Christianity in the Twenty-first Century: Reflections on the Challenges Ahead

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Christianity in the Twenty-first Century

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Christianity in the Twenty-firs t Century Reflections on the Challenges Ahead ROBERT WUTHNO W

OXFORD UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k Oxfor d

Oxford Universit y Press Oxford Ne w Yor k Athens Aucklan d Bangko k Bomba y Calcutta Cap e Tow n Da r e s Salaam Delh i Florence Hon g Kon g Istanbu l Karach i Kuala Lumpu r Madra s Madri d Melbourn e Mexico Cit y Nairob i Pan s Singapor e Taipei Toky o Toront o and associate d companie s i n Berlin Ibada n

Copyright © 199 3 b y Robert Wuthno w First publishe d in 199 3 b y Oxford Universit y Press, Inc , 198 Madison Avenue , New York , New Yor k 10016-431 4 First issue d as an Oxfor d Universit y Press paperback, 199 5 Oxford i s a registered trademar k o f Oxfor d Universit y Pres s All rights reserved . N o par t o f this publication ma y be reproduced , stored i n a retrieval system, or transmitted , in any form or b y any means, electronic, mechanical , photocopying, recording , or otherwise, without th e prio r permissio n o f Oxford Universit y Press Library of Congress CataJogmg-m-Publicatio n Dat a Wuthnow, Robert Christianity i n the twenty-firs t century reflection s on the challenges ahea d / Rober t Wuthnow . p c m Include s bibliographical reference s and index. ISBN 0-19-507957- 4

ISBN 0-19-509651- 7 (PBK ) I. Christianity—Unite d State s 2. Twenty-firs t century—Forecasts. I Tid e BR52.6.W88 199 3 2 77.3'08 — dczo 91-28689

35 7 9 1 08 6 4 Printed i n the United State s of America

Contents

Introduction: Th e Futur e i n th e Present , 3

I Institutional Challenges : Community, Identity, and the Role of the Church 1. Churc h an d Culture , 19 Congregations and Culture, 2 0 The Challenge of Diversity, 2 4 The future o f th e Church, 28

2. Ca n th e Churc h Sustai n Community ? 32 The Varieties o f Community, 3 3 The Church and Individualism, 3 8 The Ne w Voluntarism, 3 9 What o f th e Future? 4 0

3. A

Place fo r th e Christian , 42 The Church as Community o f Memory, 4 6 The Church a s Denomination, 4 9 The Church a s Support Group, 51

vi

Contents

II Ethical Challenges : Role Models , Stories , an d Learning Ho w to Care

4. Storie s to Liv e By , 57 The Ethical Challenge, 58 Stories o f Lave, 59 Beyond Ou r Parents, 61 From Stories to Action, 68 The Role o f Christianity, 7 0 5. Th e Saint s in Ou r Worl d , 72 Who Embodies Compassion? 73 The Symbolic Value o f Contemporary Saints, 78 Exemplars of Our Individualism, So 6. Ethica l Ambivalence, 83 Uncomfortable i n th e Presence o f God, 8 4 Learning t o Interpret Stones, 85 Looking for Principles, 8 7 The Worth o f th e Individual, 8 8 Community (Again), 9 0 Small Lessons, 93

Ill Doctrinal Challenges : Pluralism, Polarity, an d the Character of Belie f

7. Religiou s Orientations, 99 Transcendent Meaning, 9 9 Varieties o f Belief, 10 2 Consequences o f Religious Outlooks, 10 4 The Public Dimension, 105 Influences o n Religious Belief, 10 5 Aspects o f Religious Pluralism, 107 8. Th e Futur e of Fundamentalism, 109 The Environment o f Christian Fundamentalism, n o The Dynamics of Christian Fundamentalism, 115 The Culture o f Christian Fundamentalism, 12 0 Coda, 12 4

Contents 9. Fundamentalis m and It s Discontents , 12 5 Haw Liberals Let Fundamentalists Se t th e Agenda, 127 Fundamentalism an d th e Future, 130 Can Liberals Seize the Initiative?, 133

-IVPolitical Challenges : Christianity and Conflict i n the Publi c Real m

10. Fait h an d Publi c Affairs, 139 The Polarization o f Liberals and Conservatives, 140 The Character of Public Religion, 14 4 What o f th e Future? 148 11. Th e Futur e of th e Religiou s Right , 15 1 Predisposing Circumstances, 15 2 Organizational Factors, 156 Sources o f Societal Strain, 158 Resources That Ca n B e Mobilized, 160 Factors That Dampen Movements, 164 A Cautious Forecast, 166 12. Religio n an d Symboli c Politics, 16 8 Politics and th e Public Sphere, 17 0 Reinforcing a Public Agenda, 172 Insiders an d Outsiders, 174 The Politics o f Morality, 17 6 The Power of th e Holy, 178

V Cultural Challenges : The Possibilities of Faith fo r Constructing Personal Live s

13. Th e Ques t fo r Identity , 18 3 A Story, 18 3 The Character o f Identity, 18 4 Religion an d th e Pursuit o f Identity, 18 7 A Link t o the Wider Society, 190

vii

Contents

viii

14. Maladie s o f th e Middl e Class , 192 The Challenge o f Materialism, 19 3 Diversions fro m Ou r Discontent, 197 Ministries t o and o f the Middle Class, 20 0

15. Livin g th e Question , 203 Beware th e Christian, 20 3 Tour o f the Underground, 20 6 Faith an a Critical Thought, 20 8 Living th e Question, 20 9

Epilogue, 213 Notes, 219 Selected Bibliography , 237 Index, 245

Christianity in the Twenty-first Centur y


Introduction: The Future in the Present

In th e pas t fe w year s I hav e ha d th e privileg e of addressin g dozen s o f audiences compose d o f churc h leader s from virtuall y all denomination s and fait h traditions . Listenin g t o thei r comment s an d questions , I have come t o th e conclusio n tha t the y ar e intensel y concerned abou t th e fu ture. They ar e not worried , bu t concerned , wanting to b e effective i n the years ahea d an d wonderin g ho w bes t to d o that. Christianity ha s alway s taugh t it s followers t o b e mindfu l o f th e fu ture. Jesus instructe d his disciples t o watch th e sign s of the times lest the Son of Man catc h them unprepared . The earl y Christians eagerly awaited the bodil y retur n o f thei r Lor d a s the ne w kin g of Israel. Many believers have continue d t o d o s o ove r th e centuries . Som e hav e identifie d a specific dat e whe n grea t tribulation s marking th e en d time s woul d begin . Others hav e expectantl y hope d fo r th e kingdo m o f Go d t o appea r o n earth. Stil l others hav e articulate d a vision of hop e t o sustai n themselves through th e dar k hours o f personal trauma. History is punctuated wit h specia l times that evoke heightened interest i n th e future . Birthday s an d anniversarie s prompt u s i n ou r persona l lives to thin k about wha t may come i n the yea r ahead. National holidays, such a s Independence Day , generall y elici t speeche s about th e country' s priorities fo r th e future . Ther e ar e grea t ceremonia l occasions , too , fo r collective reminiscing an d lookin g ahead : the two-hundredth anniversar y of our nation' s founding , th e bicentennia l of the U.S . Constitution , th e five-hundredth anniversar y of Columbus's voyag e t o th e Ne w World . When I wa s a chil d I realize d one da y tha t i f Providenc e was kin d 3

4 Introduction:

The Future in the Present

there wa s a good chance I would liv e to se e the yea r 2000. Wha t a though t that was ! Not onl y wa s this th e beginnin g o f a new century ; i t wa s th e start o f a whole new millennium. My grandfather could remember when dates didn' t begi n wit h th e numeral s "19. " Bu t nobod y coul d remembe r when date s didn't star t wit h "i. " Someday , tha t woul d al l be in the pas t and our calenda r would hav e dates startin g wit h "2. " Turning points of this kind seem to bea r down upo n u s with special gravity, forcin g us t o as k what kin d o f peopl e w e are , whether w e have been goo d steward s i n th e past , an d ho w w e ca n prepar e t o mee t th e challenges ahead . An ending o f one tim e perio d lift s ou r sight s from th e rhythms o f eac h day, directin g ou r attentio n towar d longe r tim e frames . We want t o kno w wha t lie s ahead. But d o w e really? This questio n ha s been muc h debated. I f we knew what wa s coming, couldn' t w e plan better , capitalizin g on th e opportu nities an d avoidin g th e wors t pitfalls ? Ye t i f w e reall y knew , wouldn' t that i n som e wa y diminish th e ver y essenc e of ou r humanity ? Either w e would know , an d los e ou r freedo m becaus e nothing coul d b e changed , or els e we could chang e things so much that ou r knowledg e o f the futur e would b e virtually useless. We miss the whole point o f the futur e whe n we approach it as something t o predict . The n w e becom e forecasters , trying t o gues s tomor row's weathe r s o w e ca n carr y umbrellas or sunglasses . The rea l reaso n we reflec t o n th e future , I suspect , i s not t o contro l it , bu t t o giv e our selves roo m i n the presen t t o thin k abou t wha t we are doing . The futur e extend s our tempora l horizons muc h like traveling broadens ou r spatia l perspective . Livin g briefl y i n a n imaginar y world o f th e future help s u s see better wha t w e like an d dislik e abou t ou r ow n world . Fantasizing abou t th e perso n w e would lik e t o becom e o r th e caree r we hope t o hav e o r th e grandchildre n w e desir e i s a way t o tak e stoc k o f where w e ar e now . W e ma y decid e t o d o nothin g differently . W e ma y take som e step s t o redirec t ou r course . O r w e ma y simpl y com e awa y refreshed i n our thinking . Thinking abou t the Christian' s plac e in the nex t centur y shoul d be done i n thi s way too . Th e ide a is not t o identif y a crisis i n the yea r 205 8 that th e churc h shoul d begi n plannin g for. It i s to plac e our thinkin g in a ne w tempora l dimension , an d t o d o s o (don' t w e think thi s wa y anyway?) consciously. Tha t is , we nee d t o conside r th e challenge s ahead, asking abou t th e directio n o f presen t trends, lookin g a t wha t w e hav e and what w e want , an d the n b y considerin g th e future , asses s bette r wher e our presen t energies shoul d lie. The challenge s ahead , even as we can envision them now , ar e almos t too numerou s t o mention . A t thi s moment, i t appear s that th e AID S epidemic ma y well challenge th e resource s an d imaginatio n not onl y of th e church, not onl y of the Unite d States , bu t o f the entir e world. This epidemic coul d prove , a s som e predict , t o b e a s catastrophi c fo r moder n

Introduction: The Future in the Present 5

civilization a s the plague s tha t sprea d acros s Europ e a t th e en d o f th e Middle Age s wer e fo r tha t era . Medica l science , however , ma y yield results tha t wil l forestal l tha t gri m possibility . Environmenta l pollution , including suc h devastatin g phenomen a a s acid rain, global warming, an d the depletio n o f th e ozon e layer , surel y is a problem o f suc h grea t magnitude a t the present tha t churc h leaders must become even more actively engaged i n th e struggl e agains t it . Internationa l treatie s an d th e devel opment o f environmentally sound technologie s may , however, reduce the seriousness o f thi s threat i n the future . Th e danger s posed b y capabilities for th e productio n o f nuclea r weapons , especiall y a s thes e capabilities spread throughout the world, constitut e a challenge of enormous gravity. Predictions fo r the nex t century that focu s o n populatio n dynamic s alone point towar d anothe r se t o f wrenchin g lif e issues : poverty , starvation , land use , employment, t o nam e only a few. Problems o f this kind merit careful, foresighted , predictive, and eval uative inquiries . Non e o f the m ma y b e solve d (o r eve n effectivel y ad dressed) primaril y b y th e church , an d ye t the y rais e fundamenta l questions abou t ethics , socia l justice, morality, an d spirituality that peopl e of faith canno t ignore . Fo r al l their importance , th e social , political , eco nomic, medical , an d technologica l challenge s that newscaster s and scien tists ar e projectin g fo r th e twenty-firs t century may, however, be' secondary t o th e question s wit h whic h peopl e o f fait h shoul d b e concerned . They ma y be secondary, not becaus e they are any less important i n terms of th e huma n need s the y present , bu t becaus e the abilit y to mee t thes e (and other ) need s wil l depen d o n peopl e o f fait h knowin g th e strength s and limitation s o f the churc h itself and their plac e in the worl d a s Christians. Or , pu t differently , Christianit y i n the Unite d State s will face challenges o f it s ow n tha t wil l hav e t o b e addressed , bot h fo r it s ow n sak e and fo r th e sak e of it s rol e in society . What ar e thes e challenges ? One se t o f issue s tha t warran t attentio n perhaps mor e urgentl y tha n an y other s arise s fro m th e fac t tha t th e Christian's plac e ha s alway s bee n linke d historicall y wit h th e churc h a s an institution . Thi s connectio n ha s become greatl y attenuated fo r a large number o f peopl e durin g th e cours e o f th e pas t century . Perhap s a t n o time i n histor y hav e individual s bee n mor e insisten t tha t the y ca n b e spiritual withou t th e church , tha t the y ca n follo w thei r ow n conscienc e and develo p thei r "persona l faith " i n a way tha t i s uniquely theirs. Fo r those who , i n consequence , hav e severe d al l ties wit h institutiona l reli gion, it may seem strange t o suggest tha t th e challenges facing the church as a n institution deserv e to p billing . An d ye t mos t o f u s kno w tha t lif e never proceed s withou t institutions. 1 Peopl e d o no t expec t t o gover n themselves withou t politica l institutions ; the y canno t ear n thei r liveli hoods withou t economi c institutions ; the y eve n canno t participat e i n thei r "private" leisure activities, suc h a s reading books, playing golf, or watching television without th e benefi t o f social institutions. Religiou s lif e shoul d

6 Introduction:


be no different . Thos e who pursu e spirituality apart from involvemen t in specific churche s o r synagogue s nevertheles s depen d heavil y on th e fac t that thes e institutions exist . For clerg y an d othe r churc h leaders , mention o f th e importanc e o f institutional challenge s facin g the churc h will undoubtedly strike a reso nant chord . Question s abou t churc h finances, whether th e membershi p of certain denomination s i s rising o r declining , ho w t o star t ne w churches, and ho w t o operat e effectiv e program s wil l immediately come t o mind . Church planner s hav e had a good dea l to sa y on thes e subject s in recen t years. Thei r advic e will have to b e tailored i n the year s ahead to particu lar fait h communitie s face d wit h suc h immediat e challenge s a s turnove r in leadership , constructing ne w facilities , o r meetin g the need s of a n aging clientele . Behin d al l thes e specifi c issues , however , th e proble m o f community itsel f will remain fundamental. If th e churc h i s unable to pro vide community , non e o f thes e othe r programmati c concern s wil l mak e very muc h difference , for the communit y abov e all , as Karl Rahne r has observed, "i s the visibl e sign of salvation that Go d ha s established in thi s seemingly godless world." 2 Community i s on e o f thos e buz z word s (lik e "meaning " o r "rele vance" ) that w e should b e wary of using . Study afte r stud y suggests tha t people i n ou r societ y ar e searchin g fo r community . Th e nee d fo r "be longing" has com e t o b e identifie d as one o f th e primar y function s that religious institution s ca n fulfill . Member s o f th e clerg y preac h sermo n upon sermon , admonishin g believer s to find community withi n th e church. But wha t doe s al l this mean ? Wha t wil l it mea n i n the year s ahead? The churc h ha s evolve d ove r th e pas t centur y t o th e poin t tha t i t actually provides (o r tries to provide ) community in several distinct ways. We nee d t o understan d th e churc h i n term s o f thes e differen t kind s o f community. W e als o nee d t o understan d ho w communit y i s bein g re shaped b y the diversity , th e individualism , and th e voluntaris m that ha s become s o prominent i n American culture. 3 I n th e year s ahead, diversity and th e possibilitie s fo r individua l choic e tha t i t present s wil l b e eve n greater tha n i t i s today. African-America n churches, Latino churches , Asian churches, megachurches , an d whol e ne w denomination s wil l al l be par t of th e religiou s landscape. 4 Th e questio n o f communit y cut s acros s al l these various denominational, ethnic , and doctrinal forms. 5 Understanding community , therefore , i s on e o f th e challenge s de serving carefu l attention . I t i s importan t i n par t becaus e communit y i s the wa y in which the churc h get s thing s done . I n th e mos t instrumenta l terms, involvin g peopl e i n warm , carin g communitie s i s a good wa y t o enlist the m i n th e activitie s of the churc h an d t o motivat e the m t o giv e generously t o th e church . Most religiou s leaders , however, woul d den y that community i s important fo r instrumental reason s alone. They woul d argue correctl y tha t communit y itsel f is important. I t embodie s th e rela tional characte r of th e divine , providing a tangible vehicle for th e mani festation o f divine love.


There i s one othe r reason why communit y i s fundamental, however: it i s the basi s even of th e individual' s identity . W e discove r ou r identit y as w e interac t wit h othe r people . Mos t communitie s exis t prio r t o us , and i n thi s sens e ar e alread y ther e a s potentia l source s fro m whic h w e can deriv e ou r identity . I f religiou s identit y i s t o b e significan t to th e individual, i t mus t b e developed i n relatio n t o som e community . T o b e able t o spea k of th e "Christian " a s having any place at al l in th e twenty first centur y i s thu s t o rais e fundamenta l question s abou t th e source — and continuin g possibilities—of this identity. A second se t of challenges that deserv e serious consideratio n focuse s on wha t might b e termed th e "ethical " dimension o f faith. A s much a s it may b e abou t belief , an d a s much a s it ma y b e abou t experience , Christianity is also about how t o live . Fo r th e individual , the questio n o f how to liv e impose s itsel f forcefully o n a continuing basis . Fo r th e churc h as institution, th e questio n i s equally important, if only because individuals look t o i t fo r ethica l guidance. Lik e the institutiona l challenge s just considered, ethica l challenges ca n immediately b e translate d into al l sorts o f specific questions : wha t t o thin k abou t birth control , whethe r abortio n is morall y wron g o r morall y neutral , ho w Christian s shoul d compor t themselves i n th e workplace , what th e bes t curriculu m would b e fo r in structing youn g peopl e ho w t o thin k ethically , an d s o on . Bu t again , there i s a n eve n mor e fundamenta l questio n tha t cut s acros s al l thes e specific issues : How i s ethical behavio r of an y kind cultivated? This questio n pose s a challenge to peopl e o f fait h fo r th e followin g reasons. First , i t seem s clea r tha t th e abilit y to mak e informe d ethica l decisions an d t o liv e ou t thes e decision s i s a mor e pressin g nee d no w than eve r before . Second , i t i s equally clear tha t simple , straightforward rules for deciding how t o liv e have for the most par t fallen int o question ; even those wh o insis t there ar e such rule s admi t difficult y i n convincin g others o f their correctness. And third, th e whole question of how best t o transmit value s or to cultivat e habits of moral reasoning has been opene d up ane w in recent years. There i s much wisdom i n the Christia n tradition itsel f about ho w t o nurture the ethica l life . Specia l significance, for example, has always bee n attached t o th e rol e of parents in teaching an d setting a pattern fo r thei r children. Bu t i t i s als o eviden t tha t fo r man y peopl e parent s n o longe r can b e counte d o n t o serv e in thes e ways . It ha s als o bee n emphasized, at leas t implicitly, tha t peopl e learne d bes t b y listening to storie s an d by relating thes e storie s t o thei r persona l experience . Bu t ho w ca n this b e done i n a "multicultured" society ? How ca n storie s communicat e effec tively when share d experienc e has becom e fragmented , lik e s o many shards of a broken urn ? These ar e among the question s that pos e a special challenge for th e futur e transmission o f ethical values. A thir d se t o f issue s raises a challenge in th e are a of doctrine . Som e might prefe r t o cal l it the proble m o f belief. But to cas t it in those term s is t o capitulat e t o th e privatized , subjectiv e orientation tha t ha s bee n s o

8 Introduction:


roundly criticize d in recent decades. Doctrine connotes a body of systematic religious insight , rathe r than a purely eclectic assemblage of persona l opinions. I t als o suggest s (again ) th e importanc e o f th e churc h a s a n institution, fo r doctrin e i s generall y regarded a s a set o f "teachings " associated wit h a religiou s community . T o spea k o f doctrin e i s eve n t o imply some standard of truth, an d some obligation to abide by this truth, whereas belie f is entirely relative. The poin t o f talkin g abou t doctrin e i n the presen t instance , however , i s primaril y to suggest—b y us e o f thi s problematic term—tha t th e challenge s ahea d wil l includ e fundamental definitional question s themselves . The challeng e of doctrine will , of course , include dee p debate s over certai n conteste d truths , bu t i t wil l als o focus on wha t we mean by such term s as doctrine, truth, an d belief in the first place. To fac e thi s challeng e i t wil l b e necessar y to buil d o n som e o f th e insights produce d ove r th e pas t century abou t th e relationship s betwee n religious doctrin e an d socia l conditions. I t migh t see m t o som e reader s that thi s i s a peculia r suggestion t o make . Surel y th e insight s tha t hav e emerged i n social theory since the lat e nineteenth centur y have been concerned mainly wit h "explainin g away" the tenets of religious faith, rather than shorin g u p ou r understandin g o f thos e tenets . Bu t t o mak e tha t assumption i s to accep t an outdated conceptio n o f Marx and other socia l theorists o f hi s era . Recen t wor k i n th e socia l sciences—say, tha t occur ring sinc e the middl e 19605—ha s bee n muc h more positiv e i n it s overall stance towar d religion . Whil e assuming , perhap s more s o than som e be lievers woul d wis h to , tha t religiou s orientation s ar e always to som e de gree shape d b y thei r socia l environments, thi s wor k ha s als o move d be yond earlie r reductionist approache s tha t sa w religio n a s nothing but a reflection o f its environment. Leadin g socia l theorists suc h a s Robert N . Bellah, Peter L . Berger, Andrew M. Greeley , Paul Ricoeur, Clifford Geertz , Jiirgen Habermas , an d Nikla s Luhmann , t o mentio n onl y a few , hav e adopted a hermeneuti c epistemolog y tha t relativize s earlier "positivist " assumptions an d gives greater weight t o th e forc e o f truth itself. Working largel y fro m th e outsid e (tha t is , no t takin g a particula r confessional traditio n fo r grante d a t th e start) , social theorists hav e con tributed importantl y t o ou r understandin g of religious doctrin e b y demonstrating it s functional importance i n th e live s o f individual s and fo r en tire societies . One o f thei r mos t valuabl e insights ha s bee n t o recogniz e the huma n nee d fo r meaning . Thi s commonplac e observation , i t turn s out, ha s opene d u p a n importan t plac e fo r argument s abou t religion , chiefly becaus e the ques t fo r meanin g ca n easil y b e shown t o rais e questions requirin g som e conceptio n o f th e transcenden t o r holisti c dimen sion o f existence . Preserving and buildin g o n thi s insigh t wil l b e an important ste p towar d meetin g th e doctrina l challenge s o f th e future , especially becaus e these wil l increasingly be forged in th e contex t o f pluralistic and privatize d cultura l assumptions . What i s perhaps most puzzlin g about th e trajector y o f religious doc -


trine a t th e popula r leve l i n th e Unite d State s durin g th e pas t centur y is the continuin g vitality of fundamentalism. Th e sprea d of modernity throug h higher education , scienc e an d technology , urbanization , mas s commu nications, an d internationa l awarenes s was assume d t o b e a force agains t which fundamentalis t religiou s orientation s coul d no t lon g survive. 6 I f anything, though , fundamentalism ha s become more prominent i n recent decades. I t i s b y n o mean s th e religiou s orientatio n o f a majorit y of th e American population . An d ye t i t raise s tw o question s tha t ar e central t o any consideration o f the plac e of the Christia n in the twenty-firs t century . First, wha t wil l th e futur e of fundamentalis m itself be? Whether on e i s a fundamentalist o r a n enem y o f fundamentalism , thi s questio n deserve s serious attention . I t doe s s o chiefl y becaus e fundamentalis m at presen t appears t o embod y exceptiona l energy , o r power , t o shap e th e futur e Insofar a s fundamentalis m i s a stron g carrie r o f th e languag e o f Chris tianity, o f the publi c identity o f what i t means t o b e "Christian," under standing it s futur e i s als o necessar y i n an} - attemp t t o recko n wit h th e public perception s o f Christianity . Second , wha t doe s fundamentalis m tell u s abou t th e broade r socia l force s shapin g religio n i n th e Unite d States? Viewe d thi s way , fundamentalis m ca n b e take n a s a cas e study , less of interes t i n it s ow n righ t tha n a s a way o f teasing ou t th e comple x effects o f social , economic , an d politica l development s i n America n soci ety. Fundamentalist s themselve s woul d nee d t o understan d thes e effect s in tryin g t o mee t th e challenge s thei r churche s will fac e i n th e year s ahead . But othe r religiou s groups—moderat e an d libera l Protestants , Roma n Catholics, pentecostalists , African-America n churches , amon g others—ca n also b e understood bette r b y extrapolating from the relationship s that are becoming eviden t i n ou r societ y betwee n fundamentalis m and it s socia l environment. These question s ma y appea r overl y abstract , bu t the y als o bea r di rectly o n a n importan t practica l matter: wil l fundamentalist s set the agend a for America n Christianit y i n th e twenty-firs t century? If tha t seem s a remote possibilit y t o som e readers , i t migh t b e wel l to remembe r tha t th e fundamentalist-modernist controvers y aros e onl y i n th e wanin g year s of the nineteent h centur y an d ye t manage d t o se t the ton e o f muc h o f th e debate tha t ha s characterized America n Protestantis m eve r since . Amon g Roman Catholics , th e conservativ e postur e tha t emerge d i n papa l pro nouncements i n the sam e period ha s also continued t o b e a shaping forc e during muc h o f th e intervenin g period . Thos e fact s alon e rais e seriou s questions abou t th e futur e o f religiou s liberalis m in ou r society . Wha t will it s rol e i n th e nex t centur y be ? Ho w stron g a role , fo r bette r o r worse, ca n i t play ? The mai n challenge facin g religious liberal s is whether the y wil l con tinue t o le t fundamentalists set their agenda fo r them. Wil l they continu e to serv e mainl y as a countcrvoice, offerin g a haven for thos e wh o d o no t wish t o b e considered fundamentalists ? Wil l they postur e themselve s mainly in oppositio n t o th e evil s of dogmatis m an d rigidit y tha t the y envision

io Introduction:

Th e Future in the Present

in fundamentalism ? Or wil l the y i n som e wa y b e abl e t o ris e abov e th e challenge presente d fro m fundamentalists , chatting a n orthogonal cours e based o n a n independen t visio n o f wh o the y ar e an d wha t the y ca n be? Some sign s poin t i n a hopeful direction , an d ye t th e declinin g memberships o f man y libera l denominations , th e fisca l problem s tha t hav e accompanied thi s decline , and th e seemin g failur e o f many of their favore d programs continu e t o sugges t caution . A fourt h se t o f distinc t challenge s arise s whe n th e publi c rol e o f Christianity i s considered. Thes e migh t b e calle d political challenge s be cause the y emerg e primaril y fro m th e effort s b y people o f fait h t o influ ence government policies . These efforts , i n turn, ten d t o b e shaped con siderably b y government' s respons e an d b y the "rule s o f th e game " tha t must b e followe d i n attemptin g t o relat e t o government . I t ha s becom e widely accepte d i n recen t year s tha t th e contour s o f America n religio n are increasingl y characterize d i n th e publi c real m alon g a continuu m fro m religious liberalis m to religiou s conservatism . Often, moreover , thi s con tinuum ha s becom e polarize d t o th e exten t tha t onl y thos e o n th e ex treme lef t o r th e extrem e righ t hav e prevaile d in the publi c arena . Thus , it ha s appeare d t o man y observer s tha t th e basi c line s o f division , th e lines identifyin g fello w believer s a s friend s o r foes , wer e increasingl y bein g determined b y th e rif t betwee n liberal s and conservatives . Thi s rift , in deed, has rise n i n importanc e t o th e poin t tha t i t often overshadow s th e traditional membershi p categorie s tha t hav e place d peopl e i n communi ties identifie d by denominational labels . Some observer s hav e gon e s o fa r a s to sugges t tha t denomination s themselves ar e a thin g o f th e past . Nothin g coul d b e furthe r fro m th e truth. Th e evidenc e collecte d i n stud y afte r stud y ove r th e pas t severa l decades show s tha t peopl e continu e t o us e denominationa l label s whe n asked t o stat e thei r religiou s preference , the vas t majorit y of American s still hol d membershi p i n particula r denominationa l o r confessiona l bod ies, and these organizations remai n the primar y credentialing agencies for clergy, conduc t th e officia l busines s o f associate d clerg y an d members , take i n vast sum s of money, an d operat e program s rangin g fro m primary schools an d day-car e center s t o retiremen t home s an d cemeteries . De nominational an d confessiona l bodie s ar e likely t o remai n influentia l in the religiou s politic s o f th e future . An d ye t thei r influenc e mus t als o b e considered i n the contex t o f the divid e that ha s emerged betwee n liberals and conservatives. The curren t conflic t betwee n religiou s liberal s and religiou s conser vatives i s itsel f a challeng e fo r th e future . Wil l Christian s increasingl y embarrass themselve s b y fightin g wit h eac h other i n public ? I n thei r ef forts t o influenc e th e publi c aren a wil l the y increasingl y give ove r au thority to secula r institutions becaus e they themselves can reach no agreement? Wil l cor e teaching s abou t love , forgiveness , fellowship , an d redemption b e the mai n casualties of the battle s bein g waged ove r particular publi c policies?

Introduction: The Future m the Present n

This conflict also poses a more immediat e challenge : who i s likely t o win? Wha t resource s ca n b e mobilize d o n eac h sid e t o ensur e it s ow n victory and the defea t o f its enemies? Will the resul t be passage of certain legislative bills , changes in Suprem e Court rulings , the electio n o f a new breed o f officials ? Moreover , wha t i f one sid e win s an d th e othe r loses ? What then ? Wil l the wa r b e over? O r wil l other issue s emerge t o perpet uate it? Definitive answer s can seldo m b e foun d fo r an y o f thes e questions . But askin g the m remain s important becaus e it force s u s t o thin k mor e carefully abou t th e natur e o f religio n i n America n politics. Lesson s ca n be learned , even from event s i n th e recen t past , about th e strength s an d weaknesses tha t peopl e o f fait h brin g with the m a s they tr y t o influenc e public affairs . I n part , thes e hav e t o d o wit h circumstance s beyond th e control o f an y particula r religious organization . Ther e ar e processe s a t work i n th e wide r societ y tha t mak e opportunities , bu t als o limi t what religious group s ca n do . I n part , peopl e o f fait h mus t als o b e awar e of what th e publi c realm itsel f entails. There ar e perhap s way s o f winnin g in the publi c arena that have been little recognized t o date . If Christianity is t o hav e a continuing plac e i n America n society , i t wil l surel y hav e t o become mor e awar e of its possibilitie s for influencin g th e publi c arena. A final set o f challenge s that warrant s special attentio n concern s th e personal live s o f believer s themselves. Despit e th e accusation s tha t ar e frequently hear d abou t American s bein g greedy , shallow , an d focuse d only o n themselves , muc h evidenc e suggest s tha t peopl e fo r th e mos t part stil l want t o b e good. The y wan t t o d o wha t i s right, the y want t o contribute positivel y towar d th e goo d o f th e world , the y wan t t o rais e their childre n t o lea d happy and productiv e lives. The impac t o f the Judeo Christian heritage is evident well beyond religiou s institutions themselve s in man y o f thes e concerns . Idea s abou t carin g for others , abou t respon sibilities toward one' s famil y an d one's community, abou t ethic s and personal moralit y reflec t th e fac t tha t America n societ y i s stil l ver y muc h a product o f it s religious past . Fo r peopl e o f faith , i t i s often a s difficult t o decide thes e matter s a s it i s for peopl e wh o clai m no interes t i n religio n or spirituality . Bu t th e issue s ar e ofte n mor e pressing , i f onl y becaus e religious communitie s provid e a mean s fo r attendin g t o the m con sciously. These persona l challenge s occu r primaril y i n th e relationship s be tween individua l behavio r and the cultural contexts shaping it. There are, it seem s t o me , thre e issue s i n particula r that wil l increasingl y be face d by peopl e o f fait h i n ou r society , whethe r the y ar e blac k or white , His panic o r Anglo , Catholi c o r Protestant , femal e o r male . Eac h o f thes e issues reflect s on e o f th e dominan t cultura l trend s i n ou r society , an d each i n tur n raise s special questions abou t wha t i t mean s t o b e a Christian i n the contemporar y world . If ther e i s one featur e of contemporar y cultur e tha t w e ca n b e sure will becom e eve n mor e pronounce d i n th e future , tha t featur e i s its di -

12 Introduction:

Th e Future i n th e Present

versity. I n th e past , immigratio n ha s added ethni c diversity , regiona l mi gration ha s create d geographi c subcultures , racia l division s hav e rein forced thei r ow n kin d of diversity , and religiou s tradition s hav e fostere d another laye r o f cultura l variety . In th e future , man y o f thes e histori c forms o f diversit y wil l continue , bu t thei r importanc e wil l hav e t o b e understood i n relatio n t o a hos t o f ne w factor s a s well . Th e Spanish speaking populatio n o f th e Unite d State s wil l increase significantly. Im migrants fro m Asi a will also become more numerous. Subculture s forge d along line s of gender o r sexua l preference have emerged an d ar e likely to continue t o b e important. New religiou s cults and sects have proliferated in recen t decades. These an d othe r source s o f cultura l diversity will greatly increase th e significanc e o f question s abou t persona l identity . Wha t a m I? O f wha t communit y a m I a member? How a m I unique ? How a m I different? Thes e question s wil l increasingl y b e aske d b y childre n an d teenagers, an d the y wil l probabl y b e aske d repeatedl y a s adult s mov e through th e lif e cycle . For thos e intereste d i n religious faith, these ques tions wil l als o provok e quandarie s fo r th e futur e o f fait h itself . With al l religious communitie s i n flux, can religion provid e a significant source o f identity? I s i t possibl e tha t peopl e wil l simply derive their identit y fro m the mass media and from th e marketplace ? Will that forge a new, perhaps stronger sens e of national identity ? O r wil l something importan t b e lost? Besides diversity, American culture appear s likely to b e characterized increasingly b y materialism . The consume r cultur e i s already evident i n nearly ever y corner o f our lives . Peopl e ar e working harde r jus t t o kee p up, partl y becaus e the y fee l the y nee d th e materia l amenities o f a com fortable life . Durin g mos t o f th e pas t centur y th e America n Drea m ha s defined th e meanin g o f work an d of materia l success. Many middle-class Americans hav e done reasonabl y well i n realizin g this dream . I n th e fu ture i t ma y become increasingl y difficult fo r youn g peopl e t o attai n th e material prosperit y the y desire . But tha t ma y cause them onl y t o tr y all the harder . A t th e sam e time , th e problem s o f th e need y an d disadvan taged ar e likel y t o becom e eve n mor e severe . The ol d question s abou t God an d mammon , abou t wealt h an d injustice , therefore , wil l appea r even mor e forcefully . Wha t shoul d th e responsibilitie s o f middle-clas s Christians be ? Can th e churche s challenge the m t o tak e thes e responsi bilities seriously ? The othe r featur e o f America n cultur e tha t wil l continu e t o b e o f special importanc e i n th e futur e i s it s emphasi s o n educationa l attain ment. I n the past, educatio n ha s been one of the primary ways of movin g up th e ladde r of prestige, power , an d income. A s more and more peopl e have attaine d highe r education , th e tension s betwee n th e cultur e o f colleges an d universitie s and th e cultur e o f the churche s have often becom e more acute. Is it possible at all, some have asked, for knowledge an d fait h to coexist ? In th e future , thi s questio n mus t b e taken seriously . Despit e widespread criticism s a t presen t o f th e America n higher-educatio n sys tem, thi s syste m wil l continue t o exercis e vast influence i n th e cultur e a t

Introduction: Th e Future in th e Present 1

3

large. Wil l i t b e possibl e fo r individual s t o pla y a n activ e par t i n thi s system, a s students , professors , o r a s informe d alumni , an d stil l retai n their identit y a s Christians? Are there answers, truths, dogma s tha t Chris tians mus t defen d against th e onslaugh t o f relativism and skepticis m tha t seems t o b e s o muc h a par t o f th e educationa l system ? O r mus t th e relationship betwee n fait h an d knowledg e becom e eve n mor e comple x than i t i s now? These ar e th e challenges—institutional , ethical , doctrinal , political , and cultural—with which th e presen t boo k is concerned. They cu t across different fait h traditions , denominations , ethni c groups , an d sector s o f the population . The y compris e th e foundationa l issue s that mus t b e considered eve n before more specifi c forecast s can be made and befor e attention ca n be turned b y religious bodie s t o th e formulatio n of specific pro grams an d plans . The basi c argument o f thi s boo k i s that th e challenge s ahea d ca n be met mos t effectivel y b y understandin g th e underlyin g framework s guid ing th e way s i n whic h w e thin k abou t thes e challenges . Certai n para digms shap e our thinkin g al l the time . They gro w ou t o f our experiences of th e past . The y becom e implici t models , assumption s abou t ho w th e world works , tha t w e projec t int o th e future . The y limi t bot h ou r gras p of the problem s ahea d an d ou r visio n of how t o respon d t o thes e prob lems. W e ca n neve r full y escap e thes e paradigms . Bu t w e ca n becom e more consciou s o f the m and , i n doin g so , gai n th e abilit y t o criticiz e them and , whe n necessary , t o mov e beyon d them . The ide a of a n underlyin g paradig m or framewor k of assumption s is actually less mysterious than it ma y seem a t first glance. I t i s true that w e make man y assumption s abou t th e worl d an d tha t w e ar e seldo m con scious o f thes e assumptions . Bu t i t i s als o tru e tha t man y o f thes e as sumptions tak e shap e withi n a kin d o f space tha t i s availabl e t o u s b y virtue o f th e languag e w e us e an d th e categorie s i n whic h w e think . B y becoming mor e awar e of even a few of these categories, w e can begin t o free ourselve s t o thin k mor e creativel y and criticall y abou t them. 7 Whe n I suggeste d earlier , fo r example , that th e futur e open s u p a space in which to thin k abou t th e present , I wa s pointing t o precisel y this kin d o f self consciousness. Presen t an d future are indeed categories i n which to fram e our thinking . B y contrasting th e presen t an d som e visio n of th e future , we open u p a space in which to thin k reflectively abou t ou r lives . In th e chapter s tha t follow , i t wil l becom e eviden t tha t ther e are , i n my view , fou r set s o f opposin g categorie s tha t currentl y frame muc h o f our thinkin g abou t th e natur e o f th e worl d an d o f th e rol e o f faith : individual an d community , diversit y and uniformity , liberalis m and con servatism, an d publi c an d private . Eac h o f thes e pair s creates a kin d o f space i n which we ca n think abou t th e present . Eac h one als o provides a framework that , fo r bette r o r worse , raise s certai n question s a s we thin k about th e future . Fo r example , "community " suggest s tha t w e nee d t o think abou t the way s in whic h religiou s peopl e wil l band together , wha t

14 Introduction:

Th e Future i n the Present

the nature of community will actually be, how strong it will be, and what it implie s abou t equall y strong force s suc h a s the individual' s ques t fo r personal identit y an d th e nee d fo r self-reliance . "Diversity " i s a category that suggest s a tension wit h peopl e needin g o r wantin g t o b e the same , searching fo r agreemen t an d commo n ground ; i t als o raise s question s about th e scope , nature , an d functionin g o f a pluralit y of group s an d cultural styles. "Liberalism" an d "conservatism" (o r related concepts such as "fundamentalism" ) sugges t anothe r polarity . Muc h o f ou r thinkin g about religio n a t presen t ca n be organized i n terms of this polarity . Bu t with wha t consequences ? What exist s in th e middle ? How wil l this po larity be defined in the future ? Ho w wil l it interact with other categories , such a s "diversity" o r "community" ? Th e sam e i s tru e o f "public " an d "private." Religion exist s in th e publi c life o f ou r societ y an d i n th e pri vate lives of individuals . At each extreme, certain problems arise, such as the relativ e salience of fait h i n compariso n wit h secula r influences. Together, th e tw o als o rais e question s abou t ho w th e on e relate s to th e other. A poin t tha t require s particular clarity, therefore, is that thes e categories are not merel y binar y opposites, mutually exclusiv e concepts, like "yes" an d "no" o r "good" and "bad." Instead, they function in our think ing to ancho r th e end s of a continuum, t o poin t i n opposing direction s (like "north" and "south"), but , i n s o doing, to provid e a wide concep tual spac e i n between . M y argumen t i s tha t ou r thinkin g i s frame d b y these concepts , bu t remain s fre e t o roa m ove r a rathe r wid e territor y made possible by their existence. But wha t constitutes thi s territory? My argumen t i s that it i s constituted primaril y by stories . Everyon e knows tha t w e mak e sense o f th e past b y tellin g stories . I suspec t w e mak e sense of th e futur e b y tellin g those storie s a s well. They sugges t certai n connections, perhap s a temporal sequence, even a n unfolding of events that we believe will occur i n the sam e way agai n in th e future . I t ma y see m that thes e storie s funda mentally defy an y categorization o r analysis . We simply describe our pas t and dra w implication s for th e future . That , however , i s too simplisti c a view. Storie s themselve s ar e highl y structured . The y tak e plac e withi n certain frameworks. They revea l the oute r boundarie s of our thinkin g by taking fo r granted , fo r example , that individual s stand i n tensio n wit h communities o r tha t liberal s an d conservative s are locke d i n battle . I n other words, storie s ar e told fro m withi n the spac e define d b y opposing categories suc h as the ones I have just enumerated. But then storie s als o show ho w specifi c peopl e o r group s i n specifi c situation s carve d out a clearing i n th e wilderness , helping those individual s or group s t o con struct a habitat, and guiding the m in relating to thei r surroundings. It i s for this reason that I emphasize stories repeatedly in the following chapters . I try to sho w ho w people tell stories, for example, to guid e their ethica l behavior, and tha t the y als o tel l storie s abou t thei r stories ; in othe r words , narrative s often contai n second-orde r narratives that tell

Introduction: Th e Future i n th e Present 1

5

us ho w t o understan d them . Som e o f th e storie s ar e one s tha t peopl e have tol d me , an d I repea t the m her e to giv e a more concret e flavor to the arguments , bu t als o to ad d nuance and to illustrat e how a particular individual migh t appl y them. Som e o f th e storie s als o com e fro m m y own experience. I tell them to sensitize the reader to my own frameworks and assumptions . I n th e end , though , th e presen t boo k i s not primarily a boo k o f stories , bu t a n analysi s of th e presen t contour s o f American religion an d th e implication s of thes e fo r th e future . Th e analysis , th e stories, an d th e reflection s raise d b y thes e analyse s abou t th e wa y w e think ar e interwoven. What d o I hav e t o contribut e t o thi s process ? I t shoul d b e evident from wha t I hav e already sai d tha t I mak e n o pretension s t o havin g a crystal bal l wit h whic h t o predic t th e future . Th e huma n science s have advanced considerabl y during th e pas t century , bu t the y seldo m predic t accurately whethe r th e stoc k marke t wil l ris e o r fall , le t alon e whe n a revolution i s going to tak e place or wha t the timin g of the next religious revival wil l be . Sinc e their inceptio n i n th e nineteent h century , though , the huma n science s hav e bee n a t th e ver y cente r o f though t abou t th e character o f social change. There has been muc h winnowin g in this process. Most o f the grea t scenarios once envisione d for the gran d ballroo m of history have been set aside by serious student s of social theory. Atten tion ha s shifte d t o mor e modes t question s tha t ca n b e addresse d wit h real information collecte d fro m rea l people. In th e pas t fe w decade s a grea t dea l o f suc h informatio n has bee n gathered abou t virtuall y all aspects of American religion. Opinio n polls , reporting ho w man y peopl e believ e in Go d o r atten d religiou s service s or pra y before meals, can b e foun d in nearl y an y day's newspaper . With the accumulatio n o f suc h polls , tren d line s ca n b e charted , helpin g t o suggest wha t the characte r of religion i n the futur e ma y be. Studies hav e also examined the inne r workings of new religious movements, old established religiou s organizations , an d al l th e variation s i n between . Thes e studies hel p us understand what aspects of these entities may endure int o the nex t century. It woul d tak e a book muc h longer tha n th e present on e to serv e up everything tha t migh t b e helpfu l fo r considerin g th e futur e o f American religion. Besides , there ar e textbooks an d well-documented referenc e volumes tha t ca n b e consulte d fo r tha t purpose. 8 M y intentio n her e i s different. Havin g spen t th e pas t quarte r centur y readin g thi s literature , teaching it, and producing m y share of it, I am still frequently disconten t with th e reflectio n available on wha t it all means. As an individual participant i n th e grea t experimen t w e cal l Christianity, I als o fin d mysel f engaged in my own process o f interpretation, wantin g to understand bette r the change s i t i s experiencing and th e challenge s i t i s facing. Some reader s will probably find it strang e fo r a book t o b e writte n by a social scientist wit h a particular confessional tradition a s its primary concern an d th e member s o f that traditio n a s its primary audience. Cer -

16 Introduction:

Th e Future i n th e Present

tainly i t ha s bee n commo n fo r scholarshi p to b e frame d i n th e wides t possible terms . Looking towar d th e future, would i t not the n mak e mor e sense to tal k about fait h i n the abstract, rather than focus o n Christianity? Some o f my argument can perhaps be extended well beyond Christianit y in th e Unite d States . Bu t i t does see m to m e that confessiona l traditions also mak e continuin g sense : the y wil l remai n importan t consideration s to th e definitio n o f religiou s institution s an d t o th e live s o f individuals of faith, an d the y wil l inform the perspective s of academician s as well. The opportunit y t o begi n turnin g thes e persona l rumination s int o more systemati c reflections came when I wa s asked to presen t th e Ston e Lectures at Princeto n Theologica l Seminary . I decide d at tha t tim e to begin devotin g seriou s attention t o the question o f what Christianity and the churc h might b e lik e i n th e nex t century . Through variou s research projects i n whic h I hav e bee n engaged , I hav e als o bee n abl e t o secur e information t o hel p i n thes e reflections , especiall y from interview s wit h individual churc h members an d pastors , fro m opinio n surveys , and fro m conferences an d symposia . Much o f thi s wor k wa s assisted b y grant s fro m the Lill y Endowmen t an d th e Pe w Charitabl e Trust s an d wa s nurture d in interaction wit h colleague s and students associate d wit h th e Center fo r the Stud y o f American Religio n a t Princeto n University . Had th e nex t millenniu m started a century or tw o earlier , we woul d have likel y fel t mor e confiden t i n makin g broa d pronouncement s abou t the nature of the future . I f the twentieth centur y has taught u s one thing, it i s t o b e skeptica l of suc h pronouncements . Th e futur e i s no w some thing, lik e ourselves , tha t w e thin k abou t i n nuance d an d multifacete d terms. I t take s stories fo r u s to conceiv e of it at all, and thes e storie s cas t light fro m a variet y of angles , ofte n throug h th e mirro r o f ou r ow n ex perience.

I Institutional Challenges : Community, Identity , and the Rol e of the Church


1 Church and Culture

In th e earl y year s o f th e twentiet h century , a prominen t Frenc h schola r penned th e concludin g line s t o a boo k h e ha d worke d o n fo r nearl y fifteen years and sen t the manuscrip t off to b e published. That sam e year, a smal l group o f Germa n immigrant s lai d the fina l bric k i n a large two story structur e tha t ros e magnificentl y agains t the prairi e sky of a lonely Kansas town. Differen t a s they were, both effort s spran g from a common source.l The Frenc h schola r wa s Emil e Durkheim , on e o f th e founder s o f modern sociology ; his book , The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. 2 The Germa n immigrant s wer e a community o f farmers , uproote d a generation befor e by the conscriptio n laws in their homeland, now relocate d after severa l intermediate stops alon g th e rai l arterie s that linke d Kansas wheat field s wit h worl d markets . Thei r ne w bric k structure : a Baptis t church. In both , a central question was at issue: the church and its changing cultural location . Momentous chang e ha s altere d th e worl d dramaticall y in th e inter vening decades . A s w e contemplat e th e churc h toda y an d tr y t o thin k about its location i n the culture of tomorrow, there is much to b e learned from thes e distan t events . Bot h gre w fro m root s plante d a t th e en d o f the nineteent h centur y an d bot h mature d i n th e uncertai n sunligh t o f a new era . The Christian' s plac e i n the worl d toda y depend s deeply on th e succor provide d by th e church , a s it ha s developed i n th e soi l o f th e lat e twentieth century . Th e Christian' s place i n th e worl d o f tomorro w will 19

2O Institutional

Challenges

depend equall y o n ho w wel l tha t ancien t institutio n ca n adap t t o th e challenges tha t li e ahead i n th e twenty-firs t century .

Congregations an d Culture Sociologists have always been particularly fond of Emile Durkheim's classic treatmen t o f religion , fo r h e alon e amon g theorist s o f th e tim e di d not focu s primaril y on matter s of belief. In th e wor k o f his German con temporary Ma x Weber, fo r example , religion evoke s questions chiefl y abou t variations i n ethic s an d values . Especiall y i n hi s famou s treatis e o n th e Protestant ethi c an d th e spiri t o f capitalism , Weber ask s whethe r certai n assumptions abou t predestination , evil, salvation , the calling , an d othe r theological tenet s inspire an ethical orientation favorabl e t o a n acquisitive life-style.' An d eve n in othe r works , wher e question s of religiou s leadership an d organizatio n ar c clearl y a t issue , Weber remain s predominantly interested i n th e sort s o f belie f that ma y aris e from , o r i n tur n legitimate , these institutiona l structures. 4 No t s o with Durkheim . Althoug h th e be liefs an d practice s of individual s an d o f entir e societies are also of interes t to him , th e centra l questio n tha t pervade s al l his work i s the question of moral community' : whence it arises , how i t can be sustained, an d i n what degree i t ca n temper th e desire s and instinct s of the individual . The churc h is thus o f primar y concern i n his treatment o f religion . Indeed, i t appears within th e ver y definition h e gives of religion: " a unified syste m of belief s and practice s relative t o sacre d thing s . . . which unit e int o on e singl e moral communit y calle d a Church, al l those wh o adher e t o them." 5 For Durkheim , then , th e churc h lie s a t th e cor e o f religio n an d thu s provides th e pivota l nexu s betwee n religio n an d it s hos t environment . The church , i n fact , doe s mor e tha n merel y adapt to it s cultural circumstances; instead , it provides th e wom b i n which culture itsel f is conceived and readie d fo r birth . Th e churc h i s a mora l communit y tha t unite s in dividuals in collective practices of worship, an d these ritual s give concret e meaning bot h t o th e belief s the y express and t o th e individual s wh o express them . The Congregation In th e Unite d States , an d throughou t th e Christia n world , th e congre gation ha s bee n th e primar y embodimen t o f th e church. 6 I n th e fou r decades prio r t o 1911 , th e numbe r o f suc h congregation s i n th e Unite d States increase d from 70,00 0 t o approximatel y 225,000, wit h 9 0 percen t of the m house d i n thei r own buildings. 7 The Germa n farmer s wh o con structed th e Baptist churc h at Frederick, Kansas, were merely doing what people everywher e wer e doing . The y wer e makin g a hom e i n whic h a distinctively religiou s communit y wit h it s ow n specia l cultural etho s coul d come alive . Growing u p i n tha t church , a s I di d i n th e 19505 , I coul d readil y

Church and Culture z

i

observe ho w much Christianit y depende d o n th e local congregation . T o be sure, thi s was where sermons wer e preached, Bibl e stories taught, and the Lord's Supper observed . Childre n learne d Bible verses by the hundreds , and adults discusse d thei r theological implications . The church , however , did mor e tha n merel y pas s on th e timeles s truths o f it s larger tradition . It als o embedde d thos e truth s i n the tangibl e realitie s of it s own uniqu e circumstances. Sacred Places Frederick Baptis t wa s no t s o much a n ide a or a set o f belief s a s a place.8 People drov e ther e o n Sunda y morning s an d evenings , parke d o n th e sanded road s tha t ra n along tw o side s of the re d bric k building , climbed the eleve n steps leadin g t o th e fron t door, hun g thei r coat s i n the vestibule, an d wen t int o th e sanctuary . Inside, th e churc h wa s like a secon d home. Nam e plate s a t th e bottom s o f th e staine d glas s window s re minded peopl e o f th e departed . Peopl e sa t in familia r pews . Downstair s was wher e classe s and Vacatio n Bibl e Schoo l an d churc h supper s wer e held. U p front , behin d th e pulpit , wa s th e baptistery—whic h everyon e had helpe d pain t at one time o r another . Not lon g ago , i n a n exceedingl y pious gatherin g o f lay theologians, someone aske d for a definition of the church , hoping fo r a creedally correct answer about th e universa l body o f Christ. Befor e anyon e else could answer, I blurted out tha t the church usually conjured up a picture in my mind o f a building . I di d no t ad d tha t th e buildin g wa s mad e o f re d brick and ha d eleve n steps leading to th e fron t door . What I woul d als o add , havin g invoked Durkheim, i s that th e place and th e belief s taugh t i n tha t plac e ar e inextricabl y interwoven i n m y imagination. Whe n I wa s fou r o r five , afte r listenin g to a lon g Sunda y evening sermo n abou t th e wile s of th e devil , th e boy s m y ag e used t o dare eac h othe r t o ru n al l the wa y aroun d th e churc h buildin g i n th e dark b y ourselves . I suspec t I wa s no t th e onl y one , runnin g har d b y myself alon g th e bac k side of th e church , to hea r th e devil' s ho t breat h panting clos e behind me. The Moral Dimension I a m tryin g t o sugges t tha t th e churc h i s a powerfu l institution i n ou r society becaus e i t encapsulate s th e individua l i n a communit y tha t be comes a n essentia l par t o f th e individual's ow n identity . Thi s i s wha t Durkheim mean t whe n h e referre d t o th e "moral " dimensio n o f th e church.9 Th e communit y ca n become , i n Dietric h Bonhoeffer' s memo rable words , " a sourc e o f incomparabl e jo y an d strengt h t o th e be liever."10 I t als o shape s ho w w e thin k abou t ourselve s an d become s a part of our past , ou r memory , ou r being . Well after th e community itself ceases to exist , i t continues o n a s a community o f memory. 11 At Freder-

22 Institutional

Challenges

ick Baptist , nearl y all the deacon s wh o administere d th e Lord' s Suppe r and held th e church together have died. The congregation itsel f dissolved more tha n a decade ago. Th e buildin g was torn down . An d ye t the congregation, as a community o f memory, live s on . The churc h is, in thi s sense , a cultural force. I t i s also subject t o th e cultural force s surroundin g it . Fro m Webe r an d Mar x an d others , w e know abou t th e influence s of rationalit y and scienc e and capitalis m and bureaucracy o n th e church . But fro m Durkhei m w e understand th e im portance o f geography. I f the churc h is literally a place, then th e cultura l forces tha t shap e its geography canno t b e emphasized too much. 12 Geography Frederick Baptis t was, as I have already hinted, a product o f geography. Its foundin g member s ha d fled Bismarck's conscription law s in the 1870 3 and the n com e t o Kansa s as homesteaders, achievin g enough o f a community t o for m a church i n 1883 . Th e railroad , couple d wit h risin g de mand fo r wheat on th e worl d market, brought mor e people and encouraged larg e families . Stil l dependen t o n th e hors e an d buggy , familie s clustered aroun d churche s in their immediate communities. These wer e years of sweeping cultural change in th e societ y a t large. In th e universitie s Socia l Darwinis m wa s spreadin g lik e wildfire . Mod ernism wa s sweeping throug h theologica l seminarie s on th e Eas t Coast . Industrialization wa s creatin g a vast new wor k forc e i n th e cities . And , while shielde d fro m thes e remot e developments , Frederic k Baptist showe d the church' s powe r t o adap t to othe r cultura l upheavals . The transitio n from German y t o th e Unite d State s was one. Learnin g a new languag e and becomin g American s were par t o f th e process . Eve n befor e Worl d War I mad e it imperativ e to d o so , many of these German-speakin g immigrants abandone d th e mothe r tongu e an d bega n conductin g churc h services i n English . But th e geographi c factor s tha t facilitate d it s ris e were als o th e factors tha t contribute d t o th e eventua l demis e o f the Frederic k congregation. Th e Grea t Depressio n force d the bank , th e grocer y store , an d th e service statio n t o clos e an d th e populatio n bega n t o dwindle . Afte r Worl d War II , ne w vitalit y cam e wit h th e bab y boom. An d the n a fe w year s later, th e automobile undid th e community completely. To be precise, I should not e that i t was not s o much the automobil e itself a s i t wa s th e inventio n o f th e automobil e heate r tha t le d t o th e church's demise . Fo r a generation, familie s ha d bundle d themselve s under la p blanket s an d drive n th e shortes t possibl e distanc e to th e neares t church. Bu t th e heate d seda n mad e i t possibl e t o driv e unhear d o f distances. An d so , withi n a few year s mor e an d mor e o f th e congregatio n slipped away , driving the twelv e miles to a flourishin g Baptist church in the count y seat . Geography wa s also a critical part of the mas s exodus that took place

Church an d Culture 2

3

throughout th e rura l United State s during th e tw o decade s afte r Worl d War II . Wit h mechanizatio n an d uncertai n agricultura l pric e suppor t programs pushing them , an d college educations pullin g them, thousand s of young peopl e fled the farm s an d smal l towns t o see k new opportuni ties o n distan t campuse s and i n distan t cities . Those wh o staye d behind worried abou t th e secularism , the immorality , an d even the communis m in these remote places, but the y knew it was basically geography that was undermining th e church. Growth and Decline In thinkin g abou t wha t the churc h will undergo i n the future , therefore , we woul d d o wel l to remembe r th e importanc e o f geography. Man y of the powerfu l change s tha t ar e currentl y shapin g congregations—bot h negatively an d positively—ar e geographic . Certainl y it i s possible t o se e the negativ e effects o n congregation s tha t hav e been decimate d b y their young peopl e movin g awa y t o see k education s an d jobs . Th e positiv e effects ca n be see n in those area s where populations have grown. We ca n understand th e recen t growth o f man y congregations—and the growt h o f som e whol e denominations—bette r b y reviewing what I have bee n sayin g abou t th e mi x o f congregationa l culture s an d geog raphy. A congregationa l cultur e that provide s a community o f memor y is something a n individua l can take along t o a new geographic location . That is , the memor y at leas t ca n b e take n along. An d tha t memor y can be a very valuable source of security when everything else in one's world has changed, especiall y i f some of the memor y can be relived. Some o f th e growt h experience d i n recen t year s b y th e Souther n Baptist Convention , fo r example , ca n probabl y b e understoo d i n thi s fashion. Throughou t much of the souther n Unite d States , Baptis t churches are almos t synonymou s with th e region' s identity—a s Gaeli c Presbyterianism i s i n th e Scottis h highlands . Bu t th e Sout h ha s als o experienced dramatic geographi c chang e a s a resul t o f it s economi c circumstances . Stagnation i n the cotto n an d tobacc o industrie s has jeopardized the life styles o f man y on farm s an d i n th e smal l towns, bu t "high-tech " indus tries, tourism , governmen t projects , an d governmen t transfe r payment s have al l promoted rapi d growth i n southern citie s and suburbs . For th e thousands wh o hav e migrate d to thes e cities and suburbs , an entire way of lif e ha s had t o b e lef t behind—excep t th e Baptis t church. In th e bur geoning congregation s tha t surroun d Adanta , Dallas , Houston , Mem phis, an d othe r souther n cities , a t leas t som e o f tha t familia r religiou s culture can still be found. 13 The sam e could probabl y be said for Assemblies o f Go d congregation s i n thes e citie s or, fo r tha t matter , th e many evangelical churche s in th e Northeas t an d o n th e Wes t Coas t i n which southern accent s seem to abound . Certainl y the numerous blac k churches that populat e Chicago , Detroit , Cleveland, an d other norther n industria l

24 Institutional

Challenges

cities attes t t o th e importanc e o f congregations fo r those who migrate d to thes e area s from the Sout h a generation o r two ago. 14 What thes e example s suggest i s that th e church' s capacity to survive in a changing culture is very high indeed. This i s because the churc h no t only adapts to changing condition s bu t als o creates its own communities , which giv e individuals par t o f their identity . Bein g geographically local , these communitie s ca n b e disrupte d b y spatial , economic , an d demo graphic change . Bu t the y ca n als o b e rebuil t i n ne w locations . Churc h leaders, denominationa l officials , an d al l who car e nee d t o b e awar e of the constan t nee d to relocat e and rebuild . In the comin g decades , geog raphy is likely to continu e shiftin g the locations wher e congregations ar e most needed . Large-scal e agribusiness is likely to deplet e th e populatio n of areas like Frederick, Kansas, even further. Immigrants fro m Kore a and Singapore will increase the deman d fo r Asian Protestant churche s in places like Lo s Angeles and Chicago . Populatio n flow s fro m Mexic o and Lati n America will alter the fac e o f the Catholic churc h in Texas and California. Aging bab y boomers retirin g in Florid a an d Sout h Carolin a will necessitate ne w churche s in those areas . Increasingly, the nation' s byway s are also likel y to b e dotted with mosque s an d temple s a s immigrants arriv e from othe r part s of the world .

The Challeng e o f Diversity In man y respect s th e cultura l environmen t o f Frederick , Kansas , seems simple compare d wit h Durkheim' s France . Frederic k Baptist , however , faced one challenge that Durkheim's analysi s never quite envisioned. France, for al l its regiona l an d occupationa l diversity , had lon g bee n subjec t t o the unifyin g influence o f a single religious tradition and , afte r Napoleon , to a single—an d increasingl y centralized—syste m o f government , lan guage, an d publi c education. Th e wheat-farmin g communities o f central Kansas wer e subjec t t o som e o f th e sam e processe s i n governmen t an d public schooling . Bu t uniformit y i n religio n wa s entirel y lacking. A vibrant denominationa l pluralis m was the raiso n d'etre o f these communi ties.15 Denominations When Unite d State s censu s official s counte d churches—whic h the y di d regularly in thes e years—the y were abl e to lis t about tw o hundre d sepa rate denomination s an d faith s i n th e natio n a t large . In th e environ s o f central Kansa s no mor e tha n twenty-fiv e o r thirt y suc h groupings coul d have bee n found . Bu t denominationalis m was , a s H. Richar d Niebuh r was t o argu e a fe w years late r fo r othe r part s o f th e country , tightl y woven int o the war p an d woof of the socia l fabri c itself. 16 Th e Germa n Baptists at Frederick knew clearly how differen t the y were from the Swedis h Lutherans i n nearby Lindsborg, th e Catholic s i n Ellsworth , th e Scottis h

Church an d Culture 2

5

Presbyterians i n Sterling , an d th e Mennonite s i n Hutchinson . The y coul d also distinguis h themselve s sociall y an d economicall y fro m th e railroa d workers who populate d Genese o thre e mile s in one direction , th e Meth odists five miles in another direction , an d eve n a different grou p o f German Baptist s a few miles i n a third direction . Religiou s difference s wer e reinforced b y nationality, location , ki n networks, taste s in food, and , amon g the olde r people , language . A generatio n late r many of thes e earlie r sources o f denominational ism ha d visibl y eroded . Lik e th e windstorm s o f th e thirtie s tha t ble w down fenc e row s and le t the rain s wash new gullies throug h th e fields, a quarter centur y o f socia l chang e altere d th e denominationa l boundarie s as well. People move d aroun d i n search of new land; som e move d t o th e larger towns; man y married across denominational lines . But fo r all this, the importanc e o f denominationalism was only partl y diminished . In th e 1950 5 the religiou s identity o f Frederic k Baptists was still ver y much define d i n denominationa l terms . Wide r communicatio n a t on e level—through th e automobile , newspapers , an d radio—merel y create d greater awareness , a t anothe r level , o f th e difference s amon g religiou s communities. Th e churche s i n on e tow n stil l looked differen t fro m th e churches in anothe r town . Childre n wh o pai d visit s for athleti c and music competitions sa w these differences—an d interscholasti c rivalries reinforced th e lingerin g religiou s an d ethnic distinctions . For th e devout , th e difference s wer e als o roote d i n mor e tha n th e cultural past. Divin e trut h itsel f was often a t stake. Indeed, i t sometime s appears i n retrospec t tha t th e erosio n o f olde r difference s i n language , ethnicity, an d nationa l backgroun d le d simpl y t o clerg y and la y leaders paying mor e attentio n t o th e scriptura l truths tha t legitimate d thei r dis tinctive identities . Wha t denomination s taugh t abou t heave n an d hell , the Bible , church government, an d alcohol wa s enormously important . Hailing as I di d fro m denominationall y mixe d parentage, I was keenly aware o f th e gravit y wit h whic h al l these truth s coul d b e taken . To m y Scottish Presbyterian mother wh o could neve r bring herself to join them , the Baptist s wer e unforgivabl y devoted t o dispensationalis m an d th e othe r heresies of Dr . Scofield . An d i f my father cease d early trying to convince her, man y o f th e stalwart s a t th e Baptis t churc h grew convince d tha t i t was nothin g mor e tha n educationa l snobber y t o follo w Dr . Calvi n in stead of Dr. Scofield . Cultural Change Such controversie s illustrat e ho w muc h les s significan t denominationa l boundaries ar e today tha n the y were even a few decades ago. 17 Some o f the leader s wh o dra w thei r paycheck s fro m denominationa l hierarchie s will perhap s defen d th e divin e inspiratio n o f thei r particula r tradition. 18 But live-and-let-liv e i s mor e th e orde r o f th e day . Peopl e switc h fro m denomination t o denominatio n wit h alacrity . Pastors seldo m refe r i n ser-

26 Institutional

Challenges

mons t o an y distinctives o f thei r tradition . Toleranc e i s the watchword . Cooperation ha s come t o replac e even ecumenis m becaus e th e latte r implies mor e awarenes s o f forma l tradition s tha n w e see m t o fee l i n ou r bones. And congregations tr y to promote community—o r at least church growth—without making denominationalis m a n issue. As we contemplate th e futur e o f th e church , therefore , w e must ask ourselves whethe r denominationalis m wil l play any role a t al l in shapin g this future . I hav e not bee n unhapp y t o se e denominational animositie s subside, an d yet I woul d no t propos e thei r eradication . No r d o I regar d what remain s of them a s unimportant . Religious Switching One ha s onl y t o loo k a t Durkheim' s France—o r Swede n o r Grea t Brit ain—to imagin e ho w America n religio n woul d b e impoverishe d b y th e elimination o f denominationa l diversity . In th e Unite d States , someon e who grow s wear y of th e sermon s a t Firs t Baptis t ca n simpl y switc h t o First Methodis t o r Firs t Presbyterian . Nothing , i n m y view , woul d di minish religiou s involvemen t a s much a s some rul e requirin g Baptist s t o be Baptists all their lives, or Presbyterian s to b e Presbyterians al l of theirs . Such switchin g o f cours e ha s it s dow n side . Denomination s wit h declining membership s ma y wish it were harde r for their parishioner s t o switch out . Eve n th e growin g denomination s ma y b e forced , a s Pete r Berger observe d som e year s ago , t o adop t a marketing orientation tha t reduces spiritua l lif e t o glitz y product s an d programs. 19 And th e typica l person i n th e pe w ma y becom e s o oriente d towar d loca l program s an d personalities that denominationa l bureaucrat s have trouble stirrin g inter est in nationa l projects. Faced wit h thes e difficulties, som e religiou s leader s have adopted th e view tha t denominationalis m i s simpl y a n anachronis m tha t migh t bes t be forgotten. Despit e thei r bes t effort s t o moun t ne w programs , peopl e simply seem confused abou t th e rol e played by the denominationa l iden tity of their church . Bu t that vie w seems to m e to b e overly cynical. Fostering Community It is , perhap s ironically , fro m Durkhei m tha t w e gai n on e o f th e bes t clues fo r understandin g th e continuin g rol e o f denominationalis m i n American religion . Durkheim , a s I said , spen t hi s lif e searchin g fo r a n effective basi s o f mora l communit y i n moder n life . H e wa s no t face d with denominationa l diversity—o r th e breaku p of denominational loyal ties—as a particula r problem . Bu t h e wa s acutel y aware o f th e implica tions o f occupational an d geographi c diversity . For a time, h e pondered the possibilitie s o f peopl e findin g communit y throug h thei r divers e occupational attachments—guilds , unions , professiona l societies . Thes e could , we migh t suppose , functio n somewha t lik e th e loca l church , providin g

Church and Culture 2

7

fellowship wit h like-minde d people . Bu t wha t woul d mak e people loya l to thes e organizations ? And , mor e troubling , ho w coul d a sense of community b e fostered acros s an entire nation? The proble m wa s clearly similar to th e on e no w facin g denominational leaders . Durkheim's answer , whic h cam e onl y muc h late r a s h e wrot e hi s book on religion , wa s to pay closer attentio n t o the rol e of symbolism in creating community . I n a primitiv e societ y th e symbolis m o f commo n ancestry, amulets , folklore , and collectiv e ritual , h e observed, play s a vital role i n reinforcing community. Th e individua l not onl y feel s loya l to th e community bu t feel s it s power an d gains moral strength fro m participat ing i n it . Th e communit y an d th e sacre d become one . I n a modern so ciety individual s ma y n o longe r fee l their s i s uniquely sacred, bu t sym bolism stil l evokes the mora l powe r of the collectivity. Denominational Symbols Turning th e sam e analysi s to th e questio n o f denominationalism, we can argue tha t th e symbol s o f particula r denominations stil l pla y an impor tant rol e i n promotin g community , eve n i f these symbol s ar e no longe r regarded a s divine truth. The y functio n more lik e bran d names—indeed , one i s reminded o f Garrison Keillor' s qui p abou t ho w al l the Lutheran s in Lak e Wobego n drov e Chevy s an d al l th e Catholic s drov e Fords. 20 Most o f u s woul d no t clai m absolut e truth fo r ou r choic e o f Chev y o r Ford. Bu t w e would stil l fee l a certain loyalty to ou r favorit e brand. That analog y ma y sugges t a cynica l interpretatio n o f America n de nominationalism. I d o no t wis h to conjur e up suc h cynicism but rather suggest tha t denominationa l symbol s d o continu e t o b e a n importan t part o f the subcultur e that attache s us to particula r church communities. I a m reminded , fo r example , o f a conversatio n overhear d recentl y be tween tw o women abou t hymns . On e sai d sh e loved th e ol d Methodist hymns. Th e othe r sai d she loved th e ol d Baptis t hymns. Befor e long , i t became eviden t tha t bot h wer e talkin g abou t hymn s like "Power i n th e Blood" and "Amazing Grace. " To a n outsider, th e denominational label s might hav e seeme d trivial . An d yet , t o bot h wome n the y wer e terribly important. In othe r cases , denominationalism als o helps mainly to giv e a shorthand way of referring to certai n common assumptions . Episcopalian s tel l jokes about Henr y VIII ; Baptist s tell jokes about drownings durin g river baptisms. Othe r tradition s an d insignia—fro m th e wa y clerg y dres s i n the pulpi t t o th e colo r o f hym n book s t o th e name s give n leadershi p boards—may see m equall y trivial. But the y help make a place seem home . For, a s Durkheim observed , i t i s the commo n experienc e of th e grou p that attache s itsel f t o thes e symbols . Wer e suc h symbol s no t present , therefore, the y would hav e to b e invented. And doe s i t i n an y wa y diminis h th e importanc e o f thes e symbol s even t o sugges t tha t the y coul d b e invented ? No t i n th e least . Surely

28 Institutional

Challenges

nobody woul d sugges t tha t th e Princeto n Tiger s o r th e Louisvill e Car dinals coul d no t hav e bee n calle d somethin g else . Bu t t o chang e thos e mascots no w woul d als o sho w ho w importantl y the y are held. Denominationalism i n th e contemporar y church , i t seem s t o me , i s very much lik e the symbolis m that mark s the athleti c teams fro m various universities o r fro m variou s cities. Deep sentiment s attac h themselve s t o these symbols . I t i s important that such symbolis m exists and tha t i t differs i n substance . Bu t i t i s als o importan t t o recogniz e tha t i t i s com pelled—by it s cultural location—to play a correspondingly simila r role i n each community . Th e symbolism , i n short , become s isomorphic . Eac h team ha s a mascot, eac h tea m ha s it s colors . Moreover , eac h team ha s a coach an d som e prominen t player s of who m i t i s proud an d a traditio n of win-loss record s an d grea t feats. 21 For th e future , w e can expect the sam e of denominationalism. I t will not diminis h i n importance ; i t may even becom e mor e prominent . Eac h denomination wil l be characterized b y its distinctive name, publications , mode o f worship, an d national headquarters . But each denomination wil l feel compelle d t o hav e al l thes e things— a name , publications , mod e o f worship, an d nationa l headquarters . Eac h wil l als o mak e publi c pro nouncements abou t ke y socia l issues . Eac h wil l organize specia l interest groups fo r it s clergy around topic s o f the day . Some of these group s wil l herald th e future , others wil l hale th e past . An d thus , eac h wil l hos t in ternal conflict s between self-style d liberals and self-style d conservatives.22 We wil l recogniz e the m a s denominations, an d thin k no les s of them , a s long as they hav e all these trapping s o f distinctive religious communities .

The Futur e of the Churc h The curiou s thin g abou t Durkheim' s discussio n of religion , give n the emphasis h e place s o n th e churc h i n hi s definition , i s tha t h e focuse s hardly an y attentio n a t al l o n th e churc h a s w e kno w it . Followin g a somewhat arcan e variet y o f reasonin g lon g sinc e abandone d b y socia l scientists o f the twentiet h century , h e sought to discove r wha t wa s basic ("elementary") i n religio n b y going backwar d in th e evolutionar y cycle , he supposed , t o it s mos t primitiv e forms. Thu s h e devote d hi s analysis to th e religiou s rite s an d myth s o f Australian aborigines. An d whe n h e turned agai n t o moder n societies , h e applie d hi s insight s mor e t o th e rituals an d myth s o f the nation-stat e than t o th e church. There is, however, something to be learned from Durkheim' s curiou s approach. Becaus e he wa s interested i n th e socia l role playe d by religio n and othe r kind s o f sacre d symbols unde r suc h a wide variety o f circumstances, h e wa s force d t o pa y mor e attentio n t o th e functions o f thes e symbols tha n t o thei r specifi c conten t o r eve n th e organizationa l form s they took . Tha t ca n b e a usefu l insigh t fo r u s a s well , especiall y if w e want t o conside r ho w broa d cultura l change s ma y affec t th e churc h i n the future .


9

New Organizational Forms Thus fa r I hav e assume d tha t th e congregatio n a s we kno w i t coul d b e regarded prett y muc h a s a synonym for the church . But that assumptio n needs t o b e bracketed. Eve n if the congregatio n a s we know it continue s on a s the mai n manifestatio n o f th e church , we can already see that th e congregation itsel f has bee n changin g an d tha t man y new form s of reli gious communit y hav e arisen alongside it . Historically, ther e i s o f cours e wid e preceden t fo r recognizin g th e variety of organizational form s the church may take. Though modele d i n many respect s afte r th e synagogue , th e churche s that me t i n th e home s of the first Christians also departed fro m th e way in which the synagogue was administere d an d initiate d ne w form s o f worship. 23 After th e establishment o f th e Catholi c church , the appearanc e of religiou s order s rep resented anothe r importan t organizationa l innovation . I n ou r ow n his tory w e hav e witnessed a proliferatio n o f denominationa l style s as well as such variants as the circui t rider, the cam p meeting, th e reviva l meeting, th e Bibl e society, an d th e urba n mission. More recently , this diver sity has been enlarge d b y religious and quasi-religiou s communities such as campu s ministries , meditatio n centers , center s for spiritua l direction , the so-calle d twelve-ste p group s (suc h a s AA , ACOA, an d CODA) , an d a host o f special interest groups oriente d towar d particula r religiomoral or religiopolitical causes. Separating Form and Function Understanding ho w thes e newe r groups fit into the futur e o f the church requires u s t o follo w Durkhei m i n separatin g for m fro m function . Th e various function s tha t religio n i n it s severa l forms ma y fulfil l includ e instilling a sens e o f transcendenc e o r sacrednes s i n it s followers , givin g them persona l meaning , providin g the m with a community t o whic h they can belong , communicatin g religiou s knowledge , copin g wit h th e frail ties of huma n life , an d exercisin g a prophetic voice to th e prevailin g society. Whil e the loca l congregation ma y continue to perfor m all or mos t of thes e functions , i t i s als o conceivabl e tha t som e o f the m ma y b e in creasingly performed b y other kind s of religious organization . This possibility gains plausibility when we consider some of the specific function s o f religion . Th e communicatio n o f religiou s knowledge , for example , has traditionally bee n accomplished by the local church. But growth ove r th e pas t severa l centuries i n highe r educatio n als o resulte d in more an d mor e o f this function bein g transferre d to religiousl y sponsored da y schools, colleges, and seminaries. In more recent decades, however, thes e hav e diminished i n relatio n to th e rapi d ris e of secula r institutions o f highe r education . A t present , a considerabl y large r shar e o f religious knowledg e tha n eve r before is thus transmitted throug h course s taught a t secular universities.

3O Institutional

Challenges

A similar process can be seen in religion's rol e in coping with huma n frailty. Althoug h th e loca l church still performs th e bul k of th e nation' s funerals an d supplies support durin g time s of grief and illness, more specialized ministrie s hav e als o emerge d t o dea l wit h som e o f thes e con cerns. Large r congregation s ma y hir e speciall y trained clerg y fo r visitation, chaplaincy , an d counselin g programs . Othe r congregation s ma y refe r members t o counselin g centers run b y larger churches or hos t lay ministries aimed at meeting these needs. Increasingly, these functions have also been take n over b y professional therapists an d b y twelve-step groups. Instead o f havin g t o fulfil l al l hi s o r he r religiou s need s withi n a single congregatio n lik e Frederic k Baptist, th e Christia n o f th e twenty first century is thus face d wit h a variety of options. Religiou s knowledg e can b e sough t i n th e colleg e classroo m or , i f not there , i n th e page s o f any o f the hundred s o f religious magazine s and book s availabl e through the mai l or a t a local religious bookstore . Emotiona l suppor t can be sought at the counseling center and through twelve-step groups. Fo r inspiration , put som e religiou s music on th e compac t dis k player. For a n angry pro phetic voice, turn o n religiou s television. Searching for Community But wher e doe s th e twenty-firs t century Christia n tur n fo r community? This, afte r all , Durkhei m woul d argue , i s mor e basi c than al l the rest . Surely thi s remain s the functio n of the loca l congregation. An d ye t even this certainty needs to b e questioned. Many loca l churches talk a lot abou t community . Bu t communit y in the typica l churc h o f 35 0 members, le t alon e th e megachurc h o f 3,00 0 members, i s quit e differen t fro m communit y i n a church lik e Frederic k Baptist.24 Th e churc h rol l there liste d onl y abou t 10 0 member s an d th e whole township had a population o f less than 3,000 . The modern churc h operates o n a much larger scale because pastors' salarie s and desire d pro grams demand it . Fo r a core of active laity, the churc h itself may be th e community. Bu t fo r others, it should b e likened to a referral system. You come wanting th e worship experience; i t is open to all . You come want ing hel p o r informatio n o r community ; th e clerg y can assis t mainl y by directing yo u to on e o f the doze n group s an d ministries available, either at that churc h or i n the wider community. The intens e suppor t o f which Durkhei m wrot e i s more likel y t o com e from thes e smaller , more intimate , bu t als o mor e transien t groups. Sin gles grou p thi s year , youn g married s nex t year , mayb e choi r a t som e other time , mayb e the peac e concerns fellowship after that . You becom e involved wit h like-minde d people, develo p som e o f the ritual s an d loca l symbolism tha t ha s alway s been part o f th e congregation , an d perhap s find support an d religious nurturance. The churc h a s a whole ha s bee n strengthene d b y these group s and , thus far, managed fairl y well to serv e as a kind of clearinghouse for them .


1

But ther e i s no reaso n t o suppos e tha t th e churc h will be abl e to retai n this monopol y indefinitely . Increasingly , people star t hous e churches that have n o officia l denominationa l connection , see k spiritua l directio n a t centers operated separatel y from local churches, an d pra y the Lord' s Praye r at twelve-ste p group s t o thei r "higher power. " Fo r a geographically mo bile people , thes e ar e th e sort s o f group s mos t likel y t o flourish . The y require littl e overhead , fe w construction costs , an d perhap s little even in the wa y o f pai d salaries . I f th e loca l populatio n expands , the y grow ; i f the loca l populatio n ages , the y chang e i n focus ; i f th e populatio n de clines, they ceas e to exist . The greates t ga p tha t wil l b e lef t b y thes e alternativ e forms of reli gious community, though , is the training of the young. Communitie s o f memory requir e participation during early childhood. I t i s little wonder, therefore, tha t thos e concerned mos t abou t th e surviva l o f th e churc h have turned muc h o f their attentio n towar d th e famil y an d toward othe r agencies o f socializatio n suc h a s the school s an d television . Shoul d th e congregation b e replace d b y th e shoppin g mal l and th e soa p opera , w e might wel l fear fo r the surviva l of both th e churc h and our cultur e itself . The likelihoo d tha t Christian s wil l hav e a plac e i n th e twenty-firs t century, therefore , depend s t o a larg e extent on th e way s i n whic h th e church meet s th e cultura l challenge s i t presentl y faces . Geographi c mo bility and th e declinin g significance of denominational identitie s raise serious questions abou t th e church' s abilit y to sustai n community i n a way that attract s peopl e to it .

