Choctaw Language and Culture: Chahta Anumpa

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Choctaw Language and Culture

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Choctaw Language and Culture Chahta Anumpa

By Marcia Haag and Henry Willis Foreword by Grayson Noley

University of Oklahoma Press : Norman

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Haag, Marcia, 1951– Choctaw language and culture : Chahta Anumpa / by Marcia Haag and Henry Willis. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–8061–3339–2 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Choctaw language—Grammar. 2. Choctaw Indians. I. Willis, Henry, 1929– II. Title. PM872 .H33 2001 497.3—dc21 00–053277

The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources, Inc. ∞ Copyright © 2001 by the University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Publishing Division of the University. All rights reserved. Manufactured in the U.S.A. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Contents

List of Illustrations

vii

Foreword: Choctaws Today, by Grayson Noley

ix

Preface

xv Part One. Chahta Anumpa, The Choctaw Language

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

The Sounds of Choctaw The Noun Phrase: The Noun and Its Modifiers The Basic Sentence The Past Tense Agent Person Markers Question Words Affected Person Markers Word Formation and Verbs with Affected Subjects Recipient Person Markers The Future Tense and Verbs with Recipient Subjects Complex Verbs: The -t Suffix Commands Dependent Clauses Plurals Aspect: Events and States Clause Conjunction with mt and ma Clause Conjunction with -cha and -na v

3 14 18 29 39 48 59 68 76 86 95 104 115 124 134 144 154

vi

18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

Contents

Iterative and Resolutional Aspects Negation with ik-o Adverbials with -osh and -o The Potential Mood Relative Clauses Indefinites Emphatic Pronouns

164 178 187 199 210 220 228

Part Two. Kaniohmichi-hosh Okchayat Il-asha, ‘The Way We Live’ 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

The Ancient Ones, by Timothy R. Pauketat The Life Cycle from Birth to Death, by Pamela Innes Choctaw Social Organization, by Morris Foster Daily Life in the Southeastern Forest, by Charles Hudson The Origins of Maize, by Cameron B. Wesson Southeastern Iconography, by David H. Dye Choctaw Houses and Public Buildings, by Cameron B. Wesson European Contact and Trade, by Cameron B. Wesson A History of the Choctaw Language, by Marcia Haag The Choctaw People Resist the Treaty at Dancing Rabbit Creek, by Duane Champagne The Choctaw Trail of Tears, by James Carson Life in Mississippi after Removal, by James Carson Urban and Rural: New Life in the West, by William B. Lees and Heather N. Atherton Choctaws in Oklahoma: Government, by Valerie Long Lambert Choctaw Schools, by Clara Sue Kidwell Choctaws and Missionaries, by Clara Sue Kidwell Choctaw Newspapers, by Daniel Littlefield, Jr. Contemporary Ritual Life, by Valerie Long Lambert

241 245 250 255 258 261 267 272 276 280 288 292 296 300 306 309 313 317

Glossary of Terms

323

Choctaw-English Glossary

327

English-Choctaw Glossary

351

List of Contributors

373

Index

375

Illustrations

A late-nineteenth-century Choctaw couple in western-style dress Clay human-portrait vessel from Shawnee Village, Arkansas Crested supernatural bird, ca. 1400 A.D. Sketch of a Choctaw man in traditional clothing, ca. 1853 Pushmataha, ca. 1824 Hleotambi, a Confederate veteran “Bud” Peter Maytubby, Jr., a Rough Rider during the Spanish-American War A group of Choctaw World War I veterans, 1930s V. W. “Buster” Jefferson, a veteran of World War II William R. McIntosh before field inspection at Fort Rucker, Alabama, during World War II The Choctaw Light Horsemen, 1893 A meeting of the senate of the last Choctaw Council, ca. 1905 Choctaw governor Green McCurtain addressing tribal members A group of men and women waiting to be enrolled in the Choctaw Nation in 1899 A church between two school buildings near Wright, Oklahoma A game of kapucha, Choctaw stickball, at the annual Labor Day Festival, Tuskahoma, Oklahoma, 1998 A Choctaw family enjoys the Labor Day Festival A Choctaw woman in traditional dress

vii

247 263 265 274 281 282 284 285 286 287 299 301 302 303 308 318 319 320


Foreword Choctaws Today

If we were to rely only on the knowledge commonly given in schools today, we might believe that Choctaws and others indigenous to North and South America are denizens of the past. That, of course, is not true. Choctaws continue to be a vibrant social, economic, and political force in southeastern Oklahoma and in central Mississippi. Their population is growing in both locations and, as well, in other parts of the United States. Indeed, there are significant populations in San Francisco and Los Angeles as well as in Oklahoma City, Tulsa, Dallas, and other cities. If we were to go on commonly held perceptions, we might also believe that American Indian languages are dying, and in this case we might be closer to the truth. This fails to acknowledge the reality that many enclaves of American indigenous languages continue to exist and that children continue to be brought up speaking Choctaw and other languages, although their numbers are quite small compared to the total registered population of Choctaws. Nevertheless, the extent of intermarriage and the indiscriminate tribal enrollment policies of some Indian nations have been factors in the decreasing use of the language. Choctaws growing up with parents of mixed heritage are unlikely to have Choctaw as a first or even a companion language. Most Choctaw children in Oklahoma attend public schools, and many continue their education at various colleges and universities located near their homes. However, Choctaws are in attendance at colleges and universities all across the nation, including the best institutions of higher education ix

x

Foreword

the United States has to offer. All do not receive assistance from the Choctaw Nation’s higher education department, but more than six hundred did receive such aid during the academic year 1997–98, and Choctaw officials estimated that they would give as many as one thousand scholarships during the 1998–99 school year. These officials also estimated that of those they supported, only 5 percent who began in 1997 did not return in 1998— excluding, of course, the more than one hundred who graduated. As these numbers are representative of only those who received assistance, based on need, from the Choctaw Nation, we can assume that the total number of Choctaws in higher education is much higher. Although the Choctaw governmental structure in the twentieth century has not always been a model of efficiency or ideal in its ability to serve Choctaw people, it has been continuous. Unfortunately, until 1972 Choctaws did not even have the right to select their own leadership, as the Principal Chief was appointed by the president of the United States with no input from tribal members. This led to a half-century of malaise until, in the 1970s, a federal law was passed giving Choctaws the opportunity to elect leaders who had at least been through a process in which Choctaw citizens had the chance to observe and make personal decisions about who best could serve them. After the controversial election of Harry Belvin, the first popularly elected Principal Chief following the change in federal law was David Gardner. Chief Gardner moved to create a modern governmental structure from amidst the existing ruins. Prior to Gardner there had been no real structure, only an appointed chief who conducted the affairs of the Choctaw Nation, answering to the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs. Gardner, an experienced grant-proposal writer, began working to see that the Choctaw Nation received all the federal financial support for which it was eligible. Unfortunately, his tenure in office was short-lived, as he succumbed to cancer after serving only three years of the first of what promised to be many terms of office. His successors continued seeking the federal support necessary to meet the needs of the Choctaw people, however. Today the Choctaw government is a modern multifaceted governmental entity meeting the educational and economic needs of the Choctaw people. At the same time the Choctaw Nation, by virtue of the changing laws governing the relationship between the United States and Indian nations, has developed into a Choctaw entrepreneurship, owning and operating several businesss with varying degrees of success. The political structure of the Choctaw Nation, though it does not have the formal divisions it had in the nineteenth century, is nevertheless presently

Foreword

xi

vibrant and alive, having been dormant for most of the twentieth century. Although many would argue that the present structure is far from democratic, Choctaw citizens have the right to vote for the candidate of their choice in free elections. And the fact that people are willing to talk about and take alternative positions to those advocated by the existing governmental authorities is testimony to the dynamic nature of the political enterprise. There are those who have alleged that the present Choctaw government has abused its power, this allegation stemming from an incident in which individuals were arrested for allegedly distributing political literature without authorization to do so. This incident demonstrates, however, that the Choctaw Nation has individuals who are active commentators on political issues, passionate enough about their beliefs to pursue their resolutions through a court of jurisprudence. The fact that there is a court where differences can be resolved demonstrates adaptation to a different culture, but it also symbolizes changes in the Choctaw political structure. Most of all, the court symbolizes the fact that the Choctaws are dynamic and adaptable. Cultural knowledge has been retained through the efforts of individual Choctaws who have maintained understandings that are transferable to modern times. The assault of modernity on Choctaw culture has been relentless, however, and as a result many characteristics of nineteenth-century and even early twentieth-century Choctaw lifeways will not survive far into the twenty-first century. Even some of the culture represented mostly by the Christianization of Choctaws is in danger of disappearing. The Choctaw church, characterized by sermons in the Choctaw language, songs from the Choctaw hymn book, all-night singings, and camp meetings has all but disappeared. The church survives, but its character is fundamentally changed. The demise of this nineteenth-century institution appears to be aided and abetted by the policies of church officials who discourage Choctaw-language ministering in southeastern Oklahoma. On the other hand, Choctaws in southeastern Oklahoma are pleased to learn of ancient songs and dances that have been better preserved by the Mississippi Choctaws and have enjoyed opportunities to engage in exchanges with them over the past several years. Knowledge of Choctaw culture in the nineteenth century, passed down via oral tradition, is alive in some homes, but nowadays this tradition is represented mainly by professional or semiprofessional storytellers, individuals who have taken it on themselves to learn stories, ostensibly Choctaw in origin, and retell them in more or less formal settings. This is better than nothing, but as there are no set standards for storytellers, the ability of the stories to represent accurately the knowledge of past times is questionable. However,

xii

Foreword

the accuracy of the stories told in other times also could have been questioned, except for those describing Choctaw history. History told in the past cannot be questioned, because it is constantly being told and retold by those with a stake in the past. It therefore becomes a function of the present reality and contemporary needs. History always has been told in this way. Today, history is recorded by historians who have written texts studied by American Indian schoolchildren. The children are consequently required to read histories written by non-Indian authors who have a stake in a different kind of past and therefore create a historical reality that may be at odds with one needed by the Indian child. Choctaw has been a written language for more than 170 years, with several dictionaries published by both Choctaw and non-Choctaw compilers. It was the language of instruction in nineteenth-century Choctaw schools and the official language of the Choctaw government, although records were published in both Choctaw and English and translators were always available at meetings of the General Council to assist those whose Choctaw language skills were insufficient. Choctaw has recently been taught as an official subject in colleges and universities as well as in elementary schools, and a new orthography was commissioned and produced for the Mississippi Choctaws by linguists at Mississippi State University. One can only guess at the percent of Choctaws who continue to be fluent in their language, but clearly many are. Estimating a percent of the total population of 110,635 would be misleading, due to the fact that 78 percent of the currently registered Oklahoma Choctaws are one-fourth or less Choctaw according to the director of the Department of Tribal Registration. This suggests that the chance of many Choctaws to have grown up speaking the Choctaw language would be very low. On the other hand, among the estimated 32,000 Choctaws who live in the ten and one-half Oklahoma counties representing the original boundaries of the Choctaw Nation, there is likely a higher fluency rate than can be found among Choctaws living outside those boundaries. The fluency rate of Choctaws living in Mississippi is considered to be much greater than that of Choctaws in Oklahoma. Scholars and others have recognized that American Indian languages are endangered and have countered with efforts to keep them alive in many parts of the United States. In fact, the Native American Studies Program at the University of Oklahoma offers classes in Choctaw at three levels, and it is clear that this language continues to be a popular topic for dissertation research, as evidenced by several such studies appearing in a cursory literature search.

Foreword

xiii

A new text for the Choctaw language is long overdue. The language is dynamic and changes from one generation to the next, as is the case with all language. Despite the fact that the Choctaw language was first written by a white missionary, other versions were written by those of Choctaw descent. As a Choctaw who is proud of his heritage, it is my fervent hope that the language will never die and that this book will contribute to its reality in the twenty-first century. GRAYSON NOLEY Norman, Oklahoma


Preface

This book represents the culmination of many years of cooperative work for us: we began working together in 1992, when the linguist member, Marcia Haag, asked for an introduction to Henry Willis, a Choctaw speaker of note in Oklahoma. Since Mr. Willis had just retired, he was for the first time able to devote himself to his lifelong desire to study his first language and help others to know it. So began a collaboration that embraced several years of team teaching at the University of Oklahoma and many hours of research at Mr. Willis’s kitchen table, as he patiently explained the often elusive grammar of Choctaw. From our notes and classroom materials accumulated over many semesters, we have developed Choctaw Language and Culture: Chahta Anumpa. In this book we have attempted to explain the Choctaw grammar in a depth not previously attempted; often, we have had to find a way to illustrate a concept that not only is absent in English, but also has no terms with which to begin to describe it. The language section, part one of this book, is modeled after classic foreign-language textbooks. It is not a primer for children, it does not offer an intensive immersion experience for those who wish to become speakers, nor is it intended for those who wish to teach themselves Choctaw. Rather, it is a pedagogical grammar for the high-school or adult classroom student who is learning Choctaw as a second language. The book is intended to be used as a reference for both the student and the Choctaw-speaking teacher, in a classroom situation where ample conversation and pronunciation experience will be provided. This book corresponds to a one-year, two-part course. xv

xvi

Preface

Among the major topics included are an introduction to sounds, basic phrase constructions, several classes of person markers, basic sentence construction, tense and mood marking, and several kinds of clause constructions in Choctaw. This book is not a complete grammar of the Choctaw language, however. In the language section each chapter is organized to begin with either a conversation (Itimanumpoli) or a story (Nananoa) in both Choctaw and English. The conversations and stories in the first few chapters are quite simply constructed, but as the volume progresses they are written in idiomatic Choctaw, as Choctaw speakers would use it. This means that often students will not have been introduced beforehand to a particular idiom or grammatical marker. We feel, however, that it is important for students to be exposed to the grammar in its natural context and to have real Choctaw literature to study and later cherish. The second part of every language chapter is the grammar section, Anumpa lhpesa. This section explains one major and usually one or more minor points of Choctaw. We believe the greatest strength of the book lies in the explanation of grammatical features that are most unlike English and other Indo-European languages. We have made a serious effort to limit the number of technical terms and to invest those we must use with as much explanatory power as possible. For example, Choctaw is a language that has different forms of clause conjunctions depending on whether the subjects of the joined clauses are the same or different. This phenomenon is called switch-reference in the linguistics community, but we have named it subject tracking to provide the sense that the speaker is, in fact, tracking the presence of a particular subject through the discourse. Similarly, Choctaw uses an array of affixes that are marked both for person and semantic role. We have chosen terms for these person markers that indicate their semantic roles, such as agent and affected, rather than assigning them an abstract term from the linguistics literature. The third section, Anumpa, is a vocabulary section. Early lessons introduce common vocabulary items, and later lessons include words used in the stories. Vocabulary sections divide words by their parts of speech, followed by a section of idioms which may be explained in that lesson or introduced but explained in a later lesson. The fourth section, Anumpa Anukfilli, is devoted to word study, word usage, and idiomatic expressions. While Anumpa lhpesa concentrates on general grammatical rules, Anumpa Anukfilli examines specific word usage. For example, Choctaw has many words to express the notion like: one word is used exclusively for the taste of food; another requires a different clause

Preface

xvii

construction; some use subjects with different semantic roles. Correct use of these terms is important for fluency, and their usage cannot be deduced from corresponding English terms. The fifth section, Abchi, contains exercises. The first exercise is always related to written comprehension, followed by exercises devoted to working with the grammar and, last, a writing exercise. These exercises are meant to provide a minimal practice for the student and to be suggestive to the teacher. They cannot, by themselves, begin to fulfill the student’s need for oral drill, pronunciation practice, and comprehension. Part two of the book is a collection of essays, Kaniohmichi-hosh Okchayat Il-asha ‘The Way We Live’. The collection represents new research about the Choctaw people and their history by a number of well-known anthropologists and historians. Loretta Fowler, of the Anthropology Department at the University of Oklahoma, conceived the idea to develop these short essays, and it was she who arranged for the many contributors to add their scholarship to the book. The contributors include four Choctaw scholars: Clara Sue Kidwell, Grayson Noley, Duane Champagne, and Valerie Long Lambert. The other contributors are: Timothy R. Pauketat, Pamela Innes, Morris Foster, Charles Hudson, Cameron B. Wesson, David H. Dye, James Carson, William B. Lees, Heather N. Atherton, and Daniel Littlefield, Jr. Their positions and affiliations are given in the List of Contributors. We are also fortunate that members of the Choctaw community chose to share their family photographs with us. We thank Evangeline Wilson, V. W. Jefferson, Philip Morgan, and Susan McIntosh for this privilege. David Dye generously allowed us to print his photos of Southeastern effigy vessels. Chester Cowen of the Oklahoma Historical Society was very helpful in selecting several historical photographs, as were the curators of the Western History Collection at the University of Oklahoma. There are many more individuals to thank—and too many to name— for their part in bringing this work to light, but among the most helpful have been our spouses, Ed Baron and Carole Willis, with their ceaseless encouragement. Loretta Fowler was the first to believe that we could indeed produce a proper textbook, and it was she who initiated the project. We thank her for her knowledge and experience; we are very sure that there would be no book without her early assistance. Le Roy Sealy tested the manuscripts over several semesters in his Choctaw language classes, and we thank him for his helpful comments. A number of Choctaw speakers served as resources for the authors; among them were Mae Wilson, Rev. Jesse Louis, V. W. Jefferson,

xviii

Preface

Charles Jones, Terry Battiest. T. Dale Nicklas offered helpful comments about the linguistic analysis. The editors and their assistants at University of Oklahoma Press have been both patient and knowledgeable; I particularly thank Jo Ann Reece and Sarah Nestor. About the orthography. We have grappled at length with the issues of how to spell the sounds of Choctaw and how to decide on the boundaries of words. There are many versions of Choctaw spelling systems, or orthographies, and there is probably no one best way to spell the language that both faithfully reflects the sounds of Choctaw and is easy for the people who write it to use. When one adds many special markings, or diacritics, to letters or uses special nonroman letters, it is difficult to type. At the same time, when one uses roman letters (the alphabet in which English is written), the reader is tempted to replace English sounds for those of Choctaw. Besides deciding which sound-symbol pairings will be used, one must also decide where the boundaries of words will be. (Writers of the language may have contributed as much variation in word boundaries as in symbols.) Historically, the writer with the most influence on the spelling was the missionary Cyrus Byington, who devoted his life to the Choctaw people and their language in the nineteenth century. His Dictionary of the Choctaw Language and translation of the Bible remains the most common document among the Choctaws. Biblical spelling uses Byington’s sound and letter system. It separates person markers and tense markers from verbs and also separates the parts of most compounds. However, it sometimes puts these parts together, so the reader must pay attention to the sound and meaning. Biblical spelling generally omits the predicative -h. Some examples of Biblical spelling are: Yohmi ma non im ai ithna lheha hash osh im ai ona cha, . . . ‘Then came his disciples . . .’ (Matthew 15:12) . . . nanta ho no t isht chi ahalaia li cho? ‘What have I to do with thee?’ (Mark 5:7) Mihma, Chiss Nasalet ai tta ak osh aya hatuk a, okla im anoli tok. ‘And they told him that Jesus of Nazareth passed by.’ (Luke 18:37) There are several other forms of the written language that have currency among speakers, including the official orthography of the Mississippi Band

Preface

xix

of Choctaws, adopted in 1977. In this writing system, each Choctaw sound has its own symbol. The consonants that are symbolized by sh, ch, and lh in Byington’s orthography are written s=, c=, and ¬ in the Mississippi orthography. Short vowels are written o, a, i. Long vowels are written with an accent: ó, á, í. Nasal vowels are written with a hook under them: oç, aç, iç. The Mississippi spelling system joins person markers, tense markers, and other conjoining particles to their bases without hyphens. The predicative -h is used even when the past-tense marker appears. Some examples of Mississippi spelling are: is=iyahtok ‘you went’ s=okç ani içco= kka ‘the ants’ house’ noks=ópac=a ‘he got scared and so . . .’ In our classes we used a linguistically based orthography developed especially for our classwork, but in writing this book we decided to use the newly approved official orthography of Oklahoma Choctaw, which is Byington’s version, for our symbols. With respect to the problem of word boundaries, Byington chose to separate the meaningful parts of words, while the Mississippi Band joins them together. The Mississippi word divisions are linguistically more correct, but they are unfamiliar to many speakers, especially to readers of the Bible; moreover, some Choctaw words have many parts and so are quite long, which can discourage the reader. In our classes we have always compromised by using hyphens to join many of the affixes to their roots, in an effort to show the parts that belong together while at the same time separating them visually. We continue that practice here, while accepting that not everyone will agree with our solution. MARCIA HAAG Norman, Oklahoma HENRY WILLIS Moore, Oklahoma


PART ONE Chahta Anumpa

The Choctaw Language


CHAPTER 1

The Sounds of Choctaw

ITIMANUMPOLI (Conversation): “Halito!” “Hello!” Ohoyo: “Halito!” Hattak: “Halito! Chim-achukma.” Ohoyo: “Achukmahoke! Chishnato?” Hattak: “Achukma akili.”

Woman: “Hello!” Man: “Hello! How are you? Woman: “Just fine! And you? Man: “I’m fine too.”

ANUMPA LHPESA (Grammar) There is probably no language in the world with a spelling system that faithfully reflects the pronunciation of all words. Since Choctaw was initially written by white English-speaking missionaries, the Choctaw sounds were rendered by English letters and sometimes follow English spelling rules. It is important that the student learn the pronunciation of Choctaw words by listening to a speaker, not by trying to read the words and guess at the pronunciation. Like all other languages, Choctaw has some words whose spelling perfectly reflects pronunciation and others whose pronunciation is only approximately reflected in the spelling. The Consonants of Choctaw The Choctaw language (Chahta Anumpa) has fifteen consonants. Many of them are close in sound to their English counterparts. 3

4


CHOCTAW CONSONANTS Choctaw sound

example word

similar to English sound

b

bano

baby

ch

chito

child

f

fichik

fun

h

hashuk

hay

k

kucha

baker

l

luksi

look

lh

lhioli

(no English equivalent)

m

mahli

men

n

nakfi

noodle

p

pila

zipper

s

sipokni

sister

sh

shukha

shack

t

taloa

sat

w

wak

way

y

yakni

yellow

You may notice after listening to a speaker that Choctaw consonants t, s, sh, ch, l, and n are made with the tongue placed slightly farther back in the mouth than it would be for their English counterparts—right behind the alveolar ridge, which is the bump on the roof of the mouth located behind the upper front teeth. (The English consonants are made with the tongue on the alveolar ridge.) The Choctaw sounds represented by p, k, t are not aspirated, or pronounced with a puff of air, as their English equivalents often are, as in the words pill, kind, tall. The Choctaw sounds are much more like the English p, k, t in English sap, baker, sat. The sound represented by lh, sometimes called aspirated l, is made by pronouncing /l/ and then “turning off the voice” to make a fricative sound. Some dialects of Choctaw, instead of /f/, use a fricative sound produced by holding the lips very close together, but without the upper teeth actually touching the upper lip.


5

Geminate consonants In Choctaw consonants may be doubled, or geminated. These geminate consonants represent distinct sounds, which means that a word can have a different meaning if a consonant is geminated. To produce a geminate consonant, hold the consonant position for approximately twice as long as for the pronunciation of a single consonant. Some words containing geminate consonants are: humma llanakni hattak chukka holisso

‘red’ ‘boy’ ‘man’ ‘house’ ‘book’

Some pairs of words depend on the presence of either the geminate or the single consonant for their meanings. For example, la means ‘arrive here’, but lla means ‘child’. Ona means ‘arrive there’, but onna means ‘tomorrow’. Words that have geminate sh, ch, lh present a difficult spelling problem, because those sounds are represented by digraphs, or two letters representing a single sound. Some authors attempt to show the gemination by writing the digraph twice, while others write the digraph only once and rely upon the reader’s knowledge that the word contains a geminate consonant. We sometimes see the word for ‘three’, which contains a geminate ch, spelled as either tuchchena or tuchena. In this text we will avoid double digraphs, but will reflect the geminated consonant in the pronunciation guide that follows each vocabulary word. The Vowels of Choctaw Choctaw vowels are both simpler and more complicated than those of English. They are simpler because there are only three distinctions in quality (while American English has eleven), but more complicated because, instead of vowel quality, length and nasality are used to make further distinctions. Choctaw long vowels are held for approximately twice as long as short vowels, and nasal vowels are made by allowing the sound to vibrate in the nasal cavity. Phonetically, the three Choctaw vowels may be described as [a], [i], and [o], and each vowel may be further distinguished by being long [aa], [ii], and [oo] or nasal [ã], [˜ı], and [õ]. These distinctions yield the nine Choctaw vowels.

6


The standard Oklahoma Choctaw orthography uses different English letters to differentiate some of these sounds and underlines all nasal vowels. It is important to avoid pronouncing the Choctaw vowels the way the letters would be pronounced in English. The three distinctions of [a] It is important to learn to recognize and pronounce short a, long a, and nasal a. Each has a different symbol. Short [a]: . Choctaw short [a] may be written with the Greek letter upsilon, ; with a script v, ; or even with the letter v. It is pronounced rather like the vowels in English hut; love. It is never pronounced like the sound in the English word moon. One intriguing development in the standard Choctaw orthography is that, because it was developed by a white missionary, final short [a] is spelled not with , but with a, reflecting the English spelling convention of writing final schwa sounds (which sound very much like Choctaw short [a]) with the letter a. Additionally, initial short [a] is often spelled a. In the following list, notice that all the vowels in lkna, achffa, and lla are short [a], even though they are spelled with both and a. short [a]: lla achffa lkna iskli

[l-l] [-chf-f] [lk-n] [is-k-li]

‘child’ ‘one’ ‘yellow’ ‘money’

Long [a]: a. Choctaw long [a] is spelled a and sounds much like the vowels in English hot; father; tall. Many words end with final long [a], but the orthography does not distinguish them from those ending with short [a], since both are spelled with the letter a. The word tmaha below has two long [a] sounds. long [a]: a tmaha okchmali

[t-ma-ha] [ok-ch-ma-li]

‘town’ ‘green; gray’

Nasal [a]: a. Choctaw nasal [a], spelled a, is made by pronouncing long [a] while allowing air to vibrate in the nasal cavity. It sounds similar to the vowel in English frond. Some common words in Choctaw use an to spell the nasal a sound.


nasal [a]: a lawa napakali tanchi

[la-w] [na-p-ka-li] [ta-chi]

7

‘many’ ‘flower’ ‘corn’

The three distinctions of [i] Choctaw vowels are made with the tongue in a slightly more central position than it is for their English counterparts. This is especially noticeable with [i]. Both short and long [i] are somewhere in quality between the vowel in English big and the vowel in get. The difference between long and short [i] is that long [i] is held approximately twice as long as short [i]. Short [i]: i. Choctaw short [i] is spelled i. short [i]: i alikchi iti iskli

[-lik-chi] [i-ti] [is-k-li]

‘doctor’ ‘tree; wood’ ‘money’

Long [i]: e. Choctaw long [i] is spelled e. long [i]: e tuchena llatek

[tuch-che-n] [l-l-tek]

‘three’ ‘girl’

Nasal [i]: i. Choctaw nasal [i] is spelled i. It sounds something like the vowel in English wink. nasal [i]: i akili [a-ki-li] pisa [pi-s]

‘also’ ‘see’

The three distinctions of [o] Choctaw [o], both short and long, is very much like the [o] in English short. Short [o] is generally spelled u but is never pronounced like the English vowel u, as in duty or cute. As is the case for short [a], some short [o] sounds appear at the end of a word, but because of interference from English spelling conventions, short [o] is almost never spelled u when it appears at the end of a word; it is nearly always spelled o. Tuklo has two short [o] vowels, but the final one is spelled o. Many common words, such as ofi ‘dog’, are pronounced with short [o] but are spelled with either o or u.

8


short [o]: u chukka [chuk-k] ushta [ush-t] tuklo [tuk-lu]

‘house’ ‘four’ ‘two’

Long [o]: o. Choctaw long [o] is held approximately twice as long as short [o]. long [o]: o ohoyo oka pokkoli

[o-ho-yo] [o-k] [pok-ko-li]

‘woman’ ‘water’ ‘ten’

Nasal [o]: o. Choctaw nasal [o] is spelled o and is made by allowing air to vibrate in the nasal cavity while pronouncing [o]. This sound is similar to the nasal vowel in English own. nasal [o]: o llosi [l-lo-si] [ko-wi] kowi

‘baby’ ‘woods’ CHOCTAW VOWELS

[a]

[i]

[o]

short

lkna

i

chito

u

humma

long

a

wak

e

tek

o

pokkoli

nasal

a

lawa

i

akili

o

llosi

The diphthongs [ai/ay] and [au/aw] Besides these nine vowels, Choctaw has two diphthongs made from [a] and [i] and from [a] and [o]. The [ai] diphthong is spelled either ai or ay. The [ao] diphthong is spelled either au or aw. aiitnaha aya auet haushko; hawshko awant

‘church’ ‘go along’ ‘toward (the speaker)’ ‘sour’ ‘along with’


9

Accent, Stress, Intonation, and Rhythm Word accents Choctaw is unlike English, which requires a primary accent for each word and may have secondary accents and completely unstressed syllables as well. Choctaw words may have even stress, which means that each syllable is pronounced so that no syllable receives more stress than another. Other times, a syllable is accented. When the student learns a word, any accent should be learned with the pronunciation of the speech sounds. Furthermore, an accent can change depending on how a word is being used—as a noun or a verb, for example. To illustrate, the word ushta ‘four’ has even stress on both syllables. The word okchmali ‘pale green or blue’ has an accent on the third syllable. The stress pattern of words introduced in this book will be given as part of the pronunciation guide in chapter vocabulary lists and in the Choctaw-English and English-Choctaw glossaries. Word and sentence rhythm Besides the pronunciation of individual Choctaw sounds, it is important to learn the rhythm and melody of sentences, which is essential to good pronunciation. Whenever we encounter a construction that requires a particular stress or rhythm pattern, that pattern will be described. First, we will look at the role of light and heavy syllables in determining stress patterns. Light and heavy syllables. Choctaw words do not generally have a main stress or “accent” as do English words. Instead, syllables are counted as light—those ending in a short vowel, or heavy—those ending in a long or nasal vowel or a consonant. Syllable onsets, or the consonants occurring before a vowel, cannot consist of more than a single consonant. The following words are divided accordingly: short + short ‘chito’ chi-to ‘iti’ i-ti

long + short ‘oka’ o-ka ‘chukka’ chuk-ka

long + long + short ‘holisso’ ho-lis-so ‘llosi’ l-lo-si

There are a few words that have a characteristic stress pattern apart from their syllable structure. Among these are the numerals tuchena; hnnali; ontuchena; chakkali; pokkoli. In each of these the first syllable (second syllable of ontuchena) has a main stress.

10


Rhythmic lengthening. Light and heavy syllables play an important role in the stress pattern of Choctaw. One of these patterns is called rhythmic lengthening, which refers to the lengthening of certain light syllables when they occur in a natural group, or phrase, in a sentence. In a noun phrase—a phrase made up of a noun and its modifiers—rhythmic lengthening causes light syllables that occur in a particular environment to be lengthened. This environment is a string of at least three light syllables; in such a string, the second syllable and every other even-numbered syllable thereafter is lengthened to produce a characteristic stress pattern. For example, in the noun phrase iti achffa ‘one tree’, the first three syllables are light. This environment causes the second syllable of iti to be lengthened: iti achffa → i-tii-a-chf-fa However, if a string of light syllables is interrupted by a heavy syllable or if the phrase ends, there is no rhythmic lengthening. For example, iti tuklo ‘two trees’ does not trigger rhythmic lengthening in the second syllable of iti: iti tuklo → i-ti-tuk-lo At first rhythmic lengthening is difficult to produce, but with exposure to oral language it becomes easier to imitate. Rhythmic lengthening presents a spelling problem, because a word often seems to contain a short vowel in some contexts and a long vowel in others. Writers often spell words with different vowels in an effort to reflect the pronunciation, but in this book we will not change the spelling to reflect rhythmic lengthening. Phrase and sentence melody Besides rhythmic lengthening, Choctaw has distinctive pitch alternations, or melodies, that characterize both the constituents of a sentence and the sentence as a whole. Because English also has strong sentence melodies, these are easier to imitate, although Choctaw melodies are different from English ones. For instance, in the noun phrase the last modifier (excluding grammatical particles; see chapter 3) receives a high pitch, or accent, on its penultimate (second-to-last) syllable. If the last modifier has a characteristic stress pattern (as do several of the numerals), the stressed syllable of that word receives the accent:


11

iti achffa → i-tii-a –ch´f-fa ofi tuklo → o-fi-túk-lo chukka tuchena → chuk-ka túchena Additionally, the voice does not fall in pitch at the end of the phrase as it does in English. Instead, it returns to the initial pitch. Listen to your teacher or a Choctaw speaker pronounce the following noun phrases and compare their melodies: English: ‘two babies’ (initial pitch—high pitch—low final pitch) Choctaw: ‘llosi tuklo’ (initial pitch—high pitch—initial pitch) Sentence melody will be introduced in chapter 3. ANUMPA (Vocabulary) Note: An accented syllable receives a higher pitch than the other syllables. If there is no accented syllable, the word is pronounced with even stress on each syllable. Common alternative spellings are listed after some entries. Nouns aiitnaha alikchi lla llanakni llatek llosi chukka hattak; httk holisso holisso apisa illimpa; illipa iskli iti iti tpa katos ohoyo oka

[ai-i-t-ná-ha] [-lík-chi] [l-l] [l-l-nák-ni] [l-l-ték] [l-ló-si] [chuk-k] [ht-tk] [ho-lís-so] [ho-lís-so-a-pí-s] [il-lí-p] [i-sk-li] [i-ti] [i-ti-t-p] [ká-tos] [o-hó-yo] [o-k]

‘church’ ‘doctor’ ‘child’ ‘boy’ ‘girl’ ‘baby’ ‘house’ ‘man’ ‘paper; book; letter’ ‘school’ ‘food; meal’ ‘money’ ‘tree; wood’ ‘stick’ ‘cat’ ‘woman’ ‘water’

12


tanchi; tachi tmaha ofi; ufi

[ta-chi] [t-má-ha] [u-fi]

‘corn’ ‘town’ ‘dog’

Adjectives and Numerals achukma chito hummakbi; homakbi humma lkna lusa okchko okchmali okpulo ossi (from iskinossi) tohbi achffa tuklo tuchena ushta talhapi hnnali ontuklo ontuchena chakkali pokkoli

[-chúk-m] [chi-tu] [hum-mák-bi] [hum-m] [lk-n] [lu-s] [ok-ch´-ko] [ok-ch-má-li] [ok-pú-lu] [us-si]) [tóh-bi] [-ch´f-f] [tuk-lu] [túch-che-n] [ush-t] [tálh-lha-pi] [hń-na-li] [o-túk-lu] [o-túch-che-n] [chák-ka-li] [pók-ko-li]

‘good’ ‘big’ ‘reddish-brown’ ‘red’ ‘yellow’ ‘black’ ‘bright green or bright blue’ ‘pale or dull green or dull blue’ ‘bad’ ‘small’ ‘white’ ‘one’ ‘two’ ‘three’ ‘four’ ‘five’ ‘six’ ‘seven’ ‘eight’ ‘nine’ ‘ten’

Idioms halito chim-achukma? achukmahoke achukma akili

[ha-li-to] [chim--chúk-m] [-chuk-m-ho-ké] [-chúk-ma-kí-li]

‘hello’ ‘how are you?’ ‘just fine’ ‘pretty well also’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI (Word Study) Color words Choctaw color words are all taken from colors appearing in the natural world, and while some are perfect matches for English terms, others


13

describe colors that are far more muted or subtle than those we are used to in English. Choctaw lusa equals English ‘black’; tohbi is equivalent to ‘white’; and humma is the same as ‘red’. Lkna covers the range of what we describe in English as ‘yellow’. Okchmali and okchko differ not in the value of the color but in its brightness, so the shades of ‘blue’ and ‘green’ are not distinct as values; instead, in Choctaw we distinguish the brightness and dullness of the blue-to-green range of shades. Hummakbi is brown with reddish or purplish overtones. ABCHI (Practice) Chi-anukfokah-o? (Do you understand?) Working with a partner, listen to the pronunciation of the vocabulary words and give their meanings. Correct your partner’s pronunciation. Anumpa lhpesa (Grammar) Pronounce each of the following phrases, paying attention to the melody and rhythmic lengthening. Have a Choctaw speaker correct your pronunciation, or listen to a language tape and imitate that speaker. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

llanakni chito ofi tohbi katos tuchena chukka okchmali oka hummakbi ohoyo ushta hattak talhapi tmaha pokkoli llatek ossi holisso apisa tuklo

CHAPTER 2

The Noun Phrase The Noun and Its Modifiers

ITIMANUMPOLI: “Chukkoa!

“Come in!”

Alikchi: “Chukkoa!” Ohoyo sipokni: “Yakoke! Sa-tikahbi.” Alikchi: “Ilppa binili!” Ohoyo sipokni: “Abinili ma?” Alikchi: “A, abinili chito ma.” Ohoyo sipokni: “Ome.”

Doctor: “Come in!” Old woman: “Thank you! I’m tired.” Doctor: “Sit here!” Old woman: “That chair?” Doctor: “Yes, that big chair.” Old woman: “All right.”

ANUMPA LHPESA Making Choctaw Noun Phrases A noun phrase is a phrase made of a noun and its modifiers. Some English noun phrases are: dog; brown dog; big brown dog; that very big brown dog. In English the noun always occurs last in the phrase and there is a fairly strict order to the other modifying words. In Choctaw the word order is noun first, with the modifying words occurring after it. The word order of a Choctaw noun phrase is the mirror image, or reverse, of the English word order. ohoyo himitta lla ossi ofi okpulo

‘young woman’ ‘small child’ ‘bad dog’ 14

The Noun Phrase: The Noun and Its Modifiers

hina kllo falaya chukka tohbi ossi

15

‘long, hard road ‘small white house’

Word Order of Numbers and Demonstratives in Noun Phrases A noun phrase may have several descriptive adjectives, and it may also have numbers, other quantifying words, and demonstratives. a. okhisushi ossi achffa pa this one small window b. bok kapssa lwa many cold rivers c. aboha talhapi ymma those five rooms d. iti yoskololi chohmi ilppa this rather short stick Notice in b and c above that when the noun is plural, it does not change form in any way. Similarly, the demonstratives pa; ilppa and ma; ymma do not change form from singular to plural as do English this/these; that/those. In Choctaw plurality is often marked with numbers or other quantifying words such as lwa ‘many’. The demonstratives ymma and ilppa often appear in their short forms, ma and pa. ANUMPA Nouns abinili aboha aiimpa bok hina ninak; nink nittak; nitak okhisa okhisushi palska

[a-bi-ní-li] [-bó-h] [ai-í-p] [bok] [hi-n] [ni-nk] [nit-tk] [ok-hi-s] [ok-hi-sú-shi] [p-l´s-k]

‘chair; seat’ ‘room’ ‘table; eating place’ ‘river’ ‘road’ ‘night’ ‘day’ ‘door’ ‘window’ ‘bread’

16


pishokchi tobi

[pi-shók-chi] [to-bi]

‘milk’ ‘beans’

Adjectives chaha chohmi falaya himitta himona lcha lshpa kapssa kllo kowasha lwa; laua lawa sipokni tikabi; tikahbi yushkololi; yoskololi

chá-ha] [choh-mi] [f-lái-y] hi-mit-t] [hi-mó-n] [l-ch] [lsh-p] [k-ps-s] [kl-lu] [ko-wá-sh] [l-w] [la-w] [si-pók-ni] [ti-ká-bi]; [ti-káh-bi] [yush-ku-ló-li]; [yus-ku-ló-li]

‘tall’ ‘sort of; somewhat’ ‘long’ ‘young’ ‘new’ ‘wet’ ‘hot’ ‘cold’ ‘hard’ ‘short (in stature)’ ‘many; a lot’ ‘very many’ ‘old’ ‘tired’ ‘short (in length)’

Demonstratives ilppa; ilppa ma pa ymma

[i-l´p-pa] [ma] [pa] [ym-m]

‘here; this’ (full form) ‘there; that’ (short form) ‘here; this’ (short form) ‘there; that’ (full form)

Idioms a kiyo; keyu ome yakoke

[a] [ké-yu] [o-mé] [ya-ko-ké]

‘yes’ ‘no; not’ ‘all right’ (literally, ‘it is so’) ‘thank you’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Ilppa and Ymma The Choctaw demonstratives corresponding to English this/these and that/those have two forms, a full form and a short form. The full form may


17

be used in all instances, but the short form is often preferred in noun phrases, so we may say both: okhisa ilppa okhisa pa

‘this door’ ‘this door’

Ilppa and ymma are also the adverbs corresponding to ‘here’ and ‘there’. Here too, the shortened forms may be used. The correct translation is obtained through context. In chapter 3 we will introduce sentences that show uses of the demonstratives as freestanding pronouns. ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? What do the following phrases mean? 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

llosi lcha chohmi ma chukka hnnali ilppa illimpa achukma palska kllo lwa tobi lshpa achukma pishokchi kapssa ymma Anumpa lhpesa

Give the Choctaw translation for the following noun phrases. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

two old men these three children that red book those six yellow books that one five sort of brown dogs this hard road Holissochi (Writing)

Using the vocabulary words, make as many noun phrases in Choctaw as you can.

CHAPTER 3

The Basic Sentence

ITIMANUMPOLI: “Hshki-t tmaha ia.” “Mother is going to town.” llanakni: “Hshki-t tmaha ia.” llatek: “Hshki-t aiitatoba iah-o?” llanakni: “A, illimpa lwa-ho chompa.” llatek: “Achukma!”

Boy: “Mother is going to town.” Girl: “Is Mother going to the store?” Boy: “Yes, she is buying food.” Girl: “Good!”

ANUMPA LHPESA Word Order of Sentences In Choctaw the basic word order of sentences is Subject-Object-Verb. (Compare this with English Subject-Verb-Object.) This means that the whole subject—the noun and its modifiers—comes first in the sentence, followed by the whole object—another noun and its modifiers—followed last by the verb. A sentence does not have to have full subjects or objects, however, and we will look at these as well. To become familiar with the idea of subjects and objects, look at this set of English sentences and pick out the main components. a. A black dog sees a very large chicken. b. My mother is buying a lot of food. c. I hear you. 18

The Basic Sentence

19

Notice that the noun phrases in bold letters correspond to the subjects and objects of the sentences, respectively. In English a pronoun may be the subject or object of a sentence, as in c above. This sentence has a subject but no object: My aunt is singing. Notice the difference in word order in the following Choctaw sentences. Hattak-t tobi pa. man-subject beans eat The man eats beans (now) or The man is eating beans. a. Sappokchi-t binili. My father-in-law is sitting. b. Sanakfish-t taloa. My younger sibling is singing. c. Sappoktek-t satikchi hklo. My granddaughter is listening to my wife. d. Alikchi achukma-yt ohoyo sipokni pisa. The good doctor sees an old woman. The Subject Marker -t One important difference between Choctaw and English is that in Choctaw we mark subjects with a special subject marker. In English we know what the subject is by its position in the sentence and sometimes simply by understanding the necessary relationship between a verb and other components in the sentence. There are several subject markers in Choctaw, but the most basic one is -t with its variants -yt and the clipped form -t. Yt is often used when a noun ends in the vowels /i/ and /a/ to make pronunciation easier, and -t is sometimes used after nouns that end in vowels for the same reason. Notice in these examples that the subject marker follows the full noun phrase, no matter how long or short it is. a. Sanakfish-t tanchi chompa. My little brother/sister buys/is buying corn. b. Katos lusa-yt plhki-hosh balili. The black cat runs/is running fast.

20

The Basic Sentence

c. Ofi tohbi chito-t katos ma pisa. The big white dog looks at/is looking at that cat. One common error for English speakers is trying to translate -t as ‘the’. Choctaw does not mark definiteness and indefiniteness of nouns in the same way that English does: -t simply marks the subject. When translating to English, we will need to add the proper article a or the when it is required. Many times, either a or the can be used if the context is unknown. Demonstratives such as ma and pa are often in used in Choctaw where the would appear in English when a noun is definite. The object marker -a Choctaw optionally marks objects with -a or -ya. This marker is most often used for clarification. a. Sapokni-t tobi-ya chompa. Grandmother is buying the beans. b. Anakfi-t palska-ya pa. My brother is eating the bread. Subject-marked demonstratives The demonstratives ma and pa and their full forms are always the final element of noun phrases in which they appear. When they appear in the subject noun phrase, they incorporate the subject marker, producing the forms mt or ymmt and pt or ilppt. a. llanakni ilppt taloa. This boy is singing. b. Ohoyo sipokni ymmt chukka ont ia. That old woman is going home. A demonstrative can stand alone, where it may be translated as ‘this one’, ‘that one’, ‘it’, or even ‘he’, ‘she’, or ‘they’ if the reference is known. a. Ilppt amafo pisa. This one (a person referred to previously) is looking at my grandfather. b. Alikchi-t holisso pisa. Alikchi-t ymma chompa. The doctor is looking at a book. The doctor is buying it. (‘that one’ or ‘that thing’ referred to in the last sentence).

The Basic Sentence

21

Remember that ilppa, ymma, pa, ma may also mean ‘here’ and ‘there’ depending on context. Usually, the meaning of the verb lets us know how to interpret it. a. Sapokni-t ymma binili. Grandmother is sitting down there. b. Kiyo, Sapokni-t ilppa binili. No, Grandmother is sitting down here. Present Time The concept of time marking in Choctaw is not identical with the English concept. The Choctaw language indicates whether something is factual or hypothetical. In English the present tense is often used to indicate future time, as in “Jane is going home this afternoon,” when we mean “Jane will go home this coming afternoon.” In Choctaw a sentence such as “Ohoyo-t chukka ia” cannot mean that the woman will go home in the future. It can only mean that she factually is going home. a. Hattak-t tmaha ia. The man is going to town. The man goes to town. b. Sapokni-t taloa. Grandmother sings. Grandmother is singing. Marking the present tense. There are two traditions for marking the present tense in Choctaw. One of them—the one that will be used in this book— leaves the present tense unmarked when the verb appears without other markers. The other tradition places the predication marker -h on the verb. The student should be prepared to recognize both traditions. The Predication Marker -h The student will often hear (and see in written forms) -h at the ends of verbs and other predicates. This is the predicative -h, and it marks parts of sentences as predicates. Even though we can hear the -h on predicates, it is often omitted in written speech. In this book we will follow these guidelines for writing -h. The topics will be introduced as we proceed through the course.

22

The Basic Sentence

1. Place -h on verbs and other predicates when another particle is being attached. Examples are: the question marker -o- and the marker -osh. 2. Place -h on verbs when there is more than one verb in a sentence and there is no other marker attached. 3. Place -h on verbs when they are followed by certain kinds of adverbs. 4. Place -h on verbs when they are followed by certain clause conjunctions, especially mt and ma. In some writing traditions, especially the Mississippi spelling, predicative -h is placed on all predicates. Negation with Kiyo The simplest way to negate a sentence in Choctaw is with the negator kiyo, which may also be spelled keyu. This negator goes at the end of the sentence. Nothing else needs to be done or changed. a. Sshki-t pishokchi chompa kiyo. Mother isn’t buying milk. b. llatek ossi mt bok ia kiyo. That little girl isn’t going to the river. The Question Marker -o The question marker -o is attached to the end of the verb, after the tense marker. In present-tense verbs, predicative -h appears at the end of the verb, followed by -o. It is used in ‘yes-no’ questions when the speaker is asking for information. Amafo-t tanchi lwa pah-o? Is Grandfather eating a lot of corn? Kiyo, Amafo-t tanchi pa kiyo. No, Grandfather isn’t eating corn. Intonation of declarative and interrogative sentences Choctaw is unusual in that it has a rising intonation for declarative sentences, but a falling intonation for interrogatives (the opposite of English). Listen to your teacher or a Choctaw speaker pronounce this declarative sentence and notice that the verb has a rising pitch:

The Basic Sentence

23

Atek-t holisso apisa ia. My sister is going to school. Notice in this interrogative sentence that the syllable right before the negator -o has a high pitch and -o has a low pitch: Atek-t holisso apisa iah-o? Is Sister going to school? In diagram form the Choctaw sentence looks like this: Subject-t + (object) + verb + tense marker + (negator)(question) Sanakfish-t taloa. My younger sibling is singing. Hattak chito-t ofi pisa kiyo. The big man is not looking at the dog. Ohoyo-t katos pisah-o? Is the woman looking at the cat? ANUMPA Nouns, traditional kinship terms (with the first-person possessive marker ‘my’) ahattak ahokni aki

[a-ht-tk] [a-hók-ni] [a-ki]

amafo

[m-a-fu]

amlla

[-ml-l]

amllatek

[-ml-l-tek]

amnni

[-mn-ni]

‘my husband’ ‘my father’s sister’ ‘my father’ (and his brothers, and the sons of his sisters) ‘my grandfather’ (both, and a woman’s father-in-law) ‘my son’ (and my brothers’ sons, if spoken by a male) ‘my daughter’ (and my sisters’ daughters, if spoken by a female) ‘my older brother’ (if spoken by a male) ‘my older sister’ (if spoken by a female)

24

The Basic Sentence

amoshi anakfi atek satibapishi sanakfish

sapokni hshki or sshki sappok sappok ohoyo sappokchi; sappochi sappoknakni sappoktek satikchi sioshi; siushi sioshitek; siushitek

[a-mo-shi] [a-nak-fi]

‘my mother’s oldest brother’ ‘my brother’ (only females use this term) [a-tek] ‘my sister’ (only males use this term) [sa-ti-bá-pi-shi] ‘my sibling’ (of the same mother) [s-nák-fish] ‘my younger brother’ (if spoken by a male) ‘my younger sister’ (if spoken by a female) [s-pók-ni] ‘my grandmother’ (both, and a woman’s mother-in-law) [hsh-ki; ssh-ki] ‘my mother’ (and her sisters, and the wives of my father’s relatives) [sp-puk] ‘my son-in-law’ [sp-puk-o-hó-yo] ‘my daughter-in-law’ [sp-pók-chi] ‘my father-in-law’ (if spoken by a male) [sp-puk-nák-ni] ‘my grandson’ [sp-puk-ték] ‘my granddaughter’ [sa-tik-chi] ‘my wife’ [si-ó-shi] ‘my son’ [si-u-shi-ték] ‘my daughter’

Verbs pa balili binili chompa; chumpa hklo haklo ia impa nowa pisa pisa taloa

[-p] [ba-li-li] [bi-ni-li] [cho-p] [hk-lu] [hak-lu] [e-y] [i-p] [no-w] [pi-s] [pi-s] [t-ló-w]

‘eat (something)’ ‘run’ ‘sit; sit down; be seated’ ‘buy’ ‘listen to’ ‘hear’ ‘go’ ‘eat a meal; dine’ ‘walk’ ‘look at’ ‘see’ ‘sing’

The Basic Sentence

25

Directional Particles ant et ont pit

[at] [et] [ot] [pit]

‘come and . . .’ ‘direction toward the speaker’ ‘go and . . .’ ‘direction away from the speaker’

Idioms ant pisa plhki-hosh balili ant ia ont ia pit hklo himak ma

[at-pi-s] [plh-ki-hosh-b-lí-li] [at-e-y] [ot-e-y] [pit-hk-lu] [hi-mak-ma]

‘visit; come to see’ ‘run fast’ ‘go past here’ ‘go past there’ ‘listen to . . .’ ‘then; after that; again’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Choctaw kinship terms In the vocabulary section we have given the traditional kinship terms. Students will notice immediately that these cannot be used to denote most of the legal kinship terms used in American society. Each modern Choctaw family has handled the mismatch between modern legal relationships and traditional terms in its own way. Some families reckon their kin the Choctaw way when speaking Choctaw and the American way when speaking English. Other families have taken a Choctaw term and extended or narrowed its meaning to indicate an English kinship term. The student will have to learn to be flexible in applying kinship terms to modern Choctaws. Directional particles Choctaw is a language that carefully marks the direction that movements take. The language marks whether a movement is directed away from the speaker, toward the speaker, between distant objects, between the speaker and an object, and so forth. In English, although we may make this information explicit, we tend to obtain it from context. In many cases information about direction is built into the meaning of the verb. In other cases directional particles are used to supply it. Two common particles are pit ‘away from the speaker or subject’ and et ‘toward the speaker or subject’. The verb hklo ‘listen’ is usually used

26

The Basic Sentence

with the particle pit, indicating that the speaker or subject is listening to something away from himself. We often do not translate the particles to English. a. Ofi-t katos pit hklo. The dog is listening to the cat. b. Ofi-t chukka et balili. The dog ran (this way) to the house. Two other common directional particles are ant and ont. Ant means ‘come and’ and ont means ‘go and’. They are frequently used with verbs of motion to indicate which way something is traveling. a. Satibapishi-t aiitatoba ont ia. My sibling is passing by the store. b. Amoshi-t ant pisa. Uncle is visiting. Ant and ont may also appear with other verbs besides verbs of motion. They may then be translated as ‘come and’ or ‘go and’; other times they cannot be gracefully translated into English at all. a. Amlla-yt ant taloa. My son comes and sings. b. Amllatek-t tobi lusa ont pa. My daughter goes and eats black beans. The verb ia always means that something is moving away from its starting place, but does not indicate that it has arrived at its goal. Ia may be used with ant and ont but not with pit and et. ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Amafo-t aiitnaha ia. Amafo-t ymma taloa. Aki-t abinili chito binili. Ymmt amafo pit hklo. Himak ma, amafo-t chukka ia. Ymmt impa.

The Basic Sentence

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

27

Amafo-t tmaha iah-o? Amafo-t taloah-o? Aki-t abinili ossi binilih-o? Aki-t sapokni pit hkloh-o? Himak ma, amafo-t chukka iah-o? Amafo-t impah-o? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Translate each of the following Choctaw sentences to natural-sounding English. Remember that some concepts in Choctaw grammar cannot be perfectly expressed in English. There may be more than one correct translation. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Amnni-t tobi humma pa. Anakfi-t plhki-hosh balili. Hattak kowasha-yt hina falaya pisa. Satibapishi-t abinili himona tuklo chompa. Ohoyo sipokni tikahbi mt ymma binili. Ohoyo himitta-yt bok kapssa ia. Amllatek-t aiitatoba pit nowah-o? llatek ilppt holisso apisa ia kiyo. Sappoknakni-t taloa kiyo. Satikchi-t tobi lusa chompah-o?

B. Translate each of the following English sentences into Choctaw. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

My uncle is going to town. My sister is listening to the cat. My grandson isn’t eating that corn. The old doctor comes and eats. My younger brother runs to the river. My aunt is walking this way. Does that man see this dog? My brother sits down here. My father doesn’t see this hard chair. My daughter isn’t going to that room.

28

The Basic Sentence

Holissochi Write a short paragraph in Choctaw. Include at least one question, one negated sentence, and one use of a demonstrative as a freestanding form. Translate your work into English.

CHAPTER 4

The Past Tense

NANANOA (Story): Nita Micha Shukta-yt nowat itiachi-tuk ‘The Bear and the Opossum Went Walking Together’ Himonah ma, nita hohchffo-yt kowi hikia-tuk. Shukta himitta pisatuk. Shukta pt bokushi anta-tuk. Nita okpulo mt shukta ossi pat pisatuk. Shukta-yt balilit ishtia-tuk. Ilppt plhki-hosh pit balili-tuk. Iti chaha ona-tuk. Nita-yt ymma pa-tuk kiyo. Nita-yt himak ma slaha-hosh iti iatuk. Shukta ossi-t ymma pisa-tuk. Nita-yt pat pisa-tuk kiyo. Nita micha shukta-yt nowat itiachi-tuk. [One time, a hungry bear was standing in the woods. He saw a young opossum. This opossum was at a creek. That bad bear tried to eat the little opossum. The opossum began to run. He quickly ran off. He got to a tall tree. The bear didn’t eat him. After that, the bear went slowly to the tree. The little opossum looked at him. The bear did not try to eat him. The bear and the opossum went walking together.] ANUMPA LHPESA The Past-Tense Marker -tuk When we wish to mark something as being definitely past, we use the past-tense marker -tuk. The Choctaw past tense is different from English in 29

30

The Past Tense

that it is not affixed to each verb as it is in English. Instead, -tuk appears at the end of the sentence or even at the end of the whole discourse, and all verbs are understood as being past. Tuk may be translated to English with the simple past tense or the past progressive tense. a. Nashoba lusa-yt kowi ona-tuk. The black wolf arrived in the woods. b. Chula humma-yt bokushi okchmali anta-tuk. The red fox was at the pale blue creek. c. Shawi hohchffo-yt piti ossi pa-tuk. The hungry raccoon ate the little mouse. d. Issi kosoma hohchffo-yt ilppa hikia-tuk. A hungry goat was standing here. When a sentence in the past tense is negated, -tuk appears on the verb, followed by kiyo. We never add -tuk to kiyo. a. Siti lkna-yt fni haklo-tuk kiyo. The yellow snake did not hear the squirrel. b. Kita chito-yt issi pisa-tuk kiyo. The big beaver did not see the deer. In questions -o appears after -tuk. The pitch of the sentence is altered so that -tuk has a high pitch before the low pitch of the question marker -o. Ynnsh mt ilppa hikia-tuk-o? Was that buffalo standing here? Conjunction with Micha In English the conjunction and is used for virtually all kinds of joinings: nouns with other nouns, verbs with verbs, sentences with sentences, and so forth. In Choctaw there are far more conjunctions, each with a separate use. We must learn to make distinctions among the kinds of things we are conjoining. The conjunction micha, in some dialects hicha and in others hocha, is used to conjoin noun phrases. It may also conjoin some predicate adjectives and unrelated sentences, but we will discuss that topic later. It may not be used to conjoin verbs or clauses.

The Past Tense

31

hushi micha shukha ‘bird and pig’ chukfi micha okfochush ‘rabbit and duck’ wak chito micha akaka ossi ‘big cow and little chicken’ fni humma ma micha koni lusa pa ‘that red squirrel and this black skunk’ Do not use micha for expressions such as Fred came in and sat down. This is the conjoining of two verb phrases and requires a different conjunction. Dual and Plural Verbs We have already noted in chapter 2 that Choctaw nouns are never marked plural. Besides using numbers to denote two or more, Choctaw has many verbs that contain the notion of dual (exactly two) or plural as part of their meaning. Such verbs always mean that the number of their subject is dual or plural. Notice that many of these verbs do not appear anything like the form that is used to signify the singular, while others seem to contain the root of the singular form. Ynnsh-t bok ilhkoli-tuk. The buffalo (a group of them) went to the river. In the example above notice that while in English we must determine by context whether buffalo is singular or plural (because this is a noun that does not change form in the plural), in Choctaw it must mean that ynnsh is plural, because ilhkoli means ‘a group goes’. Fni humma-yt bok itiachi-tuk. Two red squirrels went to the river. or The red squirrels both went to the river. In the example above notice that the word tuklo ‘two’ does not appear, but because itiachi means ‘two go’, there must be two squirrels. In English we may translate this several ways, since we do not have a verb that expresses the dual. Not every Choctaw verb has a special dual or plural form. In those cases, if the speaker wishes the hearer to know that the subject is plural, he may use a number word. There are also several other ways of marking plural number in nouns, which will be addressed later.

32

The Past Tense

lla lwa-yt taloa. The many children are singing. Even when a dual or plural form of a verb exists, the Choctaw speaker is not obligated to use it if he or she can make the meaning clear. But the special forms are preferred, especially with very common verbs such as asha. a. Piti-yt kowi anta. The mouse is in the woods. or There is a mouse in the woods. b. Piti-yt kowi asha. The mice are in the woods. or There are mice in the woods. ANUMPA Nouns akaka bokushi chukfi lhpoa; chukfi chukfi luma; chukfi chula fni; fani fowi; foe hushi issi issi kosoma issoba; issuba kita koni; konih kowi nashoba nipi nita okfochush piti shawi; shaui shukha

[-ká-k] [bók-u-shi] [chúk-fi-lh-po-] [chuk-fi-lu-m] [chu-l] [f-ni] [fo-wi] [hu-shi] [is-si] [is-si ko-só-m] [is-su-b] [ki-t] [ko-ni] [ko-wi] [n-shó-b] [ni-pi] [ni-t] [ok-fo-chush] [pi-ti] [shá-wi] [shuk-h]

‘chicken’ ‘creek’ ‘sheep’ ‘rabbit’ ‘fox’ ‘squirrel’ ‘bee’ ‘bird’ ‘deer’ ‘goat’ ‘horse’ ‘beaver’ ‘skunk’ ‘woods’ ‘wolf’ ‘meat’ ‘bear’ ‘duck’ ‘mouse’ ‘raccoon’ ‘pig’

The Past Tense

shukta; shukkta siti wak ynnsh

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[shu-k´-t] [si-ti] [wak] [yń-nsh]

‘opossum’ ‘snake’ ‘cow’ ‘buffalo’

Verbs la tta aila aiona anta asha ashwa asha ashwa hikia ilhkoli itlachi itiachi itonachi miti ona

[-l] [t-t] [ái--l] [ái-o-n] [a-t] [á-sh] [ásh-w] [á-sh] [ásh-w] [hi-kí-] [ilh-kó-li] [ít--lá-chi] [ít-i-á-chi] [ít-u-ná-chi] [mi-ti] [o-n]

‘arrive here; come here’ ‘exist; come into existence; be born’ ‘arrive here; come here’ (plural) ‘arrive there; go there’ (plural) ‘be located’ ‘exist; live’ (plural) ‘live (somewhere)’ (dual) ‘be located’ (plural) ‘be located’ (dual) ‘stand; be standing’ ‘go; go in a group’ (plural) ‘arrive here; come here’ (dual) ‘go; go together’ (dual) ‘arrive there; go there’ (dual) ‘come’ (toward the speaker) ‘arrive there; go there; reach’

Adjectives champuli hochffo; hohchffo slaha

[cha-pu-li] [ho-ch´f-fu] [s-lá-ha]

‘tasty; sweet’ ‘hungry; starving’ ‘slow’

Conjunctions micha; mihcha

[mi-ch; mih-ch]

‘and’

Adverbs pilashash ninakash slaha-hosh

[pi-lásh-ash] [ní-nk-ash] [s-lá-ha-hosh]

‘yesterday’ ‘last night’ ‘slowly’

34

The Past Tense

Idioms anta asha pat pisa balilit ishtia himonah ma itanowat ia

[-pt pi-s] [ba-lí-lit isht-é-y] [hi-mó-nh ma] [ít--nó-wt e-y]

‘there is . . . (something alive)’ ‘there are . . . (something alive)’ ‘try to eat’ ‘begin to run’ ‘once; one time’ ‘walk together’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Verbs of position and motion Choctaw is very specific about direction and position. In addition to directional particles such as et and pit, many verbs contain directions and positions as part of their meanings and so are far more restricted in usage than their English counterparts. Notice in English that we may say “John went to the party and then he went home” or “John came to the party and then he came home” without much difference in meaning. In both cases we mean that “John arrived at a party, then he left that place and arrived at his home.” In Choctaw four very common verbs and their plural forms make distinctions that are simply not marked in English. la; itlachi; aila. This set is used when the meaning is ‘to arrive at this place’. It may be translated as ‘come’, ‘get here’, or ‘arrive (here)’. a. Ahattak-t chukka la-tuk. My husband came home. b. Ninakash sapokni micha amafo-t itlachi-tuk kiyo. Grandma and Grandpa didn’t get here last night. c. Satibapishi-t ailah-o? Have my siblings arrived? Ona; itonachi; aiona. This set is used when the meaning is ‘to arrive at another place’. It may be translated as ‘get there’, ‘reach’, ‘go’ (when arrival is assumed), or ‘arrive (there)’. a. Pilashash sanakfish-t aiitanaha ona-tuk kiyo. Yesterday my younger brother/sister didn’t get to church. b. Issoba lusa-yt bok ona-tuk-o? Did the black horse reach the river?

The Past Tense

35

c. Chukfi luma micha fni-t kowi itonachi-tuk. The rabbit and squirrel got to the woods. d. lla-yt aiitatoba aionah-o? Have the children arrived at the store? Ia; itiachi, ilhkoli. This set refers to movement away from a starting point. It does not imply arrival anywhere, only movement toward a location. It is usually translated simply as ‘go’. (Ilhkoli has a more general meaning, ‘move as a group’, which can be used either to refer to the movement of a group of individuals or to the movement of all of the parts of something.) a. Chukfi lhpoa-yt bok ia-tuk. The sheep went to the river. b. Chukfi lhpoa tuklo-yt bok itiachi-tuk. The two sheep went to the river. c. Nashoba ushta-yt kowi ilhkoli-tuk. The four wolves went to the woods. Miti. Miti refers to movement toward the speaker. It does not imply arrival. Many instances of English ‘come’ should be translated with la rather than miti. Miti does not have dual or plural forms. a. Ynnsh okpulo-yt miti! A bad buffalo is coming! b. Miti! Come on! Location. In English the verb to be performs a great many language tasks. Among them is location. In Choctaw a sizable number of verbs perform the function that is simply done with is in English. In Choctaw we often explicitly state the position that something is in, when this would be done with a form of be in English. If something is upright, we often use hikia; if something is crouched, we often use binili. a. Iti chaha mt kowi hikia. That tall tree is in the woods (in a vertical position). b. Hushi tohbi mt chukka binili. That white bird is on the house (in a crouched position).

36

The Past Tense

tta and its variants. One of the most important sets of related verbs is the set based on tta. tta, which means ‘to exist’, has singular, dual, and plural forms as well as a variation that means ‘to be located’. These verbs refer to things that are alive. While the forms are difficult to learn at first, they are among the most common verbs in Choctaw. The use of the singular forms of tta and anta are distinguished by whether we mean to state the existence or coming into existence of something including its permanent dwelling place (tta); or its temporary location (anta). a. Sioshi-t holisso apisa antah-o? Is my son at school (now)? b. Sshki-t Akansa tta. My mother is in (lives in) Arkansas. c. Anakfi-t Bok Chito ashwa. My brothers are both (living) in Bok Chito. d. Amnni tuklo-yt chukka ashwa. My two older brothers/sisters are in the house. e. Wak-t hina-ya asha. The cows are in the road. f. Satibapishi-t Filadilfia asha. My siblings live in Philadelphia. ‘There is’ and ‘there are’. The idiomatic English expressions ‘there is’ and ‘there are’ may be expressed in Choctaw with anta and asha when referring to living things. (In chapter 24 we will learn a more general way to express this for all things.) a. Koni-t chukka anta. There’s a skunk in the house. b. Shoshi-t aboha pa asha. There are bugs in this room. FORMS OF TTA singular

dual

plural

tta

‘exist; live’

ashwa

‘live’

asha

‘live’

anta

‘be located’

ashwa

‘be located’

asha

‘be located’

The Past Tense

37

ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Ninakash, llatek ossi-t chukka anta-tuk. Ofi pit haklo-tuk. Nita pit haklo-tuk. Nashoba pit haklo-tuk. llatek-t pit balilit pisa-tuk. Himak ma, Hshki-t aboha la-tuk. Ymmt llatek ossi pisa-tuk. Binili-tuk. llatek micha Hshki-t palska champuli pa-tuk. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

llatek-t aiitanaha anta-tuk-o? Ilppt katos pit haklo-tuk-o? llatek-t pit balilit pisa-tuk-o? Sapokni-t aboha la-tuk-o? Tobi humma pa-tuk-o? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Change each of these sentences so that it has a dual or plural subject. 1. 2. 3. 4.

Chukfi luma-yt bok anta. Siti ossi-t chukka ia. Amllatek-t chukka la. Issoba-yt tmaha ona.

B. Translate the following sentences into Choctaw. Be sure to choose the correct verb of motion or position for each one. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

That big black horse is coming. A bad bear came to the house. Three snakes reached the river. A cat and a dog went to town. My father and mother went to church. My brother didn’t get to Bok Chito. That small rabbit is here. That hungry raccoon tried to eat this tasty corn. My younger sister/brother tried to eat squirrel meat. My grandfather stood there.

38

The Past Tense

Holissochi Write a story about animals. Include at least one use of the past-tense marker, one conjunction of noun phrases, and one use of a form of tta. Translate your work into English.

CHAPTER 5

Agent Person Markers

ITIMANUMPOLI: “Ish-hoponih-o?”

