ol d Testament . Then come s Isidore' s definitio n o f th e sacrament s an d Augustine, 'O n Joh n XXVI' , o n wh o i s worth y t o partak e o f th e sacraments . Radbert is prepared to alter the exact text of hi s quotations for the sake of enhance d clarity.25 God is truth, and faith in Christ's truth and in the truth of Hi s promise o f 17 J. Geiselmann, Die Eucharistielehre der Fruhscholastik (Paderborn 1926), pp. 34-44. 18 J.Deshusses, Le Sacrementaire Gregorien (Fribour g 1971), pp. 89-90. 19 F. Wasserschleben, Die Bussordnungen der abendldndischen Kirche (Hall e 1851), pp. 196-7, 228, 242, 268-70, 360-377 . 20 M. Kissel, Rezeption antiker und patristischer Wissenschaft bet Hrabanus Maurus (Bonn 1974), p. 227. 21 PL, 112, 1221-2. 22 Corpus Consuetudmarum Monasticarum (Siegbur g 1963), pp. 283-305; A. Haussling, Mbnchskonvent und Liturgiefeier (Munste r 1973), p. 315; cf. ibid., pp . 252-4; Kasten, pp. 138-44. 23 CCM I , pp . 408-12. 24 Paulus, p. 5. 25 Geiselmann, pp. 147-9, 236, 252-4.

84

life eterna l make s Christ' s invisibl e virtu e permeat e th e visibl e ceremony. 26 A quotation from Hesychius, on priests, offers a warning for those who consume the Eucharist i n ignorance . Christ' s sacramen t drov e ou t ignorance , an d therefor e H e allowed nothing earthly and low, but things mystic and spiritual, to be shared in His daily sacrifice . So thos e wh o receive d th e sacrament s wer e t o b e instructed, les t i n their ignoranc e the y wer e ignore d b y God . Bu t i n contras t t o th e lin e b y lin e explanations o f th e ceremony o f th e Mass in earlier expositions, Radbert is definin g categories o f huma n knowledg e o f th e world , an d settin g th e Eucharis t withi n human understanding of God's purpose. The Eucharist is the means by which man is to b e incorporated int o God' s church . Thus he quotes Isidore' s classic definition o f sacramentum, bu t h e include s muc h more detail tha n Isidore. 27 Sacramentum est in aliqua celebratione cum res gesta itafit, ut aliquid signiftcare intelligatur quod sancte accipiendum est... corpus et sanguis, quae ob hoc sacramenta dkuntur, quia sub tegumento corporalium rerum virtus divina secretius salutem eorundem sacramentorum operatur. Radbertus, De Corpore et Sanguine Domini, c . Ill : Sacramentum est in aliqua celebratione divina nobis quasi pignus salutis traditur, cum res gesta visibilis longe aliud invisibile intus operatur, quod sancte accipiendum est. ... corpus quoque Domini et sanguis quae ob hoc sacramenta vocantur quia sub eorum specie visibili quae videtur, secretius virtute divina caro consecratur, ut hoc sit interim in veritate, quod exterius creduntur virtute fidei. Significatur i n Isidor e i s replace d b y operatur, an d th e ter m tegumentum i s replaced by the logical category of species. Radbert was willing not merely to emend a quotation , bu t t o transfor m i t s o a s t o defin e a differen t problematic . I n hi s eucharistic treatise , a tex t revise d fou r time s i n Radbert' s hfetime , w e hav e a departure fro m th e accumulatio n o f authorities : the y ar e transformed . Furthe r quotations defin e sacraments. 28 Radbert wishe d t o identif y th e element s wit h Christ' s body , eve n thoug h thi s could only be perceived by faith. His work includes the sense of corpus Christi as the church, whos e unit y i n Christ' s bod y Theodulp h regarde d a s th e hear t o f th e communion service. 29 Bu t h e wa s als o concerne d wit h th e statu s o f Christ' s bod y born of Mary, and the body present on the altar. For by the sacrament it was possible to shar e i n Chris t an d t o remai n a part o f th e church . 'L e sacramentum panis le s conduit tout droit a Yunitas corporis'.™ The penitential discipline of the church could exclude fro m communion . Fo r th e sinne r wh o ha d falle n fro m th e church , thi s ceremony, mad e in the sight of God , was not life bu t death. Hesychius ha d written of th e 'judgmen t o f th e sacrament' . Bu t confessio n an d penanc e coul d hea l th e 26 De Corpore, p . 18. 27 Isidore, Etymologiae, VI , 19. 28 Jerome, On Ezechiel, IX , 2-7, on th e separatio n o f th e wicked ; Hilary , de Trinitate, Boo k VIII ; Augustine, de Baptismo, o n the validity o f sacraments ; Isidore, de Offkiis; Jerome , Ep. 120; Jerome, Horn. 7. 29 De Ordine Baptismi, PL, 105, cols. 239-40. 30 H.de Lubac , Corpus Mysticum (Pari s 1949), p. 27.

85

sinner.3I Becaus e w e dail y sin , we mus t dail y tak e communio n an d b e restore d t o membership o f Christ' s body. 32 Christ abidin g i n u s in th e flesh as well a s in fait h gives us a share in the unity of the Trinity. This implies a crucial distinction betwee n appearance an d reality. Havin g explaine d th e importanc e o f th e Mass, Radber t ca n proceed to a n explanation o f th e elements an d details o f th e ceremony. Mos t o f th e quotations i n thi s section , dealin g wit h th e symbolis m o f brea d an d wine , deriv e from th e Bible , bu t Augustine , de Baptismo, i s quote d t o justif y th e church' s teaching tha t th e sacrament s retai n thei r validit y whateve r th e sin s o f th e pries t celebrating.33The priest cannot create Christ's body; the elements are consecrated by the Spiri t an d th e Word o f God . An d i f th e element s looke d lik e flesh an d blood , then Christians would be no better than pagans who drin k the blood of slaughtere d men. If the species of flesh and blood wer e visible, this would b e a miracle and not a mystery. But there are instances of the sacraments appearing on the altar as flesh and blood, o r as a lamb, or a babe. One o f thos e quote d come s fro m th e rare Miracula Sanctae Ninie, a n Anglo-Saxo n vers e narrativ e tex t brough t t o th e continen t b y Alcuin.34 Thes e miracle s prepar e th e reade r fo r Radbert' s accoun t o f th e Rea l Presence: afte r the consecration w e ar e no longer justified i n speaking of brea d and wine. The hope o f th e Ol d Testament ha s become a present reality . Radbert ha s bee n accuse d o f vaguenes s i n hi s terminology , especiall y b y Prote stants concerne d t o fin d i n Ratramnu s a mode l fo r thei r ow n teaching . Thi s vagueness i s deliberate : h e wa s writin g fo r al l believers , howeve r ignorant . H e rejected any reduction of the Mass to a figure, though he acknowledged the symbohc content of the Eucharist. Though the senses cannot distinguish betwee n consecrate d and nonconsecrated elements , th e consecrate d element s becom e Christ' s corporea l presence. Thi s combinatio n o f figur e an d truth , sign s whic h miraculousl y becom e the objects of which they are signs, is the centre of Radbert's doctrine. The prologue to th e wor k explain s ho w i t aim s t o resolv e th e question s raise d b y convert s a t Corvey, it s succes s ma y b e judge d b y th e dedication t o Charle s th e Bald . A luci d exposition o f th e centra l myster y o f Christia n ritua l clarifie s th e meanin g o f th e Mass, in marked contrast t o Amalarius' s allegorizin g mysticism . The las t treatis e whic h ca n b e ascribe d t o Radber t i s th e de Benedictionibus Patriacharum. Thi s i s preserve d i n a twelft h centur y manuscrip t fro m Readin g abbey, an d has not bee n edited. The treatise was composed for Abbot Marcward of Priim, an d complete d afte r hi s deat h i n 853. The wor k define s th e benedictions , which Rufinu s ha d discussed , i n term s o f th e patristi c tradition . Radber t eschew s eloquence, for he is writing for novices, but he preserves the traditions of rhetoric. 35 The proble m a t issu e i s whethe r th e blessing s promisse d t o th e Ol d Testamen t patriarchs ar e to b e interpreted spiritually , s o a s to refer to Chris t and His church . De Corpore, p . 49-50. Ibid., pp . 52-3. Ibid., p . 80. Ibid., p . 91. D. A. Bullough, Alcui n an d the Kingdo m o f Heaven , Carolingian Studies, ed . U.R.Blu menthal (Washingto n 1981), pp. 1-69. 35 quanquam in superfici vilissimo tegeretur cortice quia non adhibui eloquentiam ornatice sententiarum ut pulcher esset et laudabilis sermo qui debet esse gravis incorruptus etiam si adpossem. Fol . Iv.

31 32 33 34

86

The work refer s to Cicero, 36 and takes Ambrose, Rufinus an d Isidore as the models for a proper treatmen t o f th e topic . Th e benediction s foretel l futur e sacraments ; divine mysteries are veiled in carnal figures to remind us of the need for faith, just as the leaves and fruit of a tree are first hidden, until they germinate, like the scriptures which flourishe d i n Christ . The work include s a tribute t o th e monastery. 37 The literar y caree r o f Ratramnu s offer s a different mode l o f th e activitie s o f a Carolingian monastic scholar . Ratramnu s did not compose an y scriptural commen taries. Hi s wor k wa s entirel y concerne d wit h dogma . Hi s activitie s ar e importan t evidence fo r th e transformation o f Carolingia n theolog y i n the reign of Charle s the Bald, as the Carolingian episcopate attempted to define the role of a Heilsaristokratie in the face o f oppositio n whic h coul d readil y b e exploited fo r political ends. 38 The developmen t o f th e Corbi e schoo l unde r Ansga r an d Ratramnu s wa s important for the training of Saxo n converts. Adalhard's statute s reveal that Saxons were sen t t o Corbi e i n 822, and th e link s betwee n Corbi e an d Corve y wer e ver y close.39 When Gottschalk, afte r he had left th e monastery o f Fulda , spent some time at Corbie , h e becam e friendl y wit h hi s teacher , Ratramnus . I n a poe m sen t t o Ratramnus i n 849 Gottschalk ask s hi m fo r advic e i n defendin g hi s doctrin e o n predestination.40 H e wa s t o b e condemne d i n 849 at the syno d o f Quierzy , whic h Radbertus attended , an d hi s writing s wer e condemne d t o b e burned . H e sen t hi s treatise o n predestinatio n t o anothe r Corbi e monk , Gislemar , wh o ha d bee n involved i n the Danish missio n o f Ansgar. 41 Most o f ou r knowledg e o f th e process o f Ratramnus ' intervention i n this debat e derives fro m letter s o f Hincma r an d Hrabanu s Maurus , th e tw o archbishop s mos t concerned to crush Gottschalk's teaching . Hrabanus 42 says that Gottschalk ha d sent him a treatise, and that Ratramnus incorrectly interpreted Fulgentius and the treatise de Induratione Cordis* I n 852 Hincmar received a copy of Gottschalk' s treatis e on the soul, a response to a serie of questions , which Hincmar refuted. Ratramnu s was to writ e a n answe r t o thes e questions . Hincma r als o reveals tha t Ratramnus sen t a dossier o n th e Trinity, drawin g o n Augustin e an d Hilary , t o Bisho p Hildegar d o f

36 Quod si mihi ut ita loquar oratori esset spem ut aiunt Marci Tullii pluraque ora moveret, nescio si verborum uberitate ac sensuum referare possem paucis quae in divinis benedictionibus oblecta sunt mysteriis et gravida facta sacramentis. Fol. 2v. 37 Unde karissimi non immerito beata credimus monachorum coenobia qui talia die ac nocte meditantur seu pedes Domini ut accipiant de doctrina Christi partem quae non auferetur ab eis. Fol. lOv. 38 D. Ganz, Th e Debat e o n Predestination , Charles the Bald, CouH and Kingdom, ed . M . Gibson, J.Nelson (Oxfor d 1981), pp.353-73. J.Devisse, pp . 115-279; G.Schrimpf, Hraba n un d de r Predesti nationsstreit de s 9.Jahrhunderts , Hrabanus Maurus Lehrer, Abt und Bischof ed . R . Kottje, H . Zimmermann, Akademie der Wissenschaften un d der Literatur. Abh. der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaft lichen Klasse : Einzelveroff . 4 (Mainz 1982), pp. 145-53, and id., Das Werk des Johannes Scottus Eriugena im Rahmen des Wissenschaftsverstdndnisses seiner Zeit, Beitrag e zu r Geschicht e de r Philosophic und Theologi e de s Mittelalters , Neu e Folg e 23 (Miinster 1982), pp. 72-131. 39 K. H. Kriiger, Zu r Nachfolgeregelun g vo n 826 in de n Kloster n Corbi e un d Corvey , Tradition als historische Kraft, ed . N . Kamp, J.Wollasch (Berli n 1982), pp. 181-%; Bischoff, MS III , pp. 112-9. 40 MGH Poetae III , p. 733-77. 41 Vita Anskarii, c . 10. 42 MGHEp.\,pASS. 43 MGH Ep.V, p . 492.

87

Meaux in 853, and that this wor k supporte d Gottschalk' s doctrin e tha t th e expres sion trina deus was th e grammaticall y correc t wa y t o refe r t o th e deity . Hincma r regarded this as a dangerous innovation without patristic authority. His own lengthy and disordere d refutatio n wa s compose d i n 855. The tw o los t dossier s whic h Hincmar an d Hrabanu s refe r t o impl y that , usin g th e Corbi e library , Ratramnu s could readil y assembl e anthologie s o f authoritativ e source s o n th e Trinity an d o n predestination. Annotation s i n Corbi e manuscript s sho w thi s proces s i n action . Ratramnus's activit y her e ma y hav e spurre d Radber t int o writin g a dossie r t o supplement hi s ow n eucharisti c treatise , an d th e developmen t o f suc h dossier s characterizes th e prescholasti c approac h t o theology . Th e originalit y i s no t i n th e choice of texts, though styles of theology were affected b y the authorities chosen. It lies in the definition o f ne w problems. I n several cases the problems were raise d b y discussion, often among recently converted Saxons, and the threat of heresy required the resolutio n o f thes e problem s b y a n expert . Question s fro m Saxon s a t Corve y about the Eucharist, the questions of Gottschal k the Saxon about predestination, and the worries of the Irish theologian Macariu s about the soul serv e as a reminder that Carolingian theology wa s a response t o the very specific uncertaintie s whic h follo w from the attempt to create a Christian society. I t is no small tribute to the intellectual standing o f Corbi e tha t so much Carohngia n theolog y wa s written there . Carolingian theologians ha d tried to define th e redemption bot h in terms of wha t participation i n Christ's bod y o f th e churc h entailed , an d in terms o f ho w th e elec t were defined. This definition reshape d theme s i n ecclesiology, create d a doctrine o f the Eucharist, and, in the striving for a doctrine of predestination, forced theologian s into two distinct and irreconcilable camps. The prime tool of theology was grammar, though i n th e work s o f Ratramnu s ther e i s a n interes t i n dialecti c an d th e logica l process of definitio n an d consequence. Ratramnu s was concerned t o achieve greater clarity i n definition s tha n hi s contemporaries . Charle s th e Bal d ha d questione d whether consecration was a mystery o r a fact. I n the view o f J. P. Bouhot, h e aske d Ratramnus abou t thi s whe n h e visite d Corbi e i n 843, and Ratramnus an d Radber t both replied . Thi s suggestio n ha s th e meri t o f explainin g wh y Charle s aske d Ratramnus t o interven e i n th e debat e o n predestinatio n i n 850: he wa s alread y known and respected by Charles. 43* But Bouhot is unable to offer an y new evidenc e for hi s dating , whic h mus t b e regarde d a s a subtl e an d attractiv e hypothesis . Ratramnus answere d Charle s b y addressin g tw o issues : whethe r th e presenc e o f Christ in the Eucharist is visible only to the eye of faith, and whether this is the body born o f Mary , crucifie d an d raise d int o heaven . The treatis e b y Ratramnu s o n th e Eucharist begins with the assertion that, "To prevent ourselves being stopped b y the ambiguity of language, let us first define what we mean by 'figure/ wha t by 'truth. ,w The Eucharist i s a figure, fo r figures sa y on e thing but mean another. Fo r it to be a mystery, it must be a figure.44 Outwardly neithe r bread nor wine can be recognize d as flesh an d blood : Nam si secundum quosdam figurate nihil hie accipitur sed totum in veritate conspkiatur, nihil hie fidesoperatur. 43a Bouhot , pp . 83-5. 44 Ratramnus, p. 44.

88

To describ e th e chang e Ratramnu s draw s o n th e Lati n translatio n o f Aristotle' s Categoriae, firs t introduced to the Carolingian world by Alcuin 45. The Eucharist is a figure, fo r figures sa y one thing, but indicate another. Truth, by contrast, is the clear revelation o f a thing. I n orde r t o understan d th e faith whic h enable s u s to perceive the mystery o f the Eucharist we must understand the categories of change which the bread and wine of the Eucharist have undergone. The de Decern Categoriae supphe d Ratramnus wit h th e term s permutatio an d demutatio t o describ e possibl e changes . Since there is no visible change in the consecrated elements, Augustine's de Doctrina Christiana serve s t o establis h tha t th e myster y i s a figure . Augustine' s lette r t o Boniface (Ep. 98) treats the difference betwee n sacraments and their referents, whose names the y ma y assume. 46 His term s permutatio an d demutatio offe r a rang e o f type s o f change . I n th e ceremony o f th e Eucharist , n o chang e i n the element s afte r consecratio n i s visible, but there is a spiritual change . Non ergo idem sunt quod cernuntur et quod creditur (XIX, p . 48). The de Doctrina Christiana establishe d tha t th e myster y o f th e Eucharist is a figure (III , xvi). Sacraments are not the same as those things of whic h they ar e sacraments . Th e lette r o f Augustin e t o Bonifac e establishe s thi s wit h reference t o Christ' s sacrifice , an d its dail y celebration . The secon d par t o f th e treatis e explain s th e differenc e betwee n Christ' s rea l an d His spiritua l body . I t begin s with a passage take n from Ambrose, de Mysteriis, bu t identified a s th e de Sacramentis, whic h affirm s tha t th e livin g brea d o f Christ' s sacrifice is seen by the eye of faith. We say 'I believe', not *I see'. This appears to be a reinterpretation o f a passage which Radbert had used. I f Chris t were th e bread and wine then He, hke they, would be corruptible. Jerome, On Ephesians, I, 7, confirms this distinction betwee n a corporeal an d a spiritual body. Augustine' s in Johannem, 27 offers th e aphorism , Gratia eius non consumitur morsibus (Ratramnus , LXX , p. 60). Fulgentius, de Fide, show s ho w Ol d Testament sacrifice s wer e als o commemorations o f Christ' s bod y (de Fide, I , 19 - Ratramnus, XC , p . 65). Of thes e passages, only the de Decern Categoris and Fulgentius, de Fide, had not already been quoted b y Radbert . Bot h work s offere d Ratramnu s a more systemati c theology , i n which dialecti c argumen t supplemente d patristi c authority . Becaus e bot h Radber t and Ratramnu s wer e tacklin g a new problem , onl y hinte d a t in earhe r works, th e difference i n approach to a near identical set of authoritie s shows differing visions of the Christia n relatio n t o Christ' s sacrifice . I n th e word s o f th e bes t analysi s o f Ratramnus' treatise , 'H e though t th e Eucharis t t o b e i n th e rea l orde r wha t a metaphor i s i n th e logica l order'. 47 I n orde r t o understan d th e stanc e Ratramnu s took, i t is most helpfu l t o conside r contemporar y reaction s to hi s teaching . Gottschalk is one of the first authors to quote Radbert on the Eucharist, though he ascribes some passages of the work to Augustine. He affirme d tha t the passage from Ratramnus quote d b y Radber t coul d no t b e authentic (Lambot , p . 325). We cannot eat the body bor n of Mary, for that is in heaven, and it would b e improper for us to eat it . Bu t w e ca n ea t th e bod y o f Christ , consecrate d b y th e priest . Radbert' s threefold divisio n o f 'Corpus Christi 9 int o th e church , th e Eucharist , an d Christ' s 45 Aristoteles Latinu s I Categoriae, ed . L . Minio Paluell o (Bruge s 1961), pp. 133-75. 46 The definition o f a sacrament i s derived from Isidore , Etymologiae, VI , 19, 38 47 J.Fahey, The Eucharistic Teaching of Ratramn of Corbie (Mundelei n 1951), p. 30.

89

resurrected body is accepted by Gottschal k (ibid.). Th e mystery enable s the faithfu l to glimps e a more rea l world. Fredugard, a former pupi l o f Radbert , wrot e t o questio n hi m abou t hi s us e o f Augustine and Ambrose. Hi s lette r is lost, but Radbert's repl y survives . I t include s an excerpt from Radbert's great commentary o n Matthew, which serves to date it to c.856. Radber t quotes Cyprian , Ep.63: Chris t an d His churc h ar e one bod y i n th e sacrament. H e defend s hi s teachin g wit h passage s fro m Gregor y an d fro m th e Council o f Ephesus , an d ask s Fredugar d fo r furthe r questions , includin g hi s view s on the treatment of th e Eucharist in the Commentary on Matthew. Th e letter close s with a compendium o f quotation s fro m Leo , Sermo 98; Cyril's Epistula Synodica; Hilarius, de Trinitate, 8, 14 ; Augustine, in Johannem, 26; Augustine, In Ps. 33 and 98; in Johannem, 27; John Chrysostom , de Sacerdotio; an d Leo , Sermo 91. This suggests that , alarme d b y Ratramnu s an d Gottschalk' s reactions , Radber t wa s concerned to underline the orthodoxy of his explanation of the Eucharist. In contrast to Ratramnus , h e regarde d th e Mas s a s a true sacrifice . Ratramnus , followin g th e Epistle to the Hebrews, affirmed that the sacrifice was made once for all (Ratramnus, XXXIX, p. 44; cf. Gottschalk, p. 332). It is important to recognize to what extent the controversy wa s abou t th e Mass , no t abou t communion . Th e Mas s offere d a commemoration of Christ' s sacrifice and a means of sharing in it. It was a part of the memorial rite s o f earl y medieva l Europe , securin g th e intercessio n o f th e saints. 48 The frequen t masse s o f Carohngia n monasti c liturg y wer e a n innovation , an d Radbert affirmed that Christ's sacrifice is repeated daily for our sins. In the debate on predestination, th e problem o f redemptio n was tackle d afresh . Ratramnus' treatise on predestination i s his first securel y dated work. 49 It consist s of tw o parts , a treatise o n ho w Go d govern s th e world , an d a discourse o n pre destination. Bot h part s hav e dossier s o f patristi c text s concernin g doubl e pre destination, and in Book I Ratramnus also assembles texts on how God makes use of evil me n t o accomplis h Hi s ends. I n hi s preface , Ratramnu s speak s o f collecta ... capitula. The text s ar e quoted a t length, especiall y th e passages fro m Augustine , de gratia et libero arbitrio, Gregory' s Moralia an d Augustin e o n John. I n th e secon d part, th e range o f text s i s greater , an d th e lengt h o f th e separat e quotation s i s less . Ratramnus i s concerne d t o establis h th e definitio n o f th e term s h e uses , s o tha t Augustine an d Fulgentius ar e quoted, with further extracts from Augustine on John to demonstrate double predestination. 50 Fulgentius, Ad Monimum, i s also quoted in detail. Th e wor k close s wit h a detaile d commentar y o n Isidore' s definitio n o f predestination. All of the texts quoted can be matched to extant copies in the Corbie hbrary, and in many cases the excerpting marks which Ratramnus and his assistants made in assembling the battery of patristic sources may be found beside the passages 48 A. Haussling, Mbnchskonvent und Eucharistiefeier, Liturgiewissenschaftlich e Quelle n und Forschungen 58 (Munster 1973). 49 This treatis e was reedite d b y T . R. Roberts, i n hi s Columbi a Missour i Dissertatio n o f 1977, which I was abl e to consul t i n the German Historica l Institut e i n Paris. 50 In Bern 363, a copy of Serviu s and other texts from an Irish milieu, there are references t o Ratramnus beside Servius* glosses on Gemini o n ff. 65 v and 88v, and also references to Gottschalk beside passages dealing with fate and free will. For full details cf. John Contreni, The Irish in the Western Carolingia n Empire (Accordin g t o James F . Kenney an d Bern , Burgerbibliothe k 363), Die Iren und Europa im fruheren Mittelalter, ed . H. Lowe (Stuttgar t 1982), pp.758-98.

90

quoted. Bu t Ratramnu s i s n o mor e compiler , h e order s thes e source s i n orde r t o resolve a set o f specifi c problems , arranged in a far more systematic way tha n those sources had done. The theologica l metho d which Ratramnus found i n the synthese s of patristi c though t assemble d b y Fulgentiu s an d Isidor e enable d hi m t o orde r his own thought . Hi s lon g commentar y o n Isidore' s definitio n o f predestination bring s an enviable clarit y t o th e topic . B y includin g gleaning s from th e longer treatise s o f Gregory an d Cassiodorus , Ratramnu s create s a patristic traditio n o f harmoniou s concord. Ratramnus* firs t treatis e o n th e soul 51 wa s on e o f severa l treatise s writte n i n response t o question s whic h Charle s th e Bald aske d of hi s theologians . I n definin g the problem of the soul, Ratramnus quoted from Augustine, de Genesi ad Litteram, VIII, xix-xxii ; Claudianu s Mamertus , de Statu Animae; Isidore , Sententiae an d de ordine creaturum; Cassiodorus , de animae, an d Ambrose, Hexameron. Th e tex t i s httle more than a dossier o f quotations . Ratramnus' secon d treatis e o n th e sou l wa s als o writte n fo r Odo , bisho p o f Beauvais, i n th e earl y 860*s . It wa s writte n t o refut e th e teaching s o f a n otherwis e unknown Irishman , Macarius , whic h ha d bee n expounde d b y a pupi l o f hi s a t St. Germer d e Fly , a n abbe y controlle d b y Odo , Ratramnus ' frien d an d forme r abbot. Ratramnu s wa s concerne d t o establis h th e logica l premise s fo r suc h a n argument. He affirme d tha t species were no more than mental concepts, lacking real existence. This doctrine is defended not only in a discussion of Augustine's doctrine, which had occasioned Macarius' doubts, but also by an appeal to pagan philosophy. The doctrine of a universal soul would destroy human personality, and confutes our understanding o f unity . The de Decern Categoriae offer s a dialectical mode l whic h enables Ratramnus to refute his opponent. The view o f universals which Ratramnu s combats is close to that of John Scottus. He quote s Augustine, de Trinitate an d the de Quantitate Animae; th e de Natura et Origine Animae, de Decern Categoris, an d especially Boethius , de Persona et Duabus Naturis, an d hi s commentar y o n th e Isagoge. This last text received a detailed commentary. 52 Further evidenc e o f Ratramnus ' approach t o hi s source s i s foun d i n a brief tex t published i n 1982 by Schmitz. 53 Ratramnus , venerabilis vir et nominatissimus in Francia, was asked by his pupil Joseph about the decree of the 852 Council of Mainz concerning wome n wh o accidentall y crushe d thei r babie s t o deat h whil e asleep . Though th e answe r draws onl y o n Deuteronomy 21, 1-6, the terminology use d b y Ratramnus convey s hi s originalit y an d his sensitivity . In his letter to Rimber t abou t the Cynocephali Ratramnu s agai n offers a humane sympathy whe n confronted b y a ne w problem . Rimber t ha d encountere d dog headed people in Denmark, an d was anxious to learn whether such people might be converted to Christianity. To protest at the absurdity of the question is to misunderstand it . Rimber t kne w o f th e existenc e o f dog-heade d people s fro m Isidore , an d 51 Ed. Wilmart, RB, XLIII (1931), pp. 210-23. 52 G. d'Onofrio, Boethius * Opuscul a Sacr a an d thei r Medieva l Readers , Studi Medievali 3, 2 7 (1986), pp. 45-67. D'Onofrio note s tha t th e Liber de Anima 'follows , wor d b y word , th e outlin e o f th e Boethian text' , p. 61. 53 G. Schmitz, Schul d un d Strafe . Ein e unbekannt e Stellungnahm e de s Rathramnu s vo n Corbi e zu r Kindestdtung, Deutsches Archw 38 (1982), pp. 363-87.

91

possibly from sources on the marvels of the East. He had not met them, so that they might well have been akin to masked Danes. The question is not about marvels; it is an attemp t t o defin e th e limit s o f missionar y activity . Rimber t wishe d t o lear n whether there were peopl e wh o coul d no t b e absorbe d int o th e Christia n commu nity. I n his answer , Ratramnu s define s thos e qualitie s whic h determin e humanity , and decides tha t Rimbert's accoun t clearl y describe s humans . Ratramnus' last work, the Contra Grecorum Opposita, wa s composed to refute the teachings o f Photius , i n answer to a request o f Hincma r o f Rheim s sen t to Od o o f Beauvais in 868. It is 'the most ambitious and the most theologically significant wor k against th e Greeks'. 54 The wor k reveal s the rang e of Ratramnus' s reading , an d th e themes whic h h e chos e t o defin e th e difference s betwee n th e Easter n an d Western churches. His sources are the decrees of the councils of Nicea and Constantinople, as transmitted by Dionysius Exiguus, and texts of Athanasius; Gregory of Naziance, de Spiritu Sancto; Ambrose , de Spiritu Sancto; Didymus , Paschasius , Augustine , ad Orosium; Gregory, Homily 26; Augustine, On John, XCIX ; de Trinitate, I , 4; I, 12; XV, 6; XV, 17; XV, 19: XV, 23; XV, 26; XV, 27; Augustine, Adversus Quinque Haeresis, Adversus Maximinum; Gennadius ; Fulgentius, de Spiritu Sancto; Athanasius; Eusebius , Historia Ecclesiastica, and Cassiodorus ; Historia Tripartita; Jose phus; the Vita Silvestri ascribe d by Ratramnu s t o Eusebius ; the Council s o f Nicea , Neocaesarea an d Carthage ; letter s o f Justinian , an d papal letter s i n th e Chalcedo n dossier. The work stresses the Carolingian doctrine that the Spirit proceeds from the Son as well as the Father. Like Adalhard before him, Ratramnus regards the Filioque as the central issue of the debate. I n his concern to contrast th e traditionalism o f the Western churc h wit h Gree k innovation , Ratramnu s require s a batter y o f patristi c quotation. Hi s defence of Rome, 'None ar e in communion with the Catholic church whilst they separate themselves from communion with Rome'55 requires an appeal to ecumenical councils , bu t als o t o th e Scriptura l evidenc e fo r Roma n primacy . I n defence of this primacy he uses the Vita Silvestri, an d he is the first to ascribe this text to Eusebius . H e als o stresse s tha t n o Gree k counci l ha d eve r condemne d th e orthodoxy of his Latin sources. But it is his familiarity with Greek sources, quoted in translation, which sustains his argument that the church, not imperial decrees , must determine th e doctrin e o f Christendom . Hi s us e o f Pseudo-Isidore , note d b y Ullmann56 i s evidenc e o f th e importance o f Corbi e i n the history o f tha t text. In the study of quotations in the writings of Corbie authors we see the Carohngian renaissance a s i t wa s conceived , th e sprea d o f learning . 'Whoeve r approache s thi s treasure with a devout mind and searches for anything in good faith, will profit from this knowledg e an d enrich himsel f (Libri Carolini, II , 30, p. 96). The tw o florilegia compile d b y Hadoar d an d survivin g i n manuscript s whic h h e copied a t Corbie ar e closer to th e lost dossiers which Ratramnus and Gislemar sent to Gottschalk , an d t o Gottschalk' s ow n dossiers , tha n t o th e work s o f theolog y discussed above . Nevertheles s bot h involv e considerabl e originalit y i n conceptio n and execution. By selecting groups o f text s which treated the same theme, Hadoar d offered a rewriting of his sources. His reader could find assembled all the passages in 54 R. Haugh, Photius and the Carolmgians (Belmon t 1975), p. 107. 55 PL, 121, 272. 56 W. Ullmann, The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship (Londo n 1973), p. 157.

92

the City of God wher e Augustine discussed pagan philosophy, o r passages from the de Officiis, Book s I and V of the Tusculans, and the Lucullus all treating of the merits of philosophy a s the search for truth. The florilegia offer unmatched evidence of just how a Carolingian schola r read Cicero an d Augustine, an d conceived of a synthesis of their thought. In each case, however, Hadoard does not confine his excerpts to the writings o f a singl e author . Hi s ai m i s a n antholog y o f classica l an d Christia n teaching. As has been shown, this project involved considerable philological investigation; Hadoard was engage d in preserving and distilling ancien t wisdom t o satisf y present needs . Our knowledg e o f Hadoard' s personalit y depend s entirel y o n th e poe m wit h which h e began his classical florilegium. The poem was copied afte r th e manuscript had been completed, and Bischoff consider s the script to be closer to that in the Paris florilegium. I t has a marked leftward slant , an d is less compressed an d angular than the main script of the volume. The final four lines, in which Hadoard names himself , are added in clearer ink, an d Hadoard correct s the text in lines 19, 57, 70, 75, 88 and 94. The poem is a direct address to readers of the florilegium, explaining the nature of the work, and defending it from the charge of heresy. It begins by explaining that the reader wil l lear n th e saying s o f th e ancient s an d th e ancien t wisdo m o f Rom e refulgent an d flowing. Text s ar e presente d t o th e reade r whic h th e libraria n ha d assembled because he wanted to reread them. If they contain something useful then it should b e purged an d refined; thes e are the artis rudimenta whic h ma y b e embellished with eloquence. God can let dogma flow forth which will be suitable for faithful Christians. I f the reader disapproves, and judges the selections unprofitable, the n let him consign the work to the flames. Hadoard had 'feared to reread authors whom he knew to be beyond the pale of holy faith and who had brought upon themselves th e gates o f Gehenna' . Fearin g t o gathe r thei r teaching s h e praye d t o th e Lor d fo r enlightenment. I n a dream, Hadoard found a solution to hi s dilemma: H e wa s told how h e migh t fin d hidde n treasure . A dov e lea d hi m t o a n old an d rotte n willo w beside gree n turf. H e sough t t o dig on the green, but the dove nodded a t the roots. He dared to look in among the roots and found metal, not gold; but with knowledge gold coul d b e made from it : Haud aurum fuerat verum sed materiamen, Unde aurum fieri arte sciens quiverat. Digging deepe r h e dre w ou t ancien t boo k satchel s an d whe n h e awok e fro m th e dream he remembered their titles. The dove, which may represent rectam intellegentiam scripturae as in Gregory's Commentary on Canticles, recalls the dove which led Aeneas to the golden bough. The poem offers a brief summary of the contents of th e volume's ninetee n sections . I t starts with a n account o f divin e nature , draw n fro m Cicero, an d the n treat s th e soul , th e univers e an d ho w Go d rule s Hi s creation , derived from Plato in Cicero's translation. The summary ends after a reference to the third sectio n an d the poem note s tha t ther e are excerpts fro m Sallust , an d passages from Macrobiu s an d Martianu s Capella . Macrobiu s i s describe d a s de quattuor disciplinarum partibus ac mathesis, an d Martianus Capella , iam dictas artes insonat atque docet. Bot h these lines imply that there was a clear understanding of the nature 93

of th e hbera l art s a t Corbie , an d thi s i s confirme d b y th e tex t o f Martianu s Capella use d b y Hadoard , a versio n closes t t o tha t foun d i n th e Corbi e manus cript Paris , B.N . Lat . 13955, a collectio n o f text s dealin g wit h th e seve n hbera l arts. Throughout th e volume , Hadoar d altere d th e tex t o f Cicer o t o mak e i t mor e acceptable t o hi s readers , an d more applicabl e t o thei r own premises . H e remove d references t o th e participant s i n th e Ciceronia n dialogues , an d i n place s h e modi fied th e tex t o f passage s s o a s t o smoot h a transition betwee n differen t topics . O n fol. 63 v ther e i s a transitio n fro m th e Tusculans t o th e LucUlus, an d Hadoar d provides th e linkin g passage , Sed nunc iam de his satis dicta sunt. Ad priora revertamur. Throughou t al l th e extract s reference s t o th e god s ar e altere d int o references t o God , an d frequentl y th e name s o f paga n philosopher s quote d b y Cicero ar e omitted . I n certai n passage s Hadoar d inserte d Christia n reference s t o clarify an d develo p Cicero' s though t a s h e fel t i t migh t b e understood . Rejectin g fables h e mad e a referenc e t o th e rectissimum et summum bonum, an d i n th e opening passag e o f th e work , take n fro m th e openin g o f th e de Natura Deorum, Hadoard add s the term essentia to Cicero' s text . Cum multae res in philosophia nequaquam satis explicatae sint, multum perdifficilis et perobscura quaestio est de essentia vel natura deitatis. Cicero's tex t rea d quaestio de natura deorum. Essentia i s th e firs t ter m t o b e defined i n Hadoard's patristic florilegium, bu t it is not a Ciceronian term. From the first sentence, Hadoard is prepared to reform Cicero . Similarly references t o nature, in extract s fro m th e Tusculans and th e Lucullus, ar e modifie d t o refe r t o eterna l nature. Cicero uses gignere in two passages abou t the world; Hadoard replace s this verb by creare (Excerpts 57 & 60). The openin g sectio n o f th e florilegium treat s th e natur e o f God , listin g differen t views fro m th e Tusculans an d th e de Natura Deorum. Thes e includ e Cicero' s summary of paga n myths abou t Saturn, Juno, Ceres , Minerva, Diana and Venus, so as to demonstrat e ho w 'fro m a true an d valuable philosophy o f natur e has evolve d this imaginar y an d fanciful pantheon' , an d to offe r a n explanation o f th e origins o f paganism. Hadoar d faithfull y reflect s th e monotheis m o f Cicero , an d s o convey s a sense of th e classical paganism combatted b y Augustine and Lactantius. The secon d section derives from Cicero' s translation of Plato' s Timeaus, a work include d in the Leiden corpus. This deals with the creation of th e world from the four elements, the nature o f th e soul , an d th e generatio n o f hvin g creature s b y th e Platoni c forms . Hadoard include s a passag e quote d b y Augustin e i n de Civitate Dei, XIII , 23. Section thre e treat s divin e providenc e i n a bloc k o f extract s fro m th e de Natura Deorum. Providenc e govern s th e world, and is the source of huma n wisdom. There is an account of the sun, moon and planets in which passages from II, 103 and II, 49 are conflated t o giv e a more complet e an d systemati c accoun t o f th e heavens . The delights o f th e world proclaim th e perfection o f it s government . The next section deals with human nature, starting with further extracts from th e de Natura Deorum. Man' s gifts reveal the providence of nature, and man's power t o 57 The preface i s edited in the appendix.