2 Can the Churc h Sustain Community?

The churc h o f th e twenty-firs t century, lik e tha t o f previou s centuries , will probabl y remai n vibran t a s lon g a s i t ca n provid e peopl e wit h a strong sens e of community. Th e congregation , therefore , remains at th e heart o f the churc h and, i n turn, a t the hear t of Christianity. Bu t can the congregation continu e adequatel y to sustai n community ? Wha t exactl y will i t b e abl e t o do ? Wil l i t continu e t o functio n muc h a s i t doe s a t present? O r wil l corrosive force s i n th e wide r societ y undermin e it s ability t o functio n a t all ? These , a s I suggeste d broadl y i n th e las t chapter , are among th e most pressing questions facin g the church. To probe the m more deeply , w e mus t no w as k specificall y wha t w e mea n b y th e nee d for communit y an d how th e church , among other institutions , ma y fulfil l that need . Historical analysi s shows clearl y that fo r centurie s the Christia n churc h has been the mainsta y of community life i n Western society. 1 In the Middl e Ages peopl e live d withi n walkin g distanc e o f th e church , wok e t o it s bells, too k thei r animal s t o i t t o b e blessed , an d followe d it s calendar. 2 After th e Reformatio n peopl e forme d their own churche s and called pastors wh o live d as they did. 3 I n ou r ow n histor y th e churc h wa s first an integral par t o f th e colony , the n o f town s (lik e Frederick , Kansas) , and later of the urba n an d suburban neighborhood. 4 But no w ou r societ y seems to b e at a loss for community. Critics say we hav e become a nation o f individualists , obsessed wit h ou r jobs , ou r bank accounts , ou r feelings—our selves . We liv e i n anonymou s places , jealously protectin g ou r persona l privacy , and whateve r hopes we enter 32

Can th e Church Sustain Community? 3

3

tain o f findin g a warm , supportiv e communit y ar e threatene d b y ou r incessant movin g abou t an d the pressure s tha t imping e upo n our time . The questio n tha t face s us , then, is whether th e churc h ca n still b e a vital sourc e o f community, o r whether i t too i s beginning t o succum b t o the impersona l force s tha t fragmen t ou r society . Student s o f America n religion hav e begun t o debat e thi s questio n wit h increasin g interes t bu t as ye t remai n divided . Som e se e continuit y wit h th e pas t an d eve n a rebirth o f interes t i n th e communa l value s of religion ; others envisio n a declining rol e fo r th e church . Th e evidenc e tha t ca n b e piece d togethe r from survey s an d fro m talkin g wit h peopl e i n greate r dept h provide s many indication s o f th e vitalit y o f America n religio n a s a facilitato r o f community, bu t als o points towar d som e worrisome sign s for the future. The Varietie s o f Community The church' s rol e i n sustainin g community ca n b e understood i n several different respects . Withi n th e Christia n traditio n itsel f the wor d koinonia has alway s receive d specia l attention . I t connote s th e grou p o f believer s themselves wh o constitut e a communit y o f support—suppor t bot h o f one another' s commitment s t o th e fait h an d of each other's physical and emotional needs . I n additio n to thi s theological meaning , th e concept o f community ha s als o hel d historica l connotation s i n relatio n t o th e church . Because th e fellowshi p o f believer s exists i n spac e an d time , i t i s of ne cessity relate d t o it s broader surroundings , particularl y the village , town, neighborhood, suburb, or city in which its members reside. Finally, there is als o a n ethica l meanin g t o th e relatio n betwee n churc h an d commu nity. The fellowshi p of believer s is expected t o b e of service , not onl y t o one anothe r withi n it s own group , bu t t o th e need s o f others , whethe r this b e the immediat e neighborhoo d o r th e wider community o f humankind. Eac h o f thes e meaning s o f community—support , residence , ser vice—is vita l t o an y discussio n o f th e church' s role , no w an d i n th e fu ture. Communities of Support Evidence fro m recen t studie s indicate s tha t fo r man y people th e churc h does i n fac t functio n a s a community o f support . Churc h members , particularly thos e wh o activel y participate, fee l the y ca n coun t o n on e an other fo r variou s kind s o f help . Fo r example , whe n asked , "I f yo u o r someone i n you r famil y becam e seriousl y ill , d o yo u thin k yo u coul d count o n an y of the followin g for help?" , 64 percent of the publi c in one national survey said they would b e able to coun t o n member s of a church or synagogue , an d amon g weekl y churchgoers, thi s proportio n wa s 86 percent. By comparison, onl y 50 percent of the publi c thought the y coul d count o n peopl e a t work , an d a mer e 3 5 percent sai d the y coul d expec t help fro m publi c agencies. 5

J4 Institutional

Challenges

Other studies hav e routinely documente d tha t churchgoer s ofte n select thei r friend s amon g peopl e wh o shar e th e sam e fait h traditio n an d usually coun t som e o f th e peopl e withi n thei r ow n churc h amon g thei r very closest friends . On e stud y o f churc h member s in California , for example, found tha t 6 1 percent listed at least one of their five closest friend s as bein g a membe r o f thei r congregation , an d abou t 3 0 percent sai d a t least thre e belonge d t o thei r congregation. 6 Increasingly , thes e informa l bases o f suppor t ar e als o bein g supplemente d b y church program s tha t formally encourage th e expressio n of needs amon g smal l groups o f members. In additio n t o th e ladies' auxiliaries, men's retreats , and youth clubs that hav e been prominent fo r decades, churches are now likel y to sponsor Alcoholics Anonymou s groups , singles ' fellowships, job seekers meetings, gatherings fo r divorced parents , and a variety of other suppor t groups . Communities of Residence Much evidenc e also suggests tha t participatio n i n churches reinforces ties to th e physica l communit y i n whic h a perso n resides . Th e carin g tha t churches teac h spill s over t o th e wide r community . A s I shal l indicate , studies usuall y find church member s more activel y involved in volunteering and helpin g behavior than nonmembers . Sometime s thi s compassio n results i n effort s t o car e for tota l stranger s o r fo r peopl e i n remot e cor ners o f th e world . Bu t i t i s mor e likel y t o spil l ove r t o th e immediat e community—to friend s an d neighbors . Fo r example , th e Gallu p Poll , summarizing a survey on pattern s o f charitable giving, found a n interesting geographic facto r in die helping behavio r of church members. Whe n asked if they had helped strangers, suc h as a homeless person o r someon e on th e street , churc h members wer e no more likely than nonmembers t o say the y had . Bu t whe n aske d i f they ha d helpe d a neighbor , 5 3 percent of th e churc h member s sai d yes , compare d wit h onl y 4 2 percen t o f th e nonmembers.7 The mos t comprehensiv e study t o dat e o f th e relationshi p betwee n religious involvemen t an d communitie s o f residenc e i s Th e Connecticut Mutual Life Report o n American Values. 8 Althoug h th e stud y wa s no t designed t o focu s primaril y on religion , it s author s discovere d tha t reli gious involvemen t wa s on e o f th e stronges t predictor s o f communit y attachments o f an y o f th e factor s the y examined . Compare d wit h th e least intensel y religious, th e stud y showe d that : • Th e mos t religiousl y committe d American s ar e far mor e likel y t o vote i n local election s (7 7 percent versu s 49 percent). • The y ar e fa r mor e likel y t o atten d communit y o r neighborhoo d meetings (3 4 percent versu s 5 percent). • The y ar e more likel y to discus s local issues with friend s an d neighbors (5 4 percent versu s 33 percent).


5

• The y ar e far more likel y to visi t wit h neighbor s (4 5 percent versus 30 percent). In additio n t o thes e findings , th e stud y als o showe d tha t th e religiously committed wer e mor e likel y tha n th e nonreligiou s t o fee l the y ha d a voice i n ho w thei r communit y wa s run , t o fee l the y could rel y o n thei r neighbors, an d t o sa y they woul d lik e to remai n living in thei r presen t communitv. Communities of Service Churches no t onl y cultivat e loyaltie s t o thei r members ' neighborhoods ; they also promote a n ethic of service that forges chains of caring through various sectors o f the community . Accordin g t o a Gallup survey, for instance, churc h members outstripped nonmember s in severa l major forms of charitabl e giving. B y a margin o f 7 8 percent t o 6 6 percent, the y were more likel y t o hav e contributed food , clothing , o r othe r propert y t o th e needy. Seventy-thre e percen t o f members ha d give n monetary contribu tions t o charitie s (othe r tha n thei r churc h o r denomination) , compare d with 6 4 percen t o f nonmembers . An d 4 6 percen t ha d don e unpai d volunteer wor k durin g the pas t year, compared with 3 2 percent of nonmem bers.9 The rol e o f churche s a s communitie s o f servic e i s als o eviden t i n comparisons betwee n frequen t churchgoers an d infrequen t churchgoers . These difference s were clearly in evidence in a research study I conducte d on pattern s o f altruisti c behavio r i n th e Unite d States . Amon g person s who attende d churc h ever y week , 4 3 percen t sai d the y wer e currentl y involved in some kind of charitable or socia l service activity, such as helping th e sic k or th e needy , compare d wit h 3 6 percent o f thos e wh o at tended churc h severa l times a month, an d onl y 24 percent o f those wh o attended les s than once a month.10 In this study, th e rol e of community wa s also evident in relationship s between churchgoin g and attitudes towar d carin g for other people . Amon g weekly churchgoers , 7 0 percen t sai d i t wa s absolutel y essentia l o r ver y important t o the m t o "giv e tim e to hel p others," whereas only 57 percent said thi s amon g thos e wh o seldo m attende d church . Th e forme r wer e also mor e likel y than th e latte r t o sa y they received a great deal of fulfill ment fro m "doing things fo r people " (6 2 percent versu s 42 percent). These attitudes , moreover, ar e reinforced specifically b y what peopl e see an d hea r whe n the y participat e i n churc h services . Fo r example , 86 percent o f weekly church attender s sai d the y had hear d a sermon withi n the pas t yea r tha t specificall y talked abou t lovin g you r neighbor . Sixty nine percen t sai d the y coul d tel l the stor y o f the Good Samarita n i f they were aske d to d o so. Other research , base d o n direc t informatio n fro m a representativ e sample o f churche s i n th e Unite d States , estimate s tha t 9 0 percen t o f

36 Institutional

Challenges

these congregation s sponso r som e kin d o f communit y servic e activity . Approximately hal f o f th e voluntee r wor k donate d t o churche s goes t o programs tha t exten d beyon d th e religiou s purpose s o f the congregatio n itself. I n additio n t o thi s voluntee r labor , churche s supply a n estimate d $6.3 billion i n contributions fo r communit y service s each year.11 In eac h of these ways , then, th e result s of statistical studies poin t t o the continuin g importanc e o f churche s in sustainin g community. Thos e who participat e actively in churches reveal that this involvement provide s individuals with communitie s o f support, link s them wit h thei r commu nities o f residence , an d encourage s the m t o engag e i n communitie s o f service. Wha t th e statistica l studie s d o no t indicate , bu t whic h i s enor mously importan t a s well, is the human dimension i n these type s of community.

Miriam Waters Miriam Water s say s th e churc h i s her life . I t instruct s her , nurture s her , helps he r t o b e mor e caring . Sh e feel s comfortabl e there . Th e peopl e share her values . When the y need help , sh e helps them. Whe n sh e needs help, they help her. The churc h Miriam Waters belongs t o i s not i n some sleepy littl e tow n wher e elderl y ladies gather o n Thursda y afternoon s t o make quilts . I t i s located i n a n affluen t subur b of Knoxville , Tennessee . The peopl e wh o g o ther e ar e bus y professionals . Miriam's husban d i s a middle-level executive in a large electronics firm. She herself is the direc tor o f a prospering day-car e center. For Miria m Waters , th e churc h give s he r a sense o f communit y i n all three o f th e way s I hav e just described . A s a community o f support , the churc h ha s been he r mainstay . Indeed, suppor t wa s the reaso n wh y she an d he r husban d joined i n th e firs t place . "My dadd y had cance r a t the time," she explained, "and i t was really important t o ou r famil y t o all get bac k in the sam e churc h whil e he was sick." Her siste r an d brother in-law ha d joine d th e church , s o Miriam an d her husban d qui t th e churc h they wer e attending an d switche d t o th e presen t one . "We'r e reall y gla d we did, " sh e says. Then , reflectin g about wha t th e churc h has meant t o her, sh e adds : "Vkno w w e ar e a famil y group—whe n we'r e sic k we all bring food , y'know—that' s just what we're about. " The wa y the churc h gives suppor t wa s especially evident when Miriam's husban d ha d t o hav e ey e surgery. "M y husban d ha d five eye surgeries, an d i t was when I was just a mess, an d h e really wasn't makin g a lot o f money . Ou r insuranc e pai d al l but 2 0 percent, bu t whe n you'r e talking abou t thousand s an d thousand s an d thousands of dollars o f hospital an d doctor's bills, 20 percent add s up t o b e a lot o f money. And a t that tim e hi s Sunda y Schoo l clas s too k u p money , an d I'l l neve r forge t the da y they brough t th e mone y in . We always said, my husband an d I ,

Can th e Church Sustain Community'' 3

7

that fo r th e res t o f ou r marrie d lif e w e woul d tr y t o hel p othe r peopl e anytime we sa w a need." Through th e church , an d becaus e o f th e value s i t teaches , Miria m Waters als o feel s mor e a par t o f he r communit y o f residence . Sh e doe s volunteer wor k fo r th e loca l PTA . Bu t mostl y sh e jus t trie s t o b e inter ested i n he r neighbor s an d sho w the m littl e act s o f kindness . Fo r ex ample? "Well , /know , taking food i s something w e do rea l often—whe n someone's sick . Helpin g someon e mov e i s somethin g m y husban d re cently did . That' s th e kin d o f thing w e do. Neighbo r typ e things , /know , helping wit h yar d work when a neighbor ha d surger y and couldn't do it , that's th e kind s of things w e do. " Last year, after he r husban d received a big promotion, the y seriously considered movin g t o a differen t neighborhood . Bu t communit y even tually wo n out . " I decide d w e wer e goin g t o bu y a ne w house . We'v e lived her e fo r fifteen years, an d I wante d a nicer, bigger house . Bu t th e kids didn' t wan t t o move . M y husband didn' t either . An d I figured it' d be a lot o f trouble, yo u know , movin g alone ! So we stayed. I'm gla d we did." The communit y o f service i n which Miria m participate s also centers directly aroun d th e church . Muc h o f th e informa l helpin g sh e doe s i s directed a t needs she learns about throug h th e church . Besides the money she give s directl y t o th e church , sh e trie s t o giv e informall y t o peopl e who ma y be in financial need. "I've alway s done i t anonymousl y throug h another person, " she comments. Eve n if the financial need i s not severe , she trie s t o help . No t lon g ago , fo r instance , sh e learned abou t a famil y that wa s struggling becaus e the fathe r ha d los t hi s job, s o she bought a Nintendo vide o game an d sen t i t anonymousl y for the children. Sometimes sh e become s mor e directl y involve d i n tryin g t o b e o f service to th e community—stil l i n small ways, but occasionall y with greater cost tha n sh e expected. Wit h a laugh that anticipate d what was to come , she recalled keeping the fourteen-year-ol d son o f a couple who ha d t o be out o f town becaus e the husban d wa s having cancer surgery. One night , she remembers , "h e sho t a hol e throug h ou r T V wit h a gun ! A direc t hit—right in the middl e o f the screen ! Oh gosh ! I t was a long nigh t tha t night. I t wa s a ver y tens e visi t fro m the n on , but—that' s th e kin d o f thing w e do." In a broader sense , the churc h also animates Miriam's thinking abou t the wort h o f everythin g sh e does. Th e ol d doctrin e o f th e "calling " t o which the Protestant reformer s of the sixteenth an d seventeenth centuries gave s o muc h attentio n i s still centra l t o he r worldview . An d fo r he r i t means service. "I believ e we ar e called b y God—you peopl e a t Princeto n won't understand this—bu t I fee l personall y that I' m where I'm suppose d to be . I'm par t of the church here , and that's important t o me, because I can ministe r t o al l sorts o f families. An d yo u never know wha t seed may be planted. "

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The Churc h an d Individualis m As mentione d earlier , though, critic s of ou r societ y believ e these form s of community , an d th e carin g an d persona l attachment s tha t g o wit h them, ma y b e breakin g down. I n thei r boo k Habits of th e Heart, fo r ex ample, sociologis t Rober t Bella h an d hi s associate s suggest tha t a n ob session wit h ou r persona l interests , our feelings , an d whether thing s ar e going t o advanc e our ow n ambition s i s undermining the vita l bond s o f community tha t hav e sustaine d ou r societ y i n the past. 12 Despit e publi c appeals fo r peopl e t o reac h ou t t o thei r neighbor s an d rediscove r th e community value s that coul d agai n make us a kinder and gentle r nation , many observer s fea r w e ar e simpl y becomin g mor e selfis h an d inwar d with each successive decade. Rather tha n th e "Me Generation" becomin g the "W e Generation," i t has only becom e th e "Min e Generation. " The relatio n betwee n th e churc h an d individualis m has a lon g an d variegated history. 13 Martin Luther trie d to reinvigorat e the church's role in th e communit y b y conducting service s in th e vernacular , writing hymn s that commo n peopl e coul d understand , an d encouragin g tow n magis trates to b e more responsiv e to the welfar e need s of the poor. But he has also bee n accuse d o f settin g moder n individualis m into motio n b y emphasizing th e believer' s nee d fo r fait h an d individua l salvation. The rol e of John Calvi n is similarly ambiguous. On e coul d hardl y imagine a more community-oriented religio n tha n th e teaching s tha t Calvi n pu t int o practice i n sixteenth-century Geneva. And yet , as Max Weber reveale d in his classi c study , Th e Protestant Ethic an d th e Spirit o f Capitalism, th e teachings of Calvin also contributed t o th e ris e of an individualistic ethos conducive to th e acquisitio n of material goods.14 The churc h in contemporary Americ a also display s thi s curious mixture o f communit y an d individualisti c values. Rather tha n simpl y standing i n th e wa y o f th e fragmentin g trend s i n ou r society—rathe r tha n simply pittin g Christ agains t culture, a s theologian H . Richar d Niebuh r once expresse d it—th e churc h also accommodate s thes e dominant trends. 15 Indeed, observer s o f contemporary religio n hav e ofte n diagnose d th e sam e tendencies withi n th e churc h tha t critic s point t o i n th e wide r society . They se e a growing emphasi s on privat e spirituality, on persona l needs , on takin g car e of oneself—all occurrin g within the churc h itself. 16 Some o f th e studie s I hav e alread y cite d provid e evidenc e o n th e extent to whic h churchgoer s i n the Unite d State s buy into th e individualistic value s tha t prevai l i n ou r society . Despit e thei r involvemen t i n community servic e an d caring , churchgoer s diffe r littl e fro m nonatten ders o n man y of the commonl y understoo d trait s of American individualism. I n m y study , fo r example , 76 percent o f th e weekl y churchgoers said "being successfu l i n your work" was absolutely essential or ver y important t o them , compare d wit h 7 9 percen t o f thos e wh o seldo m at tended church . On anothe r questio n tha t aske d about the importanc e o f "taking car e o f yourself, " th e tw o group s wer e als o virtuall y indistin-


9

guishable (8 8 percent an d 8 6 percent , respectively , sai d thi s wa s abso lutely essentia l or ver y important) . A majorit y o f churchgoer s (5 9 percent) als o agree d wit h th e statemen t "Yo u hav e to tak e car e of yourself first, an d i f you hav e any energ y lef t over , the n hel p others"—almost as many a s said thi s amon g th e unchurche d (6 7 percent). The utilitarianis m in our cultur e that assesse s everything in terms of the question , What' s i n i t fo r me ? i s als o presen t amon g America n churchgoers. Blatan t expressions of this idea sometimes occu r i n sermon s and i n church publications themselves—for example , in calling on peopl e to serv e others becaus e i t wil l make them fee l good . When aske d in surveys abou t suc h motives, most peopl e fee l uncomfortabl e admitting the y actually think this way. But a minority do admi t such thoughts, and this minority i s as common withi n th e churche s as it i s outside o f them . Fo r example, 2 7 percent o f weekl y churchgoers said "being kin d an d consid erate helps me get wha t I want in life" was a major reason why they tried to b e a caring person, an d thi s wa s larger than th e comparabl e propor tion (1 9 percent ) among th e unchurched.

The Ne w Voluntarism In additio n t o th e corrosiv e effect s o f individualis m an d utilitarianism , the church's rol e in sustaining community als o appear s to b e endangere d by socia l force s tha t imping e o n th e live s o f churc h members . Despit e the fac t tha t four in ten American s still atten d churc h on an y given Sunday, for example, some evidence is beginning t o sho w that the increasing involvement of women i n the labo r forc e i s reducing the tim e and energy they ma y hav e t o devot e t o churc h wor k an d church-relate d voluntee r activities.17 The involvemen t of churchgoers i n their communities o f residence i s also bein g affecte d b y the hig h level s of geographic mobilit y i n the American population. Churc h attendance itsel f appears to b e substantially lowe r amon g peopl e wh o hav e move d withi n th e pas t five years than amon g more stable members of the community . In thei r boo k American Mainline Religion, sociologists Wad e Clar k Roof and William McKinney identif y a "new voluntarism " that seem s t o be the America n way of adaptin g ou r fait h t o th e breaku p of traditiona l community loyalties. 18 Instea d o f remainin g loyal t o on e congregation , or eve n t o a singl e denomination , w e fli t fro m on e churc h t o another , depending o n wher e ou r job s tak e us , what happen s to b e most conve nient, an d ho w w e happe n t o fee l a t the moment . Roo f an d McKinne y believe al l this flittin g abou t i s ye t anothe r indicatio n tha t th e church' s ability t o sustai n community ma y be weakening. My book The Restructuring of American Religion showed that denom inational loyaltie s ar e indee d becomin g increasingl y fragile. Substantia l minorities o f th e member s o f nearl y all denominations an d faith s wer e raised i n some othe r religiou s tradition tha n thei r presen t one . Man y are married t o someon e of a different faith . Many have switched denomina-

40 Institutional

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tions severa l times durin g thei r adul t lives. And man y more choos e thei r friends outsid e thei r churches , attend a variety of churches, an d se e littl e reason why they should becom e member s of a particular denomination— especially when th e denomination s themselve s no longe r dra w sharp distinctions betwee n member s and nonmembers. 19 The evidenc e on attitude s i s ofte n eve n stronge r tha n th e dat a o n behavior. I f roughl y hal f o f churc h member s sta y i n th e sam e denomi nations i n which the y wer e raised , this doe s not mea n tha t their loyaltie s run ver y deep . Fo r example , a surve y o f eleve n hundre d Presbyteria n members nationwid e showe d tha t onl y 3 0 percent agree d wit h th e state ment "Whil e they may have disagreements fro m tim e t o time , Christian s should remai n loya l to on e denominatio n throughou t thei r adul t lives. " By comparison , 7 3 percent agree d wit h th e statement , "There ar e several other denomination s wher e I coul d serv e and b e just as satisfied."20 Th e same study showe d tha t onl y abou t hal f of al l Presbyterian members dis cuss thei r persona l religiou s belief s wit h peopl e i n thei r congregation . Only a thir d sai d i t wa s importan t tha t thei r clos e friend s shar e thei r religious beliefs .

What of the Future ? There i s alway s th e possibilit y tha t voluntarism , individualism , utilitarianism, an d th e socia l circumstance s reinforcin g thes e trend s wil l greatl y diminish th e church' s abilit y to sustai n communit y i n th e future . Ther e is als o th e possibilit y tha t th e inheren t desir e fo r community tha t seem s to pervad e s o man y of ou r lives , together wit h th e enormou s resource s the churc h stil l ha s a t it s disposal , wil l continu e t o giv e th e churc h a n important community-sustainin g rol e i n our society . At present , th e bes t available evidenc e suggest s tha t churchgoer s ar e indee d community oriented, bu t the y ar e individualistic at th e sam e time. The vita l tension betwee n communit y an d individualis m withi n th e churches, a s in the broade r society , wil l not b e decided fro m o n hig h b y church leader s o r fro m belo w b y the blin d force s of societa l change . I t will b e determined wher e i t i s experienced mos t acutely—i n the individ ual lif e experience s o f th e averag e churchgoer . I f peopl e wan t t o hav e community an d b e individualists a s well, the y wil l have to b e creative i n reconciling th e two . To se e how tha t tensio n an d reconciliatio n ma y be experienced , le t us retur n agai n in concluding t o th e exampl e of Miriam Waters. Despit e her commitmen t t o he r churc h an d t o he r neighbors , sh e is scarcely immune t o th e tension s inheren t i n trying t o b e community-oriented i n an individualistic society. Sh e worries, fo r example, about th e values she sees portrayed o n television . 'The valu e system i n th e Unite d State s i s very money-oriented," sh e laments . "Peopl e ar e placin g importanc e o n th e wrong thing s i n life. " Sh e points t o th e dru g proble m a s a symptom o f the breaku p o f famil y an d community . Sh e als o point s ou t ho w imper -


1

sonaJ th e busines s worl d ha s become : whe n he r husban d ha d hi s ey e operations, nobody from his workplace even bothered t o call . Sometimes Miria m Water s als o feel s lik e sh e i s alon e culturally . S o many peopl e see m no t t o shar e her faith . Sh e doubt s tha t peopl e elsewhere understan d he r ide a of service—a s he r commen t abou t Princeto n not sharin g he r notio n o f th e callin g indicates . Sh e finds it increasingly difficult, becaus e of her ow n jo b an d th e schedule s of he r neighbors , to feel reall y a part of a close circle of friends . Sh e admits, fo r example , that she ha s onl y on e clos e femal e frien d an d tha t i t take s a n extraordinary amount o f effor t t o b e availabl e even to tha t on e friend . And yet , mor e tha n anythin g else , i t i s Miria m Waters's fait h tha t gives he r th e courag e t o g o o n tryin g and th e hop e tha t thing s i n ou r society ar e no t a s bad a s they sometime s seem . "V know, " sh e says , "i f people woul d practic e Christia n principles , it woul d reall y help. " Then , recognizing tha t thi s i s he r persona l view , an d tha t other s migh t no t share it , sh e rephrases it: "Mayb e wha t would hel p most i s when people are really cared for b y someone else . Maybe that would mak e people stop and diink."

3 A Place for the Christia n

At the beginning of the twentieth century , religious leader s in the Unite d States confidentl y declared th e comin g perio d a "Christian century. " No w at th e en d o f that century , despit e th e continuin g rol e o f th e church , i t would see m mor e appropriat e t o as k whether th e nex t on e wil l hol d a place fo r th e Christia n a t all . I d o no t mea n tha t value s lon g associate d with th e Christia n tradition , suc h a s love and peace , will disappear fro m the Nort h American continent. Bu t will it be likely, or possible , fo r peo ple t o cal l themselves "Christians?" Eve n i f the churc h were able to sus tain community , i t would b e necessary to as k if that woul d b e sufficien t to carr y forward the labe l of Christian. Would i t be a distinctively "Christian" community ? Woul d i t b e sufficien t t o encourag e peopl e t o cal l themselves "Christians"? O r i s it more likel y tha t peopl e i n the nex t century wil l identif y themselve s increasingl y b y othe r labels , such a s thei r profession o r their natio n of citizenship? And if they did, would anythin g important b e lost? The fac t tha t it is already awkward to as k these questions reveal s ho w close w e ar e to th e nex t centur y an d ho w urgen t i t ma y b e to conside r it. I t seem s doubtful whethe r man y peopl e a t the en d o f th e nineteent h century, other tha n a few academics with Europea n training , would have questioned th e valu e o f peopl e callin g themselve s Christians . Bu t no w we hav e to b e mindfu l tha t spiritualit y is frequentl y distinguishe d fro m religiosity an d tha t religiou s commitmen t i s ofte n describe d i n generic , rather tha n confessional , terms. Som e observer s lament th e developmen t of invisibl e religio n an d religionles s Christianity . Others , however , re 42

A Place far th e Christian 4

3

gard i t a s parochial t o b e concerne d wit h labels . Wha t matters , the y argue, i s the dept h o f people' s faith , no t whethe r the y adop t on e labe l o r another. An initia l task , therefore , mus t b e t o indicat e wh y th e identit y "Christian" ma y b e important . I wan t t o withhol d givin g a normativ e answer t o thi s questio n fo r th e moment , an d sta y a t leas t temporarily within th e bound s generall y impose d b y the socia l sciences . I t i s important t o as k whether th e identit y "Christian" will remai n significant i n the next centur y becaus e this identit y has playe d suc h a prominen t cultural role in the past , no t onl y in this century but i n the two millenni a preceding it . I f this identit y should ceas e to exist , or b e modified greatl y in th e coming century , i t woul d surel y impl y many other change s i n ho w w e think o f ourselve s religiously and culturall y as well. There i s also a more specifi c reaso n fo r bein g interested in this question. Th e ter m "Christian " is , a s already stated, a n identity—somethin g we attach t o ourselve s to defin e wh o w e are, individually and collectively, just a s w e d o whe n w e sa y we ar e Americans , residents of Princeton , a professor, a pastor, or stam p collector. Although we can think of identity in th e collectiv e sens e (a s we do , fo r example , whe n w e spea k o f "th e Russians" or "th e Thir d World") , usuall y th e question o f identity comes up i n th e contex t o f givin g a suitabl e definition o f wh o w e ar e individually. Three characteristics of modern cultur e press this question upon u s at thi s level : first , w e liv e i n a society , a s suggeste d i n th e las t chapter , that i s highl y individualistic , meaning tha t w e attac h hig h valu e to th e dignity an d freedo m o f th e individual , and regar d th e individua l as th e primary uni t o f moral responsibility ; second, livin g as we do i n a society of strangers , an d movin g int o an d ou t o f multipl e roles , w e ar e con stantly aske d b y other s t o defin e ourselve s ("Wh o i s this?" is a repeated query); an d third, because we attach high importanc e t o th e interio r life , viewing i t a s a frontie r needin g t o b e explored , w e ourselve s ar e ofte n the sourc e o f the question , "Wh o a m I?"1 Each of these reason s suggests to u s that identit y i s a question arisin g chiefly i n the contex t o f the self . But moder n socia l theor y suggest s a differen t perspective . Eve n i f identity pertain s t o th e self , an d eve n if it i s something w e must wor k a t to develop , i t i s generall y conferred upo n us. 2 Mos t o f u s wer e bor n Americans; thi s identit y wa s conferred upon u s at birth , o r perhap s later by a federal judge, i f we immigrated. Most o f us may not hav e been bor n in th e plac e in which we currently reside; ou r choic e to liv e here, w e tell ourselves, wa s ou r ow n decision . Bu t th e identit y wa s stil l conferred ; most of us did no t inven t the tow n i n which we live , bu t a n address was conferred o n u s when w e move d int o ou r house . Becomin g a professor, pastor, o r stam p collecto r seem s eve n mor e lik e havin g a n identit y w e have worked for , created , o r chose n fo r ourselves . But i t i s again signifi cant that mos t o f us talk about "choosing" a career, rather than inventin g one. Yo u invent somethin g fro m scratch ; you choos e somethin g tha t already exists. Yo u become, say , a professor by entering a n institution yo u

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know i n advanc e ha s th e authorit y t o confe r thi s ident y o n yo u a t som e point. I n socia l theory identitie s the n ar e understood to b e conferred o n individuals b y socia l institutions. To as k about th e futur e o f th e identit y "Christian, " therefore , i s t o raise question s no t s o muc h abou t individual s bu t abou t socia l institu tions. I n th e past , th e identit y o f Christia n coul d b e conferre d b y th e state; indeed , fro m th e fourt h centur y til l th e nineteent h century , th e state wa s th e primar y institutio n fro m whic h th e Christia n identit y de rived. Th e religiou s identity ' o f th e individua l was given b y th e religio n of th e territory , an d i n mos t case s the religio n o f th e territor y wa s tha t of it s ruler. As religious pluralism gradually came to b e recognized, start ing wit h th e religiou s war s o f th e seventeent h centur y bu t no t reachin g full bloo m unti l th e nineteent h century , religiou s identit y coul d als o b e conferred b y th e family . A perso n becam e a Christian an d a member o f a particula r Christian traditio n b y being bor n int o a family tha t adhere d to tha t tradition . Bu t ove r th e pas t tw o centurie s religiou s identit y ha s increasingly, as we know , becom e a matte r of voluntar y association, of willful identificatio n with a particular religious institution . At the ris k of belaboring the point , let me emphasize tha t even i n an era o f religiou s voluntarism , i t i s the institutio n tha t confer s the identit y of "Christian " o n th e individual . We encourag e individual s t o see k th e truth, t o rea d th e Bible , to gro w i n their faith , and in some tradition s t o make a personal decisio n fo r Christ . Thes e teaching s are so readil y available in the Wes t a t leas t that a n isolate d individua l might, a s testimonial s sometimes indicate , becom e a believe r simpl y throug h privat e readin g and reflection . But wit h fe w exceptions i t i s the churc h tha t confer s th e identity o f "Christian. " I n som e tradition s thi s occur s throug h baptis m and confirmation ; i n others , throug h peopl e makin g a publi c professio n of their fait h t o th e assemble d member s o f a congregation; an d i n other s still, throug h joinin g o r attendin g a particular church. Recognizing th e rol e of the churc h i n conferrin g a religious identit y on individual s i s importan t becaus e i t reverse s a commo n assumptio n about th e histor y of the churc h over th e past two centuries . Voluntaris m has, i n th e socia l science s a t least , bee n regarde d a s a sign o f th e weak ening influenc e o f th e church : presumabl y the balanc e betwee n institu tions an d individual s was shiftin g towar d th e latter . Quit e th e contrary . The mor e individual s wer e expecte d t o adop t a religiou s identity , th e more importan t th e churc h becam e a s the socia l institutio n responsibl e for conferrin g tha t identity . Indeed , w e hav e ampl e evidenc e o f thi s relationship fro m comparison s wit h countrie s wher e religiou s identit y i s still ascribe d a t birt h b y territoria l residenc e an d countrie s wher e reli gious identity - i s voluntary. What w e must als o recognize , though , is that identit y i s not th e onl y thing churche s confe r on th e individual . Over th e pas t tw o centuries , a t the tim e thi s rol e wa s increasing , churche s als o retaine d muc h o f thei r authority t o confe r certifie d biblica l knowledge an d doctrine , assuranc e

A Place for th e Christian 4

5

about individuals ' eterna l destiny and perhap s tha t o f their ancestor s an d children a s well, th e sanctit y o f th e marriag e vow, respectabilit y an d social standin g i n th e community , an d man y other things . Indeed , w e migh t say tha t th e grea t ag e o f th e churc h corresponde d wit h th e perio d i n which i t conferred not onl y individua l identity but good s an d services of a wide variet y as well. The identity-conferrin g functio n o f th e churc h loom s al l the mor e important no w a t th e en d o f th e twentiet h centur y because so man y of these othe r function s have eroded. I n man y cases, it seems , churches no longer confe r muc h o f anythin g else , othe r tha n identity. The y d o no t certify peopl e a s being wise . That capacit y ha s falle n largel y to th e col leges an d universities , t o science , an d t o professiona l associations. Even when a distinctio n i s draw n betwee n wisdo m an d knowledge , th e wis e are seldo m an y longe r theologian s an d clergy . The expressivis t orientation i n moder n cultur e attache s wisdo m t o th e artis t an d th e activist . They ar e the one s wh o create , who inven t by experiencing lif e an d prob ing it s boundaries . No r d o th e churche s necessaril y have the authorit y any longe r t o certif y wha t i t mean s to b e spiritual. Public opinion poll s reveal tha t mos t American s thin k yo u shoul d com e u p wit h you r ow n definition o f spirituality , rathe r tha n followin g th e dictate s o f an y reli gious institutions. 3 Indeed , man y o f th e peopl e I hav e interviewe d i n various research projects describe a negative trade-off between spirituality and religiou s institutions . Th e latter , the y say , ar e to o forma l an d bu reaucratic, eve n hypocritical , alway s raisin g mone y an d runnin g pro grams; spirituality , the y say , cannot b e force d int o a mold, fo r i t i s to o ephemeral, emotional , intuitive , impulsive. Who define s spirituality—th e institutions tha t certif y wha t it means—ar e independen t writers , agai n the ardst s an d activists , but als o mystics, secular saints, and just ordinary people i n ou r neighborhoods , o r th e peopl e w e kno w fro m Alcoholic s Amonymous. W e regar d the m a s spiritua l becaus e w e kno w mor e o f their privat e lives; these live s ar e shielde d fro m vie w b y th e formalit y o f most religiou s institutions . Perhap s th e churche s d o stil l pla y a rol e i n certifying tha t w e are good citizens and responsible parents. In th e worl d of suburba n America, thes e ar e certifications wel l worth having , o f course . We want th e respec t o f our neighbors , whethe r w e actuall y know the m or not , an d s o bein g involve d i n communit y organization s i s the thin g to do . Wit h fewe r children , sky-rocketin g educationa l costs, an d inflated expectations, w e make everything revolv e aroun d parenting . An d with all the uncertaint y no w associate d wit h thi s role , man y churches play a useful rol e i n helpin g u s believ e w e ar e goo d parent s whe n w e tak e ou r children t o a yout h grou p o r i n tellin g u s i t reall y isn't ou r faul t whe n our childre n fal l shor t o f our expectations . But mostly , wha t churche s ca n stil l d o i s giv e peopl e identitie s a s Christians. The y stil l d o thi s fo r mos t o f th e populatio n b y baptizin g infants an d confirmin g teenagers . Surprisingl y hig h proportion s o f th e population claim to have had born-again experiences, which ar e probably

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described tha t way because religious institutions stil l help to defin e them . Other peopl e ma y only b e cultural Christians, bu t genuinely so, because the churches have in the pas t taught them , and evoked a deep, primordia l identification with , distinctivel y Christian stories . I n nomina l ways , oth ers ma y identif y themselve s as Christians becaus e their parents belonge d to a church, because they stil l atten d o n Christma s an d Easter , an d be cause they kno w the y ar e not Muslim s or Hindus . The thesi s I want t o conside r i n this chapter , then, i s that th e likeli hood of "Christian" having any place in the nex t century depends o n th e continuing powe r o f th e churc h to confe r thi s a s a meaningful identity. I wan t t o conside r thre e way s i n whic h th e churc h confer s a Christia n identity, focusin g o n th e challenge s that bese t i t i n eac h of thes e areas: the churc h as a community o f memory, the churc h as denomination, an d the churc h a s a supportiv e community . Eac h of thes e ha s alread y bee n mentioned i n previou s chapters. Now w e must inquir e more specificall y about th e likelihoo d tha t th e church, in these ways, will carry on th e very identity of the Christian.

The Churc h a s Community of Memory In Habits o f the Heart, Bella h an d hi s colleagues sugges t tha t par t o f th e genuine, sustainin g community , whic h i n thei r vie w w e s o desperately need i n ou r otherwis e individualisti c society, mus t b e a strong concep tion o f the past , a community of memory : Communities . . . hav e a history—i n a n importan t sens e the y ar e consti tuted b y thei r past—an d fo r thi s reaso n w e ca n spea k o f a rea l community as a "community of memory," one that does not forge t it s past. In order no t to forge t tha t past , a community i s involved i n retellin g it s story, it s constitutive narrative , an d i n s o doing, it offer s example s of the me n an d wome n who hav e embodied an d exemplifie d th e meanin g o f the community . These stories o f collective histor y an d exemplar y individual s ar e an importan t par t of the traditio n that i s so central to a community of memory. 4 Their emphasi s on stories , i t i s worth noting , point s t o a n ide a so fundamental tha t i t deserves consideration i n its own right. 5 But in the present contex t I wan t onl y t o observ e tha t Bella h and hi s associates draw a connection betwee n communitie s o f memory and both th e topic s o n which this chapter focuses : the church and identity. That th e church, along wit h neighborhoods an d ki n groups , i s an importan t communit y o f memor y goes withou t saying . Tha t communitie s o f memor y ar e essentia l t o th e formation o f a n individual' s identit y i s als o a commonplace , althoug h part o f wha t i s implie d her e i s the importanc e o f tradition , a s oppose d to detache d rationality , a theme tha t philosopher s Hans-Geor g Gadamer and Alasdair Maclntyre, among others, have asserted with particula r force . Maclntyre, fo r example , underscores th e poin t alread y made abou t identity bein g conferre d b y socia l institutions , statin g tha t an y concep -


7

tion o f mora l actio n mus t therefor e b e accompanie d b y a sociolog y o f the same . Hi s treatmen t o f tradition, moreover , explicate s perhaps mor e clearly the mechanism s by which communities of memory an d individual identities ar e linked. H e writes : A livin g traditio n . . . i s an historically extended , sociall y embodie d argument, an d a n argumen t precisel y i n par t abou t th e good s which constitut e that tradition. Withi n a tradition the pursui t of goods extends through generations, sometime s through man y generations . Henc e th e individual' s searc h for hi s o r he r goo d i s generall y an d characteristicall y conducte d withi n a context define d b y those traditions of which th e individual' s lif e i s a part. 6 I hav e included thi s statemen t fro m Maclntyr e als o because it point s to th e fac t tha t communitie s o f memory must b e considered i n evaluative terms. Unlike the author s o f Habits o f the Heart, wh o giv e the impressio n that America n individualis m simply leave s peopl e withou t communitie s of memory , Maclntyr e correctl y perceive s that everyon e live s withi n thes e communities, i f only becaus e our persona l narratives always depend o n a sense o f histor y an d tradition . Th e variatio n come s whe n w e conside r what he refer s t o a s the "goods" constituting different traditions . I n con sidering churche s a s communitie s o f memory , therefore , w e mus t as k how stron g thi s traditio n wil l b e and wha t good s i t will convey.

The Loss of Tradition A usefu l startin g poin t for tryin g t o answe r thes e question s i s to observ e that th e church' s rol e a s a communit y o f memor y i s bein g emphasize d by Maclntyre, Bellah , and indee d man y church leaders precisely at a time when a n increasin g percentag e o f th e America n population include s thos e not bein g bor n an d raise d i n churches ; even i f they are , such peopl e ar e not bein g reare d in the churche s of their ancestors , an d ar e probably no t attending churche s tha t thei r childre n wil l als o attend . I n othe r words , memory i s being emphasize d becaus e memory i s now increasingl y problematic. We can raise questions abou t tradition wit h greate r urgency now than w e could hav e had w e lived in the thirteent h century . It i s als o instructiv e tha t th e churc h i s increasingl y regarded a s an important communit y o f memory i n our society . Thi s i s because the othe r sources of rich narrative tradition, namel y ethnic groups, residentia l communities, an d families , are also subject to th e growin g pressure s o f change, while man y o f ou r mor e recen t institutions , suc h a s business firm s an d the mas s media , ar e believe d t o hav e onl y shallo w tie s t o th e past . A s many of the other functions of die church t o which referenc e has already been mad e erode , th e memory-preservin g functio n ma y als o gai n i n relative importance. Bu t what does i t mean to sa y diat the church functions as a communit y o f memory , especiall y a t a tim e whe n s o man y o f it s actual histori c link s are being weakened?

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Telling Stones of the Past As a community o f memory , th e churc h must, amon g othe r things , b e backward looking ; i t ha s a special missio n t o preserv e the past , t o carr y on a tradition. Th e churc h must b e a community o f memory b y perpet uating th e narrative s of th e past , b y tellin g storie s tha t brin g th e pas t into th e present . And , whil e th e ide a of church-as-storytelle r ma y seem to diminis h it s importance, thi s functio n must actually be seen as having the utmos t significance. 7 Fo r th e ver y likelihood o f anyone i n the future retaining the identit y of "Christian" depend s on it . At firs t glance , tellin g storie s ma y als o see m easy ; this, afte r all , i s what th e churc h does: preachin g relate s stories, an d the liturg y reenact s them. Bu t moder n literar y theory als o demonstrate s th e complexit y o f storytelling. Decision s mus t b e made abou t whic h pas t t o memorialize , how t o mak e it contemporary, an d ho w t o evok e identification between the listene r an d th e character s i n th e text . Thes e task s ar e mad e al l th e more difficul t b y the institutiona l settings i n which the storie s ar e told. Challenges One institutiona l challeng e facing th e churc h i s that i t ha s often robbe d itself of the authorit y t o tel l it s stories. In th e interes t o f demonstratin g its scientific , historical , an d theologica l sophistication , i t ha s talke d i n these term s instea d o f tellin g it s stories . Peopl e wh o g o t o th e theater , we must remember , want to se e a play; they do no t com e t o hea r theo ries of the play . A second institutiona l challeng e comes from th e fac t tha t increasing number s o f people , a s I hav e mentioned , ar e transien t an d infrequent participant s in religiou s communities . A t on e time , churche s could probabl y do mor e tha n tel l and enact stories; the y coul d als o embody thes e stories . Th e pas t wa s no t th e universa l pas t o f Christian s everywhere, bu t o f Christians i n thi s place: our forebears , our ancestors , our elders . Now churche s shy away from suc h stories becaus e they know newcomers wil l no t understand . A thir d institutiona l challeng e come s from th e fac t tha t th e churc h face s increasin g competitio n i n mode m societies as purveyor of stories abou t th e past . If one doe s not thin k so , consider the extensive indoctrination childre n receive in school abou t th e past; or perhaps more important, conside r how powerful the motion picture industr y ha s becom e a s a sourc e o f storie s abou t th e past . An d a fourth challeng e involve s the continuin g emphasi s our societ y place s o n progress, novelty , innovation. Stories abou t th e past are desperately needed, but w e als o wan t the m t o hel p u s fantasiz e abou t th e future , an d w e want them relate d i n innovative ways. At best , then , th e churc h ma y b e abl e t o creat e temporar y pasts , modular traditions , i n whic h people ca n participate for shor t period s o f time, a s they do when they see a movie based on a historical novel. Som e churches may be able to presen t their stories a s "The Story," as the stor y


9

around whic h al l of histor y revolves , th e "greates t story eve r told. " Bu t even tha t kin d o f stor y wil l not instil l a deep Christia n identity unles s it is tol d an d retold , relate d i n innovativ e ways, an d intertwine d wit h th e other individua l and collectiv e pasts tha t ar e par t o f every person's tradi tion. Paradoxically , the churc h must als o diminish the particularis m of its various local , regional , an d nationa l histories , bu t a t th e sam e tim e in clude itsel f i n th e storie s i t tells , reinforcin g it s ow n authorit y a s it doe s so. This doe s not mea n a return to triumphalism , but i t does mean facin g squarely th e histor y o f th e churc h an d redeemin g what i s uniqu e abou t its past . I t als o mean s tha t th e churc h mus t b e a plac e where discourse , whether abou t th e past , present , o r future , i s activel y encouraged. Memory ma y connote a n elemen t o f individua l biography , tucke d awa y i n th e recesses of the mind . Bu t memor y comes aliv e an d i s renewed only when it i s discussed. Stanle y Hauerwa s expresse s this ide a eloquentl y when h e writes: "Th e churc h no t onl y i s bu t mus t b e a 'communit y o f mora l discourse'—that is H a communit y tha t sustain s the ongoin g implication s of it s commitment s acros s generation s a s i t necessaril y face s ne w chal lenges an d situations." 8

The Churc h as Denomination In th e pas t centur y denominationalis m was of course a very larg e part o f what i t mean t t o b e Christian . Peopl e wer e Baptist s or Presbyterian s as much a s the y wer e Christians . The y wer e Catholic s o r Orthodox , an d their Christia n identit y wa s inseparabl e fro m thes e traditions . Bu t de nominationalism has , a s we know, decline d in many ways.9 Fewer peopl e remain i n th e denomination s i n whic h the y wer e raised , fewe r peopl e think thei r own denominatio n ha s a better gras p on th e trut h tha n othe r denominations, an d fewe r denomination s themselve s impose creedal tests that peopl e mus t mee t i n orde r t o becom e member s o r participat e in church services . Growin g number s o f churche s might b e characterized as open systems , attemptin g t o embrac e everyone, while imposing littl e o n anyone.

Tom Haskens At times , i t i s hearin g someon e lik e yoursel f expres s thes e orientation s that make s you mos t awar e of them, eve n mor e tha n havin g statistics or theories tha t demonstrat e them . Liste n t o wha t To m Haskens , a devou t Christian i n hi s earl y forties, ha s t o sa y about hi s denominational affilia tion: " I don' t car e whether it' s calle d a Methodist o r a Presbyterian church or Communit y Bibl e church . I don't car e what th e nam e i s on th e front . . . . I don't thin k I have to b e a member o f any particular religion t o be a Christian . I don't loo k a t a name o n th e fron t of th e church . I loo k fo r a fellowshi p tha t i s committed t o servin g Christ . That' s wher e I a m now. " Tom Hasken s identifie s himsel f a s a Christian ; h e i s no t lik e Bellah' s

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character, Sheila , who ha d he r ow n privat e religio n name d afte r herself . Tom Hasken s i s deeply involve d i n hi s loca l church , bu t i t i s also clea r that denomination s don' t mea n muc h to him . H e i s happy now becaus e the preachin g an d th e fellowshi p appea l t o him . I n a few years, he may pick up hi s family an d switc h t o a different church . There ar e probably lots o f people, lik e Tom Haskens , wh o thin k o f themselves simpl y a s Christians , rathe r tha n Baptists , Presbyterians , o r Catholics. Bu t a vita l elemen t i s los t i n th e process . Imagin e wha t i t would b e like if everybody in the Unite d State s though t o f themselves as Americans, but ha d n o sens e of themselves as New Yorkers , San Franciscans, Virginians , Midwesterners , o r Italian-Americans . The resul t seem s an awfu l lo t lik e th e specte r o f mas s society tha t wa s so muc h discusse d in th e 19505. 10 N o identit y stand s betwee n th e atomize d individua l an d the nation-state . Everyon e sink s into borin g sameness. The Retention of Local Identity Is suc h a mas s societ y th e destin y o f th e churc h a s well ? I thin k not . Mass societ y i s not a n apt descriptio n o f our identit y in the secula r sphere. I suspec t Christian s wil l als o retai n mor e tha n som e vague , universa l identity a s well. The sloga n "thin k globally, ac t locally" is what comes t o mind. The Christia n identity will, on th e one hand, become mor e globa l as denominationa l boundarie s erode , an d als o a s Christians realiz e thei r kinship wit h fello w Christian s aroun d th e world. 11 Thi s globa l identit y will b e significantl y enriche d and strengthened , though , if it i s accompanied b y a loca l identity. 12 An d thi s loca l identit y wil l still com e abou t chiefly i n churches associated with variou s denominations.13 The ke y point, though , i s that denominationa l identit y will i n practice mean a local identity . We se e virtually the sam e diing in every other sphere o f socia l life . Peopl e identif y themselve s a s New Yorker s becaus e this helps to locat e the m i n a local geographic space . When the y identif y themselves a s Italian-Americans , the y als o evok e a loca l neighborhoo d and ki n network , no t a n affinit y wit h a n organizatio n i n Washington . Truly national organizations, suc h as political parties, are eroding in their ability t o retai n people' s loyalties , jus t a s denomination s are . Bu t loca l civic club s and communit y organization s ar e flourishing . W e kno w tha t the sam e thin g i s happening i n di e religiou s sphere . Peopl e belon g t o the Presbyterian church, not becaus e of deep loyalty to the denomination at large , bu t becaus e they lik e th e pastor, the y fee l comfortabl e witli die people, th e buildin g fits their architectura l tastes, th e churc h is not to o far away , and i t provides activities for rhei r family . Challenges The challenge s here arc all too familiar . Whe n th e churc h functions mainly as a source of local identity, i t must the n compet e wit h al l the othe r civic


1

associations tha t provid e identit y a t thi s level . Schoo l program s an d ath letic team s serv e the sam e functio n fo r children , an d ar e often fa r mor e attractive tha n th e loca l yout h grou p a t church . Voluntary associations , neighbors, an d th e workplac e constitut e th e loca l identitie s o f adults . Church leader s ar e simpl y delude d i f they thin k peopl e "ou t there " are desperately seekin g a "community" wit h whic h t o associat e an d wil l attend churc h in hopes o f finding i t there. Despit e the individualis m of our society, mos t peopl e hav e al l the communit y association s they can stand. If they atten d church , it will have to b e for other reason s than that . But I wan t t o emphasiz e a differen t challeng e tha t als o arise s fro m the church' s increasingl y local identity. I f lait y care s les s an d les s abou t the denominatio n a s a large r entity , thi s mean s tha t th e guardian s o f denominationalism wil l increasingly be th e clergy . Perhaps i t ha s alway s been so , but no w th e clergy must take on the additional responsibility of caring fo r bureaucrati c structures buil t up ove r th e pas t centur y that ar e presently in serious decline . Were ther e a way to cove r the financial costs of thes e structures , the y migh t wel l serv e a s a n outle t fo r th e surplu s numbers of clergy currently being traine d i n many denominations. A more likely outcome , though , i s an increasin g separatio n betwee n clerg y an d laity. Member s of the clerg y will sit on denominationa l committees, rea d denominational publications , worr y abou t th e policie s an d publi c pro nouncements o f thei r denominations , an d loo k t o denominationa l net works for new jobs and promotions; lait y will register extreme disinterest in an y of thes e activities. The negativ e result ma y well be an increas e in th e level s of anticleri calism that are already beginning to sho w u p i n studies of lay attitudes.14 Despite th e relativel y hig h respect i n whic h member s of th e clerg y are still held, compare d wit h politician s and busines s leaders, they are nevertheless revere d mos t a s car e givers , an d leas t a s pett y bureaucrat s con cerned wit h thei r denominations . Lackin g the divin e authority that once derived fro m conception s o f th e priestl y calling, they ar e often criticize d for payin g too muc h attention t o finances, their ow n prestige , an d othe r quests commonl y associate d wit h th e mentalit y of the bureaucrat. A more positiv e result may b e opportunities fo r la y leaders to pla y a more activ e role i n shapin g their loca l churches . Members o f th e clerg y may als o find it valuabl e to retriev e their ancien t authority , leavin g denominational wor k t o professiona l administrators, an d payin g mor e at tention t o becomin g spiritua l guide s o r persona l witnesse s o f wha t i t means t o b e Christian . Givin g car e an d suppor t i s likel y t o becom e a n increasingly significan t rol e fo r lait y and clerg y alike.

The Churc h a s Support Group This bring s us , then , t o a final way in whic h th e churc h can functio n as a sourc e o f Christia n identity . Persona l identit y i s alway s shaped mos t formatively throug h firsthan d interactio n i n intimat e referenc e groups ,

52 Institutional

Challenges

the famil y o f origi n o f cours e bein g th e mos t significan t of all . The family, though , i s currently undergoing enormou s change s o f th e kin d tha t probably wil l not lead , a s some argue , t o it s breakdow n o r demise , bu t are creatin g many uncertainties abou t desirabl e rol e relationship s amon g parents an d children . With th e heightene d responsibilit y we now accep t as individual s for ou r ow n persona l growt h an d sel f realization , w e ar e also muc h mor e oriente d tha n eve r befor e towar d th e continuin g reso cialization of ourselves beyond our familie s of origin. Concept s of midlif e crisis an d slogans suc h a s "It's never too lat e to hav e a happy childhood" attest t o thes e heightene d responsibilities . And , whil e thes e quest s ar e intensely personal, the y too requir e institutional support—suppor t in the form o f a language tha t confer s legitimacy o n th e outcome, and support for th e dee p emotiona l wor k involve d i n an y proces s o f identit y refor mation. In th e pas t churche s typicall y serve d a s intimat e referenc e groups , augmenting th e famil y wit h adul t rol e model s an d socia l support . Eve n until fairl y recently , age-graded classes , gender-based group s fo r men an d women, an d specia l program s fo r youn g marrie d people , familie s with small children , an d th e like , probabl y functione d t o reinforc e conven tional understanding s o f famil y roles . Probabl y many people ca n also poin t to particula r elders , deacons , an d Sunda y schoo l teacher s a s adult rol e models wh o fulfille d th e vita l function , emphasize d recentl y i n Rober t Ely's boo k abou t men , o f initiatin g th e youn g an d helpin g the m differ entiate thei r ow n identit y fro m tha t o f thei r parents. 15 Tw o develop ments, though , hav e erode d th e churches ' capacit y t o perfor m thes e identity-shaping tasks: th e changin g conception s o f famil y an d sel f t o which I have already referred, and the growin g siz e and impersonalit y o f many churches . Megachurche s o f severa l thousand member s canno t b y themselves provid e suc h intimat e socialization , bu t neithe r ca n th e left over neighborhoo d churc h o f twent y people , al l of who m ar e i n thei r retirement years . And ye t th e churc h stil l has a mission t o fulfil l i n thi s area, becaus e th e athleti c teams , civi c organizations , an d workplace s I mentioned previousl y provide associatio n bu t not intimac y and deep per sonal support . Evidence on Small Groups The hunge r fo r such support i s perhaps best evidence d b y the explo sion i n recen t years of twelve-ste p groups, self-hel p groups, an d suppor t groups o f al l kinds. I n a nationa l surve y conducte d i n Novembe r 1990 , for example , 29 percent of the America n public said they were "currentl y involved i n a smal l group tha t meet s regularl y and provide s suppor t o r caring fo r thos e wh o participat e in it. " Anothe r 1 2 percent sai d the y ha d been involve d i n suc h a grou p i n th e past , bu t wer e no t currentl y in volved.16 The connectio n betwee n thes e groups an d spirituality has often bee n

A Place fi r th e Christian 5

3

noted, particularly because twelve-ste p groups generall y acknowledge dependence o n a higher power , bu t als o becaus e man y such groups ar e in fact sponsore d b y churches. Founding smal l groups ha s been on e wa y in which megachurche s hav e been abl e t o mee t th e nee d fo r intimac y amon g their members, an d in some case s these group s appea r to hav e generate d further growt h i n their sponsorin g organizations . I n th e survey , the spiritual dimensio n wa s als o clearl y in evidence . Among thos e currentl y involved i n smal l support groups , 7 3 percent sai d their fait h o r spiritualit y had bee n influence d as a result of their involvement, and of this number , 70 percen t sai d thei r fait h ha d bee n deepene d a lot . I n mor e specifi c ways, th e spiritua l influenc e of group involvement was also apparent : of the peopl e currentl y involved , 9 0 percen t claime d they wer e better abl e to forgiv e others , 7 9 percent sai d the y ha d bee n enable d t o shar e thei r faith wit h other s outsid e th e group , 7 8 percent felt close r to God , an d 66 percent ha d experienced answer s to prayer. 17 If spiritualit y i n it s generi c sens e i s reinforce d b y thes e groups , th e evidence tha t a specificall y Christia n identit y i s being nurture d is , however, les s compelling . O n th e on e hand , mor e o f thos e wh o wer e in volved, tha n o f those who wer e no t involved , sai d thei r church ha d become more important t o them during the past five years. We don't know, of course, whethe r group involvemen t was the sourc e of their increasing interest i n th e churc h or whethe r the y wer e alread y becoming mor e in terested i n th e churc h an d thi s wa s th e sourc e o f thei r grou p involve ment. O n th e othe r hand , 4 0 percen t o f th e peopl e involve d i n smal l support group s sai d thes e group s wer e no t part o f th e activitie s of any church o r religiou s organization . I n othe r words , man y of thes e groups may be cultivating spirituality that i s not associate d with anything specif ically Christia n o r linke d to an y specifi c religiou s tradition. If so , that i s certainly a challenge th e churche s will need t o confront . Eithe r they wil l need to incorporat e thes e groups mor e closely into their traditional structures or se e the ne w structures themselve s become functional alternatives to the church.

The Transmission of Identity There is , however, another challeng e that thes e group s pose , particularly in connection with the question o f identity that I raised at the beginnin g of this chapter. The most seriou s task that the churches have always faced has bee n th e transmissio n o f identity t o ne w generations, an d the maintenance o f tha t identit y acros s the lif e cycle . Support group s ar e vulnerable i n bot h thes e respects . The y d o no t fo r the mos t par t provid e anything fo r childre n o r fo r parent s an d children , an d the y ar e ofte n deliberately conceive d fo r adult s experiencin g crise s a t particula r transitions i n thei r lives , rathe r tha n bein g par t o f a large r congregatio n o r community tha t encompasse s the individua l i n th e wa y the churc h typi cally has in the pas t fro m cradl e to grave .

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These limitation s d o no t mea n tha t smal l support group s fai l t o b e of any effect i n either o f these areas . Certainly the y provide support an d sustenance fo r parents , thereb y raisin g th e chance s that parent s wil l b e able t o perfor m thei r ow n socializin g functions more effectively . B y enhancing th e self-awarenes s of parents , the y ma y increas e the abilit y o f parents t o dea l with thei r children i n bette r way s tha n i f they were still struggling to recove r from thei r ow n dysfunctiona l childhoods. Further more, i n helping adult s through particularl y difficult lif e transitions , the y may provid e th e rol e model s tha t ar e ofte n lackin g i n moder n society , and eve n buil d bridge s fro m on e lif e stag e t o th e nex t i n a wa y tha t allows peopl e t o retai n their Christia n identity . In conclusion, then, let me suggest tha t the identit y of "Christian" is very well likely to continue i n the twenty-first century, but it s vitality will depend o n th e abilit y of churches and other religiou s institutions t o perpetuate it . Whethe r churche s serve primarily as communities of memory, as denomination s tha t hel p people t o ac t locally while thinking globally , or as support group s tha t nurtur e th e in-depth work required to reshape one's identity, the y will need t o provid e rol e models an d turn thes e rol e models int o character s in th e storie s w e al l tell ourselves . I t i s i n thes e stories tha t w e find our tru e identit y and , a s I shal l discuss i n th e nex t section, thes e storie s als o becom e th e mean s by which we are challenged to liv e ethically and morally.

II Ethical Challenges: Role Models, Stories , and Learnin g How t o Care


4 Stories t o Live By

Frankie lie s on a mil now . lowar d the nort h i s the hil l where Central nig " School looms , an d wher e he r principa l use d t o tal k abou t heroes . Mayb e three mile s away to th e southeas t i s the house where she spent the first nine years o f he r life—an d tha t i s on a hill also. An d awa y of f beyon d th e envi rons of Fountain Cit y and Knoxville , bigger ridge s stand purple. You might imagine that Franki e wa s up ther e somewhere, waltzing ; she' d alway s loved to dance . She could be , too. Coul d hav e been dancing with her darling, and snuggling delightedl y with hi m i n bed , runnin g throug h lif e wit h al l the verve, perplexity, heartbrea k and exultatio n of an y young wif e durin g 5000 night s and day s of thes e past 1 5 years . "Except tha t somethin g mad e he r g o bac k into tha t airplan e cabin 1 1 times, an d 1 1 times was just one tim e to o many . "A crashe d airplane is strictl y for th e stalwar t men i n asbesto s suit s an d masks. I t i s no t fo r th e petit e littl e Mis s Pretty—no t unles s sh e i s a Mary Frances Housley . The n sh e ha s suc h lov e i n he r hear t tha t n o high-octan e explosion can ever blast it out.' So concludes th e heartrendin g accoun t o f a young stewardes s who gav e her lif e tha t other s might live . Fiv e shor t page s in a magazine purchased at th e supermarket , tosse d i n betwee n th e tomatoe s an d canne d soup . On th e nex t page , a s if to reliev e the reade r o f these weighty reflections , are humorou s quip s abou t neighbor s an d police , haberdasher s an d trav eling salesmen . Bu t on e woul d hav e t o b e calloused t o th e quic k no t t o be moved b y the stor y of Mar y France s Housley . 57

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The Ethica l Challenge As we reflec t o n lif e i n the twenty-firs t century, w e surely must hop e that goodness an d mercy , eve n o f th e extrem e kin d demonstrate d b y Mar y Frances Housely , will b e preserved. Traditionally , i t has fallen t o th e churc h to pas s o n suc h ethica l ideals . In th e future , th e socia l role o f the Chris tian wil l hopefully includ e the ethica l life, a life o f caring and compassio n for thos e i n need . But ho w ca n th e ethica l ideal s of th e pas t b e transmitte d effectivel y to th e comin g generation ? I n scienc e fiction , th e futur e wil l b e on e i n which chemicals , computers, hypnosis , an d othe r mean s o f brainwashing are use d t o transmi t th e society' s ideals . Wil l the churc h b e replace d b y these means ? Philosophical Views Ethicists would , o f course , sa y no . Bu t ethicist s pos e a different , an d perhaps equall y debatable , scenari o o f th e future . Universit y of Chicag o philosopher Russel l Hardin , fo r example , suggest s i n hi s boo k Morality within th e Limits o f Reason tha t w e canno t transmi t our ethica l standard s to th e nex t generatio n wit h effectivenes s unti l w e hav e grounde d thes e standards mor e clearl y i n th e detache d logi c of rationa l utilitarianism. In his view , w e mus t weig h th e goodnes s of variou s outcomes b y applyin g the principle s of probability calculations and gam e theory , an d mak e ou r ethical decisions according t o thos e considerations. 2 Other s have taken a similar approach . Germa n socia l philosophe r Jiirgc n Habermas , fo r ex ample, pin s hi s hopes fo r the futur e o f ethics on th e abilit y of dispassionate peopl e t o thematiz e thei r interest s an d communicat e abou t thes e un derlying theme s i n rationa l terms. 3

The Role of Narrative I hav e the greates t respec t fo r these philosopher s an d their effort s t o save a place i n th e intellectua l domai n fo r ethica l deliberation . Bu t I doub t whether thi s i s the domai n i n whic h har d ethica l choice s wil l actuall y be hammered ou t i n th e future . I d o no t mea n tha t w e must op t fo r emo tivism i n favo r o f th e intellect . How w e thin k abou t ethica l questions i s of enormou s importance . Bu t ou r thinkin g i s less likely t o b e shape d b y the abstrac t claim s of the philosophe r tha n by the concret e tutelag e of the storyteller . Indeed , if we turn t o othe r philosophers , w e find a growing recognitio n o f th e importanc e o f stories . Alasdai r Maclntyre , a s we have seen , emphasize s th e rol e o f narrativ e i n creatin g communitie s o f memory. Stanle y Hauerwa s extend s thi s ide a specificall y t o question s of ethical commitment. H e observes : "W e rightly discover that t o whic h we are deeply committed only b y having our live s challenged b y others. Tha t

Stones t o Live By 5

9

challenge doe s no t com e onl y fro m withou t bu t rathe r i s entaile d b y narrative tha t ha s captured ou r lives." 4 Others, als o writin g wit h a particular interest in the relationship be tween religio n an d ethics , hav e arrived a t similar conclusions. 5 Bu t whether their claim s are correct, an d i f so, in what manner , questions remai n that must b e addresse d i n real-lif e situations . I shal l attemp t t o demonstrat e the powe r o f storie s a s vehicle s o f ethica l transmission , no t throug h a theoretical argument abou t thei r natur e bu t b y recounting fro m th e lives of rea l people wit h who m I hav e talked ho w the y learned the grea t biblical truth o f lovin g one's neighbo r a s oneself.6 I n thi s an d th e following two chapter s I shall report furthe r o n wha t I learned from th e researc h I did fo r m y boo k Acts of Compassion. I n tha t book I examined the way s in which carin g peopl e i n ou r societ y mak e sens e o f thei r effort s t o hel p others. Som e o f th e informatio n came from a national survey, but ofte n people foun d i t necessar y to tel l personal stories t o dea l adequately with their understanding s o f thei r lives . Here , I wis h t o conside r th e rol e o f stories themselve s mor e fully . Ho w d o thes e storie s encapsulat e our experiences of ethical behavior? Who ar e the contemporar y saint s that sup ply our storie s wit h models o f caring and compassion ? What doe s i t take for u s t o dra w ethica l lesson s fro m th e storie s o f thes e saints ? Ca n w e learn fro m thes e storie s way s in which we migh t d o a bette r jo b o f balancing ou r nee d fo r individualit y and ou r nee d fo r communit y i n th e years ahead ?

Stories o f Lov e Stories o f brav e peopl e lik e Mar y France s Housely ar e a very importan t feature o f America n culture. The y ar e simpl y more extreme , more vivid , more heroi c versions of the storie s that are a part of everyone's autobiog raphy. I n talkin g wit h peopl e wh o ha d learne d th e valu e o f caring , I discovered tha t everyon e has stories to tel l about the compassionat e peo ple the y hav e known, hear d of , rea d about , o r admire d fro m afar . The y had rea d stories an d see n films about famou s me n an d wome n o f com passion, suc h a s Mother Teres a o f Calcutta , Gandhi , an d Marti n Luther King, Jr . The y als o ha d movin g storie s t o tel l abou t friends , relatives , and other persona l acquaintance s who ha d shown them what it means to be compassionate . The y ha d learne d ho w t o car e b y bein g care d fo r themselves an d the y ha d encode d thes e lessons i n vivi d persona l narratives. Mothers as Role Models For man y of us, stories of being cared for take us back to our childhoods , especially t o ou r mothers . I n th e vestige s of our memorie s li e images of goodness tha t ca n becom e powerfu l model s late r on. Ou r mother s em -

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body compassion . W e remembe r how the y care d for us, ho w the y cared for others . Thei r exampl e makes us thin k caring is primordial. I remembe r vividl y on e elderl y man wh o recounte d th e followin g story fro m hi s childhood : "Whe n I wa s eigh t year s ol d I go t typhoi d fever. I wa s i n th e hospita l fo r five weeks. And, yo u know , m y mothe r only misse d on e nigh t durin g al l that tim e spendin g the nigh t wit h m e in th e hospital . Tha t reall y stands out. " H e sai d he ha d alway s thought of hi s mothe r a s a carin g person , bu t i t wa s reall y that even t tha t h e always recalle d most clearly . Similarly, a young man wh o spen t man y of his odd hour s volunteering wit h th e handicappe d remembere d th e exampl e his mother (an d sister) ha d se t for hi m throug h a business she operated: "Back in the sixties my mother opene d a n ice cream store righ t acros s from th e cit y hall . Sh e had a spar e room i n th e back , so sh e turned i t int o a tee n cente r where kids coul d com e an d han g out . M y siste r ra n that . M y mothe r wa s th e authority figure and m y sister was the frien d peopl e could relat e to. Kid s would com e t o m y mother wit h question s like, 'I'm pregnant, what should I do? ' An d they' d com e t o m y siste r wit h question s like , 'I' m havin g trouble wit h m y boyfriend, can I tel l yo u abou t it? ' Betwee n the tw o o f them, the y really modeled wha t caring should b e about." Another youn g ma n describe d th e carin g h e ha d experience d fro m his mother metaphorically : "Her whol e life wa s a smile." For man y of us, th e compassio n we sa w in our mother s i s the inspiration fo r ou r ow n caring , as parents, volunteers, or friends . Ou r moth ers provid e us , a s i t were , wit h rol e models . Bu t thes e model s becom e operative fo r us—the y shap e our ethica l conduct—becaus e w e hav e en coded their behavior in stories. The futur e o f such conduct wil l undoubt edly depend o n the continuing power of these stories about ou r mothers . "She i s th e mos t carin g and th e mos t compassionat e person I hav e ever known," is how on e woman , a leader in the Mothers Against Drun k Driving (MADD ) movement , describe d her mother. "She cares about people, sh e care s about children , she love s children, she makes sure you fee l good abou t yourself. " At tha t momen t he r trai n o f though t wa s interrupted b y a lou d cr y o f "Mommy! " fro m th e nex t room . Afte r dealin g gently wit h he r son' s pleading , sh e resumed , describin g how muc h he r mother's exampl e had influence d he r ow n attitude s towar d childrearing. "I hop e I lov e my own kid s the wa y she loved us . Sh e just spen t lots o f time holdin g us , lovin g us . Sh e alway s sai d th e housewor k coul d wait , but kid s wouldn't, the y just gro w u p o n you . I reall y believ e that . Wha t you d o fo r your childre n when they'r e littl e is so important whe n they're grown. So , yo u know , I jus t kis s m y kid s a lo t an d lov e the m and , yo u know, spen d tim e wit h the m an d tell them lot s o f stories." Fathers as Role Models Fathers ar e ofte n th e subject s o f storie s illustratin g a n ethi c o f compassion, too , althoug h no t a s frequently , i t seems , a s mothers . A youn g

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businessman wh o ha d followe d closel y i n hi s father' s footstep s recalle d that hi s fathe r had alway s tried t o b e scrupulously ethical, bu t als o com passionate, i n th e wa y h e conducte d business . On e specifi c stor y tha t stood out i n his memory involved a man whose busines s ha d failed. " 'What do yo u do?' my father asked , 'Let him starv e or hel p him get bac k on his feet?' S o m y fathe r foun d a wa y t o ge t hi m bac k i n business . And th e guy was overcome. H e said , 'Nat, how ca n I help you? I'l l give you some of my bes t produce. ' But m y father said , 'Wait a minute. Yo u don't have to d o that . Jus t b e a good guy , yo u know , lik e you've alway s been . You actually gave me the opportunity t o do somethin g good. ' " Other me n an d wome n recalle d ho w thei r father s ha d stoppe d t o help stranger s havin g ca r troubl e o r ha d helpe d wit h community improvement project s sponsored b y Rotary o r Kiwani s clubs . Ofte n th e deeds wer e small , bu t hel d lastin g significanc e in children' s memories . They showe d tha t Da d ha d a caring heart withi n his tough exterior . Some people—th e fortunat e amon g us—ar e abl e t o describ e bot h their father s and mother s i n glowing term s as models of caring and compassion. A retire d woma n wh o spen t tim e eac h wee k doin g voluntee r work a t the loca l librar y remembere d the sacrifice s he r parent s had made for thei r childre n and the har d work that stil l reminded her of how much they care d fo r her . The y ha d bee n immigrant s an d di d no t hav e muc h education, sh e said . "Bu t on e thin g the y taugh t u s a s children wa s th e importance o f givin g of yourself. They alway s said the countr y ha s given you a lot, an d yo u hav e to giv e something i n return. I thin k I'v e carried that sinc e childhood." Another woma n sai d simpl y that sh e fel t ver y luck y because her parent s had showere d he r with warmt h an d affection . Beyond ou r Parent s

But man y o f u s ar e no t s o lucky . Th e carin g w e receive d a s childre n provides n o mode l o f compassion . I t i s something w e would rathe r forget, somethin g w e hesitat e t o mention . Ou r mother s di d no t sho w u s how t o care . Neithe r di d ou r fathers . W e canno t tur n t o thei r exampl e to fin d storie s o f compassion o r o f other ethica l ideals . And , a s we loo k to th e future , we mus t recognize , sa d a s it ma y be , tha t thi s wil l be th e experience of a growing number o f childre n i n ou r society . Divorc e will leave it s scars. Child abus e will leave its scars, too, literally . Dysfunctional Families This wa s th e experienc e of a woman no w i n he r lat e forties , divorced , who run s he r ow n printin g business . Sh e is a deeply caring person wh o does voluntee r work , help s people wit h dru g abus e and alcoholism prob lems, and tries hard t o b e a witness t o the unconditional lov e she believes is embodied i n God . Bu t sh e ca n thin k o f nobod y wh o exemplifie d caring an d compassio n whil e sh e wa s growing up . He r fathe r committe d suicide when sh e was a year an d a half old. Sh e describes bot h he r mothe r

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and he r grandfather , wh o live d wit h he r mother , a s drinking alcoholics. "Since tha t was the onl y thing I knew , I though t it wa s typical. I found out later , no, tha t it' s not. " Sh e says ther e wa s no physica l violence , but she wa s subjecte d t o a grea t dea l of "emotiona l battering. " Mostly, sh e just gre w u p bein g confuse d abou t lov e and ho w t o behav e in orde r t o receive it. Sh e remarks, "It wa s just hard to figur e ou t wh y you were told one tim e i f you d o i t thi s wa y you'll ge t loved , an d the n th e nex t tim e that wasn' t right. " Sometimes he r mothe r trie d t o sho w lov e b y buyin g her something . Bu t this woman neve r experienced that a s genuine caring. Instead, she found hersel f struggling t o tak e care of others' need s withou t really knowin g ho w to . Sh e says, "Bot h m y mother an d m y grandfather were ver y need y people an d sinc e I wa s the oldes t chil d they did a lot o f depending o n m e to mee t thei r needs , whic h was really dumb. No won der I wa s confused . N o thirteen-year-ol d ca n mee t a n adult' s needs. " I t was not unti l years later, when she became involved in Alcoholics Anonymous, tha t sh e foun d th e unconditiona l lov e sh e ha d alway s wanted . Only the n wa s she able t o begi n showin g compassio n t o others . Emotional Distance Here i s anothe r example . Jane t is a tough, outspoke n woma n wh o spend s time eac h week as a volunteer at a shelter for abuse d women. Sh e admit s that sh e ha s mixe d feeling s abou t he r mother . Th e carin g he r mothe r exemplified wa s not tende r o r war m or emotionall y involved. Caring fo r others mostl y mean t bein g strong, independent , an d responsible. Sh e recalls, "Mo m didn' t le t anybod y els e d o anything . Sh e was sort o f a perfectionist wh o jus t though t sh e coul d d o thing s bette r an d mor e effi ciently." A t a time whe n mos t wome n di d no t wor k outsid e th e home , Janet's mothe r wa s a bus y caree r woman. A s a result , Janet remember s feeling mor e distan t fro m he r mothe r tha n close . "Ther e wer e many time s growing u p whe n I fel t lonel y an d no t care d for, " sh e says . An d whe n pressed t o recal l i f there wer e any times growin g u p whe n sh e especially felt care d for, Janet admits, " I gues s I' m a little sensitive in that area. " As she look s bac k o n he r childhood , sh e believe s she got s o little car e tha t she simply decided sh e did no t lik e being pampered and qui t seeking th e warmth an d affectio n mos t childre n experience. If having warm, loving parents we fee l clos e to an d who care d for us and mad e u s happ y a s childre n i s th e recip e fo r learnin g compassion , then peopl e lik e thes e tw o wome n ar e th e exceptions . The y violat e th e psychologists' dictu m tha t warm , loving people com e fro m warm , loving homes.7 So do lot s of other people . Other Examples Jack i s a remarkabl e young ma n wh o ha s riske d hi s ow n lif e t o sav e people an d wh o spend s man y hour s a s a voluntee r firema n an d rescu e


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squad worker . H e say s hi s fathe r wa s a n alcoholi c an d hi s mothe r sue d for a divorce whe n Jac k wa s a teenager. "Al l m y fathe r eve r taugh t me, " Jack says , "i s tha t I didn' t wan t t o gro w u p t o b e lik e him. " Elmer , a retired broadcaste r wh o work s wit h Recordin g fo r th e Blind , describes his upbringin g i n similarl y negative terms . Hi s parent s wer e divorce d when h e wa s seve n year s old. Fo r th e nex t severa l year s h e live d with foster parent s and the n wa s sent awa y t o boardin g school . When he was fourteen, hi s parent s remarried—eac h other . Bu t Elme r staye d o n a t boarding school . A s soon a s he wa s old enough , h e ra n awa y an d joined the Navy . "It wa s a funny sor t o f existence," h e observes . "I don' t kno w how I manage d t o tur n ou t a s normal a s I did , considerin g ho w frag mented an d unconventiona l m y upbringing was." In talkin g wit h othe r volunteer s about th e kin d o f caring they expe rienced a s children , I foun d tha t man y denied closenes s an d warmt h as being par t o f their famil y experience . A middle-aged man wh o spen t much of his spare time doing church work asserted that hi s famil y backgroun d was " a mixe d ba g wit h a lot o f ange r an d frustration ; a lot o f feeling s o f neglect an d judgment." A woman i n her late seventies recounted tha t she had neve r experience d muc h carin g a s a chil d because , a s she observed , "my fathe r wa s abou t fift y whe n I wa s bor n an d wasn' t i n ver y goo d health an d m y mother wa s just one notc h belo w a professional musician, so she had a very busy life too. " Anothe r olde r woma n remembere d taking her dolls aroun d t o othe r poo r children during th e Depressio n in the 19305, bu t denie d tha t he r sens e o f carin g ha d anythin g t o d o wit h th e way sh e wa s raised . He r mothe r die d whe n sh e wa s nin e an d sh e wa s shunted fro m on e foste r home t o another . " I can' t remembe r any particular tim e whe n I wa s reall y care d for, " sh e said. "Sometimes i t wa s just the opposite . Ther e wer e time s i n foste r home s whe n I wa s abused . I n fact, I remembe r a bloomer bo y saying to m e one time , 'How come you didn't go wrong? ' becaus e of all the thing s I had experienced." Survey Evidence As it turn s out , evidenc e fro m larg e surveys also fails t o suppor t th e idea that parenta l rol e model s necessaril y reinforce carin g behavior . I n on e national study , fo r example, respondent s wh o sai d they fel t ver y close to their mother s an d father s wer e no more likel y than respondent s who sai d they fel t les s clos e t o thei r parent s to hav e donated mone y t o charitabl e causes, to hav e given a donation t o b e used for a relief program, t o have donated tim e t o helpin g disadvantage d o r need y people , t o describ e themselves a s generous, or t o sa y their effort s t o hel p other peopl e wer e very important o r ver y satisfying. The stud y di d no t includ e mor e direc t questions abou t parents ' carin g behavior , bu t closenes s provide s a reasonable enoug h prox y tha t som e relationship s migh t hav e bee n ex pected.8 The effec t o f parenta l rol e model s i s als o cas t int o som e doub t b y

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the relationshi p betwee n involvemen t in charitable activity and perceived happiness as a child. Present happines s and involvemen t in caring behavior ar e positively associated wit h eac h other. Whe n perceive d happiness as a chil d i s introduce d int o th e equatio n a s well , thi s relatio n persists . However, th e relationshi p between childhoo d happines s and charitable involvement i s statistically insignificant. 9 Other Role Models But peopl e ca n lear n how t o b e carin g even if they d o no t hav e warm, loving parent s who provid e rol e models. They lear n i t from othe r peopl e and b y tellin g stories . Som e experienc e sticks i n thei r memories . I t i s a vivid even t that ca n b e tol d an d retold . I n th e tellin g it become s a symbol, a turning point . I t show s tha t carin g is possible. The first woman mentione d abov e is able to tel l a story of becomin g involved i n AA . It i s the even t sh e recount s t o tel l ho w sh e becam e able to care . It was a genuine turnin g poin t in her life . Janet' s memory of her mother a s a distant, independen t individua l is tempered b y he r memor y of bein g i n th e hospita l a s a teenager t o hav e he r tonsil s removed . Sh e was ver y frightene d an d alone . Bu t sh e remember s a nurse wh o wa s especially kin d t o her . Fo r a lon g tim e afterward , she wa s move d b y thi s woman's compassion . I t wa s she who provide d th e inspiratio n fo r Janet to ente r nursin g herself . And eve n thoug h sh e eventually gave up nurs ing, Jane t feel s sh e began t o recogniz e he r interes t i n caring for others a t this time . The rescu e squa d worke r experience d a lot o f care fro m th e various scout leader s he modeled himsel f after a s a child—they filled some o f th e gap h e experience d wit h hi s parents. The stor y h e feel s mos t move d by , though, involve s the car e h e receive d from hi s friend s whe n hi s parents announced thei r divorce . I t wa s during midter m exa m week th e fal l se mester o f hi s freshman year. H e remembers , "My fathe r came up t o se e me. I ha d n o ide a h e wa s coming . M y siste r calle d t o tel l m e h e wa s coming, bu t m y stupid roommat e didn' t giv e m e the message . S o al l of a sudde n m y father just walks into the room , an d I could tel l something was wrong. H e said , 'Let's go fo r a walk.' And h e told m e about it , and we wer e bot h i n tears , an d i t wa s reall y a prett y bi g blow . I ha d n o preparation fo r it . Wham ! I t wa s right i n the middl e o f midterms an d I was takin g a bunc h o f kille r courses . I ha d jus t gon e throug h a n emo tional blowou t wit h a girl I'd bee n i n lov e with fo r a year. I was already in a situation that would stres s out a lot of people I know. Well, anyway, I ha d a bi g proble m se t du e th e nex t day . Right ! Ther e wa s no wa y I was goin g t o b e abl e to concentrat e enoug h t o d o it . S o this guy in my class wh o foun d ou t abou t i t tol d m e jus t no t t o worr y abou t it . He' d cover fo r me . An d anothe r frien d dragge d m e of f t o pla y pinbal l an d tried to hel p me relax. He had no idea what to do. He had no experience with this type of thing. We're just not good at this kind of stuff—helpin g


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people who are havin g dee p emotiona l crises . He was basicall y a lighthearted person , bu t whe n th e chip s were down, h e was there. An y time in m y life , i f I wa s really , really, reall y i n a jam, he' s someon e I' d call . I was touche d b y th e fac t tha t h e kne w th e chip s were dow n an d tha t I really needed him. " For Elmer , the retire d broadcaster, the carin g he did no t receiv e as a child cam e late r fro m hi s wife . He r exampl e helped hi m becom e mor e caring too . I n hi s case the stor y tha t bes t capture d he r caring was als o a time o f crisis , althoug h on e tha t h e experience d vicariously through th e pain o f a friend . H e recounts , "Som e year s ag o a dea r frien d o f ours , Patty, los t her husband to cance r and then, not muc h later, she developed cancer herself . M y wife, Mildred , was always th e first person t o hel p ou t anytime she needed something . Like , she'd say , 'Let me drive you to the doctor.' It didn't make any difference tha t sh e had plans to do somethin g else. Sh e immediatel y jumped in t o hel p our frien d whereve r she could. And whe n Patt y realize d she wa s running out o f time an d wanted t o g o back t o Englan d t o visi t her famil y befor e she died, Mildre d tol d he r we would driv e her t o Ne w Yor k t o th e airport . Wit h anyone , Mildre d is immediately ther e t o hel p i f somebody need s a n erran d ru n o r jus t a friend t o tal k to . She' s great . She' s th e perfec t exampl e of a caring, willing, self-sacrificing , drive-you-craz y soul!" Another person , a very interesting woman who worke d for a number of year s wit h internationa l women i n he r communit y an d i s now i n Africa wit h he r husban d servin g a s a medica l missionary , had bee n mos t impressed b y th e carin g she receive d from he r bes t friend . Sh e described her relationshi p with he r parent s while she was growing u p i n qualifie d terms. Sh e says , "M y mothe r wa s alway s there an d I alway s kne w sh e cared. Sh e took u s to th e zo o a lot an d on picnics . But she wasn't super involved wit h us . Sh e le t u s b e independen t an d g o ou t t o pla y i n th e neighborhood. I t wa s just knowin g sh e was there an d i f we got hur t w e could com e an d she' d b e there. Nobod y showere d m e with grea t amount s of compassion , bu t i t wa s jus t nic e a s a child t o b e secure. " He r father , in contrast , wa s mor e detached . Sh e admit s he r relationshi p wit h hi m was no t a very positive experience . "I fee l a lot o f pain fro m th e fac t tha t my fathe r wasn' t there . H e travele d a lot , bu t i t wa s als o jus t obviou s that he really didn't enjoy children. He wa s the kind o f person fo r who m work wa s everythin g an d childre n wer e just i n th e way . S o he' d com e home o n th e weeken d an d jus t shoo u s away . There jus t wasn't an y caring a t all . I f I eve r ha d an y emotiona l needs , h e jus t couldn' t relat e t o them." More reflectivel y then , sh e added: " I gues s I'v e kind o f blocked a lot o f that out . It' s bee n mor e i n recen t years that I'v e realize d i t woul d have been nic e to hav e had a father who cared. " It wa s the friend , mor e tha n he r mothe r o r an y other relative , who showed thi s woma n compassio n a t it s best . "Althoug h I'v e ha d friend s all m y lif e wh o cared, " sh e explained , "I'v e neve r reall y know n anyon e like her wh o coul d jus t sense my needs an d d o littl e thing s fo r me. Wit h

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my secon d bab y I wa s kind o f il l and sh e was in th e hospita l jus t dow n the hal l having her secon d bab y too , an d that' s when ou r friendshi p really became close." Sh e described som e o f the thing s he r friend ha d don e fo r her. "Her e sh e wa s i n bed , healing , an d sh e wa s thinkin g o f someon e else. Sh e made this little handmade cutout wit h m y daughter's nam e o n it. Righ t afte r that , sh e wanted to kee p my oldest for me, and all through the las t six years, raising these littl e kids , she' s bee n there . She' s alway s willing t o help . I'v e jus t neve r ha d a frien d lik e that . Sh e reall y has a n ability to car e for people. A s one of the guy s said once, with her around , who need s a mother!" She pause d momentaril y to explai n that sh e an d he r husban d ha d been living in Alabama when she met thi s friend. On e o f the ver y special times she remembers that vividly demonstrated he r friend's abilit y to care was whe n sh e an d he r husban d move d away , leaving her frien d behin d in Alabama . As w e drov e off , sh e recalls , "w e sa w he r standin g i n th e driveway cryin g he r eye s out . I t wa s th e hardes t thing . W e kne w sh e loved u s s o muc h tha t i t woul d b e har d fo r he r t o se e us go . Sh e was willing t o mak e hersel f vulnerable." An d a t thi s point , he r stor y brok e off. There were tears in her eye s and a catch i n her throat as she remem bered he r friend . Moments of Vulnerability We need t o paus e here for a moment t o reflec t o n somethin g importan t about th e relationshi p betwee n storie s an d th e mora l lesson s w e derive from them . I n thes e example s the storie s ar e about moments o f special need. The y situat e th e story—an d usuall y the stor y teller—i n a tim e o f crisis. Ther e is , a s this woma n say s o f he r friend , vulnerability . One ex periences th e pai n of loss , th e sorro w o f need . Someon e els e help s yo u through you r tim e o f need . Fro m the m yo u lear n wha t i t mean s t o b e cared for. The stor y become s a n object lesson, an experience you recoun t to encourag e yoursel f to pas s the kindness along . A youn g mother—whos e childre n kep t he r bus y enoug h tha t th e only formal volunteer work she had bee n able to d o fo r several years was helping with Vacation Bible School a t her church—explained the relation between experiencin g a personal crisis and wanting to car e for others this way. " I wen t through a really hard persona l crisi s that laste d fo r a lon g time. I had a friend wh o wa s willing to si t an d listen t o m e every single day. I wa s abl e t o si t dow n an d tal k t o he r for , you know , a couple of hours a t a time. A s I loo k bac k on it , I wa s probably saying the sam e thing da y afte r da y afte r day . Bu t sh e wa s willin g t o liste n anyway and helped m e work throug h tha t particula r crisis . In return , a s I've know n people goin g throug h som e crisi s themselves , I'v e trie d t o b e ther e fo r them. Becaus e of tha t experienc e in m y own life , I'v e bee n tryin g t o b e a bette r listener. "


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Experiences of Crisis In th e America n population a t large, having experienced a personal crisis yourself does appear to b e associated with bein g a more caring and compassionate person. Thirty-eigh t percen t of those i n a national surve y who said the y ha d experience d a persona l crisis , fo r example , wer e currentl y involved i n charitabl e or socia l servic e activities, compare d wit h onl y 28 percent o f thos e wh o sai d the y ha d neve r experienced a personal crisis. The forme r were als o mor e likel y tha n th e latte r t o hav e loaned mone y in th e pas t year , donate d tim e t o a voluntee r organization , stoppe d t o help someon e wit h ca r trouble , care d fo r someon e wh o wa s ver y sick , given mone y t o a beggar , contribute d mone y t o a charitabl e organization, tried to stop someone fro m usin g alcohol or drugs, visited someone in th e hospital , helpe d a relative o r frien d throug h a personal crisis, an d taken care of a n elderly relative i n their home. 10 Importantly, thos e who ha d experienced personal crises did no t diffe r from thos e wh o ha d neve r experienced a persona l crisis i n term s of th e value the y place d o n helpin g th e need y o r givin g tim e t o hel p others . Thus i t appear s that th e effec t o f bein g abl e to recal l a time whe n on e was i n need i s not s o much to convinc e one of the importanc e of helping others bu t t o transfor m tha t convictio n int o action . Havin g a stor y t o tell abou t a tim e whe n on e receive d caring, i t woul d seem , provides a lesson i n the importanc e o f actually taking action. It kick s one i n the seat of th e pants , a s it were , turnin g th e vagu e thought tha t " I shoul d help " into an actual donation o f time, energy , or money. The othe r effec t o f havin g experienced a personal crisi s is to realiz e more clearl y tha t helpin g others i s a way of helping yourself. Those wh o had experience d a crisis , fo r example , were 1 2 percentag e point s mor e likely tha n thos e wh o ha d no t ha d a crisi s experienc e to agre e strongl y with th e statemen t "B y helping others , yo u discove r thing s abou t your self tha t allo w yo u t o b e a bette r helpe r i n th e future. " They wer e als o more likel y t o sa y that goo d feeling s an d persona l growth wer e impor tant reason s for trying to b e a caring person. 11 Receiving fulfillment fro m helping others, i t appears , necessitates identifying som e typ e of defici t i n one's ow n lif e tha t ca n b e filled . Havin g experience d a personal crisi s is one such deficit. I t force s you to admi t being vulnerable. You recall being in nee d o f help . A s a result , yo u hav e a space in whic h t o pu t th e gift s you receiv e from helpin g others . Yo u hav e roo m t o grow. Th e experience of receiving care shows you tha t yo u can also learn and grow stronge r by caring. The storie s you can tell about you r crises and about thos e who cared for yo u hel p you remembe r the defici t s o you ca n fill it up again . Our persona l crises , therefore, loo m i n our memories , providin g occasions fo r th e tellin g o f stories . The y becom e a part o f ou r repertoire , like packaged goods that ca n be pulled off the shel f when company comes . We remembe r the m becaus e they stand ou t fro m th e daily routine. The y are containers of emotions gon e by. With the retelling, we experience the

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feelings again . But we also gain closure. Amid th e crisis itself, th e conclusion remain s uncertain. I n the narrativ e of crisis, the ending i s under ou r control. I t ca n become a message of hop e an d inspiration , a directive, a connective tissu e linkin g actio n and outcome .