“Are you cooking?”

llatek: “Illimpa ish-hoponih-o?” Ishki: “Kiyo. Onush bota hoyo-li. Palska champuli pska-li.” llatek: “Pilashash hpi champuli micha onush bota ish-chompa-tuk-o?” Ishki: “A, aiitatoba ia-li-tuk.” llatek: “Akakushi ish-chompa-tuk-o?” Ishki: “Kiyo. Satiti-ash Chiki-t akakushi lwa-ho chompa-tuk.” llatek: “Achukma. Ampo achefa-li-tuk.” Ishki: “Yakoke. Himonasi, palska champuli hoponit tahli-li.”

Girl: “Are you cooking a meal?” Mother: “No. I’m looking for flour. I’m baking cake.” Girl: “Did you buy sugar and flour yesterday?” Mother: “Yes, I went to the store.” Girl: “Did you buy eggs?” Mother: “No. Last Saturday your father bought a lot of eggs.” Girl: “Good. I washed the dishes.” Mother: “Thank you. Right now, I’m preparing the cake.”

ANUMPA LHPESA Agreement Markers and Pronouns We have learned to use noun phrases as the subjects of sentences, as in: Hattak-t bissa pa. (Hattak and bissa are full noun phrases.) The man is eating berries. 39

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But many times we have subjects that are not full noun phrases. In English we use a special set of pronouns to mark (indicate that they are) subjects. These pronouns have distinct forms that are marked for person and number, and in the third person singular also indicate the sex of the person referred to: I, you, he, she, it, we, you, they. There are two facts about English pronouns to keep in mind when comparing them to the Choctaw system: English pronouns are freestanding, and they always indicate their grammatical role. English nominative pronouns indicate that they are subjects. In these English examples note that the pronoun always indicates the subject of the sentence. You ate breakfast. I am hurt. I like you. She is very tall. Choctaw does not generally employ freestanding pronouns as English does. Instead, Choctaw uses agreement markers to indicate persons and things when a full noun phrase is not used. Agreement markers are not freestanding, but must appear in a particular position on the verb stem. The first of several sets of these agreement markers is the agent set. Subjects That Are Also Agents Choctaw agent markers carry information in addition to their grammatical role: they indicate subjects that are also agents. This means that the person or thing indicated by the markers is doing something or affecting something else. Some examples of verbs that have agent subjects in both Choctaw and English are isso ‘hit’, pa ‘eat’, pisa ‘look at’, and balili ‘run’. I hit the door. (I is an agent.) You are eating. (You is an agent.) We looked at a new car. (We is an agent.) My dog ran home. (My dog is an agent.) Not all subjects are agents, as will be seen in a later chapter. For convenience, Choctaw verbs that have agent subjects are called Group 1 verbs.


41

THE AGENT PERSON MARKERS -li

‘I’

il-; e-

‘we’

iloh-; eho-;

‘we (all)’

ish-

‘you’ (sing.)

hash-

‘you’ (pl.)

0/ (unmarked)

‘he, she, it, they’

The subject/agent markers go directly in front of the verb stem, except for -li, which always goes at the end of the verb stem, but before the tense markers. subject marker + verb stem + tense marker ish-balili-tuk you-run-past ‘you ran’ a. Hattak-a ish-pisa. You are looking at the man. b. Ish-hilhah-o? Are you dancing? c. Ishtishko hoyo-li. I’m looking for a cup. d. llatek-a hash-apela-tuk-o? Did you (pl.) help the girl? e. Pilashash aiimpa e-chompa-tuk. Yesterday we bought a table. f. Bissa hoyo. He (she; it; they) is (are) looking for berries. Il-/e- ‘we’ changes form depending on whether the verb following it begins with a vowel or with a consonant. When the verb begins with a consonant, the il- changes to e-.

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Choctaw, like many Native American languages, makes a distinction between we that includes everyone in the group (eho-; iloh-), and we that is restricted to the speaker and some portion of the group (e-; il-). a. Il-impa-tuk. We (you and I) ate (a meal). b. E-hilha-tuk. We (he and I) danced. c. Iloh-impa-tuk. We all ate (a meal). d. Eho-hilha-tuk. We all danced. Plural marking with oklah We have seen that there is no person marker for third-person agents. Choctaw has many ways to indicate plurality when a subject is third person (they). One of them is to use oklah in front of the verb when the subject is human. Plurality may be indicated as well with numerals and plural forms of verbs (see chapter 4). Oklah may be used in addition to numerals and plural verbs. a. Oklah hilha. They are dancing. b. Ohoyo tuchena-yt oklah hilha. The three women are dancing. c. Ohoyo tuchena-yt hilha. The three women are dancing. d. Ohoyo-t ilhkoli. The women are going. e. Ohoyo-t oklah ilhkoli. The women are going. Unmarked Third-Person Subjects Choctaw does not require verbs to have overt, or spoken, subjects. (In English a sentence must have a spoken subject even if it does not refer to anything, as in ‘it rained’, where it does not refer to a real entity.) Note that all third persons (he, she, it, they) are unmarked, meaning they have no special person marker, when they are agent subjects (and frequently unmarked


43

in other roles as well, as will be seen). The reference for third persons is frequently established by context. a. Shawi pit haklo. He (she; it; they) hears (hear) a raccoon. b. Wak nipi hoponi. He (she; they) is (are) cooking beef. As we saw in chapter 2, ymma and ilppa may be used as third-person pronouns meaning ‘that one’ and ‘this one’ and are often used to mean he, she, they, or it when the reference is known. a. Ymmt hpi hoyo. He (that one) is looking for salt. b. Ilppt shukha nipi bshli. He (this one) is cutting pork. As we have learned, when full noun phrases are present, the presence of the subject marker -t indicates that the noun phrase is a subject and its absence indicates that it is an object. Note the difference between the following: a. Fni ossi-t hklo. The little squirrel is listening. b. Fni ossi hklo. He is listening to the little squirrel. The presence of the subject marker -t indicates that fni ossi is the one doing the listening in a above, while in b the absence of the subject marker indicates that a third person is listening to fni ossi. ANUMPA Nouns ahe ahoponi akakushi akak chaha ampo; apo

[a-he] [a-ho-pó-ni] [-kák-u-shi] [-kák chá-ha] [a-pu]

‘potatoes’ ‘kitchen’ ‘eggs’ ‘turkey’ ‘plate’

44


bshpo bila bissa cholokloha chukka chffa fkit hpi hpi champuli holhponi ilhpk; ilhpak ishtishko ishtimpa issi nipi nawaya okchi okti onush bota pska champuli shukha nipi tanch bota wak nipi

[bsh-pu] [bi-l] [bis-s] [chu-luk-ló-h] [chuk-k-ch´-f] [f-kit] [h-pi] [h-pi chá-pu-li] [holh-pó-ni] [ilh-pk] [isht-ísh-ku] [isht-í-p] [is-si ni-pi] [na-wáy-] [ok-chi] [ok-ti] [o-nush bu-t] [ps-k-chá-pu-li] [shúk-h-ní-pi] [tach bu-t] [wak ni-pi]

‘knife’ ‘fat; lard; grease’ ‘berries’ ‘turkey’ ‘family; household’ ‘turkey’ ‘salt’ ‘sugar’ ‘cooked food’ ‘groceries; food’ ‘cup; glass’ ‘eating utensils’ ‘venison’ ‘fruit; produce’ ‘juice’ ‘ice’ ‘wheat flour’ ‘sweets; cake’ ‘bacon; pork’ ‘cornmeal’ ‘beef’

Verbs achefa atahli ni bsha bshli honi hoponi ishko pska

[-ché-f] [a-tah-li] [-ni] [b-sh] [bsh-li] [ho-ni] [ho-pó-ni] [ish-ku] [ps-k]

‘wash’ ‘furnish; provide’ ‘fill; pour into (a container)’ ‘be cut’ ‘cut (something)’ ‘boil’ ‘cook’ ‘drink’ ‘bake (mix, knead, and bake dough or batter)’

Adjectives lhtaha chunna holhponi nia

[´lh-ta-ha] [chun-n] [holh-pó-ni] [ne-y]

‘ready; prepared’ ‘thin; skinny’ ‘cooked’ ‘fat’


45

Adverbs chekih ma himaka himonasi

[ché-kih ma] [hi-má-ka] [hi-mó-n-si]

‘soon; after awhile’ ‘now’ ‘right now’

Idioms hoponit tahli

[ho-pó-nit táh-li]

‘prepare food’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Bsha and bshli It is easy to see that bsha ‘be cut’ is similar in form to bshli ‘cut something’ in that they both share the same verb stem bsh-. The form ending in final -a is the affected form and the form ending in -li is the agent form. In English this relationship is shown with active and passive forms of the verb. Mother cut the turkey. (active) Then the turkey was cut. (passive) Choctaw does not have a passive verb construction of the type English employs. Verbs do not change from active to passive, but retain their agent and affected roles. However, there are a large number of verbs that come in pairs: one member has the -li ending, which indicates that it has an agent role (active), and the other has the -a ending, which indicated an affected role (passive). There are many sets of these agent/affected verb pairs in Choctaw. Bsha and bshli refer to cutting by a bladed instrument, such as a knife. They are related to the word for knife, which is bshpo. a. Issi nipi-t bsha. The venison is cut. or The venison is being cut. b. Wak nipi ish-bshli-tuk-o? Did you cut the beef? c. Aki-t palska bshli. Father is cutting the bread. d. Himaka, palska-yt bsha. Now the bread is cut.

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ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Pilashash Meli-t aiitatoba ia-tuk. Wak nipi, akakushi, micha nawaya chompa-tuk. Meli-t chukka la-tuk. Illimpa hoponit atahli-tuk. Wak nipi bshli-tuk. Okchi kapssa-ya ishtishko ni-tuk. Nawaya hoponi-tuk. Illimpa-yt lhtaha-tuk. Himak ma, chukka chffa-yt aiimpa aila-tuk. Nipi lwa oklah pa-tuk. llanakni micha llatek-t ampo micha ishtimpa achefa-tuk. 1. 2. 3. 4.

Meli-t ilhpk lwa chompa-tuk-o? Hpi chompa-tuk-o? Chukka chffa-yt ahoponi aila-tuk-o? Meli-t ampo achefa-tuk-o? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Give the correct form of each of the verbs in parentheses. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Tanchi palska (I am baking). Ahoponi (you two are going). Pishokchi kapssa (we drank). Fkit champuli (she cooked). Ahe humma (you cut). Tobi lusa (we furnished). Sapokni-t onush bota (bought). Shukha nipi-t (is cut). Bshpo tuklo (you [pl.] looked for). Bissa lawa (I ate).

B. Make noun phrases with each of the nouns in the vocabulary section and give each its English meaning. (Example: tanchi lkna ‘yellow corn’.) C. Using the verb ishko, give all the subject/agent forms of the verb: ‘I drink, you drink, . . .’


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Holissochi Write a story about a meal you might prepare. Include in your sentences the past tense, the present tense, agent person markers, and a negative sentence.

CHAPTER 6

Question Words

ITIMANUMPOLI: “Katimma ish-ia?”

“Where are you going?”

Issi: “Katimma ish-ia?” Shawi: “Okfa chito ia-li.” Issi: “Katimih-o? “Nanta ish-hoyo?”

Deer: “Where are you going?” Raccoon: “I’m going to the big valley.” Deer: “Why? What are you looking for?” Shawi: “Nni champuli, iti chaha Raccoon: “I’m looking for tasty fish, micha okhata ofobi hoyo-li.” tall trees, and a deep lake.” Deer: “There is not much food in Issi: “Ilhpk okfa anuka pa lwa fehna kiyo!” the valley here!” Shawi: “Katimi-ho ilppa ish-anta?” Raccoon: “Why are you staying here?” Deer: “Now I’m not staying here! Issi: “Himonasi-ano ilppa anta-li kiyo! Okfa achukma ma hoyo-lihoke!” I’m looking for that fine valley!” ANUMPA LHPESA Interrogative Words We have learned how to make yes/no questions in Choctaw. Now we will learn to form the other kind of question, the one that asks for specific information, with the use of question words called interrogative words. Most of these words begin with kat- just as most of the corresponding English question words begin with wh-. 48

Question Words

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The following chart shows most of the interrogative words. The student should be aware that one major Choctaw spelling tradition places -h at the end of each interrogative word, but this text will not use -h unless another particle is suffixed to it, as we have discussed in chapter 3. INTERROGATIVE WORDS nanta; nata

‘what?’

kata; kta

‘who?’

katimma; ktimma

‘which?’; ‘which way?’; ‘where?’

katomma; ktomma

‘where?’; ‘what place?’

katimi-ho

‘why?’

katimikash; ktimikash

‘when (in the past)?’

katimikma; ktimikma

‘when (habitually or in the future)?’

katohmi; ktohmi

‘how many?’

lwa katiohmi; lwa ktiohmi

‘how much?’

katimampo

‘which one (of two)?

katiohmi-hosh; ktiohmi-hosh

‘how?’; ‘in what manner?’

Many of the Choctaw interrogative words correspond very well to their English counterparts, but some need clarification. There is a dialect distinction in the word for ‘where?’: both katimma and katomma are used. Katomma speakers generally reserve katimma to mean ‘which?’, while katimma speakers use katomma rarely or not at all. Katimma speakers often use katimmakako to refer to a place to distinguish from ‘which way?’ The word for ‘when?’ must have a time marker, either -kash or -kma, to indicate whether the speaker means ‘time-past’ (katimikash) or ‘time-future’ (katimikma). Some interrogative words, such as katimi-ho and katiohmi-hosh, require a special marker, -hosh or -ho, which we will study more intensively in chapter 20. The position of ka- words in the sentence Choctaw is unlike English in that the interrogative words appear in the position that the phrase they are substituting for would appear. (Another way

50

Question Words

to think of this is to consider where the answer to the question would appear.) In English interrogative words are always at the beginning of the sentence or clause in which they appear, no matter what they are substituting for. When we use an interrogative word, we do not need the question marker -o, since the question is built into the meaning of the ka- word, though some speakers use both a ka- word and -o. The melody of an interrogative sentence with a ka- word is like that of a declarative sentence; it has a final rising pitch. Nanta Nanta may appear in the position of the subject noun phrase or the object noun phrase. a. Shoktti-t nanta pa-tuk? What did the frog eat? b. Shoktti-t shoshi pa-tuk. The frog ate bugs. c. Nanta ish-hoyo? What are you looking for? d. Shukbo hoyo-li. I’m looking for a blanket. Notice in a and b above that shoktti is the subject of the sentence and what it ate is the object. So nanta appears in the object position. In c above, the person marker -ish is the subject and appears attached to the verb; nanta is still in object position. When a ka- question word is the subject of the sentence, it must have a subject marker. But this marker is not t: instead we use another subject marker, -osh, often contracted to simply ’sh. In most Choctaw writings we see the predicative -h from the previous word connected to -osh, making it appear as -hosh, and that is the tradition we follow here. a. Nanta-hosh ma hikia? What is standing there? b. Iti chaha mt ma hikia. That tall tree is standing there. c. Nanta-hosh okhisushi anuka pit hika? What flew in the window? d. Hushi ossi mt okhisushi anuka pit hika. That little bird flew in the window.

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Kata Kata is very much like nanta in that it substitutes for noun phrases in any position and must have the subject marker -hosh, often contracted to -sh when it is the subject. a. Kata ish-apela? Who (Whom) are you helping? b. Amafo apela-li. I’m helping Grandfather. c. Amafo-t kata apela? Whom is Grandfather helping? d. Amafo-t llosi apela. Grandfather is helping the baby. e. Kata’sh amafo apela? Who is helping Grandfather? f. Amafo il-apela. We are helping Grandfather. Katohmi and lwa katiohmi Katohmi ‘how many?’ always refers to some noun phrase, so it appears as a modifier of a noun phrase. It appears after the noun, just as other modifiers do, in the position where the number that it substitutes for would appear. When the noun phrase modified by katohmi is the subject, it takes the subject marker -hosh. a. Luksi katohmi hash-pisa-tuk? How many turtles did you (pl.) see? b. Luksi hnnali eho-pisa-tuk. We all saw six turtles. c. Hushi katohmi-hosh kucha heli? How many birds are flying outside? d. Hushi tuchena-yt kucha heli. The three birds are flying outside. Lwa katiohmi, which literally means ‘how much?’, is used when a noun cannot be counted, just as in English. a. Amoshi-t hakchuma lwa katiohmi chompa-tuk? How much tobacco did Uncle buy?

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Question Words

b. Hakchuma lwa chompa-tuk. He bought a lot of tobacco. Katimikash; katimikma The Choctaw interrogative words for ‘when?’ indicate whether something has factually occurred or is hypothetical. Events that have factually occurred are in the past and take the -ash marker, while hypothetical ones are in the future and take the -kma marker. (The -k- is a type of predication marker that we will study later, along with future markers.) The -ash marker is generally placed on time words when those words refer to past events, such as pilashash, ninakash, and days of the week (often English borrowings are used, except for nittak hullo ‘Sunday’). a. Katimikash ish-’la-tuk? (contracted from ish-la) When did you get here? b. Pilashash la-li-tuk. I got here yesterday. c. Katimikash chukka chffa-yt okhata ona-tuk? When did the family get to the lake? d. Satiti-ash il-aiona-tuk. We got there last Saturday. Katimi Katimi ‘why?’ takes the marker -ho. Katimi-ho literally means ‘why is it that . . . ?’ It appears at the beginning of the sentence, as in English. Katimi-ho tli ma ish-pila? Why are you throwing those stones? Katimma; katomma The word for ‘where?’ is used either with a verb of motion or a verb of location. But if the subject is a place, such as a building, town, or geographical site, katimma may be used as the main predicate itself. a. Issoba mt katimma pit balili? Where is that horse running to? b. Sapokni-t katimma anta? Where is Grandma? c. Okhata chito-t katimma? Where is the ocean?

Question Words

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d. Okla Humma Tmaha Chito-t katimma? Where is Oklahoma City? Because katimma also means ‘which’, sometimes katimma takes a particle -kako, which lends the sense of definiteness to a word. Katimmakako then means ‘which place?’, as distinguished from ‘which direction?’ or just ‘which?’. a. Tli katimma ish-om-binili? Which rock are you sitting on? b. Katimmakako ish-binili? Where (which place) are you sitting? Katiohmi Katiohmi corresponds to ‘how?’ or ‘in what manner?’. Because ‘how?’ substitutes for a manner adverbial (to be discussed in chapter 20), it must take the marker -hosh. (We have seen two manner adverbials already: plhkihosh ‘fast; quickly’ and salaha-hosh ‘slow; slowly’.) a. Shoktti mt katiohmi-hosh hika-tuk? How did that frog fly? b. Luksi-t katiohmi-hosh nowa-tuk? How did the turtle walk? c. Luksi-t salaha-hosh balili-tuk. The turtle walked slowly. Katimampo Katimampo means ‘which one?’ when a choice between two is being made. a. Ofi katimampo ish-isso-tuk? Which dog (of these two) did you hit? b. Ofi isso-li-tuk kiyo! I did not hit a dog! Location Words In English a relatively small class of words called prepositions is used to signify spacial relations between objects. Prepositions are so called because they appear before the nouns that are their objects. In other languages, Choctaw among them, these relational words appear after the noun, and are

54

Question Words

properly called postpositions. Whichever term is used, these words are used to show relationships, generally in space, and so may be called location words. a. Katimma tli ma pit ish-pila-tuk? Where did you throw that rock? b. Iti bilika pit pila-li-tuk. I threw it near the tree. c. Nni-t katimma asha? Where are those fish? d. Nni-t okhata anuka asha. The fish are in the lake. Some location words, when they appear without a noun phrase object, may be used with verbs of motion. This usage is very similar to English. Shoshi-t kucha heli-tuk. The bugs flew outside. Some spatial relations in Choctaw are indicated with particles and affixes rather than with freestanding words. Among these is the prefix -o-, spelled -om- before /m, p, and b/, and -on- before vowels, which means on. a. Nanta ish-om-binili? What are you sitting on? b. Shukbo chito ilppa om-binili-li. I’m sitting on this big blanket. ANUMPA Nouns hakchuma isapotk; isapuntak luksi lukfi nni natnna; nantnna napakali okfa

[hák-chu-m] [i-s-pó-tk] [luk-si] [luk-fi] [n-ni] [na-tn-n] [na-p-ká-li] [ok-f]

‘tobacco’ ‘mosquito’ ‘turtle’ ‘dirt’ ‘fish’ ‘cloth; fabric’ ‘flower’ ‘valley’

okhata okhata chito osapa pla shoktti shokni shoshi shukbo tli

Question Words

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[ok-há-t] [ok-há-t chí-tu] [o-sá-pa] [p-l] [sho-kt-ti] [shó-k-ni] [sho-shi] [shuk-bu] [t-li]

‘lake’ ‘ocean’ ‘field’ ‘light’ ‘frog’ ‘ant’ ‘insect; bug’ ‘blanket’ ‘rock; mineral’, (esp.) ‘iron’

Verbs apela heli hika hilha hokli hoyo isso pila

[-pé-l] [he-li] [hi-k] [hi-lh] [hok-li] [ho-yu] [is-su] [pi-l]

‘help’ ‘fly (pl.)’ ‘fly’ ‘dance’ ‘catch’ ‘look for; search’ ‘hit’ ‘throw; send’

Adjectives hksi holitopa kostini ofobi shua

[hk-si] [ho-li-tó-p] [kós-ti-ni] [u-fó-bi] [shu-w]

‘befuddled; deceived; drunk’ ‘valuable; dear’ ‘in control; sober’ ‘deep’ ‘stinking; rotten’

Interrogative Words kata katimih-o katimikash katimikma

[kt] [k-té-mi-ho] [k-té-mi-kash] [k-té-mik-ma]

katimampo katimma katimmakako katiohmi-hosh

[ka-ti-má-pu] [k-tim-m] [k-tím-m-k-ko] [k-ti-óh-mi-hosh]

‘who?’ ‘why?’ ‘when? (in the past)’ ‘when? (habitually or in the future)’ ‘which one (of two)?’ ‘where?; in what direction?’ ‘which place?’ ‘how?; ‘in what manner?’

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Question Words

katohmi katomma

[k-tóh-mi] [k-tom-m]

lwa katiohmi nanta

[l-w-k-ti-óh-mi] [na-t]

‘how many?’ ‘where?; ‘in what place?’ (in some dialects) ‘how much?’ ‘what?’

Adverbs himak nittak

[hi-mak-nit-tk]

‘today; nowadays’

Location Words (postpositions) anuka bilika kucha

[-nú-k] [bi-lí-k] [ku-ch]

‘in; inside’ ‘near’ ‘out; outside’

Idioms himonasi-ano -oke

[hi-mó-n-si-a-no] [o-ké]

‘right now’ (marker of emphasis) ‘surely; of course’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Pila Pila is used for a great many English synonyms that have to do with conveying from one place to another: launch; send; pitch; throw; dispatch; and so forth. Pila is preferably used with the directional particles pit and et. Holisso pila means ‘to send a letter’. a. Iti tpa pit pila-li-tuk. I threw a stick (away from myself). b. Ahokni-t holisso pa pila-tuk kiyo. My aunt didn’t send this letter. Compound words In Choctaw compounds made from two nouns are formed exactly as in English: the descriptive or modifying noun appears first, followed by the head noun. So a compound such as cornbread is tanchi palska.

Question Words

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issi nipi ‘deer meat’ → ‘venison’ shukha nipi ‘pig meat’ → ‘pork; bacon’ tach bota ‘corn flour’ → ‘cornmeal’ onush bota ‘wheat flour’ Compounds in Choctaw made from nouns and adjectives are formed with the adjective following the noun, unlike such compounds in English. hpi champuli ‘sweet salt’ → ‘sugar’ issi kosoma ‘smelly deer’ → ‘goat’ akak chaha ‘tall chicken’ → ‘turkey’ The emphatic marker -oke Choctaw has a number of suffixes that indicate mood. One of the most common is the emphatic marker -oke. It is suffixed to the tense marker at the end of an utterance. Verbs and other predicates in the present tense use -h to join to -oke. English has no similar way to indicate emphasis; English speakers must use adverbs and voice tone to express this concept. a. Chim-achukma? Achukmahoke! How are you? Real good! b. Palska ilppt champulihoke! This bread is TASTY! c. Nittak mt lshpa-tukoke! That day WAS hot! ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Aki-t okhata chito nowat ia-tuk. Nittak hullo-ash ymma ia-tuk. Chukka ossi-ya okhata chito bilika ma chompa-tuk. Hushi lawa-yt chukka ma anuka asha-tuk. Aki-t nni hoklit pisa-tuk. Nni lawa hokli-tuk. Himak ma, nni ma hoponi-tuk. 1. Aki-t katimma ia-tuk? 2. Katimikash ia-tuk?

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Question Words

3. 4. 5. 6.

Chukka ossi-t katimma? Nanta-hosh chukka anuka asha? Aki-t nanta hoklit pisa-tuk? Nni katohmi hokli-tuk? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Make a correct sentence using each of the Choctaw interrogative words. B. Use each of the new verbs from the vocabulary section with all the person markers: -li; ish-; hash-; and il-. Do not forget the third-person forms. Holissochi Write a short story of about seven sentences on a theme of your choice. Include at least one question, at least one negated sentence, and at least one location word.

CHAPTER 7

Affected Person Markers

ITIMANUMPOLI: “E-chi-hoyo-tuk.”

“We were looking for you.”

Nanikhnachi: “Halito! E-chi-hoyo-tuk.”

Teacher: “Hello! We were looking for you.” Boy: “Hello! Why were you llanakni: “Halito! Katimi-ho has-sahoyo-tuk?” looking for me?” Nanikhnachi: “Anumpa il-ishtla.” Teacher: “We’re bringing news.” llanakni: “Anumpa nanta hash-ishtla?” Boy: “What news are you bringing?” Nanikhnachi: “Holisso apisa pihlechi-yt Teacher: The principal sent a holisso et pila-tuk. Himak nittak-t nittak letter. Today is a holiday. They hullo. Holisso apisa akmmi-tuk.” closed school.” llanakni: “Anumpa achukmahoke!” Boy: “It is good news!” ANUMPA LHPESA The Object of a Verb and the Affected Role In chapter 5 we saw that in English one set of pronouns marks the subject of a verb no matter what role that subject plays. However, in Choctaw we are concerned with the role the subject plays. We have learned a set of person markers that denote subjects that are also agents in Choctaw. In English another set of pronouns marks the object of a verb. Again, in Choctaw we 59

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are concerned with the role that is marked by the person markers. We will learn a new set of person markers that denote the affected role. The affected role often corresponds with the object of a verb. In the following English sentences notice that the direct object of the verb is also affected by the verb. The mouse ate his corn. The rain hit the roof. The set of English object pronouns marks the grammatical role of object, and this role is most often an affected object. Isabel likes me. The children didn’t see us. We helped them. The Choctaw affected object A direct object in Choctaw usually has the affected role, just as in English. A new set of person markers tells the listener that the person is not the agent of an action, but affected by the action. a. Nanalhtoka-yt pi-ahayuchi-tuk. The policeman found us. b. Nanikhnachi-t si-apela. The teacher is helping me. c. Pihlechi-t chi-haklo-tuk-o? Did the director hear you? The affected person markers. The set of Choctaw affected person markers is: THE AFFECTED PERSON MARKERS sa- (or s); sipihapichihachi0/ (unmarked)

first person singular: ‘me’ or ‘I’ first person plural: ‘us’ or ‘we’ first person plural inclusive: ‘us (all)’ or ‘we (all)’ second person singular: ‘you’ second person plural: ‘you’ all third persons: ‘him, her, it, them’ or ‘he, she, it, they’


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The affected person marker appears directly before the verb. When both an agent marker and an affected marker appear, the agent marker comes first, followed by the affected marker. Third-person objects, like third-person subjects, are understood. Si- ‘me’ is used when the verb following it begins with any value of /a/ or /o/, short, long, or nasal. Sa- is used with every other verb and may be spelled s. a. Alikchi-t si-apela. The doctor is helping me. b. Sappoknakni-t chi-pisa-tuk. My grandson saw you. c. llatek-t hachi-hoyo. The girl is looking for you (pl.) d. Chi-haklo-li. I hear you. e. E-chompa-tuk. We bought it. f. Hash-hapi-apela. You (pl.) are helping us (all). When ish- or hash- appears before sa-/si-, it is contracted to is-sa; has-sa or is-si; has-si. a. Is-sa-pisah-o? Do you see me? b. Pilashash has-si-apela-tuk. Yesterday you (pl.) helped me. Affected Subjects One of the most important concepts to understand in the Choctaw language is that of the affected subject. We have examined agent subjects and affected objects. What is an affected subject? An affected subject is one that experiences something, is in some condition, or has some attribute. It does not “do” anything. Affected subjects in English are very often marked with the passive voice. Notice that the subjects of the following English sentences are not agents—they do not “do” anything.

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This old horse is tired. John was disappointed. The letter is very long. Notice also that the English pronouns in the following sentences have the same form whether or not the subjects are agents or are affected. I helped my sister. (I is an agent.) I am sick. (I is affected.) You didn’t notice me. (You is an agent.) You are young. (You is affected.) In Choctaw, if a subject is affected it takes the affected person marker. This means that some subject markers have the same form as object markers. It also means that the English pronouns ‘I, you, he, she, it, we, they’ may be translated into Choctaw with different person agreement markers. Sa-chaha. Chi-tikahbih-o? Chito. Pi-hohchffo. Hachi-hksi.

‘I am tall.’ ‘Are you tired?’ ‘It’s big.’ (‘He/She is big.’) ‘We are hungry.’ ‘You (pl.) are confused.’

In the examples above, notice that there is no word that corresponds to English ‘be’. Choctaw does not require a copula—a form of be—for constructions such as these. How do we know whether the affected person marker refers to a subject or an object? The best way is to learn what form of subject each verb takes. All the verbs introduced so far have agent subjects. (They are Group 1 verbs.) Virtually all adjectives have affected subjects. Study the following sentences and try to understand the concept underlying the form of the person markers. Chi-apela-li-tuk. I helped you. Apela has an agent subject, -li. Chi- is the affected object. Chi-chaha. You are tall. Chaha is an adjective and chi- is an affected subject.


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Ish-chukkoa-tuk. You came in. Chukkoa has an agent subject, -ish, and no object. Ish-hapi-pisah-o? Do you see us (all)? Pisa has an agent subject, -ish, and and affected object, hapi-. Pi-hohchffo. We are hungry. Hohchffo is an adjective and pi- is an affected subject. ANUMPA Nouns anumpa balafohka hashuk nafohka nalhtoka; nanlhtoka nanikhnachi pihlechi takkon takkon masofa sholush

[-nó-p] [bal--fóh-k] [ha-shuk] [na-fóh-k] [nalh-tú-k] [nan-ik-h-ná-chi] [píh-le-chi] [tak-kon] [tak-kon m-só-f] [shó-lush]

‘word; speech; news’ ‘pants’ ‘grass’ ‘clothes’ ‘policeman; officer’ ‘teacher’ ‘director; head; leader’ ‘peach; apple’ ‘apple’ (old form) ‘shoes’

Verbs ahayuchi ahochi akmmi akama chukkoa; chukoa falama foha ishtia ishtla issa tiwa tiwa tiwwi

[-háy-u-chi] [a-hu-chi] [-km-mi] [a-ká-m] [chúk-kw] [fa-lá-m] [fo-ha] [isht-e-y] [isht--l] [is-s] [ti-w] [tí-w] [tiw-wi]

‘find’ ‘find’ (some dialects) ‘close something’ ‘be closed’ ‘enter; come in’ ‘return; come back’ ‘rest’ ‘take (away)’ ‘bring (to this place)’ ‘quit’ ‘get opened; open’ ‘be open’ ‘open something’

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Adjectives lhkma abeka anuktuklo holba hofahya hottupa ila; inla iskitini nukoa nukhaklo tasimbo; tasembo weki

[lh-k-m] [-bé-k] [a-nuk-túk-lu] [hol-b] [ho-fáh-y] [hót-tu-p] [í-l] [is-ki-té-ni] [nu-kó-] [nuk-hak-lu] [ta-sí-bu] [we-ki]

‘closed; stopped up’ ‘sick’ ‘embarrassed’ ‘same; like’ ‘ashamed’ ‘hurt’ ‘different; another’ ‘small’ ‘angry’ ‘sad; sorry’ ‘crazy’ ‘heavy’

Location Words (postpositions) apotaka nuta nutaka paknaka

[-pó-t-ka] [nu-t] [nu-tá-ka] [pak-ná-ka]

‘beside; at the side of’ ‘under’ ‘under; underside’ ‘on top of; above; over’

Idioms falamat ia holba chohmi makili holba nittak hullo

[fa-lá-mt e-y] [hol-bah chóh-mi] [m-ki-li hol-b] [nit-tk hul-lu]

‘come back; return’ ‘similar’ ‘the same as (that one)’ ‘holiday; Sunday’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Holba and ila Holba ‘like; same’ may be used as an adjective in a noun phrase or as a main predicate. When we mean ‘the same’, we should use a definite marker such as ma with the noun being compared. a. Sholush ma holba ish-chompa-tuk-o? Did you buy the same shoes? b. A, sholush pt holba. Yes, these shoes are the same.


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To express the sense of ‘similar’ we use holba chohmi. Sholush pt holba chohmi. These shoes are similar. To say ‘the same as’ we use makili holba. Makili literally means ‘that other’, so it may either modify a noun or stand alone. a. Balafohka pt balafohka makili holba. These pants are the same as those pants. b. Nafohka pt makili holba. These clothes are the same as those. The Choctaw word for ‘horse’, issoba, comes from a contraction of the compound issi holba ‘like a deer’. Ila ‘different’ is also used for English ‘another’ and ‘other’. It may be used as a main predicate, where it means ‘be different’. a. Nalhtoka ila-yt la-tuk. Another policeman arrived. b. Nafohka ila hoyo-li-tuk. I looked for different clothes. c. Balafohka ilppt ila. These pants are different. ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Satiti-ash, Bili-t nafohka aiitatoba ia-tuk. Balafohka himona hoyo-tuk. Balafohka lusa pisa-tuk. Balafohka ila pisa-tuk. Balafohka ilppt tohbi-tuk. Bili-t balafohka lusa micha makili tohbi chompa-tuk. Chukka falamat iatuk. 1. Katimikash Bili-t aiitatoba ia-tuk? 2. Nanta hoyo-tuk? 3. Balafohka katimampo pisa-tuk?

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4. Nanta chompa-tuk? 5. Katimma ia-tuk? Anumpa lhpesa A. Translate to Choctaw, using the correct person markers. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

I am helping you. Are you washing it? We bought it. He helped her. They looked for us. You (pl.) found him. I looked for you (pl.). Are you looking for me? We were looking for you (pl.). I washed it. You found us. You (pl.) helped me. She looked for me. He helped you. You (pl.) brought it.

B. Translate to Choctaw, using the correct subject for each predicate adjective. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

I’m embarrassed. Are you hungry? Is he tall? We are sad. They are in control. He is skinny. Are you (pl.) angry? I am sick. He’s crazy! We are not hurt.

C. Translate to Choctaw, using the correct subject for each predicate. Be sure to note whether the predicate has an agent subject or an affected subject.


1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

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Are you dancing? I am sad. Did you quit? You (pl.) entered the room. We rested. Are you sick? It is open. We opened it. I am angry. I found it. Holissochi

Write a story on a theme of your choice. Include at least one direct object marked with a person marker and at least one affected subject.

CHAPTER 8

Word Formation and Verbs with Affected Subjects

ITIMANUMPOLI: “Washohah sa-bnna!”

“I want to play!”

Meli: “Miti! Holisso apisa iah chi-bnnah-o?” Bili: “Holisso apisa iah sa-bnna kiyo!’ Washohah sa-bnna!’ Meli: “Holisso itimanumpolih chi-bnnah-o?” Bili: “Kiyo! Okhata iah sa-bnna. Nni hoklih sa-bnna.” Meli: “Ikhnah sa-bnna. Nittak hullo-ash okhata il-awashoha-tuk. Himonasi-ano, nanikhnachi pisa-li. Nukoahoke!”

Mary: “Come on! Do you want to go to school?” Billy: “I don’t want to go to school! I want to play!” Mary: “Do you want to read books?” Billy: “No! I want to go to the lake. I want to catch fish.” Mary: “I want to learn. Last Sunday we played at the lake. Right now, I see the teacher. She is angry!” Billy: “Come on! We are going to school!”

Bili: “Miti! Holisso apisa il-itiachihoke!” ANUMPA LHPESA

Word Formation We have learned how to make two kinds of compound nouns in chapter 6. Like English and most other languages, Choctaw has many ways of putting words and affixes together to form larger, more complex words. 68


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Five very productive Choctaw affixes that are used in word formation are: isht-; a-/ai-; -ushi; na-/nan-; and -chi. We will examine each in turn. IshtIsht- means ‘with’ in the instrumental sense, not the accompanying sense. (The ‘accompanying with’ is marked with another affix.) Isht- is compounded to form both nouns and verbs and appears with other affixes to form a great many words, particularly those that denote tools. ishtia ishtla ishttiwa ishtholissochi

‘go with’ → ‘take’ ‘come with’ → ‘bring’ ‘opened with’ → ‘key’ ‘write with’ → ‘pen; pencil’

A- /aiA- and its variant ai- are very important affixes with several uses. A- means ‘place where’; ‘there’; or ‘from’ and forms both nouns and verbs. Some of the meanings of words made with a- are rather abstract. The a- form is used when the next sound is a consonant, and the ai- form (occasionally spelled ay) is used before vowels. ahoponi abinili aiimpa atahli aboha anusi

‘place where one cooks’ → ‘kitchen’ ‘place to sit’ → ‘chair’ ‘place to eat’ → ‘table’ ‘finish from’ → ‘furnish’ ‘room where one sleeps’ → ‘bedroom’

Many verbs use the a- prefix when a location is mentioned. Thus washoha ‘play’ becomes awashoha ‘play there’ when the place where the playing occurs is mentioned. a. llosi-t washohah bnna. The baby wants to play. b. llosi-t wahnota awashohah-o? Is the baby playing in the yard? Notice that the a- prefix performs the function of many English prepositions, telling the listener that something is located somewhere. This kind of prefix is called a locative for that reason. When the locative prefix a- is used

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with a verb, we often do not need a postposition or location word, as we see in awashoha. -ushi Ushi is a simple diminutive suffix that is attached to nouns. If the noun ends in a vowel, that final vowel is deleted when -ushi is attached. It is used to indicate the offspring of animals, among other uses. bokushi akakushi wakushi okhisushi

‘little river’ → ‘creek’ ‘chicken’s offspring’ → ‘eggs’ ‘cow’s offspring’ → ‘calf’ ‘little doorway’ → ‘window’

Na- /nanNa- and its variant nan- are very productive prefixes that are attached to verbs to make nouns. These prefixes come from the word nana ‘thing; something’ and make a noun of the form ‘that which (verb)’. The na- form is used before consonants and the nan- form before vowels. Nan- often appears with isht to make words for tools or instruments. nanishtshileli nafohka nalhtoka, nanalhtoka nanola

‘that with which one dries’ → ‘towel’ ‘that which is put on’ → ‘clothes’ ‘the one who is elected’ → ‘officer’ ‘that which sounds’ → ‘radio’

-chi Chi, the causative marker, is one of the most productive affixes in the Choctaw language. Chi most commonly forms verbs, but those verbs may be converted again into instrumental nouns. holissochi lusachi ikhnachi nanikhnachi nakapssachi

‘cause to be put to paper’ → ‘write’ ‘cause to be black’ → ‘blacken’ ‘cause to learn’ → ‘teach’ ‘the one who causes to learn’ → ‘teacher’ ‘that which causes to be cold’ → ‘refrigerator’ Verbs with Affected Subjects

We learned in chapter 7 that predicate adjectives have affected subjects that take affected person markers rather than agent person markers. Many


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Choctaw verbs also have affected subjects. Affected subjects in English are often expressed with a copula (a form of be) and a past participle. These are very similar to sentences with a copula and predicate adjective, as can be seen in the following examples: The window was opened. Now the window is open. We saw in chapter 5 that Choctaw does not have a passive voice or regular participles. Instead, the verb itself determines what kind of subject it will take. We saw that verbs often come in pairs, with one—marked with -li or one of its forms—taking an agent subject, and the other—marked with -a— taking an affected subject. a. Okhisushi-t tiwa-tuk. The window opened. b. Himonasi, okhisushi-t tiwa. Now, the window is open. c. Okhisushi ish-tiwwi-tuk-o? Did you open the window? d. Nipi bshli-li-tuk. I cut the meat. e. Sa-bsha! I am cut! f. Ampo shileli-tuk. He dried a plate. g. Ampo mt shila-tuk. That plate dried. Choctaw verbs that take affected subjects may be called Group 2 verbs. Many of these verbs are not expressed in English with participles. Some of the verbs appear to take agent subjects in English, so they must be learned from the Choctaw point of view. Si-anukfoka kiyo. Chi-bnnah-o? Chi-nusih-o?

‘I don’t understand.’ ‘Do you want it?’ ‘Are you sleeping?’ (or ‘Are you asleep?’)

Verbs that take affected subjects will be noted in the vocabulary section as Group 2.

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There are a few verbs in Choctaw that can be treated as either Group 1 or Group 2—that is, with either an agent subject or an affected subject, depending on the speaker’s point of view. One of these is nusi ‘sleep’. Both of the usages in a and b below are correct. There is no perfect way to express this difference in English, but see if you can detect a difference from the Choctaw point of view: a. Sa-nusi kiyo. I’m not asleep. b. Ninakash nusi-li-tuk kiyo. I didn’t sleep last night. ANUMPA Nouns aboha isht holita aboha anusi aboha pakna aboha ayupi abohushi anusi ataloha nanachefa holita ishtholissochi itipotalhpo nakapssachi nanishtshileli nanola tli aholhponi tli aianumpoli topa wahnota; wanota yakni

[-bó-h -isht-hu-lí-t] [-bó-h-a-nu-si] [-bó-h-p´k-n] [-bó-h -a-yu-pi] [a-bu-hú-shi] [a-nu-si] [a-t-ló-h] [nan--ché-f] [hu-lí-t] [isht-ho-lis-só-chi] [i-tí-po-tálh-pu] [na-k-p´s-s-chi] [nan-isht-shi-lé-li] [na-nó-l] [t-li a-holh-pó-ni] [tli ai--núm-pu-li] [to-p] [wáh-nu-t] [yak-ni]

‘wall’ ‘bedroom’ ‘ceiling’ ‘bathroom’ ‘restroom’ ‘bed; sleeping place’ ‘shelf’ ‘washing machine’ ‘fence’ ‘pen; pencil’ ‘floor’ ‘refrigerator’ ‘towel’ ‘radio’ ‘stove’ ‘telephone’ ‘bed’ ‘yard’ ‘land’

Verbs itimanumpoli anukfoka

[ai-i-tim--núm-pu-li] [a-nuk-fó-k]

‘read’ ‘understand’ (Group 2)


anumpoli awashoha bnna bohli fokka; fohka fokka fokki hochifo; hochefo hochifochi holissochi ikhna; ithna ikhana; ithana ikhnachi itola kashoffi nusi shila shileli washoha

[-núm-pu-li] [a-wa-shó-h] [bn-n] [boh-li] [fok-k] [fok-k] [fok-ki] [ho-chí-fu] [ho-ché-fu-chi] [ho-lís-su-chi] [ik-h-n] [ik-há-n] [ik-h-ná-chi] [i-tó-l] [k-shof-fi] [nu-si] [shi-l] [shi-lé-li] [wa-shó-h]

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‘speak; talk’ ‘play (somewhere)’ ‘want; need’ (Group 2) ‘put down (a single item)’ ‘put on (clothing)’ ‘wear’ ‘put in; insert’ ‘be named; called’ (Group 2) ‘read’ (some dialects) ‘write’ ‘learn’ ‘know; remember’ ‘teach’ ‘lie (down)’ ‘clean’ ‘sleep’ (Group 1 or 2) ‘dry; get dry’ (Group 2) ‘dry (something)’ ‘play’

Adjectives lhpesa kashofa libesha liteha shila

[lh-pé-s] [k-shó-f] [li-bé-sh] [li-té-h] [shi-l]

‘correct; all right; proper’ ‘clean’ ‘warm’ ‘dirty’ ‘dry’

Location Words (postpositions) misha itikba

[mi-sh] [i-tík-b]

‘beyond’ ‘in front of’

Idioms anumpa tusholit hochefo sa-hochifo-yt . . . sa-hochifo-kt . . . Nanta chi-hochifo?

[-nó-p-tu-shó-lit-hoché-fu] [sa-ho-ché-fo yt] [sa-ho-ché-fo kt] [nan-t-chi-ho-ché-fo]

‘read orally; interpret’ ‘my name is . . .’ ‘I am called . . .’ ‘What is your name?’

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ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Bnna Bnna ‘to want; need’ is an unusual verb in that it takes both an affected subject and a direct object. Bnna may take either a noun-phrase direct object or a complement clause (a verb). If it takes a verbal complement, that verb is marked with -h to show that it is another clause in the sentence. The use of English ‘want’ or ‘need’ to translate bnna depends on context. a. Nanishtshileli kashofah sa-bnna. I need a clean towel. b. Aboha kashoffih sa-bnna kiyo. I don’t want to clean the room. c. Oka kapssa pi-bnna. We want/need cold water. d. Nanikhnachi-t takkon champuli bnna. The teacher wants a sweet apple. When a sentence is marked for the past tense, -tuk appears only on the final predicate (verb or predicate adjective). Any other predicates are marked with -h. Ninakash llosi-t nusih bnna-tuk. Last night the baby wanted to sleep. ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Tusti-ash Hshki-t chukka kashoffi-tuk. Chukka ilppt liteha-tukoke! Ishtwashoha ataloha apaknaka bohli-tuk. Abohushi achefa-tuk. Itipotalhpo achefa-tuk. Apelah sa-bnna-tuk. Wahnota kashoffi-li-tuk. Ofi achefa-li-tuk. Himak foka ma, fohah pi-bnna-tuk. Takkon okchi il-ishko-tuk. (What is ‘ishtwashoha’?) 1. Kata-hosh chukka kashoffi-tuk? 2. Chukka-yt kashofa-tuk-o?


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3. Nanta ataloha paknaka bohli-tuk? 4. Kata-hosh apelah bnna-tuk? 5. Nanta ishko-tuk? Anumpa lhpesa A. Give the Choctaw for the following verb phrases. Be careful to use the correct subject marker. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

I want to rest. He is sleeping. It is dirty. I don’t remember. Do you know it? We are speaking. You (pl.) are reading. I am warm. We understand. Are you (pl.) sleeping?

B. Examine the following words. Give a reasonable meaning for each. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

nanishko issobushi nanishtachefa hummachi pisachi nahoyo nanishtkashoffi chukkushi

C. Make noun phrases with each of the nouns in the vocabulary section. Example: nakapssachi himona ‘new refrigerator’. Holissochi Write a story about your home. Include at least one location word (postposition) and one use of a Group 2 verb.

CHAPTER 9

Recipient Person Markers

ITIMIANUMPOLI: “E-hachim-aya!”

“We beat you!”

Meli: “Kapucha washohah chi-bnnah-o?” Ilsi: “A. Kata-hosh washoha?” Meli: “Akana micha akanomi. Towa e-hoyoh moma.” Ilsi: “Nittak hullo chito-ash, amafo-t towa himona ama-tuk. Ataloha paknaka itola.” Meli: “Achukma! Pikana-yt himak aila. Hinli-t katimma anta?” Ilsi: “Hinli iyi-t hottopa. Ichukka anta.”

Mary: “Do you want to play stickball?” Elsie: “Yes. Who’s playing?” Mary: “My friends and relatives. We’re still looking for a ball.” Elsie: “Last Christmas, my grandfather gave me a new ball. It’s on top of the shelf.” Mary: “Great! Our friends are arriving now. Where is Henry?” Elsie: “Henry’s foot hurts. He’s staying home.” Meli: “Sa-nukhaklo alhi.” Mary: “I’m really sorry. “ Ilsi: “Tunshpa! Towa ma ahayuchi-li-tuk.” Elsie: “I found that ball. Hurry up!”

ANUMPA LHPESA The Indirect Object of a Verb We have examined direct objects in past lessons. We saw that often a direct object expresses the affected role. A second type of object is the 76


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indirect object. The indirect object most often expresses the role of recipient, the person to whom or for whom something is done. The best example of an indirect object can be made using the English verb give. In the following sentences the words in bold type express the role of the recipient. Notice that the thing that is given in each case is expressed by the direct object. John gave a book to Bill. (John is the subject; book is the direct object; Bill is the indirect object.) Franny gave me a lot of money. (Franny is the subject; a lot of money is the direct object; me is the indirect object.) He gave it to you. (He is the subject; it is the direct object; you is the indirect object.) In English the pronouns that indicate the indirect object are the same as those that indicate the direct object, so English speakers must often think carefully about the distinctions between what the pronouns express. However, most languages, including Choctaw, have a separate set of pronouns or agreement markers for each of these grammatical roles. Willie told me a story. (Me is an indirect object with a recipient role.) Willie likes me. (Me is a direct object with an affected role.) One way to determine whether an English noun or pronoun is an indirect object is to use it with the preposition to or for. Willie told a story to me. Daisy made fudge for you. I gave money to charity. It is important to gain a sense of the recipient role, since this role is what is marked with the Choctaw recipient person markers. Word order of subject, direct object, and indirect object In Choctaw the word order of a sentence that contains a subject, direct object, and indirect object is:

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subject + indirect object + direct object + recipient marker-verb Sapokni-t + lla + oka + im-ishtla Grandmother + child + water + to him-bring ‘Grandmother is bringing water to the child.’ or ‘Grandmother is bringing the child water.’ In the following examples notice that the recipient role is marked on the verb even if the noun phrase that is the indirect object is present. In English we do not “double-mark” roles in this way. However, in English we may often place the indirect object before the direct object and leave out the preposition to or for. a. Naniknachi-t llatek holisso im-ishtla-tuk. The teacher brought a book to the girl. or The teacher brought the girl a book. b. Aki-t ofi chukkushi im-ikbi-tuk. Dad made a little house for the dog. or Dad made the dog a little house. The recipient person markers The Choctaw recipient person markers are: THE RECIPIENT PERSON MARKERS am- (or m); a-

‘to or for me’

chim-; chi-

‘to or for you’

im-; i-

‘to or for him, her, it, them’

pim-; pi-

‘to or for us’

hapim- ; hapi

‘to or for us (all)’

(or hpim-; hpi-) hachim- ; hachi(or hchim- ; hchi)

‘to or for you (pl.)’


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Notice that all recipient third persons, singular and plural, are marked with im- or i-; they are not unmarked, as are the agent and affected third person. The markers ending with /m/ are used when the next sound is a vowel, and those ending in a nasal vowel are used when the next sound is a consonant. Using recipient person markers. When a recipient role is present in a Choctaw sentence, it is always marked on the verb with the recipient marker. In sentence examples a and b on page 78 all three noun phrases take a different role: subject, direct object, and indirect object. Very often, person agreement markers substitute for noun phrases in Choctaw, just as pronouns substitute for nouns in English. When agreement markers appear instead of noun phrases, the order of agreement markers is: subject + indirect object. Choctaw very seldom has a first- or second-person direct object along with a recipient indirect object; usually, the direct object is a thing and thus is unmarked. a. llanakni-t towa chim-ishtla-tuk. The boy brought you a ball. or The boy brought a ball to you. b. Towa chim-ishtla-tuk. He brought a ball to you. c. Chim-ishtla-tuk. He brought it to you. The agent marker -li ‘I’ always appears in its position after the verb and before the tense marker. a. Holisso chi-holissochi-li. I’m writing you a letter. b. Chi-holissochi-li. I’m writing (it) to you. c. Sholush himona e-chi-chompa. We are buying new shoes for you. d. E-chi-chompa. We’re buying them for you. Possession Choctaw possessive markers have the same form as recipient person markers. In practical terms this means that when the markers appear with

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nouns they are possessive markers, and when they appear with verbs they are recipient markers. As a matter of spelling, in this text, agreement markers on verbs will be hyphenated and possessive markers on nouns will be directly attached. The Choctaw possessive markers are: THE POSSESSIVE MARKERS am- (or m); a-

‘my’

chim-; chi-

‘your’

im-; i-

‘his, her, its, their’

pim-; pi-

‘our’

hapim-; hapi-

‘our (inclusive)’

(or hpim-; hpi-) hachim-; hachi-

‘your’ (pl.)

(or hchim-; hchi)

The possessive marker is prefixed to the noun it possesses. chimafo amofi pisholush hachichukka iki

‘your grandfather’ ‘my dog’ ‘our shoes’ ‘your (pl.) house’ ‘his father’

Sometimes we need to express possession between two noun phrases such as John’s dog, the policeman’s car, and so forth. This kind of possession in Choctaw is marked somewhat differently than it is in English. In English the possessive marker ’s appears on the possessor noun. In Choctaw the possessive marker i-/im- appears on the possessed noun. llosi isholush sapokni inakapssachi nalhtoka inanola hattak sipokni ishukbo

‘the baby’s shoes’ ‘Grandma’s refrigerator’ ‘the policeman’s radio’ ‘the old man’s blanket’


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Possession marked with the affected marker Not every Choctaw noun takes the general possessive marker introduced in the previous section. Two groups of nouns take the affected person marker as the possessive. These are groups of nouns that name body parts and some kinship terms. Such groups of words are often treated differently from other nouns in many languages (though not in English) because they denote inalienable possession, or things that cannot be disowned due to the intimacy of the relationship between possessor and possessed. Thus, in Choctaw one does not “own” one’s arm or one’s mother. While terms for body parts are reliably marked with the affected marker, possessive markers for the kinship terms must be memorized. For example, while the term for ‘mother’ (hshki; sshki; chishki, and so forth) is marked with the affected marker, the term for ‘father’ (aki; chiki, and so forth) is marked with the general possessive. Note that since the third-person affected marker is unpronounced, thirdperson possessed nouns of this type simply have no marker. Words that begin with a vowel (generally /i/) are contracted so that the /i/ is deleted when a possessive marker is attached. ibbk iyi ishki nushkobo inali

‘his hand’ ‘his hand’ ‘her mother’ ‘its head’ ‘his back’

hachibbk chiyi pishki sanushkobo issoba inali

‘your (pl.) hands’ ‘your foot’ ‘our mother’ ‘my head’ ‘the horse’s back’

Some Choctaw nouns always take a possessive marker. Besides the kinship terms, the words for ‘friend’ and ‘relative’ always take a possessive marker. ikana akana chikanomi hapikanomi

‘(someone’s) friend’ ‘my friend’ ‘your relatives’ ‘our relatives’

ANUMPA Nouns, names of body parts that take affected possessive markers choksh; chunkash haknip

[cho-ksh] [hak-nip]

‘heart’ ‘body’

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hakshup haksobish hanali hasimbish hishi ibbk; ibbak ibbkishki ibbkushi ibishakni iffuka inali isolsh itakha iypi; iyi pi iyi nishkin noti nushkobo; noshkobo nushoka nutakfa pashi shkba

[hak-shup] [hák-su-bish] [h-ná-li] [ha-sim-bish] [hi-shi] [ib-bk] [ib-bk-ísh-ki] [ib-bk-ú-shi] [i-bi-shak-ni] [if-fuk-k] [i-ná-li] [i-só-lsh] [i-tak-ha] [í-y-pi] [i-yi] [nish-kin] [no-ti] [núsh-ko-bu] [nush-shó-k] [nu-ták-f] [pa-shi] [shk-b]

‘hide; skin’ ‘ear’ ‘limb of the body; (esp.) leg’ ‘tail’ ‘fur’ ‘hand’ ‘thumb’ ‘finger’ ‘nose’ ‘abdomen; belly’ ‘back’ ‘tongue’ ‘mouth’ ‘lower leg’ ‘foot’ ‘eye’ ‘teeth’ ‘head’ ‘face’ ‘chin’ ‘hair (of the head)’ ‘arm’

Other Nouns ikana ikanomi ishtaboli kapucha towa

[i-ká-n] [i-k-nó-mi] [isht--bó-li] [k-pu-ch] [to-w]

‘friend’ (takes possessive marker) ‘relative’ (takes possessive marker) ‘playing field’ ‘Choctaw stickball’ ‘ball’

Verbs hilechi ikbi ima im-aya; im-aia

[hi-lé-chi] [ik-bi] [i-m] [i-máy-]

lksha

[lk-sh]

‘put; place; set vertically’ ‘make; construct’ ‘give’ (takes recipient object) ‘win; beat’ (takes recipient object) ‘sweat’ (Group 2)


lhioli toksali; toksli tushpa; tunshpa; toshpa

[lhi-ó-li] [tók-s-li] [túsh-p; tosh-p]

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‘chase’ ‘work’ ‘hurry’

Adjectives [a-lhi] [chí-to-li] [lham-ku]

alhi chitoli lhamko

‘true’ ‘loud; hard’ ‘strong’

Adverbs alhi chiyyohmi moma

[a-lhi] [chíy-yoh-mi] [mo-m]

moma

[mo-m]

‘truly; surely’ ‘very much; really; a lot’ ‘still’ (with verbs and predicate adjectives) ‘all’ (with nouns)

Location Words (postpositions) ba akka ashaka

[-b] [ak-k] [á-sha-ka]

‘up’ ‘down’ ‘behind; in back of’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Verbs with obligatory recipient markers Some verbs, such as ima ‘give’ and im-aya ‘win; beat’, cannot appear without a recipient marker. In the case of ima, especially, the recipient marker is “built into” the verb and shows to whom or to what something is given. ama chima ima pima hapima hachima

‘give to me’ ‘give to you’ ‘give to (any third person)’ ‘give to us’ ‘give to us all’ ‘give you (pl.)’

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a. Ilhpk is-sama-tuk-o? Did you give me groceries? b. A, chima-li-tuk. Yes, I gave them to you. Im-aya ‘win; beat’ must note who or what is triumphed over, and that loser is marked with the recipient person marker. a. E-hachim-aya-tuk! We beat you! b. Iloh-im-aya-tuk! We (all) won (over someone)! ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Piki-t toksali alhi. Ishttoksali lwa bnna. Pilashash, aiimpa lhamko micha abinili tuklo hapim-ikbi-tuk. Pichukka itikba abinili achffa hilechituk. Iti chito nuta abinili ila hilechi-tuk. Himak foka ma, fohah bnna. Aboha anusi ia-tuk: topa paknaka itola-tuk. (What is ‘ishttoksali’?) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Kata-hosh toksali alhi? Nanta bnna? Nanta ikbi-tuk? Abinili achffa katimma hilechi-tuk? Abinili ila katimma hilechi-tuk? Piki-t tikahbi-tuk-o? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Add the correct verb and agreement markers that belong in the blank spaces. Think carefully about whether the role is agent, affected, or recipient from the Choctaw point of view.


1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

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Chihokni-t tanchi palska ———. (gave me) Ynnsh mt ———. (chased you) ———. (I gave it to you.) Palska champuli ———. ([he] made for me) Bili-t towa ———. (threw to him) Holisso ———. ([she] sent you) Shukbo humma ———. (you (pl.) gave to us) ———. (They beat us.) Koni-t ———. (chased him) ———. (I am sweating.)

B. Using ten nouns from the vocabulary section and ten nouns from chapter 8, make possessive constructions with each. Translate them into English. (Example: chinushkobo ‘your head’; atopa ‘my bed’.) C. Choose any Group 1 verb and any Group 2 verb. Give all the subject markers for each (example: lhioli-li, ish-lhioli, . . . sa-lksha, chi-lksha, . . .). Holissochi Write a story on a theme of your choice. Use the verb ima at least once; include at least one other recipient person marker; include at least one negative sentence; and include at least one ka- question.

CHAPTER 10

The Future Tense and Verbs with Recipient Subjects

ITIMANUMPOLI: “Okshinillit iah chi-bnnah-o?”

“Do you want to go swimming?”

Henry: “Today is really hot! I’m sweating.” Billy: “Do you want to go swimming?” Henry: “Yes, I want to.” Hinli: “A, sa-bnna.” Awantona: “Bokushi iah hachiAwantona: “Do you want to go to the creek?” bnnah-o?” Bili: “Kiyo. Bokushi ayukpanchi-li Billy: “No. I don’t like creeks. I kiyo. Okhata ofobi iah sa-bnna.” want to go to a deep lake.” Awantona: “Good. We’ll take out Awantona: “Achukma. Aki ipeni kucha il-ishtiachi. Satiti-ash ymma my father’s boat. He fixed it last apoksia-tuk.” Saturday.” Henry: “Are you bringing Hinli: “Ilhpk hash-ishtiachih-o? Palska micha takkon okchi kapssa provisions? I like bread and cold apple juice a lot.” a-champuli alhi.” Bili: “Nnokwehlih sa-bnna.” Billy: “I want to fish.” Awantona: “Tushpa! A-lshpa! Awantona: “Hurry up! I’m hot! We Okshinillih pi-bnna.” want to swim.” Bili micha Hinli: “Pim-lhtaha ahosi!” Billy and Henry: ‘We’re almost ready!” Hinli: “Himak nittak-t lshpa alhi! Sa-lkshahoke!” Bili: “Okshinillit iah chi-bnnah-o?”

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ANUMPA LHPESA Future Time We have learned that Choctaw time marking is not identical to English time marking. We noted that in Choctaw we pay close attention to whether something is factual or hypothetical. The past- and present-tense markers can never be used to indicate future time, because future time is always hypothetical and not factual. In English both past- and present-tense markers are commonly used to indicate future time. This can be seen in sentences such as “Mother comes home this evening,” in which comes is in the present tense but refers to a future event, or “Bob said that he was coming home next Saturday,” in which was is in the past tense but refers to a future event. The future marker -achi There are several suffixes indicating hypothetical events or states that may be attached to the verb stem to indicate future time. The most neutral one is -achi. As in the present tense, if another marker such as question marker follows -achi, -h appears to connect them. Achi is different from -tuk in that it causes the final vowel of the verb stem to be deleted. If the first-person marker -li appears after the verb stem, the /i/ is similarly deleted, producing -lachi ‘I will’. chompachi ish-apoksiachi hash-pisachi e-hikiachi eho-tushpachi hilha-lachi haklachi ish-issachi hash-hoyachi il-ishkachi eho-hklachi ishko-lachi

‘he will buy (it)’ ‘you will repair (it)’ ‘you (pl.) will look at (it)’ ‘we will stand up’ ‘we all will hurry’ ‘I will dance’ ‘he will hear (it)’ ‘you will hit (it)’ ‘you (pl.) will look for (it)’ ‘we will drink (it)’ ‘we all will listen to (it)’ ‘I will drink (it)’

achukmalachi ish-okshinillachi hash-nnokwelachi

‘she will do well’ ‘you will swim’ ‘you (pl.) will fish’

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e-kachachi eho-tokslachi yupi-lachi

‘we will sell (it)’ ‘we all will work’ ‘I will bathe’

Group 2 verbs—those with affected subjects—and predicate adjectives are treated in the same way as Group 1 verbs with respect to tense markers. chi-nukhaklachi sa-nusachi hohchffachi hachi-bnnachi pi-lkshachi hapi-anukfokachi

‘you will be sorry’ ‘I will be asleep’ ‘she will be hungry’ ‘you (pl.) will need (it)’ ‘we will sweat’ ‘we all will understand’

Occasionally two verbs differ only in their final vowels. The deletion of the final vowel when -achi is attached causes their future-tense forms to be the same. isso issa issachi issachi

‘he hits (it)’ ‘he quits’ ‘he will hit (it)’ ‘he will quit’

Students should listen carefully for the nasal /i/ in the future marker to avoid confusing it with the causative marker -chi. ikhnachi ikhnachi holissochi holissochachi

‘she will learn’ ‘teacher’ ‘he writes’ ‘he will write’

Dialect differences in the future marker Some speakers of Choctaw do not change the stem vowel of the verb to -a when adding the future marker. These speakers use -chi as the future marker. Notice the difference between these verb forms and the ones above. hklochi yupi-lichi

‘he will hear (it)’ ‘I will bathe’


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Uses of the future tense The future tense is used whenever something is not factually past or presently in evidence. This means events that will happen even very soon in the future are marked with the future tense, even if they can be delivered with the present tense in English. Himak nittak, Awantona-yt aiitatoba iachi. Today Awantona will go to the store. or Today Awantona is going to the store. (She has not gone yet.) The time marker -kma When adverbs of time and other words that mark time—such as some interrogatives—denote a future time, the future-time marker -kma is suffixed to them. This compares with the past-time marker -ash, sometimes seen as kash. -Kma may be spelled in different ways. With adverbs of time, this marker may be added without hyphens. -K may also be suffixed to the end of the word, and -ma may stand alone. a. Onnakma Meli-t ikaa apoksiachi. Tomorrow, Mary will fix her car. b. Katimikma Ontona-yt hapi-pisat ayachi? When will Ontona visit us? c. Filaitikma pi-pisat ayachi. She’ll visit us next Friday. Verbs with Recipient Subjects We have learned that Choctaw marks the kind of role a subject plays in a sentence by use of special subject markers that distinguish these roles. Besides agent and affected subjects, Choctaw distinguishes recipient subjects. These subjects are marked with the recipient person markers. Verbs that take recipient subjects are called Group 3 verbs. Group 3 verbs—those that take recipient subjects—are harder to correlate with English constructions than either of the other two types of verbs. There are fewer Group 3 verbs than there are Group 1 or Group 2 verbs, and they will have to be learned one by one. a. Chim-achukmah-o? Do you feel well?

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b. A, am-achukmahoke. Yes, I feel very well. Notice that the subjects of the sentences above are marked with recipient person markers. (The sentences literally mean ‘Is it good for you?’; ‘Yes, it is good for me.’) When the subject of a Group 3 verb is a noun phrase, the subject must be marked with -t and the third-person recipient marker must appear on the verb. Chimafo-t im-achukmah-o? Is your grandfather feeling well? Some Group 3 verbs are not easily translated to, or analyzable in, English. For instance, i-champuli takes a subject who is the taster, and the recipient marker must agree with the subject. The closest translation of ichampuli is perhaps ‘to savor’. a. Ohoyo nakachi-t takkonlushi i-champuli. The saleswoman likes the taste of plums. or Plums taste good to the saleswoman. or The saleswoman savors plums. b. Ikhish a-champuli kiyo. I don’t like the taste of medicine. or Medicine doesn’t taste good to me. or I don’t savor medicine. Changes in meanings with recipient subjects Sometimes a word has a different sense depending on the kind of subject it uses. For instance, lshpa ‘hot’ and lhtaha have different uses depending on whether they have affected subjects or recipient subjects. a. Sa-lshpa. I am hot. (My body is physically hot; I have a fever.) b. A-lshpa. I am hot. (It is hot for me; the room is hot.) c. lhtaha. It is ready. (Something has been prepared.) d. Im-lhtaha. He is ready. (Events have been arranged for him.)


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ANUMPA Nouns abeka aiashachi abeka apisachi atoksli hattak (ohoyo) nakachi hattak (ohoyo) nnokwehli hatofalaha ikhish okhish nanapoksia nahotina ipunna peni shapo takkonlushi

[-be-k-ay-á-sha-chi] [-be-k-a-pi-sá-chi] [a-tok-s-li] [na-ka-chi]

‘hospital’ ‘nurse’ ‘workshop’ ‘clerk; salesman (woman)’

[n-nok-wéh-li]

‘fisherman (woman)’

[ha-to-f-lá-h] [ik-hísh] [ok-hísh] [nan--pok-sí-] [na-ho-té-n-i-pun-n] [pe-ni] [sha-pu] [tak-kun-lú-shi]

‘onion’ ‘medicine’ ‘liquid medicine’ ‘repairman (woman)’ ‘accountant; bookkeeper’ ‘boat’ ‘hat’ ‘plum’

Verbs achukmali achukmahni akuchi apoksia ayukpachi; aiokpanchi im-achukma

[a-chuk-má-li] [a-chuk-máh-ni] [a-ku-chi] [a-pok-si-] [a-yuk-pá-chi] [im--chúk-m]

i-champuli

[i-chám-pu-li]

kachi; kanchi nnokwehli okami okshinilli pisachi takchi yupi

[ka-chi] [n-nuk-weh-li] [o-ká-mi] [ok-shi-nil-li] [pi-sá-chi] [tak-chi] [yu-pi]

‘do well’ ‘like (something)’ ‘take out; take from’ ‘repair; fix’ ‘like (something)’ ‘feel well; be pleased’ (Group 3) ‘taste good; like the taste of’ (Group 3) ‘sell’ ‘fish; catch fish’ ‘wash off’ (esp. the face) ‘swim’ ‘show’ ‘tie; bind’ ‘bathe; swim’

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Adverbs ahosi onnakma

[á-ho-si] [ón-nak-ma]

‘almost; nearly’ ‘tomorrow’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Words that mean ‘like’ There are many ways to say that something is pleasing or that one cares for something or finds it agreeable. Some different ways they can be said in Choctaw are with the verbs achukmahni and ayukpachi. When these verbs take a direct object (a thing), they are very straightforward in their usage. a. Peni chito ish-achukmahnih-o? Do you like big boats? b. Kaa plhki ayukpachi-li. I like fast cars. Another verb that expresses ‘be pleased’ is the Group 3 verb im-achukma. Generally, this verb is used to mean ‘feel well’. Am-achukma. I feel well. Im-achukma, achukmahni, and ayukpachi may be used to mean ‘like’ with a verb complement, as in “I like to read books.” We will examine this construction when we study complex sentences in a later chapter. When that which we like is a food, the verb i-champuli is used. This verb specifically refers to the good taste of something. Issi nipi hachi-champuli. You (pl.) like venison. ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it.