94

control th e force s o f natur e lead s hi m t o knowledg e o f God . Extract s fro m th e opening of th e de Legibus exal t human reason, by which man appears divine. Virtue links ma n t o God , bu t justic e i s nature' s chie f legacy . Sectio n V is abou t th e soul , consisting o f a continuous bloc k o f passage s fro m Tusculanae Disputationes I . The extracts begi n wit h th e teaching s o f Plat o an d Aristotle , explicitl y identifie d i n contrast t o Aristoxenus , Democritu s an d Theophrastus, conceale d a s quidam. Th e major problem i s ho w th e sou l come s t o b e confined withi n th e body . The sou l i s immortal, an d this section ends with a discussion o f death which draws on passages from th e de Legibus. Section VI, entitled de Ratione Iusque Humanum, continue s the excerpts from the de Legibus, dealing with the unwritten principles of law. Knowledge of the principle of righ t livin g improve s man , an d th e univers e make s u p on e commonwealth . Human law s acquir e thei r validit y b y bein g i n accordanc e wit h natur e an d man' s search for good. Hadoard omits most of de Legibus III, which deals with the powers of the state, and ends this section with Sallust's prologue to the Jugurtha, describin g how me n ar e controlled b y fate . In Sectio n VII , de Divinatione Fato Sorteque ac Somnis, Hadoar d preserve s Cicero's rejectio n o f divination , assertin g tha t knowledg e o f th e future woul d b e a disadvantage. Passage s from th e de Fato define fre e will, and the section close s wit h excerpts from th e de Divinatione o n dreams. In Section VIII, de Sapientia, Hadoar d combined extracts from the de Officiis, de Natura Deorum, Tusculanae Disputatationes an d Lucullus, arranged so a s to giv e a didactic tone to the theme. Philosophy is the love of wisdom, wisdom the knowledge of thing s human and divine an d of th e causes b y which thes e things are controlled. Wisdom leads to the happy life and to virtue. Philosophy is for the few; it brings no rewards save for a hfe governed by reason. But this alone can secure a happy life. It is the guide of life . Without it human life would b e a poor business . Extracts from the Lucullus treat th e limitation s o n ou r knowledge : w e canno t kno w th e heavens , o r master the workings of the mind. The section ends with a discussion of the happy hfe which include s a n extrac t fro m Cicero' s Hortensiu s preserve d i n Augustine , de Trinitate, XIV , 9, 12 . Section IX , de Virtute ac Perturbationibus Animi, consist s o f passage s fro m th e Tusculans. Virtue alon e i s sufficien t fo r a happy hfe , i n contras t t o fortune . Publi c reputation is a false virtue, but the soul may b e cured of it. Griefs an d disorders are hsted, but Hadoard cuts from Tusculans IV to II to end the section with a n account of virtu e a s the highest good , an d fortitude a s man's special virtue . Section X derive s fro m the Paradoxa. Entitle d de Probabilitate et Rationabilitate Humana, i t treat s o f th e freedo m o f th e wis e an d o f th e virtue s o f men . The nex t section, de Vita Beata, opens with praise of virtue, and then proceeds through Book V o f th e Tusculans, to sho w tha t wha t i s righ t i s th e onl y good . A surve y o f th e teachings of philosophers treat s the rejection of authority , th e merits of fortitude i n adversity, an d the contrast betwee n desiderium an d satietas. Section XI I treat s de Amicitia, wit h extract s i n sequenc e fro m Cicero' s treatise , listing the qualities of a friend, the merits of friendship, and how it relates to virtue. Section XIII , de Oratore, accept s Cicero' s view o f a practical discipline , base d on a general education. Hadoard includes a history of Roman rhetoric, and links rhetoric 95

to ethics . Oratory i s the supreme ar t of fre e communities . Style s ar e evaluated, and the arrangement o f th e material i s treate d a t length. The nex t section , de Romana Philosophia, depend s o n Tusculans, I, 1-8. Section XV, de Fabulis, consists of two passages from Macrobius, 1,2 on what fables are, and what they may describe. Both these section s were used to fill th e blank leaves at the end of th e section de Oratore. Th e extract s from th e de Officiis, b y contras t ar e far more substantial. Radbert quotes from Ambrose's de Officiis in the preface to Boo k XI of his Expositio in Matthaeum s o that Ambrose may have spurred Hadoard. Bu t no copy of Ambrose' de Officiis survives from Corbie. Hadoard was interested both in Cicero's definitio n o f th e suprem e good , an d in his rule s fo r attainin g i t in dail y hfe. H e include s th e discussio n o f justice , th e nee d t o serv e ou r country , an d t o protect other s fro m wrong . Th e discussio n o f wa r i s abridge d an d i n plac e o f Cicero's storie s of Cato , Pyrrhus an d Regulus, Hadoard quote s fro m Sallus t on th e growth o f ambitio n and the lust for power, usin g a quotation whic h Augustine ha d incorporated int o de Civitate Dei, 5, 19 . Benevolence an d fortitud e ar e treate d a t length, an d liberalitas i s analyzed. Boo k II I o f th e de Officiis is excerpte d i n a new section entitled, de Honestate atque Utilitate earumque concordia. This attempt s t o find a consensus o n wha t i s right . I t i s wron g t o injur e other s fo r self-advantage : human an d divin e law s war n agains t covetousness . T o fil l u p th e quir e Hadoar d created a new section , Commemoratio Philosophiae, dealing with Pythagoras, thos e who invente d crops , clothe s an d houses , th e cul t o f th e divin e an d the transfe r o f philosophy t o Rome , i n five excerpt s fro m th e Tusculans. The final section from Cicer o is a set of passages, excerpted in sequence from th e de Senectute. They insis t tha t philosoph y ma y b e studie d throughou t a man's life . Age shoul d no t b e feared ; i t i s a part o f natur e an d shoul d b e accepte d willingly . Fueled by study and instruction, old age is a dehght. Cato's description of his garden and th e pleasure s o f husbandr y i s quote d i n full . Bu t Hadoar d quote s mos t comprehensively fro m Cicero' s attac k o n th e fea r o f deat h an d hi s defenc e o f th e immortality o f th e soul . A lon g serie s o f extract s fro m Macrobiu s follow s thi s section , fo r Macrobiu s followed th e de Senectute i n Paris , B.N . Nouv . Acq . Lat . 454. Four reading s ar e unique t o B.N. Nouv . Acq . Lat . 454 and three more ar e found i n corrections t o it . The extract s transfor m th e work fro m a commentary t o a treatise o n numerology , the virtues, th e origi n o f th e soul , an d th e universe . Hadoar d include s Macrobius ' diagrams, which clarify the text. More numerology is found in the final extracts from Martianus Capella , VII, 731-750, VI, 588-610, 706-715 , and VIII, 872-808. Responding t o Augustine' s repeate d praise s o f Cicero , Hadoar d attempte d t o follow Augustin e b y drawin g o n Cicer o a s a sourc e fo r Christia n philosophy . Augustine is the only Christian author quoted in the florilegium, and Hadoard takes care to quote from Ciceronian passages. In his assemblage of texts Hadoard created a systematic expositio n o f Go d an d Hi s creation , th e soul , th e working s o f divin e providence in the world, human nature and human reason, justice, free will an d the importance of philosophy. Then follow extract s on ethics, the virtues, contempt fo r death an d the happ y hfe , wit h detaile d exposition s o f th e virtues o f friendshi p an d the duties of an orator and a citizen. The section on old age becomes a description of the immortality of th e soul, an d is followed b y a neoplatonic accoun t of th e soul i n %

the universe, and of cosmology. Thus the work cover s both ethics and physics. The volume contain s very heavy annotation s i n tironian notes which supply a full inde x to the themes covered, especially to Cicero's definitions. Som e of these notes, in the opinion of Bischoff, ar e written by scribes other than Hadoard himself. The y supply the work with a system of cross-references which would enable a reader to extract all references to such topics as the cardinal virtues. There are no Carolingian parallels to so comprehensive a use of Cicero, and Hadoard has included enough autobiographi cal passages t o preserve somethin g o f Cicero' s personahty . Instea d o f th e dialogu e and revision offere d b y Augustine , Hadoar d give s a systematic accoun t o f Roma n wisdom a s Cicer o expresse d it . Hi s concer n wit h th e recover y o f a n alie n pas t outdistanced th e achievement o f an y of his contemporaries, bot h by the scale of hi s reading, an d b y hi s desir e t o salvag e a pagan heritage . Th e civi c value s foun d i n Cicero's works , especiall y i n th e de Legibus an d the de Officiis, furnis h a n understanding o f man' s plac e i n natur e an d th e aim s o f civi l societ y whic h canno t b e matched in any Carolingian text. 'The good of each and every individual is the good of th e whole. ' B y linkin g civi c societ y wit h th e searc h fo r truth , a sens e o f th e common good, and a love of decorum, Ciceronian ethics supply an ideal of corporate society fa r removed fro m Carolingia n norms . The codicolog y o f eac h o f Hadoard' s manuscript s offer s importan t insight s int o how he worked. Hi s excerpt s from Cicer o in Vat. Reg. Lat . 1762 were assembled in stages. I n som e case s h e excerpte d fro m onl y on e wor k o f Cicero , i n other s h e grouped passage s accordin g t o thei r topic . The text s o n differen t topic s wer e probably assembled at the same time, for at the ends of sections V and XV the script is compressed. I t had to fi t befor e th e next section , whic h begin s a fresh quire . The only explanatio n i s tha t thes e quires ha d alread y bee n started . The patristic florile gium in Paris, B.N. Lat . 13381 does not have any section titles, though the presence of re d initials on ff . 2r , 31 r and 31v, o f space s for initials o n ff. 56r , 67v, 156r , 191r and 235r, and of blank passages preceding these initials on ff. 55v , 67r, and 190v, and also on ff. 129v and 148v show that Hadoard was aware of different themes , but had not anticipate d ho w muc h spac e the treatment o f eac h theme migh t take . As in the classical florilegium, new themes coincide with new quires. 58 The quires are ruled in slightly differin g formats . Mos t hav e 23 lines, but ff. 112-122 and 159-179 have 24, and 229-230 2 2 lines. This suggests that Hadoard di d his own ruling , in some cases on single bifolia. Carefu l examinatio n show s tha t some o f th e quire signatures have been altered . O n fol . 195 v XXI ha s been change d t o XXIII , an d fol. 203 r was firs t numbered XXIII , the n XXIII I an d finall y XXV . I n eac h cas e th e volume s ar e working notebooks, thoug h the prefatory poe m in the Vatican florilegium make s it clear that this collection was assembled for readers, and both florilegia have passages by othe r scribes who assiste d an d supplemented Hadoard . The patristi c florilegium i s damaged . Onl y scrap s o f th e las t tw o leave s survive , but the 240 complete leaves are a remarkable anthology o f systemati c theology. The work opens with the invocation In nomine Domini nostri, in the upper margin, and a definition o f Essentia derivin g fro m Hilary . Essenc e i s eternal , an d i s a categor y which embraces nature, genus and substance. Eternity is also defined, an d contrasted 58 ff. 42r , 67v, 90r , 122r , 131r , 156r , 181r , 196 r and 204r.

97

with time . A discussio n o f God' s essenc e follows . Befor e th e incarnatio n H e wa s invisible and incorporeal, but birth did not change Him. Human senses could not tell of Hi s existence before His birth . The unity of th e persons of the Trinity means that both Father and Son were eternal. God' s essenc e is discussed in terms of Hi s unity , hohness an d charity. Boethius' treatise Contra Eutychen offer s a Greek vocabular y of hypostasis , essence , subsistenc e an d person , an d a n accoun t o f th e distinctio n between accidents and substance. God is one essence in three persons, with unity o f substance. In Christ there is duality of nature and substance, but His person remains a unity. The Trinity may be discussed in terms of genu s and species, and the essence of Fathe r an d So n i s th e sam e a s thei r join t essence . Go d engendere d Hi s ow n essence. The source for this development is Augustine's de Trinitate, V , 6. Relatives, as dialectical categories, make it possible t o discus s the nature of th e persons o f th e Trinity, an d Augustine i s supplemente d a s a source with passage s fro m Fulgentius , Ep. XIV ; divinit y i s incomparabl e wit h plurality . Nevertheles s th e person s o f th e Trinity ca n be distinguished, an d Christ is both God an d man, both immutabl e an d inseparable. This i s followe d b y th e teaching s o f Omnes enim sancti patres o n th e difference betwee n substantia an d subsistentia. On fol . 19 r Hadoard return s to Augustine' s de Trinitate VIII , v-ix, IX , ii-iv , VI, VII, and X, fo r an extended discussion o f th e persons of th e Trinity. There are three persons, but not three essences, for essentia is not a genus. The closest analogy is our understanding of the soul. God offers th e unity which all things seek. The source for this section i s de Vera Religione, chapter s XXX-XXXVI . A new section opens with an extract from Augustine's Epistola CXX o n the three kinds o f object s whic h w e perceive : physical objects , thing s see n i n dreams , an d abstract ideas . The passag e i s concerne d wit h ou r perceptio n o f ideas , an d ou r understanding of the Trinity, which is simple and unchanging, but remains unknowable. The created world, by contrast, has attributes which can be distinguished fro m its essence (de Civitate Dei, XI , x). So we cannot express how God exists, for in His profundity H e is incomparable. Nothing preexisted Him , nothing can exist withou t Him or beyond Him. A new section from Claudianus Mamertus on Plato's doctrine of idea s (fol . 32r ) lead s t o excerpt s fro m Augustine' s de Libero Arbitrio o n ou r knowledge of plurality, unity, and number. Number is a revelation of the divine, for beauty depends on number pervading all things. The rules of number , lik e those o f wisdom, are incommutable. In contrast man, as a part of the natural order, is subject to chang e (fol . 41, de Civitate Dei, XI , 2-5). The incarnation , th e creatio n o f th e world, an d th e creatio n o f ligh t b y th e unit y o f wisdo m al l clarif y th e distinctio n between Go d an d nature, an d Hadoar d quote s fro m Boo k X I o f th e City of God, treating th e creation , th e immortalit y o f angels , thei r knowledg e o f Go d an d thei r participation i n Him . W e canno t conceiv e o f tim e befor e th e creation , o r o f spac e outside it . On fol . 56 a new sectio n begin s a quire concerne d wit h th e creation of man , the ages of ma n an d the state of ma n before th e fall . Various section s fro m th e City of God ar e drawn on, starting with Book XII, xii, and Book XIII, xxiv. Book XIV, xxvi is followe d b y a n accoun t o f man' s superiorit y t o th e beast s an d th e blessing s o f nature fro m Boo k XXII , xxvi . Man' s inventions , fro m wa r t o spices , ar e divin e achievements whic h reveal divin e harmony . 98

The them e shift s o n fol . 67 v t o th e soul , an d Hadoar d excerpt s fro m th e de Quantitate Animae. Her e again Augustine is concerned with number, and the heavy marginal note s i n thi s sectio n sho w Augustin e a s a sourc e o f geometry . Th e treatment o f th e de Quantitate Animae recall s Hadoard' s metho d o f condensin g Ciceronian dialogue. On fol. 77 r the annotations accompany the passage from the de Quantitate Animae, c . XV I whic h Radber t ha d quote d i n th e Vita Adalhardi. Th e excerpts dea l wit h th e sense s an d th e differenc e betwee n ma n an d th e beast s (c. XXIV, XXX, XXXI-XXXII). The account of the soul continues on fol. 90v with further extracts from th e de Statu Animae o f Claudianu s Mamertus, books I and II, dealing wit h th e huma n min d an d th e min d o f God , th e creatio n o f th e soul , th e construction o f th e bod y an d the sense s an d the separatio n o f sou l an d bod y afte r death. Afte r a section o n tithe s an d priestl y dutie s (fol . 112v , a passage whic h ha s been erased on ff. 115-6 and rewritten by another hand) on fol. 117 v the theme of the soul is developed in a further series of excerpts from the de Quantitate Animae. O n fol. 119 r the variant readings mundatio velmutatio entere d in Paris, B.N. Lat . 13369 are included, offerin g proo f tha t thi s wa s Hadoard' s exemplar , an d again revealing his concer n fo r correcte d texts . These excerpt s includ e th e discussio n o f th e seve n grades of spiritual ascent which Radbert had quoted in the Vita Adalhardi (PL, 120, 1547). On fol . 122 r a ne w sectio n begins , dealin g wit h th e creatio n o f ma n i n God' s image. Thi s derive s fro m Gregor y o f Nyssa , de Hominis Opificio, an d collatio n estabhshes tha t th e exempla r wa s th e Corbi e manuscrip t Paris , B.N . Lat . 12134, copied i n AB script . Gregory' s work wa s studied in the circle of John the Scot, bu t was otherwis e obscure. 59 Th e extract s deriv e fro m chapter s IX , XVII , XIX , an d XXV. Hadoar d wa s concerne d wit h th e natur e o f God , i n who m ther e wa s n o distinction o f sex . Matte r i s no t coeterna l wit h God . Th e wor k develop s th e distinction betwee n sensibilia and intellegibilia. O n fol . 129 v there is a brief extrac t from th e de Moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae o n th e virtues o f th e soul , an d Hadoar d then discusses the happy life, which requires both action and contemplation. On fol. 13 lr excerpt s fro m th e de Libero Arbitrio, II , V , IX , XIII , trea t th e natur e o f wisdom, th e natur e o f perception , trut h an d fre e wil l (fol . 138v , de Duabus Animabus, X , 14). On fol. 140 v is a brief passage from de Civitate Dei, II , c. XXI o n the distinction betwee n honest and useful an d man's lust for domination, the nature of ethics , and the discipline require d fo r reasoning, passages from de Immortalitate Animae, c.I , an d c. IV, and a brief discussion of the institution of earthly power, fol. 147r, which quote s Augustine , Epistola, CLIII , 16. On fol . 149 r a new sectio n discusse s praye r an d the sacraments , and the sin s fo r which the y provid e th e remedy . Th e extrac t o n fol . 15lr derive s fro m de Diversis Quaestionibus, c . XXX . With the opening o f quir e XX o n fol. 156 r Hadoard excerpt s from Boo k XI X o f the City of God. H e start s by discussing man's final good , and the cares of thi s hfe. This is followed by excerpts from Book XVIII (xl, xxv and v) on the lies of Egyptia n philosophers, thei r disagreements an d the priority o f Hebre w over Greek wisdom . Hadoard give s a history o f earl y philosophy , combinin g th e accoun t of Thales an d 59 Siegmund's only pre-eleventh centur y copy i s Paris, B.N. Lat . 12134.

99

Xenophanes in Book XVIII, with the account of Thales, Socrates and Plato in Book VIII, iii-iv . B y reorderin g thes e excerpts , Hadoar d offer s a n account o f th e tas k o f philosophy, the superiority of Jewish wisdom to Greek philosophy, an d a history of the development o f ethic s an d the love of Go d amon g the pagans. This accoun t can be compared with Freculph of Lisieux' s use of Augustine's histor y o f philosophy i n his chronicle (I, III, xvii, IV, xiv, PL 106, 989-90, 1006-7) . Hadoard's more detailed treatment owe s somethin g t o hi s stud y o f Cicero' s account s o f Gree k philosophy , which had been accorded a separate section in his classical florilegium. O n fol. 175 he deals with vice s an d virtues, an d then a detailed accoun t o f ho w Scriptur e ma y b e understood is excerpted from the de Utilitate credendi, c . XI, on those who seek and those who find, the importance of faith , c. XVI, and the significance o f th e Incarnation fo r ou r knowledg e o f God . Thi s develop s int o a discussio n o f ho w w e ma y comprehend scripture, and excerpts from c. Ill distinguis h understanding, belief and thought. Biblica l prophec y ha s a threefol d meaning . Ol d Testamen t an d Ne w Testament complemen t on e another . Her e agai n Hadoard reorder s Augustine . The treatment of prophecy, an d of prophetic dreams , uses extracts from th e de Diversis Quaestionibus ad Simplicianum, an d a series of excerpt s from th e de Vera Religione on ff . 183r-189v , quotin g c.XXXIX-XL , XLI I an d XXXII-XXXIV , explai n ho w truth ma y b e sought , an d describ e th e seve n age s o f man . O n fol . 191 there i s a definition o f faith , an d a n explanation o f fre e will , grac e an d predestination, take n from the de Nuptiis et Concupiscentia, an antipelagian treatise, and from chapter X of the de Praedestinatione Sanctorum. Man's nature needed to be saved. The mysterious workings o f divin e justic e ca n b e justifie d t o man . Afte r extract s fro m letter s o f Fulgentius, Ep. HI and Ep. V (ff. 206r-212) , on the virtues and vices pride, grace and charity come s a series o f excerpt s (fol . 217v ) fro m John Chrysostom , de Sacerdotio on the duties of the priest (III, 4,16; V, 4, 7), fasting, virginity, humility, love of Go d and o f neighbour , an d piety . M y collatio n show s tha t thes e passage s wer e copie d from Leningrad, Lat. Q v I 33. On fol. 224 there is an account of the sacraments and the participatio n o f th e Trinit y i n th e consecratio n o f th e eucharisti c elements , derived from Fulgentius, ad Monimum, II , 4, followed b y Augustine, in Johannem, XXVI an d XXVII o n the gift s o f th e spirit . The volum e end s with a n extract fro m Jerome (th e only on e which I have detected) o n the resurrection (contra Johannem, PL 23, 397-8). Hadoard's achievement in his florilegia is to transmute texts by transforming their contexts s o a s t o creat e a systematic exposition . Ther e i s a clear orde r i n th e ne w construct, starting from a discussion of God , defined in terms of essence, person and substance, an d our knowledge , an d ou r love, o f God . Then Hadoar d discusse s th e Trinity an d the relation o f the three persons, again linking this to an account of ou r knowledge of them. An account of th e creation leads to a discussion of man, angels, the ag e o f th e worl d an d th e creatio n o f th e soul . Th e sou l i s man' s mean s o f perfection, achieve d through the sacraments of the church. Then Hadoard trace s the superiority of Christian philosophy, an d shows how faith guides our understanding of th e revelatio n o f th e scriptures . Afte r a n accoun t o f grac e an d predestinatio n Hadoard treat s sin , charity , th e churc h an d th e Mass . Hi s schem e o f organizatio n may b e paralleled in the writings o f Fulgentiu s o f Rusp e i n his de Fide ad Petrum, and by Gennadius in his de Ecclesiasticis Dogmatibus, bot h present at Corbie. They 100

also start from th e Trinity, an d proceed to the incarnation, the creation of the world and of man , th e fall, sin , baptism , the Eucharis t and the resurrection. 60 Hadoard's antholog y i s a far mor e complet e treatmen t tha n either Fulgentiu s o r Gennadius offer. The only comparable Carolingian florilegium which I have found is a volum e copie d a t St.Amand : Lambet h Palac e M S 414. 61 Thi s treat s o f God' s eminence, the days of creation, the fall of the Devil, the redemption, the seven grades in the church, the gospel narrativ e and the nature of the world. The work draws on Augustine's de Civitate Dei, Ennarationes in Psalmos, Enchiridion, and de Genesi ad Litteram, an d als o Ambrose' s Hexameron an d In Lucam, letter s o f Jerome , an d works b y Cassian , Faustu s an d Victorius. But it is shorter than Hadoard's volume, and lacks Hadoard's clear theological bias. Just as Hadoard's classical florilegium had followed a system, defined in the prefatory poem, so the patristic collection could be described, a s Grabmann recognized i n 1909, as a theological Summa. 62 Th e form of such thought ha s best bee n characterize d b y Johvet: 'II ne faut pas separer exagerement la documentation de ^argumentation: on discute a l'aide de ce qu'on sait, et le meme texte que Ton garde par devers soi a titre de document, pourra, insere dans un ecrit polemique, se transformer en argument... on n'ose pas, ou on ne sait pas, s'exprimer autremen t que les auteurs qu'on utilise; le meilleur moyen de ne pas les trahir est evidemment de leur laisser la parole.'63 Hadoard's theological florilegiu m represent s a triumph in the systematic study of theological texts . Corbi e annotation s ha d offere d hint s o f suc h study , bu t nothin g had implie d th e metho d her e present . Thoug h Hadoar d lack s th e originalit y an d imaginative insight of Radbert, his capacity to survey Christian dogma and doctrine as a coherent whol e impresse s becaus e o f it s scope . Hi s abridgement s ar e at time s more ramblin g an d repetitiv e tha n hi s pla n ma y suggest , bu t th e florilegiu m i s a working notebook , no t a complete d text . Hi s repetition s serv e t o preserv e th e context an d the developments o f hi s sources. Until w e hav e mor e studie s o f Carohngia n florilegi a Hadoard' s achievemen t i s hard to assess, but his range of reading is unparalleled. His approach to the classics is particularly independent; unlike most of his contemporaries h e was not in search of philological refinemen t o r moral exemplars, he sought to preserve the complexity of Ciceronian thought , whil e reorderin g i t unde r hi s ow n headings . Thes e heading s justified hi s transpositio n o f passage s fro m separat e work s o f Cicer o t o creat e a different synthesis . Hadoard' s dee p concer n tha t classica l text s b e use d i n a n appropriately Christia n contex t cause d hi m t o emen d an d sometime s t o transfor m his sources . Hi s inclusio n o f passage s fro m Cicero' s Hortensius, a work preserve d only i n quotations use d b y Lactantius , Augustine, an d the grammarians, serves as a clue t o hi s perspective : Cicer o ha d fire d Augustin e wit h lov e o f wisdom , an d Hadoard neede d t o maste r tha t wisdom . Despit e hi s alterations , hi s philologica l precision, whic h ca n b e trace d i n hi s correctio n o f th e manuscript s o f bot h hi s 60 A. Grillmeier, Fulgentiu s vo n Rusp e de Fide a d Petrum und die Summa Sententiarum, Scholastik 34 (1959), pp. 526-65. 61 B. Bischoff, Schreibschulen , MS II, p. 106. 62 M. Grabmann, Die Geschichte der scholastischen Methode I (Freibur g 1909), p. 186. 63 J. Jolivet, Godescalc d'Orbais et la Trinite (Paris 1958), p. 164.

101

classical an d Christia n sources , offer s clea r evidenc e o f hi s desir e t o lear n exactl y what thos e source s contained , eve n if he then chose t o transform tha t content . Fo r this philological precisio n alon e he would meri t a prominent plac e among Carohn gian humanists . Bu t ther e i s mor e t o Hadoard' s achievement . H e wa s aliv e t o th e complexities o f th e classica l an d Christia n tradition , bu t i n usin g tha t traditio n h e sought t o fin d solution s fo r presen t concern s throug h hi s master y o f hi s hterar y inheritance. Both Hadoar d an d Ratramnus ar e aware of th e possibilities o f methodica l reaso ning. Hadoar d quote s bot h Augustine , Claudianu s Mamertu s an d Boethiu s whe n they develo p geometrica l analogies , h e distinguishe s betwee n substanc e an d subsi stence, genus and species, sensibilia and intelligibilia. Ratramnu s uses the terminology of th e de Decem Categoriis t o defin e abstrac t terms . I t i s i n hi s concer n fo r definitions and a clear logical structure that Ratramnus moves farthest from Radbert . In the persistent attempt s to defin e figura an d to fathom God' s purposes through a systematic theology , rathe r tha n throug h detaile d exegesis , bot h Ratramnu s an d Hadoard were moving towards a theology whic h woul d transfor m standar d mode s of Carolingia n thought , th e methodical reasonin g which establishe d definition s an d principles for understanding divine mysteries. What Jolivet has called 'la philosophic implicite' mus t remai n presen t i n orde r fo r suc h a n achievemen t t o b e properl y understood an d justly evaluated. 64 But Hadoard's synthesis o f Augustinia n teachin g belongs wit h Ratramnus' s treatise s a s an instance o f th e complexities whic h Corbi e books an d Corbie teacher s accomplished .

64 Op. cit., pp . 175-7.

102

V THE LIVE S O F ADALHAR D A N D WALA : QUOTATIONS I N CORBI E BIOGRAPH Y

The Vita Adalhardi wa s Radbert's first work and shows how he began to use hterary borrowings t o enhanc e an d refin e hi s prose . H e wa s face d wit h a nove l tas k i n choosing t o commemorat e hi s dea d abbot , an d hi s reference s t o Lat e Antiqu e precedents shows how conscious he was of the problem which he had set himself. I n contrast t o mos t Carolingia n biograph y th e Vita Adalhardi i s devoi d o f dramati c miracles: Adalhard i s exemplar y because o f hi s hfe, no t becaus e o f hi s posthumou s reputation. Because his life involved a seven year exile on the island of Noirmoutie r soon afte r Loui s th e Piou s succeede d Charlemagne , hi s biographe r ha d a mor e difficult tas k tha n othe r Carohngia n biographers . I n orde r t o creat e a n exemplar y hero, explicitly compared with Antony, Augustine, Gregor y an d Sylvester, Radbert turned to the Late Antique memorial treatises of Ambrose and Jerome. His achieve ment in the Vita Adalhardi wa s the revival of a genre of consolation which was not to flourish agai n unti l th e twelft h century . Radber t wa s abl e t o writ e a new kin d o f biography, because of the sources he had available. But in order to use these sources, he had t o define hi s aims. The abbe y o f Corbie , dedicate d t o St . Peter an d Paul , lacke d a loca l celestia l intermediary t o represen t it s partisans a t th e heavenl y court . Adalhard , b y hi s 822 statutes, ha d renewe d th e abbey' s administratio n an d improve d it s contro l o f th e revenues fro m monasti c estates . A s a cousi n o f Charlemagn e an d a prominen t courtier h e ha d statu s an d prestige ; h e ha d earne d th e loyalt y o f hi s frien d an d biographer, deeply grieve d a t his death, and he had the respect and reverence of th e monks o f Corbi e an d Corvey. Bu t his life posed seriou s problems t o a biographer. His influentia l politica l caree r seeme d t o conflic t wit h St . Paul's doctrin e o f th e separation o f thi s worl d an d th e next. l I n tacklin g th e problem s o f th e cleri c i n politics, Radber t was face d wit h a new problem . The grea t Merovingian saint s had been martyrs or missionaries an d their miracles had ensured their favour i n heaven. To write the lives of Adalhard and Wala required a new form of biography, and here the resources o f the Corbie hbrary were essential. If the hves are compared with the biographies o f Alcui n an d o f Benedic t o f Aniane , abbot s o f comparabl e politica l standing, th e absenc e o f miracles , th e shortag e o f specifi c detail , an d th e clea r evidence of a marked concern with style and structure distinguish Radbert's work. 2 Consequently th e numbe r o f scriptura l an d patristic quotation s i s greater , an d th e works ar e longer: Radbert has to estabhsh the credentials of eac h of his heroes bot h as a model of monastic virtue, and as a model who may be emulated. In an address to Corbie earl y i n the Vita Adalhardi Radber t makes this clear: 1 II Timothy xxiv . V.A. 1542; cf. V.A. 1512 on th e renunciation o f th e world. 2 Vita Alcuini, MG H S S XV 184-97; Vita Benedicti, ibid., pp . 198-205.

103

Absterge, quaeso, lacrymas: quoniam mines obviam de medio tui etiam hunc senem, cum universae terrarum partes miserint eximios quosque viros. Porro vicina monasteria cum dederint, videlicet Vedastum Atrapis, et Centulum sanctissimum Richarium, et circumquaque viros religione nobiles; dabis forsitan et tu non impari voto virum Deo dignissimum; neque infecunda tunc eris, cum inter reliquos istum etiam Domino de terrae pulvere generabis: into laetabunda et gaudens veniendo venies saltern paucos ferens manipulos. 3 In Adalhard Corbi e ha d a patronus, lik e St . Riquier an d St. Vaast, bot h o f whic h houses ha d had hves rewritte n b y Alcuin . Radber t share d Alcuin' s concer n fo r th e quality of hagiography; in his rewriting of the Passio SS Rufini et Valeriani he argues convincingly that the study of the hves of the saints is of greater value than the cult of their relics. 4 The link s betwee n Corbi e an d St.Riquie r wer e important. 5 Th e firs t four book s o f Radbert' s Expositio in Mattheum ar e dedicate d t o a mon k o f St. Riquier and Corbie owned a life of St . Vaast.6 Both saints were admired for thei r asceticism, their lives were a spiritual progress and their example deserved imitation. A parallel between the Vita Adalhardi an d the Vita Richarii suggests direct influence: Vita Adalhardi, c. 16, PL 120, 151 7 Erat enim thesaurarius pauperum, viduarum patrimonium, pater vero orphanorum moerentium consolator, brachium infirmorum et forte superbientium flagrum. Vita Richarii, MGH SRM IV , c. 5, p. 392 Studiossisimus fuit pauperum consolator, peregrinorum susceptor viduarum defensor pupillorum et orphanorum pater ... superborum dims castigator. The theme s o f monasti c spiritualit y change d little , bu t Radber t i s explici t abou t how Adalhard' s spiritualit y wa s a deliberate choic e o f models , jus t a s he explicitl y notes his own models: sancti imitari viros, videlicet praefatum Ambrosium et beatum Hieronymum, reliquos sacros imitahiles viros, qui suis epitaphia charis facundissime condiderunt (V.A. 1509). The scriptura l model s whic h pervad e th e Vita Adalhardi hav e bee n expertl y surveyed by von der Nahmer7 who shows ho w both scriptural models o f behaviou r (John the Baptist, Moses) and biblical phraseology affirm the rectitude of Adalhard' s behaviour. But Radbert als o names othe r models: Ob hoc autem ah aliquis, ut epistolae magistri Albini ferunt, Antonius vocabatur; a nonnullis vero, ut supra dictum est, Aurelius Augustinus: agebat namque istud Gregorii, aliud vero beati Silvestri.8 Alcuin's letter s t o Adalhar d survive , an d the choic e o f nam e is no t insignificant . Antony in his wisdom represented a monk whose wisdom was valued at court. There V.A., col. 1551. PL 120, 1489-91. L. Traube, O Roma Nobilis V, pp. 322-31, Carmvna Centulensia, MGH Poetae III, pp. 265-368. MGH SRM IV, p. 400. The Corbie manuscript is Paris, B.N. Lat. 12598. D. von der Nahmer, Die Bibel im Adalhardleben des Radbert von Corbie, Studi Medievali 3 23 (1981), pp. 15-83. 8 V.A., c. 21,1519.