From Storie s to Actio n Researchers wh o hav e tried t o captur e the essentia l rol e of personal sto ries in our live s suggest tha t stories hel p u s encapsulate experience so we can remembe r it. 12 A s we remembe r thes e experiences , our storie s als o become par t o f ou r subsequen t lif e events , shapin g them , an d moldin g our interpretation s o f what i s good an d right . Psychologis t Jerom e Bru ner puts i t this way: "Narrative imitate s life , lif e imitate s narrative." Adding: "I n th e end , [life ] i s a narrative achievement. There i s no suc h thing psychologically a s 'lif e itself. ' A t ver y least , i t i s a selectiv e achievemen t of memor y recall ; beyon d that , recountin g one' s lif e i s a n interpretiv e feat."13 If w e ar e concerned abou t transmittin g ethica l ideal s t o th e future , for ourselve s an d fo r ou r children , w e woul d b e wis e the n t o embe d these ideal s i n stories . A s the storie s recounte d her e suggest , peopl e re member th e carin g the y hav e experienced, an d recal l thes e experiences , by telling stories . Bu t storie s do mor e tha n kee p our memorie s alive .

Acting Out Stones Sometimes thes e storie s becom e s o implanted i n our mind s tha t the y act back upo n us , directl y an d powerfully . W e fin d ourselve s actin g the m out. Th e character s i n ou r storie s sho w u s ho w t o behave . The y ma y even spea k the word s tha t we now utte r fro m ou r ow n mouths . Jerom e Bruner again : "I believ e that the ways of telling an d the way s of conceptualizing tha t go wit h the m becom e s o habitual tha t the y finall y becom e recipes fo r structurin g experienc e itself , fo r layin g dow n route s int o memory, fo r no t onl y guidin g th e lif e narrativ e u p t o th e presen t bu t directing i t int o th e future." 14 Brune r ha s i n min d a primordial , all encompassing, life-shapin g influence. My researc h shows tha t specific sto ries ca n also have a powerful effec t o n ou r ethica l behavior. Jack, the rescu e squad worker, believe s you cannot lear n compassio n from books . Yo u hav e t o se e it live d ou t i n fron t o f you . H e talk s a t length about th e things h e has learned by watching his boss on the rescue squad. Bu t withou t realizin g it , th e mos t vivi d illustratio n o f hi s argu ment abou t th e importance o f modeling was embedded i n a story he told about a particula r acciden t t o whic h h e ha d bee n called . Hi s narrative , however, bega n som e year s earlier : "Onc e whe n I wa s a child I ha d t o have fiv e teet h pulle d unde r genera l anesthetic . I remembe r th e nurs e standing there and just saying, 'Don't worry, I'l l b e here right besid e yo u no matte r what happens.' And when I woke u p again, sh e was still there .

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That cam e bac k t o m e a fe w week s ag o whe n w e ha d a man wh o wa s pinned upsid e dow n i n his pickup track . I was inside tryin g t o ge t him out an d gasolin e wa s drippin g dow n o n bot h o f us . The y wer e usin g power tool s t o cu t th e metal , s o one spar k might hav e caused us to g o up i n smoke. The whol e time he was saying how scared o f dying he was. And I kep t saying, 'Look, don't worry, I'm righ t her e with you , I' m no t going anywhere. ' Whe n I sai d that , I wa s reminde d o f ho w tha t nurs e said th e sam e thin g an d sh e neve r lef t me . Now , the y alway s tel l yo u never to ge t yourself into a situation wher e you ar e risking your life, no t unless there's a very good chance of both you and the patient being okay. So I weighed th e risks and I told th e man I was going to sta y right there with him, an d I did. An d later he told me , 'You were an idiot, you know that th e thing coul d hav e exploded an d we'd hav e both bee n burned up!' And I told him I fel t I just couldn't leave him. " Nearly tw o decade s ha d passe d betwee n th e tim e Jack' s nurs e held his hand , promisin g sh e woul d no t leav e him , an d th e tim e h e staye d with th e ma n i n th e picku p truck. Bu t th e memor y wa s s o powerfu l i t helped hi m legitimat e riskin g hi s life . Th e memor y wa s powerful , no t just a s a vagu e recollectio n o f havin g bee n care d for , bu t becaus e th e story provide d a script, th e exac t words, fo r Jack to us e when h e became the caregiver . Usually the circumstance s are not a s dramatic a s this. And yet th e carin g we receiv e may touch u s s o deepl y tha t w e fee l especially gratified whe n w e are able to pas s it o n t o someon e else . An elderl y ma n wh o die d onl y a fe w week s afte r th e intervie w h e granted fro m hi s hospita l be d tol d o f th e impac t havin g a strok e ha d made o n hi s life . Shortl y afte r h e retire d fro m a lon g caree r in govern ment service , he suffere d a massive stroke that lef t hi m partiall y paralyzed and seriousl y affecte d hi s speech . H e ha d neve r befor e don e voluntee r work, bu t whe n h e recovere d enoug h t o becom e ambulator y agai n he decided t o tr y to repa y some o f the kindnes s he had receive d by visiting other strok e patients . "Yo u know, " he reflected , "having a stroke doe s a lot o f funn y thing s t o you , thing s yo u don' t expect . Fo r th e firs t yea r after I ha d mine , I couldn't laugh . Somethin g woul d see m funny t o me, but instea d o f bein g abl e t o laugh , al l I coul d d o wa s cry. It wa s just a physical thing—since my muscles wouldn't laugh, the emotions cam e out as tears instead. Well, I used to just hate that. And finally I got s o I could laugh again . Well, when I started workin g a s a volunteer here at the Re d Cross, I me t anothe r gu y wh o ha d ha d a strok e an d h e ha d th e sam e problem I' d had . H e couldn' t tal k fo r mor e tha n five minute s withou t having tears come out. S o I told him about i t and told him he'd probably get ove r i t lik e I did . And , yo u know , abou t si x months late r he called me u p an d h e talked fo r hal f an hour an d neve r cried once. I t wa s just a little thin g I di d to assis t him, bu t I thin k i t probably helped. " Stories lik e this sho w th e diversit y o f way s i n whic h carin g ca n b e shown. The y defin e it , packag e it , s o tha t other s ca n recogniz e i t an d emulate it . Here , i t wa s possibl e t o giv e compassio n becaus e th e give r

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had experience d exactl y th e sam e proble m a s the perso n fo r who m h e cared. The story shows the special, peculiar bond tha t may form betwee n the give r an d th e recipient . I t define s th e characte r of empathy . The ac t of giving i s itself quite modest, but it shows that even little things matter . Indeed, th e trivialit y of th e dee d help s th e listene r t o identif y wit h th e speaker. I t become s possibl e to imagin e that ou r smal l deeds to o ca n be acts of compassion . Stones of Care Received In othe r case s i t ma y no t b e a specifi c episod e tha t w e reenact , bu t a powerful experienc e that become s a part o f our large r story of ourselves. A narrativ e abou t car e receive d becomes par t o f ou r autobiography . I t supplies a way of accountin g fo r ou r behavior . Care receive d becomes a debt owed . A subsequent encounte r wit h nee d the n become s a time o f reckoning. The individual who reaches out t o us touches our conscience . The hea d of pediatric cardiology a t a large university medical center explained tha t he r decisio n t o hel p parent s o f dyin g childre n bea r thei r grief owe s its origin to th e director of pediatric cardiology under whose supervision sh e worked a s a young resident . I t wa s he wh o reache d ou t to he r whe n he r ow n chil d died , showin g he r compassion , bu t als o touching he r conscience in the process. "He cam e over to m e the day my baby die d an d pu t hi s arm s aroun d me , an d I remembe r thinking, he' s the only person wh o did that. "

The Rol e of Christianit y What the n i s th e rol e o f Christianit y i n al l this ? A n ethi c o f lov e an d compassion i s o f cours e centra l t o th e Christia n gospel . Th e storie s o f caring that w e experience in our ow n live s are an epiphany. They becom e part o f th e gospe l message . Whe n the y ar e related t o th e biblica l tradition, the y tak e o n a larger meaning , a n adde d historica l an d sacre d sig nificance. Whe n the y ar e tol d i n community , thei r powe r i s amplified. Other peopl e hea r them an d ar e encouraged t o lov e by identifying with the character s in the story . The parabl e of the Goo d Samarita n i s a vivid example. Storie s i n our ow n live s an d th e live s of those we have known often mak e real the messag e o f the Goo d Samaritan. Let m e conclud e wit h on e final story. Freddi e Jackso n Taylor, no w in hi s late fifties, is one o f those remarkabl e individuals who seem s to b e able t o giv e an d giv e an d giv e withou t eve r thinking o f himself. He re members feeling love d a s a child, but hi s family wa s very poor an d ther e were several younger brother s an d sisters who neede d mor e car e than h e did. Whe n h e was in ninth grade , h e quit schoo l t o help the family make ends meet . Ove r th e years h e worke d a t mor e od d job s tha n h e ca n remember. Bu t h e alway s had a sof t spo t fo r thos e les s fortunat e tha n himself. At present he holds a job pai d fo r by United Wa y that put s hi m

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in dail y contac t wit h th e poores t homeles s me n an d women i n Lo s Angeles. Although h e is nearing retiremen t age, he has managed t o save less than five hundred dollars . Mos t of the res t h e has given away. What inspire d Freddie Jackson Taylor t o a life o f servic e like this? I t was th e exampl e of a man h e met man y years ago, h e says . "I neve r met such a selfles s ma n a s Michael," Freddi e recalls . "I mea n h e literall y would give peopl e th e shir t of f hi s back. I remembe r one inciden t when h e had been savin g up mone y t o bu y this motorcycl e tha t h e ha d wante d fo r a long time . H e bough t th e motorcycle , bu t the n th e Eastsid e neighbor hood center got int o financial trouble, so he sold the motorcycle in order to give them the eight hundred dollar s they needed. I can tell you hundreds and hundred s o f storie s abou t Michael , I mean , ho w h e took a vow of poverty an d ho w h e chos e t o liv e i n a skid-row hotel fo r te n years , and how, whe n I visite d hi m i n hi s room , hi s roo m wa s always bare. He' d open hi s closet door an d ther e migh t b e a jacket hangin g diere ; h e had nothing, jus t absolutel y nothing , an d h e didn' t wan t anything . I reall y admired him . He, he' s one o f my heroes, Michael is." These ar e the heroe s that shoul d inspir e us all. Their storie s encour age u s t o liv e lives of compassio n and , mor e generally , live s guide d b y ethical conduct . Le t u s hope thei r storie s remai n a vital part o f ou r cul ture in the century to come .

5 The Saint s in Our Worl d

If on e o f th e seriou s ethical challenge s facin g Christian s i n th e twenty first centur y i s havin g personal storie s tha t tel l the m ho w t o b e carin g and compassionate , the n a simila r challeng e exist s a s American s thin k about themselve s collectively . Fo r believer s and nonbeliever s alike, ther e need t o b e heroes, publi c figures, role model s a t the collectiv e level who can exemplif y th e nation' s highes t ethica l ideals. These "saints " ar e likely to b e different i n the twenty-first century than the ones we admire today . But ho w w e relat e to the m ma y well not change . Thus , w e can ask no t only about th e personalities wh o currentl y embody ethica l ideals but als o what w e learn from thes e figures. Why d o the y impress us? How closel y do w e identif y wit h them ? Wha t doe s "ou r world " d o t o domesticat e these unnervin g exemplar s of a higher calling? Men an d wome n o f compassio n hav e alway s bee n include d amon g the heroe s an d publi c figure s w e mos t admire . Mothe r Teres a o f Cal cutta, fo r example , was among th e to p te n mos t admire d wome n i n national survey s every year betwee n 197 9 an d 1990 . Alber t Schweitze r wa s among th e to p te n mos t admire d me n ever y year between 195 4 and 1964 . Other humanitarian s an d leader s of charitable movements who hav e frequently bee n listed includ e Martin Luthe r King , Jr. , Coretta King , Pop e John Pau l II, Archbishop Desmond Tutu , Sister Kenny, and Pearl Buck.1 In thi s chapte r I wan t t o conside r th e meanin g o f thes e peopl e o f compassion. Ho w widel y ar e the y know n an d admired ? Wha t ethica l ideals d o the y exemplify ? T o wha t exten t d o w e tur n the m int o dime store illustration s of our ow n shortcoming s an d limite d life-styles ? Ho w 72

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significant ar e thes e figure s fo r perpetuatin g goo d behavio r int o th e fu ture?

Who Embodie s Compassion? When aske d if they coul d thin k o f anyon e wh o illustrate s what i t mean s to b e a carin g an d compassionat e person , 6 2 percen t o f th e America n public i n a nationa l surve y coul d identif y someon e specifically . O f thi s number, abou t a third mentioned someon e the y knew personally—a friend, relative, or neighbor . Anothe r 6 percent mentioned their minister or pastor. Th e remainder—mor e than si x in ten—identified publi c figures. Mother Teresa wa s th e mos t frequentl y mentioned (b y approximatel y a quarte r of the respondents). Pop e John Pau l II, Jesse Jackson, and President Georg e Bush an d hi s wife , Barbara , all received a numbe r o f mentions . Other s named include d evangelis t Bill y Graham , forme r presiden t Ronald Rea gan an d Nanc y Reagan , an d televisio n personalities suc h a s Bob Hope , Jerry Lewis , Sall y Strothers , an d Elizabet h Taylor. 2 By a margin o f 7 9 percent t o 5 5 percent , individual s who wer e them selves involve d i n charitabl e activities were mor e likel y tha n uninvolve d individuals t o b e abl e t o thin k o f someon e wh o exemplifie d carin g an d compassion. Thos e with highe r level s o f education were also more likely to mentio n someon e the y though t o f a s a model o f compassion , such as Mother Teresa , wherea s thos e wit h lowe r level s of education mentione d people the y kne w personally. Seventy-six percent of the respondent s wit h college degree s identifie d someon e an d 4 0 percen t o f thes e mentione d Mother Teresa. Amon g thos e wit h onl y grade school educations , only 45 percent mentione d someon e an d o f these 6 0 percen t gav e the nam e of a relative, friend , neighbor , o r minister . Wome n an d me n wer e equall y likely t o giv e the nam e o f someone the y thought illustrate d compassion . Among both , Mothe r Teres a an d othe r wome n wer e mentione d mor e often tha n men . Bu t ther e wa s als o a tendenc y fo r wome n t o mentio n women an d for men t o mentio n men . Impressions of the Saints The impression s peopl e ha d o f these publi c figures were not a s personal, rich i n detail , o r emotionall y intens e a s th e storie s abou t relative s and friends wh o illustrate d compassion tha t we considered i n the las t chapter. Some individual s observed tha t the y wer e familia r wit h name s suc h a s Mother Teres a an d Gandhi , bu t otherwis e ha d littl e knowledg e o f thei r lives o r wha t the y did . Jack , th e rescu e squa d voluntee r w e me t i n th e last chapter , fo r instance , mentione d Mothe r Teres a a s a n exampl e of a compassionate person , bu t the n remarked : "Not tha t I reall y kno w wha t she's don e wit h he r life , bu t I understan d she' s famous. " Jumpin g t o Albert Schweitzer , i n hopes o f finding himself on mor e familia r territory ,

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he wa s again forced to backtrac k almos t immediately : "I' m sur e I soun d profoundly ignorant , but I don't even know what Albert Schweitzer did. " Several peopl e note d tha t the y ha d littl e tim e t o read , watc h tele vision, or g o t o movie s and wer e generally less impressed by the person alities depicte d i n die medi a dian th e peopl e the y me t i n person . A few others scanne d their memories , thinkin g they had surely been influence d by readin g abou t famou s people wh o wer e compassionate, but wer e un able t o recal l specific names . For many , though, encounters with famou s men an d wome n o f compassio n throug h reading , th e visua l media , an d (on occasion ) even i n perso n wer e vivid an d powerful . In die case of Freddie Jackson Taylor, i t was the time he participated in on e o f the civi l right s marche s organized b y Martin Luthe r King , Jr., diat would alway s mak e Dr. Kin g one o f his specia l heroes. "It wa s that march, an d the n I go t involve d in a lot o f othe r rallie s fo r th e Souther n Christian Leadershi p Conference," h e recalled . "Martin wa s such a beautiful person. " Ralp h Abernathy , Ros a Parks , an d Malcol m X were als o among th e peopl e wit h who m Freddie , himsel f a black man, identified . But h e had alway s held Dr. Kin g in special favor. "I t wa s his understanding o f th e worl d an d th e world' s problems . It wen t beyon d jus t a n understanding o f the pligh t of the blac k an d the poor . I t wa s broader dian that. I ofte n wis h I was that broad . Sometime s I' m mor e narro w than I should be. " A middle-age d woma n wh o spen t muc h o f he r spar e time workin g widi AID S patient s referre d immediatel y to Eleano r Roosevel t whe n aske d who sh e drough t bes t exemplifie d carin g an d compassion . "M y mode l really wa s Eleanor Roosevelt , whos e pictur e I hav e ther e o n th e wall . I was a teenage r whe n sh e wa s doin g he r wor k acros s th e countr y wit h people wh o wer e out o f work an d on th e verg e of starvation. I admire d her an d fel t a kinship with her . Later , I ha d a chance to mee t he r whe n I wa s i n colleg e an d I though t tha t wa s just th e culminatio n o f every thing i n the world!" Another perso n I interviewed , th e hea d o f a volunteer organizatio n that arranged fo r busines s leaders to spen d tim e working wit h th e poo r in Third Worl d countries , identifie d Mothe r Teres a as the perso n h e ad. mired mos t fo r he r compassion . Afte r discussin g her wor k i n consider able detail for about te n minutes , he started t o tur n t o anothe r topic , s o I interrupte d hi m to mak e some observatio n abou t ho w inspirin g it was just t o hea r about th e thing s Modie r Teresa wa s accomplishing. Thanks, " he said, "I'll tel l her you said that next time I see her." This humble man, I learne d later , had worke d closel y with Mothe r Teres a for mor e dia n a decade.

Stones of the Saints When persona l encounters ar e absent, as is usually the case , great leaders of compassion becom e know n diroug h th e storie s w e read and hea r abou t

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them. Freddi e Jackso n Taylor ha d neve r met Gandhi , a s he ha d Dr . King , but th e storie s h e ha d hear d abou t Gandh i a s a chil d mad e a lastin g impression o n him . "Whe n I was a little kid I was a movie freak, an d i n those days, back in the 19405 , in addition to havin g double features , they showed newsreels , and I remember , from tim e to tim e they would sho w newsreels abou t Indi a an d abou t thi s ma n i n a loi n cloth . I wa s to o young t o understand what he was doing, but I just got this feeling abou t him. This ma n i s a saint, I thought , h e ha s to b e a saint. And the n on e day I remembe r going t o th e movi e theate r an d they were showing his funeral. Somebod y had assassinate d him and tha t affecte d me for the longest time . An d the n whe n I wa s older, I starte d readin g hi s works and I just fel t tha t peacefu l nonviolenc e was the way to go . I admire just about everythin g about him. " Sometimes w e associat e s o completel y with th e storie s w e rea d o r hear abou t famou s men an d wome n o f compassion that th e person s and the storie s becom e one an d the same . Indeed, individuals sometimes talked more a s if they were referrin g t o a story, a speech, or a text than i f they were actuall y talking abou t a person. Mentionin g Gandhi , for example, Elmer (th e retire d broadcaster) remarked , "It' s a terrific story. I was very influenced b y the movie , ho w h e marched all the wa y over to th e ocea n to ge t salt. " Als o referrin g t o Gandhi , a woman who worke d a s a therapist recalle d havin g read hi s autobiograph y i n hig h school . " I wa s ver y impressed wit h it, " sh e said . Anothe r perso n spok e o f Marti n Luthe r King, Jr. , a s a figur e tha t seeme d t o b e almos t synonymou s with a film he ha d seen. A youn g woma n wh o wa s learning to b e a psychiatric social worker said Jane Addams came to min d a s an example of a compassionate person because o f studying abou t he r i n classe s on socia l work . "W e lear n al l about he r philosophy, " sh e commented. Anothe r perso n selecte d Martin Luther King , Jr. , a s her mode l o f compassion , bu t ha d nothin g t o say about hi s life , only : "I'v e gon e bac k an d rea d hi s speech , it' s a grea t message." Anothe r woma n picke d Mother Teres a as the woma n of compassion sh e most admire d an d then, withou t prompting , launche d into a description o f a recent documentary sh e had seen . "I rea d a book abou t her once , an d then recentl y I saw this two-hour vide o about he r life . I' m really impresse d wit h he r abilit y t o hav e suc h compassio n o n people . She's abl e to jus t give, give, give, an d stil l hav e more to give . The vide o was interesting . I t kin d o f brought ou t tha t sh e wasn't anythin g particularly specia l i n he r younge r years . But sh e fel t a calling t o tak e car e o f people i n India who wer e dying, an d I guess that's how sh e started." Saints as Role Models These example s demonstrate tha t heroe s o f compassion, lik e Gandhi and Mother Teresa , d o serv e a s role model s fo r individual s who tr y t o lea d ethical live s i n mor e ordinar y ways . Peopl e aspir e t o b e lik e them . An d

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even i f the y realiz e th e impossibilit y o f showin g kindnes s i n th e sam e ways, the y hold thes e figure s u p a s objective example s of th e desirability of bein g compassionate . The pediatri c cardiologist w e me t i n th e las t chapter lamented tha t one o f the problems she struggles wit h "is that I alway s fee l lik e I shoul d be a Mother Teresa. " A businessman did no t se e it a s a problem; h e just admired everythin g abou t Mothe r Teres a an d hope d hi s Meals on Wheel s program wa s expressing the sam e kind of values. "She's makin g the ulti mate sacrifice , livin g in extrem e poverty herself , givin g her whol e lif e t o doing goo d deed s fo r thes e peopl e wh o ar e ver y muc h i n need . That' s where it' s at . An d I' d lik e t o thin k o f us as being th e Mothe r Teresa s o f our communit y here . We nee d mor e individual s lik e that. " Another per son, a ma n i n hi s seventie s who ha d onl y a grade schoo l educatio n an d had don e manua l labor al l his life , brimme d wit h enthusiasm : "Mother Theresa evidentl y is quit e a gal. There' s n o questio n abou t it , someda y she'll b e a saint." Gandhi's admirer s focuse d on hi s selflessnes s an d courage . "Jus t in credible selflessnes s an d dedication, " wer e th e word s on e ma n use d t o describe him. Anothe r ma n emphasize d "th e steadfastnes s that' s neces sary t o chang e th e world. " Another , a n elderl y woman, sai d sh e ha d always thought o f Gandhi as an example of what an ordinary person ca n do i f he reall y wants to improv e things. "Wit h s o very little, he changed the world. " Sh e fel t hi s exampl e had ofte n encourage d he r t o tr y t o d o her par t to mak e things bette r too . "There' s a lot that need s to b e done, and i t could b e done i f each one of us chipped in." A young woman wh o was trainin g t o becom e a socia l worke r observe d tha t jus t seein g th e movie abou t Gandh i ha d bee n a kin d o f conversio n experienc e for her : "When I saw the movie, I came away from ther e feeling lik e I just neede d to dedicat e m y life t o somethin g mor e tha n wha t I had done before. " Eleanor Roosevel t wa s the mos t compassionat e person man y people, especially those amon g th e olde r individuals with whom w e spoke, could think of . On e olde r woma n describe d her a s "an indefatigabl e machin e helping people." Anothe r woma n marveled at "her enormou s humanitarian carin g and unstintin g activitie s o n behal f of man y different causes. " Others spok e of the hug e heart she had fo r the downtrodden . The y held her u p a s a n exampl e to follow . A s on e pu t it , " I don' t spen d a lo t o f time thinkin g abou t her , but whe n I do, it' s like , God , I woul d lik e to be mor e lik e her , t o b e mor e compassionat e an d caring. " Som e o f th e other model s o f compassio n tha t individual s mentione d wer e selecte d because they had i n fac t provide d a model of a very specific sort . A young woman wh o hope d t o becom e a doctor som e day , fo r example , singled out Alber t Schweitze r a s he r specia l hero . "H e gav e u p th e chanc e t o lead a comfortabl e lif e i n th e Unite d State s an d wen t t o Afric a t o hel p people. H e fel t lik e h e could hel p people bette r there . An d that' s wha t I want t o do . I want to g o to Turkey and help people there."

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Identifying with the Saints These comment s poin t t o a n important featur e o f our publi c heroes. Even though they are remote, idolized, they are still people with whom w e can identify. Why ? Famou s peopl e o f compassio n ar e abl e t o serv e a s role models becaus e we can identif y wit h a t least some o f their own persona l characteristics. Despit e thei r exceptiona l capacity to endur e hardship , or the accolade s and award s heaped upon them , they are similar to ordinary mortals i n som e respects . Som e ar e women , som e ar e men . Som e ar e old, som e ar e young. Som e ar e large-boned, others ar e small. Some hav e overcome physica l handicaps, others shar e a particular religious o r polit ical perspective . We ca n fin d point s o f similarit y betwee n ourselve s and them. A s a resul t i t become s possibl e fo r u s t o say , in effect , yes , I ca n understand the m an d behav e in som e of th e sam e ways. One elderl y woman who worke d with blin d people in her spare time talked fondl y o f Eleano r Roosevel t a s a model o f compassion . Sh e ha d admired Mrs. Roosevel t becaus e they were about th e sam e age and were from th e sam e part of the country . "One o f my champions whe n I was a young woman, I remember, was Eleanor Roosevelt. She was a wonderful woman. I admire d everythin g abou t her . I n th e day s whe n a woma n especially didn't spea k ou t th e wa y she did, sh e was a true champio n for the underdog. " Another person , th e woma n I quote d wh o ha d Eleanor Roosevelt's pictur e hanging o n he r wall , said one o f the reason s she had admired Mrs . Roosevel t a s a teenage r wa s tha t sh e though t o f he r a s a large, gangly woman lik e herself . The similaritie s betwee n yoursel f and the perso n you admir e d o no t have t o b e strong . Ther e simpl y has t o b e somethin g abou t the m tha t strikes a resonant chord , perhap s a hobby, even some offhand remark . A retired schoo l teacher , fo r example , said tha t sh e ha d rea d a lo t abou t Eleanor Roosevel t bac k i n th e 1930 5 an d 1940 5 and coul d stil l remembe r lots o f littl e things abou t her . "Like I remembe r her talkin g abou t ho w her mothe r alway s kept the house dark in order to preserve the furniture . I remembe r tha t becaus e I alway s use d t o d o th e sam e thing. I wa s always ver y rigid . An d the n when my son was born, I remembe r my mother telling me to le t the housewor k go an d just enjoy hi m becaus e he wouldn' t be aroun d al l that long . And I thought abou t Eleano r Roosevelt i n tha t context." In othe r case s peopl e wer e sometimes abl e to identif y closel y with a famous perso n becaus e of som e persona l acquaintanc e who, i n a sense, served a s a mediating link—someon e wh o resemble d the famous person but wa s mor e approachabl e because h e o r sh e wa s a relativ e o r friend . One olde r woman , fo r example , sai d sh e ha d alway s admired Mothe r Teresa, bu t i n tryin g t o explai n wh y bega n talkin g about he r ow n siste r instead. The siste r had bee n a missionary in Indi a fo r thirty years. Whe n the woma n though t o f persona l dedicatio n an d compassion , therefore ,

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she often thought of Mother Teres a and her sister at the sam e time. The head o f a communit y service s organization i n a larg e city on th e Wes t Coast had a similar affinity fo r Jane Addams because of an aunt who ha d been a n earl y leader i n th e socia l wor k movement . Althoug h he r aun t had done wor k primarily in the Hispanic community in Los Angeles, she resembled Jan e Addam s i n he r concer n fo r th e poor . Th e woma n als o admired bot h fo r th e leadershi p they ha d show n a t a time whe n i t was difficult fo r women t o pla y such roles. When a lin k o f thi s kin d wa s lacking , i t wa s sometime s har d fo r people t o identif y closel y wit h publi c figures unless somethin g abou t a particular leade r had resonate d wit h thei r persona l situation. Th e pedia tric cardiologist sai d it wa s hard fo r he r t o identif y wit h Mothe r Teres a or Gandh i becaus e the y wer e distant , fro m anothe r culture , an d neve r seemed t o los e thei r temper s a s she did . Bu t sh e ha d alway s identifie d with Marti n Luthe r King , Jr . Eve n thoug h h e wa s blac k an d sh e was white, she thought o f him a s a volunteer lik e herself, someon e wh o went around makin g speeche s a s she did . Sh e ha d i n fac t identifie d with hi m even a s a teenage r growin g u p i n th e rura l Midwest . Wher e sh e wa s raised happened to be a very poor red-clay farming area populated almos t equally b y black s and whites . The blac k childre n she saw at schoo l wer e even poore r tha n sh e was . And so , wit h childis h goodwill , sh e entertained thought s o f trying to help them. "Most o f th e white s wer e prett y poor , bu t the y weren't a s poor as the blacks . There wer e blacks just living in hovel s with the roof s caving in. Mos t o f the m couldn' t spea k intelligibl e English . The y ha d a one room schoo l with one teacher to teach grades one through seven . It was easy even as a child to se e that the y were never going t o ge t themselves out o f that kind of situation unles s there was some big change. " Pausing briefl y t o chuckl e at he r childhoo d innocence , sh e contin ued. " I remember whe n I was about ten or twelve thinking that if I grew up an d mad e a lot o f money I was going to giv e it to thes e people . O f course whe n I go t olde r I realize d that's no t th e solution. I t wa s about that time that Martin Luther Kin g came along. And I realized that handing the m mone y i s not goin g t o cur e thei r problems . They nee d bette r education. They needed more opportunities t o help themselves." For her, then, Marti n Luthe r Kin g was not onl y someone wit h who m sh e could identify, bu t a person whos e vision of change was one sh e could share. The Symboli c Value of Contemporary Saint s Great me n an d wome n o f compassion , though , d o mor e tha n simpl y challenge us to b e more caring. Their live s have symbolic value. They are the contemporary Christs. They symbolize goodness, hope for the goodness o f th e future , jus t a s publi c villains—person s o f ruthlessnes s an d greed—symbolize evil, despair.

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Symbols of Hope The pediatri c cardiologis t commented : The y mak e me fee l hopefu l abou t humanity i n general, just the fac t tha t ther e are still people lik e this wh o are willin g t o b e thoughtful abou t peopl e instea d o f so materialistic." A young voluntee r fo r a n environmenta l grou p pu t i t thi s way : " I hea r about peopl e lik e Mother Teres a an d it' s nice . I t tell s m e tha t th e Iva n Boesky's o f th e worl d ar e no t th e onl y one s ou t there. " Anothe r ma n remarked: " I fee l lik e mayb e the salvatio n of the worl d lie s in these peo pie." It i s like the ol d sayin g about on e rotte n apple spoiling th e barrel , but i n reverse . One goo d appl e makes the whol e barrel more appealing. It i s like the stor y o f God's encounter with Abraham before the destruction o f Sodom . I f Abraham could hav e identifie d a handful o f righteou s people i n th e city , Go d ha d promise d t o spar e it. Bein g able to identif y a handfu l o f compassionat e peopl e i n ou r worl d give s u s hope to o tha t the city will be spared. It does not mak e us sanguine about the selfishnes s that prevail s in our society . For example, people in the survey who coul d think of a particularly compassionate person were no less likely than anyone else to asser t that most peopl e i n our societ y look out fo r themselves rather tha n bein g concerne d abou t th e needy. 3 Ther e wa s a significan t difference, though , in the belie f that peopl e are gradually becoming mor e compassionate. Those wh o coul d identif y a t least one compassionate person were significantly more likel y to sa y people i n our societ y are becoming more intereste d in helping the needy than those who could not thin k of anyone who wa s compassionate.4 Being able to identif y a person who exemplifie s compassio n als o makes us mor e hopefu l abou t ou r ow n prospect s o f receivin g care if we nee d it. We are more likely to believ e we can count o n our neighbor s for help. We ar e als o mor e likel y t o thin k ou r associate s a t wor k woul d hel p us out i f we were in need. Knowin g abou t someon e wh o i s compassionate is especially likely to mak e us feel we could rel y on community volunteer s for help . I t eve n make s us somewha t mor e likel y to thin k w e could de pend o n th e help of social welfare agencie s if we had to. 5 I n short, there is a kind o f securit y that come s fro m havin g compassionate role model s in ou r lives . We may be rugged individualists , but w e recognize tha t we do no t hav e t o b e rugge d individualist s all the time . I f w e reall y find ourselves i n a bad spot , w e believ e w e can tur n t o other s i n a variety of contexts an d receiv e the hel p w e need . W e believ e this becaus e w e can think o f specific individual s who i n fac t lea d compassionate lives.

Saints in Our Own Image But, lik e al l heroes, champion s o f compassio n d o no t simpl y symbolize goodness and hope becaus e they are compassionate. We transform them in subtl e ways . The y becom e symbol s o f ou r othe r value s a s well . A

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villain in th e movie s alway s stands fo r othe r thing s beside s some abstract conception o f evil . H e conjure s up ou r fear s o f th e dark , the unknown , perhaps ou r fear s o f bi g cities , o r th e unknow n danger s o f scienc e and technology. Th e sam e is true with heroe s o f compassion. Their compas sion evoke s our admiration , indeed , make s them heroe s rathe r tha n villains. Bu t afte r tha t i t ma y wel l b e thei r courag e tha t inspire s us most . Or i t may be their drive and determination. We can transform them int o a symbo l o f almos t an y value we hol d dear . Mother Teres a ca n becom e an entrepreneur ; Ronal d Reagan , a patron o f the arts . Collectively , the y become a pantheon o f saints . Each one dramatize s som e specifi c qualit y or fea t o r virtu e we admire: on e illustrate s the capacit y t o triump h ove r stigma, anothe r th e importanc e o f standin g u p fo r wha t w e think , stil l another th e possibilit y of combining compassion with worldly success. A young ma n who wa s studying to becom e a rabbi saw Gandhi no t simply a s a ma n o f compassion , bu t a s a deepl y religiou s man , eve n a man o f th e Torah , an d a champio n o f religiou s freedom . "H e sai d w e shouldn't tr y to conver t people t o ou r religion , bu t that w e should mak e Christians bette r Christians , Jews better Jews , and Buddhists bette r Bud dhists. Hi s steadfas t devotio n t o nonviolenc e create d a homeland fo r th e people o f India . H e wa s a ma n o f th e Torah , eve n thoug h h e didn' t realize it. " A woma n i n he r lat e thirtie s wh o wa s a deepl y religious Christia n condensed a whole sermo n abou t meekness , sacrifice , an d th e abilit y of faith t o mov e mountains int o a brie f commentary o n wha t sh e admire d about Mothe r Teresa . "Sh e jus t starte d doin g what she thought neede d to b e done, an d this whole big thing wa s just an outgrowth o f that. She just fel t lik e somethin g neede d t o b e done an d she was the on e to d o it , so sh e starte d doin g it . Sh e ha s nothin g materially , not eve n a norma l life; al l she's don e i s just be faithfu l t o wha t sh e thought sh e should do , and ye t she's bee n called th e mos t powerfu l woman i n the world." One perso n wh o sa w compassion mainl y as a question o f willpowe r returned t o th e sam e them e whe n h e described wha t h e admire d abou t Mother Teresa . "She' s overcom e s o man y things. I n workin g wit h suc h destitute people , she' s certainl y shown a lot o f intestina l fortitude, s o t o speak. I figur e i f sh e di d wha t sh e did , mayb e I ca n jum p ove r a few hurdles too. " Sh e inspired hi m becaus e she illustrate d th e possibilit y o f gaining one' s objective s i n lif e b y bein g persisten t an d strugglin g hard . Another individua l sai d h e ha d alway s trie d no t t o le t othe r people' s opinions influenc e his decisions. Later , i n describin g Eleanor Roosevelt , he characterize d her th e sam e way. "She alway s truly seemed t o care . I t wasn't somethin g sh e di d fo r th e press . I t cam e fro m within . Sh e di d things becaus e they were right, no t becaus e it would pla y well in Peoria."

Exemplars of Our Individualis m What I a m pointing to shoul d no w b e evident. In a n individualistic culture suc h a s ours, w e transfor m our heroe s o f compassio n int o rugge d

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individualists. This i s one o f the way s we resolv e the proble m o f ho w t o be compassionat e an d individualisti c a t th e sam e time . W e simpl y loo k to ou r heroes . An d wha t w e see—mor e correctly , wha t w e imput e t o them—is tha t the y ar e no t onl y compassionat e bu t individualistic . We see thei r goodnes s an d tr y t o dra w lesson s fro m it . W e als o se e thei r individualism, emphasizin g i t abov e man y o f thei r othe r qualities , and take comfort fro m it .

The Stouthearted and Strong Minded One perso n sai d h e admire d Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , becaus e "he ha d strong belief s an d h e wa s no t afrai d t o articulat e them." Anothe r com mented, " I admir e hi m fo r hi s stoutheartedness ; h e wasn' t afrai d o f th e outcome." O f Gandh i an d Christ , simila r statement s wer e made : "Th e most compassionat e people ar e those who'v e bee n able to g o agains t the tide an d stan d u p an d d o it . Gandh i wen t throug h a lo t o f prison s an d Christ ha d t o endur e al l kinds o f thing s i n hi s life. " Man y o f th e com ments made abou t Eleano r Roosevel t als o emphasized persistence, determination, an d nonconformit y i n the fac e o f adversity . I n on e man' s words : "She wa s a strong-minded woma n wh o too k stand s on thing s tha t were not popula r a t th e time. " An d a therapis t echoed : "Sh e wa s a stron g woman wh o overcam e som e earl y har d times to becom e caring . Sh e wasn't saintly; sh e was just motivated b y some ver y strong ideals. " Occasionally th e lin k betwee n individualis m an d compassio n wa s made directly, a s th e socia l worke r di d i n commentin g abou t Mothe r Teres a and Gandhi : "The y were very individualistic, even single-minded in what they se t out t o do ; the y were ver y strong ; the y knew what the y wanted ; they didn' t le t other peopl e pic k them apar t an d tel l them thi s isn' t pos sible." These are the sam e sentiments that ar e evident whe n peopl e talk about their ow n individuality . The individualis m we admir e consists o f stron g convictions, nonconformity , independence , takin g responsibilit y fo r yourself, rindin g your specia l niche, and doin g what you fee l is right. We read thes e characteristic s into ou r heroes . W e woul d probabl y see them in the sport s heroes, movi e stars, and busines s leaders we admir e as well. We migh t eve n fin d the m i n som e o f ou r villains . Th e fac t tha t w e can observe the m i n ou r heroe s o f compassio n tell s u s tha t thes e trait s are not altogethe r bad . Individualis m may even be a necessary component o f compassion. The Lone Ranger It i s thi s capacit y t o b e individualisti c as wel l a s compassionate , self possessed a s wel l a s giving , tha t inspire s the account s w e rea d i n newspapers and magazines . Mary Frances Housely, th e airlin e stewardess who gave her life , i s the gir l nex t door—with th e exceptio n tha t he r compassion an d he r individualis m both become , i n death , large r tha n life . Th e

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fictional characters w e love t o admir e als o brin g togethe r a n imaginativ e mixture o f compassionate decenc y an d individualistic determination. Th e Lone Range r i s thus a perso n w e ca n admire , despit e hi s unusua l ways , because h e show s th e possibilit y o f bein g a genuine nonconformist , a n independent creatur e t o th e end , bu t a warmhearte d caregive r a s well. He stand s i n fo r everyone , everywher e wh o combine s th e sam e virtues . As on e perso n remarked , "There' s gott a b e lon e rangers , eve n i f the y work in the bac k of a bank somewhere. He' s compassionate , always looking out fo r th e littl e guy , an d he' s adventurous . He' s bette r tha n Robi n Hood. He doesn' t just sta y in the woods. He' s a man on th e move. " This perhap s i s the signa l limitatio n o f publi c heroes a s source s o f ethical dept h fo r America n cultur e i n th e nex t century . W e nee d the m because the y inspir e u s t o highe r ideals , suc h a s self-sacrific e an d com passion. Th e storie s tha t tel l u s wha t i t mean s t o b e a n ethica l perso n become concret e i n the biographie s o f contemporary saints . Even though they stan d hig h abov e u s i n term s o f thei r commitment , w e ar e abl e t o identify wit h the m becaus e w e se e somethin g simila r abou t thei r live s and ours . An d ye t w e als o nee d structure d way s t o thin k abou t thes e saints—lessons, concret e rol e model s i n ou r persona l lives , th e tutelag e provided by our churches , our schools , our voluntee r organizations . We need mor e tha n mer e storytelling. W e need peopl e in our own experienc e to answe r our question s abou t thes e saints , t o interpre t di e implication s of thei r lives , t o tel l us , No , Mothe r Teres a i s not jus t a strong-minde d entrepreneur, sh e cares fo r the poores t o f th e poo r becaus e she sees embodied i n them Christ' s love . Otherwise, th e individualis m in our cultur e is so strong tha t w e can easily turn the m int o mirrors of ourselves, seein g only wha t we like a s we peer int o th e lookin g glass .

6 Ethical Ambivalence

If Mothe r Teresa , th e Lon e Ranger , an d Mar y France s Housely al l embody th e individualisti c ethos prevalen t in our culture , the y still outshin e what any of us are ever likely to accomplish , or eve n aspire to, i n bravery and devotion . I n a n er a o f so-calle d lit e heroes , whos e smal l deed s o f virtue ar e overplayed in th e medi a one da y an d ar e gone fro m vie w the next, thes e giant s o f compassio n necessaril y stand ou t a s th e genuin e exemplars o f high ethic s an d lastin g goodness. Indeed thei r exampl e is a clear ste p remove d fro m th e valo r w e associat e wit h ordinar y act s o f kindness an d charity . Someone wh o rushe s into a burning hous e t o sav e a child , losin g hi s o r he r ow n lif e i n th e process , mus t b e place d i n a n entirely distinc t categor y fro m th e proverbia l Boy Scou t wh o perform s his charitable deed fo r th e da y by helping ol d ladie s cross the street . Th e Boy Scou t ca n b e sai d t o hav e acted charitably , but i t woul d b e a gros s understatement t o sa y the perso n wh o rescue d you fro m th e flames was charitable.1 It i s no t jus t t o hono r th e courag e an d dedicatio n o f thos e wh o display exceptional compassion, though , that cause s us to se t them apart . We fee l ambivalen t about them , a s we do wit h al l heroes an d villains. 2 I t is har d for u s t o identif y full y wit h thei r example . We ma y admire the m in som e respect s an d eve n se e the m a s standard s t o whic h w e shoul d aspire. Bu t the y als o distur b u s an d evok e negativ e reactions . Th e con temporary saint s ma y serv e i n ou r societ y a s Christ figures . Bu t i f the y do, the y als o sugges t tha t w e ar e sometime s "pu t off " b y th e Christ . Stories o f great courage, tru e lov e of God, an d genuine devotio n t o th e 83

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needs o f others lif t ou r sight s t o a highe r plane . Bu t w e ma y sa y t o ourselves, wh y can' t the y jus t b e lik e th e res t o f us ? It ha s alway s bee n this way. The biblica l prophets wer e admired an d despised. Th e meekes t of the apostle s were exonerated—and stone d t o death. It i s never enough just t o se t the saint s on a pedestal. W e must als o find ways to dea l wit h the mixe d feeling s the y evoke . T o understan d furthe r ho w ethica l rol e models ma y serv e America n cultur e i n th e future , therefore , w e mus t consider th e natur e o f thi s ambivalenc e and ho w thoughtfu l peopl e ac tually lear n t o benefi t fro m th e rol e model s the y lov e an d hat e a t th e same time. 3

Uncomfortable i n the Presenc e of Goo d Many o f th e peopl e w e me t i n th e las t chapter were fran k i n expressin g their ambivalenc e about famou s model s o f compassion . Th e therapis t I quoted previousl y admitted sh e simpl y di d no t understan d Mothe r Ter esa. " I thin k it' s grea t she' s doin g wha t sh e is , bu t I don' t understan d that kin d o f life. " Sh e fel t ambivalen t abou t Mothe r Teresa' s sacrificia l life-style: "It' s to o star k fo r me. " Th e therapist , wh o wa s Jewish , als o found Mothe r Teres a har d to reconcil e with som e o f the value s she ha d come t o appreciat e i n th e Jewis h community . "Par t o f bein g Jewis h i s not cuttin g yoursel f of f fro m th e community . I think Mothe r Teres a i s a wonderful perso n when she goes of f by herself, but someho w I think w e need eac h other mor e than that. " Expressions of Ambivalence The youn g mothe r I quote d i n chapte r 4 wh o worke d a s a Vacatio n Bible Schoo l voluntee r admire d Mothe r Teresa' s selflessness , but foun d it har d t o identif y wit h he r becaus e o f he r stanc e o n abortion . "She' s adamantly oppose d t o abortio n and , I'v e heard , even to birt h contro l o f any kind , an d ye t I loo k a t som e o f th e peopl e she' s helpin g an d i t just seems t o m e tha t the y ar e ofte n victim s of havin g to o man y children. " Another woma n sai d sh e wa s ambivalen t about Mothe r Teres a becaus e she did no t full y accep t the ide a that compassion shoul d involv e a giving up o f yourself . "Sh e i s totally selfless , thoroughl y selfless , an d I admir e that. Bu t that's no t th e wa y I want t o live. " Her view , she said, wa s that you ca n serve better b y taking care of yourself. She thought i t bes t t o fill herself up, an d then serve from he r abundance, rather than denying yourself. " I fee l tha t i f I a m fulfille d i n othe r area s of m y lif e the n I ca n b e a more effectiv e volunteer . I don' t understan d someon e lik e Mother Te resa, althoug h I do admir e her ver y much." 4 The sam e sort o f ambivalenc e was sometimes expressed , incidentally, when peopl e talked abou t Jesu s or other figures from th e Bible . A young man wh o worke d i n a clerical positio n selecte d Chris t a s the mos t com passionate person h e could think of in history, bu t sai d he sometimes di d

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not lik e Christ ver y much because of guilt: "There i s a certain amount o f inspiration whe n yo u loo k a t hi s life , an d th e reaso n wh y h e wa s here , and th e reaso n for his death an d resurrection—tha t i s very inspiring . It' s very comforting . The guil t come s i n becaus e I kno w fro m tim e t o tim e there ar e things I should no t do that I do. " Neutralizing Our Heroes Finding yoursel f confronte d wit h an y her o wh o loom s large r than life , you ar e no t onl y likel y t o fee l som e ambivalenc e but als o likel y t o see k ways to neutraliz e these heroes—t o cool them out , o r put som e distance between the m an d you , s o that yo u ca n escape the hars h challeng e they plant i n you r imagination . Yo u cu t the m dow n t o size , a s it were . You find thing s abou t the m yo u d o no t admire . O r yo u simpl y push the m away, tellin g yoursel f tha t the y ar e to o fa r abov e yo u t o b e real , to o wooden t o b e believable , or eve n to o patheticall y peculiar to wan t t o imitate. Speaking abou t Gandhi , th e therapis t remarked: "He wa s perfectl y dreadful t o peopl e wh o wer e clos e t o him . I don' t thin k that' s a good thing." The young clerk said he admired Mother Teresa, but then quickly neutralized he r exampl e by transformin g her int o a n abstrac t image rather than a model on e would actuall y try to emulate : " I can't sa y that she has done one particula r thing tha t cause d me to say , hey, I wan t to d o tha t too." The socia l worke r I quote d i n th e las t chapte r spok e admiringl y of Mother Teresa , bu t mad e a point o f distancing hersel f from Mothe r Te resa's example : "I sometime s ge t tire d o f the whol e thin g an d just want a break from it . I get to thinking tha t mayb e I don't want to do this the rest o f m y life . S o I kno w I don' t hav e th e full-blow n devotio n o f a Mother Teresa . I jus t don' t hav e it . I car e about th e unfortunate , bu t I guess I hav e my limits. " Another youn g woman , thi s on e stil l i n hig h school, als o recognized tha t Mothe r Teres a was someone t o admire , but not necessaril y an exampl e sh e wished t o follow : "I kno w I don' t have that in me. I wouldn't be able to give things up; I like luxuries too much. But I definitely admir e her an d a m very impressed." Learning to Interpre t Storie s The storie s tha t w e tel l abou t compassion , an d th e heroe s w e admire , then, ar e no t simpl y rol e model s tha t w e tr y t o b e like . We recogniz e that storie s an d heroe s ar e just that—storie s an d heroes . An d so , rather than blindl y molding ou r behavio r t o fi t som e imag e w e see projected , we engag e i n a n interpretiv e process . No t onl y d o w e selectivel y construct ou r heroe s t o represen t th e value s we share; we als o develo p secondary narratives—account s t o tel l ourselve s abou t ho w t o understan d

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these heroes . W e have , a s it were , instructio n manual s i n ou r imagina tions tha t tel l us how t o rea d the heroi c storie s we hear. Instruction Manuals A youn g ma n wh o di d voluntee r work a s a political organizer provide d a candi d glimps e int o th e page s o f hi s instructio n manua l a s he talke d about th e way s in which he could—and could not—mak e use of Mothe r Teresa a s a rol e model . "She' s incredible, " h e cautioned , choosin g hi s words deliberately . "Nobod y ca n com e clos e t o her. " An d the n h e explained: "Sh e goe s a littl e overboard ; she' s a martyr-typ e perso n wh o sacrifices everythin g including hersel f for other people. " I n good relativistic languag e h e went on : "Tha t work s for her , but there's a lot o f peo ple in our societ y who hav e to be careful wit h that because it can becom e workaholism. It can become martyrdo m that is destructive to the individual. I don't thin k ther e ar e very many people wh o shoul d tr y t o imitat e her. Sh e mus t b e a n exceptiona l perso n t o b e abl e to hav e tha t kin d o f life work . I don't think th e res t of us could reall y pull it off." Having mad e his analysi s of th e limitation s o f Mother Teresa' s life style, h e turne d fro m societa l observation s t o a more persona l set o f reflections. "Par t o f me would lik e to b e that selfless , tha t carin g and com passionate; bu t I ge t depresse d whe n I' m aroun d peopl e wh o ar e real sad, lik e peopl e wh o ar e dying . I can' t handl e it . I wis h I could . Sh e doesn't ge t depressed lik e I would. Whe n sh e sees grief it motivates her , it inspires her. Sh e is able to wor k among th e sic k and the dying , an d be incredibly uplifted and motivated. I'm sur e she has her bad days. I'm sure she gets tired , bu t sh e continues to d o thi s work. You never hear abou t her going to th e mountains t o tak e the summer off, yo u know, she doesn't do that , sh e just keeps on going . An d there' s a part of me that wishe s I could d o that, bu t I can't." It wa s the idealis m of Mother Teresa , Gandhi , Schweitzer , and oth ers that mos t peopl e fel t necessar y to facto r out i n some way . They no t only rejecte d thi s idealis m bu t inserte d a paragrap h in thei r guidebook s that said , in effect , "Don' t get carrie d awa y with things ; yo u ca n admire these people , bu t remember , moderatio n i s the bette r par t o f virtue. " A man i n hi s late fortie s wh o ha d don e voluntee r work fo r mor e commu nity organization s tha n h e coul d remembe r sai d he ha d alway s been in spired b y compassionate peopl e bu t wa s wise enough t o kno w tha t mos t of the time you just have to muddle through. "Yo u can read about Alber t Schweitzer an d ge t al l excited an d g o t o medica l schoo l an d becom e a doctor i n Africa . Bu t that' s no t th e wa y it reall y works." Eve n the mos t laudable individuals , h e said , hav e their ba d side s a s well a s their goo d sides. If we remember that , w e are less likely to becom e overly impressed with them . "Tak e Gandh i fo r example . Yo u ca n admir e hi s policie s of nonviolence. Bu t he never really understood tha t those policie s only worked when yo u wer e u p agains t civilize d peopl e [th e British] . I f he' d hav e


7

tried i t in the Sovie t Union , they'd hav e shot him. So, you look a t thes e people wit h al l their compassio n an d al l their dedicatio n t o a cause, and to m e the y see m anythin g fro m naiv e to ineffectiv e t o downrigh t dan gerous a t times . Sure , Gandh i go t th e Britis h out o f India , bu t h e als o set of f a war betwee n Indi a an d Pakista n tha t kille d ove r a million peo ple." A cautionary tale: rea d Gandhi, bu t rea d him wit h a critical eye. Looking for Principle s And yet , despit e th e suspicions we shar e of idealism , it i s the principle , more than th e practice, that we tell ourselves to extract from thes e heroes of compassion . Ou r guidebook s tel l u s to lear n th e valu e o f carin g bu t to distinguis h thi s value from th e wa y an y specific individua l may pu t i t into practice . We locate ourselves in our ow n uniqu e situations, comparing ou r stor y t o theirs , an d the n decid e fo r ourselve s how muc h we can learn. Lik e som e prefac e w e migh t fin d i n a n advic e book, th e formula for readin g stories of compassion says, "Read, enjoy, bu t decid e for yourself how yo u ar e going t o appl y this." Applications A youn g mothe r i n Virginia provide d on e o f th e bes t commentarie s on how t o rea d th e storie s o f Mothe r Teres a an d others wh o demonstrat e exceptional compassion . " I thin k yo u hav e t o se e someone lik e that an d say, fo r you , tak e th e principle s of he r lif e an d pu t i t i n th e contex t o f your lif e an d wh o yo u are." Just a s in rea l life , sh e argues, an d indee d as in th e wa y people fram e thei r own storie s of caring and bein g cared for, we mus t engag e i n a n ac t of individuation . "We kin d of ge t outselve s i n a ja m whe n w e thin k abou t tryin g t o b e lik e anothe r person . Jus t personality-wise, o r circumstantially , we might b e totall y different. " Th e main principle , what w e ca n admir e i n someon e else , an d wha t w e ca n always strive for ourselves , this woman believes , is to liv e a lif e o f signif icance. "You ca n see the significanc e o f what she's doing . I think that's a great thing—jus t t o kno w tha t you r lif e i s touchin g othe r people . S o many times , n o matte r ho w w e liv e our lives , we don't se e that. W e can get t o thinkin g tha t we'r e no t ver y useful . Wit h he r life , there's jus t n o question o f how she' s touche d people. " Using hersel f as an example , this woman trie d t o illustrat e how on e can mak e us e o f a rol e mode l lik e Mothe r Teresa , eve n thoug h one' s circumstances and abilitie s may be ver y different . "I thin k about how to imitate som e o f her qualities , given the situatio n I' m i n with a family an d everything. I can't possibl y live like she is, and I don't think sh e feels tha t everybody shoul d b e doin g wha t she' s doing . I n fact , sh e ha s sai d sh e doesn't want people t o b e like her, but just to sta y in thei r own situatio n and do what they can. She encourages peopl e to b e who the y are and do things wher e the y are . The mai n qualit y sh e exhibit s is just selflessness,

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being abl e to giv e of herself. Anytime you're abl e to do tha t you just get so muc h back . I thin k o f th e vers e that say s i f you los e you r life , yo u gain it . That's really true for her. " Thus i n thi s woman' s case , a t leas t fo r th e tim e being , sh e trie s t o do littl e thing s fo r he r friend s an d neighbors , fo r he r children , an d fo r people in the community . Sh e takes heart fro m th e fac t tha t her situatio n is different fro m Mother Teresa' s an d fro m Mothe r Teresa' s ow n encour agement t o b e different an d d o wha t on e can . I t i s the principl e o f self lessness that sh e tries to remembe r to appl y in day-to-day situations. An d yet i t i s not jus t an abstract principle to b e followed, bu t a n orientatio n that Mothe r Teres a symbolize s in he r life . Fro m thi s symbol , on e gain s both th e conviction tha t selflessnes s i s possible an d the confidence that i t is rewarding, significant , worthwhile. The Worth of the Individua l Stories o f compassion, whethe r o f compassion receive d firsthand or wit nessed a t a distance, ar e exemplary tales tha t tel l u s what i t means to b e a carin g individual . They bea r distinctly the imprin t o f individualis m in our culture , bu t the y demonstrat e ho w thi s individualis m can b e com bined wit h a concern fo r others . The y ar e not tale s abou t organization s or groups bu t abou t individuals . In ever y case we have considered, it was an individual who receive d care and a n individual who gav e care. Peopl e could have told stories abou t the care given by their neighborhood, their church, o r eve n thei r family . Bu t the y di d not . The y tol d storie s abou t their mother , thei r nurse, their boss, thei r friend . Thei r stories were tales of morality—abou t th e possibilitie s of desirabl e behavior on th e par t o f the individual. A Personal Bond In man y of the storie s a peculiar bond betwee n th e individua l caregiver and th e recipien t o f car e wa s emphasized . I n on e instanc e i t wa s th e experience of having a baby die; i n another th e awfu l feelin g o f trying t o laugh and bein g able only to cry ; in others a shared stage of life, a similar illness, a n emotiona l crisis , or a common addiction . Thes e storie s reveal the characte r of empathy . B y locating th e caregive r and th e recipien t in an unusua l social space, they emphasiz e the specia l relationship that de veloped betwee n them . The y mak e caring , i n on e sense , a devian t act . But i n so doing they also magnify th e humannes s of the encounter . Car ing i s not simpl y an ordinar y relationship. Its exceptionalit y shows tha t something specia l was present betwee n th e give r and the receiver. By focusin g o n th e exceptiona l qualities o f th e relationshi p w e ar e able t o legitimat e ou r carin g i n a n otherwis e no-nonsense , calculatin g society. W e ar e ofte n reluctan t t o sa y we care d fo r someon e simpl y ou t of th e goodnes s o f ou r hearts . W e tel l storie s o f ho w a need y perso n


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sparked som e impuls e withi n u s w e coul d no t resist . Storie s o f others ' caring play a similar role. They give us an excuse for being compassionate by showing w e had a debt t o b e repaid. Empathy Consider th e following : "On e nigh t I staye d u p lat e talking—listenin g actually—to a frien d whos e brothe r ha d kille d himself . My frien d wa s having a lot o f problem s dealin g wit h i t an d neede d a sympathetic ear. He had listened to man y of my problems and I wanted to help if I could. Besides, I ha d bee n i n a kind o f simila r situation before , an d I remembered ho w I didn't hav e anyone to tal k to an d how miserable that mad e me. I t wa s really special when one o f my friends hear d me out. Yo u see, my brothe r trie d t o kil l himsel f twice . H e sho t himself whe n I wa s a freshman i n hig h schoo l an d las t fal l h e too k a bunc h o f sleepin g pills. Luckily, h e didn't succeed . Bu t ther e was a moment whe n I thought he had, s o I knew kind o f how m y friend felt. " This i s clearly a story o f empathy—th e kin d o f empath y defined b y the circumstance s presente d i n th e story , a n emotional bon d create d b y the sharin g o f unusua l experiences . But i t i s also a story tha t allow s th e storyteller, a young ma n in his late teens who say s he usually tries to pu t up a tough front , to tal k about bein g compassionate. Becaus e he can load the weigh t o f his decision t o liste n ont o the circumstance s he describes , he can present himself as a caring person without havin g to sa y anything about deepe r value s or motivations . Inner Qualities Many storie s o f compassion , though , als o revea l somethin g abou t th e inner qualitie s i t take s to b e a caring person. Sometime s i n fac t the y are told wit h a specifi c hortator y purpos e i n mind . On e ma n fo r example lamented th e fac t tha t ther e were not mor e peopl e willin g to exer t themselves fo r th e goo d o f others . Th e mai n problem , h e felt , wa s a lack o f drive. To o man y peopl e "prefe r t o jus t si t a t hom e i n thei r eas y chair." He recognize d tha t h e sometime s fel t thi s wa y himself. But th e inclination to d o nothing is a temptation h e tries to resist : "A lot of days I just have t o tel l mysel f I' m goin g t o ge t ou t ther e an d d o somethin g fo r somebody." And the n h e told a story—a cautionary tale that inspires him when he gets lazy and one he hoped would inspir e others a s well: "I ha d a broke n le g once an d th e physica l therapist go t m e out wit h a cane and told me to wal k around th e block . It was a big block too . Sh e told me I had thre e week s t o ge t i t done . I tol d her , 'Chris , I can' t d o it. ' Bu t I did. I t too k ever y ounce o f strengt h I had . Sh e played me like a violin . She told m e late r tha t sh e ha d give n m e a time limi t becaus e she knew I'd ge t it done befor e then." In man y of their depiction s o f caregivers, bot h o f personal acquain -

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tances an d o f publi c figures , storyteller s emphasize d thi s kin d o f persistence. I t i s the abilit y to g o agains t al l odds, t o buc k th e system , t o d o what others ar e unwilling to d o tha t w e associat e with compassio n For titude, character, believin g strongl y i n a cause are the traits w e admire i n those wh o care . We als o admire sincerity, affection, an d sometime s thes e traits ar e demonstrated b y a display of emotion. Bu t i t i s more commo n for storie s o f compassio n t o displa y sincerity by commitment i n th e fac e of adversity . Mary Frances Housel y doe s no t cry , she simply does wha t has t o b e done . All of this fits well with th e individualis m in our culture . Excep t tha t the heroes we admir e ar e more self-sacrificin g an d mor e principle d tha n we. The y giv e u p thei r live s fo r th e principle s they hol d dear . Fo r that , we ar e unable to identif y wit h the m completely . We may aspire to com passion but no t t o genuine altruism. And so, we express our ambivalence about grea t me n an d women o f compassion, distanc e ourselves fro m them , and articulat e secondary narratives about ho w t o relat e to them . And thes e secondary narratives reflect anothe r leve l of individualism in ou r thinking . The y emphasiz e th e importanc e o f individua l differ ences. Mother Teresa may be a strong individual, bu t i f so, we also nee d to plac e her i n th e uniquenes s o f he r ow n context , recogniz e th e differ ences between her context an d ours. Compassion i s not simpl y a function of determination . I t i s an expressio n of ou r selves . It reflect s ou r desire s and interests—indeed , our individua l limitations. We find it legitimate t o articulate thes e limitation s i n defens e o f ou r ow n life-styles , whic h re quire somethin g les s tha n tota l commitment . Tha t i s fin e fo r Mothe r Teresa, w e say , bu t i t i s not fo r me . I coul d no t b e mysel f and lea d th e life sh e does .

Community (Again) Where, then , doe s communit y com e int o th e picture ? I s carin g i n ou r society merel y the wor k o f stalwar t individuals , o r d o th e storie s abou t these individual s i n som e wa y demonstrate tha t communit y to o i s important? I wa s taught i n sociology course s tha t th e communit y precede s our abilit y to tel l mora l tale s at all. 5 Onl y a s a member o f a moral com munity a m I abl e t o mak e judgments abou t righ t an d wron g tha t carr y weight. Onl y i n community d o particula r individuals an d events becom e symbolic. Eve n i f a her o i s a rugge d individualist , i t i s th e communit y that define s tha t rugge d individualis t as an important symbo l of its values and it s social relationships . I stil l believ e this vie w is correct—but onl y partiall y so. I t i s correct to th e exten t tha t on e ca n i n fac t se e th e han d o f communit y i n th e shaping o f stories . I t i s incorrect insofa r as it emphasize s onl y th e socia l relationships fro m whic h storytellin g emerges . Communit y ma y precede the tellin g o f tales, bu t i t i s also created in the tellin g itself .


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Symbols in Community Although th e storie s I hav e reported her e deal mostly wit h compassion ate individuals , th e importan t rol e playe d b y communit y i s alway s a n implicit featur e o f thes e stories . Th e wa y ou r communitie s defin e ou r heroes of compassio n i s especially evident in a case where someone i s an active member o f a church or, fo r tha t matter , o f a quasi-secular support group suc h a s Alcoholics Anonymous. Thes e setting s encourag e socia l interaction an d provid e thei r member s with a distinct vocabulary . Communities lik e thi s ofte n hav e their own heroe s a s well. One woma n wh o was activ e in AA , for example , passed quickly over such figures as Mother Teresa an d Gandh i i n thinkin g abou t model s o f compassio n an d men tioned a priest whose writing s sh e ha d bee n encourage d t o rea d i n AA . His wor k showed he r tha t lov e of others mus t start with lov e of self and helped he r escap e from th e self-hatre d that had alway s plagued her. "H e gave m e th e hop e tha t I coul d becom e lovable . I neve r though t tha t could b e possible . I though t mayb e I coul d lear n t o lov e other people , but I never thought I was worth bein g lovable. And he made me see that I was." B y disclosing himself, h e also showed her the possibility of relating mor e openly , withou t fear , t o othe r people . Sh e ha d alway s been afraid "tha t i f I tel l yo u wh o I a m an d yo u don' t lik e m e I don' t have anything left. " But studyin g hi s teachings mad e her se e that wha t othe r people thin k i s less important tha n wha t you thin k about yourself . "You can hel p m e whe n yo u tel l m e wha t yo u see , bu t I' m th e onl y on e i t matters to. S o he gave me the hope t o find out tha t I' m worthwhile. " Many o f th e heroe s o f compassio n peopl e admired fro m thei r ow n personal experienc e als o reflecte d thei r involvemen t i n clos e interactive communities. Th e rescu e squad member's role model was his boss on th e rescue squad and , beyon d him, th e other member s of his squad. Freddie Jackson Taylor's hero , th e ma n who sol d hi s motorcycle to bai l ou t th e neighborhood center , wa s a ma n h e kne w throug h th e neighborhoo d center. The youn g mothe r i n Virginia had a role model who wa s both a neighbor an d a fello w churc h member . Othe r rol e model s wer e famil y members, close friends , fello w volunteers . Community through Symbols It i s harder to se e the element of community i n connection wit h individualized heroe s lik e Gandhi , Mothe r Teresa , o r Alber t Schweitzer . They stand for , a s I hav e suggested, th e stalwar t nonconformist s wh o g o of f among peopl e i n a differen t lan d an d liv e remarkabl e lives. An d ye t a kind o f shared communit y o f values emerges fro m th e collectiv e admiration w e besto w o n thes e individuals . The y becom e a part o f our shared experience, models o f goodness that we can talk about wit h one another , that w e can refe r t o i n conversation s withou t havin g t o explai n our reference in full . Mothe r Teres a i s not onl y a model o f hope i n the abstract,

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but a mode l o f hop e fo r us , i n ou r time , a s humanity , an d eve n a s a society. Sh e represents us by symbolizing the goodnes s w e aspir e to, jus t as a nationa l leade r represent s th e hope s an d concern s tha t cause d hi m to wi n electiv e office. Sh e i s a n incarnatio n around whic h othe r expres sions of carin g can congeal. Th e mythologize d imag e of her tha t w e create culturall y become s ou r icon , a n object , a focu s fo r emulatio n an d discussion.6 In thes e way s communit y i s implicit i n al l stories o f caring . I t does , as sociologist s hav e argued , preced e our abilit y to construc t tale s o f mora l virtue. Bu t thi s vie w o f th e relatio n betwee n communit y an d storie s is , as I say , onl y partl y correct . Storie s no t onl y gro w ou t o f ou r socia l relationships, the y als o creat e thes e relationships . Community i s a result of storytelling , a s well a s its precondition . I fin d thi s argumen t attractive , not becaus e it highlight s a weakness in th e premise s of m y discipline , but becaus e it suggest s a bette r wa y o f thinking abou t community . Give n th e circumstance s of ou r lives , mos t of us do no t have , as it were, "a community." W e do no t live , as humans did fo r man y centuries , withi n a n enclose d trib e o r cla n o r villag e tha t gives us our identity , our values , our stories . We have more diffuse , scat tered attachments—t o friends , family , neighborhoods , place s o f work , places o f worship , interes t groups, voluntar y associations . These ar e no t part o f a single community bu t ar e largel y separate communities. Thos e we kno w i n ou r neighborhood s ma y b e a n entirel y differen t se t o f ac quaintances tha n thos e w e kno w a t work . Bu t i t i s not eve n correc t t o say, a s some do , tha t w e participate in multipl e communities. We do no t simply become involve d in communities tha t ar e somehow ther e whethe r we participat e or not . Instead , w e creat e our communitie s a s we go along . Our neighbor s ar e not simpl y the peopl e who liv e in a certain geographi c area. The y ar e peopl e w e choos e t o interac t with an d identif y a s neigh bors. The y come an d go . A t an y give n time , ou r sens e of wha t w e cal l the neighborhoo d i s really th e perceptio n w e hav e o f th e peopl e w e kno w best an d with who m w e interact. Stories pla y a powerful rol e in defining such perceptions of commu nity. A neighbo r i s t o a significan t degre e someon e w e ca n tel l a stor y about—often a story o f caring . The cpmmunit y I identif y wit h a t a particular momen t i n m y lif e ma y b e symbolize d b y th e frien d wh o wa s i n the hospita l havin g a bab y th e sam e tim e I was . M y stor y abou t he r creates a n immediat e sens e o f communit y involvin g the tw o o f us . T o the exten t that m y stor y select s certain feature s of our collectiv e identit y as bein g important—mayb e commo n belief s abou t childre n o r women' s roles—it als o define s u s a s a par t o f som e broade r community. Freddi e Jackson Taylor' s stor y abou t Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , therefore , i s no t simply abou t a relationshi p betwee n a n admire r an d a publi c figur e bu t a tale of shared identities and share d affinitie s wit h other members o f th e black community . An d th e rescu e squa d member' s stor y o f hi s colleg e


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friends helpin g hi m adjus t t o hi s parents ' divorc e i s no t onl y a tal e o f individual carin g bu t a story of colleagueship among fello w students . Please d o no t misunderstan d me . I a m not sayin g the shallo w net works we find in suburban neighborhoods, college dormitories , an d voluntary association s ar e al l we ca n hope for . I a m saying these network s may no t b e a s shallow a s w e think . Transien t the y certainl y are , com pared wit h a tribal community . Bu t the y d o constitut e communitie s o f memory. How ? I n th e tellin g o f stories . A s we hav e seen , peopl e con struct a portio n o f thei r autobiographie s aroun d storie s o f carin g an d being care d for . These storie s mak e communities par t o f thei r remembered past , par t of their memory. In addition , th e ac t of telling an d retellin g these storie s makes them a par t o f th e share d present. W e ma y neve r have care d fo r a stroke pa tient ourselve s o r ha d a baby die, bu t w e can empathize with th e caring described whe n suc h storie s ar e told . The y tel l u s al l that carin g exists, that i t has existed as part of the experience of individuals like us, and that it i s a featur e o f ou r lives . Because it i s told, i t i s shared, an d becaus e it is shared , th e possibilit y o f i t happenin g t o u s become s plausible . Even if we ourselves have not experience d being cared for recently , we believe it i s a feature o f huma n experience. Storytelling as Caring This mean s tha t th e tellin g o f storie s abou t carin g i s itsel f a for m o f caring. I do not mea n it can ever substitute for a helping hand when one is actuall y needed, a kin d word , a shoulde r t o cr y on, o r th e givin g o f food t o th e hungr y an d shelte r t o th e homeless . Bu t tale s tol d o f th e giving an d receivin g of compassio n ar e i n fac t a kin d o f gift . The y ar e gifts o f hop e an d encouragement , a s w e hav e seen . The y revea l some thing intimat e abou t a n individual' s biography . The y sho w u s tha t th e people w e kno w ar e perhap s mor e compassionat e tha n w e migh t hav e guessed. A s the y tel l thei r stories , the y als o fram e the m i n a wa y tha t actually cast s us in th e rol e o f one o f the characters . When I hea r abou t a frien d standin g in th e drivewa y crying her eyes out becaus e I a m leaving, I becom e tha t perso n sh e cares for. I experience vicariously some of the lov e she showed fo r her friend . I can also imagine myself wanting t o laugh an d bein g abl e onl y t o cry . S o when I hear a story abou t a fello w stroke patient saying a kind word, tha t wor d i s spoken to m e as well. I n this way too, then , community i s created through the telling of stories . Small Lesson s I sai d earlie r that th e instructio n manual s peopl e devis e to interpre t th e stories the y hea r about carin g emphasize principle . I t i s the principl e of dedication w e learn from Gandhi an d the principl e of selflessness tha t we

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learn fro m Mothe r Teresa . W e ar e inspire d b y th e evidenc e w e se e i n their storie s tha t dedicatio n an d selflessnes s are possible. Eve n whe n w e remind ourselve s tha t w e canno t follo w thei r example s completely , w e gain som e smal l lesso n i n th e valu e of dedication an d selflessness. But wha t i s this smal l lesson? Storie s hav e often bee n though t o f as the vehicle s by which w e lear n th e situationa l rule s o f socia l behavior — that is , th e context-specifi c norm s tha t shoul d gover n ou r action s i n par ticular situations . Fro m thi s perspectiv e a story abou t mothe r lov e fo r a child provide s a model fro m whic h one abstract s rules about ho w t o car e for one' s ow n children . I n a particula r situation , say , a bruise d elbo w from a bicycl e accident, on e responds t o th e child' s need s b y followin g patterns on e ha s learned fro m storie s abou t simila r situations. Yo u recall a stor y yo u hear d fro m a neighbor abou t a bicycle accident, s o you rus h your chil d t o th e hospita l t o se e if there ha s bee n a concussion, o r yo u keep th e chil d quie t wit h a n ic e pack o n th e injury . I n short , yo u lear n what t o do . Th e storie s ar e encoded lesson s i n technical, social , and eve n moral competence . I d o no t believ e stories—a t leas t storie s o f compassion—wor k thi s way. Whe n w e aske d peopl e abou t th e rule s the y followe d i n tryin g t o be carin g and compassionate , the y generall y ha d littl e t o say . Their sto ries o f carin g an d bein g care d fo r ha d no t resulte d i n a set o f norm s o f the kin d "i f such and suc h happens, the n d o s o and so." Whe n w e posed them wit h hypothetica l situation s an d aske d them t o respond , the y als o expressed reluctance . I n othe r words , th e storie s the y ha d hear d di d no t seem t o giv e them th e capacit y to pu t themselve s i n som e ne w situatio n and conjecture about ho w the y would behave . The cues they had learne d from thei r ow n stories , i t appeared , cam e s o directl y fro m th e specifi c situations i n whic h the y foun d themselve s tha t the y wer e unabl e t o de vise plan s o f actio n o n th e basi s o f hypothetica l events . The y certainl y were no t intrigue d wit h th e ide a o f playin g littl e game s devise d t o tes t their mora l reasonin g b y bein g place d i n hypothetica l situation s involv ing ethica l dilemmas . An d th e storie s the y tol d gav e a strong indicatio n why not : the y wer e abou t experience s i n whic h th e ver y natur e o f th e response wa s heavily contingent o n th e specifi c circumstance s o f th e even t (such a s a facial expression , wha t wa s said an d no t said , ho w on e felt , o r what othe r options were present). The storie s peopl e tol d seeme d no t s o muc h t o b e abou t rule s o f caring a s abou t th e realit y an d possibilit y o f caring . The y di d no t con clude with assertion s suc h a s "And s o I learned fro m thi s experienc e tha t if you ar e ever faced wit h suc h and such , yo u shoul d . . . " Instead, the y included observation s suc h a s " I reall y admir e her, " "sh e ha s bee n a n inspiration t o me, " " I coul d g o o n al l day about him. " When I cal l thes e tale s storie s t o liv e by , then, I d o no t mea n tha t they provid e rule s t o follow . I mea n the y giv e u s hope fo r living . The y give u s encouragement . W e ca n se e ourselves a s caregivers and a s recipi-


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ents o f care . I t become s possibl e t o sa y to ourselves , I a m lik e that , I understand that , I ca n relat e to it . A s we identif y wit h th e characte r i n the stor y w e see the necessit y of relating to other s an d the opportunitie s available for demonstrating kindness . Models of compassion provide models of hope, o f the selve s we think i t i s possible to be .


