Charity and Bienfaisance: The Treatment of the Poor in the Montpellier Region 1740-1815

Charity and bienfaisance

Charity and bienfaisance the treatment of the poor in the Montpellier region 1740-1815

Hospitals and hospital capacity in the Montpellier region at the end of the ancien regime. * Sources: As Appendix B. Hospitals outside the Ancien Regime dioceses of Agde, Beziers, Lodeve, Montpellier and Saint-Pons but inside the boundaries of the future department of the H6rault

Hospitals with 6 beds or less Hospitals with 7-12 beds Hospitals with 13-25 beds Hospitals with 26—50 beds

Hospitals of Beziers (Hopital Mage, 67; Hopital Saint-Joseph, 160 beds; 227 beds)

Hospitals of Montpellier (Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi, 300 beds; Hopital General, 493 beds; Protestant hospital, 6 beds: 799 beds)

Table 2. The availability

of hospital care and home-relief funds in the Montpellier region at the end of the Ancien Regime Communities with home relief funds Com mnnifips

No.

Diocese Agde Beziers Lodeve Montp'r St-Pons

Popln

No.

communi- hospi- ties tals

34000 80000 40 000 81300 38 000

20 101

273 000

323

53 106 43

12

14 3

with hospitals no.

%

12

60.0 12.8

4

13 3 4 4

40

36

7

Hospital capacity

Head of popln per bed

9.3

176 324 72 826 63

193.2 246.9 555.6 98.4 603.2

11.1

1461

187.1

5.7 3.8

Bureaux de

charite

- Hospitals but no other reother sources funds

91

%

3

14

1

20

80.0 46.5 30.2 69.8 46.5

70

12

173

53.6

2

16 5 33

11

no.

47 16 74

11

26 38 5

Communities with some fnrm of relief

3 5

16

Sources: As Appendix B (NB details on institutions within the frontiers of the future department of the Herault but outside these dioceses are not included in the calculations)

49

Poor relief

Table 3. Amount of the charitable resources for home relief available in communities in the Montpellier region at the end of the Ancien Regime TOTAL

Amount (in livres)

0-49

50-99 100-149 150-199 200-249 250-499 500-999 1000-1999 2000 plus unknown

Dioc. Agde

Dioc. Montp'r

Dioc St-Pons

5 1 2 2

43

4 — — —

6

2 —

1 2 — — 1 1

5 2 1 — 1

42

16

71

Dioc. Beziers

4

20 8

1

3

—

3 — 2 1 2 — 13

1 2 1 1 — —

Dioc. Lodeve

18 1

4

5 3 —

No. 73

33 8 7 11 8

6

2 —

1 7 7

19

161

%

20.3 5.0

4.4 6.7 5.0 3.7 0.6

4.4 4.4 100.0

Source: As Appendix B.

In most cases, home-relief funds were in the hands of bodies variously called bureaux de charite, Charites or Misericordes. In practice there was a degree of overlap between these establishments and the hospitals: certain hospitals provided some outdoor relief; a substantial number of institutions which were called 'hopital' or 'hospice' had come to devote themselves entirely to home care; while on the other hand one or two 'bureaux de charite' in fact contained beds and offered hospitalisation to local indigents. 9 A few bureaux de charite dated back to the Middle Ages, but all had been regenerated, and a host of new creations established, during the religious revival of the seventeenth century. In 1689 and 1690, for example, the bishop of Montpellier had invited to conduct an extensive mission within his diocese two of the progenitors of the national network of hopitaux generaux, the Jesuit fathers, Chaurand and Guevarre. i0 As a result of their efforts, more than half the parishes within the diocese of Montpellier were endowed with bureaux de charite. In many localities, they were complemented by religious confraternities of lay-women, modelled on the Misericorde of Montpellier, in which well-off ladies from the city's social elite foregathered to engage in mutual spiritual 9 So-called 'hopitaux' confining themselves to the distribution of home relief at the end of the Ancien Regime included Servian and Thezan in the diocese of Beziers, C 567; Loupian in the diocese of Agde, Ball.; and Puisserguier in the diocese of Narbonne, C 561. 'Bureaux de charite' offering hospital care included those of Ganges in the diocese of Montpellier and Olargues in the diocese of Saint-Pons, Ball. 10 G 1353.