3 4 5 6 7

104

is a more specific reference in Radbert's accoun t of Adalhard's attitude to the hberal arts. Vita Adalhardi, c.61 , PL 120, 153 9 Liberalium artium adeo usque sanctissimus institutor, ut probares in eo Mud beati Antonii, quod sensus adinvenerit artem; et qui sensu sit integer, eum artem non indigere. Evagrius, Vita Antonii, PG 26, c.945 Respondete mihi quidprius, sensus an litterae? et quid cuius exordium? sensus ex litteris an litteris oriuntur ex sensu? Illis asserentibus, quia sensus est auctor atque inventor litterarum, ait: Igitur si cui sensus incolumnis est, hie litteras non requiret. Augustine, in the Prologue to the de Doctrina Christiana, had singled out Antony as a man taught by God , no t by men. Adalhard, in teaching the hberal arts, was not blinded by their form. Radbert , in his Expositio on Matthe w repudiated thos e wh o studied th e hbera l art s fo r thei r own sake , thoug h w e shal l se e ho w importan t th e hberal art s are in the constructio n o f th e Vita Adalhardi. Adalhard wa s calle d Augustine . An d th e specifi c paralle l i s wit h Augustine' s election t o th e episcopate : ut nee multum longe dispar, id est alter Augustinus vwente praedecessore successor eligatur; nisi quod ille episcopus fuerit, iste vero abbatis loco subrogatus sit; utrique tamen perfecti Dei dispensatores inveniuntur. Erat autem beatus praefati patris Augustini velut pedissequus operum clarissimus imitator, satis acutus ingenio, voluntate promptus, eloquentia dives, dulcifluus affatu, auditorem tanto afficiens fructu, ut Imguam eius vix aliud quam calamum sancti Spiritus credere posses. V.A. PL 120, 1516. But i t i s Gregory an d Silvester , becaus e o f thei r involvement i n th e world , wh o offer th e cleares t guideline s fo r th e biographer . Pau l th e Deaco n wa s a friend o f Adalhard, an d hi s lif e o f Gregory 9 emphasize d Gregory' s desir e fo r a heavenl y patria, hi s rejectio n o f worldl y values , an d hi s missionar y activity , al l o f whic h Adalhard shared . Silveste r wa s a mode l o f charity , a s wel l a s th e correcto r o f emperors: Vita Adalhardi 1519 Testis est mihi conscientia mea quod saepe mirabar cur tantum mutuo vellet accipere, ut indigentibus vel suorum erogaret usibus, donee vita beati Silvestri inspexi, cujus in hoc imitabatur exemplum, ut semper magis mutuando pauper quam dives inveniretur. The lif e wa s compose d fo r a n audienc e a t Corbi e an d Corvey , th e reade r i s addressed a s frater (1514) and pius lector (1522) and i s assume d t o identif y wit h Adalhardus noster 10 an d Bemharius noster n th e nostrorum quidam (c . 17, 1517) who tells a story o f Adalhar d an d Pop e Le o III , and th e quisbusdam fratrihus, quorum unus, etsi indignus, ego eram (1546) to who m Adalhar d explaine d hi s fait h (c.76) . 9 Ed. H.Grisar, Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie 11 (1887), pp. 161-72. 10 Chapters 13, 21, 31, 32, 34, 36, 43, 45, 54, 58, 60, 70 , 81. 11 C. 33, 35.

105

The poignancy o f th e final verse Egloga, in which Corbi e an d Corvey, personified , mourn their dead abbot, reminds us of the intimacy of the work. The life was quoted by th e autho r o f th e Translatio Sancti Viti, writin g a t Corvey, an d by Gottschalk , who ha d visite d Corbie, 12 b y Rimbert , i n hi s lif e o f Ansgar 13 an d b y Agiu s o f Corvey.14 But th e Vita doe s mor e tha n provid e th e biograph y o f th e celestia l patro n o f Corbie and Corvey, it offers a memorial for him. Here Radbert turns to the literature of Christian consolation, a Late Antique genre which had remained unexplored until the Carolingia n age . St . Paul condemne d mournin g i n I Thess . 4, 1 3 because h e insisted tha t Christian s ha d th e hop e o f resurrection . Ambros e an d Jerom e ha d explored thi s them e i n thei r memorial s fo r friend s an d rulers . Pete r von Moo s ha s shown tha t Alcui n an d Lupu s o f Ferriere s kne w Jerome' s Lette r 6015 bu t neithe r author explicitly names this source, neither is concerned to acknowledge a tradition. Radbert is explicit abou t his choic e o f model s i n a new an d decisive way . Vita Adalhardi 1507-8 Pretium operis est viros quosque doctissimos imitari qui pio mentis affectu charorum in Christo funera pietatis opere deflevere, flendo quoque multis eos prosecuti sunt laudibus. Quoniam, sicut Beatus Ambrosius in opere super Valentinianum dixit "Etsi incrementum doloris sit id quod doleas scribere, tamen plerumque in eius, quern amissum dolemus, commemoratione requiescimus et dum scribendo mentem in eum dirigimus, intentionemque defigimus, videtur nobis in sermone reviviscere, et totus medullam mentis nostrae influere." (de Consolation e Valentiniani c. 1) Caeterum posteritatis negotium est ut eorum exempla virtutum litteris commendemus, quatenus et nostrum charitiatis debitum proximis persolvamus, et patrum exempla, quos imitari debeant, filiis non negemus. The memory o f the dead is a fitting hterar y task, for in writing about the dead we may revive them, and thus we discharge ou r debt to them. But Radbert adds to thi s the fittin g tas k o f imitatin g th e exampl e o f thei r virtues , an d th e exampl e o f th e fathers, bot h thos e w e commemorate , an d those wh o hav e commemorate d others . Not only was Adalhard, as abbot, the father of his monks, but Ambrose and Jerome were fathers o f th e church. This ambiguity serve s to defin e th e biographer's task . Vita Adalhardi 1509 Quapropter officiosissimum est, sicut dixi, sanctos imitari viros, videlicet praefatum Ambrosium, et beatum Hieronymum, reliquosque sacros imitahiles viros, qui suis epitaphia charis facundissime condiderunt. The duty of imitatio pervade s the preface of th e work. Radber t follows Ambros e in quoting Pau l (1509, cf. de Consolatione Valentiniani, c.44) .

12 C. Lambot, Godescalc d*Orbais, (Euvres Theologiques et Grammaticales (Louvai n 1945), p. 493. 13 W.Levison, Zu r Wurdigun g Rimbert s Vit a Anskarii , Aus rheinischer und frankischer Fruhzeit (Diisseldorf 1948), p. 619. 14 P. von Moos, ConsolaUo (Munich 1972), paragraphs 365-481, esp.385. 15 ConsolaUo, Anmerkungsband, 257 b (Alcuin) , 296 (Lupus).

106

praesertim cum Apostolus non flere prohibeat, nisi tantum de dormientibus, tamquam ceteri qui spem non habent, non contristemur. Ambrose offer s a fitting conclusio n t o the work (1552): Unde et, Domine, juxta beati Ambrosii vocem, quia nemo babet quod aliis plus deferat, quam quod sibi optat; non nos ab illo post mortem separes, quern in hac vita charissimum sensimus: sed ubi es nos facias esse simul cum illo (Ambrosius de Consolatione Valentiniani, c.81). Radbert write s fo r th e monks , usin g a plural ver b wher e Ambros e ha d use d a singular, bu t otherwis e the y shar e th e word s o f longin g fo r unendin g union . Ambrose als o offere d a model fo r th e frequen t us e of quotation s fro m th e Song of Songs. H e ha d use d thi s tex t t o conclud e hi s funera l sermon , Radber t use s i t t o pervade hi s ow n biography . The letters of Jerome, specifically mentioned by Radbert, complement Ambrose in reconstructing th e genre o f Christia n consolation . Vita Adalhardi 1509 Neque enim more quorumdam censeo pueros bine inde super tumulum constituere qui tuas fingendo laudes debeant decantare, ut instar lugubrium carminum ad fletus et gemitum audientium pectora concitent. Jerome Ep. LXV I et super tumulum ems epitaphii huius flores superspargere totiens implentur oculi et renovato dolore totus in funere sum. Mos quondam fuit, ut super cadaver in contione pro nostris laudes liberi dicerent et instar lugubrium carmina ad fletus et gemitus audientium pectora concitarent. Jerome als o offer s a model fo r the account o f Adalhard' s poverty: Vita Adalhardi 1515-6 Sed sui contemptor eximius paupertate fit ornatior, fuga clarior, vilitate humilitatis sublimior, et ut beati Hieronymi verbis utar (Ep. LX) sint nonulli ditiores monachi, quamfuermt saeculares; possideant opes sub paupere Christo, quas sub locuplete et fallace diabolo non habuerant: ut suspiret eos Ecclesia divites, quos mundus tenuit ante mendicos. Adalhardus vero noster, mundi omnia calcans, vicit in schemate. In Jerome's lette r it is Nepotianu s wh o spurn s gold , rathe r than all the world. A further borrowin g come s fro m th e letter to Paula, Paulina and Eustochium. Vita Adalhardi 1526 De his namque equis Habacuc non incongrue Domino cecinerat dicens: "Qui ascendis super equos tuos, et equitatio tua salus" (Hab . III.8) . Quorum quidem impar cursus, sed par animus ad palmam in primordio ferebatur. Porro deinceps praesidente eis Spiritu sancto aequo voto in his unum propositum consumatur: qui primo quidem discolores videbantur equi currere, sola voluntate Concordes; postremum vero, ut beatus Hieronymus ait, udem in 107

hoc opere unum aurigae jugum trahunt aequa cervice et proposito pares, non exspectantes flagelli verbera, sed ad vocis Christi hortamenta ita ferventes, ut magistri ac duces exercitui flerant sanctitatis. Jerome Ep. LXVI , 2 Jesus presidet de his equis et Ambacum canit: ascende s super equos tuos et equitatio tua salus Inpari cursu pari animo ad palmam tenditur, discolores equi, sed voluntate Concordes unum aurigae iugum trahunt non expectantes flagelli verbera, sed ad vocis hortamenta ferventes. Radbert expands this reference by quoting Ezechiel on the quadriga, asserting that Adalhard an d his siblings . Erant igkur quinque unius viri semine propagati: quorum trium imperator Augustus famUiaris usus consilio, una secum fundabili quadratura Francorum imperium satis ad modum dispositum regebat reipublkae augmentatum. But th e mos t origina l mode l whic h Radber t foun d fo r Adalhar d wa s tha t o f Boethius. The de Consolatione Philosophiae was know n t o Alcuin , an d the earhes t surviving copie s ar e contemporar y wit h th e Vita Adalhardi. Bu t Radber t i s th e earliest reader of the Consolatio who transformed th e work. I n his first quotation he follows Alcui n in praising philosopher kings : Vita Adalhardi 1523 Nee novum aliquid, quia apud improbos semper inimica Veritas fuisse comperitur, et iustitia stultorum crimmibus lacerata. Jam enim annosa perversorum improbitas, iuxta illud Platonis, beatas et felices respublicas esse mgemiscebat, si eas studiosi sapientiae regerent, vel si earum rectores studere sapientiam contigisset. Boethius de Consolatione Philosophiae I 4, 5- 6 banc sententiam Platonis ore sanxisti: beatas fore res publicas, si eas vel studiosi sapientiae regerent vel earum rectores studere sapientiae contigisset, Tu eisdem viri ore banc sapientibus capessendae rei publicae necessarium causam esse monuisti, ne improbis flagitiosisque civibus urbium relicta gubernacula pestem bonis ac perniciem ferrent. Boethius was an important model for Carolingian writers, and Radbert quotes him elsewhere.16 E . T. Silk ha s show n ho w Boethiu s coul d b e rea d i n th e traditio n o f Augustine's dialogues. 17 I n th e Vita Adalhardi, Boethiu s provide s a model fo r th e intellectual in politics which Radbert could not have found in his biblical quotations. A loyal servant of the state deposed by a shameful conspiracy, Boethius expressed his contempt for politician s i n terms which Radber t relished, bu t rightly adapted :

16 In Matheum CC CM, LVI 114, 129, 130-1, 132, 293, 529. 17 E.T.Silk, Boethius' Consolatio Philosophiae as a sequel to Augustine's Dialogues and Soliloquia, Harvard Theological Review 32 (1939), pp. 19-39. 108

Vita Adalhardi 1532 Sed senex noster non tarn alienis quam propriis meritorum honoribus ubique ab omnibus veneratur, ab omnibus interim dignus honore censetur. Verumtamen quia improbos, ut dixi, dignitas reverendos nequit facere, dum pluribus eos ostentat sed despectiores, imo indignos eadem dignitas facit. Boethius, de Consolatione Philosophiae II I 4, 8- 9 Quod quia popuUres facere nequeunt honores, liquet eos propriam dignitatis pulchritudinem non habere. In quo Mud est animadvertendum magis: nam si eo abiectior est quo magis a pluribus quisque contemnitur, cum reverendos facere nequeat quos pluribus ostenta, despectiores potius improbos dignitas facit. Boethius ca n mak e a distinctio n betwee n virtu e an d worldl y honour . Radber t i s concerned wit h a mentis honor, an d he develops his concept in the course of the Vita. Nor wa s Radbert's reading of Boethius restricted t o the Consolatio. I n his accoun t of Adalhar d an d hi s brother s h e refers t o th e number five , drawin g o n Boethius , de Institutione Arithmetica, I i 48, 10: Vita Adalhardi 1527 Video igitur in hoc eorum quinario numero dulci, sonum utrisque partibus revolutum personare musicum, et ad aliquid harmoniae horum quantitates concinere. Porro si primum inspicias viros et secundo duas sorores, erit diapente Graecum et proportio sesqualterae quant itat is,tres enim duplum medietate sui ad aliquid vincunt: et concinit unus, videlicet beatus senex noster, inter duos et duas: atque ita mellifluam musicae symphoniam artis et pyramidem geometricae disciplinam formae reddunt. In hi s accoun t o f th e sit e o f Corve y Radber t quote s Boethius , de Institutione Arithmetica II , vi , 4: Vita Adalhardi 1541 Igitur sine hoc numero formatum aliquid nihil perfectum innuitur, videlicet sine principio ac fine et horum medio inter principium atque finem. Haec vero figura princeps est, ut dixi latitudinis, eo quod caeterae omnes superficies in hac resolvuntur; ipsa vero quoniam nullis principiis est obnoxia, neque ab alia latitudine nisi a se sumpsit initium, in sese ipsa resolvitur. This spiritua l geometr y i s further develope d t o affir m th e primacy o f th e spiritua l value (PL 120, 214-5). But the most intricate use of th e seve n hberal arts is found i n the lon g accoun t o f Adalhard' s character : Caeterum sifiguram nobilitatis eiusapuero discribere voluero, quae Graece characterismos dicitur, ero inefficax, quia etsi secundum rhetoricae artis facundiam ipsius persona consideretur, possitne Utudis idonea comprobari, multo excellentius in eo antefertur, quod totus de came in spiritum convolavit. Personae quippe iuxta praefatam artis peritiam plurima sunt attributa, ex quibus optime dignoscatur. Consideratur enim perfecti viri qualitas, juxta oratores, nomine, patria, genere, dignitate, fortuna, corpore, institutione, moribus, victu, si rem bene administret, qua consuetudine domestica teneatur; affectione, mentis, arte, conditione, habitu, vultu, incessuque, oratione, affectu. 109

Radbert uses the term characterismos in his Commentary on Psalm 44; l * it derives from Cassiodoru s i n Psalmos 19 and i s found i n Isidore . Bu t neithe r author gives a s full a hst of attribute s a s Radbert does i n this strikin g passage. The most comple x borrowing in th e Vita Adalhardi derive s from Augustine' s de Quantitate Animae XVI . Vita Adalhardi 1516 Erat autem iuxta illud Horatii quod magnis laudibus praedicatur, Fortis et in seipso totus teres atque rotundus. Fortis siquidem fide, constantia et virtute solidus, intantum ut nil trepidans, nihilque dubitans videretur, etiamsi totus terrore infractus orbe laberetur. Verumtamen si aliqua terroris procella impulsus esset, aliquando spe superabat, aliquando vero ratione vincebat: timor autem mundialis eum nusquam potuit subrigendo transverberare. Teres autem et rotundus ideo in seipso, imo in Deo fuisse dicitur, quia non solum sibimet virtutibus ac moribus aptabatur. The de Quantitate Animae offer s a meditation on a quotation from Horace which is incorporated without any alteration, and has convinced some readers that Radbert read Horace. Bu t Augustine's wor k offer s a framework fo r th e Vita: Vita Adalhardi 1543 Sicque jugiter uno jubilationis afficiebatur spiritu, et appetebat ingressionis campum: quae ingressio secundum beatum Augustinum in libro ubi de animae quantitate loquitur, una de septem, et sexta perfectionis est virtus. Quintus siquidem earum gradus est tranquillitas; sextus ingressio; septimus contemplatio; quae ita decentissime possunt edici. 20 Augustine's accoun t of th e ascent o f th e soul t o divin e contemplatio n provide s a model o f th e proces s o f spiritua l growth . I n th e contex t o f th e Vita, studde d wit h biblical citations , s o specifi c a mode l enable s Radber t t o trea t Adalhar d mor e i n terms of th e achievement o f suc h ideal s tha n in an account o f th e details o f hi s life . Even th e mos t disturbin g fact , Adalhard' s seven yea r exile , ca n b e describe d b y reference to quotations. We have seen how Boethius offere d a type of th e statesman whose moralit y wa s rejecte d b y hi s pett y associates . Bu t Radber t ha s a positiv e model fo r exile: Vita Adalhardi 1529-30 Tunc itaque quasi ei hoc solum deesset quod primum concupherat, Domino dispensante ab humano pellitur orbe. Et credimus quod coelestibus pastus sit sacramentis, ut cui vetitum erat solum terrarum cemere, Johannis exemplo coelestis patriae inquisitor fierit. Beda in Apocalypsin Exsul ab humano dum pellitur orbe Joannes Et vetitus Coici est cernere regna soli Intrat orans coeli Domino dilectus in aulam Regis et altithroni gaudet adesse thoris. 18 PL 120,1039. 19 Expositio in Psalmos IX. 26; XX. 4; XUV. 10; LXXXVIII. 22. 20 Cf. de Quantitate Animae XXXV, 79.

110

Radbert return s t o thi s poe m whe n h e describe s th e corruptio n o f th e cour t (1531): Nee dubium veritatis odio cum beatojohanne adeo usque exsilio deputatus, sicut venerabilis Beda presbyter ait. Quin licuit cernere fluctivagas ubique mundi rotas et Babylonis et Hierusolymorum mistim confligere castra, hinc inde vicibus tela atque fugam capi. Beda, ut supra Hie ubi subjectum sacra lumina vertit in orbem Currere fluctivagas cernit ubique rotas Et Babel et Solymam mistis confligere castris Hinc atque hinc vicibus leta fugamque capit. The quotation s offe r a structur e o f reference s fo r th e work , whic h sustai n th e model create d b y th e constan t biblica l reminiscences . Bu t th e originalit y o f th e V i u is no t merel y th e richnes s o f thes e hterar y references , th e wor k i s a n affirmatio n o f the values which Radber t ha d found embodie d i n th e life o f hi s dead abbot . A typica l passage show s ho w th e autho r become s a participant i n th e wor k (PL 1510): Sic me de tuis, Pater, absentem suggero verbis; dies inquam, obitus tui mihi utinam non luxisset, quia nee poterat pejor esse mihi exiguo, nee saevior ulla tuis omnibus illuscescere; quo quid agam quidve faciam perpendo, sub moerore amarus non invenio, prohibente, ut dixi, Apostolus multam flere volens non audeo ( I Thess . 4,13) gaudere vero, quamvis invitus, tuae claritatis gloria persuadeor; ja m eni m tib i hiems , mi Pater, abiit , e t recessi t imber. (Cant 2.11) Ergo venerunt nuptiae Agni, inter delicias paradisi frueris, (Apoc. 19,7) vox tu a sonuit ia m in auribu s meis , (Cant . 2,4) et audita est vox turturis, ita dicens: Sicut auduvimus, fili, sicu t vidimus in civitate Domin i (Ps . 47.4). For Radbert , th e monastery supphe s th e trainin g i n virtue s whic h ever y Christia n needs. I n writin g th e lif e Radber t affirm s th e dut y o f posterit y t o recal l t i e exempla virtutum (1507) and describe s Adalhar d a s th e forma virtutum (1509). Pope Le o II I recognized thes e virtues: 21 an d o n hi s retur n fro m exil e Adalhar d appeare d a t th e court o f Loui s th e Pious virtutum radiis illustratus. n Radber t i s eloquent abou t thes e virtues: Praetioissimam ergo genus possesionis est virtutum decus, quibus nihi gravius acquiritur, nihil suavius amandopercipitur, nihil feliciuspossidetur. 2* and h e explain s ho w virtue s ma y b e attaine d Gradus autem harum virtutum sunt, cum apud eos primum ponitur affectio mentis: porro eadem affectio est, animi cum corporis ex tempore aliqua causa commutatio; deinde ex hoc quod afficitur, vertit se in studium, ut effectum sui obtineat. 24 In his accoun t of h o w Adalhar d chos e an d developed thes e virtues Radber t quote s a passag e o f Cicero' s de Inventions

21 22 23 24

V.A. V.A. VA. VA.

1517. 1534. 1524. 1538. Ill

Scribit namque Tullius rex eloquentiae Latmae, in libro secundo de inventione rhetorkae artis, quo tempore Crotonienses florent opibus, atque ita cum beati numerarentur, et templum religionis suae picturis egregias locupletare vellent, vocasse Zeuxim quemdam, qui omnium pictorum ingeniis videbatur excellere: quern magnopretio conductum adhibuerunt, ut sibipingeret cujusdam Helenae imaginem ... Et die: Praebite illas mihi quaeso, ut ex his dum pingo formosissima quaeque, transferam super unius imaginem rei quam petere causuistis. Quod illi obtemperantes, pictor quinque delegit, quorum formam suo probavit judicio pukhritudinis esse. Neque enimputavit omnia quae quaereret ad venustatem uno se in corpore reperire posse, eo quod nihil simplici in genere omnibus ex partibus perfectum natura expolivit, tamquam ceteris non sit habitura quid largiatur, si uni cuncta concesserit. Ita si quidem et senex noster ingrediens palaestram huius vitae, postquam ablutus est baptismifonte, post abrenuntiationem saeculi; quopuro mentis intuitu conspexit diversos ad diversa tendentes? Alios quidem vidit sudare ad mundi honores et praesentis vitae gaudia. Alios vero ad luxum et lihidinem carnis. Nonnullos autem sectari justitiam, necnon et aliquos futuram respicere vitam. Elegit tamen ex omnibus quos possit intelligere quinque virgines quae pio charitatis oleo suas indesinenter ornant lampadas, et parant exire obviam sponso et sponsae; et has imitatus est vigilanti animo, ne forte fur nocte veniens dormientem subripiret. Audivit etiam ex gymnico carmine sanctorum quam dignas honore victorias, atque ex his omnibus unam in se Christi reformavit imaginem. V.A. 1518-19. This quotatio n justifie s Adalhard' s borrowin g o f models , bu t i t als o serve s t o justify Radbert' s methodica l selectio n o f extract s t o sustai n hi s biography . I n th e Expositio in Mattheum thi s passage justifie s th e use of multipl e sources . Traditional formulae ar e no t mer e chche s addin g authorit y t o a new work , the y acquir e thei r resonance by their authority. To search for originality in Carohngian hagiography is to misunderstan d it s term s o f reference . The eterna l relevanc e o f th e value s o f th e Vita Adalhardi derives not only from their place in a context of literary and monastic culture, bu t from th e urgency with whic h tha t culture i s defended . In Radbert' s secon d biography , th e hf e o f Adalhard' s brothe r Wala, h e face d a more exacting task. Wala had died in exile after participating in two rebelhons against his sovereign . To create a fitting memoria l Radber t had to adop t a more apologeti c stance, an d thi s involve d a mor e critica l scrutin y o f th e relation s betwee n cour t politics an d Christia n culture . T o understan d th e hterar y importanc e an d th e originality of the Epitaphium Arsenii, i t is necessary to examine the work's structure and content i n detail. The Epitaphium consist s o f tw o book s o f dialogu e betwee n si x speakers , five o f whom are identified as monks of Corbie. The chief speaker is named Paschasius, and his personal knowledg e o f bot h Adalhard an d Wala corresponds with what Radber t tells us in the Vita Adalhardi, s o that he is to b e identified wit h Radbert. 25 Anothe r participant, Severus , is the monk Odilmann , name d Severu s in Radbert's preface t o his commentar y o n th e Lamentation s o f Jeremiah . A t th e star t o f Boo k I o f th e

25 VA. 1509 quern quia vidimus, et usi familiaritatis ejus amore; 1519, dicehat namque sibi saepe cohaercntibus; 1521, fateor plane, numquam me invenisse virum, cuifons lacrymarum tantus inesset tantusque gemitus; qui cum exiguus ego aliquando ah eo requirerem hujsce lamenti genus; 1545, praeceperas enim petentihus nobis, Pater, ut omnes humi sederemus; 1546, praecepit ea coram quibusdam fratribus exponere (quorum unus, etsi indignus, ego eram). L . Weinrich, Wala, Graf, Mbnch und Rebell (Berli n 1963), p. 11.

112

Epitaphium Severu s speak s abou t Lamentations, 26 elsewher e hi s nam e i s see n a s suitable becaus e o f th e severit y o f hi s judgments. 27 The othe r speakers , Theophrastus, Allabigiu s an d Chremes , canno t b e identified , thoug h w e lear n tha t Theo phrastus wa s bald, 28 tha t Allabigiu s ha d a loud voic e an d a n honest nature, 29 an d that Chreme s ha d bee n i n Ital y wit h Wal a during hi s missio n fo r Lotha r an d ha d left th e monastery. 30 Adeodatus , wh o supplie s informatio n abou t Saxo n affairs , i s referred t o b y Radber t a s frater et filius, an d ma y b e a mon k o f Corvey. 31 The name Chreme s occur s i n Terence , an d Theophrastu s ma y deriv e fro m th e elo quent orato r mentioned b y Cicero . The choic e o f a dialogue for m fo r th e wor k i s withou t an y paralle l i n Carolin gian literature. I n Lat e Antiquit y th e dialogu e ha d bee n use d b y Christia n writer s attempting t o imitat e th e mode l o f Ciceronia n exposition . Thi s wa s applicabl e t o biography a s wel l a s t o philosophy , an d i t offere d a means o f reconcilin g conflic ting views. 32 Radber t kne w dialogue s b y Cicero , Augustine , Sulpiciu s Severus , John Chrysostom' s dialogu e o n th e priesthood , an d th e Consolatio n o f Philo sophy. Bu t th e existenc e o f a hterary traditio n nee d no t impl y tha t th e dialogue s of th e Epitaphium ar e fictitious . Thoug h th e monk s o f Corbi e ma y no t hav e quoted Terenc e whil e discussin g Wala's career , w e nee d no t rejec t th e evidenc e o f their concern s whic h th e Epitaphium provide s o n tha t score . Lik e Augustine , Radbert i n hi s dialogu e coul d transfor m historica l account s o f genuin e discussion s through a passionate concer n wit h style . The Epitaphium i s divide d int o tw o books : th e firs t deal s wit h Wala' s earl y lif e at the court , hi s conversio n t o monasticism , hi s administratio n i n Ital y a s Lothar's tutor, th e foundatio n o f Corve y an d Wala' s abbac y a t Corbie , whil e th e secon d chronicles hi s par t i n th e assembl y o f 828 and th e rebellion s o f 830 and 833, Wala's retrea t t o Bobbi o an d hi s deat h i n 836. At th e star t o f Boo k I I w e lear n that Severu s ha s died , Chreme s ha s lef t Corbie . Paschasiu s ha s bee n restore d t o his quies et libertas animi afte r th e care s o f offic e an d th e burde n o f worldl y concerns.33 Bu t thi s canno t impl y tha t Boo k I circulate d independently , a s scho lars hav e suggested . Ther e i s n o evidenc e tha t th e Epitaphium circulate d a t all , i t survives i n a singl e manuscrip t fro m Corbie , an d i s nowher e quoted . Th e obscu rity an d aUusivenes s o f it s styl e suggest s tha t i t wa s compose d a s a defenc e o f Wala agains t criticism s originatin g a t Corbi e an d Corvey . Consequentl y argu ments base d o n apparen t change s i n eithe r the politica l situatio n betwee n 826 and the dat e o f compositio n o f Boo k II , o r i n Radbert' s attitudes , a s thes e ma y b e inferred fro m a contras t betwee n th e tw o book s o f th e Epitaphium, ar e preca rious. A s Radbert' s contemporarie s offere d thei r account s o f th e reig n o f Loui s the Piou s an d o f it s legacy , h e determine d t o creat e hi s ow n versio n o f th e event s Ep. Ars., p. 24. Ep. Ars., pp.20 , 21, 24, 47. Ep. Ars., p. 60. Ep. Ars., pp . 32-3 (the only interventio n b y Allabigius, concerning th e nature of grief) . Ep. Ars., pp . 55-8. Ep. Ars., p. 19. TTie classi c treatmen t is K. Hirzel, Der Dialog (Leipzi g 1895). Cf. B . R. Voss, Der Dialog in der fruhchristlichen Literatur (Munic h 1970). 33 Ep. Ars., p. 60. 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

113

of Wala' s life , bot h t o justif y hi s frien d an d abbot , an d t o explai n wha t ha d gon e wrong. 34 The Epitaphium i s inspired by the certainty that the failure o f the reformers o f 828 was a crisis with indehble results for th e Carohngian empire. The failure to secure the unity o f th e empire , an d t o defin e th e statu s o f th e imperia l episcopate , ha d cause d the moral weaknesses exploite d b y the Vikings. To thi s extent th e work i s Radbert' s pohtical testament , derivin g from hi s convictio n tha t Due quippe gentes sunt et duo regna unum scilicet Christi et alterum diaboli. 35 Thi s vision of politics is most vividl y expressed i n Radbert's accoun t o f th e foundation o f Corvey . I n th e Vita Adalhardi, as we have seen, Radbert describe d this in terms of a ^spiritual geometry * of the site, derivied fro m Boethius . I t was a symbol o f infinity . I n th e Epitaphium th e founda tion i s given a historical context . Ut audio, aliter aedificata est Roma a duobus fratribus, et aliter nova nostro de nomine. Ilia siquidem carnaliter in terris, ista spiritaliter, ut dilataretur in caelis; ilia ut edomaret gentes sub suo imperio, ista ut extraheret suos de mundo; ilia ut cresceret rebus et ditaretur rerum copiis, ista vero ut beata paupertate locuples fundamentum haberet in caelis. Ilia itaque a sanguine coepit edificari et cum sanguine rebus bellicis crevit; ista ut pauperitatem amaret presentis vitae et ditaretur in celestibus. 36 This passag e deserve s t o b e quote d i n it s entiret y becaus e o f th e audaciou s substitution o f Corve y (nova nostra de nomine) fo r th e heavenl y cit y founde d b y Abel. Augustin e ha d contraste d Abe l wit h Romulus , an d affirme d tha t Abe l wa s a pilgrim who had not founded a n earthly city. Radbert make s the earthly monastery a type o f th e heavenl y city , an d fro m thi s standpoin t th e monaster y i s a standar d b y which earthl y powe r i s t o b e judged . Th e monaster y i s th e bastio n o f a spiritua l nobility, following th e model o f Wala, ready t o castigate both errin g monks an d th e sins whic h stoo d i n nee d o f correctio n i n th e state . Radbert' s ow n lo w birt h ma y have spurre d hi s suppor t o f a Carolingia n clerica l meritocracy ; hi s idea l o f a responsible churc h abl e t o advis e an d t o inspir e secula r societ y wa s inherite d fro m Adalhard, Wala an d Benedic t o f Aniane , an d share d b y Hincmar . The achievement s o f th e Epitaphium ar e easily neglecte d b y scholar s preoccupie d with th e historica l conten t o f th e work . It s form , withou t paralle l i n Carohngia n literature, suggest s tha t th e wor k an d it s elaborat e hterar y reference s mus t b e understood i n term s o f a novelt y whic h returne d t o classic s o f Christia n thought : Ambrose Augustine and Jerome. This novelty i s mirrored b y the system o f byname s which conceal s th e identitie s o f th e personage s i n th e work . Suc h a conventio n depends o n awarenes s o f th e gul f betwee n a n idealize d pas t an d a disparate present . The names of the Epitaphium d o not suppl y th e reader with a specific chronologica l framework int o which th e action of the work i s transposed, instead there are a series 34 I have found n o evidence that Radbert kne w eithe r of th e biographies of Loui s the Pious. During hi s stay a t St. Riquier he could hav e see n Nithard's accoun t o f Louis' s reig n a t th e star t of hi s History . I have discussed the date and purpose of the Epitaphium in , Corbie and Opposition to Louis the Pious, Charlemagne's Heir, ed . R.Collins , P.Godma n (Oxfor d 1990), pp.537-50. 35 Augustine, Ep. 199 quoted b y Radbert , Expositio in Mattheum XI , p. 1158, cf. pp. 1161-3. 36 Ep, Ars 1,18, p. 47. This passage, spoken by Severus, is taken by Paschasius as an implicit attack on the wealth of Corvey , bu t he identifies Corve y wit h th e building o f Ezechie l 40, and recalls how i t was built for the poor in spirit, an d against seculi servitute.