Ill Doctrinal Challenges : Pluralism, Polarity, an d the Character o f Belief


7 Religious Orientation s

A century ago, th e questio n o f religious belie f would hav e been relativel y simple t o addres s i n a t leas t on e respect : belie f wa s indee d th e salien t question, an d what people believe d could largel y be summarized i n terms of assen t t o particula r doctrines, creeds , an d teachings . On e o f th e sig nificant development s o f th e twentiet h centur y i s that th e rol e o f belie f in religiou s commitmen t ha s becom e problematic . I n considerin g th e doctrinal challenge s tha t lie ahead in the next century, the necessar y starting point, therefore, mus t b e a consideration o f the character of religious orientations themselves. 1

Transcendent Meanin g Social scientists , includin g sociologists , anthropologists , an d student s o f comparative religions , generall y conceive of religio n a s a system of symbols tha t evoke s a sense of holisti c or transcenden t meaning. 2 They tak e this seemingl y oblique approac h becaus e the world' s religion s ar e so different tha t mor e specifi c definition s involvin g particular belief s ofte n fai l to captur e thi s diversity . A definitio n lik e thi s als o reflect s socia l scien tists' claim that symbols ar e essential to the huma n capacit y to experience and interpre t reality . Symbol s ar e acts, objects, utterances , o r event s tha t stand fo r something—tha t is , the y giv e meanin g t o somethin g b y con necting i t t o somethin g else . Symbol s giv e orde r an d meanin g t o life . Without them , lif e woul d b e experience d a s senseles s an d chaotic . In 99

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deed, researc h suggests tha t individual s are able to experienc e and understand onl y those aspect s o f their world s for which they have symbols.3

Contextual Meaning Social scientists ' emphasi s on holisti c or transcenden t meaning a s the de fining featur e o f religio n arise s fro m thei r vie w tha t meanin g i s always contextual.4 W e ca n understan d wh y thi s assumptio n make s sense i f we turn momentaril y fro m th e questio n o f religion t o a problem w e all confront whe n w e have to decid e how t o interpre t a sentence we read . Th e meaning o f a particular word i n a sentence depends o n th e othe r word s that for m it s immediate context . Fo r example , the wor d "courts " means one thin g i f it appear s with th e wor d "tennis, " bu t somethin g differen t when the words "justice " o r "dating" are present. Similarly , in their dail y lives, peopl e giv e meanin g t o thei r activitie s b y associatin g the m wit h various frame s of reference . Hittin g a tenni s bal l has meaning , for example, because it i s associated with th e rule s of the gam e o f tennis. Eac h frame o f reference , moreover , ha s meaning becaus e it ca n b e place d within a mor e encompassin g symboli c contex t (tennis , say , withi n th e contex t of physical exercise and health) . But i f each symbolic framework require s a broade r framewor k t o hav e meaning , the n som e for m o f holisti c o r transcendent symbo l syste m tha t embrace s al l o f lif e mus t b e present . These ar e what social scientists call religious orientations o r religiou s systems.

Ultimate Questions The question s tha t typicall y invoke religiou s symbol s involv e th e ques t to mak e lif e itsel f meaningful . Suc h question s aris e a t th e extremitie s of human existence . Wher e di d I com e from ? Wh y a m I here ? Wha t hap pens whe n I die ? Thes e questions , frame d a t th e individua l level , ma y also b e aske d abou t th e collectivit y t o whic h on e belong s o r abou t hu manity in general. How di d our trib e originate? Where is humanity headed? Other question s focu s on th e absolute s o r landmark s that mak e lif e rec ognizable i n it s mos t basi c sense. Wha t i s beauty? Wha t i s truth? Ho w can we know truth ? What i s essential about th e huma n condition ? Ther e are als o question s tha t aris e becaus e the event s the y dea l wit h mak e n o sense to u s on th e surface . Wh y must I die ? Why is there sufferin g i n the world? Wha t i s the reaso n fo r evil ? Transcendent symbo l system s addres s thes e question s a t a variety of levels. Elaborat e philosophica l an d theologica l doctrine s sometime s sup ply rationa l answer s tha t satisf y canon s o f logi c an d empirica l evidence . Certainly th e grea t creed s an d confession s that Christian s hav e espouse d over th e centurie s hav e ofte n bee n frame d i n thi s manner . The y giv e precise, rationa l answer s to th e perplexing question s of human existence , and thes e answer s ar e said to b e integrated int o larger, internall y logical

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systems. Bu t i n dail y lif e th e endurin g question s o f human existenc e are more likel y t o b e addresse d throug h narratives , proverb s an d maxims , and iconi c representation s ric h with experientia l connotations. Religiou s orientations ar e likely t o b e structured les s by abstract deductiv e reason ing tha n b y parables that rais e questions bu t leav e open precis e answers, by personal storie s that lin k experience with wider realities, and by creeds and image s tha t hav e acquired meaning throug h lon g historie s o f interpretation i n human communities. 5 Our consideration s o f the rol e of stories i n th e transmissio n o f ethica l ideal s i n th e las t sectio n ar e thu s a n example of what ha s increasingly come to b e understood a s a fundamental feature o f religious trut h itself. One importan t implicatio n tha t derive s fro m thi s understandin g o f religious orientation s i s tha t thei r rol e i n th e futur e is , t o a significan t degree, secure agains t th e onslaugh t o f scientifi c an d philosophica l argu ments o f th e kin d tha t dre w s o muc h concer n durin g th e nineteent h century. This is not t o sugges t tha t religious orientations wil l be immune from philosophical criticism or fro m th e naturalisti c attacks of scientists . It doe s mean , however , that th e influenc e of science and philosophy wil l be fel t mor e a t th e leve l o f stor y tha n i n term s o f rationa l argumen t alone. Social Interaction Like other symbo l systems , religiou s orientations ar e also recognize d in creasingly b y student s o f huma n behavio r t o depen d o n socia l interac tion. Althoug h th e rol e o f such factors as divine revelation mus t b e considered o n a different plane , social scientists emphasize the way s in which symbols com e t o hav e meanin g throug h th e interactio n o f individual s and groups i n human communities . Sometime s thes e communities inven t collective symbol s t o articulat e powerfu l experience s the y ma y hav e undergone. Mor e commonly, communities borro w symbol s available within their cultura l tradition s bu t the n adap t thes e symbol s t o thei r ow n use , giving them ne w meanings an d interpretations. Communities also underwrite th e plausibilit y of religiou s belief systems. 6 They d o s o by providing evidenc e that suc h belief s ar e not th e produc t o f individual imaginations alone , b y encouraging th e public expression of beliefs, an d b y creating occasions i n which beliefs ma y be enacted and predictions fulfilled . With out th e ongoin g interactio n o f peopl e i n communities , i t i s doubtfu l whether belie f systems coul d lon g b e sustained . Research has als o demonstrated tha t persona l religiou s orientation s ar e more likel y to hav e behavioral consequences if these orientations ar e supported b y communities of like-minded individuals. 7 In defining religion as a symbol system that deals with ultimate questions, socia l scientist s assume tha t human s hav e the capacit y to questio n their experienc e and a desire to mak e sense of thei r worlds. Whethe r all people pursu e this desire with equa l intensity is more doubtful . I t i s pos-

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sible, for example , to explai n a plane crash by observing tha t a rivet came loose. I t i s als o possibl e t o le t th e inciden t rais e question s abou t th e meaning o f pain , th e frailt y o f huma n existence , o r th e meanin g an d purpose o f one's own life . Ho w muc h th e ques t fo r holistic meaning an d transcendence enter s int o people' s live s is , therefore , a matte r o f variation.

Individual Variations Studies indicat e tha t mos t people sa y they have thought abou t th e meaning an d purpos e o f life , bu t individual s vary i n th e exten t t o whic h the y have been trouble d b y this issue. They als o vary in the amoun t o f explicit attention the y have devoted t o i t an d in their view s about th e possibilit y of arrivin g at definit e answers. 8 Agnosticism , fo r example , i s a religiou s orientation tha t grant s the importanc e o f ultimate questions abou t mean ing an d purpos e bu t denie s th e possibilit y o f findin g answer s t o thes e questions. Whether peopl e wil l continu e t o b e deepl y concerne d abou t ques tions o f meanin g an d purpos e i n th e futur e i s more difficul t t o predic t than migh t b e supposed. O n th e surface , these woul d see m to b e enduring question s tha t peopl e i n al l times an d place s have t o confront . Th e degree t o whic h peopl e actuall y think about them , however , depend s o n two additiona l considerations : whethe r the y thin k i t i s possible t o fin d answers, an d whethe r the y hav e alread y foun d satisfactor y answers. I f traditional creed s and doctrine s are eroding , thi s tren d woul d sugges t that peopl e migh t thin k mor e abou t meanin g an d purpos e i n the futur e because the y woul d not alread y hav e ready-mad e answer s availabl e to them. But moder n cultur e als o teaches it may not be worthwhile askin g such cosmi c questions . Sinc e the Reformation , dail y lif e itsel f ha s bee n taken muc h more seriously , supplying as it were bit s and piece s of meaning, bu t precludin g the search for an overarching Meaning. Searchin g fo r answers tha t ma y b e impossibl e t o find , on e hear s peopl e suggest , ma y simply b e a good wa y to mak e yourself unhappy. Varieties o f Belie f The kin d o f symbol s tha t com e int o pla y i n relatio n t o question s abou t meaning an d purpos e i n lif e i s also a matter o f variation . While al l such symbol system s ma y perfor m functionall y simila r roles , i t i s usefu l t o distinguish the m substantively . These substantiv e distinctions ar e usually the basi s o n whic h religiou s orientation s ar e delineate d i n popula r dis course.

Theism At th e broades t level , student s o f religio n distinguis h theisti c meanin g systems, whic h recogniz e th e existenc e of a Go d o r divin e being , fro m


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atheistic systems, which do no t acknowledg e a divine being. 9 Christianity is an example of the former ; Marxism, of the latter . Insofar as it addresses the sam e higher-order question s abou t the meanin g o f life , Marxis m would be considered functionall y similar to Christianity . Bu t this does not mea n that Marxis m necessaril y function s thi s way . Jus t a s on e migh t stud y Marxism t o deriv e economi c pririciples , s o one migh t stud y Christianit y simply as an example of literature. In neithe r cas e would it be appropriate to sa y that a religiou s orientatio n i s a t work . Onl y a s they functio n t o evoke holisti c meanin g an d transcendenc e d o symbo l system s becom e religious orientations. On e implicatio n of this fac t fo r Christianit y i n the next century is that highe r levels of educatio n may encourage th e study o f religion withou t actuall y nurturing religiou s orientation s themselves .

A Trend toward Ambiguity The distinctio n betwee n theisti c an d atheisti c meaning system s is usefu l when th e relevan t concept i s the presenc e or absenc e of a divine entity . But thi s distinctio n ma y b e les s usefu l i n othe r contexts . Fo r example , contemporary discussion s i n theolog y an d i n scienc e sometime s distin guish religiou s orientation s o n th e basi s o f whethe r the y posi t a reality that i s humanl y knowabl e o r ultimatel y mysterious, whethe r realit y i s empirical o r include s a supraempirica l dimension, o r whethe r bein g im plies something tha t is not bein g itself but th e ground o f being. I n thes e debates th e boundar y betwee n varietie s o f ultimat e meanin g system s is often ambiguous . The nex t century is likely to produc e increasin g ambiguity abou t th e distinction betwee n theisti c an d atheisti c (o r nontheistic ) meanin g systems. Already , th e influ x o f Eastern religion s int o th e Unite d State s ha s made i t mor e difficul t t o decid e i f something suc h a s Buddhism or yog a is genuinel y a kind o f religio n o r simpl y a secular practic e of meditatio n and exercise. Often th e answe r depends o n strategi c considerations, suc h as th e righ t of religiou s groups t o ta x exemption o r thei r exclusio n from receiving public monies. A s people i n increasin g numbers make up thei r own beliefs , rathe r tha n accepting established creeds, it will also b e mor e difficult t o determin e whether thei r notions o f God ar e actually oriente d toward th e supernatura l or merel y something highe r than themselves. In contemporar y societies , religiou s orientation s ar e ofte n distin guished in popular belie f according to the dominan t force or powe r that people perceiv e a s governing thei r lives . Som e peopl e ma y conceiv e o f this forc e a s God; others a s luck or fate . Natura l o r huma n cause s may also b e considere d dominant—fo r example , th e forc e o f heredity , scien tific law , society , o r individua l willpower. Whethe r a par t o f elaborat e philosophical systems or simpl e pieces of fol k wisdom , suc h understand ings hel p peopl e t o mak e sens e o f thei r live s b y identifyin g th e causa l agents tha t contro l huma n events . Judgin g fro m man y contemporar y studies, peopl e i n th e futur e wil l b e increasingl y eclectic i n attributin g events to a variety of suc h forces .

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Consequences o f Religious Outlook s Students o f th e socia l science s hav e insiste d tha t religiou s orientation s become importan t t o th e stud y o f huma n behavio r insofa r a s these ori entations ar e internalized a s part of the individual' s worldview. A worldview ca n b e defined a s a person's guidin g outloo k on life . Th e essentia l aspects of a religious orientation ar e the person' s belief s an d assumption s about th e meanin g of lif e an d suc h matter s a s the existenc e an d natur e of God, goodnes s and evil, life beyon d death, truth , an d the human con dition. Thes e beliefs an d assumption s hel p the individua l make sense of life cognitively . They also have an emotional dimension , perhap s including a feeling o f awe , reverence, and fear , o r peace , comfort, and security. In addition , the y are regarded a s behavioral predispositions that lea d t o various actions , suc h as participation i n worship , prayer , or ethica l decisions. 10 The dept h o f a person's religiou s commitment i s often indicate d by th e exten t t o whic h al l three o f thes e function s ar e present . On e o f the significan t developments of the twentieth centur y that seems likely t o continue int o the nex t century, however, i s the increasin g emphasis that has bee n place d o n th e emotiona l function s o f religious outlooks. Reli gion, i t is often said , makes people fee l belte r abou t themselves ; it in this sense is part of the therapeutic orientation tha t has come to b e of increasing significanc e i n American culture. 11 Ethical Implications The importanc e o f religiou s orientation s fo r ethica l decision s ha s als o been o f long-standin g interes t t o student s o f huma n behavior . I n th e classical work o f Max Weber, religiou s orientations were conceived of as symbolic frameworks that mad e sense of the world, i n part, b y providin g explanations fo r th e existenc e of evi l (als o know n a s theodicies) . Som e religious orientations , fo r example , explained evil a s a struggle betwee n God an d th e devil ; others sa w evil a s part of a cycle of regeneratio n an d renewal; still others attribute d evi l to th e workings of an all-powerful but inscrutable deity. Th e implication s for ethical action deriv e from th e prescriptions fo r salvatio n implied b y these differen t conception s o f evil . I n one tradition , fo r example , people migh t b e expected to pra y an d medi tate in order t o escape from th e cycl e of evil and regeneration; in another tradition, the y migh t b e expecte d t o d o goo d deed s a s a way of sidin g with th e force s o f good agains t those of evil. As I argue d i n th e previou s section , th e implication s o f religiou s orientations fo r ethica l actio n no w see m more comple x than the y did i n Max Weber's day . Among othe r reasons , thi s is because motivations ar e now understood to be more complicated. Rathe r than people simply siding wit h th e goo d agains t force s o f evil , the y no w juxtapos e multipl e concepts o f the good an d situationalize thes e concepts i n a way that makes all of them relativistic . Stories have the advantag e of recognizing multipl e


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motives an d giving people a way to conside r their consequences i n terms of the interpla y amon g the character s in the storie s they tell. Emphasis on the Self Much o f the researc h by social scientists on religiou s orientations durin g the pas t hal f centur y ha s deal t with thei r subjectiv e aspects , perhaps because religio n i n ou r societ y i s s o fundamentall y colore d b y America n individualism. Assumin g tha t th e importan t featur e o f symbolis m i s its meaning, researcher s have tried t o discove r what religious symbols mean to individuals . Effort s hav e been mad e to ta p th e deepe r predisposition s presumed t o underli e suc h religiou s expression s as prayer and worship , to sa y how deepl y implanted the religiou s impulse is, an d t o classif y varieties o f religiou s outlooks an d experiences . As our interes t in th e inne r life o f th e sel f deepens, thi s approac h is likely to becom e eve n more pro nounced i n studies o f religio n i n th e future . The Public Dimensio n Recent development s i n socia l theor y have , however , resulte d i n som e rethinking o f thi s emphasi s on subjectiv e religiosity . Current researc h is beginning t o focu s mor e o n th e observabl e manifestation s o f religiou s symbolism itself , rathe r tha n claimin g t o kno w wha t lie s beneat h th e surface i n th e subjectiv e consciousness o f th e individual . Discourse, lan guage, gesture , an d ritua l hav e becom e mor e importan t i n thei r ow n right.12 Th e contras t betwee n thi s an d th e earlie r approac h ca n b e illus trated b y comparin g tw o statements : " I believ e God exists " an d "Go d speaks to u s through th e Word." A subjective approach would treat both statements a s manifestations of some inne r conviction on th e par t o f th e individual. Th e mor e recen t approac h would pa y closer attentio n t o th e language itself , noting , fo r example , th e mor e personalize d styl e o f th e first statement an d the collectiv e reference contained i n the second . The valu e of the mor e recen t approach is that it recognizes th e public or socia l dimensio n o f religiou s orientations . Observer s ma y no t kno w what goes on i n the dark recesses of the believer' s soul. But if that perso n tells a story, o r participate s in worship, the researche r can then stud y the observable manifestation s o f tha t person's faith . Fo r student s o f religion and practitioner s alike , th e rediscover y of languag e ma y wel l b e on e o f the developments o f the late twentieth centur y that is most consequentia l for subsequen t effort s t o gai n deepe r understanding s o f religiou s orien tations. Influences o n Religiou s Belie f To accoun t fo r variation s i n religiou s orientations , student s o f huma n behavior usuall y loo k a t th e socia l condition s t o whic h peopl e ar e ex-

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posed. The y assum e tha t mos t peopl e d o no t mak e up thei r ow n reli gions fro m scratch . Rather , the y borro w fro m th e variou s symbo l systems tha t ar e availabl e i n thei r environment . Th e mos t significan t borrowing occur s i n earl y childhood. Famil y is thus a n importan t facto r and it , i n turn , i s influence d b y broade r condition s suc h a s social class, levels o f education , rac e an d ethnicity , and exposur e to regiona l subcultures.

Social Determination A generation ago , socia l scientists often hel d the vie w that scientifi c gen eralizations could b e made about th e relationship s between socia l factor s and religiou s orientations. Fo r example , much work was inspired by th e hypothesis that theisti c religious orientations wer e more commo n amon g persons wit h lowe r level s o f educatio n tha n amon g person s i n better educated socia l strata . Anothe r commo n hypothesi s suggeste d tha t religious orientation s wer e likel y t o b e associate d with variou s kinds o f social deprivation , sinc e the deprive d woul d presumabl y seek solac e i n other-worldly beliefs . Empirica l studies have found some support for such hypotheses. Bu t the abilit y to make generalizations has remained limited. Different relationship s seem t o b e presen t i n differen t communitie s an d in differen t tim e periods . More attentio n ha s turned i n recent years, therefore, toward describ ing th e ric h an d comple x processe s b y which religiou s orientation s an d social environment s intermingle . I n on e settin g peopl e withou t colleg e educations ma y turn t o religiou s view s that shiel d them fro m th e uncer tainties o f scienc e an d othe r moder n ideas . I n anothe r settin g peopl e with hig h level s of educatio n ma y als o tur n t o religion , bu t d o s o i n a way tha t combine s idea s fro m scienc e and scriptur e o r tha t focuse s o n the therapeuti c needs o f people workin g i n th e professions . In bot h set tings, religiou s orientation s provid e answer s t o ultimat e questions . Bu t the compositio n o f thes e orientation s reflect s idea s present i n th e differ ent socia l settings .

Reductionism An earlie r generation o f social theorist s als o sought t o explai n the variations i n religiou s orientation s i n way s that ofte n reduce d the m t o littl e more tha n th e by-product s o f social or psychologica l needs . Sociologist s following i n th e traditio n o f Kar l Marx , for example , regarded religio n merely as a reflection of class struggles, whil e some following Emile Durkheim viewed it as a reflection o f the corporat e authorit y of society. 13 The reductionism i n thes e approache s consiste d no t onl y o f regardin g socia l structure a s more basi c tha n religio n bu t als o o f implyin g that religio n would graduall y disappea r a s people becam e mor e awar e o f it s origins . Recent wor k i s decidedly les s reductionistic i n it s assumption s about re -


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ligion. I t stil l assume s tha t religio n fulfill s huma n need s an d tha t i t i s influenced b y social conditions, bu t regard s religion as a more active contributor t o huma n experience and considers its future mor e viable. In th e future, thi s shift i n th e dominan t focu s o f social theory may well provide room fo r close r an d mor e creativ e interactions betwee n student s of hu man societ y and practitioner s of particular religious faiths. In additio n to th e mor e genera l social conditions that may influenc e the religiou s orientation s o f individuals , social scientist s have als o been particularly intereste d i n th e institution s that devot e specifi c energie s t o the promulgatio n o f religiou s orientations. These institution s supply the resources neede d fo r religiou s orientation s t o b e perpetuated . Leader ship, producer s o f religiou s knowledge , specialist s i n th e disseminatio n of suc h knowledge , organizationa l skills, physica l facilities , an d financia l resources are all required for religious orientations to b e maintained over time. Religiou s institution s mus t compet e wit h othe r institutions , suc h as governments, businesses , and families , fo r these resources. As I argued in part I, th e futur e o f Christian beliefs i n the Unite d State s will depen d greatly on ho w wel l these institution s respon d t o changin g social conditions.

Aspects of Religious Pluralism In mos t moder n societie s competitio n i s also presen t amon g th e adher ents o f variou s religious orientations . Whe n suc h competition ha s been recognized eithe r governmentall y o r culturally , we sa y that a condition of religiou s pluralis m exists. 14 Pluralis m ofte n become s a kin d o f reli gious orientatio n itself , imposin g norm s o f civility an d toleranc e on particularistic religiou s traditions . Whe n multipl e religious orientation s ar e forced t o compet e wit h on e another , th e plausibilit y o f an y on e suc h tradition ma y b e diminishe d a s a resul t o f believers ' seeing other s wh o hold views different fro m thei r own. At the sam e time, pluralism appears to contribut e t o th e overal l vitality of religiou s orientations i n a society by encouragin g competitio n amon g the m fo r adherent s an d b y givin g believers more options from whic h to choose. 15 It ha s been commo n i n the past for individuals to choos e on e particular religious orientation with which to identify . Ofte n these orientation s have bee n define d b y religious institutions , suc h as the Roma n Catholi c church, or b y denominational organizations , suc h as the Presbyteria n or Methodist churches. Increasingly , however, it appear s that individual s in modern societie s ar e expose d t o a variet y of religiou s institution s an d orientations. A s a result , the y ma y pic k an d choos e particula r elements from severa l differen t faith s an d traditions . Thei r religiou s orientatio n therefore take s on a more personalized character . Although som e individual s work ou t highl y coherent religiou s ori entations tha t have internal consistency and integrity, it appear s that th e more commo n resul t o f livin g in religiousl y pluralistic settings i s a for m

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of personalize d eclecticism . Peopl e becom e heteroglossic ; tha t is , the y gain th e capacit y to spea k wit h man y religiou s voices . Thei r religiou s orientations ma y not provid e a guiding philosoph y o f lif e tha t maintains an orderl y view of the world . Rather , religiou s orientation s becom e too l kits, assemble d fro m a variet y o f persona l experiences , social contacts , books, sermons , an d other cultural repertoires, from whic h the individual is abl e to dra w as he o r sh e i s confronted wit h th e challenge s of life. 16 At present , researc h studie s indicat e tha t larg e proportion s o f th e population i n societie s lik e th e Unite d State s hold theisti c religiou s ori entations. In othe r societie s wher e religiou s institution s hav e had fewe r resources i n the past , suc h orientation s ar e les s common. I n al l societies, though, theisti c orientation s ar e confronte d b y th e humanisti c orientations promulgate d b y secula r institutions. Th e outcom e appear s t o in volve a balanc e betwee n pressure s t o adapt , o n th e on e hand , an d ten dencies on the part of religious adherents to resis t these pressures, on the other hand . Muc h o f th e struggl e depend s o n th e abilit y o f religiou s leaders t o articulat e visions that gro w ou t o f particula r confessional traditions i n way s that appea l to th e universalisti c norm s governin g wide r social audiences.

Polarization Although religiou s orientation s ar e becomin g mor e divers e an d eclecti c as a resul t o f cultura l contac t an d mas s communication , evidenc e als o suggests tha t i n som e societies a basic polarization ha s emerged betwee n those whos e orientatio n involve s traditionalistic , fundamentalistic , o r conservative norms , o n on e side , an d thos e whos e orientatio n involve s progressive, modernistic , o r libera l norms, o n th e othe r side . Conserva tives ar e characterized b y adherence to th e authorit y of traditiona l scrip tural texts , wherea s liberals emphasiz e mor e th e relativit y of thes e text s and th e nee d fo r reaso n an d experienc e i n interpretin g them . Libera l religious orientation s hav e bee n nurture d b y relativisti c views in highe r education, i n th e professions , an d i n th e mas s media i n market-oriente d societies, bu t conservativ e orientations hav e grow n a s well, no t onl y i n reaction t o liberalism , bu t als o a s a resul t o f conservative s gaining edu cational o r politica l advantage s an d seizin g o n opportunitie s create d b y the il l effect s o f rapi d societa l change . Wherea s earlie r discussions pre dicted the demise of fundamentalist religiou s orientations, curren t studie s are thu s mor e concerne d wit h th e ongoin g tensions betwee n fundamentalist an d mor e libera l o r humanisti c religiou s orientations . I n th e nex t two chapter s I shall consider, respectively , what th e prospect s ar e for th e future o f fundamentalism an d how liberalis m and fundamentalistic beliefs interact with eac h other.

8 The Futur e of Fundamentalism

One of the most surprising features o f American religion in the twentieth century has been th e surviva l of fundamentalism. Indeed, it might almos t be appropriat e t o sa y that thi s ha s been on e o f the definin g elements of the religiou s mosai c in this period . Why ? Wh y ha s Christian fundamentalism remaine d a vibrant force i n America n societ y despit e advance s in science, technology , highe r education , an d othe r development s onc e thought t o hav e diminished it s appeal ? Wha t ar e the socia l an d cultural factors empowerin g it ? Will thes e factor s continue t o perpetuat e i t a s a significant expressio n of religiou s belief in th e twenty-firs t century?1 To addres s these question s I am going to suggest a broad sensitizin g framework tha t seek s t o mak e sens e o f th e source s o f Christia n funda mentalism withou t takin g a reductionisti c stanc e towar d th e phenome non bein g explained. 2 I n othe r words , I wan t t o distanc e mysel f fro m much i n the sociological traditio n tha t would tr y to accoun t fo r Christia n fundamentalism b y demonstratin g i t t o b e a reflectio n o f socia l factor s somehow mor e basic or foundational , suc h as the struggl e betwee n socia l classes or th e authorit y relation s o f sovereign groups. 3 At the sam e time, I argu e tha t a n understandin g o f Christia n fundamentalis m mus t ulti mately pay attention t o it s interaction wit h th e socia l context i n which it occurs, an d tha t thi s interactio n exercise s an influence over the character of fundamentalis m that, whil e scarcel y causal, determinant , o r unidirec tional, i s nevertheless real . 109

no Doctrinal

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The Environment of Christian Fundamentalism For historic reasons, fa r more of the fruits o f economic growt h have bee n channeled int o religio n i n th e U.S . tha n i n many other societies . Partic ularly during the nineteent h century , when a number of societies i n western Europe , a s well a s the Unite d States , wer e experiencin g rapid eco nomic growt h a s a resul t o f industrialization , government s wit h stron g control over religio n wer e ofte n reluctan t t o allocat e mone y to th e con struction o f church buildings o r the trainin g of clergy, preferring instea d to expen d thes e resource s on secula r capital construction outlays , such as railways, or o n militar y programs, o r eve n on nascen t social welfare pol icies. I n contrast , th e U . S . Constitutio n forbad e suc h tamperin g wit h religion b y government , placin g exclusiv e responsibility fo r it s fortune s in th e hand s o f loca l citizens , wh o buil t churche s with alacrit y to ador n their loca l communities . A s a result , religio n entere d th e twentiet h cen tury i n th e Unite d State s wit h a muc h stronge r socia l positio n tha n i n virtually an y othe r country . An d fundamentalis m grew i n thi s contex t more s o tha n i n man y societie s wher e religio n i n genera l wa s simpl y weaker. I n recent decades it has grown again, no t s o much (a s its leader s might say ) because o f th e secularit y o f American societ y bu t becaus e of our society' s basi c wealth o f religious resources. We ca n se e fro m thi s exampl e tha t simila r argument s ca n b e pre sented that help to mak e sense of variations in the strength o f fundamentalism i n othe r societie s a s well. Fo r example , th e strengt h o f militan t Protestant an d Catholi c orthodoxie s i n Norther n Ireland , o r th e recen t resurgence o f conservativ e Catholi c movement s i n Italy , o r th e growt h of Protestan t pentecostalis m i n Lati n America , ca n t o som e exten t b e understood i n term s o f th e histori c strengt h o f religio n mor e generally in thos e societies . Religio n provide d a richer institutional contex t i n which reform movement s coul d emerg e i n thos e societie s tha n in , say , France, Germany, or Sweden , where historic relations with government inhibite d the strengt h o f established religious institutions . Wha t thi s example also suggests, though , i s tha t a numbe r o f othe r environmenta l condition s also nee d t o b e brought int o consideration . Government One tha t i s clearly implied in this example is the rol e of government. Le t us consider thre e societies i n which religion i n general has remained strong , at leas t unti l fairl y recently : th e Unite d States , th e Netherlands , an d Northern Ireland . All three hav e bee n dominate d b y a Protestant major ity bu t hav e a significan t Roma n Catholi c populatio n a s well . Indeed , this interfait h competitio n ha s contributed t o th e overal l vitality of reli gious institution s i n thes e societies . Bu t th e rol e o f governmen t ha s resulted i n quit e differen t opportunitie s fo r fundamentalis t movements t o emerge. I n th e Unite d States , Protestan t hegemon y has been maintained

The Future o f Fundamentalism i

n

by assertin g a strict wal l of separatio n betwee n churc h an d state , whic h among othe r thing s ha s prevente d publi c monie s fro m bein g use d t o support Catholi c schools . Fundamentalist s hav e bee n abl e t o dra w o n this traditio n t o argu e agains t al l sort s o f governmen t interferenc e in other realm s of life , fro m regulation s affectin g thei r ow n parochia l school s to th e us e o f ta x mone y fo r abortions . I n th e Netherlands , Protestant Catholic relation s wer e guided mor e b y active government intervention . Tax monie s wer e use d t o underwrit e churc h programs, includin g Prot estant an d Catholic schools, which formed the basi s of the so-calle d "pil larized" system of socioreligious institutions . Ther e wa s always room fo r a fre e churc h movemen t a s well, bu t les s legitimac y and opportunit y fo r fundamentalists t o for m large-scal e institutions o f thei r own . I n North ern Irelan d th e relation s betwee n Protestant s an d Catholic s hav e bee n governed mor e b y a n externa l force i n th e for m o f th e Britis h government. Militant fundamentalis t Protestantism an d Catholicism have emerge d with stron g antigovernmen t biase s that nevertheles s look t o polic y makers to implemen t their demands. 4 As these examples suggest, fundamentalis m is often lik e a third part y in politics . I f dominant religiou s institution s ar e tied closely to govern ment an d receiv e sufficient resource s to carr y ou t thei r work , ther e ma y be littl e roo m fo r a third forc e t o develop . Bu t i f the dominan t institu tions ar e supportin g a governmen t tha t i s disliked , o r ar e themselve s sometimes i n oppositio n t o government , thir d partie s ma y b e abl e t o develop a niche of their own. The analog y should of course no t b e pushed too far , fo r religiou s institution s diffe r fro m politica l partie s i n man y ways. Ther e are , however , histori c precedent s indicatin g th e validit y of the idea . Fo r example , historia n Mar y Fulbroo k ha s show n tha t pietis t beliefs i n th e eighteent h centur y too k o n quit e differen t form s i n En gland, Prussia, and Wiirttembur g because of the patterns betwee n established religiou s institutions an d government. 5 The iron y in the Unite d State s is that libera l Protestants—those most likely t o b e outrage d b y the fundamentalists ' claims—can se e the result s of their own earlie r tensions with Catholic s being replayed in fundamen talists' effort s t o sta y the han d o f government. Libera l rhetoric notwith standing, thes e effort s hav e i n fac t bee n muc h mor e concerne d wit h re straining governmen t initiative s i n th e mora l spher e tha n wit h usin g government fund s i n som e wa y for th e benefi t o f fundamentalist institu tions themselves.

Political Involvement Apart fro m thes e predisposin g politica l conditions, ther e als o appears to be an increasing tendency for fundamentalist s o f all kinds to vie w politics as a legitimat e activity . Fundamentalis m i n man y Lati n America n an d European countries , a s it ha s bee n i n th e Unite d States , i s often associ -

H2 Doctrinal

Challenges

ated wit h politica l partie s o r wit h oppositio n movement s tha t see k t o influence electoral , legislative , and judicial outcomes. Why ? The questio n i s especially important i n vie w of th e fac t tha t funda mentalism i n th e past—an d eve n man y contemporar y varieties—largel y disdained politica l involvement . Unti l th e earl y 19705, fo r example , fundamentalists i n th e Unite d State s ha d generall y viewed th e politica l do main with distrust , preferrin g to pray, rather than mountin g publi c campaigns or eve n voting. And yet at present it appears that fundamentalism is increasingl y distinguished b y political militancy. This shif t i n orientation ca n in part b e accounted fo r b y the fac t tha t the stat e ha s simpl y become a more prominen t featur e o f th e socia l en vironment i n which most fundamentalis t movements operate. To achieve their ends , the y fee l the y mus t influenc e the politica l process . Eve n i n democratic societie s tha t guarante e constitutiona l separatio n o f churc h and state , th e latte r ha s grow n i n countles s way s tha t intrud e o n th e "voluntary space " i n whic h religio n ha s generally functioned. 6 Fro m safet y regulations governin g publi c assemblie s to th e way s i n whic h old-ag e insurance an d fundin g fo r day-car e center s ar e provided , th e stat e i s an actor whos e claim s mus t b e take n int o account . An d i t i s precisel y i n these fre e space s historically that the smaller sects of which contemporar y fundamentalism i s reminiscen t wer e abl e t o flourish. 7 They , unlik e th e established faith s tha t ofte n entere d int o mutuall y beneficia l arrange ments with th e state , depended o n th e state' s coerciv e powers t o b e held in abeyance . Where i t i s not, an d eve n when symbolic gestures ar e made by th e stat e tha t ma y seem to sugges t intrusions , fundamentalis t groups are likel y t o fee l especiall y beleaguered. Certainly , a large number o f th e issues aroun d whic h fundamentalists in the Unite d State s have organize d since the 1960 5 has bee n of this type. But agai n w e generalize too broadl y i f we assume that fundamentalist militanc y emerge d i n th e Unite d State s i n recen t decade s simpl y because o f stat e expansion . Th e perio d followin g Worl d Wa r I I i n fac t witnessed unparallele d stat e expansion—i n outlay s fo r nationa l defens e and publi c education , i n entitlemen t program s an d transfe r payments , and eve n in numbers of federal employees . Som e of this expansio n pinched the purse s o f individua l fundamentalists , jus t a s it di d nonfundamental ists, bu t withou t generating negativ e response s (nationa l defens e i s a n example). Othe r form s o f stat e expansion touche d fundamentalis t churches more directly—fo r instance , regulation s requirin g th e markin g of fire exits, ramp s for th e disabled , or mor e carefu l reportin g o f pastors' salaries. These regulation s perhap s prompted greate r awarenes s of "bi g brother, " but resulte d i n fe w over t protests . Wher e fundamentalist s responded i s to situation s the y believed involve d moral issues—abortion , homosexuality, th e righ t t o pra y in publi c schools, amon g others . Thus , i t was not so muc h governmen t expansio n i n genera l bu t penetratio n specificall y into the moral spher e tha t prompte d fundamentalis t reactions.

The Future o f Fundamentalism 11

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The World Economy In discussin g th e politica l environmen t i n whic h contemporar y funda mentalism reappeared , w e als o nee d t o b e mindfu l o f broade r processe s in th e politica l econom y o f the worl d syste m tha t promote d eithe r a more general shif t towar d cultura l conservatis m o r a n instabilit y i n politica l loyalties conducive to the growth o f conservative movements. I n the Unite d States an d western Europe , heightened economi c competitio n i n the worl d system an d a slow dow n o f growth i n gross nationa l produc t resulte d i n fiscally conservativ e regime s comin g int o power. 8 B y coupling call s fo r reductions i n socia l program s wit h appeal s to individua l morality, thes e regimes wer e sometimes abl e to enlis t the suppor t o f fundamentalist groups who, i n turn , gaine d a modicum o f political clou t i n th e bargain. 9 This support , moreover, cam e largel y from white-colla r and middleclass fundamentalist s whos e economi c fortune s depende d mor e o n keeping ta x rates lo w b y reducing governmen t spendin g tha n o n th e various welfare program s tha t poore r fundamentalist s might hav e desired . No t only i n th e Unite d States , bu t als o i n Grea t Britai n an d Canada , con servative religio n an d conservativ e moralit y joine d force s wit h th e con servative economic s o f variou s politica l candidates . Fundamentalis t poli tics thu s forme d i n oppositio n t o variou s sociomora l orientation s o f th e modern state , bu t i n suppor t o f economi c policie s favorabl e t o th e middl e class. In th e developin g countrie s o f Latin Americ a and other part s o f the world, i t migh t b e noted , th e consequence s fo r religio n wer e quit e different, producin g fundamentalis m of a different hue . Shrinkage i n globa l economic fortune s ofte n le d t o domesti c politica l instability . Core na tions wer e sometime s les s abl e or willin g to tak e militar y action t o pre vent suc h instability , and indigenou s clas s faction s that depende d o n a n expanding expor t econom y wer e sometimes weakene d b y budgetar y crises, foreign debt , an d fluctuation s i n trade . I n th e fac e o f thi s instability , various clas s faction s bot h i n an d ou t o f powe r sometime s looke d t o fundamentalist group s wit h faithfu l constituencie s fo r support . Higher Education Perhaps th e mos t puzzlin g featur e o f th e socia l environmen t i n whic h contemporary Christia n fundamentalis m appeare d i s th e relativel y hig h levels of education tha t exist in modern societies . If fundamentalism were truly a function o f simplemindednes s an d a lack o f exposur e t o moder n ideas, a s it i s often allege d t o be , the n i t shoul d hav e diminished mark edly as a result of growth in higher education. Especially during the thir d of a century afte r 1960 , college attendanc e ros e dramatically in the Unite d States an d i n mos t othe r advance d industria l societies . An d ye t funda mentalism seem s not t o hav e diminished. Wh y not?

ii4 Doctrinal

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One answe r i s that i t di d i n fac t diminish , bu t appear s no t t o have , because th e remainin g minorit y gre w mor e vocal , stirrin g a s it wer e t o make thei r wishe s known wit h thei r las t dyin g gasp . Tha t fundamental ism is on th e verg e of death i s certainly an overstatement. Bu t ther e ma y be som e trut h t o th e assertio n tha t i t i s diminishing. I n th e Unite d States , for example , surveys asking about biblica l literalism have shown a declining proportion of the population wh o hol d thi s belief . Still , i t does see m puzzling tha t fundamentalis m fare s s o wel l i n th e fac e o f a n eve r mor e educated population . For a clue to thi s puzzle , we might d o wel l to conside r th e compa rable questio n o f wh y happines s seem s no t t o hav e rise n a s economi c well-being ha s grown . Analyst s predicte d i t woul d becaus e cross-sectiona l surveys showe d stron g correlation s betwee n highe r income s an d happi ness, just a s they hav e betwee n highe r educatio n an d a rejection o f fundamentalism. An d ye t studie s ove r tim e sho w littl e chang e i n th e pro portions wh o registe r variou s level s o f happines s o r unhappiness . Her e the solutio n i s obvious . Happines s i s a relativ e concept . A t an y give n time, thos e wh o ar e bette r of f ar e generally happiest, but a s overall eco nomic developmen t occurs , expectation s shift , causin g th e les s wel l of f still t o compar e themselves unfavorably wit h th e bette r off. Fundamentalism ma y function in a similar way. Its roots may be less in th e absolut e stoc k o f knowledg e availabl e i n a give n societ y tha n i n the relativ e position of various segments o f the population t o that knowl edge. Thus , w e kno w muc h mor e a s a societ y abou t history , th e arts , other cultures , an d th e oute r reache s of the univers e tha n a t an y time i n the past . Bu t som e peopl e stil l know a lot mor e abou t thes e topic s tha n other peopl e do . A n engineer i n Duluth , for example, may know a grea t deal abou t th e mechanic s of his trade, an d ye t feel ther e i s an alien worl d out there , locate d i n th e bi g citie s and i n universitie s and literar y circles, about whic h h e know s little . Hi s religiou s view s may be shape d les s b y the fac t tha t h e actuall y knows quit e a lo t abou t thing s tha n b y the fac t that h e feel s h e doesn't . Furthermore , h e doe s realiz e that h e know s hi s own subjec t matte r prett y well , i s intelligent , ha s a n advance d degree , and works in a well-paying profession. Thus h e isn't likel y to parro t wha t he hear s coming ou t o f the bi g cities an d th e ar t council s an d th e thin k tanks. Instead , h e figure s h e may well be righ t an d the y wrong. Hi s fun damentalism reassure s him in this belief. Or, t o mak e the sam e argumen t in mor e genera l terms , educationa l expansio n i n th e Unite d State s ha s upgraded th e overal l leve l o f technica l and cultura l knowledge , bu t ha s nevertheless lef t a great dea l of interna l variation, even among the bette r educated, an d som e o f thi s grou p wil l continue t o fin d fundamentalis m an appealin g view of th e world . To conclud e thi s section , w e migh t poin t ou t ho w counterintuitiv e these argument s ma y appea r agains t th e backgroun d o f prevailin g con ventional wisdom abou t religio n an d social change. Over th e past quarter century the Unite d State s has undergone significan t economi c expansion ,


5

political expansion , an d educationa l expansion . Th e conventiona l wis dom woul d sugges t negativ e consequence s fro m al l these development s for th e likelihoo d o f a strong fundamentalist movement occurring : risin g incomes shoul d mak e peopl e mor e conten t wit h th e secula r world, gov ernment expansio n shoul d mak e the m bette r abl e t o realiz e thei r pur poses throug h norma l politica l channels , and educational upgradin g shoul d reduce th e ignoranc e fro m whic h fundamentalis m presumabl y springs . None o f thes e prediction s ha s bee n born e out . Th e repl y from conven tional wisdo m woul d b e t o say : Yes, but fundamentalis m might stil l b e expected a s a backlas h agains t suc h modernizin g forces . Bu t i f so , wh y should i t b e evident amon g th e well off, the politicall y involved , and th e better educated ? My argument s hav e suggested tha t socia l reality is more complex tha n th e conventiona l wisdom acknowledges . Fundamentalis m has no t bee n a direc t psychologica l respons e t o changin g environmenta l conditions. Instead , thes e condition s hav e create d ne w opportunities — niches—which fundamentalist s have been abl e to us e to thei r advantage . By extension, w e would expec t fundamentalism to continu e strong i n the twenty-first centur y as well, even if the cultur e o f modernit y als o contin ues t o spread . I f th e presen t argumen t i s correct, the n eve n educationa l and economi c expansio n wil l produc e a culture d elit e whos e member s nevertheless ma y b e attracte d t o fundamentalis m because they ar e in fac t marginal relativ e to th e positio n o f some othe r privilege d elite.

The Dynamic s of Christian Fundamentalism The mai n proble m wit h focusin g onl y o n th e environmenta l condition s in whic h fundamentalis m arise s i s tha t thes e condition s ofte n impl y a kind o f static , stable-stat e o f society , wherea s the ver y notio n o f some thing arising suggests th e nee d fo r a more dynami c understanding. Thi s problem i s sometimes circumvente d b y conceiving o f the socia l environ ment i n mor e transitiona l terms , suc h a s talking abou t economi c "growth " rather tha n economi c "prosperity. " Nevertheless , th e fac t remain s tha t fundamentalism i s not jus t a "something" that responds t o thes e chang ing conditions ; rather , fundamentalis m i s itsel f a dynami c process , a movement tha t unfold s over time . A s i t unfolds , it als o changes it s rela tions t o it s environment. To captur e thi s dynamic sens e of the movemen t itself , som e investigators, at least of other kinds of movements, hav e tried to identif y typica l phases throug h whic h al l movements mus t go . Ther e is , for example , an early phase of assemblin g i n which peopl e simpl y gather an d try t o articulate their grievances ; later perhaps , a leader emerges and help s put thes e grievances int o specifi c demands ; eventually , the leade r may die, causin g the movemen t t o fac e problem s of succession. Suc h models ca n be usefu l for understandin g a very well define d movement—fo r example , the Fre e Speech Movemen t tha t bega n i n Berkeley, California in 1964 , or th e Mora l Majority movemen t tha t Jerr y Falwell brough t int o bein g i n th e lat e 19705.

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But fundamentalis m is genetaJl y a broade r socia l phenomenon , a resul t of a whole variet y of specifi c movements , an d roote d i n longer-standin g cultural traditions . Usuall y it doe s no t g o throug h suc h neatl y identified stages. To understan d it s dynamics we must tak e an additional ste p back , seeing i t somewha t more abstractly. Population Ecology For thi s reaso n it may be mor e helpfu l to dra w theoretica l inspiratio n from a differen t source : th e wor k o f populatio n ecologist s wh o hav e bee n concerned wit h way s i n whic h mor e loosel y scattere d aggregate s o f spe cies, individuals , socia l characteristics , and eve n organization s adap t t o their environments. 10 I n thi s literatur e thre e conceptua l moment s i n th e process o f adaptatio n ar e generally identified: production , selection , an d retention. Productio n refer s t o th e phas e i n whic h new movement s an d countermovements com e int o being , thu s enlargin g the overal l range o f variation i n availabl e belie f systems . Selectio n refer s t o th e proces s b y which thes e variou s movements see k out distinc t niche s in the socia l environment, adaptin g t o it s differential resources, an d thereby resultin g in some movement s bein g abl e to flouris h bette r tha n others . Retentio n i s the phas e i n whic h movement s begi n t o gai n greate r contro l ove r thei r own resource s an d thu s becom e institutionalize d a s more stabl e features of the social environment itself . Although i t ma y see m tha t thes e processe s ar e th e wor k o f blin d forces in the large r society, they actuall y depend on the day-to-da y decisions o f movemen t leaders an d the willingnes s of their follower s to com mit tim e an d energy to thes e movements . Wha t thes e processe s sensitiz e us t o especiall y is the fac t tha t religiou s movements ar e alway s in com petition wit h othe r movements—othe r fundamentalis t groups, nonfun damentalist religiou s movements , an d secula r organizations attemptin g to mak e claim s o n individuals ' time an d energy . Thus, th e futur e o f any particular se t o f belief s i s likel y t o depen d o n it s abilit y to compet e fo r scarce resource s with contendin g belie f systems.

Uncertainty One o f th e way s in which we ca n gain a better gras p o f the dynamic s of fundamentalism i n th e Unite d States , therefore , i s to loo k a t the genera l uncertainty tha t ha s plague d th e mora l orde r o f ou r societ y sinc e th e 19605. Startin g i n tha t decade , i f no t earlier , expectation s abou t mora l commitments an d the mora l communities sustainin g those commitment s became increasingly ambiguous. Youn g people wen t awa y to college , de veloped differen t occupationa l expectation s fro m thei r parents , los t tie s with thei r communitie s of origin, an d confronte d a variety of ne w challenges i n ethic s an d life-styles . Fro m th e beginnin g th e splashie r move ments tha t experimente d wit h politica l radicalis m an d countercultura l

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lifestyles wer e oppose d b y ultraconservative religious an d political movements. Ne w belie f pattern s wer e produced , i n short , greatl y expandin g the rang e of options from which young peopl e coul d choose . Put differently , th e changin g economi c an d politica l condition s dis cussed i n the precedin g paragraph s did no t onl y generat e ne w resource s and opportunities. They als o generated uncertainty . Ol d rule s sometimes lost th e resource s neede d fo r the m t o b e reinforced . Ne w rule s wer e largely u p fo r grabs . Ho w t o liv e was the issue , as the emphasi s on life style experimentation i n th e 1960 5 indicated. This perio d wa s not particularly auspiciou s fo r fundamentalists . Bu t i t wa s ou t o f thi s uncertai n time tha t fundamentalist s began t o hon e thei r ne w sens e of concern fo r the moral order . Social Selection The selectio n proces s bega n almos t a t onc e an d extende d itsel f durin g the 1970 5 and 19805 . Many of the fring e movement s that appeare d on th e religious scen e i n those year s gradually failed. Som e di d s o as a result of idealism tha t mad e i t difficul t fo r collectiv e decisions t o b e mad e o r fo r viable economi c base s t o b e established . Amon g th e mor e conservativ e Christian groups , man y als o faile d bu t wer e ofte n absorbe d int o estab lished churches . Ove r a longer period , th e huma n cost s associate d with experimentation i n suc h activitie s a s dru g us e an d sexualit y als o too k their toll , resultin g i n a relativ e shif t i n emphasi s t o thos e movement s that cautione d agains t thes e activities . Even a liberalizin g movement as successful a s the feminis t movemen t ofte n produce d conservativ e coun termovements. Thus, th e ne t resul t of this selectiv e process was to leav e a number o f fundamentalis t movement s in relativel y good shape. The exac t manner i n whic h socia l movements ar e produced an d selected, i t shoul d b e noted, depend s greatl y on th e degre e o f heterogene ity alread y present i n a society. As a general rule, we might posit tha t th e likelihood o f fundamentalis m being presen t at al l is increased by highe r levels of heterogeneity, wherea s the likelihood of fundamentalism becom ing a powerful and unifie d movemen t i s greater where some, bu t limited , heterogeneity exists . The reaso n why heterogeneit y heighten s th e likeli hood of fundamentalis m being presen t a t al l is that distinc t socia l niches are more readil y available for it to occupy . In the Unite d States , regional , ethnic, an d religiou s diversit y al l contribute t o th e likelihoo d tha t fun damentalism wil l b e abl e t o fin d a t leas t limite d niche s t o occup y her e and there : orthodox y i n Jewis h communitie s aroun d Ne w Yor k City , militant Catholi c fundamentalism in isolated ethnic enclaves around Phil adelphia, or fundamentalis t Baptist offshoot s i n the Midwes t an d South. But fo r fundamentalis m t o solidif y a s a majo r nationa l movement , th e boundaries definin g som e o f thes e niche s mus t eithe r shrin k i n impor tance o r b e drawn alon g th e sam e lines as Other social divisions . Funda mentalism ha s bee n abl e t o gai n nationa l prominenc e i n place s such a s

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Guatemala o r th e souther n Unite d States , fo r example , becaus e whol e regions coul d provid e unifie d constituencie s a s localistic, familial , tribal, or politica l division s diminishe d i n importance . It i s worth speculating—althoug h t o m y knowledge n o empirica l dat a exist—that th e reemergenc e o f fundamentalis m i n th e Unite d State s i n the 1970 5 an d 1980 5 wa s nurture d i n som e degre e b y th e persistenc e o f one "ethnic " enclav e and th e demis e o f others . Th e on e tha t persiste d was the souther n (largel y Baptist) Bible belt . As the Sout h gaine d a new industrial economi c bas e i n thes e years , many of it s churches an d meet inghouses gaine d ne w resource s a s well a s a sens e of entitlemen t i n na tional politica l affairs . Thei r constituent s playe d a n identifiabl e rol e i n politics, muc h i n th e sam e wa y tha t th e so-calle d Celti c fring e di d i n British politic s a century earlier. The ethni c enclaves , that diminishe d wer e th e smalle r conservative sects tha t ha d emerge d fro m variou s wave s of immigration , suc h a s Dutc h Calvinists and Scottis h Presbyterians . As migration an d intermarriag e broke up thes e enclaves , some o f thei r member s probabl y shifted religiou s loyalties t o large r fundamentalis t bodies , suc h a s fundamentalis t Baptist churches o r Assemblie s o f Go d churches . W e d o know , i n a broade r sense, that denominational barrier s eroded significantl y durin g the period after Worl d Wa r I I an d tha t thi s erosio n contribute d t o th e emergenc e of a division i n American religion betwee n religious liberals and religious conservatives. It ma y have helped solidif y th e fundamentalist wing within the broade r conservativ e spectru m a s well.

Institutioncdization Retention ha s als o bee n accomplished wit h considerabl e succes s b y American fundamentalists . On e o f th e mos t significan t way s i n whic h fundamentalism institutionalize s itself , givin g i t powe r ove r its own des tiny, i s b y identifyin g a stoc k o f specialize d knowledge ove r whic h i t i s the sol e o r chie f arbiter. Student s o f elit e cultur e (meanin g people wit h educational credential s and professiona l knowledge) hav e had a field day debating th e concep t o f "cultura l capital. " A s i f b y magic , thi s concep t provides a nam e fo r th e advantage s tha t g o wit h attendin g Exete r an d Yale an d bein g abl e t o rea d item s correctl y fro m a Frenc h men u an d discuss th e lates t Broadwa y play. Those thing s ar e al l like mone y in th e bank, a kind of capita l investment from whic h we can draw to ge t ahea d in life . Bu t fundamentalist s have thei r ow n form s o f cultura l capital. I t may consis t o f resource s tha t t o th e outside r see m lik e nothing—bein g able t o recit e Bibl e verse s fro m memory , knowin g al l th e stanza s o f "Amazing Grace " by heart, saying "Amen" at the appropriat e time, pray ing a lon g spontaneou s praye r i n publi c wit h considerabl e fervo r an d sincerity, or havin g been acquainte d with a family wh o wen t to Afric a a s missionaries. These ar e valuabl e form s o f cultura l capita l in fundamentalism , and


9

despised i n th e outsid e world , precisel y becaus e the y ar e commoditie s the fundamentalis t communit y ca n produce an d certif y withou t muc h in the wa y o f resource s tha t ar e i n scarc e supply i n th e wide r world . Fun damentalism is , i n thi s sense , a variety of what Cliffor d Geert z has called "local knowledge." 11 I t exists in local settings an d depends largel y on th e interaction o f th e grou p t o b e understood . I t i s not s o muc h a mediu m of exchang e tha t ca n b e use d i n universalisti c transaction s (lik e money ) but a vehicl e of restricte d exchange , a carrie r of meaning s tha t do not easily permeat e externa l boundaries . The y reaffir m th e group , givin g i t resources ove r whic h other s canno t easil y gai n control . This aspec t o f fundamentalis m is especially important i n underdeveloped societie s o r i n less-develope d segment s o f advance d societies . Wher e resources ar e scarce , the capacit y to contro l the m become s al l the mor e important. Especiall y in competing wit h mor e establishe d religious institutions, fundamentalis m often ha s a n advantag e i n suc h situations . On e might wonder , fo r instance , how fundamentalis t sect s hav e been abl e t o convert s o man y area s o f Lati n Americ a i n vie w o f th e muc h stronge r and bette r establishe d positio n o f the Catholi c church . Part of the reaso n is that fundamentalis t churche s us e loca l la y preachers an d generat e enough commitment t o th e loca l bod y tha t a kind o f mutual ai d society emerge s among thei r members . I f a mor e establishe d internationa l churc h i s already sufferin g fro m scarc e finances and leadership , thes e newe r compet itors can mak e stron g inroads . The greates t challeng e tha t fundamentalis m has face d i n recen t years in advance d societie s ha s come mainl y from it s attempt s t o "g o public, " as it were. People hav e long believed the worl d was created in seven days. But whe n thos e belief s ceas e to be the resul t of loca l teaching s and are presented i n th e term s o f universalisti c scientific publications , the n the y are mor e easil y turne d ove r t o th e credentialin g agencie s o f th e large r society. This is perhaps one reaso n wh y pentecostal varieties of fundamental ism appea r t o b e growin g mor e rapidl y tha n thei r mor e cognitivel y o r doctrinally oriente d cousins . Rathe r tha n attemptin g t o formulat e doc trines an d mora l statement s alon g rationa l an d eve n scientifi c principles , pentecostal churche s ar e mor e likel y t o emphasiz e th e inheren t nonra tionality o f faith , it s emotionality , an d th e experienc e o f warmt h an d caring amon g th e bod y o f believers . Here , participatio n generate s it s ow n resources, a s warmth an d carin g feed o n themselves . External authorities , especially thos e representin g th e cold , uncarin g worlds o f bureaucracies, corporations, bi g governments , an d rationalisti c universities , ca n mak e few compellin g claim s against th e resource s o f thes e churches . The mai n poin t of these considerations , then , is that fundamentalis m in th e Unite d State s ha s bee n i n competitio n wit h othe r religiou s an d secular movements , al l of whic h wer e i n thei r ow n way s respondin g t o the mora l uncertaint y i n our society . In thi s competition, fundamentalist s enjoyed certai n advantages , partl y becaus e o f th e heterogeneit y o f th e

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environment givin g them protecte d niche s to occupy , an d partl y because of thei r ow n strategi c us e o f resources . They als o hav e their ow n form s of cultura l capital and ar e generally able to retai n control ove r the inter pretation o f this capital . A t th e sam e time, there has been a basic tension between usin g these resource s for th e interna l benefit o f thei r ow n com munity an d exposin g them t o th e critica l winds that prevai l in the mor e universalistic arena s of American politics. The fat e o f fundamentalis m i n the nex t century will surely depend heavil y on th e ways in which leaders resolve thi s basi c tension. I n th e shor t term , foray s int o th e academi c or political lif e o f the wide r society may heighten fundamentalists ' visibility, but i n the lon g ter m their strength i s likely to b e secured b y maintaining control ove r their ow n cultura l resources.

The Cultur e of Christian Fundamentalis m We obtai n a n understandin g o f th e socia l source s of fundamentalis m by viewing i t i n relation to th e condition s an d processes just described, an d yet someho w fai l t o gai n a ver y goo d sens e o f wha t al l thi s ha s t o d o with fundamentalis m specifically . Fundamentalism is , afte r all , a distinctive set of beliefs an d practices , or a s I suggested i n the las t chapter, it i s a language , a discursive style, a way of talking, of communicating some thing importan t t o onesel f an d to one's fellow believer s about th e sacred, about ho w to live , and even abou t ho w t o act out one' s values in broade r social settings . Ou r account s will be vacuous if they do no t i n som e way take int o consideratio n thes e characteristic s of fundamentalism .

The Meaning of Life Like an y religiou s orientation , fundamentalis m i s no t s o muc h abou t prospering o r growin g o r governing , althoug h i t ma y b e thos e thing s too, bu t abou t living , and knowing ho w t o live , so that lif e ha s transcendent meanin g an d value. Accordingly, fundamentalism is concerned wit h the symbol s an d concept s an d language s tha t giv e meaning t o life. 12 In deed, it s distinguishin g featur e i s th e assumptio n tha t lif e ha s meanin g only in relation to certai n of these frameworks, especially the historic rol e of Jesu s in atonin g fo r th e sinfulnes s o f humankind, th e authorit y of th e Bible a s God' s uniqu e an d inerran t revelatio n o f divin e truth , an d th e importance o f followin g certai n moral prescriptions for behavior and belief that ar e taken a s pleasing to, o r i n keeping with, th e divin e will. To sa y that fundamentalis m holds itsel f to b e the uniqu e (o r exclusive) framewor k i n whic h lif e ha s meanin g i s to impl y immediately tha t it also sets itsel f over against , o r i n contrast to , variou s other framework s that ar e false , errant , deceptive , an d capabl e o f leadin g peopl e astray . Perhaps t o a degre e mor e eviden t tha n i n mos t othe r system s of belie f fundamentalism i s thu s a framewor k i n whic h polaritie s abound . Th e believer exist s i n a world o f righ t an d wrong , goo d an d evil , ligh t an d

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darkness, mammo n an d God , flesh and spirit , demon s an d angels , worldly temptations an d heavenl y salvation. Polarities Fundamentalists ar e o f cours e enjoine d t o see k th e ligh t an d shu n th e darkness. Bu t t o understan d fundamentalis m in this wa y only is to miss its essence . Fe w peopl e o f an y fait h o r o f n o fait h a t al l woul d den y wanting to sid e with goodness as opposed to evil . Nor i s it even accurate to sa y that th e fundamentalis t wishes more acutel y tha n mos t t o "lov e good an d abho r evil. " Th e differenc e lie s no t s o muc h i n th e fac t tha t fundamentalists conceiv e o f polarities but i n the wa y in which these po larities ar e understood . The y ar e understoo d a s sharply opposing con trasts an d the y ar e associated wit h a number o f distinc t cultura l connotations. If the sharpnes s of polarities in fundamentalist thought is sometimes taken a s a cognitive style , the cultura l connotations associate d with thes e polarities ar e nevertheless matters of socia l construction . T o tak e th e mos t obvious example , during th e secon d hal f of the twentiet h century , communism served as a favorite symbol of evil for many fundamentalists, and even toda y i t i s possibl e t o receiv e direct mai l solicitation s fro m funda mentalist preacher s calling fo r mas s campaigns o f vilificatio n agains t individual colleg e professor s wh o espous e Marxis t perspectives. 13 Bu t earlier i n th e century , urba n lif e an d ofte n th e Roma n Catholi c churc h o r Jews served th e same purpose. A s we move into the twenty-firs t century, we are likely to find fundamentalist hatred shiftin g towar d other targets , such a s Muslims, environmentalists , th e Ne w Ag e movement, o r politi cians of certain parties . My poin t i s not tha t fundamentalist s are alway s o n th e lookou t fo r innocent victim s to satisf y som e dee p hunge r t o ven t their hatred . Tha t may o r ma y not b e the case. The poin t needin g t o b e understood i s that fundamentalist discours e construct s th e symboli c worlds i n which its adherents live . It doe s s o partly b y responding t o th e rea l environment i n which i t finds itself: fundamentalist s di d not hav e to inven t communism as a n objec t o f hatred ; i t wa s already there, an d the y were not th e onl y ones t o hat e it . Bu t fundamentalis m does engage i n a creative act when it construct s thes e objects . I t select s som e feature s o f it s environment , attaches negativ e valences to them , an d ignores others . We might cal l thi s selective , constructe d worl d th e "socia l horizon" of the fundamentalist . It , rathe r than th e social environment in the more external wa y in whic h I hav e described i t i n previou s paragraphs , i s the world i n whic h th e fundamentalis t lives . I t i s a world constructe d an d maintained i n discourse. I t depend s o n the conversations an d Bible studies and sermon s an d churc h dinners i n which the fundamentalis t participates. Bu t i t als o articulate s wit h th e externa l worl d (tha t is , wit h th e social horizons i n which nonfundamentalists live) . It gives the fundamen -

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talist a n understandin g o f wha t i s goin g o n i n th e worl d an d wh y i t i s happening. What I am pointing to i s the fac t tha t fundamentalist s ar e themselves social analysts . Lik e academi c social scientists , a s w e tr y t o understan d the socia l condition s tha t le d the m int o nationa l prominence , the y to o attempt t o diagnos e th e socia l characteristics of thei r world . Thei r diag noses an d our s d o no t alway s coincide, o f course , bu t ther e i s a degree of articulatio n betwee n th e event s happenin g i n th e socia l environmen t and ho w the y hav e chose n t o tal k abou t it . Th e mora l uncertaint y t o which w e referre d earlie r wa s no t a produc t entirel y of thei r invention ; they merel y helped put i t o n th e nationa l agenda . The sam e wa s true o f the fiscal conservatism tha t bega n t o influenc e American politic s i n th e 19805. Fundamentalist s responde d positivel y t o thes e appeals , bu t als o reinterpreted them , turnin g the m int o mora l capital . Were i t only tha t fundamentalis m constructs a social horizon i n whic h to live , w e woul d stil l no t hav e muc h t o sa y abou t it s distinguishin g characteristics. Bu t fundamentalism , a s w e hav e alread y observed, im poses a basic polarity on it s socia l horizon. I t is , in thi s sense , a form o f cultural criticism . I t select s muc h fro m th e secula r worl d t o vilify , term s it pollute d an d uninhabitable , and identifie s a life tha t i s more worthy o f pursuing. This i s what some hav e referred to whe n they say fundamentalism is essentially antimodern , o r tha t i t pose s a counterdiscours e t o th e dis course o f modernity . Fundamentalis m does defin e itsel f in pola r opposi tion t o modernity . Bu t thi s vie w als o need s t o b e qualifie d i n tw o im portant respects . First , i t doe s no t rejec t modernit y entirely ; i t reject s i t selectively. A Nort h America n fundamentalist , lik e a n Ecuadoria n fun damentalist, ma y las h ou t agains t alcoholism , an d ye t fee l comfortabl e taking sleeping pills , drinkin g coffee, o r workin g fo r a multinational corporation tha t rape s the environment . To sa y that fundamentalist s are simply antimodern misse s the extensiv e degree t o whic h the y ar e als o modern . Second, fundamentalis t discourse does no t defin e it s basic polarity simply around a pas t versu s futur e orientation , a s som e observer s imply . Fun damentalists d o no t se e the trai n o f civilizatio n moving alon g th e track s into th e futur e an d cal l fo r puttin g th e engin e i n reverse . Instead, the y envision switchin g points alon g th e trac k and cal l fo r th e trai n t o mov e in on e directio n int o th e futur e instea d of another . We mus t als o b e carefu l whe n w e sa y fundamentalism poses itsel f as a counterdiscourse , fo r tha t implie s a dominan t discours e ou t ther e somewhere tha t simpl y exist s apar t fro m fundamentalis t constructions . Fundamentalism i s not a monolithic counterdiscours e consistin g of principles an d ideal s tha t diffe r fro m som e externa l discourse. Rather , i t i s internally a dialogi c construction . It consist s of an interna l conversatio n between it s ow n vie w o f Christia n fundamental s an d it s ow n vie w o f something opposed to these fundamentals . It does no t simpl y respond t o modernity; i t caricatures modernity, redefinin g i t i n a way that heighten s


3

the contras t betwee n it s evil s and th e goo d lif e provide d b y a belie f i n Christ. Motivation to Action Seeing fundamentalis m a s a for m o f cultura l criticism helps us t o recog nize it s creativit y and it s vitality , rather tha n dismissin g i t a s some for m of mental retardation . Bu t in defending th e creativit y of fundamentalism, we mus t no t neglec t it s simplicit y either , lik e th e anthropologis t wh o tries t o tur n primitive s into sophisticate d scientists . The reaso n that fundamentalism ofte n appear s t o b e simpleminde d i s that it , lik e al l forms of cultural criticism , is designed t o motivat e peopl e towar d takin g som e action. I t i s no t a purel y intellectua l (o r anti-intellectual ) exercis e concerned wit h spinnin g out theorie s o f society ; i t i s a call for action , a plea for a changed life-style . T o invok e this plea , it ofte n adopt s a rhetorical style that move s fro m the complex to th e simple, from the chaotic to th e commonsensical.14 I t accuse s its opponent s o f makin g lif e mor e complicated tha n i t need s t o be . One merel y needs t o find the simpl e truth . But th e trut h i t seeks is anything bu t simple . This i s where the critics of fundamentalism, wh o charg e that i t only provide s ridiculous certainty in th e fac e o f tru e complexity , fai l t o understan d it . Jus t a s a Marxis t vision o f th e perfec t classles s societ y ca n produc e librarie s fille d wit h complex discussio n an d debate , s o fundamentalis m envision s a life-styl e that take s a t least a lifetime t o figur e out . The othe r featur e of fundamentalis t cultur e tha t i s ofte n misunder stood i s that it doe s no t se t up a polarity between goo d an d evil only t o identify itsel f wit h th e ligh t an d distanc e itsel f fro m th e darkness . Thi s tendency towar d self-righteousnes s i s what nonfundamentalist s objec t t o more tha n anythin g else. And fundamentalis m is no mor e fre e o f it tha n any othe r right-seekin g an d truth-seekin g belie f system . Bu t th e poin t that critic s and naiv e adherents bot h ignor e i s that th e emphasi s in thes e phrases is not s o much on righ t an d trut h a s on seeking . The fundamentalis t rile s hi s advocates b y asserting no t onl y tha t ther e is a bette r lif e bu t als o tha t h e know s wha t thi s lif e is . I n doin g so , h e seems t o sid e wit h th e good . Bu t close r inspectio n o f fundamentalis t discourse show s tha t th e believe r i s always a seeker, a pilgrim , someon e who i s strivin g afte r th e good , bu t neve r (a t leas t i n thi s life ) havin g attained i t with perfection . Evangelis t Pa t Robertson disturb s th e secular consciousness whe n h e declare s that Go d tol d hi m personall y t o ru n for the presidency ; bu t eve n Robertson poses a s a seeker, someone wh o doe s not understan d th e wil l of God bu t i s willing to follo w it to se e where it leads. This bring s us , then , t o th e fina l featur e o f fundamentalis t cultur e that mus t b e understoo d i f we ar e t o recogniz e it s potentia l fo r th e fu ture. Th e seeker , th e imag e of th e pilgri m se t upon a journey i n faith, is also a cultura l construction . I t is , t o b e sure , a functio n largel y of th e

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polar theologica l o r mora l discours e i n whic h i t i s framed . Bu t i t als o draws o n materia l from th e surroundin g socia l environment. I f Jesus or the Goo d Samarita n or som e othe r biblica l figur e serve s as a "type " in the technical sense of the word i n which fundamentalists use it, that typ e nevertheless take s on som e o f th e admire d characteristic s of it s cultur e and negativel y illustrates others. Fo r example , in a society suc h a s our s that value s knowledge, th e mode l Christian—eve n fo r th e fundamentalist—often become s someon e wh o know s hi s Bible , studie s i t dutifully , and faithfull y take s note s durin g th e Sunda y service . Or , a s ha s ofte n been observed , th e fundamentalis t image of Jesus in ou r societ y may reflect the therapeuti c motif b y stressing th e intimac y an d warmt h of th e Christ. A s socia l condition s change , presentin g ne w challenge s i n th e next century , th e figur e o f th e mode l fundamentalis t i s als o likel y t o undergo significant modifications.

Coda There i s perhaps a normative lesson t o b e learne d fro m considerin g th e past an d immediat e futur e prospect s o f fundamentalism . I f accountin g for fundamentalis m helps us understan d i t coldly , analytically , and intel lectually, we can als o recogniz e tha t fundamentalis m is not a s foreign t o modern cultur e as it or it s critics like t o mak e out. Fo r th e critic , i t may be most helpful t o understan d that fundamentalis m is more sophisticate d in it s ow n righ t an d les s a gu t reactio n t o th e dominan t cultur e tha n generally supposed . Fo r th e fundamentalist , i t shoul d b e importan t t o see that every cue, every guideline, every moral model i s not simpl y being taken literall y from hol y writ ; literalis m notwithstanding , fundamental ism i s very much a matter o f cultural interpretation.

9 Fundamentalism an d Its Discontent s

The titl e of this chapter suggest s tha t I am going t o conside r the ways in which fundamentalist s expres s their disconten t towar d the malais e they envision i n mainstream moder n culture . Fundamentalist s are the perpet ual malcontents, th e reactionaries , wh o dislik e what they se e in the movies, wha t the y rea d in the newspapers , an d wha t the y kno w t o b e going on i n libera l churches. Indee d fundamentalis m first appeared, historian s tell us, because some American s could not kee p up intellectuall y with th e scientific developments of the nineteenth century, an d because thei r rural WASP-ish way of lif e wa s being threatene d b y the citie s and b y new ethni c and religious groups. Contemporar y fundamentalist s are simply the latest wave in the psychologica l histor y of being lef t behind . Their wome n sta y at home , schoolin g thei r childre n an d protestin g agains t abortion , Kris tin Luker' s boo k o n th e subjec t suggests, becaus e they haven' t th e edu cational backgroun d o r career opportunities t o make something bette r o f themselves.1 Christophe r Lasch , i n hi s boo k o n progres s an d it s critics, which i s by no mean s unsympathetic t o th e cultura l conservatism of fun damentalists, als o depict s the m a s reactionaries , desperatel y clingin g t o their margina l cultura l existenc e in th e pett y bourgeoisi e an d th e uppe r working class , hangin g o n b y suc h a thi n threa d tha t the y canno t em brace th e ideal s of civilizatio n advance d b y grea t thinker s an d socia l re formers fo r mor e tha n a century. 2 An d s o i t woul d no t b e difficul t t o consider th e fundamentalists ' discontents , askin g whethe r the y wil l last into th e nex t century, or finally be relegated t o th e scrap heap of history. It woul d no t eve n b e unfashionabl e to tackl e thi s question , give n 125

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recent effort s i n th e socia l science s t o rehabilitat e fundamentalis m fro m some o f these stereotypic views. In he r highl y nuanced boo k Bible Believers Nanc y Ammcrma n conceive s o f fundamentalis m les s a s a reli c of th e past tha n a s a creation o f modernity. I t coul d no t exist , she asserts, with out modernity. 3 He r poin t i s tha t fundamentalis m develope d fairl y re cently an d i n a kind o f dialecti c tension wit h modernity . Anthropologis t Susan Harding , drawin g on extensiv e field research among fundamental ists i n Lynchburg , Virginia, credit s fundamentalist s wit h a n eve n mor e creative rol e i n thi s dialectic . They have , she argues , develope d a sophis ticated "counter-discourse " i n thei r apocalypti c writings tha t provide s a n alternative to th e theory of cultural change presupposed b y most cultura l modernists.4 But thes e effort s stil l presen t onl y hal f the story . I f ther e i s indeed a dialectic o f some kin d betwee n fundamentalis m and modernity , the n th e other sid e o f th e coi n i s to se e ho w modernit y ha s bee n influence d b y fundamentalism. Give n it s numeri c preponderance, w e might b e content to sa y that fundamentalis m was merely the tai l being wagged b y the do g of modernity . A tru e dialectic , however , suggest s tha t modernit y isn' t just a dog becaus e o f itself ; i t i s a dog partl y because it ha s a tail. I would , therefore , lik e t o tur n th e issu e aroun d an d sugges t tha t liberal an d moderat e Christian s hav e often le t th e fundamentalist s defin e their agenda , s o tha t it i s they wh o ar e acting out thei r discontent s wit h the fundamentalists . I n othe r words , m y concer n i n this chapter i s really with religiou s liberalism—th e nonfundamentalis t constituenc y i n main stream o r old-lin e churche s tha t make s u p a significan t majorit y o f th e ways in whic h peopl e defin e thei r faith . I want t o as k if liberal Christian s have no t sol d themselve s shor t b y lettin g themselve s becom e th e reac tionaries of our time . Thi s is a question , it seem s to me, tha t merit s serious attentio n i f the mainlin e churche s ar e to remai n a significant cultural forc e i n the twenty-firs t century . I am going to try to answe r this question b y considering thre e o f the issues i t raises : first, whether an d i n what manne r liberal s have in fac t le t fundamentalists defin e thei r agenda s fo r them ; second , th e cultura l force s that ma y kee p fundamentalist s going i n th e future , allowin g liberal s t o continue definin g themselves i n reactio n t o fundamentalism ; an d third , what th e possibilitie s ma y b e fo r liberal s (an d moderates ) t o seiz e th e initiative. Befor e doin g so, however, I must mak e clear that m y approac h is no t tha t o f th e theologian . I a m not , fo r example , concerne d wit h showing tha t liberal s are theologically les s liberal than the y think , o r tha t they ar e on les s or mor e soli d groun d tha n th e fundamentalist s i n term s of biblica l scholarship. My approac h i s that o f th e cultura l sociologist , a maverick bree d o f academi c deeply indebte d t o recen t literar y criticism , such a s the wor k o f Mikhai l Bakhti n an d Frederi c Jameson. 5 Th e socio logical point , especiall y in Bakhtin, is that the social world i s itself figured in th e text. 6 Indeed , lookin g a t th e dialogi c structur e o f text s ca n b e a way o f seein g som e o f ou r assumption s abou t th e socia l world . I n a

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general way , that i s what I want t o d o b y looking a t liberalism' s implicit dialogue with fundamentalism . How Liberal s Le t Fundamentalist s Se t the Agend a Truth or Progress Despite th e fac t tha t the y ar e so often depicte d a s naive simpletons, fun damentalists hav e on e enormou s advantag e ove r liberal s whe n i t come s to settin g an y theologica l o r programmati c agenda : fundamentalist s are the bearer s o f tradition . Wh o claim s to preserv e th e histori c gospe l tha t has been taugh t ove r th e centuries ? Who claim s to believ e in the histori c Jesus an d th e histori c truth s o f the Bible ? W Tho wants t o retur n America to th e fait h o f it s fathers ? Wh o speak s o n behal f o f traditiona l mora l values? Th e fundamentalists . Tha t i s hig h groun d o n whic h t o stand . By comparison , liberal s mus t occup y th e slipper) ' slop e (a s funda mentalists se e it) o f mora l relativis m and fault y huma n judgment . Or , a s liberals prefer to se e it, they ar e the tru e sojourners , leavin g their encoun ter wit h Go d a t Sina i t o wande r i n search o f the Promise d Land . They are calle d t o b e th e progressives , th e innovators , th e seeker s afte r a deeper , more elusiv e knowledge o f God tha n tha t know n b y the fundamentalists . There i s a certai n iron y eviden t her e already , of course , fo r funda mentalism is , a s Nanc y Ammerma n observes , scarcel y a centur y old , whereas th e institution s i n whic h religiou s liberalis m i s embodie d ar e generally muc h olde r than that . I t shoul d b e the liberals , not th e conser vatives, wh o clai m t o occup y th e hig h groun d o f tradition . Bu t funda mentalists sa w thei r opportunity . A t th e en d o f th e las t century , whe n modernists ha d becom e full y enamore d wit h pursuin g th e gleamin g cit y of progress, the fundamentalist s stol e i n at night an d took th e hig h groun d for themselves . I t ha s bee n har d fo r the liberal s to ge t i t back. The libera l identificatio n wit h progres s doe s hav e a certai n appea l even today . W e ca n loo k t o th e wonder s o f moder n medicin e an d say that som e thing s hav e surel y gotten better . W e lik e t o thin k th e billion s we ar e investin g in scienc e an d technolog y is getting u s somewhere. I t i s nice t o hav e religionist s o n boar d th e shi p o f progress , helpin g t o stee r it through the uncharte d water s o f new moral challenges . The onl y prob lem is : these waters are indeed fille d with uncertainty . W e nee d saf e haven s when storm s arise , not jus t heroic bravad o i n fac e o f the torrent . Beyond that , liberalis m ha s difficult y eve n i n claimin g th e futur e fo r itself, becaus e tha t future , th e on e envisione d b y th e progressives , i s still very muc h i n th e hand s o f th e scientist s an d th e rationa l technocrats . They ar e the tru e bearer s o f progress , guidin g th e shi p wit h up-to-dat e navigational equipment ; th e religionist s ar e onl y th e chaplains , offerin g ceremonial prayer s each mornin g an d evening . The y ar e in a s precarious a positio n a s the timin g o f thei r prayers would indicate . Embrac e scienc e too little , an d th e captai n term s the m fanatic s an d leave s the m i n port .