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Shapo himona chompah sa-bnna. Satitik-ma nafohka aiitatoba ialachi. Ohoyo nakachi-t shapo moma a-pisachachi. Shapo lusa micha shapo humma pisa-lachi. Shapo katimampo ayukpachi-lachih-o? Ikhanali kiyo. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Nanta bnna? Katimikma iachi? Katimma iachi? Kata-hosh shapo i-pisachachi? Shapo katimampo ayukpachachih-o? Anumpa lhpesa

A. How can we express the following in Choctaw? 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

I like boats. He likes money. We don’t like dirty rooms. Billy likes bread. Does Ontona like us? You (pl.) don’t like cats. I like you. Do you like me?

B. Give the correct structure for each of these phrases in Choctaw. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

I will help you. The man will dance. We will catch mice. She will send it. It will fly. You (pl.) will prepare it. He will feel well. The meat will be cut. You will fill it. The baby will drink peach juice.

C. Translate the following sentences into Choctaw, giving the correct subject marker for each verb. (Example: You dance ‘ish-balili’.)

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

I dance. I am tall. You want it. He feels well. We rest. You (pl.) quit. It is closed. We like the taste of it. I understand. You are lying down.

D. Translate the following sentences into Choctaw, giving the correct person marker for each expression. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

I made it for you. Dad fixed the boat for us. We sold a car to you (pl.). You sold it to us. I gave it to you. We gave money to you (pl.). The fisherman showed it to me. The repairman showed me his workshop. The nurse brought me medicine. The nurse brought my mother medicine. Holissochi

Write a paragraph about working. Include at least one Group 2 verb and one Group 3 verb. Use the future tense at least once.

CHAPTER 11

Complex Verbs The -t Suffix

NANANOA: Nitushi micha Konushi ‘The Bearcub and the Baby Skunk’ Nita-yt okhata ofobi bilika aiasha-tok. Okhata pt nnih chaha apotaka talaia-tok. Himonah ma, nitushi-t hohchaffot okcha-tok. Ilhpk hoyot ia-tok. Okfa micha osapa lhipullit aya-tok. Ymmak fokali ma nana pisa-tok. Napoa ossi-t iti chiluk anuka fokkat itola-tok. Napoa ilppt pisachukma alhi-tok. Hasimbish-t lusat, tohbit micha falaya-tok. Konushi ilppt okchat nitushi pisa-tok. Nitushi-t yokopat konushi pisa-tok. Nitushi-t washohah bnna-tok. Ymmak fokali ma, konushi ishki-t nukoat la-tok. Ichukka falamat ushi ishtia-tok. Nitushi-t nayukpa kiyotok. Mihmt, sllahat kania-tok. [The bears lived near a deep lake. This lake was situated beside the mountains. One time, the bear cub woke up starved. He went looking for food. He traveled through valleys and fields. About then, he saw something. A small animal was lying inside a tree hole. This animal was very pretty. Its tail was black, white, and long. The baby skunk woke up and looked at the bear cub. The bear cub stopped and looked at the baby skunk. The bear cub wanted to play. About that time the baby skunk’s mother arrived angry. She took her baby and returned home. The bear cub was not happy. And then, slowly, he went away.]

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Complex Verbs: The -t Suffix

ANUMPA LHPESA Joining Verb Phrases into Complex Sentences A simple sentence has a single predicate; usually this is a verb or a predicate adjective. Most of the sentences we have constructed so far have been simple, like the following: a. Issi-t kowi itiachi. The deer are (both) going to the woods. b. Sapokni-t iskli ama-tuk. Grandma gave me money. c. Pi-anukfoka. We understand. d. Nittak-t lshpa alhi. The day is really hot. When a sentence contains more than one predicate, it is a complex sentence. There are many kinds of complex sentences, as in this sample of English sentences. Note each of the predicates and the different ways they are put together to form complex sentences. He came in and sat down. After eating, we played cards. John left laughing. Grandpa is jolly and kind. Marjorie loves to dance. They didn’t know what we wanted to do. We traveled to Mississippi in order to visit our Choctaw friends. Our teacher said that we were making a lot of progress learning Choctaw. The ways that Choctaw makes complex sentences is different from the way English does. One of the most important tasks for the Choctaw language learner is to learn the many ways of making complex sentences. The Subordinating Suffix -t One of the most basic ways to join predicates in Choctaw is with the subordinating suffix -t. We have already seen several constructions made with


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the -t suffix in such idioms as balilit ishtia and falamat ia. The function of the -t suffix is to subordinate, or join together, a predicate to the main predicate. The -t suffix construction looks like this: predicate-t + subject marker–main predicate–tense marker Ilhpk chompat ish-ia-tuk. ‘You went to buy groceries.’ There are several ways to translate -t forms into English, so the student must find the one that is most natural. One of the ways to translate -t forms expresses purpose: a. Taloat ish-ia-tuk. You went to sing. b. Ohoyo-t hilhat miti. The woman is coming to dance. Another way to translate -t forms is with the present participle (‘-ing’), particularly with verbs of motion such as ia: a. Alikchi-t nnokwehlit ia-tuk. The doctor went fishing. b. Okshinillit il-itiachi-tuk. We (dual) went swimming. Often, Choctaw uses a -t form with a motion verb to indicate the kind of motion as well as the direction of the motion. In English we simply state the kind of motion and assume the direction: Nanikhnachi mt holisso apisa falamat ia-tuk. That teacher returned to the school. Similarly, Choctaw verbs of position are often used along with the kind of action or state, whereas English assumes the position. Note in the sentence above that we would not translate falamat ia-tuk as ‘went returning’ or ‘went to return’; the direction of motion is assumed. The -t form may sometimes be translated with ‘and’:

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Chukkoat binili-tuk. He came in and sat down. Adjectives may also bear the -t suffix when they are predicates. This occurs when they appear in a list or they are modifying the main verb. a. Nitushi-t hohchaffot okcha-tok. The bearcub woke up starved. b. Hasimbish-t lusat, tohbit, micha falaya-tok. Its tail was black, white, and long. c. Konushi ishki-t nukoat la-tok. The baby skunk’s mother arrived angry. Many idiomatic expressions in Choctaw are made with the -t subordinator. We have seen examples of verb-t ishtia ‘begin to (verb)’ and verb-t pisa ‘try to (verb)’. We may have more than one -t form, as in the alternative idiom for ‘begin’ verb-t hike-t ishtia. sholit ishtia kullit hiket ishtia ishit pisa toblit pisa

‘begin to carry’ ‘begin to dig’ ‘try to get’ ‘try to push’

Position of person markers with -t forms There are three important things to remember about the construction of subordinate predicates—verbs and sometimes adjectives—marked with -t. First, the subject of the subordinate predicate is always the same as the subject of the main predicate; second, subject markers and tense markers always go on the main predicate; and third, object markers, both direct and indirect, may go on the subordinate verb (the one marked with -t). The main verb may also take objects if these are not objects of the subordinate verb. Notice the position of the person markers in each of these sentences: a. Ohoyo himitta-yt pi-apelat la-tuk. The young woman came to help us. b. Hachi-okchalit il-aila-tuk. We came to wake you (pl.) up. In the following sentence notice that each of the two verbs has its own object. Iskli is the object of ishtmitit and shapo is the object of chompachi.


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Ohoyo mt iskli ishtmitit shapo chompachi. That woman will be bringing money to buy a hat. In the following sentence each of the two verbs has an object marked with a person marker. Sa- is the direct object of ishtiat and a is the indirect object of chompa-tuk. Hshki-t aiitatoba sa-ishtiat sholush himona a-chompa-tuk. Mother took me to the store and bought me new shoes. Since the subject of a predicate with a -t suffix must be the same as that of the main predicate, we cannot use -t forms to make such sentences as Mother brought me to help you. In this last sentence Mother is the subject of brought, and the first person—indicated by me—is the subject of help. This kind of sentence requires a different construction, which will be learned later. The Remote Past-Tense Marker -tok Besides the recent past-tense marker, -tuk, Choctaw has a remote pasttense marker, -tok, that refers to events in the distant past. Whether an event is in the recent or distant past is left to the discretion of the speaker. However, stories are commonly told in this tense, perhaps to emphasize the separation of the events in the story from real events. a. Hopaki-kash sapokni-t yakni ilppa aitta-tok. A long time ago, my grandmother lived on this land. b. Himonah ma, llanakni ossi-t kowi ia-tok. Once upon a time, a little boy went to the woods. ANUMPA Nouns ailhto aiasha aitta lhpoa chiluk

[ai-lh-tu] [ai-a-sh] [ai-t-t] [lh-po-] [chi-luk]

‘container’ ‘dwelling place; refuge’ ‘residence’ ‘domesticated animal’ ‘hole’

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ishtkulli ishtpiha iti chanlli; iti chnaha iti hishi luak nana nanoffo hishi nnih nnih chaha napoa nihi nusi tapushik

[isht-kul-li] [isht-pi-ha] [chá-nl-li; ch-ná-ha]

‘pick’ ‘shovel’ ‘wagon; cart’

[i-ti-hi-shi] [lu-wak] [na-n] [nan-uf-fu-hi-shi] [n-nih] [n-nih-chá-ha] [na-po-w] [ni-hi] [nu-si] [t-pu-shik]

‘leaves (of trees)’ ‘fire’ ‘something’ ‘leaves of plants’ ‘hill’ ‘mountain’ ‘wild animal’ ‘seed’ ‘acorn’ ‘basket’

Verbs aya habli hallli hokchi hokmi ipeta ishi ishi kania kobafa kobaffi kulli lua luachi offo okcha okchali pehli shali sholi tobli

[ay-] [ha-bli] [ha-ll-li] [hok-chi] [hok-mi] [i-pé-t] [i-shi] [i-shi] [k-né-y] [ko-bá-f] [ko-bf-fi] [kul-li] [lu-w] [lu-wa-chi] [uf-fu] [ok-ch] [ok-cha-li] [peh-li] [sha-li] [sho-li] [tob-li]

‘travel; go along’ ‘kick’ ‘pull; draw’ ‘plant’ ‘burn (something)’ ‘feed (esp. animals)’ ‘get; grasp (one thing)’ ‘have; own (one thing)’ ‘leave; go away’ ‘break; be broken’ ‘break (something)’ ‘dig’ ‘burn’ ‘set fire to’ ‘grow; sprout’ ‘awaken; be awake (Group 2)’ ‘wake up (something)’ ‘scoop up; grasp (plural things)’ ‘haul, carry’ ‘carry (in the arms)’ ‘push’


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Adjectives aiukli awata ayuka haksoba halsbi ikaiuklo nayukpa nukshopa pisachukma pisokpulo

[ái-uk-li] [-wá-t] [ay-u-k] [hák-su-b] [h-ls-bi] [ik-ai-yúk-lu] [na-yuk-p] [nuk-shu-p] [pi-s-chúk-m] [pi-sok-pú-lu]

‘beautiful; handsome’ ‘wide’ ‘each’ ‘irritating; noisy’ ‘slippery; smooth’ ‘ugly; unhandsome’ ‘happy’ ‘afraid; scared’ ‘pretty; good-looking’ ‘bad-looking; mean-looking’

Adverbs hopaki ymmk fokali ma

[ho-pá-ki] ‘far away; for a long time’ [ym-mk-fo-ká-li-ma] ‘then; about that time’

Idioms hohchaffot okcha lhipullit aya

[hoh-chaf-fut-ok-ch] [lhi-pul-lit-áy-]

‘wake up hungry’ ‘travel through’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Ishi and ishi Ishi and ishi correspond to English ‘get’ and ‘have’. Like many other Choctaw verbs, both these specify the number of the object—a single object. These verbs also mean that the object is able to be held in the hand. Other verbs must be used for large things and immobile things such as land. Takkon champuli ishi-li. I got a sweet peach. Himakano takkon ishi-li. Now I have a peach. If something can be considered as a unit, like a pair of shoes, ishi is appropriate.

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Sholush himona ish-ishi-tuk-o? Did you get (a pair of) new shoes? Nafohka lwa iloh-ishi. We own a lot of clothes. The verb that indicates grasping or getting plural things is pehli, which also means ‘scoop up’. Takkon lwa pehli-li-tuk. I got (grabbed; scooped up) a lot of peaches. (The plural form corresponding to ‘have’ has a different construction, which will be learned later.) ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Hattak sipokni-t kowi lusa nowat ia. Nukshopa kiyo. Iti chanllushi hallli. Ishtpiha micha ishtkulli shali. Sipokni-t nusi ishtmiti. Himak foka ma nusi hokchit ishtia. Katimih-o kowi ma nusi hokchi? Nanta hochifo? Nittak achffak ma, iti chaha aiukli-yt ymma hikiachi. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Kata-hosh kowi chukkoa? Nukshopah-o? Nanta hallli? Nanta shali? Hattak ilppt ‘Chani Takkon Nihi’ hochifoh-o? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Translate these complex verb phrases into Choctaw. 1. go to pull 2. begin to laugh 3. try to awaken


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4. lie down and rest 5. quit digging B. Translate the following sentences into Choctaw, paying attention to the position of the person markers. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

He tried to kick me. I began to push you. You (pl.) entered the house and fed the cat. He came in to wake me up. We are going fishing.

C. Make noun phrases using all the nouns and all the adjectives in the vocabulary section. D. Read the story (Nananoa) aloud with a friend or teacher to correct your pronunciation. Holissochi Write a story about working outside. Include at least two complex sentences using the -t form, at least one ka- question, at least one Group 2 verb, and at least one indirect object marked with a dative person marker.

CHAPTER 12

Commands

ITIMANUMPOLI: “Tushpa!”

“Hurry up!”

Chani: “Tushpa! Hshki ipeni-t miti!”

Johnny: “Hurry up! Mother’s train is coming.” Etta: “Quit pushing me! I’m trying to hurry!” Johnny: “Give me the keys!” Etta: “No! I don’t have the keys. I gave them to Dad.” Johnny: “Are you crazy? How will we get to the train station?” Etta: “Mary has a car. Let’s go and see Mary.” Johnny: “It’s starting to rain. Let’s walk fast.” Etta: “Yes, I hear thunder. Let’s run!” Johnny: “I see Mary and her car now. Don’t stop!”

Etta: “Sa-toblit issa! Tunshpat pisa-li!” Chani: “Ishttiwa ami!” Etta: “Kiyo! Ishttiwa ishi-li kiyo. Aki ima-li-tuk.” Chani: “Chi-tasimboh-o? Katiohmihosh peni aiyokopa il-itonachachi?” Etta: “Meli-t kaa i-hikia. Meli pisat kil-ia.” Chani: “Ombat hiket ishtia. Plhki-hosh ke-nowa.” Etta: “A, hiloha pit haklo-li. Ke-balili!” Chani: “Meli micha ikaa himak pisa-li. Ish-yokopa-na!”

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Commands

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ANUMPA LHPESA Commands Commands may be given in Choctaw using three persons—first person plural, second-person singular, and second-person plural—and two types— affirmative and negative—for a total of six forms. These forms correspond to the following commands in English: Go! Don’t go! Eat! Don’t eat! Let’s play! Let’s not play!

(second-person singular affirmative) (second-person singular negative) (second-person plural affirmative) (second-person plural negative) (first-person plural affirmative) (first-person plural negative) Affirmative Commands

There are three forms for affirmative commands, one each for secondperson singular, second-person plural, and first-person plural. Second-person singular commands This form consists of the verb without markers. The final syllable of the verb, its final vowel, is stressed with a high, falling pitch (like the stress that English commands have in these examples: come on; begin; hurry up). Impa! Tushpa! Miti! Binili! Balilit hiket ishtia! Si-apela!

‘Eat!’ ‘Hurry up!’ ‘Come on!’ ‘Sit down!’ ‘Start running!’ ‘Help me!’

Complex verb phrases are made in the usual way, and object markers appear in their usual positions. Second-person plural commands This form requires a special plural subject marker that appears before the verb. The form is ho-, which appears before vowels as either oh- or hoh-.

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Commands

When a command is a complex verb, the ho- marker appears on the main verb. As in the singular form, no tense markers appear on the verb and the final vowel is stressed with a high, falling pitch. Ho-hklo! Ho-pisa! Ho-taloa! Oh-ittiachi! or Hoh-ittiachi! Oh-impa or Hoh-impa Ant chukkoat ho-foha! Ho-pi-apela!

‘Listen!’ ‘Look!’ ‘Sing!’ ‘Go (dual)!’ ‘Eat!’ ‘Come in and rest!’ ‘Help us!’

First-person plural commands This command requires the prefix kil- (ke- before consonants), which corresponds to English let’s. The final vowel is again stressed. Kil-ia! Ke-binohli! Kil-impa! Nnokwehlit kil-ia! Kil-im-ikbi!

‘Let’s go!’ ‘Let’s sit down!’ ‘Let’s eat!’ ‘Let’s go fishing!’ ‘Let’s make it for him!’

Because ho- and kil- are already plural, we may choose to use a pluralmarked verb or not when one of these is available. We may correctly say: Hoh-ia. Kil-ia. Ho-binili. Ke-binili.

Hoh-ilkoli. Kil-ilhkoli. Ho-binohli. Ke-binohli.

‘Go (pl.).’ ‘Let’s go.’ ‘Sit (pl.).’ ‘Let’s sit.’

Negative Commands Negative commands require the suffix -na, which has a stressed vowel (a high, falling pitch just like the one on the final vowel of affirmative commands). Second-person negative commands differ from affirmative commands in that they use the person markers ish- and hash-. Complex verb phrases are made the usual way, and object markers appear in their usual positions.

Commands

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Second-person singular commands The negative command requires the person marker ish- and the suffix -na, which is stressed. Ish-tushpa-na! Oka ma ish-ishko-na! Binilit ish-foha-na! Is-sa-habli-na!

‘Don’t rush!’ ‘Don’t drink that water!’ ‘Don’t sit down and rest!’ ‘Don’t kick me!’

Second-person plural commands The negative command requires the person marker hash- and the suffix -na. Hash-balili-na! Ymma hash-okshinilli-na! Nafohka chompat hash-ia-na! Hash-pi-pisachi-na!

‘Don’t run!’ ‘Don’t swim there!’ ‘Don’t go to buy clothes!’ ‘Don’t show it to us!’

First-person plural commands Besides the person marker kil-, the negative command requires an additional change in the stem vowel that other commands do not need. In the negative kil- requires that the stem vowel be changed to /o/. Verbs that already end in /o/ are not affected. Kil-io-na! Ke-toksalo-na! Ampo achefat kil-ishtio-na! Kil-i-kacho-na! Ke-hklo-na!

‘Let’s not go!’ ‘Let’s not work!’ ‘Let’s not start washing the dishes!’ ‘Let’s not sell it to him!’ ‘Let’s not listen to them!’

Kil- may appear with the plural marker -oh, but it is not necessary. Kiloh-io-na!

‘Let’s not go!’ Commands with Group 2 Verbs

Because Group 2 verbs have affected rather than agent subjects, they are not generally used in command form. For instance, we do not usually command ‘be hungry!’ or ‘be tall!’ But when we occasionally use Group 2

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Commands

verbs this way, we may use one of the predication markers, -ho. (This is discussed in another of its forms in chapter 20.) Nayukpa-ho! Kostini-ho!

‘Be happy!’ ‘Be in control!’

Group 3 verbs are not appropriate for commands. A summary of the command forms: COMMAND FORMS Affirmative

Negative

singular

hilha

singular

ish-hilha-na

plural

ho-hilha

plural

hash-hilha-na

‘let’s . . .’

ke-hilha

‘let’s not ...’

ke-hilh o-na

Predicate Nouns Nouns or noun phrases, just like verbs and adjectives, may be the main predicate of a sentence. Some English sentences with noun phrases as the main predicate are: My father is a doctor. I am a teacher. That man is my uncle. Mishlatbi was a great Choctaw leader. When a Choctaw noun is the main predicate and the sentence is in the present tense, the predicate noun simply appears in the predicate position. a. Ahokni-t naniknachi. My aunt is a teacher. b. Hattak-t nanalhtoka. That man is an officer. c. Alikchi-t hattak chaha. The doctor is a tall man.

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d. Cheni-t llatek achukma. Jeannie is a good girl. The predication marker -a Choctaw nouns cannot take tense markers or person markers. But when a noun is the main predicate, it must have a subject, and the sentence must sometimes be in the past tense. When this is the case, another predication marker is used that serves as a form to which to attach tense markers and person markers. This predication marker is -a- (pronounced as a long /a/). It is always attached to other markers. When a sentence is in the past and the main predicate is a noun, the past-tense marker -tuk is attached to -a- to form atuk. When something occurred long ago, atok is appropriate. Mishlatbi-t Chahta miko atok. Mishlatbbi was a Choctaw chief. When person markers are the subject of a predicate noun, the affected person markers are attached to -a-. We add -tuk if it is in the recent past and -atok if it is in the distant past. a. Alikchi sia. I am a doctor. b. Nanapoksia chia. You are a repairman. c. Abeka apisachi hachi-atok. You (pl.) were nurses. If a predicate noun phrase has modifiers, person markers may be attached in two ways: the person marker may be attached to the modifying adjective, or the whole noun phrase may take the person marker attached to -a-. a. Alikchi achukma sia. or Alikchi si-achukma. I am a good doctor. b. Hattak kostini chia. or Hattak chi-kostini. You are a sensible man.

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Because events occurring in the future are hypothetical, we do not use -a-, which is an assertion of fact. In Choctaw we do not say “you will be a doctor” but rather “you will become a doctor,” using the verb for become (which will be discussed in chapter 16). ANUMPA Nouns afmmi anumpa falama fichik hshi hshnakaya hshtula hshtp hiloha hoshoti oktohbi kofota mahli malahta; malatta miko shilobish; shilombish shilup shotik shubota tofa yahna

[-fm-mi] [-num-p-f-lá-m] [fi-chik] [h-shi] [hsh-n-káy-] [hsh-tu-l] [hsh-tp] [hi-ló-h] [hu-shó-ti] [ok-tóh-bi] [ku-fo-t] [mah-li] [m-lah-t] [mi-ku] [shi-lo-bish]

‘year’ ‘answer’ ‘star’ ‘sun’; also ‘month; time’ ‘moon’ ‘winter’ ‘dried leaves’ ‘thunder’ ‘cloud’ ‘fog’ ‘vapor; steam’ ‘wind’ ‘lightning’ ‘chief; leader’ ‘spirit; soul’

[shi-lup] [sho-tik] [shu-bo-t] [tu-f] [yáh-n]

‘ghost; apparition’ ‘sky’ ‘smoke’ ‘summer’ ‘fever’

Verbs aiowa

[ái-o-w]

anumpa falamichi kalampi mahli

[-num-p-f-lá-mi-chi] [k-lá-pi] [mah-li]

‘gather things up (pl. object)’ ‘answer’ ‘freeze’ ‘blow (wind)’

Commands

omba oktosha tomi; tombi

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[o-b] [ok-tu-sh] [to-bi]

‘rain’ ‘snow’ ‘shine’

Idioms afmmi ant ia afmmi ilppa chitolit omba hshi ilppa i-hikia

[-fm-mi-át-i-] [-fm-mi-i-l´p-pa] [chi-tó-lit-o-b] [h-shi-i-lp-pa] [i-hi-ki-]

‘last year; past year’ ‘this year’ ‘rain hard’ ‘this time’ ‘have (something too large to hold)’

Old Choctaw Months Tofa (roughly April-May to September-October): tek ihshi hsh bihi hsh bissa hsh kf hsh takkon hsh hoponi

[tek-i-h-shi] [hsh-bí-hi] [hsh-bís-s] [hsh-kf] [hsh-ták-kon] [hsh-ho-pó-ni]

‘women’s month’ ‘mulberry month’ ‘blackberry month’ ‘sassafras month’ ‘peach month’ ‘cooking month’

Hshtula (roughly October-November to March-April): chffiskono chffo chito hsh koi ichush hsh koi chito hsh mahli hsh watolk

[chf-fis-kó-nu] [chf-fu-chí-tu] [hsh-ko-wi-i-chush] [hsh-ko-wi-chí-tu] [hsh-máh-li] [hsh-wa-t’o-lk]

‘little hunger’ ‘big hunger’ ‘lion’s little brother’s month’ ‘lion’s month’ ‘wind month’ ‘crane month’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Weather and seasons In Choctaw the word for rain, omba, is always a verb. The rainwater itself is described as water; omba refers to the act of raining. In contrast, in English

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wind is always a noun; the word wind does not mean the act of blowing air; we need a separate verb, blow, to denote what wind does. However, in Choctaw mahli may be both a noun and verb. The difference between nouns and verbs with the same form is a slight difference in pronuncation. As we have discussed, Choctaw verbs most often have even stress with a slight rise in pitch on the final syllable. The noun form generally has an accent on the penultimate syllable. Weather verbs are unusual in that they do not have subjects in the usual sense. In English we say “It rains,” with it not referring to anything; in Choctaw we simply say “omba.” a. Oktosha. It’s snowing. b. Chitolit omba. It’s raining hard. c. Mahli. It’s blowing. or It’s windy. d. Mahli-t mahli. The wind is blowing. The word hshi means both ‘sun’ and ‘month’, so its meaning must be determined from context. It can also be used as a general term for ‘time’. The word for moon, hshnakaya, is contracted from hshi ninak aya (ai-ia) ‘sun traveling at night’. Hshi ilppa means ‘this time’ and can refer to any unit of time. The old Choctaw year was divided into two seasons, Tofa, corresponding to the warm-weather months from approximately April to October, and Hshtula, corresponding to the cold-weather months from approximately November to March. The word hshtula is possibly formed from hshi itola ‘the reclining sun’. The old names for the months are descriptive of seasonal activities, climatic conditions, and local vegetation of the southeastern United States. The word koi means ‘feline’. ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it.

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Kucha achukka, chitolit mahli. Bokushi-t kalampi. Hushi lwah-t ba helit kania. Hshtp-t lknat ishtia. Siti micha shoktti-t chiluk anuka nusit itola. Chekik ma, luak lhamko ikbi-lachi. Hshtula-yt miti. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Nanta-hosh kalampi? Nanta-hosh lknat ishtia? Siti micha shoktti-t katimma nusit itola? Nanta ikbachi? Tofa-yt mitih-o? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Give the commands in Choctaw for each of the following commands. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Stand up! Don’t sing! Let’s go and see Mother. Don’t (pl.) play in the yard. Let’s not go swimming. Sell it to me! Take out (pl.) the dog! Do well! Wash your face! Let’s fix the car.

B. Put in the correct tense and time markers in the following sentences. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Onna ——— oktosha ———. Pilash ——— nanapoksia-yt nanola apoksia ———. Katihmi ——— ilhpk ish-atahlachi? Tusti-ash okhata chito il-ilhkoli ———. Himak si-abeka ———.

C. Translate the following sentences into Choctaw. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

I am an old fisherman (fisherwoman). That woman is my aunt. We are teachers. My grandfather was a policeman. You (pl.) were accountants.

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Holissochi Write a story on a theme of your choice. Include at least two commands, at least one complex verb phrase using a -t form, and least one predicatenoun phrase.

CHAPTER 13

Dependent Clauses

ITIMANUMPOLI: “Aki-t chi-apelalachi-ka a-panaklo-tuk.”

“My father asked me to help you.”

Hattak himitta: “Halito! Tmaha ish-iah-o?” Hattak sipokni: “A, nawaya shali-li. Sappoknakni-t ilhpk aiitatoba atoksali. Nawaya ilppa kachih bnna.”

Young man: “Hello! Are you going to town?” Old man: “Yes, I’m hauling produce. My grandson works at a grocery store. He wants to sell this produce.” Young man: “Good! My father asked me to help you. Do you own a cart?” Old man: “Thanks. Yes, I own a cart. I think I’ll fill that cart with the produce.”

Hattak himitta: “Achukma! Aki-t chi-apela-lachi-ka a-panaklo-tuk. Iti chanlli-t chi-hikiah-o?” Hattak sipokni: “Yakoke. A, iti chanlli-yt a-hikia. Nawaya-ya iti chanlli ma alotali-lachi-kt am-ahowa.” Hattak himitta: “Hoshoti lusa lawa-ka pisa-li. Ombachi-ka chim-ahowah-o?” Hattak sipokni: “Hikat alhi! Iti chanlli itatakchichi! Kil-ia!”

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Young man: “I see a lot of black clouds. Do you think it’ll rain?” Old man: “It’s true! Tie up the cart! Let’s go!”

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ANUMPA LHPESA What Is a Dependent Clause? There are many kinds of clauses. One of the easiest to recognize is the dependent clause. This clause is a complete sentence that is joined to another sentence by a conjoining word, sometimes called a subordinating conjunction, which shows that this sentence is part of a larger thought. The most common conjoining word of dependent clauses in English is that. Notice that generally in English the main clause comes first and the dependent clause, written in bold type in the following examples, is introduced with that. In English that may be omitted, but we will include it here to show the structure of the two clauses. Mother said that Jill would be late. I know that you like to sing. It is a fact that monarch butterflies migrate through Oklahoma. Tracking the Subjects of Clauses One of the most important concepts in the Choctaw language is that of subject tracking (this concept is technically termed ‘switch-reference’). In Choctaw the language indicates whether the subjects of two clauses are the same or different. In English there are a number of environments in which interpretation is left entirely to context. Notice in the following set of examples that it is not clear whether the subjects indicated by the third-person pronouns refer to the same or different subjects. a. He said that he was coming home. (‘Tom said that Tom was coming home.’ or ‘Tom said that Jeff was coming home.’) b. Nellie believes that she is lazy. (‘Nellie believes that Nellie is lazy.’ or ‘Nellie believes that Yolie is lazy.’) c. They didn’t know if they would arrive. (‘The Smiths didn’t know if the Smiths would arrive.’ or ‘The Smiths didn’t know if the Gomezes would arrive.’) In Choctaw subordinating conjunctions very often indicate whether the subjects of sentences with multiple clauses are the same or different. Since

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the third-person markers are usually absent, this system keeps track of the subjects. The subordinating conjunctions -kt and -ka Two of the most important grammatical words in Choctaw are the pair -kt/-ka. They serve many functions, but one of the most important is joining dependent clauses to the main clause. In this function they correspond to English that. Kt is used to join clauses when the subjects of the clauses are the same. Ka is used to join clauses when the subjects of the clauses are different. Word order of dependent clauses Besides the form of the subordinating conjunction, the student must learn to put the dependent clause before the verb of the main clause. This means that Choctaw the dependent clause is nested inside the main clause between the subject and the verb. In the following examples the dependent clause is written in bold type. Note the form of ‘that’: Ohoyo-t okhisa-yt tiwa-ka yimmi. The woman believes that the door is open. In the example above, ohoyo ‘woman’ is the subject of yimmi ‘believes’, and okhisa ‘door’ is the subject of tiwa ‘open’. Notice that both subjects have a subject marker. When the dependent clause is in the past tense, the form tukt or tuka is used. (The initial /k/ in -kt is replaced by the final /k/ in tuk.) When the predicate of the dependent clause is in the future tense, -kt or -ka is added to achi. Hattak-t tmaha ia-tukt pim-anoli-tuk. The man told us that he (himself) went to town. In this example hattak ‘man’ is the subject of pim-anoli-tuk ‘told us’, and -kt tells us that ‘he’ is the same person as ‘man’. The sentence means that the man said that he himself went to town. Hattak-t tmaha ia-tuka pim-anoli-tuk. The man told us that he went to town.

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In this example, -ka tells us that ‘he’ is different from ‘man’. The sentence means that the man said that someone else went to town. When dependent clauses have subjects or objects that are person markers, the person markers appear in their usual positions. a. Chichukka ish-ia-ka ikhana-li. I know you are going to your house. b. Toksali-ka sa-yimmi. I believe he is working. c. Chi-hohchffo-kt ish-ikhana. You know you’re hungry. d. Ofi ymmt hachi-pisa-ka il-ikhana. We know that that dog is looking at you (pl.). Verbs with Recipient Objects Many verbs having to do with mental processes take dependent clauses and also have indirect objects. Several of these common verbs are: im-anoli i-panaklo i-miha

‘tell to (someone)’ ‘ask of (someone)’ ‘explain (to someone)’

The person (or animal) who is the recipient of these actions has the grammatical role of the indirect object and is marked in Choctaw with the recipient marker. Im-anoli ‘tell to’ and i-panaklo ‘ask of’ are virtually always used with a recipient person marker, because they require that someone be told or asked, while miha ‘explain; mean’ may or may not require a person who is spoken to. Miha is often used in storytelling or discourse to mean ‘it is said’. a. Awantona-yt ishki-t takkon champuli chompa-tuka am-anoli-tuk. Awantona told me that her mother bought sweet peaches. b. Chani-t imoshi-t fni hoyo-ka a-miha-tuk. Johnny explained to me that his uncle hunts squirrels. ‘Future in the past’: achituk Very often we need to express the idea of an event that happened in the past, but which includes reference to another action that had not yet

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happened. This sense of ‘future in the past’ is commonly expressed in English by such phrases as ‘he said that he was going to leave’. In Choctaw one common way to express this is to use the future marker -achi combined with the past marker -tuk to form a compound tense, achituk ‘was going to.’ Another idea that can be expressed with this compound tense is ‘should have’. a. Pilashash, Ilsi-t katos im-ipetachitukt pim-anoli-tuk. Yesterday, Elsie told us that she was going to feed the cat. b. Bili-t katos im-ipeta-lachituka am-anoli-tuk. Billy told me that I should have fed his cat. -achi as ‘would’ Sometimes, a sentence with a past-tense main verb has a dependent clause translated as English ‘would’. In these cases only -achi is needed, particularly if the dependent clause represents a plan or idea, not a fact. a. Yupi-lachi-kt am-ahowa-tuk. I thought that I would take a bath. b. Ombachi-ka il-ahni-tuk. We wished it would rain. One English idiom that the Choctaw future marker expresses is the idea of ‘telling or asking someone to do something’. Ontona-yt amofi ipetachi-ka im-anoli-li-tuk. I told Ontona to feed my dog. (literally, ‘I told Ontona that she would feed my dog.’) ANUMPA Nouns bihi pi; bihpi haiyokpulo hakshup paki

[bi-h-pi] [hai-yok-pú-lu] [hak-shup] [pa-ki]

‘mulberry tree’ ‘weed; herb’ ‘skin; hide; peel; shell’ ‘grapes’

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Verbs ahni alota alotali im-ahowa; im-ahoba im-anoli i-hullo i-panaklo itatakchichi miha; miya yimmi

[ah-ni] [-lo-t] [-lo-tá-li] [im--hó-b]

‘expect; hope; wish for’ ‘be full’ ‘fill (something)’ ‘think; seem; appear’ (Group 3)

[im--nó-li] [i-hul-lo] [i-p-nák-lo] [i-t-ták-chi-chi] [mi-ha] [yim-mi]

‘tell (to)’ (recipient object) ‘love’ (recipient object) ‘ask (of)’(recipient object) ‘tie up; tie to something’ ‘say; mean; explain’ ‘believe’ (Group 2 in most dialects)

Idioms hikat alhi lawa-ka moma-ka

[hi-kt-a-lhi] [láw--ka] [mó-m-ka]

‘it’s true; that’s right’ ‘a lot of . . . ; many of the . . .’ ‘all of the . . .’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI I-hullo I-hullo ‘love’ marks the person who is loved with the recipient person marker (in English this role is a direct object). I-hullo is used for committed human relationships and for speaking of one’s relationship with God. It is not used casually to speak of one’s fondness for things; in those cases a word such as achukmahni or ayukpachi is used instead. a. Hshki-t a-hullo-ka ikhana-li. I know that my mother loves me. b. Aki-t a-hullo-kt am-anoli-tuk. My father told me that he loves me. c. Shapo himona ma ayukpachi-li alhi! I really like that new hat! Im-ahowa; im-ahoba Both forms of this verb are used, depending on dialect. The verb means ‘to appear to someone that . . . ,’ so it corresponds with English ‘think’, referring

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to one’s offering an opinion. It does not mean ‘cogitate’. This is a Group 3 verb, so the person who holds the opinion is the subject of the sentence and is marked with the recipient person marker. a. Hattak mt naniknachi-t achukmali-ka im-ahowa. That man thinks that the teacher is performing well. or It seems to that man that the teacher is performing well. b. Chikaa ish-kachachi-kt chim-ahobah-o? Do you think that you will sell your car? Ahni and yimmi Ahni is the basis for many compounds having to do with mental activities; we have already been introducedto achukmahni. Ahni is used when one wishes, hopes for, or expects something. Sapokni-t katosushi amachi-ka ahni-li. I hope Grandma gives me a kitten. (Note the use of the future tense in amachi above. The kitten has not factually been given, so one of the hypothetical markers such as achi must be used.) Yimmi is used to mean believing or having trust in. This is a Group 2 verb, so the person who believes or trusts is marked with the affected person marker. Sapokni-t katosushi amachi-ka sa-yimmi. I believe that Grandma will give me a kitten. ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Afmmi ant ia-ka, Ilsi-t nihi hokchachi-kt ahni-tuk. Yakni lhpesa hoyot nihi chompa-tuk. Chiluk lawa kullot nihi moma-ka hokchi-tuk. Ilsi-t ombachi-ka yimmi-tuk. Chekih ma, nihi-t offo-tuk. Hshi-t chitolit tombituk. Ilsi-t nanoffo ayuka-yt pisachukma alhi-ka im-ahowa-tuk. Tofa ma, Ilsit nawaya lwa aiowat chikanomi ima-tuk.

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1. 2. 3. 4.

Kata-hosh nihi hokchi-tuk? Katimma nihi hokchi-tuk? Nanta yimmi-tuk? Ilsi-t kata nawaya ima-tuk? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Examine these complex English sentences. Are the subjects of the dependent clauses the same as or different from the subjects of the main clauses? 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

John knows that Bill likes him. I think that tomorrow will be a rainy day. Do you hope that you did well on the exam? The nurse asked me to help Grandma bathe. Mother told me that she was going shopping tomorrow.

B. Examine these complex Choctaw sentences and place the correct form—kt or ka—between the clauses. Which sentences could take either form? How does the meaning change? 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Nnokwehlit ia-lachi- — am-ahowa. llosi-t yupih bnna- — am-ahowa. Chichukka himona is-sa-pisachachi- — ahni-li. Ofi achefachi- — im-anoli-tuk. Aiitatoba iachi- — miha-tuk.

C. Using each of the verbs in the vocabulary section, give the subject markers for each person. (Example: ahni-li, ish-ahni, and so forth) D. Give the Choctaw translation for the following phrases. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

under the table beside the river next to the lake beyond the town inside the basket near the wagon in front of the mountain

Dependent Clauses

8. 9. 10. 11.

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behind the refrigerator fly up go outside on the other side of room Holissochi

Write a story on any topic. Include at least three dependent clauses, at least one complex verb phrase using the -t suffix, and at least one command.

CHAPTER 14

Plurals

NANANOA: Onatbi-t Muskoki lheha Haksichi ‘Onatbi Tricks the Muskogees’ Amafo-t nananoa pa am-anoli-tok. Hopaki-kash, Chahta tushka Onatbi hochifo-kt, Chahta tmaha anta-tok. Iki-t miko-atok. Muskoki okla lheha-t nnih chaha mishitnnp aiasha-tok. Tmaha okla-t, Muskoki lheha-t itibih bnna-ka, oklah haklo-tok. Tmaha okla-ht, Onatbi-t apelachi-ka, oklah i-panaklo-tok. Chahta oklah-t Muskoki bih bnna-tok kiyo. Onatbi-t Muskoki haksichachi-ka oklah bnna-tok. Onatbi-t, Muskoki okla-yt shilup i-nukshopa-ka, ikhana-tok. Napoa issish ishtiat, shukbo isht apoluslit, Muskoki miko ipeni-ya takchichi-tok. Ninak ma, Onatbi-t peni halllit okhata ossi tli chito takla atakchichitok. Muskoki okla-yt okchat shukbo pisa-tok. Muskoki imiko-yt, “Shilombish-t anumpa et pim-anoli. Himak pillak-ma, il-aiashachi. Chahta okla lheha-yt okhata mishitnnp aiashachi,” i-miha-tok. [My grandfather told me this story. A long time ago, a Choctaw warrior named Onatbi lived in a Choctaw town. His father was the chief. On the other side of the mountains lived the Muskogees. The town people heard that the Muskogees wanted to fight. The town people asked Onatbi to help them. The Choctaws did not want to kill the Muskogees. They wanted Onatbi to trick the Muskogees. Onatbi knew that the Muskogees were 124

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afraid of ghosts. He took animal blood, smeared it on a blanket, and tied it to the Muskoki chief’s boat. That night, Onatbi pulled the boat into a small lake and tied it up between some large rocks. The Muskogee people woke up and saw the blanket. Their chief said to them, “A spirit is sending us a message. From now on, we will live right here. The Choctaws will live on the other side of the lake.”] ANUMPA LHPESA Choctaw is different from English in that it does not treat the concepts of “singular” and “plural” with regular rules. Instead, the concepts of singular, dual, and plural are indicated with a variety of operations, including special words that incorporate the number of subjects and objects into their meanings. Number in nouns may be marked both in noun phrases and in predicates, and in both at the same time. But Choctaw does not have number agreement or obligatory forms of the verb that indicate a singular or plural subject as English has. Plural Forms in Noun Phrases We have already learned that Choctaw nouns are never marked for number—singular and plural nouns are the same. We have used numbers and other quantifying words to show plural number when it is necessary: Nusi pokkoli pehli-li-tuk. I scooped up ten acorns. Notice that in the above example pokkoli ‘ten’ indicates that nusi ‘acorn’ must be plural and the verb pehli also indicates that more than one object was picked up. Shukbo lwa-ka ish-pim-ishtla-tuk. You brought us many of the blankets. In the above example lwa ‘many’ indicates that shukbo ‘blanket’ must be plural, but there is no number agreement or special form of the verb. Choctaw has two important, commonly used plural-marking words that do not correspond to English forms. One of these is okla and the other is lheha.

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Okla Okla in its primary usage refers to human beings in the aggregate. Technically, okla may be extended to use with animals or even things, but its most common use is in connection with humans, and many speakers do not permit it to be used any other way. a. Hattak okla-yt tmaha ilppa aiasha. Men live in this town. b. Ohoyo okla ilppt toksali alhi. These women work hard. Okla may appear as a noun in the names of groups of people, as in the names of the old Choctaw towns Okla Falaya and Okla Hnnali. lheha lheha, which is used with nouns to mean ‘each and every one’, is commonly used as a plural marker when referring to a group. It is more commonly used with persons than with things. lla lheha-yt wahnota awashoha. The children are playing in the yard. lheha is also used as a generic term, in the sense of ‘kind’: Hattak lheha-yt yakni paknaka aiasha. Humankind dwells upon the land. Okla may be used together with lheha to refer to the universal kind or to humankind as a group. Okla lheha-yt ilhpk achukma ayukpachi. People like good food. The definite unit and indefinite and partitive plurals Choctaw makes use of different kinds of subject markers to indicate how definite a plural noun phrase is. We have used -t and its variants to mark subjects. When -t is used with a plural, the plural noun is considered as a definite unit. This is the least common way for plurals to be subject marked:

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llatek ushta-yt peni aiyokopa aiona-tuk. The four girls arrived at the train station. The usage in this example means that ‘four girls’ is a group designation. When a plural noun phrase is indefinite, the subject marker -hosh is used. (It should be recalled that -hosh is the subject marker used with interrogative words.) a. Iti ontuklo-hosh hina apotaka hiohli. Seven trees are standing beside the road. b. Okfochush lawa-hosh heli. Many ducks are flying. Another way to translate -hosh is with the indefinite construction ‘there was; there were’. Oski naki awah achffa-hosh yakni on-itola. There are eleven arrows lying on the ground. or Eleven arrows are lying on the ground. When we pick out part of a larger group, this is called the partitive. In English the partitive is represented with the phrase “. . . of the . . .”, meaning ‘X members of the Y group’. In Choctaw -kt is used when the partitive noun phrase is a subject and -ka when it is not a subject. This is the most common way for plural nouns in the subject to be marked, and it is used whenever the noun is definite, even if it is not translated in the partitive in English. a. Nita moma-kt nusi. All of the bears are sleeping. or All the bears are sleeping. b. Nihi pokkoli awah hnnali-ka hokchi-li-tuk. I planted sixteen of the seeds. SUBJECT MARKERS OF PLURAL NOUN PHRASES definite unit

indefinite

definite partitive

-t

-hosh

-kt

ofi tuklo-yt

ofi tuklo-hosh

ofi tuklo-kt

‘the two dogs’

‘two dogs’

‘two of the dogs’

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Plural Marking in Verb Phrases Besides quantifying words in the noun phrase, we may show plurality in the verb phrase with the use of special dual and plural forms of the verb or with plural words such as oklah. Dual and plural verbs We have already seen verbs such as itiachi and ilhkoli that have dual and plural subjects. As we have learned, these verbs always indicate the number of their subjects. Cheya is a verb that means ‘(dual) sit’. a. Shoktti-t okhatushi cheya. The (two) frogs are sitting at the pond. b. Isapotk-t helit kania. The mosquitoes are flying away. Dual and plural verbs may be used with quantifying words in the subject noun phrase; they must, of course, match for number. llanakni tuklo-hosh holisso apisa itlachi-tuk. There were two boys coming to school. Oklah Not every verb in Choctaw has a dual or plural form. When the subject is human, we may also employ okla in the verb phrase. When it is in the predicate, it must have the predicative -h. Oklah before the verb renders a plural form. a. Ohoyo-yt oklah taloa. The women are singing. b. Hattak moma-kt oklah hilha. All of the men are dancing. In some dialects of Choctaw, oklah after the verb produces the dual form. In this case the verb must be in the -t form: Ohoyo-yt taloat oklah. The women are singing (dual).

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Derived Plural Verbs The student may have noticed that most of the strategies for marking the plural in noun phrases and verb phrases involve human or animate beings. But often we need to make reference to plural things. To talk about plural things, Choctaw has a large set of verbs that have the number—singular or plural—of the subject or the object incorporated into the meaning of the verb. (Inanimate things are much likelier to be objects than subjects of verbs.) We have already seen that ishi means to ‘grasp one thing’, while pehli means to ‘grasp plural things’. Ishi and pehli are unrelated; they do not appear anything alike, and one cannot be derived from the other. In addition to unrelated verbs that incorporate the number of the subject or object, there is a set of related verbs that indicates the number of the subject or object by the placement of the infix -oh- (sometimes -ah-) in the verb stem. (An infix is an affix that appears inside a word rather than before or after it.) This set of verbs is very likely to be concerned with work activities involving the processing of materials or use of tools. Some of the verbs are specific to particular tasks and so not used frequently, but others are very commonly used. Examine this set of verbs and their derived plural forms and notice where the infix appears. binili hikia lakoffi lhukffi talali tiloffi wakmmi

‘sit’ ‘stand’ ‘cut a notch’ ‘punch a hole’ ‘set something down’ ‘break something short’ ‘spread something out’

binohli hiohli lakohli lhukahli talohli tilohli wakohli

‘(several) sit’ ‘(several) stand’ ‘cut notches’ ‘punch holes’ ‘set things down’ ‘break things short’ ‘spread things out’

Generally, if a verb can take an object (if it is transitive), then a derivation with -oh- produces a plural object. If the verb can only take a subject (if it is intransitive), such as binili ‘sit’, then it is the subject that is plural. A second way to pluralize things is with the suffix -oa. In these cases the plural form refers to the subject. fichama tanapa

‘sprung open’ ‘crossed over’

fichamoa tanapoa

‘several were sprung open’ ‘several were crossed over’

It is important to remember that these verbs come in pairs; we may not make new forms by inserting the affixes -oh- or -oa into any verb.

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WAYS OF MAKING PLURALS in noun phrases

in verb phrases

special verbs

numbers

oklah (pl.)

-oh- pairs

okla

(verb)-t oklah (dual)

-oa pairs

lheha

unrelated verbs

ANUMPA Numbers Above Ten awah achffa awah tuklo awah tuchena awah ushta awah talhapi awah hnnali awah ontuklo awah ontuchena bi chakkali pokoli tuklo pokoli tuklo akocha achffa pokoli tuchena talhepa achffa talhepa sipokni talhepa sipokni tuklo

[-wh--ch´f-f] [-wh-túk-lu] [-wh-túch-che-n] [-wh-úsh-t] [-wh-tálh-lha-pi] [-wh-hń-na-li] [-wh-o-túk-lu] [-wh-o-túch-che-n] [-bi-chák-ka-li] [pu-kó-li-túk-lu] [pu-kó-li-túch-che-n] [tlhé-p-ch´f-f] [t-lhé-p-si-pók-ni]

‘eleven’ ‘twelve’ ‘thirteen’ ‘fourteen’ ‘fifteen’ ‘sixteen’ ‘seventeen’ ‘eighteen’ ‘nineteen’ ‘twenty’ ‘twenty-one’ ‘thirty’ ‘one hundred’ ‘one thousand’ ‘two thousand’

Nouns foni nakni tushka holhtina; holhpena issish iti tanampo okhina oski naki tanampo tnp

[fo-ni] [nak-ni-túsh-k] [hólh-ti-n] [is-sish] [i-ti-t-ná-pu] [ok-hi-n] [os-ki-na-ki] [t-ná-pu] [t-np]

‘bone’ ‘warrior’ ‘number; numbers’ ‘blood’ ‘bow’ ‘river; waterway’ ‘arrow’ ‘rifle; gun’ ‘enemy’

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Verbs bi apolusli ataklama ataklammi fiopa haksichi hiohli hotina hottopachi hossa illi itibi lhakofi masalichi nlhi takchichi

[-bi] [a-pu-lus-li] [-tak-la-m] [-tak-lm-mi] [fi-ó-p] [hak-si-chi] [hi-oh-li] [ho-ti-n] [hot-tó-p-chi] [hos-s] [il-li] [i-ti-bi] [lha-kó-fi] [m-sá-li-chi] [nlh-lhi] [tak-chi-chi]

‘kill’ ‘smear; daub’ ‘be detained; troubled’ (Group 2) ‘bother (someone)’ ‘breathe’ ‘deceive; trick’ ‘stand (pl.)’ ‘count; use numbers; calculate’ ‘hurt something; harm’ ‘shoot at’ ‘die; dead’ (Group 2) ‘fight; battle’ ‘heal; get well’ ‘cure; make well’ ‘hit; sting; penetrate’ ‘tie together’

Adverbs himak pillak-ma ilppk

[hi-mk-píl-lk-ma] [i-lp-pk]

‘from now on’ ‘right here’

Location Words (postpositions) takla tnnp mishtnnp misha itnnp/mishitnnp

[tak-l] [tn-np] [mish-tn-np] [mish-i-tn-np]

‘between; among’ ‘opposite side’ ‘the other side’ ‘the other side of’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Numbers Choctaw numbers above ten follow one pattern between eleven and twenty and another pattern between twenty-one and ninety-nine. Notice that pokkoli changes its pronunciation to pokoli when it is in compounds. The literal meaning of pokoli tuklo kocha akocha achffa is ‘one out from twenty’. Talhepa sipokni literally means ‘old hundred’.

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a. talhepa sipokni tuklo talhepa ushta pokoli hnnali akocha chakkali two thousand four hundred sixty-nine b. talhepa sipokni achffa talhepa tuchena akocha awah tuklo one thousand three hundred twelve Tnp and tnnp This pair of words differs only in the geminate /n/ in tnnp. Tnp is used to mean ‘opponent; enemy’ and tnnp is ‘the opposite side’ (‘enemy’ may be a metaphorical extension of ‘the opposite side’). Mishtnnp is made of misha ‘beyond’ and tnnp ‘the opposite side’ to give the notion of ‘the other side’ when we speak of location. To use this word as a preposition in a phrase such as ‘the other side of the river’, we use misha itnnp or its contracted form, mishitnnp. a. Hattak talhapi-kt okhina mishitnnp hiohli. Five of the men are standing on the other side of the river. b. Hattak tnp ushta-ka e-pisa-tuk. We saw four of the enemy. c. Nakni tushka pt tnnp amiti. This warrior comes from the other side. d. Okhina ma hikia-li. I’m standing at the river. e. Ymmt mishtnnp hikia. He’s standing on the other side. ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Satiti-ash okfochush hoyot ia-li-tuk. Okhata ossi achukka bilika ia-li-tuk. Okfochush lawa-hosh okhata apotaka aiasha-tuk. Chekossih ma, okfochush tuchena-ka pisa-li-tuk. Atanampo ishit hossat ishtia-li-tuk. Okfochush achffaka hossa-li-tuk. Okfochush mt illi-ka, sa-yimmi. Amofi-t okfochush illi ishit am-ishtla-tuk. Pichukka falamat il-itiachi-tuk. Satikchi-t okfochush achefat hoponi-tuk. 1. Katimikash hattak nahoyo hoyot ia-tuk? 2. Katimma ia-tuk?

Plurals

3. 4. 5. 6.

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Okfochush katohmi pisa-tuk? Nanta ishi-tuk? Kata-hosh hattak nahoyo okfochush im-ishtona-tuk? Kata-hosh okfochush hoponi-tuk? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Make all of the subject noun phrases in each of these sentences plural. There may be more than one way that is correct. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Nakni tushka-yt nita bi-tuk. Hattak nahoyo-t fkit hossa. Katos-t aiimpa binili. Shawi-t okhina mishitnnp anta. Hushi-t ba hika.

B. Make the object noun phrases in each of these sentences plural. There may be more than one way that is correct. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Nakni tushka pisa-li. Towa ish-ishih-o? Alikchi-t lla masalichi-tuk. Shoshi-t nanoffo pa. Oski naki ish-talali-tuk.

C. Translate the following phrases into Choctaw, giving the correct subject marker. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

three of the enemy . . . thirty of the warriors . . . the seventeen children . . . ninety sheep . . . all of the Choctaw people . . . many of the provisions . . . many ducks . . . Holissochi

Write a story about a hunt. Use a large number at least once; use at least two kinds of plural forms.

CHAPTER 15

Aspect Events and States

ITIMANUMPOLI: “lla imalikchi pisat il-aya.”

“We’re going to see the pediatrician.”

Ilsa: “llosi-t yaiya. Fiopa-kt ataklama. Katiohmi-lachi?”

Elsa: “The baby is crying. She’s having trouble breathing. What will I do?” Mother: “When did the baby begin crying?” Elsa: “Last night. She didn’t want to eat. Then, she didn’t want to sleep. I believe that this baby is sick.” Mother: “That’s right! We will call the pediatrician. Where is the telephone?” Elsa: “It’s on that table. I’m afraid!”

Ishki: “Katimikash llosi-t yaiyat hiket ishtia-tuk?” Ilsa: “Ninakash. Impah bnna-tuk kiyo, micha nusih banna-tuk kiyo. llosi ilppt abeka-ka sa-yimmi.” Ishki: “Hikat alhi! lla imalikchi il-i-payachi. Tli aiitimanumpoli-t katimma hikia?” Ilsa: “Aiimpa ma o-hikia. Sa-malhata!” Ishki: “Nuktala-ho. lla imalikchi ilppt pi-apelachi-ka ikhana-li. Chekossi alhik ma, sappoktek-t lhakofachi!”

Mother: “Be calm. I know that this pediatrician will help us. Very soon, my granddaughter will be well!”

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Aspect: Events and States

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ANUMPA LHPESA What Is ‘Aspect’? In English we mark verbs for singular and plural subject and for tense: these are two grammatical categories that are formally marked on English verbs. But there is another important grammatical category in verbs that is marked in many languages of the world though it is unmarked in English: verbal aspect. We can define aspect as the way the action of the verb develops in time. For example, does an action happen all at once or over and over? Does it go on continuously? Is it a state of being? English handles these distinctions with a large array of adverbs, particles, and idiomatic expressions. In Choctaw the aspect of a verb is obligatorily marked on the verb. This happens not by adding a prefix or suffix, but by changing the verb stem itself. In this chapter we will distinguish three verbal aspects: the event, the state, and the moment. Events and States One of the most important distinctions in aspect that Choctaw marks is that between events and states. We have already made this distinction in several verbs. Students may have noticed the similarity between the verbs pisa ‘look at’ and pisa ‘see’, or between ishi ‘get’ and ishi ‘have’. This is because in Choctaw these are two aspects, the event and the state, of the same verb. In English we often mark the difference between events and states by employing entirely different verbs. Notice the unity of the concepts in these pairs of English sentences. The differences in meaning lie in the fact that some are states and some events. a. I got some money. (event) Now I have some money. (state) b. I put on my jacket. (event) Now I am wearing my jacket. (state) c. I stood up. (event) Now I am standing. (state) d. The door opened. (event) Then the door was open. (state) e. I learned my piano piece. (event) Now I know my piano piece. (state)

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Examine these pairs of Choctaw sentences and notice the change in aspect between state and event, but not in the basic meaning of the verb. Also notice that the tense of the verb is separate from the aspect: events and states occur in all tenses. As a practical matter, since events describe phenomena that have beginnings and ends, they are frequently translated in the past tense in English. a. Iskli ishi-li-tuk. ‘I got (some) money.’ Iskli ishi-li. ‘I have (some) money.’ b. Nafohka ish-fohka. ‘You put on clothes.’ Nafohka ish-fokka-tuk. ‘You wore clothes.’ c. Hikia-tuk. ‘He stood up.’ Hikia. ‘He is standing.’ d. Okhisa-yt tiwa-tuk. ‘The door opened.’ Okhisa-yt tiwa-tuk. ‘The door was open.’ e. Chahta Anumpa ikhna-li. ‘I learn the Choctaw language.’ Chahta Anumpa ikhana-li. ‘I know the Choctaw language.’ Some verbs, because of their meanings, do not lend themselves to aspectual changes. For example, verbs such as nlhi ‘sting’ are inherently eventive, and although they could be forced to be stative, it would be an uncommon usage. Similarly, a verb such as miti ‘come (toward)’ is almost always used in its stative aspect; occasionally, we see miti as a command. Forming the Eventive and Stative Aspects Nearly all the verbs we have introduced so far have been in the eventive aspect, because this aspect is the basic form of the verb. To form the stative aspect, we nasalize the penultimate vowel of the verb stem. We also lengthen and accent that syllable. The penultimate vowel is the second-to-last vowel of the verb stem, no matter how many syllables the verb has.

hklo itola fohka ikhna tta pisa

eventive ‘listen to’ ‘lie down’ ‘put on; get dressed’ ‘learn’ ‘be located; be born’ ‘look at’

haklo itola fokka ikhana anta pisa

stative ‘hear’ ‘lie; be lying ‘ ‘wear (clothes)’ ‘know’ ‘be located; reside’ ‘see’


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Remember that all nasal vowels are related to the long and short forms of those vowels. So both the short vowels, spelled with , i, u, and the long vowels, spelled with a, e, o, always change to their respective nasal forms, spelled a, o, i. There are no nasal /e/, //, or /u/ forms even if the verb stem contains that spelling. (Some dictionaries use a nasal u, and we will sometimes adopt that spelling if it is very common.) Irregular forms Occasionally the stative aspect has an irregular form. If the penultimate syllable of the verb stem is closed with /h/, as in fohka, this /h/ is often changed to the consonant following it when the vowel is nasalized (fokka). When the penultimate vowel is followed by /n/ or /m/, as in ikhna, the nasal vowel is often written simply in its long form (ikhana), since the vowel before /n/ is nasalized simply by appearing before /n/. Similarly, if the penultimate vowel is already long and nasal, as in kalampi ‘freeze’, it remains so. Kalampi may mean both ‘freeze’ and ‘be frozen’. The Momentaneous or Instantaneous Aspect A third Choctaw aspect may be called the momentaneous or instantaneous aspect. As the name suggests, this aspect denotes actions that are completed all at once, or suddenly, or have just occurred in the last moment. In this way it is a kind of eventive aspect. English often has a different set of verbs that express the idea of momentaneous events, but must often use adverbs, particles, or idioms to express this idea. Examine these English sentences and notice that the meanings of the verbs in each set are unified, while the aspect of the verbs changes. a. I looked at a deer. (eventive) I saw a deer. (stative) I caught sight of a deer. (momentaneous) b. The enemy warrior died. (eventive) The enemy warrior lay dying. (stative) The enemy warrior dropped dead. (momentaneous) c. She stood up. (eventive) She was standing. (stative) She suddenly stood up. (momentaneous) Notice the momentaneous aspect in these Choctaw verbs.

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a. Issi pihsa-tuk. ‘I caught sight of a deer’. b. Tnp tushka-yt ihilli-tuk. ‘The enemy warrior instantly died.’ c. Hihka-tuk. ‘She suddenly stood up.’ Forming the Momentaneous Aspect The momentaneous aspect is formed by placing /h/ at the end of the penultimate syllable of the verb stem, if that syllable ends with a vowel. -bi → h-bi If the syllable ends with a consonant, we must make another syllable to attach the /h/ to, since Choctaw cannot have a string of more than two consonants. (Geminate consonants count as two consonants.) In these cases the new syllable is formed by reduplicating the vowel of the penultimate syllable after the inserted /h/. This vowel is always short. The stress pattern of the verb does not change. The extra, inserted syllable is never stressed. h´k-lo → h´-h-k-lo tól-bi → tóh-ol-bi ok-shi-níl-li → ok-shi-níh-il-li To form the eventive aspect of a verb: the verb appears in its unmarked form. pisa ‘look at’ itola ‘lie down’ To form the stative aspect of a verb: nasalize and lengthen the penultimate vowel of the verb stem. pi-sa → pi-sa ‘see’ i-to-la → i-to-la ‘be lying’ To form the momentaneous (instantaneous) aspect of a verb: insert /h/ at the end of the penultimate syllable of the verb stem, if that syllable ends in a vowel. pi-sa → pih-sa ‘glance at’ i-to-la → i-toh-la ‘suddenly lie down’


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If the penultimate syllable ends with a consonant, form a new medial, unstressed syllable composed of /h/ plus the vowel of the penultimate syllable. is-so → ihisso ‘suddenly strike’ hk-lo → hhklo ‘suddenly hear’ Remember that only verbs may have aspect. Some of the changes in form that mark aspect in verbs are also used to mark very different notions with adjectives and adverbs, as will be explained later. ANUMPA Nouns anukfila chnaha chukka apata nachanlli ofosik tli aiitimanumpoli

[-nuk-fí-l] [ch-ná-ha] [chuk-k-pa-t] [na-cha-nl-li] [u-fó-sik] [tli-ai-i-tim--núm-pu-li]

‘thought’ ‘wheel’ ‘neighbor’ ‘wheel’ ‘puppy’ ‘telephone’

Verbs aluhmi aluma anukfilli

[a-luh-mi] [a-lu-m] [a-nuk-fil-li]

chilaka chilika

[chi-la-k] [chi-li-k]

im-anukfila

[im--nuk-fí-l]

i-paya maka malhata mihchi; yamihchi nukshopa o-hikia

[i-pay-] [ma-k] [m-lhá-t] [ya-mih-chi] [nuk-shó-p] [o-hi-kí-y]

‘hide (something) at’ ‘be hidden; hide’ (Group 2) ‘think about; imagine; cogitate’ ‘scream’ ‘scream; shriek; make a high-pitched yell’ ‘have the thought, occur to’ (Group 3) ‘call (to someone)’ ‘say; make a sound’ ‘be scared; afraid; anxious’ ‘do (something)’ ‘be scared’ (Group 2) ‘stand on; be on’

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on-itola tahpala yaiya

[on-i-tó-l] [táh-p-l] [ya-y]

‘lie on’ ‘shout; yell; call out’ ‘cry’

Adjective ilbasha

[il-b´-sh]

‘miserable; poor in spirit; humble’

Idioms im-anukfilat kania

[im--nuk-fi-lt-k-ní-y]

im-anukfilat okpulo

[im--nuk-fi-lt-ok-pú-lu]

katiohmi-lachi?

[ka-ti-óh-mi-la-chí]

nuktala-ho! pisat aya

[nuk-ta-l-hó] [pi-sat-áy-]

‘be confused’ (Group 3) ‘be downhearted; grieve’ (Group 3) ‘what will I do; whatever will I do?’ ‘be calm!’ ‘visit; go to see’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI The particle onThe prefix on- (o- before consonants) means ‘on’. It is not a freestanding location word like anuka or paknaka, but instead is attached to the verb. Besides its meaning of ‘on’, it may be used more abstractly, in some cases corresponding to English at in such expressions as yell at, shout at, and the like. a. Wak-t yakni on-itola. The cow is lying on the ground. b. Sshki-t ofosik o-tahpala. Mother is hollering at the puppy. If the verb has an object that is marked with a person marker, the person marker comes before on-. Verbs that denote manners of speaking, such as tahpala ‘shout’; chilika ‘scream’; yaiya ‘cry’, and so forth, take affected objects. a. Hattak mt si-o-tahpala. That man is shouting at me.


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b. Hushi tasimbo mt pi-o-chilika. That crazy bird is shrieking at us. Compare the difference between these two uses of tahpala, one with oand the other without. a. Amoshi-t a-tahpala-tuk. My uncle called to me. b. Amoshi-t si-o-tahpala-tuk. My uncle yelled at me. Anukfilli and im-anukfila Anukfilli is the general word for mental functions; it refers to any kind of cogitation, including thinking, imagining, musing, pondering, reasoning, reflecting, scheming, studying, and the like. It takes an agent subject, the one who is doing the thinking, and either a noun phrase or a clause, representing what is thought about. If what is thought about appears in a complement clause, the clause is joined with kt if the subjects are the same and ka if they are different. a. Miko-yt pimataklama anukfillit pisa-tuk. The chief pondered our troubles. b. Owattat ia-lachi-kt anukfilli-li-tuk. I thought about going hunting. In the last example notice that we use ia-lachi to show that I am the person going hunting and that it has not factually happened yet. Literally, the Choctaw sentence may be translated, I thought that I would go hunting. Compare this kind of thinking with the idea expressed by im-ahowa. Amofosik-t chukka falamat ia-tuka am-ahowa-tuk. I thought that my puppy returned home. Im-anukfila is related to anukfilli, but it has the more passive sense ‘have a thought’ or ‘occur to’. Since im-anukfila is a Group 3 verb, the person having the thought is a recipient subject, indicated with a recipient person marker. Im-anukfila is often translated into English with ‘think’ or ‘think about’, just as anukfilli is. The clause that represents what is thought is joined with -kt or ka.

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Pikanomi-ya pisat il-iachi-kt pim-anukfila-tuk. We had the idea to visit our relatives. It occurred to us to visit our relatives. We thought about visiting our relatives. In the example above note that since we have not factually visited our relatives at the time of the plan, we use the future tense pisat il-iachi-kt. There are a number of compound verbs having to do with mental states made with im-anukfila. Among these are im-anukfilat kania ‘ be confused’ (very similar to English ‘take leave of one’s senses’) and im-anukfilat okpulo ‘be downcast; grieve’. a. Am-anukfilat kania. I am confused. b. Chinakfi-t im-anukfilat okpuloh-o? Is your brother grieving? ABCHI Chi-anukfokkah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Ninakash, chukka apata pisat ayachi-tukt am-ahowa-tuk. Hina falaya nowat hiket ishtia-li-tuk. Fichik lwa micha hashnakaya lkna pisa-li-tuk. Mahli haklo-li-tuk. Chukfi micha piti-t chiluk aluma-tuk. Nita lusa pisalachitukt am-anukfila-tuk. Sa-nukshopa-tuk kiyo. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Katimikash kucha ia-tuk? Katimi-ho kucha ia-tuk? Nanta pisa-tuk? Chukfi micha piti-t nanta mihchi-tuk? Nukshopa-tuk-o? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Translate the following Choctaw sentences into English. There may be several good translations.