114

of reference s t o past heroes. Adalhard i s called Antony, a s Alcuin had called him in his letters, and Antony founde d a monastery and advised an emperor. Wala is called Arsenius, like the tutor of th e children of Theodosius I er, who left th e imperial court in the 390's to die as a monk. Louis , despite having been compared by contempora ries t o Theodosius when he did penance in 821 and 833, is not called Theodosius bu t Justinian, an d hi s secon d wife , Judith , i s calle d Justina . Justin a ha d persecute d St. Ambrose. Lotha r an d Loui s th e Germa n ar e calle d Honoriu s an d Gratian . Bemhard of Septimania, who is charged with adultery with Judith, is called Naso in a reference t o Ovid , exile d fo r his affai r wit h Julia. Once the reader has mastered the references implicit in these names which conceal historical personages , h e mus t explai n tw o strikin g omission s i n Radbert' s work . There is no discussion o f Wala's role in the mission t o the Danes, in contrast to the account in the Vita Anskarii.37 This may reflect a growing pessimism after the Viking sieges o f Pari s an d th e burnin g o f Hamburg, 38 whic h ha d pu t th e missions i n a n unfortunate light . The Epitaphium i s als o silen t abou t th e expeditio n o f Wal a fro m Bobbio to Aachen in May 836. This is recorded b y the 'Astronomer' who claim s in his life o f Louis th e Pious, that Wala and Louis were reconciled. 39 Instead Radbert's hero remains exiled an d aloof fro m politics. But this isolation is in marked contras t to the effect o f Wala's departure in Corbie and Corvey. A t Corvey , Warin remained loyal t o Loui s the Pious an d was appointed abbo t of Corve y and Rebais, at Corbie after Wala's exile , Radber t seem s to hav e bee n i n imperial service , an d hoped fo r a compromise betwee n Loui s an d Wala in 831. *° To rea d the Epitaphium a s unqualified suppor t fo r al l o f Wala's action s is a n oversimplification o f Radbert' s stance . Though th e wor k i s a dialogue , i t contain s deliberat e imitatio o f th e funera l orations o f Ambrose. 41 This rar e model show s ho w Radber t wa s preoccupied wit h the eschatological feature s o f his , an d his abbey's , loss . The deat h of th e abbot is a token o f th e earthl y separatio n whic h wil l en d i n a celestia l reunion . Th e Vita Adalhardi ha d first used Ambrose, here the model is the de Excessu Eratris. 42 Such a model ca n focus th e duty t o creat e a memorial withou t diminishin g th e grief whic h such a duty mus t entail . Radber t define s th e task : Sanctam Dei hostiam, Deoque placentem cum lacrimis ad celi palatium prosequi.* 1 Quotations fro m the de Excessu Fratris explain what this entails. Quid enim est mors nisi somnusf sicut ex multarum scriptuarum locis possumus approbari. Quod si in noctis quiete corporeis adhuc vinculis inherentes, et quasi membrorum in carcere reUgatae animae possunt altiora et queque suis discreta imaginibus perspicere, quanto magis exuti omni corruption^ labe spectant, ut quidam sanctorum ait, iampuro etherioque sensu. 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44

Vita Anskarii, c. 7 MGH, pp . 27-9. Annales Bertiniani, p. 49; Annales Fuldenses, p. 35; Vita Anskarii, p . 37. Vita Hludovici, c . 55 MGH SS II, p. 641. Ep. Ars., p . 75; Radbert visit s Wal a i n hi s exile : ab augusto directus ob ecclesiasticarum rerum et monastica negotia. P . 33, Unde cum olim ab augusto directus causa negotii quod nostis antequam in remeando Agripmam venissem, comperi quern nunc deflemus, exilium tulisse pro munere. von Moos , Consolatio I , Paragrap h 140. Ibid., Anmerkungsband, pp . 100-1. Ep. Ars. I , p. 21. Ep. Ars. I , 5, p. 27 « de Excessu Fratris I, 72.

115

Omnes quidem enim ad eandem inmortalitatem sunt vocati et ideo absurdum est bunc quasi mortuum deplorare, quamvis etiam stultum sit id specialius deflere, quod scias omnibus prescriptum esse; quia hoc est animum super conditionem extollere, legem mortis communem non recipere, nature consortium recusare, mensuram carnis nescire. 4 Apart from th e Bibl e th e de Excessu is th e onl y wor k t o b e use d a s a source fo r both part s o f th e Epitaphium. I t bind s the m together , an d th e wor k end s wit h extensive quotations about the ascent of the soul, about hfe as a meditation on death, and death as a preparation for the vision of God. To die is to flee the flaws of this life, and s o Wal a di d no t dela y t o fle e th e worl d an d it s uncertai n hopes . Th e fina l quotations deal with the threefold nature of death, spiritual, natural and penal. Death is bot h a punishment , a s Ada m learne d afte r th e fall , an d a remed y fo r ou r punishments, as a result of Christ' s resurrection. 46 Suscipiamus interdum imaginem mortis, ne poena nos invadat mortis, ut per bonum mortis ad vitam possimus pertingere sempiternam, in qua mors iam ultra non erit neque luctus. 47 Ambrose supplies a correct and complex evaluation of death and of grief, but there was a more poignant reason for Radbert to draw on the de Excessu. In mourning his dead brothe r Ambros e achieve d a heroi c restrain t whic h doe s no t diminis h th e strength o f his feelings o f grief . Such a model convey s a dignity i n mourning whic h those who read the Epitaphium fo r its historical content risk overlooking. By relying on thes e quotation s Radber t secure s th e Epitaphium i n a traditio n o f Christia n consolation. The life of an individual finds its worth as much in the echoes of a heroic past as in individual achievement . Becaus e Ambrose an d Radbert both confront th e problem of Christia n mourning, Ambrose provides more than a model, he provides the standar d o f eloquenc e whic h Radber t insist s i s appropriate . The Epitaphium i s about commemoratio n o f th e individua l evaluate d i n th e contex t o f Christia n history. It i s i n definin g th e natur e o f tha t historica l conten t tha t Radber t draw s o n th e most surprisin g o f al l of hi s sources . I n th e prologue t o Boo k I of th e Epitaphium there is a discussion of the truth of Radbert's account of Wala's hfe. No on e will no w believe i n Wala' s virtues , thoug h Radber t wa s a n eyewitnes s o f them . I n th e discussion Adeodatu s ask s wh o need s witnesse s fo r history . Here , an d late r on , when Adeodatu s distinguishe s histor y an d fable , causin g Paschasiu s t o affir m tha t witnesses cannot expect to be believed, the Epitaphium incorporate s quotations from Seneca's Ludus de Morte Claudii. 4* These quotations from th e opening o f th e work predate the earhest extant manuscripts, fro m St . Gall an d St. Amand. Radber t is the only Carohngia n autho r known t o quot e thi s particularly difficul t text . The secon d passage merit s a full quotation , sinc e thi s show s wha t Radber t attempted , bot h i n terms o f hi s originalit y an d in term s o f th e issue s h e raises. Sed quid ignoti facient, eum a consilio criminamur* aut non legisti, quid nuper attulit gentilium tema, quod quidam Drusilla m in caelum euntem viderit? Fortassis idem vidisse 45 46 47 48

Ep. Ars. II , 22, p. 94 » de Excessu Fratris II, 4. Ep. Ars. II , 23, p. 95-6 quoting de Excessu Fratris II, 21, 32, 33, 35-40. Ep. Ars. II , 23, p. % - de Excessu Fratris II, 42. Ep. Ars., pp. 20-1.

116

Arsenium habentem iter in caelum narrabit. Quapropter eum interrogate, si vobismet non creditis, veli t nolitve , qua e in celo aguntur, quia divinis non credimus, forsitan se vidisse monstrabit, quern si interroge s vel sol i narrabit ; cora m pluribus , ut estimo, numquam verbum facturus. Nam idem ex quo in senatu iuravit eandem s e vidisse caelum ascendere eique pro tarn bono nuntio nemo credit, quicquid viderit, verbis conceptis firmavit se nulli dicturum, etiams i in foro hominem vidisset occisum. Putasne narrare quippiam, quod omnibus eque placeat, cunctique credantf Quid igitur illo nuntio clarius? quidve felkiusf et, quod maius est quid verius, quod Christus victor ab inferis cum carne celos petivitf ... Sed quid est quod quidam non credunt, plures operibus contradicunt, et pauci veniunt.49 By juxtaposin g th e ascensio n o f Claudiu s an d tha t o f Chris t wit h th e presume d ascension of Wala, Radbert creates a pattern of unbehef. This enables him to develop his treatment o f Wala's life in terms of a n opposition betwee n Wala's behefs an d the stance o f th e jus t man , a s Paschasiu s state s followin g th e secon d quotatio n fro m Seneca. An ignoras, Adeodate quod vir bonus non plus sibi quam patrie consulit et civibusf Scipionem quoque nosti, et reliquos eiusdem seculi viros, qui pro maximis patrie acplurimis virtutum beneficiis odia tulerunt et varia mortis discrimina. Here agai n th e Boethia n mode l o f th e nobl e statesma n i s use d t o lin k Wal a t o ideals o f civi c humanism . A furthe r quotation , fro m Seneca' s Lette r 63 treats th e death of friends : Unde quidam ait, quod amicorum mors quandam habeat voluptatem, eorumque memoria sit iucunda, quomodo poma que videntur suaviter aspera. Cum ergo interveni t spatium, pura ad nos spei iucunditas redit, quia sic quos habuimus, diligimus, tamqua m et nos hinc subito ituros, sicque amisimus tamquam habeamus. l This develop s theme s Radber t foun d i n Ambrose , an d th e quotatio n serve s a s a bridge t o passages fro m th e de Excessu I, 72-4. The other classical source for the Epitaphium i s Terence. The extensive quotations convey the flavour of a discussion (both Augustine and Cicero had incorporated tags from Terence) , bu t the y als o relat e t o th e proble m o f praisin g a hero. Th e mai n quotations deal with sycophancy, 52 praise of others, 53 and the aims of hfe. Thoug h they amplif y th e text , the y d o no t ancho r i t i n a hterar y contex t a s th e othe r quotations do . In the Epitaphium Radber t was faced with th e problem o f describin g the correc t stance o f th e intellectua l i n Carohngia n pohtics . Th e subjec t o f muc h theoretica l discussion, it was seldom treated with regard to an actual individual. Radbert tried to resolve this problem by developing a terminology which could link the eternal values of th e monastery with the demands of the world. His terminology preserved echoes of his reading, but it had to transform that reading so as to define his own priorities. 49 50 51 52 53 54

Ep.Ars., p . 21. Ep. Ars., p. 22. Ep. Ars. I , 5, p. 27 - Ep. ad Lucil 63 VII, 2-6. Ep. Ars. I , 8, p. 32 = Eunuch. II, 2 16-22 . Ep. Ars. I , 21, p. 50 - Eunuch. II, 2 1-16 . Ep. Ars. I , 21, p. 52 - Adelphi V , 4 1-26 .

117

Because the Epitaphium i s not an abstract treatise but a biography, thi s transforma tion is seldom explicit, but the successive questions about the events of Wala's career, and their justification, remin d th e reader of th e Epitaphium o f th e values which a n adequate defenc e o f tha t caree r mus t uphold . A s politica l idea s wer e conceive d increasingly fro m a n individua l an d mora l standpoint , thes e value s coul d b e mos t clearly expressed through accounts of human actions which demonstrate the force o f moral precepts. Throughout th e Epitaphium, bu t especiall y i n Boo k II , th e contras t betwee n Wala's ideal s an d th e disorde r whic h ha d replace d thos e ideal s create s a sense o f pathos. Voluit ut unitas et dignitas totius imperii maneret ob defensionem patriae et ecclesiarum liberationem, ob integritatem rerum, et dispensationem facultatum ecclesiarum; nunc autem, ut cemimus, omnia sunt immutata velperturbata. 55 To offe r a fitting memoria l t o Wala require d a n explanatio n o f ho w societ y ha d changed so a s to rende r his ideal s impossible . O misera nostra tempora, o stulte discordiarum nostrorum insidiae, que ad tantam civilium debacchationem perduxere pacatissimum regnum, sed felix de quo ibique tanta virtutum respergitur fama. ** In the dialogue of the Epitaphium it is made clear that lamentation at the growth of disorder and the attack on truth and justice is an appropriate part of the remembering of Wala. 57 To understand suc h a transformation require d a more comprehensiv e visio n tha t Radbert achieved. Bu t if hi s monasti c perspectiv e ofte n bhnde d hi m t o th e facts o f Carolingian politica l hfe , w e mus t remembe r tha t h e wrot e fo r a smal l monasti c audience. To charge him with distortion is to mistake hi s purpose. A more sensitive reading of the Epitaphium recognize s Radbert' s awareness o f th e weakness o f roya l power, especiall y afte r 833. Unde factum est momentis singulis regia potestas labefacta potius deperieret, quam cresceret.b% According to Radbert Louis the Pious hoped t o keep Wala at court afte r Lothar's defeat, but Wala, foreseeing civil wars, fled to Bobbio. His final loyalty was to th e monastic life . qui nescio si se salvare possit nobiscum inter tot discrimina, ubi iam nulla fidesvelvix rara invenitur, maxime inter eos, qui summi esse cupiunt vel videntur: inter quos, honores contempnere seculipro religione, ignavia putatur. Radbert ties the obligations o f th e world to those o f th e monastery b y hi s use o f the crucia l concep t o f fides. Wal a ha d bee n accuse d o f infidelity , bu t thi s charg e represents a misunderstandin g o f wha t tru e fait h t o one' s neighbou r involves . I n defining fait h Paschasiu s begin s wit h th e Paulin e definitio n foun d i n Galatian s 5.6, 55 56 57 58 59

Ep. An. II , Ep. Ars. II , Ep.Ars. II , Ep. Ars. II , Ep.Ars. II ,

118

10, p. 76. 13, p. 80. 8, pp. 70-1. 19, p. 90. 21, p. 92.

true faith operates throug h love . Remove love , and faith will b e abohshed, for lov e encompasses al l of th e law s of faith . A correc t love o f Go d an d of one' s neighbou r allows n o sin. 60 I f suc h fait h i s replace d b y loyalt y t o th e unjus t demand s o f a n earthly lord , the n God' s precept s ar e overturned . B y consentin g t o evil , th e fait h which operates through love of one's neighbour is lost. Unless faith operates through such love, it is not faith, but the persuasion of the devil. After th e redemption, suc h faith become s a part o f th e natural order , s o that it cannot b e related to sin. 61 Such faith also governs human understanding of events. As Adeodatus says we should not be impressed to o easily , like wax tha t receives al l seals. Too hast y faith is rash. The pomp o f th e world i s the renunciatio n o f fait h in Christ. 62 The Epitaphium i s a tribute to such faith, and yet it is an account of th e failure of Wala, who hope d tha t Louis * subjects shoul d b e more faithful tha n before afte r the rebellion o f 830.63 On e explanatio n o f thi s dilemm a i s tha t word s an d value s ar e changing. Wal a defend s th e immunit y o f churc h property , an d attack s th e palac e chaplains who belon g t o no clea r ecclesiastical order , and serve only fo r benefits i n this world. Those who advise d Loui s were non consules, non provisores patriae, sed latrones ... in tantum ut ipsum consulatus nomen, seu splendorem illius honoris et magnitudinem tanti imperii, nee intellegere aut intueri, nee capere aut sustinere potuissent." Behind the contrast between the values which words embody and those who deny such values lie s Radbert's loyalt y t o Wala: Fateor quia non possum retexere, quantum virtutes eorum ipse mecum tacitus admirabar, quantumque mihi adplaudebam, quod tales mihi Dominus dedit patronos, quorum in consortio, etsi indignus, tertius eram. 65 The careful assembhng of quotations is an effort to buttress such loyalty. Ambrose offers a model fo r appropriat e mourning , Terenc e convey s som e o f th e flavour o f dialogue, in a work where the choice of dialogue form marks an original meditatio n on individua l achievement . Bot h th e Vita Adalhardi an d th e Epitaphium creat e memorials fo r tw o abbot s who m thei r biographe r kne w an d valued. These memo rials draw on the Corbie hbrary to reshap e canons of memor y within a tradition of remarkable complexity , i n whic h individua l achievemen t i s evaluate d throug h a system of values classical as well as Christian, serving to sustain the truth both of the narrative, and of th e values th e narrative require s an d secures. A final estimate of the Vita Adalhardi an d the Epitaphium must acknowledge that they ar e bot h ne w development s i n Carolingia n biography , comparabl e i n thei r originality to Einhard's Vita Karoli. Eac h anchors the hero in that Christian tradition which Corbi e strov e t o preserv e an d t o enhance . Eac h tackle s th e proble m o f opposition, an d justifie s a n oppositio n t o th e failur e o f th e rule r t o establis h a Christian society . Thi s visio n ma y b e naive , bu t bot h works wer e written , no t fo r 60 61 62 63 64 65

Ep.Ars. I, 2, p. 24. Cf Radbertu s de Fide Spe et Carkate PL 120, 1391-2. Ep.Ars. I, 7, pp. 30-1. Ep.Ars. II, 10, p. 73. Ep.Ars. II, 6, p. 66. Ep. Ars. I , 15, p. 43.

119

courtiers but fo r monk s concerne d t o commemorat e th e virtue s o f thei r abbots . Only b e recapturin g th e intimat e settin g fo r thes e tw o biographies , th e specifi c concerns o f thei r audienc e abou t th e earthl y failing s an d th e heavenly triumph s o f their dea d patrons , ca n w e understan d th e ideolog y o f Carolingia n monasticism , striving to reconcile presen t an d eternal truths.

120

VI SCRIPTORIUM, LIBRARY , SCHOO L A N D READERS : CORBIE I N TH E C A R O L I N G I A N RENAISSANC E

This detailed study of th e growth of a major Carolingian library and the evidence of how tha t hbrar y wa s use d wa s undertake n t o deepe n th e understandin g o f th e specific features of Carolingian culture. The Carohngian renovatio wa s a transformation o f writte n culture , affectin g Latinity , script , an d learning , an d pervadin g al l branches of intellectual hfe, most notably in the major centres of learning. The prime means fo r th e disseminatio n o f thi s ne w cultur e wa s th e copyin g o f manuscripts : some seve n thousan d nint h centur y Lati n manuscripts survive , i n whole o r in part, while fewe r tha n tw o thousan d survivin g Lati n manuscripts ca n be assigne d t o th e fifth t o th e eight h centuries . The comprehensiv e stud y o f th e Corbi e scriptorium , where a successio n o f experiment s i n scrip t i n th e cours e o f th e eight h centur y culminated i n th e magnificenc e o f th e Maurdramnu s minuscule , distinguishe d b y unity o f form , clarity , regularit y an d firmness , ca n revea l th e way s i n whic h manuscripts were copied, and the ways in which their successful copying required an enhanced Latinity. Thus it offers a view of the continuity in one centre of learning, a centre sufficiently importan t t o ech o the preoccupations o f rulers , bishops, theologians, and to record it s own response s t o such preoccupations. But Corbie was also endowed wit h a readiness t o adap t and to transfor m he r inheritance. 'It i s th e mos t seriou s difficult y o f th e histor y o f civilizatio n tha t a grea t intellectual process must be broken up into single and often into what seem arbitrary categories, in order to b e in any way intelligible'. 1 S o Jacob Burckhardt defined th e problem of al l cultural history: however methodical the empiricism of the investigation, th e categorie s employe d requir e justificatio n t o retai n an y validity . Th e categories traditionally applie d to the Carolingians have been 'receptivity', 'traditio nalism', 'standardization'. 2 Bu t Charlemagne 'look s to the future and is no antiquarian'.3 The nature of Carolingia n ideology (the term is justified) required not simply the receptio n o f a n intellectua l heritage , bu t th e possibilit y o f transformin g tha t heritage.4 As we have seen, patristic and classical authors were copied and edited, but they wer e als o quarrie d fo r evidenc e t o resolv e ne w problem s abou t th e natur e o f God's elect , an d about the correct way t o commemorat e contemporar y heroes . The Carohngian achievement involved a tension between the official idea l and the 1 J. Burckhardt, Ober das Studium der Geschichte, ed. P . F. Ganz (Munich 1982), p. 118. 2 Cf M. Grabmann, Die Geschichte der scholastischen Methode I (Freiburg 1909), p. 130. 3 J.M.Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship in England and on the Continent (Oxfor d 1973), p. 102. 4 I retur n t o thi s topi c i n a chapter o n Carolingia n Theolog y an d Ideolog y i n Volume I I o f th e New Cambridge Medieval History.

121

particularities o f individual diversity . The contact betwee n the abbey of Corbi e and the imperia l court , firs t throug h th e pohtica l career s o f Adalhar d an d Wala, an d then throug h Charle s th e Bald' s contact s wit h Radber t an d Ratramnus , kep t th e abbey predominant i n officia l cultura l programmes . No t onl y di d this mean tha t it was easie r fo r Corbi e t o obtai n text s fo r th e library , i t mean t tha t Corbi e wa s directed as to ho w som e o f thes e texts shoul d b e read. But thi s shoul d no t obscur e the remarkable independenc e o f Corbie . No t onl y i n the reig n o f Loui s th e Pious , but i n th e debate s o n th e Eucharis t an d o n Predestination , Corbi e wa s read y t o take a distinctiv e stance , an d t o defen d it s position . Th e career s o f Radber t an d Ratramnus sho w tha t diversit y wa s tolerate d a t th e abbey , an d th e florilegia o f Hadoard sugges t tha t reconcilin g divers e opinion s wa s a legitimat e activity . Th e tensions betwee n secula r an d Christia n learnin g ar e balance d i n hi s tw o florilegia, as the y ar e balance d i n th e us e tha t Radber t mad e o f Cicero' s de Inventione t o justify hi s eclecticism . By concentratin g i n this study on a single centre it has bee n possible t o compre hend how the late Antique tradition of learnin g was assimilated, and how i t spurred further creatio n whic h woul d transfor m tha t tradition . Th e secon d generatio n o f Carolingian scholars , who wer e especiall y activ e a t Corbie, ha d ne w aim s an d ne w methods o f study , reflectin g change s i n thei r society . Afte r th e expansio n o f Charlemagne's reign came the pohtical tensions of the reign of Loui s the Pious, and the ideological crisis of th e reign of Charle s the Bald. On e respons e was a retreat t o the monastery , bu t Radbert , i n hi s biographica l works , make s i t clea r tha t th e monastery was a training groun d for th e reform o f society . The activit y o f th e Carolingia n scriptoriu m provide s a necessar y paralle l t o th e hterary understandin g o f a lat e Antiqu e tradition . The layou t o f Corbi e manus cripts is classica l i n its proportions, wit h a mastery o f a hierarchy o f scripts , an d a feeling fo r classica l lette r form s i n th e displa y capital s an d th e rusti c an d uncia l capitals o f th e rubricate d titles . Thes e hallmark s ar e no t reserve d fo r copie s o f classical an d patristi c texts , the y ar e use d i n manuscript s o f th e work s o f Radber t and Ratramnus. The systemati c correctio n o f text s als o extende d t o revisions i n th e works o f contemporar y authors . The most seriou s limitation o f thi s study i s that it is the study o f on e monastery . The importance o f Corbi e for th e reception o f Bede' s writings o n th e continent, it s holdings of Lati n translations o f Gree k authors , the theological interest s o f annota tors, th e developmen t o f glosse s t o Priscian , Martianu s Capella , Boethiu s an d Sedulius al l requir e comparabl e wor k o n othe r Carolingia n libraries . A prope r evaluation o f Corbi e require s a proper accoun t o f wha t w e ca n lear n abou t othe r centres. Withou t a ful l analysi s o f monasti c patronag e i n th e reign s o f Loui s th e Pious an d Charle s th e Bald , Corbie' s apparen t isolatio n fro m 830-850 cannot b e judged. From a palaeographical an d codicological perspectiv e more volumes copie d at Corbie fo r other houses probably remai n to b e discovered . But th e ampl e evidenc e a s t o ho w Corbi e deploye d it s learnin g an d it s hterar y resources i n the service o f a dynamic Christianit y show s how fa r tradition was able to incorporat e originality , an d t o cros s frontiers , bot h i n biography , exegesis , theology an d th e interpretatio n o f th e classica l heritage . Th e monasti c tradition , certain of its heavenly sanctions, was not formed fo r earthl y glories. No accoun t of 122

Corbie can be divorced from the awareness of the threats to such a goal. In the words of the inscription place d o n the Westwerk of Corbie' s daughter house at Corvey: CrVTTATEM ISTAM TU CIRCUMD A DOMINE E T ANGELITUI CUSTODIANT MUROS EIUS This inscription, which echoes Radbert's identification o f the abbey and the City of God , remind s u s ho w fa r w e remai n fro m th e aims , and th e achievements , of Corbie in the Carolingian Renaissance .

123

VII THE MANUSCRIPT S O F TH E CORBI E LIBRAR Y

This hst includes al l manuscripts which I beheve to have been in the Corbie hbrar y before th e en d o f th e nint h century . I rel y o n thre e type s o f evidenc e fo r Corbi e ownership: ninth century Corbi e contents hsts (which I record here), Corbie scrip t combined wit h Corbi e ownershi p i n th e twelft h and/o r seventeent h century , o r Corbie annotation s i n volume s o f alie n provenance . Ther e ar e man y Carolingia n volumes presen t i n the seventeenth century hbrar y which lac k al l of thes e features ; unless the y contai n rar e texts quoted b y Corbi e author s the y hav e been excluded . I hst, a t the en d of thi s catalogue , volumes i n Corbie scrip t copie d fo r export . For a hst o f abbreviation s use d her e se e th e Bibhography. Al l measurement s ar e given i n millimetres . Reference s t o th e printe d catalogue s fo r manuscript s i n Pari s and Amien s ar e omitted , bu t reference s t o Staer k ar e include d sinc e hi s excellen t catalogue prints texts in the Leningrad volumes. The bibliography i s selective; I aim to hs t al l works which giv e a n account o f th e contents o f a manuscript, o r of thei r textual importance , an d al l illustration s know n t o me . I d o no t hs t th e Liebaer t photographs o f Corbi e manuscripts , thoug h ful l set s ar e availabl e i n th e Student s Room a t the British Library , an d in Duke Humfrey' s Library . THE MEROVINGIA N LIBRAR Y

Manuscripts written at Corbie Paris, B.N . Lat . 17655, ff. 96 (97-9 9 Rhythmi i n c . I X Corbi e script) , 260 x 215, 20-28 lines. Gregoriu s Turonensi s Historia Francorum I-V I (abridge d version) . Quires signe d QVA, QV , Q an d roman numeral, running titles, the opening word s of eac h chapte r i n coloure d uncia l an d hal f uncial , capitul a o n fol . 3 r i n Luxeui l minuscule; scrip t is a merovingian cursiv e rich in ligatures, with suprascrip t a, b i n ligature t o th e right , h leanin g t o th e left . Severa l scribes . Goo d initials , titl e pag e with arcade, c. IX contents hst on fol. 1. H. Omont, Gregoire de Tours, Histoire des Francs I-V I (Pari s 1886); W. Arndt-B. Krusch, MGH SRM I ; Zimmermann , pi. 89-91, 92a; B. Krusch, Die handschriftlichen Grundlage n der Historia Francorum Gregors vo n Tours , Historische Vierteljahresschrift XXVI I (1932), pp. 673-747. E. A. Lowe, A Not e o n th e Codex Corbeienesi s o f th e Histori a Francoru m an d it s Connection wit h Luxeuil , Scriptorium VI (1952), pp. 84-6; {Palaeographical Papers II, pp. 382-4); CLA 678; Ganz, pi. 8 II; de Merindol, pp . 992-3 (Plate 1). Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 14, ff. 158, 26 2 x 188, 2 1 lines. Gregoriu s Homiliae in Ezechielem pars prima. Angula r Luxeui l minuscul e b y severa l scribes . Hal f uncia l 124

lemmata in red and green ink. Three decorative carpet pages, the first two with crosses under arcade s an d th e inscriptio n Crux Alma Fulget. Runnin g title s divide d b y hederae. Initials , arcades on ff. 40v , 60v, 74r, 91r, 108r, 129r, 143r, 158v at the opening of eac h homily . Fol . 38v hal f uncia l ove r erasure , fol. 158 v dry poin t tironia n note , quire signatures ornamented wit h crosses, rosettes an d birds. Several scribes. Corbi e c.IX binding . Staer k I , p . 9; II, pl.XI-XIII ; Zimmermann , pi . 62b, 63b , 64-67a ; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 46-9, 125-7 ; Lowe, RB LXI I (1953), pp.138, 140; P. Salmon, Le Lectionnaire de Luxeuil I I (Rome 1947), p. 19, no. 26; Karl der Grosse, no. 402; Bischoff, MS II , pp. 289,301; Lowe, Palaeographical Papers II, pp. 396, 398, pi. 77; Koehler, p . 91; CLA 1617; de Merindol, pp. 1060-2, pL 291-2 (the binding) . Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 13, ff. 42 (contents lis t reveal s tha t muc h i s lost) ; ff . 1-2 a separate bifohum wit h full page author portrait and contents hst, ff. 21,22 singletons. 209 x 152, 23-2 4 lines. Gennadiu s de Ecclesiasticis Dogmatibus, Hieronymus , Epistolae, 125, 17 , 14 7 (originally als o Excarpsum de tractatum sci Hieronimi, Augustinus IV sermones.) Quire s signe d Q V o r QV A an d roma n numeral , runnin g titles in small uncial, fish, lea f and rope initials. Uncial, cursive minuscule title on the flyleaf, fol. lr ; hd an d hp fo r ommissions . Carohngia n content s hst fol . Iv . Staerk I , pp.17-23 (printin g th e content s list) , pi. VI; II , pi. XIX ; Zimmermann , pi . 88, 92d; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 125-7; Karl der Grosse, no 405; Koehler, pp. 90, 98-9; CLA 1616; de Merindol , pp . 1058-9; La Neustrie, p . 265 and plate . Leningrad, Lat. F v 12, ff. 55. (ff. 44,49,53 singletons), 310 x 220,2 cols, 33-36 hnes. Regula Basilii. Quire s signe d Q V an d roma n numeral , runnin g title s i n uncia l an d minuscule, doubl e arche d arcad e o n fol . Iv . Incipi t o n fol . 2 r with hollo w capitals , hedera, an d red , green and purple fill. Fish and leaf initials. Script uncial, passages in half uncia l wit h fla t toppe d g o n ff . 29v-30 , 38r , 49-55. Caroline minuscul e corrections, hp an d hd fo r omissions . Staer k I , p . 12, pi. XXXVI; II , pi . XVI; Zimmermann, pi . 86-87; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 117-8; Siegmund, p. 44; Karl der Grosse, no. 406; CZ^4 1598; de Merindol, pp. 1014-5; Regula Basilii, ed. K. Zelzer, CSEL LXXXVI , pp.xvii-xviii ; cf. ibid, Zu r Uberlieferun g de r lateinische n Fassun gen der Regula Basilii , Texte und Untersuchungen 125 (Berlin 1981), pp. 625-35; La Neustrie, p . 265 and plate . Leningrad, Lat. O v 13, ff. 78, first quir e missing, Evangelium Matthai (Itala ) 210 x 150, 22 lines, ff. 1-8; 1 9 thereafter cursiv e close to Paris, B.N. Lat . 17655, half-uncial on fol. 65r, hnes 1-3, b in ligature to the right, te ligatures, the shaft o f h curves to the left. Initia l L fol. 3 with rope stem and compass drawn fish. On fol. 76 an exorcism in cursive script. J. Belsheim, Das Evangelium des Matthaeus (Christian a 1881); Staerk I, p. 46-7; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 122-5; McGurk, no. 129, p. 102; CLA 1624; de Merindol, pp . 1085-7; Fischer, Bibelhandschriften, p . 152. Leningrad, Lat. O v 12, ff. 8, Evangelium Marci I-V . 2 cols, 280 x 162, half-uncial. The continuation o f O v I 3, title in hollo w capitals with a n initial I with leave s and bull's eyes. LINS NT US ligatures. Running tide between hederae. Staerk I, pp. 26-7; II, pi . XXIV; Zimmermann , pi . 116b; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , p . 138; McGurk, no. 128, p. 101; Fischer, Bibeltext, p . 186; CLA 1623; de Merindol, pp . 1085-7. 125

London, B.L.Burne y 340 + Leningrad, Lat . F v I 4, ff. 104, Origen de Balaam et Balac, {Horn, in Numeri XV-XIX ) ff. 61-104 in Leningrad . Johannes Chrysostomu s de Reparatione LapsL 322 x 232, 2 3 lines, uncial . Paragraph s begi n wit h a littera notabilior. Fis h and bird initials and ornamental red and brow n caps, ff. 4v, 12v, 34v, 51v, i n London , ff . 2r , 9r , i n Leningra d recallin g thos e o n th e Vita Lupi lea f i n Leningrad, Lat . F v I 11. Running title s b y th e corrector . Tironian collatio n marks . Quires signe d roman i n centre, fol. 5 r half-uncial, c . IX conten t hs t o n th e flyleaf o f the Leningra d part . Tironian note s ff . 9r , 17v . Catalogue of Ancient Manuscripts in the British Museum II Latin (Londo n 1884), p. 49 and pi . 5. Zimmermann, pi . 112; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 119-20; Siegmund, p. 117; J. Dumortier, Jean Chrysostome, A Theodore. Source s Chretierme s 117 (Paris 1966), pp. 257-322, CLA 182; de Merindol, pp . 1094-7. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12190, ff. A + 258, Augustinus de Consensu Evangelistarum, 303 x 205, 25 hnes. Colophon s an d title s in alternatin g line s of re d an d blac k uncial , wit h lines of half uncia l o n ff. 16 and 178v , and half uncia l chapter headings ff. 35-39. fol. 255 Relegi agustini epi. de concordia evangelistarum finit libri IIII per gratia Christi. Zimmermann, pi. 112a, 113a; Chatelain, Uncialis Scriptura, pi . XCIX; Lowe , Palaeographical Papers I , p . 141; CSEL XLIII , p . xiii ; CLA 632; F.Avril, Y.Zalusia , Manuscrits Enlumines d'Origine italienne (Pari s 1980), p. 3, pi. Ill (th e paste d i n flyleaf, with scrol l an d interlace) . Paris, B.N . Lat . 12161, ff. 118, 250 x 150, 16-1 8 hnes. Hieronymus-Gennadiu s de Viris Illustribus. Crud e hollo w re d initials , rapi d an d bol d cursive . Palimpsest . E. C. Richardson, Hieronymus liber de viris inlustribus, Gennadius liber de viris inlustribus. Text e un d Untersuchunge n XI V (1896), p.xii; A.Feder , Zusatz e de s Gennadischen Schriftstellerkatalogs , Scholastik VII I (1933), pp. 380-99; Vezin, L e b en ligature , p . 274; Bischoff, Der Fronto-Palimpsest der Mauriner (S B bayer . Akad . 1958); CLA 624-9; Ganz, p. 154 and plat e (Plat e 2). Paris, B.N . Lat . 4403A , ff . 213, 28 3 x 195, 2 3 lines, ff . 29-35, capitula i n tw o columns. Isidor e de Legibus {Etymologiae V 1-27, IX 4-6, 22) , Lex Romana Visigothorum. Pre-Carolin e minuscule akin to the eN scrip t of 13028, but the cursive script o f ff . 179-184, rich i n ligatures , i s clos e t o tha t i n 17655. Red uncia l titles , cursive runnin g titles , c . IX content s hs t fol . lr . Original y tw o volumes ; fol . 36 v signed Q I . C.H.Beeson , Isidorstudien (Munic h 1913), p. 93; Liebaert, p . 63; CLA 556; Ganz, pi . 8, IV; R . McKitterick, Som e Carolingia n law-book s an d thei r func tion, Authority and Power. Studies on Medieval Law and Government presented to Walter Ullmann, ed . B.Tierney , P . Linehan, pp . 16-9.