50

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

edification and the practice of good works. Both bureaux de charite and Misericordes were placed under the direct tutelage of the bishop who declared that their social mission was to be *le soulagement des pauvres et la decharge des mendiants'. The policing aspect of this task soon fell into abeyance. Financed mainly and often solely by the alms of local inhabitants — and thus keeping alive the spirit of the Edict of Blois of 1560 in which the king had declared that every parish had the obligation of succouring its poor — these institutions came to concern themselves primarily with the provision of home care to the local needy. They had their counterparts in all the Bas Languedoc dioceses. In one or two of the larger towns, nursing sisters from orders such as Saint Vincent de Paul's Filles de la Charite were brought in to assist in the operations of either the bureau de charite or the Misericorde.11 The ecclesiastical form of the Misericordes was not exceptional: despite the communal framework of their activities, the religious imprint lay heavy on all poor-relief institutions, as indeed one would expect of bodies so reliant on private almsgiving. In villages and small towns, the cure would often run the hospital or bureau de charite and would also probably keep a fatherly eye on the local Misericorde. In the case of larger institutions, royal letters patent or the royal declaration of 12 December 1698 on hospital administration normally fixed the composition of the boards which regulated their affairs. Local parish priests might find a place on such boards, but the latter's composition was very mixed. Their most prominent members were local dignitaries reflecting the varied interests of the community as a whole. The hopital general of Montpellier, for example, had six intendants appointed annually and by turns from the members of the Cour des Aides, the Bureau des Finances, the Presidial and the cathedral chapter of Saint-Pierre; twelve recteurs whose tenure was for two years and who were drawn from the city's major professional and corporate bodies; and six syndics perpetuels who, as their name suggests, served for life and brought a measure of continuity to deliberations. 12 This mixture of appointed and ex officio, lay and ecclesiastical, personnel was typical of the administrative boards of all hospitals of any size. Despite their mixed appearance, the religious element was often disproportionately strong. In keeping with his ancient role, reaffirmed by the post-Tridentine church, as pere des pauvres, the bishop was ex officio supervisor of all charitable 11 Saint Vincent de Paul'sfilksde la charitehaA been called in to help run Montpellier's Misericorde in the mid seventeenth century, Fonds Mis.; after 1765, they also ran the Charite at Agde, 8 F 112. Other nursing orders represented in the region included the Filles de la Charite de Saint Augustin (the Beziers Misericorde since 1688. . . . C 567); and the Filles de la Congregation de Nevers (Clermont's Oeuvre des Orphelines after 1782, HS Hop Cler III A 1). 12 HG I A 1.

Poor relief

51

institutions within his diocese.13 He could inspect the establishment, audit its accounts annually and chair all meetings either in person or else through a deputy. Such was his moral standing, that administrators often looked first to him when any major issues arose, and indeed even viewed unsolicited interest in their affairs by secular authorities as unwarranted interference in bodies enjoying ecclesiastical privilege. 14 The clerics, magistrates, professional men, bourgeois, financiers and merchants who occupied posts on the administrative boards of Montpellier's main poor-relief institutions constituted a broad cross-section of the city's social elite and collectively embodied management skills and financial acumen more than sufficient to ensure that the interests of the establishments were respected.15 The seemingly inexhaustible supply of prestigious individuals willing to assume such posts owed something to a sense of civic duty among the ruling elite, mixed with the air of distinction which such posts flattered and the occasional family tradition of service. There was also a strong element of religious motivation in membership. Administrators approached their task as an act of piety made in a spirit of altruism. As a gage of Christian humility, for example, all conventions of preseance based on the social status of individuals in the outside world were prohibited — in theory at least. The time-consuming and even arduous work which the administrators devoted to the institutions was unremunerated. In addition to attending weekly meetings of the board at which major business was discussed, the members of the board of the Hopital General of Montpellier, for example, had also to take their place on a weekly rota for the day-to-day running of the establishment, and to sit on various committees for different items of hospital business. The administrators — particularly the treasurers — were often also called upon to place their personal credit at the disposal of the institution and to make sizeable interest-free loans in times of need. All would normally make a substantial legacy on their deaths to the institution which they had served. Some went even further, placing their daughters within the hopital as servants of the poor in the congregation of nursing sisters first established there in 1684. 16 Two particular religious duties were integral to the pious altruism which the administrators of Montpellier's poor-relief institutions exuded. Like all 13 J. Imbert, 'Les Prescriptions hospitalieres du Concile de Trente et leur diffusion en France', Revue d'histoire de I'Eglise de France, 1956. 14 C 5956, for a case involving the Montpellier Hopital General. 15 For lists of administrators with some indications of their social origins, HG II E 23 for the Hotel-Dieu (sic); HG I B 26, E 156 and E 349 for the Hopital General; and Fonds Mis. for the Misericorde. 16 HG I E 289, F 19.