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Embrace scienc e to o much , an d passenger s begi n askin g the m question s they cannot answer , like "Wouldn't a few more doctor s and engineer s o n board mak e more sens e tha n thes e clowns? " It i s probably muc h easier , caught i n thi s position, t o figh t th e fun damentalists tha n th e scientists . "Yes , we are religionists too , certainl y we do no t clai m t o b e scientists, bu t w e ar e definitely no t lik e those fundamentalists, wh o aren' t eve n smar t enoug h t o figure out wha t scienc e is. They've mad e spiritualit y muc h to o simple ; w e believ e i t t o b e mor e complex."

Simplicity and Complexity This reply , however , raise s a second wa y i n whic h liberal s let fundamentalists defin e th e agend a and , i n s o doing , occup y th e highe r ground . Liberals are fond o f charging fundamentalists wit h oversimplification and pointing ou t th e nee d fo r complexity . That' s ho w i t goes . Th e startin g point i s what fundamentalist s say . Their simpl e formul a is reported a s a point o f departure . The n a n appea l i s mad e fo r greate r complexity . Sometimes a n attemp t i s eve n mad e t o provid e a complex answer . Th e answer is surely more comple x tha n anybod y ca n assimilate, at least hearing i t fro m th e pulpit . Mayb e the fundamentalis t vie w is damaged i n th e process, bu t th e libera l view doesn't com e acros s very well either . Let m e illustrate . I t i s always dangerous t o tak e thing s ou t o f context. Wha t follow s i s par t o f a sermo n preache d b y a ver y competen t pastor. A rhetoricia n woul d sa y the sermo n reveal s deft craftsmanshi p at a numbe r o f points . I t i s though t provokin g whe n read . I t cause s th e eyes t o glaz e ove r whe n heard . Why ? Th e tex t i s Luke 4:1 , th e passag e about Jesu s spendin g fort y day s i n th e wildernes s and bein g tempte d b y the devil . Havin g starte d wit h severa l hint s tha t th e stor y seem s simple but i s so complex a s to def y interpretation , th e pasto r build s to a climax, expressed i n th e followin g sentence : " I thin k tha t eac h tim e I' m reall y serious abou t Christia n believin g I' m drive n agai n int o th e wildernes s where I experienc e my humanit y i n al l its limitations, an d where I experience the struggl e wit h whethe r o r no t I will believe that Go d really loves me, o r whethe r I wil l see k securit y i n th e tyrann y o f m y authoritaria n conscience, wher e my lif e is governe d primaril y by fea r of punishmen t and hop e o f reward. " Ther e ar e severa l thing s t o not e abou t thi s sen tence. All I want t o not e here is that its sheer length—seventy-one words— makes i t almos t incomprehensible . Lest thi s illustratio n see m completel y unfair , her e i s anothe r ex ample: a differen t text , a differen t pastor , a differen t denomination , a different location . Again , th e entir e movemen t o f th e rhetori c i s fro m simple t o complex . Th e sermo n open s wit h a four-wor d assertion : "Everybody love s a parade." It s mai n point , which come s onl y tw o sen tences fro m th e end , i s expressed thi s way: "To thos e to who m trut h has been revealed , wh o continu e i n the traditio n o f th e Hol y One' s follow-

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ers, th e cal l i s not onl y t o offe r word s o f praise , confessin g tha t Jesu s is Christ th e Lord , but t o offe r ou r live s as the instrument s o f this Lord of peace an d justice." You get the point . O r di d you ? Th e sentenc e ha s five major clause s involving forty-nin e words . What make s these sentence s so complex? Partly i t i s the fac t tha t th e speakers themselve s regar d th e trut h t o b e complex. Th e whol e rhetori c of their sermon s moves , a s I said, from the simpl e t o th e complex . The y tell u s th e trut h wil l a t firs t soun d simple , bu t i t i s reall y ver y compli cated. An d the y sho w thi s i n thei r construction o f sentences. This , how ever, is not the onl y reason for the complexity . Were yo u t o rea d thes e sentence s agai n carefull y yo u woul d notic e that bot h ar e comple x becaus e the y contai n a n interna l contras t o f th e form: no t this , bu t this . Th e "no t this, " moreover, i s the groun d occu pied b y fundamentalism. You would se e this mor e clearl y if you ha d th e whole sermo n befor e you , bu t not e wha t th e "no t this " i s eve n i n th e two sentences themselves . In the first, the speaker contrasts believin g that "God reall y love s me " wit h seekin g "securit y i n th e tyrann y o f m y au thoritarian conscience , wher e m y lif e i s governe d primaril y b y fea r o f punishment an d hop e o f reward. " Wh o think s thi s wa y i f not th e fundamentalist? I n th e secon d tex t the speake r contrasts th e desir e "to offe r our live s a s th e instrument s o f thi s Lor d o f peac e an d justice"—wha t could soun d mor e liberal than "peace an d justice"?—with those wh o only "offer word s o f praise. " I s not th e latte r th e happy , naive fundamentalist who sit s all day i n th e comfortabl e pew?

The Role of the Devil Let's pus h th e poin t a notc h highe r t o revea l somethin g els e goin g o n here. Elaine Pagels writes provocatively (althoug h provocatio n i s not he r intention) tha t th e earl y Christia n understandin g o f Jesu s woul d hav e been impossibl e withou t th e simultaneou s resurgenc e o f beliefs abou t Satan.7 He r thesis , supporte d b y othe r example s rangin g fro m Marti n Luther t o Sadda m Hussein , suggest s tha t Sata n occupie s a pivota l rol e in Christia n an d secularize d Christia n though t righ t u p t o th e present . But what , w e mus t ask , play s thi s rol e i n libera l religiou s circle s wher e Satan an d si n are seldom mentione d a t all ? The bes t clue comes fro m her insight tha t Satan , unlik e earlier Hebrew concept s o f a n external sourc e of evil, is an "intimate enemy, " somebody w e know well because it i s one of us , a membe r o f ou r ow n tribe , bu t th e personificatio n o f al l tha t opposes us. D o no t fundamentalist s play this role ? And i f Pagels i s right , are no t liberal s dependent o n the m occupyin g thi s position ? It i s instructiv e t o not e tha t th e firs t sermo n I quote d wa s abou t Jesus bein g tempte d b y the devil . I n th e sentenc e itsel f th e speake r put s himself i n th e wilderness , an d th e sens e that Go d love s him i s there i n a positive way : surel y th e authoritaria n conscience , th e voic e o f th e fun damentalist, i s that o f th e devil . I n othe r sermon s th e equatio n i s often

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not thi s direct . An d ye t the temptation , th e evil , to b e avoided i s clearly defined i n referenc e to fundamentalism . Here is another example : "man y conservative Firs t World Christian s preac h a Gospel whic h declare s that the spiritua l message of Jesus is incompatible wit h seeking economic an d political justice. " The sentenc e come s nea r th e beginnin g o f the sermon . A fe w sentences later , i n case we di d no t understan d wh o thes e conser vatives might be , the speake r explain s that thi s lin e of argument i s heard from "conservativ e America n Christians like Michael Novak an d Richar d Neuhaus, who are sophisticated intellectuals , o n one end of the spectru m and Jerry Falwell of the fundamentalis t fring e on th e other."

Fundamentalism an d the Future So what d o fundamentalist s hav e going fo r them ? Wha t make s them s o strong tha t liberal s keep attackin g them ? Wil l the y continu e settin g th e agenda i n th e future ? Par t o f the answe r t o thes e question s i s implied i n what I hav e already said. I f early Christians neede d Satan , libera l Christians of today nee d fundamentalists . Every time they construct thei r logi c in a way that start s wit h fundamentalism , the y hel p perpetuat e it . Th e more the y protest , th e healthie r thei r intimat e enem y remains . Only th e death o f liberal Christianity woul d d o i n the fundamentalist s for good. Pragmatism and Success In good liberal style, though, it is worth arguin g that th e reasons are also more comple x than that . Le t us acknowledge th e simplest—and probably most important—o f thes e first . Fundamentalis t churche s have witnesse d spectacular growth, while liberal churches have been skidding int o obliv ion. O r s o i t seems . Shoul d thes e trend s continue , ther e wil l indee d b e plenty o f way s that fundamentalist s ca n continue settin g th e agenda . I n the meantime , the y hav e forced liberal s into th e unenviabl e position o f having t o argu e agains t tw o o f the stronges t theme s i n modern wester n culture: pragmatis m an d th e succes s ethic. Here i s a n example . Th e speake r i s a pasto r i n a libera l denomina tion; I will not say which one, onl y that it , like many, has not bee n noted for it s growt h i n recen t decades . H e says : "Jus t a s ther e i s a 'market driven economy, ' i t appear s tha t th e mor e successfu l churche s ar e i n a similar wa y drive n b y th e market—the y ar e market-drive n churches. Thei r success come s fro m providin g th e service s that the religiou s consumer i s seeking. Th e outrageousl y successfu l contemporar y churche s succee d b y providing services . . . . This work s fine in regards t o th e task of a church to figuratively 'comfort th e afflicted. ' Bu t it doesn't work so well when i t comes t o th e shado w tas k of 'afflicting th e comfortable'—to confront , t o challenge, t o stretc h spirituall y an d morally. " W e kno w intuitivel y wh o the "outrageousl y successful " churche s represent . I s ther e a twing e o f envy here as well?

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Don't misinterpret wha t I' m saying . Somebody need s to lif t a critical voice agains t pragmatism , th e succes s ethic, an d othe r suc h prevalen t assumptions. Tha t i t i s difficult t o d o s o doesn't mean liberal s should qui t trying. I a m merel y pointin g ou t tha t i t i s difficul t becaus e thes e ar e indeed prevailin g assumptions. Liberal s miss th e poin t i f they thin k fundamentalists ar e the one s fightin g a n uphill battl e agains t the entrenche d forces o f modernity . I t i s th e liberal s who ar e fightin g bot h modernit y and fundamentalism.

Rational Attacks Even apar t fro m thei r numeri c growth , anothe r reaso n wh y fundamentalism ha s a lo t goin g fo r i t i s that liberals ' criticisms of i t ar e generall y so of f targe t a s to hav e little effect . Man y liberals seem to thin k th e mai n thing fundamentalists hav e going fo r them i s simplicity and security . Implicitly, man y liberals also seem t o thin k fundamentalis m will crumbl e as soon a s anybod y launche s a logical , rationa l attac k on thei r beliefs . Fo r example, i f fundamentalists are clinging desperatel y to th e securit y of an authoritative Bible , then the y wil l fal l awa y the minut e someon e bring s in historical criticism or raise s questions about the canonizatio n process. 8 Perhaps a har d cor e o f th e mos t insecur e wil l remain , bu t others wil l troop thankfully after thei r libera l rescuers. An obviou s referenc e fo r thi s kind o f argument , o f course , i s Bishop Joh n Shelb y Spong, wh o write s in his boo k Rescuing th e Bible from Fundamentalism that th e "majo r func tion o f fundamentalis t religio n i s t o bolste r deepl y insecur e an d fearfu l people," an d that th e way to rescu e people from this nonsense i s to make more readil y availabl e "th e biblica l scholarshi p of th e pas t tw o hundre d years."9 But thi s i s t o misunderstan d fundamentalis m in severa l ways . First , it assume s tha t th e nee d fo r securit y i s someho w locate d mor e amon g fundamentalists tha n amon g others , wherea s i n realit y it i s probably —if we believ e Abraham Maslow— a universa l need. Indeed , give n thei r un certain journey through th e wildernes s in search of innovation an d prog ress, we might hav e supposed liberal s would b e the one s mos t subjec t to needs fo r security , an d w e migh t eve n venture tha t liberal s take as much comfort i n saying there ar e no answer s as conservatives do i n saying they know th e answers . Second , i t overestimate s th e exten t t o whic h peopl e are guide d b y rationalit y and logica l consistency, especially in matter s o f faith, an d i t assume s tha t liberal s really understan d suc h things , wherea s in fac t the y probabl y d o no t (i n fairnes s to Bisho p Spong , h e admit s a s much) an d (t o spea k the unutterable ) liberal s may not eve n be an y smarter than fundamentalists . Certainly, liberal s spend les s tim e an d devot e les s cognitive energ y t o doctrin e an d intratextua l examinatio n o f th e Bibl e than fundamentalist s do . Third , thi s vie w also misunderstand s wha t fundamentalists devot e thei r cognitiv e energ y to : the y d o no t tr y t o com e up wit h rationa l arguments fo r how thing s g o together , an d why histor-

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ical criticism makes no sense; instead, they focus on intratextuality within scripture itself , an d the y avoi d or hav e sophisticated way s of explainin g away its internal problems . Eve n more t o th e point , they tel l stories and give personalized applications , roote d i n th e authorit y o f the speake r in the text, or the preacher, rather than drawing abstract rational principles. Teaching the Children Still anothe r reaso n wh y fundamentalis m i s likel y t o continu e definin g the agend a i s that fundamentalist s do a highly effective jo b i n transmit ting their belief s t o thei r children . As we know, muc h of the reaso n fo r the declin e i n libera l churches, apar t fro m demographi c an d socia l clas s factors, i s their failur e t o retai n th e fe w offspring the y produce. Funda mentalists d o bette r perhap s becaus e the y bea t thei r childre n int o submission, whippin g the m wit h authoritaria n argument s ever y tim e the y try t o spea k up. I f we have learned anythin g fro m Lawrenc e Kohlberg's studies o f moral developmen t o r fro m Jame s Fowler's research on stage s of faith , though , i t i s tha t th e simple , black-and-whit e cognitive style s generally associate d wit h fundamentalis m ar e th e way s i n whic h mos t children ten d t o think . I n othe r words , fundamentalist s have a natural advantage in this area . Children o f libera l parents , i n contrast , eithe r lear n nothing simple enough fo r the m t o understand , leavin g th e fol d t o pursu e somethin g (might w e say "simple") lik e monetary success, or else they turn a t som e point t o twelve-ste p groups or cult s tha t resocializ e the m religiousl y b y starting ou t wit h simpl e concepts. Par t of the reaso n why liberal s so ofte n wind u p reactin g to fundamentalism , then, i s that the y were themselve s raised a s fundamentalist s (Bisho p Spong bein g bu t on e prominen t ex ample). Liberals also react, often wit h special vehemence, because fundamentalism does produce it s own discontents. Its strong communal tradition s restrict youn g peopl e when they want t o move away , or when they nee d to rebe l a s adolescents, o r whe n they decid e t o experimen t wit h sex , o r when the y thin k ne w thought s an d brea k awa y t o explor e other tradi tions, o r jus t when the y find that lif e i s more complicate d a t fort y tha n they though t i t wa s going t o b e at twenty. Perhap s it become s compli cated whe n their daughte r get s pregnant , o r thei r so n has AIDS, or thei r best frien d i s being beate n b y a n alcoholi c husband . A s people mature , they ma y wel l fee l constraine d b y fundamentalism , and liberalis m pro vides a n alternative. It say s to them , we are not fundamentalists , we are more mature, sophisticated, an d we understand thing s better, and we can help you more i n the future . We coul d certainl y mentio n othe r reason s wh y fundamentalis m i s such a ready target fo r liberals to identif y themselve s i n opposition to— the fac t tha t fundamentalist s generate stron g commitment tha t provide s

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community fo r thei r member s an d bring s mone y int o thei r coffers , th e fact tha t the y have adapted rathe r wel l to scienc e and technica l rationalism i n devisin g recruitmen t an d evangelizatio n strategies , an d th e fac t that thei r publi c visibilit y in communit y an d nationa l politic s ha s ofte n generated a great dea l of ange r an d emotiona l arousal . For al l these reasons, liberal s may become eve n more incline d to le t fundamentalists define their agenda s for the m i n th e future . Can Liberal s Seiz e th e Initiative ? To answe r thi s question , i t ma y b e helpfu l t o conside r th e tw o alternatives to fundamentalis m I mentioned i n passing just a moment ago : cults and twelve-ste p groups. Bot h appea r to hav e grown dramaticall y at various point s durin g th e pas t quarter centur y and ma y d o s o agai n in th e future. Ther e ar e some lessons to b e learned from both . Cults and Twelve-Step Groups The so-calle d ne w religion s of the 19705 , studies have revealed, often turne d ex-fundamentalists int o neofundamentalists , jus t providin g a differen t sor t of cul t belief . Bu t som e o f the m di d work , an d the y did so , i t appears, for thre e reasons : first , the y drew o n an d create d a distinct pas t of their own, a n alternativ e rooted i n a different religiou s traditio n entirely , bu t still a distinc t past , rathe r tha n jus t a vagu e visio n o f secula r progress ; second, the y involve d peopl e i n fairl y tigh t an d well-define d communities, s o that the y agai n were no t jus t part of th e broade r secula r culture, and the y coul d develo p a deepe r persona l identity , underg o resocializa tion, lear n ne w value s the y ha d no t know n a s children, an d develo p a specialized languag e roote d i n ne w experience s and stories ; an d third , they focuse d a great dea l on th e nonrational—tha t is , on ritua l an d feel ing—getting people ou t o f their heads, thus avoidin g havin g to say : No, this i s what fundamentalist s said bu t w e hav e a different view . As fo r therap y an d twelve-ste p groups, man y of the m als o functio n like cults, substitutin g somethin g similar to fundamentalis m for chemical addictions. Ther e i s a strand to o tha t i s simply reacting to fundamental ism, suc h a s Fundamentalist s Anonymous , o r i n th e cas e o f codepen dency literature, tellin g peopl e t o b e less compulsively responsible in the way tha t a fundamentalist migh t be . Bu t fo r al l these limitations , thes e groups d o provid e som e clues : an emphasis again on strong community ; deep resocializatio n involvin g learnin g ho w t o tel l stories , a deemphasis on cognitio n an d a n emphasis on feeling s and emotiona l support ; an d a lot o f countermainstrea m discourse , suc h a s talk abou t no t gettin g to o stressed ou t or becoming too materialisti c and the need to think for yourself instead of succumbing to socia l expectations .

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Lessons One lesso n fro m thes e tw o examples , then, i s tha t liberalis m needs t o become a countercultur e t o secularism , instea d o f a reactio n t o funda mentalism. I t need s t o presen t itsel f a s a thir d way ; an d i n this , i t ha s clearly bee n stronges t whe n i t ha s engage d i n activitie s lik e th e peac e movement, becaus e this wa s more a n antisecula r movemen t tha n a reac tion t o fundamentalism . Anothe r clea r implicatio n i s tha t stron g com mitment t o smal l group s an d communitie s i s important ; an d thes e ar e probably goin g to succee d better i f they d o no t tr y to teac h people ho w to thin k in nonfundamentalist ways , but rathe r provide support an d feel ings an d persona l stories , an d i f the y provid e a positiv e imag e o f fait h journeys. How the n ca n liberalism be true t o th e doctrina l insight s tha t com e from historica l criticism , systemati c theology , an d th e like ? Complexit y and pluralism , even universalism, can al l be achieve d in dram a an d liter ature, bette r tha n i n th e hegemoni c discours e o f scienc e and rationa l argumentation. Th e stor y ca n mak e importan t theologica l point s abou t dee p human values . Bu t th e insigh t o f historica l criticis m is that peopl e nee d to thin k abou t th e meanings and invent symbols and trust Go d fo r guid ance in these matters. Storie s ar e pluralistic, letting people com e u p wit h their ow n mora l implications ; literatur e i s countersecular i n tha t i t up holds ideals , an d finds ways to challeng e th e assumption s o f modernity , often throug h postmodernity . S o theologians hav e rightly explored post modern criticism. 10 An d pastor s probabl y do wel l whe n the y retur n t o the narrativ e style of preaching. 11 Dialogue Having presente d som e negativ e example s fro m sermon s earlier , le t m e conclude b y giving a positive example . I wis h i t were possibl e t o repro duce th e entir e sermon , becaus e i t touche s o n s o man y of th e point s I have raised . Al l I ca n giv e ar e a few excerpts. Th e sermo n wa s preached in a Baptis t churc h deepl y committe d t o th e libera l win g o f America n Protestantism. I t wa s presented i n th e for m o f a dialogu e betwee n th e minister an d a youn g woma n graduatin g fro m hig h schoo l an d bein g commissioned, i n a sense, t o leav e the churc h of her youth an d g o off to college. Th e dialogi c structur e o f th e sermon , wit h th e listene r literall y giving voic e t o he r ow n views , substitutes , i t appears , fo r th e kin d o f imaginary dialogu e tha t ofte n place s fundamentalists i n thi s role . Lik e a loving father , wanting t o impar t som e knowledg e o f the famil y heritage , the pasto r speak s of hi s desir e t o answe r al l her question s and , a t th e same time, o f his reluctance to giv e a lecture abou t "Baptis t distinctives. " Instead, h e decide s t o mak e some connections , a s he say s t o th e youn g woman, betwee n "you r stor y an d ou r story. " Hi s languag e i s simple , nonthematic, storylike, but i t also does a masterful jo b of reappropriating

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tradition i n th e nam e o f libera l religion, o f emphasizing th e importanc e of community, an d o f evoking a n identification betwee n th e listene r and this communit y tha t i s stronger tha n an y rationa l argumen t coul d pro vide. Reminding he r o f how muc h sh e values her ow n persona l freedom , he observe s tha t sh e ha s muc h i n commo n wit h he r Baptis t ancestors . "They use d a ter m fo r it, " h e says : "Sou l Liberty. " Elaborating : "Sou l liberty mean s you r ow n freedo m t o shap e you r fait h i n ligh t o f you r participation i n a faith community , i n light o f your experience of God i n Christ, an d i n ligh t o f scripture." H e als o emphasizes the wa y in which the churc h has functione d as a community—a countercommunity . "Yo u cited ou r becomin g a sanctuary church, our inclusiv e language, an d po litical involvement. This is yet another connection betwee n your life stor y and our Baptis t story. For our Baptis t forebears were considered radicals, and fo r tha t the y were imprisoned, banished , an d tortured." Among othe r things, h e als o speaks eloquently of how th e congregatio n itsel f becomes a communit y o f memory , an d ho w sh e will carr y o n tha t tradition . H e says: "Le t u s b e awar e of ho w th e communit y i s in individuals. " "A s a high schoo l senio r grow s u p i n ou r church, " h e says , "an d the n come s the time t o leav e in pursuit of individual goals, th e community goes with that person. " "Community, " h e concludes , "i s anchore d withi n you r memory a s yo u becom e increasingl y aware o f th e connection s betwee n your stor y an d the Commonstory. "


IV Political Challenges: Christianity and Conflict i n th e Public Real m


10 Faith an d Public Affair s

In thi s chapte r I wan t t o conside r th e publi c rol e o f religiou s faith , o r what som e hav e called "public religion." 1 To identif y somethin g a s public religio n implies , of course , tha t ther e mus t b e something els e that we might ter m "privat e religion. " Bu t a s soon a s we dra w thi s distinctio n we realize how muc h we have been conditioned b y living in the modern , post-Enlightenment age . Marti n Luthe r woul d no t hav e known wha t t o make o f suc h a distinction . Fo r him , th e publi c and th e privat e were a seamless web , no t onl y becaus e hi s leadershi p place d hi s privat e convictions unde r publi c scrutiny, but because the culture drew no line between the two. 2 Wha t Luthe r believe d i n hi s hear t wa s something h e di d no t hesitate t o confes s openly, no t a s self-disclosure in th e manne r o f Rous seau's Confessions, bu t a s conviction abou t divin e knowledge tha t shoul d be declared and , i f necessary, disputed. 3 Our cultur e provide s fo r a much cleaner distinction betwee n th e public and the private . Faith is , we commonly observe , a subjective orientation, derived fro m ou r uniqu e persona l experiences , an d lodge d i n th e inferi ority o f ou r consciousness. 4 W e d o no t expec t anyon e els e t o believ e exactly a s we do, an d w e ma y well feel i t a n imposition t o hav e someon e probe to o deepl y into wha t we believe—lik e a successful businessma n i n Chicago wh o affirme d t o on e o f m y graduat e student s wh o wa s inter viewing hi m tha t h e wa s a devout Christia n evangelical , bu t whe n asked to giv e a fe w sentence s describin g hi s beliefs , refused . W e shiel d ou r deepest conviction s fro m the publi c eye. And ye t we know tha t religiou s faith i s present i n th e publi c aren a a s well. I t ha s bee n throughou t ou r 139

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nation's history , an d i t undoubtedl y wil l b e i n th e nex t century . Mos t observers, i n fact , argu e tha t our societ y woul d b e diminished i f religio n were not a part of our publi c values, bu t ther e i s also disagreement abou t what it s rol e shoul d be. 5 W e need t o conside r wha t it s rol e ha s bee n i n recent decades , an d wha t tha t ma y tell us abou t th e future.

The Polarizatio n of Liberals and Conservatives Historians a t som e poin t i n th e futur e wil l probabl y loo k bac k o n th e last thir d o f th e twentiet h centur y an d not e th e enormousl y pluralisti c ways i n whic h America n religio n ha s contribute d t o th e publi c arena . They wil l emphasize th e rol e o f pastors i n the civi l right s movement , th e religious dimension s o f unres t surroundin g th e Vietna m War , th e wa y women struggle d fo r greate r inclusio n in clergy and leadershi p roles, th e controversies tha t aros e ove r homosexuality , th e effort s o f born-agai n Christians t o ri d the publi c square of moral refuse , th e courts ' ruling s on school praye r an d th e teachin g o f creationism , an d th e way s i n whic h religious conviction s animate d th e publi c debat e o n abortion—and , bein g historians, the y wil l poin t ou t tha t al l of thi s ha d happene d before . Bu t if they loo k mor e closely , the y wil l als o see some importan t changes . I hav e argued, along wit h a number o f others, tha t on e o f the mos t important o f these change s ha s been the deepenin g polarizatio n betwee n religious liberal s an d religiou s conservatives. 6 Som e prefe r t o sa y pro gressive an d orthodox, or old-lin e and evangelical, but whateve r the spe cific terms , th e argument s ar e much th e same . There i s a discernible ga p between thos e who defin e themselve s a s religious liberal s and thos e wh o think o f themselves a s religious conservatives. I n opinion surveys , people in fac t appea r comfortabl e definin g themselve s i n thes e ways ; th e tw o sides represen t abou t equa l proportions o f th e America n public ; an d ther e are now fewe r peopl e i n th e middl e an d mor e a t th e tw o extreme s tha n there wer e eve n a few years ago.7 Private and. Public Those wh o hav e trie d t o prob e th e meaning s o f thes e self-definition s have foun d tha t the y ofte n pertai n t o th e private , interio r religiosit y o f the self . A conservative Protestant , fo r example , will refer t o believin g in the historica l realit y an d bodil y resurrectio n o f Jesus, an d wil l tal k about the necessit y o f believin g i n Jesu s t o receiv e salvation. A libera l Protes tant wil l mentio n Jesu s les s often, tal k abou t God , bu t perceiv e of Go d through a ric h symboli c laye r o f interpretatio n tha t emphasize s grace , hope, an d goodness . Both ma y fee l a dee p persona l sens e o f spiritualit y in their lives , but conservative s may express this a s a relationship between themselves an d a n object-entit y outside themselves , whereas liberals may speak mor e subjectivel y of the divin e bein g withi n thei r ow n conscious ness o r worldview . Ofte n th e difference s ar e subtle , th e beliefs vaguel y

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expressed, wit h th e cue s comin g fro m differen t usage s o f languag e tha t give of f sligh t indication s o f difference s i n degree s o f certainty , o r i n distinctions draw n betwee n th e natura l an d th e supernatural , or i n way s of understanding th e Bible. There ma y be deep, insuperabl e epistemological differences , bu t i t seem s jus t a s likely tha t th e difference s ar e marked by linguistic subcultures mor e tha n b y sustained theological reflection. 8 It i s at th e publi c level that th e distinctio n betwee n religiou s liberals and conservative s i s mos t clear . Indeed , w e migh t suspec t tha t publi c pronouncements ar e often th e sourc e o f label s that individual s the n op t for a s ways of describin g their privat e religiosity because they intuitively feel close r t o an d mor e comfortabl e wit h a whol e variet y of issue s an d statements publicl y associated wit h one labe l or the other . Studie s hav e mostly confirme d wha t w e alread y know fro m th e medi a an d fro m per sonal experience : religious liberal s and conservative s diffe r i n thei r views on abortion , welfar e spending , nationa l defense , communism , whethe r prayer shoul d b e permitte d i n publi c schools, an d a host o f othe r issues. They ofte n hav e negativ e impression s o f eac h othe r a s well , an d thes e images ar e reinforce d by public statements foun d i n th e secula r press, i n religious magazines that cate r t o one group or the other, and sometimes in th e pronouncement s o f clerg y an d other religiou s leaders. 9 Roots To appreciat e fully th e characte r of thi s division , we must recogniz e tha t it is not a n inevitable fracture, somehow buil t into th e natur e of religious thought itself , bu t i s a product o f specific socia l and cultura l forces. Suc h conflicts hav e of cours e bee n presen t i n man y period s o f America n his tory, bu t the y ar e also episodic , comin g i n distinct waves , revolving aroun d specific issue s tha t diffe r fro m on e episod e t o th e next , an d havin g defin able beginning s an d endings . Typicall y they hav e bee n mos t extrem e when forces i n th e wide r societ y wer e als o a t work , suc h a s th e geographica l and politica l force s shapin g the Jacksoma n period , and the rural-urba n or agricultural-industria l conflicts in which the fundamentalist-modernis t controversies wer e embedde d a centur y ago . I t i s importan t t o se e tha t specific historica l force s ar e a t wor k becaus e huma n effor t ma y the n b e effective i n reshapin g thes e tensions . Mention o f th e fundamentalist-modernis t controversie s may sugges t that th e presen t tension s ar e a t leas t a centur y old. 10 But , a s I hav e argued elsewhere , ther e appear s t o b e a significan t discontinuity betwee n that perio d an d ours. 11 During th e 19305 , 19408 , an d 19505 , man y factors in America n societ y helpe d t o mitigat e th e tension s betwee n religiou s liberals an d conservatives . Afte r th e Scope s tria l in 192 5 the fundamental ists wer e very much i n disarray as an organized movement , an d th e eco nomic pressure s o f the Grea t Depressio n an d Worl d War I I mad e i t difficult fo r the m t o d o muc h mor e tha n functio n a s smal l separatis t denominations deepl y divide d fro m on e another . Th e vas t majorit y o f

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people wh o hel d fundamentalis t belief s i n thei r privat e live s probabl y stayed i n the mainstrea m denominations , an d thes e denomination s espe cially afte r Worl d Wa r I I wer e caugh t u p i n evangelisti c an d churc h building campaigns , i n continuing battle s with Roma n Catholics , an d in Cold War fear s o f communis m tha t provide d a great dea l o f centrist activity. It wa s no t unti l th e 19605 , an d eve n the n onl y gradually , tha t th e issues currentl y separatin g liberal s an d conservative s bega n t o tak e o n their divisiv e significance. Prospects o f a thaw i n the Col d War afte r 196 5 began t o separat e liberal s an d conservative s i n thei r view s o n commu nism; clerg y activism o n behal f of th e civi l right s movemen t ofte n arouse d opposition fro m conservative s wh o claime d t o dislik e the tactic s of th e movement an d wh o ma y have bee n prompte d b y other concern s as well, but foun d considerable suppor t fro m religiou s liberals , especially the youn g and th e bette r educated , wh o foun d i n socia l justic e a kin d o f missio n for th e churches. The Vietna m War prompted simila r divisions involving the issue s of both communis m an d protes t tactics . Other factors playe d a role a s well: th e enormou s rapi d expansion of higher educatio n durin g th e 1960 5 create d a widenin g cultura l ga p be tween th e college-educate d youn g an d thos e bot h ol d an d youn g wh o had not bee n t o college, an d this gap reinforced the division between th e more libera l religiou s view s o f th e bette r educate d an d th e mor e con servative outlook s o f th e les s well educated . Evangelicals , though, wer e already gaining strengt h a s a national movement, partl y because they ha d repudiated fundamentalis t separatism , forge d nationa l organizations , de veloped a n educate d leadership , an d see n thei r number s swel l largel y as a resul t o f demographi c increas e an d greate r succes s in retainin g the re ligious loyaltie s o f thei r young . B y the middl e 19705 , whe n th e en d o f the Vietnam Wa r permitted America n politics to focus again on domesti c issues, the stag e was set for a major confrontatio n betwee n religiou s con servatives an d religiou s liberals . Crystallizing Forces With th e advantag e o f hindsight , w e ca n no w se e that severa l decisive events helped t o crystalliz e an d deepen thi s division over the next decade and a half. The faile d presidency o f Jimm y Carter, a n evangelica l Chris tian wit h libera l socia l an d politica l inclinations , wa s certainl y on e im portant development. Ha d th e OPE C oil embargo, th e ensuin g recession , the hostag e crisis , an d a number o f other episode s .not le d to hi s down fall, i t i s at least possible t o imagin e a much stronge r centris t position i n American religio n today , o r a t leas t a more complicate d crossin g o f th e lines betwee n religiou s an d politica l perspectives . The Ro e v. Wade deci sion o n abortio n i n 197 3 undoubtedl y constitute d anothe r significan t turning point . Couple d wit h th e lon g struggl e fo r ratificatio n o f th e equa l

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rights amendment , i t helpe d t o mobiliz e sentiment , especiall y amon g women, o n bot h side s o f th e abortio n an d women' s right s issues . Ho mosexuality, a t first raising question s abou t membershi p an d ordinatio n in religiou s organizations, an d the n wit h th e AID S epidemic increasingly being associate d i n th e publi c min d wit h disease , dru g problems , an d social decay , was probabl y a more divisiv e issue even than man y peopl e were willin g t o admit . Eve n somethin g a s mino r a s Interna l Revenu e Service noisings about possibl e investigations of Christian school s o n discrimination charge s did a grea t dea l t o mobiliz e formerl y passiv e evangelicals an d caus e the m t o becom e a mor e significan t voic e i n publi c affairs. Some o f thes e event s obviously coul d hav e ha d differen t outcomes , and eve n together, i t i s not clea r tha t the y provid e a n adequat e account of the polarizatio n between liberal s and conservatives. There wer e deeper geological force s a t wor k i n America n societ y pullin g religious commu nities apar t an d realignin g the m i n ne w ways . Th e educationa l change s to whic h I hav e allude d provid e on e o f th e cleares t example s of thes e deeper forces . The y wer e hardl y drive n b y religiou s considerations , o r even strictl y b y th e institution s o f highe r educatio n themselves , havin g instead muc h broade r root s i n th e competitiv e driv e for technica l superiority i n worl d market s and th e growin g dependenc e o f military advantages o n technology . Th e expansio n o f th e federa l governmen t durin g and afte r Worl d War II—again a phenomenon not limite d to the United States—was anothe r importan t factor . W e canno t understan d full y th e significance o f case s suc h a s Roe v . Wade o r th e numerou s cour t case s dealing wit h church-stat e issues excep t i n th e contex t o f thi s wide r su pervisory rol e bein g playe d by the federa l government . Eve n somethin g like th e declinin g tension s betwee n Protestant s an d Catholics , an d be tween Christian s an d Jews , whic h permitte d alliance s among conserva tives or liberals across these earlier divisions to b e made with greater ease, were linke d to a much broade r rang e o f socia l developments , includin g greater regiona l migration , th e suburbanizatio n o f th e population , an d more interfait h marriage s among the college-educate d young . One reaso n fo r bein g intereste d i n th e divisio n betwee n religiou s liberals an d conservatives , therefore, is that a n analysi s o f th e source s o f this division help s to brin g int o perspectiv e a host o f other relationship s between America n religion and American society sinc e World Wa r II. I t serves as an interpretive key around whic h a number of other, seemingly disparate development s ca n b e organized . I n othe r periods , denomina tionalism o r interfait h tension s hav e provided th e sam e kind o f organiz ing framework. Fo r socia l scientists, the notio n of secularization has provided perhap s the mos t popula r wa y of thinking abou t suc h developments , but wit h increasin g evidence that mos t concepts o f secularization are too restrictive, o r no t wel l matched to th e sort s o f questions tha t aris e when looking at changes only over a couple of decades, alternative frameworks

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become al l the mor e important . A t som e rutur e time , whe n ou r imag inary historian s d o thei r retrospectiv e wor k fro m a ne w vantag e point , some othe r framewor k may prov e even more helpful . I sa y this largel y to dispe l th e criticis m that a n emphasi s on liberal conservative polarizatio n fail s t o tak e sufficien t accoun t o f othe r charac teristics o f publi c religio n i n th e Unite d States , suc h a s th e continuin g presence o f Jimm y Carter-like evangelical s occupying a middle groun d by espousin g libera l political views , or th e so-calle d ne w pluralis m bein g brought int o bein g b y Latin o an d Asia n immigration. 12 These , too , ar e an importan t par t o f American publi c religion, an d i n a sense, thei r very importance i s heightened b y the wider tensions betwee n liberal s and con servatives. Whe n th e extrem e position s becom e striden t an d familiar , it is ofte n mor e valuabl e to see k out alternativ e voices s o tha t thei r word s can b e amplified . Yet , this large r division doe s hel p pu t int o perspective many o f th e salien t feature s o f America n religio n an d raise s question s about ho w the y ar e related to on e another .

The Characte r of Public Religion We come , then , t o th e questio n o f what specificall y th e curren t spli t be tween conservative s an d liberal s may tell us abou t th e characte r of publi c religion, no w an d i n the future . O f particula r importance i s the questio n of ho w thes e tw o faction s conceiv e o f th e public . Ho w d o the y defin e America, it s history , it s purpose , it s goals, an d th e plac e o f fait h withi n these conceptions ?

Underlying Agreement Let u s firs t acknowledg e tha t th e tw o faction s shar e man y assumption s about th e characte r o f America n society , an d tha t include d i n thes e as sumptions i s an implicit agreement tha t disagreemen t i s acceptable. I a m referring i n part t o wha t Rober t Bellah , followin g Rousseau , ha s terme d our "civi l religion." 13 It is this implici t cultural framewor k that tell s us it is importan t i n th e firs t plac e to hav e a conception o f ou r nation' s past , its presen t identity , an d it s futur e purposes . Th e civi l religio n define s a myth o f origi n tha t populate s th e foundin g time s wit h sacre d o r larger than-life character s an d separate s i t fro m rea l time ; i t legitimate s ou r sens e that som e people—whit e males , propert y owners , o r i n mor e recen t time s women an d African-Americans , bu t no t convicte d felon s o r illega l aliens — are member s i n good standin g o f th e nationa l collectivity ; an d i t tell s u s we ar e a people wit h som e statur e o r missio n i n the world. 14 Substantively, th e American civi l religio n ma y include other assumptions on whic h both conservatives an d liberals can agree in principle. Fo r example, the two shar e basic agreement o n the principle that n o religiou s test shoul d b e require d fo r forma l citizenshi p o r th e holdin g o f publi c office, eve n thoug h the y migh t i n fac t favo r rathe r differen t religiou s


5

views when i t cam e t o treatin g someon e lik e a citizen wit h ful l right s o r voting for a specific politica l candidate . Th e tw o migh t als o agre e tha t a society i n whic h som e respec t towar d a higher conceptio n o f th e divin e is acknowledge d i s probably a better societ y tha n on e i n which no sens e of th e divin e is present—even thoug h th e tw o migh t diffe r i n their defi nitions o f what thi s divin e entity shoul d entail . But I als o have in min d something othe r than th e civi l religio n a s an underlying cultura l premis e fo r th e libera l and conservativ e conception s of public religion . I t i s probably bes t capture d i n the sloga n abou t agreeing t o disagree . W e ma y cheris h consensu s and , failin g t o achiev e it , throw up ou r hand s an d resign ourselve s to bein g i n disagreement. Tha t might b e th e outcom e o f a discussio n betwee n spouse s wh o lov e eac h other deeply . Bu t i n American public life w e generally take a much mor e positive attitud e towar d disagreement . I n politic s we expect Republicans and Democrats t o disagre e about virtuall y everything. Sometime s w e tire of thei r rhetoric , bu t w e worr y mor e whe n w e thin k th e tw o hav e become lik e Tweedle-dee an d Tweedle-dum , failin g t o expres s genuine differences, an d we would worry even more a t the prospect o f a single-party political system . I n th e economi c aren a w e expec t eve n mor e disagree ment, believin g tha t intens e competitio n betwee n firm s accrue s t o ou r benefit a s consumer s b y keepin g price s down . Increasingly , ou r publi c culture i s als o dominate d b y th e struggle s o f athleti c team s agains t on e another. So it i s perhaps not unexpecte d that thing s shoul d b e no differen t i n the religiou s sphere . To b e sure , we have norms o f tolerance tha t augu r against Catholic s an d Protestant s gunnin g i t out a s they d o i n Norther n Ireland, jus t as we do t o preven t Democrats an d Republican s fro m slinging rea l mu d acros s th e aisl e i n Congress . Thi s i s sometime s wha t w e emphasize whe n w e spea k o f pluralis m i n America n religion : diversity reigned i n b y a live-and-let-liv e attitude . Bu t pluralis m hardly captures the mor e positiv e emphasi s o n competitio n tha t pervade s mos t o f ou r society. At som e level , we expect ther e t o b e genuine struggles an d conflict, no t jus t a passiv e acceptance of disagreement . Wer e w e t o b e completely hones t abou t it , w e would b e disappointed i f religious group s o f some kin d weren' t sluggin g i t out wit h each other in some way. And this is par t o f wha t legitimate s an d eve n encourages th e conflic t between re ligious liberal s and conservatives. They struggl e wit h eac h other, a s we know, ove r the hotl y conteste d issues of the day, such as abortion law s or the ordination o f homosexuals. They als o struggle t o defin e America in a deeper sense . Each has a vision of wha t Americ a ha s bee n an d o f wha t i t shoul d be . Insofa r a s the y articulate differen t myth s o f nationa l origi n an d differen t definition s of national purpose , i t seem s fai r t o sa y that the y diffe r ove r th e character of America n civi l religio n itself . Bu t i f civi l religio n i s taken , a s i t i s b y some, t o b e th e underlyin g ground bas s of th e cultur e tha t i s by defini tion consensual , the n w e can still identify tw o ver y different publi c theol-

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ogies o r strand s o f publi c religion . The y ar e part o f ou r stor y o f our selves, providin g th e narrativ e framework i n whic h w e ar e likely to cas t interpretations o f ourselves wel l into the future .

On the Liberal Side Liberal public religion mus t b e understood, because of its disproportionate locatio n i n th e hierarchie s o f old-lin e denominations , a s having de veloped fro m th e lon g tradition s o f church-stat e relation s i n Scotland , England, an d norther n Europ e i n whic h religiou s leader s mad e state ments o n publi c issues. In thes e tradition s i t wa s accepted bot h tha t re ligious bodie s woul d attemp t t o defin e th e collectiv e interes t an d that i t was possibl e fo r the m t o d o s o becaus e of forma l recognition an d pub licly supporte d institutions . Muc h th e sam e wa s true i n th e Catholi c re gions o f Europ e a s well, althoug h thei r influenc e on th e America n stor y came much later. Were we to trac e the evolutio n o f these church-state relations i n Europe, w e woul d se e that conflic t betwee n Protestant s an d Catholic s an d among variou s factions of each played a decisive role i n shapin g religiou s understandings o f th e polity . Indeed , wha t w e generall y conside r t o b e Enlightenment conception s o f the polity , includin g Lockea n contractual ism an d th e mor e communa l liberalis m expressed i n Rousseau' s discus sion o f civi l religion , wer e ver y muc h reaction s t o th e intens e religiou s struggles o f the precedin g tw o centuries . Ad d th e risin g influenc e o f deis m and rationalism , an d w e hav e the mai n ingredient s o n whic h th e publi c theology o f the Unite d State s wa s originally founded. 15 The libera l version of American civil religion has varied in the degre e to whic h i t identified somethin g uniqu e abou t th e American experiment , but i t ha s alway s embedde d tha t experimen t in a much wide r notio n o f human right s an d responsibilities . Wha t mad e th e Unite d State s specia l was simpl y tha t i t ha d th e opportunit y t o embod y th e universa l mora l sensibilities o n whic h peopl e o f goodwil l everywher e could agree . Idea s about mora l sentiments , traceabl e especiall y t o th e Scottis h moralists , identified a lawfu l an d beneficen t orde r tha t wa s no t onl y a n externa l reality i n th e univers e bu t a n internall y or subjectivel y knowable reality as well . I t i s t o thi s conceptio n tha t muc h o f th e so-calle d optimis m about huma n natur e tha t i s often identifie d with America n liberalism owes its origin. Becaus e of this subjective sense of moral order, reasone d deliberation amon g peopl e o f goodwill can be expected to result in agreemen t about th e common good . Three importan t practica l implications follo w fro m thi s conception . First, th e mora l orde r i s not somethin g tha t sit s heavily o n huma n soci ety, needing t o b e imposed externall y through th e coercive powers o f the state o n a n unwilling , recalcitran t population ; i t rathe r i s something t o which a n informe d citizenr y wil l giv e voluntar y assent , muc h a s civi c humanists woul d argue , becaus e the y kno w i t i s i n thei r interes t t o d o


7

so. Second , th e deliberativ e process gain s a kind o f ultimat e sanction , i n the sens e tha t publi c knowledg e o f otherwis e privat e mora l sensibilitie s is gaine d throug h thi s process . A s reasonabl e peopl e com e togethe r t o discuss matter s o f commo n concern , th e wil l of God , w e might say , becomes manifest . And third , thoug h les s readily put int o practice , there is a kin d o f inclusivenes s built int o thi s conceptio n o f th e mora l order , because i t i s not limite d t o peopl e o f a given nationa l o r religiou s heritage. B y bringin g peopl e o f othe r ethnic , racial , religious , an d politica l persuasions int o the deliberativ e process, the y too can becom e partner s in definin g th e mora l order . We ca n o f cours e se e ho w som e o f th e mor e substantiv e planks o f the libera l religiou s platfor m fit together with thes e assumption s as background. Certainl y th e deliberativ e proces s o f th e variou s synod s an d assemblies o f mos t o f th e old-lin e denomination s fit s thi s model , bu t s o does thei r feelin g tha t religiou s value s can b e brough t int o th e secula r public spher e withou t havin g t o b e voice d i n specifi c religiou s term s o r needing t o b e mandated wit h a strong legislativ e code. Peopl e ca n especially b e truste d i n thei r privat e lives t o fin d wha t i s morally right . Tol erance for includin g new racia l an d ethni c group s i n the politica l proces s follows fro m these assumptions as well, and eve n the ide a of using diplomacy rathe r tha n militar y force i n dealin g wit h foreig n power s make s sense i n thes e terms . On the Conservative Side The conservativ e stran d o f America n civi l religio n shoul d not , b y con ceiving o f th e origin s o f liberalis m i n thi s way , b e though t o f a s a minority o r totall y reactive orientation. I n adoptin g a somewhat mor e pessimistic vie w o f huma n nature , i t to o draw s heavil y o n Reformatio n theology, an d it s vie w i s no t a s negativ e a s sometime s portrayed . Th e heavy emphasi s o n individua l conversio n i n conservativ e Protestan t cir cles, fo r example , als o assume s that some subjectiv e sens e o f a beneficent moral orde r ca n b e found . Bu t conservativ e civil religio n place s greate r emphasis o n th e externalit y o f tha t orde r an d limit s it s discover y t o a more restricte d sphere. I t i s still the chose n few , the regenerate , who ca n claim divine insight, an d they do s o less through reaso n and impulse than by learnin g principles that hav e alread y been lai d dow n an d b y payin g heed t o th e institution s i n which these principle s are understood . Conservative publi c religio n ha s als o bee n shape d b y th e history o f its association s wit h th e old-lin e denomination s an d secula r institutions . Many o f it s current leader s are products o f sectaria n splinter groups tha t reacted historicall y t o th e universalis m an d rationalis m perceive d t o b e taking ove r i n establishe d denominations . The y als o define d themselve s in oppositio n t o th e secula r optimis m eviden t i n academi c settings , t o what the y perceive d a s mora l relativism , an d agains t thes e sam e influ ences takin g precedenc e i n lega l an d politica l debates. Fearin g tha t indi -

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viduals generally did not hav e a reliable moral sense built into them, they believed it necessary to hav e strong churches , strong mora l instruction in the schools , an d eve n lega l sanction s t o ensur e publi c decency. Bu t rec ognizing th e importanc e o f havin g a myt h o f origin , the y als o argue d that Americ a had originall y espoused thes e ver y ideals . Pointing t o th e theocratic orientations of the Purita n colonies, the y argued tha t America was in fac t founde d o n stron g biblical principles, that there wa s a special covenant betwee n this new nation an d God, an d that many of the found ers were dedicated believers. These assumptions give a great deal of coherence to conservative civil religion a s well. The stor y of America is not on e o f gradual elevation i n moral insight, bu t o f degeneration awa y from a n initial high-water mark and brough t abou t b y the leadershi p of established religious an d secula r institutions turning awa y fro m th e biblica l order. Bu t America still has a special mission to fulfil l a s far as God i s concerned, whethe r this be fight ing communism, openin g othe r countrie s to the work of missionaries, o r keeping th e lan d itsel f fre e o f mora l decay . See n i n thi s light , i t i s n o inconsistency t o b e fearfu l o f governmen t intrusio n i n religiou s matter s but a t the sam e time to espous e a strong syste m of legislated morality . What of the Future ? Having summarize d th e tw o version s of America n civil religio n i n thi s way, I ma y seem to b e suggesting tha t th e tw o wil l simpl y continue t o exist in an uneasy tension with eac h other i n the indefinit e future . I have tried t o suggest , however , tha t bot h version s wer e als o conditione d b y the socia l circumstance s unde r whic h the y arose , an d thereb y implie d that the y ma y well b e influenced by thes e condition s again . To under stand ho w thes e condition s ma y alread y be producin g revision s i n th e historic patterns , w e need t o loo k agai n a t som e o f th e development s I mentioned earlie r as factors leading up t o th e curren t tension s betwee n liberals an d conservatives . If thes e factor s have heightened th e tension s in recen t decades , the y hav e don e s o i n par t becaus e of thei r effec t o n the assumption s undergirding each conception o f public religion. Decline of the Old Line The libera l strand i n America n civi l religio n ha s bee n influence d negatively b y two development s an d positivel y b y two developments . Nega tively, i t ha s bee n influence d b y th e declinin g strengt h o f th e old-lin e denominations an d b y a concurren t erosio n o f th e mora l optimis m i t inherited fro m th e eighteent h century . Eac h o f thes e development s i s relatively familiar . Th e institutiona l declin e o f old-lin e denomination s consists chiefl y o f numeri c losses amounting t o a s much a s a fourth or a third of total membership, but als o of the growing pluralism in American society mor e broadly , the en d o f th e so-calle d Protestan t century , wit h Catholics, Jews , Muslims, adherent s o f ne w religions , an d secularist s all


9

demanding greate r publi c recognition. Th e declin e of mora l optimism is sometimes associate d wit h th e dispirite d moo d create d b y declinin g memberships bu t i s certainly traceable to th e failur e o f modernis m an d the devastatio n o f th e tw o worl d wars . I t i s als o eviden t i n a differen t sense, though , tha t doe s no t s o muc h involv e a loss o f optimis m bu t a displacement o f thi s optimis m fro m reaso n t o th e eve n mor e subjectiv e and intuitiv e leve l found in moder n expressivism . In thi s view, goodness may stil l b e par t o f huma n nature , bu t i t i s found i n mor e idiosyncrati c ways, involvin g less publi c deliberation an d mor e privat e exploration o f the inne r self . O n th e positiv e side , libera l civi l religio n ha s bee n reinforced mainl y by the inclusionis t movements within the United State s t o which I hav e already referred , especially those o f African-American s an d women, an d b y th e greate r internationalizatio n o f worl d cultur e sinc e World Wa r II . Th e inclusionis t movements have often tappe d th e moral universalism o f libera l civi l religio n and , i n th e process , give n i t ne w vitality an d urgency . The worl d scen e has done much the same , drawing on libera l civil religion fo r legitimac y in addressin g such issues as nuclear disarmament, worl d peace , and environmentalism . The ne t effec t o f thes e development s o n libera l publi c religio n ha s been t o generat e a kind o f stridency, couple d wit h a n embattled mental ity, and perhap s a n imbalance betwee n th e privat e and the publi c as well. The stridenc y ca n ofte n b e see n i n th e urgenc y attache d t o particula r issues an d th e vehemenc e with whic h liberal religious leaders attack their conservative counterparts. I t ca n perhaps be understood b y the fac t tha t the issue s see m t o hav e expanded , takin g o n globa l importance , jus t a s the resource s o f old-lin e institution s hav e bee n declining . These factor s may also underlie the embattled remnan t mentalit y that has arisen on the liberal side . Wherea s i t wa s onc e abl e t o buttres s it s optimis m wit h a feeling tha t i t wa s i n th e majority , i t i s not uncommo n no w fo r libera l issues to b e raised as if by a prophetic remnant . Using the rhetori c of th e prophetic tradition , i t als o adopt s a t time s wha t migh t b e terme d a language o f excess, that is , a critical style that question s whethe r the rationa l deliberative procedure s o f establishe d institution s ca n an y longe r b e effective, needin g perhap s t o b e replace d b y dramati c confrontation , radi cally populis t procedures , o r th e symboli c identification o f visionar y alternatives. An d th e possibilit y o f a n imbalanc e betwee n th e publi c an d the privat e is suggested b y the fac t tha t s o much of the ne w urgency has come fro m th e outside , a s i t were , b y socia l movement s raisin g issue s about social justice and human rights, wherea s the interio r sens e of moral principles has , as I indicated , becom e mor e hidden , mor e highly person alized, an d more difficul t t o brin g to bea r on formal discussions of public morality. Going Public On th e conservativ e side , a similar set of challenge s seems to b e at work, redirecting an d reanimatin g it s public theology. It s assumption tha t sec-

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ular society canno t b y itself, throug h reaso n alone , discove r the basi s for a beneficen t moral orde r seem s t o hav e gaine d adherent s i n conjunctio n with a widespread perceptio n tha t chao s i s on th e increase . Evidence t o this effec t come s fro m warning s abou t globa l warming , th e AID S epi demic, statistic s o n abortio n an d divorce , amon g man y othe r sign s o f moral decay . In th e fac e o f suc h decay, rationally understandable principles o f mora l an d socia l conduct, derive d fro m biblica l sources, provid e an attractive alternative . And yet the numeri c increases in some conservative denominations hav e generated almos t th e opposit e orientation fro m the disillusionmen t eviden t i n som e old-lin e denominations : a kin d o f instrumental triumphalis m tha t assume s eventual victory, a t leas t i n leg islating mora l standards , an d tha t link s definition s o f mora l righ t wit h measures of popular appea l or effectiveness . But i f liberals are findin g themselve s uncertain i n thei r privat e religiosity, conservative s are mor e likel y to fac e th e sam e difficultie s a s they attempt t o tur n privat e certainties into publi c doctrines. Havin g les s confidence in th e abilit y of rationa l peopl e t o arriv e a t desirabl e definitions of collective values, they are perhaps of necessit y drawn more toward th e politics of power plays and interest group pressures, despit e the fac t tha t this orientation underscore s division s within their ow n ranks . In a sense, then, th e mor e striden t postur e an d th e languag e o f exces s adopte d b y some liberal s play int o th e hand s o f conservative leaders who argu e tha t power politic s ar e indeed th e onl y way to proceed . One implication , i f this analysis is correct, is that th e futur e o f public religion i n the Unite d State s is likely to se e a continuation o f the conflict between liberal s an d conservatives, even if particular issues come and go , because both traditions ar e in a state of internal ferment an d uncertainty. Until eac h sid e i s abl e t o com e t o term s wit h it s pas t an d gai n greate r clarity about it s own visio n of America, negativism toward th e other and a reluctanc e to engag e i n reasone d publi c debate seem likely to prevail. A correlative development als o seem s likely. With th e separatio n be tween privat e an d publi c religiosity tha t i s evident i n bot h th e conservative an d liberal frameworks, public religion may well become the domai n of activists , clergy, an d othe r leader s who hav e som e professiona l or po litical stak e in advancing particula r issues, while the majorit y o f believers become increasingl y conten t t o le t these fe w play tha t role . Focusin g o n their ow n interna l quests fo r fulfillmen t an d spirituality, the ran k and file may b e happ y that somethin g i s being don e abou t publi c issues . But, as I discovered i n interviewing volunteers, they may disclaim the knowledg e or skill s neede d t o participat e i n publi c lif e themselves. 16 And , withou t their backing , or eve n th e sens e tha t privat e motivation an d publi c morality mus t b e closel y connected , w e mus t wonde r whethe r publi c reli gion can have much o f a n effec t i n steering ou r societ y int o the future .

11 The Future o f the Religious Bigh t

Having considere d th e broade r cultura l orientations o f th e libera l an d conservative wing s o f America n publi c religion , I wan t t o tur n i n thi s chapter t o a mor e specifi c examinatio n o f th e so-calle d Ne w Christia n Right, askin g wha t rol e i t ma y pla y i n America n societ y i n th e earl y decades o f th e twenty-firs t century. l I n doin g so , I a m mindfu l o f th e fact tha t mos t observer s of American religion (an d politics) were caught by surpris e when th e religiou s Righ t emerge d int o nationa l prominence in th e lat e 19705. 2 T o mak e predictions no w ma y be to shoo t arrow s off into th e nigh t wit h n o bette r likelihoo d o f them hittin g th e mar k than before. An d yet , we do kno w considerabl y more abou t th e character and social locatio n o f th e religiou s Righ t no w tha n w e di d whe n i t first appeared. Perhap s this knowledg e ca n b e helpfu l i n suggestin g th e direc tions i t may take in the year s ahead. My approac h wil l b e t o loo k bac k over th e condition s tha t helpe d bring th e Ne w Christia n Righ t int o being , askin g whether thes e sam e conditions ar e likel y t o perpetuat e i t int o th e future , o r whethe r condi tions ma y be changing i n ways that wil l alte r it s course. I do no t assum e that th e religiou s Righ t (o r an y social movement) i s simply a product o f the socia l condition s unde r whic h i t emerges. 3 Indeed , man y o f thes e conditions, a s w e shal l see , ar e th e accretion s o f th e movement' s ow n activities—its history, reputation , an d repertoire o f resources. I do maintain, however , tha t th e religiou s Righ t i s no t fre e t o d o entirel y a s it pleases. It canno t accomplis h its goals by sheer dint of imagination. Rather , it has to adap t to it s environment, garne r resources, respond to an d chal151

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lenge th e issue s with whic h it i s confronted. These ar e the feature s o f it s interaction wit h th e social environmen t tha t w e must tr y to understand . We mus t pa y heed t o thes e condition s whethe r we are active leaders and supporter s o f th e religiou s Right , fello w travelers who fee l tha t it s aims someho w mak e a differenc e t o ou r well-being , or opponent s seek ing ways to bloc k its ambitions and aspirations . For m y own part , I have been deepl y concerne d abou t th e divisivenes s i n America n religio n t o which th e religiou s Righ t ha s contributed. A t the sam e time, som e (per haps much) of this divisivenes s can be attributed t o spokesperson s i n th e wider societ y wh o understan d littl e o f th e outloo k an d origin s o f th e religious Right . Examinin g th e condition s tha t wil l guide th e trajector y of th e religiou s Righ t i n th e year s t o come , therefore , i s not s o muc h a way o f promotin g it s caus e o r aidin g it s enemie s but o f increasin g ou r understanding o f th e societ y i n whic h we liv e an d th e vita l place of religious fait h withi n thi s society . In earlie r work s I hav e suggested a number o f socia l conditions an d processes tha t gav e rise to th e religiou s Righ t o r tha t produce d som e o f the othe r characteristic s o f America n religio n an d cultur e t o whic h i t responded.4 A s one attempt s to accoun t fo r somethin g ne w that i s stil l on th e ascendancy , one i s often tempte d t o pa y attentio n onl y t o thos e factors tha t contribut e positivel y t o it s rise . Othe r factor s tha t ma y in hibit it s furthe r development , o r eve n lea d t o it s downfall , ten d t o b e neglected. W e ar e no w a t a critica l juncture whe n a mor e balance d as sessment o f all these variou s factors need s t o b e made. In wha t follow s I shall pay special attention t o th e social , cultural, an d religiou s condition s that hav e proved particularl y important i n accountin g fo r th e ris e of th e religious Right , bu t als o conside r th e nuance s i n thes e an d other factors that ma y channel th e religiou s Righ t i n variou s direction s an d augmen t or diminis h it s strength. Before turnin g t o thi s analysis , I shoul d als o asser t my disagreemen t with man y casua l observer s o f America n cultur e wh o believ e tha t th e religious Righ t i s simply defunct. To b e sure, th e dissolutio n o f the Mora l Majority i n 198 9 an d th e eclips e o f religiou s television , togethe r wit h other development s i n domesti c an d foreig n politic s i n th e 19905 , signa l a moment o f uncertaint y in th e fortune s of thi s movement. Bu t w e shoul d also recogniz e tha t mos t o f th e issue s t o whic h th e movemen t ha s de voted attentio n ar e stil l unresolve d an d ther e i s stil l a stron g cor e o f leadership on whic h the movemen t ca n draw , a s well as a loyal constitu ency.

Predisposing Circumstances Analysts o f socia l movement s kno w th e importanc e o f looking at conditions tha t may , b y themselves , hav e littl e t o d o wit h th e shapin g o f a specific movemen t bu t i n combinatio n wit h othe r factor s becom e enor mously consequential. I believe there ar e at least three such characteristics

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of American religio n generall y tha t mus t b e a part o f an y discussion o f the religiou s Right: the "this-worldly " orientation o f American religion , its conviction tha t value s matter, an d its massive institutional resources .

An Orientation toward This World The so-calle d this-worldl y orientatio n o f America n religio n (indeed , o f Christianity i n the modern West, t o follo w Max Weber's characterization of it) refer s t o it s belief in the sanctit y and significance o f the presen t life , as opposed t o th e vie w in some religiou s traditions tha t onl y th e lif e t o come i s important.5 In America n Christianity this orientation take s a variety of forms : from extrem e belief s holdin g tha t the lif e t o com e i s simply a metapho r compare d wit h th e fina l realit y o f th e presen t one , t o various argument s abou t work s in th e presen t lif e leadin g to reward s in the afterlife , t o concept s o f God's kingdom an d will for the earth. Thes e variants are sometimes critica l in channeling religiou s energies in specifi c directions. Bu t th e fac t tha t America n religio n o n th e whol e take s a n active orientatio n towar d th e presen t worl d i s o f th e foremos t signifi cance. Historicall y i t ha s called believer s t o b e concerned wit h th e rela tion betwee n fait h an d society . I t encourage s th e faithful , individuall y and through thei r churches , to b e interested i n public affairs . The religiou s Righ t i s an expression of this orientation i n American Christianity. Th e movemen t itsel f is an effor t t o addres s socia l concerns from th e standpoin t o f biblica l teachings. I t orient s it s constituents no t toward som e passiv e existence spent preparin g fo r th e lif e t o com e bu t toward activ e engagemen t i n socia l servic e and mora l reform . Thu s en gaged, the movement als o becomes subject to th e wider influences of the society i n whic h i t exists . Tha t is , th e religiou s Righ t doe s no t tr y t o isolate itsel f fro m th e wide r society ; i t confronts , engages , an d resists , but i n these very activities exposes its flanks to broade r political and cultural forces. Its this-worldly orientation, therefore , makes it more susceptible t o man y of the othe r socia l condition s tha t w e shall consider pres ently. It i s of cours e peculia r i n on e sens e t o sa y that th e religiou s Righ t includes a this-worldly orientation , fo r man y of it s constituent s ar e fun damentalists. An d of all religious groups i n the United States , fundamentalists ar e generally though t t o b e th e mos t other-worldly . Indeed , on e of th e hallmark s of America n fundamentalis m in th e twentiet h centur y has bee n it s premillennia l eschatology , a belie f tha t envision s Christ' s kingdom replacin g the presen t ag e rather tha n comin g int o bein g throug h some evolutio n o f th e socia l orde r a s we kno w it. 6 Why , i f the presen t world i s going to vanis h in the twinklin g o f an eye, would fundamentalists care about politica l an d mora l reform ? The answe r i s varied , reflectin g the diversit y withi n America n fundamentalism itself . Many of the leader s of the religiou s Right ar e funda mentalists i n othe r ways , suc h a s thei r belie f i n biblica l inerrancy, bu t

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have shifte d towar d a postmillennialis t rathe r tha n a premilknnialist eschatology. This view is probably especially pronounced i n denomination s with root s i n Calvinis m o r th e Englis h Reformatio n (includin g Presbyterians an d Baptists) . I t i s als o mor e characteristi c o f leader s identifie d with th e mor e mainstrea m evangelicalis m that bega n i n th e 1940 5 an d 1950s a s oppose d t o sectaria n fundamentalism . I n othe r instances , pre millennialism i s still the eschatolog y o f choice , bu t it s other-worldlines s has been tempere d b y doctrinal an d practica l considerations. Doctrinally , the premillennialis m taugh t especiall y in Baptis t contexts hold s tha t be lievers shoul d prepar e for th e Secon d Comin g o f Christ bu t avoi d making specifi c prediction s a s t o it s date . I n som e teachings , believer s ar e also encourage d t o wag e battl e wit h th e mora l evil s that ma y precipitate Armageddon an d th e en d o f the age , i f only t o allo w more tim e fo r th e heathen t o b e converted befor e the retur n o f Christ. I n othe r interpreta tions, dispensationalis t theolog y ha s emphasize d th e ag e o f th e churc h during whic h God' s wor k i s to b e conducte d throug h th e activitie s of believers i n th e church . An d th e practica l consideration s (whic h ofte n take o n cynica l overtones ) hav e to d o wit h pastora l ambitions , buildin g programs, an d fund-raisin) 1; drives : i n th e crudes t form , larg e structure s can only b e justified b y deferring the expecte d return o f Jesus. 7 These variation s have, it shoul d b e noted, produce d division s within the rank s o f th e religiou s Righ t an d it s potentia l constituents . Funda mentalists wit h a stron g orientatio n towar d inne r piet y an d spiritualit y as a way of preparin g for the da y of the Lor d ar e probably least active in New Righ t causes . Thos e wit h a stron g sens e of corporat e warfar e be tween th e churc h and force s of evil—with apocalyptic implications—have probably bee n mor e active in th e religiou s Right . An d thos e wit h pen tecostal orientation s hav e probabl y bee n a mixe d group . Fo r some , a n emphasis o n th e purificatio n o f th e church , a s signifie d b y th e biblica l account o f Pentecost , ha s encouraged active efforts t o resis t evil an d pu rify th e wide r societ y a s well . Fo r others , pentecosta l belief s hav e le d more towar d a conception of inwar d renewal and persona l holiness. In th e future , th e religiou s Righ t wil l b e enhance d b y th e overal l this-worldliness o f America n religion , bu t als o b e conditione d b y doc trinal variation s withi n thi s genera l orientation . Belief s o f suc h subtlet y as t o b e littl e understoo d i n th e wide r populatio n wil l shap e th e likeli hood o f coalition s emergin g acros s a broa d spectru m o f th e religiou s Right.

An Emphasis on Values The seriousnes s with whic h values are taken i n America n religio n i s also an importan t predisposin g factor , bu t on e tha t ca n b e dispense d wit h more easily . W e hav e alway s believe d tha t wha t a perso n is , believes , thinks, an d value s ha s a n enormou s impac t o n no t onl y tha t person' s behavior a s an individua l bu t als o o n th e well-bein g of ou r societ y col -

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lectively. This i s part o f the individualis m built into our culture . It i s also very muc h a featur e o f America n religion . Wha t th e churche s do, thei r teaching an d preaching , make s a differenc e t o th e bod y politi c becaus e values count. Thus , i t make s sense to worr y not onl y abou t suc h thing s as povert y program s an d nationa l defens e bu t als o abou t th e politica l implications of ethics, personal morality, what people rea d or se e on tele vision, an d th e value s they learn i n schools. 8 When th e religiou s Fligh t cam e into being , th e eye s of many public officials ha d turne d awa y fro m thi s concern with values. Everything seemed to b e "structural" an d require d "policy" solutions. Eve n today, ther e are many i n th e universitie s wh o thin k governmen t program s ar e th e onl y way t o accomplis h anythin g o f importance. Bu t th e religiou s Right wa s also part o f a broader reorientatio n i n publi c life towar d bringin g values back in. After Watergate , an d the n agai n with th e numerous public scandals in th e lat e 19805, i t becam e evident that value s do mak e a difference . Leaders on th e lef t a s well as on th e righ t began calling for closer consideration o f value s and moralit y i n public life . This reorientation is , however, a mixed blessing as far as the religious Right itsel f i s concerned. O n th e on e hand , i t wil l ensur e tha t a larg e segment o f th e populatio n believe s that value s and moralit y an d teachings d o matter , a s opposed t o purel y structural solutions . O n th e othe r hand, whe n everyone—righ t and left—i s talkin g abou t values , the dis tinctive claim s o f th e religiou s Righ t ten d t o b e muted . It s potentia l strength, therefore, may be diminished b y having a less distinct identity. Institutional Resources The other predisposing condition I mentioned earlier—th e massive institutional resource s o f America n religion—refer s simpl y t o th e fac t tha t churches constitut e a tremendou s potentia l forc e i n America n society. 9 Were th e religiou s Righ t t o attemp t th e sam e activitie s in , say , Sweden, it would b e up agains t insuperable odds.10 Habits of religious giving and participation i n religiou s activitie s ar e to o wea k ther e t o giv e an y reli gious movemen t muc h support . I n th e Unite d States , thing s ar e vastly different. For th e immediat e future , thes e resource s ar e likel y t o remai n i n abundance. Peopl e joi n churche s and atten d Sunda y worship service s in about th e sam e proportion s the y di d a generatio n ago. 11 Bu t ove r th e long haul, som e diminutio n i n these commitment s seem s likely. Though still only a minority, th e number s who clai m no religiou s belief s ha s grown steadily over th e pas t tw o decades . Larg e proportions i n our societ y als o believe i t i s possibl e t o b e spiritua l withou t an y participatio n i n orga nized religion . It would , however , b e imprecis e to conclud e tha t thes e trend s wil l simply reduc e th e overal l strengt h o f th e religiou s Right . I n th e past , rising number s o f peopl e withou t fait h hav e generated controversie s abou t

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religious belief s bein g taugh t i n school s o r observe d i n publi c places . These controversie s wil l likely continu e an d wil l generate reaction s fro m the religiou s Right . Whethe r 8 5 percent o f th e publi c believ e i n Go d rather tha n 9 0 percent , i n short , wil l mak e less difference tha n whethe r that 1 0 or 1 5 percen t are perceive d to b e a legal and educationa l threa t t o the rest .

Organizational Factors What I hav e just bee n discussin g focuse s largely on the cultura l climat e of America n religio n bu t als o suggest s th e importanc e fo r th e religiou s Right o f the way in which American religion i s organized. I n thi s sectio n I wan t t o highligh t thre e suc h factors : th e declinin g significanc e o f de nominationalism, th e rol e o f specia l purpose groups , an d network s amon g religious leaders.

The Declining Significance of Denominationalism Over th e pas t hal f century , denominationalis m ha s declined seriousl y as the primar y mod e o f identificatio n in America n religion . Indication s o f this declin e includ e increased interfaith an d interdenominationa l switch ing, heightene d toleranc e acros s faith s an d denominationa l boundaries , ecumenical cooperation , an d a deemphasi s i n man y denomination s o n distinctive teaching s an d specifi c membershi p requirements. This decline , I hav e argued elsewhere , helpe d clea r th e deck s for th e divisio n that ha s emerged mor e recentl y in America n religio n betwee n conservative s an d liberals.u Relativel y speaking, th e latte r have been a more importan t sourc e of identit y an d o f publi c controversy becaus e of the diminishin g impor tance of other, cross-cuttin g cleavages. For th e religiou s Right , declinin g denominationalis m ha s mad e i t easier fo r mobilizatio n t o occu r acros s grou p boundaries . Conservativ e Presbyterians an d conservativ e Baptist s wer e bette r abl e t o joi n force s than i f thei r denominationa l distinctive s ha d kep t the m apart . A weak ening o f boundarie s betwee n th e majo r faith s als o mad e i t possibl e fo r conservative Protestant s t o garne r suppor t fro m conservativ e Catholic s and Jews. 13 The sam e was true o n th e libera l side of the fence. Denominationalism seem s likel y t o continu e it s declin e i n th e fore seeable future . Bu t th e othe r sid e o f th e coi n als o need s t o b e empha sized. Churchgoer s ma y care little whic h denominatio n the y attend , bu t for clerg y an d churc h administrators , denominationalis m make s a grea t deal o f difference . Caree r opportunities , pensio n payments , and th e pol icies o f judicatone s an d legislativ e bodies depen d o n it . I n th e pas t few years, denominationalis m actuall y seem s t o hav e bee n stagin g a mino r revival, perhaps for these reasons . Conservativ e bodies , mos t notabl y th e Southern Baptis t Convention , hav e bee n strugglin g mightil y ove r th e theological destin y of their denominations , an d libera l bodies suc h a s the

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Episcopal, Presbyterian , and Methodis t churche s have launched evangelism campaigns i n a n effor t t o regai n membershi p losses.14 Should thi s reviva l o f denominationalis m continue , i t will , I believe, have tw o significan t implications for th e religiou s Right . On e wil l b e a reduction i n th e energ y availabl e fo r religiou s Righ t activities : i n con servative denominations, becaus e more energ y is being spen t fightin g in ternal battles , an d i n libera l denominations , becaus e mor e attentio n i s being devote d t o cause s such as evangelism and church growth that con servatives ca n espouse . Th e othe r implicatio n i s that denominationa l or ganizations wil l continu e t o provid e a stagin g ground , perhap s a mor e decentralized one, bu t a staging groun d nevertheles s for the politica l and moral campaign s of the religiou s Right. Thi s possibilit y can be explained better i n the contex t o f the othe r tw o organizationa l factors I have identified.

Special Purpose Groups Special purpos e group s ar e th e religiou s counterpar t o f interes t group s in American politics . Their numbe r ha s grown considerabl y over the past quarter centur y an d i s likely to continu e growing . Organize d aroun d th e particular aim s o f a like-minde d group o f people , thes e group s d o no t try t o unit e a heterogeneous bod y o f believer s in th e wa y churches do. Consequently, specia l purpose group s contribut e potentiall y to th e separation o f believer s into thos e championin g eithe r conservativ e causes or liberal causes. In th e past, they have played an important rol e in the work of the religiou s Right. 15 Newspaper storie s abou t specia l purpose group s ( a Christian Bikers ' Association fo r motorcycl e enthusiasts , fo r example ) sugges t tha t special purpose group s ar e continuin g t o flourish . Bu t on e o f th e distinctiv e characteristics o f thes e groups i s that the y come an d g o a s interests change. Compared wit h denomination s an d eve n loca l congregations , the y ar e inherently unstable . Th e religiou s Right , therefore , cannot coun t o n thes e groups for indefinit e support. Rather , energ y wil l have to be expended to star t ne w group s tha t reflec t changin g issue s an d interests , an d ol d groups wil l hav e to pas s out o f existence. Some questio n ha s als o arisen , give n th e polarizatio n o f America n religion int o conservativ e an d libera l factions , whethe r specia l purpos e groups migh t jus t a s well try t o bridg e thi s gap , rathe r tha n contribut e to it . They can , of course, try . But my own interview s an d informal conversations wit h leader s o f specia l purpos e group s sugges t a doubtfu l prognosis fo r these attempts . I n part , th e proble m i s ideological. T o pursue a n objectiv e zealously , on e ha s t o believ e zealously i n it s truth . A s the leade r of one group tol d me , when you know you'r e right , wh y shoul d you compromise ? O r a s another perso n state d i n a letter t o me , mixin g gasoline an d water isn' t goin g to get you where you need to go. In part , the proble m i s also strategic . Specia l purpose group s depen d o n havin g

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a clea r objective and a distinct constituency . A s the leade r of on e libera l group who m I challenge d t o us e les s divisiv e languag e tol d me , " I se e your point , bu t w e kno w wha t languag e ou r contributor s respon d to. " For thes e reasons , I doub t tha t th e effort s o f specia l purpos e groups , either o n th e righ t o r th e left , wil l b e muc h diminishe d b y ne w group s trying t o tak e more moderat e positions . Leadership Networks Networks amon g religiou s leaders are the othe r organizationa l facto r w e must understand . Th e origi n o f the New Christia n Righ t owed muc h t o preexisting networks of independent Baptist clergy who coul d b e presse d into servic e as state an d loca l chairmen of th e Mora l Majority . Denomi nationalism, i n thi s case , contribute d positively , rathe r tha n negatively , to th e movement' s initia l success. 16 These networks , I suspect , wil l b e increasingl y important i n th e fu ture. Nationa l campaign s have prove d enormousl y expensive in th e pas t and thes e costs will b e harder to cove r in the futur e i f religious television ceases t o b e as effective a revenue-generating mechanism. Nationa l cam paigns hav e als o prove d problemati c i n th e sens e o f producin g advers e publicity i n th e nationa l pres s an d resultin g i n relativel y fe w legislative or judicia l victories in Washington. Indeed , th e thrust o f many legislative bills an d cour t case s has bee n t o pres s actio n bac k on th e stat e an d loca l levels. An d thi s i s precisely where clerg y network s can b e a valuable instrument. Presbyterie s an d regiona l association s brin g member s o f th e clergy int o contac t wit h on e another . Throug h thes e contacts , the y can coordinate effort s eve n without a massive centralized organization i n th e nation's capital .

Sources o f Societa l Strain Thus far, I hav e concentrated largel y on factor s and condition s tha t ma y be though t o f a s potentia l resource s fo r th e religiou s Right . Bu t re sources make very little differenc e unles s there i s some crisi s or grievance against whic h t o deplo y them . W e nee d t o sa y more abou t ho w broa d characteristics o f America n religio n translat e int o actua l movemen t re sources. Bu t first , w e mus t conside r som e o f th e change s i n ou r societ y that hav e resulte d i n crises—o r a t leas t strains—capabl e o f generatin g responses fro m th e religiou s community . Fo r brevity' s sake , I wil l con centrate o n th e effect s o f educationa l expansion , th e welfar e state , an d upheavals i n domesti c politics .