1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

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Shoktti ish-hohokli. Okhisa ish-tihiwwi. Si-okcha. Iti basha-yt kobafa. Holisso si-anukfohoka-tuk. Atopa on-itola-li. Ofosik-t ohokcha-tuk. Ohoyo sipokni-t illit itola.

B. Translate the following sentences into Choctaw, using the correct forms of the person markers. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

I thought about preparing dinner. We yelled at them. They called to us. Don’t scream at me! Are you (pl.) afraid?

C. Give the Choctaw command forms for the following sentences. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Stop yelling at me! Let’s visit the neighbors. Stand up! (pl.) Let’s not fight! Don’t trick us. Holissochi

Write a story on a theme of your choice. Include all three aspects (eventive, stative, and momentaneous). Use at least one dependent clause and at least two verbal -t forms.

CHAPTER 16

Clause Conjunction with mt and ma

NANANOA: Pikanomi Pisat Il-ilhkoli-tuk ‘We Went to Visit Our Relatives’ Hshki anoti aki-t Akinsa-ako miti. Hshki ikanomi-ato tmahushi anokaka asha. Anoti aki ikanomi-ato chukka osapa chito-ho ontalaia-ho asha. Hshtula-kash, pichukkachffa-yt pikanomi i-nowat il-ilhkoli-tuk. Il-akaniah ma, pihattakshali-t im-ataklamat hiket ishtia-tuk. Ishtaionchanlli achffakt bokafah ma, sanakfish-t nuklhakanchah mt yaiyat hiket ishtia-tuk. E-yokopah mt, il-apoksiachituk-ako oklhilit tahah mah, nanapoksia il-i-payatuk. Polaka ant haiakah mt chekossi-ho apoksiat tahli-tuk. Ninak makili, amafo ichukka il-aionah ma amafo anoti sapokni-t nayukpa aialhit ashwatuk. [My mother and father come from Arkansas. My mother’s relatives live in a small town. My father’s relatives live on a big farm. Last winter our family visited our relatives. After we left our car began to have trouble. One of the tires blew out, and my younger sister got scared and began to cry. After we stopped to fix the tire it got completely dark, and then we called a mechanic. Finally he showed up, and after awhile he repaired it. That night we arrived at my grandfather’s house, and my grandfather and grandmother were very happy.]

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ANUMPA LHPESA Clauses Ordered in Sequence One of the most important pairs of clause conjunctions in Choctaw is the one that orders clauses in sequence. Mt and ma correspond to English ‘and then’, ‘after’, and ‘when’. The student will notice that we have already introduced mt and ma as the demonstrative that. In Choctaw grammatical words frequently change their function depending on whether they are being used with noun phrases or verb phrases. (Recall the case of moma, which means ‘all’ when used with noun phrases, but ‘still’ otherwise.) The student must pay close attention to whether mt and ma are used with noun phrases or verb phrases. When mt and ma are used with verbs, they order the time sequence of the clauses in which those verbs appear. There are several correct ways to translate clauses conjoined with mt and ma. Miko-yt ant chukkoah mt binili-tuk. After the chief came in, he sat down. or When the chief came in, he sat down. or The chief came in and he sat down. Notice in this example that the clause marked with mt happened first, and the second clause happened afterward. Note also that -tuk does not appear until the end of the sentence. The verb of the first clause is marked with -h. Subject Tracking in Clauses In the above example the subject of both clauses is the same (miko). As we saw with dependent clauses, those joined with kt and ka, Choctaw very often tracks whether the subjects of joined clauses are the same or different. When the subjects of clauses are different, ma must be used. Ishki-t ant chukkoah ma, llosi-t yaiyat hiket ishtia-tuk. When its mother came in, the baby began to cry. In this example ishki is the subject of the first clause, but llosi is the subject of the second clause.

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The Benefactive Person Markers Another set of person markers that are much like recipient person markers are the benefactive person markers. This role makes a distinction between “for someone’s benefit” and “to someone.” The roles often do not perfectly match their English counterparts. a. Ishki-t llatek holisso imi-pila-tuk. The mother mailed a letter for the girl (on the part of the girl). b. Hattakshali ilppa chimi-kachi-li-tuk. I sold this car for you. c. Hattakshali himona chi-kachi-li-tuk. I sold a new car to you. The benefactive person markers are very similar in form to the recipient markers: they have a final /i/ attached to the recipient form. THE BENEFACTIVE PERSON MARKERS ami-

‘for me’ (for my benefit)

chimi-

‘for you’

imi-

‘for him, her, it, them’

pimi-

‘for us’

hachimi-

‘for you (pl.)’ More Uses of -kt

We have seen -kt used as ‘that’ to join dependent clauses to the main clause and as the partitive ‘of’ in noun phrases. Kt is often used to join other complement clauses to the main clause. Two important idioms are formed in this way. Imi-haksi ‘to forget’ Kt is used to join the complement clause to imi-haksi. The subject is marked with a benefactive person marker, making it a Group 3 verb. (Imihaksi is possibly the only Group 3 verb with a benefactive subject.)


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Ishapo imi-haksi-tuk. He forgot his hat. In this example ishapo ‘his hat’ is a noun phrase and does not require any kind of conjunction with the verb. Ishapo fokkachitukt imi-haksi-tuk. He forgot to put on his hat. In the above example we must join the clause ishapo fokkachitukt ‘put on his hat’ with imi-haksi-tuk ‘he forgot’. Because the person doing the forgetting is also the person who was to have put on his hat, a same-subject conjunction must be used: kt. Notice the ‘future-in-the-past’ tense marker achituk: the person did not actually put on his hat; he ‘was going to’, but forgot. a. Katos ipeta-lachitukt ami-haksi-tuk. I forgot to feed the cat. b.Holisso il-ishtiachitukt pimi-haksi-tuk. We forgot to take the book. c.Sshki-t takkon chompachitukt imi-haksi-tuk. My mother forgot to buy peaches. I-punna ‘to be good at’ I-punna means ‘skillful’. A recipient person marker is required to show who is skillful. The complement clause denoting what someone is skillful at is joined with -kt. Sentences with i-punna may be translated using a variety of English idioms: a. Taloa-kt a-punna. I’m good at singing. I’m skilled at singing. I sing well. I’m a good singer. b. Issi mt balili-kt i-punna. That deer is good at running. I-punna may also be used as an adjective in a noun phrase: Nahoyo i-punna mt issi lawa bi-tuk. That skillful hunter killed many deer.

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Contraction of Initial Short Vowels When a word begins with a syllable that is composed of a single short vowel (for example, pa; ittula; ibbk), the initial syllable is usually deleted in speech when the person markers are attached. (Recall that events are nearly always translated in the past tense in English.) ittula sa’ttula chi’ttula ish’pa e’pa ema ibbk sabbk

‘he fell down’ ‘I fell down’ ‘you fell down’ ‘you’re eating’ ‘we’re eating’ ‘we give to (him; them)’ ‘his hand’ ‘my hand’

ANUMPA Nouns asonik

[-só-nik]

hattakshali ishtaionchanlli noseka oklhili oklhileka shachak

[ht-tk-shá-li] [isht-ai-o-ch-n´l-li] [no-sé-k] [ok-lhí-li] [ok-lhi-lé-k] [sha-chk]

‘kettle; pan; metal container’ ‘carriage; car’ ‘tire’ ‘nightmare’ ‘dusk’ ‘darkness of night’ ‘noise made by rustling leaves’

Verbs achi atoba bokafa chali haiaka imi-haksi i-himona

[a-chi] [a-tu-b] [bo-ká-f] [cha-li] [hái-a-k] [i-mi-hak-si] [i-hi-mó-n]

‘say’ (direct quote) ‘be made from’ ‘explode; blow up’ ‘chop’ ‘show up; appear’ ‘forget’ (Group 3) ‘wait for’ (takes recipient object)


i-punna

[i-pun-n]

i-takobi ittula kahmaya noseka nuklhakancha

[i-t-kó-bi] [ít-tu-l] [kah-mái-y] [no-sé-k] [nuk-lh-ká-ch]

oklhili ontalaia

[ok-lhi-li] [o-t-lái-]

taha

[ta-ha]

tahli

[tah-li]

toba wakaya wakayoha

[to-b] [wa-kái-y] [wa-kai-yó-h]

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‘be good at; be skillful at’ (Group 3) ‘be lazy’ (Group 3) ‘fall’ (Group 2) ‘lie (pl., animate)’ ‘have a nightmare’ ‘get startled; get frightened’ (Group 2) ‘get dark’ ‘sit on; be on; rest on; ride on’ ‘be finished; be done; be depleted’ (Group 2) ‘finish; do to completion or exhaustion’ ‘become; be made’ ‘arise; get up’ ‘arise; get up (pl.)’

Adjectives oklusbi

[ok-lús-bi]

‘dusky; dark (time of day)’

Adverbs aialhi anoti; anonti alhchibah ma billia polaka sllahat mahayah ma

[ái-a-lhi] [-no-ti] [lh-chí-bh-ma] [bíl-li-] [po-la-k] [sl-l-ht-mhá-yh-ma]

Conjunctions anoti; anonti

[-no-ti]

‘and’

Location Words (postpositions) anokaka

[-nó-k-ka]

‘within’

‘very much; really’ ‘again’ ‘after awhile’ ‘always’ ‘finally’ ‘eventually’

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Idioms nusit nowa nosekat nowa

[nu-sit-no-w] [no-se-kt-no-w]

‘spend the night’ ‘sleepwalking’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Anoti Anoti (often spelled anonti) is another Choctaw word that depends on the kind of phrase with which it is used with for its meaning. When it joins noun phrases, anoti means ‘and’; when it appears before a verb, it means ‘again’. With noun phrases anoti is used much like micha. a. Shoktti anoti luksi-t okshinillit itiachi. The frog and turtle are going swimming. b. Hattak nia anoti ohoyo chunna-yt hilha. The fat man and the skinny woman are dancing. When it appears before a verb, anoti means ‘again’. (Some dialects of Choctaw prefer himak ma for ‘again’.) Hattak mt tmahushi-ya anoti falamat ia-tuk. That man went to the small town again. Toba, atoba, and ikbi We have learned that ikbi means ‘make’ in the sense of ‘build’ or ‘construct’. When we wish to indicate that something ‘is made’ in the sense of ‘becoming’, we use toba. a. Nanalhtoka-yt nukoat toba-tuk. The policeman became angry. b. Shotik-t oklusbit tobat ishtia. The sky is starting to become dark. c. Takkon-t champulit toba-tuk. The peach became sweet. d. Amafo-t ofi chukka-ya im-ikbi-tuk. Grandpa made the dog a house. Atoba means ‘be made from’.


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Palska pt onush bota atoba. This bread is made from wheat flour. Taha and tahli Taha and tahli are important verbs in their own right, and perhaps even more important in forming compounds, idioms, and derivations. We have already seen two derivatives of this pair, lhtaha ‘ready’ and atahli ‘provide’. Tahli is often used with the -t form of another verb to mean ‘finish doing something’. a. Toksalit ish-tahlih-o? Have you finished working? b. Hshki-t palska pskat tahlih ma lla lheha-yt aila-tuk. After Mother finished baking bread, the children arrived. Taha is used when something is itself used up or completed. Pishokchi-t taha. The milk is all gone. Taha is used with adjectives in the -t form to mean ‘all the way’ or ‘completely’. a. Chukfi luma mt tohbit taha. That rabbit is completely white. b. llatek ossi-t litehat taha-tuk. The little girl was all dirty. ABCHI Chi-anukfokkah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Himonah ma, llatek tuchena-hosh okhata apotaka aya-tok. Okhata kapssa micha hashuk okchako awashohachi-kt anukfilli-tok. llatek achffakt ikana i-himonat hikiah ma; alhchibah ma ikana-yt polaka la-tok. “Okhata il-ilhkolachitukt ami-haksi-tuk,” im-achi-tok. llatek lheha-kt okhata ayupih bnnah. Oklah yupih mt, yakni libesha o-kahmaya-tok.

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Chekossih ma, nana pit hhkloh mt, oklah wakayohah mt shachak ashah hoyot ishtia-tok. Sllahat mahayah ma llatek achffa-kt kitushi ahayuchitok. “Kitushi ishki-t katimma anta?” achi-tok. Alhchibah ma, nashachak ila oklah pit hakloh ma, kitatek chito-t ant haiaka-tok. llatek-t “Kil-ia! Kintushi ishki-t miti!,” oklah maka-tok. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Kata-hosh okhata ayah bnna? Katimi-ho llatek achffa-kt ikana i-himona? Nanta oklah mihchi? Nanta pit haklo? Katimi-ho llatek-t oklah kania? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Examine the phrases below and state whether mt or ma should be translated as ‘when’ or ‘that’. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

tapushik ma taloah ma chukfi lhpoa mt chi-himona-lih mt hattak mt yukpah mt

B. Use i-himona in each of the following constructions. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

I waited for him. Did you wait for me? We are waiting for our friends. Our relatives are waiting for us. My grandmother will wait for me. After the train arrived, we waited for you (pl.). I didn’t want to wait for you.

C. Translate each of these sentences into Choctaw. 1. 2. 3. 4.

I forgot to bring the baby’s medicine. Did you forget your book? That man is good at dancing. We don’t sing well.


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5. You (pl.) forgot to chop wood. 6. Is he lazy? 7. My aunt forgot to bake bread yesterday. Holissochi Write a story about a trip somewhere. Use at least three instances of mt/ma as a clause conjunction. Use at least one verbal -t form. Use at least one ka- question word.

CHAPTER 17

Clause Conjunction with -cha and -na

NANANOA: Hshtahli-akosh Tanchi Atahli-tok ‘It Was the Great Spirit Who Provided Corn’ Hopakioh-chash, yakni hshi okatula imma Chahta okla-ht aiiashah moma mah, hohchffo chito-t yakni ymma onitoyula-na, lla lheha yaiyat shakapa-ka, ohoyo okla-ht hakloh mt, nukhaklo-cha, anumpa nanapesa lheha itikba ishtonah mt ilppako im-achi-tok: “Nanilhpk-t taha. Mikma, issi anoti ynnsh-t ikshot mahaya atoko nipi-t iksho. Himmithoa micha sipokni lheha-ht oklah illit mahaya. Nana e-kaniohmachi-ka pimanoli.” Miko-yt nana ilppa anukfillit tahlih mt, Hshtahli iat ont im-asilhhah mt, “Nana-ako kaniohmi-lachi pulla-ka am-anoli,” achit panaklo-tok. Mihma ninak ymma nusih mt holhpukunna-cha, ossi-t ola hakloh mt ba pit pisah ma tanchi pi shalit aya-tokosh yakni akka im-ittolah ma nihi-t yakni o-fima mah, offot waya-ho pisa-tok. Tanchi-akosh hattak hapitikba ya imilhpk lhpesa atok. Nittak ont achffa ma hushi lwa, kanshak anosi atok ma, apotaka impacha aiiasha-ho pisa-tok. Mihma nittak kanohmi antia ma tanchpanti-t offot wayat taha-na Chahta okla-ht pat isht okchaya-tok. Miko-yt nayukpah mt Hshtahli pit ayukpachi-tok. [Long ago, when the Choctaw people still lived in the West, a great famine fell upon the land, and so the women heard the children crying aloud 154


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and were sad; and so they brought this before the council and this is what they said to them: “The food is all gone. And because the deer and buffalo are getting scarce, there is no meat. The young ones and the old are dying. Tell us what we are to do.” When the chief had pondered this matter, he went and beseeched the Great Spirit, asking him, “Tell me what I must do.” And so, that night while he slept he dreamed that he heard an eagle cry, and then he looked up and saw a cornstalk fall to the earth, and then the seed scattered on the ground and it grew and the stalks produced corn. The corn was the staple food of our forefathers. On the next day he saw birds feeding near the moor where they roost. And a number of days later cornstalks began to appear, and when it grew it produced the corn that the Choctaws thrived on. The chief was happy and praised the Great Spirit.] A modern tale adapted by Henry Willis ANUMPA LHPESA Conjunction with -cha and -na Another important set of clause conjunctions is -cha and -na. These are used to mean ‘and’ or ‘and so’; like mt and ma, they put the clauses in a time series, so that the first clause occurs before the second. As we have come to expect, the -cha member indicates that the subjects of the clauses are the same and -na is used when the subjects are different. The difference between -cha/ -na and mt /ma is generally that mt/ ma has the notion of ‘then’ built in, while -cha/-na implies a causal relationship between the two clauses. The difference is similar to the English distinction between ‘and then’ and ‘and so’. Notice in these English sentences that the sense of one event being ordered after the other is clear in all cases. In the example below a may have the interpretation of b, which states that first Bill fed the cat and then he coincidentally ate dinner; or it may have the interpretation of c, which is that Bill fed the cat and thus was permitted to eat dinner. a. Bill fed the cat and ate dinner. b. Bill fed the cat and then he ate dinner. c. Bill fed the cat, and so he ate dinner.

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In Choctaw the conjunctions mt/ ma and -cha/ -na lend similar distinctions to the relationships between the clauses. (Remember that -a or -ya on a noun marks a nonsubject.) a. Bili-t katos-a ipetah mt illimpa-tuk. Bill fed the cat and then he ate dinner. b. Bili-t katos-a ipeta-cha illimpa-tuk. Bill fed the cat and so he ate dinner. Cha/-na may sometimes be translated ‘because’, ‘but’, ‘and’, or ‘and then’, since all these English conjunctions may be employed when the meaning of one clause supplies a motive for the events in another. The form of -cha and –na Cha and -na are different from mt and ma in their form. While mt/ma are freestanding conjunctions, -cha and -na are particles attached to the verb. Cha and -na can only be attached to verbs. Notice that no past- or presenttense marker appears on the verb to which -cha or -na is attached. a. Chi-nukshopa-cha balilit ish-kania-tuk. You got scared and you ran away. b. Atek-t iskli moma-ka ishtia-na si-nuklibesha-tuk. My sister took all of the money, and so I got furious. c. Meli-t toksali-na oklah il-impa-tuk. Because Mary worked, we ate. d. Etta-yt hottopa-na pichukka il-ilhkoli-tuk. Etta got hurt, and so we went home. Effects of -cha and -na on pronunciation In speech the placement of -cha or -na affects the stress of the vowels in the verb stem to which it is attached. The penultimate vowel of the verb stem is lengthened and accented. Sometimes this changes the stress pattern of the verb. For example, a verb such as taloa, which has a long /o/ in the penultimate syllable, does not change when -cha or -na is added, but chukkoa, which has a short /o/ in the penultimate syllable, changes so that that syllable is accented. talóa-cha → [t-ló-w-cha] chúkkoa-na → [chuk-kó-w-na]


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Because these conjunctions force the syllable that is “two to the left” to be stressed, the presence of -li presents a special problem. When the verb has the person marker -li, the syllable “two to the left” is the final vowel of the verb. This causes a somewhat ungainly stress pattern that does not sound like the other forms. To retain the stress pattern of the other forms, -li + -cha is often contracted to -lish. Then the syllable “two to the left” is the same one that is stressed in the other patterns. a. Ampo achefat tahli-lish fohat binili-li-tuk. (táh-li-lish) I finished washing dishes, and so I sat down to rest. b. Ampo achefat tahli-cha fohat binili-tuk. (táh-li-cha) She finished washing dishes, and so she sat down to rest. There is no contraction for -li + -na. In these cases verbs are stressed on the final vowel of the verb stem. Ampo achefat tahli-li-na ish-shileli-tuk. (tah-lí-li-na) I finished washing the dishes, and so you dried them. Compare this with the following: Ampo achefat ish-tahli-na shileli-li-tuk. (ish-táh-li-na) You finished washing the dishes, and so I dried them. More about Adverbs Adverbs form a large and diverse category in both English and Choctaw. We have been introduced to several kinds of adverbs. One of the most useful kinds, and the easiest to understand, is the large set of time adverbs. Time adverbs Many time adverbs appear in a separate phrase at the beginning of the sentence or clause, just as in English. Many of the time adverbs use the conjunction ma or -na to connect them to the rest of the sentence. Those that refer to past-time may also use a special past-time marker such as -ash or

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-kash. Those that refer to future time may use -kma, which may be spelled in different ways. Sometimes -kma appears attached to the time adverb, and other times—especially when the time expression is a predicate—the -k is attached to the predicate and the ma appears detached. There are many ways to translate these time expressions; some of the possiblities follow. Himonah ma . . . Chekossih ma . . . Cheki-na . . . Ninakash . . . Onnakma . . . Alhchibah ma . . . Sllahat mahayah ma . . .

‘One time; once . . .’ ‘Soon . . .’ ‘Shortly; soon . . .’ ‘Last night . . .’ ‘Tomorrow . . .’ ‘After awhile; after a time . . .’ ‘Eventually . . .’

Aspectual adverbs Other important adverbs denote aspect, which, as has been discussed, is the way an event develops in time. Besides marking verbs directly for aspect, Choctaw also uses adverbs to perform this function. One group of aspectual adverbs appears after the verb and carries the past- or present-tense marker. Future markers are always on the verb stem itself. The verb carries the -h predication marker. momah bekah billiah

‘still’ ‘occasionally; frequently; always (customarily)’ ‘always (enduringly)’

The aspect of a verb needs to match, or at least not clash with, the aspect of any adverb used. Notice that momah ‘still’ matches the stative aspect in kahmayah ‘lying’. a. Wak-t yakni o-kahmayah momah. Those cows are still lying on the ground. b. Amoshi-t aiitanaha iah mt taloah beka-tok. When my uncle went to church, he usually sang. c. Hshtula ayukak ma, pikanomi-t issi nipi oklah atahlichih bekah. Each winter, our relatives usually prepare venison. Directional adverbs Yet another kind of adverb indicates the path, direction, or position of some motion. Examples of this kind of adverb are ba ‘up’, akka ‘down’, tikba


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‘ahead’, and its variants tikba ‘first’ and tikbali ‘beforehand’. Tikba is used when a physical position is meant, and tikbali when something occurs first in time or before something else. These adverbs appear before the verb. a. Atanampo akka bohli-li-tuk. I put my rifle down. b. Hushi moma-kt ba helit ilhkoli-tuk. All of the birds flew upward. c. Miko-yt tikba nowat ia-tuk. The chief walked ahead. d. Tikbali kowi il-aila-tuk. We arrived at the woods beforehand. e. Tikba ona-li-tuk. I was first. f. Tikbali sanushoka okami-li-tuk. First I washed my face. There are other kinds of adverbs and adverbial clauses that will be investigated later. The Mood Marker -shke The mood marker -shke gives the sense of the English emphatic ‘do’ or ‘it shall be so’. It is frequently used in prayers and hymns and is also used whenever the speaker wishes to emphasize the correctness, solemnity, or importance of a sentence. The -shke mood marker replaces the tense marker. Emphatic -shke may be compared with emphatic -oke ‘it is.’ Like -oke, -shke has a stressed final long vowel. a. Il-i-yakokeshke! We shall give thanks to him! b. Miko-yt imokla apelashke! The chief shall help his people! c. Miko-yt imokla apelashke bekah! The chief does help his people! Compare this with the following: Cholusahoke! It is quiet!

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ANUMPA Nouns aiyamohmi hshtahli

[ai-y-móh-mi] [hsh-táh-li]

himmithoa ibbakska ibishakni kanshak anusi nanapesa lheha okchaya tanchpanti

[him-mit-hó-] [ib-bak-´s-k] [i-bi-shák-ni] [kan-shk-á-nu-si] [nan--pé-s-lhé-h] [ok-chá-y] [tach-pa-ti]

‘manner; way; custom’ ‘Great Spirit’ (before Christianity) ‘young people’ ‘wrist’ ‘beak of a bird’ ‘roost’ (lit. ‘sleeping barn’) ‘council’ ‘life’ ‘corn sprouts’

Verbs asilhha ayukpachi fima iksho holhpokunna i-nukilli i-yakoke

[-silh-h] [a-yuk-pa-chi] [fi-m] [ik-shu] [holh-pu-kún-n] [i-nu-kil-li] [i-ya-ko-ké]

nuklibesha

[nuk-li-bé-sh]

nukwia

[nuk-wi-y]

okchaya shakapa

[ok-cha-y] [shá-ka-p]

‘beg; beseech; ask for; petition’ ‘praise; give thanks’ ‘be scattered; be spread out’ ‘be gone; be lacking’ (Group 2) ‘dream’ (Group 2) ‘hate’ (recipient object) ‘thank; give thanks to’ (recipient object) ‘be empassioned; be in a temper’ (Group 2) ‘be timid; be afraid; be shy’ (Group 2) ‘live; be alive’ (Group 2) ‘make an uproar; cry aloud’

Adjectives chilusa; cholusa nuktala

[chi-lú-s] [nuk-t-l]

nuktala shinofa

[shi-no-f]

‘quiet; calm’ ‘harmless; quiet; peaceful’ (character) ‘jealous’ (second meaning) ‘wrinkled’


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Adverbs beka tikba tikba tikbali tikbali

[be-k] [tik-b] [tik-b] [tik-bá-li] [tik-bá-li]

‘usually; on occasion’ ‘ahead; in front’ ‘first (position)’ ‘in advance; beforehand’ ‘first (time)’

Idioms atoko; atuko hshi okatula imma i-kania ikshot mahaya ilppako illit mahaya nana kaniohmachi pulla nittak kanohmi onitoyula

[á-tu-ko] [h-shi-ok--tú-lim-m] [i-k-ní-] [ik-shut-m-há-y] [i-l´p-pa-ko] [il-lit-m-há-y] [na-n-k-ni-óh-machi-pul-l] [nit-tak-k-nóh-mi] [o-ni-tó-yu-l]

‘because’ ‘in the west; toward the west’ ‘to lose; get lost’ (Group 3) ‘becoming scarce (pl.)’ ‘this is what . . .’ ‘be dying one by one (pl.)’ ‘what one must do’ ‘several days’ ‘fall upon; befall’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI I-kania I-kania means ‘to lose’. It has a structure that is different from those we have seen previously. The person who has lost something is marked with the recipient marker and is also marked with a subject marker, making this a Group 3 verb. Hattak nahoyo mt tanampo i-kania-tuk. That hunter lost his rifle. But the thing that is lost may also be marked as the subject, if a person (or other entity capable of losing something) is not named. Again, the recipient person marker still shows who lost something. Wak-t a-kania-tuk. I lost my cow.

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or My cow got lost. (literally, ‘The cow was lost to me.’) Notice in these examples that the possessive marker does not need to appear on the thing that is lost, although it is not wrong to use it. The recipient person marker shows who the possessor is. ABCHI Chi-anukfokkah-o? Read the following story and answer the questions about it. Ninak-t cholusat taha-tok. Ohoyo moma-kt hoponit tahli-cha lla yupichi-tok. Sipokni achffa-kt nananoa im-anolih ma hattak tuklo-kt ikana i-himona-tok. Ofi tuchena-hosh luak chito itikba binohlit asha-tok. Piti nukwia ushta-hosh chiluk aluma-na chula nuktala-yt kucha i-himona-tok. lla ossi moma-kt holhpokunnat hiket ishtiah ma hashnakaya-t shotik ba wakayat onat taha-tok. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Ohoyo moma-kt nanta yamihchi? Kata-hosh nananoa im-anoli? Hattak katohmi-hosh ikana i-himona? Ofi tuchena-kt katimma binohlit asha? Piti-t nanta yamihchi? Katimi-ho chula-yt i-himona? lla ossi-t nanta yamihchi? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Put these clauses together with either -cha or -na. Then pronounce each sentence to practice the correct stress pattern. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Dad finished working and came home. The big bear got up and started running. That bear showed up and we left. Henry chopped wood and I hauled it. An animal made a sound and you (pl.) got scared. I shouted and hid behind a tree.


7. 8. 9. 10.

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The baby fell down and cried. The puppy heard a squirrel and ran away. My neighbor shot at a turkey and the turkey flew away. A bee stung my arm and I killed it.

B. Make these constructions in Choctaw. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

I lost my puppy. My brother lost his cat. Did you lose your book? I think that Dad lost his bow. My dog lost his bone. We lost our friends. My car lost a wheel. My keys got lost. Did your hat get lost? I lost my shoes and you lost your knife.

C. Translate the following sentences into Choctaw, using the correct adverb and placing it in the proper position in each sentence. 1. 2. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Last night we prepared dinner. First we bought groceries. My brother walked ahead. The old man got up again. When dusk arrived, we were still eating. I usually cook turkey when my relatives visit. The boy threw the ball up. Eventually, my mother finished cleaning the house. It’s always raining. Holissochi

Write a story of at least ten sentences on a theme of your choice. Include at least one use each of the conjunctions -cha -na and mt/ma, at least one aspectual adverb, at least one time adverb, at least one directional adverb, and at least one special plural form. Check the aspects of all your verbs.

CHAPTER 18

Iterative and Resolutional Aspects

BA ISHT TALOA 48 ‘Hymn Number 48’ Shilombish holitopa ma! Ish-mitih pulla-cha, Hattak ilbsha pi-aha Ish-pi-yukpalashke.

O Holy Spirit! Come and bring gladness to us wretched people.

Pichoksh nusi atukma Ant ish-okchalashke, Ish-pi-yohbiechik bano; E-chim-aiahnishke.

Come and awaken our slumbering hearts; we have expressed our desire for only your sanctification.

Shilombish Holitopa ma! Pimanukfila-ht Oklhilit kania-hoka, Ish-pi-o-tomashke.

O Holy Spirit! Our thoughts wander in darkness, let your light so shine upon us.

Pichoksh nukhaklo-yoka Ant pi-hopohlachi: Il-aiashacheka-yoka Ish-pi-kashoffashke.

Come and comfort us for our hearts are in sorrow: cleanse us of all our sins.

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BA ISHT TALOA 55 ‘Hymn Number 55’ ba Miko pulla ka Imlla hachia ma! Taloa holitopa Hash-taloah pullashke.

O ye children of the Heavenly Master! Sing the hymns of praise.

Hash-talohowa hokt Chiss hachi-hohollot, Hachi-okchalinchi-ka, Hash-im-ahniechashke.

As you sing in hope of Jesus’s continuance of love for you and deliverance.

ANUMPA LHPESA The Iterative Aspect Another important aspect that is marked on the Choctaw verb is the iterative. (Byington’s dictionary refers to this aspect as the frequentive.) As its name suggests, the iterative aspect denotes actions or states that are repeated over a period of time. English has many idiomatic ways to express the iterative aspect. Examine the following English sentences and notice the sense of repetition of an action or duration of a state in each. a. b. c. d. e. f. g.

Francie kept singing. I listened to that song over and over. The baby fell down again and again. It snowed off and on all day long. My uncle used to bring us candy on Saturday. Eloise went on telling jokes the rest of the evening. Deb danced on and on.

Although Choctaw has many adverbs and idiomatic expressions that also express iterative aspect, this notion may be marked directly on the verb. As we saw with the stative and momentaneous aspects, the iterative aspect involves a change in the verb stem. a. Pilashash oktohoshi-na shohbi-tuk. It snowed yesterday all day long. (The snow fell sporadically.)

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b. Meli-t talohowa. Mary keeps on singing. c. Oklahumma Tmaha Chito ish-aiahantah bieka-tuk. You used to live in Oklahoma City. d. Ynnsh ymmt mihiti-tuk. That buffalo kept coming. e. “Hash-talohowa hokt Chiss hachi-hohollot . . .” As you go on singing, Jesus goes on loving you . . . Forming the iterative aspect The iterative aspect marker consists of the infixing of /h/ plus a nasalized vowel. The vowel that is nasalized is a copy of the vowel in penultimate syllable of the verb stem. (Remember that nasal vowels are spelled a, i, o, so this may mean a respelling.) This h + nasal vowel infix becomes a new penultimate syllable. If there is a consonant closing the original penultimate syllable, this consonant is included in the new syllable. tolobli isso tahpala holhpokunna ni

tolohobli ihisso tahpahala holhpokuhonna hani

‘keep jumping’ ‘keep hitting’ ‘keep shouting’ ‘dream sporadically’ ‘pour continuously’

To form the iterative aspect, form a new penultimate syllable that begins with -h- + nasal vowel. The nasal vowel is a copy of the vowel of the original penultimate syllable. pisa → pi-hi-sa → pihisa haklo → ha-hak-lo → hahaklo tolobli → to-lo-hob-li → tolohobli

The Resolutional Aspect The last of the verbal aspects is called the resolutional, because its effect on the meaning of a verb is to denote an action that has occurred after a period of time or effort, or has been accomplished gradually. (Byington’s


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dictionary terms this the intensive, but we are reserving that term for the effect of this operation on adjectives and adverbs; see the section, The Intensive Operation in Adjectives, on page 171.) In English this verbal aspect may only be rendered with adverbs or with verbs whose meaning contains the sense of gradual resolution of an act. The resolutional aspect may usually, but not always, be translated to English using the adverbs finally, at last, or gradually. a. Father got here at last. (Father got here after a protracted period.) b. Melissa finally opened the jar. (Melissa opened the jar after much effort.) c. Aki-t aiyala-tuk. Father finally got here. d. Hshki-t palska pskat taiyahli-tuk. Mother finally finished baking bread. e. Iti kobbaffi-li-tuk. I gradually broke the stick. f. Illimpa ish-hopponi-tuk! So, you cooked dinner! g. Imishttiwa ikhaiyana-tuk. She remembered her keys. h. Ilhpk hachichukka hash-ishtoyona-tuk. You finally brought groceries home. i. Pimofi il-hoyokli-tuk. We finally caught our dog. Besides translation with finally, gradually, and at last, the resolutional aspect is often translated with English verbs that are entirely different from the verb used to translate the eventive aspect. (We saw this occurring often in pairs of eventive/stative verbs, such as get/have; put on/wear.) We have already learned some of these verbs; for instance, ikhaiyana ‘remember, recollect’ is the resolutional form of ikhna ‘learn’. Some other pairs of verbs with differently-translated English counterparts are: ishi itula anukfilli

‘get’ ‘lie’ ‘think’

ieshi itoyula anukfielli

‘keep; carry; have in possession’ ‘befall’ ‘consider’

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Forming the resolutional aspect The form of this aspect is somewhat more complicated than the others, because it involves a stress shift and geminated consonants. It also has a number of spelling traditions, so the student should be alert to varying ways that this aspect can be represented in writing. The resolutional aspect is distinguished by stress on the antepenultimate (third-from-the-last) syllable, gemination (doubling) of the consonant that begins the penultimate syllable, and lengthening of the vowel following the stressed syllable. The form of the aspect is adjusted depending on the form of the verb. There are four types of verb that must be considered; we will examine each in turn. Verbs with at least three syllables and no consonant clusters. An example of this type of verb is: falama → fál-la-ma. The falama-type verb has at least three syllables, and the antepenultimate is not closed with a consonant. This leaves the initial consonant of the next syllable free to be geminated. Verbs of the falama type are: hoponi kania binili balili taloa

hopponi kannia binnili ballili talloa

[hóp-po-ni] [kán-ni-] [bín-ni-li] [bál-li-li] [tál-lo-w]

Three-syllable verbs beginning with a short /a/, such as apela, are treated as two-syllable verbs. Two-syllable verbs. An example of this type of verb is: bsha → bái-ya-sha. Since a great many Choctaw verbs have only two syllables, we must add another syllable to them so that the operation can be carried out. A new syllable is inserted into the verb by reduplicating the vowel of the initial syllable and adding the geminate consonant sound -yy-. The geminate yy is spelled in different ways, which we will examine in the following examples. This new syllable will be the stressed one. Other verbs of the bsha type are:


pska bshli taha foha hokli

paiyaska baiyashli taiyaha foyoha hoyokli

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[páy-yas-k] [báy-yash-li] [táy-ya-ha] [fóy-yo-ha] [hóy-yok-li]

In traditional spelling, when the first vowel of the verb is a or , the stressed syllable is generally spelled -aiy-. If the first vowel is o or u, the stressed syllable is spelled -oy-. If the first vowel of the verb is i or e, the resolutional form is often spelled -ie-: pisa hilha ishi ishko heli

piesa hielha ieshi ieshko hieli

[péy-ye-s] [héy-ye-lh] [éy-ye-shi] [éy-yesh-ku] [héy-ye-li]

Three-syllable verbs beginning with /a/ are treated as if the initial light syllable were absent: apela achefa apesa

apiela achiefa apiesa

[-péy-ye-l] [-chéy-ye-f] [-péy-ye-s]

Verbs with consonant clusters. An example of this type of verb is: ikhana → ik-hái-ya-na Since the resolutional operation requires a geminated consonant to follow the stressed syllable, and since the Choctaw language does not allow clusters of more than two consonants, we must use the geminate yy in cases where the antepenultimate syllable ends with a consonant. Notice in the verb ikhana that neither the /k/ nor the /h/ can be successfully geminated. Other verbs of the ikhana type are: okchali haksichi anukfilli tahpala ittula

okchaiyali haksiechi anukfielli tahpaiyala ittoyula

[ok-cháy-ya-li] [hak-séy-ye-chi] [-nuk-féy-yel-li] [tah-páy-ya-l] [it-tóy-yo-l]

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Compound verbs. An example of this type of verb is: ishtla → isht-ái-ya-la The aspectual operation is performed on the root of the verb. If a verb has been compounded through the addition of prefixes such as isht-; ai-; itimand others, these prefixes do not affect the form of the aspect marker. Thus, the resolutional form of ishtla ‘bring’ has the same pattern as la ‘arrive’. Other verbs of the ishtla type are: atahli itimanumpuli

ataiyahli itimanumpoyuli

[a-táy-yah-li] [i-tim--num-póy-yo-li]

To form the resolutional aspect: 1. place stress on the antepenultimate syllable; 2. geminate the consonant following the stressed syllable. If the verb is unsuitable for the above operation: 3. create an antepenultimate syllable; 4. use the -yy- sound as the geminate consonant, spelled -aiy-, -oy-, or -ie-. falama → fallama bsha → baiyasha apela → apiela ikhana → ikhaiyana ishtla → ishtaiyala Uses of the Iterative and Resolutional Aspects Aspect marking occurs frequently on Choctaw verbs. It may occur both with adverbs with similar meanings or without such adverbs. Oktahosha-na nittak alhipulli-tuk. It snowed throughout the day.


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Notice in the example above that the iterative aspect marking on oktahosha indicates that the act of snowing went on and on, even though the sentence also states that it snowed throughout the day, which implies the same thing. Aspect marking is generally used whenever it clarifies the meaning of a verb, even when such clarification would not be necessary in English. a. Aki-t polaka aiyla-tuk. Father finally arrived. b. Aki-t aiyla-tuk. Father finally arrived. c. Aki-t polaka la-tuk. Father finally arrived. In the set of sentences in the above example, all the English translations are Father finally arrived. Notice that the resolutional aspect may be used with polaka ‘finally’; the aspect marker may be used alone; or polaka may be used alone. As long as adverbs do not contradict the aspect of the verb, they may be used at will. The Intensive Operation in Adjectives We have stressed that aspect is a property of verbs. But in Choctaw, two of the operations that signal aspect in verbs are also used to make intensives of adjectives and adverbs. chito ‘big’

chito ‘very big’

chieto ‘extremely big’

The student will notice that the two operations are nasalization of the penultimate vowel (which forms the stative aspect in verbs) and stress shift plus gemination (which forms the resolutional in verbs). kania halsbi wanuksho

‘lost’ ‘slippery’ ‘fluffy’

kannia hallsbi wannuksho

‘really lost’ ‘very slippery’ ‘frazzled’

One of the most important uses of the intensive operations is with quantifying words and aspectual adverbs. The intensive-marked versions have special meanings that must be learned individually.

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Examine this set of quantifying words and aspectual adverbs, noticing the changes in meaning in the intensive form. tuklo toklo moma moyoma beka bieka beka bieka puta poyuta lwa laiyawa pulla poyulla pulla poyulla

‘two’ ‘both’ ‘all’ ‘absolutely all’ ‘alone; mere’ (with nouns) ‘merest’ ‘occasionally’ (with predicates) ‘frequently; all the time’ ‘every’ ‘each and every’ ‘many; a lot’ ‘a great many’ ‘only; particular’ (with nouns) ‘the very one’ ‘must’ (with predicates) ‘necessarily must’

a. Iholisso imi-haksih beka. She occasionally forgets her book. b. Iholisso imi-haksih bieka. She frequently forgets her book. or She keeps forgetting her book. c. Hattak moma-kt wakayohah pulla. All of the men must rise. d. Hattak pulla-kt itafama. These particular men are meeting. e. Hattak moma-kt wakayohah poyullachi. All of the men must necessarily rise. ANUMPA Nouns enchil ilhtaloak; ilhtalowak okchalinchi

[én-chil] ‘angel’ [ilh-t-ló-wak] ‘song’ [ok-ch-lí-chi] ‘redemption; redeemer; savior’


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Verbs aiahni ahnichi hopohlachi im-ahnichi itafama okchalinchi shohpakali yohbichi

[ai-ah-ni] [áh-ni-chi] [ho-poh-la-chi] [im-áh-ni-chi] [i-t-fá-m] [ok-ch-li-chi] [shoh-p-ká-li] [yoh-bi-chi]

‘wish for’ ‘respect; approve’ ‘comfort; soothe’ ‘receive from’ ‘meet; meet together’ ‘save; redeem’ ‘shine; glitter’ ‘sanctify’

Adverbs bieka moyoma poyulla

[béy-ye-k] [móy-yo-m] [póy-yol-l]

poyutta pulla

[póy-yot-t] [pul-l]

puta

[pu-t]

‘frequently; always; all the time’ ‘all; absolutely all; quite all’ ‘particular’ (with nouns); ‘surely must; necessarily must’ (with predicates) ‘each and every; every last; every single’ ‘particular; the’ (with nouns); ‘must’ (with predicates) ‘every’

Conjunctions kia

[ki-y]

‘but; however’

Idioms pimaiashacheka ilppa puta kanimash ili nittak alhipulli

[pim-ai-á-sh-ché-k] [i-lp-p-pu-t] [k-ni-msh-í-li] [nit-tak-a-lhi-púl-li]

‘our sins’ ‘these’ ‘someday; sometime’ ‘throughout the day’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Pulla Pulla and its intensive form poyulla have distinct meanings depending on whether they appear in a noun phrase or in a predicate. (Recall other

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Choctaw words such as moma and ma that change meaning depending on their position and function.) In the predicate pulla is used with verbs to give the sense of must or have to. It appears after the verb, and tense markers are attached to it. Hattak moma-kt illih pullachi. All men must die. All men have to die. Notice in the above example that the future marker -achi is used because all men have not yet factually died; they are presumably going to die. a. Hattak bi-t illih pulla-tuk. The murderer must have died. b. Hattak bi-t illi pullachi-tuk. The murderer had to die. In the second example above, notice the compound tense -achi-tuk, signaling the sense of ‘future in the past’ (see chapter 13). Poyulla, the intensive form, has no precise English correlates, so it is often simply translated as must, or idiomatic expressions may be used to render the sense of the intensive. Si-apelat ish-mitih poyullachi. You certainly must come to help me. or You must necessarily come to help me. or You MUST come to help me. In noun phrases pulla is more difficult to translate into English. Its use is to point out the noun as distinct. One reasonable translation is ‘particular’, but ‘the’ may also be used. The subject markers -kt or -hosh are used. Alikchi pulla-kt shilup-a pihisa-tuk. That particular healer kept seeing the ghost. or The healer (as distinct from someone else) kept seeing the ghost. There is no one English expression that corresponds to poyulla in noun phrases. There are a number of idiomatic expressions that can suggest the idea of the intensive:


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Hattak poyulla-hosh la-tuk. The man, strictly by himself, arrived here. Puta Puta is used to designate every member of a plural set in much the way that English every; every one is used. Because it selects members of sets, the partitive -kt is the correct subject marker: Issoba puta-kt balilit kania-tuk. Every horse ran away. or Every one of the horses ran away. The intensive poyutta may be translated with a number of English idioms: Issoba poyutta-kt balilit kania-tuk. Every single horse ran away. or Every last one of the horses ran away. Because puta inherently refers to plural members of a set, it can be used idiomatically with ilppa to make the plural these or each one of these when it is important to specify plurality: Takkon ilppa puta chompa-li-tuk. I bought these peaches. ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Translate the following hymn into English. Try to include as much of the Choctaw meaning as possible while retaining the poetic tone of the hymn. It is not easy to be both accurate and lyrical! Yakni shohpakali achukma, Yimmi-ka pulla-ho pisa-li, Chiss-t ymmako ahanta Aiasha pim-ikbit ia-tok. Kanimash ili-ho Il-itafamachi akili.

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Ont aiisht aiyopik ma enchil Imilhtaloak talohoat, Pishilombish nukhaklo-tok kia Nayukpah biekaheyoke. Kanimash ili-ho E-talohoachi akili. Anumpa lhpesa A. Give the Choctaw for the following phrases. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

finally explode gradually become keep on laughing keep on crying finally die keep on bothering keep on shooting at gradually freeze keep raining finally sprout

B. Give English translations for the following sentences. There may be more than one correct answer. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Ahe hoyokchi. Nanalhpoa ipehita-tuk. Chiluk ish-koyulli-tuk. Si-oyokcha. Iti mt loa. Nawaya e-shali. Iholisso sa-pissachi-tuk. Ohisa-akosh tihwa. Ofi mt allosi-ya lhioholi-tuk. llanakni lheha-ht washahoha.

C. Give the Choctaw for the following sentences.


1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

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You must respect your mother. The child must have wished for new toys. The warrior shot every single arrow. Each and every man helped build the new town. Absolutely all of the mosquitoes died. The doctor came to help me strictly by himself. This particular teacher worked throughout the day. Holissochi

Write a lyrical poem of several lines in Choctaw, unrhymed. You do not need to translate the poem to English. Pay attention to the meter (rhythm) of your poem. Take advantage of the Choctaw concepts that do not translate directly into English.

CHAPTER 19

Negation with ik-o

NANANOA: Nnih Waiya ‘Nnih Waiya’ Hopakik-ash, hattak-t yakni paknaka ilppa iksho-tok. Yakni hochukbi, nnih notaka ahofobi-ho, asha-tok. Yakni chiluk aiasha-tuk, ilppa achukkoayt hofobi-hosh ona-atok. Yakni chiluk anuka ilppa oklushi lawa-kt, haknip-t shakchi chohmihosh, asha-tok. Nittak achffa ma, oklushi-t yakni chiluk ilppa akucha wihah bnnatok, mihma Chiloki-akosh tikba kucha wihat yakni ailibesha ont aikahah ma hshi-t hakshup shilelit koli-na oklah kuchit falmmi imma oklah ilhkolitok. Yakaya-kt Muskoki lheha-akosh kucha wihat mak kia falmmi imma oklah ilhkoli-tok. Chikasha-ato kucha wiha mt okmahli imma ilhkoli-tok, mihma Chahta okla-ato makili okla aiashat ichukka aiikbit-tok. Himmak nittak-ano nnih ma Nnih Waiya oklah hochifo. [Long ago, there were no people upon this earth. They lived in a deep place underneath a hill. They dwelled in this cave; here, a deep passageway came out. Inside this cave lived many tribes; their bodies were in the form of crawfish. One day the tribes decided they wanted to move out of this cave, and the Cherokees were the first to move out; and after they all lay upon a warm place on the earth, and the sun dried and opened their shells and freed them, 178

Negation with ik-o

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they moved toward the north. Next, the Creeks moved out and they also moved north. But when the Chickasaws moved out, they moved to the south, and then the Choctaws moved out and they made their homes there. Today the hill is called Nnih Waiya. Version by Henry Willis ANUMPA LHPESA Negation in Choctaw We have learned to negate sentences with kiyo. A second way of negating in Choctaw, which is more complicated, employs a circumfix, or an affix that wraps around the word that it negates. The negation circumfix, a form of ik-o, consists of a special person marker, which is attached to the beginning of the negated word, and the vowel -o, which replaces the final stem vowel of the verb (or adjective). The meanings of verbs negated with kiyo and with ik-o differ slightly; ik-o tends to indicate a change of state, while kiyo is just a general negator, ‘not’. Verbs negated with ik-o are sometimes translated in the past tense to indicate this change of state. The negative person markers We must learn a new set of person markers to be used with negated verbs. (These person markers have other uses as well, which will be examined in a later chapter.) These markers are used with Group 1 verbs, or verbs with agent subjects. The negative circumfixes include; ak-o ‘I’ chik-o ‘you’ ik-o ‘he, she, it, they’ kil-o; ke-o ‘we’ hachik-o ‘you (pl.)’ person marker + verb + o ak + pis + o Ak-peso. ‘I don’t see (it).’

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Negation with ik-o

The negated verb form causes the penultimate vowel of the verb stem to be lengthened if that syllable is light. Since most writers use this form in spelling, we will also change short vowels to their long form. Penultimate syllables that are already heavy (those that contain a long or nasal vowel, or that are closed with a consonant) are not affected. a. Issito ik-hokopo-tuk. He didn’t steal the pumpkin. b. Chik-yukpo. You didn’t laugh. c. Hoponit ke-tahlo-tuk. We didn’t finish cooking. d. Hachik-wakayo-tuk. You (pl.) didn’t get up. e. Ak-yaiyo. I didn’t cry. Object markers and past- and present-tense markers appear in their normal positions with negated verbs. a. Ak-chi’sso-tuk! I didn’t hit you! b. Chik-pi-apelo-tuk. You didn’t help us. c. Ak-emo-tuk. I didn’t give it to him. d. Ke-hachi-peso. We don’t see you (pl). Negation of Group 2 and Group 3 verbs Group 2 and 3 verbs, those with affected and recipient subjects, are negated somewhat differently from Group 1 verbs. These verbs do not use a special person marker, but are always negated with ik-o plus the affected or recipient person marker in its usual place. Ik-o forms are not generally used to denote permanent characteristics or qualities. a. Ik-tikahbo. He didn’t get tired.

Negation with ik-o

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b. Ik-hachi-nukshopo. You (pl.) didn’t get scared. c. Ik-pi-nuklibesho. We didn’t lose our tempers. d. Ik-sa-hofahyo. I wasn’t ashamed. e. Ik-chi-bnno. You don’t want it. f. Sa-himmita kiyo. I’m not young. In negated Group 3 verbs the form of the recipient person marker amchanges to -sam- or -sa- after ik-. a. Ik-sam-achukmo. I don’t feel well. b. Ik-chimi-hakso-tuk. You didn’t forget. c. Ik-i-punno. He wasn’t skillful. d. Ik-hachim-ahowo. You (pl.) don’t think so. NEGATING CHOCTAW VERBS Group 1

Group 2

Group 3

ak-peso

ik-sa-bnno

ik-sam-achukmo

chik-peso

ik-chi-bnno

ik-chim-achukmo

ik-peso

ik-bnno

ik-im-achukmo

ke-peso

ik-pi-bnno

ik-pim-achukmo

hachik-peso

ik-hachi-bnno

ik-hachim-achukmo

Negating adjectives Besides verbs, adjectives may be negated with ik-o. Generally, negated adjectives that appear in a noun phrase are written without hyphens.

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Negation with ik-o

a. b. c. d.

ofi ikchito ‘a not-big dog’ iskli iklawo ‘not much money’ iti basha ikawato ‘a narrow (not-wide) board’ okhisa iktiwo ‘an unopened door’ Negated Clauses in Complex Sentences

In Choctaw we often have negated clauses in complex sentences, which frequently use forms of ik-o. Notice in these pairs of English sentences that negating the dependent clause yields a different meaning from negating the main clause: a. I told John not to eat the pie. (negative dependent clause) I didn’t tell John to eat the pie. (negative main clause) b. Mary said that Buddy didn’t want to go. Mary didn’t say that Buddy wanted to go. Similarly, in Choctaw a sentence often requires that a dependent clause rather than the main clause be negated. In the following examples the verbs of the dependent clauses are negated with a form of ik-o. The verbs of the main clauses are negated with either ik-o or kiyo. a. Iah ik-sa-bnno-kt im-anoli-li. I’m telling him that I don’t want to go. b. Iah sa-bnna-kt ak-im-anolo. I’m not telling him that I want to go. c. Iah sa-bnna-kt im-anoli-li kiyo. I’m not telling him that I want to go. ANUMPA Nouns achukkoa ahofobi ailibesha apaknali oklushi shakchi yakni hochukbi

[a-chúk-kwa] [a-ho-fó-bi] [ai-li-bé-sh] [-pk-ná-li] [ok-lu-shi] [shak-chi] [yak-ni-ho-chúk-bi]

‘passageway’ ‘deep place’ ‘warm place’ ‘surface’ ‘tribe; people’ ‘crawfish’ ‘cave; cavern’

Negation with ik-o

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Verbs ahanta aioklchi akuchawiha iakaya; yakaya kuchawiha lhipulli

[-ha-t] [ai-ók-l-chi] [a-ku-ch-wi-h] [ya-ká-y] [ku-ch-wi-h] [lhi-pul-li]

‘live; dwell (habitually)’ ‘settle people’ ‘move out from’ ‘follow; come next’ ‘move out’ ‘pass through’

Adverbs [-chá-k] [ont-isht-ái-o-pi]

achaka ont isht aiopi

‘next; succeeding’ ‘last; finally; going last’

Conjunctions amba keyukmt mihma

[a-ba] [ké-yuk-mt] [mih-ma]

‘however’ ‘rather; instead’ ‘and then’

Location Words (postpositions) imma

[im-m]

‘toward; about’

Idioms achukmat pisa falmmi okmahli hshi aiokatola hshi akochaka

[-chuk-mt-pi-s] [f-lm-mi] [ok-máh-li] [h-shi-ai-ok--tó-l] [h-shi-a-kó-ch-ka]

‘look carefully at; scrutinize’ ‘north’ ‘south’ ‘west’ ‘east’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Lhipulli Choctaw lacks a separate location word that means ‘through’. Instead, the verb lhipulli combines both the direction and the movement, to form a verb that means ‘pass through’ or ‘move through’. As frequently happens in Choctaw, a verb of motion serves as the main verb, with lhipulli appearing with the -t suffix.

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Negation with ik-o

Okfa lhipullit il-aya-tuk. We traveled through a valley. The cardinal directions The Choctaw words for the cardinal directions are very descriptive. Okmahli ‘south’, contracted from oka mahli ‘water wind’, hints at the presence of the Gulf of Mexico to the south of the Choctaw homeland in Mississippi. Hshi akochaka ‘place where the sun comes out’ describes, of course, the east. Hshi aiokatola ‘west’, contracted from hshi oka aiitola ‘place where the sun falls into the water,’ indicates that the Choctaw knew about the Pacific Ocean far to the west. The Ofi Tohbi origins myth (see page 187) also states explicitly that the ancient Choctaw immigrated from the west. (It is not clear what the origin of falmmi ‘north’ is.) The English word ‘direction’ is a bit confusing, since we use it to mean both the place and the direction. In Choctaw we add imma ‘toward’ and may optionally add pit or et to indicate direction. a. Falmmi imma pit ia. He’s going toward the north. He’s going northward. b. Okmahli imma et amiti. He’s coming (this way) from the south. Imma Besides ‘toward’, imma may be used to mean ‘about’ or ‘concerning’. a. Nananoa nakni tushka imma am-anumpoli-tuk. She told me a story about warriors. b. Holisso holhtina imma chompat ima-li-tuk. I bought and gave him a book about numbers. ABCHI Chi-anukfokah-o? Nananoa aiitimanumpoli-cha anumpa falama ikbi. (Read the following story and answer the questions about it.) Pilashash Chani-t itek pisat ayachitukt imi-haksi-tuk. Toksalit tahlih mt aiitatoba iat ilhpk chompa-tuk. Himmak ma ichukka falamat ia-cha

Negation with ik-o

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nanola hklo-tuk. Alhchibah ma, tli aiitimanumpoli pit haklo-na ymma anumpa falamichi-tuk. Chani itek-t ik-nayukpo-tukoke. “Katimi-ho chik’lotuk?” i-panaklo-tuk. “Pikanomi moma-kt ilppa binohlit chi-himona!” Chani-t i-nukhaklo alhi-tuk. Cheki-na tushpat hattak shali ishtia-cha itek ichukka ishtia-tuk. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Chani-t nanta imi-haksi-tuk? Chani-t nanta tikba yamihchi-tuk? Chani itek-t nayukpah-o? Itek-t Chani nanta i-panaklo-tuk? Kata’sh Chani i-himona-tuk?

ANUMPA LHPESA A. Give the ik-o negative form of each of the verbs in the following sentences. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

I didn’t say it. You didn’t fill it. He doesn’t believe it. He’s not breathing. You’re not bothering me. You (pl.) aren’t scared. I didn’t hide it. We didn’t scream. They didn’t make a sound You didn’t get up.

B. Translate these complex sentences into Choctaw. Remember to use a negative verb form to negate the dependent clause. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

I saw that my friend wasn’t smiling. The tribe knew that the hunter didn’t return. We believed that Mother didn’t want to cook dinner. The little girl hoped that her grandmother didn’t cry. The old man knew that the children didn’t build a proper house. Father remembered that he did not feed the cows. We gave thanks that the fire did not reach our land.

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Negation with ik-o

C. Write six sentences, using at least one new vocabulary word in each. Write one sentence each using the clause subordinators -kt, -ka, mt, ma, -cha, and -na. Translate each sentence into natural English. Holissochi Write a story on a theme of your choice. Include at least three negations using the ik-o form. Also include at least once complex sentence using mt /ma and one plural verb form.

CHAPTER 20

Adverbials with -osh and -o

NANANOA: Ofi Tohbi ‘The White Dog’ Hshi hopaki ash, itibapishi tuklo, Chahta anoti Chikasha-t Alikchi Hopaii-t anumpa anoli-ka haklo-cha Chahta lheha, hshi aiokatolaka imma asha-tok ma, pehlichit, hshi akucha imma miti-tok. Hshi falaya palmmi-ho, nittak anoti ninak-t kapssa anoti lshpa-ho oklah itanahowat lhipulli-tok. Ninak achffa mah, ofi tohbi-t ont i-haiyoka-cha; ninak okma, kanimma Hopaii-t tbi hilechik ma ofi tohbi-t akishtla itolat nusih bekatokosh; onnahinli okma tani-cha hshi akuchaka imma pit binilih beka-tok miha. Kaniohmikma ofi mah okla ofi ‘ofi tohbi’, keyukmt ‘tnp ofi’ hochifok ma; ila-kt ‘ofi aiishthullo’ hochifo-atok. Ofi tohbi-yt akaniohmi alhi-tuka anoa anoti holisso-kt lwa. Kanimikt Misipi pit tanblachih mt iti pehta ikbi-tuko, bok-t shalit kania-tok, achi. Kanimi-kt oklushi ila tnp-t bi-tok, achi, anoti, kanimi-kt Chikasha ont ibachffat ia-tok, achi. Ilap-akosh am-anoa: Onnahinli achffah ma, alikchi itbi kanimma hilechi-tok. Ymma, apissat hikia, Ofi Tohbi-yt illi-yosh itola-ho, oklah ahayuchi-tok, miha. Atuko, ninak ba shotik pit ish-pisak ma, ofi tohbi anowa ish-pisahinla, miha.

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[Many years ago, two brothers, Chahta and Chickasaw, listened to the prophecy of a prophet shaman and led the Choctaws, who lived in the west, to move toward the east. They walked through hot and cold days and nights; it was a harsh year. One night, a white dog appeared to them. At night, wherever the shaman staked his staff, the white dog would sleep at the base of it. And on the morn, he would be up, and, it was said, he was always sitting facing the east. Sometimes they called the dog ‘white dog’ or ‘war dog’; others called him ‘miracle dog.’ There are many sayings and writings about what happened to the white dog. Some say when they were crossing the Mississippi they made a raft for him and the river carried him off. Some say an enemy tribe killed him, and some say he joined with the Chickasaws. This is what I was told. One morning the shaman planted his staff somewhere. There, where it was standing erect, they found the white dog lying dead. And so it is said, if you look up into the sky you can see the white dog’s tracks (which are also known as the Milky Way).] Henry Willis ANUMPA LHPESA The Uses of -osh and -o One of the most important grammatical markers in Choctaw is the pair -osh and -o. This pair has many uses, all of them related in a very general way. We have already seen two of its uses in introducing subjects that are indefinite and those that begin with ka- questions: a. Kata-hosh chi-apelachi? Who will help you? b. Nita ushta-hosh bok bilika binohli. There are four bears sitting near the river. In general -osh is a particle that means ‘be’ and is marked for the subject, while -o is marked for “not subject” or “different subject.” However, it may never be used to mean ‘is’ the way the verb is used in English. It is not a verb, but a particle that introduces certain kinds of clauses. Among these clauses are adverbial clauses, focus clauses, and nonrestrictive relative clauses (discussed in chapter 22).


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Manner Adverbs and Adverbial Clauses One of the most important functions of -osh/-o is to mark all types of adverbials, including manner adverbs and adverbial clauses. We have already been introduced to a manner adverb as an idiom in chapter 3, when we learned to say plhki-hosh balili ‘it runs fast’. Adverbials of all kinds indicate the way something occurs. Since manner adverbs generally refer to the subject of a sentence, in Choctaw they are marked with -hosh. (The student will recall that predicative words in Choctaw very often carry the predicate suffix -h. For ease of spelling, we will continue to write -h-osh as -hosh.) The following Choctaw sentences all include a manner adverb. These correspond with English manner adverbs, which generally are formed with the -ly suffix. a. Shukta-yt slaha-hosh nowat ia-tuk. The opossum walked away slowly. b. lla lheha-ht nayukpa-hosh washoha. The children are playing happily. c. Nita okpolo-ht nukoa-hosh balilit kania-tuk. The bad bear angrily ran away. Such adverbs may be placed at the front of the sentence to change the stylistic effect. Adverbial clauses Clauses and phrases as well as words may be used adverbially. In English there are a large number of ways to construct such clauses, but in Choctaw these clauses are introduced with -osh -o or one of their compounds. Notice how many ways adverbial clauses may be constructed in this set of English sentences. In all these cases the clauses describe the subject. a. The skunk, feeling hungry, began to look for food. b. My father, who was resting quietly in bed, heard a loud noise. c. As he made his way to the door, Alfie suddenly realized his predicament. d. Being the man he was, Grandpa kept silent. e. Our friends, having just returned from Mississippi, were exhausted. f. I filed my nails while watching television.

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Choctaw adverbial clauses that pertain to the subject are marked with -hosh. a. Sanakfish-t, hattak himitta-hosh, iskli bnna. My younger brother, being a young man, needs money. b. Hshki-t, tikahbit taha-hosh, binilit foha-tuk. Mother, being completely exhausted, sat down to rest. c. Ahokni-t, ichukka falamat aya-hosh, nita pisa-tuk. My aunt, as she was returning to her house, saw a bear. d. Ilhpk kuchawehli-li-hosh, akka sa-’ttula-tuk. While taking out the groceries, I fell down. e. Ish-talohowa-hosh ahoponi ish-kashoffi-tuk. You cleaned the kitchen while you sang. or While you sang, you cleaned the kitchen. Adverbial clauses that modify a different subject Many adverbial clauses describe conditions in a human subject’s environment. These clauses have their own subjects, but they do not pertain to the subject—often human—of the main clause, so they are marked with -ho. a. Omba-ho, balilit lumat ia-li-tuk. I ran to hide as it rained. b. Hshi-t tomi palmmi-ho kowi imma nowat il-ilhkoli-tuk. As the sun shone strongly, we walked toward the woods. c. lla lheha-ht washohat asha moma-ho, e-toksali. While the children play, we work. d. ‘Hshi falaya palmmi-ho, nittk anoti ninak-t kapssa anoti lshpaho, oklah itanahowat lhipulli-tok.’ (literally) ‘The time being extremely long, the days and the nights being cold and hot, they moved through together.’ Adverbs made with the verbal -t form The -t form of verbs and adjectives is often translated into English as an adverb referring to the subject. a. Nanapoksia yammt chitolit toksali. That mechanic works hard.


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b. Sapokni-t lumat taloa-tuk. Grandmother hummed (sang quietly). c. Piti ossi-yt nukshopat tli nuta aluma-tuk. The little mouse hid, scared, under a rock. Nouns in Focus Another use of -osh and -o is to emphasize nouns by putting them in focus. -osh is used as the subject marker when the focused noun is the subject. Just as -t is often pronounced -yt, -osh and -o are often pronounced -yosh and -yo. Compare these sentences, noting the different usages: a. Wak-t woha. The cow is lowing. b. Wak-osh woha. It’s a cow that’s lowing. c. Okhina eho-pisa. We (all) see a waterway. d. Okhina-yo eho-pisa. It’s a waterway we (all) see. The English equivalent to focus is the construction ‘It’s (—) that . . .’ Marking definiteness with -osh and -o compounds Choctaw has many ways to mark definiteness. One important set uses the -osh/-o markers with definiteness markers to form compounds that can be used as focus markers or as markers of nonrestrictive relative clauses, another kind of noun emphasis. COMPOUNDS WITH -OSH AND -O -osh (subj.)

-akosh (subj.)

-o (nonsubj.) -ako (nonsubj.)

ilppakosh (subj.)

ymmakosh (subj.)

ilppako (nonsubj.) ymmako (nonsubj.)

‘it’s (—) that’ ‘it’s the (—) that’ ‘it’s this (—) that’

‘it’s that (—) that’

Definiteness in a focused noun is specified with one of the compounds. Remember in translating focused nouns that the English focused noun is

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always moved to the front of the sentence, whether it is the subject or an object. In Choctaw the grammatical status of the noun—whether it is a subject or an object—is marked with -osh or -o. a. Aki-akosh si-apela-tuk. It was Dad who helped me. b. Meli-ako apela-lachi. It is Mary I will help. c. Miko-akosh hachi-pehlachi. It’s the chief who will direct you (pl.). In Choctaw individuals are considered inherently definite and so take the definite marker -ak-. (In English individuals are considered to be inherently definite too, but that does not permit the use of the with proper names.) The definite markers made with ilpp- and ymm- may be reduced to -pakosh; -pako and -makosh; -mako. a. Iti tanampo-pako sa-bnna. It’s this bow I want. b. Hattak-makosh ohoyo-pako apela. It’s this woman that man is helping. or That man is helping this woman. c. Mahli ilppakosh si-ataklammi. It’s this wind that’s detaining me. Since the definite + o markers, such as -pako, may appear on a noun anywhere in the sentence, a sentence such as b above may be translated either with one of the focused nouns moved to the front, as is obligatory in English, or not, in which case the sense of focus must be inferred in the English translation. In English we cannot have more than one focused noun in a sentence. a. Chulhkan-makosh shoshi pa bi-tuk. It was that spider that killed this bug. b. Fichik ymmako nink ayokalik ma pisa-li. It’s that star I look at every night. c. Chani-t ichukka ofi-mako ishtona-tuk. It was that dog Johnny took home. or Johnny took that dog home.


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Indefinite Subjects and Interrogative Words We have already looked at -osh as a subject marker for indefinite subjects (chapter 14) and interrogative words (chapter 6). We may now treat both these topics as part of the general function of -osh and -o. Indefinite subjects Nouns with quantifying modifiers, such as numerals, take -osh as a subject marker when the subject is not definite. There is no parallel construction for indefinite objects. Issito talhapi-hosh osapa maya. There are five pumpkins sitting in the field. or Five pumpkins are sitting in the field. (As an accident of English translation, we do not say ‘it is five pumpkins sitting in the field’.) When an amount is definite and is a subject, -kt (or more rarely -yt) is used. Issito talhapi-kt osapa maya. Five of the pumpkins are sitting in the field. A definite object may take -ka, if it is part of a group (partitive) or a/-ya. a. Iti tbi achffa-ka ishtia-li-tuk. I took one of the walking sticks. b. Iti tpa-ya il-ishtia-tuk. We took the stick. Interrogative words -hosh and -ho may mark an interrogative word in any position. Sometimes they are obligatory, as with all subjects and with katimi-ho ‘why?’ and katiohmi-hosh ‘how?’ (see chapter 6). a. Kata-ho pisat ish-iachi? Who is it that you are going to see? b. Ninakash nanta-ho isht ish-aholhpokunna-tuk? What is it that you dreamed about last night?