ALIEN VOLUME S A T CORBI E B Y C. 700

Paris, B.N. Lat . 12205, ff. 156 , 310 x 240, 32 lines. Augustinus Ep. 212, de gratia et libero arbitrio, de correptione et gratia, Instituta Nili monachi, Regula IV Patrum, Regula Magistri. (Th e contents hst also includes Rufinus* translation o f the Sentences 126

of Sextus , now lost. ) Italia n uncial , c. VI cursiv e glosses ff. 10,15v, 16v , 32v-34, 64; Luxeuil minuscul e fol . 157r ; a b pentrial s ff . 2r , 158v ; Carohngia n annotations . Chatelain, Uncialis Scriptura, pi.XXXVIII ; H . Vanderhoven, F.Masai , F.Corbett , La Regie du Maitre. Edition Diplomatique des manuscrits latins 12005 et 12634 de Paris (Brussels-Pari s 1953) with plates ; A.d e Vogue , La Regie du Maitre, Source s Chretiennes 105 (Paris 1964); CLA 633; Ganz, pi . 8, I; F.Avril , Y.Zalusia, Manuscrits Enlumines d'Origine italienne (Pari s 1980), p. 4, pi. 2. Paris, B.N. Lat. 12097, ff. 234,280 x 210, 32-34 hnes. ff. 225-232,28 hnes. Canones Galliae (Collectio Corbiensis) half-uncia l an d uncial . Merovingia n cursiv e annota tions ff. 40v, 42v, 70v, 71r , 73r, 74r, 190v , 191r ; on fol. 106 v the annotator wh o use s the S flourish. Apparentl y fro m souther n France . K . Zangemeister, W . Wattenbach, Exempla codicum latinorum litteris majusculis scriptorum (Heidelber g 1876), pl.XL-XLII; Zimmermann , pi . 85; J.Mallon, R.Marichal , C.Perrat , Uecriture latine de la capitale romaine a la minuscule (Pari s 1939), pl.XLII; Maassen , pp. 556-74; C. H. Turner, Chapter s i n th e histor y o f lati n manuscript s o f canons . Journal of Theological Studies XX X (1929), pp. 225-36; Lowe, Palaeographical Papers I , pp . 264-5, 269 , 350 , 351 ; CC XCIA ; Mordek , pi . I; CLA 619-20; CC CLVIII, p.ix ; CLVIIIA , p.ix . Paris, B.N. Lat . 12214 + Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 4, ff. 282 (Paris) + 4 3 (Leningrad) 265 x 220, 2 cols., 29 lines. Augustinus de Civitate Dei I-X . Half-uncia l writte n i n Italy s. VI. az annotation fol . Bv. c. IX contents hst ; de civitate dei libri X Augustini episcopi. Chatelain , Uncialis Scriptura, pi . LXXXIII ; Staer k I , p . 23; II, pi . XX; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, Analecta medii aevi III , pp . 37ff.; Dobias-Rozdestvens kaia, pp. 136-7; A. Wilmart, L a tradition de s grands ouvrages de Saint Augustin, III . La cite d e Dieu , Miscellanea Agostiniana I I (Rom e 1931), pp. 279-92; H. I.Marrou , La divisio n e n chapitre s de s livre s d e l a Cit e d e Dieu , Melanges J. de Ghellinck I (Gembloux 1951), pp. 235-49; CLA 635; Lowe, Palaeographical Papers I, pp. 262-3, 269, 305 , 308 ; CC 47; de Merindo l II , pp . 885-8; M. Gorman, Th e Manuscrip t Tradition o f St . Augustine' s Majo r Works , Studia Ephemeridis Augustiniana 24 (Rome 1987), pp. 384-5, 411. Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 6-10, ff. 220, 260 x 210, 22 lines, c. IX content s list ff. 1-61 Rufinus de Fide; ff . 62-113; Fulgentius de Fide Catholica; ff . 114-53 Origenis in Canticum; ff . 154-91; Hieronymus de XLII mansionibus; ff . 192-220, Hieronymus ad Demetriadem. Italia n uncia l o f excellen t quality . Th e wor k o f severa l hands ; ff. 62-113 signed I-VI ; ff . 114-53 signed Q XXVIII-XXXII ; ff . 192-220 Q I-IV . c . IX Corbi e content s hs t o n th e las t lea f o f Q v I 10. Staerk I , p . 6-7, pi. II; II , pi. I; Zimmermann, pi . 113; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, Analecta Medii Aevi, pp . 30-6; Dobais-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 112-5; Origenes Werke 8 (Leipzig 1925); O. DobiasRozdestvenskaia, L e code x Q v I 6-10 de l a bibliothequ e pubhqu e d e Leningrad , Speculum V (1930), pp.21-48, plates I-V ; M . W.Miller, Rufini Presbyteri Liber de Fide, Catholi c Universit y Patristi c Studie s XCV (Washington 1964); Fulgentii Opera C C 91A , pp . 710-60; CLA 1614; C. Nordenfalk, Die spdtantiken Zierbuchstaben (Stockhol m 1970), pp.139, 148, 184-9 ; Ganz, pp . 169-70; de Merindol , pp. 1055-7. 127

Paris, B.N . Lat . 13367, ff. 242, 24 5 x 200, 2 5 hnes. Augustinu s de opere monachorum, fol . 39v defide et operibus; fol . 78r Contra Donatistos; fol . 126 de bono virginitatis; fol . 166 v de bono conjugali; fol . 195 v de bono viduitatis; fol . 219v Sermo de symbolo; fol . 224v Sermo de oratione dominica. Itaha n half-uncial S VI, ff. 235-4 0 an extrac t fro m Iosephus . Merovingia n marginalia ; CSEL XLI , pp . vii-viiii, xxiii , xlvi, liii , lxvi ; Chatelain , Uncialis Scriptura, pi . 67; New Palaeographical Society I , pi. 80; CLA 658-9; P.Verbraken, Le s Sermon s CCX V e t LV I d e St.Augustin , RB LXVIII (1958), pp.5-40; Lowe, Palaeographical Papers I , pp.262 , 273, 308 ; CC X L I V A ; G a n z , p l . 8 , III . Paris, B.N. Nouv. Acq. Lat. 2061, ff. 94 (F 71 a Corbie restoration c . IX med.), 340 x 230, 33 lines. Gregorius Moralia I.18-V.3 8 (want s firs t tw o quires) . Quires signe d Q III , copied in half uncial, red uncial for Biblica l lemmata. Large illuminated initial s ff. 9, 32 , 50, 74 . Maurdramnus correctio n fol . 50r . Belonge d t o Beauvai s i n c . XII ; Zimmermann, pi . 85; CLA 692; CC CXL I (Plat e 3). Paris, B.N . Lat . 13047, ff. 167, 272 x 190, 25 or 27 lines. Tours c . VIII minuscule . Excellent uncia l ff. 105-15r . Insula r margina l note s fol. 161r-v , fol . 1 De Genesi Ps . Cyprian; fol . 29 v Tertulhanus, Adversus Judaeos; fol . 41 r Johannes Chrysostomus , de Compunctione Cordis; fol . 62 v Hieronymus , Epistolae 105, 56, 67, 104 , 112 , 73, 129; fol. 65 r Augustinus, Epistola fol . 105r ; (Uncial ) Ps . Cyprianus, de Mortalitate; ff. 113 r Ps. Cyprian , de Resurrectione; fol . 113 r de Incarnatione; fol . 115 r Sedulius , Carmen Paschale I ; fol . 123 r Augustinus , de civitate Dei, XVII I 23; fol. 125 r de Mortalitate; fol . 135 v de Zelo et Livore; fol . 144 r de Aleatoribus; fol . 149 v de Habitu Virginum; fol . 165 v Hieronymu s ad Paulum, Ep. XXX , ff . 18-25 are perhap s misbound, the y follo w fol . 9 v an d preced e fol . 27r . Content s tabl e b y th e mai n scribes; fol. I v Carohngia n corrections . Quire s signe d Roma n a t fron t ff . 105-12 in green uncial . CSEL III , p . 283; CSEL XXIII , p.vii ; CLA 649; A.Kroymann, Rheinisches Museum LX X (1915), pp. 358-67; H.Trankle, Q.S.F. Tertulliani Adversus Judaeos (Wiesbade n 1964), p. xcv; Bischoff , MS II , p. 287; Vezin, pp. 105-6; de Merindol, pp. 944-6. Paris, B.N. Lat. 12168, ff. A-- C + 168,30 2 x 203,28 lines. Augustinus Quaestiones in Heptateuchem I-IV . Laon a z minuscule; Decorated titlepage , zoomorphic initial s ff . lr, 33v , 37v , 49v-50r , 86r , 96v , 106r , 133r , 136v , 158v ; Maurdramnu s correction s ff. 57v, 58r, 62r, 66v, 67r, 75v , 76v, 77v, 81r , 95r, 154v , 160r . CSEL XXVIII , p. xviii; Pars II , p.viiii-xiii ; Zimmermann , pi . 146, 148 , 149 ; CLA 630; Pacht, Buchmalerei des Mittelalters, pi . 59; M. Gorman, Eugippiu s an d th e Origin s o f th e Manuscrip t Tradition o f St . Augustine's d e Genesi a d Litteram , RB XCII I (1983), pp. 7-30; La Neustrie, n o 96, pp.93, 261-2; de Merindol , pp. 877-8. Paris, B.N . Lat . 17225, ff. 190, 28 0 x 250, 2 4 hnes. Evangelia Antehieronymiana. Itahan Uncia l c. V. Merovingian annotation s ff . 6v , 7r, 7v , lOv , 12v, 13v , 19v, 23r-v, 30r, 59v , 107v , 109r ; E.S.Buchanan , The Four Gospels from the Codex Corbiensis (Oxford 1907); CLA 666; P. Petitmengin, Le s plu s ancien s manuscrit s d e la Bibl e latine, Le monde latin antique et la Bible, ed . J.Fontaine , C.Pietr i (Pari s 1986), pp. 89-123, pi. 1. 128

Paris, B.N. Lat . 10399, ff. 1-2 + B.N. Lat . 12190 + B.N. Lat. 13043, fol. 51 + B.N. Lat. 13386 + Vat. Reg . Lat. 329, ff. 1-2 + Amiens MS 12, fol. 1. Fragments, in hal f uncial o f Ephaemu s Syru s Paranesis, Vita Abrahae. Chatelain , Uncialis Scriptura, pi. Ill; d e Bruyne , RB XLII I (1931), pp. 5-6; Wilmart, RB L (1938), p. 222; CLA 708. Bischoff an d V. Brown, Medieval Studies XLVI I (1985), p. 355. Paris, B.N. Lat. 18315, ff. 31,245 x 190,19 lines. Vita Sancti Wandregisili. Norther n French uncial , Maurdramnu s correction s M . Prou, Manuel de Paleographie (Pari s 1924), pi. IV; MGH SRM V , pp. 4-5; CLA 675. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12598, ff. 109, 277 x 175, 26 lines; ff. l-22v Vita Martinae, Virtutes Martini; ff . 23-25 v Vita Remedii; ff . 25v-28 v Vita Medardi; ff . 28v-32 r Vita Vedastis; ff. 32v-37 v Passio Fusciani et Victorii; ff. 37v-40 r Passiojusti martyris; ff . 40r-42v Passio Luciani martyris; ff . 42v-6 r Passio Crispini et Crispiniani, Passio Mathaei; ff. 47v-49 v Vita Servati; ff. 50-6lr Vita Landeberti; ff . 62r-77 v Passio Caeciliae; ff . 78r-86 r Passio Euphemiae; ff. 86v-93 v Passio Agnetis; ff . 93v-99 v Passio Agathae; ff . 99v-103 v Passio Luciae; ff . 103v-105 v Passio Columbae; ff . 105-107r Vita Germani excerpta; ff . 107r-109 r Passio Julianae. MGH SRM III , p. 400; VI, p. 310; CL>1 644; Bischoff, MS III , p. 11. Paris, B.N . Lat . 14086, ff. 209, 19 0 x 140, 1 3 lines. Calendariu m fol . 6 r Isidoru s Synonyma; fol . 49 Augustinus de die iudicii; fol . 59 r Isidor e Synonyma II ; fol . 107 Sermo Fausti ; fol . 110 Chrysostomus; fol . 115 r Caesariu s de initio quadragesimae, Augustini Sermones; fol . 137 r Isidor e Sententiae; fol . 186 r Sententiae generalis de opusculis sancti Hieronymi. Re d an d gree n capital s fo r incipits . Maurdramnu s corrections fol. 6r Chatelain, Uncialis Scriptura, pi. XCVIII2; Zimmermann, pi. 85d; B. Krusch, Chronologische s au s Handschriften , Neues Archiv X (1885), pp. 91-3; CSEL XXI , p. Iv; P. Salmon, Le martyrologe calendrier conserve dans le ms 14086 de Paris et ses origines, RB L V (1945-6), pp. 42-57; Bischoff, MS I , p. 178; R. Etaix, U n ancien florileg e hieronymien , Sacris Erudiri 21 (1972-3), pp. 5-34; CLA 664.

EIGHTH CENTUR Y INSULA R MANUSCRIPT S A T CORBI E BEFOR E C . 800.

Paris, B.N . Lat . 12292, flyleaves A-D , 257 x 195, 2 cols, c.4 3 hnes . Liber quaestionum in evangeliis (o n Matt. 26) frequent insula r abbreviations, insular membrane . Irish minuscul e wit h ope n a, curve d ascender s o f h an d /, distinctive vero abbrevia tion. This was a complete text , sinc e the full commentar y (preserve d i n Orlean s B M 65 (62), is use d b y Paschasiu s Radbertus . Bischoff , MS I , p. 244; CZ,,4 642. Paris, B.N. Lat . 17177 + Vat. Reg . Lat. 340, ff. 10 (8 in Paris), 250 x 220, 39 lines. Theodorus Mopsuestenu s in Epistulas Pauli. Initial s surrounde d b y re d dot s an d diminuendo, re d colophons . Angl o Saxo n minuscule . CLA 4; RB XLVI I (1935), p. 305. Leningrad, Lat . F v I 3 1-38 , ff. 38, 32 5 x 220, 2 2 hnes. Liber lob cum glossis Philippi. Uncial text an d interlinea r minuscul e glosses. Decorated initia l U open s th e volume; fol . 9 Tironian notes , ff. 13v-1 4 Carolingia n notes . Staer k I , p . 34; II, 129

pi. XXVIII ; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , pp . 121-2; CLA 1599; Lowe, English Uncial (Oxford 1960), pi. 37; Bischoff, MS II , p. 333; de Merindol , pp . 1016-8. Leningrad, Lat . F v I 3, ff. 39-108, 32 5 x 220, 31-33 hnes. Hieronymu s in Isaiam Abbreviatio. Scrip t b y fou r hands . O . Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, U n code x insulair e des VIIe -IX e siecle s a Leningrad, Bulletin de VAcademie des Sciences de I'URSSVIV serie (1930), pp. 183-93, pi. 1-4; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 121-2, 129-32 ; CLA 1600; de Merindol, pp . 1016-8. Leningrad, Lat . Q v XI V 1, ff.22 (fol . 1 a flylea f wit h insula r drawing s o f th e unction o f Davi d an d David slayin g Goliat h an d probationes), 380 x 210, 2 7 lines. Paulinus Nolanus , Carmina de Sancto Felice, Northumbrian minuscul e (originall y bound with Class . F7) . CSEL XXX , pp.xxviiii-xxx ; Zimmermann , pi . 332b; CLA 1622; de Merindol , pp . 1082-4; J.J.Alexander, Insular Manuscripts 6th to the 9th Century (Londo n 1978), pp. 65-6, 111. 179. Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 15, ff. 179, 280 x 220, 2 cols, 33-35 lines, fol. 2 r Isidore de veteri et novo Testamenti; fol . 7 r Isidore de ortu et obitupatrum; fol . 17 v Hierony mus, Epistola adPaulinum; fol . 21v Isidore, de ecclesiasticis officiis; fol. 52v Aldhelmi Aenigmatorum solutio; fol . 53 r Isidore , Liber Differentiarum II ; fol . 63 r Fides Athanasii; fol . 63 v Johannes Ceki Rimans Mysteria Caeli; fol . 64 r Isidoru s Synonima; fol . 71 r Carmen de Zodiaco; fol . 71 v Aenigmata Aldhelmi. Insula r minus cule, o n fol . 71r , col . 1, line 25 the tex t i s continue d i n e N script ; c . IX content s hst o n fol . Iv . Staer k I , pp . 225-8, II, pi . LXXIII ; A . E. Burn, Facsimiles of the Creeds from Early Manuscripts. Henr y Bradsha w Societ y XXXV I (Londo n 1909), pl.XVIII-XXIX; MGH AA XV , p . 43, 331 : Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 132-4; Bischoff, MS I , p.183 ; de Merindol , pp . 1062-4; M.B. Parkes, The Handwritin g o f St. Boniface: a reassessment o f th e evidence , Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 98 (1976), pp. 161-79. Paris, B.N. Lat. 13046, ff. A and 118,295 x 190,18-22 lines. Bonifatius, Aenigmata. By thre e hands , tw o i n a continental precaroline , th e thir d i n pointe d anglo-saxo n minuscule. Traube , Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen H I (Munic h 1920), pp. 164-7; CLA 648 (Plate 4). MANUSCRIPTS I N LEUTCHA R SCRIP T

Leningrad, Lat . F v I 6, ff. 212, 32 9 x 220, 2 cols, 32 lines. Ambrosiu s in Lucam. Quires signe d A-Y, fol . A has a double arcad e with fohage , birds , a hand; bird and fish initials . Scrip t is a distinctive hal f uncia l wit h uncia l G . Leutcharius Abba fieri iussit fol. 211v , 2 scribes. Signe d b y th e scribe Ingreu s in re d uncial. Maurdramnu s correction fol. 171 v and careful collation with use of Tironian notes. Corbie binding, c. IX content s lis t o n fol . 1. MS Boulogn e 35 has th e sam e forma t an d i s textuall y close. Staer k I , 36; II, pl.XXXVII-XXXVHI ; Zimmermann , pi . 116a, 117, 118a; Liebaert, Palaeographia Latina I , p. 63, pi. Ill; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , pp. 139-40, and i n Palaeographia Latina V (1927); CSEL XXXII ; CC XIV , p.xii ; Karl der Grosse, n o 407; W.Braunfels, Die Welt der Karolinger und ihre Kunst (Munic h 130

1968), pL27; Koehler , pp.93 , 94,; CLA 1602; de Merindol , pp . 1020-4, pi.289-90 (the binding) . Leningrad, Lat . F v I 5, ff. 109, 350 x 285, 3 cols o f 40 lines. Psalterium Triplex cum Canticis. Hal f uncia l wit h uncia l G an d N b y seve n scribes , on e i n als o i n F v I 6; the bes t begi n th e volume . The crampe d scrip t o f fol . 12r , col . 2 and fol . 16r, col . 3 resembles Maurdramnus . Gree n an d yello w foliat e initials . R.Weber , Le psautier roman et les autres psautiers latins, Collectane a Biblic a Latin a X (Vatican Cit y 1953), pp. X, XVII ; Liebaert , p . 63; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp. 140-1; CLA 1601; H . d e Ste.Marthe , Psalterium luxta Hebraeos, Collectane a Bibhca Latin a X I (Vatica n Cit y 1954); de Merindol , pp . 1018-20; Fischer, Bibelhandschriften, p . 152. eN SCRIP T

Leningrad, Lat . O v I 4, ff. 121, 220 x 140, 2 5 lines. Cassianus , Collationes XI-XVII, fol . 22r usque hie included i n text (a note i n the exemplar?). Initials o n ff . Iv, 2v , 33v , 56r , 73r , 80v , 96r , 99v . Staer k I , p . 38; II, pi . XXXVI; CSEL XVII , p.xlvi, h; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , pp . 134-6; CLA 1625; de Merindol , pp. 1087-9. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13028, ff. 1 + 151 , 27 0 x 190, 2 3 lines. Isidorus , Etymologiae XVI-XX; IV , 1-12, rope, fish an d lea f initial s on ff. lr , 33r , 65v, 78r, 83v , 149r. Pen trials: fol . 9 teutoni sum leus antonii sum leus fuldradus; fol . 151 audi fili mi disciplinam patris tui. Zimmermann , pi . 115c, d; C . H. Beeson, Isidor-Studien, pp . 7, 123; Lindsay, Isidori Hispalensis Etymologiarum I , p.vii ; CLA 647; J. Kirchner, Scriptura Latina Libraria (Munic h 1970), pi. 33; La Neustrie, p . 261 and plates . Paris, B.N. Lat . 13347, ff. 1-55, 21 0 x 130, 21-24 lines. Hieronymus Quaestiones in Genesim, de Situ et Nominibus. e N scrip t red heading s in uncial or half uncial , c. IX Corbie content s lis t fol . Iv . J. Mallon, R . Marichal, C . Perrat, Uecriture latine de la capitale romaine a la minuscule (Pari s 1939), pi. L; CLA 655; de Merindol, pp. 950-1. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13348, ff. 1-112, 21 0 x 153, 20 lines. Hieronymu s Quaestiones in Genesim; fol . 43 r de Situ et Nominibus; fol . 64 v Ps . Eucherius , de situ Hierosolymiae; fol . 69 v Hieronymu s Epistulae VIII, X, XIII, LXXIII, in Isaiam; fol . 78 Versus Constantiae etDamasi, Esdras; fol. 89r Ephraem, Scarapsum; fol. 93v-110 Ps. Methodius; ff. 89-110 originally a separate volume, quires signed roman o r Q. Scrip t of th e las t sentenc e a very Merovingia n cursive . E . Sackur, Sybillinische Texte und Forschungen (Hall e 1898), p.69ff.; D.d e Bruyne , Quelque s nouveau x document s sur la critique textuelle de 1'Apocalypse d'Esdras , RB XXXI I (1920), pp. 43-7; CLA 656; Siegmund, pp . 44, 69-70, 174 ; CC LXXI I (Hieronymus) ; CC CLXXV , p . 236 (Ps. Eucherius) ; J.Stiennon , Paleographie du Moyen Age (Pari s 1973), plates o n pp.209, 211; M.Ferrari, I n Papi a Convenian t a d Dungalum , IMU 15 (1972) , pp. 1-52 at 50-1. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13349, ff. 1-80, 24 0 x 160, 27 lines. Hieronymus , in Ecclesiasten. Initials wit h plai t an d lea f moti f an d gree n an d yello w wash . Gree n uncia l tide , Corbie content s o n flyleaf, Corbi e bindin g restore d sinc e th e volum e contain s a 131

damaged se t of sermon s of John Chrysostom , no t copie d a t Corbie. Liebaert , pi. II; CC LXXII ; CLA 657; Vezin, pp. 107-8; de Merindol , pp . 952-4. Paris, B.N. Lat. 12239, ff. 240,325 x 330,2 cols, 34-39 lines. Cassiodorus in Psalmos I-L cursiv e eN scrip t with high e and uncial n Cassiodora n symbols ; ff. 53v-75 b y a clumsy carohn e scribe . Main tex t b y 8 eN scribe s Carolingia n binding . CC XCVII ; CLA 638; Vezin, pp. 100-1; de Merindol , pp . 893-5. Amiens 220, ff. 149, 286 x 202, 3 4 lines. Pateriu s Liber Testimoniorum. Re d an d green fo r title , ff. 104-49 carohne, thes e quire s ar e signe d a t the front . Th e wor k o f perhaps seven scribes . eN o n ff. 2-3v , 8-17v, 96-103v, a more hal f uncia l version ff . 4-7v, 18-25v , earl y carohn e ff . 34-87, 90-92. Later Carolin e ff . 103v-49 , CLA 711; R.Etaix, L e libe r Testimonioru m d e Paterius , Revue des Sciences Religieuses 32 (1958), pp. 66-78; Bischoff, MS III , p . 11; de Merindol , pp . 809-11. G.Ooghe, Corbie Abbaye Royale (Lill e 1963), p. 269. MAURDRAMNUS SCRIP T

The Maurdramnus Bible c . 771-783 Amiens 6, ff. 250 (ff. 161-2 a twelfth centur y restoration), 379 x 260, 2 cols, 24 lines (fol. 84, 27 lines, ff . 124-147, 2 7 lines), a t leas t thirtee n hands . Quire s signe d A- Y xxiiii-xxx i n centre , fol . 4 r Genesis, fol . 72 r Exodus, fol . 122 r Leviticus, fol . 157 r Numeri, fol . 207 v Deuteronomium, eac h wit h th e Hebre w title , preceede d b y a chapter list and a title in monumental capitals , (ff. 161-2 twelfth centur y restoration. ) The openin g lin e o f eac h chapte r i n uncia l o r hal f uncial , ff . 210-1 the te n commandments ar e numbered i n the margin. Quires signed i n centre A-Y xxiii-xxx. Liebaert, pi. IV; Koehler, pp. 95-6; CLA 707; Karl der Grosse, no 368; de Merindol, pp.779-81; B.Fischer, Bibelhandschriften, pp.90 , 130, 142. Amiens 7, ff. 128, 350 x 240, 20 hnes. Quires signe d A - N las t two unsigned , fol . I v Iesus Nave, fol . 60 r Iudicium, fol . 12 lv Rut h wit h chapte r hsts . Goo d decorate d initials ff. lv , 4v , 120 v a purple an d yello w I endin g in a n anima l head . The title s i n alternating coloure d capitals , red , purple an d green . Hal f uncia l an d uncia l g; st, rt, ex and & ligatures, fol. l r Liber Sancti Petri Corbeie Sancti adalhardi i n a late nint h century hand . Amiens 9, ff. 133, 309 x 201, 21 lines. Quire s signe d A t o T i n centre . Prophetae Minores, fol . 7, Daniel (Hebre w an d Septuagint) , fol . 48 r Hosea, fol . G2rJohel, fol . 67v Amos, fol . 78 v Abdias, fol . 80 v Jonas, fol . 84 r Micha, fol . 95 r Naum, fol . 96 v Habbacuc, fol . lOl r Sophonias, fol . 105 v Aggeus, fol . 109 r Zacharias (ff . 5-6, 12 6 gothic replacements). Good initial s ff. 62r , 95,109r, wit h acanthu s panels. Each page ends wit h a complet e word , eve n whe n thi s produce s runovers ; fol . 26 r scrapin g marks showin g how th e parchment wa s prepared, fol . 101 change o f scribe , fol. 133 crude sketc h o f a man wit h a club . Amiens 11, ff. 96, 31 4 x 192, 2 3 lines, ofte n o n poo r parchment . Liber Maccabeonum, fol . 3 v goo d initia l E , draw n wit h compass , re d yello w an d blu e capitals . 132

fol. 1 a rust stain from a clasp, fol. 96 traces of binding thongs. Several scribes, fol. % the Maurdramnus colophon , i n alternatin g purple , gree n an d re d words . Amiens 12, ff. 163, 308 x 195, 21 lines, quires signe d A to N. ff . 42, 45, 54, 84, 158, 159, 16 2 and 163 are singletons , ff. 38 and 39 are cu t fro m th e sam e shee t o f parchment. Fro m fol . 19 r the first lin e of eac h chapter is in uncial, fol. 3 r Proverbia, fol 53 r Ecclesiastes, fol. 69 r Canticum Canticorum, fol . 78 v Sapientia, fol . 108 Jesus filius Sirach. Re d an d gree n initial s alternat e a t th e star t o f eac h chapter , re d uncia l titles. Proverbs an d Canticle s laid out per cola et commata. Decorated initial s fol. 5r , P wit h anima l hea d bitin g th e shaf t ff . 53r , 78v, 109v , th e las t b y th e artis t o f MS Amiens 11. The work o f fiv e scribes . S. Morrison, Politics and Script (Oxford 1972), p.123. B.N. Lat. 13174, Liber Regum, leave s from a lost volume of the Maurdramnus Bible, reused a s endleaves . Amiens 172, ff. 12-91, 26 4 x 162, 2 cols, 20 hnes (ff . 2-11 c.XII addition) . Evangelistarium ff . 14-15 r lection hst , fol. 15 v gold initial for In dedicatione sanctae cruris. Other initial s gold an d red . CLA 710; Gamber, Codices Liturgici II , 1123; de Merindol, pp . 808-9. Leningrad, Lat. Q v 116, ff. 169,250 x 188, 20 lines (ff, 1-3 tenth century addition). Liber Comitis . Re d an d purpl e capital s fol . 65 signed g severa l hands , frequen t e ligatures o n fol . 6 r (chapte r list) . Staerk I , pp. 135-51, pi. XXI; II , pi. LX; Liebaert , pl.V; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , p . 142-3; W.H. Frere, Studies in the Early Roman Liturgy III , Th e Roma n Epistl e Lectionar y (Londo n 1935); CLA 1619; Gamber, Codices Liturgici II , 1005; de Merindol, pp . 1065-6. Amiens 18, ff. 144, 274 x 169, 2 cols, 22 hnes. Psalterium Gallicanum, Cantica (tex t of cantica differs fro m Amien s 9), Fides Athanasii, Litanies . Each psalm opens with a superb historiated initial . Script (large but somewhat illformed Maurdramnu s minus cule) overhes initial s o n ff. 7r , 25r. G . Micheli, L'enluminure du haut moyen age et Us influences irlandaises (Brussel s 1939), p i 122-5; V.Leroquais, Les Psautiers Manuscrits latins des Bibliotheques publiques de France (Macon 1940-41), pp. 6-9, pl.III-VI; M.Coens , Ancienne s Litanie s de s Saints , AB LXI I (1944), pp. 155-9; J. Porcher, L ' Evangehair e d e Charlemagn e e t l e Psautier d'Amiens , Revue des Arts VI (1957), pp. 51-8; A. Hautecoeur , Le s enluminure s de s manuscrit s d e Corbi e ( V l i r - X r siecles ) Corbie Abbaye Royale (Lill e 1963), pp. 249-62; Karl der Grosse, no 436; W.Braunfels, Die Welt der Karolinger und ihre Kunst (Munic h 1968), pp. 156-7, pi. 68-83; J.Desobry, L e manuscri t 18 de l a Bibliothequ e municipal e d5Amiens (Actes du Colloque de VAssociation des medievistes anglicistes de I'Enseignement superieur, Amien s 1974); de Merindol, pp. 781-3, pi. 311-2 (Litanies), 347, 351-2, 354 , 387-9 1 (Initials); O . Pacht, Bucbmalerei des Mittelalters, pp . 52-4, pi. 60-2,66, 70-2,128; La Neustrie, p . 266-7 and plates. This volume is the subject of an inaccurate unpublishe d Munic h dissertatio n b y U . Kuder . Paris, B.N . Lat . 4884, ff. 63, 332 x 275, 30 lines, Chronicon {Barbarus Scaligerii). Unical and half uncial. C. IX contents hst on flyleaf reads Cronica georgii ambianensis episcopu Fol. l r initia l Q wit h Eve and the serpent b y the artist of Amien s 18 and 133

Paris, B.N . Lat . 13025. Spaces lef t blan k fo r furthe r illustration s t o th e chronicle . Chronica Excerpta (Leipzi g 1892); MGH A A T X p . 84; H.Omont, MS S ave c indication pou r ^illustration . Bulletin de la Societe Nationale des Antiquaires de France (1904), pp. 152-4; CLA 560; Siegmund, pp. 89, 172 . Paris, B.N . Lat . 13025 part I , ff. 78, 268 x 192, 2 cols, 33 lines, (flyleave s 2 cols, I Cor XIII-XV , fol . 169 Apocalypsum; a further fragmen t i n B.N . Lat . 13026); fol. lr Donatu s Ars Minor (start s de Pronomine); ff. 12r-13 v Serviu s de Finalibus; fol . 14v De octo partibus orationis; fol . 16r-23 b Asper ; fol . 23 v Donatu s Ars Minor; fol. 24 v de Litteris Latinis; fol . 26 r de Hebraeis Litteris; fol . 26 v Ars Maior; fol . 33v Isidorus , de Orthographia; fol . 35 r Agroecius ; fol . 36 r Terentiu s Scaurus , Cassiodorus, de Accentis; fol . 37 r Isidore, Etymologiae I , 28, 29 , 22 , 30 , 31 , 38 , 39, 40 ; fol. 40 r Declinatio Nominum; fol . 51 r Expositio de Arte Maiore; fol . 52 v Expositio de Arte Minore; 59 v lustitia Quid est; fol . 60 r Isidor e de Figuris; fol . 60v Interrogatio de Grammatica; fol . 63 v Sergiu s in Donatum; fol . 65 r Bed a de Arte Metrica, de Schematibus. d e Merindol , pp . 942-4; Holtz, pp . 371-4; V. Law, The Insular Latin Grammarians (woodbridg e 1983), pp.35, 38, 41 , 56 , 58 , 82-5 , 91. Vezin, Le s relation s entr e St . Denis e t d'autre s scriptori a pendan t l e hau t moyen age , The Role of the Book in Medieval Culture (Turnhou t 1986), pp. 21-3. (PlateS.) Amiens 426, ff. 1-29, 26 6 x 165, 3 3 hnes. f . l-3 v Grammatica. de declinationibus; ff. 3v-ll r Expositio in Donatum Quae sunt quae omnem; fol . 18 v Aggressus quidam; fol . 26 r Ars Phocae. Flui d smal l Maurdramnu s scrip t wit h ope n a, fre quent ligature s {ti st re am co) an d man y abbreviation s (som e insular) ; CLA 712; Bischoff, MS II , p. 46; III, pp.11 , 215, 244 ; B.Lofstedt, Der hibemolateinische Grammatiker Malsachanus (Uppsal a 1965), pp. 23-5; C.Jeudy, L'Ar s d e nomin e et d e verb o d e Phocas , manuscrit s e t commentaire s medievaux , Viator 5 (1974) , pp. 78-9; V. Law, The Insular Latin Grammarians (Woodbridg e 1983), pp. 63, 85, 92. Amiens 87, ff. 190, 39 0 x 265, 2 6 lines. Ambrosiaste r in Epistulas Pauli. Quire s signed wit h a capita l i n centre . Th e work o f eleve n scribe s change s o f han d a t ff.21r, 64r , 71, 79 , 87 , 130 , 138 , 202 . fol. 48 v pars prima; fol . 49 r pars secunda deodoinus; fol . 70v , p . hi; fol . 95v , p.iiii ; fol . 119r , p.v ; fol . 201v , p.vi ; fol . 225, p.vii. Trace s o f a scriba l signatur e fol . 103r . CLA 709; CSEL 81, p. xxxiv . C. Hammond Bammel , Der Rbmerhrieftext des Rufin und seine Origenes Obersetzung, Au s de r Geschichte de r lateinischen Bibe l 10 (Freiburg 1985), pp. 450-5. Amiens 88, ff. 182, 39 0 x 260, 2 9 lines. Theodoru s Mopsuestensi s in Epistulas Pauli. fol . l v titl e i n monumenta l capital s goo d initial s ff . 85r , 102 r 114r ; ff . 38, 110, 14 6 changes o f hand . H.B . Swete , Theodori Mopsuestenis in Epistolas B. Pauli Commentarii I (Cambridg e 1880), pi. 2; CLA 709. Both thes e work s ar e attribu ted t o Ambros e i n the manuscripts . Paris, B.N . Lat . 12260, ff. 159, 290 x 200, 2 cols, 22 lines, fol . l r Martyrologium, in a small elegan t script , wit h som e late r nint h centur y additions ; fol . 13 r Grego rius Regula Pastoralis. Larg e monumenta l capital s i n re d an d purpl e fo r th e tide , 134