The Growth in Higher Education Educational expansio n was , a s we know , extraordinaril y rapi d i n th e 1960 5 and 19705 . Increasin g number s o f student s wen t of f t o colleg e and , per -

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haps as much from the "going ofP' a s from the college s themselves, adopte d a mor e liberal , secular , an d privatize d religiou s orientation . A s recently as th e mid-1980s , havin g bee n t o colleg e wa s the mos t significan t social predictor o f whethe r on e wa s a religiou s libera l rather tha n a religiou s conservative.17 Some o f the fervo r o f the religiou s Right , fo r this reason , also registere d a kind o f socia l clas s dimension: th e educationall y disadvantaged struc k ou t a t th e pretension s o f th e educationall y advantaged, to put it in the crudes t terms . But educationa l expansio n ha s slowe d remarkabl y sinc e th e 19705 . Going awa y to colleg e no w put s youn g peopl e i n a les s turbulen t envi ronment tha n i t di d i n th e 1960 5 an d 19705 . Campu s culture s hav e be come mor e conservative , o r a t leas t more busines s oriented, resultin g in less rethinkin g o f basi c familial values . Furthermore, th e mov e int o highe r education amon g religiou s conservative s that wa s alread y eviden t i n th e 19705 ha s ha d importan t consequence s o f it s own . A t present , religiou s conservatives an d religiou s liberal s ar e scarcel y distinguishabl e a s fa r a s levels o f educational attainment ar e concerned. 18 What doe s al l thi s impl y fo r th e religiou s Right ? A s wit h som e o f the other developments I have mentioned, the probable consequences are mixed. Ove r th e lon g haul , highe r educatio n doe s see m t o hav e a liberalizing an d relativizm g effect , whic h may shif t man y o f th e Right' s po tential constituent s towar d a moderate , middle-of-the-road , live-and-let live orientation . I n th e shor t term , though , th e risin g educational level s of religiou s conservative s constitut e a ne t plu s fo r th e religiou s Right . Better-educated peopl e ar e more likel y to vote , hav e more mone y to give to cause s of thei r choice , ten d t o b e mor e active in communit y an d po litical organizations , rea d and kee p abreast of societal issues, and provide leadership skills. In th e shor t term , thei r educational parity with religious liberals is also not likel y to rende r them entirel y content wit h thei r social position. Religiou s conservative s are still more likel y to hav e come fro m educationally disadvantaged backgrounds , t o liv e in region s o f th e country wher e educationa l opportunitie s ar e les s available , t o hav e attende d less prestigiou s institution s an d majore d i n mor e technica l an d practical subjects. Fo r al l these reasons , the y ar e likely to fee l a t leas t some resentment towar d thos e wh o have been more privileged. 19 Resentment of course is no t th e onl y facto r i n th e mobilizatio n o f th e religiou s Right . Bu t i t surely ha s been one , an d wil l likel y continue t o be .

The Growth of the Welfare State The welfar e stat e gre w rapidl y during th e 1960 5 an d 1970 5 just as higher education did . I n taxation , regulation , cour t cases , defense, welfare pro vision, health, education , an d the formulatio n of public policy more generally, governmen t simpl y becam e a more intrusiv e elemen t i n everyday life.20 Consequently , group s wantin g t o achiev e some goa l increasingl y organized themselve s t o pres s governmen t wit h thei r demands . Group s

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opposing prevailin g tendencie s di d too . Th e religiou s Righ t wa s generally suspicious of bi g government an d its various social programs. Bu t t o oppose thi s politica l entity , th e religiou s Righ t ha d t o organiz e a s a political entit y itself . On th e surface , th e successe s o f th e Righ t (religiou s an d secular ) during th e 1980 5 can b e see n a s a curtailment o f th e bureaucrati c welfare state. Ronal d Reaga n cam e to offic e o n a n antigovernmen t ticket . Reg ulatory agencie s wer e dismantled , taxe s wer e reformed , an d fre e enter prise wa s extolled . Bu t fo r al l this , th e perio d witnesse d ver y littl e i n actual governmen t reduction . Ne w program s replace d olde r ones ; th e same wa s true o f taxes . Bi g government , i t seems , has becom e a way o f life. An d i t will continue t o b e in the future . The religiou s Right wil l probably continue t o pla y a game of insideroutsider wit h governmen t ( a topic tha t merit s consideration o n it s own). 21 And th e religiou s Righ t wil l probabl y b e mor e effectiv e i n mobilizin g support i f i t pose s a s an outside r tha n a s an insider . There is , afte r all , a broad traditio n o f skepticis m i n America n religio n towar d bi g govern ment. Bu t somethin g aki n t o th e religiou s Right—tha t is , as a religio/wliticcd organization—wil l probabl y als o continu e int o th e indefinit e fu ture. A politicized, government-dominate d societ y will , i n short, produc e a politicize d religion . Political Upheaval Upheaval i n domestic politic s i s not a phenomenon showin g linea r growth, like highe r educatio n an d th e bureaucrati c state. I t refer s instea d t o th e instability o r cyclica l dynamic i n America n politics . Leader s o f th e reli gious Right have been abl e to gai n headway in the pas t becaus e some o f their issue s an d som e o f thei r champion s ros e i n prominence . A t th e same time, this sor t o f dynamism i n American politics introduce s a great deal o f uncertaint y int o th e fortune s o f a movemen t lik e th e religiou s Right. On e ha s onl y t o mentio n th e differen t religiopolitica l style s o f Ronald Reaga n an d George Bush or New t Gingric h and Dan Quayle , t o see th e significanc e o f thi s uncertainty . Unexpecte d militar y crises, Su preme Cour t decisions , an d death s ad d to th e unpredictabilit y of American politics . My poin t her e i s only t o sugges t tha t th e religiou s Right cam e int o being partly in response t o upheavals produced b y events such as the civi l rights movemen t th e Vietna m war , and the 197 3 Supreme Court decisio n on abortion . Simila r upheaval s in the futur e coul d greatl y augmen t or greatly diminis h th e strengt h o f the religiou s Right .

Resources that Can B e Mobilized Having considere d som e aspect s of the broa d socia l environment, w e can now tur n mor e specificall y t o th e religiou s Righ t a s a movement . A s

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such, i t ha s bee n effectiv e onl y insofa r a s it ha s bee n abl e t o muste r th e resources necessar y t o respon d t o it s environment , an d t o respon d ac tively in a way that sometimes transform s this environment. Rathe r tha n viewing the religiou s Righ t a s a monolithic entity , therefore, we need t o focus o n eac h of it s specifi c resources , askin g how thi s componen t o f its overall apparatu s may far e i n th e year s ahead. A t th e ris k o f neglectin g some importan t components , let us focu s attentio n on severa l that may be especiall y subject t o th e vagarie s o f socia l change: peopl e wit h sympathetic orientations , grass-root s leaders , a nationall y visibl e elite , com munications media, tim e an d money, an d th e wielder s of power .

Sympathizers A broa d bas e o f peopl e wit h sympatheti c orientation s i s importan t t o any movement, eve n though onl y a small minority ever become activ e in the movement . Th e religiou s Righ t ha s depende d heavil y o n thi s bas e for financial contributions, letter s an d petitions, votes , an d symbolic support suc h a s tha t registere d i n opinio n polls . Althoug h relativel y small numbers eve r expressed outrigh t suppor t o f th e Mora l Majority , for example, a muc h large r proportio n o f th e publi c gav e li p servic e t o th e issues it supported, suc h as prolife policies , th e campaign against pornog raphy an d sexua l permissiveness , and stron g nationa l defense. 22 A t pres ent, thi s bas e o f suppor t seem s fairl y secure . Poll s sugges t a t leas t a s many peopl e identifyin g themselves a s religiou s conservative s a s i n th e past, i f no t more. 23 Studie s als o sugges t a stron g interes t i n profamil y issues, concer n abou t sexua l infidelity, an d a commitment t o traditiona l standards o f honest y an d integrity. Grass-roots Leaders Grass-roots leader s are , a s I hav e alread y suggeste d i n discussin g clerg y networks, plentifu l a s well. Despit e a genera l declin e i n vote r participa tion an d involvemen t i n partisa n activities , the America n publi c contin ues t o b e activel y engaged i n a wide variet y of volunteer efforts . Clerg y can pla y a n especiall y prominen t rol e a s grass-roots leaders . S o ca n lait y with specia l skills , suc h a s lawyers and busines s elites . Where som e peo ple ofte n misjudge d th e religiou s Righ t i n th e pas t wa s to thin k o f it as a gathering of misguided hillbillie s withou t th e savv y to accomplis h any thing.24 With risin g level s of education an d a n additiona l decad e o f po litical experience , i t abilit y to organiz e itsel f effectivel y a t the grass-root s level with b e even greater . Elites A nationally visibl e elite was created fo r th e religiou s Righ t aroun d such figures a s Jerr y Falwel l an d Pa t Robertson . Wit h Falwell' s retrea t fro m

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politics an d Robertson' s anemi c showin g i n th e 198 8 presidentia l campaign, seriou s question s nee d t o b e aske d abou t th e futur e o f thi s elite. Certainly individua l name s ca n b e pu t forwar d a s possible successor s t o the national leadership. These individuals may experience relatively shortlived careers in the publi c eye as well. What need s to b e asked, therefore, is no t wh o the y will be bu t fro m wha t categor y o f person s the y wil l be selected. Let m e venture tw o guesses . First , both th e histor y of th e religiou s Right itsel f and wha t we kno w fro m publi c opinion mor e broadl y sug gests tha t th e futur e figurehea d o f th e religiou s Righ t probabl y shoul d not com e fro m th e paris h clergy. Falwel l wa s alway s limite d b y th e de mands o f hi s ow n churc h an d b y th e vie w that h e was sectarian because of hi s Baptis t identity . I n thi s comparison , televisio n ministers such a s Billy Graham and Pat Robertso n hav e been able to reac h wider audience s by virtue of not manifestin g such a visible sectarian identity. But eve n in Robertson's case it proved difficul t t o bridg e th e gap between pulpi t and politics. On e can , fo r instance , thin k o f writers , counselors , lobbyists , and business people wh o migh t hav e greater success. 25 Second, i t prove d in bot h thes e case s a handica p fo r th e nationa l leadershi p t o spea k s o clearly throug h th e accent s of th e America n South . Th e stronges t con stituency of the religiou s Right may well be located in the southern Bible belt. An d ye t it s audience i s sufficiently divers e that a leader from Wash ington, D.C. , o r California , o r th e Midwes t wil l probabl y b e a bette r choice. Religious Television Communications medi a hav e bee n vastly important fo r th e religiou s Right . Direct-mail solicitation s using computerize d mailin g lists helped i t com e into bein g i n th e firs t place . Magazines, newsletters , an d radi o playe d a role too . Bu t i t wa s clearly religious televisio n tha t gav e th e movemen t its widest exposure. 26 People with doctrina l sympathie s watched and foun d support fo r thei r social, moral , an d politica l concerns a s well. But peopl e without thes e sympathie s als o watched, an d the y came away wit h a deeply negative impression. The very style was wrong for them. Fo r people use d to attendin g religiou s services , the hand-waving , shouting, angr y rheto ric, an d emotiona l displa y seemed quit e ordinary . Bu t fo r peopl e condi tioned t o watchin g Th e Tonight Show an d Family Ties, suc h broadcasts o f religious fervo r seemed, well, embarrassingly strange. This, togethe r wit h the fac t tha t secula r television , commentator s an d new s peopl e becam e the natura l interpreter s o f religiou s television , mad e i t a remarkabl y divisive forc e i n American religion. 27 Had th e religiou s Righ t no t enjoye d th e technologie s o f religiou s television, i t migh t neve r hav e becom e th e powerfu l movemen t i t did . But eventuall y th e tim e cam e t o pa y th e piper . Lik e a bubbl e o n Wal l Street tha t turne d peopl e int o instant millionaires but just as easily bank-

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rupted them , religiou s televisio n made an d nearl y unmad e th e religiou s Right in a few short years . Not onl y did i t strike an ax through th e cente r of America n religion , i t als o mad e th e religiou s Righ t itsel f fa r too vul nerable t o th e whim s o f a Jimm y Swaggar t o r Ji m an d Tamm y Fay e Bakker. I t als o pu t th e religiou s Righ t to o muc h i n th e hand s o f Jerr y Falwell an d Pa t Robertso n fo r it s (o r their ) own good . In th e future , therefore , w e migh t as k whether th e religiou s Righ t will b e bette r serve d b y optin g fo r quiete r media . Traditionally , th e churches hav e made a seriou s impac t o n America n culture b y preaching and teaching , by training childre n in basi c religiou s values, by sustaining people i n the religiou s community itself , an d b y augmenting these media with book s an d magazine s an d tract s an d persona l visitation . Doing thing s this wa y seem s slo w an d old-fashione d in a n ag e o f television . And yet , we als o kno w tha t televisio n evoke s quic k response s bu t transmit s littl e in th e wa y o f endurin g commitments . Perhap s Jerry Falwell, in turnin g his attentio n t o teachin g an d preaching , came agai n to tha t realization. Labor and Power Time an d mone y ar e th e mos t tangibl e resource s a movemen t lik e th e religious Righ t mus t mobiliz e t o b e effective . A s I alread y suggested , these ma y b e mor e plentifu l i n th e futur e tha n i n th e pas t becaus e o f religious conservative s movin g u p th e socia l ladde r educationall y an d professionally. The y ma y eve n increas e a s a resul t o f th e baby-boome r generation movin g int o retirement , althoug h thi s wil l obviousl y b e dampened i f a smalle r proportio n o f thi s generatio n hold s conservativ e religious views . The women' s movemen t wil l perhaps be th e majo r limiting facto r fo r th e religiou s Right . I n th e pas t i t ha s relie d heavil y o n women i n th e churche s fo r voluntar y labo r bot h i n th e churche s an d i n political activitie s organized b y the churches . In th e futur e fewe r wome n will b e fre e o f economi c responsibilitie s in the labo r forc e an d thu s fewer will b e availabl e fo r thes e voluntar y activities . It i s littl e wonder , then , that th e religiou s Righ t ha s ofte n adopte d issue s tha t ra n contrar y t o women's inclusio n i n th e labo r force . The wielder s o f power , finally , ar e (a s I hav e alread y indicated ) a very decisive factor in the fat e o f a movement suc h as the religiou s Right. We cannot emphasiz e too muc h the persona l role played by Ronald Rea gan i n embracin g religiou s broadcasters , givin g mora l suppor t t o th e conservative clergy , an d drawin g religiou s Righ t leader s into hi s administration. Reaga n wa s sincere i n thes e efforts , eve n i f a great dea l o f substance wa s no t accomplishe d a s a result . W e hea r a lo t fro m politica l analysts abou t the variation s in presidentia l styles . Perhap s a religiou s movement heade d b y televisio n preacher s wa s th e perfec t matc h fo r a president know n a s the "grea t communicator. " Bu t fo r other presidents , we ma y wel l imagin e tha t differen t style s will requir e a differen t sor t o f movement.

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Factors that Dampen Movements I have touched at several points previously on factors, such as a shrinking constituency, tha t may dampen th e fortunes of the religious Right i n the future. Declinin g institutiona l resource s i n America n religion, a preoc cupation wit h denominationa l squabbles , an d relativis m a s a resul t o f more people attendin g colleg e may sodden th e hopes of movement lead ers i n some general way. But ther e are also some things tha t movement s do themselves—which in retrospect ca n be seen as driving nails into thei r own coffins .

Winning One tha t w e might no t thin k of immediately is the problem of winning . Suppose th e religiou s Right achieve d all its goals. It would the n hav e no reason to exist . This prospect seem s remote. Bu t suppose abortion s were completely outlawe d an d praye r and Bibl e readin g were returne d t o th e schools a s mandated policy. What then? I rais e this prospec t partl y to sugges t tha t th e religiou s Righ t ma y well diminis h i n th e futur e becaus e i t ha s alread y achieved some o f it s purposes. Jerr y Falwel l coul d perhap s disband th e Mora l Majority in good faith b y assertin g tha t i t ha d succeede d i n placin g moral issue s o n th e public agend a in a serious way. But I als o want t o inser t a more cynical point b y raisin g thi s prospect . Mos t movements , I believe , neve r reall y hope t o accomplis h their state d objectives . Nobody wa s more surprise d than Leni n whe n th e Bolshevik s were swep t int o powe r i n 1917 . An d nobody woul d b e more surprise d than Jerry Falwel l if the Suprem e Cour t suddenly reverse d itsel f o n al l the issue s Mora l Majorit y ha d opposed . The religious Right, lik e other movements , has pursued some objectives , hoping t o achiev e others. Mayb e the Famil y Protection Act would neve r pass, but championin g it would a t least bring family issues to the public' s attention. Fo r th e future , th e religiou s Righ t wil l hav e t o pursu e th e same strategie s i f it hope s t o perpetuat e it s existence—always champio n specific policies , bu t kee p them jus t beyon d reach . Returnin g praye r t o the schoo l roo m migh t wel l be a good issue to pursue . Losing The onl y thin g tha t ma y be worse fo r a social movemen t tha n winnin g is losing . I n reality , losing ma y no t eve n b e a s ba d a s winning: fo r ex ample, Prohibitio n wa s probabl y wors e fo r th e temperanc e movemen t than it s repeal . Bu t suppos e a movemen t doe s lose . Wha t i f cas e afte r case goe s throug h th e court s onl y t o tel l the religiou s Righ t tha t i t was on th e wron g sid e afte r all ? We love winning enoug h tha t suc h a defeat would undoubtedl y ferre t ou t a lot o f the movement's fair-weather friends. It woul d not , however , signal the end of the movement .

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Were th e religiou s Righ t someho w t o lose , eithe r throug h actua l defeat o r through other issue s taking priorit y on th e publi c stage , I suspect it would no t s o much di e as retreat into quieter pastures. A differen t scenario i s certainly possible . Whe n th e studen t countercultur e bega n t o die i n th e earl y 19705 , it s dissolutio n wa s accompanie d b y a variet y o f offbeat, mor e radical , eve n violen t offshoots , suc h a s Synano n an d th e Symbionese Liberatio n Army . We might se e the religiou s Right dissolving int o radica l clusters of skin heads , neo-Nazis , an d self-appointe d destroyers o f adult bookstore s an d NC-iy-rate d movies . Bu t I doub t it . That specte r ha s bee n pu t fort h b y the press . But i t betray s only misunderstanding o f th e religiou s roots o f the movement . It s constituent s ar e largely law-abiding, white middle-class suburbanites whose jobs, let alone their religiou s upbringing , dete r the m fro m goin g mor e tha n te n mile s over th e spee d limit , neve r mind committin g a felony . The more likel y outcome, th e quieter pastures to which old religious Righters might retreat , i s the churc h itself. Lon g after th e repea l of Prohibition, temperanc e advocates quietl y sent in petitions from their churches. The rallie s an d saloo n smashin g ended ; th e petition s di d not . I n thi s sense, th e religiou s Righ t may have a long future indeed. New Issues Short o f suc h unlikely events a s total succes s or defeat , the religiou s Righ t may als o fin d itsel f weakene d i n th e futur e b y crosscuttin g issues . A s I have show n elsewhere , th e religiou s Righ t becam e a powerfu l forc e i n American religio n durin g th e 1980 5 partly becaus e th e issue s i t em braced—prolife, antipornography , antihomosexuality , oppositio n t o th e equal right s amendment , an d a fe w others—al l overlappe d neatl y with one another . Peopl e wh o supporte d on e plan k o f th e Right' s platfor m generally supporte d others a s well . Th e sam e ha d no t bee n tru e i n th e 19605. Then, religiou s people wer e active on bot h side s of the civi l rights movement an d o n bot h side s o f th e antiwa r movement . Bu t th e tw o issues cu t i n somewha t differen t way s religiously . People wh o agree d o n one issu e disagreed o n th e other. 28 The intrusio n o f some ne w issue on th e public agenda could weaken the religiou s Right in the sam e way. The prospect s of this happening are not a s great a s they were in the 1960 5 because the civi l rights issue at that time stil l brough t t o th e surfac e stron g regiona l difference s betwee n Nort h and South . Mos t issue s a t presen t woul d fal l alon g th e line s alread y in place. Th e religiou s Righ t mus t b e careful , however , fo r thes e line s are always somewhat fluid , a s the secula r Right ha s found t o it s dismay. Finally, th e religiou s Righ t alway s runs th e dange r o f bein g weak ened b y interna l disputes . Som e observer s of th e Pa t Robertso n candi dacy i n 198 8 believe d hi s chance s wer e limited b y th e fac t tha t Falwel l supporters tende d no t t o tur n themselve s energeticall y i n Robertson' s direction.29 Other division s will continue t o haun t the religiou s Right i n

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the future . Creeda l fundamentalist s wh o plac e heav y emphasi s o n th e rational aspect s o f th e Bibl e ar e ofte n skeptica l o f pentacostalist s wh o pride themselve s on emotion . Whit e fundamentalist s hav e faile d largel y to enlis t blac k fundamentalists i n thei r cause . Protestants an d Catholics , for al l thei r affinitie s o n issue s o f abortio n an d pornography , ar e stil l divided o n other grounds. Thi s i s not t o sa y that th e constituency o f the religious Righ t ma y not, indeed , b e a "moral majority." Bu t neither i s it the monolithi c specte r tha t libera l critics have often made i t out t o be .

A Cautious Forecas t In conclusion , then , le t me draw togethe r th e variou s arguments I hav e made, first , b y statin g agai n th e uncertaint y wit h whic h an y suc h fore casts ar e made, an d second , b y offering wha t seem s to m e t o b e a plausible scenari o fo r th e religiou s Righ t i n th e year s ahead . Thi s scenari o will, in my view, include a strong secto r o f the American population tha t remains firmly committed t o th e churche s and want s a society i n which moral value s ar e respected. I t wil l b e a constituency composed primaril y of white middle-clas s suburbanites, man y of whom ar e in the lowe r echelons o f th e middle-class , bu t a n increasin g numbe r o f who m wil l b e college-educated professionals . Most wil l have families an d b e devoted t o the virtue s o f th e nuclea r family . Som e wil l b e mobilize d b y fear—fea r that religio n i s being pushe d fro m the politica l arena , fea r tha t th e piou s are i n dange r o f disenfranchisement , fea r tha t th e trul y mora l ar e bein g marginalized b y the force s o f anarch y and socia l decay. But th e majorit y will participat e in politic s fro m a sense of entitlement , knowin g tha t re ligion ha s a rightful plac e in America n politic s a s long a s it i s willing t o play b y the rule s of democracy—" a righ t t o a stall," as Hodding Carte r has written, "t o man y stalls, i n the civi c marketplace."30 Their leadership will be centered in the local churches, but connecte d locally an d regionall y through clerg y network s an d alliance s among spe cial purpose groups . A t th e loca l level, they will work to kee p their school s strong, thei r communitie s clean , an d thei r politician s fro m swayin g to o far t o th e left . If thi s scenari o sounds muc h lik e the religiou s Righ t o f the present , it differ s i n th e characte r of it s organization a t th e nationa l level . I t wil l perhaps b e heade d b y a Christia n autho r o r administrato r withou t de nominational o r regiona l limitations . I t will , abov e all , b e mor e decen tralized an d les s visible to th e publi c at large. 31 Some of its branches will work a t lobbyin g i n th e nation' s capital . Other s wil l see k t o influenc e state legislature s an d municipa l councils . Stil l others wil l figh t lega l battles, bu t fe w of these cases will reach the Suprem e Court; if they do, the y will b e decided o n ground s tha t wil l not se t far-reaching national prece dents. I n othe r words , th e court s themselve s wil l encourag e a more decentralized styl e of politica l actio n i n th e futur e than i n the past . I n ad -

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dition—although thi s i s perhaps only wishful thinking—th e religious Righ t of the futur e wil l be less concerned wit h achievin g its ends through pol itics alon e an d more devote d t o th e ideal s of service, caring for the poo r and disadvantaged , promoting community, reconciliation , an d the transmission o f values through teachin g and training the young .

12 Religion an d Symbolic Politics

Individuals wit h dee p religiou s convictions—conservative s an d liberal s alike—will undoubtedly continu e to make their voices heard in the public arena. I n th e centur y to come , jus t a s in th e centur y now ending , fait h will promp t American s to b e concerned abou t th e directio n o f our soci ety. Bu t wha t shap e will thes e concern s take ? Ho w effectiv e wil l peopl e of fait h b e i n expressing their concerns? We ca n addres s these question s bette r i n th e year s ahea d i f we tak e stock o f ourselve s now . Recen t decade s hav e produced a myriad o f at tempts b y religiou s group s t o influenc e publi c affairs . Fro m th e effort s of clergy in the 1960 5 t o advanc e the caus e of civi l rights t o th e protest s organized b y religious groups i n the 1980 5 against abortion, th e las t par t of the twentiet h centur y has given u s ample opportunity t o conside r th e ways i n whic h religious conviction s ca n mak e a differenc e i n publi c life. I would lik e here to conside r wha t can be learned from th e experience of one prominen t exampl e of these efforts. 1 When th e Reveren d Jerry Falwell announced i n 1989 that h e planned to devot e th e nex t decad e o f hi s lif e t o th e furtherin g of Thomas Roa d Baptist Churc h an d Libert y University , the movemen t know n a s Moral Majority tha t h e ha d initiate d a decade earlie r cam e to a formal conclu sion. It s wor k was by no mean s over. Many of its leaders hoped to con tinue their effort s o n it s behalf in other ways. But the formal dismantlin g of Mora l Majorit y di d mar k a significan t turning point . I t brough t a n important chapte r i n th e effort s o f conservativ e Christian s t o influenc e American politic s t o a close. 168

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We ca n no w vie w tha t chapte r fro m th e vantag e poin t o f history , asking th e reflectiv e question s tha t ca n onl y b e raise d by considerin g i t an episod e o f the past . Fro m thi s perspectiv e i t become s possibl e to ask , as I hav e don e i n th e precedin g chapter , whethe r th e condition s tha t brought th e so-calle d Ne w Christia n Righ t int o bein g ar e likely t o per petuate i t i n th e foreseeabl e future . Bu t her e I wan t t o reflec t o n th e religious Righ t fro m a broader perspective , viewing it not s o much fro m the vantag e poin t o f a navigato r tryin g t o char t a cours e throug h th e unknown water s of a river flowing into th e future , bu t throug h th e eyes of a surveyo r tryin g t o ma p th e wide r contour s o f th e valle y throug h which th e rive r flows . I a m intereste d i n wha t w e ca n lear n fro m th e religious Righ t abou t th e way s in which religiou s convictions can—and cannot—be brough t t o bea r on th e politica l process. Put a differen t way , the question s I a m raisin g in thi s chapte r are: What worke d fo r th e religiou s Right ? What di d no t wor k fo r it ? Som e of th e thing s i t trie d t o accomplis h succeede d marvelousl y well . Other s failed miserably . Why? I am not, however , proposing t o surve y its record of accomplishment s i n term s o f specifi c bill s passed , vote s turne d out , candidates elected , o r cour t case s won. Suc h matter s hav e produce d a small librar y o f scholarl y investigation s already. 2 An d thes e investigations, whil e enormousl y intriguing , demonstrat e on e conclusio n wit h clarity: w e often canno t sa y whether th e religiou s Righ t wa s effective o r not. Fo r eve n when ther e wa s apparen t success , the outcom e wa s ofte n more a result o f large r societal processe s tha n o f the movement' s effort s itself. My interes t i n askin g wha t worke d an d wha t di d not , therefore , is to us e thi s questio n a s a devic e for considerin g th e broade r norm s tha t govern religion' s involvemen t i n th e publi c sphere. Fo r example , what tactics do religiou s group s fee l compelle d t o us e in order t o b e perceived as playing b y the rules ? I n an y specific case , these tactics may succeed or fail i n producing the desire d outcome. Bu t the fac t tha t the y ar e used in the first place tells us something importan t abou t ho w we think the game should b e played. I believe this is an important matter to address because some of these rules ar e wel l establishe d i n ou r cultura l heritag e an d other s ar e ver y much i n flux. As a n exampl e of th e former , we hav e time-honored con stitutional provision s regulatin g th e relation s o f churc h an d state . W e also have a more informal , but deeply rooted, tradition o f distrust towar d the power s o f centra l government . Bu t ho w thes e tradition s ar e inter preted i s continuously i n change. I n recen t years, the growt h o f governmental function s ha s altere d som e o f our understandings . S o have changes in th e marketplace . An d o f cours e ne w technologies , especiall y in mass communication, hav e contributed t o uncertaintie s abou t th e rule s of political engagement a s well. The religiou s Righ t provide s a n exceptionally good case for examining thes e changin g rule s of the game . Naturall y it illuminate s somewhat

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different realitie s tha n woul d be the cas e from lookin g at, say , the civi l rights movemen t o r th e way s i n whic h ne w religion s hav e confronte d public policy. Bu t th e religiou s Right i s a particularly instructive case for considering ho w believer s wit h fir m conviction s i n th e divin e trut h o f their caus e confront th e pluralis m inheren t i n America n publi c life . Th e religious Righ t underwen t change s tha t ar e themselve s valuable lessons in th e pragmati c norm s o f publi c policy. I t als o provides a helpfu l cas e for considerin g ho w moralit y function s in th e publi c arena. Above all , i t represents a movement tha t wa s remarkably adept i n th e us e of symbol ism fo r politica l purposes .

Politics an d th e Publi c Spher e Thus fa r I hav e used term s such a s politics, political process, publi c policy, publi c arena, an d publi c life interchangeably . Befor e proceedin g fur ther, we must distinguis h mor e clearl y among th e meanings of these various words . W e mus t d o s o becaus e ho w w e vie w religio n influencing our societ y depend s greatl y on whic h of these we have in mind . Terminology Politics refer s t o al l the formall y organize d o r institutionalize d way s i n which a society govern s itself . I n th e Unite d State s i t subsume s a n enor mously complex variety of entities, includin g not onl y the thre e branche s of th e federa l governmen t bu t als o th e comparabl e way s i n whic h gov ernment i s organized a t th e state , county , an d municipa l levels . Politica l parties mus t o f cours e b e include d a s well . I n attemptin g t o influenc e politics o r th e politica l process , therefore , religiou s groups generall y fo cus o n suc h activitie s a s runnin g o r supportin g candidate s i n electora l campaigns an d lobbying o r i n other way s communicating wit h thei r electe d and appointe d officials . Public polic y can b e define d a s the outcom e o f th e politica l proces s with respec t to specifi c substantiv e issues. National defense, the provisio n of publi c safety , variou s infrastructur e items suc h a s transportation an d communications, protectio n o f th e environment , an d numerou s entitle ment program s compos e muc h o f wha t w e conside r publi c policy. Poli tics i s generall y regarde d a s th e mean s o f implementin g policy , rathe r than a n en d i n itself , eve n thoug h thes e means , onc e instituted , ofte n influence th e kind s of policie s that ar e likely to b e initiated. What politi cal scientist s cal l "administrativ e capacity " i s regarded increasingl y as a n important facto r in shapin g publi c policy. Fo r instance , th e implementa tion o f social insuranc e an d welfar e program s earl y in this centur y varie d greatly fro m on e advance d industria l societ y t o anothe r largel y becaus e of the variou s states' preexistin g capacity to administe r suc h programs . Terms suc h a s "public arena, " "publi c life, " o r "publi c sphere " refe r to somethin g broade r tha n eithe r politic s o r publi c policy, namely , th e


1

ongoing discours e tha t take s place in an y society abou t it s collective values.3 Ho w a society view s war, life , learning , ethics, an d progres s ar e all likely t o b e par t o f it s publi c sphere, but onl y som e o f thes e value s may be expressed i n specifi c publi c policies. The importan t distinctio n her e is between "public " and "private," no t i n the sens e of government-operate d versus a for-profh operation , bu t a s the value s concerning people collectively an d corporatel y versu s thos e value s deemed t o b e locate d withi n the individual' s persona l lif e an d therefor e subject only to individua l choice, taste, o r discretion .

New Right Objectives In drawin g thes e distinction s i t shoul d alread y be evident tha t the y hel p considerably in sorting out th e various ways in which the religious Right has trie d t o influenc e the societ y i n recen t decades , a s well a s th e concerns tha t hav e been expresse d abou t thes e efforts . Althoug h som e con cern ha s been voice d abou t th e religiou s Righ t tryin g t o obtai n politica l power fo r it s ow n sake , fo r example , it i s abundantly clea r tha t th e reli gious Righ t ha s bee n muc h mor e intereste d i n usin g politic s t o imple ment publi c policy tha n vic e versa . Some politica l clou t a s such ha s perhaps bee n gaine d b y virtue o f th e religiou s Right' s effort s t o enlis t an d mobilize evangelica l voters , an d some administrativ e capacity has perhaps been achieve d tha t wil l transcen d specifi c issues , i f federa l cour t nomi nees, executiv e branc h office s fo r religiou s an d mora l affairs , an d grass roots politica l part y machiner y can b e take n a s examples. 4 Bu t mos t o f the religiou s Right' s energie s wer e directe d towar d specifi c issues , thereb y leaving i t wit h littl e i n th e wa y o f forma l politica l structur e tha t ma y endure beyon d thes e issues . The suddennes s with whic h Moral Majorit y was disbanded an d the spee d wit h whic h Pat Robertson' s stat e and local machinery evaporate d afte r hi s faile d ques t fo r th e presidenc y i n 198 8 attest t o thi s possibility . A t thi s point , th e publi c affair s offic e o f th e National Associatio n o f Evangelicals, which preceded th e religiou s Righ t and encompasse d a wide r rang e o f issues , seem s t o b e amon g th e fe w enduring agencie s representin g th e interest s o f religious conservative s in the nation' s capital . B y comparison, religiou s liberal s have been abl e t o maintain a t leas t a more endurin g presenc e through th e lobbyin g effort s of their variou s denominations . The distinctio n betwee n publi c policy and th e wider publi c sphere is also helpfu l fo r understandin g th e religiou s Righ t becaus e muc h o f it s energy wa s directed towar d specifi c polic y initiatives and ye t it s successes in these area s were more limite d than i n affecting th e public agenda mor e broadly. Indeed , i t ca n b e see n i n retrospec t tha t a significant source o f conflict withi n th e religiou s Righ t wa s precisel y the questio n o f whic h was th e mor e importan t approac h t o take . Leader s wit h experienc e i n secular politic s generall y too k th e positio n o f focusin g o n specifi c poli cies, whil e th e religiou s leadershi p was ofte n mor e incline d t o tak e th e

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broader approach . A s a result , accusation s betwee n th e tw o hav e often been bitter , especiall y a s bot h side s attempte d t o determin e wh y th e movement did no t accomplis h more . A s political operative Paul Weyrich observed a t a conferenc e o n th e subject , " I wa s no t intereste d i n jus t putting thing s o n th e agenda , I wanted t o win." 5 In his view, the movement faile d miserabl y because he an d other s fro m the secula r arena were never abl e to teac h th e preacher s involved how t o ge t fro m poin t A t o point B. Reinforcing a Public Agenda Criticisms Whether Weyrich' s diagnosis i s correct, o r whethe r th e movemen t faile d for othe r reasons , i t doe s see m fai r t o sa y that th e ke y outcome o f th e religious Righ t wa s not s o much passing specifi c bill s or winning specifi c court cases as influencing the publi c agenda. Certainly i t did no t succee d during th e decad e o f it s most concerte d effort s i n obtaining a legislative or judicia l ban o n abortions , no r wa s it successfu l i n winning passag e of the Famil y Protectio n Act , an d b y th e en d o f th e 1980 5 th e America n Civil Libertie s Unio n wa s engaged mor e activel y in litigation agains t positions favored by the religiou s Right tha n i t had bee n a t the start of th e decade an d wa s still winning a disproportionate shar e of these cases . Political scientist Kennet h Wald, who ha s followed the religious Right closely , said o f i t a few years ago , "Fo r th e mos t part , th e recor d ha s bee n on e of failure." 6 Rober t Boot h Fowler, als o a political scientist who has written extensivel y on th e movement , cam e to the sam e conclusion i n a more recent statement : Has ther e bee n an y significan t advancemen t o n th e nationa l or , indeed , o n many stat e level s o f the central [Ne w Christia n Right ] agenda! No. Ha s th e family bee n strengthene d th e wa y th e NC R envisioned? Ha s praye r entere d the publi c schools , th e movemen t toward ga y rights bee n turne d back , por nography bee n seriousl y attacked , o r th e Constitutio n amende d regardin g abortions? W e kno w th e answe r i s als o no . Eve n o n abortion , wher e th e record i s best, the NC R is reduced t o th e ol d an d once contemptible (i n thei r eyes) strateg y o f dependin g o n th e Suprem e Cour t t o d o thei r wor k fo r them a s public opinio n slowl y turn s more an d more pro-choice. 7

The variou s explanations that have been give n for the religiou s Right' s failure focu s som e o f th e blam e o n factor s interna l t o th e movemen t itself, bu t i n genera l sugges t a dismal outloo k fo r an y conservative reli gious group s tryin g to shap e public policy i n the Unite d States . Havin g remained aloo f fro m the grubb y worl d o f politic s fo r mos t o f the twen tieth century , conservativ e religionist s hav e relativel y littl e experienc e t o draw o n whe n i t come s t o publi c policy . Th e ver y fervo r fro m whic h their convictions deriv e renders the m subjec t to accusation s of fanaticism


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and sectarianism . The y ar e often internall y divided b y these sam e sectarian tradition s an d fac e stron g oppositio n fro m th e agencie s o f libera l policy, includin g spokesperson s fro m th e mas s media , universities , an d the politica l establishmen t itself . Accomplishments And ye t the religiou s Righ t di d succee d i n placing a number o f its issues squarely o n th e publi c agenda , a fea t worth y o f not e i n itself , Weyric h notwithstanding.8 I f i t faile d t o pas s specific legislation , i t a t leas t made the publi c more consciou s o f a wide rang e o f religious, moral , an d social issues. Abortio n ma y not hav e bee n outlawed , bu t eve n libera l religious leaders have come to deplor e the immoralit y of abortion a t the same time that the y oppose governmen t interventio n a s the means t o deal with thi s immorality. Praye r has not bee n reintroduce d t o th e publi c schools, bu t it i s prevalent i n other area s of public life, an d textboo k companie s make efforts t o includ e statement s abou t creationis m i n science books an d abou t religion i n history texts . Eve n th e mas s medi a hav e become sensitiv e t o concerns of th e religiou s Right . A t a special briefin g hel d a t NB C headquarters i n Ne w Yor k in 1981 , I wa s told tha t th e network s wer e unim pressed wit h th e fundamentalists ' efforts t o clea n up television . A decade later, muc h o f th e blatan t sexua l innuendo t o whic h th e religiou s Righ t had objected was gone from network programming , an d prime-time television seeme d t o b e a platfor m fo r warning s agains t drugs, alcoholism , pornography, AIDS , an d sexua l permissiveness. The religiou s Righ t canno t tak e complet e credi t fo r thes e changes , anymore tha n i t shoul d bea r the entir e blam e fo r it s failures . Th e 1980 5 was one o f those periods , whic h historians tel l us come abou t ever y twenty years, whe n th e publi c moo d shifte d decidedl y t o th e right , afte r th e liberalism o f th e 1960 5 an d 19705 . Th e baby-boome r generation tha t ha d found sexua l experimentation t o it s liking in the 1970 5 grew up, go t married, had children, and decided tha t sexua l fidelity was now i n its interest. AIDS ushere d in—almos t overnight— a ne w Victorianis m tha t blende d well wit h th e mora l view s o f conservativ e Christians . Ronal d Reagan , assisted onl y marginall y b y the religiou s Right , brough t a new spiri t o f governmental conservatis m to th e Whit e House an d at least gave lip service to th e claims of the evangelical Right. I t i s more accurate , therefore, to sa y that th e religiou s Righ t reinforce d a certain publi c agenda, rathe r than creatin g it , bu t i t is also appropriate to recogniz e tha t i t did pla y an active rol e in this process . If ther e i s a lesso n t o b e learne d fro m th e 1980 5 fo r th e futur e o f religious politics , then, i t is that symboli c politics shoul d no t b e ignored . This i s th e kin d o f activit y i n whic h religiou s group s ma y b e abl e t o engage mos t successfully ; indeed, i t ma y b e mos t compatibl e wit h th e needs an d interest s o f thos e group s themselves. 9 Fo r religio n i s funda mentally about values, not abou t settlin g matter s of public policy. We do

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not wan t ou r polic y maker s t o b e devoi d o f valu e considerations , bu t neither do we want our seminarie s and churches to becom e halls of public administration . Whe n professiona l expertis e i s th e nor m fo r gettin g things done , i t make s no sens e t o expec t th e loca l pasto r t o figur e ou t where t o rout e a ne w highwa y o r com e u p wit h solution s t o th e deb t crisis i n Lati n America . Bu t i n a democracy, religiou s leader s can make an enormous impac t by keeping the specialists and the publi c alike aware of th e mora l an d spiritua l dimension s o f thes e issues . T o thi s end , w e can als o lear n from th e religiou s Righ t b y considering some o f th e spe cific way s i n which it trie d t o shap e the publi c agenda.

Insiders an d Outsider s One of the more interestin g dimensions o f the symbolic politics in which the religious Righ t engage d wa s the way in which images of insiders and outsiders wer e drawn . Religio n ha s often playe d a critical role in demo cratic societies b y bringing outsider s int o the politica l arena. One thinks , for example , of E. P. Thompson's argument about Methodism doin g thi s for th e Britis h workin g clas s i n th e nineteent h century , o r i n ou r ow n society o f the wa y in which the Catholi c churc h gave immigrant group s a voic e i n publi c affair s i n man y o f th e industria l citie s o f th e North east.10 The proces s alway s begins wit h som e segmen t o f the populatio n who have been excluded from th e public arena by virtue of their religiou s identity an d som e combinatio n o f ethnicity , region , an d socia l class . Their common religiou s bond help s create unity across the ful l spectru m of this societal segment , an d through it s organizations and leaders, gives them a way t o becom e legitimat e member s o f th e wide r society . A s Will Her berg observed i n his book Protestant-Catholic-few, ethni c immigrant s in the Unite d State s foun d tha t throug h thei r identificatio n with on e o f these thre e religiou s communities , the y could mor e full y thin k o f themselves a s Americans as well. 11 Bu t i n doin g this , peopl e o f fait h hav e t o be skillfu l i n manipulating the boundar y betwee n insiders and outsiders. They wan t to b e insiders, and ye t they may actually be more effectiv e b y posing as outsiders. Antielitism The reaso n thi s sor t o f posturing—th e symbolis m o f inside r an d out sider—may be as important a s the actua l social locatio n of an y particular group is that Americans have a long tradition o f respect for the commo n person wh o i s a victim of oppression, o r disadvantaged in some way, and a stron g heritage o f disdai n fo r th e privilege d elite, especially when thi s elite i s synonymou s wit h government . American s pride themselve s o n helping th e down-and-out , o r a t leas t argu e tha t democrati c principles should favo r th e right s o f minorities ; the y worry abou t totalitarianism , centralized power , an d the monolithi c authorit y symbolize d by large bu-

Refyion an d Symbolic Politics 17

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reaucracies. Indeed , ther e i s surprisin g convergenc e o n thes e view s be tween political liberal s an d political conservatives . For liberals , the right s of minoritie s ar e mor e sacre d than th e fea r o f bureaucracy ; for conser vatives, anxietie s about centralize d contro l ar e stronger tha n th e concer n for minorities . Bu t bot h outlook s favo r th e sam e result : i t i s advantageous t o pos e a s an embattled minorit y an d to deplor e th e overweenin g power o f government—even when on e happens t o b e part o f that estab lished power . Thus, i t was not onl y th e antiestablishmen t liberal s of th e 1970s countercultur e wh o calle d fo r a retur n o f powe r t o th e people ; i t was conservativ e Republica n presiden t Ronal d Reaga n i n th e 1980 5 a s well.

The Politics ofExdwion The religiou s Righ t wa s most effectiv e posin g a s outsiders tryin g to be come insiders . Being conservatives, its leaders did no t adop t th e rhetori c of an excluded minority (quit e the contrary : the y chose th e ter m "Moral Majority"), bu t the y identified their constituents i n populist language as the people , th e goo d citizens , th e heartbea t o f Americ a wh o ha d bee n pushed asid e b y a minorit y o f intellectual s an d bureaucrats . They use d the symbol s of political power—th e flag, the Libert y Bell , the Capitol — to sho w tha t the y wanted t o b e heard in the publi c arena. But they also cultivated th e imag e o f th e outsider : holdin g rallie s on th e steps o f stat e houses, pushin g t o th e forefron t leader s who wer e ministers rather tha n politicians, speakin g i n th e accent s o f th e rura l South , launchin g thei r own organization s an d newspapers , an d advocatin g legislatio n tha t ha d no hope of passing. Even their ties with Ronald Reaga n did not diminis h this image, since he too pose d a s the Washingto n outsider . The religiou s Righ t bega n t o falte r whe n i t became uncertain abou t its outside r image . Wit h it s politica l operative s wanting t o win , rathe r than b e voice s crying in the wilderness , some o f its leader s became part of the Washingto n establishmen t an d others bega n assimilatin g into th e machinery o f th e Republica n party a t th e stat e an d loca l levels. Increasingly, on e factio n of th e movemen t wa s pulled towar d th e realpolitick o f the moderat e Republica n center, while another factio n remaine d furthe r to the right , steadfastly arguin g for the purity of its moral principles. The gap separatin g these two faction s was clearly in evidence by the tim e th e Moral Majorit y disbande d i n 1989 . An d whe n leader s o f th e religiou s Right succeede d i n securin g a meetin g wit h Presiden t Georg e Bus h in November 1990 , th e outside r factio n (whic h perhap s paradoxicall y included Rober t Dugga n o f the Nationa l Associatio n o f Evangelical s and Richard Lan d o f the Christia n Lif e Commissio n o f the Souther n Baptis t Convention) wante d t o convinc e th e Presiden t tha t hi s administratio n was morall y bankrupt , whil e the Whit e Hous e wante d t o includ e representatives o f th e inside r factio n (notably , Jerry Falwell) t o sho w tha t i t already ha d the support of conservative religionists.

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The lesso n i n al l this fo r th e futur e o f religiou s politic s i s probably tha t religious group s wil l have more succes s in speakin g to th e publi c sphere as outsiders tha n a s insiders or a s groups wit h a mixed or divide d image . The reaso n i s the populis t antigovernmen t sentiment to whic h I referre d earlier. Ther e i s also a healthy suspicion i n ou r societ y o f preacher s be coming to o closel y involve d wit h politics . Nobod y disagrees , fo r ex ample, when preacher s deplore th e horrors o f war, but the y do not wan t preachers decidin g whethe r on e weapo n syste m o r militar y skirmis h i s better tha n another . Operationally , thi s i s the tru e meanin g w e hav e com e to associat e wit h separatio n o f churc h an d state . W e d o no t min d th e church's values being voiced in the politica l arena. We do min d religiou s specialists tryin g t o b e politicians—much i n th e sam e way we would min d them bein g surgeon s o r engineers. If I a m correct , thi s argumen t als o bode s wel l fo r th e continuin g influence o f religio n i n ou r society . Eve n thoug h th e vas t majorit y o f Americans clai m to believ e in God an d belon g t o som e religiou s organi zation, nearly all religious bodie s hav e been able to presen t themselve s as outsiders.12 Catholic s an d Jews have long done this in relation to th e socalled Protestant establishment . Black s hav e done th e sam e thing relative to whites . Evangelical s an d fundamentalist s continue t o portra y them selves, i n reality , a s a mora l minority. 13 An d increasingly , the member ship decline s suffere d b y th e mainlin e denomination s hav e encourage d their leader s to pos e a s an embattled remnan t a s well.14 All these group s have th e organizationa l mean s t o mak e thei r voice s hear d i n th e publi c arena an d ca n legitimatel y pose a s outsiders t o th e dominan t secularis m of governmental an d busines s institutions. Bu t the y must remembe r tha t being a n outsider i s as much image as it is reality. People admir e Mothe r Teresa becaus e she i s an outside r t o th e materialis m of Western culture . They admire d Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , becaus e he represente d a n em battled minority . The y ma y admir e a ghetto pries t who live s i n povert y to hel p the poo r or , i n a curious way , even a radio preache r who warn s in broke n Englis h tha t th e Da y o f Judgmen t i s at hand. Bu t peopl e will not admire , no r fundamentall y respect, th e prophet s who hol d pulpit s in luxurious suburba n churches, enlist Madiso n Avenu e to rais e donations, and si t i n the meetin g rooms o f government agencie s and large corporations.

The Politic s of Morality If bein g outsider s i s th e wa y t o b e heard , ther e i s still th e questio n o f what ca n be said. Her e agai n the religiou s Righ t provide s a lesson wit h broader implication s for the future . Moralit y proved t o b e the most pow erful rhetorica l weapo n o f th e religiou s Right . Th e movemen t no t onl y brought moralit y bac k into th e nationa l discourse , bu t experience d con -


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siderable succes s i n gettin g th e medi a t o censo r themselves , i n bringin g values an d religio n bac k into the classroom , an d encouragin g discussio n of th e importanc e o f th e family . It s detractor s wer e correc t i n pointin g out tha t thes e wer e only som e of the mora l issue s that migh t hav e been targeted. Fo r example , precious littl e was said by the religiou s Righ t abou t the immoralit y o f povert y an d racia l injustic e o r th e immoralit y o f nu clear weapons . Bu t th e ver y fac t tha t othe r group s bega n talkin g abou t these issue s using th e languag e of moralit y wa s testimony t o th e powe r of this rhetoric . Morality versus Politics Of course "morality" can be a flabby, overused word that means nothing. It doe s little , fo r example , to sa y that a war i s moral i f there i s no frame work i n th e wide r publi c fo r understandin g wha t thi s means , an d th e same is true whe n a peace activist says wa r i s immoral. Religiou s group s need to pla y a continuing rol e in informing the public about these meanings. Bu t ther e i s at least strong reaso n to believ e that framin g questions as moral issue s i s a good place to start . One reaso n is that moralit y bespeak s a different kin d of commitmen t than politics , o r relate d term s suc h as justice or equality . In Habits of the Heart, Bella h an d hi s associate s foun d dee p skepticis m in th e America n public toward the languag e of politics because it so often conjure d up an image o f self-interest. 15 Th e peopl e the y interviewe d felt tha t individuals and group s participate d i n politic s chiefly t o feathe r thei r own nests . T o call something a political issue was thus to sugges t that people were fighting over i t t o gai n powe r fo r themselve s or fo r economi c reasons . I n m y study o f compassio n an d individualis m i n th e Unite d States , I foun d much th e sam e objection t o th e concep t o f social justice. 16 Eve n peopl e who wer e deeply involved in caring activities felt uncomfortabl e with this concept: i t was a legal or economi c ter m i n their minds , somethin g tha t only expert s coul d understand , an d i t wa s no t a motivating concept be cause the y wer e al l too awar e that thing s i n rea l lif e ar e seldo m jus t o r equitable. Morality versus Religion In muc h th e sam e way, morality als o connotes somethin g differen t fro m religion. Critic s o f the religiou s Righ t wer e quick to sugges t tha t i t was not reall y concerne d wit h moralit y bu t wit h religiou s dogma . Fearin g that i t was compromising separatio n of church and state, they charged it was attemptin g t o brin g sectarian view s into th e publi c arena. By implication, thes e view s were matter s o f persona l choice—indeed , chose n b y the relativ e few—an d therefor e shoul d no t b e impose d o n anyon e else. But th e religiou s Righ t wa s largel y successful i n divertin g thes e accusations b y keepin g th e focu s o n morality . Moral issue s were those o n whic h

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people o f man y differen t faith s coul d agree . The y migh t hav e been par t of religiou s tradition s in th e past , bu t coul d b e understood an d appreciated eve n by people wh o ha d abandone d thos e traditions . To b e sure, there ar e many different view s in American culture abou t what moralit y i s an d t o wha t i t applies . Bu t i t i s a n appealin g concep t because i t indicate s that thing s ar e righ t or wrong , an d i n a society tha t has largel y retreated into th e saf e haven s of empiricism and ethical knownothingism, ther e i s a dee p thirs t fo r suc h mora l tutelage . W e admir e people wh o ar e willing to tak e a mora l stand , eve n i f we disagre e wit h them. Moreover , moralit y ha s com e t o b e personalize d i n suc h a wa y that i t provide s suc h guidanc e largel y without raisin g question s abou t absolute righ t an d wrong. I n othe r words , morality tells individuals ho w to lea d thei r lives , o r ho w t o thin k abou t question s o f righ t an d wrong, unlike socia l an d politica l theories tha t tr y t o tel l u s what th e whol e so ciety shoul d b e doing. W e thu s demonstrat e a desire to lea d moral lives , but w e are unwilling to sa y that everyone' s notio n o f morality shoul d b e same. The religiou s Righ t cam e int o bein g i n the aftermat h of the Water gate scandal whe n moralit y wa s beginning to b e a matter of public con cern. I t rod e th e cres t o f thi s concer n throug h th e 1980 5 a s one ethica l scandal afte r anothe r hi t th e busines s community , an d th e natio n cam e increasingly t o worr y abou t th e immoralit y o f sex , pornography, drugs , and a younger generatio n seemingl y being raise d to thin k about nothin g else bu t roc k musi c an d television . The publi c did objec t t o a religiou s Right leade r such a s Jerry Falwel l tellin g the m tha t hi s moralit y shoul d be their s a s well, an d the y revele d i n th e spectacl e o f hi s peers , Jimm y Swaggart an d Ji m an d Tammy Bakker , admittin g t o immoralit y i n thei r own lives . The publi c did no t objec t t o th e religiou s Righ t emphasizin g moral issues , though, an d i t was not uncommo n t o hea r libera l critics of Jerry Falwel l admittin g quietl y that the y respecte d hi m fo r speaking out , especially a s his stridenc y becam e modifie d b y a greater respec t fo r cul tural pluralis m and civi l liberties . Religious group s attemptin g t o influenc e th e publi c arena i n future generations wil l increasingl y face th e questio n o f wh y their mora l claim s are any better tha n anyon e else's, especiall y when absolutes are no longe r taken seriously . They wil l hav e t o struggl e wit h question s o f relativism, of making moralit y s o personal tha t i t carries no authorit y fo r the wide r society, an d wit h findin g alternativ e bases , suc h a s pragmatism o r arbi trary historical precedent, t o legitimat e their moral claims. But we can be sure tha t moralit y wil l continu e t o b e an issue of vital importance t o th e public mind .

The Power of the Hol y The religiou s Right' s abilit y t o wag e eve n symboli c warfar e was , a s I have suggested, contingen t o n large r development s i n the society . I t di d


9

not simpl y advanc e its various cause s as moral issue s because it suddenl y decided t o d o so . The tim e wa s ripe, fo r a variety of reasons : th e wide r swing towar d socia l an d politica l conservatis m i n th e lat e 1970 5 an d 19805 , the leadershi p vacuu m i n moderat e an d libera l evangelica l circle s tha t provided a n opportunit y fo r ultraconservativ e activist s to emerge , an d even th e adven t o f religiou s televisio n programmin g an d broadcas t capabilities. I n tryin g t o lear n from th e religiou s Right, therefore, we must also pa y some attentio n t o thes e institutiona l an d cultural factors, askin g whether condition s wil l agai n i n th e futur e mak e th e tim e rip e fo r reli gious group s to moun t a concerted effor t t o influenc e publi c policy. Taking a somewhat longe r vie w of American history would sugges t that religiou s group s hav e been abl e to penetrat e the publi c arena under the mos t divers e socia l circumstances . Th e abolitionis t movement , th e Social Gospel movement , Prohibition , th e civi l rights movement, an d th e religious Righ t coul d hardl y hav e develope d unde r mor e divers e condi tions politically , economically , an d culturally . Th e rol e o f thes e wide r factors wa s mor e t o channe l religiou s energie s tha n t o imped e o r pro mote them . Th e issues , whethe r slaver y or alcoholism , wer e create d b y broader societa l forces ; th e religiou s respons e wa s t o hel p sharpe n an d define thes e issues . The energ y cam e fro m withi n th e religiou s commu nity itself , drawin g bot h o n it s organizationa l resource s an d it s cultural heritage.17 The organizationa l resource s that contribute d t o th e ris e o f th e reli gious Righ t include d a nationa l networ k o f clergy , a mean s of commu nicating with a wide segmen t o f the laity , and ample facilities. Th e clerg y network provide d leadershi p and a means of coordinating activities both within an d acros s denominations . Th e civi l right s movemen t depende d on suc h a network jus t as much a s the religiou s Right did . Communica tion wit h th e lait y flowe d largel y fro m centra l location s throug h tele vision broadcasts , direc t mail , an d variou s denominationa l periodical s an d newsletters. Facilitie s include d th e thousand s o f churc h basement s an d fellowship hall s that—a s event s i n Easter n Europ e demonstrate d eve n more vividly—provide d vita l meetin g spac e a t th e loca l level . Facilities also include d th e finance s t o pa y clerg y salaries , print leaflets , sen d do nations t o nationa l organizations , an d transpor t delegate s t o politica l meetings. In th e futur e al l thes e organizationa l resource s wil l continu e t o b e important a s religious groups tr v t o influenc e the publi c agenda. Litiga tion an d legislatio n d o no t com e abou t simpl y because som e good-minde d person decide s a n issu e needs t o b e addressed ; the y com e abou t becaus e organizations ar e ther e t o hel p thes e peopl e rais e money , hir e lawyers , and moun t politica l efforts . I n additio n t o loca l congregations , th e rol e of church colleges, seminaries , an d publishing houses shoul d no t b e overlooked either , especially as means of influencing th e publi c mind withou t necessarily engagin g i n politics . O n th e whole , th e religiou s communit y may b e weakene d i n th e futur e b y declinin g financial contributions an d

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growing indifferenc e t o it s regula r services , and ye t ther e wil l continu e to b e pocket s o f growt h an d vitality—pentecosta l Catholics , Asia n an d Latino immigran t churches , and residentia l communities fo r the elderly , to nam e only a few. 18 Th e issue s raised by these group s ar e likely to b e different fro m thos e of the religiou s Right, but the y are sure to influence the publi c agenda. The cultura l resource s tha t contribute d t o th e ris e o f th e religiou s Right include d not onl y the aforementioned political and moral interest s but als o the distinctiv e theological tradition s of its churches. Students of social movements have long note d th e importanc e of cultural repertoire s to th e succes s of these movements. 19 Revolution s succee d or fai l a t least partly becaus e of th e effectivenes s o f their slogans . An d churche s ar e an important repositor y no t onl y of slogan s bu t o f visual symbols, hymns , and mora l argument s tha t ca n congea l a movement int o unite d action . Even though a relatively small percentage of the American public claimed to suppor t th e religiou s Right, a much larger number could understan d and appreciat e its rhetoric . Jus t a s peopl e coul d recogniz e th e biblica l imagery used b y Dr. Kin g during the civi l right s movement, the y coul d sense somethin g familia r i n Jerr y Falwell' s languag e o f evi l an d mora l outrage. In th e end , then , an y effor t t o projec t fro m th e experienc e o f th e religious Righ t int o th e futur e mus t tak e into accoun t th e shee r powe r of the holy . Being able to declar e that the Lor d ha s spoken carrie s enormous weight , especiall y in a culture wher e the nex t highest authorit y i s individual taste . Despit e al l th e secularit y eviden t i n America n culture , the futur e wil l stil l b e a tim e whe n peopl e year n to hea r th e voic e o f God.

V Cultural Challenges : The Possibilitie s o f Faith for Constructin g Personal Lives


13 The Ques t for Identity

Religion i n th e twenty-firs t century will, a s I hav e argued, continu e t o play a n importan t rol e i n America n publi c life , animatin g socia l move ments an d refor m effort s o f al l kinds . I t wil l d o s o becaus e i t i s wel l institutionalized an d becaus e ou r cultur e legitimate s it s involvemen t in the shapin g o f collectiv e values . There i s alway s the dange r tha t publi c religion an d privat e religion wil l becom e separate , the on e voicin g opin ions tha t ar e not fel t deepl y by the vas t majority of American Christians. Public religio n canno t persis t withou t it s privat e counterpart. W e have already considere d (i n chapte r 3 ) some o f th e challenge s religiou s insti tutions fac e i n tryin g to continu e thei r rol e a s sources o f Christia n iden tity. But le t us turn th e questio n aroun d an d ask , from th e standpoin t o f the individual , ho w importan t th e ques t fo r identit y wil l be. Wher e will people loo k for identity? How wil l their identity be shaped by their work and thei r intellectua l concerns?

A Story My first day of teaching a t Princeton I passed around a sheet of paper to the undergraduate s i n m y class asking them t o writ e dow n thei r names . Eventually th e shee t cam e bac k wit h th e name s a s requested . Bu t afte r each nam e was a curious two-digit numbe r preceded b y a n apostrophe. 1 These numbers , I soo n realized , corresponde d t o th e students ' expected yea r of graduation : clas s of '76 , clas s o f '77 , an d s o on . S o much 183

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were thes e number s a part o f the students ' sens e of who the y were tha t they attache d them voluntaril y to thei r names. As I learned more abou t thei r subculture, I came to understand mor e clearly what these numbers symbolized for Princeton undergraduates . Whe n a studen t i s admitted t o Princeton , h e o r sh e immediatel y is accepted a s a membe r of on e o f thes e classes , and whethe r tha t studen t eve r gradu ates or not , th e label becomes par t o f his or he r identity . Fo r almos t 250 years, student s a t Princeto n hav e bee n followin g thi s custom . Thu s a sense o f one' s plac e in histor y i s an importan t aspec t o f thes e numbers . Especially a t th e annua l P-rade , whe n thousand s o f alumn i retur n an d march unde r th e banne r o f their respectiv e clas s years , th e students ' lin k in the lon g chai n of graduating classes is memorialized.2 And th e sam e is true a s the studen t look s towar d th e future . I n th e twenty-firs t centur y there wil l presumabl y be classe s o f '01 , '02 , an d s o on , t o carr y on th e tradition. What ca n w e lear n fro m thi s exampl e about th e natur e o f persona l identity i n ou r society ? Th e Princeto n cas e ha s nothing t o d o wit h reli gion. An d yet , seein g Princeto n student s ascribin g thes e number s t o themselves an d watchin g thei r annua l alumni parade, one sense s that ther e is a religious, o r sacred , or mystica l quality present. Certainl y i t i s a powerful enoug h forc e t o hel p brin g i n th e million s of dollars Princeto n re ceives annuall y from it s loyal alumni.

The Characte r of Identity Importance of the Quest The firs t lesso n thi s exampl e suggest s i s simpl y that havin g a persona l identity remains terribly important i n our society . Som e years ago I tried to gaug e ho w salien t th e questio n o f persona l identit y i s b y askin g a representative sample of residents in severa l Californi a communitie s ho w much the y though t abou t th e questio n "Ho w di d yo u com e t o b e th e way yo u are? " In response , 3 2 percent said they thought abou t thi s question a lot , anothe r 3 2 percent though t abou t i t some , a n additiona l 2 4 percent considere d i t important , an d onl y 1 2 di d no t thin k abou t i t o r consider i t important. 3 I n anothe r study , thi s tim e i n a representative survey o f th e natio n a t large , I foun d tha t 9 4 percen t o f th e American public consider thei r effort s t o "fulfil l thei r potentia l a s a person" impor tant, and 6 0 percent conside r i t very important. 4 More recently , I found in anothe r nationa l surve y that 8 8 percent o f th e America n publi c consider "takin g car e of yourselP ' t o b e very important—which t o m e als o suggests ho w muc h we value our persona l identity. 5 But we do not hav e to trus t survey s to recognize how prominent th e quest fo r identit y i s in our culture . Princeto n student s ar e scarcely alone in affixin g symbol s to thei r nam e t o giv e the m adde d identity . Think o f the many titles, abbreviations, and acronyms that do the same thing: Dr. ,

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Rev., MSW, CPA , Ed.D., Esq. , an d s o on. Thes e fixtures are the counter part of what names themselves often used to include . As we know, many of our commones t name s came into bein g becaus e they identified a person's trade : Smith , Cooper , Black , Wood, Tanner , t o nam e a few. And many less common name s gave people identity by referring t o thei r place of origin ; i n my ow n case , for example, to a people wh o migrate d eastward t o th e flatland s alon g th e Warth e Rive r fro m a villag e nort h o f Berlin calle d Wuthenow. The ques t fo r identit y i s also clearl y evidence d b y the time , energy, and money we devote to thi s pursuit. Parents of Princeton students may spend a s much a s one hundre d thousan d dollar s t o giv e their offsprin g this part of their identity. For th e rest of us, such costs may be calculated in anythin g from th e tim e w e spend reading self-help books , t o th e money we spen d o n therapists , t o th e energ y w e devot e t o succeedin g i n ou r jobs or cultivatin g excellence in a hobby. It does not see m likely that our interest in the questio n o f identity wil l fad e anytim e soon. Varied Sources A secon d lesso n w e ca n lear n abou t identit y i s that i t come s no t fro m one, bu t fro m a variety of sources. Being at Princeton ma y be the mos t significant sourc e o f identit y fo r m y students , bu t mos t o f the m hav e other identitie s a s well. Their ethni c heritage, th e tow n the y hale from, sports they excel in, careers they aspire to—all help define wh o the y are. We kno w thi s fro m systemati c studies a s well. When aske d where their identity , self-worth , or sens e of fulfillmen t come s from , peopl e i n our societ y mention a wide range of sources: their families, clos e friends , work, effort s t o b e successful, finances, volunteer activities, and hobbies . People pla y multiple role s i n lif e an d thus have multiple identities. Recognizing that our identit y comes from multipl e sources is critical whenever we conside r th e importanc e o f an y one of those sources , suc h as religious faith . W e need t o as k how muc h the various sources contribute. W e als o nee d t o b e awar e that i t i s the mi x itself that gives us ou r unique individuality . Par t o f wha t w e tak e prid e i n i s th e fac t tha t w e have put ou r live s together in a way that nobody els e has. 6 Achievement The thir d lesso n m y Princeto n exampl e suggests i s that identit y i n ou r society i s increasingly something we achieve rather than somethin g simply ascribed to us. Princeton student s take special pride in those numbers behind thei r name s because the y feel the y have earned th e righ t t o b e at Princeton. The y attribut e thi s aspec t o f thei r identit y t o year s of har d work and self-discipline . They chaf e a t any suggestion tha t inherited wealth might have had something to d o with their present status . Social scientist s tel l us that th e shif t fro m ascribe d to achieve d iden-

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titles i s one o f th e hallmark s of moder n society. 7 In premoder n commu nities, peopl e di d tak e th e name s of th e tow n i n whic h the y wer e bor n and identifie d strongl y wit h thei r ki n group . I n moder n societies , th e individual tends to b e more clearl y differentiated fro m these communitie s of origin, drawin g identit y from the choice s one make s and the skill s one learns.8 The fac t tha t our highl y advanced economy depends o n the learnin g and applicatio n o f suc h skill s tend s t o reinforc e thi s achievement-based mode of deriving identity . History My Princeto n student s als o illustrat e a lesso n abou t identity' s root s i n history. Eve n though the y tak e prid e i n bein g a t Princeto n a s a personal achievement, an d eve n thoug h som e o f the m ar e th e firs t member s o f their familie s eve r t o hav e attende d college , thei r identit y stil l depend s on th e historica l lineage in whic h they participat e as Princeton students . The prestig e tha t ha s come t o surroun d th e institutio n ove r tim e i s conferred o n the m a s member s o f tha t institution , thu s heightenin g thei r sense o f personal pride in their achievements . This histori c dimensio n o f identit y ha s ofte n bee n neglecte d i n dis cussions that focu s o n th e shif t fro m ascribe d to achieve d identities. I t i s true tha t peopl e i n moder n societie s ofte n pa y mor e attentio n t o th e present an d th e futur e tha n t o th e past , derivin g more o f thei r identit y from th e goal s they hope to achiev e than fro m th e roots fro m whic h they sprang. An d ye t mos t o f th e goal s t o whic h w e aspir e are valued , an d therefore abl e t o confe r a value d identit y upo n us , becaus e the y hav e some continuit y wit h th e past . Eve n aspirin g to b e a n explore r of oute r space gain s som e of its credibilit y from the storie s we lear n as children of pioneer s an d explorer s in th e past .

Community There i s also a lesson t o b e learne d about th e importanc e of communit y for identity . Eac h o f m y student s i s justifiabl y prou d o f hi s o r he r per sona] accomplishments ; indeed , th e individualis m and th e competitive ness tha t pervade s ou r cultur e more generall y i s often eviden t i n th e ex treme amon g thes e students . The y ar e nevertheless part o f a communit y and th e ver y symbol s the y choos e t o expres s their identit y reflec t thi s community: the y wrot e dow n number s give n t o the m b y the institutio n and locatin g them withi n it s ranks as students of a certain class, not som e symbol suc h a s a scraw l o r a unique desig n tha t wa s completely o f thei r own making . This to o i s often a n ignore d featur e o f identit y i n ou r society . I t i s easy t o emphasiz e th e fragmentatio n o f ou r societ y tha t manifest s itself in extrem e individualism , geographic mobility , an d detachmen t fro m stabl e and endurin g communities . I n compariso n with th e familie s an d neigh -

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borhoods that gave people identit y i n the past , we look a t broken home s and a mobil e populatio n an d assum e tha t persona l identit y mus t com e entirely from withi n ourselves . But tha t assumptio n depend s o n to o lim ited a vie w o f community . T o confe r a n identity , communitie s d o no t have t o b e stable , enduring , o r consensual . A broke n hom e stil l confers an identity . W e need t o pa y more attentio n t o th e kin d o f identities ou r communities confer , bu t certainl y thei r importanc e shoul d no t b e ne glected. For al l these reasons , I believe the ques t fo r identity will continue t o be a prominen t featur e of ou r live s i n th e twenty-firs t century . We shal l still find the ques t important , an d despit e changes that ma y b e as sweeping a s the one s witnesse d ove r the pas t century , ou r identitie s will come from multipl e sources , depen d heavil y o n ou r individua l achievements, but als o lin k u s wit h histor y an d communities. 9 Th e questio n is : Wil l religion continu e t o pla y a significant rol e i n this pursuit? Religion an d the Pursui t o f Identit y

Writing fro m th e perspectiv e o f tha t mos t atypica l of decades—the 19505 — Will Herberg argue d tha t religio n ha d been, was, and would continue t o be a vital par t o f Americans ' persona l identities. 10 I n hi s view , religio n provided a vital lin k betwee n individual s and th e large r society. Americans wante d t o fee l tha t the y were i n fac t Americans , bu t i n a larg e national societ y i t wa s ofte n difficul t t o fee l thi s attachmen t ver y directly , so religion serve d a n important mediatin g role . Part of what i t meant t o be a n America n wa s tha t a n individua l ha d fait h i n Go d an d expressed this fait h b y bein g a membe r o f on e o f th e establishe d religiou s com munities. I t gav e people a better sens e of who the y were—a sense of th e way i n whic h the y wer e legitimatel y American—by identifyin g them selves a s Protestants, Catholics , o r Jews . American s might hav e a rather shallow commitmen t t o thei r particula r faith tradition , Herber g noted , but the y woul d nevertheles s remain loya l to thi s tradition becaus e it was part of what a good American did . Problems with Herberg In retrospect , i t is possible t o se e that Herberg' s argumen t mad e sense of certain feature s of his time bu t i n other respect s was woefully misleading . Empirical researc h demonstrate d tha t mos t peopl e di d m fac t identif y themselves a s Protestants , Catholics , o r lews , an d mos t claime d t o be lieve i n God , eve n thoug h the y ofte n kne w littl e abou t th e Bibl e an d participated sporadicall y i n organize d religiou s activities . Som e researc h also supported Herberg's argument tha t the grandchildren o f immigrant s would retur n t o th e fait h o f thei r forebear s i n orde r t o reclai m thei r ethnic root s in the mids t o f an increasingly vast and faceless society. Th e limitations o f Herberg' s stud y la y partly i n th e fac t tha t i t reflecte d th e

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heightened Americanis m of the col d wa r perio d i n which it was written , and partl y i n th e fac t tha t eve n the n i t ignore d s o muc h o f everythin g else on whic h personal identit y depends.11 My earlie r poin t abou t multipl e identities raises particularl y troublesome problem s fo r Herberg' s thesis . Perhap s being an America n i n th e 1950S mean t bein g religious , but wha t els e di d i t mean , an d ho w impor tant wa s bein g religiou s i n compariso n wit h thes e other identities ? Fo r most people , bein g an American probabl y meant bein g agains t commu nism, believin g in democracy , workin g hard , livin g i n a saf e neighbor hood, an d providin g fo r one' s family . Bein g a Protestant , Catholic , o r Jew wa s only one amon g man y sources of identity . A generation o r tw o later, identity still come s fro m multipl e sources, but th e shar e that comes from religio n ma y b e eve n les s becaus e th e line s definin g Protestants , Catholics, an d Jew s have become les s clear . Fluid Identities Not lon g ag o I attende d th e sixtiet h birthda y party of a n acquaintanc e who ha d bee n a devout Roma n Catholi c all his life. Hel d i n the churc h hall followin g a Sunday afternoon mass , the part y include d man y of hi s fellow choi r members , an d on e speake r afte r anothe r ros e t o sa y something abou t him , abou t who he was and what mad e him special. Here I thought woul d b e strong testimon y o f th e rol e o f faith i n shapin g one's identity. From th e speakers ' remarks i t soon becam e evident that religio n was indeed a ke y ingredient o f thi s man' s identity . One speake r was a priest for who m th e gues t o f hono r ha d serve d a s an alta r boy, anothe r tol d a joke tha t contraste d Catholi c guil t wit h tha t o f Protestant s an d Jews , another san g a n Iris h melod y wit h lyric s adapte d t o th e occasion . Bu t what impresse d m e more wa s that eve n this man, for whom fait h wa s so much a part of his identity, was just as deeply many other thing s a s well: married t o a non-Catholic o f Germa n origin, h e was genuinely ecumenical; schoole d i n philosophy, he regarded himsel f not a s a Catholic intellectual bu t simpl y a s a scholar ; an d o f cours e h e wa s a prou d father , proud o f having bee n o f special value to som e o f his students, prou d o f his job, and prou d o f his friends . Such peopl e ar e increasingl y typical because religiou s distinction s hav e become fluid , an d wit h thi s fluidity , othe r source s o f identit y hav e become relativel y mor e important . A t a n earlie r tim e thi s man migh t have been encapsulate d i n a Catholi c subculture : reare d i n a Catholi c neigh borhood, educated i n Catholic schools an d a t a Catholic university , married t o a Catholic woman , an d employe d b y a Catholic institution . Bu t for a growin g proportio n o f th e America n public, suc h subculture s ar e breaking down . Mothe r belong s t o on e religion , Fathe r t o a differen t one, the y switc h denomination s severa l times while growing up , mingl e with childre n o f differen t faiths , hea r religio n describe d a t schoo l i n a

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way that make s all faiths interchangeable, eventually marr y someone of a different faith , and live in neighborhoods and work i n organizations tha t include peopl e o f al l faiths and o f no fait h a t all. The fac t tha t identit y i s so often achieved , rather tha n ascribed , als o has seriou s implications fo r how w e understand it s relation t o religion . I suppose Herberg' s Protestants , Catholics , an d Jew s o f th e 1950 5 migh t have regarded thei r religiou s identit y in some ways as having been achieved. They wer e a t leas t th e descendant s o f immigrant s wh o ha d mad e th e difficult transition fro m on e cultur e t o another , achievin g in the proces s the identit y fo r themselves of Jewish Americans, or Iris h Catholic Americans, o r Germa n Baptis t Americans. But Herber g wa s mor e interested , rightly I believe , i n th e ascriptiv e qualitie s o f religiou s identit y i n th e 19505. Bein g a membe r o f a religiou s communit y wa s lik e livin g i n a particular town o r state; it was an ascribed identity that linked the perso n to th e larger society. 12 Choosing an Identity This view tol d only part o f the stor y i n the 1950 5 and tells perhaps eve n less of it today. Fo r Protestants , religiou s identit y has always been understood t o b e a matte r o f choice , an d therefor e a s muc h achieve d a s ascribed. A child may have an ascribed identity b y virtue of growing u p an Episcopalian, bu t a t some poin t th e chil d i s supposed t o decid e whethe r he o r sh e reall y believe s i n th e church' s teachings . Fo r Catholic s an d Jews, religiou s identit y ha s always depended mor e o n th e ascribe d status acquired b y birth int o a particular kind o f family. Bu t i n bot h tradition s children ar e als o encourage d t o achiev e the requisit e dept h o n whic h a mature fait h depend s by learning appropriat e religious teachings and rituals. The "ne w voluntarism " tha t encourage s peopl e t o pic k and choose until the y find the religiou s identit y bes t suited t o their tastes is evidence of the growing emphasis on achieve d rather than ascribe d religious identities.13 S o i s the growt h witnesse d i n recen t decade s i n evangelica l and fundamentalist churches , wher e achieve d learnin g is emphasized ; another, mor e broadl y base d exampl e is th e popularit y o f self-hel p devo tional guide s and religious books . The shif t towar d achievemen t in American religion ca n b e regarde d as a way of adapting t o th e wider achievement ethic in American culture, and i n thi s sens e ma y secur e religio n a place i n th e panopl y of source s from whic h peopl e deriv e thei r persona l identities . I t nevertheles s put s religion i n direc t competitio n wit h al l the othe r source s o f achievement from whic h identit y ca n b e acquired , and religio n ma y fare badl y in this competition becaus e so little effort goe s into it, compared wit h th e effor t on whic h our othe r achievement s are based. Princeton student s pu t thei r university a t th e cente r o f thei r identitie s becaus e the y vie w i t a s th e culmination o f year s an d year s o f har d work . The y ofte n relis h th e fac t that the y ar e Protestants , Catholics , o r Jews , bu t onl y i n th e sam e way

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that the y mention bein g fro m Ne w Yor k o r Iowa . Religio n i s a part o f who the y are , bu t no t a part o f their dee p being , no t a part of the iden tity tha t consume s their tim e an d energy.

A Link to th e Wider Societ y In fairnes s t o Herberg , though , we must focu s squarel y on th e questio n that interested hi m most. He wa s not concerne d wit h religio n a s part of our entir e persona l makeup , but wit h it s capacity to lin k us to th e wide r society. And thi s questio n continue s t o b e as important no w a s it was in the 19505 . Whe n s o much of our identit y is private and uniqu e because it depends on our ow n achievements and the peculiar mix of our individual experiences, perhap s religio n ca n stil l pla y a special role b y attachin g u s to somethin g outsid e ourselves. Time and Space This i s wher e th e rol e o f histor y an d community , a s w e hav e see n i n previous chapters , becomes especially important. Whatever else on e ma y know about religion, i t is clear that religio n place s one i n time an d space. It i s no t purel y a matte r o f choic e o r o f persona l construction . Thi s i s why th e author s o f Habits o f the Heart wer e so distressed b y the woma n they interviewe d who create d her own religion , namin g it "Sheilaism" in reference t o herself. 14 Religio n ma y giv e comfort , a s i t di d fo r Sheila , and help that perso n reac h out t o others i n need. But religion ha s always claimed to b e an external reality as well, operating in history and through communities o f people. Insofa r a s America has been peopled b y religiou s communities o f al l kinds , thes e communitie s hel p individual s fee l the y are a part o f our nation' s larger being, pas t an d present. Will th e sam e feeling be there i n th e future ? I t i s difficult t o giv e an optimistic answe r t o thi s question . I n recen t decade s ther e ha s bee n a widespread, i f unintended , effor t t o exclud e religio n fro m ou r under standings o f th e nation' s history . Schoolbook s presen t th e Pilgrim s a s entrepreneurs searching for material wealth an d a comfortable life, no t a s members o f a religious community . Th e religiou s motive s tha t inspire d Martin Luthe r King , Jr., t o lea d the civi l right s movement ar e often ne glected. S o ar e the mor e negativ e aspect s of American religious history , such a s its role in legitimating slaver y or th e oppressio n o f Native Americans. Without thes e storie s bein g told, the comin g generatio n o f Americans is increasingly likely t o regar d spirituality, if they regard i t a t all, as a subjective element of their personal identity , rather than a link with th e history of our nation . Alternative Sources of Identity This doe s no t mea n tha t individual s wil l ceas e to fee l attache d t o thei r society, however . Th e fla g t o whic h childre n pledg e allegianc e eac h

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morning i n schoo l wil l continu e t o induc e thes e collectiv e sentiments , especially when i t is reinforced by televised images of our nation' s capital , its leaders, its war heroes , an d it s various historical sites . Bein g a n Amer ican will continue t o mea n citizenship in these symboli c ways, even if the lack o f effor t amon g al l but thos e wh o figh t i n th e nation' s war s means that citizenshi p i s not take n a s seriously as the role s on e work s har d t o achieve. Being a n America n wil l als o b e define d b y thos e institution s tha t religion has always tried t o kee p in an appropriately limited perspective— the institution s o f th e marketplace . We shal l conside r thes e force s in th e next chapter . Here, i t i s worth notin g that rol e model s supplie d b y reli gious communities , suc h a s pastors, priests , rabbis , nuns, Sunda y Schoo l teachers, an d saints , ar e increasingl y bein g replace d b y image s supplie d by advertisin g an d th e mas s media—image s o f cartoo n heroe s an d roc k stars. Thes e wil l continu e t o provid e childre n wit h a sens e o f wha t i t means t o b e a n American . Whe n the y as k themselves , Wh o a m I > the y will b e abl e t o answe r i n term s o f th e visi t the y too k t o Disne y World , their identificatio n with a lea d singe r i n a popula r recordin g group , o r the slogan some company has printed on their T-shirts. There will alway s be way s t o identif y wit h bein g a n American . Bu t th e qualit y o f thes e identities ma y becom e increasingl y shallow in th e year s ahead.