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c. Katimi-ho hattak shali-ya kachit hachim-anukfila-tuk? Why is it that you (pl.) decided to sell the car? d. Kata-hosh takkon shua chompa-tuk? Who was it that bought these spoiled peaches? e. Chipokni-t issito katohmi-ho hokchi-tuk? How many pumpkins was it your grandmother planted? ANUMPA Nouns akishtla alikchi hopaii chulhkan issito iti pehta iti tbi oklushi onnahinli shataba shinuk

[ak-isht--l] [-lik-chi-ho-pái] [chulh-kn] [ís-si-tu] [i-ti-péh-t] [i-ti-t-bi] [ok-lu-shi] [on-n-hí-li] [shá-ta-b] [shi-nuk]

‘base; lower end’ ‘shaman prophet’ ‘spider’ ‘pumpkin; squash’ ‘raft’ ‘staff; walking stick’ ‘tribe, people’ ‘morning’ ‘base’ ‘sand’

Verbs akaniohmi howa ibachffa tanbli tani woha

[a-k-ni-óh-mi] [ho-w] [i-bá-chf-f] [ta-nb-li] [ta-ni] [wo-h]

‘do; act; bring about’ ‘smell (something)’ ‘join with’ ‘cross over’ ‘get up’ ‘bark; howl; yelp (animals only)’

Adjectives apissa ayukali chipita hochito lumasi walohbi

[a-pis-s] [a-yu-ká-li] [chi-pí-t] [ho-chi-tu] [lu-má-si] [wa-lóh-bi]

‘straight; erect’ ‘each’ ‘small (pl.)’ ‘big (pl.)’ ‘soft; quiet’ ‘flexible; tender’


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Adverbs akanimi kanimikma loshommi lumasit momit

[a-k-né-mi] [k-né-mik-ma] [lu-shom-mi] [lu-má-sit] [mo-mít]

palmmi

[p-lm-mi]

‘somehow’ ‘sometimes’ ‘completed; finished’ ‘softly; quietly’ ‘all the way; completely achieved; thoroughly’ ‘extremely’

Idioms binoht maya im-asha ish-pisahinla kanimi-kt

[bi-nóht-mái-y] [im-á-sh] [ish-pi-sa-hí-l] [k-ní-mi-kt]

‘be sitting there (pl.)’ ‘have (pl. things)’ (Group 3) ‘you can see’ ‘some of them’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Im-asha and other forms of ‘have’ The Choctaws have many ways of saying ‘have’, depending on whether the possessed object can be held in the hand, is large, is stationary, is alive, or is singular or plural. Ishi is used for singular objects that can be held in the hands. Sholush himona ishi-li. I have new shoes. Nearly any verb of position may be used with a recipient person marker to give a form of have. I-hikia is used for singular large objects, but not for buildings. Hattak shali himona chi-hikia. You have a new car. I-talaia may be used for large stationary items such as buildings. Chukka himona pi-talaia. We have a new house.

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Im-tta is used for singular things that are alive. Ofosik lusa pim-tta. We have a black puppy. Im-asha is used for plural items in general. I-maya is preferred by some for live things. lla chim-ashah-o? Do you have children? Notice that except for ishi, all these verbs are Group 3, so the person who has something is a recipient subject and marked with the recipient person marker. When quantifying words are used with indefinite plural, possessed objects, construction with -hosh marking the possessed object is used. a. Ohoyo mt katos ushta-hosh i-maya. That woman has four cats. b. Akanomi lwa-hosh a-maya. I have a lot of relatives. Animal sounds Choctaw has a word, woha, that is used in a general way to mean the calling, sonorous sound that some animals make. So, woha means ‘bark’ when referring to dogs; ‘moo’ when referring to cows; ‘howl’ when referring to wolves, and so forth. It does not refer to growling or other special sounds that animals may make. Generally, cats and birds do not ‘woha’. a. Nashoba-akosh woha. It’s the wolf howling. b. Wak-makosh woha-tuk. It was that cow that lowed. Adverbs that express degree A number of synomymous adverbs in Choctaw express the notion ‘complete’ or ‘all the way’. When used with a verb or predicative adjective, these adverbs may take the -t suffix. They may be used with other degree expressions such as tahli or kania.


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a. Hattak himitta-yt lhamko palmmi. The young man is extremely strong. b. Aki-t toksalih loshommit tahli-tuk. Father completely finished working. Momit, a contraction of momichit, always appears in the -t form. a. Nanapoksia-t natoksali momit tahli-cha issa-tuk. That repairman completely finished the work and quit. b. Takkon momit pa-tuk. He completely ate up the peaches. ABCHI Chi-anukfokkah-o? Nananoa aiitimanumpoli-cha anumpa falama ikbi. Amofosik-osh a-kania-tuk. Katimmakako aluma? Chukka nuta hoyo-lih ma ofosik mt ymma iksho-tuk. Amofosik hoyo-kt sa-tikahbih mt haksichilachi-kt am-anukfila-tuk. Wak nipi hoponit ishtia-lachi-ho, amofosik-t nipi ma howak mt balilit mitachi. 1. Nanta-ho ahayuchi-li? 2. Katimmakako hoyo-li-tuk? 3. Katiohmi-ho ofosik haksichi-lachi? Anumpa lhpesa A. Change each of these sentences to one using a focused noun in Choctaw. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

The water froze. That horse kicked me. I hauled corn. We dug this hole. A glass broke.

B. Translate each sentence into natural English. There may be several correct ways to translate them.

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Hushi moma-kt haksoba-hosh taloa. Sshki-t okcha-hosh hushi moma pit haklo-tuk. Achukmali-hosh aboha kashoffi-li-tuk. Iti-t lua-ho nananoa il-anoli. Tofa-yt ona-ho nawaya il-aiowa-tuk.

C. Give Choctaw translations for the following sentences. There may be more than one correct way to translate them. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

I have two dogs. Do you have a new hat? We have a new house. How many children do you have? I think that John has a car. Holissochi

Write a story on a theme of your choice. Include at least one focused noun, at least one manner adverb, and at least one adverbial clause. Also include at least one predicate negated with a form of ik-o.

CHAPTER 21

The Potential Mood

NANANOA: Shukta Ishtanoa ‘The Opossum Story’ Himonah ma, shukta hasimbish-t tohbit wanukshot pisa achukmah bieka-tok. Hihkia shukta im-anukfila-kt yakni paknaka nana-t aiasha moma-ka hasimbish pisachukma i-shahlih bnna-tok. Nittak achffa ma, shukta-yt abohli atat aya mah, shawi hohchffoyt ilhpk abohli hoyot aya-ho afama-tok. Shukta-yt hasimbish pisa achukma-ho, shawi-t ishih pisah mt ilap akkia shawi hasimbish holba-ho bnna-tok. Anukfillih naha mt shawi i-panaklo-kt, “Katiomichi-hosh chihasimbish ish-pisachukmali-tuk?” im-achi-tok. Ahma shawi ashot, toshpat nana pahinla-kt ahayuchih bnna-hosh aya atukosh shukta-yt ataklama-yo ik-bnnoh mt ilppako im-anoli-tok, “Bokushi ma paki pi-t hiohmaya-ka achffat ish-lobffi-cha chihasimbish ish-afohommit ish-tahlih mt luak ish-tikilichik ma chihasimbish-t pisa achukmahinla. Atuko shukta-yt yimmitat kania-hosh, balilit bokushi paki pi ont lobbit hasimbish afohommit tahli-cha luak hasimbish tikilichi mah, hishi momit hokmit tahli-tok. Mkatuk alhih ma, shukta hasimbish-t halsbi billiah chatuk. Ilppakosh am-anoa.

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The Potential Mood

[Once, the opossum’s tail used to be white and fluffy and beautiful. Even so, in the opossum’s mind he wanted the best-looking tail in all the world. One day, while the opossum was ambling around in the forest undergrowth, he met a hungry raccoon searching for food in the undergrowth. The opossum saw that the raccoon had a beautiful tail, and he wanted a tail just like it. After thinking awhile, he asked the raccoon, “How did you make your tail so pretty?” And so, because that raccoon, who wanted to hurry to find something to eat, didn’t want to be bothered by the opossum, he told him, “At that creek there are grapevines growing; pull up one of them and bind up your tail completely, and then touch fire to it, and then your tail can be beautiful.” And so it was that the opossum, all excited, ran to the creek, went and pulled up a grapevine and completed wrapping up his tail, set fire to it, and then his fur burned completely off. Since then, the opossum’s tail has always been slick. So I’ve been told.] Version by Henry Willis ANUMPA LHPESA What Is the ‘Potential Mood’? Besides tense and aspect, verbs in many languages are marked for mood. In English the potential mood is marked with auxiliary or modal verbs such as can, could, might, should, and would and compound auxiliaries such as could have, might have, would have, should have been, and the like. In the following set of English sentences, notice the difference in mood between the sentences in indicative mood and those in potential mood. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. j.

John helped his father. (indicative) John could have helped his father. (potential) I am working this semester. (indicative) I can work this semester. (potential) That car costs twenty thousand dollars. (indicative) That car would cost twenty thousand dollars. (potential) The movie is over. (indicative) The movie should be over. (potential) Sylvia was resting. (indicative) Sylvia might have been resting. (potential)

The Potential Mood

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The potential mood marker -ahinla The most important Choctaw potential mood marker is the suffix -ahinla. This marker is similar to -achi both in form and in meaning: both refer to events that have not happened, and both appear as suffixes on the verb root. a. Chan-t kaa-ya achefachi. John will wash the car. b. Chan-t kaa-ya achefahinla. John can/could wash the car. In the example above, both Choctaw sentences describe John as washing the car sometime in the future; achefahinla suggests that ‘John is able to wash the car’, while achefachi makes a firmer prediction that he will in fact wash the car. Like -achi, -ahinla attaches to the verb stem, causing the final vowel of the verb stem to be deleted. The person marker -li loses its vowel, forming -lahinla. a. Taloahinla. He can sing. b. Toksali-lahinla. I can work. c. Iti ma ish-chalahinla. You can chop that wood. d. Is-sa-pisahinla. You can see me. e. Achukmahinla. It would be good. f. Ombahinla. It might rain. Hinla, as well as chi, may appear alone as a predicate if the main verb is understood. a. Hinlah-o? Can he? Is it possible? Can it be?

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b. Chih-o? Will he? Will it? -ahinla may appear with past- or present-tense markers. a. Ahattak-t toksalahinla-tuk. My husband could have worked. b. Is-si-apelahinla-tuk. You could have helped me. The emphatic marker -shke may be added to give the sense of compelling moral force. Is-si-apelahinlashke! You ought to help me! Achi ahinla and ahinlachi ‘will be able to’ We get the sense of ‘will be able to’ by compounding -achi and -ahinla to make achi ahinla. This form is often contracted to achihinla. a. llanakni mt takkon hokupachi ahinla. That boy will be able to steal peaches. b. Akanomi pisat aya-lachi ahinla. I’ll be able to visit my relatives. Choctaw also permits the compound ahinlachi, which also means ‘will be able to’ but has a somewhat different usage. Ahinlachi implies that one will overcome some problem in order to do something. a. Hattak mt anumpolachihinla. The man will be able to speak. (Implies that he is prepared to speak.) b. Hattak mt anumpolahinlachi. The man will be able to speak. (Implies that he will overcome some difficulty so that he will be able to speak.) c. Chikanomi pisat ish-ayahinlachi. You’ll be able to visit your relatives. d. Anakfi-t kaa apoksiahinlachi. My brother will be able to fix the car.

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The potential mood marker -aheAnother important potential mood marker is -ahe- (also spelled -ahi), which carries a stronger sense of obligation. It may be translated with ‘ought’ or ‘should’. -ahe- appears with many other markers to form a large array of compounds, and it cannot stand alone. It may appear with the predicative -a- or with a past-tense marker, and it may also appear with -achi or -ahinla to give finer distinctions. Like -ahinla and -achi, it appears suffixed to the verb stem and causes the deletion of the final stem vowel. a. Chi-apela-lahe-tuk. I should have helped you. b. Is-si-apelahe-tuk. You should have helped me. c. Ahattak-t toksalahe-tuk. My husband should have worked. Ahe-tuk ahinla and ahinlahe-tuk ‘should have been able’ and ‘was supposed to have’ Ahinla may be placed after a verb with the -ahe-tuk suffixes to give the meaning ‘should have been able to’. The order of the compound may also be ahinlahe-tuk. Both compounds give the sense of ‘should have been in a condition to do something’. It may sometimes be translated as ‘was supposed to have’. a. Is-si-apelahetuk ahinla. You should have been able to help me. b. Ahattak-t toksalahe-tuk ahinla. My husband should have been able to work. c. Ilhpk ish-chompahinlahe-tuk. You should have been able to buy groceries. d. Abeka apisachi-t okhish amahinlahe-tuk. The nurse was supposed to have given me medicine. The Negative Potential Mood Marker -ahekeyu To give the sense of something’s being not possible, we use a special negative marker. The most important of these is -ahekeyu, which may have other spellings. This suffix appears in the same position as the other potential mood markers and causes the deletion of the final stem vowel. We do not use kiyo to negate verbs that contain either ahinla or achi.

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a. Ahe hoponit ish-achukmalahekeyu. You can’t cook potatoes well. b. Ikhish mt si-apelahekeyu-tuk. That medicine wasn’t able to help me. c. Sshki anoti aki-t pi-pisat ayahekeyu. My mother and father cannot visit us. Kanima ‘May’ or ‘Might’ By adding other words we can give nuance to mood markers. One way to better express the English auxiliaries may and might is with the use of kanima. Kanima is not a mood marker, but is used with -achi, -ahinla, and -ahekeyu and is placed after the tense marker. a. Si-abekachi kanima. I might become sick. b. Hattak mt toksalahinla-tuk kanima. That man might have worked. c. Hilhahekeyu kanima. He may not be able to dance. The Hypothetical Marker -k As we discussed earlier, the Choctaw language is sensitive to whether something has factually occurred or is hypothetical. Besides the array of future and potential markers, the hypothetical marker -k appears on both time words and verbs to indicate the future or the fact that something is hypothetical. We have already seen -k used in the time markers -kma and kash (with various spellings). a. Katimikma ish-onachi? When will you arrive there? b. Satitikma ona-lachi. I’ll get there next Saturday. When something is habitual in the present and continues on into the future, the time adverbs and conjunctions are usually marked with -k. a. Kanimikma tmaha ia-li. Sometimes I go to town.

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b. lla lheha-yt chukka aylak ma, il-impah beka. When the children get home, we usually eat. Notice in the two examples above that the actual time of the event is not specified. Similarly, when something was habitual in the past, -k is used with a pasttense marker. Ninak ayukalik ma aki-t wak ipetak mt issoba oka i-talali-tok. Every night, my father would feed the cows and give the horses water. or Every night, my father fed the cows and gave the horses water. Notice in the above example that the speaker is not specifying any particular time when his father did these chores, only that they happened at one time or another in the past. Sentences that convey this sense of “whenever” require the -k marker on time words and on any verbs that would take the -h predication marker in complex sentences. The student may have noticed that -k is used in many of the same places where -h appears; the difference is that -h marks the indicative mood and -k marks the potential mood. -k as ‘if’ When the potential mood is used to make a conditional sentence, -k is used in place of -h on the verb in the clause that expresses the condition. The -k marker may be translated as ‘if’. Ish-’pak mt, chi-abekahinla. If you eat it, you could get sick. Compare the sentence above with a factual sentence, noting the appearances of -k and -h in each: pah mt abeka-tuk. When he ate it he got sick. Admonitions may be made using a potential mood marker and the -na marker, the same one used in negative commands (see chapter 12). a. Oka kapssa ish-awashoha-na chi-abekahinlahoke! Don’t play in the cold water, or you’ll surely get sick!

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b. Is-sa-hksichi-na is-sa-nukoachahinla kanima! Don’t trick me, or you might make me angry! ANUMPA Nouns abohli aseta ishtholmo ishtailhpesa misa shinuk

[a-boh-li] [a-se-t] [isht-hól-mu] [isht-ai-lh-pé-s] [mi-s] [shi-nuk]

‘undergrowth of a forest’ ‘rope’ ‘roof; shingles’ ‘sign’ ‘scar’ ‘sand’

Verbs afama afohommi apesa

[-fá-m] [a-fu-hóm-mi] [-pé-s]

hiohmaya hokupa i-talali lobbi tikilichi

[he-oh-mái-y] [hó-ku-p] [i-t-lá-li] [lub-bi] [ti-ké-li-chi]

‘meet’ ‘bind up; hem; wrap around’ ‘measure; judge; decide; make a ruling’ ‘stand around (pl. animate)’ ‘steal’ ‘place before; serve to’ ‘uproot’ ‘touch the ends together; press against’

Adjectives halupa hawshko homi wanuksho yimmita

[h-lú-p] [h-w´sh-ku] [ho-mi] [wa-nuk-shu] [yím-mi-t]

‘sharp’ ‘sour; acidic’ ‘sour; bitter; salty’ ‘fluffy; woolly; kinky’ ‘zealous; excited; aroused’

Adverbs ahma chatuk

[áh-ma] [chá-tuk]

‘and so’ ‘has ever been’

The Potential Mood

hihkia mkatuk alhih ma

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[híh-ky] [m-k-tuk-á-lhih-ma]

‘even so’ ‘since then’

Idioms ttat aya

[t-tt-ái-y]

atuko ilap akia katiomichi-hosh paki pi pisachukma i-shahli

[á-tuk-o] [i-lap-á-ky] [ka-ti-ó-mi-hosh] [pa-ki--pi] [pi-s-chuk-m-i-shah-li]

‘hang around; wander around’ ‘and so it was’ ‘just like his’ ‘how do you (do it)?’ ‘grapevines’ ‘prettier than’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Apesa Apesa, sometimes spelled apisa, is a Choctaw word with a very large number of meanings. Apesa may mean ‘measure; decide; judge; rule; regulate; test’ and other synonyms having to do with inspecting and scrutinizing. Apesa forms a number of compounds, among them nanishtapesa ‘ruler or other instrument of measure’; apesachi ‘oversee’; and nanapesa ‘judge (officer of the court)’. Apesa is also related to lhpesa ‘proper’. lhpesa means ‘to have been measured, decided, judged,’ and so forth. a. Nanapesa-yt pimataklama imma anukfilli. The judge is thinking about our problem. b. Ippoknakni iskli imachi-kt apesa-tuk. He decided that he would give money to his grandson. c. Miko-t pimaiatoksali apesachi. The chief oversees our workplace. ABCHI Chi-anukfokkah-o? Nananoa aiitimanumpoli-cha anumpa falama ikbi. Afmmi achffa-kash Chahta Anumpa iknat hiket iloh-ishtia-tuk. Anumpoli-kt ik-hapi-punno. Holisso iloh-aiitimanumpolih mt naniknachi

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elo-hklo-tuk. Chahta Anumpa lawa iloh-ikhna-cha himakano achukmat iloh-anumpolahinla. 1. 2. 3. 4.

Katimi-kash Chahta Anumpa ikhnat hiket iloh-ishtia-tuk? Hapi-punna-tuk-o? Nanta eho-yamihchi-tuk? Kata-hosh hapi-ikhnachi-tuk? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Change each of these sentences so that it is in the potential mood, using any of the potential mood markers, then translate each into English. There may be more than one correct way to translate the sentences. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Falmmi imma pehlichit ishtia-tuk. llanakni mt issito hokupa. lla lheha-kt shinuk awashoha. Koni ish-howah-o? Tbi halupa hokupa-tuk. Aseta falaya is-sam-ishtla-tuk. Ishtholmo il-o-binohli. Hshi akochaka imma nowat hash-itiachi. Pishokchi hawshko ishko-li kiyo. Chulhkan ilppa ish-bi-tuk kiyo.

B. Give the Choctaw for the following sentences. 1. 2. 3. 4.

I live in the north. We traveled south(ward). The people were traveling eastward. They looked toward the west.

C. Use the correct location word in the following sentences. 1. 2. 3. 4.

I read a book about birds. Our leader walked ahead. That sign is in front of your house. My car is on the other side of town.

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5. Those squirrels are sitting between two rocks. 6. I saw a spider under the bed. Holissochi Write a story on a theme of your choice. Include at least one potential mood marker, at least one complex sentence joined with mt/ma, at least one complex sentence joined with -cha/-na, and at least one verbal -t form. Check the aspect marking of all verbs.

CHAPTER 22

Relative Clauses

NANANOA: Shukta anoti Nita ‘The Opossum and the Bear’ Hshtula achffa mah, nittak-t kapssa-ka oka-yt kalampit kania-ho nita-yt hochffo alhi-hosh bok abaiyat aya-tokosh shukta-yt, bok apotaka nni impa-hosh binili-ho, o-wakayat pisa-tok miha. Shukta-yt champulahinla ahnih hokakosh nni yakosh champuli-kt im-i-shahli-tok. Nita-yt, shukta-t nni hokli-ka pisa chatuk kiyo atokosh, micha peh kaniohmichi-hosh oka-yt kalampit kania-ya nni lwat aiahokli-tuka anukfohka kiyoh mt ikhanah bnna-cha, “Oka-yt okti beka-ka katiohmichi-hosh nni ma lawachit ish-hokli-tuk?” shukta-ya i-panaklo-tok. Yohmih ma shukta-yt nanikayo-hosh binnili nahah ma nita-yt imalhchibat nukoahinlat taha-cha, “Chik-sam-anolo hokma chishnako pat chitahli-lachihoke,” im-achi-tok. Yohmih kia shukta-yt, shawi-t tikba-ka haksichi-na hasimbish hishi aiukli pisa-kt isht i-kania-tukt ikhaiyanah moma atokosh, nita-ya afololichit haksichih bnna-tuk micha itakyuinlit ipunnat kania-hosh, “Tli ish-ieshi-cha okti ma bolit chiluk ish-ikbik mt chiasimbish-a pit ish-fokki-na weki fehnak ma hallat ish-kuchik ma nni lwaho ish-yukachahinla,” im-achih mt pist kania-tok. Hshi mak fokali-ka nita hasimbish-t falaya atok. Nita-yt anukfillit taiyahlih mt tli chito ieshi-cha okti yatuk ma bolit chiluk ikbih mt imihasimbish chiluk ma pit fokkit nni i-himonat binili-na alhchibatok miha. Kapssa atoko chekosi-ho oka-yt hasimbish akalampit taha mah ikwakaiyo-hosh binnili-na alhchibah mt, kana-yt cheki-na lat apelachi kiyoh 210

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onat tahah ma hasimbish halllit kuchit pisa-tokako okti-t hasimbish i-mokoffahekeyu mah i-shahlit chitot halllit ilhkoli mah hasimbish-t okti akobafat tapana hasimbish kolofa-yosh anuktoklot nukoat kania-hosh abohli pit kania-tok miha. Nittak mkatuk alhih ma nita hasimbish-t yoskololi fehna billia chatok. Ymmakosh am-anoa. [It is said one wintry day it was so cold the water was frozen over, and a very hungry bear was walking along the side of a river and came upon an opossum sitting by the river feasting on fish. His thought was the opossum would be tasty but the fish was more appealing. The bear had never seen an opossum catch fish before and he didn’t understand, but he wanted to know just how the opossum could catch so many fish from the water when it was frozen, so he asked the opossum, “How did you catch so many fish when the water is all iced up?” So then the opossum sat there taking his time, and the bear, becoming tiresome and irritable, said to him, “If you don’t tell me I will eat you up.” However, because the opossum still remembered how the raccoon had deceived him before, causing him the loss of the beautiful hair from his tail, he wanted to turn the trick on the bear, and with a sly grin he said, “Take a rock and pound a hole in the ice and put your tail in there, and when it becomes heavy, pull it out and you will have caught a lot of fish,” and then he left. Back in those years the bears had long tails. After the bear contemplated this, it is said, he took a rock and pounded a hole in the ice, put his his own tail in the hole, and waited for the fish for awhile. It was so cold that the water soon froze to his tail and he could not get up. He sat there for awhile. When no one would come to help he tried to pull his tail out, but the ice wouldn’t let go of his tail and when he moved to pull harder his tail snapped off in the ice, and, all embarrassed and angry with a stubby tail, he disappeared into the thickets. Unto this day bears always have very short tails. This is what I’ve been told.] Henry Willis ANUMPA LHPESA What Are Relative Clauses? We are familiar with adjectives as modifiers of nouns. But often we wish to modify or describe a noun using clauses, which are very similar to

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sentences in that they contain a predicate. In the following set of English sentences, notice that one of the nouns is modified by a clause, which describes it. A noun modified by a relative clause may be in virtually any position in the sentence. a. I saw a house that I liked a lot. b. The cat that chased the mouse is looking at us. c. Agatha grew many flowers in the garden that her grandmother planted. d. The president whom Lil admires most is Lincoln. The most common relativizer, or word that joins a relative clause to the main clause, in English is that. Who, whom, or whose are used when referring to a person. The relative clauses in the above example pick out and define—or restrict—one object among many, so they are called restrictive relative clauses. Another kind of descriptive clause does not pick out one object from a field of possibilities, but instead describes a unique object. Such clauses are called nonrestrictive relative clauses, as in the example below: Aunt Martha, who lives near us, visits often. My dog, whose name is Spot, thinks he’s one of the family. Jake likes to work in his garden, which is beautiful to behold. Notice in these examples that we are not picking out Aunt Martha from all the other Aunt Marthas, nor Spot from all my other dogs, nor Jake’s beautiful garden from the rest of his gardens. But in English, nonrestrictive relative clauses may be hard to distinguish because they are formed in almost the same way, with most of the same relativizers. Choctaw makes a very clear distinction between restrictive and nonrestrictive relative clauses, as we will see in the next two sections. Choctaw Relative Clauses In Choctaw the relativizer -kt or -ka is used to pick out an object from a field of possibilities—that is, to form restrictive relative clauses. The choice of -kt or -ka depends on whether the subjects of the two clauses are the same or different. There is no separate form used for human beings. The relativizer -kt or -ka is placed after the relative clause. If the relative clause modifies

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the subject, the subject-marked relativizer -kt is the only subject marker needed. If the past-tense marker is used, the form of the relativizer becomes -tukt or -tuka. a. Hattak si-apela-tukt tmaha tta. The man who helped me lives in town. b. Ofi katos lhioli-tuka pisa-li. I see the dog that chased the cat. c. Issoba-yt hashuk champuli-ka pa-kt im-achukma. A horse likes to eat grass that’s sweet. d. Nanikhnachi holisso lawa-ho chim-ishtla-tukt pim-anumpolachi. The teacher who brought you many books will speak to us. Choctaw relative clauses look very much like the dependent clauses that we have studied earlier. The practical difference between relative clauses and dependent clauses in both Choctaw and English is that dependent clauses join complete sentences, containing two subjects and two predicates, while relative clauses describe a noun and do not form complete sentences by themselves. To form a restrictive relative clause: — place the relative clause after the noun that it describes; — join the relative clause to the rest of the sentence with -kt if the subjects of the clauses are the same; — join with -ka if the subjects are different. Okfochush tanchi pa pa-tukt hikat kania-tuk. ‘The duck that ate this corn flew away.’ Okfochush tanchi pa pa-tuka pisa-li. ‘I see the duck that ate this corn.’

Nonrestrictive relative clauses When a clause provides a description of a unique object rather than picking it out among a field of possibilities, it is marked with -hosh if it describes the subject of that sentence and -ho if it describes something other than the

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subject. In such cases we retain the subject marker -t or one of the other possible subject markers (see chapter 24). Notice that Choctaw nonrestrictive relative clauses are formed exactly like adverbial clauses (because they are in fact a kind of adverbial clause in both English and Choctaw) (see chapter 20). a. ‘. . . nita-yt hohchffo alhi-hosh . . .’ ‘. . . a bear, which was very hungry . . .’ b. ‘. . . oka-yt kalampit kania-ho . . .’ ‘. . . the water, which was completely frozen . . .’ Compare the sentences above with the restrictive relative clause in the example below: Shawi nni hokli-ka ahayuchih pi-bnna. We want to find a raccoon that catches fish. In this sentence we are picking out a particular raccoon, one that catches fish. We can change the meaning of the sentence by using -ho instead of -ka to set off the descriptive clause: Shawi-yt, nni hokli-ho, il-o-wakaiya-tuk. We came upon a raccoon, which was catching fish. Uses of Relative Clauses Choctaw speakers frequently use short relative clauses consisting of only an adjective. In English we usually use a noun modified by an adjective—a noun phrase—to translate these clauses, though it is not wrong to translate them in the standard way. a. Hattak kowasha-kt ik-peso-tuk. The short man didn’t see it. (The man who is short didn’t see it.) b. Ninak oklhilika-kt llosi malhalichi-tuk. The dark night frightened the baby. (The night that was dark . . .) We have already seen -kt and -ka used with numbers and quantifying words (see chapter 14). Choctaw speakers strongly prefer this construction for all definite expressions involving quantity.

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a. Holisso lwa-ka is-sama-tuk. You gave me a lot of books. b. Tushka tuklo-kt miko naholbina ima-tuk. The two warriors gave the chief gifts. c. Anakfi moma-kt oklah itakyuinli. All of my brothers are grinning. Kia and Hihkia, ‘But’ and ‘Although’ Two important clause conjuntions are kia and hihkia. Unlike many other Choctaw clause-joining words, these two do not track the subject; they appear in the same form whether the subjects of the clauses they join are the same or different. They show contrast in clauses. Kia Kia appears after the tense marker of the clause that is being contrasted and has approximately the English meaning ‘but’ or ‘however’. a. Toksalih sa-bnna-tuk kia, omba-na, ak-toksalo-tuk. I wanted to work but it rained, and so I didn’t work. b. Naholbina chim-ishtiat pisa-li-tuk kia toksalih pulla-li-tuk. I tried to bring you a present, but I had to work. c. Nni ish-yukachi-ka hoponit pisa-li-tuk kia momit hokmi-li-tuk. I tried to cook the fish you caught, but I burned it completely. There are a number of synonyms of kia such as yohmih kia ‘be that as it may; this notwithstanding’ that have the same general meaning. ‘Yohmih kia, shukta-yt shawi-t . . . ikhaiyanah moma atokosh . . .’ ‘(This notwithstanding) (although it is so) (however), because the opossum still remembered that the raccoon . . .’ Hihkia Hihkia gives the sense of English ‘even though’ or ‘although’. It also appears after the clause that is being constrasted. a. Nni ish-yukachi-ka momit hokmi-li hihkia, ik-chi-nukowo-tuk. Even though I burned the fish you caught, you didn’t get mad. b. Akana-yt am-o-tahpalah bieka hihkia, achukmahni-li alhi. Although my friend is always yelling at me, I like her a lot.

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ANUMPA Nouns naholbina okluha

[na-hol-bi-n] [ok-lu-ha]

‘presents; gifts’ ‘the whole group’

Verbs afololichi boli ilhkoli itakyuinli kolofa litafa litffi

[a-fu-ló-li-chi] [bo-li] [ilh-kó-li] [i-tak-yu-í-li] [ko-ló-f] [li-tá-f] [li-tf-fi]

mokofa mokoffi o-wakaya yukachi

[mu-kó-f] [mu-kuf-fi] [o-w-kái-y] [yu-ká-chi]

‘turn around; turn back’ ‘hammer; pound; beat’ ‘move’ ‘grin’ ‘break in two; sever’ ‘break or snap off; be broken or snapped off’ ‘break or snap something off (such as a cord)’ ‘slip away; get away’ ‘let go (of something); release’ ‘come upon’ ‘capture; catch’

Adjectives kolofa nukoahinla okluha tpa

[k-ló-f] [nu-kó-w-hí-l] [ok-lú-h] [t-p]

‘broken off; severed’ ‘irritable’ ‘all; entire; the group of’ ‘severed in two; cut in two’

Adverbs abaiyat hshi mak fokali peh

[-bai-yt] ‘along the side; alongside’ [h-shi-mak-fo-ká-li] ‘in those days; in those years’ [peh] ‘just; merely’

Conjunctions hocha kia yohmih kia

[hó-ch] [ki-y] [yóh-mih-ki-y]

‘and; and so’ ‘but; however’ ‘this being so; notwithstanding’

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Idioms afololichit haksichi champuli-kt im-i-shahli [chish-ná-ko] chishnako halat kuchi imohasimbish [im-o-ha-sí-bish] i-shahlit chitot hallli [pist-k-ni-y] pist kania [yá-tuk] yatuk; yatuk ma yohmih ma [yóh-mih-ma]

‘turn the trick back on him’ ‘more appealing to him’ ‘you; you are the one who . . .’ ‘pull out’ ‘his own tail’ ‘pull harder’ ‘leave alertly’ (from pisat kania) ‘the’ ‘and then; and so’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Words for laughing and smiling Choctaw employs only a few words that have to do with laughing and smiling. Yukpa means ‘laugh’, but it can also be understood as ‘smile’. Itakyuinli more properly means ‘grin’, in the sense of exposing the teeth, and can indicate either a malicious or a pleasant grin. Other words with related meanings in English, such as giggle, smirk, chuckle, guffaw, and so on, are translated with yukpa and another expression that indicates the kind of laughter it is. a. Chitolit yukpa. He’s laughing hard. b. Lumat yukpa. She laughed softly. ABCHI Chi-anukfokkah-o? Nananoa aiitimanumpoli-cha anumpa falama ikbi. Bili anoti Chani-yt itibapishi atok. Hopaki ash, Bili anoti imitibapishiyt yakni himona hoyoh bnna-tok. Tuklo mt falmmi aiasha-cha okmahli imma ayachi-kt apesa-tok. Bili-yt ichukkachffa ishtia-tok. Chani-t chukkachffa ik-imiksho-tok. Chani-t tikbali hikia-cha okluha pehlichit ishtia-tok. Ninak ayukalik ma, Chani-t bokushi bilika yokopat fohak ma, oklah tikahbit kania-hosh ilhpk anoti imanusi ikbi-tok.

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Onnahinli achffa mah, Chani-yt okchah mt Bili imnni hoyo-tok. Imnni-t ik-wakayo-ho, Chani-yt imnni-t illi-tuka im-ahowa-tok. Alhchiba kiyo ma, Bili-t okchah mt im-anolit, “Ninak lhipulli sa-holhpokunna-kt Hshtahli-t yakni ilppa il-aiashaheoke, am-achi-toka,” imanoli-tok. Himak nittak, yakni ilppt hochifo-kt “Florida”. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Itibapishi tuklo-kt nanta hochifo? Katimma amiti-tok? Katimma ilhkolih bnna-tok? Kata-hosh pehlichi atok? Kata-hosh chukkachffa im-iksho? Katimi-ho Bili-t ik-wakayo-tok? Yakni himona-yt nanta hochifo? Anumpa lhpesa

A. Translate the following sentences into Choctaw. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

The fabric that I want to buy is in the store. Mother likes the blanket that you gave her. A lake that is very deep is near my house. We found berries that were rotten. You finally found the baby, who was crying. I can’t find the letter that my aunt sent me. The man who is sober is dancing. That warrior, who is very serene, is my relative. The teacher that I like will help me tomorrow. You should close the door that is open. My dad came upon a wild animal, which was wounded. I see a squirrel that is resting under a tree. I carried some books that were heavy.

B. Translate the following sentences into English. What is the difference in meaning between clauses that take -hosh; -ho and those that take -kt; -ka? 1. Okhisushi, tiwa-ho, akammi-li-tuk. Okhishushi tiwa-ka akmmi-li-tuk. 2. Hattak-t, foha-hosh, taloa-tuk. Hattak foha-kt binili.

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3. Ohoyo-t iskli lwa ishi-hosh tli lhhoponi chompa-tuk. Ohoyo iskli lwa ishi-kt tli lhhoponi chompa-tuk. 5. lla lheha-yt, oka ishkoh bnna-hosh wahnota maya-tuk. lla lheha oka ishkoh bnna-kt wahnota maya. C. Review of subordinate clauses. Translate these sentences into Choctaw. Be careful to note which of the subordinators or conjunctions is required in each case: -t; mt/ma; -cha/-na; -k/-ka; -hosh/-ho; kia; hihkia. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Mother hoped that we would meet together. We thought that we heard an angel singing softly. The man who comforted the child will wait for me here. After it rained, all the animals appeared in the field. I didn’t get any money, and so I couldn’t buy food. All of my family came to prepare dinner. I don’t remember the woman who cleaned the house. The cat wanted to lie down, but the dog was there first. His uncle, who was extremely dirty, went to wash his face. Each and every one of the children was playing happily in the yard. The chief entered the room, and then he raised his hands. Even though we liked our neighbors, we didn’t want to visit them often. 13. The director stopped to rest, and so I didn’t see him at the train station. 14. As the sun shone, the corn grew. Holissochi Write a story, either real or imagined, about your family. Use at least five relative clauses to describe the people and things in your story, at least one of the potential mood markers, and at least one contrastive clause marker (but or although). Pay attention to the aspect of the verbs. Translate the story into English.

CHAPTER 23

Indefinites

NANANOA: Chulhkan micha Luksi ‘The Spider and the Turtle’ Hshi hopaki ochash, chulhkan-t nafohka-ya, naninchuwa pisa achukma achunlih, Hattak-a ikhnachi-tok atoko, Hattak anoti chulhkan-t itikana atok. Nittak achffa ma hattak-t nowat ttat aya-tok miha. Nana-t hotonlkna halsbi-yosh hshtp nuta itola-na ahayuchih mt tli im-ahoba-cha itikana, chulhkan ymmakash-o, nana ahayuchi-tukt ont pisachachi-hosh imanukfila-tok. Nowat plhkit aya-tokosh nanpi-t anowa okfoatat itola ik-pieso-tokosh ibetblit ont itola-cha tli nana im-ahoba yokash katanlichit shiyulit on-itolat kokolit boshullichit ibbk pahta tuklochit bshlit kachi-tok. Kana-t anumpolikt chitolit, “Sahakshup atok ma kokolit boshullichit ish-kachi,” achi-ho hklo-tok. Tli-yt anumpoli-ka hklo chatok kiyo, atokosh nuklhakacha alhitok. Ma hikia naha-cha nuktalat tahah mt, “Nanta chia?” achit i-panaklotuk; ahma tli nana im-ahoba-kash, “Luksi siahoke!” im-achi-tok. Hattak ashosh kamonta moma kia, “Chi-hottopali-lachi ahni-li-tuk kiyo, atokosh sanukhaklo aiyalhihoke.” Hattak ashosh nana kaniomahinla-kt ik-ikhano kia anukfillit tahlih mt, “Chulhkan, ilitikana atokma peh chi-sholi-hosh chi’sht im-ona-lachi tokma, mato kaniohmahinla-kt ithanachi,” luksi im-achi-tok. Chulhkan-t, ikana-t plhki-hosh miti pisah mt nanta-ho ibbk isht sholit mitih ahni-tok miha. “Akana ma, nanta-ho sholit isht-aya,” achit i220

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panaklo-tok. “Nachinto-ho ashachi-li, akka sa’ttula-cha luksi ihakshup kokolit boshullichit kachi-li-tuk. Falmmint hakshup itachakalit e-tahlachi-ka ishpi-apelahinlah-o?” achit chulhkan i-panaklo-tok. “A, chi-apela-lahinla,” chulhkan-t achih mt ymmakili apissali toksalit luksi hakshup itachakalit achunlit ishtiah mt hakshup boshulli moma itachakalit taiyahli-tok. Atoko himak nittak la-ka luksi hakshup-t ichuwat pisa achukma-ho isht ilawata-hosh shalit aya-ho ish-pisahinla. Micha chibbk pahta himak ish-pisa-hokma, hattak-t hshi hopaki ash luksi hakshup-t bshli tokma, ish-pisahinla. Kanimma chulhkan tnna ish-pisa-hokmt olanosit ish-pisachike, nana ish-ikhana-kt ish-pisahinla. [Many moons ago, the spider and man became good friends because the spider taught man how to sew beautiful designs on his clothes. It is said that one day a man was taking a walk. He found something brown and smooth under some leaves and thought it was a rock. He decided to show his friend, the spider, what he had found. As he was walking fast along the path, he tripped on a vine that he didn’t see and fell on the object he held tightly in his hand, and its shell cracked into many pieces and cut both palms of his hands. He heard a voice cry out, “You have broken my shell in pieces.” He had never heard something that looked like a rock talk before and was very surprised. He stood for a moment and regained his composure, then he asked, “What are you?” And what he thought was a rock answered him, “I am a turtle.” The man, still uneasy, said, “I didn’t mean to hurt you, and I am sorry this has happened to you.” The man did not know what to do, but he thought for a moment then said to the turtle, “I’ll just carry you to my friend, the spider; he will know what to do.” The spider, seeing his friend hurrying down the trail, wondered what he was carrying in his hands. The spider asked, “What are you carrying, my friend?” The man answered, “I have caused a great error: I fell and cracked the turtle’s shell into many pieces. Can you help us put his shell together again?” “Yes, I can help you,” said the spider, and went right straight to work and sewed every piece of the turtle’s shell back together again. So to this day you can see the skillful patchwork on the shell the turtle carries proudly on his back. And if you look at the palms of your hands, you can still see the lines that were left there many years ago when human hands were cut by the broken turtle shells.

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If you happen to see a spider web anywhere, look very closely; you may see a familiar design.] Retold by Henry Willis ANUMPA LHPESA What Are Indefinites? We have already examined one kind of indefinite word, the interrogatives such as kata, nanta, and so forth. Indefinite is a term that describes a group of words that have no specific reference by themselves, but whose reference changes with each utterance. Some examples of English indefinites are some, someone, something, whoever, sometime, somewhere, and whichever. Choctaw uses a set of indefinites that corresponds perfectly with the interrogatives. In the following table notice that the indefinite member of the set replaces /t/ with /n/. CHOCTAW INDEFINITES nana

‘what; something’

kana

‘who; someone’

kanimma

‘some; whichever; where; wherever’

kanomma

‘where; somewhere’

kanohmi

‘how many; several’

kanimikma; kanimikash

‘when; sometime’

kaniohmi

‘any; in some way’

Uses of indefinites Choctaw indefinites have two distinct uses. One use is the substitution of an indefinite for another, definite expression. a. Kana apela-li-tuk. I helped someone. b. Kanimma il-ilhkoli. We’re going somewhere.

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c. Holisso kanohmi hash-kachi-tuk. You (pl.) bought several books. d. Nittak kaniohmi la-lachike. I’ll come some day. e. Kanimikma owattat iloh-ilhkoli. Sometimes we all go hunting. f. llanakni kanimma-ka pisa-li-tuk. I saw some boy. g. Hattak kanohmi-hosh aboha ma oklah chukkoa-ka e-pisa-tuk. We saw several men entering that room. Notice in expressions such as holisso kanohmi and hattak kanohmi in c and g above that this literally means ‘an indefinite number of books’ and ‘an indefinite number of men’, and d above literally means ‘an indefinite sort of day’. Notice how the corresponding English expressions are similarly indefinite, although these expressions are not regularly formed as they are in Choctaw. Indefinite dependent clauses The second use for indefinites is the formation of a particular type of dependent clause. a. Kana-hosh okhisa tiwwi-ka ikhana-li. I know who is opening the door. b. Nana chi-bnna-ka ak-ikhano. I don’t know what you want. c. Nana bnna-kt ik-ikhano. He doesn’t know what he wants. As always, when the subjects of the clauses are the same, they are joined with -kt and when different, with -ka. Frequently, the markers -hosh and -ho are used to clarify and set off the indefinite expression. If the indefinite is the subject of the clause or modifies the subject (kaniohmi, kanimma, or kanohmi), it must have a subject marker of some kind, either -hosh or -t. The difference in the use of subject marker is that -t points out a particular nonspecific subject, much as someone can be used to refer to a particular unknown person. a. Nana-ho mihchi-tuka, kil-ikhano. We don’t know what (it was) he did.

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b. Kana-ho apela-tuka ke-peso-tuk. We didn’t see who (it was) he helped. c. Aki-t kana-hosh apela-tuka ikhanah moma. Father still remembers who (it was) helped him. d. Kana-t aboha ma chukkoa-tuka ikhaiyana-li. I recollect that someone entered the room. or I recollect who entered the room. e. Hattak kanimma-kt ittula-tuka e-haklo-tuk. We heard some man fall. Whenever; however; wherever One use of indefinites is to give the sense of whenever; however; wherever. In Choctaw we must generally use the hypothetical marker -k- to indicate that no specific time, place, or manner is being specified. Note that we may use the hypothetical along with the past-tense markers as well as with present and future markers. We may mean that something happened habitually or at some unspecified time in the past, that it happens habitually in the present, or that it might or will happen in the future. a. Kaniohmikma, nnokwehlit ia-li. Sometimes, I go fishing. b. Kanimikma lak mt, impah bnna. Whenever he comes here, he wants to eat. c. Kanimma-ako ia-lik mt, na-sa-yukpa. I’m content wherever I go. d. Amafo-t kanimmakako iak mt, nayukpa-tok. My grandfather was content wherever he went. ANUMPA Nouns anowa boshulli ibbk pahta iyyi pahta itikana; ilitikana nanpi naninchuwa tnna

[a-no-w] [bo-shúl-li] [ib-bk páh-t] [iy-yi páh-t] [i-ti-ká-n] [nan--pi] [nan-in-chú-w] [tn-n]

‘path’ ‘small pieces; bits; crumbs’ ‘palm of the hand’ ‘sole of the foot’ ‘mutual friends’ ‘vine; stem; trunk; hand’ ‘design; pattern’ ‘web’

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Verbs achunli filema ibetbli ilawata itachakali itachunli itikana katanlichi shiyuli

[a-chun-li] [fi-lé-m] [i-be-tb-li] [il-a-wá-t] [i-tá-ch-ká-li] [i-tá-chun-li] [it-i-ka-n] [k-ta-li-chi] [shí-yu-li]

‘sew’ ‘turn; turn over’ ‘trip; stumble’ ‘boast; be proud’ ‘put together; piece together’ ‘sew together’ ‘be friends with’ ‘hold tight; squeeze’ ‘fall on’

Adjectives hotonlkna kamonta; kamunta olanosi

[hó-ton-l´k-n] [ka-mo-t] [o-lá-nu-si]

‘brown; scorched color’ ‘uneasy’ ‘close’

Adverbs falmmint

[f-lm-mit]

‘restored; returned to original condition’

Idioms nachinto-ho ashachi-li choksh hottopali kokolit boshullichi okfoatat; okhoatat itola tuklochit bshlit kachi

‘I have caused a great error’ ‘hurt someone’s feelings; insult’ ‘break into pieces’ ‘lying across’ ‘cut them both badly’

ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Falmmint Falmmint is a contracted form of falmmichi ‘bring back’ and is used with other verbs to give the sense of ‘do again’ or ‘restore to a former state’. This idea is often expressed in English with again and back. Falmmint hakshup boshulli itachakali-tuk. He put the pieces of shell back together again.

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Some idiomatic expressions that employ falmmint are: falmmint ima falmmint ishi falmmint bohli

‘give back’ ‘get back’ ‘replace’

Kachi Another word that gives intensity to a verb is kachi, which we have already learned as ‘sell’. When used to modify another verb, kachi, which has as another meaning ‘to dispose of’, means to do something all the way, or intensively. Following are some idioms in English that can be used to translate verbs modified with kachi. The first verb appears in its -t form. hblit kachi mitffit kachi bshlit kachi

‘kick hard’ ‘bleed profusely’ ‘cut badly’

ABCHI Chi-anukfokkah-o? Here is another version of the story of Nnih Waiya. Translate it into English, comparing it with the story in chapter 19. Hopaki ochash, okla-ht yakni apaknaka asha-tok kiyo. Nnih, Nnih Waiya hochefo-ho, nutaka ofobi-ho asha atok. Yakni achukkoa-yt chiluk falayat ofobi-ho akuchawiha, keyukmt achukkoa atok. Chiloki okla-ht akosh okla tikba chiluk akuchawiha-cha, tli libesha okahatmayat shilat taha-tok. Ilhkolit yakni achukma hoyo-tok. Mihma Muskoki okla-ht Nnih Waya akuchawiha-cha tli libesha okahatmayat shilat taha-tok. Muskoki okla-ht ilhkolit yakni pisachukma hoyotok. Mihma Chikasha okla-ht chiluk akuchawiha-cha, tli holba o-kahatmayat shilat taha-tok. Chikasha okla-ht ilhkolit yakni holba hoyo-tok. Chahta okla-ht ont isht aiopi yakni chiluk alhipullit kuchawiha-tok. Tli libesha o-kahmayat, shilat taha-tok. Shila-cha yakni ymma achukmalit oklah pisa-tok. Chahta okla-ht yakni makili maya-tok. Yakni ymmako fehna aioklachit aiasha-tok.

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Anumpa lhpesa A. Give the Choctaw for each of the following expressions. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Did that boy steal something? I think he stole several pumpkins. He must have run somewhere. I see someone now. Some man is looking for you. Any teacher could help me. My aunt will arrive sometime.

B. Answer the following questions with a corresponding indefinite expression. (Example: ‘Kata-hosh la?’ ‘Kana-hosh la.’) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Chulhkan katohmi ish-bi-tuk? Katimikma tmaha ish-iachi? Ofi katimma-hosh chi-kopoli-tuk? Kata-ho ish-ataklmmi? Nanta-ho ish-howa?

C. Construct these sentences in Choctaw. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

I know which dog is barking. We know who lives in that house. I heard what you said. We jumped whenever Grampa spoke. My little brother follows me wherever I go. The repairman put down his tools where he was sitting. Holissochi

Write a story in Choctaw based on a folktale or children’s story with which you are familiar. Find ways to translate the English expressions into Choctaw so that they sound natural. You will have to reword many expressions to accomplish this!

CHAPTER 24

Emphatic Pronouns

NANANOA: Amofi anoti Siti ‘My Dog and the Snake’ Si-llah momah ma peh afmmi ushta ona-li fokali-ka, ofi Lady hochifohosh pim-anta-tok. Kana-hosh Lady hochefo atoka ak-ikhano. Alhi-ka kanahosh ofi ishki ilppa pima-tuka ak-ikhano kia ofi ilppt si-achayat kania atok. Nittak achffa ma, peh tabokoli onah fokali-ka hshki-t, pska champuli pskachituk-akosh, akakushi-t ik-imiksho-cha a-payat ilppk am-anolitok, “Atoshpat akakushi akak ichukka ont aiishit isht ish’lak ma pska champuli ikbi-lahinla,’’ am-achi-tok. Mihma pska champuli pah sa-bnnatuk okt, toshpa-hosh akak ichukka ont chukkoat sabbk-a akak imlhpichik chaha ishahli-ya pit fokki-lih ma, nana-t sbbak kopoli-na sa-nuklhakachacha lhpiesa chitolit tahpalat yaiya-li-ka amofi-t sa-hkloh mt balilit ant chukkoat sanushkobo anoti akak imlhpichik aiena-ka chaha-kt i-shahli-ho toloblit siti-yo pisah mt itakha isht pit lhachakat ishit halat kuchi-cha koblit bih mt folotat sabbk ant holakshit akka sayyi bilika-ya sa-pisat si-atukkuchihosh itola-tok. Siti mt, siti abshka atokosh, ishtilli ik-imiksho mak yoba-tuko, sa’ttopa om-alhi-tuk kiyo, kia sa-nukshobli alhi-tok. [When I was still a child, just about four years old, we owned a dog whose name was Lady. I don’t know who it was that named her “Lady.” In fact I didn’t know who gave us this mother dog; however, this dog became very accustomed to me. 228

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One day just about noon my mother was going to bake a cake but she didn’t have any eggs, so she called me, and when I came to her, she told me, “If you hurry and bring some eggs out of the hen house, I will bake a cake.’’ Then, having a taste for cake, I rushed into the hen house and reached my hand into the highest hen’s nest, and something bit my hand. I was terrified and responded with a screaming, loud cry that my dog heard and so came running and jumped higher than both my head and the hen’s nest. Seeing a snake, she snatched it with her mouth, took it outside, and gnawed it to death, then turned and came back to lick my hand and lay down near my feet to watch and protect me. Fortunately the snake was a nonpoisonous chicken snake and it didn’t really hurt me, but it surely did scare me.] Henry Willis ANUMPA LHPESA Choctaw Pronouns We have been introduced to many sets of person markers: agent subject markers (chapter 5); object and affected subject markers (chapter 7); indirect object and recipient subject markers (chapter 9); possessive markers (chapter 9); benefactive markers (chapter 16); and negative subject markers (chapter 19). All these person markers have a common form: they are all attached to another word and cannot stand alone. Choctaw does have pronouns, which are freestanding person markers (more generally, they stand in for any noun). However, in most cases a Choctaw pronoun must be used with a person marker that agrees with it. The person markers are obligatory, and the pronouns are emphatic. Pronouns may also be used alone in conversations, for one-word answers when reference to a person is needed. PRONOUNS no

‘I; me’

chishno

‘you’

ilap

‘he; she; him; her; self’

pishno

‘we; us’

hapishno

‘we all; all of us’

hachishno

‘you (pl.)’

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Because pronouns appear in a position of emphasis, often first in the sentence, they must be connected to the rest of the sentence with a marker that tells the listener what role the pronoun will play in the sentence. There are several connecting markers that are commonly used, and each lends a slightly different meaning to the pronoun. Pronouns with the focus marker -akosh; -ako Emphatic pronouns may be used with definite focus markers (chapter 20). no-akosh tanchi-ya hokchi-li-tuk. I am the one who planted the corn. Notice in the above example that -li must appear even though no means ‘I’. -Akosh is used because no agrees with the subject of the sentence. no-ako Aki-t si-okchali-tuk. I am the one whom father woke up. In the above example no agrees with si- ‘me’, the object of the sentence, so it takes -ako as a connector. The form of the first-person pronoun does not change: no can mean ‘I’ or ‘me’ depending on what it agrees with. Chishno-ako chi-hullo-li. You are the one I love. Pronouns are frequently contracted when used with connecting markers. a. Chishnakosh chi-nukwia. You’re the one who’s timid. b. Hapishnako iskli pima-tuk. It was (all of) us he gave money to. Pronouns may be used alone when the context is understood. Person markers such as -li, ish-, and so forth are never used alone. “Kata-hosh ilhpk ishtia?’’ “no.’’ (never “-li’’) “Who took the food?’’ “Me.’’ or “I did.’’

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The contrastive markers -ato and -ano Another important pair of connecting markers that are commonly used with pronouns but are also used with any noun phrase are -ato/-ano, which sometimes appear in their full form -okato/-okano. As the name suggests, these are used when something is placed in contrast with something that was mentioned earlier. The English conjunction but is a good way to translate the contrastive marker, although it is not the only way. Meli-t takkon pa. no-ato bissa pa-li. Mary is eating a peach. But I’m eating blackberries. In the example above no-ato agrees with the subject -li. no-ato is frequently contracted to nato. a. Hshki-t kafi pima. Hachishno-ano te hachima. Mother is giving us coffee. But she’s giving you tea. b. Tofa-yt achukma alhi. Hshtula-ato kapssa. Summer is very nice. But winter is cold. The contrastive markers are used to form a large number of compounds. Ilppa and ymma and their short forms frequently join with the contrastive markers, just as they do with the focus markers -akosh and -ako. Sometimes a contrastive marker is placed on both items to be contrasted. This can be translated as ‘the other one’ or words to that effect. Ohoyo achffa mano im-anumpoli-li-tuk. Ohoyo ilppato am-anumpolih bnna-tuk. I was speaking with that other woman. But this woman wanted to talk to me. In the above example the Choctaw contrasts the first woman with the second by marking the noun phrases directly. In English we must often use our voice tone to convey this information. The definite contrastive markers -akato and -akano Another way to connect pronouns to a sentence is with the definite contrastive markers -akato and -akano, which sometimes appear in their full form -akokato and -akokano. These are compounds of the definite marker -akand the contrastive markers. They may be translated with a number of English expressions, but in general they give the same sense as the contrastive markers.

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a. Ilsa-yt nafohka aiitatoba iachi. nakato holisso apisa ia-lachi. Elsa is going to the clothing store. But me, I’m going to school. b. Alikchi il-i-yakoke-tuk. Chishnakano, e-chi-nukoa. We thanked the doctor. But you, we’re angry with. The contrastive markers may be used with relative clauses as well as nouns and noun phrases. The conjunctions kia and hihkia may appear along with -ato/-ano. Of course, we only translate English but or although once. Sholush achukma pisa-li hihkia, shapo pisachukma asha-kano ak-pesotuk. Although I saw some nice shoes, I didn’t see any good-looking hats that were there. In the above example asha-kano is contracted from asha-akano. CONNECTING MARKERS FOR PRONOUNS -akosh/-ako

-ato/-ano

-akato/-akano

focus

contrast

definite contrast

no-akosh

no-ato

no-akato

‘I am the one who . . .’

‘but I . . .’

‘but me, as for me . . .’

Third-Person Pronouns Third persons referring to things, or sometimes people, are expressed with ymma or ilppa (see chapter 3). When a person is referred to, ilap ‘self’ may be used as a pronoun. Ilap may take any of the connecting markers. a. Ilap-akosh kaa ilppa a-kachi-tuk. He/she is the one who sold me this car. b. Hattak achffa mano pisa-li. Ilap-ano apela-li-tuk. I see that one man. But she is the one I helped. or I helped her. c. Ilap-ako ish-i-hullo. He/she is the one you love. or You love him/her.

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ANUMPA Nouns lhpichik ishtilli tabokuli

[lh-pi-chik] [isht-íl-li] [ta-bó-ku-li]

‘nest’ ‘poison’ ‘noon’

Verbs achaya lhtoba apesachi atukkuchi chahachi folota holakshi ik-imiksho lhachaka tabokoli

[-chái-y] [´lh-tu-b] [-pé-s-chi] [-tuk-ku-chi] [chá-ha-chi] [fu-ló-t] [hu-lák-shi] [ik-im-ík-shu] [lha-cha-k] [ta-bu-kó-li]

‘be accustomed to’ ‘cost’ ‘look after; tend; oversee’ ‘protect; shield’ ‘lift, raise’ ‘come and return; go and come back’ ‘lick’ ‘not have any (Group 3)’ ‘snatch’ ‘to be noon; to be midday’

Adverbs mak fehna mak yoba-tuko

[mak-féh-n] ‘just then; right then; that very one’ [mak-yó-b-tu-ko] ‘fortunately’

Conjunctions aiena

[ai-é-n]

‘and; be also; too’

Location Words (postpositions) foka fokali

[fo-k] [fo-ká-li]

‘about (that time)’ ‘around (that time)’

Idioms afmmi ushta ona-li fokali am-alhto chaha i-shahli si-llah momah

‘I was about four years old’ ‘be in my pocket’ ‘taller than’ ‘when I was still a child’

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ANUMPA ANUKFILLI Ik-imiksho This common verb means ‘to not have any’. It follows the same pattern as i-kania ‘lose’ (see chapter 17). It is usually a Group 3 verb, so the subject is marked with a recipient person marker, which is generally not divided from the stem of the verb. The verb is in the negated ik-o form. Pihshki-t akakushi ik-imiksho. Our mother doesn’t have any eggs. But the thing that is lacking may also carry the subject marker, as we saw with i-kania, and the person who lacks it is still marked with the recipient person marker. a. Akakushi-t ik-imiksho. She doesn’t have any eggs. (literally: ‘eggs are lacking to her’) b. Ilhpk-t ik-samiksho. I don’t have any food. c. Sholush-t ik-chimiksho. You don’t have any shoes. Aiena Aiena is one of the many Choctaw conjunctions that may be translated as English and. It is different in form from micha and anoti in that it is used as a predicate and always appears after the nouns or phrases that it conjoins. It may be translated as ‘and’, ‘also’, ‘as well’, or ‘too’. Ofi ilppt si-achayat a-hulloh aiena-tok. This dog was accustomed to me and loved me, too. When aiena conjoins a pair or group of noun phrases, the subject marker -kt is used. If the conjoined nouns are the subject, as with numerals, lwa, and moma are used. If the conjoined nouns are not the subject, -ka is used. a. Akanomi akana aiena-kt a-himona. My relatives and friends, too, are waiting for me. b. Wak chukfi aiena-ka ish-ipeta-tuk-o? Did you feed the cattle and sheep?

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Adjectives conjoined with aiena have a rather different construction. In these cases the adjectives are additionally conjoined with -k mt or -k ma, with aiena appearing at the end of the conjoined pair. The second adjective is marked with predicative -h. a. Katos-t hohchffok mt lchah aiena. The cat is hungry and wet as well. b. Katos hohchffok mt lchah aiena-ka pisa-li. I see the cat that’s hungry and wet. Foka and fokali Foka and fokali are used to express the sense of ‘about’ and ‘around’ with respect to time. Foka is somewhat more specific in its reference to a particular point in time, and fokali is used to refer to a larger interval of time. a. Tabokuli fokali impa-lachi. I’ll eat around noon. b. ymma fokali around that time c. himak foka ma about then ABCHI Chi-anukfokkah-o? Nananoa aiitimanumpoli-cha anumpa falama ikbi. Nana chompah sa-bnna-cha aiitatoba ia-li-tuk. Nana sa-bnna-tukt akikhano-tuk. Sholush himona pisa-lish shapo chito kanohmi shapoli-li-tuk. Nafohka lawa-hosh aiitatoba asha-tuk. Chekosih ma, balafohka okchko pihsa-li-tuk: balafohka-pako sa-bnna-tuk. Hattak nakachi balafohka mak fehna isht im-ona-lih ma, ilap-t lhtoba-ka am-anoli-tuk. Ashukcha anuka pisa-lih mt, iskli iklawo-hosh am-alhto-tuk. nakato sa-nukhaklo chiyyohmi-cha achukka falamat ia-lish, ilbsha kania-hosh, binnili-li-tuk. 1. Katimi-ho ilap-t aiitatoba iah bnna-tuk? 2. Nanta-ho tikba pisa-tuk? 3. Nanta-ho polaka chompah bnna-tuk?

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4. Iskli ishi-tuk-o? 5. Katimma-ho falamat ia-tuk? 6. Nanta-ho anukfilli-tuk? Anumpa lhpesa A. Translate the following sentences into Choctaw, using an emphatic pronoun and a marker that connects it with the rest of the sentence. Pay attention to whether the pronoun is a subject or an object in each case. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

It was you who fixed the roof. But I prepared dinner. As for us, we couldn’t find your house. I’m the one that man was looking for. He is the one who lives in Oklahoma City. She was the one Mother gave grape juice to. You all are the ones we were following to town. But he’s the one Mary was sewing for. As for you, Grandpa was calling you. As for me, I don’t have any money.

B. Give the correct form in Choctaw for each of the following sentences. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Who decided to buy onions? I don’t know who decided to rest here. What was it that Grandma bought? Sally doesn’t know what Grandma bought. How many tribes live in this land? Several tribes live in Arizona. Which walking stick does the chief have? I can see which walking stick he has. Where is your family going? We are going where the tall grass grows.

C. Give the correct person markers and tense/mood markers in Choctaw for the following sentences. 1. It can bark. 2. I can’t sew.

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3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

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I would have seen you. You should get up. He is lazy. You won’t wait for us. I said it to you. You (pl.) can finish working. I might lose it. We could have helped you. We may buy groceries. She will be able to smell it. Holissochi

Translate the following story into Choctaw. There are several correct ways to do so. Compare your versions with those of your classmates. What subtle differences in meaning do you notice? In the summer it was extremely hot. We couldn’t work and we couldn’t rest. Father tried to plant corn, but we knew that the crop would not grow. As for Mother, she became very sad, and so the children had to find something to do. Finally, it began to rain, and then my grandparents arrived to help us. It was my grandmother who watched the small children and cooked while my mother fed and took care of the animals. My father and grandfather tended the crops; we had squash and beans. But the corn that we wished for had already died.


PART TWO Kaniohmichi-hosh Okchayat Il-asha

The Way We Live


CHAPTER 25

The Ancient Ones Timothy R. Pauketat

Before the arrival of European ships, soldiers, and settlers, the ancestors of the Choctaws flourished in southeastern North America. They were an ancient, populous people who farmed the rich valleys, crafted distinctive art objects, traded with distant neighbors, and built great ceremonial centers. As early as 5,000 years ago, many of the ancient ones lived in settled villages and grew garden crops: squash, sunflowers, and a variety of seeds. Their community leaders organized the construction and use of the ceremonial grounds according to the seasons and the annual cycles of hunts and harvests, giving a natural rhythm to the community and its traditions. Such was life throughout most of the ancient past up to about 2,500 years ago, when what is now called the Woodland Period began. Important cultural changes marked the Woodland Period, especially during the first few centuries A.D. By this time populations had grown considerably and the climate had warmed slightly. These gradual changes may have been related to more abrupt short-term changes in community life, when community leaders seem to have exerted greater influence over their immediate kin and more distant neighbors. It was at these times, usually for only a generation or two, that big ceremonial centers were built and more exotic objects were acquired from far away. Some of the ritual grounds were tremendous. The largest of these were built in the Choctaw homeland of what is today Mississippi, Tennessee, and Alabama. There, rectangular flat-topped platforms and circular embankments of earth were raised up. These earthen mounds elevated or surrounded the most sacred ritual spaces used for special 241

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events at certain times of the year. The people labored long and hard on the grounds: one mound at the Pinson site near Jackson, Tennessee, reached a height of sixty feet. The people gathered periodically at the mounds, using and exchanging rare, exotic materials—copper, crystals, seashells, and stones—that they had acquired at previous gatherings. The great influence of these community rituals is shown by the distant origins of the exotic materials found at the grounds, some coming from as far away as the Appalachian Mountains in the east, present-day Ohio in the north, the Gulf Coast in the south, and beyond the Mississippi River in the west. But the size, stability, and reach of these most ancient of mound-building ancestors was not to last much past A.D. 400. In fact, after that time and up to A.D. 1000 the influence and size of most communities shrank. Oddly, this occurred at the same time that crop production increased in importance and population densities grew even greater. Whatever the causes, it seems clear that the late Woodland Period laid the foundation for the changes to come, changes that left remains even more dramatic than the mounds and trade goods of the ancient Woodland people. Studies of the period after A.D. 1000 use the term “Mississippian” to describe the similar life-styles, political organizations, and farming practices of people along the Mississippi River and across the Southeast. These Mississippian peoples included the ancestors of the modern Choctaws, along with other Muskogean-, Tunican-, Natchez-, Caddoan-, and Siouan-speaking peoples. Common to all were clan-based kinship systems, strong religious traditions, and political governments headed by hereditary chiefs. The Mississippians were agricultural people who cleared entire fields for planting a new crop—maize—in addition to the traditional squash, sunflower, and other seed-bearing cultigens. The Mississippian rulers, including the first Choctaw chiefs, were more than community leaders; they were members of an aristocratic class considered superior to ordinary commoners. One or more chiefs and their families ruled the communities that made up a single chiefdom. Other chiefs ruled other chiefdoms that were often strung out along river valleys like beads on a necklace. There were politically weak chiefs, who were no more than influential leaders, and there were autocratic, all-powerful chiefs, who had authority over life and death. The more powerful chiefs ruled the forests and fields surrounding their capitals and were paid food or trade goods as tribute by lesser chiefs and commoners. Each Mississippian chief and his or her family lived atop the Woodland-style flat-topped earthen mounds, much like the imperial rulers and their stone pyramids in Mexico. The earthen pyramids

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were the central religious monuments of the Mississippian people. The forces of the earth and sky met there, and the people, according to a Choctaw song, were honored to build the pyramids: “Behold the wonderful work of our hands; and let us be glad. Look upon the great mound; its top is above the trees, and its black shadow lies on the ground, a bowshot. It is surmounted by the golden emblem of the sun; its glitter [tohpakali] dazzles the eyes of the multitude” (Lincecum 1904, 532). From his or her summit, and with the aid of loyal followers, relatives, and small armies of warriors, a chief’s will was enforced. One of the largest of the Mississippian chiefdoms was located in westcentral Alabama on the Black Warrior River. Scholars who study this, the Moundville chiefdom, have found evidence that its beginnings were not gradual. Nor is it likely that Moundville’s sudden rise was expected or desired by many of the local farmers, who were probably ancestors of the Choctaws. These late-Woodland, ancestral-Choctaw farmers in the Black Warrior valley had adopted maize into their diet of crops and wild foods by A.D. 1000. They were living in small villages and were led by weak chiefs or community leaders. At some point around the year A.D. 1150, however, one or more chiefs managed to consolidate political rule over the entire valley, absorbing formerly self-governed communities under the rule of Moundville. Almost immediately, work began on the construction of twenty earthen pyramids that ringed an immense public plaza, covering some forty acres of the new Moundville capital. Around this plaza and the mounds were the houses of some two thousand residents, many of whom had moved there shortly after A.D. 1150 from the outlying and now-absorbed communities. Around them, in turn, was a large palisade wall of upright timbers, built to defend the new Mississippian capital from its enemies. Just who the enemies of Moundville were is difficult to know, although other chiefdoms were located along the course of other rivers adjacent to the Black Warrior valley. Apparently, the Moundville people dominated western Alabama and eastem Mississippi despite their enemies. Their trade goods, style of housing, tools, designs, and weapons were spread widely across the Southeast. It is likely that the ancient name for Moundville was known, if not feared, for hundreds of miles. This was good for the Moundville people, who seem to have been the healthiest of any Mississippians in the Southeast. It was likely considerably less healthy to be an enemy or rival of Moundville’s chiefs. Based on the pace of mound building, craft working, and trade, scholars judge the heyday of the Moundville chiefdom to have been limited to its first

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century and a half of existence. By A.D. 1300 fear of Moundville’s war parties and the Moundville chiefs’ hold on trade had probably subsided to a considerable extent. However, it remained a force in the region until the arrival in A.D. 1540 of the first Europeans in the area, Hernando de Soto’s Spanish army. When the Spaniards encountered these and other Mississippians, the Native warriors proved to be superior archers and combatants. They fought and negotiated with the strange intruders, driving them across and out of their lands. But without horses and harquebuses, they could not turn back the European tide, and from that time forward the history of the ancient ones became a part of modern history. Sources Bense, Judith A. 1994. Archaeology of the Southeastern United States. San Diego: Academic Press. Blitz, John H. 1993. Ancient Chiefdoms of the Tombigbee. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. Lincecum, Gideon. 1904. Choctaw Traditions About Their Settlement in Mississippi and the Origin of Their Mounds. Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society 8:521–42. Milanich, Jerald T., and Susan Milbrath. 1991. First Encounters: Spanish Explorations in the Caribbean and the United States, 1492–1570. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Pauketat, Timothy R., and Thomas E. Emerson. 1997. Cahokia: Domination and Ideology in the Mississippian World. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Welch, Paul D. 1991. Moundville’s Economy. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press.