which runs across both columns . Coloured initial s similar to those in the Maurdramnus Bible ff. 14v , 61v; ff. 156,159 are singletons. Acta Sanctorum Nov II Martyrologium Hieronymianum; Koehler , p . 95; CLA 641; de Merindol , pp. 902-4. Leningrad, Lat. F v 1 12, ff. 63-68, 272 x 190,20 hnes. Passio SS Dionysii, Rustici et EleutheriL A ternion. Coloure d capitals for title, first hne in uncial. Staerk I, p. 35; II, pi. XI, XXIX-XXXV ; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , p . 146; CLA 1609; de Merindol , pp. 1036-40. This is a Corbie written quire in a composite volume of saints' lives, one of th e few suc h Carohngia n volume s to surviv e from Corbie . J. Vezin, Les relation s entre St. Denis et d'autres scriptori a pendant le haut moyen age, The Role of the Book in Medieval Culture (Turnhou t 1986), p. 20. Paris, B.N. Lat. 13390, ff. 150,343 x 160,26 lines. Primasius in Apocalysin. Incipi t in good displa y capitals . Copied b y 2 scribes. On ff. 17, 47 lemmata indented i n brow n ink. Insula r abbreviations . CC XCII , p . xxiii-xv . Paris, B.N. Lat . 13400, ff. 146 (ff. 145-6 twelfth centur y restoration) , 227 x 162, 27 hnes. ff . 1-58 Julianus Toletanu s Prognosticum futuri saeculi; ff . 59-61 Idalius, Epistulae; fol. 65r Prosper de vita contemplativa. Th e work of one scribe, who writes a small an d undistinguishe d hand . Quire s signe d A i n front , separat e signature s fo r Prosper. C. IX contents hst on front flylea f include s both volumes. CC CXV , p. xxxii, xlvii. Paris, B.N. Lat. 12154, ff. 192,289 x 192,25 lines, Josephus Scottus in Isaiam, chang e of scrib e afte r fol . l r ; fol . 9 a singleton ; fol . 65 change o f scrib e t o a more Carolin e scribe, again fol. 121v , and fol. 177r . MGH Poetae I, p. 151; J.F. Kelly, The originality of Josephus Scottus * commentary o n Isaiah , Manuscripta XXI V (1980), pp. 176-80. Paris, B.N. Lat. 12171, ff. 206,288 x 197,23 lines. Augustinus in Psalmos I-XXX, fol . lr re d gree n an d purple displa y capitals , fol. 4 r als o ff. 128r-29 v blan k afte r 6 hnes. ff. 101-8 by two less skilled scribes, changing on fol. 103, hne 3. Red and blue lemmata. Quires signed with capitals in centre. CLA 637; de Merindol, pp. 879-80. Both Low e and de Merindol assume d tha t this volume was earlier than the rest of the text, but I should prefe r t o regar d al l th e volumes a s evidence o f ho w Corbi e tackle d a majo r copying projec t usin g scribe s wit h differin g trainin g an d skills . Paris, B.N. Lat. 12173, ff. 146,287 x 180,23 lines. Augustinus in Psalmos XLI-L. fol . 146 small Maurdramnus scrib e who fits 27 lines on the page. Marks of binding thongs on las t leaf. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12174, ff. 112, 288 x 193, 23 hnes. Augustinus in Psalmos LI-LX. Initials ar e ornamented wit h fish ; fol . 5 r display capitals . Change o f scrib e ff . 54-5. Three scribes . Marks o f bindin g thong s o n secon d flyleaf. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12175, ff. 137. Augustinus in Psalmos LXI-LXX firstpag e b y a n expert scribe. Text by three scribes, ff, 1-119 quires signed, renumbered, signatures on ff. 9, 27, 35, 42, 50, 67, 80 as well as on th e following leaf , a-zpa ter nos ter in celis. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12176, ff. 132, 23 lines. Augustinus in Psalmos LXXI-LXXX, fol . 20r change of scrib e at start o f quire , fol. 28 r again 26 lines, fol. 44r again, fol. 60 r a 135

skilled Maurdramnus scrib e to 75v , fol. 60 v good initial , ff. 76r , 84-91, 92-107, 118v blank. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12177, ff. 140, 290 x 197, 23 lines (20 lines ff. 110-118). Augustinus in Psalmos LXXXI-LXXXX. Quire s signe d wit h letter in centre, c . IX contents hs t fol. 124 r display capitals . Paris, B.N . Lat . 12178, ff. 126, 290 x 201, 2 3 lines. Augustinu s in Psalmos LXXXXI-C reserve d interlac e initials , ff. 40-47 by a distinctive scribe , fol. 100 the final scrib e who complete s th e volume . Paris, B.N. Lat . 12179, ff. 213, 284 x 195, 23 lines. Augustinus in Psalmos CI-CX. Quires signe d with capital , in centre , from fol . 182 AX B V CT DS. Wants final leaf , display capital s ff . lr , 171 r, c . IX content s hst . Paris, B.N. Lat . 12180, ff. 159, 286 x 195, 22 lines, 23 from quir e 3. Augustinus in Psalmos CXI-CXVII c . IX content s hst . (Flyleaf wit h content s hs t an d probatione s is in B.N . Lat . 10400, ff. 129-30.) Change o f han d fol . 117r . Paris, B.N . Lat . 12182, ff. 110, 28 8 x 198, 2 3 lines. Augustinu s in Psalmos CXXXIV-CXL. Quire s signe d A - N ; 2 scribes. Marks o f bindin g thong s o n fron t pastedown. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12183, ff. 164, 28 8 x 197, 2 3 lines. Augustinu s in Psalmos CXLI-CL. Quire s signe d wit h roma n numerals , fol . 9 r chang e o f scrib e afte r 13 lines, c. I X contents list on flyleaf, fol . 164 v Ymnum in Festivitate Episcopi. On en d flyleaf a poe m Summe magister discipulorum edite d below , p . 160. On 2 n d flyleaf drawing o f a figure blessing , bot h nint h century . Paris, B.N . Lat . 11711, ff. 140, 300 x 210, 2 cols o f 29 lines, Dionysio-Hadriana. Quires signe d roma n i n centre , fol . l v red , gree n an d brow n titl e clos e t o th e Maurdramnus colophon . Titles in coloured capital s ff. 4v , 7v, 12v, 16r, 116v , 117r . I st line of text in first 2 quires in halfuncial. Copie d i n quires. Scribes change ff. 17r , 22r, 40r, 60r . ra, ro, re ligatures , distinctiv e nra abbreviatio n fro m fol . 40, good pe n initials fol. 34v, several quires of 6 leaves. Tironian annotation s fol . 54r . This volum e must dat e afte r 794, deriving fro m th e exempla r sen t t o Charlemagne . Th e fron t flyleaf contain s a n excerp t fro m Seduliu s Scottu s in Donatum maiorem. Cf B . Lof stedt, Sacris Erudiri (1986), pp. 120-1 (Plates 6-7). Paris, B.N. Lat. 11635, ff. 151, 385 x 265, 2 cols, 29 hnes, ff. 1-5 Vita Sci. Hieronymi (apparently a unique text). Augustinus in Evangelium Johannis LXI-CCXXIV. Re d initials (the initial on fol. 42v recalls those of the Amiens Bible), excellent steady large script, re d titles , sam e pag e rulin g a s 11711. Quires signe d wit h a lette r i n centr e Corbie bindin g CLA 613; CC XXXVI , p.ix ; d e Merindol , pp. 842-5; Vezin, pp. 94-5. Paris, B.N . Lat . 1750, ff. 29-38 (fragment), 266 x 194, 2 cols, 35 lines. Junilius de partibus divinae legis I-XXVIII. Frequen t abbreviation s includin g b for bene. Ope n a passim. The smal l scrip t ressemble s 14087. 136

Leiden, BP L 52, ff. 105 (first blank , damaged) , 285 x 185, 3 4 lines. Serviu s in Vergilii Carmina V-XL B y severa l hands , analyse d b y G . I. Lieftinck an d C. E. Murgia, Prolegomena to Servius 5. The Manuscripts, Californi a Publication s in Classica l Studie s (Berkele y 1975), pp. 72-7. (I canno t agre e wit h Murgia' s vie w of th e numbe r o f scribes. ) ff . 10-17 and 90-97 are mid-nint h centur y replacements , with excellen t title s o n fol . 15r . There i s a full facsimil e b y G . I. Lieftinck (Amster dam 1960). Paris, B.N . Lat . 13354, ff. 101, 25 3 x 170, 2 5 hnes. Hieronymu s contra Jovinianum, 3 scribes ff . 1-7, 8-47 , 48-101 . Corbie c.I X content s hs t on flyleaf. Corbie c. IX binding , MSS Dates III , p. 327, pi. CCXXXVI. originally boun d with : Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 19, ff. 34, 250 x 164, 25 hnes. Rufinu s Expositio Symboli. Quires signe d a- d i n centre . Tironian note s adde d o n fol . llv ; fol . 33 v colophon i n Greek an d Lati n letter s readin g Adalhardus monachus iussit fieri volumen istud deo gratias amen, det dns tanto patrono requiem paradisi. Th e scrip t i s uncharateristi c of Corbie , usin g m wit h foot , hig h a, 3 g, re d 5 line title , poor orthography . Thi s volume contain s th e sam e text s a s Bamberg , B V 13, copied fo r Bisho p Jess e o f Amiens (apparentl y a t Amiens) . Staer k I , p . 48; II, pl.XLIX; Dobias-Rozdestven skaia, pp. 153-5; MSS Dates III , p. 327, pi. CCXXXVI; d e Merindol, pp.956-9 . Leningrad, Lat . F v I 10, ff. 88, 29 6 x 200, 3 1 lines. Vigiliu s Thapensi s contra Nestorium et Eutychen, Petr i Ravennati Epistola, Augustinu s ad Paulinum, de Octo Quaestionibus. q I a quinion, VI an d I X binions . Uncial an d cursiv e d, N an d n, ct, st, et ligatures , extensiv e margina l note s copie d fro m th e exempla r i n Vigilius . Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, p . 143; de Merindol , pp . 1029-32; Augustinus de Octo Quaestionibus ed . CC XLIV , pp . cxvii-iii wit h plate . (Th e exempla r fo r Lao n 135 and St . Ome r 254.) Leningrad, Lat . F v I 13, ff. 114 (and tw o parchmen t endleaves) , 290 x 200, 2 8 hnes, Origine s in Leviticum. Scrip t include s ra, re, nt, st hgatures , change s o f han d ff. 17v , 59-60, 71-3 . Quires signe d a- f vi , h-n . Goo d openin g capitals , fol . 51 v good foliat e initial . Staerk I , p. 45; II, pl.LXVI; Origenes Werke V I (Leipzig 1920); Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 144-6; de Merindol, pp . 1041-3, pi. 289. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13373, ff. 151, 232 x 141, 20 hnes. Quaestiones Orosii et Responsiones Augustini, Alcui n in Genesim, Alcuinu s Epistolae 133, 81, 134 , 135 ; Oratio ad cathecuminem faciendum, Carolu s Magnu s Epistola 144 (Jesse de Ordine Baptismi; Bed a de Temporibus xvi-xxii , x v no w i n Florence , Laur . Ashb . 1923, ff. 1-13). Beda Hexameron, de Concordia Testimoniarum s. Gregorii. de X Verbis Legis; Bed a de Embolismus Mensuris b y severa l hands , ff. 1-102 Maurdramnus st and et ligatures , ff . 33v-34 r b y a late r hand . ExceUen t coloure d purpl e capital s o f title for th e Alcui n letters. Charlemagne's lette r an d Bed e by two les s accomplishe d hands. 25 lines. Th e manuscrip t include s Easte r table s fo r 817, but thi s i s th e beginning o f a new cycl e an d s o need no t provid e a date for th e volume. However , the letter s o f Alcui n an d th e treatis e b y Jesse sugges t tha t th e volum e wa s copie d before 820. G.Mombello, A propo s d'u n trait e su r le s commandement s d e Die u 137

attribue a Alcuin, Romania 89 (1968), pp. 54-97; I. Fransen, Trente-quatre question s sur saint Paul passees sou s le nom d e saint Gregoire , RB LXXII I (1963), pp. 244-76; CC CXVII I A , p . 11. (Plate 8.) Paris, B.N . Lat . 13363, ff. 162, 243 x 165, 24 or 25 lines. Augustinus de Baptismo contra Donatistas change s of hand ff . 15-23, 54-55, from fol . 127 half uncia l titles, on fol. 141 a small hand takes over and finishes the volume. Corbie c. IX contents list o n pastedown. Corbi e binding . CSEL LI ; Vezin, pp . 108-9; de Merindol , pp . 962-4. Paris, B.N. Lat. 13344, ff. 98,232 x 165, 25 hnes. Ambrosius de Poenitentia, fol . 37v Eutropius de Similitudine Carnis Peccati, fol . 61 r Testimonia adversus Pelagium Hereticum. Augustinu s (Tyconiu s Regula V) ; fol . 69 v Augustinu s de Praedestinatione; fol . 80 r Augustinu s de Decem Chordis. Cancellatio n fol . 72v ; quire s signe d a-n. Corbi e binding . CSEL LXXIII , G.Morin , U n trait e inedi t d u IV C siecle, l e d e simihtudinibus carni s peccati , RB XXI X (1912), pp. 2-3; D. d e Bruyne , U n ecri t antipelagien, RB XLII I (1931), pp. 142-4; Vezin, p . 106-7; PL Supplementum, I , 527-57; CC XLI , pp . 105-51; de Merindol , pp.947-9 . Paris, B.N. Lat . 12133, ff. 180, 348 x 232,28 lines. Hilarius de Trinitate, de Synodis. Simple pen initials with pen drawn fohage, ff. 21v , 22r; rustic capitals fol. 54v. fol. 16 change of scribe. Running titles every second page. fol. 162 v monumental capitals fo r the titl e o f th e de Synodis, yello w was h fo r th e name s o f th e interlocutors . Carefu l corrections, exemplar probably damaged . Quires signe d q i in centre or right corner . Ed. P . Smulders , CC LXI I par s II, i (1979). Paris, B.N . Lat . 13377, ff. 149, 212 x 136, 29 lines. Sedulius, Carmen Paschale, fol . 56v Epigrammata Prosperi. Red title; fol. 82v Beda de Arte Metrica; fol . 101 Beda de Schematibus; fol . 107 Alcuinus de Grammatica, 33 lines; fol. 135 Beda de Orthographia; fol . 149 r Exempla de Communibus Syllabis; fol . 149 v Eugenius o f Toledo. Rex deus immensus. fol . 90 should follow fol . 106. The manuscript contain s a hfe of Bed e on fol . 82v . Vers e addition s o n fol . 55 v Boethiu s Consolatio I I Metru m V 1-17; Hymn t o Maria, fol. 149 r Frigida per calidos auras ego flumina spargo, Quattuor ut memini fuerant tibi Delia denies, O rex augusto, Te homo laudat. O n th e end flylea f a stri p remove d fro m th e bindin g wit h a rhythmica l alphabetica l poem . {MGH Poetae IV , p . 636). Extensive c . I X glosse s t o Seduhus . Re d an d brow n initials . Seduhus by 3 hands CSEL X , p. xvi-ii; de Merindol, pp. 966-9; CC CXXII I A, p. 64. Amiens 404, ff. 58-107, 21 6 x 136, 1 8 lines (20 lines, ff . 70-78, 82) . Juvencus Historiae Evangelicae Libri I V text begin s fol . 59r , new scribe s ff. 71 r, 82r , 95r. N o ruling o n ff . 102-4 where ther e ar e fro m 23-27 hnes pe r page ; fol . 83 v exphci t o f book I I i n decorate d capital s fol . 84 r initia l F with interlace . Re d rubrics . Paris, B.N . Lat . 13351, ff. 118, 246 x 172, 23 lines. Hieronymus in Expositione Ep. Pauli ad Ephesios. Quire s signe d a- O wit h re d dots . Lemmat a i n re d an d black . Initials with interlac e ff. 39v, 40r. Colopho n fol . 117 r Ego Audoinus Scripsi, in larg e caps. MSS Dates III , p . 655. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13352, ff. 121, 20 0 x 134, 1 7 lines (20 lines fro m fol . 89). Hieronymus, Altercatio Attici Orthodoxi et Cretoboli Heretici. Quire s signe d alpha 138

betically and fro m fol . 94 roman Re d cap s for interlocutors . Text also in Lyon s 602, Rheims 385, Wolfenbuettel Gud . lat . 179. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13384, ff. 180, 218 x 150, 25 hnes. Cassian Collationes I-X . Quire s signed Roma n i n centre, ff. 178, 179 singletons, fol. 49 change of scribe , fol. 84 also, 170-80. Variant reading s hsted . fol . 180 v probationes (writin g lesson) , CSEL XVII , p.xlvi; M.Dia z y Diaz , Anecdota Wisigothica I (Salamanc a 1958), pp.29-35. Paris, B.N. Lat. 12210, ff. 185,273 x 186,25 lines, 27 from fol . 19. Augustinus Sermo de Pastoribus; fol . 19 de Mendacio ; fol . 43 r Epistola ad Celestinum; fol . 56 v de Avaritia et Luxuria; fol . 72 r de Praedestinatione Sanctorum; fol . 99 r de Dono Perseverantiae; fol . 129 r de Perfectione Justitiae Hominis. Quire s signed A in centre. First lines of the letters in half uncial, ff. 90,140v-141r, 142 v change of scribe. Flyleaf has c. I X conten t hst . CSEL XLII , p. v; LVII ; LVIII ; LX , p. x. (Plate s 10-11.) Paris, B.N . Lat . 12226, ff. 114, 348 x 243, 28 lines. Augustinus Epistolae (content s hsted o n th e inserted fol . B ) leather c . IX bindin g fol. 114 final bifoliu m o f 24 lines. Opening lin e o f letter s i n hal f uncial , ff. 42, 71r, 88-97, 112-3 . Change o f scribe . Tironian annotation s ff . 88-95 ruled i n tw o columns , fol . 114 Gregorius Moralia Prefatio 2 cols, 24 lines, excellent earl y Maurdramnus, CLA 637. The front flylea f i s the titlepag e fo r Ambrosiu s in Ep. Pauli, a double t o f Amien s 88, fol. lv . Low e suggests fro m a discarde d siste r mss . B . Bischoff , Lorsch im Spiegel seiner Handschriften (Munic h 1974), p. 30 notes that this manuscript was corrected with Tironian annotations i n th e sam e centr e a s the Lorsc h volum e Vat. Pal . Lat. 215. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12218, ff. 118, 28 7 x 204, 2 8 lines. Augustinu s (Quodvultdeus ) Adversus Quinque Hereses; fol . 14 r Ps . Augustinu s (? Evodius) de Fide; fol . 23 r Augustinus adversus Manicheos; fol . 36 r Contra Maximinum; fol . 113 r Collatio Contra Pascentium. Th e flyleaf , a singleton , ha s content s i n seve n line s o f re d monumental capitals. A mid-ninth century hand notes the presence of an expositio de fide catholica. fol. l r goo d initial d; fol. 23r inital U. Red titles and colophons. Quires signed A-R. Chang e of hand fol . 23r. The text of Quodvultdeus is heavily corrected , fol. 117 v Vandal phras e correcte d i n margin . Paris, B.N. Lat. 13369, ff. 186,288 x 162,26-7 lines. Augustinus contra Academicos; fol. 55 v de Ordine; fol . 80 r de Natura et Origine Animae; fol . 115 r Contra Sermonum Arrianorum; fol . 144 r d e Quantitate Animae. Quire s signe d A- Z A B BC. Hair side outside. Contents list c. IX on inner flyleaf, c. IX Corbie binding; F l v tide i n red . Chang e o f scribes , ff. 33r , 80 r fo r de Natura Animae, ff . 98-105, 136v, 144, 154 , 179. The script s o f ff . 117-143 do no t recal l Corbie . CSEL LX , p. xiii, xv; LXIII, pp . 4-5; LXXXIX, p . xxiv ; Contra Academicos, ed . CC XXIX ; Vezi n pp. 108-9; de Merindol, pp. 964-6. B. Bischoff, Lorsch im Spiegel seiner Handschriften (Munic h 1974), p. 90. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13375, ff. 109, 220 x 130, 23 lines. Augustinu s de Musica, c . IX contents lis t o n flyleaf , trace s o f binding . Quire s signe d alphabetically . Th e scrip t uses frequen t ligatures , bu t certai n letterform s sugges t a possible hal f uncia l exem plar. The corrector distinguishes pagan and christian nomina sacra. Tironian notes ff. 4v, 5v, 44r. N. Philhps, M. Huglo, Le De musica de St. Augustin et ^organisation d e 139

la duree musicale du IX C au XIIe siecle, Recherches Augustiniennes X X (1985), p. 122; P. le Bceuf, La tradition manuscrite du de Musica de St. Augustin et son influence sur la pensee et Vesthetique medievale, Thes e Ecol e de s Charte s 1985, Positions de s Theses (Pari s 1986), pp. 107-15. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12274, ff. 99, 259 x 171, 30 lines (29 after fol . 48r). Beda de Tempb Salamonis; fol . 65 r de Triginta Quaestionibus; fol . 87 r Expositio Abacuc; ff . 33, 87-98 new scribe . No quir e signature s visible . Red capital s fo r title , fol . l r an d re d and black uncial title for de XXX Quaestionibus fol . 69r. Each quaestio begin s with a red tid e an d a re d initial . Insula r abbreviations , fol . 99 r ful l pag e tent h centur y drawing o f Chris t tramplin g th e as p an d basilisk . CC CXI X B , p. 379. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12275, ff. 2-129 , 292 x 198, 26 lines (fol . 1 a liturgical leaf 22 lines, another lea f o f thi s volume is found i n the miscellany Nouv . Acq . Lat . 2389, fol. 9). Beda In Parabolas Salamonem. Titl e in red, green purple an d yellow capitals; fol. 2r . Biblical lemmata in uncial with some use of half uncial g. Quires signed A within pe n flourished decoration , ff . 10, 64, 67 , 8 7 singletons, ff. 24-30, 71-7 7 quires o f thre e bifolia. Insula r lette r form s fo r N an d T. The gaps on ff . 20r , 20v-21r , 22r , 23r, 24r , 25r, 30r, 31r-v, 35r , 36v do not correspon d t o omission s i n th e text, thoug h ther e i s an omissio n betwee n fol . 19 v and fol . 20r . O n fol . lO v ipsa sententia i s glosse d abl. CC CXI X B , p. 22. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12276, ff. 230, 285 x 200, 23 lines. Beda in Canticum Canticorum. Quires signed A-Z AX , BY, CT F Q. ff. 43-23 0 by a new scribe who wrote four hne s on fol . 15r . Goo d displa y capital s elegan t script . C C CXI X B , p. 166. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12283, ff. 71, 270 x 175, 25 lines. Bed a Expositio Actuum Apostolorum hal f uncia l lemmata , quire s signe d a- i o n firs t an d las t leaf , ff. 68-71 in ver y small script. Quires ruled at centre, no trace of ruling on outer leaves. Corbie bindin g Vezin, pp. 101-2; M. W. Laistner, Bedae Venerabilis Expositio Actuum Apostolorum et Retractatio (Cambridg e Mass . 1939); de Merindol, pp . 904-6. Paris, B.N. Lat . 6796, ff. 82 (11 bis), 352 x 260, 2 cols, 29 lines; fro m ff . 20-53r , 42 hnes. Plinius, Historia Naturalis, XIII-XXX. Th e volum e i s badly mutilated , fol . 8 signed F , fol . 19H , fol . 271, fol. 35K, fol . 43M, fol . 51 O, fol . 53P, fol . 67S , fol . 73 V, after fol . 11 a stub. fol. 1 has red title Incipit Liber XIIII, fol . 22v start of Boo k XVI; fol. 34r start of Book XVII; fol. 38r start of Book XVIII, from fol . 54 there are running tides. Chatelain, pi. 140; E. Dedefsen, Epilegomen a zu r Silligsche n Ausgab e von Pliniu s Histori a Naturalis , Rheinisches Museum XVII I (1863), pp. 327-8; used in th e Bud e editio n o f Book s XIX-XX ; d e Merindol , pp . 815-6. Paris, B.N. Lat . 14088, ff. 98, 238 x 146, flyleaf a singleton adde d later , fol. l r Bed e de Arte Metrica; fol . 15 r Bed a de Schematibus; fol . 21 r Gennadiu s de Ecclesiasticis Dogmatibus, c . XV (fol. 23r de Anglorum Mensibus, de Temporibus. Thes e leaves are a part o f MS . Bern 207); fol. 26 r Hymni in Anno Circulo; fol . 29 r Partes Orationis Quot Sint; Donatu s Ars Maior; fol . 50 r Bed a de Natura Rerum; fol . 59 r Bed a de Temporibus; fol . 62 r Augustinu s Enchiridion XVIII-CI ; fol . 80 r Gennadiu s de Ecclesiasticis Dogmatibus XXIII-LV ; fol . 86 r Isidor e de Hereticis, de Philosophis Gentium, de Sybilis, de Magis, de Paganis, de Diis Gentium. Thi s i s a composit e 140

manuscript usin g variou s smal l scripts , assemble d i n th e seventeent h century ; fol . 22v signe d XX , fo l 49 XVIII, fol . 60 XXIII, fol . 69 VII. C.H.Beeson , Th e manuscripts o f Bede , Classical Philology XLI I (1947), pp. 78-9; Andrieu I , pp. 276-9; II, pp . 3-112, 491-506 ; IV, pp . 241-54; de Merindol , pp . 983-6; Holtz, p. 378. Paris, B.N. Lat. 14087,2 cols, ff. 102, 256 x 193, 36 hnes. ff. l-75 v Glossaria Abavus ff. 76-76v ; Ps . Alcuin , PL 17, 1015-6 . ff. 77-97 Glossae ab absens; ff . 97-99 (a separate quire ) Glossae de libro Eutychem; ff . 99v-10 2 Priscianu s Institutio de nomine, pronomine et verbo frags . G . Goetz, Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum I V (1889), pp.xxvi-xxvii; C.Jeudy , L'institutio , Revue d yHistoire des Textes 2 (1972) , pp. 125-6; Id., L'ar s Eutychi , Melanges Labande (Poitier s 1974), pp. 432-3; Passalacqua, p. 248; J. Vezin, Les relations entre Saint-Denis e t d'autres scriptori a pendan t le hau t moye n age , The role of the Book in Medieval Culture (Turnhou t 1986), pp. 22-3. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12527, ff. 132 (129-13 2 a mid-nint h centur y Corbi e addition , supplying a n omission) , 285 x 185, 26 hnes. Eusebiu s Rufinu s Historia Ecclesiastica VI-X; fol . 2 r chapte r lis t i n hal f uncia l fol . 114 smaller hand . Chapter s ope n wit h a hne i n hal f uncia l afte r a re d uncia l title . Quire s signe d Roma n i n centre , fol . 112 v excellent initia l P . CLA 643. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12213, ff. 108, 32 1 x 228, 2 8 lines. Augustinu s de Baptismo Parvulorum; fol . 64r de Unico Baptismo; fol . 78v de Spiritu et Littera. Excellen t larg e mid-century script , flylea f ha s c . IX content s list , quire s signe d Roma n i n centre . Binding thong s visibl e o n pastedown . ff . 8v-9 r Liber Sci Petri Corbeiae i n rusti c capitals acros s bas e o f page . CSEL LX , p.iii ; LXXX ; CSEL LII , p . 53; Bishop, Criterion, p . 12. Vat. Lat . 340, ff. 97, 288 x 190, Jerome in Ep. Pauli ad Galathas fol . 1 c. IX content s list i n rusti c capitals . H. M. Bannister, Monumenta Vaticani di Paleografia musicale latina I (Leipzi g 1913), p. 42; de Merindol , pp . 1107-8. Vat. Lat . 515, ff. 112, 249 x 164, 2 cols. Augustinus de diversis Quaestionibus; fol . 83v Retractatio; fol . 87 de Magistro i n tw o column s o f 27 lines. Th e wor k o f 6 scribes. Capitula ff . l-3r . Titl e fol . 3r . CC XXIX , p . 144. Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 46, ff. 103, 280 x 180, 22-32 hnes. Gregoriu s Nazianzenu s Orationes Octo. Th e work o f several scribes who cop y i n quires; changes of hand ff . 14, 40 , 45 , 62 , 66 , 77, 91 . Uncial an d rusti c titles , goo d capital s fol . lr . Corbi e binding, Staer k II , pl.LXV ; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , p . 150-1; CSEL XXXVI , p.xxxvi; d e Merindol , pp . 1085-7, pi. 293-4 (the binding) . Paris, B.N . La t 8777, Late Maurdramnus , ff . 99, 21 2 x 157, ruled fo r 23 hnes. Commentarium Notarum Tironianum. sp ligature ff . 54v , 71 r. Goo d us e o f colou r on the enlarged note s which ope n a section. G. Schmitz, Zu de n Tironischen Noten , Rheinisches Museum XXXII I (1878), p. 321. 141

AB VOLUME S FRO M CORBI E

(This hst only include s volumes o f Corbi e provenance ) Paris, B.N . Lat . 12155, ff. 292, 35 0 x 230, 2 cols, 35 hnes. Hieronymu s in Hiezechielem. Decorate d initial s ff. 2r , 23r, 39r, 57r, 76r, 91r, 112r , 132r, 153r, 174r, 193r, 239r, 266r. Books often coincide with quires, blank spaces precede. Maurdramnus titl e an d correction s o n ff . 86r , 184v , 232r , Corbi e binding . Zimmermann , pi. 104c, 106-8; CC LXXV , p.xii ; LXXV a (cf. Bieler , Scriptorium XXI V (1970), pp. 76-8); CLA 623; Vezin, pp. 99-100; de Merindol, pp. 873-5; La Neustrie, p . 249 and plates. Paris, B.N . Lat . 11681, ff. 4-196, 35 7 x 245, 2 cols, 38 lines (fol . 193 a Carolin e replacement leaf) . Bed a in Lucam. Goo d initial s a t th e star t o f books , change s o f scribe at ff. 31r , 32v, 50r, 66r, 74r, 80r, 90r, 114r , 151v. G. Micheli, Uenluminure du haut moyen age et les influences irlandaises (Brussel s 1939), pi. 110; CLA 615; Gasparri, p . 260; CC CXX ; d e Merindol, pp. 848-50. Paris, B.N. Lat . 11627, ff. 340, 38 5 x 195, 2 cols, 38 lines, Hieronymu s in Isaiam. Quires signe d roma n in centre. Incipi t an d title page in hollow capitals . Decorativ e arcade an d tid e fol . lv . fol . 136 v Maurdramnu s scrip t supplie s omission , ff . 214-5 corrections. Change s o f scrib e ff. 41r , 86v , 147r , 180r , 188r , 196r , 213v, 220r , 237r, 253r, 271r . CLA 612; Gasparri, p. 267; de Merindol, pp . 840-2, pi. 310 (Plate 9). Paris, B.N . Lat . 13048, ff. 31-58, 28 0 x 185, 3 3 lines. Versus Probae, Fortunatus , Carmina selecta (the appendix to his Carmina, o f which this is a unique text), fol. 48 (2 nd of quire) signed B; fol. 58 C. MGH AA IV , p. viii, xvi-ii; R. Koebner, Venantius Fortunatus, seine Personlichkeit und seine Stellung in der geistigen Kultur des Merowingerreicbes (Berli n 1915), pp. 128-30; CLA 650. Leningrad, Lat . F v XT V 1, ff. 143, 285 x 200, 32-34 lines. Bonifatius , Aenigmata; Fortunatus Carmina; in Laude S. Martini, Aldhehn , de Virginitate; Sylloge Centulensia, Aldhehn , Aenigmata; Symphosius , Aenigmata. Quire s signe d roma n i n centre, ff . 17, 31, 60, 105 , 10 8 are singletons, ff . 50-53 a binion , frequen t change s o f hand. D e Ross i I , 72 ff., plate s I I & III; F.Steffens , Lateinische Palaeographie (Munich 1907), pi. 49; Staerk I, pp. 30-1; II, pi. XXVII; CSEL XXIII , p.xx ; MGH AA IV , p.viu ; MGH AA XV , pp.41 , 330; A.Ferrua, Epigrammata Damasiana (Vatican 1972); CLA 650; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 157-9; + Paris, B.N . Lat . 7701, ff. 129-40 Carmen Probae. CLA 570; CC CXXIII , pp . 274-343, 360-539 , 612-723; Gasparri, p. 267; de Merindol 1043-6, pi. 306. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12217, ff. 210 + 1 2 bis, 290 x 190, 21 lines. Solutiones Diversarum Quaestionum, Augustinu s Contra Adamantium, Contra Varimadum (ascribe d t o Augustine). Quires signed roman in centre, ff. 54 v and 58 are restored Maurdramnus leaves with text corresponding to the AB leaves in B.N. Lat . 12134. Interlaced initials ff. lv , 6r . Re d gree n an d purpl e headings . CSEL XXV , Par s II , pp . xxxi-iiii; B.Schwank, CC X C an d plate; id., Sacris Erudiri 12 (1961), pp. 112-96; CLA 636. Leningrad, Lat. Q v 117, ff. 66, 266 x 167,30 hnes. Augustinus Retractationes. Tex t begins fol . l v wit h chapte r hst . Hollo w initials . B y 4 scribes. Maurdramnu s 142

corrections ff . 7v, 20r, 44v. Quire s signe d a to h. ff. 60 and 61 are singletons. Staer k I, p . 48; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 159-60; CLA 1620; Gasparri, p . 267; de Merindol, pp . 1066-9; CC LVII , p.xxxvii . Paris, B.N . Lat . 11529, Liber Glossarum A- E + Paris, B.N . Lat . 11530 Liber Glossarum F-Z , 540 x 360, ff. 115 + 246 , 3 cols o f 52 lines. Quire s signe d A- Z AI-DIIII i n centr e o f las t page EV-Y XXII o n firs t page . Hollow initials , uncolou red. Maurdramnu s scribe s cop y ff . 102v-7 , 109-15 of M S 11529, 208-46 of 11530. ff. 12-13, 10 8 in 11529 and 17-24 in 11530 are late r Carolin e replacements . Thes e volumes ar e copie d i n A B scrip t i n Cambra i 633. G. Goetz, Der Liber Glossarum, Abhandlungen de r Konigl . Sachsische n Gesellschaf t de r Wissenschaften , Phil.-hist , Classe I I (1891). With plat e o f 11530 fol. 129v ; W.M.Lindsay , Glossaria Latina I (Paris 1926); CLA 611; T.A.M. Bishop, The prototype o f Libe r Glossarum , Medieval Scribes, Manuscripts and Libraries, Essays presented to N.R. Ker ed . M.B . Parkes, A.G.Watso n (Londo n 1978), pp.69-86. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12134, ff. 214, 295 x 205, 21 lines. Basilius Hexameron, Gregoriu s Nyssensis de Hominis Opificio. Quire s signe d roma n i n centre . Hollow capital s fo r colophons an d titles , (fol . 212 v th e titl e o f Augustinu s Contra Adimantium, fol . 213 portion o f c . 2-3 corresponding t o th e Maurdramnu s insertion s i n B.N . Lat . 12217, which perhap s wa s originall y conceive d a s a par t o f thi s volume) . C I X contents hs t an d Maurdramnu s corrections . Hollo w initials , margina l index , Sieg mund, pp.53 , 85; CLA 621; A. d e Mendieta , E.Rudberg , Ancienne version latine des neuf Homilies sur IHexameron de Basile de Cesaree (Berh n 1958); de Merin dol, pi . 303. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12135, ff. 155, 335 x 202, 26 lines. Ambrosius, Hexameron. Quire s signed Roma n i n centr e Coloured fanc y capitals , coloured initia l openin g page wit h bird an d fishshape d letters . Detaile d corrections . Margina l summarie s whic h ar e also foun d i n B.N . Lat . 1718 and Corpu s Christ i Cambridg e 193, volumes whic h were correcte d agains t thi s one . CSEL XXXII , p . xxxiiii; Zimmermann , pi . 105; CLA 622; Porcher, L yEurope des Invasions, fig . 176; J. Kirchner, Scriptura Latina Libraria (Munic h 1970), pi. 33; O. Pacht, Buchmalerei des Mittelalters (Munic h 1984), pL 53. Leningrad, Lat . F v I 11, ff. 240, 327 x 280, 2 cols, 31 hnes. Cassiodoru s Historia Tripartita. Quire s signe d A-Z , AI- I IX . Bac k flylea f Vita Lupi {CLA 1607). Frequent change s o f hands , bu t 13 quires ar e begu n b y a ne w scribe . Hollo w initials, colophon o f c . X I say s copie d fo r Adalhar d a t Noirmoutiers . Staer k I , 45; II, pl.XLIV , XLV ; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , pp . 156-7; W. Jacob, Die handschriftliche Oberlieferung der sogenannten Historia Tripartita des Epiphanius Cassiodor (Berlin 1954), pp. 10-1, 64-8 ; CLA 1606; Gasparri, pp . 266-7; de Merindol , pp. 1032-6, pi. 287-8, 299, 313. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13440, ff. 112, 11 8 x 78, 1 5 hnes (leave s missin g a t end) . Ephrae m Sermo Asceticus; fol. 65 r Ps . Ambrosius Sermo de X Virginum; fol . 87 v Ps. Ambrosius de Superbia Carnis Peccati; fol. 97 r Columbanu s Epistola VI ; fol . 109 v Caesa rius, Athanasius, Hieronymus, Cyprianus, Excerpta in Concilio 817 Promulgata; fol . 143

192r Ephrae m de Munditia Animae; fol . 219 r Expositio Symboli. Quire s signe d Roman i n re d uncia l o r hal f uncial , CLA 662; G.S.M. Walker, Sancti Columbani Opera (Dublin 1957), p. xl; MSS Dates III , p. 656; G. Morin, Sancti Caesarii Opera I , Sermo XXXV . CC C I B . MID-NINTH CENTUR Y VOLUME S I N PERFECTE D CAROLIN E

Datable MSS Paris, B.N. Lat. 13385, ff. 69 (incomplete at beginning an d end), 244 x 228,23 lines. Salvian de Gubernatione Dei fol . 23 signed hi. By one hand, rustic openings . Sources Chretiennes 220 (1975) . Annotated b y Ratramnu s befor e 850. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12248, ff. 233, 30 3 x 253, 2 4 hnes. Gregoriu s Moralia XXVII XXXII. Re d tide s fo r books , fol . 120 signed x v bu t n o othe r signature s visible . Passages apparentl y writte n b y les s skille d scribes , e.g . ff . 58, 60v-61r, 88v , 92v. Annotated b y Ratramnu s befor e 850. This volume complete s th e se t o f th e Moralia from Tours , thoug h th e Tours volume s ar e i n tw o columns . Paris, B.N . Lat . 12137, ff. 148, 265 x 207 (originally 2 parts, ff . 1-60, 3 1 lines, ff . 61-148, 30 lines). Ambrosius de Noe; fol . 25v de Abraham; fol . 60v de Isaac; fol. 61 r de David; fol . 75v de loseph; fol . 99 r de Excessu Fratris; fol. 128 v Epistolae. Firs t te n hnes o f fol . 1 by a master scribe . Quire s signe d roma n i n centr e I-XV I Chang e o f hand o n ff. 25v , 58v, 61r, unskilled scribe s are found learnin g the mid-ninth centur y script o n ff. 71-73 and fol. 81 v corrected b y th e corrector o f B.N. Lat . 12126. CSEL XXXII. Pars I , p.lxi ; Pars II , p.xxiii ; LXXIX ; P.Hadot , Sources Chretiennes 239 (Paris 1977), p. 45 says that this volume copies th e sixth centur y uncia l Boulogne 32. Paris, B.N. Lat. 11637, ff. 207, 369 x 285, 2 cols of 40 lines; Augustinus de Civitate Dei XI-XXII , Enchiridion (copie d o n inserte d fron t flyleaves , th e blan k leave s between Book s X V an d XV I an d th e endleaves.) . ff . 6-8 cap it ula. Re d an d gree n capitals, ff . 56, 63 changes o f hand . fol . 8 r goo d inita l Q . fol . 64 r b y th e maste r o f B.N. Lat . 12051. Good an d carefu l correction s an d collation , fol . 94 INCIPIT XVII I CONTRA PAGANO S CONTULI .