14 Maladies of the Middle Clas s

Although a substantial minority o f American s liv e belo w th e povert y line , and a few enjoy enormou s wealth , the vas t majority constitut e th e middl e class. I t ha s been th e middl e clas s that ha s shaped American Christianit y in th e past , an d i t will continu e t o d o s o i n the future . Mos t Americans attend middle-clas s congregations an d most clerg y minister to the middl e class. I f w e ar e t o understan d th e cultur e o f America n religio n i n th e twenty-first century , therefore , w e mus t no t neglec t th e specia l rol e o f the middl e class . The distinguishin g featur e o f th e middl e clas s i s it s obsessio n wit h work an d money . Thi s i s no t t o sa y that th e poo r an d th e wealth y are uninterested i n either; man y of the poo r ar e gainfully employe d and desperately concerne d wit h makin g end s meet , an d man y o f th e wealth y have earne d thei r riche s an d wor k har d a t protectin g thei r investments . But th e middl e clas s i s fundamentall y define d b y it s pursui t o f careers , the preparation of its children to participat e in the labor market, and th e close connectio n betwee n it s material well-being and it s values. To sa y this i s not t o sugges t tha t Kar l Marx was afte r al l correct i n his diagnosi s o f capitalis t society . Th e middl e clas s wa s i n fac t Marx' s great oversight . I t i s positioned betwee n th e bourgeoisi e an d th e prole tariat, sharin g bu t minimall y in ownin g th e mean s o f production , an d yet experiencin g mor e contro l ove r th e productiv e proces s tha n Mar x ever imagined . Th e middl e clas s is actually an enormousl y divers e social category, bein g a s muc h influence d b y ethnicity , neighborhoods , reli gion, an d typ e o f industr y o r occupation , a s b y it s economi c standin g I9Z

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relative t o th e ric h an d th e poor . It s value s must , a s Mar x realized , b e understood i n relatio n t o it s obsessio n wit h th e materia l life , bu t thes e values ar e shaped by other force s a s well. One o f thes e force s i n th e pas t ha s bee n th e church . Alway s concerned wit h th e materia l lif e a s well as the spiritual , th e churc h has pow erfully influence d Americans ' conception s o f wor k an d money . W e al l know th e stor y well. Puritan teaching s extolled work a s a supreme virtue. The sam e teachings encourage d frugality , rathe r than th e pursui t o f wealth, but frugalit y couple d wit h har d wor k ofte n becam e th e mean s o f accu mulating wealth. During th e nineteenth century, the Puritan heritage lost much o f it s distincriveness , graduall y resulting i n a more generalize d ethi c of work , saving , an d sobriety . Th e middl e clas s trie d t o liv e morally , encouraging those poore r than themselves to do the same. The mora l lif e focused heavil y o n suc h virtue s a s asceti c discipline , har d work , th e avoidance of laziness and idleness , devotion t o a calling, and stewardshi p of one's materia l possessions. Many o f thes e teaching s have continued t o b e par t o f th e churches ' ministry to th e middl e class . Respectability is the hallmark of the middle class church, and th e token s of respectabilit y include fine dress, attractive transportation, capaciou s homes, well-educate d children , an d successfu l careers. Clerg y emulat e thes e value s i n thei r ow n lives , servin g a t leas t implicitly a s models o f a certain kind of respectable morality. The churches , too, maintai n th e sam e moralit y i n thei r emphasi s on carefull y orches trated stewardshi p appeals , the applicatio n of computerize d financial accounting techniques , an d polishe d buildings-and-ground s programs , al l in th e nam e o f honoring God . But thi s i s only part o f the picture . Whil e middle-class respectability continues t o dominat e muc h o f America n religion , i t i s als o becomin g clear tha t man y people ar e sufferin g th e cost s associate d wit h thei r ma terial obsessions , an d a growing numbe r ar e looking to th e churche s for help i n dealin g wit h thi s suffering . Peopl e ar e beginnin g t o questio n whether affluenc e alon e i s enough an d whether th e ques t for middle-class respectability is itsel f sufficien t as a basi s for life . The y may stil l be devoted t o th e desirabilit y of middle-clas s values but year n increasingly for something more. Wha t the y thought would b e a better life , gaine d throug h hard wor k an d materia l accumulation , i s provin g no t onl y t o b e mor e difficult t o attai n tha n the y had imagined , bu t als o less satisfyin g whe n i t is attained . I t i s no t a n overstatemen t t o sa y that man y ar e makin g th e frightful discovery , t o borro w word s fro m novelis t Mila n Kundera , tha t "the onl y reaso n [the y were ] bette r wa s for want o f anything better." 1

The Challeng e o f Materialism One o f th e greates t challenge s facin g Christian s i n th e twenty-firs t century wil l b e t o fac e u p t o th e realizatio n tha t materialis m alon e i s no t enough. Economic condition s themselve s may facilitate thi s process . Fe w

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of the world' s dominan t empire s in the pas t hav e bee n abl e to maintai n their economi c prowes s fo r mor e tha n a century: Spai n in th e sixteent h century, th e Dutc h Republi c i n th e seventeenth , Franc e i n th e eigh teenth, an d Grea t Britai n i n th e nineteenth , al l diminishe d i n relativ e prominence afte r les s than a century a t th e top . Th e Unite d State s ma y be no exception , especially as it bear s the cost s of policing the world an d loses a n increasin g shar e o f it s market s t o countrie s wit h lowe r labo r costs. But eve n if affluence continues , Christian s nee d to pay closer atten tion t o th e maladie s associate d wit h maintainin g their middle-clas s life styles. These maladie s migh t b e calculate d i n suc h familia r litanie s a s th e number o f broke n homes, abuse d children, alcoholics , an d dru g addict s that make up th e middle class. Or the y might b e discussed with reference to th e outcasts , suc h a s th e homeles s an d th e jobless , wh o suffe r th e effects o f a callou s economi c syste m o r governmen t policie s mor e con cerned wit h ta x cut s an d militar y spending tha n wit h economi c justice. The churche s have, to thei r credit , focused much attentio n o n thes e various problems . Bu t to o ofte n thes e problem s attrac t onl y polit e interes t because the y ar e depicte d chiefl y a s th e problem s of others . Christian s are encouraged t o minister to the needy when they should b e encourage d to tak e a closer look a t th e travai l of their own lives .

Work The plac e to begi n in trying t o grasp more full y th e travail of the middl e class is work itself. At the star t of the twentieth century , the typical working American put i n fifty-one hours a week on th e job; today, tha t figure has shrun k t o abou t fort y hour s a week. 2 I n th e process , mos t job s have also become les s demanding physically, automation has eased the routin e chores o f dail y life, leisur e time ha s becom e more important , an d socia l observers poin t t o alarmingl y high number s o f America n familie s wh o spend hours an d hours eac h week watching television. Surely work itsel f is no t th e problem; i f anything , th e issu e eve n a s Americans se e themselves i s on e o f a deterioratin g wor k ethic . Say s pollster Everett Ladd , "Again an d agai n whe n asked , [Americans ] profes s t o se e a declin e i n willingness t o wor k har d an d i n th e inclinatio n t o tak e prid e i n one' s labor."3 An d ye t this perceptio n attest s mor e t o Americans ' continuin g commitment t o th e wor k ethic than anything else. The fac t i s most American s are takin g thei r job s a s seriously, if no t more seriously , tha n eve r before , an d man y middle-clas s Americans ar e putting i n suc h lon g hour s tha t the y hav e little tim e fo r anythin g else . "Every minute o f m y day is schedule oriented," says dentis t Fre d More land, "I' m unde r th e gu n fro m mornin g til l night. " Typist Juli e Baines says th e sam e thing. Althoug h sh e decided t o tak e in typing rathe r tha n pursue a career , s o sh e coul d b e a t hom e wit h he r thre e children , sh e


5

finds she ha s to wor k mos t evening s t o mak e ends meet . "It' s a constan t juggling act, " sh e admits, " I seldo m ge t an y time t o myself." 4 Statistics bea r out th e impressio n tha t suc h cases ar e increasingly the rule rathe r than th e exception . Between 197 ^ and 1985 , accordin g to Har ris surveys , median workin g hour s i n th e U.S . labo r forc e actuall y in creased b y abou t 2 0 percent , fro m 40. 6 hour s a wee k t o 48. 8 hour s a week, whil e median hour s spen t o n leisur e activity decreased b y abou t a third, fro m 26. 2 hours a week t o 17. 7 hour s a week. 5 Thes e increase s in work hour s wer e not bein g picke d up b y official estimate s because thos e counted onl y th e tim e hourl y worker s were bein g pai d for , wherea s an increasing shar e of th e population , lik e Fre d Morelan d an d Juli e Baines, was workin g i n profession s an d othe r salarie d or independen t occupa tions. Thus , amon g al l professional s the typica l wor k wee k average d 52 hours, amon g youn g peopl e i n thei r twentie s an d thirtie s wit h colleg e educations i t average d 5 3 hours a week, an d amon g proprietor s o f businesses an d professiona l offices i t wa s 5 7 hours a week. 6 Working thi s har d ha s no t diminishe d Americans ' enthusias m fo r their job s an d thei r careers . Indeed, mos t studie s sho w overwhelmingl y high level s of job satisfaction , especiall y i n the profession s an d other white collar occupations . An d yet , whe n aske d t o choos e betwee n thei r wor k and othe r part s of their lives , most peopl e sa y it i s the nonworkin g hour s that ar e mos t enjoyable . Consequently , survey s als o documen t a larg e number o f peopl e wh o complai n that the y have too littl e time t o d o th e things they reall y want to do . I n one, fo r example, 41 percent complained of having too littl e time t o spen d wit h thei r families. 7 What compound s th e proble m i s tha t fo r a n increasin g numbe r o f families, bot h parent s ar e no w workin g thi s hard . A t midcentury , onl y about on e woma n i n three betwee n th e age s of twenty-five an d fifty-four was gainfully employed; currently , 8 1 percent in this ag e group hol d jobs outside the home. 8 And with househol d chore s and parenting still fallin g more heavil y on wome n tha n men , this means that mothers especiall y are feeling th e pressure s of having much to o muc h t o do. 9 Often, a s w e know , i t i s th e childre n wh o suffe r most , an d whe n they speak , the y sometime s d o s o wit h eloquence . "Mommy, " Julie Baine s remembers he r nine-year-ol d son callin g t o he r on e evenin g a s sh e sa t bent ove r he r wor d processo r i n th e corne r o f th e famil y room , "i f you had a dog , an d yo u reall y love d thi s dog , an d yo u worke d rea l har d t o earn the money t o bu y him the fanciest dog house an d the best dog food , don't yo u thin k i t woul d b e bette r i f onc e i n a whil e yo u playe d wit h that dog? "

Materialism The secon d malad y tha t afflict s th e America n middl e clas s i s ou r lov e affair wit h materialism . I t perhap s goes withou t saying that w e are deeply devoted t o th e materia l comfort s o f America n life . I t i s nevertheless wort h

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taking stoc k o f thi s devotion t o asses s the powe r o f it s grip . Whe n we do, w e realiz e not onl y that mone y and material goods have us firmly in their grasp, bu t tha t w e ar e painfully reluctan t to admi t this fac t t o our selves. The lur e of material possessions ca n be gauged in our spendin g habits; perhap s even mor e so , i n ou r attitudes . Accordin g t o on e nationa l survey, "making a lot o f money" is very importan t t o mor e tha n a third of th e population , whil e three-quarters say it i s at leas t fairl y importan t to them . " A comfortabl e life " i s a n eve n mor e widel y share d value , regarded a s very importan t b y three peopl e ou t o f four , an d a t leas t fairl y important b y 98 percent.10 "Sure , I' d lik e t o hav e a lot o f money," say s Walt Clinton , a computer salesman, "I'd lik e t o hav e abou t $200,00 0 a year, just enoug h t o b e comfortable." Like man y middle-class Americans, Walt Clinton feel s n o awkwardness about hi s desire to b e "comfortable." Hi s parents were poor, and he worked har d fro m th e tim e h e wa s a teenager , s o h e feel s h e deserve s everything h e has . He doe s no t reall y expec t to wi n th e lottery , bu t h e figures h e woul d b e happie r i f h e did . Still , h e als o worrie s tha t ou r society i s becomin g to o materialistic . Lik e 8 6 percent o f th e peopl e i n the surve y just mentioned, h e thinks the emphasi s we plac e on mone y is a serious problem in our society . And he is also typical, judging from th e same study, i n that his perception o f money as a social problem does no t seem t o preven t him fro m wantin g more of i t for himself. 11 This paradoxical—som e migh t say , hypocritical—vie w o f material ism, I shoul d note , i s also on e o f the perspective s we hav e succeede d in transmitting ver y effectively t o ou r children. According to a national survey conducte d fo r Seventeen magazine , a majority o f teenager s think th e world perceive s their generation a s being to o materialistic , and nearl y as many agre e with thi s characterization . Eve n more—almost two-thirds — think kids today ar e too greedy. 12 And yet, other studies of the same age group sho w tha t bein g financially well off is one o f their highest values , and th e percentag e aspirin g to thi s valu e has rise n dramaticall y during the past two decades. 13 However w e might wish to interpre t these patterns, i t does not see m likely tha t materialis m is going t o disappea r anytime soon . Th e huma n psyche ha s an enormous capacit y to withstan d inconsistency . Thus , ou r worries about bein g to o materialisti c seem not t o preven t us from want ing wealth. We cherish materialism and hate it at the same time. We may not g o crying all the way to th e bank , as the saying goes, but a t least we go feelin g guilty . Stress Combine thi s penchan t fo r materialis m with ou r driv e t o wor k harde r and harder , an d th e resul t i s a n escalatio n o f jo b stress , burnout , an d related physica l and emotiona l symptoms . A majorit y o f th e U.S . labo r


7

force, conclude s a recen t stud y conducte d b y th e Nationa l Cente r fo r Health Statistics , suffer s fro m stres s on a regular basis , and thi s propor tion i s highest amon g peopl e i n upper-incom e occupations wher e as many as seve n ou t o f te n complai n o f frequen t job-relate d stress. 14 Sympto matic o f the problem , th e numbe r o f stress-base d workman's compensa tion suit s ha s rise n dramaticall y in recen t years , a s ha s th e numbe r o f companies engagin g professiona l counselor s t o scree n potential employees for susceptibilit y t o emotiona l problem s befor e eve r hirin g them. I n addition, alcoholis m an d substanc e abus e o f othe r kind s appea r t o b e rampant i n th e America n wor k force , especiall y in it s white-colla r an d professional echelons . Jack Zeller s i s a highl y successfu l attorne y wh o specialize s in lever aged buyouts . H e like s hi s work an d devote s mos t o f his time t o it , bu t he als o thinks i t i s insane th e wa y law schools cran k out increasin g numbers o f graduates , an d the n la w firm s mak e the m compet e wit h eac h other for fewe r an d fewe r positions . "It' s like a pressure cooker," he says. "At on e tim e yo u coul d hav e a lif e outsid e th e firm , bu t no w m y lif e i s just dominated b y work. It' s antithetica l t o m y view of a balanced life." If a growing number o f Americans ar e bucklin g under o n a day-today basis , the numbe r o f peopl e wh o experienc e sever e burnou t i s also rising. Accordin g t o th e bes t estimates , eac h yea r abou t on e perso n i n every te n change s occupations . Man y of these change s occur fo r reasons other tha n burnout , o f course , bu t th e reason s given often sugges t con siderations othe r tha n sheer financial reward or career advancement. Among these ar e wanting t o fin d mor e meanin g an d fulfillment , feelin g trappe d or bored , an d hopin g t o mak e a greate r contributio n t o society . Bu t whatever th e reasons , caree r change itsel f is often a source o f adde d stress , anxiety, an d eve n questioning o f basic beliefs an d values.

Diversions fro m Ou r Disconten t Before turnin g t o th e questio n o f what th e churche s might hav e to say about al l this, le t u s conside r th e tw o perspective s o n thes e issue s tha t have becom e decidedl y mor e prominen t i n middle-clas s culture over th e past century . Bot h o f these perspective s supply meaning o r legitimatio n to th e economi c habit s of the middl e class , but the y also frame th e issues in a way that divert s attentio n awa y from th e deepe r source s o f our dis content. On e i s rooted i n economi c logic , th e othe r i n a medical frame work.

Marginal Utility The economi c perspectiv e emphasize s marginal utility. Giv e people a choice between workin g an d not working , thi s perspectiv e suggests, an d peopl e will choos e rationall y b y estimatin g th e margina l utility o f th e incom e earned fro m workin g ove r agains t th e valu e the y associat e wit h leisur e

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time. Fo r mos t people , willingnes s to wor k will increase as long a s added income rise s accordingly , bu t eventuall y a poin t wil l b e reache d whe n they would rathe r hav e free tim e than extr a money . Nuances of this perspective includ e th e possibilit y that margina l incom e ca n b e base d o n a lower wag e scal e tha n basi c incom e (a s clerg y an d colleg e professor s demonstrate when they take on adde d assignments to earn a few hundred dollars her e an d there) , an d tha t meaningful work ca n shift th e equatio n (as i t ofte n doe s fo r professionals ) b y reducin g th e valu e they attac h t o leisure activitie s not connecte d wit h wor k itself . Other nuances could b e introduced a s well, but th e main point need ing t o b e recognize d i s that thi s perspectiv e essentiall y reduces lif e t o a series o f monetar y calculations . Th e trade-of f suggested betwee n incom e and leisur e tim e i n effec t place s a monetary valu e on al l time no t spen t working a s well as the tim e a person doe s spen d working . Implicitl y thi s perspective suggests th e followin g response t o someon e lik e Julie Baines when a child crie s out to be playe d with: "Okay , I'l l pla y wit h you for an hour—an d thi s wil l cos t th e famil y budge t $30.75." The othe r poin t t o b e recognize d abou t th e economi c perspectiv e is that it i s explicitly neutra l with respec t to th e wa y in which leisur e tim e is used. An hou r spen t shopping is no differen t in its view from an hou r spent playin g with you r children . The value s that migh t lea d a person t o choose on e activit y rather tha n th e othe r ar e assumed to b e outside th e framework, matter s of individual taste that mone y gives one the freedo m to exercise . And yet implicitly the perspective does presen t it s own value s insofar a s i t turn s thing s int o commoditie s b y placin g a monetary valu e on them . Th e way s i n whic h i t doe s thi s are , o f course , myriad—fro m encouraging leisur e time t o b e packaged an d sol d a s vacations or tenni s club memberships , t o imposin g goal-oriente d qualit y standard s o n th e time on e spend s wit h one' s childre n jus t a s a manufacture r ma y se t u p quality controls fo r the consume r good s produced .

Health The medica l perspective has become th e principa l alternative to th e marginal utilit y model , perhap s becaus e it posits healt h a s a much more basic consideration i n balancing work an d other activities , rather than focusin g entirely o n money . I n m y research, th e on e thin g bus y people sai d the y took tim e for , or trie d t o mak e tim e for , was physical exercise. They di d so bot h t o kee p physicall y and mentall y aler t an d t o alleviat e stress and anxiety. I t wa s als o clea r tha t physica l exercis e provide d a symboli c boundary i n people' s lives . Working al l day wit h thei r minds , white-colla r workers sai d physica l exercis e was a neede d contras t tha t helpe d the m shut oft " their brain s s o they could relax . Stress reductio n technique s o f al l kinds als o bespea k the prominenc e of the medica l model . Recognizin g tha t valuabl e workers ma y burn out , quit, o r di e young , mor e an d mor e corporation s hav e institute d pro -


9

grams t o identif y th e earl y warnin g sign s o f overwor k an d job-relate d stress. Worker s ma y b e encouraged t o tak e routin e breaks , meditate , repeat formulai c prayer s to themselves , g o fo r a walk over th e noo n hour , sign u p fo r biofeedbac k sessions , or enrol l i n scream therapy classes. The hope i s that feelings , emotions , an d othe r bodil y signal s can provid e a n adequate measure of when on e has pursued the dolla r lon g enough. 15 But th e medica l mode l ofte n play s into th e hand s o f those wh o be lieve wor k an d mone y ar e th e highes t aim s o f huma n life . Keepin g fi t can b e a positiv e facto r i n closin g th e bi g dea l an d gettin g tha t nex t promotion. Stres s managemen t (not e the administrativ e language ) can be a way o f getting through a rough afternoon , bu t i t may b e les s usefu l in gettin g throug h life . I n th e righ t hands , medica l considerations ma y actually be presented a s an argument fo r working har d and making mor e money, rathe r than a reason for puttin g o n th e brakes. "Does prosperit y kill? " asks Forbes magazine . S o sa y Marxist sympathizers eve r o n th e loo k ou t fo r evidenc e that capitalis m is bad fo r peo ple's health , i t reports . Bu t bette r evidenc e conclusively supports "th e commonsense notion tha t peopl e ar e healthier when they are more pros perous." And ho w d o w e know this ? By charting mortality rate s agains t the busines s cycle. When thi s is done, i t may appear to th e naiv e observer that mortalit y i s actually higher i n time s o f boo m tha n i n time s of bust . But o f cours e w e nee d t o realiz e ther e i s probabl y a three- t o five-year lag between stres s and death , s o i t is actually bust rathe r tha n boo m that produces healt h problems. 16 As I say , these tw o perspective s help the middl e clas s legitimat e it s obsession wit h wor k an d money , rathe r tha n raisin g fundamenta l questions abou t thi s obsession . Th e economi c perspectiv e suggest s th e nee d to limi t one's wor k lif e an d one' s ques t fo r money , bu t doe s s o only b y pointing ou t tha t i f time i s money, on e ma y indeed op t fo r time instea d of money. I t doe s no t sa y why one migh t prefe r tim e instea d of money. The medica l perspectiv e suggests a natura l biologica l limi t t o th e ques t for money , bu t i t to o offer s littl e guidanc e othe r tha n stayin g healthy. Taking tim e out t o go jogging ma y be essential to keep up one's stamina, but otherwis e one presumabl y can live b y the mott o "Sho p til l you drop." Churches In time s past, churche s and religiou s leaders would hav e had more t o say on thes e matters . Limitin g th e materia l lif e woul d hav e bee n place d in the wider context o f responsibilities to God , family , community , an d self. But i n our societ y th e churche s have often bough t int o th e tw o perspectives I hav e just described . Tim e an d mone y given to Go d ar e viewed in much th e sam e wa y a s an y othe r leisur e activit y or famil y expenditure . Tax laws encourage thes e donation s t o b e treated i n economic terms, bu t so d o pastors . Th e bes t reaso n the y ma y offe r fo r no t workin g o n Wednesday evening s is being availabl e to serv e on th e financ e committe e

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at th e church . O r th e sid e benefi t tha t migh t encourag e peopl e t o pra y more ofte n i s prayer's medical usefulnes s i n reducin g stress. More likely , th e churche s sa y nothing a t al l about th e materia l life , except t o voic e a n occasiona l ja b a t th e worshi p o f mammon , addin g hastily tha t ther e i s nothin g wron g wit h mone y a s long a s we d o no t love i t too much . Eve n those most concerne d abou t suc h social issue s as peace, poverty, inequality , and economi c injustic e hav e been surprisingly blind t o th e economi c realm . An overwhelmin g shar e of thei r attentio n has bee n focuse d o n government , wantin g i t t o d o more , wantin g i t t o do less , lobbying , sendin g i t petitions , an d treatin g i t a s the wa y to ge t anything done . An d yet , b y comparison , th e econom y i s by fa r a mor e powerful institutio n i n our societ y tha n government . As a result , muc h o f th e America n middl e clas s seem s t o hav e forgotten eve n th e mos t basi c claim s tha t religio n use d t o mak e o n th e material world. Aske d if their religiou s beliefs ha d influenced their choice of a career, most o f the peopl e I have interviewed in recent years—Christians an d non-Christian s alike—sai d no . Aske d i f they though t o f thei r work as a calling, most sai d no . Aske d if they understood th e concep t o f stewardship, mos t sai d no . Aske d how religio n di d influenc e thei r wor k lives o r thought s abou t money , mos t sai d th e tw o wer e completel y separate.

Ministries to an d of the Middle Class What wer e th e mora l claim s tha t religiou s leader s once voice d t o thei r prosperous, hard-workin g congregations ? The y wer e of cours e admoni tions t o wor k har d an d prosper . Ther e i s much trut h t o th e vie w tha t the Puritan work ethic spread widely through th e American colonies, was soon share d i n Quaker , Anglican , an d Presbyteria n communities , an d eventually took on th e cultura l characteristics of Poor Richard , an d later of Horatio Alger. Bu t there wa s another par t of the story . Higher Values Religious leader s als o cautione d agains t th e materia l life . Drawin g o n biblical distinction s betwee n th e spiritua l an d th e material , the y championed highe r values that pu t work and money in a lower position. Wor k was understoo d a s a means , no t a n en d i n itself . I t wa s a means , no t simply t o th e accumulatio n o f wealth, bu t fo r self-improvement , happi ness, an d service . Wor k wa s thu s no t onl y gainfu l employment , bu t a disciplined orientatio n t o al l of life . Mone y wa s also a means, rather than an end . I t wa s not understoo d a s the inevitabl e outcome o f hard work , but a s a by-produc t tha t migh t o r migh t no t eventuat e i n materia l gain according t o th e wil l o f a n inscrutabl e God. I t wa s thu s importan t t o keep wor k an d mone y i n thei r place , rememberin g always that dutie s t o God, family , community , an d eve n sel f cam e first. The materia l life wa s


1

a necessary elemen t o f the huma n condition , bu t no t th e highes t t o whic h it should aspire . "We cannot live on work. We must hav e courage, inspiration, greatness , play, " wrot e Horac e Bushnel l i n 1864 . I n hi s vie w i t was th e spontaneit y an d freedo m eviden t i n pla y tha t cam e closer, even than th e sobe r devotio n o f work , t o representin g th e tru e worshi p o f God. "Religion, " h e counseled , "must , i n it s ver y natur e an d life , b e a form o f play— a worshi p offered , a devotion paid , no t fo r som e ulterio r end, bu t a s being it s own en d an d joy."17 These argument s hav e perhaps never bee n proclaime d a s loudl y a s the counsel s o f economi c responsibilit y an d productivity , bu t the y pro vide a place to star t i n ministerin g t o th e middl e class . They d o s o because people themselve s ar e increasingly becoming awar e of the nee d for moral restrain t i n thei r economi c lives . Followin g th e decade s o f gree d and selfis h ambition—whic h ar e b y n o mean s over—there i s a ground swell of interest i n rediscovering deepe r commitments an d more fulfillin g pursuits. Juli e Baines, responding t o he r son's eloquen t plea for attentio n by puttin g her wor d processin g asid e and vowin g neve r to le t anythin g stand i n th e wa y of just enjoying her children, i s but on e example. Moral Guidance The middl e clas s needs th e mora l guidanc e o f th e churche s i n charting its material commitments . Certainl y i t need s thi s guidanc e i n matters o f ethics, a s the recen t scandals tha t hav e brough t majo r corporation s an d political figure s t o thei r knee s indicate . Bu t th e middl e clas s als o needs the bol d voic e o f mora l authorit y i n limitin g it s commitment s t o th e workplace an d th e countinghouse . I t need s to hav e bette r argument s tha n those provide d b y margina l utilit y calculation s an d medica l considerations. I t need s t o kno w that it is right, good, worthy, legitimate , proper — whatever word s ar e used—t o hea r th e laughte r o f children , to alleviat e the anguis h o f the poor, to explore the inner depths of our souls , an d to seek God . The churche s ca n ministe r t o th e middl e clas s b y articulatin g these messages o f fait h an d mora l commitment , bu t the y mus t als o d o thei r part i n mitigatin g th e pressure s impose d b y th e economi c real m itself . Day-care, nurser y school , an d latchke y programs ar e obviou s need s as the numbe r o f dual-caree r an d single-paren t familie s increases . Many churches hav e responded activel y to thes e needs . But ther e i s room fo r much mor e t o b e done . Rathe r tha n limitin g thei r financia l ministries to th e annua l stewardshi p sermon , the y nee d t o explor e ministries t o professionals experiencing the trauma of burnout and career changes, provide suppor t group s t o counterac t th e stres s of job pressures , an d promote active discussion o f the contradictions inherent in our view s of materialism. These ar e needs requirin g ministrie s by th e churche s to th e middl e class, an d withi n th e middl e clas s itself , a s individuals and familie s pro -

2O2 CMltural

Challenges

vide service s an d suppor t t o eac h other . The y fal l withi n th e real m o f treating one' s own maladie s befor e railin g at those of one's brother . Bu t the middl e clas s als o ha s vas t resource s tha t ca n b e use d t o addres s th e needs o f others besides it s ow n members . On e o f the way s t o promot e healing i s through service , an d on e o f the path s t o a heightened commit ment t o somethin g othe r tha n materia l succes s wind s throug h th e by passed alleyway s of the desperatel y needy . The dange r o f making mora l argument s abou t th e limitation s o f wor k and money , withou t keepin g th e need y clearly in mind, i s th e sam e dan ger tha t emerge d i n discussion s o f th e so-calle d peace dividend . Fo r man y years, peac e activist s have argue d tha t th e mone y save d by curbin g military expenditure s woul d mak e possibl e socia l program s o f majo r impor tance. Bu t th e trade-of f betwee n gun s an d butter , a s it wa s s o ofte n de scribed, was never as compelling t o th e middl e class as the trade-of f betwee n guns an d VCRs , betwee n payin g highe r taxe s fo r anythin g an d a ne w boat, a ne w car , o r a trip t o Disne y World . Th e sam e materialis t calculations ar e likel y in th e real m o f persona l commitment s a s well. Too often , the peopl e wh o op t fo r a shorte r wor k wee k an d a les s costl y life-styl e do s o wit h th e chie f resul t bein g mor e tim e spen t watchin g television , more tim e spen t relaxing , and cuttin g bac k only marginall y on consume r expenditures—as one ma n I talke d t o di d i n settlin g fo r a used BMW . The desperatel y needy mus t no t becom e merel y a symbol of our ow n quest fo r meanin g i n life . Bu t th e middl e clas s must shar e its resource s if it i s t o hav e anythin g mor e tha n th e hermeticall y sealed meanin g o f a self-serving socia l enclave . And doin g s o i s likel y t o requir e genuine sac rifice—a wor d tha t ha s neve r bee n popula r i n economi c circles , let alon e in America n politics . Th e tim e wil l perhap s com e whe n sacrific e wil l b e a necessit y fo r all . I n th e meantime , a theology o f sacrific e ma y b e a high priority fo r th e Christia n t o rediscover . I f th e twentiet h centur y ha s no t yet taugh t u s t o limi t ou r materia l want s i n orde r t o gai n th e greate r good, the n th e nex t centur y surel y wil l forc e u s t o tha t realization . Fo r what shal l it profit us if we gain the whole worl d an d lose our ow n souls?

15 Living th e Question

During th e twentiet h centur y th e Unite d State s undertoo k on e o f th e most expansiv e programs o f higher education eve r witnessed. In the next century, whethe r suc h expansion continue s o r not , th e college-educate d person wil l mak e a majo r differenc e i n shapin g th e future . S o wil l th e professoriate an d those wh o administe r th e nation' s college s and universities. Thei r effec t o n America n religio n wil l b e considerable . Bu t wha t will this effec t be ? Is it possible to combin e a deep personal commitmen t to th e Christia n fait h wit h th e lif e o f th e mind ? O r i s critica l though t simply incompatibl e with Christia n orthodoxy? J

Beware the Christian Not lon g ag o th e Chronicle o f Higher Education — the weekl y newspaper that serve s almost a s a house orga n fo r ten s of thousand s o f colleg e faculty an d administrators—earne d a s it s lead , cente r front-pag e stor y a n article abou t th e growin g dange r pose d b y evangelical Christians on th e nation's campuses . On e poor unsuspecting student , th e article recounted, had begu n attendin g service s of an evangelical group o n campu s only t o find "that he r grade s dropped , sh e los t touc h wit h he r friends , an d he r relations wit h he r famil y deteriorated. " College s nee d t o b e aware , th e article cautioned, tha t many evangelical groups, whil e claiming not t o be cults, us e cultlik e method s t o attrac t an d retai n members, includin g deception, unethica l recruiting , min d raping , authoritarianism , an d dicta 203

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torial practice s that tel l student s ho w t o live , whom t o marry , and wha t they ca n and canno t read. 2

Reactionary Christians The di e was cast many years ago . I n th e 1890 5 the Unite d State s govern ment mad e a fateful decision : i f the nation's econom y was going to com pete effectivel y i n worl d markets—thi s wa s lon g befor e w e fel l behin d the Japanese—w e wer e goin g t o hav e to ente r th e moder n era , whic h meant applyin g scientifi c method s in business , developin g new technol ogies i n industry , an d promotin g highe r educatio n amon g ou r nation' s most talente d youth . Lan d gran t colleges , polytechni c institutes , an d graduate researc h universities were launche d with profusion . N o longe r would highe r educatio n b e th e preserv e of churc h colleges an d seminar ies. Indeed , privat e benefactors added t o wha t separatio n o f churc h an d state prevente d th e governmen t fro m doing , offerin g churc h college s generous grant s i f the y woul d onl y shuc k of f thei r sectaria n trapping s and focu s o n secula r liberal arts training . Caugh t u p i n th e widesprea d belief tha t secula r education an d socia l progres s wen t han d i n hand, many churchmen embrace d th e ne w developments , callin g fo r modernis m i n pulpit an d pew . Onl y th e fundamentalist s hel d out , takin g thei r ver y identity fro m th e oppositio n the y voiced t o thes e dominan t cultura l developments. As th e twentiet h centur y began , conservativ e Christianit y wa s al ready a t war , i t seeme d t o many , wit h th e prevailin g values o f a n en lightened society . B y midcentury, historia n Richar d Hofstadte r coul d loo k back on th e period an d write in scathing terms of the anti-intellectualis m espoused b y thi s win g o f America n religion. Fundamentalist s an d evan gelicals were , i n hi s view , narrow-minded, dogmatic , an d authoritarian . Not onl y were the y content to believ e in the superstition s an d simplistic falsehoods o f a time gon e by ; they were so threatened b y the intellectua l currents i n th e wide r societ y tha t the y wer e willin g to wag e war agains t it. The y wer e prejudice d bumpkin s fro m th e farm s an d smal l towns , a subculture lef t ove r fro m th e pas t lik e som e Neandertha l creature , lum bering throug h th e whea t field s an d co w pasture s withou t th e intelli gence t o understan d wha t educated people o f the twentieth century were thinking.3

The Twentieth Century The onl y proble m wit h Hofstadter' s analysi s was that th e twentiet h cen tury turne d ou t t o b e more comple x tha n h e realized . A t the sam e time Hofstadter wa s diagnosing the anti-intellectualis m o f conservative Chris tians, they were in the proces s of rediscovering a deeper tradition i n thei r own past— a traditio n o f critical reflection that remaine d critical of secular thought but nevertheles s recognize d th e importanc e of the intellectual

Living th e Question 20

5

life. Whil e som e leader s denounce d secula r knowledge a s evil an d calle d for a radica l separatio n betwee n believer s and th e world , th e majorit y opted for active participation i n the cultura l climate of the twentiet h century. They identifie d themselves with man y of the positiv e intellectual contributions o f Western Christianity i n the past—with the juristic approach to biblica l literatur e o f th e Reformation , th e dissentin g politica l traditions o f the English civi l war, the emphasi s on natural science and natural law of th e Purita n divines , th e studiousnes s o f the Scottis h Presbyteria n moralists, an d th e socia l teaching s o f th e America n abolitionists. Believ ing tha t th e sam e Go d wh o ha d create d th e sou l ha d als o create d th e mind, the y founde d an d expande d Christia n college s an d seminarie s in which biblical studies and the huma n science s could be brought together . They forme d organization s t o mak e their presenc e know n i n hig h school s and on secula r campuses. And they encouraged youn g peopl e t o gain the academic credentials necessary to serv e the need s of society and the world— in business , teaching , medicine , engineering , an d th e professions . The y wanted t o eradicat e the village-idio t imag e of the fundamentalist , bringing th e intellectua l lif e t o Christianit y an d makin g Christian s intellec tually respectable. Their wor k wa s cu t ou t fo r them . Whe n th e firs t opinio n poll s o n religion bega n t o b e conducte d i n th e lat e 19505 , th e result s documente d that Christian s wh o hel d orthodo x belief s wer e indeed fa r les s educated than othe r segment s o f th e America n population. 4 Many di d i n fac t liv e on farm s an d in small towns. Man y of their parents were dirt poor—the y were th e remnant s o f th e dustbowl , recen t immigrant s fro m German y and Scandinavia , Appalachia n coa l miners , blacks , displaced migrant s fro m the South , da y laborers in the smoke-belching factory cities of the North east, sharecropper s i n th e Midwest . Th e tin y churc h college s man y o f their leader s trie d t o nurtur e wer e indee d tiny , ofte n littl e mor e tha n overgrown hig h school s wit h facult y member s who wer e themselves poorly trained an d poorl y paid . Many of the bette r church-relate d colleges wer e rapidly undergoin g a proces s o f secularizatio n tha t loosene d thei r tie s with sponsorin g denomination s an d shifted thei r focus awa y from ortho dox biblical instruction.5 And i n the secula r colleges an d universities, surveys o f facult y showe d fe w wit h sympathie s towar d thes e ne w recruit s fresh fro m th e page s of Elmer Gantry. But socia l trend s wer e not entirel y against these ne w defenders of an orthodox Christianity . Th e 1960 5 an d 1970 5 wer e a tim e o f enormou s expansion i n highe r educatio n throughou t th e nation . Face d wit h stiff ening competitio n i n foreign markets an d a continuing Col d War, American leaders poured billion s ont o the nation' s campuses . Brigh t teenagers with good grades coul d obtain colleg e scholarships more easily than eve r before, n o matte r wha t thei r religiou s conviction s were , an d for many in the agriculturall y depresse d region s o f th e Sout h an d Midwes t suc h scholarships were a n attractiv e wa y out. Governmen t loan s mad e i t pos -

2O6 Cultural

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sible for churc h colleges t o expan d dormitor y spac e and fo r secula r campuses t o grow into the mega-universitie s that still dominat e th e Bi g Ten, Big Eight , Californi a system, an d a number o f other states . With larg e numbers promoting diversity, Christian students o n thes e campuses coul d sometime s fin d kindre d spirits , and wit h wha t wa s lef t of th e proverbia l Protestan t wor k ethic , man y were abl e to succeed. 6 By the en d o f th e 19705 , survey s showed tha t muc h of the ga p i n educatio n levels between self-professe d Christian s and others ha d bee n closed. 7 And during th e 1980 5 thi s tren d continued : wherea s leve l o f educatio n ha d still bee n a ke y facto r differentiatin g conservativ e Christians fro m libera l Christians i n the middl e o f the decade , b y the end of the decad e the tw o were virtuall y indistinguishable i n terms o f education. 8 At th e en d o f th e twentiet h century , therefore , th e connectio n be tween Christianit y an d th e lif e o f th e min d i s fa r differen t fro m tha t envisioned a t the century' s start . I f the breac h opened betwee n fait h an d higher learnin g b y th e fundamentalis t movemen t ha s no t bee n entirel y healed, th e situatio n i s a t leas t on e o f Bible-believin g Christians bein g found withi n th e ranks of American higher educatio n rathe r than peerin g distrustfully a t the distant spires of academe fro m their benighted village s in th e hinterland . Th e questio n ca n onc e agai n b e aske d wit h urgency : What i s th e relatio n betwee n Christia n convictio n an d critica l thought ? And: Wha t ma y we expect o f this relationshi p in the decade s t o come?

Tour of the Underground I hav e alway s found i t eas y to tou r th e landscap e o f Christianit y withi n the ivie d walls more o r les s a s a fellow traveler and, i n thi s capacity , have always bee n pu t of f by the arms-lengt h reportag e on e finds in the Chronicle o f Higher Education and othe r secular media in which naive journalists can scarcel y distinguish a Christia n fro m a Jew, le t alon e a n evangelica l from a fundamentalist. One o f the menta l tour s I enjoy taking from tim e to tim e i s a journe y t o th e variou s spots i n academ e wher e I hav e en countered intellectual s wh o i n on e wa y or anothe r profes s to b e Chris tians. Follo w m e fo r a moment a s I retrac e some o f these steps . My first stop i s an exclusiv e restaurant i n Ne w Yor k City. A s I din e with a fellow socia l scientis t fro m anothe r university , he tell s m e h e ha s come a lon g wa y i n hi s thinkin g sinc e undergraduat e day s whe n h e at tended a n evangelica l Christia n college . H e say s h e stil l believe s i n th e "basics"—he doe s no t elaborate—bu t i s increasingl y annoyed wit h th e clergy. Then , pausin g fo r effec t an d lookin g aroun d t o se e i f anyon e i s listening, h e ask s m e neve r t o tel l anyon e wha t h e i s abou t t o say . H e says h e ofte n feel s depresse d abou t hi s wor k as an academic , s o muc h s o that he has been considering dropping out, sellin g his house, an d moving to Afric a wher e h e coul d teac h children or mayb e retrain as a paramedic. A few weeks later I a m a t an international conferenc e in Boston hoste d


7

by th e America n Academy of Arts an d Sciences . The gatherin g include s scholars fro m al l over th e world , eac h o f who m i s a n exper t i n on e o r another o f th e world' s fou r larges t religions . I n tur n the y spea k wit h surprising knowledg e an d ye t with considerabl e detachment abou t thei r religion o f interest. One youn g schola r speaks with slightl y more passio n than th e other s abou t th e rol e o f th e churc h i n Germany , point s t o th e historic importance o f Christianit y in his country, an d argue s to th e surprise of many that a religious reviva l is taking plac e in some segment s o f German society . That evenin g a t a gathering i n whic h he i s not present , a colleagu e o f hi s note s tha t h e i s a n elde r i n a n evangelica l church i n Germany. As my journey continues I fin d mysel f at a n academi c conference in New Orleans . Ove r lunc h a frien d mention s tha t som e sociologist s ar e having a n informa l meetin g late r on an d ask s m e i f I wan t t o ta g along . I agre e an d severa l hour s late r w e ente r a hote l roo m wher e abou t te n people—all professors—ar e gathered . On e suggest s openin g th e meetin g with a praye r and n o soone r ar e head s bowe d tha n h e begin s speakin g unintelligibly; others follo w suit, and I realize I am witnessing glossolalia firsthand. Soo n the speakin g in tongues stop s a s abruptly as it began, th e host announces , "Gee , I gues s w e don' t hav e an y brea d an d wine , bu t here's som e Cok e an d cracker s to pas s around, " an d everyon e turn s t o informal chatte r about thei r latest research project. My fina l sto p i s a t th e hom e o f a socia l scientis t who teache s a t a Christian college . W e have retire d there fo r some late-nigh t conversation after a formal dinne r wit h severa l of his colleagues—formal i n every sense of th e word ; everyon e abide s b y th e college' s rul e agains t consumin g alcoholic beverage s in public, everyone bows thei r hea d an d pray s at th e appropriate moment , everyon e speaks positivel y abou t ho w nic e i t i s t o teach i n a Christian environment . Bu t no w I a m about t o se e the othe r side. My friend speak s openly of his reservations about th e college's stan d on everythin g fro m alcoholi c beverage s to biblica l interpretation . H e talk s about quittin g th e loca l churc h his famil y ha s bee n attendin g i n protes t against its teachings on socia l issues. He speak s candidly of the difficultie s he experience s whe n he trie s to associat e wit h facult y fro m the majo r secular researc h universities . And on e b y one h e recount s simila r stories for eac h of his colleagues . I d o no t kno w ho w typica l thes e encounter s ma y be . M y poin t i s not t o generalize abou t the typical anyway, but to point out th e diversity that exist s among Christian s i n highe r education , jus t a s it doe s i n ou r whole society. Were I to sa y more abou t thes e various social scientists, i t would becom e eviden t tha t the y diffe r vastl y from on e anothe r i n interests, backgrounds , beliefs , an d life-styles , and ye t eac h i s i n som e wa y identified a s a Christian . Wha t the n ca n w e sa y abou t th e relatio n be tween Christianit y and th e intellectua l life ?

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Faith an d Critica l Thought

The Puritan Contribution to Science In 193 8 Robert Merton , one o f the leadin g sociologists o f his generation , published a n influentia l boo k i n whic h h e examine d the connectio n be tween Puritanis m an d th e ris e o f scienc e i n seventeenth-centur y En gland.9 Merton argue d tha t the Puritans had a special disposition towar d scientific achievemen t because of their emphasis on thi s lif e a s well as th e life t o come, their convictio n that natur e was the handiwork of God, an d their commitmen t t o th e rationa l master y of God' s creation , includin g knowledge. I t wa s a cleve r thesi s reminiscent of—indeed , modele d after — Max Weber' s argumen t abou t th e specia l connectio n betwee n asceti c Protestantism an d acquisitiv e capitalism. Bu t subsequen t inquirie s cas t doubt o n Meiton' s thesis . Royalist s wer e show n t o b e a s favorably dis posed towar d scienc e as Puritans, Frenc h Catholic s were ever y bi t a s devoted t o scienc e as the English , and other factors , suc h a s antinomianism and rationalism , appeared to b e a s much a t work as Puritanism.10 I tak e the Merton controversy to b e an instructive metapho r in seeking close connections betwee n Christianit y and a particular style of intellectual orientation. Som e hav e argue d tha t Christia n scholars may be inclined to accep t rigorous empirica l generalizations because of their belief that trut h ca n b e codified i n simpl e propositions. Translated : Christian s make bette r engineer s than artists or, i n the cas e of social scientists , bet ter numbe r cruncher s than theorists . Som e hav e argue d tha t Christian s may b e les s abl e tha n othe r scholar s to appreciat e paradox, subtl e inter pretation, an d nuanc e fo r th e sam e reasons . Som e hav e suggeste d tha t Christian though t favor s voluntaristi c socia l theorie s mor e tha n deter ministic ones ; other s hav e suggeste d jus t the opposite . M y journey amon g my variou s Christia n acquaintances—som e o f who m hav e themselve s proposed suc h arguments—confirms non e of these views. The Question of Assumptions The trut h o f the matter is that Christia n thought, eve n evangelical Christian thought , is sufficientl y divers e that no straightforwar d influenc e on the natur e of intellectual work is readily found. Christians d o no t operat e from som e se t o f higher-orde r truths , suc h a s the Trinity , redemption , or origina l sin , fro m whic h the y deriv e notion s abou t th e sor t o f wor k to d o an d th e bes t wa y o f approachin g it . The y ma y mak e certai n assumptions—we al l do. Bu t i t ha s not bee n m y experience that Christia n scholars ar e any mor e likel y than an y other kin d o f schola r t o take , say, an authoritaria n stanc e toward certai n deepl y held beliefs , or argu e fro m first principle s i n th e fac e o f empirica l evidenc e or , fo r tha t matter , le t new evidence readily upset favorit e theories . Th e variou s people I intro duced i n m y imaginary journey each expressed doubts, raise d questions ,


9

and exhibite d som e critical distance towar d th e scholarl y role itself . The y did no t abando n thei r intellec t t o b e Christians. I n fact , I would sa y they subjected thei r Christia n assumptions , lik e everything else , to th e dictates of thei r intellect . That , t o me , suggest s th e mor e fruitfu l wa y o f ap proaching th e questio n o f how Christianit y an d critical though t ma y intersect. Living the Question I hav e borrowe d th e much-use d phras e "living th e question " becaus e it seems t o m e tha t Christianit y does no t s o muc h supply the learne d per son wit h answer s a s it doe s rais e questions. I t ha s bee n sai d of Marxists that eve n apostates spen d thei r live s strugglin g wit h th e question s Marx addressed. The same can probably be said of Christianity. It leaves people with a se t o f question s the y canno t escape , especially when thes e ques tions fac e the m fro m their earlies t years. I doubt whethe r ther e ar e many practicing academic s wh o hav e been withou t religion , foun d themselves searching fo r answer s t o life' s questions , an d the n converte d a s mature adults t o Christianity—althoug h I a m aware o f course that C . S . Lewi s claimed t o hav e followed suc h a path , a s hav e som e o f m y persona l acquaintances. I n Lewis' s case , it i s perhap s worth noting , on e doe s se e a person attemptin g throug h curiou s trick s of logi c t o prov e tha t various answers supplie d b y Christianit y ca n satisf y th e logical , rationa l mind . But, despite th e fac t tha t Lewi s holds som e attractio n fo r many educated Christians, I hav e not foun d hi s lif e patter n no r hi s rationalisti c style at all typical . Mor e commo n i s tha t someon e learn s th e basi c storie s o f Christianity a s a child, become s a scholar sometime later, and ye t continues t o b e influence d b y th e question s thos e storie s asked , eve n thoug h his or he r rationa l arguments , theologica l outlook , and philosophy of lif e may have undergone much change . Bible Stones Let m e illustrat e my poin t b y referring briefly t o som e o f thos e stories . To begi n a t the beginning , take the stor y o f Adam an d Eve. To b e sure, one ca n deriv e theologica l proposition s fro m thi s story . Bu t th e mos t memorable aspect s o f th e stor y itsel f ar e probably th e question s i t raises — questions abou t gende r role s o f course , a s Elaine Pagels an d others have recently argued, bu t mor e importan t questions abou t th e nature an d limits of human knowledge. 11 Christian scholar s I have known tak e a variety of positions on epistemology, but I would ventur e the generalization tha t their interes t i n epistemological questions i s at least relativel y acute . Or tak e the stor y o f Samuel , o f the peopl e o f Israel wanting a king, of Samuel anointin g David , an d of the conflic t betwee n Davi d and Saul. I wa s recentl y a t a little churc h i n th e Midwes t wher e the adul t Sunday School lesso n fo r th e da y focuse d o n thi s story . Afte r viewin g a well-

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presented retellin g of the stor y on videotape , th e clas s at the promptin g of its leader considered the questio n o f why the Israelite s wanted a king. One perso n suggeste d i t wa s a matte r o f keepin g up wit h th e Jonese s because th e surroundin g tribes ha d kings ; another , tha t a s a society be comes large r it ma y b e helpfu l t o hav e a centralized source o f authority ; still another , tha t peopl e wh o personall y fee l insecur e ma y find vicarious esteem b y identifyin g wit h a king. Th e leade r di d no t selec t one answe r as the correc t one; tha t wa s not th e point . Th e poin t wa s that th e ques tion i s worth thinkin g about becaus e it prompts reflectio n o n th e human condition. Tha t seeme d t o m e t o b e rathe r th e sam e wa y a grou p o f academics might hav e understood th e task. Or conside r th e parabl e o f th e Goo d Samaritan . Like virtually all of Jesus' parables , it end s with a question: which of thes e wa s neighbor t o the man ? In the stor y the answe r may be obvious. But a parable is also a mirror i n which to observ e real life , an d i n rea l lif e i t i s still the questio n of neighbor tha t animates much discussion, not onl y in theological circles but i n wide r scholarl y setting s suc h a s th e socia l sciences . A Christia n sociologist migh t argu e tha t i t i s bein g neighborl y to th e countrie s i n Latin Americ a t o sen d financial aid; anothe r migh t argu e tha t i t i s more neighborly t o promot e economi c self-sufficiency ; i t i s the importanc e o f the questio n o n whic h they agree.

Motivation Robert Merto n borrowe d fro m th e classica l wor k of Ma x Weber i n de veloping his argument abou t Puritanis m and science . Weber thought religion figure d int o huma n behavio r as a motivator. 12 The imag e h e use d was of a switchman. Different religion s switc h the behavio r of thei r ad herents onto differen t tracks . Having certai n questions in one's min d can be a switchman of this kind. The effec t o f a particular religious upbring ing may be to motivat e one t o pursu e a certain kind of question i n one's research. Or , mor e likely , a s Weber would hav e argued , i t provide s mo tivation o f a broad sort—no t th e kin d o f motivatio n that say s stud y thi s instead o f that, bu t th e motivatio n i t takes to ge t up in the morning an d get t o wor k because lif e ha s meaning. I a m no t suggestin g tha t peopl e actuall y hav e th e question s the y learned fro m Bibl e storie s a s childre n buzzin g aroun d i n thei r heads , consciously o r subconsciousl y telling the m wha t i s important abou t th e world. I t use d t o b e popula r t o thin k o f motive s tha t way—t o imagin e that someon e migh t embar k on a study o f socia l justice in Sout h Afric a because th e stor y o f Mose s an d Pharao h ha d alway s made a troublin g impression o n him . Bu t motive s ar e mor e comple x tha n that . The y ar e not univocal , bu t multivocal . The y spea k to u s wit h man y voices . An d they do no t often , it seems , speak to u s in clear , rationa l voices. Rather, the y come to u s piecemeal, as the bits and pieces from whic h


1

a stor y abou t wh y we do wha t w e do ca n be constructed. Liste n t o wha t French philosophe r Bertran d Ver y say s abou t them : "subjectiv e motive s are no t rationally , bu t semanticall y built. " There are two phases , h e says, in th e semanti c constructio n o f motives . First : "A n objectiv e fact , a casual event , a commonplac e situatio n i s loade d wit h meaning . It s crud e exteriority disappears . I t become s a motive fo r a subjectivity." An d the n second: "Thi s motive join s an affectiv e frame , not a s a cause mechanically awaiting it s effect , bu t a s a sig n expecte d t o b e connecte d wit h othe r signs t o determin e a decision . Entangled—a s i n a musica l score—wit h other motives , it s meanin g gain s mor e weigh t an d i t lead s th e situatio n towards a certain outcome." 13 Religion figure s int o bot h phase s o f thi s process . I n th e firs t phas e certain objectiv e facts o r event s take on subjectiv e meaning fo r us—why? — in par t a t leas t becaus e o f th e framewor k tha t ou r religiou s experience s give us . W e ar e abl e someho w t o se e th e importanc e o f thing s becaus e we hav e a stor y t o tel l ourselve s abou t them . Perhap s i t i s a stor y tha t has specia l importanc e fo r u s becaus e i t i s abou t God . Perhap s i t i s a personal stor y abou t a tim e o f bein g care d fo r o r a crisi s i n one' s life . Then in the second phase , a s motives become more complex an d compel action, ou r storie s becom e th e musica l scores, th e we b o f interconnecte d signs tha t allo w us to mak e sens e o f wha t we do . Thes e ar e the stone s in which w e construc t ourselve s as actors. The y mak e sens e of ou r biogra phies, allowin g u s to integrat e ou r lives , an d se e the importanc e o f wha t we ar e presentl y doing , bot h t o ourselve s an d t o som e large r bod y o f relevant others. I t i s in thi s sens e that th e divin e wor d become s powerfu l as we appropriat e i t an d mak e i t part o f our ow n story , a n idea of cours e that i s entirely consistent wit h th e Christia n vie w o f redemption . What doe s i t mean , then , t o sa y "living th e question" ? I t mean s pur suing th e intellectua l life becaus e th e question s ar e inherently important, not becaus e on e hope s primaril y t o advanc e hi s o r he r caree r o r eve n because on e necessaril y expects t o discove r a definitiv e answer . Fo r th e first person o n m y journe y thi s mean t questionin g continuall y the value of wha t h e wa s workin g on , eve n th e valu e o f th e intellectua l lif e itself . For th e secon d perso n i t mean t thinkin g har d abou t th e church' s futur e in Germany . Fo r th e grou p passin g aroun d Cok e an d cracker s i t mean t thinking abou t th e jo y i n lif e an d th e nee d t o understan d celebration . And fo r th e frien d a t th e Christia n colleg e i t mean t takin g a responsible but critica l stance towar d hi s institution an d hi s church. The particula r questions themselve s ar e likel y t o vary . Wha t Chris tianity doe s i s ad d seriousnes s t o th e enterprise : i t says , i n effect , thes e are seriou s question s tha t peopl e hav e raised in on e wa y or anothe r fro m the beginnin g o f time ; d o you r par t t o kee p the m alive . Th e messag e i s what Madelein e L'Engl e ( a write r wh o readil y identifie s hersel f a s a Christian bu t wh o disdain s the ter m Christia n writer) ha s likened to th e task o f pourin g wate r int o a lake . Th e scholar' s contributio n i s lik e a

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cupful o f water : i t doe s no t perceptibl y alter th e lak e at all , bu t i t an d thousands o f others lik e it replenish the lak e and keep the cycl e of nature flowing o n perpetually. 14 Putting i t differently , w e migh t sa y that Christianit y sacralizes —makes sacred—the intellectua l life . I t give s the question s w e struggl e wit h i n our wor k an d i n ou r live s a larger significance. Livin g the questio n be comes possible because our question s ar e animated. They have lif e breathe d into them , not literall y of course but by becoming par t of the stories, the webs o f significance , i n whic h w e locat e ourselves . An y religion , an y worldview does this, and does it not just to our intellectual questions bu t to th e question s and task s that confron t u s in every part o f life . An d ye t to sa y that al l religions work this way does nothin g t o diminis h th e particular way in which it happens for the Christian. The questions tha t take on significanc e i n th e Christian' s intellectua l wor k may be , a s I hav e ar gued, quit e diverse. But the reaso n they have significance i s that the y are part o f a particula r story, embedde d a s i t wer e i n a particula r religiou s tradition, an d i n a particular person's biograph y within that tradition .

Epilogue

I sai d a t the outse t tha t socia l scientists are seldom an y better a t forecasting the futur e than anyon e else . Reader s who hav e come wit h me to thi s point ma y b e full y convince d o f th e trut h o f tha t assertion . Bu t I als o suggested tha t th e poin t of thinking abou t th e futur e i s less to predic t i t than t o giv e ourselve s a conceptua l spac e i n whic h t o thin k abou t th e present: Where ar e we? Where ar e we headed? Where do w e want t o go? The challenge s facing Christianit y i n the Unite d State s in the twentyfirst century ar e to a considerable degre e th e challenge s that alread y fac e it at the end o f the twentiet h century . Fo r thos e who thin k of Christianity i n institutiona l terms , askin g questions abou t churche s an d thei r programs an d leaders , i t i s already evident tha t resource s ar e stretche d thi n at th e sam e tim e tha t th e nee d fo r expande d resource s ha s neve r bee n greater. Optimisti c appraisal s flo w i n fro m som e quarter s abou t risin g levels o f financial giving an d th e grea t exten t to whic h religious organi zations ar e able t o enlis t volunteer time an d energy. On th e middle-class fringes o f citie s i n th e Midwes t an d South , ne w churche s seem t o hav e sprung u p i n every neighborhood. And ye t the pastor s of these churches probably fee l the y hav e inadequate resource s fo r th e program s the y woul d like t o initiate . In declinin g neighborhoods an d i n inne r cities , churches are havin g t o clos e thei r door s i n larg e numbers . Missio n an d relie f efforts scarcel y kee p u p wit h th e demand . Specialize d denominationa l agencies concerne d wit h economi c justice , the environment , o r racia l relations hav e fo r th e mos t par t bee n scale d bac k considerably . An d re 213

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sources ar e scarcel y availabl e a t al l fo r ne w crise s an d need s tha t ma y emerge i n the year s ahead. Religious leader s ar e themselve s keenl y awar e of th e importanc e o f resources for the natur e of thei r organizations . It is, however, wit h mis givings tha t man y of them approac h thi s topi c wit h thei r constituencies . American cultur e i s deeply dualistic in it s separation o f the spiritua l fro m the material. A n overwhelming majorit y o f the publi c wants the churche s to b e mor e involve d i n helpin g th e needy . An d ye t ther e i s widesprea d resistance t o hearin g religiou s leader s talkin g abou t mone y o r tryin g t o raise suppor t fo r churc h programs . T o d o s o i s somehow t o sull y wha t it mean s t o b e spiritual . Clearly , then , thi s i s a challeng e that require s greater study , greate r understanding , an d mor e thoughtfu l attention . Eve n if churche s wer e abl e t o promot e th e worshipful , carin g sens e o f com munity t o whic h the y aspire , they would stil l have to concer n themselve s actively wit h th e mundan e wor k o f financia l solicitatio n an d planning . But th e ques t fo r communit y is , as I hav e argued, itsel f problematic . And, perhap s curiously , i t i s especiall y problemati c fo r churches . Th e reason i s tha t Christianit y ha s alway s champione d community—it s ver y theology encourages believer s to b e a people, concerne d abou t th e need s and welfar e o f on e another . Bu t th e church , a s i t ha s evolve d i n th e twentieth century , i s i n man y way s il l suited t o provid e community . I t brings peopl e togethe r onc e a week , drawin g the m fro m broa d geo graphic areas , and expect s the m t o forg e som e intimat e bon d whe n the y probably wil l no t se e each othe r agai n fo r seve n days. I t add s peopl e t o its membershi p rolls—th e mor e th e better—unti l mos t o f the m hav e n o idea wh o thei r fello w member s are . It place s a speaker u p fron t an d expects everyone els e to si t in rows facin g tha t speaker, much as they woul d at a concer t o r athleti c event . I f interactio n happen s befor e o r afte r th e service, it doe s so informally, despite everythin g els e that ha s gone on. I n short, th e churc h i s a n administrativ e convenience , create d unwittingl y by a combination o f it s history an d th e program s planne d b y its leaders. If communit y i s going t o tak e place ther e a t all , i t mus t occu r agains t high odds . For man y people , th e odd s agains t i t happenin g a t churc h ar e suffi ciently hig h tha t the y hav e give n u p entirely . Wer e the y i n desperat e straits, the y migh t tur n t o th e church . But , frankly , the y ar e no t tha t desperate. The y hav e friends a t work, the y ca n cal l relative s on th e phone , and the y ca n joi n a bowlin g leagu e i f the y nee d t o ge t out . Fo r man y other people , th e churc h actuall y doe s provid e community . Bu t wha t they mean i s not reall y the church, but som e grou p tha t happen s to meet at the church . A praye r group , Bibl e study , or twelve-ste p meetin g is where the y find caring and support . To date , th e churche s hav e bee n enormousl y successfu l i n startin g small groups, providin g the m wit h plannin g and materials, and retainin g members becaus e of the suppor t thes e group s hav e to offer . Bu t it is not inconceivable that th e churches , as administrative conveniences, will have

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less and less to d o wit h suc h groups. Soone r or later , peopl e wil l discover they ca n hold thes e group s just a s well in their livin g rooms , a t work, o r in th e tow n hall . Religiou s leader s may then nee d t o rethin k wha t the y mean b y the church , doin g so in a way that ma y radically challenge pres ent conceptions . The ques t fo r communit y wil l als o b e increasingl y difficul t i n th e coming year s becaus e o f th e diversit y an d fluidit y o f America n society . In som e ways , of course, unsettle d live s may be easier to mold int o caring communities tha n one s live d i n staid , familia r complacency . Bu t Chris tianity i n the futur e wil l be faced wit h muc h mor e than th e task of bridg ing denominational , ethnic , o r regiona l lines . Racia l division s continu e to b e important , despit e a generatio n o r mor e o f effort s b y religiou s leaders to hea l these tensions , i n large part becaus e American societ y ha s come increasingl y to b e divided between th e "haves" and the "hav e nots" and becaus e this division often correspond s t o racia l and geographic lines of separation . I f America n Christianit y ha s com e som e distanc e towar d improving it s relation s wit h Judaism , ther e i s still muc h t o b e don e o n that front . An d ne w relation s mus t increasingl y be forged wit h Muslims and wit h member s o f othe r worl d religions . Hispani c an d Asia n popu lations brin g adde d diversity , a s do alternativ e life-style s an d sexua l orientations. But on e o f th e lesson s fro m observin g th e pas t hal f century mus t b e that th e majo r line s o f divisio n withi n America n religio n ar e seldom stati c or easil y discernible. Jus t whe n i t appeare d tha t denominationa l bound aries wer e beginnin g t o erode , fo r example , ne w tension s appeare d be tween religiou s liberal s an d religiou s conservatives . I n th e future , ideo logical battle s ar e likel y t o b e wage d o n numerou s fronts , challengin g religious leader s t o b e responsibl y involve d i n thes e battles , bu t als o t o be ministers o f reconciliation . Moreover , attentio n mus t alway s be given to th e smaller , o r les s voca l tradition s whos e importanc e ma y b e over shadowed b y suc h battles . Whit e America n Christian s hav e much t o lear n from blac k America n Christians . Member s o f old-lin e denomination s hav e much to lear n from th e smalle r denomination s an d sects . Protestants an d Catholics continu e t o hav e much t o lear n from eac h other. An d th e Anglo majorit y ha s much t o lear n from Hispanics , Asians, an d other ethni c minorities. Although communit y i s alway s importan t i n it s ow n right , Chris tians i n th e comin g decade s mus t als o b e concerne d abou t wha t they — their communities—stan d for . D o the y stan d fo r exclusivit y or a n atti tude o f acceptance ? Do the y embod y a n ethi c o f servic e and caring ? Do they brin g a mora l dimensio n t o publi c life ? D o the y represen t justic e and mercy ? D o the y promot e a deepe r relationshi p t o God ? D o the y reflect anythin g mor e tha n cultura l Americanism ? D o the y encourag e economic an d environmenta l responsibility? I hav e not trie d t o identif y particula r issue s an d sugges t specifi c stand s that Christian s shoul d tak e on thes e issues . Christianity in the futur e will

2i6 Epilogue continue t o b e pluralistic, bu t wil l also remai n committed to the assump tion tha t som e perspective s come close r to representin g divin e trut h tha n others. Th e rol e that a social scientist ca n play i s to identif y som e o f th e social force s tha t ma y make it harde r to identif y th e truth , o r fo r particular group s t o advocat e what the y regar d to b e the truth . One o f th e greates t challenge s of al l is how Christianit y ca n perpet uate its varied conceptions o f the trut h a t a time when famil y lif e i s more unstable than eve r before and a t a time when the intergenerationa l transmission o f value s i s weake r tha n eve r before . The proble m i s especially severe for th e millions o f children now livin g in poverty an d bein g raise d by unmarrie d o r singl e parents . Bu t i t i s also serious fo r th e million s o f children wh o gro w u p i n conventional middle-clas s homes. Althoug h mos t parents tel l pollster s the y ar e confident abou t ho w the y ar e raising thei r children, the y als o admi t tha t thei r childre n see m to b e guided b y other values, an d man y parents candidl y express uncertaintie s abou t wha t shoul d be transmitte d a t all . Statistic s o n chil d abuse , incest , addictions , an d emotional batterin g al l testify t o th e pressure s under whic h the famil y i s currently operating . Under suc h conditions , i t become s mor e doubtful , a s I hav e sug gested, tha t youn g peopl e wil l lear n ho w t o b e Good Samaritan s simply from th e warmt h an d lov e the y experienc e from thei r parents . I t als o becomes more unlikely that the y will stay in the churches of their parent s long enoug h t o develo p a mature conceptio n o f faith . Fear s abou t sex ually transmitte d disease s an d diminishin g expectation s i n th e worl d o f work ma y resul t i n cynicis m and shortsightednes s tha t th e churche s are especially unprepare d t o confront . Clearly , Christianit y mus t b e passe d on t o th e comin g generatio n i f it i s to surviv e a t all . Jus t a s clearly, the task o f doin g s o must b e a top priorit y among religiou s leaders . Churches may be able to d o more tha n the y are currently doing. Campu s ministries and parachurch groups ma y need to pla y an increasing role. College s an d universities mus t als o b e challenged t o d o thei r par t i n promotin g ope n inquiry an d i n providin g trainin g abou t religion , morality , ethics , an d human values. The other conditio n tha t any consideration of American society mus t include i s the growin g secularizatio n o f publi c life itself . Althoug h som e observers den y bein g abl e t o fin d an y evidenc e o f secularizatio n a t all , basing thei r argument s chiefl y o n publi c opinion polls , othe r notion s o f what secularization means continue t o appl y widely to America n society. The trend s ma y not b e evident i n opinio n survey s conducted i n th e past twenty years , an d the y ma y not becom e significantl y mor e pronounce d in th e nex t twent y years . Bu t the y ar e part o f th e longer-ter m processe s in moder n societie s tha t ca n be seen clearly with th e advantag e of historical hindsight . I n man y parts of th e world , government s mak e it increasingly difficul t fo r religiou s group s t o functio n a s they would like . More complex societie s loo k eve n t o democrati c government s t o solv e mor e and mor e o f their problems . Economi c commitment s ceas e to b e under-

Epilogue 21

7

stood i n religiou s term s an d bottom-lin e thinkin g pervade s mor e an d more o f persona l an d publi c life . The challeng e her e i s not onl y t o ponde r carefull y th e relationship s between churc h an d state , o r t o guar d Firs t Amendmen t freedoms , bu t to conside r mor e fundamentall y what it means for Christianity t o b e part of th e publi c lif e o f ou r nation . Shoul d i t functio n chiefl y b y informing the belief s and value s o f individua l citizens? Shoul d i t attemp t t o influ ence public debate through the formation of special interest groups ? Shoul d preachers becom e mor e activel y involve d i n politics ? An d shoul d reli gious value s b e exclude d from , o r activel y promoted , i n th e economi c sphere? Public debat e o f thes e question s themselve s ha s bee n deepl y polarized i n recent decades. Liberals an d conservative s have occupied differen t ends o f the spectrum . Bu t th e spectru m itsel f has not alway s bee n clearly defined. No r i s i t clea r that th e debat e ha s gotte n ver y far . The specte r of a twenty-first century i n whic h liberal s and conservative s continue t o be a t loggerhead s wit h eac h other ove r suc h issue s points vividl y t o th e need t o mov e beyon d th e presen t impasse. Efforts o n th e par t o f religiou s group s themselve s t o fin d middl e ground, t o hea l th e breach , an d t o thin k creativel y abou t ho w bette r t o get alon g wit h eac h othe r ma y o f cours e b e valuable . But suc h effort s often strik e outsider s a s bein g mildl y amusing , i f no t actuall y irrelevant to th e rea l business of public life. I t ma y be more difficult, an d yet i n th e long ru n mor e rewarding , fo r Christianit y t o influenc e publi c life b y effecting coalition s wit h secular groups an d by working quietly with neighborhood groups , civi c organizations , an d nonprofi t associations . Th e danger i s alway s tha t th e distinctiv e identit y an d value s of Christianit y are the n compromised . Bu t th e dange r o f insularity tha t come s fro m no t forging suc h coalitions ma y be even more serious. If these ar e some o f the challenge s facin g Christianit y i n the comin g years, where do the y leave us at present? Is it reasonable to b e optimistic about th e futur e o f Christianit y i n th e Unite d States ? O r doe s a pessimistic assessmen t mak e more sense ? Clearly the challenge s ahea d argu e for caution, a sober assessmen t of the future , an d perhap s eve n some leve l o f pessimism . Bu t i n m y view, taking Christianit y seriousl y argues eve n more strongl y fo r a n optimisti c appraisal of the future . Christianity i s well institutionalized i n the Unite d States. I t ha s vast resource s a t it s disposal. I t command s loyalt y in som e degree fro m larg e number s o f th e population . I t ha s well-traine d an d dedicated leaders . Perhaps its greatest resource , though, is the orientatio n it pose s towar d th e futur e itself . Christianit y ha s alway s included a central messag e o f hope . A s th e Unite d State s embark s on a ne w century , that messag e wil l clearl y b e neede d a s never before.


Notes

Introduction 1. Fo r a compelling argument abou t th e importanc e o f institutions, se e Rober t N. Bellah , Richar d Madsen , Willia m M. Sullivan , Ann Swidler , an d Steve n M . Tipton, Th e Good Society (Ne w York: Knopf, 1991) , pp . 3-18 . 2. Kar l Rahner , Theological Investigations, Vol . XXI I (Ne w York: Crossroad , 1991), p . 123 . 3. Thes e question s ar e als o raise d a s frames o f reference s fo r a consideration of th e Roma n Catholi c traditio n i n Joh n A . Gnndel , Whither th e U.S. Church? Context, Gospel, Planning (Maryknoll , N.Y. : Orbis Books , 1991) 4. America n Christianit y wil l als o b e face d wit h increasin g diversity in th e wider cultur e a s a resul t o f growt h i n othe r religiou s traditions ; o n Islam , fo r example, se e Samee r Y . Abraham an d Nabee l Abraham , eds. , Arabs in th e New World: Studies on Arab American Communities (Detroit: Wayn e State University Press, 1983) ; Earl e Waugh , ed. , Th e Muslim Community i n North America (Ed monton: Universit y o f Albert a Press , 1983) ; an d Yvonn e Yazbec k Hadda d an d Adair T. Lummis , Islamic Values i n th e United States: A Comparative Study (Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1987) . 5. Thes e challenge s hav e been littl e studied, bu t se e the excellen t discussions of challenge s facin g black, Hispanic, nativ e American, and Asian Presbyterians in Milton J . Coalter , Joh n M . Mulder , an d Loui s B . Weeks, eds. , Th e Diversity o f Discipleship: Th e Presbyterians and Twentieth-Century Christian Witness (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox , 1991) . 6. I do no t wis h t o impl y that secularizatio n will be unimportant fo r understanding religio n i n the nex t century; i t will be, but i n ways that must b e assessed with model s othe r tha n th e linea r decline of religio n i n mind. This rethinking of 219

22O Notes secularization theor y ha s been muc h emphasize d i n th e recen t sociological litera ture—see, fo r example , Philli p E . Hammond , ed. , The Sacred i n a Secular Ag e (Berkeley: Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1985) ; Mar y Dougla s an d Steve n M . Tipton, eds., Religion and America: Spirituality i n a Secular Age (Boston : Beacon , 1983); Brya n Wilson, Religion in Sociological Perspective (Oxford : Oxfor d Univer sity Press, 1982) , an d Jame s A. Beckford , Religion and Advanced Industrial Society (London: Unwi n Hyman , 1989) . 7. Th e notio n o f discursiv e spac e employe d her e i s indebted chiefl y to th e discussion of "grids of specification" in Michel Foucault , The Archeology o f Knowledge (Ne w York : Harper & Row , 1973) . 8. Recen t textbook s i n sociolog y o f religion tha t pa y particular attentio n t o the U.S . contex t an d tha t als o includ e excellent bibliographie s includ e Meredith B. McGuire , Religion: The Social Context, j d ed . (Belmont , Calif : Wadsworth , 1992), an d Ronal d L . Johnstone , Religion in Society: A Sociology o f Religion, 4t h ed. (Englewoo d Cliffs, N.J. : Prentice-Hall, 1992) .

Chapter 1 1. A n earlier version o f thi s chapte r was originally presente d a t a conference on th e churc h held at Southern Baptis t Theological Seminar y in Louisville, Ken tucky, i n 1990 . 2. Emil e Durkheim , Th e Elementary Forms o f th e Religious Life (Ne w York : Free Press, 1965 ; originall y published 1915) . 3. Ma x Weber , Th e Protestant Ethic and th e Spirit o f Capitalism (Ne w York: Charles Scribner' s Sons, 1958 ; originall y publishe d 1904-5). 4. Ma x Weber , Th e Sociology o f Religion (Boston : Beacon , 1963 ; originall y published 1922) . 5. Durkheim , Elementary Forms, p . 62 . 6. Th e congregatio n i s als o bein g rediscovere d a s a n importan t topi c fo r research investigations; fo r a guide t o som e o f this recen t work, se e Carl S. Dud ley, Jackso n W . Carroll , an d Jame s P . Wind , eds. , Carriers o f Faith: Lessons from Congregational Studies (Louisville : Westminster/John Knox , 1991) . Fo r a particu larly ric h ethnographi c stud y o f chang e i n on e Presbyteria n congregatio n tha t also provides a perspective o n wide r cultura l influences , se e R. Stephe n Warner , New Wine in Old Wineskins: Evangelicals and Liberals in a Small-town Church (Berkeley: University of California Press , 1988). On Roma n Catholi c parishes , see the historica l perspective s provide d i n Jay P. Dolan , ed. , Th e American Catholic Parish: A History fro m iSso t o th e Present, 2 vols. (Mahwah , N.J. : Paulis t Press , 1987), an d th e contemporar y researc h summarize d i n Davi d C . Leege , Notre Dame Study o f Catholic Parish Life (Notr e Dame : Universit y of Notr e Dam e Press , 1984 1989), Report s 1—20 . 7. Rober t Wuthnow, Th e Restructuring o f American Religion: Society an d faith Since World Wa r I I (Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press, 1988) , p. 22. 8. Th e stud y o f sacre d places , sacre d space , an d th e geographi c dimensio n of religio n ha s attracte d increase d attentio n i n recen t years ; see , fo r example , Jamie Scot t an d Pau l Simpson-Housley , eds. , Sacred Places an d Profane Spaces: Essays i n th e Geographies o f Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (Ne w York : Green wood, 1991) ; an d Belde n C . Lane , Landscapes o f th e Sacred: Geography an d Narrative in American Spirituality (Ne w York : Paulist Press, 1988).

Notes 22

1

9. Fo r a provocative sociologica l discussio n on th e links between stories an d religious communities , se e Andrew M . Greeley , Religion: A Secular Theory (Ne w York: Fre e Press , 1982) . 10. Dietric h Bonhoeffer , Life Together (Ne w York : Harpe r & Row , 1954) , p. 19 . 11. Communitie s o f memor y ar e discusse d i n Rober t N . Bellah , Richar d Madsen, William M . Sullivan , Ann Swidler , an d Steve n M . Tipton , Habits o f the Heart: Individualism an d Commitment i n American Life (Berkeley : University of California Press , 1985) , esp. pp . 152—157 . I discus s communitie s o f memory i n greater detail i n chapte r 3 . 12. A particularl y vivid argument abou t th e relationshi p between geograph y and communit y i s presented i n Kai T. Erikson , Everything in Its Path: Destruction of Community m the Buffalo Creek Flood (Ne w York : Simon & Schuster , 1976) . 13. Fo r a n overview of th e Souther n Baptis t Convention, se e Nancy Tato m Ammerman, Baptist Battles: Social Change an d Religious Conflict i n th e Southern Baptist Convention (New Brunswick , N.J.: Rutger s Universit y Press, 1991) . 14. Blac k churches ar e described i n C . Eri c Lincol n an d Lawrenc e Mamiya, The Black Church in th e African-American Experience (Durham , N.C. : Duk e Uni versity Press , 1990) . 15. O n th e denominationa l character of American religion, see especially Andrew M . Greeley , Th e Denominational Society: A Sociological Approach t o Religion in America (Glenview , 111. : Scot t Foresman , 1972) , an d Wad e Clar k Roo f an d William McKinney , American Mainline Religion: It s Changing Shape an d Future (New Brunswick , N.J.: Rutger s Universit y Press, 1987) . 16. H . Richar d Niebuhr, The Social Sources ofDenommationalism (Ne w York: Meridian Books , 1959 ; originall y publishe d 1929). 17. I hav e discusse d th e declinin g significanc e of denominationalis m i n m y book Restructuring o f American Religwn, pp . 71—99 . 18. Thi s observation i s based on th e researc h of one o f my doctoral students , Marsha Witten , wh o ha s been examinin g sermons b y Presbyteria n an d Souther n Baptist preachers. 19. Pete r L . Berger , " A Marke t Mode l fo r th e Analysi s of Ecumenicity, " Social Research 30 (1963) , 70—79. 20. Garriso n Kiellor , Lake Wobegon Days (Ne w York : Viking, 1985) , p . 112 . 21. The poin t her e abou t isomorphi c symbol s draw s primaril y on Joh n W. Meyer and Bria n Rowan, "Institutional Organizations: Forma l Structur e a s Myth and Ceremony, " American Journal o f Sociology 8 3 (1977), 340-363 . 22. O n th e conflic t betwee n liberal s an d conservatives , se e m y boo k Th e Struggle for America's Soul: Evangelicals, Liberals, an d Secularism (Gran d Rapids , Mich.: Eerdmans , 1989) . Se e also chapter 9 for a discussion of thi s conflict . 23. Wayne A . Meeks , Th e First Urban Christians: The Social World o f th e Apostle Paul (Ne w Haven : Yal e Universit y Press, 1983) . 24. On e o f the mos t valuabl e typologies for thinking abou t th e relationshi p between congregationa l siz e an d congregationa l style s i s tha t o f Arli n J . Ro thauge, Sizing U p a Congregation far New Member Ministry (Ne w York : Episcopal Church Center , 1983) . Rothaug e distinguishe s fou r type s o f congregation : th e family churc h (0—5 0 members) , th e pastora l churc h (50—15 0 members) , th e pro gram churc h (150-35 0 members) , an d th e corporatio n churc h (350-500 + mem bers).