CHAPTER 26

The Life Cycle From Birth To Death Pamela Innes

Choctaw women bore their children outside of the home, generally unassisted by anyone except a midwife. Shortly after birth (according to Simpson Tubby, one of anthropologist John Swanton’s Choctaw consultants), the child was immersed in water. The baby was then taken back to the house, where its clothing was allowed to dry on its body in order to give the baby strength and an ability to withstand harsh conditions. Tubby also told Swanton that in the late nineteenth century an eelskin was tied around a Choctaw baby at the level of its navel to “prevent the stomach from protruding too much, and to make it high chested, supple in the back and straight” (Swanton 1931, 118). Babies’ heads were flattened by using bags of sand to exert pressure on the skull while the baby was held motionless in a cradle. Skull flattening was also accomplished by placing the baby in a cradle with a head end that narrowed. This practice seems to have been given up by the mid-1800s. However, beautifully decorated cradles continued to be used to transport babies. Besides taking care of their child’s physical strength and condition at birth, Choctaw parents also thought about the child’s future welfare. H. B. Cushman, who lived among the Choctaws his entire life, states that . . . a mare and colt, cow and calf, and a sow and pigs were given to each child at its birth, if the parents were able so to do,—and all, with few exceptions, were able; this stock, with its increase under no circumstances whatever, could be disposed of in any way; and when he or she, as the case might be, became grown, the whole amount 245

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was formally conveyed over to him or her. Thus when a young couple started out in life they had a plenty of stock, if nothing more. (1899, 169) With these practices a child’s parents tried to ensure that he or she would have both economic security and physical well-being throughout life. In the nineteenth century children were allowed to explore their world and seek out adventure. Boys often spent time emulating the warriors they looked up to, and girls imitated their mothers and aunts. A mother carried her child on her back once the child had outgrown its cradle. As children grew larger, they were tied onto the saddle of an easy-going pony on long trips, eventually being allowed to guide their own horse. Parents remained concerned about their children’s physical development throughout childhood. They would not let children sleep on their sides or in a bent position, because this was thought to make a child less flexible. As people reached adulthood, they were expected to behave according to accepted gender roles: women were to take care of their children and the elders of the town, while men were to provide for their families through hunting. Men were also expected to prove themselves in war. Men often were given a name referring to some act they had accomplished in war, and these names could change over time. Only men who had fought were able to attend town council meetings, which excluded women from public leadership roles. Up to the mid-twentieth century, courtship was usually begun by the boy. He would throw pebbles at, or leave items on the bed of, the girl he liked. If the girl returned his affections, the couple would talk at her house and/or take walks together, though never too far away from the girl’s home. If marriage was considered, some of the boy’s family members would bring gifts to the girl’s family, usually to her mother and her maternal uncles. If the gifts were taken, preparations for a marriage ceremony were begun. On the day of the marriage ceremony, the groom was brought to the bride’s house. There, a race was run between the bride and the groom. If the groom was unable to catch his betrothed, the marriage ceremony was halted and the two remained single. Generally, however, the man was able to catch his bride and, when he caught her, the couple were considered married. The couple were then seated next to each other on blankets, and the groom’s relatives and friends dropped gifts on the bride’s head. These gifts were grabbed by the bride’s relatives. The gifts were offered as thanks to those who had prepared the feast that was to follow. After the gifts were distributed, the couple hosted a feast and a dance in their honor.

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A late nineteenth-century Choctaw couple in western-style dress, which began to be adopted soon after contact with Europeans. Traditionally, couples lived with the wife’s family and their children were raised as members of her moiety, or iksa. (Courtesy Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries)

Once a couple was married, the bride’s mother was not allowed to look at her daughter’s husband. This tradition continued into the early twentieth century. The husband and mother- in-law could speak to one another, but such conversations were often carried out with some object between the two participants. Also, a wife was expected to call her husband by the term “my son’s (or daughter’s) father” rather than by his given name after their first child was born. Marriages could be dissolved by either the husband or wife. When a marriage was over, the man would return to his familial home, taking all of his personal property with him. Children remained with their mother and her relatives, because they received their social identity from their mother’s side of the family. For this reason, children often received more discipline and teaching from their maternal uncles than from their fathers. Children were not entitled to their father’s property, even after he died. People were buried in one of two ways. The earliest sources describe the corpse as being put on a scaffold, where it was left until most of the flesh rotted. At this point “bone-pickers” stripped the remaining flesh from the bones, washed and dried the bones, and wrapped them up in a bundle. The bundle was then put into a chest and taken to the town’s bone-house, or

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ossuary. When the ossuary was full, the deceaseds’ relatives would take the chests from the ossuary to a spot where most bones were left. They would put the chests on top of one another and then cover the chests with dirt. This was followed by a dance and a day of feasting. Accounts from the mid- and late nineteenth century describe burying the deceased in the ground. According to Cushman, the dead person was buried in a seated position. On the day of the funeral seven men were selected to place seven red poles around the grave—six poles eight feet tall and one pole fifteen feet tall. Thirteen hoops made of grapevines were hung from the tallest pole, which was placed at the head of the grave, and a small white flag was fastened to the top of the pole. Over a period of weeks the family carried out thirteen “cries for the dead,” at which mourners would kneel around the grave, cover their heads, and wail. At the end of each “cry” one grapevine hoop would be taken off the tall pole. When the last hoop was removed, a grand funeral ceremony was held. The same men who had put the poles around the grave were asked to remove them and take them to a secret place in the forest. Then a feast and dance were held in the dead person’s honor. Following that, the dead person’s name was not spoken again. A person’s spirit was thought to leave this world and begin its journey to the afterlife from the top of the tallest pole. The spirit of a murdered person could only begin the journey if his or her death had been avenged. On the journey to the afterlife it was necessary to cross a wide river filled with rapids by crossing on a perfectly round, slippery log. As spirits tried to cross the river, they were met by two guardian spirits. The guardian spirits pushed bad peoples’ spirits into the river, where they floated to a dry, barren, lonely desert. Good peoples’ spirits crossed the river, where they were met by relatives and friends. Life was said to be easy and happy in that land. Sources Adair, James. 1966. Adair’s History of the American Indians. Edited by S. C. Williams. New York: Argonaut Press. Bartram, William. 1928. Travels of William Bartram. Edited by M. Van Doren. New York: Dover Publications. Bossu, M. 1768. Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes Occidentales. Vols. 1–2. Paris. Bushnell, David I., Jr. 1909. The Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb, St. Tammany Parish, Louisiana. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 48. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

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Cushman, H. B. 1899. History of the Choctaw, Chickasaw and Natchez Indians. Greenville, Tex: Headlight Printing House. Halbert, Henry Sayle. 1882. Courtship and Marriage among the Choctaws of Mississippi. The American Naturalist 16:222–24. Swanton, John. 1931. Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians. Smithsonian Institution: Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 103. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

CHAPTER 27

Choctaw Social Organization Morris Foster

Choctaws are part of the Muskogean language family that also includes Creeks, Seminoles, and Chickasaws. This linguistic relationship indicates that Choctaws were descended from a prehistoric Southeastern population that, at some point in time, was ancestral to each of those historic peoples. The traditional scholarship has treated Choctaws as a population that was fairly continuous from prehistoric to historic times (Swanton 1931). Much of that scholarship attempted to identify Choctaws as among the peoples whom DeSoto encountered in the early sixteenth century (Hudson 1976). Like other Native Southeastern peoples, they experienced severe depopulation between those early European contacts and the seventeenth century as a consequence of epidemics that began with European-borne disease. Thus, the Choctaws who are described beginning in the eighteenth century, when Europeans began to colonize their lands, were living in communities that were less populous and probably less hierarchical than those of a century before. Patricia Galloway has recently argued that the historic Choctaw population of the eighteenth century was not a result of continuity from prehistoric to protohistoric to historic times (1994). Rather, she interprets the Choctaw population encountered at the beginning of the eighteenth century as being comprised of a core segment descended from the prehistoric Choctaws that, in the late seventeenth century, incorporated a variety of other Native Southeastern peoples. The latter had been so reduced by depopulation that they joined in a multiethnic confederation with the surviving 250

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Choctaws. The non-Choctaw members of this confederation shifted to speaking Choctaw and a Choctaw-oriented cultural framework, but their linguistic and cultural background was quite diverse. As a result of subsequent intermarriage, the Choctaw population of the eighteenth century was probably much more heterogeneous than the Choctaw population of the early sixteenth century. Standard anthropological interpretations have portrayed Choctaws as matrilineal (Eggan 1966; Hudson 1976). While preremoval Choctaws were members of their mothers’ moieties (a form of dual organization), there is no evidence for totemic matrilineal clans such as are found among Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Seminoles. Galloway argues that the two Choctaw moieties represented, respectively, descendants of the core ancestral Choctaw population and the peoples who joined with them after depopulation to become Choctaw. These moieties were exogamous, requiring marriage to someone in the opposite moiety. This may have been a useful device for quickly integrating the two merging populations. Moiety membership was also important in ceremonial events, further symbolizing the unity of the two sides in a shared Choctaw identity. The eighteenth-century Choctaw confederacy was comprised of three territorial districts that were politically autonomous. Territorial districts were represented by prominent leaders selected on the basis of merit rather than inheritance. These leaders’ primary function was to negotiate issues of trade and land with Europeans. Different territorial districts reflected different European traders and markets to which Choctaws increasingly oriented their economic activities. Choctaw leaders, however, had no formal responsiblities for maintaining order within Choctaw communities. Choctaw communities were comprised of extended families or house groups scattered along river basins. Extended families engaged in agriculture, primarily a task for women, and hunting, a male activity. Because ownership of land was the primary condition for residential units, Choctaws tended to be matrifocal. Agriculture served to provide subsistence, while hunting provided raw materials—deer hides—for trade to Europeans. The house groups were the most important everyday preremoval social units. They were more flexible in membership than matrilineal clans, allowing for movement of personnel to take advantage of changing economic conditions. British and French traders began living among the Choctaw population in 1699. During the eighteenth century an increasing number of Europeans married into Choctaw families. Typically, a male European would marry a Choctaw woman from a prominent family. This allowed the European trader

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to extend his economic activities through the kin network of his Choctaw inlaws. The offspring of these unions came to constitute a distinct class within the Choctaw population. They are referred to as mixed-bloods in the scholarly literature and tended to be economically affluent, often serving as middlemen between Europeans and Choctaws (Wells and Tubby 1986). During the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the Choctaw population was increasingly split between a wealthy elite that had trade and marriage ties to Europeans and lived in villages and towns and a more egalitarian, traditionalist class who lived in rural areas. While there was not a positive prohibition on intermarriage between these classes, there was a marked tendency to marry within one’s own social and economic category. After removal to Indian Territory in the 1830s, this division between what had become a mixed-blood elite and the full-blood traditionalists continued to characterize the organization of the Choctaw Nation. Choctaws in Indian Territory established a constitutional republic that united the Choctaws into a single polity for the first time. Although disrupted by the Civil War, in which Choctaws ended up on both sides, the Choctaw Republic was a successful form of self-government that was ended only by allotment in severalty in 1906, imposed by the U.S. government as a condition of Oklahoma statehood. During the era of the Republic, Choctaws became successful farmers and merchants. Most also became Christian converts as a result of extensive missionization. By the time of allotment traditional Choctaw religious gatherings had ceased. Between allotment and the early 1980s, Choctaws lacked an elected tribal government in Oklahoma. Nonetheless, their cultural and linguistic community endured, situated primarily in local communities and organized mainly through Christian church congregations. Perhaps as a result of that Christian influence, anthropologists who worked among the Choctaws in the first half of the twentieth century noted a shift in kinship-term usage from a system that emphasized the mother’s relatives to one that emphasized the father’s relatives (Eggan 1937; Spoehr 1947). This was interpreted as a transition from a matrilineal to a patrilineal form of social organization. Given what we now know about the late formation of the Choctaw confederacy and the greater significance of house groups, however, changes in kinship terminology may not have been symbolic of those broader principles of social organization. The shift certainly did reflect the increasing importance in Choctaw life after allotment of the nuclear family and Euro-American ideologies regarding that social unit. Today, the Choctaw Nation serves as a focal point for Choctaw identity and social organization. The Choctaw Nation is an important source for

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social services and, especially, for health care. Nonetheless, as in the eighteenth century, the political unit should not be mistaken for the everyday social units that continue to structure Choctaw life. Extended families are still significant bases for social interaction, though not for residence. Christian churches remain the primary venues for extrafamilial social encounters. In these ways Choctaw identity and social life continue to be constructed in each generation in Okahoma. Those Choctaws who remained in Mississippi after removal constituted a much smaller community that was focused on a small land base near Philadelphia. They were also missionized and have used Christian churches to maintain their distinctive Native culture. Mississippi Choctaws, like those in Oklahoma, now have their own federally recognized tribal government. Sources Debo, Angie. 1961. The Rise and Fall of the Choctaw Republic. 2d ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. DeRosier, Arthur H. 1970. The Removal of the Choctaw Indians. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Eggan, Fred. 1937. Historical Changes in the Choctaw Kinship System. American Anthropologist 39:34–52. ———. 1966. The Choctaw and Their Neighbors in the Southeast: Acculturation Under Pressure. In The American Indian, edited by Fred Eggan, 15–44. Chicago: Aldine Publishing. Galloway, Patricia. 1994. Confederacy as a Solution to Chiefdom Dissolution: Historical Evidence in the Choctaw Case. In The Forgotten Centuries: Indians and Europeans in the American South, 1521–1704, edited by Charles Hudson and Carmen Chaves Tesser, 393–420. Athens: University of Georgia Press. Hudson, Charles. 1976. The Southeastern Indians. Athens: University of Georgia Press. Kidwell, Clara Sue. 1995. Choctaws and Missionaries in Mississippi, 1818– 1918. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Spoehr, Alexander. 1947. Changing Kinship Systems. Field Museum of Natural History Anthropology Series, no. 33, vol. 4. Chicago. Swanton, John R. 1931. Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 103. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

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Urban, Greg. 1994. The Social Organizations of the Southeast. In North American Indian Anthropology: Essays on Society and Culture, edited by Raymond J. DeMallie and Alfonso Ortiz, 172–96. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Wells, Samuel J., and Roseanna Tubby, eds. 1986. After Removal: The Choctaw in Mississippi. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi.

CHAPTER 28

Daily Life in the Southeastern Forest Charles Hudson

The Choctaws of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries may have been more dependent on cultivating corn, beans, and squash than their ancestors had been. But throughout their entire history, the Choctaws obtained part of their food as well as most of the materials on which daily life depended from the forest. Though they were primarily farmers, Choctaw men were quite at home in the forest. Even young boys would wander miles away from home with their bows and arrows and blowguns, often returning home after dark. Hunting parties who wished to be followed had the habit of snapping visible twigs, pointing them in the direction in which they were traveling. Later, Choctaws who wanted to find these hunting parties could easily do so. Even after they obtained chickens and pigs from European colonists, the Choctaws still relied upon wild game for meat. In the winter season, from September to March, they hunted larger game, particularly deer, but also turkey, beaver, and raccoons, and occasionally they killed bear. Buffalo were rare in Choctaw country, and if they wanted to hunt them they generally had to travel a great distance to do so. In the summer season, from March to September, they hunted less, but sometimes killed smaller game such as squirrels, opossums, rabbits, and small birds. They were close observers of animal behavior, and they could imitate the cries of animals to good effect when hunting. They seldom used dogs when hunting, preferring always to use stealth, deception, and strategy in gaining advantage over their prey. One of their favorite ways of hunting deer 255

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was to cut the head off of a buck, skinning, dressing, and curing it, and then stretching the skin back over the defleshed and debrained skull so a hunter could put his arm up through the neck. Then, in mating season, the hunter would go into the woods and imitate the sound of a buck. When a buck heard the sound and approached, the hunter would imitate the motions of a buck with his head decoy, striking the antlers against the limbs of trees. Bucks are highly competitive in mating season, and when the enraged prey charged to do combat with its seeming rival, the hunter would drop the decoy and shoot, sometimes at very close range. Blowguns were the favorite weapons of Choctaw boys. A blowgun was made out of a hollowed-out length of cane about seven feet long. The darts were made out of slivers of heart pine with air seals made of thistledown. These blowguns were quite accurate, but they had little power to penetrate and were only effective at short range for very small game, such as rabbits, squirrels, and most particularly, small birds. Choctaw towns in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were generally located on creeks that fed into the Pearl, Chickasawhay, and Tombigbee Rivers. Compared to many waterways in the Southeast, these streams carried relatively little water, and in fact the Choctaws had the reputation of being poor swimmers. They primarily fished in summer, when the creeks were low and fish became entrapped in pools of water. One technique was to poison the water with buckeyes or the plant commonly known as devil’s shoestring. This disabled or impaired the fish, bringing them to the surface of the water where they could easily be taken, but it did not harm the meat. The woods provided the Choctaws with a variety of nuts. The most important was the hickory nut, which has a good flavor and stores well, but the disadvantage is that it has a thick shell. The Choctaw solution to using them was to pound them into small pieces, dump the crushed shells and nutmeats into water, and then extract the oil from the top of the water and throw the rest away. English frontiersmen called this hickory milk, and like the Choctaws they added it to many of the foods they cooked. Choctaws also relished the chestnuts that grew in their country before they were killed back by the fungus that infected them in the early 1900s. The most important wild fruit was the persimmon, which is startlingly astringent when the fruit is anything short of ripe, but very sweet when fully ripe. One considerable advantage of the persimmon is that it ripened in late fall and early winter, when no other fruits were available. Also, the pulp of the persimmon could be extracted and dried, so that a source of sugar and vitamin C could be had in the winter season.

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It is difficult today for us to appreciate the great value of the vast canebrakes that occupied thousands of acres along the rivers and creeks of Choctaw country in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Choctaws used cane in building the walls and roofs of their houses, and also in fashioning the beds inside their houses. Their many kinds of baskets were made of wonderfully durable, strong, and rot-resistant split cane. They made arrow shafts of cane, and a surprisingly sharp knife could be made of split cane. After the Choctaws obtained livestock from Europeans, cane provided their animals with winter fodder. Little was wasted in the Choctaw hunting and gathering economy. Deerskins were dressed and cured into buckskin and used for clothing the year round. Bear and buffalo skins were cured with the fur intact, so that they could serve as bedding and for winter garments. Even feathers from birds were worn, more for their symbolic meaning than for utility. A turkey feather worn in the hair was the mark of a good hunter; a buzzard feather meant that a man was a healer; an owl feather signified that he could combat witches; a crane feather meant that he was a weather prophet; an eagle feather meant that he was a strong, intelligent man who was likely to be a leader. Sources Swanton, John R. 1931. Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 103: 37–55. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

CHAPTER 29

The Origins of Maize Cameron B. Wesson

Commonly referred to by Europeans as Indian corn, or simply corn, maize was grown by many Native American groups for thousands of years before the arrival of Columbus, providing the largest single source of food for many of these peoples. The English word corn, which simply means a staple grain, was used to refer to wheat, barley, maize, and other domesticated plants. Today, particularly in the United States, corn is used exclusively to refer to maize. The cultivation of maize was one of the distinctive features of Choctaw culture, providing not only a stable food supply, but a focus of religious and social activity as well. Maize was considered a gift from the gods to the Choctaw people, and elaborate ceremonies were held to thank them for this important plant. Maize is actually derived from a wild grass, and early forms of the plant are thought to have been very different from the varieties we have today (Beadle 1981; Benz and Iltis 1990; Flannery 1973). Numerous archaeologists and biologists have devoted their careers to understanding the complex genetic development of maize and its relationship with humans. The earliest evidence for maize, dating to about 3000 B.C., was found in central Mexico (Fritz 1994). This early maize is very small and appears very dissimilar to the varieties cultivated today. Studies reveal that the earliest maize is genetically similar to a wild plant that grows in Mexico today called teosinte. Scholars believe that by picking and eating the largest wild teosinte, humans unknowingly began to change not only their diet, but the plant as well (Beadle 1981; Benz and Iltis 1990). 258

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Over thousands of years of selecting the largest teosinte, coupled with the intentional removal of smaller specimens from the areas where it grew wild to encourage the growth of the largest plants, humans promoted genetic alterations in corn that made it larger, more nutritious, and easier to eat. Such experimentation with wild plants also gave humans the knowledge not only that plants could be collected in the wild, but that they could be controlled and encouraged to grow through direct human intervention. This knowledge eventually led to the development of horticulture and agriculture, as Native Americans began to rely on intentional cultivation for larger amounts of their food. Maize is a complex source of nutrition, but many of its nutrients are lost if it is eaten alone. Early in the domestication of maize it appears as though its complete nutritional value was realized by eating it along with beans and squash. These three plant foods interact dynamically to provide an exceptionally nutritious diet. The cultivation of maize, beans, and squash would spread to other groups throughout North and Central America, becoming the staple foods of most Native American groups. Maize has undergone a series of genetic changes since its first domestication by humans, and today the corn plant is dependent upon human intervention for its reproduction. The most common varieties of maize are Zea mays (Indian corn), Zea mays indentata (Dent corn), Zea inays indurata (Hint corn), Zea mays rugosa (Sweet corn), and Zea mays amylacea (Flour corn). All of these varieties of maize are descended from the ancestral species, Zea mays, with Native Americans cultivating several varieties. Maize was traded from group to group in ancient Mexico, being eventually introduced into the Southwest by around 500 B.C. Using cultivation techniques similar to those in Mexico, Southwestern peoples began to rely increasingly on cultivated maize to supply their food. With the successful cultivation of maize in the Southwest, the plant began to be adopted by more and more groups, eventually spreading into eastern North America. The earliest evidence for maize in the eastern woodlands comes from several sites dating to around A.D. 200, and it appears that, at least early on, maize was not a major source of nutrition for the peoples of this region. By A.D. 1000, however, the situation was very different, as maize provided the major source of food for people throughout the East. Maize played a particularly important role in the life of Indian peoples in the Southeast. Blessed with many fertile river valleys, the Southeast was well suited for maize agriculture and became a major region of maize cultivation. Not only did maize provide the nutritional needs of Southeastern peoples, but with the surplus food it

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provided, populations began to increase as well. As populations grew Native Americans in the Southeast began to live in increasingly larger communities, with some estimated to have reached ten thousand to twenty thousand people. The Choctaws are considered to have been the most agricultural of all Southeastern societies, raising enough maize not only to meet their own needs, but usually having a surplus that they traded to other Indian groups. Such abundance made them one of the most powerful cultures of the Southeast, allowing them to flourish while other groups faltered. For the Choctaws, maize not only played an important role in providing their nutritional needs, but also formed an essential component of Choctaw culture. Maize cultivation placed them in a direct relationship with the fertility of the soil, the rays of the sun, and the maize plant itself. A series of myths developed around maize that depict it as a powerful supernatural force given to the Choctaw people by their gods. To thank their supreme deity for the gift of maize, the Choctaws developed a series of ceremonies that gave thanks for maize and reunited the people with the forces of the earth and sky. The most elaborate of these is known as the Busk, or Green Corn Ceremony. Although we have fewer historical documents for this Choctaw festival than for similar festivals in other Southeastern groups, we know that the Choctaws had a Green Corn dance lasting five days, during which they celebrated the agricultural abundance that the gods had bestowed on them. Sources Beadle, George. 1981. The Ancestor of Corn. Scientific American 4:20–22. Benz, Bruce F., and Hugh H. Iltis. 1990. Studies in Archaeological Maize: The “Wild” Maize from San Marcos Cave Reexamined. American Antiquity 55 (3):500–11. Flannery, Kent V. 1973. The Origins of Agriculture. Annual Review of Anthropology 2:270–310. Fritz, Gayle. 1994. Are the First American Farmers Getting Younger? Current Anthropology 35:305–309.

CHAPTER 30

Southeastern Iconography David H. Dye

Tascaluza, the great Mississippian chief of Mabila, held court for the Spanish conquistador Hernando de Soto on October 10, 1540, atop an earthen platform mound in present-day south Alabama. As the Iberian conquistadors and Indian nobles waited for the ritual greetings to begin, one of Tascaluza’s nobles ceremoniously displayed before the assemblage a circular banner made of finely dressed deerskin. The banner, about the size of a Mississippian war shield, was mounted atop a long, slender pole and exhibited a white equal-arm cross painted on a black background. The Spaniards were informed that the banner was Chief Tascaluza’s battle standard. Perhaps more than any other image, the equal-arm cross on a circular background symbolized the sacred authority and power of Mississippian chiefs. One of the rare demonstrations of the role of iconography in Mississippian society, Tuscaluza’s prominent display of the equal-arm cross or cross-in-circle before the conquistadors suggests that the symbolic importance of such motifs had political as well as military currency and aided in underscoring the chief’s right to certain privileges and responsibilities. The cross-in-circle, however, was only one among many widespread and venerated symbols of the Southeastern Indians. Undoubtedly, other symbols were seen by the conquistadors, but unfortunately they were not recorded. From the work of modern-day archaeologists, cultural anthropologists, folklorists, and ethnohistorians, we know that a widespread set of images became a central feature for rituals associated with fertility, warfare, and world renewal beginning about A.D. 1000 (Hall 1997). Based partially on the work 261

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of early explorers, settlers, and missionaries and later studies by trained anthropologists, iconography is now understood to be but one component in rituals that also included dancing, smoking tobacco, drinking purifying medicines, singing sacred songs, and exchanging prestigious gifts (Dye 1995). Rituals were carried out not only in public plazas, but also in the privacy of temple shrines, remote caves, and rock shelters. Pottery vessels and conch-shell dippers provided the containers for ceremonial drinks, while exotic copper plates and headdresses, shell gorgets, sandstone disks, and stone war clubs became critical icons in ceremonies conducted to insure success in peace and fertility. Symbolic motifs, widespread throughout the prehistoric Southeast, can be grouped into four basic categories based on their context. Perhaps the best known are the ritual implements used and manipulated as sacred icons. These include a panoply of artifacts worn or exhibited on ritual occasions. Examples include rare copper plates and ornate copper headdresses. Copper, because of its metallic and lustrous qualities, was highly desired by the ruling elite. Both elaborate and simple images of humans, carved from rare stone or sacred wood such as aromatic cedar, aided in the ritual veneration of the clan ancestors. Likewise, conch shells were carved into beads and engraved as gorgets that decorated the elite members of Mississippian society. Copper and shell held great value in Mississippian ritual. A second important element in Mississippian rituals includes shell, wood, gourd, and pottery containers, which held the sacred drinks that purified the mind and body. Those artifacts that have survived the ravages of time include elaborately carved conch-shell dippers and decorated pottery vessels, both of which exhibit a wide variety of motifs and symbols reflecting the relationship of humans to the animal and spirit world. Shell dippers were decorated with an array of mythic symbols, while ceramic vessels were often modeled after animals or beings from the upper and lower worlds. These beings undoubtedly had counterparts in the rich mythology of the Southeast. Pottery vessels were painted, incised, engraved, and appliquéd with Southeastern ritual symbols including swastikas, scrolls, geometric patterns, and anthropometric designs. These vessels served to transform mundane liquids created by humans into potent sacred medicines that purified and consecrated the priests who conducted life-saving and life-renewing rituals on behalf of nobles and commoners alike. A third location for Southeastern ceremonial images is the rock art found throughout the Southern Appalachians and the Ozarks. These high landscape settings afforded the viewer a panoramic view of the world. Such

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Human-portrait vessel, formed of clay, from Shawnee Village, Mississippi County, Arkansas. A raptor claw is curved around the right eye, and an upside-down raptor— or bird-man—in a stooped, attack position is stenciled over the left eye. Such vessels were modeled after real people and commemorate trophy heads, severed from the bodies of enemies. This vessel is on display at Hampson Museum State Park, Wilson, Arkansas. (Courtesy David Dye and Hampson Museum State Park)

locations suggest their association with the upper world and the use of rituals for connecting humans with the power of the upper region. Rock art includes petroglyphs and pictographs of animals, weapons, and geometric and abstract motifs.

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The ceremonial caves and open rock shelters found in the sandstone and karst areas of the Southeast provide the fourth context for Southeastern iconography. Rock-shelter walls in northern Alabama and western Arkansas prominently display a variety of images, while in east Tennessee mud glyphs have been found in dark, obscure passages of caves. At these sites human, animal, and geometric images as well as warfare themes have been recorded (Hall 1997). Mississippian iconography reflects a vital and entrenched preoccupation of their creators with fertility, warfare, and world renewal. Linked with mythology and derived from weaponry, war trophies, and puissant animals, the images encapsulate powerful metaphors. Iconography, whether worn on costumes, engraved on ritual containers, placed in sanctified shrines, carried in sacred bundles, or drawn on rock-shelter and cave walls, provided an access to supernatural powers that was sought through ritual by chiefs, nobles, and commoners alike. One iconographic theme focused on images of aggressive and fierce elite warriors brandishing weapons and war trophies. These dancing warrior images, hammered on copper repoussé plates and engraved on marine-shell gorgets and cups, portray the use of weapons and war trophies in warfare rituals. Weaponry, especially war clubs, and weapon-derived motifs figure prominently in Mississippian iconography. Icons show high-status warriors with war clubs raised above their heads, mimicking combat. The functional counterparts of these status-identifying ritual maces or war clubs were the premier instruments of war for Mississippian warriors, who fought in hand-to-hand combat for war honors and trophies. Representations of powerful animals, including falcons, woodpeckers, turkeys, mountain lions, and rattlesnakes, conjured cosmological powers of upper- and lower-world supernaturals. These animals possessed qualities esteemed and sought by priests and warriors. Supernatural animals could endow one with attributes such as stealth, courage, fidelity, and striking power for spiritual aid; military success in battle; and access to the other world. Community-centered fertility cults, a dominant force in rural Mississippian life, served to promote social cooperation through ritual and iconography. Archaeological evidence suggests that rituals similar to the historically documented Green Corn Ceremony had their beginnings as early as A.D. 1000 (Howard 1968). The equal-arm cross (recorded by conquistadors some six hundred years later) and other esoteric symbols were firmly entrenched as part of a four-sided or quadripartite world view. Designs on pottery vessels and the use of sacred fires; four-cornered platform mounds; and the

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Crested supernatural bird, ca. 1400 A.D., possibly modeled after a hooded merganser duck. The erect crest is a symbol of aggression, and the vessel may have symbolized warfare. This artifact, found at Upper Nodena site, Mississippi County, Arkansas, is on display at Hampson Museum State Park, Wilson, Arkansas. (Courtesy David Dye and Hampson Museum State Park)

layout of villages around sanctified plazas and ritual courtyards were all based upon sets of oppositions or dualisms such as the upper world and under world. Mississippian iconography revolved about these sets of oppositions, which served in constructing a sacred landscape within this world. The sacred world was accessible by the Mississippian elite in part through the manipulation of powerful iconographic images. Their ability to orchestrate fertility, warfare, and world-renewal rituals was essential to the survival of their people. Sources Brose, David S., James A. Brown, and David W. Penny. 1985. Ancient Art of the American Woodland Indians. New York: Harry N. Abrams.

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Dye, David. 1995. “Feasting with the Enemy: Mississippian Warfare and Prestige-Goods Circulation.” In Native American Interpretations in the Eastern Woodlands, edited by Michael Nassaney and Kenneth Sassaman, 289–316. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Galloway, Patricia, ed. 1989. The Southeastern Ceremonial Complex: Artifacts and Analysis. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Hall, Robert L. 1997. An Archaeology of the Soul: North American Indian Belief and Ritual. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Howard, James H. 1968. The Southeastern Ceremonial Complex and Its Interpretation. Missouri Archaeological Society, Memoir 6. Columbia, Missouri. Hudson, Charles. 1976. The Southeastern Indians. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press.

CHAPTER 31

Choctaw Houses and Public Buildings Cameron B. Wesson

Archaeological and historical sources indicate that the Choctaws were constructing a variety of domestic and public structures at the time of first contact with Europeans. Their villages contained not only individual houses but a variety of public structures as well. These structures served important practical purposes for the Choctaws but, like all architecture, they were also physical manifestations of their culture’s cosmology, aesthetic principles, cultural values, and social organization. Whether houses, palaces, marketplaces, or ceremonial precincts, the spaces in which people live and interact are socially meaningful and can reveal much about a culture. Houses are particularly important because, as James Deetz notes, they are “a culture in microcosm . . . [where] individuals are brought to an awareness of their culture’s rules, and conversely, where those rules are frequently expressed in physical form’’ (1982, 719). Houses are also sensitive indicators of social change, since they are occupied by the most basic social unit, the family. The Choctaw household was the smallest recognized social unit, and it was through the household that the family met its basic subsistence needs. Like most Southeastern groups, the Choctaws practiced matrilocal residency, with Choctaw women controlling houses. The houses were usually occupied by a matriarch, her spouse, and their dependent children, but married daughters with their spouses and children and, occasionally, older relatives could also live in the same house. The Choctaw house was, thus, occupied by a multigenerational extended family cooperating in subsistence and productive activities. 267

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Choctaw houses consisted of two very distinct structures, a rectangular summer house and a circular winter house. Archaeological research indicates that this dual-structure pattern was used by Southeastern tribes as early as A.D. 1000, but its earliest use by the Choctaws has yet to be determined. Compared to modern houses, Choctaw summer and winter houses were very compact, with an estimated floor area of between thirty-five and forty-five square meters. Because of the limited size of their houses, the Choctaws also constructed ancillary storage structures such as granaries, corncribs, and animal pens. Houses were usually located within a town or village, but others were scattered along streams and rivers throughout the region occupied by the Choctaws. The winter house, often referred to as a “hot house’’ by Europeans, was used by other Southeastern groups, including the Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Creeks. A Choctaw winter house was typically a semisubterranean circular structures with a small, tunneled entrance. This design allowed winter houses to remain warm regardless of outside temperatures. The first European description of Southeastern winter houses appears in accounts of the De Soto expedition. Nabokov and Easton quote one of these sources as saying that “Throughout the cold country every Indian has a winter house, plastered inside and out, with a very small opening which is closed at dark and a fire being made within, it remains heated like an oven, so that clothing is not needed at night. He has likewise a house for summer and near it a kitchen, where fire is made and bread baked’’ (1989: 93–94). Summer houses were rectangular in plan and less substantial in their construction. These structures often had open sides so that breezes could cool their occupants. Both summer and winter houses were constructed either by placing posts within a wall trench or by digging an individual hole for each post. These supports were interwoven with split cane, then the walls were plastered with daub, a mixture of clay and organic matter. The roofs were constructed in a similar manner, with split cane interwoven over a framework of larger wooden roofing members. Bark slabs of pine, cypress, or cedar were then cut and placed on top of this framework as the primary roofing material. The internal space of Choctaw houses was divided in a number of ways, with separate areas for sleeping benches, food preparation, storage, and other family activities. These spatial divisions not only represented the activities of various members of the household but also reinforced social divisions between men and women, young and old. Separate spaces for male and female activities reinforced female control over the household and domestic space, reflecting Choctaw social organization.

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The remains of public buildings also provide information about the nature of Choctaw culture. Almost all Choctaw towns had council houses, charnel houses, square grounds, and ball fields. Before the seventeenth century, larger towns also had earthen mounds and fortified palisades. The most important public buildings for most Choctaw towns, however, were the council house and the square ground. Council houses were the place where the chief and his council met to deliberate town business, especially political and judicial matters. These structures were often referred to by Europeans as “rotundas” or communal “hot houses.” The council house was a round structure, constructed in much the same manner as the individual Choctaw winter houses but on a much larger scale. The largest council house was reported to have been large enough for several hundred men to meet in it at one time. Benjamin Hawkins, in his 1797 account, provides a useful description of the council house: Chooc-ofau thluc-co [N.B. these are Creek words], the rotunda or assembly room, called by the traders, “hot-house.” This is near the square, and it is constructed in the following manner: Eight posts are fixed in the ground, forming an octagon of thirty feet in diameter. They are twelve feet high and large enough to support the roof. On these, five or six logs are placed, of a side, drawn in as they rise. On these long poles or rafters, to suit the height of the building, are laid, the upper ends forming a point, and the lower ends projecting out six feet from the octagon, making the diameter of the building about 42 feet, with plates on them, to which the rafters are tied with splits. These are covered with clay, and that with pine bark; the walls six feet from the octagon, is [sic] clayed up; they have a small door into a small portico, curved around for five or six feet, then into the house. . . . In the centre of the room, on a small rise, the fire is made, of dry cane or dry old pine slabs, split fine, and laid in a spiral circle. This is the assembly room for all people, old and young; they assemble every night, and amuse themselves with dancing, singing, or conversation. And here, sometimes, in very cold weather, the old and naked sleep. (1971:71–72) According to Hawkins, the council house was open to all members of the community except during times of council deliberations. The council house was also a place for the enactment of certain religious rituals, but it does not appear to have been the primary ritual space in Choctaw communities.

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The square ground was the most important element of Choctaw public architecture. Although not the most impressive architectural feature in Choctaw towns, the square ground was empowered with a great deal of symbolic and religious importance. Much as in the council house, matters of public interest and town government were often addressed in the square. Its most important function, however, was to serve as the place for public rituals such as the Green Corn or Busk Ceremonies. The public square consisted of four rectangular buildings of equal size (often referred to as “clan beds’’) arranged in a square, with open sides facing the central courtyard formed by the arrangement of the structures. Individual seating positions within the buildings were separated among clans and according to social status, thus replicating Choctaw social organization in physical space. Constructed near the center of the town, the public square served as the community’s ceremonial and political center. Both public and domestic structures were symbolically important for the Choctaws, with each constructed as representations of cosmological and social order. Recent research suggests that the communities were patterned after the structure of Choctaw origin myths, with each public building representing one of the important places where the Choctaws stopped on their migrations to the east. It has also been suggested that Choctaw domestic structures mimic the relationship between the council house and the sacred square, embodying additional aspects of the Choctaw sacred cosmos. Sources Ashmore, Wendy, and Richard Wilk. 1988. Household and Community in the Mesoamerican Past. In Household and Community in the Mesoamerican Past, edited by Wendy Ashmore and Richard Wilk, 1–27. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Cunningham, Clark. 1973. Order in the Atoni House. In Right and Left: Essays on Dual Symbolic Classification, edited by Rodney Needham, 204–38. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Deetz, James. 1982. Households. American Behavioral Scientist 25:717–24. Driver, Harold E. 1969. Indians of North America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Faulkner, Charles H. 1977. The Winter House: An Early Southeast Tradition. Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 2:141–59.

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Hawkins, Benjamin. 1848. A Sketch of the Creek Country in the Years 1798 and 1799. Reprint, New York: Krauss Publishing, 1971. Hudson, Charles. 1992. The Southeastern Indians. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Nabokov, Peter, and Robert Easton. 1989. Native American Architecture. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Norberg-Shulz, Christian. 1971. Existence, Space and Architecture. New York: Praeger Publishers. ———. 1980. Genius Loci: Towards a Phenomnenology of Architecture. New York: Rizzoli. Rapoport, Amos. 1969. House Form and Culture. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Swanton, John R. 1928. Social Organization and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy. In 42d Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 31–726. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D.C. ———.1946. The Indians of the Southeastern United States. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 137. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Wilk, Richard R., and William L. Rathje. 1982. Household Archaeology. American Behavioral Scientist 25:617–39.

CHAPTER 32

European Contact and Trade Cameron B. Wesson

The forces that brought Europeans and Native Americans into contact varied greatly, ranging from treasure-hunting expeditions and military incursions to trading parties and missionary proselytization. Beginning with the exploration of southeastern North America in the sixteenth century, the colonial powers of Europe and later a fledgling United States vied for control of the area, its resources, and its peoples. Although colonizers pursued different policies of interaction with the indigenous peoples of the region, each challenged the autonomy and territorial integrity of indigenous Southeastern societies. The impact of these contacts differed due to various international intrigues, geographic distances, and cultural practices, but most often the result was an erosion of traditional ways of life for Native Americans. Contacts between the Native Americans of the interior Southeast and Europeans began in the mid-sixteenth century with the exploration of the region by explorers such as Hernando de Soto, Tristan De Luna, and Juan Pardo. These conquistadors were primarily interested in finding their fortunes and in expanding the Spanish Empire through colonizing new lands. First contact between the Choctaws and Europeans was probably in present-day western Alabama as De Soto and his troops marched westward. The initial impacts of this contact were probably minor compared to those that were to come later, but they certainly left their mark in the loss of Choctaw lives during battles with the Spaniards and in the introduction of new material items previously unknown to the Choctaws.

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Perhaps the most lasting impact of the encounters, however, was not material but biological. Archaeological investigations of these initial European contacts on Southeastern cultures stress disease as having the greatest impact on Native Americans. European-introduced diseases caused a decline in Southeastern cultures through the reduction of their populations and the destabilization of their food supplies (Ramenofsky 1987). Some scholars estimate that the introduction of European diseases such as smallpox and measles resulted in the death of approximately 90 percent of the precontact Native American population (Dobyns 1983). Such extreme loss of life undoubtedly presented monumental social problems for Native peoples. One way of coping with these problems was likely the banding together of formerly independent groups through the formation of alliances and confederacies. By the eighteenth century, Southeastern cultures and populations had largely stabilized. During this period the primary contacts between Europeans and Native Americans were related to matters of trade. Many studies of Euroamerican and Native American trade argue that the superior qualities of European goods made them irresistibly attractive to the Native Americans, and, thus, established a cycle of dependency. Several researchers argue that this dependency was largely based on the replacement of bows and arrows with guns, since guns dramatically improved success in hunting (Cotterill 1954). Native Americans, however, were not merely passive consumers of European-introduced items. Rather, they selected items based on a complex network of culturally prescribed criteria, ultimately shaping the nature of trade. As William A. Turnbaugh illustrates for the Narraganssetts, Native Americans were savvy consumers who actively shaped not only the types of goods offered by Euroamericans in trade but also the quality of trade goods. Native American and Euroamerican trade centered around the European need for deerskins. These skins were used in the production of numerous finished goods by Europeans, and were often the source of deadly competition between European traders of differing nationalities. The Choctaws capitalized on dissension between European governments, developing what has been referred to as the play-off system (White 1983, 34–68). By playing off one European trading partner against another, the Choctaws were able to amass considerable material wealth and political power during the eighteenth century. Once the United States defeated European nations in the struggle for control of the Southeast, the play-off system could no longer be used to buttress Choctaw society. With American political control

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This only full-body sketch of a Choctaw in traditional clothing is by H. B. Mollhausen, who accompanied the Transpacific Railroad Survey to graphically record events encountered by the company. The sketch was made in late summer 1853, while the survey followed the Canadian River west. Soon after contact with Europeans, Choctaws began adopting the dress from them that is now considered “traditional”: for women, a ruffled, aproned, floor-length dress; for men, loose pants and shirt with a characteristic sash. The turban that appears in this sketch was replaced with a hat. (Courtesy Archives and Manuscripts Division, Oklahoma Historical Society, Amiel Whipple Collection)

of the Southeast came a monopoloy of trade with the Choctaws and other Southeastern Native American groups. Without foreign competition for deerskins, the terms of trade began to swing in favor of American traders, to the detriment of the Choctaws. An inflationary spiral began, with increasing numbers of skins needed to purchase the goods the Choctaws desired in

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trade. Many Choctaws were forced to purchase their goods on credit, a practice that led to increasingly larger debts that they often could not repay. The creation of these debts led to a form of economic dependency, irrevocably tying the Choctaws to the traders and the American government. Weakened by debt and internal political dissention, the Choctaws were continually pressed by the United States to cede their lands east of the Mississippi for new lands in the West. By 1833 the majority of Choctaws east of the Mississippi had been removed from their traditional homelend and relocated in Oklahoma. Sources Cotterill, R. S. 1954. The Southern Indians: The Story of the Five Civilized Tribes before Removal. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Crane, Verner W. 1928. The Southern Frontier, 1670–1732. Philadelphia: The Seeman Press. Dobyns, Henry F. 1983. Their Number Became Thinned: Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North America. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Foreman, Grant. 1989. The Five Civilized Tribes: Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, Seminole. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Ramenofsky, Ann F. 1987. Vectors of Death: The Archaeology of European Contact. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico. Smith, Marvin T. 1987. Archaeology of Aboriginal Culture Change in the Interior Southeast. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Turnbaugh, William A. 1993. Assessing the Significance of European Goods in Seventeenth-Century Narragansett Society. In Ethnohistory and Archaeology: Approaches to Postcontact Change in the Americas, edited by J. Daniel Rogers and Samuel M. Wilson, 133–60. New York: Plenum Press. White, Richard. 1983. The Roots of Dependency. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

CHAPTER 33

A History of the Choctaw Language Marcia Haag

Choctaw is a member of the Muskogean language family, an important group of languages indigenous to the southeastern part of North America. Other members of this family are Creek-Seminole, Chickasaw, Koasati, Alabama, Mikasuki, Hitchiti, and Apalachee, the latter two now extinct. All of these languages are daughter languages of what we call Proto-Muskogean, which has evolved due to the passing of time and physical separation of peoples into each of the daughters. The process is comparable to the evolution of Latin into the Romance languages, while Latin itself is no longer spoken. Because neither Proto-Muskogean nor any of the intermediate languages in the development of the modern languages was written, we cannot say with any authority how long ago Proto-Muskogean was spoken. Closely related subgroups of Muskogean languages are Choctaw and Chickasaw; Alabama, Koasati, and Apalachee; and Mikasuki and Hitchiti. The Creek and Seminole tribes speak varieties of the same language, called Creek-Seminole, or sometimes Muskoki (Haas, 1941). We know that languages are related to each other as daughters of a single, earlier language, even if they appear very dissimilar, by noting regular changes in the sound systems. Because Choctaw and Chickasaw have separated only recently, we can see some of the sound correspondences fairly easily. For example, where Choctaw has an internal /h/, Chickasaw has a glottal stop, usually spelled with an apostrophe, so Choctaw tohbi ‘white’ is Chickasaw to’bi. Even Muskogean languages that diverged from each other

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early on, such as Choctaw-Chickasaw and Creek-Seminole, can be seen to have a very similar grammatical structure. For example, Creek-Seminole verbs, like Choctaw verbs, are distinguished for agent, affected, and recipient subjects, each with its own set of person markers. (An agent subject is like English I fixed it; an affected subject is like English I am cold; and a recipient subject is like English it seems to me.) For comparison, Creek-Seminole hecetv ‘see’ takes an agent subject: ‘I see’ is hecis. Even though the Choctaw word for ‘see’ is very different—pisa— we can see in pisa-lih ‘I see’ that Choctaw -li, the agent subject, corresponds to Creek -i, and the Choctaw predication marker -h corresponds to Creek -s. Similarly, just as Choctaw sa-hohchffoh ‘I am hungry’ requires an affected subject, so, too, does Creek cvlvwes; the Creek affected subject cv- corresponds to Choctaw sa- (Munro 1993; Schultze 1995). The first Choctaw encounters with Europeans were with the Spanish and French. These meetings produced a few borrowings into the language. Spanish supplied names for two domestic animals: vaca ‘cow’ became Choctaw wak, and gato ‘cat’ was borrowed in its plural form as katos. The Choctaws were allies of the French, but despite their political and trade connections they borrowed only a few terms, among them chapeau ‘hat’ (Choctaw shapo), and escolin, a denomination of coin (Choctaw iskli). Similarly, European languages have borrowed few Choctaw words: probably the best known is the French bayou from bok. Place-names in the Southeast remain the best testament of Choctaw and other Muskogean languages. We can see the Choctaw roots of Tuscaloosa (tushka lusa ‘black warrior’); Oklahoma (okla humma ‘red people’); Talihina (tli hina ‘iron road; railroad’); and Bogalusa (bok lusa ‘black river’). Choctaw borrowed few words from English. Most English borrowings are of time units such as months of the year and days of the week that are dissimilar from units of the Choctaw time system. Other examples are words that represent nationalities such as Miliki ‘American’; Filinchi ‘French’; and Sipani ‘Spanish’. The lack of Choctaw words for European animals, plants, and manufactured goods often inspired the creation of metaphorical descriptions for them from Native vocabulary. We often know that an animal is not native to America by its name. For instance, the word for horse in many native American languages is often a compound based on the word for deer: in Choctaw, this is issoba from issi holba ‘like a deer’. The word for sheep is taken from the word for rabbit: chukfi. Some speakers differentiate the two by

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specifying chukfi luma ‘hidden rabbit’ versus chukfi alhpoa ‘domesticated rabbit’. Similarly, such exotic animals as monkeys are described as shawi hattak, or hattak shawi ‘raccoon men’. Eventually, English began to encroach upon Choctaw, as the Choctaw people were subjected to removal from their homeland, the closing of their tribal schools in Oklahoma, and forced abandonment of their language in boarding schools, in addition to the strong economic and social pressure to learn English. When languages are subjected to such pressures, speakers invent fewer words for new ideas and things, often using replacements from the dominant language that surrounds them. So we hear the English borrowed word kaa ‘car’ used instead of native terms such as peni chnaha and hattak shali. Speakers stop using the rarer vocabulary items and instead make phrases from a smaller number of words. Finally, the grammar itself begins to be affected. Younger Choctaw speakers in some areas now use the general possessive marker (a ‘my’, chi ‘your’, and so forth) for all nouns, instead of using special markers for kin and body parts as the old language requires. Some speakers have begun to delete the subject marker -t and to replace the aspect-marked forms of verbs with adverbs. There are several regional dialects of Choctaw, although the distinctions among them are ultimately minor. And, as the number of speakers diminishes, regional dialects become more a matter of individual styles. But there is a clear regional distinction between Choctaw speakers in Mississippi and the majority of Choctaw speakers in Oklahoma, though many Oklahoma speakers have the Mississippi dialect or aspects of it. One dialect difference is the use of hicha and hocha ‘and’ in Mississippi, whereas Oklahoma Choctaws more often say micha. Mississippi Choctaws more frequently contract words: in Mississippi we hear s’nnah ‘I want it’; chi’nnah ‘you want it’ and ak’kanoh ‘I don’t know’, while Oklahoma speakers more often use the full forms sa-bnnah, chi-bnnah, and ak-ikhanoh. In Oklahoma there are other regional dialects stemming from the place of origin and time of removal of inhabitants’ forbears and from proximity to other peoples, notably the Chickasaws in western Oklahoma. These dialects tend to differ in the pronunciation of some sounds: for example, one dialect has a weaker nasalization of vowels and another softens internal /h/ in words. In several of the dialects, katomma is used for ‘where’. The Choctaw language will inevitably change as it exists side by side with English and as its speakers become virtually always bilingual. Several groups of language preservationists in both Mississippi and Oklahoma are working to record the older grammatical forms and the rich vocabulary so

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that younger speakers will be able to learn not only local vernaculars or everyday speech, but also the full forms and etymologies of words and the complex Choctaw grammar. Sources Battiest, Terry. Personal communication on Oklahoma dialects. Haas, Mary R. 1941. The Classification of the Muskogean Languages. Language, Culture and Personality: Essays in Memory of Edward Sapir, ed. Leslie Spier et al., pp 41–56. Menasha, Wisc.: Banta Publishing. Munro, Pamela. 1993. The Muskogean II Prefixes and Their Significance for Classification. International Journal of American Linguistics 59, no. 4:374–404. Schultze, Jack. 1995. Nakcokv Enhvteceskv Mvskoke Opvnakv Empvtakv: First Book of Muskogee Grammar. Dept. of Anthropology, University of Oklahoma. Ulrich, Charles H. 1986. Choctaw Morphophonology. Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles.

CHAPTER 34

The Choctaw People Resist the Treaty at Dancing Rabbit Creek Duane Champagne

During the 1820s the U.S. federal government increasingly pressured the Southeastern tribes to remove west of the Mississippi River. Several times before 1830 American government officials proposed to the Choctaws that they should exchange their homeland for territory in Indian Territory, or present-day eastern Oklahoma. Many American settlers were streaming into the Southeast looking for farmland and land to create cotton plantations. Some future states such as Alabama and Mississippi were pressuring the federal government to remove the Indian nations from their chartered state boundaries. In the spring of 1830 government officials discussed a treaty with Greenwood LeFlore, chief of the northeastern district, but the negotiations caused so much controversy in the Choctaw Nation that the agreements had to be abandoned. In September 1830 American treaty commissioners asked the Choctaw leaders to meet them at Dancing Rabbit Creek in the Choctaw Nation in order to consider land cessions and removal. The Choctaws were represented by three district chiefs and their advisers from their respective district councils. As was the custom, many Choctaws from throughout the Nation attended the treaty grounds in order to observe the proceedings. The Choctaws who attended the treaty negotiations came from all three districts—the southern district, also known as the Six Towns or Okla Hnnali; the northeastern district, or the Potato People; and the northwestern district, the Okla Falaya, also known as the Long People. The people came to hear the proposals of the American treaty commissioners, to partake in any gifts distributed on the 280

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Pushmataha, from an 1837 lithograph after an 1824 painting by Charles Bird King. Although the government of the United States often treated the Choctaw people in a shameful fashion, Choctaws have served in the U.S. military in every war, often in numbers far out of proportion to their representation in the general population. One of the most famous Choctaw military men was Pushmataha, a brigadier general in the U.S. Army who ably served in many campaigns, including the War of 1812 under Andrew Jackson. Jackson later betrayed Pushmataha’s people with his policies that ultimately led to their removal to Indian Territory. (Courtesy Archives and Manuscripts Division, Oklahoma Historical Society)

treaty grounds, and to witness the agreed-upon responses of the Choctaw leaders. Most Choctaws opposed removal west, and after the American commissioners offered their plan for moving them west, the Choctaw district chiefs spoke, declining the commissioner’s offer (Champagne 1992). They informed the commissioners that the Choctaws did not want to leave their country, and although they wanted to remain at peace with the United States, they respectfully declined the offer to exchange land in the east for land in the west. In the initial negotiations the three Choctaw district chiefs were following the instructions of their communities and district councils. In the

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Hleotambi—probably from lhiolit abi ‘he chases and kills’—a Confederate veteran of the Civil War. The Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma had signed a treaty with the Confederacy, as had other tribes, and many Choctaws served in the Confederate Army, although not all Choctaws supported the war effort. After the war the Union, in reestablishing relations with the Choctaws, expropriated the western portion of the Choctaw territory as punishment for their support of the losing side. The opening of these lands brought in many non-Indians to build railroads. Several Plains tribes were also resettled in this part of the old Choctaw homeland. (Courtesy Archives and Manuscripts Division, Oklahoma Historical Society)

previous months the people and iksa, or kinship-group, leaders in the district councils had discussed the removal proposal and decided against it. After having heard their views expressed to the American treaty commissioners, most Choctaws returned home to take care of their everyday affairs, believing that the issue was settled and no removal would take place. For most Choctaws the refusal by their district chiefs was enough to conclude the negotiations, as the district chiefs were not empowered to make further negotiations or to make land or removal concessions. For the American commissioners, however, the initial discussions were only the beginning of negotiations, and they pressed the Choctaw chiefs to


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remain and continue bargaining. After more refusals by the Choctaw leadership, the treaty commissioners resorted to bribery and military threats to convince them to accept removal. The commissioners told the chiefs that if they remained in the east, the state of Mississippi would extend its laws over the Choctaws and the Choctaw people could no longer live under their own government and laws. The Choctaws would be forced to live under U.S. and Mississippi law and to become U.S. citizens. Under such threats the Choctaw chiefs agreed to accept removal and exchange their homeland for land in Indian Territory. The American government would pay the costs of removal and would provide economic aid to the Choctaws in order to assist them in making the economic transition to their new territory. Provisions were made for those Choctaws who wished to remain in the east. One treaty article encouraged the Choctaws to adopt a constitutional government within a few years after settling in their new country. The U.S. government gained the right to maintain political order within the Choctaw Nation, a treaty article that directly infringed on Choctaw national political sovereignty. The Choctaws were to remove west over the next two years after the treaty agreement. Many people in the Choctaw Nation were surprised and dismayed to hear about the agreement. The negotiations and treaty were contrary to the usual processes of iksa and district political decision making. Many Choctaws were angry with the actions of the three districts chiefs, who had not faithfully carried out the will of the Choctaw councils. A majority of Choctaws in all three districts moved over the next six months to replace their district chiefs with men who would be more responsive to the desires and expressions of the Choctaw councils and iksas. On October 23, 1830, Greenwood LeFlore, northwestern district chief, was deposed and George Harkins was elected to office for two years and during good behavior. Sensing the unhappiness of the people in the northeastern district, Moshulatubee resigned in favor of his nephew, Peter Pitchlynn. Pitchlynn was refused by many of the Christian captains in the northeastern district, who elected David Folsom as district chief. A few months later, in the southern district, the council deposed their district chief, Nitakechi, and elected Joe Nail, a chief from Chickasawhay, a major iksa in the southern district. The election of the new chiefs was an expression of the opposition of most Choctaw people to the Treaty at Dancing Rabbit Creek. Notwithstanding the fact that the Choctaw community moved to replace their political leaders according to their own longstanding custom, the U.S. government continued to recognize the chiefs who had signed the Treaty at

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Peter “Bud” Maytubby, Jr., of the 1st U.S. Vol. Cavalry, was one of Roosevelt’s Rough Riders during the Spanish-American War of 1898. (Courtesy Archives and Manuscripts Division, Oklahoma Historical Society)

Dancing Rabbit Creek. Furthermore, the U.S. government held the entire Choctaw Nation responsible for living up to the terms of the treaty. After some discussion, most Choctaws believed that they were forced to comply with removal and to temporarily accept the leadership of the Americansupported chiefs who had signed the removal treaty. Many individual Choctaws and communities considered whether to migrate to Indian Territory or to remain in the east under Mississippi state law. Athough Greenwood LeFlore was recognized as Choctaw principal chief by the U.S. Government until 1833, LeFlore decided to stay and become a citizen of the state of Mississippi. Moshulatubee removed with his people and regained the confidence of the people within the old northeastern district. After his death one of the districts in the new Choctaw Nation in Indian Territory was named in Moshulatubee’s honor (Champagne 1992). Many people among the Okla Hnnali and southern district were reluctant to migrate west and decided to stay on land near their villages. Between 1831 and 1833 about three-fourths of the Choctaws migrated to


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A group of Choctaw World War I veterans at the American Legion in Hugo, Oklahoma, in the 1930s. Included are Choctaw Code Talkers Joseph Oklahombi, second from left, and James Edwards, far right. Second from right is Johnson W. Bobb. The Goodland Indian Band is in the background. Choctaw was one of the original American languages to be used for military intelligence when it was realized that such languages, unknown to an enemy, could be used to advantage in circumstances where standard cryptology broke down. The Choctaw Code Talkers of World War I pioneered this use of American languages, which would be even more fully developed during the Second World War. (Courtesy Evangeline Wilson, president of the Choctaw Code Talkers Association and daughter of Johnson W. Bobb)

Indian Territory, while the rest stayed in the east. Only a small number of Choctaws were officially registered under the treaty for remaining in Mississippi state, however, and many were destined to live economically and socially marginal existences throughout the rest of the nineteenth and well into the twentieth century. Most Choctaws slowly settled into the new land in Indian Territory. Starting in 1833 the Choctaws incrementally formed a constitutional government, which remained under Choctaw control until 1907. The Treaty at Dancing Rabbit Creek was not popular among the Choctaw people. Most did not want to move west and abandon their homeland, where their sacred sites were located and the bones of their ancestors

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V. W. “Buster” Jefferson, of Company B, 379th Regiment, 95th Division of the U.S. Army, a veteran of World War II who participated in the invasion of Normandy. Many Choctaw men entered the armed services because they experienced less discrimination than in civilian life. The military also provided a way for Choctaw men to be employed when jobs were scarce. (Courtesy V. W. Jefferson)

lay buried. The central Choctaw sacred site, Nnih Waiya, a large mound around which the Choctaws had built an ancient town and where—according to some stories—the Choctaw people had emerged from the Under World, was left behind by those who migrated west. Most of the resistance to removal did not come from the mixed-blood families, who had come to view the removal agreement as a means to trade land and preserve the Choctaw Nation from destruction by U.S. settlers and the state of Mississippi. The strength of the removal resistance came from the majority of Choctaws who still lived in the ways of their ancestors. They honored their homeland as a place given to them by the Creator, and they deeply believed in their right to remain and live in their ancestral home. Only the arguments of their leaders convinced many reluctant Choctaws to move west.


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“A cigarette and a rifle.” Staff Sergeant William R. McIntosh poses before field inspection at training in Fort Rucker, Alabama. Sergeant McIntosh participated in the invasion of Europe and served in the infantry in the central European theater during World War II. (Courtesy Susan McIntosh)

Sources Champagne, Duane. 1992. Social Order and Political Change: Constitutional Governments among the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw and Creek. Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press. Debo, Angie. 1972. Rise and Fall of the Choctaw Republic. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. De Rosier, Arthur H., Jr. 1975. Myths and Realities of Indian Westward Removal: The Choctaw Example. In Four Centuries of Southern Indians, edited by Charles Hudson, 83–100. Athens: University of Georgia Press. Kidwell, Clara Sue. 1987. Choctaws and Missionaries in Mississippi Before 1830. American Indian Culture and Research Journal 11, no. 2:51–70.

CHAPTER 35

The Choctaw Trail of Tears James Carson

In September 1830 nearly six thousand Choctaws met with representatives of the federal government to voice their overwhelming opposition to negotiate a treaty for their removal from Mississippi. Several leading chiefs, however, thought differently and agreed that removal was better than remaining in Mississippi, where state laws threatened to ban their culture and end their self-government. Against the people’s wishes the chiefs signed the agreement, and on February 25, 1831, the U.S. Senate ratified the Treaty at Dancing Rabbit Creek, which marked the beginning of the Choctaw Trail of Tears. The Choctaw population numbered just under twenty thousand people, so the federal government planned to remove them in three groups starting in the fall of 1831. As October approached, the removal commissioner set aside stores of corn and stocks of cattle and pigs to feed them on their fivehundred-and-fifty-mile journey from Mississippi to Indian Territory, presentday eastern Oklahoma. Disagreements among the various removal agents over how best to transport the people to their destination undermined the effort, however, and the Choctaws faced a confusing and foreboding situation when the first group prepared to leave. In October 4,000 Choctaws set out for either Vicksburg, Mississippi, or Memphis, Tennessee, where they were to board steamboats that would carry them across the river to Arkansas Territory. Unfortunately, just days into the journey a terrible winter storm broke. Poor planning exacerbated the situation, because there was not enough shelter to protect the Indians from the 288

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cold winds and harsh temperatures. Once they had disembarked in Arkansas Territory, other problems arose. The roads were in disrepair, and the provisions that had been placed in advance were inadequate for their needs. Finally, in March, the 3,749 bedraggled survivors of the first removal arrived at their new home in Indian Territory. The federal government thought the first removal had been too expensive, so the secretary of war put the army in charge of the next two removals. Again, the plan was to load Choctaws onto steamboats in Vicksburg and Memphis and transport them to Arkansas Territory, where they would travel by foot to Indian Territory. Just over 5,000 gathered for the second trip, which left approximately 8,000 remaining in Mississippi. This time the planning was somewhat better, but much of the salted pork and beef that the army had purchased in case of emergencies had been declared spoiled five years before. Still, although the food, shelter, and planning were an improvement over the first removal, disaster struck. A cholera epidemic shot through the Mississippi Valley, and the Choctaws were not spared. Parties arriving in Memphis and Vicksburg told sorrowful tales of lost children, parents, other relatives, and friends. Torrential rains washed out the roads in Arkansas, and many Choctaws had to wade through waist-deep water for miles on the way to Indian Territory. By January the first arrivals began drifting into the towns built by the first removal party. When the third and last Choctaw removal occurred in the fall of 1833, the government directed its agents to economize further on transportation costs. The army also tried to procure enough high-quality provisions to feed the last batch of emigrants, but their efforts went for nought. Because of the disasters that had occurred in the previous two efforts, few Choctaws wanted to risk an uncertain life in Mississippi for the certain miseries of removal. Only about 2,000 removed in 1833, which left approximately 6,000 Choctaws still in Mississippi. Over the next several decades most of them made their way to Indian Territory, but a small group numbering less than 2,000 clung tenaciously to their old homes and towns. Most Americans, from frontier settlers to the chief executive, applauded removal. Although the federal government had spent just over $5 million to fulfill the provisions of the Treaty at Dancing Rabbit Creek, in return the United States made over $8 million by selling the vacated Choctaw land to settlers and speculators. President Andrew Jackson thought the event was the “happy consummation” of what he considered a benevolent Indian policy. Politicians and citizens in Mississippi were ecstatic as well. One group of legislators proclaimed that the Choctaw removal was the dawn of an era that

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would witness the manifold increase of the Magnolia State’s prosperity, power, and prestige (Satz 1975). Not surprisingly, Choctaws shared none of the enthusiasm. One scholar has estimated that about 15 percent of those removed, approximately 1,600 people, perished from disease, exposure, malnutrition, and other causes, but no one knows for certain how many died during and immediately after removal (DeRosier 1970). Though if body counts can suggest the pain and suffering of the Choctaws, the emotional toll of removal remains unquantifiable. Tushpa, for example, was a twelve-year-old boy at the time of removal, and his experiences were typical (Nabokov 1991). He had departed in a group of one hundred men, women, and children, none of whom really wanted to leave, and the journey soon turned into a heartbreaking series of mishaps. While the group crossed the Mississippi River on rafts loaded with people and their belongings, one boat capsized. Several people drowned while the others watched, helpless to rescue them. The group that had yet to cross the river contemplated turning back. Cold weather and disease also exacted a terrible toll on young and old alike. “Three days out of Little Rock,” Tushpa remembered, “an Indian boy, named Shunka, died from a sort of dysentery and it quickly spread in camp among the weakened ones, and in the course of a week . . . three others died.” (Nabokov 1991, 155). At last, on July 1, the “weary, emaciated, and penniless” group reached the “promised land” (Nabokov 1991, 156–57). Building a new life in Indian Territory was hard for Tushpa and the others, but the Choctaws successfully planted new cornfields, built new homes, established new herds of cattle and horses, and erected a new national government. The experiences of people like Tushpa, however, became an important part of the tribe’s collective memory and identity. Though difficult, the Trail of Tears did not break the Choctaws. Indeed, Tushpa believed that the Choctaws’ fortitude had set an example for the rest of the world. “On his death,” Tushpa’s son remembered, “[he] enjoined me to keep the family together and give them some chance for an education; to be a good citizen, and write the history of the journey if I thought it of benefit to mankind” (Nabokov 1991, 157). Sources Carson, James. 1999. Searching for the Bright Path: The Mississippi Choctaws from Prehistory to Removal. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. DeRosier, Arthur H., Jr. 1970. The Removal of the Choctaw Indians. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press.