Vat. Lat. 630, ff. 323, 426 x 331, 2 cols, 46 lines. Decretales Pseudo-Isidoriani fol . l r Nomina Pontificum Romanorum t o Benedict III , Nicholas I added; fol . 3 v Incipit i n monumental capital s runnin g th e ful l lengt h o f th e page . Initial s ff . 37r, 42r , 78r , 183r, 185r , 206r, 228r. New scribe s ff . 19, 37r, 75v , 124r . Copied c . 863. Ballerini, de antiquis turn editis turn ineditis collectionibus et collectoribus canonum ad Gratianum usque tractatus, i n Appendix ad sancti Leonis magni opera II I (1757) (reprinted PL 56, 252 ; S. Williams, Speculum 29 (1954) , pp.702-7; S.Williams, Codices PseudoIsidoriani. A palaeographical-historical study, Monument a Iuri s Canonici Serie s C, 3 (Fordham 1971), pp. 63-5; J.Richter, Stufe n Pseudoisidorische r Verfalschung , Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte, Kan. Abt. LXI V (1978), pp. 1-72, gives a full accoun t o f th e content s a t pp. 35-42, 53-8 . S.Kuttner, A Catalogue of 144

Canon and Roman Law Manuscripts in the Vatican Library I , Stud i e Test i 322 (Rome 1986), pp. 20-2. Paris, B.N. Lat . 18311, ff. 169, 21 lines. Passio Sebastiani, ful l pag e explicit fol . 80 v with scriba l signatur e Hildebrandus (i n monogram) . Re d was h fo r saint' s name . Miracula Sebastiani (separat e volum e wit h separat e quir e signatures) . Hildebrandu s according t o Bishop , i s th e scrib e o f portion s o f Paris , B.N . Lat . MS S 2717, 7569, 11995, 12296 , and 13174. Text edite d PL 132, 579-628. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12296, ff. 164 (fol. 33 counted twice) , 276 x 217, 28-2 9 lines. Radbertus in Matthaeum I-IV . Prologu e a separat e quir e o f 3 leaves. Text open s with si x line s o f uncials . Smalle r scrip t afte r fol . lv . Lemmat a intermittantl y i n re d uncial o r marked. Quire s signe d a-D , D (fol . 34) fol. 50bi s is a parchment insertion , related t o th e singleto n i t follows . Sinc e Radber t i s calle d abbot , th e M S must dat e after 845. Changes o f han d ff. 94v , 97r , 137r . ff . 156-7 (end o f quire ) signe d i n a colophon Ego in Dei nomine Vvuarembertus scripsi Deo gratias b y Warembertus , who write s fol . 77, but no t ff . 95-98. On fol . 163 r a lette r o f Bisho p Adalga r o f Hamburg abou t th e relic s o f Ansgar . Corbi e binding . Bischoff , MS I , p . 56; Vezin, pp. 104-5; MSS Dates III , p . 282, pi. IX ; d e Merindol , pp . 915-7; CC C M XLV , pp.ix-x an d passim . Copie d a t Corbi e i n M s Lao n 67. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12294, ff. 133 (last blank) , 265 x 197, 28 lines, 30 from fol . 73. Radbertus in Lamentationes. fol . l r prefac e i n a small han d wit h mult o monogra m on dar k blue ground wit h foliage decoration , b y the artist of B.N. Lat . 12051. fol. l v excellent Franco Saxon inital S. New scribe s ff. 21v , 72r. Author's correction s ff. 94r , 95r, 96r , 97r, 97v , 127r . Prefatory letter s MGH Ep. V Corbie binding . Bischoff, MS I, pp . 56-7; Vezin, pp. 103-4; MSS Dates III , p. 281, pl.X; d e Merindol, pp . 911-3. The tex t complete d afte r 845. CC C M LXXXV . Paris, B.N. Lat . 18296, ff. 36-67, 214 x 160, 24 lines. Vita Adalhardi. Quire s rule d on outside . Rustic capital s for opening , fol . 47 signed xii i (it is the central bifohum) . fol. 55 v sketc h o f a bearde d monk . Rusti c note s de Invidia, de Castitate. MGH Poetae III , pp . 44-5; MSS Dates III , p . 605, pi. VIII. Backhuise n va n de n Brinken , pi. 3. Copied afte r 826 (Plate 14). * Paris, B.N . Lat . 13909, ff. 112, 17 3 x 146, 1 8 lines. Radbertus , Epitaphium Arsenii. The wor k o f a t leas t 3 scribes, ff . l-32v , 33r-49r , 49-103 by th e firs t scribe , ff. 104-110 by th e secon d scribe , ff. 110r-11 2 b y a thir d scribe . Neum s o n flyleaf , tenth century drawin g of two seated male figures fol . 112v . Mark of binding clasp on last leaf . E.Duemmler, Radbert's Epitaphium Arsenii. Abh . Berh n 1900, with plat e of fol . 52; Bischoff, MS I , p.53 ; MSS Dates III , p.345, pl.X copie d afte r 845. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12050, ff. 214, 314 x 250, 22 lines, ff. 3-16 v Antiphonale (th e wor k of a n accomphshe d bu t separat e scribe. ) Sacramentarium Gregorianum. ff. 101v-102r, Missa de inventione crucis; ff. 102v-204 r Supplementum. ff . 5,18v, 19 r the inscription b y th e scrib e an d pries t Rodradus, i n re d uncia l i n a fohate acanthu s frame; gol d initials , red rubrics , fol. 20v. Vere Dignum i n gold , fol. 23v Te Igitur i n gold i n acanthu s frame ; fol . 103 v chapters t o th e Supplementum i n a smaller script ; fol. 105 v goo d decorate d fohat e initia l i n gold ; ff . 153v , 247v-248 r re d uncia l 145

passages. Ed. H. Menard, A. Boinet, La miniature carolingienne (Pari s 1913), pi. 140; Leroquais I , pp . 25-8; J.Hesbert, Antiphonale Missarum Sextuplex (Brussel s 1935), pi. VI; O . Homburger, Ein e spatkarolingisch e Schul e vo n Corbie , Forschungen zur Kunstgeschichte 3 (Wiesbaden 1957), pp. 412-26; Bischoff, MSI, p . 55; Gamber, Codices Liturgici Latini Antiquiores, p. 244; H.Barre, J.Deshusses , Epbemerides Liturgicae XXXI I (1968), pp.8-9; MSS Dates III , p. 269, pi.XI. J.Deshusses , Le Sacrementaire Gregorien I-II I (Fribourg , Spicilegiu m Friburgens e 16, 1971 ; 24 , 1979; 28, 1982 ) 16 , p. 41 (MS Q) HI , p. 33. Dated t o 853. Paris, B.N. Lat. 12051, ff. 6-273, 305 x 240,22 lines. Sacramentarium Gregorianum. ff. 6-12 purple pages. Decorated initial s ff. 92v , 112v, 117v, 192r. Quire signature s ff . 67, 84 , 123 , 147 . Decorated nint h centur y Corbi e binding , superbl y preserved . Leroquais, Les Sacramentaires I , pp. 63-4; Bischoff, MSI, p. 55; Homburger, Ein e spatkarolingische Schule , ut. sup. Gamber , Codices Liturgici Latini Antiquiores, p. 179; BN le Livre (Pari s 1972), no. 338; Vezin, pp . 97-9, pi. III-IV. Paris, B.N . Lat . 2863, ff. 104, 24 0 x 190, 22 hnes. Ratramnus , Contra Grecorum Opposita. fol . l v c . IX contents hst. Quires signed Roman. Uncial and rusti c rubrics . Bischoff, MS I , p. 57; Plate of fol. 11 in J. N. Backhuisen van den Brinck, Ratramnus de Corpore et Sanguine Domini (Amsterda m 1974), pi. 2; J. P. Bouhot, Ratramne de Corbie (Pari s 1976), pp.26, 28-32. The tex t wa s complete d i n 868. Berlin, Phillips 1776, ff. 93-128,160 x 100. Cartularium Corbiense. 2 scribes, change of hand at fol. 105. Privileges of Berthefridus o f Amiens, of the 846 Council o f Paris , of Benedict III (855), of Nicholas I (863) breaks off o n fol. 120v , so that somethin g is missing from th e volume; of the Council of Paris of 846 (2 lines, erased o n fol. 12lr) and th e merovingia n roya l charter s fo r Corbie . Levillain , pp . 12-5 passim. V. Rose, Verzeichnis der lateinischen Handscbriften der Koniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin I (1893), pp. 149-56. This volum e i s boun d wit h ff . l-92v . Epistolae Romanorum Pontificum de incarnatione. O n fol . 92v extracts from Charlemagne' s Capitula o f 779 and Loui s th e Pious' s Capitula o f 826. This i s a separate manuscrip t wit h re d titles , signed Q I-X I i n centre . Paris, B.N. Lat . 7569, ff. l-71v , 155 x 90, 20 hnes. Donatus, Ars Minor, Ars Maior. fol. 31v Beda de Schematibus et Tropis; fol. 49r de arte metrica. Gree n uncial title fol . 31v. Red wash initials . Metra se t out . Quire s unsigned . Holtz , Donat., p . 380. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13174, ff. lv-4v , 248 x 196, 20 lines. Acta Apostolorum, Epistolae Canonicae, Apocalypse. Chapter s for Acts ff. lv-4v. Large script, first lin e in capitals, ff. 136 and 138 from th e Maurdramnus Bibl e (I Reg. 1 23-2 9) . fol. 139 v texts on th e trinity fro m Augustine , Athanasius , Fulgentius ; fol . 139 r c.X verse s o n Ratoldus . Paris, B.N . Lat . 14085, ff. 232, 24 4 x 163, 3 0 lines. Isidoru s Etymologiae II-X , XVI-XX. ff . 1-9 0 copied b y mid-nint h centur y Corbi e scribe s (ff . 33-5 perhaps a replacement, b y th e scrib e o f ff . 91-146); fol. 151 r tabl e o f kindred , vers o blank , ff.154-76 copied i n two columns, fol. 177Liber XVI in a small and compressed han d which complete s th e volume, fol. 230 v de Symbolo; fol . 230 Augustinus Enchiridion XXX-XXXII; fol . 232 r Fides Hieronymi; fol . 232v Fides Gregorii, Fides Gregori Nazanzeni. fol . 42r Corbi e ex libris, c.XV . 146

Paris, B.N. Lat . 1623, ff. 80, 267 x 187, 18 lines. Tertulhanus, Apologeticum. Quire s signed 1-X . Re d uncia l tide s fo r chapters . Copied b y on e scribe . CC I , pp. 85-171; Bischoff, MSI, p . 58. Paris, B.N . Lat . 1662, ff. 195, 33 0 x 261, 29 lines. Lactantiu s de Falsa Religione, Institutions. fol. 163 De Ira divina; fol . 179 v de Opificio Dei; fol . 191 Epitome. c.51-61. c.xu extract s fro m Jerom e o n Lactantiu s fol . 25v; CSEL XIX , pp.xxxviii xl; Sources Chretiennes 204, pp. 63-73; 213 , p. 65; Bischoff, MS I , p. 58. Paris, B.N . Lat . 2122, ff. 120, 33 3 x 255, 3 0 hnes. Paulinu s Epistolae. fol . SSv Carmina; fol . 90 r Ausonius, Ep. ad Paulinum. Chang e o f han d ff . 55, 73; Bischoff, AfSI,p.58. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12125, ff. 157, 313 x 265,24 lines. Pamphihus Apologia wit h subjec t headings o n ff . 13r , 27v , 29r . Origene s de Principiis. Uncia l title s an d incipits . Change of hand ff. 53-69. Interlace initials ff. 3v , 38v, 74v, 83v. O supporte d by a red bird. Trace s o f carolingia n bindin g o n flyleaves . P . Koetschau, Origines Werke V , pp. xxvii-xxx; d e Merindol , pp . 869-71. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12125, fol. 157. Libri Carolini I , 12-13, rustic capital s use d i n text . A. Freeman, Speculum X L (1965), p. 219. Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 38-39, ff. 69, 17 8 x 138, 21 lines. Philastrius, de Haeresibus. Quires signe d Roma n Q A- I Novatianu s (her e attribute d t o Tertulhanus) de Cibis Judaicis Epistola Barnabae, Epistola Jacobi folia numbere d 70-94, 1-24 . Novatianus, ed. CCIV ; J. M. Heer, Die Versio Latina des Bamabasbriefes und ihr Verhdltnis zur altlateinschen Bibel (Freibur g 1908), with plat e o f fol . 8r ; Staer k I , pp . 132, 223; II, pl.LIX, LXXII ; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , p . 155; de Merindol , pp . 1076-80. Paris, B.N. Lat. 12202, ff. 108,263 x 216,23 lines. Augustinus, Sermones XLVIII . ff. lr-2r capitula sermonum. Chang e o f han d ff . 6v , 14r, 15v-20r . CSEL LX ; CC XLI , pp. 161-3, 213-6, 237-43; Sources Chretiennes 116 (1966), p. 154. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12212, ff. 79, 27 0 x 226, 2 4 lines. Augustinu s de Nuptiis et concupiscentia. fol . 18 v Contra Julianum; fol . 49 Epistolae. Originall y tw o volumes , ff. 1-48, 49-7 9 but boun d togethe r i n th e ninth century , a s the contents lis t proves. 2 scribes. Red tid e fo r th e firs t part . CSEL XLII , pp. xxi-xxiii; LVII-LVIII . Paris, B.N . Lat . 12208, ff. 84, 33 0 x 252, 2 7 lines. Augustinu s de Natura et Ori gine Animae. fol . 12 r Ad Petrum; fol . 22 v de coniugiis adulterinis; fol . 41 v de ieunio sabbati, contra adversarios legis et prophetum. Re d uncia l tides , a t leas t 2 scribes. On e scrib e als o i n B.N . Lat . 12248. N o signature s visible . CSEL LX , p. xiii. Paris, B.N. Lat . 13360, ff. 93, 231 x 185, 24 lines. Augustinus de utilitate credendi. fol. 30 v de gratia novi testamenti; fol . 69 v de natura boni; fol . 89 v de octo quaestionibus. Eac h tex t precede d b y a passage from th e Retractationes. Change s o f scribe at ff. 2v, 15r , 48-50v. ff. 89-90r b y th e expert scrib e of ff. 28-30. Poor ruling . Quires signe d roma n I-XI . Re d initial s t o fol . 22r . CSEL XXV , p. 3-48; XXV Pars II, pp.vii-viii , Ivi , 854; CC XXXIII , pp . 469-72. 147

Paris, B.N . Lat . 12156, ff. 79, 25 2 x 210, 2 3 lines. Openin g initia l fo l lr , colou red re d larg e script . Hieronymu s in Danielem. B y 2 scribes (Chang e o f han d fol. 40r) . Crud e c . I X Corbi e content s hst . O n th e endlea f a Gree k alphabe t with lette r name s an d thei r Lati n equivalent s (Plat e 13). Paris, B.N . Lat . 12126, ff. 84, 29 5 x 233. Cyprianus Epistolae. fol . 28 r chang e of hand , ff . 31-42 small elegan t hand . Exempla r perhap s half-uncia l see th e b fol. 32r . N o quir e signature s visible . C . I X centur y content s hst . fol . 8 r gree n tide. Re d uncia l headings . Extensiv e corrections . CSEL III , Par s III , p.xxiii , 1-lv. Amiens 425, ff. 38, 36 8 x 282, 2 cols, 32 lines. Priscia n Institutiones Libri I , IV-V, VI , VI-VII , wit h glosse s b y Remigiu s o n fol . 30r . Franco-Saxo n initials , fol. 1 P wit h interlace , fol . 8 v, O . fol . 9 r signe d D , fol . 17 E, fol . 23 F. ff . 31-38, measure 340 x 263, Bischoff, MS I , pp . 57-8, Passalacqua, p . 4. C.Jeudy, U n manuscri t d e Rem i d*Auxerr e a Corbi e a u debu t d u X e Siecle , La chanson de geste et le my the carolingien, Melanges Rene Louis (Vezela y 1981), pp. 171-5. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12098, 33 4 x 224, 2 9 hnes. Codex Encyclicus Chalcedoniensis. Quires signe d Roma n i n centr e th e wor k o f several , scribes , chang e a t fol . 48. part II , wit h separat e signatures , Breviarium, Prospe r Liber contra collatorem. Clear trace s o f bindin g thong s o n front . C . I X content s lis t o n vers o o f secon d flyleaf, wit h referenc e t o Cassiodorus . Uncia l an d rusti c titles , excellen t initial s recalling th e lat e antiqu e exemplar . Flyleaf . Maasen , pp . 751-3; P. Courcelle, Les lettres grecques en Occident de Macrobe a Cassiodore (Pari s 1948), pp.362-3 (h e notes a lost Beauvai s copy) ; Bischoff , MS III , p. 152. Paris, B.N . Lat . 14143, part I , ff . 1-71, 21 0 x 145 (cut down) , 21 lines. Seduhu s Carmen Paschale. fol . 54 v A solis ortu cardine. Bot h wit h extensiv e glosse s b y several hands , fol . 55 v Paulu s Diaconu s Carmen de Sancto Benedicto; fol . 60 r "Einhardus" Carmen de SS Marcellini et Petri; fol . 68 r De Gradibus; fol . 70 r de Libris Divini Auctoritatis. (ff . 68r-71 v b y a differen t hand) ; fol . 5 signed i . Ope ning o f Seduliu s i s missing , fol . 2 v a damage d late r accessus , fol . 9 signed i i other quire s regular . Trace s o f glosse s o n th e stub s followin g fol . 5 but tex t i s continuous. Nint h o r tent h centur y binding , crudel y restored . CSEL X , pp . xv-xvi; MGH Poetae I , pp. 36-42; II, pp . 126-35. Paris, B.N . Lat . 8093, ff. 39-47. 2 cols o f 53 hnes. Psalmorum Versus in ps. I-XXXII, chang e o f han d ff. 43r , 47r . A uniqu e text , perhap s compose d a t Corbie, t o b e edited i n MGH Poetae VI . Paris, B.N . Lat . 12252, ff. 121, 266 x 212, 2 4 hnes. (22 in firs t quire) . Gregoriu s in Hiezechielen libri 2. Careful corrections . Restore d leathe r binding . Copie d from Leningrad , Lat . Q v I 14. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12288, ff. 157, 34 1 x 258, 4 1 hnes. Ambrosiu s Autpertu s in Apocalypsin V-X . Th e wor k o f a t leas t thre e scribe s ff. 25, 33 . From fol . 73 green initials . CC C M XXVII , p. xiii. 148

Paris, B.N . Lat . 12526, ff. 138, 328 x 240, 29 hnes i n firs t quir e the n 27. Eusebius Rufinus, Historia Ecclesiastica I-VI; th e openin g hne s b y a n exper t scribe . Quire s signed roman . Re d chapte r numbers . Uncia l an d rusti c fo r titles . At leas t 3 scribes. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12221, ff. 110, 263 x 211, 23 lines. Augustinus contra Cresconium. Good interlac e initial . Quire s signe d q i in lef t o f centre . CSEL LI , pp.xii-xiii . Paris, B.N . Lat . 13362, ff. 48, 230 x 171, 20 lines. Augustinu s de cathechizandis rudibus. Re d initial s whic h protrud e int o margin , re d title, re an d ro hgatures . 2 scribes. CC XLVI , pp . 121-78. Paris, B.N . Lat . 8090, ff. 187, 232 x 191, 30 lines. Fortunatus , Carmina Libri XI, Vita Martini, In Laude S. Mariae, Vita Medardi. fol . l r tide i n re d an d brow n uncial. Larg e interlac e initia l A wit h bir d hea d terminals . Re d uncia l titles . Appar ently th e wor k o f on e scribe . Quire s signe d roma n i n centr e I-XXII I + 2 leaves, ff. 93, 94 singletons. MGH AA IV , p . vii . I n som e place s th e reading s depen d o n Leningrad, Lat . Q v XI V I . Paris, B.N . Lat . 12235, ff. 85, 26 8 x 212, 2 4 lines. Fulgentiu s de Remissione peccatorum. ff . 42v-4 3 Computistica; fol . 44 r Tyconius Regulae; ff . 84r-84 v Judicium ad aqua facienda. c . I X content s hs t o n flyleaf , d e Merindol , pp . 890-3; CC XC, passim . Paris, B.N. Lat . 13391, 243 x 184, 22 lines. Gregoriu s in Hiezechielem Pars Prima. Red an d gree n incipit . Larg e scrip t re d initial s i n text . Quire s signe d roman . Paris, B.N . Lat . 13387, ff. 56, 23 2 x 190, 2 6 lines. Valerianu s e t Augustinu s Sermones XX , originall y XXII . Corbi e content s lis t o n flyleaf . 2 scribes. Vezin , pp. 110-1; de Merindol , pp . 969-71, to b e edite d fo r CC b y J.P.Weiss. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12309, ff. 135, 254 x 222, 26 lines. Johannes Diaconu s in Heptateuchem. fol . l v titl e i n rustic ; author s cite d i n red . Quire s signe d roma n I-XV . Scribes chang e ff . 30, 92 . CSEL XIV , p. 1; C C LA ; C . Lambot, Un e seri e paschal e de sermon s d e St . Augustin su r le s jour s d e l a creation , RB LXXI X (1969), pp. 206-14, cf. RB LXXXIV(1974) , p . 259. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13331, ff. 124, 23 0 x 183, 2 1 hnes. Augustinu s de singularitate clericorum. fol . 35 r Gaudentiu s de Pascha; fol . 116 v blank ; 122 r Hilariu s de synodis, Quire s signe d Roma n i n centre , rusti c tide s an d uncia l incipits . CSEL 68, CSEL III . Vat. Reg . Lat . 1762, ff. 225, 17 2 x 120, 20-24 hnes. Hadoar d Florilegium (Cicero , Macrobius, Martianu s Capella) , ed . P.Schwenke , Philologus Supplementband V (1889), pp. 399-588; C. H. Beeson, The Florilegiu m o f Hadoard . Classical Philology 40 (1945) , pp. 201-22; Bischoff, MS I , 49-65; de Merindol , pp . 1102-3; P. L. Schmidt, Die Uberlieferung von Cicero's Schrift de Legibus im Mittelalter und Renaissance (Munic h 1974), pp. 134-52, pi. Ill; E.Pellegrin , Les Manuscrits Classiques Latins de la BibUotheque du Vatican II , 1 (Paris 1978), pp. 402-7. Paris, B.N. Lat . 13381, ff. 240 (mutilated a t end ; tw o unfoliate d scrap s precede fol . 240), 20 8 x 144, 2 3 lines. Hadoar d Florilegium Patristicum; Bischoff , MS I , 149

pp. 49-65; J.Leclerq, L'humanism e de s moines a u moyen age , Studi Medievali HI , 10 (1969), pp. 69-113. (Plate 15.) Paris, B.N . Lat . 14089, ff. 98, 25 5 x 161, 31 hnes. Smaragdu s in Partibus Donati, Isidorus de Orthographia, Alcui n de Orthographia A-F . fol . 98 r Dum te matthiten cupias me tenere serenem, te n lin e poem . Quire s signe d A- M i n centre , fol . 97 the pastedown wit h pe n trial s includin g defers tabellum. L . Holtz, CC CM , LXVIII , p. xix-xx; A . C. Dionisotti, O n Bede , Grammar s an d Greek, RB XC H (1982), p. 139. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13956, ff. 69, 25 7 x 215, 2 9 hnes. Periermeniae Apuleii; fol . 6 v Periermeniae Aristotelis; fol . 14 r blank; fol. 14 v Boethius in Periermenias. Rustic and red uncia l fo r titles, som e margina l summarie s i n Boethius . Frequen t an d detaile d correction. Flylea f ha s a trace of c . IX content s list . Bischoff , MS I, p. 59; III, p. 11, n.3; Mun k Olse n I , p. 25; Aristotles Latinus II , 1-2; Supplement, p . 96. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12960, ff. 1-24, 26 4 x 212, 4 0 lines. Boethiu s in Periermenias. Incomplete. Text incorporates corrections of B.N. Lat . 13956. The work of 2 scribes, change fol . 13v . Th e remainin g portion s o f thi s volum e see m t o m e no t t o b e demonstrably from ninth century Corbie. Ullman, p. 274, pi. I; Bischoff, MS I, p. 59. Aristotles Latinus Supplement, p . 95. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13020, ff. 83, 259 x 192, 32 hnes. Boethiu s de Musica, fol. 59 v de Geometria wit h extensiv e correction s an d glosses . Ullman , p . 274, pi. II. Bischoff , MSI, p. 60. M.Folkaerts, Boethius Geometrie I I (Wiesbade n 1970), pp.73, 175; Bubnov, Gerberti Opera Mathematica, p . LXI; M . Bernhard, Wortkonkordanz zu A.M.S. Boethius De Institutione Musica (Munich, Bayerische Akademie de r Wissenschaften, 1979); M. Duchez, Jea n Sco t Erigen e premie r lecteu r d u »D e institution e musica* d e Boece ? Eriugena. Studien zu seinen Quellen (Heidelber g 1980), pp. 182-7, with plate s I I and III. Paris, B.N. Lat . 14080, ff. 88, 233 x 202, 26 hnes. Boethius de Musica with glosses ; fol. 65 de Geometria. N o quir e signature s visible , ff . 65-88 bound i n disorder , ff. 65-72, 80-87 , 79 , 73-78 , 8 8 (79 and 88 conjoint); ff . 65-82 = PL 63, 1352-6 4 includes Nomina Agrimensorum. C.Thulin , Die Handschriften des Corpus Agrimensorum Romanorum, p . 18; Ullman, p. 277, pi. IV; M. Folkerts, Boethius Geometrie I I (Wiesbaden 1970), p. 36. The glosses to th e de Musica draw on those in 13020, both derive from th e Corbie owne d volum e Paris , B.N. Lat . 13908. Paris, B.N. Lat . 11995, ff. 163, 352 x 240. Hesychius in Leviticum. Re d an d gree n caps on title page. Red lemmata, hal f uncial titles ff. 18v , 34v. Changes o f hand ff. 3, 48r, 65-87, 124r, 161-3. Quires 1-17, 26-32 , 55-6 3 ruled i n tw o columns . Quire s signed A-X . Th e flyleave s contai n Seduhu s Scottu s in Donatum Maiorem, ed . B. Lofstedt, CC C M X L B . Amiens, 426, ff. 30-47v , 262 x 168, 35 lines. Vergilius Maro Grammaticus Epitome insular abbreviations . Chang e o f han d ff . 38, 42v. ff . 48-71, 25 7 x 165, 3 0 lines. M.Polara, Virgilio Marone Grammatico Epitomi ed Epistole (Naple s 1979), pp. xxv-xxvi. 150

Leningrad, Q v I 33, ff. 69, 27 0 x 220, 2 3 lines. Johanne s Chrysostomu s de sacerdotio. B y a t leas t tw o scribes , th e secon d o f who m write s th e ex libris no w pasted t o th e fron t cover , i n rusti c capitals . Th e volum e retain s th e origina l oa k boards. Quire s signe d roman , goo d capitals , fol . l r c . I X content s hs t o n flyleaf . Staerk I , p . 224; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, pp . 161-2; de Merindol , pp . 1069-72, pi. 305. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12272, ff. 114, 308 x 264, 31 lines. Beda in Samuelem. Lemmat a i n capital o r rustic . Quire s rule d fro m centre , fol . 16 signed II , fol . 109 v Nomina Locorum (copie d i n M S Ne w York , Pierpon t Morga n 335, from Beauvais) . CLASSICAL MS S

Paris, B.N. Lat . 7501, ff. 220, 325 x 253, 31 lines. Priscianus Institutions I-XVII L fol. 195 de figuris; fol . 199 r de Metris Fabularum Terentii; fol . 201 v Praeexercitamina; fol . 205 v Commentarium Ruftni in Metra Terentiana; fol . 211 v Incipiunt ex Prisciano Glossae. Glosses t o I-XIV . Extensiv e glosses , contemporary sectio n titles , ff. 26, 38 , 106 , 186- 7 inserted bifoh a o f glosses . Coloure d initial s ff . 1, 2, 173 . The glosses appea r tent h century . Bischoff , MS I , p . 59; II, p . 264; de Merindo l II , pp. 818-9, Passalacqua, p . 222. Paris, B.N . Lat . 7499, ff. 71, fol. 71 a singleton , 351 x 240. Priscian XVII-XVH I glosses ff . 1-27; fol. 59 v Versus Engelmodi Episcopi; fol . 63 r Priscia n Periegesis. 2 cols, 31 lines. Part II, ff. 72-91 v Eutyches de Verbo glossed to fol. 84. The poems of Engelmodus dat e t o afte r 860. MGH Poetae III , p . 54; Bischoff, MS I , pp . 57, 59 ; Passalacqua, p . 221-2; de Merindol , p . 817. Paris, B.N . Lat . 7761, ff. 38-71 + B.N. Lat . 8208, ff. 49-64, 18 8 x 142, 22 lines. Servius IX-XII , 4. Quires an d ff . 54-55 a bifohum , boun d i n disorder . Quire s o f 8208 signed C - H . ff . 38-45 contain IX , 1-254, B.N. Lat . 8208 contains IX , 576 to XI, 7761; ff. 54-5 contain X, 46-84, ff. 64-71 are XII, 1-176; ff. 46-63 XII, 176-552; fol. 46 a change o f hand , fol . 52 I st han d returns . Apparently a copy o f Leide n BPL 52. At least 4 scribes, rustic lemmata. Munk Olsen, II, pp. 815-6, 818. B.N. Lat . 8208 part I I (ff . 49-56) contains IX , 254-end i n a somewhat late r hand, but with the sam e format. Murgia , p . 51. Paris, B.N. Lat . 7714, ff. 2-78 (fol. 1 a twelfth centur y replacement) , 226 x 194, 23 lines. Ad Herrenium (attribute d t o Cicero, fol. 78 r in colophon). Red initials. Quires signed Roman . I st lin e i n capita l o r rustic , re d titles. Chatelain , pi . 16, 1 ; Bischoff, MS I , pp.55-6; de Merindol , pp. 821-2; Munk Olse n I , p.265; T&T, pp. 99-100. Leningrad, F v 1 Class., ff. 138, 280 x 255, 30 lines (2 cols, ff. 104-6). L.J. M. Columella de Re Rustica. Initia l S with interlace . Quire s signe d wit h Roma n numerals . Careful corrections , chang e o f hand s ff . 42r , 79 rt, st, ro, nt hgatures . Staer k I , p. 219-20, pi. 68; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, p . 162-4; A.Josephson, Die Columella Handschriften (Uppsal a 1955), pp. 17-8, p l . l ; S.Hedberg , Contamination and Interpolation (Uppsal a 1968), pi. 1-2; Munk Olse n I , p. 353. T&T, p . 146. 151