222

Notes

Chapter 2 1. Tw o highl y readabl e surveys of th e histor y o f th e churc h are A. M. Ren wick an d A . M . Harman , Th e Story o f the Church, 2d ed . (Gran d Rapids , Mich. : Eerdmans, 1985) ; an d Just o L . Gonzalez , Th e Story o f Christianity, 2 vols. (Ne w York: Harpe r & Row, 1985) . 2. Fo r overview s o f communit y an d th e medieva l church, se e Francis Oak ley, Th e Western Church i n th e Later Middle Ages (Ithaca : Cornell Universit y Press , 1979); Joh n Bossy , "Bloo d an d Baptism : Kinship , Community , an d Christianit y in Western Europ e fro m th e Fourteent h t o th e Seventeent h Centuries, " in Sanctity an d Secularity: Th e Church an d th e World, ed . Dere k Bake r (Oxford : Basi l Blackwell, 1973) , pp . 129—46 ; an d R . W . Southern , Western Society an d th e Church in the Middle Ages (London : Penguin , 1970) . 3. Standar d source s on th e Protestan t Reformatio n include Roland H . Bain ton, Th e Age o f the Reformation (Princeton : D . Va n Nostrand, 1956); Owen Chad wick, Th e Reformation (London : Penguin , 1972) ; Lewi s W . Spitz , Th e Protestant Reformation, 1517-1559 (Ne w York : Harpe r & Row , 1985) ; an d Steve n E . Ozment , The Reformation in the Cities: The Appeal of Protestantism to Sixteenth-Century Germany an d Switzerland (Ne w Haven : Yal e Universit y Press , 1985) . 4. Fo r th e histor y o f th e churc h i n th e Unite d States , se e Sydne y E . Ahl strom, A Religious History o f th e American People (Ne w Haven : Yal e Universit y Press, 1972) ; Edwi n Scot t Gaustad , A Religious History o f America (Ne w York : Harper & Row , 19^4) ; an d Mar k A . Noll , Natha n O . Hatch , Georg e M . Mars den, Davi d F . Wells , an d Joh n D . Woodbridge , eds. , Eerdmans' Handbook t o Christianity i n America (Gran d Rapids , Mich. : Eerdmans , 1983) . 5. Fro m a nationally representative surve y of 2,00 adults i n the Unite d States , which I conducte d i n May 1989 ; thes e an d othe r result s fro m the sam e stud y ar e reported i n m y book Acts o f Compassion: Caring for Others an d Helping Ourselves (Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press, 1991) . 6. Rodne y Star k an d Charle s Y . Clock, American Piety: Th e Nature o f Religious Commitment (Berkeley : University of Californi a Press, 1968) , p . 166 . 7. Fo r a brief summary o f thes e findings , se e "Charitable Giving, " Emerging Trends 1 2 (Januar y 1990), 4 . 8. Th e Connecticut Mutual Life Report o n American Values: Th e Impact o f Belief (Ne w York: Research an d Forecasts , 1981) . 9. "Charitabl e Giving, " p . 4 . 10 Se e not e 5. n. Virgini a A . Hodgkinson , Murra y S . Weitzman, an d Arthu r D . Kirsch , "From Commitment to Action: A n Exploration o f the Relationshi p betwee n In dividual Givin g an d th e Activitie s o f Congregations, " i n Faith an d Philanthropy in America: Exploring the Role of Religion in America's Voluntary Sector, ed. Rober t Wuthnow an d Virgini a A. Hodgkinso n (Sa n Francisco : Jossey-Bass , 1990), pp . 93-114. 12. Bella h e t al. , Habits o f the Heart. 13. O n th e varietie s o f individualism , se e Steve n Lukes , Individualism (Ne w York: Harpe r & Row, 1973) . 14. Weber , Th e Protestant Ethic and th e Spirit o f Capitalism. 15. Reinhol d Niebuhr, Christ and Culture (Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1951) . 16. Stil l a powerful critique o f the change s i n contemporary religio n i s Thomas

Notes 2z

j

Luckmann, Th e Invisible Religion: Th e Transformation o f Symbols i n Industrial So ciety (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1967) . 17. Fo r Roma n Catholics , se e Andre w M . Greele y an d Mar y G . Durkin , Angry Catholic Women (Chicago: Thoma s Mor e Press , 1984) ; for Protestants, se e Wuthnow, Restructuring of American Religion, esp. chap . 9. 18. Roo f and McKinney , American Mainline Religion. 19. Wuthnow , Restructuring of American Religion, chap. 4. 20. Presbyterian Panel Report (Marc h 1989).

Chapter 3 1. O n th e broade r characteristics of modern societie s that generat e question s about individua l identity , see especially the empirica l work presente d i n Alex Inkeles an d Davi d H. Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d University Press, 1974) ; and Alex Inkeles, Exploring Individual Modernity (Ne w York: Columbia Universit y Press, 1983) . Fo r a provocativ e se t o f essay s on thes e issue s by scholar s in a variety of disciplines , see Thomas C . Heller , Morto n Sosna , an d Davi d E . Wellbery , eds., Reconstructing Individualism: Autonomy, Individuality, an d th e Self i n Western Thought (Stanford: Stanfor d Universit y Press, 1986) . I consider thes e broade r question s o f per sonal identit y i n chapte r 13 . 2. Th e ide a o f institution s conferrin g identitie s o n individual s ha s bee n a particularly prominen t them e i n th e wor k o f John W . Meye r an d hi s associate s at Stanfor d University ; see, fo r example , Georg e M . Thomas , Joh n W . Meyer , Francisco O . Ramirez , an d Joh n Boh , Institutional Structure: Constituting State, Society an d th e Individual (Beverl y Hills , Calif : Sage , 1987) ; George M . Thomas , Christianity and Culture in the loth-Century United States: The Dynamics of Evangelical Remvalism, Nation-Building, an d th e Market (Chicago : Universit y of Chi cago Press , 1988) ; an d Joh n Boli , Ne w Citizens for a Ne w Society (Ne w York : Pergamon, 1989) ; an d fo r a related argument, se e Mary Douglas, How Institutions Think (Syracuse : Syracuse University Press, 1986) . 3. Fo r examples , see Roof and McKinney, American Mainline Religion, chap. 3; and Wuthnow , Acts o f Compassion, chap . 5. 4. Bella h e t al. , Habits of the Heart, p . 153 . 5. I discuss the rol e of stories i n chapte r 4. 6. Alasdai r Maclntyre , After Virtue: A Study i n Moral Theory, 2 d (Notr e Dame: Universit y of Notre Dam e Press , 1984) , p . 222. 7. Th e churc h a s storyteller i s emphasized wit h vivi d observationa l evidenc e in James F. Hopewell , Congregation: Stones and Structures, ed. Barbar a G. Wheele r (Philadelphia: Fortres s Press , 1987) . 8. Stanle y Hauerwas , "Casuistr y a s Narrativ e Art," Interpretation 37 (1983), 388. 9. Som e reader s of my work have mistakenly assume d tha t I believe denominationalism is a thing o f the past— a "dinosaur," as one reade r suggested. I have never sai d thi s an d d o no t sa y it here . M y argumen t i s that denominationaiis m has decline d i n significanc e relative to othe r cultura l division s an d mode s o f reli gious identification . Denominations a s organizations remai n vita l an d influentia l to th e way s i n whic h churc h busines s i s conducte d an d th e way s i n whic h re sources ar e distributed. A number o f valuable studies of particular denomination s

224 Notes have appeared i n recen t years , includin g Elle n M. Rosenberg , Th e Southern Baptists: A Subculture in Transition (Knoxville: Universit y of Tennessee Press , 1989) , and D . Newel l Williams , ed. , A Case Study o f Mainstream Protestantism: Th e Disciples' Relation t o American Culture, iSSo-ioSp (Gran d Rapids , Mich. : Eerdmans , 1991). John Mulder a t Louisvill e Presbyterian Theological Seminar y is conductin g an ongoin g researc h projec t o n Presbyterianism , a s is Jay P . Dola n a t th e Uni versity of Notre Dam e o n th e Roma n Catholi c churc h in the Unite d States . 10. Se e especiall y Willia m Kornhauser , Th e Politics o f Mass Society (Ne w York: Fre e Press , 1959) . Tocqueville , o f course , ha d worrie d abou t th e ris e o f mass societ y mor e tha n a centur y earlier ; se e Alexi s de Tocqueville , Democracy in America (Ne w York : Vintage , 1945 ; originall y publishe d 1835) , vol . II , csp . p. 12 . H. Se e th e essay s i n Wad e Clar k Roof , ed. , World Order an d Religion (Al bany: Stat e Universit y of Ne w Yor k Press, 1991) . 12. Th e shif t fro m loca l t o globa l consciousnes s ha s bee n emphasize d mor e in th e sociologica l literature ; see , fo r example , Pete r L . Berger , Brigitt e Berger , and Hansfrie d Kellner , The Homeless Mind: Modernization an d Consciousness (Ne w York: Vintage , 1973) , an d Pete r L . Berger , Pyramids o f Sacrifice: Political Ethics and Social Change (Garden City , N.Y. : Doubleday , 1976) . O n th e importanc e o f local identitie s fo r religiou s commitment , however , se e Wade Clar k Roof, Community an d Commitment (Ne w York : Elesevier, 1979) . 13. A simila r poin t i s mad e i n regar d t o America n Judaism i n Samue l C . Heilman an d Steve n M . Cohen , Cosmopolitans an d Parochials: Modern Orthodox Jews i n America (Chicago : Universit y of Chicag o Press , 1989). 14. Thi s statemen t i s base d o n informatio n obtaine d i n persona l conversa tions wit h Jame s Davison Hunte r a t the Universit y of Viriginia about a research project h e i s conducting o n religio n an d powe r i n thre e advance d industria l so cieties. Fo r a gripping persona l account , se e William E . Diehl , Th e Monday Connection: A Spirituality of Competence, Affirmation, and Support in the Workplace (San Francisco : Harper , 1991) . 15. Rober t Bly , Iran John: A Book about Men (Ne w York: Morrow, 1990) . 16. Rober t Wuthnow , Small Groups —Key t o Spiritual Renewal? A National Symposium an d an Exploratory Survey (Princeton : Georg e H . Gallu p Internationa l Institute, 1990) . 17. Ibid. Chapter 4 1. MacKinla y Kantor , " A Gir l Name d Frankie, " Reader's Digest (Ma y 1966), 86-90. 2. Russel l Hardin, Morality within th e Limits o f Reason (Chicago : Universit y of Chicag o Press , 1988) . 3. O n Habermas , se e m y discussio n i n Rober t Wuthnow , Jame s Daviso n Hunter, an d Edith Kurzweil , Cultural Analysis (London : Routledge , 1984) . 4. Hauerwas , "Casuistry as a Narrative Art," p . 380. 5. Fo r overviews , see Kiri n Narayan, Storytellers, Saints, and Scoundrels (Phil adelphia: Universit y o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1989) , an d Joh n C . Hoffman , Law, Freedom, and Story: The Role of Narrative in Therapy, Society, and Faith (Waterloo , Ontario: Wilfri d Laurier University Press, 1986) . 6. Th e account s presente d i n th e followin g section s ar e from in-depri i per-

Notes 11$ sonal interview s conducted i n severa l different part s o f th e countr y a s part o f a study of individualism and altruism in the Unite d States ; al l the name s and other identifying informatio n ha s been falsified . Fo r a description o f the research methodology an d mor e detai l o n man y of the character s discussed here , see my book Acts of Compassion. 7. Se e for exampl e S . P . Oline r an d P . M . Oliner , Th e Altruistic Personality (New York: Free Press, 1988) . 8. Thes e result s ar e fro m m y ow n analyse s of th e dat a fro m a 198 2 Gallup survey o f th e America n public . Respondent s whos e father s o r mother s wer e n o longer living were instructed no t t o answer the question. Suppor t fo r using these questions wa s provide d b y m y in-dept h interview s i n whic h respondent s wh o described thei r parent s a s caring als o tended t o manifes t feeling s of closenes s t o them. O f th e twelv e relationship s examined (betwee n si x measures o f charitable activity an d closenes s to eac h parent), only two wer e statistically significant a t or beyond th e .0 5 level. Bot h o f the significan t relationships were with th e question about mothers . Inspectio n o f percentag e variation s across the fou r categorie s o f closeness fo r eac h paren t showe d smal l an d inconsisten t variation s o n al l th e questions. A n examinatio n o f th e join t effect s o f closenes s to fathe r an d mothe r also showe d n o significan t patterns . 9. I n a three-wa y tabl e involvin g th e relationship s betwee n charitabl e involvement, current happiness (very versus fairly o r no t very) , and happiness while growing u p (ver y versus fairly o r no t very) , bot h o f the partia l gammas fo r current happines s wer e significan t a t o r beyon d th e .0 5 level o f probability , bu t neither o f th e partia l gammas fo r childhoo d happines s was significant . Thes e re sults ar e based on a national sample of 2,11 0 respondents interviewe d in 1989 ; see Wuthnow, Acts of Compassion, fo r details . 10. Th e strengt h o f th e variou s relationship s between thos e wh o ha d expe rienced a personal crisi s sometime i n their live s an d engagin g i n various kinds of caring activitie s within th e pas t year , a s measured b y the gamm a statistic , were: loaned mone y (.205) , donate d tim e t o a voluntee r organizatio n (.181) , helpe d someone wit h ca r troubl e (.103) , care d fo r someon e wh o wa s sic k (.244) , given money to a beggar (.104) , contributed mone y (.200), tried to sto p someone fro m using alcoho l o r drug s (.355) , visited someone i n the hospital (.205) , helped someone throug h a crisis (.339) , taken care of an elderly relative (.149). These relation s were statisticall y significant and o f simila r magnitude s fo r me n an d women . Thes e findings ar e als o fro m th e nationa l survey I conducted i n 1989 . 11. Gamm a statistics summarizing the strengt h o f the relation s betwee n having experienced a personal crisi s an d each of the othe r item s were: agreein g tha t helping other s cause s yo u t o discove r thing s abou t yoursel f (.204) , sayin g tha t becoming a stronger person is a major reason to b e kind and caring (.125) , feeling good a s a major reaso n t o b e carin g (.168) , an d receivin g a grea t dea l o f fulfill ment fro m doin g thing s fo r other s (.155) . Th e relatio n betwee n havin g experienced a persona l crisi s an d seein g carin g as a wa y o f becomin g stronge r wa s significant fo r me n bu t no t fo r women, whil e the relatio n betwee n havin g had a crisis an d gainin g fulfillmen t fro m helping was significant for women bu t no t fo r men. 12. Fo r example , se e Roge r C . Shank , Tell M e a Story: A Ne w Look a t Real and Artificial Memory (Ne w York : Charles Scribner's Sons, 1990) . 13. Jerom e Bruner , "Lif e as Narrative," Social Research 54 (1987) , 14. Ibid, 31 .

126 Notes

Chapter 5 1. Gallu p Report (January-February , 1987) nos. 256-57, pp. 2-7 . Apar t fro m some surve y evidence , littl e attentio n ha s bee n pai d b y socia l scientist s t o th e character an d functio n o f publi c heroes . Willia m J . Goode , Th e Celebration o f Heroes: Prestige a s a Control System (Berkeley : University of Californi a Press, 1978) , p. 344, suggests that heroe s ar e often people who help others at risk to their own life, bu t does not pursu e this line of reasoning . 2. Thes e figure s ar e fro m m y stud y of America n values; for a full repor t o f the methodolog y and sample , se e Wuthnow, Acts of Compassion. 3. N o differenc e wa s presen t betwee n th e tw o group s eithe r i n th e pro portions wh o though t selfishnes s wa s a n extremel y seriou s proble m i n ou r so ciety. 4. Th e gamm a statisti c fo r th e relatio n betwee n identifyin g an exampl e o f compassion an d saying people ar e becoming mor e interested i n helping the needy was .235. 5. Th e relationshi p betwee n bein g abl e to thin k o f someon e wh o demon strates what i t means to b e compassionate an d feelin g tha t one could depen d o n the followin g if one o r a member o f one' s famil y wer e seriousl y ill as measured by th e gamm a statisti c ar e a s follows : neighbor s (.146) , peopl e a t wor k (.250) , close friends (.216), community volunteer s (.265) , social welfare agencies (.146).

Chapter 6 1. Som e ethicist s suggest tha t heroi c acts of "going beyond th e cal l of duty" be give n a specia l nam e (suc h a s "superogation" ) t o se t the m apart . See , fo r example, Allen Buchanan , "Justice an d Charity, " Ethics 97 (1987), 559 2. Pau l Ricoeur, The Symbolism o f Evil, trans. E. Buchana n (Boston: Beacon , 1967). 3. Althoug h ethic s ha s typically fallen outsid e th e domai n o f interes t to so ciologists, recent wor k i n the disciplin e i s paying increasing attention t o norma tive issues and is reviving the interest tha t Durkheim, Weber, and other foundin g theorists showe d i n question s o f ethics . See , fo r example , Alan Wolfe , Whose Keeper? Social Science an d Moral Obligation (Berkeley : University o f Californi a Press, 1989) . 4. I t i s also arguable that som e of the ambivalenc e expressed towar d figures such a s Mother Teres a ca n be trace d t o childhoo d projection s of feeling s abou t one's own mother . See , fo r example , James J. Preston , ed. , Mother Worship: Theme and Variations (Chape l Hill : Universit y of Nort h Carolin a Press , 1982) ; Judit h Ochshom, Th e Female Experience an d th e Nature o f th e Divine (Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press, 1981) ; and Nanc y Chodorow, The Reproduction o f Mothering: Psychoanalysis an d th e Sociology o f Gender (Berkeley : University of Californi a Press, 1978) . 5. Fo r a philosophica l defens e of th e sam e view , se e Alla n Gibbard , Wise Choices, Apt Feelings (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1990) . 6. Pau l Ricoeur , 'Th e Symbo l Give s Ris e t o Thought, " i n Ways o f Understanding Religion, ed . Walte r H . Capp s (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1972) , pp . 309 17-

Notes 22

7

Chapter 7 1. Thi s chapte r i s a revisio n o f a short essa y o n religiou s orientation s tha t appeared i n th e Encyclopedia o f Sociology, vol . 3 , ed. Edga r F . Borgatt a an d Mari e L. Borgatt a (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1992) , pp . 1651-56 . 2. Rober t N . Bellah , Beyond Belief: Essays o n Religion i n a Post-Traditional World (Ne w York : Harper & Row , 1970) , p . 16 ; Cliffor d Geertz , Th e Interpretation o f Cultures (Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1973) , pp. 90-125 . 3. Muc h of thi s researc h i s summarized i n Peter Farb , Word Play (Ne w York: Bantam, 1973) . 4. Susann e K . Langer , Philosophy i n a New Key (Ne w York: Mentor, 1951) . 5. Greeley , Religion: A Secular Theory, pp . 53-70 .

6. Pete r L. Bergcr , Th e Sacred Canopy (Garde n City , N.Y. : Doubleday , 1967) , p. 45 -

7. Roof , Community and Commitment. 8. Star k and Clock , American Piety, p . 77. 9. Charle s Y . Glock an d Rodne y Stark, Religion and Society i n Tension (Chi cago: Ran d McNally , 1965) , pp. 3—17 . 10. A usefu l overvie w o f thi s literatur e i s foun d i n Bernar d Spilka , Ralp h W. Hood , Jr. , an d Richar d L . Gorsuch , Th e Psychology o f Religion: An Empirical Approach (Englcwoo d Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall , 1985) . 11. Phili p Rieff , Th e Triumph o f th e Therapeutic: Uses o f Faith after Freud (New York : Harpe r 8 c Row , 1966) ; Pete r Clecak , America's Quest for th e Ideal Self (New York : Oxford Universit y Press, 1983) ; Christophe r Lasch , Th e Culture of Narcissism: American Life i n a n Ag e o f Diminishing Expectations (Ne w York : W. W . Norton, 1978) . 12. Steve n M . Tipton , Getting Saved from th e Sixties: Moral Meaning in Conversion an d Cultural Change (Berkeley : Universit y of Californi a Press , 1982) . 13. Se e especially Guy E . Swanson , The Birth of th e Gods: Th e Origin of Primitive Beliefs (An n Arbor: Universit y of Michiga n Press , 1960) ; an d Gu y E . Swanson, Religion and Regime: A Sociological Account of th e Reformation (An n Arbor : University of Michigan Press , 1967) . 14. On e of the more penetrating discussions of religious pluralism t o appea r is recen t year s i s Mar k Silk , Spiritual Politics: Religion an d America since World War II (Ne w York : Simon & Schuster, 1988) . 15. Empirica l evidenc e supporting thi s vie w i s presented i n Kevi n J. Chris tiano, Religious Diversity an d Social Change: American Cities, 1890-1906 (Cam bridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1987) . 16. Th e concep t o f culture a s "tool kit " is developed i n Ann Swidler , "Cul ture i n Action : Symbol s an d Strategies, " American Sociological Review 51 (1987) , 273-86.

Chapter 8 1. A n expande d versio n o f thi s chapte r appear s a s Rober t Wuthno w an d Matthew P . Lawson , "Socia l Source s of Christian Fundamentalis m i n the Unite d States," in Fundamentalisms Explained, ed . Martin Marty and Scott Appleby (Chicago: Universit y of Chicago Press , 1993) , chap. 6. 2. Th e framewor k employed i n thi s chapte r i s adapted fro m on e previousl y

228 NoUS

developed a s a mean s o f specifyin g th e relation s betwee n socia l structur e an d major episode s o f cultura l change ; se e Rober t Wuthnow , Communities of Discourse: Ideology and Social Structure in the Reformation, the Enlightenment, and European Socialism (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1989) . 3. O n th e definin g characteristic s o f fundamentalis m i n th e Unite d States , see Nancy Tatom Ammerman, "North American Protestant Fundamentalism " i n Fundamentalisms Observed, ed . Marti n Mart y an d R . Scot t Appleb y (Chicago : University of Chicago Press , 1990) , chap, i; for historical background, se e George M. Marsden , Fundamentalism and American Culture (Oxford: Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1980) ; an d Georg e M . Marsden , Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids , Mich.: Eerdmans , 1991) . For a useful discussio n o f ho w fundamentalism ha s bee n conceptualize d i n th e sociologica l literature , se e Frank Lechner, "Fundamentalis m Revisited : A Sociologica l Analysis, " i n I n Gods W e Trust, 2 d ed. , ed . Thoma s Robbin s an d Ric k Anthon y (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Transaction, 1990) , pp. 77—97 . 4. Th e foregoin g analysi s draws conceptuall y fro m th e genera l framewor k of churc h an d stat e relation s presente d i n Davi d Martin , A General Theory o f Secularization (Ne w York: Harper & Row , 1975) . 5. Mar y Fulbrook, Piety an d Politics (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1985). 6. O n th e effect s o f stat e growth an d marke t expansio n i n advance d indus trial societies, se e Robert Wuthnow , ed. , Between States and Markets: Th e Voluntary Sector in Comparative Perspective (Princeton : Princeton Universit y Press, 1991) . 7. Followin g i n th e lin e o f Ma x Weber an d Jame s Luthe r Adams , thi s ar gument i s developed i n Ma x L . Stackhouse , "Th e Spac e for Voluntar y Associa tions," i n Faith an d Philanthropy i n America: Exploring th e Role o f Religion i n America's Voluntary Sector, ed . Rober t Wuthno w an d Virgini a A . Hodgkinso n (San Francisco : Jossey-Bass, 1990) , chap . 2. 8. Immanue l Wallerstein , Geopolitics an d Geoculture: Essays o n th e Changing World-System (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1991) . 9. Jerom e L . Himmelstein , T o th e Right: Th e Transformation o f American Conservatism (Berkeley : University of Californi a Press, 1990) . 10. Michae l T . Hanna n an d Joh n Freeman , "Th e Populatio n Ecolog y o f Organizations," American Journal o f Sociology 8 2 (1977), 929-64 ; an d Howar d E . Aldrich, Organizations and Environments (Englewood Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall , 1979). 11. Cliffor d Geertz , Local Knowledges (Ne w York: Viking, 1975) . 12. Se e Lyn n Davidman , Tradition in a Rootless World: Women Turn t o Or thodox Judaism (Berkeley : University o f Californi a Press , 1991) , fo r a stud y tha t emphasizes themes simila r to thos e i n the present chapter—the impact of modernity, th e presenc e o f divers e socia l niches , an d th e continuin g ques t fo r mean ing—for Orthodo x Judaism. 13. Fo r example , a direct-mail solicitation fro m Ro n Robison , date d Octo ber 1990 , callin g fo r th e ouste r o f a female professo r a t th e Universit y o f Massachusetts. 14. Fo r example s from fundamentalis t sermons , see Robert Wuthnow, "Re ligious Discours e a s Publi c Rhetoric, " Communication Research1 5 (Jun e 1988) , 318—38; see also Wuthnow, Rediscovering the Sacred: Perspectives o n Religion in Contemporary Society (Gran d Rapids , Mich. : Eerdmans , 1992) , chap. 3.

Notes 2Z

9

Chapter 9 1. Kristi n Luker, Abortion and th e Politics of Motherhood (Berkeley : University of California Press , 1984) . 2. Christophe r Lasch , Th e True an d Only Heaven (Ne w York : W. W . Nor ton, 1991 ) 3. Nanc y Tatom Ammerman, Bible Believers (Ne w Brunswick, N.J.: Rutger s University Press , 1987) , p . 8 . 4. Susa n Harding , unpublishe d pape r presente d a t a conferenc e o n funda mentalism a t the Universit y o f Chicago, Novembe r 1990 . 5. Se e especiall y M . M . Bakhtin , Th e Dialogic Imagination, trans . Cary l Emerson an d Michae l Holquist (Austin : University o f Texas Press , 1981) ; Katerina Clar k an d Michae l Holquist , Mikhail Bakhtin (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d University Press , 1984) ; Gar y Saul Morson an d Cary l Emerson, eds. , Rethinking Bakhtin: Extensions an d Challenges (Evanston , 111. : Northwester n Universit y Press, 1989); Davi d Patterson , "Bakhti n o n Wor d an d Spirit : Th e Religiosit y o f Re sponsibility," Cross Currents 41 (Sprin g 1991) , 33—51 ; Frederi c Jameson, Th e Political Unconscious: Narrative a s a Socially Symbolic Ac t (Ithaca : Cornell Universit y Press, 1981) ; Willia m C . Dowling , Jameson, Althusser, Marx: A n Introduction to the Political Unconscious (Austin : Universit y of Texas Press , 1981) . 6. Quotin g Pasternak, Bakhtin writes, "The imag e of the worl d appear s miraculously i n th e word" ; M . M . Bakhtin , Speech Genres an d Other Late Essays, trans. Vern W . McGe e (Austin : Universit y of Texas Press , 1986) , p . 159 . 7. Elain e Pagels , 'Th e Socia l History o f Satan , th e 'Intimat e Enemy 5: A Preliminary Sketch, " unpublishe d pape r presente d t o th e Religio n an d Cultur e Workshop a t Princeto n University , April 1991. 8. Th e comple x engagement o f fundamentalists and evangelical s with historical criticis m i s chronicle d i n Mar k A . Noll , Between Faith an d Criticism: Evangelicals, Scholarship, an d th e Bible in America, zd ed. (Gran d Rapids , Mich. : Baker, 1991). 9. John Shelb y Spong , Rescuing th e Bible fro m fundamentalism: A Bishop Rethinks th e Meaning o f Scripture (Sa n Francisco : Harper , 1991) , pp . 5 , 10. " . Diogene s Allen, Christian Belief i n a Postmodern World (Louisville : Westminster/John Knox , 1989) ; Davi d Ra y Griffi n an d Husto n Smith , Primordial Truth and Postmodern Theology (Albany : Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k Press , 1989) ; Edgar V . McKnight , Post-Modem Us e of the Bible: Th e Emergence o f Reader-Oriented Criticism (Nashville : Abingdon , 1988) . ii Willia m Richar d Stegner , Narrative Theology i n Early Jewish Christianity (Louisville: Westminster/Joh n Knox , 1989) ; Ronal d F . Thiemann, Constructing a Public Theology: Th e Church in a Pluralistic Culture (Louisville : Westminster/Joh n Knox, 1991) , chap . 7 ; Do n M Wardlaw , ed. , Preaching Biblically (Philadelphia : Westminster, 1983) ; Ernes t Edwar d Hun t III , Sermon Struggles: Four Methods o f Sermon Preparation (New York : Seabury , 1982) .

Chapter 1 0 i. Fo r a usefu l overvie w o f th e ter m publi c religion , se e John F . Wilson , Public Religion in American Culture (Philadelphia: Temple University Press , 1979) .

2jo Notes 2. Se e especially Walther vo n Loewenich , Martin Luther: The Man an d Hi s Work (Minneapolis : Augsburg , 1982) . 3. Thes e summar y reference s to th e view s o f publi c an d privat e found i n Luther an d Roussea u ar e base d o n a more extende d examinatio n in Wuthnow , Communities of Discourse. 4. Se e chapter 7. 5. Fo r a recen t overview , se e Thiemann , Constructing a Public Theology, chap. i . 6. Wuthnow , Restructuring of American Religion; Wuthnow, Th e Struggle for America's Soul. Se e also Stev e Bruce , A House Divided: Protestantism, Schism, an d Secularization (London : Routledge , 1990) , an d Jame s Davison Hunter , Culture Wars: Th e Struggle t o Define America (New York: Basic Books, 1991) . 7. Amon g survey s indicatin g thi s divisio n betwee n religiou s liberal s an d conservatives i s one I conducted fo r m y study, Acts o f Compassion. 8. Ibid., esp . chap. 5. 9. Wuthnow , Restructuring of American Religion, esp. chap. 9. 10. O n th e fundamentalist-modernis t controvers y an d it s immediat e after math, se e David Harringto n Watt, A Transforming Faith: Explorations ofTwentitthCentury American Evangelicalism (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s Universit y Press, 1991), esp. chap. 2. 11. Ibid., chap . 7 . 12. Se e R . Stephe n Warner , Communities of Faith (Ne w York : Basic Books , forthcoming). 13. Bellah , Beyond Belief, p . 179 . 14. Amon g othe r overview s o f civi l religion , se e especiall y Gai l Gehrig , American Civil Religion: An Assessment (Storrs , Conn. : Societ y fo r th e Scientifi c Study o f Religio n Monographs , 1979) . 15. Backgroun d i s provided i n Wuthnow , Communities of Discourse. 16. Wuthnow , Acts of Compassion, chap . 9 .

Chapter 1 1 1. A version o f this chapte r was originally presente d at the Cente r fo r Ethic s and Publi c Polic y i n Washington, D.C. , i n 1991 . 2. Rober t C . Liebma n an d Rober t Wuthnow , "Introduction, " i n Th e New Christian Right: Mobilization an d Legitimation, ed. Robert C. Liebma n and Rob ert Wuthnow (Ne w York : Aldine, 1983) , p. i . 3. Althoug h th e phras e "Ne w Christia n Right " remain s accurat e a s a label for th e movemen t tha t emerge d i n th e lat e 19705 , I shal l refe r mostl y t o th e "religious Right," partly becaus e it is no longe r "new " and partly because I want to sugges t ways in which th e broade r movemen t ma y change in the year s ahead. I am , therefore, no t concerne d wit h specifi c organizations (suc h as Moral Majority or Christia n Voice ) bu t wit h th e loosely organize d movemen t consistin g largel y of conservativ e Christian s (primaril y Protestants ) wh o ar e activel y engage d i n conservative politics . 4. Th e factor s discusse d her e addres s th e condition s I identifie d a s having given ris e t o th e religiou s Righ t i n m y Restructuring o f American Religion and, more briefly , Th e Struggle for America's Soul, chap . 2 . I n thos e work s I wa s at tempting t o accoun t fo r th e emergenc e o f variou s condition s i n America n reli gion tha t cam e int o prominence i n th e 1970 5 an d 19805 , particularl y the divisio n

Notes 23

1

between religiou s conservatives and religiou s liberals . Thus, my focu s here i s different, bot h i n lookin g mor e towar d th e future , an d i n dealin g specificall y wit h the religiou s Right . Th e condition s tha t contribute d t o polarizatio n were no t always th e one s tha t nurture d th e religiou s Right . I am , therefore , intereste d i n how wel l thes e broade r condition s hel p u s understan d th e presen t trajector y o f the religiou s Right. 5. Th e "this-worldly " orientatio n i n America n religion , I hav e argued, wa s not s o muc h roote d i n th e kin d o f abstrac t theodicy tha t Webe r identifie d bu t was frame d within a discourse o f "promise an d peril " tha t becam e prominen t i n the Unite d State s afte r Worl d Wa r I I an d legitimate d a n exceptiona l leve l o f rekgious activism ; see Wuthnow, Restructuring of American Religion, pp. 35-53 . 6. Premillenmalis m i s often include d i n th e ver y definition of fundamentalism; see , fo r example , Ammerman , "Nort h America n Protestan t Fundamental ism," i n Marty an d Appleby , Fundamentalisms Observed, chap , i ; fo r historica l background o n th e emergenc e an d varietie s o f America n fundamentalism , see Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture. 7. For a broader discussion o f the socia l conditions encouragin g (o r discour aging) millennia l orientations, se e Robert Wuthnow , Meaning an d Moral Order: Explorations i n Cultural Analysis (Berkeley: University o f Californi a Press, 1987) , chap. 5. 8. Wuthnow , Restructuring o f American Religion, pp. 54-70 . 9. Fo r a brief statistical survey, see Wuthnow, Restructuring o f American Religion, pp . 17-29 . 10. Som e interestin g comparative evidence to thi s effect i s presented i n Joh n Boh, "Sweden : I s Ther e a Viabl e Third Sector? " i n Between States and Markets: The Voluntary Sector i n Comparative Perspective, ed . Rober t Wuthno w (Princeton : Princeton Universit y Press, 1991) , chap. 4 . n. Georg e Gallup , Jr. , Religion in America: 1990 (Princeton : Princeto n Religion Researc h Center, 1990) , complete report . 12. Wuthnow , Restructuring o f American Religion, pp . 71—99 ; evidenc e o n the weakenin g o f denominationa l boundarie s i s als o presente d i n Roo f an d McKinney, American Mainline Religion. 13. Thi s cooperatio n shoul d no t b e overemphasized ; bu t se e A . Jame s Reichley, "Pietis t Politics, " i n Th e Fundamentalist Phenomenon, ed . Norma n J . Cohen (Gran d Rapids , Mich.: Eerdmans , 1990) , p. 98 , for a similar argument. 14. O n th e Souther n Baptis t Convention, se e Ammerman, Baptist Battles. 15. Th e concep t o f special purpose groups an d some evidence on thei r growing importanc e i n America n religio n i s developed i n Wuthnow , Restructuring of American Religion, pp. 100-31 . Se e Barbara M . Yarnold , ed., Th e Role of Religious Organizations in Social Movements (Westport , Conn.: Greenwood, 1991) , for som e empirical evidenc e o n th e rol e o f thes e organization s i n th e Ne w Righ t an d i n other recen t religiou s movements . 16. Se e Rober t C . Liebman , "Mobilizin g th e Mora l Majority, " i n Liebma n and Wuthnow , Ne w Christian Right, pp . 50—74 , fo r th e bes t discussio n o f thes e clergy networks . 17. Wuthnow , Restructuring o f American Religion, pp. 168—72 . 18. Wuthnow , Acts o f Compassion, chap . 5 ; thi s conclusio n i s draw n fro m discriminant an d multipl e regressio n analyse s o f th e factor s distinguishin g self identified religiou s liberal s fro m religiou s conservative s i n a nationa l surve y I conducted i n 198 9 a s part o f a project o n altruis m and individualis m in American

232 Notes culture; th e questio n an d analysi s were identica l t o th e one s I use d earlie r i n examining th e 198 4 data. 19. O n th e importanc e o f difference s i n social status, se e John H . Simpson , "Moral Issue s an d Statu s Politics, " i n Liebma n an d Wuthnow , New Christian Right, chap . 10. 20. O n governmen t growth an d its consequences for religious participation, see Wuthnow, Th e Struggle far America's Soul, chap . 5. 21. Se e chapte r 12 . 22. Fo r mor e detail, se e Wuthnow, Th e Struggle for America's Soul, chap . 6 . 23. A candi d admissio n o f thi s misconceptio n i s foun d i n Kevi n Phillips , "The Rise of the Religiou s Right, " New York Times (Marc h i , 1988), p. A23. 24. Researc h currently in progres s b y James Davison Hunter a t the University o f Virgini a suggest s a relativel y high leve l o f anticlericalis m i n th e Unite d States generally . I t is , therefore, interesting t o observ e a "trend" of sort s i n th e national leadership of the religiou s Right awa y from th e parish clergy: from Jerry Falwell as a congregational pastor , t o Pa t Robertso n a s a pastor without a parish, to prominen t lait y such a s Tim LaHaye , Beverl y LaHaye , Charle s Colson , an d James Dobson . 25. Amon g the numerou s studie s of religious television, see especially Jeffre y K. Hadden , "Religiou s Broadcastin g an d the Mobilization o f the Ne w Christia n Right," Journal fo r th e Scientific Study o f Religion 2 6 (1987) , 1—24 . 26. Fo r mor e detail, se e Wuthnow, Th e Struggle for America's Soul, chap . 6. 27. Fo r a supportiv e argumen t tha t fundamentalis m does no t constitut e a threat t o basi c democratic ideals in American society, se e Richard John Neuhaus , "Fundamentalism an d th e America n Polity," i n Cohen , Th e fundamentalist Phenomenon, chap. 7. 28. Wuthnow , Restructuring of American Religion, chap . 9. 29. Fo r a brie f commentary o n th e conflic t betwee n Jerr y Falwell's variety of fundamentalis m an d tha t o f Jim an d Tamm y Bakker' s PTL Club , se e George M. Marsden , "Definin g America n Fundamentalism," i n Cohen , Th e Fundamentalist Phenomenon, p. 27. 30. Hoddin g Carter III , "Lik e I t o r Not , Religio n Has a Place in Politics," Wall Street Journal (Februar y 15, 1990) , p . AIJ . 31. Fo r evidenc e that this shif t i s already under way, see D. Shribman , "Going Mainstream: Religiou s Righ t Drop s High-Profil e Tactics , Work s on Loca l Level,' ' Wall Street Journal (Septembe r 26, 1989), p. i .

Chapter 1 2 1. A n earlie r version o f thi s chapter wa s presented a t a conference at Baylor University held i n 199 1 and publishe d i n the proceeding s o f that conference : Religion i n th e Making o f Public Policy, ed . Jame s E . Wood , Jr . an d Dere k Davi s (Waco, Tex.: J . M. Dawso n Institut e o f Church-State Studies , 1991) , pp. 81—99 . 2. Se e fo r exampl e Steve n Bruce , Th e Rise an d Fall o f th e Ne w Christian Right (Oxford : Clarendo n Press , 1988) ; Jame s L. Guth , Ted Jelen , Lyma n Kell stedt, Corwin Smidt , an d Kennet h Wald , "Th e Politics o f Religio n i n America: Issues for Investigation," American Politics Quarterly11 6 (1988), 118-59; Clyde Wilcox, "America's Radica l Righ t Revisited : A Comparison o f Activists of the Christia n Right i n Two Decades, " Sociological Analysis 4 8 (1987) , 46-57; and Matthe w Scully ,

Notes 23

3

"Right Wing an d a Prayer—Still Alive and Kicking," Washington Times (November 8 , 1989), p . Ez . 3. Th e ter m "publi c sphere " i s usefull y develope d i n Jurge n Habermas , Structural Transformation of th e Public Sphere (Cambridge , Mass.: MI T Press , 1989) . 4. O n th e limite d politica l gam s o f th e religiou s Right , se e Rob Gurwitt , "The Christia n Righ t Ha s Gaine d Politica l Power : No w Wha t Doe s I t Do? " Governing (Octobe r 1989) , 52-58. 5. Unpublishe d remark s presented a t a conference on th e futur e o f th e religious Righ t sponsore d b y the Ethics and Public Policy Center, Washington , D.C. , in Novembe r 1990 . 6. Kennet h Wald , Religion an d Politics i n th e United States (Ne w York : St. Martins Press , 1987) , p. 205. 7. Rober t Boot h Fowler , "The Failure of the New Christian Right, " unpublished paper , Univesity of Wisconsin, Madison, 1990 . 8. O n th e recen t record o f religiou s lobbies i n general , a valuable sourc e is Allen D . Hertzke , Representing Go d in Washington: Th e Rale o f Religious Lobbies in the American Polity (Knoxville : University of Tennessee Press , 1988). 9. Thiemann , Constructing a Public Theology, p . 32 , expresses a similar point in his description o f "religion's rhetorica l power an d political impotence. " 10. E . P . Thompson , Th e Making of the English Working Class (Oxford : Oxford Universit y Press, 1968) . 11. Wil l Herbcrg, Pratestant-Catholic-Jew (Garde n City, N.Y.: Anchor, 1955) . 12. O n religiou s belie f and belonging , se e Gallup, Religion i n America. 13. Fo r a differen t perspectiv e fro m whic h th e sam e conclusio n ca n b e in ferred, se e Charles Colson, "Fro m a Moral Majorit y to a Persecuted Minority, " Christianity Today (Ma y 14, 1990), 80 . 14. Thes e decline s are documented i n Roof and McKinney, American Mainline Religion. 15. Bella h e t al. , Habits o f the Heart. 16. Wuthnow , Acts of Compassion, esp . chap. 9. 17. Fo r a detailed loo k a t the rol e of these resource s in one community , see N. J . Demerath II I an d Rhy s H . Williams , A Bridging o f Faiths: Religion an d Politics in a New England City (Princeton : Princeton Universit y Press, 1992) . 18. O n thes e groups , se e th e forthcomin g boo k b y Warner, Communities of Faith. 19. Fo r on e classi c example, see Nei l J. Smelser , Theory o f Collective Behavior (New York : Free Press, 1962) .

Chapter 1 3 1. Thi s chapter i s an adaptatio n o f a n essay that originally appeare d a s "The Precarious Ques t fo r Identity," Religion and American Culture 4 (1991) , 3—8 . 2. Psychologis t Abraha m Maslow onc e describe d marchin g i n the counter part ceremony at Harvar d a s one o f his most intens e pea k experiences. 3. Rober t Wuthnow , Th e Consciousness Reformation (Berkeley : University of California Press , 1976) , p . 260 . 4. Self-Esteem Survey (Princeton : Gallu p Organization, 1982) . I was the principal consultant o n thi s study. 5. Wuthnow , Acts of Compassion, chap . i.

234 Notes 6. Th e discussio n o f five examples i n Mar y Catherin e Bateson , Composing a Life (Ne w York : Atlanti c Monthly Press , 1989) , provides a vivid illustration . 7. Fo r a useful assessmen t o f th e broade r implication s of thi s shift , se e Anthony Giddens , Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society m the Late Modem Age (Stanford : Stanfor d Universit y Press, 1991) . 8. Amon g othe r discussions , se e Talcot t Parsons , Th e Social System (Ne w York: Fre e Press , 1952) , chap . 3. 9. O n th e changin g philosophica l dimension s o f sel f identity , se e Charle s Taylor, Sources o f the Self: Th e Making o f th e Modern Identity (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvard Universit y Press, 1989) . 10. Herberg , Protestant-Catholic-Jew. n. A n exceptionally fine study of the ways in which social and cultura l change s in th e Unite d State s i n th e perio d sinc e Herber g hav e influenced the self-identitie s and religiou s practice s of American Jews is Steven M. Cohen, American Modernity and Jewish Identity (Ne w York : Tavistock , 1983) . 12. Rolan d Robertson , Meaning an d Change: Explorations i n th e Cultural Sociology o f Modern Societies (Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press, 1978) , esp . chap. 5. 13. Se e chapte r 2 . 14. Bella h et al. , Habits o f the Heart. Chapter 1 4 1. Mila n Kundera , Th e Book o f Laughter and Forgetting (Ne w York: Penguin, 1981), p . 37 . 2. U.S . Burea u of th e Census , Historical Statistics (Washington , D.C. : Gov ernment Printin g Office , 1975) , par t i . 3. Everet t Ladd , "American s a t Work, " Public Opinion (August—Septembe r 1981), 21 . 4. Th e name s ar e fictional , bu t th e peopl e an d th e comment s quote d ar e real, take n fro m interview s conducted i n 199 1 as part o f a project o n religio n an d economic lif e unde r a grant fro m th e Lill y Endowment . 5. "Leisure, " Index t o International Public Opinion (1985—1986) , 446 . 6. Ibid. 7. "Tim e a t Premiu m fo r Man y Americans ; Younge r Peopl e Fee l th e Pres sures Most," Gallup Poll (Novembe r 4, 1990) . 8. Susa n E Shank , "Wome n an d th e Labo r Market : Th e Lin k Grow s Stronger," Monthly Labor Review in (1988) , 3—8 . 9. Fo r evidence , see Arh e Hochshild , Th e Second Shift (Ne w York : Viking , 1990). 10. M y ow n analysi s of dat a collecte d fo r m y book , Acts o f Compassion. n. Indeed , the survey showed tha t peopl e who thought of money a s a problem were more likely t o conside r i t essentia l for themselve s tha n were peopl e wh o did no t regar d i t a s a problem. Th e proportion s wh o considere d makin g a lot of money absolutel y essentia l decline d fro m n percen t amon g thos e wh o though t emphasizing mone y i s a n extremel y serious proble m i n ou r society , t o onl y 5 percent amon g thos e wh o di d no t thin k o f it a s a problem . 12. Susa n Chance , "M y Generation, " Seventeen (Octobe r 1989) , 99—106 . 13. Annua l survey s conducte d i n th e Unite d State s among colleg e freshme n have documente d a n upwar d tren d i n th e proportion s wh o lis t bein g ver y well

Notes 23

5

off financiall y amon g thei r to p values : fro m 3 9 percent wh o di d s o i n 197 0 to 7 1 percent i n 1985 ; se e Cooperativ e Institutiona l Researc h Program , Th e American Freshman: Twenty Tear Trends, 1966-1985 (Lo s Angeles: Highe r Educatio n Re search Institute , 1987) , p. 97. 14. Nationa l Cente r fo r Healt h Statistics , Health Promotion an d Disease Prevention: United States, 1985 (Washington , D.C. : U.S. Department o f Healt h an d Human Services) , series 10, no . 163 , p . 30 . 15. Anett a Miller , "Stres s o n th e Job, " Newsweek (Apri l 25 , 1988), 40-45 ; Emily T. Smith , "Stress : Th e Tes t American s Are Failing, " Business Week (Apri l 18, 1988) , 74-76. 16. Rober t Teitelman , "Does Prosperity Kill?" Forbes (August 26, 1985), 127 128. 17. Horac e Bushncll, Work and Play (London : Alexande r Strahan , 1864), pp . 21–22

Chapter 1 5 1. Thi s chapter is a revision of a n article published in Cross Currents 5 (1990), 17-30. 2. Tany a Gazdik , "Som e College s War n Student s Tha t Cult-Lik e Method s Are Bein g Use d b y Christia n Fundamentalis t Groups, " Chronicle o f Higher Education (Novembe r 15 , 1989) , i . Althoug h thi s articl e i s perhap s distinctive i n it s bias agains t religio n o n campus , th e mor e genera l climate of distrust towar d religion fostere d by the moder n universit y has been a subject o f much commentary in recen t years . For example , see Page Smith , Killing th e Spirit (Ne w York: Vi king, 1990) , and Ronal d H . Nash, The Closing o f the American Heart (Lexington : Probe Books, 1990) . 3. Richar d Hofstadter , Anti-Intellectualism i n American Life (Ne w York: Vintage, 1962) . 4. Fo r a summary of thes e studies, se e Wuthnow, Restructuring of American Religion, esp. chap. 7. 5. On e vie w of this process is presented i n James Tunstead Burtchaell , "The Decline an d Fal l of th e Christia n College, " First Things (Apri l 1991) , 16—29 , an d (May 1991) , 30—38 . Fo r othe r assessments , se e Willia m J . Byron , "Identity an d Purpose i n Church Related Higher Education, " Susquehanna University Studies 1 2 (1984), 21-29 , an d Rober t R . Parsonage , ed. , Church-Related Higher Education (Valley Forge , Perm. : Judso n Press , 1978) . 6. Fo r interestin g materia l on th e relationshi p betwee n evangelicalis m and higher education , bot h amon g student s an d i n the wider society, I refe r th e reader to th e following works by James Davison Hunter: "Th e New Class and the Young Evangelicals," Review o f Religious Research 2 2 (1980) , 155—69 ; American Evangelicalism: Conservative Religion an d th e Quandary o f Modernity (Ne w Brunswick, N.J. : Rutgers Universit y Press, 1983) ; an d Evangelicalism: Th e Coming Generation (Chicago: Universit y of Chicag o Press , 1987) . 7. Wuthnow , Restructuring of American Religion, chap. 7. 8. Result s fro m a national surve y of th e America n population I conducte d in 1989 ; see Wuthnow, Acts of Compassion, chap . 5. 9. Rober t K . Merton , Science, Technology an d Society i n Seventeenth-Century England (Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1970; originally published 1938). 10. Wuthnow , Meaning and Moral Order, chap . 8.

236 Notes

11. Elain e Pagels , Adam, Eve, and th e Serpent (Ne w York : Rando m House, 1988). 12. Weber , The Sociology o f Religion. 13. Bertran d Very , "Mila n Kunder a o r th e Hazard s o f Subjectivity, " Review of Contemporary Fiction 9 (Summe r 1989) , 81 . 14. Madelein e L'Engle , Walking o n Water (Ne w York : Farrar , Straus , an d Giroux, 1981) , chap. 3.

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Selected Bibliography 241 Marty, Marti n E. , an d Scot t Appleby , eds . Fundamentalisms Explained. Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1993 . McGuire, Meredith B . Religion: The Social Context. ?d ed. Belmont , Calif.: Wadsworth, 1992 . McKnight, Edgar V . Post-Modem Us e of the Bible: Th e Emergence o f Reader-Oriented Criticism. Nashville : Abingdon, 1988. Meeks, Wayne A. Th e First Urban Christians: Th e Social World of th e Apostle Paul. New Haven : Yal e Universit y Press, 1983 . Merton, Rober t K. Science, Technology and Society in Seventeenth-Century England. New York : Harper & Row , 1970 . Originall y pubilshe d 1938 . Meyer, John W. , an d Bria n Rowan , "Institutiona l Organizations : Forma l Struc ture a s Myth an d Ceremony. n American Journal o f Sociology 8 3 (1977), 340 — 63. Morson, Gar y Saul , an d Cary l Emerson , eds . Rethinking Bakhtin: Extensions and Challenges. Evanston, 111. : Northwester n Universit y Press, 1989. Nash, Ronal d H . Th e Closing o f th e American Heart. Lexington : Prob e Books , 1990. Niebuhr, H . Richard . Th e Social Sources ofDenominationalism. Ne w York : Meridian Books , 1959 . Originall y publishe d 1929. . Christ and Culture. New York : Harper & Row, 1951 . Noll, Mar k A. Between Faith and Criticism: Evangelicals, Scholarship, an d th e Bible in America, z d ed . Gran d Rapids , Mich.: Baker , 1991. Noll, Mark A., Nathan O . Hatch , Georg e M . Marsden, Davi d F. Wells, an d John D. Woodbridge , eds. Eerdmans' Handbook t o Christianity i n America. Grand Rapids, Mich. : Eerdmans , 1983 . Oakley, Francis . Th e Western Church in th e Later Middle Ages. Ithaca : Cornel l University Press , 1979 . Ochshorn, Judith . Th e Female Experience an d th e Nature o f the Divine. Blooming ton: Indian a Universit y Press, 1981 . Oliner, S . P., an d P . M . Oliner . Th e Altruistic Personality. Ne w York : Free Press, 1988. Ozment, Steve n E . Th e Reformation i n th e Cities: Th e Appeal o f Protestantism t o Sixteenth-Century Germany and Switzerland. New Haven : Yal e Universit y Press, 1985 . Pagels, Elaine . Adam, Eve, and th e Serpent. Ne w York : Rando m House , 1988 . Parsonage, Rober t R., ed. Church-Related Higher Education. Valley Forge, Penn. : Judson Press , 1978 . Patterson, David . "Bakhtin o n Wor d and Spirit : The Religiosit y o f Responsibility." Cross Currents 41 (Sprin g 1991) , 33-51 . Preston, Jame s J. , ed . Mother Worship: Theme an d Variations. Chape l Hill : Uni versity of North Carolin a Press , 1982 . Rahner, Karl . Theological Investigations. Vol . XXII . New York : Crossroad, 1991. Renwick, A . M. , an d A . M . Harman . Th e Story o f th e Church, z d ed . Gran d Rapids, Mich. : Eerdmans , 1985 . Ricoeur, Paul . Th e Symbolism o f Evil. Translate d b y E . Buchanan . Boston : Bea con, 1967 . . "Th e Symbo l Give s Ris e t o Thought. " I n Ways o f Understanding Religion, edited b y Walter H. Capps . pp . 309-17 . New York : Macmillan, 1972 . Rieff, Philip . The Triumph of the Therapeutic: Uses o f Faith after Freud. Ne w York : Harper & Row, 1966 .

242 Selected

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Selected Bibliography 24

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Tipton, Steve n M . Getting Saved fro m th e Sixties: Moral Meaning m Conversion and Cultural Change. Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1982. Tocqueville, Alexi s de . Democracy m America. 2 vols. Ne w York : Vintage , 194-5 ; Orginally publishe d 1835 . Wald, Kenneth . Religion an d Politics in th e United States. New York : St. Martin s Press, 1987 . Wallerstein, Immanuel . Geopolitics an d Geoculture: Essays o n th e Changing WorldSystem. Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1991 . Wardlaw, Do n M. , ed . Preaching Biblically. Philadelphia : Westminster, 1983 . Warner, R . Stephen . Ne w Wine i n Ol d Wineskins: Evangelicals and Liberals in a Small-town Church. Berkeley : University o f Californi a Press , 1988 . . Communities o f Faith Ne w York : Basi c Books , forthcoming . Watt, Davi d Harrington . A Transforming Faith: Explorations o f Twentieth-Century American Evangelicalism. New Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1991 Waugh, Earle , ed. Th e Muslim Community i n North America. Edmonton : Univer sity o f Albert a Press , 1983. Weber, Max. Th e Protestant Ethic and th e Spirit o f Capitalism Ne w York : Charle s Scribner's Sons , 1958 . Originally publishe d 1904—1905 . . Th e Sociology o f Religion. Boston: Beacon , 1963 . Originall y publishe d 1922 . Wilcox, Clyde . "America' s Radica l Righ t Revisited : A Compariso n o f Activist s of th e Christia n Righ t i n Tw o Decades. " Sociological Analysis 4 8 (1987) , 46-57. Williams, D. Newell , ed. A Case Study of Mainstream Protestantism: The Disciples' Relation t o American Culture, 1880-1080. Gran d Rapids , Mich. : Eerdmans , 1991. Wilson, Bryan . Religion in Sociological Perspective. Oxford : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1982. Wilson, Joh n F . Public Religion i n American Culture. Philadelphia . Temple Uni versity Press , 1979 . Wolfe, Alan . Whose Keeper? Social Science and Moral Obligation. Berkeley: Univer sity o f Californi a Press , 1989 . Wuthnow, Robert. Th e Restructuring o f American Religion: Society an d Faith Since World Wa r II . Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1988 . . Th e Struggle for America's Soul: Evangelicals, Liberals, an d Secularism. Gran d Rapids, Mich. : Eerdmans , 1989 . . Acts o f Compassion: Caring fo r Others an d Helping Ourselves Princeton : Princeton Universit y Press , 1991 . . Rediscovering the Sacred: Perspectives on Religion in Contemporary Society. Grand Rapids , Mich. : Eerdmans , 1992 . . ed . Between States an d Markets: Th e Voluntary Sector in Comparative Perspective Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1991 . Wuthnow, Robert , an d Virgini a A . Hodgkinson, eds . Faith an d Philanthropy in America: Exploring th e Role o f Religion i n America's Voluntary Sector Sa n Francisco: Jossey-Bass , 1990 . Yarnold, Barbar a M., ed . Th e Role of Religious Organizations i n Social Movements. Westport, Conn. . Greenwood , 1991 .

Index

Abcmathy, Ralph , 7 4 Abolitionist movement , 17 9 Abortion, 140 , 141, 142 , 145, 150, 160, 164, 165 , 168, 172 , 173 Abraham, stor y of , 7 9 Acts o f Compassion, 5 9 Addams, Jane, 7 5 AIDS, 4-5 , 150 , 173 Alcoholics Anonymous , 62 , 64 , 9 1 Alcoholism, 173 , 194, 197 American Christianity , 21 5 this-worldly orientatio n of , 15 3 American Civi l Libertie s Union , 17 2 American civi l religion , 144—4 5 conservative sid e of , 147—4 8 decline o f old-lin e denominations, 148— 49, 223-24» future of , 148-5 0 liberal versio n of , 146—4 7 lines o f division within , 21 5 public theolog y an d conservatism , 149 50 American cultur e diversity of , 11-1 2 educational attainmen t and, 12-13 materialism of , 1 2 American Dream , 1 2 American Mainline Religion, 39 American Protestantism , 9 American religiou s history , negativ e aspects of, 19 0 Ammerman, Nancy , 126 , 127

Anticlencalism, 5 1 Annelitism, 174—7 5 Annnomianism, 20 8 Armageddon, 15 4 Assemblies o f Go d churches , 23 , 11 8 Atheism, theis m distinguishe d from , 10 3 Bakhtm, Mikhail , 12 6 Bakker, Jim an d Tammy Faye , 163 , 17 8 Baptist churches , 118, 154, 156, 158, 162 Bellah, Rober t N. , 8 , 38 , 46, 47 , 49 , 144, 17 7 Berger, Pete r L. , 8 , 2 6 Bible Believers, 12 6 Bible belt , 11 8 Bible stories , 209-1 0 Biblical literalism , 11 4 Ely, Robert , 5 2 Boesky, Ivan , 7 9 Bonhoeffer, Dietrich , 2 1 Born-again Christians , 14 0 Bruner, Jerome , 6 8 Buck, Pearl , 7 2 Buddhism, 10 3 Burnout, 196 , 197 Bush, Barbara , 7 3 Bush, George , 73 , 160 , 175 Bushnell, Horace , 20 1 Calvin, John , 25 , 3 8 Calvinism, 15 4 Capitalism, 2 0

244

Index Carcgivers, persistenc e of , 89-9 0 Caring, storytellin g as , 9 3 Caring person , inne r qualitie s of, 89-90 Carter, Modeling , 16 6 Carter, Jimmy , 142 , 144 Catholic church , establishmen t of , 2 9 Catholics, 110 , 111, 143, 145, 146, 156, 166, 176 , 187, 188, 189, 215 Child abuse , 61 , 19 4 Christ, Jesus , 81 , 84-8 5 fundamentalist imag e of , 12 4 guilt cause d by , 8 5 return of , 3 Second Comin g of , 15 4 Chnstian(s) diversity of , 208- 9 responsibilities of , 1 2 social rol e of , 5 8 as term , 4 3 in worl d o f today , 1 9 in worl d o f tomorrow , 19—2 0 Christian Bikers 1 Association, 15 7 "Christian century, " 4 2 Christian fundamentalis m Se e Fundamentalism Christian identity , 4 2 conferred b y church , 44—4 5 retention o f loca l identit y and , 50 state and , 44 support group s and , 53-54 Tom Haskcn s and , 49-5 0 Christianity Se e also America n Christianit y challenges o f twenty-firs t century, 213 17 ethical behavio r and , 7 ethical ideal s an d rol e of , 70-7 1 fundamentalism and , 9 government polic y and , 10, 1 1 intellectual lif e and , 204-6, 211-12 personal live s o f believers , 11-1 2 public rol e of , 1 0 Chronical o f Higher Education, 203 , 206 Church challenge o f loca l identity , 50—5 1 challenges of , 48-49 Christian identit y conferre d by , 4 1 4 5 community and , 214—15 as community , 6— 7 as communit y o f memory , 46-4 7 as communit y o f mora l discourse , 4 9 as communit y o f service , 35 , 3 6 congregation and , 20-21 as denomination , 4 9 as denominationa l an d confessiona l body, 1 0 denominations of , 24-25 diversity of , 6 doctrine and, 7-8 future of , 2 8 geography and , 22-23, 23-24

245

goods an d service s conferre d by , 44—4 5 growing si7, c an d impersonalit y of , 5 2 growth an d declin e of , 23—2 4 identity-conferring functio n of , 45-46 individualism and , 38-39 as institution , 5— 6 as mainsta y o f communit y life , 3 2 in Middl e Ages , 3 2 middle clas s and, 193 as mora l community , 2 0 moral dimensio n of, 21—2 2 as ope n system , 4 9 organizational form s of , 2 9 after Reformation , 3 2 resources an d futur e of , 21 4 as sacre d place , 2 1 as storyteller , 4 8 as suppor t group , 51-5 2 transmission o f identity , 53—5 4 Civil religion , 144 , 146 Civil rights , 16 8 Civil right s movement , 142 , 165, 179 Class struggle , 10 6 Closure, stone s and , 68 Codcpendency, 13 3 Cold War , 142 , 205 Communications media , 16 2 Communism, 121 , 141 , 142 Community, 13-14 , 32-4 1 church and , 214—1 5 church as , 6-7 creating ou r own , 9 2 ethic o f servic e and, 35—36 fostering, 26-2 7 identity and , 186-87 importance of , 7 Miriam Water s and , 36-37, 40-41 new voluntarism , 39-4 0 reconciling individualis m and, 40-4 1 religious identit y and , 7 residence and , 34—35 searching for , 30-31 stories and , 90 as support , 33-3 4 symbolism and , 27, 91-9 3 varieties of , 3 3 Community o f memory , 46—4 7 Compassion degrees of , 8 3 as expressio n o f selves , 9 0 people wh o embody , 7 3 Confessional bodies , i O Confessional traditions , 1 6 Confessions, 13 9 Congregation, 20-21 , 220 n The Connecticut Mutual Life Report on American Values, 34—3 5 Conservatives. Se e Religious conservative s Contemporary culture , diversit y of , 11 12

246

Index

Contemporary saints , 72-8 2 Christ figures , 8 3 exemplars o f individualism , 80—81 identifying with , 77-7 8 impressions of , 73-7 4 individualism of , 8 1 Lone Ranger , 81-8 2 in ou r ow n image , 79—8 0 people wh o embod y compassion , 7 3 as rol e models , 75—7 6 stories of , 74—7 5 symbolic valu e of , 7 8 as symbol s o f hope , 7 9 Creationism, 140 , 17 3 Crisis, experience s of , 67-68 Cults, 13 3 Cultural capital , 118-2 0 Culture, congregation s and , 20 Day o f Judgment , 17 6 Deism, 14 6 Deliberative process , 14 7 Denominational identity , 49—5 0 Denominational pluralism , 24 Denominational symbols , 27—2 8 Dcnommations/denominationalism, 10 , 24-25 church as , 4 9 clergy a s guardian s of , 5 1 cultural chang e and , 25—26 declining significanc e of , 156—5 7 importance of , 2 5 loyalty to , 39-4 0 role of, 26-2 7 switching, 2 6 Tom Hasken s on , 49—5 0 after Worl d Wa r II , 11 8 Devil, i n fundamentalism , 129-3 0 Dispensationalism, 2 5 Dispcnsationahst theology , 15 4 Diversity, 1 4 challenge of , 2 4 Divine truth , 2 5 Divine will , 12 0 Divorce, 61 , 15 0 Doctrine. Se e Religious doctrin e Drugs, 173 , 178 , 19 4 Duggan, Robert , 17 5 Durkheim, Emilc , 19 , 20, 21 , 22 , 24 , 2627, 28 , 29 , 30 , 10 6 Dysfunctional families , 61—6 2 Education. Se e also Highe r educatio n American cultur e and , 12—13 religious knowledg e and , 29 The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, 19 Emotional distance , carin g behavio r and , 62-63 Empathy, 88-8 9

English Reformation , 15 4 Enlightenment, 14 6 Environmental pollution , 5 Episcopal church , 15 7 Equal right s amendment , 16 5 Ethical ambivalence , 83-9 5 expressions of , 84—8 5 learning t o interpre t stories , 85-8 6 neutralizing ou r heroes , 8 5 uncomfortable i n presenc e o f good, 8 4 Ethical behavior , 7 Ethical commitment , 58-5 9 Ethical ideals , 5 8 role o f Christianit y i n transmitting , 7 0 transmitting, 6 8 Ethics, religiou s orientation s and, 104 Ethnic groups , a s community o f memory , 47 Evangelicals, 17 6 as cults , 203-^ t Evil, 10 4 Exclusion, politic s of, 17 5 Eaith, 139-5 0 character o f publi c religion , 144-4 8 critical though t and , 208-9 ethical dimensio n of , 7 future of , 148-5 0 knowledge versus , 12—1 3 observable manifestation s of, 10 5 polarization o f liberal s an d conservatives, 14 0 4 4 private an d public , 140-4 1 Falwell, Jerry , 115 , 130 , 161, 162, 163 , 164, 165 , 168, 175, 178, 180 Family, change s in , 5 2 Family Protectio n Act , 164, 17 2 Fathers, a s rol e models , 60—6 1 Feminist movement , 11 7 First Amendment , 21 7 Fowler, James , 13 2 Fowler, Rober t Booth , 17 2 Frederick Baptis t church , 19 , 20-22, 24 , 30 Free Speec h Movement , 11 5 French Catholics , 20 8 Fulbrook, Man' , 11 1 Fundamentalism, 14 , 109-24 , 125-3 5 alternatives to , 13 3 Baptist sermon , 134—3 5 community and , 135 as counterdiscourse , 122 , 126 creativity of , 12 3 cultural capita l in , 118—2 0 culture of , 12 0 dimmishment of , 11 4 discontents produce d by , 13 2 dynamics of , 115—1 6 environment of , 11 0 nature and , 130-33

Index government and , 110—11 higher educatio n and , 113-15 mstirutionalization, 118—2 0 as loca l knowledge , 11 9 meaning o f lif e and , 120-21 modernity and , 122—23, 12 6 motivation t o action , 123-2 4 national prominenc e of , 117—1 8 other-worldly orientatio n of , 15 3 pcntecostal varietie s of , 11 9 polarities in , 121—2 3 political involvemen t and , 111—12 population ecolog y and , 116 pragmatism an d succes s of, 130-3 1 rational attack s against , 131—3 2 reemcrgcncc of , 11 8 role o f devi l in , 129-3 0 setting libera l agenda , 127—3 0 simplicity an d complexit y of , 123 , 12829 ' social environmen t and , 9 social horizo n of , 121—2 2 social selectio n and , 117—18 spread of , 8-9 targets o f hatre d of , 12 1 teaching children , 132—3 3 uncertainty and , 116-17 world econom y and , 11 3 Fundamentalists, 166 , 176 as bearer s o f tradition , 12 7 efforts t o clea n u p television , 17 3 image o f Jesu s Christ of , 12 4 as reactionarie s an d discontents , 12 5 as seekers , 123-24 Fundamentalists Anonymous , 13 3 Future challenges of , 4-5, 213-1 7 Christianity and , 3, 213—1 7 church a s institutio n in , 5— 6 predicting, 4 telling storie s and , 14 Gadamer, Hans-Georg , 4 6 Game theory , 5 8 Gandhi, 59, ' 73, 75 , 76 , 80 , 81 , 85 , 86 , 87, 91 , 9 3 Geertz, Clifford , 8 , 11 9 Geography, churc h and, 22-23 Gingrich, Newt , 16 0 Good Samaritan , 70 , 21 0 Government Christianity and , 10, 1 1 fundamentalism and , 110-11 Graham, BiUv , 73 , 16 2 Great Depression , 22 , 14 1 Greeiey, Andre w M. , 8 Habermas, Jurgcn , 8 , 5 8 Habtts o f th e Heart, 38 , 46 , 47 , 177 , 19 0 Happiness, incom e and , 114

247

Hardm, Russell , 5 8 Harding, Susan , 12 6 Haskens, Tom, 49-50 Hauerwas, Stanley , 49 , 5 8 Health, 198-9 9 ' Hcrbcrg, Will , 174 , 187-88 , 18 9 Heteroglossicism, 10 8 Higher educatio n cultural ga p create d by , 142 , 143 diversity o f Christian s in , 206— 7 in 1890s , 20 4 fundamentalism and , 113—15 growth in , 158-5 9 in 1960 s an d 1970s , 205- 6 in 1980s , 20 6 religious righ t and , 158-59 Hofstadter, Richard , 20 4 Homeless, 19 4 Homosexuality, 140 , 143, 145, 165 Hope, Bob , 73 Housley, Mar y Frances , 57 , 81 , 9 0 Human sciences , 1 5 Hussein, Saddam , 12 9 Idealism, suspicion s of, 86-8 7 Identity Se e also Christia n identity ; Ques t for identity ; Religiou s identit y conferred upo n us , 43^4 self and , 4 3 social institution s and , 43^4 Income happiness and , 114 money versu s time , 197—9 8 Individual, wort h of , 8 8 Individualism church and , 38-39 materialism and , 38 • Industrialization, 2 2 Inner qualities , o f carin g person , 89—9 0 Institutional religion , 5— 6 Internal Revenu e Service , 14 3 Invisible religion , 4 2 Jackson, Jesse , 7 3 Jameson, Frederic , 12 6 Jesus. Se e Christ, Jesu s Jews, 143 , 156, 176, 187, 188 , 189, 215 John Pau l II , Pope , 72 , 7 3 Judeo-Chnstian heritage , impac t of , 1 1 Keillor, Garrison , 2 7 Kenny, Sister , 7 2 King, Coretta , 7 2 King, Marti n Luther , Jr. , 59, 72 , 74 , 75 , 81, 92 , 176 , 180 , 19 0 Knowledge, fait h versus , 12-1 3 Kohlberg, Lawrence , 13 2 Koinoma, a s term, 3 3 Kundera, Milan , 19 3

248

Index

Ladd, Everett , 194-9 5 Land, Richard , 17 5 Language, religiou s orientation s and , 105 Lasch, Christopher , 12 5 Leadership networks , 15 8 L'Engle, Madeleine , 21 1 Lenin, 16 4 Lewis, C . S. , 20 9 Lewis, Jerry , 7 3 Liberals. Se e Religious liberal s Liberty University , 16 8 "Living th e question, " 209—1 2 Local identity , 5 0 Love, storie s of , 5 9 Luhmann, Niklas , 8 Luker, Kristin , 12 5 Luther, Martin , 38 , 129 , 139 Maclntyre, Alasdair , 46-47, 5 8 McKmney, William , 3 9 Marginal utility , 197-9 8 Marx, Karl , 8 , 22 , 106 , 192, 193, 209 Marxism, 121 , 123 Maslow, Abraham , 13 1 Materialism, 193-94 , 195-96 , 200-201 Meals o n Wheels , 7 6 Merton, Robert , 208, 210 Methodist church , 157 , 174 Middle class , 192-20 2 church and, 193, 199-200 challenge o f materialism, 193-9 7 distinguishing featur e of, 19 2 diversity of , 192-9 3 health and , 198-99 higher value s and , 200-20 1 marginal utility , 197-9 8 materialism and , 195—96 ministries t o an d of, 200-202 moral guidanc e and , 201-2 stress and , 196-97 work and , 194-95 Minorities, right s of , 174—7 5 Modern culture , expressivis t orientatio n in, 4 5 Modern expressivism , 14 9 Modernism, 2 2 Modernity, fundamentalis m and , 9 , 126, 141-42 Moral guidance , 201- 2 Moral community , 26-2 7 church as , 2 0 Moral decay , 15 0 Morality politics of , 176-7 7 politics versus , 17 7 religion versus , 177-7 8 Morality with the Limits o f Reason, 5 8 Moral Majority , 115 , 152, 158, 161, 164, 168, 171 , 175 Moral optimism , 14 9

Moral order , 146--1 7 Moral relativism , 127, 147 Mothers, a s rol e models , 59—6 0 Movements, factor s tha t dampen , 164-6 6 Muslims, 21 5 Narrative, rol e of , 58-5 9 National Associatio n o f Evangelicals , 171, 175 National Cente r fo r Healt h Statistics , 19 7 Native Americans , oppression of , 19 0 Neuhaus, Richard , 13 0 New Christia n Right . Se e Religious righ t New voluntarism , 18 9 Niebuhr, H . Richard , 24 , 3 8 Novak, Michael , 13 0 Pagels, Elaine , 129 , 209 Parental rol e model s caring behavio r and, 63-64 lack of , 62-63 Parks, Rosa , 7 4 Past, tellin g storie s and, 14 Peace movement , 13 4 Pentecost, 15 4 Pentecostal churches , 11 9 Pentecostalists, 16 6 Personal growth , 5 2 Personalized eclecticism , 10 8 Pilgrims, 19 0 Pluralism. Se e Religious pluralis m Politics, 170-7 2 morality versus , 17 7 preachers and, 176 religion and , 142 religious liberal s and , 171 religious righ t and , 166—67 as term , 17 0 terminology of , 170-7 1 unpredictability of , 16 0 Population ecology , 11 6 Pornography, 165 , 173, 178 Postmodern criticism , 13 4 Prayer i n school . Se e School prayer Preachers, politic s and , 176 Premillenial eschatology , 153 , 154 Presbyterians, 154 , 156, 157 Private religion , 13 9 Probability calculations , 5 8 Production, i n population ecology , 11 6 Prohibition, 164 , 179 Protestant-Catholic-Jew, 17 4 Protestant ethic , 2 0 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, 3 8 Protestants, 110 , 111, 143, 145, 146, 147, 156 , 166. 176, 187, 188, 189, 215 Public arena , 170-7 1

Index Pubbc lif e growing secularizatio n of , 216-17 as term, 170-7 1 values an d moralit y in , 15 5 Public polic y definition of , 17 0 distinction betwee n publi c spher e and, 171 religion and , 178-80 Public religion , 139 . See also American civil religio n character of , 144-^ 8 Public spher e distinction betwee n publi c policy and, 171 as term , 170-7 1 Puritans, 19 3 contributions t o scienc e of, 20 8 Quest fo r identity , 183—9 1 achievement a s identity, 185-8 6 alternative source s o f identity , 190-9 1 character o f identity , 184-8 7 choosing identity , 189—9 0 fluid identities , 188-8 9 historic dimensio n o f identity , 18 6 importance o f communit y fo r identity , 186-87 importance o f quest , 184—8 5 multiple identities , 18 8 story, 183-8 4 time an d space , 19 0 varied source s o f identity , 18 5 Rahner, Karl , 6 Rationalism, 146 , 208 Rational utilitarianism , 5 8 Reactionary Christians , 20 4 Reagan, Nancy , 7 3 Reagan, Ronald , 73 , 80 , 160 , 164, 173, 175 Reductionism, 106- 7 Reformation, 20 5 Reformation theology , 14 7 Religion, 168-8 0 Durkheim's definitio n of , 2 0 emotional function s of , 10 4 external realit y of , 19 0 functions of , 29-30 in future , 1 5 human frailt y an d rol e of , 3 0 morality versus , 177—7 8 motivation and , 210—12 as play , 20 1 politics and , 142 public polic y and, 178-80 pursuit o f identit y and , 187-90 rites an d myth s of , 2 8 separating for m an d functio n in , 29—3 0

249

social rol e of , 2 8 studies of , 1 5 Rehgionless Christianity , 42 Religious belief , influence s on , 105- 6 Religious commitment , 10 4 Religious conservatives/conservatism , 118 , 147^8 distinction betwee n religiou s liberals and, 14 1 historical force s i n divisio n betwee n liberals and , 141-4 2 polarization o f liberal s and , 14 0 4 4 religious liberalism' s conflict with, 10 II rights o f minoritie s and, 175 in twentiet h century , 204-6 Religious doctrine , 7- 9 challenges o f futur e and , 8 functional importanc e of , 8 fundamentalism and , 8— 9 social condition s and , 8 Religious identit y community and , 7 voluntary associatio n and , 4 4 Religious institutions , 10 7 Religious knowledge , educatio n and, 29— 30 Religious liberals/liberalism , 9, 14 , 11 8 characteristics of , 10 8 children of , 13 2 community and , 134 as countercultur e t o secularism , 134 defined b y fundamentalism , 12 6 deliberative proces s and , 147 devil and , 129 distinction betwee n conservative s and, 141 higher educatio n and , 159 historical force s behin d divisio n betwee n conservatives and , 141-4 2 identification wit h progress , 127—2 8 inclusion and , 147 , 149 moral orde r and , 146--17 polarization o f conservative s and , 140 44 politics and , 171 as reactionaries , 12 6 religious conservatism' s conflic t with , 10-11 rights o f minoritie s and , 175 role of , i n future , 9—1 0 Religious movement s dynamics of , 115-1 6 population ecolog y and , 116 Religious orientation s ambiguity and , 103 consequences o f religiou s oudooks, 10 4 contextual meaning , 10 0 emphasis o n self , 10 5 essential aspec t of , 10 4

250

Index

ethical implication s of, 104— 5 individual variation s of, 10 2 influences o n religiou s belief , 105— 6 language and , 105 polarization, 10 8 public o r socia l dimensio n of , 10 5 reductionism and , 106—7 religious pluralism , 107- 8 social determination s and, 10 6 social interactio n and, 101-2 theism, 102- 3 transcendent meaning , 99-10 0 trend towar d ambiguity , 10 3 ultimate questions , 100-10 1 varieties o f belief , 10 2 Religious pluralism , 107-8 , 14 5 religious war s and, 44 Religious right , 151-6 7 accomplishments of, 173-7 4 antielitism of , 174—7 5 cautious forecas t regarding , 166-6 7 criticisms of , 172-7 3 elites, 161-6 2 emphasis o n values , 154—5 5 fundamentalism and , 153-54 grass-roots leaders , 16 1 growth o f welfar e stat e and , 159—60 higher educatio n and , 158-59 institutional resources , 155—5 6 labor an d power , 16 3 losing and , 164—65 morality and , 177-78 as movement , 161—6 3 national prominenc e of , 15 1 new issue s and , 165—66 organizational factor s and, 156—58 political ob]ective s of , 171-7 2 political upheava l and, 160 politics and , 166-67 politics o f exclusio n and, 175 politics o f moralit y and, 176-77 predisposing circumstance s and , 152—53 reinforcing publi c agenda, 172-7 4 religious television , 162—6 3 resources of , 161—6 3 rise of , 178-7 9 sources o f societa l stres s and , 158—60 symbolism o f inside r an d outsider , 174 — 75 sympathizers, 16 1 television networ k programmin g and, 173 winning and , 164 Religious symbols , 10 5 Religious television , 158 , 162-63 Religious voluntarism , 43—4 4 Religious wars , 4 4 Rescuing the Bible from Fundamentalism, 131 The Restructuring o f American Religion, 3 9

Retention, i n populatio n ecology , 11 6 Ricoeur, Paul , 8 Robertson, Pat , 123, 161-62, 163 , 165, 171 Roe v Wade, 142 , 14 3 Role models , 19 1 fathers as , 60-61 mothers as , 59—6 0 nonparental source s of , 64—6 6 saints as , 75-76 Roof, Wad e Clark , 3 9 Roosevelt, Eleanor , 74 , 76 , 77 , 8 0 Rousseau, 139 , 144, 146 Royalists, 20 8 Saints. Se e Contemporary saint s School prayer , 140, 14l', 164 , 173 Schweitzer^ Albert , 72 , 73 , 74 , 76 , 86 , 9 1 Scofield, Dr. , 25 Scopes trial , 14 1 Second Comin g o f Christ , 15 4 Selection, i n populatio n ecologv , 11 6 Self changing conception s of , 5 2 inner lif e of , 10 5 Self realization , 5 2 Sexual permissiveness , 17 3 Slavery, 19 0 Social conditions , religiou s doctrin e and, 8 Social Darwinism , 2 2 Social environmen t fundamentalism and , 121-23 moral uncertaint y and, 116—17 religious doctrin e and, 8 religious orientation s and, 106 Social Gospe l movement , 17 9 Social justice , 17 7 Societal stress , 158—6 0 "Soul liberty, " 13 5 Southern Baptis t Convention , 23 , 15 6 Christian Lif e Commissio n of , 17 5 Special purpos e groups , 157—5 8 Spirituality defining, 4 5 support group s and , 53 Spong, Bisho p Joh n Shelby , 131, 132 Stewardship, 200 , 201 Stone Lectures , a t Princeto n Theologica l Seminary, 1 6 Stories acting out , 68-70 applications of , 87-8 8 of car e received , 7 0 closure and , 68 as communitie s o f memory , 9 3 community and , 90 empathy and , 8 9 encapsulating experienc e through , 68 experiences o f crisi s and, 67-68

251

Index good an d evi l and , 204—5 hope fo r livin g from, 94—9 5 importance of , 58-59 inner qualitie s and, 89-90 "instruction manuals " fo r interpreting , 86-87 learning t o interpret , 85-8 6 looking fo r principle s m, 8 7 of love , 5 9 moments o f vulnerabilit y and, 66 moral lesson s and , 66 personal bon d betwee n caregive r and recipient o f care in , 88-89 role of , 14-1 5 rules o f socia l behavio r learne d from , 94 small lesson s from , 93-95 telling an d retellin g of, 9 3 as vehicle s of ethica l transmission , 5 9 worth o f individua l and, 88 Storytelling, a s caring, 9 3 Stress middle clas s and, 196-97 stress reductio n techniques , 198-9 9 Struthers, Sally , 7 3 Sub]ective religiosity , 10 5 Support groups , 5 2 Christian identit y and, 53—54 church as , 51-52 spirituality and , 53 Supreme Court . Se e U.S. Supreme Cour t Swaggart, Jimmy , 163 , 178 Syrnbionese Liberatio n Army , 16 5 Symbolic politics , 173-7 4 Symbolism community and , 27 inner lif e o f sel f and , 10 5 Symbols in community , 9 1 through community , 91-9 3 denominational, 27-2 8 Synanon, 16 5 Taylor, Elizabeth , 7 3 Taylor, Freddi e Jackson , 70-71 , 74 , 75 , 91, 92

Teresa, Mother , 59 , 72-82, 84-88, 9092, 94 , 17 6 Theism, atheis m distinguishe d from , 10 3 Theodicies, 10 4 Therapy, 13 3 Thomas Roa d Baptis t Church, 16 8 Thompson, E . P , 17 4 Tradition importance of , 4 6 individual identit y and, 47 loss of, 47

Tutu, Archbisho p Desmond , 7 2 Twelve-step groups, 52-53 , 132 , 133 Unconditional love , 6 2 U S Constitution , 11 0 U S . labo r force , statistic s on, 19 5 U S . Suprem e Court , 160 , 164, 166 Values, religiou s righ t and , 155 Very, Bertrand , 21 1 Vietnam War , 142 , 160 Voluntarism, 39^0 Wald, Kenneth , 17 2 Watergate scandal , 155 , 178 Waters, Miriam , 36-37, 40-41 Weber, Max , 20, 22 , 38 , 104 , 153, 208 , 209 Welfare state , growt h of , 159-6 0 Weynch, Paul , 172 , 173 Women, i n church , 14 0 Women's movement , 16 3 Work, 194-9 5 as mean s no t end , 20 0 Work ethic , deterioratio n of , 19 4 World economy , fundamentalis m and, 113 Worldview, definitio n of , 10 4 World Wa r II , 141 , 143, 149 X, Malcolm , 7 4 Yoga, 10 3

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