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Foreman, Grant. 1989. Indian Removal: The Emigration of the Five Civilized Tribes. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Nabokov, Peter, ed. Native American Testimony: A Chronicle of Indian-White Relations from Prophecy to the Present, 1492–1992. New York: Viking, 1991. Satz, Ronald N. 1975. American Indian Policy in the Jacksonian Era. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. White, Richard. 1983. The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

CHAPTER 36

Life in Mississippi after Removal James Carson

The six thousand Choctaws who refused to remove to Indian Territory had every expectation that they would be given land, because the removal treaty had stipulated that all Choctaw men who remained behind would be registered with the federal government, be given citizenship, and receive title to their land. Before the Senate ratified the Treaty at Dancing Rabbit Creek, however, crowds of speculators, swindlers, and squatters moved into the former Choctaw Nation and began defrauding the Indians of their claims. Compounding the difficulties of the remaining Choctaws, William Ward, the federal Indian agent, refused to register all but a handful of names. Rather than dismiss Ward, President Andrew Jackson urged defrauded Choctaws to submit petitions to Congress expressing their concerns. Faced with such dismal prospects, over the next few decades nearly four thousand Choctaws made their way to Indian Territory on their own. Among those who stayed in Mississippi was Greenwood LeFlore. The son of a French trader and Choctaw mother, LeFlore had become a chief in 1826 and had helped negotiate the terms of removal. He bitterly resented Ward’s malfeasance and asserted afterward that had he known how removal would turn out, he would never have signed the treaty; nevertheless, his role in the removal talks scandalized the Nation, and he was unseated as chief. Never one to accept defeat, LeFlore won election to the Mississippi state legislature, where he served three terms. He also parlayed his one-thousand-acre grant of treaty land into an enormous fortune. By the 1850s he owned four hundred slaves and fifteen thousand acres of land, and he had invested heavily 292

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in a sawmill, cotton gins and presses, and a wharf facility that enabled him to ship his cotton crop to market. In 1854, to celebrate the fortune he had amassed, LeFlore commissioned an architect to build an ornate mansion for him, which he named Malmaison and furnished in the latest fashion, with furniture from France. When the Civil War erupted in 1861, LeFlore refused to side with the Confederacy. Vandals retaliated by burning his outbuildings, destroying his crops, and killing his cattle. By the time the fighting reached Mississippi, his slave force had dispersed and weeds had reclaimed the wide fields that surrounded his home. Greenwood LeFlore died shortly after the war’s end and was buried wrapped in an American flag (Halliburton 1986). LeFlore’s life after removal was exceptional, for most Choctaws who refused to remove never obtained title to any land, much less bought French china. Instead, they had to move about, squatting on other people’s land, farming crops and hunting where they could. Whenever possible, they also tried to earn cash. Choctaw women, for example, sold foodstuffs, baskets, and other handicrafts to farmer’s wives or picked cotton on plantations, while the men sold venison and other products of the hunt to farmers and townsfolk. Without federal or state recognition as a distinct people, the Mississippi Choctaws slipped through the cracks of the biracial caste system that ordered social relations in the antebellum South. They had no civil liberties to speak of, but as outsiders they were also under little pressure to learn English or otherwise acculturate. By the 1850s roughly two thousand Choctaws lived in several small communities that were scattered from New Orleans to Mobile, where they continued to speak their native tongue and to practice the ceremonies and rituals that had given meaning to their lives for centuries. The Civil War briefly interrupted the obscurity of the Choctaws’ lives. In 1863 the Confederate army organized a battalion of Choctaw infantry that earned a reputation for heroism after its soldiers rescued some of the passengers of a troop train that had derailed and plunged into a river. When the Union army captured the Choctaw force during the Vicksburg campaign, the Choctaws once again receded into the background. After the war landowners needed to recoup lost profits, so they brought more and more land under cultivation. As the Choctaws could no longer make a living by squatting on the formerly unused land, they began to work as sharecroppers. Typically, landowners and local merchants priced the supplies their tenants needed well above the profits they could expect to make on their “shares,” and the system evolved into a form of debt peonage. The discriminatory poll tax that prevented most freedmen from voting likewise applied to Choctaws. The conditions in which the Mississippi Choctaws

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lived appalled the Western Choctaws in Indian Territory, and they implored the federal government to intervene (Peterson 1979). No aid from the government was forthcoming, but Catholics, Baptists, and Methodists began building churches and schools in the various Choctaw communities. They also bought land that enabled many Choctaws to feed themselves without fear of eviction. Nevertheless, relations between Choctaws and missionaries were from time to time strained by the latter’s criticism of Choctaw lifeways as heathen and savage. Despite their sometimes rocky relationship, the Choctaws and missionaries combined forces to win back federal and state recognition of the Choctaws as a people. In 1897 the Curtis Act extended to the Mississippi Choctaws the provisions of an earlier law, the Allotment Act, which required that all Native Americans be enrolled on federal registers and be given title to allotments of land (Kidwell 1995). A congressional investigation into William Ward’s illegal behavior as well as the activities of the Mississippi Choctaws and the missionaries put great pressure on the federal government to allot land to them. Over 25,000 people applied for federal recognition as Mississippi Choctaws, but less than 1,700 made it onto the tribal rolls. In 1918, one year after an influenza epidemic killed 20 percent of the Mississippi Choctaws, the federal government recognized them as a tribe and built an agency office in Philadelphia, Mississippi (Kidwell 1995). In the following decades the Mississippi Choctaws achieved a number of important goals. In 1944 a federally funded land-purchase program led to the creation of a reservation, and one year later the Mississippi Band of the Choctaw Indians was incorporated as the tribal government. Today the communities of Redwater, Pearl River, Standing Pine, Bogue Chitto, Tucker, Conehatta, and Bogue Homa are home to some 6,000 descendants of the 2,000 Choctaws who refused to remove. The reservation is one of the more prosperous in the United States, and Choctaws work in a variety of occupations, from making parts for General Motors automobiles to assembling and folding greeting cards. Close to eight out of ten Mississippi Choctaws continue to speak their native language, and each year they hold festivals that enable the public to witness the ball games, dances, and other cultural activities that held them together over a century and a half of isolation and alienation. Sources Carson, James. 1999. Searching for the Bright Path: The Mississippi Choctaws from Prehistory to Removal. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

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Halliburton, R., Jr. 1986. “Chief Greenwood LeFlore and His Malmaison Plantation.” In After Removal: The Choctaw in Mississippi, edited by Samuel J. Wells and Roseanna Tubby, 66–81. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi. Kidwell, Clara Sue. 1995. Choctaws and Missionaries in Mississippi, 1818– 1918. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Peterson, John H., Jr. 1979. “Three Efforts at Development among the Choctaws of Mississippi.” In Southeast Indians Since the Removal Era, edited by Walter Williams, 142–53. Athens: University of Georgia Press. Wells, Samuel J., and Roseanna Tubby, eds. 1986. After Removal: The Choctaw in Mississippi. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi. Williams, Walter, ed. 1979. Southeastern Indians since the Removal Era. Athens: University of Georgia Press.

CHAPTER 37

Urban and Rural New Life in the West William B. Lees and Heather N. Atherton

The Choctaw migration to a new western homeland began shortly after the Treaty at Dancing Rabbit Creek was signed in 1830. In their own Trail of Tears, Choctaw individuals and families relocated from their southeastern homeland to Indian Territory (present-day Oklahoma). The travel took them overland and by water. Their destinations were places such as Fort Towson, a U.S. garrison established in 1824 to protect what was then the western frontier of the United States. Those who arrived at places such as Fort Towson sought to establish a successful and prosperous life for themselves and their children. The 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s saw this become a reality, as Indian Territory’s Choctaw Nation prospered. In the period before the Civil War, some Choctaws practiced subsistence farming and lived in cabins in rural settings, others established plantations and built impressive mansions, and still others came together to establish towns. Choctaws who practiced subsistence farming lived in isolated rural settings. There they typically built a modest log cabin near a small clearing where staple crops were grown. The cabins were often only one room with a porch and were surrounded by outbuildings such as a smokehouse or corncrib. In addition to crops including pumpkins, beans, corn, Irish and sweet potatoes, and melons, the rural Choctaws gathered wild resources such as walnuts, pecans, and wild plums. Domestic livestock was raised and butchered as needed, and wild game was also hunted. Choctaw people also lived on larger farms and plantations focused on commercial agricultural production. Some of these equaled the success and 296

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grandeur of any to be found elsewhere in the antebellum South. As was typical throughout the South, the most typical commercial farm was relatively small but employed a few African American slaves to supplement labor provided by the family. Choctaws at this level lived in relatively large log cabins, often two-story dogtrot-style dwellings. Cash crops produced on these larger farms and the plantations included corn, cotton, and wheat. In addition to crops produced for sale, the farms produced subsistence staples and livestock. The Choctaw people also hunted and gathered wild resources to be found near their homes. As elsewhere in the South, large plantations were relatively uncommon in the Choctaw Nation. Those that did exist had mansion-style dwellings, employed large numbers of African American slaves, and produced sizable surpluses for sale. A good example in the Doaksville area were the plantations operated by Robert M. Jones. Jones lived in a splendid two-story mansion at his Rose Hill Plantation and managed four other plantations, with a total of about five hundred slaves. Although most Choctaws lived in such diverse rural settings, some chose to settle in communities like Doaksville. Doaksville was one of three principal communities that developed in the new western Choctaw Nation. The town grew up around a trading post operated by Josiah Doak and his brother near Fort Towson. The military road that connected Fort Towson to Fort Smith passed through the center of this town, as did other roads that made Doaksville a major crossroads in the Choctaw Nation. By the 1840s Doaksville was a thriving commercial center with several mercantiles and a harness-and-saddle shop, wagonyard, wheelwright, blacksmith shop, gristmill, hotel, food tavern, jail, council house, church, and one resident physician. Once the largest town in the Choctaw Nation, Doaksville was the Choctaw National Capital between 1850 and 1863. On June 23, 1865, the last Confederate general to surrender during the Civil War, Cherokee brigadier general Stand Watie, did so at Doaksville. Archaeological excavations at Doaksville during the 1990s provided new evidence of this now-vanished townsite. Remains excavated include a mercantile destroyed by fire ca. 1850, the jail, a community well, the hotel, a possible food tavern, and two possible dwellings. Except for the hotel, which shows substantial evidence of use until late in the nineteenth century, these buildings were in use during the town’s heyday from the 1840s through the 1860s. The jail and one other building—a possible dwelling—have nicely made limestone foundations. The jail was a stone building with two-foot-thick outer

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walls made of massive limestone blocks. The interior is divided into three cells, each measuring three feet wide by six feet deep. Evidence for other buildings consists only of the foundations of limestone chimneys that were probably once attached to log buildings. Foundations for these log buildings were probably limited to piers made of stacked limestone slabs. The hotel is typical of the buildings. Its remains consist of the foundations for two limestone chimneys that were once located on either end of the structure. The distance between the chimneys is about 12.5 meters (41 feet). The width of the building could not be determined, although a large sandstone slab on one side may represent a step and other large limestone rocks may once have been part of foundation piers. The length of the building, however, suggests that this was not an overly large building and is a reminder that a hotel in the mid-nineteenth-century West was more akin to today’s bedand-breakfast than to modern hotels and motels. Artifacts found during the excavations show an intense period of occupation from the 1840s through the 1860s, with little evidence of use of the town after about 1870. As already mentioned, the hotel is an exception, as it shows use continuing until about 1900. Artifacts reveal that residents of Doaksville had access to a wide range of goods manufactured in the northeastern United States and Europe despite the town’s location on the western frontier. The ruins of a mercantile that burned about 1850 contained the charred remains of merchandise available at Doaksville in the years prior to the Civil War. These include the latest styles of ceramics available from English potters, who then dominated the world market. Importer marks on some vessels found at Doaksville show that these artifacts were handled by New Orleans importers prior to their shipment to the Choctaw Nation. It is significant that the locally made Choctaw pottery found in quantity on most rural farmsteads was almost nonexistent at Doaksville. This demonstrates a difference, seen also in oral history accounts recorded in the 1930s, between urban and rural Choctaw cultures. As might be expected, life on the rural agricultural frontier was accompanied by a closer adherence to traditional Choctaw lifeways and cultural preferences than was life in urban centers such as Doaksville. In 1854 Fort Towson was abandoned, the first of many blows for the economy of the Doaksville area. Soon thereafter, the Civil War had a devastating effect on the Choctaw Nation and its residents. In addition to the collapse of the southern economy based on slave labor, the Civil War caused the destruction of substantial amounts of personal property in Indian Territory. These economic blows to the region surrounding Doaksville caused

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The Choctaw Light Horsemen. This photograph was taken in Antlers, then Indian Territory, in 1893. Choctaws founded a number of successful communities after their removal from Mississippi and established many social institutions, including law enforcement. (Courtesy Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries)

the community to decline rapidly in the late 1860s and 1870s. There is little archaeological evidence of sustained activity at Doaksville after about 1870. Sources Atherton, Heather N. 1997. Urban Versus Rural: Ethnicity of NineteenthCentury Choctaw in the West. Masters thesis, University of Oklahoma. Brooks, Robert L. 1996. Early Removal Chickasaws. The Chronicles of Oklahoma 74, no. 3:264–83. Debo, Angie. 1934. The Rise and Fall of the Choctaw Republic. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Foreman, Grant. 1989. The Five Civilized Tribes: Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, Seminole. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

CHAPTER 38

Choctaws in Oklahoma Government Valerie Long Lambert

Upon their arrival in what is now the southernmost part of Oklahoma, the Choctaws lost little time building new political and administrative structures. The Trail of Tears had left the tribe physically and emotionally exhausted; it had also left the group in an alarming state of disarray. Extended families and kin groups had been torn apart. The membership of important informal as well as formal religious and political organizations had been scattered across the new territory. This damage and destruction to many of the tribe’s most important social, political, and religious structures threatened the ability of the Choctaws to maintain their identity as a distinct people. Even more important, it threatened the ability of Choctaw men and women to protect and provide for their families. A new tribal government—the first following the tribe’s removal—helped to address these and other problems. At the same time it provided a framework within which Choctaws could begin to rebuild other, less formal—but no less important—structures, including structures that governed the practice of art, religion, sports, and education. Although the Choctaws made significant modifications to the first government they constructed in their new homeland, they maintained a tripartite form of representative government until the close of the century. At that time new federal laws, including the Curtis Act of 1898 and the 1906 Act, also known by its title, the “Act to provide for the final disposition of the affairs of the Five Civilized Tribes in the Indian Territory, and for other purposes,” divided their tribal estate and eviscerated their tribal government. From the time they arrived in their new home until the passage of this law, 300

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A meeting of the Senate of the last Choctaw Council, ca. 1905. The Choctaw government of the nineteenth century was modeled after that of the United States, with both a Senate and a House of Representatives. (Courtesy Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries, Green McCurtain Collection)

the government they chose closely resembled that of their neighbor, the United States. The Choctaw government of the mid- to late nineteenth century consisted of three branches: the executive, legislative, and judicial. A principal chief, elected every even year for a term of two years and a maximum of two terms in succession, headed the national administration. A Senate and House of Representatives, collectively termed the General Council, made up the legislative branch. In addition, a judicial department offered a two-tiered court system. Civil and criminal cases were tried both at the national level in the tribe’s Supreme Court and at the regional level in its district courts. The generations of Choctaws who created and participated in this government until the century’s end conducted almost all their governmental dealings and business in the Choctaw language (Debo 1989; Morrison 1987). Significantly, these generations of Choctaw men did not permit Choctaw women to vote or hold office in the tribe’s government. Thousands of black slaves were also without the franchise in this Indian nation. Under tribal law these individuals, who had journeyed to Oklahoma with their Choctaw

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The Choctaw governor Green McCurtain, delivering an address to tribal members. The governor replaced the chief in the political system of the day. Today, the chief executive of the Choctaws is again referred to as the chief, or miko. (Courtesy Archives and Manuscripts Division, Oklahoma Historical Society)

masters, occupied the legal status of personal property. The third ethnic group then living in the Choctaw Nation and worthy of mention was the whites. Provided that whites satisfied other minimal conditions, tribal law permitted them to become tribal citizens upon their legal marriage to a Choctaw. An important restriction placed on their citizenship, though, was that they not run for or hold tribal office. The numbers of these “intermarried white” citizens, often called IWs, were considerable, as is reflected in the fact that nearly 80 percent of the tribe’s current membership (all of which are of Choctaw descent) are less than one-quarter Choctaw by blood (Debo 1989; Morrison 1987). Tribes practicing such a high degree of autonomy as the nineteenthcentury Choctaw, Cherokee, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole Nations had not existed in the Americas since Europeans invaded the so-called New World in the fifteenth century. In addition the leaders and bureaucrats of these five Indian nations kept written records (some of which were extensive) of their nineteenth-century dealings with one another, with the United States,


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A group of Choctaw men and women waiting to be enrolled in the Choctaw Nation in 1899. What is commonly referred to as the “Dawes Commission Rolls” became one of the most important accountings of Choctaw blood heritage, though not every Choctaw was enrolled and not every enrollee was Choctaw by blood. The period around the establishment of the Dawes Rolls marked the beginning of dependency of Native tribes on the U.S. federal government, a condition that would not change until the 1970s. (Courtesy Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries)

and with their own citizenries. These records, which are currently housed in the archives of the Oklahoma Historical Society in downtown Oklahoma City, provide a rare and valuable window into Indian perspectives on the late nineteenth century, particularly for students with some knowledge of and facility in the Indian languages in which they are written. The nineteenthcentury Choctaw tribal government and polity has generated, and continues to generate, a great deal of interest and attention from scholars and the general public. Much less attention has been given to the government the Choctaws began rebuilding in the late twentieth century than has been given to the nineteenth-century government of the tribe. During an extensive period of institution building that spans the decades from the 1970s to the present, territorial boundaries have been redrawn; twelve geo-political districts have

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become the basis for a new, representative form of government; and a tribal court, a police force, and tribally owned businesses have been built. At the same time, the trend of selling off collectively held resources has been reversed. In the early 1980s, for example, tribal leaders were cognizant of the fact that the tribe had retained exclusive interest in at least four thousand acres of southeastern Oklahoma. This did not include lands held by individual Choctaws, which were, and are, privately owned. From the early 1980s through the early 1990s tribal holdings were not further diminished, and by the mid-1990s land acquisition had became a national priority. That fiscal year, tribal leaders purchased nearly ten thousand acres on behalf of and in the name of the collectivity, tripling the tribal land base. Most importantly, in the early 1980s plans to formally define a new tribal membership were developed and carried out. At that time the only lists of Choctaws were lists of individuals of alleged Choctaw descent that had been compiled in the course of political mobilization; lists of those receiving oil and gas royalties from lands held by individuals and leased by the Bureau of Indian Affairs; and the list naming those who were to receive tribal land upon its division at the turn of the century. After new criteria for tribal membership were defined in July 1983, only about seven thousand Choctaws were identified. Thirteen years later, a comparatively large membership had emerged: in July 1996 the number of tribal members exceeded ninety-eight thousand. As the Choctaw people enter the twenty-first century, there is no reason to expect that they will not continue to pursue the difficult and often frustrating work of rebuilding their tribe. Thus far, their successes have far outnumbered their failures, and their potential for significantly improving the economy and quality of life in southeastern Oklahoma—and beyond— is only now coming into view. Sources Champagne, Duane. 1992. Social Order and Political Change: Constitutional Governments among the Cherokee, the Choctaw, the Chickasaw, and the Creek. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. Cohen, Felix. 1982. Handbook of Federal Indian Law. With an introduction by the Board of Authors and Editors. Charlottesville: Michie Bobbs-Merrill. Debo, Angie. 1989. The Rise and Fall of the Choctaw Republic. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Foreman, Grant. 1989. The Five Civilized Tribes: Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, Seminole. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.


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Miner, H. Craig. 1989. The Corporation and the Indian: Tribal Sovereignty and Industrial Civilization in Indian Territory, 1865–1907. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Morrison, James D. 1987. The Social History of the Choctaw Nation: 1865–1907. Edited by James C. Milligan and L. David Norris. Durant, Okla.: Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma. Records of the Five Civilized Tribes, Indian Archives Division, Oklahoma Historical Society.

CHAPTER 39

Choctaw Schools Clara Sue Kidwell

Choctaw children grew up learning their culture from watching their parents and relatives and hearing stories about the origin of the people and their connection with the world around them. Their relatives and the natural environment were their schools. As European traders moved into Indian territory, they established trading stations and relationships with Choctaw women. Choctaw leaders ceded land in a series of treaties that reduced their hunting territory, and in 1816 they signed the Treaty of Fort St. Stephens, by which they gave up their eastern lands in exchange for an annual payment of six thousand dollars. The treaty both limited the ability of Choctaws to live by deer hunting and gave the leaders the resources to support formal education in the American model as a way of adapting to white society. The first schools for Choctaws in Mississippi were established by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. The board was interested in saving Indian souls through Christian teachings, but Choctaw leaders were interested in learning the things their white neighbors knew so that they could learn to adapt to those ways and live peacefully with their neighbors. Cyrus Kingsbury and Mr. and Mrs. Loring Williams established the first American Board mission in the Choctaw Nation at Elliot in 1818 and soon started a school, which opened in April 1819. Kingsbury established a second mission at Mayhew in 1820, but here too the Choctaws were more interested in education than salvation. The curriculum at the first schools at Elliot (1819) and Mayhew (1821) included reading (the text was the Bible), drawing maps of the United States, 306

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and arithmetic. After Cyrus Byington joined the mission at Elliot in 1823, he learned the Choctaw language, devised a writing system, and prepared textbooks in Choctaw for the schools. His first Choctaw spelling book was published in 1825. In 1830 Choctaw leaders signed the Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek, and the majority of tribal members made the long journey to a new homeland in Indian Territory west of the Mississippi River. There the Choctaw General Council established a number of schools by an act in November 1842. The Council itself operated Spencer Academy on the military road about nine miles north of Doaksville, Choctaw Nation, Indian Territory. The training ground for future Choctaw leaders, it enrolled Choctaw boys, but the Council put equal value on education for girls. The Council asked the missionaries of the American Board who had accompanied them west to conduct the Chuwalla Female Seminary located at Pine Ridge in Puckshanubbee District, the Kunsha Female Seminary at Goodwater on the east side of the Boggy River in Pushamattahaw district, Ayannubbee Female Seminary near Eagletown, and Wheelock Academy (near present-day Millerton, Oklahoma). The Methodist Episcopal Church was given charge of male and female schools at Fort Coffee in Moshulatubbee district and Nanawaiya Academy near the Council house at Tuskahoma. Funding for all these schools came from annuity payments for land ceded in an 1825 treaty. Instruction was primarily in English. Younger students read Goodrich’s First Reader, learned spelling from Webster’s Spelling Book, learned to tell time, and memorized Bible verses. Older students learned math from Smith’s Arithmetic, reading from Porter’s Rhetorical Reader, and geography from Olney’s Geography and studied Smith’s Grammar. Although the schools were closed due to the disruption caused by the Civil War, in the fall of 1870 the Council authorized contracts with the Presbyterian Church to reopen Spencer Academy and with the Methodist Episcopal Church South to run a boarding school at New Hope. In 1890 the Council established two new schools under the supervision of Choctaw principals: Jones Academy, near Hartshorne, for boys, and Tuskahoma, near the Choctaw capitol of that name, for girls. Education became increasingly important as the Choctaw Nation modeled its legislative process on the American system and as railroads and mining brought the Choctaws into a new market economy. Although the schools in the Choctaw Nation were intended to educate Choctaw children in the same academic skills that American children

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A church between two school buildings near Wright, Oklahoma. This is the church that Joseph Oklahombi, the World War I hero, attended. Boys and girls were usually physically separated in the schools. Children were educated in English, but Choctaw arithmetic and spelling books were used in some schools, ensuring that some Choctaws were literate in both languages. (Courtesy Archives and Manuscripts Division, Oklahoma Historical Society)

learned, Choctaw was still the language of everyday life. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the schools developed a bilingual generation of educated Choctaws. Sources American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. Papers. Series 18.3.4. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. Debo, Angie. 1934. The Rise and Fall of the Choctaw Republic. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. ———. “Education in the Choctaw Country after the Civil War,” Chronicles of Oklahoma 10 (March–December 1932): 383–91.

CHAPTER 40

Choctaws and Missionaries Clara Sue Kidwell

Religious beliefs are a very basic part of any culture. Their social and moral implications shape people’s behavior, and conversion from one set of beliefs to another is a profound form of cultural change. The Choctaws in their homeland in Mississippi in the early nineteenth century were undergoing significant changes in their life-style as they ceded land that included much of their traditional hunting territory and as white traders and settlers introduced them to a new economic system. Christian missionaries played a significant role in this cultural transformation by introducing them to new religious beliefs. The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, a group of Presbyterian and Congregational ministers based in Boston, established the first mission among the Choctaws in 1818 with Cyrus Kingsbury as its leader. Kingsbury and his co-workers, deeply devout New Englanders, held strongly Calvinist views of predestination, the doctrine that God alone condemned or saved human beings. Choctaws, on the other hand, believed that men could communicate directly with the spirits of nature and gain power from them. The differences between these beliefs indicates the deep cultural gulf between most Choctaws and the missionaries and the challenges that missionaries faced in converting Native people to Christianity. The Choctaw language became the vehicle for conversion as Cyrus Byington, who joined the mission in 1821, began to learn it with the help of David Folsom, the bilingual son of a white father and a Choctaw mother. Byington preached his first sermon in Choctaw in 1823, and by 1825 he had 309

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left Elliot to live in a Native village where only Choctaw was spoken, establishing a mission there that he named Aikhnnah. By that time he had devised a writing system, translated portions of the Old and New Testaments into Choctaw, and published a Choctaw spelling book for the mission schools. In 1828 the Methodist Mission Conference appointed Alexander Talley to preach in the Choctaw Nation. Talley converted Greenwood LeFlore, a mixed-blood leader, who began to hold camp meetings that attracted large numbers of Choctaws. By 1829 Talley claimed about 1,300 converts, while the American Board missionaries, who had been at work since 1818 and had thirteen schools and missions, could claim only about 360. The American Board demanded sustained demonstration of religious anxiety over the fate of one’s soul as proof of salvation, while Methodism placed greater emphasis on strong emotional responses to preaching as a sign of acceptance of God’s will. Although Cyrus Kingsbury placed little stock in the legitimacy of Methodist conversions, the American Board adopted the camp-meeting format for preaching. Both American Board and Methodist missionaries played a role in the politics of the Choctaw Nation over the issue of Indian removal in 1830. At the national level Jeremiah Evarts, a member of the American Board, wrote a series of articles condemning the actions of Congress in passing the Indian Removal Act. Alexander Talley wrote a draft of a treaty agreeing to removal but on terms very favorable to the Choctaws, a treaty that was rejected by both the Congress and President Andrew Jackson. The missionaries saw the prospect of removal as both unjust to the Choctaws and a threat to the gains they had made through education and preaching, but when a number of Choctaw leaders signed the Treaty at Dancing Rabbit Creek in September 1830, they faced the inevitable prospect of moving west along with their congregations. In 1835 the last American Board Choctaw mission in Mississippi was closed. In the new Indian Territory churches were established at Pine Ridge, Stockbridge, and Wheelock. Alexander Talley led his followers to the area around Fort Towson, which became a center for Methodist activity. Cyrus Byington continued to publish materials in the Choctaw language for use in the churches and schools, which were still under the direction of the American Board and the Methodist Episcopal Church. Choctaw Christian converts were now becoming missionaries to their own people. Willis Folsom (1825–93), after hearing a missionary preach at a revival service at one of the American Board schools, realized that his “heart

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hurt for something” and “felt that I had to learn what was in the Bible, so that I could tell it to my people” (Dunkle 1926, 63). He became a missionary. Oak-chi-ah, who had been converted at a Methodist camp meeting in Mississippi before removal, served as a missionary in Indian Territory. Over time Choctaw people, exposed to the changing economic circumstances brought about by land cessions and the loss of traditional hunting lands, were forced to adapt to new life-styles. Missionary education introduced literacy and exposed children to Christianity. Individual Choctaws came to grips with these new influences in different ways. Some embraced the practice of Christianity wholeheartedly and even carried its message to others in the tribe; some found ways of reconciling the Christian God with traditional beliefs and practices; and some never became Christian. The major tribal modification that reflected Christian influence was the abandonment of the traditional funerary custom of exposing the bodies of the dead on platforms. By the early 1800s the Choctaws had substituted an elaborate burial rite of interment in a grave surrounded by poles. By the mid-1800s David Folsom declared that the pole-pulling rites had been totally abandoned in favor of Christian burial ceremonies. In 1860 Cyrus Kingsbury stated that the Choctaw Nation was to all intents and purposes a Christian one. Council meetings were opened and closed with prayer; business was not conducted on the Sabbath; and no one who denied the existence of God or “a Future state of rewards and punishments” could testify in court or hold civil office. Allen Wright, a Presbyterian minister, served as principal chief of the Nation and is credited with proposing the name “Oklahoma” for the new state created in 1907. Many leaders in the tribal legislature were Presbyterian or Methodist ministers, but preaching and singing were still done in Choctaw, and constitutions and laws were still published in the Choctaw language. That language has proved remarkably adaptable in accommodating new beliefs and ideas while preserving a sense of Choctaw identity. Sources American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mission. Papers. Series 18.3.4. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. Benson, Henry C. [1860] 1970. Life among the Choctaw Indians, and Sketches of the South-west. Reprint, New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation. Cushman, H. B. [1889] 1999. History of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Natchez Indians. Reprint, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

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Dunkle, W. F. 1926. “A Choctaw Indian’s Diary.” Chronicle of Oklahoma 4:61–69. Evarts, Jeremiah. Cherokee Removal: The “William Penn” Essays and Other Writings. Edited by Francis Paul Prucha. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1981. Kidwell, Clara Sue. 1995. Choctaws and Missionaries in Mississippi, 1818– 1918. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

CHAPTER 41

Choctaw Newspapers Daniel Littlefield, Jr.

Choctaws in Oklahoma have a long history of involvement in the newspaper industry as publishers, editors, translators, and printers. Choctaw newspaper history began with the Choctaw Telegraph, published at Doaksville, Choctaw Nation, in 1848 and 1849. Though it was white owned, its editor was David Folsom, who had been educated at the Choctaw Academy in Kentucky. Folsom published religious and educational information as well as Choctaw Nation news. His original intent was to publish half of the paper in English and half in Choctaw. Though the paper contained much Choctaw print, it fell short of its original goal. L. D. Alsabrook, who was not Choctaw, bought the Telegraph and from 1850 to 1852 published it as the Choctaw Intelligencer. At first its coeditor was Jonathan Edwards Dwight, a Choctaw preacher who had been educated at Dartmouth College and had learned printing at the Mission Press at Park Hill, Cherokee Nation. The Intelligencer contained much Choctaw print, including translations of parts of the Bible. In 1851 Dwight became part owner, with Jonathan Cogswell, a teacher and former Choctaw public official, as editorial assistant. Dwight also employed two Choctaw printers. The Intelligencer, like the Telegraph, failed for lack of financial support. A dispersed population and the absence of large business centers in the pre–Civil War Choctaw Nation made it difficult to support a paper through subscriptions and advertising. During the territorial period, from the Civil War to Oklahoma statehood, Choctaws were engaged in a number of newspaper enterprises. The 313

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Vindicator, a white-owned paper, was published at New Boggy and Atoka, Indian Territory, from 1872 to 1876. During its first two years Edward Dwight was translator and manager of the The Vindicator’s Choctaw Department and published several columns in the Choctaw language. Choctaws Coleman Cole and Joseph P. Folsom were partners in the Indian International Printing Company, which was chartered by the Creek National Council in 1876 and began publishing the Indian Journal at Muskogee. The Creek Nation soon withdrew its support, and the paper passed into non-Indian hands. However, it was owned and edited in later years by members of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation and is still published today at Eufaula, Oklahoma. The success of the Indian Journal encouraged the Choctaw government to help fund the establishment of the Indian Champion, published at Atoka, Indian Territory, in 1884 and 1885. Though its proprietors were not Choctaw, they employed former chief Allen Wright as translator and editor of its Choctaw department. Other papers were established during the last twenty years of the territorial period. W. A. Durant established the Durant Eagle (1893–1900), which he edited at Durant until 1899. The Atoka Choctaw Champion was published in 1898, with Davis A. Homer, a former Choctaw public official, as political editor and editor of the Choctaw department. Under his direction the paper appeared for a time simultanously as the Champion and the Atoka Chahta Kallo, the first page of the latter entirely in Choctaw print. In 1907 Thomas E. Sanguin, a Choctaw businessman and former treasurer of the Nation, established the short-lived Choctaw County Chronicle at Hugo. By far the most successful newspaper of the late territorial period was the Indian Citizen, established at Atoka in 1886. Its first owner was not Choctaw, but half-interest was soon acquired by Don Juan Folsom, a graduate of Roanoke College who had served as clerk of the Choctaw legislature. In 1889 the paper was sold to James S. Standley, who had held several positions in the Choctaw government, and his son-in-law, Butler S. Smiser. They formed the Indian Citizen Publishing Company, a joint-stock company made up exclusively of Indian citizens. In 1893 Standley gave his interest to his daughter, Norma E. Smiser, who became assistant editor. In 1900 Mrs. Smiser became editor and manager of the paper and was active in the Indian Territory Press Association. In 1905 the Smisers sold the paper to a non-Choctaw; it is still published today. With the dissolution of the Choctaw Nation and the admission of Oklahoma to the Union, Choctaw newspaper publishing rapidly declined,

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as it did among the other tribal peoples of Oklahoma. That fact suggests the force behind Choctaw publishing in the late nineteenth century. As the challenge to tribal autonomy mounted, Congress attempted to establish a territorial government over the tribal nations, and their lands were overrun by people from the United States. Choctaw journalists and publishers realized the importance of an informed Choctaw citizenry and used newspapers as a means to inform the people of the challenges that beset their Nation at that time. In the twentieth century, during the decades before World War II, there was little newspaper publishing by Indians nationwide. The Choctaws were no exception; however, one publishing enterprise of the period deserves notice. In 1935 and 1936 Ben Dwight, George Dewey Peck, and Grady Lewis published the Tushkahomman, first at Oklahoma City and then at Stroud. Its focus was on national Indian issues. Editorially, it supported Commissioner John Collier and his New Deal Indian policies. Though it aimed at a national Indian readership, its title has a decided Choctaw flavor, as does its content, which includes frequent publication of works by Choctaw writers such as Czarina Conlan, Muriel Wright, Winnie Lewis Gravitt, and Todd Downing. In recent decades, with the development of a strong Choctaw Nation in the self-determination period of Indian affairs, Choctaws have engaged in a type of newspaper publishing common in Indian Country today: the tribal newspaper, financially supported by the nation. Hello Choctaw began at Durant in 1975 with the administration of Chief Clark David Gardner. Its emphasis was on current affairs and issues that confronted the Choctaw Nation such as land, economic enterprises, and functions of government. Hello Choctaw ceased with the election of Chief Hollis Roberts in 1978, thus providing a record of Gardner’s years in office. Bishinik began in 1978 and, with the exception of a year’s suspension in 1981 to 1982, has continued publication to the present. Like its predecessor, it has provided a record of Choctaw Nation affairs under Chief Roberts and, currently, Greg Pyle’s administrations. Unlike the earlier paper, however, Bishinik has placed more focus on individuals, and the paper has been less issue oriented. Though this paper, like other tribal newspapers throughout the country, may at times be a public relations instrument for the incumbent administration, it provides an important information link between the Choctaw Nation and its members who reside in various regions of the American nation.

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Sources Danky, James P., ed., and Maureen E. Hady, comp. 1984. Native American Periodicals and Newspapers. 1828–1982. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. Littlefield, Daniel F., Jr., and James W. Parins, eds. 1984. American Indian and Alaska Native Newspapers and Periodicals, 1826–1924. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. ———. 1986a. American Indian and Alaska Native Newspapers and Periodicals, 1925–1970. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. ———. 1986b. American Indian and Alaska Native Newspapers and Periodicals, 1971–1985. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.

CHAPTER 42

Contemporary Ritual Life Valerie Long Lambert

Until tribal leaders began reconstituting the tribe in the late 1970s, twentiethcentury Choctaw ritual life in southeastern Oklahoma centered on the churches. Then as now, Sunday mornings found Choctaws throughout the region entering Christian churches of various denominations. In these arenas Choctaws served (and they continue to serve) as preachers, singers, organ players, members of the congregation, and missionaries. Their participation has long resembled, if not wholely matched, that of their white neighbors, and for at least the past half-century, they have attended churches with whites. It is the area’s African Americans, almost all of whom are non-Choctaw, who have had and continue to have separate churches. For the most part they, not the Choctaws, have practiced rituals in the context of their institutions that are distinct from those of the region’s general population. During the past several decades, however, this has begun to change. A new set of rituals has created a ritual life for Choctaws that can be said to be distinctly Choctaw. These new rituals are explicitly referred to as Choctaw as they are performed. Nearly all have emerged alongside of and as an integral part of the reconstitution of the tribe that began in the late 1970s. For the most part, these rituals have increased in importance as the tribe has expanded. Through these Choctaw rituals, a wealth of valuable commentary on the new group’s collective identity has been and continues to be produced— commentary that is part of a larger dialogue within the new citizenry. The semipublic monthly meetings of the new tribal council, for example, offer 317

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A game of kapucha, Choctaw stickball, at the annual Labor Day Festival at Tuskahoma, Oklahoma, September 6, 1998. The Labor Day Festival is by far the most important communal event of the year, attracting thousands of people and celebrating old traditions as well as creating new ones. (Courtesy Oklahoma Historical Society, C. R. Cowen Collection)

the new citizens, as well as students of the Choctaws, a view of Choctaw identity as it is being defined by the new tribal state. These meetings convene before a Choctaw audience, the twelve members of the new tribal government’s legislative branch. The monthly meetings demonstrate the efforts of tribal leaders to build the group’s collective identity around specific notions of what it means to be an efficient, effective, and successful multimilliondollar corporation. They also reveal the efforts of tribal leaders to define the new membership as an intimate, close-knit family. The Choctaw Labor Day Festival echoes the idea that the members of the tribe are members of one family. Instead of placing the emphasis on the family’s intimacy, though, this festival stresses the size and diversity of the tribe. At over one hundred thousand members, the tribe is generally considered by members and nonmembers alike to be quite large. Among the many positive associations that now cluster around the fact of the tribe’s size is the idea that the tribe includes people from all walks of life, from all parts of the

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A Choctaw family enjoys the day at the Labor Day Festival at Tuskahoma, Oklahoma, 1998. The festival is held on the grounds of the old capitol building. The new capital of the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma is Durant. (Courtesy Philip Morgan)

country and even the globe, and from many different backgrounds. During the festival, leaders call attention to this diversity and to the impressive number of members. In so doing, the leaders help promote feelings among the new citizenry that each member is a part of something much larger, more important, and more powerful than him- or herself. That something, of course, is the tribe. Thousands upon thousands of Choctaws attend the gathering. Many travel hundreds if not thousands of miles. Now an annual event, the Labor Day Festival, generally considered to be the most important event of the Choctaw year, takes place in Tuskahoma, Oklahoma, on the grounds of the old tribal capitol. Rock-and-roll as well as country-music concerts, softball

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A Choctaw woman in traditional dress at a get together in southeastern Oklahoma. (Collection of Marcia Haag)

and horseshoe-pitching tournaments, and rides that include a Ferris wheel are enduring parts of the festival. Also much beloved and eagerly anticipated are events such as the stickball game, gospel singing, dance performance, talks on tribal history and culture, and tribal princess pageant. Arguably the most important event of the long weekend is the annual State of the Nation Address. Delivered by the reigning chief, this speech generally takes place on the festival’s last day. Late in the morning, Choctaws crowd the benches and eaves of a large covered amphitheater, eager to be brought up to date on the actions pursued by the tribal government over the past year and on tribal leaders’ plans for the upcoming year. After the address, all travel up the hill for a free feast. The delicious dinner brings the event to an end. Not all the rituals that have emerged as part of the reconstitution of the tribe are tribewide in scope, however. Many are community based. The foremost site for community-based rituals is the Choctaw community center. Built or purchased by the new tribal government in every district of the new tribal territory as well as the closest metropolitan area of Oklahoma City, the tribal community centers provide members with a critical link to the new tribal government and bureaucracy. At the same time they provide members

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with a meeting place. Through these centers, members have worked with tribal employees to organize such events as the annual Thanksgiving dinner and children’s Christmas party. In more than a few districts, these events have become cherished traditions. Other community-based Choctaw rituals have developed outside the reach and influence of the new tribal government. In Oklahoma City a group called OK Choctaws holds an Indian taco sale each year at the Oklahoma State Fair. In California a group called Okla Chatas holds an annual Choctaw princess pageant. And some small churches in southeastern Oklahoma hold all-night singings at which Choctaw dishes are served. Sources Bordewich, Fergus M. 1996. Killing the White Man’s Indian: Reinventing Native Americans at the End of the Twentieth Century. New York: Anchor Books Doubleday. Cornell, Stephen. 1988. The Return of the Native: American Indian Political Resurgence. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Deloria, Vine, Jr., and Clifford M. Lytle. 1984. The Nations Within: The Past and Future of American Indian Sovereignty. New York: Pantheon Books. Fowler, Loretta. 1982. Arapahoe Politics, 1851–1978: Symbols in Crises of Authority. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Hobsbawm, Eric, and Terence Ranger, eds. 1983. The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. O’Brien, Sharon. 1989. American Indian Tribal Governments. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. White, Robert H. 1990. Tribal Assets: The Rebirth of Native America. Contemporary Ritual Life, vol. 4. New York: Henry Holt.


Glossary of Terms

ADVERBIAL CLAUSE. A modifying clause in a sentence that in Choctaw is introduced with -hosh or -ho. AFFECTED PERSON MARKER. A verbal prefix that indicates both the person and the affected role. Can be used for direct objects, subjects, and possessives. AGENT PERSON MARKER. A verbal prefix (except the suffix -li) that indicates both the person and the agent role. Is always a subject. AGREEMENT MARKER. Verbal prefix that indicates the person and the semantic role played by that person. ASPECT. The way that an event develops in time. Choctaw has eventive, stative, iterative, momentaneous, and resolutional aspects. BENEFACTIVE PERSON MARKER. A verbal prefix that indicates both the person and the benefactive role. Used for certain indirect objects. CAUSATIVE MARKER. A suffix, -chi, that derives causative verbs from adjectives and other verbs. CLAUSE CONJUNCTION. A grammatical word that joins two clauses together. COMPLEX SENTENCE. A sentence that contains more than one predicate, or verb. COMPOUND NOUN. A noun that is made of two or more words, one of which is a noun. CONJUNCTION. A grammatical word that joins two phrases together. CONTRASTIVE MARKER. Suffix that indicates a distinction between two things or ideas. 323

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DEFINITENESS MARKER. Suffix that marks a word, generally a noun, as being definite. DEMONSTRATIVE. A grammatical word that picks out nouns as definite and specific. DEPENDENT CLAUSE. A clause with a subject and predicate that is embedded in a larger sentence. DIPHTHONG. A vowel that moves to the sound of another vowel. Choctaw diphthongs are ai (ay) and au (aw). DIRECT OBJECT. The grammatical role of receiving the action of a verb. DIRECTIONAL PARTICLE. A word appearing before a verb that indicates movement toward or away from the speaker. DUAL VERB. A special form of a verb that specifies that its subject is exactly two, contrasting with singular and plural. EMPHATIC PRONOUN. Freestanding person marker that is used with agreement marker for emphasis. EVENTIVE ASPECT. A kind of aspect that emphasizes the completed action. FOCUS. Emphasis of a phrase. Choctaw uses a group of definiteness markers to accomplish this. FUTURE-IN-THE-PAST. A tense that marks a past event that had not yet happened in the time frame of the event itself. For example: was going to. GEMINATE CONSONANT. A doubled consonant that is pronounced twice as long as a single consonant. GROUP 1 VERB. Verb that takes agent subject. GROUP 2 VERB. Verb that takes affected subject. GROUP 3 VERB. Verb that takes recipient subject. HYPOTHETICAL MARKER. An infix, -k-, that indicates that an event is not factual or has not actually occurred. IDIOM. An expression in a language that cannot be literally translated to another, but must be rendered in other words. INDEFINITE PRONOUN. A pronoun that does not specify its reference. In English, words such as who and what; in Choctaw, kana and nana. INDICATIVE MOOD. The form of the verb that indicates factual happenings, contrasting with the hypothetical and potential moods. INDIRECT OBJECT. The grammatical role of being the recipient of the object of a verb. INSTANTANEOUS ASPECT. Momentaneous aspect. A kind of aspect that emphasizes the suddenness and completeness of an action. INTENSIVE ADJECTIVE. Form of adjective that indicates extremeness of degree.

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INTERROGATIVE WORD. Question word, such as who? and what? in English and kata and nanta in Choctaw. INTONATION. The varying pitch of the voice as the speaker pronounces words, phrases, and sentences. ITERATIVE ASPECT. A kind of aspect that emphasizes the repetition of an action or ongoing duration of a state. LOCATION WORD. Word corresponding to preposition in English that indicates spatial relations. LOCATIVE. A word or particle that indicates position or direction. MAIN CLAUSE. The primary clause of a sentence, which may contain dependent, adverbial, or other clauses. MANNER ADVERB. Adverb that tells how someone or something performs some action. MOMENTANEOUS ASPECT. Instantaneous aspect. NEGATION. The grammatical operation not. NEGATIVE PERSON MARKER. A verbal circumfix that both marks the person of the subject and negates the verb. NONRESTRICTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSE. A relative clause that describes a unique person or thing. Contrasts with a restrictive relative, which picks out a member of a set. NUMBER IN NOUNS. The property in nouns of being singular, plural, dual, or collective. POSSESSIVE PERSON MARKER. A verbal prefix that indicates the person who possesses something. POTENTIAL MOOD. The form of the verb that indicates possibility, impossibility, and obligation. Contrasts with indicative and hypothetical moods. PREDICATION. The grammatical concept of saying something about a subject. Predicates are usually verbs but are often indicated in English by other phrases plus the verb be, and in Choctaw by several different particles and constructions. PRONOUN. A freestanding person marker that may also indicate grammatical role, semantic role, number, or gender. RECIPIENT PERSON MARKER. A verbal prefix that indicates both the person and the recipient role. May be used as indirect object, subject, direct object, or possessive. RELATIVE CLAUSE. A clause that modifies, or describes, a noun. RESOLUTIONAL ASPECT. A kind of aspect that emphasizes the gradual, lengthy, or difficult accomplishment of an action.

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Glossary of Terms

RESTRICTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSE. A relative clause that picks out one member of a set. Contrasts with nonrestrictive relative, which describes something already singled out. RHYTHMIC LENGTHENING. The lengthening of short vowels, when they are in a series of light syllables in a particular pattern. STATIVE ASPECT. A kind of aspect that emphasizes a condition or state without respect to its beginning or end. SUBJECT MARKER. A grammatical particle, usually one of the forms of -t or -osh, that appears at the end of a phrase and indicates that the phrase is the subject of the sentence or clause. SUBORDINATING CONJUNCTION. A grammatical particle or word that joins any subordinate clause to the main clause.


ba [-b]: up bi [-bi]: kill bi chakkali [-bi-chák-ka-li]: nineteen la [-l]: arrive here; come here lhkma [lh-k-m]: closed; stopped up lhpesa [lh-pé-s]: correct; all right; proper lhpichik [lh-pi-chik]: nest lhpoa [lh-po-]: domesticated animal lhtaha [´lh-ta-ha]: ready; prepared lhtoba [´lh-tu-b]: cost lla [l-l]: child llanakni [l-l-nák-ni]: boy llatek [l-l-ték]: girl llosi [l-ló-si]: baby ni [-ni]: fill; pour into pa [-p]: eat (something) pat pisa [-pt pi-s]: try to eat tta [t-t]: exist; come into existence; be born ttat aya [t-tt-ái-y]: stay around in one place, hang around a [a]: yes ahattak [a-ht-tk]: my husband ahokni [a-hók-ni]: my father’s sister ahosi [á-ho-si]: almost; nearly 327

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aki [a-ki]: my father (and his brothers) alhi [a-lhi]: truly, surely; true anakfi [a-nak-fi]: my brother (only females use this term) asha [á-sh]: be located (pl.); there are . . . ashaka [á-sha-ka]: behind; in back of ashwa [ásh-w]: be located (dual) aya [ay-]: travel; go along; travel along abaiyat [-bai-yt]: alongside abeka [-bé-k]: sick abeka aiashachi [-be-k-ay-á-sha-chi]: hospital abeka apisachi [-be-k-a-pi-sá-chi]: nurse abinili [a-bi-ní-li]: chair; seat aboha [-bó-h]: room aboha anusi [-bó-h-a-nu-si]: bedroom aboha ayupi [-bó-h-a-yu-pi]: bathroom aboha isht holita [-bó-h-isht hu-lí-t]: wall aboha pakna [-bó-h-p´k-n]: ceiling abohli [a-boh-li]: forest undergrowth abohushi [a-bu-hú-shi]: restroom achffa [-ch´f-f]: one achaka [-chá-k]: next; succeeding achaya [-chái-y]: be accustomed to achefa [-ché-f]: wash achi [a-chi]: say (direct quote) achukkoa [a-chúk-kwa]: passageway achukma [-chúk-m]: good achukma akili [-chúk-m-kí-li]: pretty well also achukmahni [a-chuk-máh-ni]: like (something) achukmahoke [-chuk-m-ho-ké]: just fine achukmali [a-chuk-má-li]: do well achukmat pisa [-chuk-mt-pi-s]: look carefully at; scrutinize achunli [a-chun-li]: sew afmmi [-fm-mi]: year afmmi ant ia [-fm-mi-át-i-]: last year; past year afmmi ilppa [-fm-mi-i-lp-pa]: this year afama [-fá-m]: meet afohommi [a-fu-hóm-mi]: bind up; hem; wrap around afololichi [a-fu-ló-li-chi]: turn around; turn back ahanta [-ha-t]: dwell; habitually live


ahayuchi [-há-u-chi; -háy-u-chi]: find ahe [a-he]: potatoes ahma [áh-ma]: and so ahni [ah-ni]: expect; hope; wish for ahnichi [áh-ni-chi]: respect; approve ahochi [a-hu-chi]: find ahofobi [a-ho-fó-bi]: deep place ahoponi [a-ho-pó-ni]: kitchen aila [ái--l]: arrive here; come here (pl.) ailhto [ai-lh-tu]: container aitta [ai-t-t]: residence aialhi [ái-a-lhi]: very much; really aiahni [ai-ah-ni]: wish for aiasha [ai-a-sh]: dwelling place; refuge aiena [ai-é-n]: and; also aiimpa [ai-í-p]: table; eating place aiitnaha [ai-i-t-ná-ha]: church aiitimanumpoli [ai-i-tim--núm-pu-li]: read ailibesha [ai-li-bé-sh]: warm place aioklchi [ai-ók-l-chi]: settle; settle people aiona [ái-o-n]: arrive there; go there (pl.) aiowa [ái-o-w]: gather things up (pl. obj.) aiukli [ái-uk-li]: beautiful; handsome aiyamohmi [ai-y-móh-mi]: manner; way; custom akmmi [-km-mi]: close (something) akak chaha [-kák chá-ha]: turkey akaka [-ká-k]: chicken akakushi [-kák-u-shi]: eggs akama [a-ká-m]: be closed akaniohmi [a-k-ni-óh-mi]: do; act; bring about akinimi [a-k-né-mi]: somehow akishtla [ak-isht--l]: base; lower end akka [ak-k]: down akucha wiha [a-ku-ch-wi-h]: move out from akuchi [a-ku-chi]: take out; take from alhchibah ma [lh-chí-bh-ma]: after awhile alikchi [-lík-chi]: doctor alikchi hopaii [-lik-chi-ho-páy]: shaman prophet alota [-lo-t]: be full

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alotali [-lo-tá-li]: fill (something) aluhmi [a-luh-mi]: hide (something) at aluma [a-lu-m]: be hidden; hide am-alhto: be in my pocket amlla [-ml-l]: my son (and my brothers’ sons, if spoken by a male) amllatek [-ml-l-tek]: my daughter (and my sisters’ daughters, if spoken by a female) amnni [-mn-ni]: my older brother (if spoken by a male); my older sister (if spoken by a female) amafo [m-á-fu]: my grandfather (spoken by a male or a female, and a female’s father-in-law) amba [a-ba]: however amoshi [a-mo-shi]: my mother’s oldest brother ampo [a-pu]: plate anokaka [-nó-k-ka]: within anoti; anonti [-no-ti]: and; again (with verbs) anowa [a-no-w]: path ant [at]: come and . . . ant ia [at-e-y]: go past here ant pisa [at-pi-s]: visit; come to see anta [a-t]: be located; there is . . . (something alive) anuka [-nú-k]: in; inside anukfoka [a-nuk-fó-k]: understand (Group 2) anukfila [-nuk-fí-l]: thought anukfilli [a-nuk-fil-li]: think about; imagine; cogitate anuktuklo [a-nuk-túk-lu]: embarrassed anumpa [-nó-p]: word; speech; news anumpa falama [-num-p-f-lá-m]: answer anumpa falamichi [-num-p-f-lá-mi-chi]: answer anumpa tusholit hochefo [-nó-p-tu-shó-lit-ho-ché-fu]: read orally; interpret anumpoli [-núm-pu-li]: speak; talk anusi [a-nu-si]: bed; sleeping place apaknali [-pk-ná-li]: surface apela [-pé-l]: help apesa [-pé-s]: measure; judge; decide; make a ruling apesachi [-pé-s-chi]: look after, tend, oversee apissa [a-pis-s]: straight; erect apoksia [a-pok-si-]: repair; fix


apolusli [a-pu-lus-li]: smear; daub apotaka [-pó-t-ka]: beside; at the side of aseta [a-se-t]: rope asha [a-sh]: exist; live (pl.) ashwa [ash-w]: live; dwell (dual) asilhha [-silh-h]: beg; beseech; ask for; petition asonik [-só-nik]: kettle; pan; metal container atahli [a-tah-li]: furnish; provide ataklama [-tak-la-m]: be troubled; detained (Group 2) ataklammi [-tak-lm-mi]: trouble; bother (someone) ataloha [a-t-ló-h]: shelf atoba [a-tu-b]: be made from atoko; atuko [á-tu-ko]: because atoksli [a-tok-s-li]: workshop atuko [á-tuk-o]: and so it was atukkuchi [-tuk-ku-chi]: protect; shield awah achffa [-wh--ch´f-f]: eleven awah hnnali [-wh-hn-na-li]: sixteen awah ontuchena [-wh-o-túch-che-n]: eighteen awah ontuklo [-wh-o-túk-lu]: seventeen awah talhapi [-wh-tálh-lha-pi]: fifteen awah tuchena [-wh-túch-che-n]: thirteen awah tuklo [-wh-túk-lu]: twelve awashoha [a-wa-shó-h]: play (somewhere) awata [-wá-t]: wide ayuka [ay-u-k]: each ayukali [a-yu-ká-li]: each ayukpachi; aiokpanchi [a-yuk-pá-chi]: like (something) ayukpachi [a-yuk-pa-chi]: praise; give thanks bnna [bn-n]: want; need (Group 2) bsha [b-sh]: be cut bshli [bsh-li]: cut (something) bshpo [bsh-pu]: knife balafohka [bal--fóh-k]: pants balafohkachefa [bal--fóh-k-ché-f]: washing machine balili [ba-li-li]: run balilit ishtia [ba-lí-lit isht-é-y]: begin to run beka [be-k]: usually; on occasion bieka [béy-ye-k]: frequently; always; all the time

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bihi pi; bihpi [bi-h-pi]: mulberry tree bilika [bi-lí-k]: near bila [bi-l]: fat; lard; grease billia [bíl-li-]: always binili [bi-ni-li]: sit; sit down; be seated binoht maya [bi-nóht-mái-y]: be sitting there (pl.) bissa [bis-s]: berries bohli [boh-li]: put; place (a single item) bok [bok]: river bokafa [bo-ká-f]: explode; blow up bokushi [bók-u-shi]: creek boli [bo-li]: hammer; pound; beat boshulli [bo-shúl-li]: small pieces; bits; crumbs chffiskono [chf-fis-kó-nu]: little hunger chffo chito [chf-fu-chí-tu]: big hunger chnaha [ch-ná-ha]: wheel chali [cha-li]: chop chaha [chá-ha]: tall chaha i-shahli [cha-ha-i-shah-li]: taller than chahachi [chá-ha-chi]: lift; raise chakkali [chák-ka-li]: nine champuli [cha-pu-li]: tasty; sweet chatuk [chá-tuk]: has ever been chekih ma [ché-kih ma]: soon; after awhile chilaka [chi-la-k]: scream chilika [chi-li-k]: scream; shriek; make a high-pitched yell chiluk [chi-luk]: hole chilusa; cholusa [chi-lú-s]: quiet; calm chim-achukma [chim--chúk-m]: how are you? chipita [chi-pí-t]: small (pl.) chito [chi-tu]: big chitoli [chí-to-li]: loud; hard chitolit omba [chi-tó-lit-o-b]: rain hard chiyyohmi [chíy-yoh-mi]: very much; really; a lot choksh [cho-ksh]: heart choksh hottopali: hurt someone’s feelings; insult chohmi [choh-mi]: sort of; somewhat cholokloha [chu-luk-ló-h]: turkey chompa; chumpa [cho-p]: buy


chukfi lhpoa; chukfi [chúk-fi lh-po-]: sheep chukfi luma; chukfi [chúk-fi lu-m]: rabbit chukka [chuk-k]: house chukka apata [chuk-k-pa-t]: neighbor chukka chffa [chuk-k-ch´-f]: family; household chukkoa; chukoa [chúk-kw]: enter; come in chula [chu-l]: fox chunna [chun-n]: thin; skinny enchil [én-chil]: angel et [et]: direction toward the speaker fkit [f-kit]: turkey fni; fani [f-ni]: squirrel falmmi [f-lm-mi]: north falmmint [f-lm-mit]: restored to original condition falama [fa-lá-m]: return; come back falamat ia [fa-lá-mt é-y]: return; come back falaya [f-lái-y]: long fichik [fi-chik]: star filema [fi-lé-m]: turn; turn over filemat itola: lie turned over fima [fi-m]: be scattered; be spread out fiopa [fi-ó-p]: breathe fokka [fok-k]: wear foha [fo-ha]: rest foka [fo-k]: about (that time) fokali [fo-ká-li]: around (that time) fokka; fohka [fok-k]: put on (clothing) fokki [fok-ki]: put in; insert folota [fu-ló-t]: come and return; go and come back foni [fo-ni]: bone fowi; foe [fo-wi]: bee hklo [hk-lu]: listen to hksi [hk-si]: befuddled; deceived; drunk hnnali [hń-na-li]: six hpi [h-pi]: salt hpi champuli [h-pi cha-pu-li]: sugar hsh bihi [hsh-bí-hi]: mulberry month hsh bissa [hsh-bís-s]: blackberry month hsh hoponi [hsh-ho-pó-ni]: cooking month

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hsh kf [hsh-kf]: sassafras month hsh koi ichush [hsh-ko-wi-i-chush]: lion’s little brother’s month hsh koi chito [hsh-ko-wi-chí-tu]: lion’s month hsh mahli [hsh-máh-li]: wind month hsh takkon [hsh-ták-kon]: peach month hsh watolk [hsh-wa-t’o-lk]: crane month hshi [h-shi]: sun; month; time hshi aiokatola [h-shi-ai-ok--tó-l]: west hshi akochaka [h-shi-a-kó-ch-ka]: east hshi ilppa [h-shi-i-lp-pa]: this time hshi mak fokali [h-shi-mak-fo-ká-li]: in those days hshi okitula imma [h-shi-ok-a-tú-l-im-m]: in the west; toward the west hshki or sshki [hsh-ki; ssh-ki]: my mother (and her sisters, and the wives of my father’s relatives) hshnakaya [hsh-n-káy-]: moon hshtp [hsh-tp]: dried leaves hshtahli [hsh-táh-li]: Great Spirit (before Christianity) hshtula [hsh-tu-l]: winter; cold weather months haklo [hak-lu]: hear habli [ha-bli]: kick haiaka [hái-a-k]: show up; appear haiyokpulo [hai-yok-pú-lu]: weed; herb hakchuma [hák-chu-m]: tobacco haknip [hak-nip]: body hakshup [hak-shup]: skin; hide; peel; shell haksichi [hak-si-chi]: deceive; trick haksoba [hák-su-b]: irritating; noisy haksobish [hák-su-bish]: ear hallli [ha-ll-li]: pull; draw halsbi [h-ls-bi]: slippery; smooth halito [ha-li-to]: hello halupa [h-lú-p]: sharp hanali [h-ná-li]: limb of the body; esp., leg hashuk [ha-shuk]: grass hasimbish [ha-sim-bish]: tail hatofalaha [ha-to-f-lá-h]: onion hattak; httk [ht-tk]: man hattak (ohoyo) nnokwehli [n-nuk-wéh-li]: fisherman/woman hattak (ohoyo) nakachi [na-ka-chi]: clerk; salesman/woman


hattakshali [ht-tk-shá-li]: carriage; car hawshko [h-w´sh-ku]: sour; acidic heli [he-li]: fly (pl.) hihkia [híh-ki-]: even so hikia [hi-kí-]: stand; be standing hika [hi-k]: fly hikat alhi [hi-kt-a-lhi]: it’s true; that’s right hilechi [hi-lé-chi]: put; place; set vertically hilha [hi-lh]: dance hiloha [hi-ló-h]: thunder himak ma [hi-mak-ma]: then; after that; again himak nittak [hi-mak-nit-tk]: today; nowadays himak pillak ma [hi-mk-píl-lk-ma]: from now on himaka [hi-má-ka]: now himitta [hi-mit-t]: young himmithoa [him-mit-hó-]: young people himona [hi-mó-n]: new himonah ma [hi-mó-nh ma]: once; one time himonasi [hi-mó-n-si]: right now; now himonasi-ano [hi-mó-n-si-a-no]: right now hina [hi-n]: road hiohli [hi-oh-li]: stand (pl.) hiohmaya [he-oh-mái-y]: stand around (pl. animate) hishi [hi-shi]: fur hokupa [hó-ku-p]: steal hossa [hos-s]: shoot at howa [ho-w]: smell hochffo; hohchffo [ho-ch´f-fu]: hungry; starving hocha [hó-ch]: and; and so hochifo; hochefo [ho-chí-fu]: be named; be called (Group 2) hochifochi [ho-ché-fu-chi]: read hochito [ho-chi-tu]: big (pl.) hofahya [ho-fáh-y]: ashamed hohchaffot okcha [hoh-chaf-fut-ok-ch]: wake up hungry hokchi [hok-chi]: plant hokli [hok-li]: catch hokmi [hok-mi]: burn (something) holakshi [hu-lák-shi]: lick holba [hol- b]: same; like

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holba chohmi [hol-bah chóh-mi]: similar holhpokunna [holh-pu-kún-n]: dream (Group 2) holhponi [holh-pó-ni]: cooked; cooked food holhtina; holhpena [hólh-ti-n]: number; numbers holisso [ho-lís-so]: paper; book; letter holisso apisa [ho-lís-so-a-pí-s]: school holissochi [ho-lís-su-chi]: write holita [hu-lí-t]: fence holitopa [ho-li-tó-p]: valuable; dear homi [ho-mi]: sour; bitter; salty honi [ho-ni]: boil hopaki [ho-pá-ki]: far away; for a long time hopohlachi [ho-poh-la-chi]: comfort; soothe hoponi [ho-pó-ni]: cook hoshoti [hu-shó-ti]: cloud hotonlkna [hó-ton-l´k-n]: brown; scorched color hottopachi [hot-tó-p-chi]: hurt something; harm hottupa [hót-tu-p]: hurt hoyo [ho-yu]: look for; search humma [hum-m]: red hummakbi [hum-mák-bi]: reddish brown hushi [hu-shi]: bird i-champuli [i-chá-pu-li]: taste good; like the taste of (Group 3) i-hikia [i-hi-ki-]: have (something too large to hold) i-himona [i-hi-mó-n]: wait for (takes recipient obj.) i-hullo [i-hul-lo]: love i-kania [i-k-ní-]: to lose; get lost (Group 3) i-nukilli [i-nu-kil-li]: hate (recipient obj.) i-paya [i-pay-]: call (to someone) i-panaklo [i-p-nák-lo]: ask (of) i-punna [i-pun-n]: be good at; be skillful at (Group 3) i-talali [i-t-lá-li]: place before; serve to i-yakoke [i-ya-ko-ké]: give thanks (recipient obj.) ikana [i-ká-n]: friend ikanomi [i-k-nó-mi]: relative ila; inla [í-l]: different ishi [i-shi]: have; own (one thing) itakobi [i-t-kó-bi]: be lazy (Group 3) ia [e-y]: go


iakaya; yakaya [ya-ká-y]: follow; come next ibachffa [i-bá-chf-f]: join with ibbk; ibbak [ib-bk]: hand ibbk pahta [ib-bk páh-t]: palm of the hand ibbkishki [ib-bk-ísh-ki]: thumb ibbkushi [ib-bk-ú-shi]: finger ibbakska [ib-bak-´s-k]: wrist ibetabli [i-bé-t-bli]: trip; stumble ibishakni [i-bi-shak-ni]: nose; [i-bi-shák-ni]: beak of a bird iffuka [if-fuk-k]: abdomen; belly ik-imiksho [ik-im-ík-shu]: not have any (Group 3) ikaiuklo [ik-ai-yúk-lu]: ugly; unhandsome ikbi [ik-bi]: make; construct ikhna [ik-h-n]: learn ikhnachi [ik-h-ná-chi]: teach ikhish [ik-hísh]: medicine ikhaiyana [ik-háy-ya-n]: remember ikhana [ik-há-n]: know; remember iksho [ik-shu]: be gone; be lacking (Group 2) ikshot mahaya [ik-shut-m-há-y]: becoming scarce (pl.) ilppk [i-lp-pk]: right here ilppa [i-l´p-pa]: here; this ilppako [i-l´p-pa-ko]: this is what . . . ilap akia [i-lap-á-ky]: just like his ilawata [il-a-wá-t]: boast; be proud ilbasha [il-b´-sh]: miserable; poor in spirit; humble ilhkoli [ilh-kó-li]: go; go in a group (pl.) ilhpk [ilh-pk]: groceries; food ilhtaloak; ilhtalowak [ilh-t-ló-wak]: song illi [il-li]: die (Group 2) illimpa; illipa [il-lí-p]: food; meal illit mahaya [il-lit-m-há-y]: be dying one by one (pl.) im-asha [im-á-sh]: have; own (pl. things) (Group 3) im-achukma [im--chúk-m]: feel well; be pleased (Group 3) im-ahnichi [im-áh-ni-chi]: receive from im-ahowa; im-ahoba [im--hó-b]: think; seem; appear (Group 3) im-anoli [im--nó-li]: tell (to) im-anukfila [im--nuk-fí-l]: have the thought; occur to (Group 3) im-anukfilat kania [im--nuk-fi-lt-k-ní-y]: be confused (Group 3)

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im-anukfilat okpulo [im--nuk-fi-lt-ok-pú-lu]: be downheared; grieve (Group 3) im-aya [i-máy-]: win; beat (recipient obj.) ima [i-m]: give (recipient obj.) imi-haksi [i-mi-hak-si]: forget (Group 3) imma [im-m]: toward; about imohasimbish [im-o-ha-sí-bish]: his own tail impa [i-p]: eat a meal; dine inali [i-ná-li]: back ipeta [i-pé-t]: feed (esp. animals) isapotk [i-s-pó-tk]: mosquito isolsh [i-só-lsh]: tongue ishi [i-shi]: get; grasp (one thing) ishko [ish-ku]: drink ishtla [isht--l]: bring (to this place) ishtaboli [isht--bó-li]: playing field ishtailhpesa [isht-ai-lh-pé-s]: sign ishtaionchanlli [isht-ai-o-ch-n´l-li]: tire (of automobile) ishtholissochi [isht-ho-lis-só-chi]: pen; pencil ishtholmo [isht-hól-mu]: roof; shingles ishtia [isht-e-y]: take (away) ishtilli [isht-íl-li]: poison ishtimpa [isht-i-p]: eating utensils ishtishko [isht-ísh-ku]: cup; glass ishtkulli [isht-kul-li]: pick ishtpiha [isht-pi-ha]: shovel iskli [i-sk-li]: money iskitini [is-ki-té-ni]: small issa [is-s]: quit issi [is-si]: deer issi kosoma [is-si ko-só-m]: goat issi nipi [is-si ni-pi]: venison issish [is-sish]: blood isso [is-su]: hit issoba; issuba [is-su-b]: horse itlachi [ít--lá-chi]: arrive here; come here (dual) itachakali [i-tá-ch-ká-li]: put together; piece together itachunli [i-tá-chun-li]: sew together itafama [i-t-fá-m]: meet; meet together


itakha [i-tak-ha]: mouth itakyuinli [i-tak-yu-í-li]: grin itanowat ia [ít--nó-wt e-]: walk together itatakchichi [i-t-ták-chi-chi]: tie up; tie to something itikana [i-ti-ká-n]: mutual friends; be friends with iti [i-ti]: tree; wood iti chanlli; chnaha [chá-nl-li; ch-ná-ha]: wagon; cart iti hishi [i-ti-hi-shi]: leaves iti pehta [i-ti-péh-t]: raft iti tbi [i-ti-t-bi]: staff; walking stick iti tpa [i-ti-t-p]: stick iti tanampo [i-ti-t-ná-pu]: bow itiachi [ít-i-á-chi]: go; go together (dual) itibi [i-ti-bi]: fight; battle itikba [i-tík-b]: in front of itipotalhpo [i-tí-po-tálh-pu]: floor itola [i-tó-l]: lie down itonachi [ít-u-ná-chi]: arrive there; go there (dual) ittula [ít-tu-l]: fall (Group 2) iypi [í-y-pi]: leg iyi [i-yi]: foot iyyi pahta [iy-yi páh-t]: sole of the foot kllo [kl-lu]: hard kachi; kanchi [ka-chi]: sell kahmaya [kah-mái-y]: lie (pl., animate) kalampi [k-lá-pi]: freeze kamonta; kamunta [ka-mo-t]: uneasy kania [k-né-y]: leave; go away kanima-kt [k-ní-m-kt]: some of them kanimash ili [k-ni-msh-í-li]: some day; sometime kanimikma [k-né-mik-ma]: sometimes kanshak anusi [kan-shk-á-nu-si]: roost (lit., ‘sleeping barn’) kapssa [k-ps-s]: cold kapucha [k-pu-ch]: Choctaw stickball kashofa [k-shó-f]: clean kashoffi [k-shof-fi]: clean kata; kta [kt]: who? katanlichi [k-ta-li-chi]: hold tight; squeeze katimampo [ka-ti-má-pu]: which one (of two)?