Paris, B.N . Lat . 8051, ff. 65, 275 x 228, 2 cols, 42 lines. Statiu s Thebaid, fol . 59 r Achilleid: Verse s 325-335 of Thebaid XI I ar e scanned. Exaggerate d initials ; change s of hand ff. 8r , 12v, 31r, 36r. Quires signed A-G. Chatelain , pi. 161,1; Bischoff, MS I , pp.55, 59; Statius Achilleid, ed . O.W.Dilk e (Cambridg e 1957); de Merindol , pp. 823-4; Munk Olse n II , p . 542; T&T, pp . 394-7. Vat. Reg . Lat . 1674, ff. 130, 272 x 222, 2 9 hnes. Serviu s in Aen. VI-XII . Quire s signed I-IV , VI-XVII . Bischoff , MS I , p . 60; Munk Olse n II , p . 824-5; Manuscrits Classiques Latins de la BibUotheque du Vatican II , 1 (1978), pp.357-8. Paris, B.N . Lat . 7900, ff. 47, 29 5 x 230, 40-4 2 hnes. Terentiu s Comoediae wit h glosses o n ff . 1-5. Fleury provenance . Quire s signe d II-V I BIRT 8, pp. 33-5; Jones 8c Morey, The Miniatures of the manuscripts of Terence (MS J), pp. 94-101; Bischoff, MS I , p . 59; Munk Olse n II , p. 627-8; T&T, p . 417. Paris, B.N. Lat. 8067, ff. 89 (41 bis), 88 and 89 singletons, 265 x 235,2 cols, 30 lines. Martialis Epigrammata. Quire s signe d Roma n fro m fol . 63v VIII . Excellen t an d uniform script , fol . 26 an exper t scribe , fol . 45 brown an d re d in k fo r Ep. t o Domitian, fol . 56 a smalle r script . Chatelain , pi . 151, 1 ; Bischoff, MS I , pp.55 , 59; Munk Olse n II , p. 101; T&T, p . 238. Paris, B.N . Lat . 8242, ff. 95, 19 2 x 141, 28 lines. Ovidius , Epistulae, 2.14.-20.177; fol. 57 r Amores, 1.2 51-3.15.8 ; ff. 97-98 lost; b y severa l hands . Chatelain , pl.XCI ; F.Munari, Sugl i Amores di Ovidio, SIFC23 (1948); H.Dorrie, Untersuchungen zur Uberlieferungsgeschichte von Ovids Epistulae Heroidum NGG, phil.-hist . Kl . (1960); Munk Olse n II , p. 158; T&T, p. 260, 268; D. S. McKie, Ovid's Amores , The Prime Source s fo r th e Text , Classical Quarterly 36 (1986) , pp. 219-38, with tw o plates. Paris, B.N. Lat. 8670, ff. 122,270 x 247,30 hnes. Martianus Capella. fol. 91 signed xi corrected t o xii ; fol . 122 v covere d b y probationes , includin g Ol d Hig h Germa n glosses. Extensive glosses to Books I, IV, V-end b y 'Martin of Laon', including som e in th e han d o f Hadoard . Uncia l sectio n title s i n margins . Leonardi , / codici di Marziano Capella (1960), p. 437; J. Preaux, Latomus 12 (1953), pp. 439ff; Preaux, Les manuscrits principau x d u d e Nuptii s Philologia e e t Mercuri i d e Martianu s Capella , in: G . Cambier, C . Deroux, J. Preaux, Lettres latines du moyen age et de la Renaissance (Latomu s 158, Brussels 1978), pp. 79-128; .D.Shanzer, Feli x Capella : Minu s Sensus quam Nomini s Pecudalis , Classical Philology 81 (1986), pp. 62-81 where thi s MS. ha s th e sigli a D a s in th e Teubner editio n b y J. Willis, (Leipzig 1983). Paris, B.N. Lat . 10277, ff. 96, 300 x 235, 28 hnes. Vitruvius de architectura. fol . 87 r Favonius, Epitome, quire s signe d Mun k Olse n II , p. 833; T&T, pp.441 , 445; Bischoff, AT S III, p . 281. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13955, ff. 169, 219 x 186, 2 9 lines, fol . l r Priscian , Inst. XIV , X V excerpta; fol . l v Juliu s Victor ; fol . 2 v Macrobiu s I , 20, 26-30 ; fol.3v Poe m (edite d below, pp. 159-60); fol. 4r Musica enchiriadis; fol. 4v Blank, signed I ; fol . 5 r Boethius in Isagogen; 46 r Martianu s Capell a VI I d e Astronomia wit h glosse s t o 54; fol. 56 r Macrobius I , 15, 19 ; ff. 57r-60r Pliniu s Hist. Nat.; fo L 60 r Boethiu s de Musica, wit h 152

glosses; fol . 107 r Boethius Arithmetica; fol . 110 Agrimensores; fol . 123 Boethius de Arte Geometriae; fol . 129 v de Mensuris, de Ponderibus; fol . 130 Frontinus; fol. 131 r Columella V, III, 6, 29, 35; VI, 38, 3-4; ff. 138, 148r de Metris; fol . 150 r M. Plotius Sacerdos; fol. 158 v Fortunatianus de Musica. Quire s signe d Roma n i n centr e CSEL XLVIII; Leonardi , p.443-4 ; Bubnov , pp.24ff. , 189, 482 , 509 ; C.H.Beeson, Th e Archetype o f th e Roma n Agrimensores , Classical Philology 23 (1928) , pp. 1-14; Beccaria, / codici de Medicina dal Periodo presalernitano (Rom e 1956), p. 176; Ullman, pp.273 , 282, pi.Ill; Wickersheimer , pp . 128-9; Aristoteles Latinus, I xxi ; RISM III , I , p . 119; Folkaerts, Boethius Geometrie II (Wiesbade n 1970), p. 96, 17 5 (incorrectly date d t o s . XI) ; P . Corsetti , Not e su r le s excerpt s medievau x d e Columelle, RHT 7 (1977), pp. 113-4, pi. 1; Munk Olse n II , p. 268; Preaux, op. cit. , pp. 120-1. London, BL. Egerton 267, ff. 48-9, 26 lines, fol. 49 v signed I I Julius Victor 18-19. 37-39 H.Fuchs, Beitrdge zur Alexandersage; Bischoff , MS I , p.60. Copenhagen, Frag . 19 IX, a single foli o i n tw o fragments , 2 cols, at leas t 33 lines. Livius II , 7. 7—II» 11.8. From th e bindin g o f J. Vandus, Variorum Quaestionum libri II (1595); Munk Olse n II , p . 6; Bischoff, MS I , p . 60. I a m gratefu l t o Dr . M. T. Gibson fo r a descriptio n o f thi s fragment . Paris, B.N. Nouv. Acq . Lat . 454, ff. 82,242 x 200, 26-29 hnes. Cicero, Cato Maior; fol. 15 r Somnium Scipionis; ff . 18v-82 v Macrobiu s in Somnium Scipionis. Excellen t script, uncia l titles , quire s signe d Roman , fol . 81 a singleton . Extensiv e glosses . S. G. de Vries , Exercitationes Palaeographicas in Bibliotheca Vniversitate Lugduno Bataviae (Leide n 1889), pp. 13-43; Chatelain, pi . 40 B.; Rand , Survey II , p . 179 & pi. 166, 1-2 ; ff. 18v , 81v; Bischoff , MS I , p. 59. B. Barker Benfield , A nint h centur y Ms fro m Fleury : Cat o d e Senectut e cu m Macrobio , Medieval Learning and Literature. Essays for Richard Hunt (Oxfor d 1976), pp. 145-65; Munk Olse n I , p . 280; T&T, pp . 116-8, 226, 229. Paris, B.N . Lat . 6503, 32 4 x 233, 3 2 lines, ff . 1-4 Glossarium (2 cols), ff . 5-27 Vegetius ii ; viii-end . fol . 27 Eutropius colopho n Lector memento Scriptore alterna ting blac k an d re d initials . Uncial an d rusti c titles . Text ha s bee n corrected , fol . 27v Tituli o n evangelists , Mary , John , Pete r an d Pau l edite d below , pp . 160-1. Goetz, Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum III , pp . 94-108; Bischoff, MS I , p . 59. A . M . H o nore, The Fragmentu m Dosithianum , Revue Internationale des droits de I'antiquite (1965), pp. 301-23; de Merindol , pp . 814-5; C. R. Schrader, A Handlis t o f Manus cripts o f Vegetius, Scriptorium XXXII I (1979), p. 294. Paris, B.N. Lat . 7539, ff, 1 + 80 , 228 x 187 (cut dow n b y th e binde r cf. fol . 28), 26 lines. Victorinus, Ars Grammatica. Openin g lin e in rustic . Quire s signe d i n centre . Initials ornamented wit h red dots. fol. 42r decorated initial P, fol. 75r Utere Stephane Scriptor et Lector. I.Mariotti , Marii Victorini ars gramatica, introduzione, testo critica e commento (Florenc e 1967). Paris, B.N . Lat . 7886, ff. 36, 25 0 x 202, 2 cols, 35 lines. Aratus , Phoenomena commentarium (Germanicu s + Scholia Basiliensia) Alexandri Regis et Dindimi Conlatio, Aratu s Latinus ; fol . 15 r Schalle r Kongsen . 12539, 372 7 648 9 on th e 153

months. Quire s signe d Roma n i n centre . Chang e o f han d o n ff . lv , 24r , 27r . A session b y a les s accomphshe d scribe . Bischoff, MS I , p. 59; D. B. Gain, The Aratus ascribed to Germanicus Caesar (London 1976); de Merindol II , 822-3; Munk Olse n I, p. 409; E.S.Lett, Th e Textua l Traditio n o f th e Aratea , RHT 11 (1981) , pp. 147-58. Amiens 404, ff. 108-170, 216 x 132, 13 lines. Categoria Aristotelis. Correctin g han d ff. 119, 120 . Aristoteles Latinus I , 1-5 (Paris 1961); Aristoteles Latinus Codices Pars Prior, pp. 438-9. Supplement, p . 83. Vat. Lat . 3864, Part I , ff. 1-75, 22 5 x 186, 3 1 lines. Caesa r de hello Gallico colophon refer s t o Juliu s Celsu s Constantinus . ff . 74-5 Cosmographia signe d I-VIII. B . L. Ullman, Th e Vatica n MS . o f Caesar , Pliny , Sallus t an d th e Librar y o f Corbie, Philological Quarterly I (1922), pp. 17-22; V.Brown, The Latin Manuscripts of Caesar's Gallic War (Leide n 1972), pp. 123-4; de Merindol , pp . 1110-1; Munk Olse n I , pp. 48-9. bound wit h Vat. Lat . 3864, Part II , ff. 76-108 (fol. 91 v signe d II) , 225 x 186, 31 lines. Pliniu s Epistolae I-IV ; Chatelain , pi . 144, 1 ; de Merindol , pp . 1110-1; Munk Olsen , II , pp. 279-80. bound wit h Vat. Lat. 3864, Part III, ff. 109-133, 31 lines. Sallustius Excerpta Ep. ad Caesarem. Chatelain, pi . 54; R. Merkelbach, H.Theil , Lateinisches Leseheft (1969), plates 44-50; Munk Olse n II , p . 357; T&T 346-9. Vat. Reg . Lat . 329, ff. 170, 252 x 152. Fortunatus, Carmina. fol . 123r , Aldhehn, de Virginitate; fol . 167 Aenigmata Symphosii. ff . 169-170v (forme r flyleaf ) Priscia n II , 6-11, 50-7 . Pellegrin, pp . 65-6. Florence, Laurenzian a Plut . 63.20, ff. 120, mutilated a t end , 302 x 265, 2 cols, 37 hnes. Liviu s Historiae HI. Chatelain , pi . 118; F.A.Shipley, Certain Sources of Comption in Latin Manuscripts (Ne w Yor k 1904); Rand, Survey, pi . 181; Bischoff, MS I , pp . 59-60; de Merindol , pp . 1011-2; Munk Olse n II , p . 11; T&T, pp . 208-9, T.A.Dorey, Th e Textua l Traditio n o f Liv y 21-25, Classical Quarterly 8 (1958) , pp. 161-4; M. Reeve, The Third Decad e o f Liv y i n Italy : th e Famil y o f th e Putean eus, Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica 115 (1987), esp. pp. 160-2. Florence, Sa n Marc o 257, ff. 90, 320 x 265, 2 cols, 37 lines. 2 volumes, ff . l-50 v Cicero De Natura Deorum, de Divinatione. Quire s signe d I-VI ; ff . 51-90 Timaeus, de fato, Topica, Paradoxa, Lucullus, de legibus. Signe d I—IIII . fol . 1 decorated arcade wit h portrait s o f Cicer o an d Brutu s i n medallions , fol . 51 v goo d interlac e initial, fol . l r Werinharius episcopus dedit sancte Marie (referrin g t o Werinha r Bishop o f Strassbur g 1001-1028). Chatelain, pi . 37; Bischoff, MS I , pp . 52; P. L. Schmidt, Die Uberlieferung von Cicero ys Schrift de Legibus im Mittelalter und Renaissance (Munic h 1974), pp. 121-34; de Merindol , pp . 1013-4; Munk Olse n I , pp. 180-1; T&T, pp . 125-6. Leningrad, Class Lat . F v 10, ff. 62, 215 x 151, 28 lines. Martianus Capella , lackin g opening an d wit h gaps . Glosse s wit h th e Marti n o f Laon ' commentary . Staer k I , 154

pp. 220-2; II, pl.LXIX ; Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , p . 105; Leonardi, pp . 69-70; Preaux, op. cit., p . 121; Willis ed . cit. M S P. MSS from alie n scriptori a whic h wer e i n th e Corbi e hbrar y i n th e nint h century . Leningrad, Lat. Q v 1 3, ff. 153, 310 x 250, 2 cols of 28 lines. Uncial b y two hands . Each colum n begin s wit h a larg e letter . Augustinu s ad Simplicianum, ff . 1-49; Contra epistulam Fundamenti ff . 49-86 ; de agone Christiano ff . 86-106; de Doctrina Christiana Libri I-II; CLA 1613; Staerk I , pp. 2-3, pi. I; II , pi. II; Dobias-Rozdest venskaia, pp . 110-2; CSEL LXXX , pp.xii-xvi ; CC XXXII ; Chatelain , Uncialis Scriptura, pi . Ill; M . Gorman , Th e manuscrip t traditio n o f St . Augustine's majo r works, Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum 24 (Rome 1987), pp.383, 411. Leningrad, Lat. F v I 7, ff. 1-40. Gregorius Magnu s Epistolae Selectae. fol. l r lette r of Paul the Deacon to Adalhard, apparendy in part autograph. Quires signed Roma n in centre, crude bird initial fol. 6v. Initial P fol. 23r. Careful correction s using zeta t o fol. 25v . O. Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia, L a main d e Paul Diacre su r un codex du VIII e siecle envoy e a Adalhard , Memorie storiche Forogiulesi 25 (1926) , pp. 1-29; CLA 1603; de Merindol , pp . 1024-6. Leningrad, Lat. F v I 7, ff. 41-104, 39 lines. Lacthen Epitome Moraliorum Gregorii small earl y Carolin e minuscule . Maurdramnu s correction s ff . 43-44, 55v. Quire s signed Q I in centre , at fol. 64 v hie deest quaternio quartus i n a ninth centur y hand , fol. 73 r usq. ad hunc locum habens. Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , p. 152; CLA 1604; CC CXLV, p . v an d passim . Leningrad, Lat . F v I 12, ff. 47-62, 300 x 200, 20-2 5 hnes. Passio S. Apollinari. Uncial. Interlace initials surmounted b y lions heads. Itahan c. VIII, Dobias-Rozdest venskaia, p. 122. Leningrad, Lat . F v 1 12, ff. 39-46, 30 0 x 188, 33 lines. Vita S. Marcellini. Cursiv e minuscule Nort h Easter n Franc e c . 800. With Maurdramnu s corrections . Leningrad, Lat . F v I 12, ff. 69-98, 2 7 lines. Vita S. Germani Carolin e minuscul e from St . Germain. Quire s signe d a t front , fol . 98 r Tironian cui est gloria et honor et potestas in secula seculorum. Bischoff , Der Stuttgarter Bilderpsalter I I (Stuttgar t 1968), pp.21, 22. Leningrad, Lat . F v 1 12, ff. 99-106, 26 lines. Vita Audomari Initia l H. O n vers o of fol. 106 a prayer t o St . Denis. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13396, ff. 108, 27 9 x 187, 26-2 7 hnes. Isidoru s de fide ad Florentinam, fol . 78 r Sermones Augustini, fol . 82 r Caesarii, fol. 94 r Autperti Sermo de transfiguratione (Et in fine versus cuisdam accordin g t o th e contents list) . Nort h Eastern France c. viii ex. Corbie contents list on fol. lr , medieval binding, carolingia n corrections, thos e o n ff . 89-92 perhaps mad e a t Corbie . CLA 661; Karl der Grosse, no. 408; La Neustrie, p . 283, no. 113. Leningrad, Lat. Q v 140, ff. 61, 205 x 170, 2 cols, 21 lines. TertuUian Apologeticum. Opens with initials against a gold background. Chapter s begin with a gold initial and a red tide. Quires well prepared, unsigned. Staerk I, p. 130-1. Attributed b y Bischof f 155

to th e palac e schoo l o f Charlemagne , MS III , p . 160, n.51, id., Paleographie (Pari s 1985), pi. 12. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12150, ff. 317, 33 6 x 238, 2 5 lines. Ps . Hieronymu s in Psalmos (wants first quire ) extensive Corbie correction s an d mid-ninth century ; Corbi e title s on ff.257,260r, 262r , 264r, 266r-v, 271v, 278r, 284r, 291r, 292r, 298r, 315r. Bischoff , MS III , p. 14. Paris, B.N . Lat . 13386, ff. 1-102, 18 0 x 145, 20 lines. Norther n Frenc h Carolin e minuscule, perhap s fro m a n insula r exempla r Vincentiu s Contra Hereticos, fol . 49 v Theophilus Epistulae, Epiphaniu s ad Hieronymum, fol . lOO r Augustinus Sermo 350, CC LXIV , p. 127; CLA 660. bound wit h Paris, B.N . Lat . 13386, ff. 103-158v . Johanne s Scottu s de Praedestinatione CC CM L p . xii-x v an d passim . Bischoff , MS III , pp.14 , 156; ff. 160r-207 v Prisciani philosophi solutiones, M . T. d'Alverny, Le s solutione s a d Chosroe m d e Priscianus Lydu s e t Jea n Scot , Jean Scot Erigene et VHistoire de la PhUosophie (Paris 1977), pp. 145-60, ff. 208r-216 v Lio s Monocus , carmen (MGH Poetae IV , 276-95). Paris, B.N. Lat . 12234, ff. 160, 322 x 232, 28 lines. Fulgentius, de Praedestinatione. fol. 44r Dicta Regis Trasamundi; fol . 60v Ad Trasamundum; fol . 118 r Epistolae. No t copied a t Corbie , bu t a n apparen t Corbi e additio n t o th e titl e pag e o n fol . lv . CC XCI, p . xviii. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12220, ff. 155, 300 x 215, 25 lines. Augustinus Contra Adimatum. fol. 31 r Expositio in Epistola ad Romanos; fol . 50 r ad Galathos; fol . 88 r Hypometricon; fol. 138 v Adversus Pelagium, ad Sixtum; fol . 149 ad Hilarium. Copie d i n Eas t France. J . E. Chisholm, The Pseudo Augustinian Hypomnesticon against the Pelagians and Celestians (Fribourg 1980), pp. 6-8; CSEL XXV , pp. xxiiii-xxv; LXXXIV ; Bischoff, MS III , p. 232. Paris, B.N. Lat. 11699, ff. 3-211 (incomplete at front an d back), 372 x 282, 2 cols, 43 hnes. Homiliarium. Corbi e rewritin g fol . 21r ; fol . 113 r Carohn e inserte d leaf ; fol . 60v no t writte n b y a Corbi e scribe . Bischoff , MS III , p. 14. Paris, B.N . Lat . 4950, ff. 133, 2 cols o f 35 lines. B y severa l scribes . Chang e a t fol . 95r. Justinu s Epitome. Corbi e content s lis t fol . lr . Chatelain , pi . clxxxv; Bischoff , MS I , p. 60; de Merindol , pp. 813-4. Paris, B.N. Lat . 7494, ff. 218, Diomedes, Probus . Corbi e content s hs t c.I X fol . lr . The work o f severa l scribes one of whom i s probably th e Adam so n o f Haynhar d o f the poem. Changes of hand ff . 32r , 48r, 84r, 96r, 124r, 144r , 168r. MGH Poetae 1, 93; Bischoff, MS I , p . 60; III, p. 153; de Merindol , p . 1115. Paris, B.N. Lat . 13024, ff. 119, 275 x 175, 29 hnes. Elegan t initial s ff . 67r , 82v. Ars Probi Grammatici leathe r bindin g wit h c . XII title . L . Holtz, Traditio n e t diffusio n de Poeuvr e grammatical e d e Pompee . Commentair e d e Donat , Revue de Philologie XLV(1971), p . 56. 156

Paris, B.N. Lat . 13026, ff. 181, 267 x 182 by severa l scribes. 4 parts boun d together . Eutyches an d Vergiliu s Mar o Grammaticus ; Donatu s Ortigraphus , ff. 161-181 Malsachanus (ed . B. Lofstedt). N o clea r evidence of Corbi e ownership. C. Leonardi, p. 442-3; C.Jeudy, L'Ars , p . 432. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12634 + Leningrad, Lat . Q v I 5, ff. 183 (16 5 in Pari s + 1 8 in Leningrad), 255 x 190, 24-26 lines. Serapionis et Aliorum Regula, Evagri i Sententiae. ff. 9-10 Augustini Regula; fol . 20r Regula Eugippii; fol . 78 Ephraem Syrus Institutio ad Monachos, Johanne s Chrysostomu s Sermo, Maximu s Turinensis Passio Johannis et Pauli. Italia n Uncial . Dobias-Rozdestvenskaia , pp . 118-9; CLA 645-6; A. Genestout, Scriptorium I , pp . 129-42, plates 12-4; F. Masai, Regula Magistri, Edition Diplomatique (Brussel s 1953); de Merindol , pp. 937-8. F.Avril, Y . Zalusi a Manuscrits enlumines d'origine italienne (Pari s 1980), p. 5, pi. II. Paris, B.N. Lat. 12141, ff. 8-132,262 x 198. Chrysostomus Sermones XXXVII, c . xii Corbie ex libris. On fol . 8 r a horseshoe shaped arch with coloured panels with a brief hfe o f Chrysosto m i n th e centre , fol. 9 r i n dr y poin t Wala dni abb. MSS Dates III , p. 275, pi. CCXXXVI. Paris, B.N. Lat . 13759, ff. 194,233 x 170,22 lines. Martinellus writte n at Tours; fo l 1 rubbed c . IX contents hs t a t top o f page. Rand, Survey, pp . 95-6, plates XXIV, ff. lr, 5v ; XXV, ff. 41r , 75r . Paris, B.N . Lat . 11671, ff. 156, 377 x 250, 2 cols, 30 hnes. Gregoriu s Moralia I- V contents lis t o n rect o o f endlea f mounte d a t end . Copie d a t Tours. Vezin, pp. 95-6. Paris, B.N. Lat . 11672, ff. 167, 372 x 255, 2 cols, 30 lines. Gregorius Moralia VI- X Corbie binding . Vezin, pp . 95-6. Paris, B.N . Lat . 12247, ff. 163 (last blank) , 2 cols, 30 lines. Gregoriu s Moralia XVII-XXII. Copie d a t Tours, c. XII Corbie ownership, medieval leather binding, de Merindol, p . 897-900; Vezin, pp. 95-6. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12273, ff. 5-74, 251 x 177,23 hnes. Beda de Titulis Psalmorum. B y several earl y c. IX scribes , marginal psalte r references , c . ix contents hst . B . Fischer, Bedae de titulis Psalmoru m liber , FS Bemhard Bischoff (Stuttgar t 1971), pp. 90-110. Paris, B.N. Lat . 12292, ff. 162, 265 x 235, 27 lines. Confessio Godescalci; Florus de Praedestinatione; Alcui n Ep. 163; Lupus de Praedestinatione; Cassia n Institutiones. In tw o parts , ff. 1-85, 86-162 . Carolingian annotations . C . Lambot, (Euvres theologiques et grammaticales de Godescalc d'Orbais (Louvai n 1945), pp.xx-xxii. Th e Casssian wa s copie d a t Lorsch ; B . Bischoff, Lorsch im Spiegel seiner Handschriften (Munich 1974), p. 46. Vat. Lat . 990, ff. 146, 2 4 lines. Jona s De Institutione Laicali. c . xii ownershi p inscription o n flylea f tex t begins , fol . l v insula r enim , ri, rn, hi hgatures . Interlac e initial fo l lOOr . I.Schroder, Zu r Uberlieferun g vo n D e Institution e laical i de s Jonas von Orleans , DA 44 (1988), pp. 83-97. 157

Wolfenbuettel, Gud . Lat . 179, ff. 168 (2-169) , 2 2 lines. Prospe r de vocatione gentium, Le o Epistulae. Jerome Adversus Attici et Cretoboli, Expositio Fidei Catholici. ff. 2r , 26, 50r, lOO r changes o f hand , re d rusti c titles . Goo d greek , fol . 169 v germanic neums . Exempla r perhaps Lyon s 602. Wolfenbuettel, Gud . Lat. 132, ff. 108,225 x 197,24 lines. Vitruvius, Faventinus. fol. 48 explicit of Vitruvius boo k 10, fol. 49 r Martianus Capella , II , 116-126; Martianus VIII Ps.Bed e de signis; Excerptum de Astronomia (space s fo r pictures) ; Priscia n Epitome. Aratus . Remus Favinu s de ponderibus, Priscia n de figuris, Priscian , Partitions, Bed a de Orthographia. Rule d on HS. fol. 25r change of hand; ff. 36v , 41r, 45r sketch of a n inidal. fol . 80 v dry point alphabet ff. 94-95 v changes o f hand , Laistne r King, p. 138; Leonardi, pp . 493-4. Copied fo r Corvey . MANUSCRIPTS WRITTE N A T CORBI E FO R EXPOR T

Arras 775, Ratramnus de Corpore et Sanguine Domini. Boulogne 18 Beda de Tabernaculo. Cologne Domb . 60, Hieronymus e t al. Darmstadt 1489, ff. 59-142 Augustinus, Homiliae. Laon 67, Radbertus in Matthaeum I-I V for Laon . Laon 328 bis, Cassian for Laon . Laon 330 Parts I an d II , Basilii Regula, Augustinu s ad Orosium, fo r Laon . Laon 424, ff. 187-8 AB. Munich el m 14487 Augustinus, Enchiridion. Orleans 151 Chrysostomus in Ps. L. fo r Fleury . Rheims 373 Optatus. Rouen 141 Radbertus in Mattheum V-VII L Rouen 147 Beda in Ep. Pauli. St. Claude 1 Ambrosius de Fide, fo r St . Claude. Vat. Reg . Lat . 325 Ambrosius in Ps. CXVIII. fo r Fleury .

158

VIII UNEDITED TEXT S FROM CORBI E MANUSCRIPT S

Paris, B.N. Lat. 10400, fol. 109v : Nota sit almitati vestrae omnibus venerabilibus Corbiensis fratribus multis perpetuas insidias pii ... perpes simu mala benivolentiae vestre. Scire oppido Ambienensis vestram generositate necnon caritatemque vestram quam turn mo ro glomeratam iugiter apud prudentiam vestram bonitatis vestram aderat quamobrem talem ridiculum vobismetipsis cupitis implicere. Hoc apud summum artificem nostrum inlaudabilis est atque omnibus qui humana mens capiuntur in pectore. Qua ex re dumtaxat flagitamus prosapiam vestram per ... flexis qua rationem huius rei dignemus nobis vilissmis exprimere manifestam ibid quia in ...de talibus factis. Bene valete. This text is a draft o f a letter to a bishop, perhaps the bishop of Amiens, preserved on the vers o o f a fragmen t o f Eutyches . I t i s ver y rubbed , an d m y transcriptio n wa s made b y ultraviole t hght . Dot s indicat e missin g o r fragmentar y letters . Becaus e o f the poor preservatio n o f th e tex t I hav e no t trie d t o emen d it . Paris, B.N . Lat . 12957, fol. lOOr : Dilecti in Christo fratres ex coenobio Corbeiae in Domino salutem. Notum sit almitatis vestre obisse quosdam fratresnomineAnsgerus morbe ... This brief incipi t o f a letter occur s on the last leaf o f a commentary o n the Psalter. I t is a notificatio n o f th e deat h o f St . Anskar , addresse d t o th e monk s o f Corbie , o r possibly Corvey . Paris, B.N. Lat . 13955, fol. 2v . This tex t wil l appea r i n MGH Poetae VI : Curre poema meum metaforice curre camena (poema) Et vice mando mea die nunc fratercule here Imber doctilocus celesti nectare odorus Te libavit ovans quern post replevit honorans Unde Deo laudes iugiter persolvere debes Dum memor ipse tuifuerisper secula bumbans Gaudens gaudeo te Cylleni more reniti Ac cum Phoebea luctari lampade semper Sed decet amplecti que contegat opperi mento Ne nudatus eas discrimina ridiculosa Efficiens cunctis magis doctis atque sapitis Hortor quin potius penetrarier antra Sophie Quo septenusfons exit perlucidus undis Virgineusque chorus parili numero sociatus 159

PoUet et irradiat sibimet quern invenerit aptum Quas tibi conubio cum iunxeris ipse beato Corpore virgo manes sed mens sobolem generabit Sublimabit honorabit decorabit amabit Donee cum Sanctis ceu sol splendescere possis Et laudare Deum trinum venerantem et unum Pauca referre tibi memet fraterna coegit Caritas que me miserum cognoscere adiuvit His memor esto precor Dominum precibus rogitando Ac per contiguos mihi sanitas flagitetur Morbo cefalico febri quoque valde peruror Qui intima clarificans facit omnia olorea tactum Hoc fiat hoc detur tribuatur ab Omnipotente. This remarkable poem, i n leonine hexameters, is of littl e hterary merit , bu t serve s as th e prefac e t o a n antholog y o n th e libera l arts . I t draw s o n th e imager y o f Martianus Capell a t o refe r t o th e seve n hbera l arts , whic h flo w fro m th e cav e o f Wisdom, attende d b y a chorus o f seve n virgins who enlighte n thos e they find fi t fo r the task. The poet urge s his brother (Pfello w monk ) to embrace the arts, which ador n whoever follow s them , so he may shin e hke the sun, praise th e triune God, an d pra y for a cure for th e poet's headache . The reference t o th e triune Go d ma y sugges t tha t the poe t wa s linke d t o Gottschal k an d hi s supporter s a t Corbie , an d Gottschalk' s poem t o Ratramnu s use s th e sam e metre . Paris, B.N . Lat . 12183 end flyleaf: Summe magister discipulorum Nostre resolve Crimina dura Quo tibi sapii Digna canentes Ad tua regna Te tribuante Nos veniamus Paris, B.N. Lat . 6503, fol. 27v : Matheus hominem Christum denuntiat esse Marcus frendenti confertur iure leoni Hinc Lucas tipici laetatur honore iuvenci Iohannes pennus penetrat celos aquilis Virginis hie pollet genetricis imago Marie Qui nos celsithronos esse rogat placitos Altera nam species depromitur esse Iohannis Qui veniam nobis obtineat miseris

160

Vultum clavigeri lector cognoscito Petri Ut aulas regnum pertenet ad superum Doctoris sanctam Pauli mirare figuram Cuius ope et precibus nos for ... Dominus. These vers e titul i describ e painting s o f th e fou r evangelists , th e Virgin, St . John, an d Peter an d Paul . I n th e absenc e o f figura l ar t fro m Corbie , the y ma y preserv e evidenc e of th e decoratio n o f on e o f th e abbe y altars , o r o f painting s i n th e church . Paris, B . N . Lat . 14088, fol. l r : This lette r wa s reuse d a s th e fron t flylea f o f th e volume . Bot h margin s hav e bee n trimmed, an d ther e i s an illrepaire d tear . This transcript , mad e usin g ultr a violet light , is tentative. T he tex t open s wit h a se t o f acrostics , i n a different han d fro m th e letter . Roma tibi subito motibus ibit amor Utere tu subito. dotibus utere tu Sume geret sedes summus tenet ter egemus Cisere tu subige legibus utere sic E Roma nobis sum amussi bona more Sic ere tu subito motibus uterescis episcopo baud minus pane spala quam enutrito de antarum pro/ ... sino philosophali E quamquam non meritorum executione id est re/ ... tenda gregis tamen divini gubernaculo potitus per caducam minus lab/ ... cios per mansuro aeternitatis gaudio proveniunt .T os/ ... pe dec..sis quam vestri colloquio mutisque apicum nota vel..caritatispensa celitus/ ... velud romana porta inter nos pacta docentibus baud dubia. car ... / ... retulimus Cognita autem modopristini foederis integritudine vestris re ... / ... .rentibus Ut ani m / inus gratul. .quam antea ea carendo contristareJ ..amque id inte virtutis agnoscimus non iuxta decretum la romu..de quibusdam ... / ficto scaurorum grege computandum Everum magis vero modestiamque.s. ./ ... tatis operam piorum qualitate .turn, diversa comprobantem esse quam videri u ... / ... malle hoc pro certo certissima provectio est ad stabilium celsitudi. ./ ... nitatum Has cunctas ceterisque quamplurimis eo nos adornantibus n ... / .s..nostri ignem baud tardius Scipionis Laeliique amicitia invictib.J . .agrare desideratum ac iuxta illud comicum valeant qui inter nos (discidium volunt) quos nisi mors dimovet nemo. Solem enim secundum quendam sapientem ... / . .mundo tollere vident(ur) qui amicitiam e vita tollunt quia nihil divinius / (melius) habemus nihil iucundius. Ea tamen ..ori figmento carere condece ... / eum odisse magis ingenui est quam fronte serena occultare / (sententiam) ..Si qua autem ..er .inatio nobis deputanda latescat quae nos foedera ... / ... miscat inter..non solum a vobis repelle sin cali qu. suspicio sic rogamus q ... / ..r nostro in Saxoniam directo quo vestrum comprob ... placitum xon.fluamus ibique do. prop../ ... issi d. vitatur. Valete et tub d mos ca ... .discretione concrep.. This lette r contain s t w o quotation s fro m th e D e Amiciti a an d a lin e fro m th e Andria o f Terence .

161

Terence Andria 695: Valeant qui inter nos discidium volunt. Hanc nisi mors mi adimet nemo. Cicero, de Amicitia, c . 47 Solem enim e mundo tollere videntur, qui amicitiam e vita tollunt, qua nihil a dis immortalibus melius habemus, nihil iucundius. ibid., c. 65 aperte enim vel odisse magis ingenui est quam fronte occulare sententiam. There is every reason to regard it as autograph. It was probably bound into Paris, B.N. Lat. 14088 in the seventeenth century. The presence on the reverse of the leaf of quotations from Cassiodorus copied by the scribe I 1, who is found in the circle of John the Scot, may suggest that this scribe was close to the recipient of the letter, and so at least in the entourage of the prelate to whom it is addressed. *

1 J. Marenbon, From the Circle of Alcuin to the School of Auxerre (Cambridg e 1981), p. 94.

162

Domain subject to a double tithe Monchy (Montiacus) because of Its proximity to Corbie Wailly (Vualiacus)A Autonomous Domain rendering a single tithe because it is not too far from the porta of Corbie Domain which, because of its distance from Corbie does not render a tithe to the porta A W a r l i n c o u r t {Vualhonocurtis)

A Fienviller s (Filconovillaris)

A Forcevill e (Fortiacavilla)

Havernas (Habronastus) A

ATalma

s (Templum Martis)

Vadencourt (Vuadonocortis)

#

•

Henencourt (Haionocurtis) MiWe (Villa)

Ribemont (Tittonomontis)

Aubigny (Albiniacus)&-^a\r? G ^ l y Cerisy < Cens,acu5> ernus) AMIENS ' % ofitnu ep" * n»ed»N#>f H o u I

pT^ouiMlioLe C

-f|-»

L OHf'etAMTiHM r a d

T l \ e TeSSxt :

p fr^ruf eei M

poll

^ enobiM f bo/i r

uiyiTie mehtopoM

17 ( W o p ~&oJiOf.

S o ^ f 1 CM f- cercy i

OOOX-f INA1STI tlR*)llFS 1'i^x.i^»-pt£A xt*$itt>t\DliT'i c R N I ¥ > Pt-R IX 1 t%R ROCvnoXCS t : i K£Sp< ^ SHTWS x T m x i cr»ACl*T'R-l -. l^ci*» t m s o c o * t-pisit»W«2uxrixu.M & Ot^exMjCx.XRio t i o c r o e e x x f j i o >*CUT»t"RQ SCCCJKOUcr» XRn+>cr> o I H XOr > C A p O S l I O : tl ^oxpxKVTioxotn eTcicrrmslb , I Xar»eM~I I XOIrXXRlO recur» t u o tIS CJUtr XOUXCUr » lif. O e ° ^ 1 X t B X p i I S t Y i S ^ | e i k i B ; i ] e x t - R I B , cJisioxriK ^ X!

r

'-rrttic

»

hfuiu

.fr-wfi'w

••

Paris, B.N . Lat . 13373, fol.34v. Content s tabl e fo r Alcuin , Quaestiones in Genesim an d Epistolae i n purple unica l an d Maurdramnu s script . This i s th e exempla r for Dusseldor f B3 .

184

oo

-nfvmuf

9 Paris, B.N. Lat . 11627, fol. 54r . Hieronymu s in Isaiam i n A B script .

|atf ••Tuu'pfi^trTriwbf^-. p p e f t r t

twiTtCr"

]\buf TSY>crt\c

cacqTy mfvimu.

vnnjawuf

uft.

ic-d^p- Cifcuqtf flicrtsrm famicfttftiotftjyt/

u\\u# cu]tcfutj*ufr t W uTfia^wiefliifea /

JW5C$- ftliuf ^vnftuCr ^ f f u W r i IYIW U tiouViucr^pu^vc^mtixtto'ne-t^t frWci t

ciiu?a p l u t i mi ub*rwrri*p*t5^uuiftl n cwbt^pcV .

toraittiUW^wf

Xtcc&m iAut H