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katimih-o [k-té-mi-ho]: why? katimikash [k-té-mi-kash]: when? (in the past) katimikma [k-té-mik-ma]: when? (habitually, or in the future) katimma [k-tim-m]: where?; in what direction? katimmakako [k-tím-m-k-ko]: which place? katiohmi-hosh [k-ti-óh-mi-hosh]: how?; in what manner? katiohmi-lachi [ka-ti-óh-mi-la-chí]: what will I do? katiomichi-hosh [ka-ti-ó-mi-hosh]: how do you (do it)? katohmi [k-tóh-mi]: how many? katomma [k-tom-m]: where?; in what place? (in some dialects) katos [ká-tos]: cat keyukmt [ké-yuk-mt]: rather; instead kia [ki-y]: but; however kita [ki-t]: beaver kiyo; keyu [ké-yu]: no; not kowi [ko-wi]: woods kobafa [ko-bá-f]: break; be broken kobaffi [ko-bf-fi]: break (something) kofota [ku-fó-t]: vapor; steam kokolit boshullichi [ku-kó-lit-bu-shúl-li-chi]: break into pieces kolofa [ko-ló-f]: break in two; sever; broken; severed koni [ko-ni]: skunk kostini [kós-ti-ni]: in control; sober kowasha [ko-wá-sh]: short (in stature) kucha [ku-ch]: out; outside kucha wiha [ku-ch-wi-h]: move out kulli [kul-li]: dig lcha [l-ch]: wet lkna [lk-n]: yellow lksha [lk-sh]: sweat (Group 2) lshpa [lsh-p]: hot lwa; laua [l-w]: many; a lot lwa katiohmi [l-w-k-ti-óh-mi]: how much? lawa [la-w]: very many lawa-ka [láw--ka]: a lot of . . . ; many of the . . . lhakacha [lha-cha-k]: snatch lhakofi [lha-kó-fi]: heal; get better lhamko [lham-ku]: strong lhioli [lhi-ó-li]: chase


lhipulli [lhi-pul-li]: pass through lhipullit aya [lhi-pul-lit-áy-]: travel through libesha [li-bé-sh]: warm litffi [li-tf-fi]: break something off; snap off, e.g., a cord litafa [li-tá-f]: break off; be broken off liteha [li-té-h]: dirty lobbi [lub-bi]: uproot loshommi [lu-shom-mi]: completed; finished lua [lu-w]: burn luachi [lu-wa-chi]: set fire to luak [lu-wak]: fire lukfi [luk-fi]: dirt luksi [luk-si]: turtle lumasi [lu-má-si]: soft; quiet lumasit [lu-má-sit]: softly; quietly lusa [lu-s]: black mkatuk alhih ma [m-k-tuk-á-lhih-ma]: since then ma [ma]: there; that (short form) mahli [mah-li]: wind; blow mak fehna [mak-féh-n]: just then; right then mak yoba-tuko [mak-yó-b-tu-ko]: fortunately makili holba [m-ki-li hol-b]: the same as (that one) maka [ma-k]: say; make a sound malahta; malatta [m-láh-t]: lightning malhata [m-lhá-t]: scared; afraid; anxious masalichi [m-sá-li-chi]: heal miko [mi-ku]: chief; leader misa [mi-s]: scar miti [mi-ti]: come (toward the speaker) micha [mi-ch]; mihcha [mih-ch]: and miha; miya [mi-ha]: say; mean; explain mihchi [mih-chi]: do (something) mihma [mih-ma]: and then misha [mi-sh]: beyond misha itnnp [mish-i-tn-np]: the other side of mishtnnp [mish-tn-np]: the other side mokofa [mu-kó-f]: slip away; get away mokoffi [mu-kuf-fi]: let go of something; release momit [mo-mít]: all the way; completely achieved; thoroughly

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moma [mo-m]: still; all (with nouns) moma-ka [mó-m-ka]: all of the . . . moyoma [móy-yo-m]: all; absolutely all; quite all nlhi [nlh-lhi]: hit; sting; penetrate nni [n-ni]: fish nnih [n-nih]: hill nnih chaha [n-nih-chá-ha]: mountain nnokwehli [n-nuk-weh-li]: fish; catch fish nachanlli [na-cha-nl-li]: wheel nafohka [na-fóh-k]: clothes naholbina [na-hol-bi-n]: present; gift nahotina ipunna [na-ho-té-n-i-pun-n]: accountant; bookkeeper nakapssachi [na-k-p´s-s-chi]: refrigerator nakni tushka [nak-ni-túsh-k]: warrior nalhtoka; nanlhtoka [nalh-tú-k]: policeman; officer nanpi [nan--pi]: vine; stem; trunk; hand nana [na-n]: something nana kaniohmachi pulla [na-n-k-ni-óh-ma-chi-pul-l]: what one must do nanachefa [nan--ché-f]: washing machine nanapesa lheha [nan--pé-s-lhé-h]: council nanapoksia [nan--pok-sí-]: repairman/woman nanikhnachi [nan-ik-h-ná-chi]: teacher naninchuwa [nan-in-chú-w]: design; pattern nanishtshileli [nan-isht-shi-lé-li]: towel nanoffo hishi [nan-uf-fu-hi-shi]: leaves of plants nanola [na-nó-l]: radio nanta; nata [na-t]: what? nanta chi-hochifo-kt [nan-t-chi-ho-ché-fo]: what is your name? napakali [na-p-ká-li]: flower napoa [na-po-w]: animal; beast nashoba [n-shó-b]: wolf natnna; nantnna [na-tn-n]: cloth; fabric nawaya [na-wáy-]: fruit; produce nayukpa [na-yuk-p]: happy nia [ne-y]: fat nihi [ni-hi]: seed ninak or nink [ni-nk]: night ninakash [ní-nk-ash]: last night nipi [ni-pi]: meat


343

nishkin [nish-kin]: eye nita [ni-t]: bear nittak or nitak [nit-tk]: day nittak alhipulli [nit-tak-a-lhi-púl-li]: throughout the day nittak hullo [nit-tk hul-lu]: holiday; Sunday nittak kanohmi [nit-tak-k-nóh-mi]: several days noseka [no-sé-k]: nightmare nosekat nowa [no-se-kt-no-w]: sleepwalking noti [no-ti]: teeth nowa [no-w]: walk nukhaklo [nuk-hak-lu]: sad; sorry nuklhakancha [nuk-lh-ká-ch]: get startled; get frightened (Group 2) nuklibesha [nuk-li-bé-sh]: be impassioned; be in a temper (Group 2) nukoa [nu-kó-]: angry nukoahinla [nu-kó-w-hí-l]: irritable nukshopa [nuk-shu-p]: afraid; scared; [nuk-shó-p]: be scared (Group 2) nuktala-ho! [nuk-ta-l-hó]: be calm! nuktala [nuk-t-l]: harmless; quiet; peaceful; jealous nukwia [nuk-wi-y]: be timid; afraid; shy (Group 2) nushkobo; noshkobo [núsh-ko-bu]: head nushoka [nush-shó-k]: face nusi [nu-si]: acorn; sleep (Group 1 or 2) nusit nowa [nu-sit-no-w]: spend the night nuta [nu-t]: under nutaka [nu-tá-ka]: under; underside nutakfa [nu-ták-f]: chin o-falimmit haksichi: turn the trick back on someone o-hikia [o-hi-kí-y]: stand on; be on o-wakaya [o-w-kái-y]: come upon ofosik [u-fó-sik]: puppy offo [uf-fu]: grow; sprout ofi; ufi [u-fi]: dog ofobi [u-fó-bi]: deep ohoyo [o-hó-yo]: woman oka [o-k]: water okami [o-ká-mi]: wash off (esp. the face) okchko [ok-ch´-ko]: bright green or bright blue okchmali [ok-ch-má-li]: pale or dull green or blue okchaya [ok-chá-y]: life; live

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okcha [ok-ch]: awaken; be awake (Group 2) okchali [ok-cha-li]: wake up (a living thing) okchalinchi [ok-ch-lí-chi]: save; redeem; redeemer; salvation okchi [ok-chi]: juice oke [o-ké]: marker of emphasis; surely; of course okfa [ok-f]: valley okfoatat itola: lying across okfochush [ok-fo-chush]: duck okhata [ok-há-ta]: lake okhata chito [ok-há-ta chí-tu]: ocean okhish [ok-hísh]: liquid medicine okhina [ok-hi-n]: river; waterway okhisa [ok-hi-s]: door okhisushi [ok-hi-sú-shi]: window okhoata [ok-ho-wá-t]: across oklhileka [ok-lhi-lé-k]: darkness of night oklhili [ok-lhí-li]: dusk; get dark okluha [ok-lu-ha]: the whole group; all; entire oklusbi [ok-lús-bi]: dusky; dark (time of day) oklushi [ok-lu-shi]: tribe; people okmahli [ok-máh-li]: south okpulo [ok-pú-lu]: bad okshinilli [ok-shi-nil-li]: swim okti [ok-ti]: ice oktohbi [ok-tóh-bi]: fog oktosha [ok-tu-sh]: snow olanosi [o-lá-nu-si]: close omba [o-b]: rain ome [o-mé]: all right on-itola [on-i-tó-l]: lie on ona [o-n]: arrive there; go there; reach onitoyula [o-ni-tó-yu-l]: fall upon; befall onnahinli [on-n-hí-li]: morning onnakma [ón-nak-ma]: tomorrow ont [ot]: go and . . . ont ia [ot-e-y]: go past there ont isht aiopi [ont-isht-ái-o-pi]: last; finally; going last ontalaia [o-t-lái-]: sit on; rest on; be on; ride on ontuchena [o-túch-che-n]: eight


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ontuklo [o-túk-lu]: seven onush bota [o-nush bu-t]: wheat flour osapa [o-sá-pa]: field oski naki [os-ki-na-ki]: arrow ossi [us-si]: small pla [p-l]: light plhki-hosh balili [plh-ki-hosh-b-li-li]: run fast pska [ps-k]: bake (prepare dough or batter) pska champuli [ps-kchá-pu-li]: sweets; cake pa [pa]: here; this (short form) paki [pa-ki]: grapes paki pi [pa-ki--pi]: grapevines pashi [pa-shi]: hair (of the head) paknaka [pak-ná-ka]: on top of; above; over palmmi [p-lm-mi]: extremely palska [p-l´s-k]: bread peh [peh]: just; merely pehli [peh-li]: scoop up, grasp (pl. things) peni [pe-ni]: boat pisa [pi-s]: see piti [pi-ti]: mouse pihlechi [píh-le-chi]: director; head; leader pila [pi-l]: throw; send pilashash [pi-lásh-ash]: yesterday pimaiashacheka [pim-ai-á-sh-ché-k]: our sins pisa [pi-s]: look at pisachi [pi-sá-chi]: show pisachukma [pi-s-chúk-m]: pretty; good-looking pisachukma i-shahli [pi-s-chuk-m-i-shah-li]: prettier than pisat aya [pi-sat-áy-]: visit; go to see pishokchi [pi-shók-chi]: milk pisokpulo [pi-sok-pú-lu]: bad-looking; mean-looking pit [pit]: direction away from the speaker pit hklo [pit-hk-lu]: listen to . . . pokkoli [pók-ko-li]: ten pokoli tuchena [pu-kó-li-túch-che-n]: thirty pokoli tuklo [pu-kó-li-túk-lu]: twenty polaka [po-la-k]: finally poyulla [póy-yol-l]: particular (with nouns); necessarily must (with predicates)

346


poyutta [póy-yot-t]: each and every; every last pulla [pul-l]: particular (with nouns); must (with predicates) puta [pu-t]: every slaha [s-lá-ha]: slow sllahat mahayah ma [sl-l-ht-mhá-yh-ma]: eventually sa-hochifo-kt [sa-ho-ché-fo-kt]: my name is sanakfish [s-nák-fish]: my younger brother (if spoken by a male); my younger sister (if spoken by a female) sapokni [s-pók-ni]: my grandmother (spoken by a male or a female, and a female’s mother-in-law) sappok [sp-puk]: my son-in-law sappok ohoyo [sp-puk-o-hó-yo]: my daughter-in-law sappokchi; sappochi [sp-pók-chi]: my father-in-law (if spoken by a male) sappoknakni [sp-puk-nák-ni]: my grandson sappoktek [sp-puk-ték]: my granddaughter satibapishi [sa-ti-bá-pi-shi]: my sibling (of the same mother) satikchi [sa-tik-chi]: my wife shkba [shk-b]: arm shachak [sha-chk]: noise made by rustling leaves shakapa [shá-ka-p]: make an uproar; cry aloud shakchi [shak-chi]: crawfish shali [sha-li]: haul; carry shapo [shá-pu]: hat shawi; shaui [shá-wi]: raccoon shila [shi-l]: be dry; get dry (Group 2); dry shileli [shi-lé-li]: dry (something) shilobish; shilombish [shi-lo-bish]: spirit; soul shilup [shi-lup]: ghost; apparition shinofa [shi-no-f]: wrinkled shinuk [shi-nuk]: sand shiyuli [shi-yu-li]: fall on shokni [shó-k-ni]: ant shoshi [sho-shi]: insect; bug shohpakali [shoh-p-ká-li]: shine; glitter shoktti [sho-kt-ti]: frog sholi [sho-li]: carry (in the arms) sholush [shó-lush]: shoes shotik [sho-tik]: sky shua [shu-w]: stinking; rotten


shubota [shu-bo-t]: smoke shukta; shukkta [shu-k´-t]: opossum shukbo [shuk-bu]: blanket shukha [shuk-h]: pig shukha nipi [shúk-h-ní-pi]: bacon; pork siti [si-ti]: snake sipokni [si-pók-ni]: old tli [t-li]: rock; mineral, esp. iron tli aholhponi [t-li a-holh-pó-ni]: stove tli aianumpoli [tli ai--núm-pu-li]: telephone tli aiitimanumpoli [tli-ai-i-tim--núm-pu-li]: telephone tmaha [t-má-ha]: town tnp [t-np]: enemy tnnp [tn-np]: opposite side tnna [tn-n]: web; woven substance tpa [t-p]: cut in two; severed tabokoli [ta-bu-kó-li]: to be noon tabokuli [ta-bó-ku-li]: noon taha [ta-ha]: be finished; done; depleted (Group 2) tahli [tah-li]: finish; do to completion or exhaustion tahpala [táh-p-l]: shout; yell; call out takchi [tak-chi]: tie; bind takchichi [tak-chi-chi]: tie together takkon [tak-kon]: peach; apple takkon masofa [tak-kon msó-f]: apple (old form) takkonlushi [tak-kun-lú-shi]: plum takla [tak-l]: between; among talhapi [tálh-lha-pi]: five taloa [t-ló-w]: sing tanbli [ta-nb-li]: cross over tanampo [t-ná-pu]: rifle; gun tanch bota [tach bu-t]: cornmeal tanchi; tachi [ta-chi]: corn tanchpanti [tach-pa-ti]: corn sprouts tani [ta-ni]: get up tapushik [t-pu-shik]: basket tasimbo; tasembo [ta-sí-bu]: crazy tek ihshi [tek-i-h-shi]: women’s month tikba [tik-b]: first (position)

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tiwa [tí-w]: be open tikabi [ti-ká-bi] or tikahbi [ti-káh-bi]: tired tikbali [tik-bá-li]: first (time) tikba [tik-b]: ahead; in front tikbali [tik-bá-li]: first; beforehand (time) tikilichi [ti-ké-li-chi]: touch the ends together; press against tiwa [ti-w]: get opened tiwwi [tiw-wi]: open something toba [to-b]: become; be made tobi [to-bi]: beans tobli [tob-li]: push tofa [tu-f]: summer; warm-weather months tohbi [tóh-bi]: white toksali; toksli [tók-s-li]: work tomi; tombi [to-bi]: shine topa [to-p]: bed towa [to-w]: ball tuchena [túch-che-n]: three tuklochit bshlit kachaya: cut them both badly tuklo [tuk-lu]: two tushpa; tunshpa; toshpa [túsh-p]: hurry ushta [ush-t]: four wahnota; wanota [wáh-nu-t]: yard wak [wak]: cow wak nipi [wak ni-pi]: beef wakaya [wa-kái-y]: arise; get up wakayoha [wa-kai-yó-h]: arise; get up (pl.) walohbi [wa-lóh-bi]: flexible; tender wanuksho [wa-nuk-shu]: fluffy; woolly; kinky washoha [wa-shó-h]: play weki [we-ki]: heavy woha [wo-h]: bark; howl; yelp (animals only) ymmk foka ma [y-mk-fó-k-ma]: then; about that time ymmk fokali ma [ym-mk-fo-ká-li-ma]: then; about that time ymma [ym-m]: there; that (full form) ynnsh [yń-nsh]: buffalo yahna [yáh-n]: fever yakni [yak-ni]: land yakni hochukbi [yak-ni-ho-chúk-bi]: cave; cavern


yakoke [ya-ko-ké]: thank you yamihchi [ya-mih-chi]: do (something) yatuk; yatuk ma [yá-tuk]: the yaiya [ya-y]: cry yimmi [yim-mi]: believe (Group 2) yimmita [yím-mi-t]: zealous; excited; aroused yohbichi [yoh-bi-chi]: sanctify yohmih kia [yóh-mih-ki-y]: nevertheless; notwithstanding yukachi [yu-ká-chi]: capture; catch yukpa [yuk-p]: laugh yupi [yu-pi]: bathe yushkololi [yush-ku-ló-li] or yoskololi [yus-ku-ló-li]: short (in length)

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a lot of . . . ; many of the . . . : lawa-ka [láw--ka] abdomen; belly: iffuka [if-fuk-k] about (that time): foka [fo-k] accountant; bookkeeper: nahotina ipunna [na-ho-té-n-i-pun-n] acorn: nusi [nu-si] across: okhoata [ok-ho-wá-t] afraid; scared: nukshopa [nuk-shu-p] after awhile: alhchibah ma [lh-chí-bh-ma] again: anoti [-no-ti] ahead; in front: tikba [tik-b] all; absolutely all; quite all: moyoma [móy-yo-m] all of the . . . : moma-ka [mó-m-ka] all right: ome [o-mé] all the way; completely achieved; thoroughly: momit [mo-mít] almost, nearly: ahosi [á-ho-si] alongside: abaiyat [-bai-yt] always: billia [bíl-li-] and: micha [mi-ch]; mihcha [mih-ch] and; again (with verbs): anoti; anonti [-no-ti] and; also: aiena [ai-é-n] and; and so: hocha [hó-ch] and so: ahma [áh-ma] and so it was: atuko [á-tuk-o] 351

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and then: mihma [mih-ma] angel: enchil [én-chil] angry: nukoa [nu-kó-] animal; beast: napoa [na-po-w] answer: anumpa falama [-num-p-f-lá-m]; anumpa falamichi [-num-pf-lá-mi-chi] ant: shokni [shó-k-ni] apple (old form): takkon masofa [tak-kon msó-f] arise; get up (pl.): wakayoha [wa-kai-yó-h]; wakaya [wa-kái-y] arm: shkba [shk-b] around (that time): fokali [fo-ká-li] arrive here; come here (dual): itlachi [ít--lá-chi]; (pl.): aila [ái--l]; la [-l] arrive there; go there (dual): itonachi [ít-u-ná-chi]; (pl.): aiona [ái-o-n] arrive there; go there; reach: ona [o-n] arrow: oski naki [os-ki-na-ki] ashamed: hofahya [ho-fáh-y] baby: llosi [l-ló-si] back: inali [i-ná-li] bacon; pork: shukha nipi [shúk-h-ní-pi] bad: okpulo [ok-pú-lu] bad-looking; mean-looking: pisokpulo [pi-sok-pú-lu] bake (prepare dough or batter): pska [ps-k] ball: towa [to-w] bark; howl; yelp (animals only): woha [wo-h] base; lower end: akishtla [ak-isht--l] basket: tapushik [t-pu-shik] bathe: yupi [yu-pi] bathroom: aboha ayupi [-bó-h-a-yu-pi] be accustomed to: achaya [-chái-y] be calm!: nuktala-ho! [nuk-ta-l-hó] be closed: akama [a-ká-m] be cut: bsha [b-sh] be dying one by one (pl.): illit mahaya [il-lit-m-há-y] be full: alota [-lo-t] be gone; be lacking (Group 2): iksho [ik-shu] be hidden; hide: aluma [a-lu-m] be in my pocket: am-alhto be located (dual): ashwa [ásh-w]; (pl.): asha [á-sh]; anta [a-t]


be made from: atoba [a-tu-b] be open: tiwa [tí-w] be scattered; be spread out: fima [fi-m] be sitting there (pl.): binoht maya [bi-nóht-mái-y] beak of a bird: ibishakni [i-bi-shák-ni] beans: tobi [to-bi] bear: nita [ni-t] beautiful; handsome: aiukli [ái-uk-li] beaver: kita [ki-t] because: atoko; atuko [á-tu-ko] become; be made: toba [to-b] becoming scarce (pl.): ikshot mahaya [ik-shut-m-há-y] bed; sleeping place: topa [to-p]; anusi [a-nu-si] bedroom: aboha anusi [-bó-h-a-nu-si] bee: fowi; foe [fo-wi] beef: wak nipi [wak ni-pi] befuddled; deceived; drunk: hksi [hk-si] beg; beseech; ask for; petition: asilhha [-silh-h] begin to run: balilit ishtia [ba-lí-lit isht-é-y] behind; in back of: ashaka [á-sha-ka] be impassioned; be in a temper (Group 2): nuklibesha [nuk-li-bé-sh] berries: bissa [bis-s] beside; at the side of: apotaka [-pó-t-ka] between; among: takla [tak-l] beyond: misha [mi-sh] big: chito [chi-tu]; (pl.): hochito [ho-chi-tu] big hunger: chffo chito [chf-fu-chí-tu] bind up; hem; wrap around: afohommi [a-fu-hóm-mi] bird: hushi [hu-shi] black: lusa [lu-s] blackberry month: hsh bissa [hsh-bís-s] blanket: shukbo [shuk-bu] blood: issish [is-sish] boast; be proud: ilawata [il-a-wá-t] boat: peni [pe-ni] body: haknip [hak-nip] boil: honi [ho-ni] bone: foni [fo-ni] bow: iti tanampo [i-ti-t-ná-pu]

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boy: llanakni [l-l-nák-ni] bread: palska [p-l´s-k] break; be broken: kobafa [ko-bá-f] break (something): kobaffi [ko-bf-fi] break in two; sever; broken; severed: kolofa [ko-ló-f] break into pieces: kokolit boshullichi break off; be broken off: litafa [li-tá-f] break something off; snap off (e.g., a cord): litffi [li-tf-fi] breathe: fiopa [fi-ó-p] bright blue; bright green: okchko [ok-ch´-ko] bring (to this place): ishtla [isht--l] brown; scorched color: hotonlkna [hó-ton-l´k-n] buffalo: ynnsh [yń-nsh] burn: lua [lu-w] burn (something): hokmi [hok-mi] but; however: kia [ki-y] buy: chompa; chumpa [cho-p] call (to someone): i-paya [i-pay-] capture, catch: yukachi [yu-ká-chi] carriage; car: hattakshali [ht-tk-shá-li] carry (in the arms): sholi [sho-li] cat: katos [ká-tos] catch: hokli [hok-li] cave; cavern: yakni hochukbi [yak-ni-ho-chúk-bi] ceiling: aboha pakna [-bó-h-p´k-n] chair; seat: abinili [a-bi-ní-li] chase: lhioli [lhi-ó-li] chicken: akaka [-ká-k] chief; leader: miko [mi-ku] child: lla [l-l] chin: nutakfa [nu-ták-f] chop: chali [cha-li] church: aiitnaha [ai-i-t-ná-ha] clean: kashofa [k-shó-f] clerk; salesman/woman: hattak (ohoyo) nakachi [na-ka-chi] close: olanosi [o-lá-nu-si] close (something): akmmi [-km-mi] closed; stopped up: lhkma [lh-k-m] cloth; fabric: natnna; nantnna [na-tn-n]


clothes: nafohka [na-fóh-k] cloud: hoshoti [hu-shó-ti] cold: kapssa [k-ps-s] come (toward the speaker): miti [mi-ti] come and return; go and come back: folota [fu-ló-t] come and . . . : ant [at] come back; return: falamat ia [fa-lá-mt e-y] come upon: o-wakaya [o-w-kái-y] comfort; soothe: hopohlachi [ho-poh-la-chi] completed; finished: loshommi [lu-shom-mi] container: ailhto [ai-lh-tu] cook: hoponi [ho-pó-ni] cooked; cooked food: holhponi [holh-pó-ni] cooking month: hsh hoponi [hsh-ho-pó-ni] corn: tanchi; tachi [ta-chi] cornmeal: tanch bota [tach bu-t] corn sprouts: tanchpanti [tach-pa-ti] correct; all right; proper: lhpesa [lh-pé-s] cost: lhtoba [´lh-tu-b] council: nanapesa lheha [nan--pé-s-lhé-h] cow: wak [wak] crane month: hsh watolk [hsh-wa-t’o-lk] crawfish: shakchi [shak-chi] crazy: tasimbo; tasembo [ta-sí-bu] creek: bokushi [bók-u-shi] cross over: tanbli [ta-nb-li] cry: yaiya [ya-y] cup; glass: ishtishko [isht-ísh-ku] cut (something): bshli [bsh-li] cut in two; severed: tpa [t-p] cut them both badly: tuklochit bshlit kachaya dance: hilha [hi-lh] darkness of night: oklhileka [ok-lhi-lé-k] day: nittak or nitak [nit-tk] deceive; trick: haksichi [hak-si-chi] deep: ofobi [u-fó-bi] deep place: ahofobi [a-ho-fó-bi] deer: issi [is-si] design; pattern: naninchuwa [nan-in-chú-w]

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die: illi [il-li] different: ila; inla [í-l] dig: kulli [kul-li] direction away from the speaker: pit [pit] direction toward the speaker: et [et] director; head; leader: pihlechi [píh-le-chi] dirt: lukfi [luk-fi] dirty: liteha [li-té-h] do; act; bring about: akaniohmi [a-k-ni-óh-mi] do (something): mihchi [mih-chi]; yamihchi [ya-mih-chi] do well: achukmali [a-chuk-má-li] doctor: alikchi [-lík-chi] dog: ofi; ufi [u-fi] domesticated animal: lhpoa [lh-po-] door: okhisa [ok-hi-s] down: akka [ak-k] dried leaves: hshtp [hsh-tp] drink: ishko [ish-ku] dry (something): shileli [shi-lé-li] duck: okfochush [ok-fo-chush] dusk; get dark: oklhili [ok-lhí-li] dusky; dark (time of day): oklusbi [ok-lús-bi] dwelling place; refuge: aiasha [ai-a-sh] each: ayuka [ay-u-k]; ayukali [a-yu-ká-li] each and every; every last: poyutta [póy-yot-t] ear: haksobish [hák-su-bish] east: hshi akochaka [h-shi-a-kó-ch-ka] eat (something): pa [-p] eat a meal; dine: impa [i-p] eating utensils: ishtimpa [isht-i-p] eggs: akakushi [-kák-u-shi] eight: ontuchena [o-túch-che-n] eighteen: awah ontuchena [-wh-o-túch-che-n] eleven: awah achffa [-wh--ch´f-f] embarrassed: anuktuklo [a-nuk-túk-lu] enemy: tnp [t-np] enter; come in: chukkoa; chukoa [chúk-kw] even so: hihkia [híh-ki-] eventually: sllahat mahayah ma [sl-l-ht-mhá-yh-ma]


every: puta [pu-t] exist; come into existence; be born: tta [t-t] exist; live (pl.): asha [a-sh] expect; hope; wish for: ahni [ah-ni] explode; blow up: bokafa [bo-ká-f] extremely: palmmi [p-lm-mi] eye: nishkin [nish-kin] face: nushoka [nush-shó-k] fall on: shiyuli [shi-yu-li] fall upon; befall: onitoyula [o-ni-tó-yu-l] family; household: chukka chffa [chuk-k-ch´-f] far away; for a long time: hopaki [ho-pá-ki] fat; overweight: nia [ne-y] fat; lard; grease: bila [bi-l] feed (esp., animals): ipeta [i-pé-t] fence: holita [hu-lí-t] fever: yahna [yáh-n] field: osapa [o-sá-pa] fifteen: awah talhapi [-wh-tálh-lha-pi] fight; battle: itibi [i-ti-bi] fill; pour into: ni [-ni] fill (something): alotali [-lo-tá-li] finally: polaka [po-la-k] find: ahayuchi [-há-u-chi; -háy-u-chi]; ahochi [a-hu-chi] finger: ibbkushi [ib-bk-ú-shi] finish; do to completion or exhaustion: tahli [tah-li] fire: luak [lu-wak] first (position): tikba [tik-b] first (time): tikbali [tik-bá-li] first; beforehand (time): tikbali [tik-bá-li] fish: nni [n-ni] fish; catch fish: nnokwehli [n-nuk-weh-li] fisherman/woman: hattak (ohoyo) nnokwehli [n-nuk-wéh-li] five: talhapi [tálh-lha-pi] flexible; tender: walohbi [wa-lóh-bi] floor: itipotalhpo [i-tí-po-tálh-pu] flower: napakali [na-p-ká-li] fluffy; woolly; kinky: wanuksho [wa-nuk-shu] fly (pl.): heli [he-li]; hika [hi-k]

357

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fog: oktohbi [ok-tóh-bi] follow; come next: iakaya; yakaya [ya-ká-y] food; meal: illimpa; illipa [il-lí-p]; ilhpk [ilh-pk] foot: iyi [i-yi] fortunately: mak yoba-tuko [mak-yó-b-tu-ko] four: ushta [ush-t] fox: chula [chu-l] freeze: kalampi [k-lá-pi] frequently; always; all the time: bieka [béy-ye-k] friend: (i)kana [i-ká-n] frog: shoktti [sho-kt-ti] from now on: himak pillak ma [hi-mk-píl-lk-ma] fruit; produce: nawaya [na-wáy-] fur: hishi [hi-shi] furnish; provide: atahli [a-tah-li] gather things up (pl. obj.): aiowa [ái-o-w] get; grasp (one thing): ishi [i-shi] get opened: tiwa [ti-w] get startled; get frightened: nuklhakancha [nuk-lh-ká-ch] get up: tani [ta-ni] ghost; apparition: shilup [shi-lup] girl: llatek [l-l-ték] give (recipient obj.): (im)a [i-m] give thanks (recipient obj.): i-yakoke [i-ya-ko-ké] go: ia [e-y] go; go together (dual): itiachi [ít-i-á-chi] go; go in a group (pl.): ilhkoli [ilh-kó-li] go and . . . : ont [ot] go past here: ant ia [at-e-y] go past there: ont ia [ot-e-y] goat: issi kosoma [is-si ko-só-m] good: achukma [-chúk-m] grapes: paki [pa-ki] grapevines: paki pi [pa-ki--pi] grass: hashuk [ha-shuk] Great Spirit (before Christianity): hshtahli [hsh-táh-li] grin: itakyuinli [i-tak-yu-í-li] groceries; food: ilhpk [ilh-pk] grow; sprout: offo [uf-fu]


habitually live; dwell: ahanta [-ha-t] hair (of the head): pashi [pa-shi] hammer; pound; beat: boli [bo-li] hand: ibbk; ibbak [ib-bk] happy: nayukpa [na-yuk-p] hard: kllo [kl-lu] harmless; quiet; peaceful: nuktala [nuk-t-l] has ever been: chatuk [chá-tuk] hat: shapo [shá-pu] hate (recipient obj.): i-nukilli [i-nu-kil-li] haul; carry: shali [sha-li] have (something too large to hold): i-hikia [i-hi-ki-] have; own (one thing): ishi [i-shi] have; own (pl. things): im-asha [im-á-sh] head: nushkobo; noshkobo [núsh-ko-bu] heal: masalichi [m-sá-li-chi] heal; get better: lhakofi [lha-kó-fi] hear: haklo [hak-lu] heart: choksh [cho-ksh] heavy: weki [we-ki] hello: halito [ha-li-to] help: apela [-pé-l] here; this (short form): pa [pa] here; this: ilppa [i-l´p-pa] hide (something) at: aluhmi [a-luh-mi] hide; skin: hakshup [hak-shup] hill: nnih [n-nih] his own tail: imohasimbish [im-o-ha-sí-bish] hit; strike: isso [is-su] hit; sting; penetrate: nlhi [nlh-lhi] hold tight; squeeze: katanlichi [k-ta-li-chi] hole: chiluk [chi-luk] holiday; Sunday: nittak hullo [nit-tk hul-lu] horse: issoba; issuba [is-su-b] hospital: abeka aiashachi [-be-k-ay-á-sha-chi] hot: lshpa [lsh-p] house: chukka [chuk-k] how?; in what manner?: katiohmi-hosh [k-ti-óh-mi-hosh] how are you?: chim-achukma [chim--chúk-m]

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how do you (do it)?: katiomichi-hosh [ka-ti-ó-mi-hosh] how many?: katohmi [k-tóh-mi] how much?: lwa katiohmi [l-w-k-ti-óh-mi] however: amba [a-ba] hungry; starving: hochffo; hohchffo [ho-ch´f-fu] hurry: tushpa; tunshpa; toshpa [túsh-p] hurt: hottupa [hót-tu-p] hurt someone’s feelings; insult: choksh hottopali hurt something; harm: hottopachi [hot-tó-p-chi] ice: okti [ok-ti] in; inside: anuka [-nú-k] in control; sober: kostini [kós-ti-ni] in front of: itikba [i-tík-b] in the west; toward the west: hshi okitula imma [h-shi-ok-a-tú-l-imm] in those days: hshi mak fokali [h-shi-mak-fo-ká-li] insect; bug: shoshi [sho-shi] irritable: nukoahinla [nu-kó-w-hí-l] irritating; noisy: haksoba [hák-su-b] it’s true; that’s right: hikat alhi [hi-kt-a-lhi] jealous: nuktala [nuk-t-l] join with: ibachffa [i-bá-chf-f] juice: okchi [ok-chi] just; merely: peh [peh] just fine: achukmahoke [-chuk-m-ho-ké] just like his: ilap akia [i-lap-á-ky] just then; right then: mak fehna [mak-féh-n] kettle; pan; metal container: asonik [-só-nik] kick: habli [ha-bli] kill: bi [-bi] kitchen: ahoponi [a-ho-pó-ni] knife: bshpo [bsh-pu] know; remember: ikhana [ik-há-n] lake: okhata [ok-há-ta] land: yakni [yak-ni] last; finally; going last: ont isht aiopi [ont-isht-ái-o-pi] last night: ninakash [ní-nk-ash] last year; past year: afmmi ant ia [-fm-mi-át-i-] laugh: yukpa [yuk-p]


361

learn: ikhna [ik-h-n] leave; go away: kania [k-né-y] leaves of plants: nanoffo hishi [nan-uf-fu-hi-shi]; iti hishi [i-ti-hi-shi] leg: iypi [í-y-pi] let go of something; release: mokoffi [mu-kuf-fi] lick: holakshi [hu-lák-shi] lie (pl., animate): kahmaya [kah-mái-y] lie down: itola [i-tó-l] lie on: on-itola [on-i-tó-l] lie turned over: filemat itola life; live: okchaya [ok-chá-y] lift; raise: chahachi [chá-ha-chi] light: pla [p-l] lightning: malahta; malatta like (something): achukmahni [a-chuk-máh-ni]; ayukpachi; aiokpanchi [ayuk-pá-chi] limb of the body (esp., leg): hanali [h-ná-li] lion’s little brother’s month: hsh koi ichush [hsh-ko-wi-i-chush] lion’s month: hsh koi chito [hsh-ko-wi-chí-tu] liquid medicine: okhish [ok-hísh] listen to . . . : pit hklo [pit-hk-lu]; hklo [hk-lu] little hunger: chffiskono [chf-fis-kó-nu] live; dwell (dual): ashwa [ash-w] long: falaya [f-lái-y] look after; tend; oversee: apesachi [-pé-s-chi] look at: pisa [pi-s] look carefully at; scrutinize: achukmat pisa [-chuk-mt-pi-s] look for; search: hoyo [ho-yu] loud; hard: chitoli [chí-to-li] love: i-hullo [i-hul-lo] lying across: okfoatat itola make; construct: ikbi [ik-bi] make an uproar; cry aloud: shakapa [shá-ka-p] man: hattak (or httk) [ht-tk] manner; way; custom: aiyamohmi [ai-y-móh-mi] many; a lot: lwa; laua [l-w] measure; judge; decide; make a ruling: apesa [-pé-s] meat: nipi [ni-pi] medicine: ikhish [ik-hísh]

362


meet; meet together: afama [-fá-m]; itafama [i-t-fá-m] milk: pishokchi [pi-shók-chi] miserable; poor in spirit; humble: ilbasha [il-b´-sh] money: iskli [i-sk-li] moon: hshnakaya [hsh-n-káy-] morning: onnahinli [on-n-hí-li] mosquito: isapotk [i-s-pó-tk] mountain: nnih chaha [n-nih-chá-ha] mouse: piti [pi-ti] mouth: itakha [i-tak-ha] move out: kuchawiha [ku-ch-wi-h] move out from: akuchawiha [a-ku-ch-wi-h] mulberry month: hsh bihi [hsh-bí-hi] mulberry tree: bihi pi; bihpi [bi-h-pi] mutual friends; be friends with: itikana [i-ti-ká-n] my brother (only females use this term): anakfi [a-nak-fi] my daughter (and my sisters’ daughters, if spoken by a female): amllatek [-ml-l-tek] my daughter-in-law: sappok ohoyo [sp-puk-o-hó-yo] my father (and his brothers): aki [a-ki] my father-in-law (if spoken by a male): sappokchi; sappochi [sp-pók-chi] my father’s sister: ahokni [a-hók-ni] my granddaughter: sappoktek [sp-puk-ték] my grandfather (spoken by a male or a female, and a woman’s father-inlaw): amafo [m-á-fu] my grandmother (spoken by a male or a female, and a woman’s motherin-law): sapokni [s-pók-ni] my grandson: sappoknakni [sp-puk-nák-ni] my husband: ahattak [a-ht-tk] my mother (and her sisters, and the wives of my father’s relatives): hshki or sshki [hsh-ki; ssh-ki] my mother’s oldest brother: amoshi [a-mo-shi] my name is: sa-hochifo-kt [sa-ho-ché-fo-kt] my older brother (if spoken by a male); my older sister (if spoken by a female): amnni [-mn-ni] my sibling (of the same mother): satibapishi [sa-ti-bá-pi-shi] my son (and my brothers’ sons, if spoken by a male): amlla [-ml-l] my son-in-law: sappok [sp-puk] my wife: satikchi [sa-tik-chi]


363

my younger brother (if spoken by a male); my younger sister (if spoken by a female): sanakfish [s-nák-fish] near: bilika [bi-lí-k] neighbor: chukka apata [chuk-k-pa-t] nest: lhpichik [lh-pi-chik] nevertheless; notwithstanding: yohmih kia [yóh-mih-ki-y] new: himona [hi-mó-n] next; succeeding: achaka [-chá-k] night: ninak or nink [ni-nk] nightmare: noseka [no-sé-k] nine: chakkali [chák-ka-li] nineteen: bi chakkali [-bi-chák-ka-li] no; not: kiyo; keyu [ké-yu] noise made by rustling leaves: shachak [sha-chk] noon: tabokuli [ta-bó-ku-li] north: falmmi [f-lm-mi] nose: ibishakni [i-bi-shak-ni] not have any: ik-imiksho [ik-im-ík-shu] now: himaka [hi-má-ka] number; numbers: holhtina; holhpena [hólh-ti-n] nurse: abeka apisachi [-be-k-a-pi-sá-chi] ocean: okhata chito [ok-há-ta chí-tu] old: sipokni [si-pók-ni] on top of; above; over: paknaka [pak-ná-ka] once; one time: himonah ma [hi-mó-nh ma] one: achffa [-ch´f-f] onion: hatofalaha [ha-to-f-lá-h] open something: tiwwi [tiw-wi] opossum: shukta; shukkta [shu-k´-t] opposite side: tnnp [tn-np] our sins: pimaiashacheka [pim-ai-á-sh-ché-k] out; outside: kucha [ku-ch] pale or dull green, blue: okchmali [ok-ch-má-li] palm of the hand: ibbk pahta [ib-bk páh-t] pants: balafohka [bal--fóh-k] paper; book; letter: holisso [ho-lís-so] particular (with nouns); must (with predicates): pulla [pul-l] particular (with nouns); necessarily must (with predicates): poyulla [póyyol-l]

364


pass through: lhipulli [lhi-pul-li] passageway: achukkoa [a-chúk-kwa] path: anowa [a-no-w] peach; apple: takkon [tak-kon] peach month: hsh takkon [hsh-ták-kon] pen; pencil: ishtholissochi [isht-ho-lis-só-chi] pick: ishtkulli [isht-kul-li] pig: shukha [shuk-h] place before; serve to: i-talali [i-t-lá-li] plant: hokchi [hok-chi] plate: ampo [a-pu] play (somewhere): awashoha [a-wa-shó-h] play: washoha [wa-shó-h] playing field: ishtaboli [isht--bó-li] plum: takkonlushi [tak-kun-lú-shi] poison: ishtilli [isht-íl-li] policeman; officer: nalhtoka; nanlhtoka [nalh-tú-k] potatoes: ahe [a-he] praise; give thanks: ayukpachi [a-yuk-pa-chi] present; gift: naholbina [na-hol-bi-n] prettier than: pisachukma i-shahli [pi-s-chuk-m-i-shah-li] pretty; good-looking: pisachukma [pi-s-chúk-m] pretty well also: achukma akili [-chúk-m-kí-li] protect; shield: atukkuchi [-tuk-ku-chi] pull; draw: hallli [ha-ll-li] puppy: ofosik [u-fó-sik] push: tobli [tob-li] put; place (a single item): bohli [boh-li] put; place; set vertically: hilechi [hi-lé-chi] put in; insert: fokki [fok-ki] put on (clothing): fokka; fohka [fok-k] put together; piece together: itachakali [i-tá-ch-ká-li] quiet; calm: chilusa; cholusa [chi-lú-s] quit: issa [is-s] rabbit: chukfi luma; chukfi [chúk-fi lu-m] raccoon: shawi; shaui [shá-wi] radio: nanola [na-nó-l] raft: iti pehta [i-ti-péh-t] rain: omba [o-b]


365

rain hard: chitolit omba [chi-tó-lit-o-b] rather; instead: keyukmt [ké-yuk-mt] read: aiitimanumpoli [ai-i-tim--núm-pu-li]; hochifochi [ho-ché-fu-chi] read orally; interpret: anumpa tusholit hochefo [-nó-p-tu-shó-lit-ho-ché-fu] ready; prepared: lhtaha [´lh-ta-ha] receive from: im-ahnichi [im-áh-ni-chi] red: humma [hum-m] reddish brown: hummakbi [hum-mák-bi] refrigerator: nakapssachi [na-k-p´s-s-chi] relative: (i)kanomi [i-k-nó-mi] remember: ikhaiyana [ik-hái-ya-n] repair; fix: apoksia [a-pok-si-] repairman/woman: nanapoksia [nan--pok-sí-] residence: aitta [ai-t-t] respect; approve: ahnichi [áh-ni-chi] rest: foha [fo-ha] restored to original condition: falmmint [f-lm-mit] restroom: abohushi [a-bu-hú-shi] return; come back: falama [fa-lá-m] rifle; gun: tanampo [t-ná-pu] right here: ilppk [i-lp-pk] right now; now: himonasi-ano [hi-mó-n-si-a-no]; himonasi [hi-mó-n-si] river; waterway: bok [bok]; okhina [ok-hi-n] road: hina [hi-n] rock; mineral (esp. iron): tli [t-li] roof; shingles: ishtholmo [isht-hól-mu] room: aboha [-bó-h] roost: kanshak anusi [kan-shk-á-nu-si] rope: aseta [a-se-t] run: balili [ba-li-li] run fast: plhki-hosh balili [plh-ki-hosh-b-li-li] sad; sorry: nukhaklo [nuk-hak-lu] salt: hpi [h-pi] same; like: holba [hol- b] sanctify: yohbichi [yoh-bi-chi] sand: shinuk [shi-nuk] sassafras month: hsh kf [hsh-kf] save; redeem; redeemer; salvation: okchalinchi [ok-ch-lí-chi] say (direct quote): achi [a-chi]

366


say; make a sound: maka [ma-k] say; mean; explain: miha; miya [mi-ha] scar: misa [mi-s] scared; afraid; anxious: malhata [m-lhá-t] school: holisso apisa [ho-lís-so-a-pí-s] scoop up; grasp (pl. things): pehli [peh-li] scream; shriek; make a high-pitched yell: chilika [chi-li-k] see: pisa [pi-s] seed: nihi [ni-hi] sell: kachi; kanchi [ka-chi] set fire to: luachi [lu-wa-chi] settle; settle people: aioklchi [ai-ók-l-chi] seven: ontuklo [o-túk-lu] seventeen: awah ontuklo [-wh-o-túk-lu] several days: nittak kanohmi [nit-tak-k-nóh-mi] sew: achunli [a-chun-li] sew together: itachunli [i-tá-chun-li] shaman prophet: alikchi hopaii [-lik-chi-ho-páy] sharp: halupa [h-lú-p] sheep: chukfi lhpoa; chukfi [chúk-fi lh-po-] shelf: ataloha [a-t-ló-h] shine (sun): tomi; tombi [to-bi] shine; glitter: shohpakali [shoh-p-ká-li] shoes: sholush [shó-lush] shoot at: hossa [hos-s] short (in length): yushkololi [yush-ku-ló-li]; yoskololi [yus-ku-ló-li] short (in stature): kowasha [ko-wá-sh] shout; yell; call out: tahpala [táh-p-l] shovel: ishtpiha [isht-pi-ha] show: pisachi [pi-sá-chi] show up; appear: haiaka [hái-a-k] sick: abeka [-bé-k] sign: ishtailhpesa [isht-ai-lh-pé-s] similar: holba chohmi [hol-bah chóh-mi] since then: mkatuk alhih ma [m-k-tuk-á-lhih-ma] sing: taloa [t-ló-w] sit; sit down; be seated: binili [bi-ni-li] sit on; rest on; be on; ride on: ontalaia [o-t-lái-] six: hnnali [hń-na-li]


sixteen: awah hnnali [-wh-hn-na-li] skin; hide; peel; shell: hakshup [hak-shup] skunk: koni [ko-ni] sky: shotik [sho-tik] sleep: nusi [nu-si] sleepwalking: nosekat nowa [no-se-kt-no-w] slip away; get away: mokofa [mu-kó-f] slippery; smooth: halsbi [h-ls-bi] small: ossi [us-si]; iskitini [is-ki-té-ni]; (pl.): chipita [chi-pí-t] small pieces; bits; crumbs: boshulli [bo-shúl-li] smear; daub: apolusli [a-pu-lus-li] smell: howa [ho-w] smoke: shubota [shu-bo-t] snake: siti [si-ti] snatch: lhakacha [lha-cha-k] snow: oktosha [ok-tu-sh] soft; quiet: lumasi [lu-má-si] softly; quietly: lumasit [lu-má-sit] sole of the foot: iyyi pahta [iy-yi páh-t] some of them: kanima-kt [k-ní-m-kt] someday; sometime: kanimash ili [k-ni-msh-í-li] somehow: akinimi [a-k-né-mi] something: nana [na-n] sometimes: kanimikma [k-né-mik-ma] song: ilhtaloak; ilhtalowak [ilh-t-ló-wak] soon; after awhile: chekih ma [ché-kih ma] sort of; somewhat: chohmi [choh-mi] sour; acidic: hawshko [h-w´sh-ku] sour; bitter; salty: homi [ho-mi] south: okmahli [ok-máh-li] speak; talk: anumpoli [-núm-pu-li] spend the night: nusit nowa [nu-sit-no-w] spirit; soul: shilobish [shi-lo-bish] squirrel: fni; fani [f-ni] staff; walking stick: iti tbi [i-ti-t-bi] stand; be standing: hikia [hi-kí-] stand (pl.): hiohli [hi-oh-li] stand around (pl. animate): hiohmaya [he-oh-mái-y] stand on; be on: o-hikia [o-hi-kí-y]

367

368


star: fichik [fi-chik] stay around in one place; hang around: ttat aya [t-tt-ái-y] steal: hokupa [hó-ku-p] stick: iti tpa [i-ti-t-p] stickball: kapucha [k-pu-ch] still: moma [mo-m] stinking; rotten: shua [shu-w] stove: tli aholhponi [t-li a-holh-pó-ni] straight; erect: apissa [a-pis-s] strong: lhamko [lham-ku] sugar: hpi champuli [h-pi cha-pu-li] summer; warm-weather months: tofa [tu-f] sun; month; time: hshi [h-shi] surely; of course: -oke [o-ké] (marker of emphasis) surface: apaknali [-pk-ná-li] sweets; cake: pska champuli [ps-kchá-pu-li] swim: okshinilli [ok-shi-nil-li], table; eating place: aiimpa [ai-í-p] tail: hasimbish [ha-sim-bish] take (away): ishtia [isht-e-y] take out; take from: akuchi [a-ku-chi] tall: chaha [chá-ha] taller than: chaha i-shahli [cha-ha-i-shah-li] taste good; like the taste of: i-champuli [i-chá-pu-li](Group 3) tasty; sweet: champuli [cha-pu-li] teach: ikhnachi [ik-h-ná-chi] teacher: nanikhnachi [nan-ik-h-ná-chi] teeth: noti [no-ti] telephone: tli aianumpoli [tli ai--núm-pu-li]; tli aiitimanumpoli [tli-aii-tim--núm-pu-li] tell (to): im-anoli [im--nó-li] ten: pokkoli [pók-ko-li] thank you: yakoke [ya-ko-ké] the other side: mishtnnp [mish-tn-np] the other side of: misha itnnp [mish-i-tn-np] the same as (that one): makili holba [m-ki-li hol-b] the whole group; all; entire: okluha [ok-lu-ha] then; about that time: ymmk fokali ma [ym-mk-fo-ká-li-ma]; ymmk foka ma [ym-mk-fó-k-ma]


then; after that; again: himak ma [hi-mak-ma] there; that (full form): ymma [ym-m] there; that (short form): ma [ma] there are . . . : asha [á-sh] there is . . . (something alive): anta [a-t] thin; skinny: chunna [chun-n] think about, imagine, cogitate: anukfilli [a-nuk-fil-li] thirteen: awah tuchena [-wh-túch-che-n] thirty: pokoli tuchena [pu-kó-li-túch-che-n] this is what . . . : ilppako [i-l´p-pa-ko] this time: hshi ilppa [h-shi-i-lp-pa] this year: afmmi ilppa [-fm-mi-i-lp-pa] thought: anukfila [-nuk-fí-l] three: tuchena [túch-che-n] throughout the day: nittak alhipulli [nit-tak-a-lhi-púl-li] throw; send: pila [pi-l] thumb: ibbkishki [ib-bk-ísh-ki] thunder: hiloha [hi-ló-h] tie; bind: takchi [tak-chi] tie together: takchichi [tak-chi-chi] tie up; tie to something: itatakchichi [i-t-ták-chi-chi] tire (of automobile): ishtaionchanlli [isht-ai-o-ch-n´l-li] tired: tikabi [ti-ká-bi], or tikahbi [ti-káh-bi] to be noon: tabokoli [ta-bu-kó-li] tobacco: hakchuma [hák-chu-m] today; nowadays: himak nittak [hi-mak-nit-tk] tomorrow: onnakma [ón-nak-ma] tongue: isolsh [i-só-lsh] touch the ends together; press against: tikilichi [ti-ké-li-chi] toward; about: imma [im-m] towel: nanishtshileli [nan-isht-shi-lé-li] town: tmaha [t-má-ha] travel; go along: aya [ay-] travel along: aya [ay-] travel through: lhipullit aya [lhi-pul-lit-áy-] tree; wood: iti [i-ti] tribe, people: oklushi [ok-lu-shi] trip; stumble: ibetabli [i-bé-t-bli] trouble; bother (someone): ataklammi [-tak-lm-mi]

369

370


truly, surely; true: alhi [a-lhi] try to eat: pat pisa [-pt pi-s] turkey: akak chaha [-kák chá-ha]; cholokloha [chu-luk-ló-h]; fkit [f-kit] turn; turn over: filema [fi-lé-m] turn around; turn back: afololichi [a-fu-ló-li-chi] turn the trick back on him: o-falimmit haksichi turtle: luksi [luk-si] twelve: awah tuklo [-wh-túk-lu] twenty: pokolo tuklo [pu-kó-li-túk-lu] two: tuklo [tuk-lu] ugly; unhandsome: ikaiuklo [ik-ai-yúk-lu] under: nuta [nu-t] under; underside: nutaka [nu-tá-ka] undergrowth of a forest: abohli [a-boh-li] understand: anukfoka [a-nuk-fó-k] uneasy: kamonta; kamunta [ka-mo-t] up: ba [-b] uproot: lobbi [lub-bi] usually; on occasion: beka [be-k] valley: okfa [ok-f] valuable; dear: holitopa [ho-li-tó-p] vapor; steam: kofota [ka-fó-t] venison: issi nipi [is-si ni-pi] very many: lawa [la-w] very much; really; a lot: chiyyohmi [chíy-yoh-mi]; aialhi [ái-a-lhi] vine; stem; trunk; hand: nanpi [nan--pi] visit; come to see: ant pisa [at-pi-s] visit; go to see: pisat aya [pi-sat-áy-] wagon; cart: iti chanlli; chnaha [chá-nl-li; ch-ná-ha] wait for: i-himona [i-hi-mó-n] wake up (some living thing): okchali [ok-cha-li] wake up hungry: hohchaffot okcha [hoh-chaf-fut-ok-ch] walk: nowa [no-w] walk together: itanowat ia [ít--nó-wt e-] wall: aboha isht holita [-bó-h-isht hu-lí-t] warm: libesha [li-bé-sh] warm place: ailibesha [ai-li-bé-sh] warrior: nakni tushka [nak-ni-túsh-k] wash: achefa [-ché-f]


371

wash off (esp. the face): okami [o-ká-mi] washing machine: balafohkachefa [bal--fóh-k-ché-f]; nanachefa [nan-ché-f] water: oka [o-k] wear: fokka [fok-k] web; woven substance: tnna [tn-n] weed; herb: haiyokpulo [hai-yok-pú-lu] west: hshi aiokatola [h-shi-ai-ok--tó-l] wet: lcha [l-ch] what?: nanta; nata [na-t] what is your name?: nanta chi-hochifo-kt [nan-t-chi-ho-ché-fo] what one must do: nana kaniohmachi pulla [na-n-k-ni-óh-ma-chi-pul-l] what will I do?: katiohmi-lachi [ka-ti-óh-mi-la-chí] wheat flour: onush bota [o-nush bu-t] wheel: chnaha [ch-ná-ha]; nachanlli [na-cha-nl-li] when? (habitually, or in the future): katimikma [k-té-mik-ma] when? (in the past): katimikash [k-té-mi-kash] where?; in what direction?: katimma [k-tim-m] where?; in what place? (in some dialects): katomma [k-tom-m] which one (of two)?: katimampo [ka-ti-má-pu] which place?: katimmakako [k-tím-m-k-ko] white: tohbi [tóh-bi] who?: kata; kta [kt] why?: katimih-o [k-té-mi-ho] wide: awata [-wá-t] win; beat: im-aya [i-máy-] wind; blow: mahli [mah-li] wind month: hsh mahli [hsh-máh-li] window: okhisushi [ok-hi-sú-shi] winter; cold-weather months: hshtula [hsh-tu-l] wish for: aiahni [ai-ah-ni] within: anokaka [-nó-k-ka] wolf: nashoba [n-shó-b] woman: ohoyo [o-hó-yo] women’s month: tek ihshi [tek-i-h-shi] woods: kowi [ko-wi] word; speech; news: anumpa [-nó-p] work: toksali; toksli [tók-s-li] workshop: atoksli [a-tok-s-li]

372


wrinkled: shinofa [shi-no-f] wrist: ibbakska [ib-bak-´s-k] write: holissochi [ho-lís-su-chi] yard: wahnota; wanota [wáh-nu-t] year: afmmi [-fm-mi] yellow: lkna [lk-n] yes: a [a] yesterday: pilashash [pi-lásh-ash] young: himitta [hi-mit-t] young people: himmithoa [him-mit-hó-] zealous; excited; aroused: yimmita [yím-mi-t]

Contributors

HEATHER N. ATHERTON holds a Masters degree in Anthropology from the University of Oklahoma and is pursuing her doctorate at Columbia University. JAMES CARSON is a historian of Choctaw culture and Assistant Professor of History at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario. DUANE CHAMPAGNE is an anthropologist and Director of the American Indian Studies Center at the University of California at Los Angeles. DAVID H. DYE is an archaeologist specializing in Mississippian artifacts and Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Memphis, Memphis, Tennessee. MORRIS FOSTER is a linguistic anthropologist and Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Oklahoma. MARCIA HAAG is Assistant Professor of Linguistics at the University of Oklahoma. CHARLES HUDSON is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Georgia at Athens. PAMELA INNES is a linguistic anthropologist and Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. CLARA SUE KIDWELL is a specialist in Choctaw history and Director of the Native American Studies program at the University of Oklahoma. 373

374

Contributors

VALERIE LONG LAMBERT is a specialist in modern Choctaw culture and Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. WILLIAM B. LEES is an archaeologist at the Oklahoma Historical Society. DANIEL LITTLEFIELD, JR., is Professor of English at the University of Arkansas at Little Rock. GRAYSON NOLEY is the chair of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies at the University of Oklahoma. TIMOTHY R. PAUKETAT is an archaeologist and Professor of Anthropology at the University of Illinois at Urbana. CAMERON B. WESSON is an archaeologist and Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Illinois at Chicago. HENRY WILLIS is a native speaker of Choctaw, a community teacher, and Consultant for the Language Program, Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma.

Index

lheha, 126. See also Plural -t, -yt, 19–20 -a, -ya, 20 Accent, 9 -achi, 87–88, 119 -achituk, 118. See also Future in the past Adverbial clauses, 189–91 Adverbs: aspectual, 158; of degree, 196–97; directional, 158–59; manner, 189–90; time, 157–58. See also Adverbial clauses Affected role, 59; object, 60; possession, 81; subject, 61–63, 70–72. See also Person markers Agent role, 40–41. See also Person markers Agreement markers, 39. See also Person markers -ahe, 203. See also Potential mood -ahinla, 201–202. See also Potential mood Anoti, 150. See also Conjunction

Ant, 25–26 Aspect, 135; iterative, 165–66, 170–71; momentaneous (instantaneous), 137–39; resolutional, 166–71; stative, 136–37 Benefactive role, 146. See also Person markers Burial customs, 247–48 Byington, Cyrus, 307, 309 Cardinal directions, 184 Causative marker, 70 -cha/-na, 155–57 Choctaw Nation, 252–53, 297, 307, 311, 314 Christian missions and churches, 252, 294, 306 Clause conjunctions, 145, 155 Commands: affirmative, 105–106; with Group 2 verbs; 107–108; negative, 106–107 375

376

Index

Compounds, 56–57; with a-/ai-, 69–70; with -chi, 70; with -isht, 69; with -ushi, 70 Conjunction: with anoti, 150; with micha, 30–31; with -t, 97–98 Consonants, 3–5; geminate, 5 Contact, with Spanish, 244, 250, 272, 277 Contrastive markers, 231–32. See also Emphatic pronouns Courtship customs, 246 Dancing Rabbit Creek, Treaty at, 280, 283–85, 288–90, 292, 296, 310 Definiteness, 191–93; with contrastive markers, 231–32; with focus markers, 230, 232; with -osh/-o compounds, 191–92 Demonstratives, 16–17, 20–21; with focus markers, 191–92 Diphthongs, 8 Directional particles, 25–26 Direct object, 60 Doaksville, Indian Territory, 297–99, 307, 313 Dual verbs, 31–33. See also Oklah; Verbs Emphatic mood, 159. See also -oke; -shke Emphatic pronouns: contrastive, 231–32; list of, 229; third person, 232; uses of, 230–32. See also Person markers Et, 25–26. See also Directional particles Events, 135. See also Aspect Farming, 259–60, 296

Fort Towson, 296, 298 Future in the past, 118 Future time, 87 Gathering, 256–57 Group 1 verbs, 40. See also Group 2 verbs; Group 3 verbs Group 2 verbs, 71; negation of, 180–81. See also Group 1 verbs; Group 3 verbs Group 3 verbs, 89–90; negation of, 180–81. See also Group 1 verbs; Group 2 verbs -h, 21–22, 205 Hihkia, 215 Hot houses, 269 Hunting, 255–56 Hypothetical marker -k, 52, 89, 204–206, 224 Idioms for ‘have,’ 195 ik-o, 179–82; with adjectives, 182–83; in complex sentences, 182; with Group 2 and 3 verbs, 180–81 Imma, 184 Indefinites: in dependent clauses, 223–24; list of, 222; uses of, 222–23 Indirect object, 76 Initial short vowels, 148 Intensive adjectives, 171–75 Interrogative words, 48–49, 193–94 Intonation: of phrases, 10; of sentences, 22–23, 30. See also Melody Iterative, 165–66, 170–71. See also Aspect

Contributors

Jones Academy, 307 -k, 52, 89, 204–206, 224 -kt/-ka, 117, 146–47, 212–13. See also Clause conjunctions; Subordinating conjunctions -kash, 52 Ka- words, 49–53; position in sentence, 49–50. See also Interrogative words Kia, 215 Kingsbury, Cyrus, 306 Kinship terms, 23–25, 252 Kiyo, 22. See also ik-o -kma, 52, 89 Labor Day Festival, 318–20 Language. See Muskogean language family LeFlore, Greenwood, 280, 283–84, 292–93, 310 Location words, 53–54 Long People (Okla Falaya), 280 Manner adverbs, 189–90 Marriage customs, 247 Melody: of phrases, 10; of sentences, 22–23, 30. See also Intonation Micha, 30–31. See also Conjunction Mississippian peoples, 242–44 Mississippi Band, 253, 294 Momentaneous, 137–39. See also Aspect Moshulatubee, 283, 284 Muskogean language family, 276 Nnih Waiya, 286 Negation, 22, 179–82. See also ik-o; Kiyo

377

Negative markers, 179. See also Person markers New Hope, 307 -o (-ho): as adverbial marker, 188; with definiteness markers, 191–92. See also Adverbial clauses; Indefinites; Ka- words -oke, 57 Okla Falaya (Long People), 280 Oklah: as marker of dual, 128; in verb phrases, 42, 128. See also Plural Okla Hnnali. See Six Towns on-, 54, 140–41 Ont, 25–26 -osh (-hosh), 188, 213–14; with definiteness markers, 191–92; as subject marker, 49. See also Adverbial clauses; Indefinites; Subject marker Past tense, 29; remote, 99 Person markers, 40–43; affected, 60; agent, 40–41; benefactive, 146; negative, 179; order of, 79; possessive, 80; recipient, 78–79, 83–84 Pit, 25–26. See also Directional particles Pitchlynn, Peter, 283 Play-off system, 273–75 Plural: lheha, 126; definite, 126–27; derived verbs, 129–30; indefinite, 126–27; okla, 126; oklah, 128; partitive, 127. See also Verbs Plural verbs, 31–33, 42; derived, 129–30. See also Plural; Verbs

378

Index

Possession, 79; inalienable, 81. See also Person markers Postpositions, 53 Potato People, 280 Potential mood, 200; -ahe and its compounds, 203; -ahinla and its compounds, 201–202; kanima, 204; negative, 203 Predicate nouns, 108–109 Predication, 21–22, 108–10; with -amarker, 109; in location, 35–36 Present time, 21 Question marker, 22

Subject: affected, 61–63, 70–72; agent 40–41; of predicate nouns, 109; recipient, 89–90; tracking, 116, 145 Subject marker, 19–20, 49, 191–93 Subordinating conjunctions, 117. See also -kt/-ka Subordinating suffix, 96–99 Syllables, light and heavy, 9–10 -t, 96; 190–91. See also Subordinating suffix Teosinte, 258–59 Territorial government, 252, 285, 300–303, 313 Time markers, 52, 87, 90 -tok, 99 Trade, 273–75. See also Play-off system Treaties. See Dancing Rabbit Creek, Treaty at -tuk, 29 Tuskahoma, 307, 319

Recipient role, 77; object, 118; subject, 89–90 Relative clauses: nonrestrictive, 213–15; restrictive, 212–13 Removal, to Indian Territory, 281–86, 288–90, 292 Resolutional, 166–71. See also Aspect Rhythm, 9 Rhythmic lengthening, 10 Rituals: Mississippian, 261–65; modern, 317. See also Burial customs; Marriage customs

Verbs: agent and affected pairs, 45; dual and plural, 31–32, 129–30; of position and motion, 34–36 Vowels, 5–8

-shke, 159. See also Emphatic mood Six Towns (Okla Hnnali), 280, 284 Spencer Academy, 307 States, 135. See also Aspect

Woodland Period, 241 Word order: of clauses, 117–18; of noun phrases, 14–15; of sentences, 18–19, 23, 77–78

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