52

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

poor-relief administrators, they felt a responsibility, first, to the benefactors of the institutions and, second, towards their charges. The first of these responsibilities consisted of ensuring the proper observance of the wishes of founders and benefactors relating to the destination of their charities — a traditional orientation which Turgot had excoriated in his article in the Encyclopedie.17 The spirit of the hopital's benefactors, for example, whose portraits gazed benignly down from the walls of the administrative offices, presided over the deliberations of the board as they sat sedately around the sombre, green-felt-covered table beneath the leather-bound chair left vacant for the bishop. 18 The board's corporate desire scrupulously to uphold institutional conventions introduced an element of inflexibility into their operations. For all their great wealth, the poor-relief institutions of Montpellier could scarcely be said, as a result of this inflexibility, to have provided a co-ordinated service for the needy. There was, first, some duplication among the different bodies. Both the hopital and the Misericorde, for example, supplied the local poor with home relief. Similarly, although the hotel-dieu was clearly the major medical organisation within the city, the Misericorde also distributed medicines to the sick poor in their homes. The hopital too, although it usually turned away the temporarily ailing, was bound by legacies to provide certain surgical operations and various specific forms of treatment. Besides the overlapping functions of the city's institutions, there were also customary restrictions on entry which sprang from their foundation- and benefaction-orientated character. The board of the hotel-Dieu prided themselves on the hospital's reputation as Tazille de toutes les nations et de toutes les religions du monde'. 19 Yet for all the alleged catholicity of their appeal, they refused admittance not only to individuals suffering from permanent or chronic illnesses, which they regarded as the province of the hopital, but also to cases with smallpox, venereal disease, certain skin ailments and to all pregnant women. The admissions policy of the other institutions was even more stringent: the hopital opened its doors only to individuals from the city and diocese, and was increasingly accused of neglecting the interests of those from outside the city;20 and the Misericorde was custom-bound to succour only the resident poor of the parishes of the city. Institutional duplications and restrictions highlighted the private, religious and autonomous character of poor-relief institutions. In some respects, the latter were more directly under the aegis of the church, 17 See above, page 2. 19 HD I E 22.

18 HG I E 446. 20 C 5957.

Poor relief

53

guardian of the rights of founders, than of the public authorities. Their deference to benefactors deflected them from viewing their joint activities as constituting a system of relief or offering an integrated service for the ten thousand individuals or more within the city who were classified as indigent, to say nothing of the needy in the whole diocese or the surrounding region. These corporate institutional features also strongly influenced the attitudes of administrators towards their charges. The boards of the hospitals and the members of the confrerie of the Misericorde displayed a protective concern for the welfare of the poor who came into their care. On occasion, this took the form of defending them from what were regarded as harmful outside influences — the state, the medical profession, and so on. 21 The specifically religious element of their paternalism was heightened by the fact that the intermediaries between themselves and the poor were nursing sisters who had taken vows dedicating their lives to the service of the needy. The congregation of sisters within the hopital general, numbering about a dozen by the end of the Ancien Regime, 22 was under the strict supervision of the bishop. Aided by a posse of paid helpers, they dealt with the everyday running of the institution, keeping basic accounts, washing and changing the linen, cooking for and caring for the poor. The same tasks in the hotel-Dieu and Misericorde were performed by sisters from Saint Vincent de Paul's nation-wide nursing order of Filles de la Charite. The administrators of both institutions saw fit to increase the number of sisters over the course of the eighteenth century, from eight to sixteen in the hotel-Dieu and from five to nine in the case of the Misericorde.23 Religion dictated the manner in which these nursing professionals set about their tasks. Their concern was not only with the bodily health of their charges: their souls mattered too. The sentiments of the chaplain of the hopital general, as he reminded the sisters of their duties towards the poor, might have stood as the watchword of every dedicated hospital servant: Ce n'est pas seulement a ce service corporel que vous leur devez [he told them], mais la charite vous oblige a travailler a leur sanctification tant que vous pourrez. II faut, mes cheres soeurs, se faire aimer plus que craindre; la crainte fait des esclaves, la charite fait des Chretiens . . . Tout notre soin doit etre de nous sauver et de gagner les ames a Jesus-Christ.24 The preoccupation with religion was particularly marked in the case of the Misericorde. This body recruited by co-option from amongst the 21 Cf. below, page 123ff. 22 Ball. 23 Fonds Mis.; HD I F 22; A.N., S 6171.

24 8 F 34.

54

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

wealthiest families in the city. 25 Members included the wives and daughters of the Intendant of Languedoc, the military commander, the Premier President of the Cour des Aides and the female members of the cream of local dynasties, women whose husbands were often to be found on the administrative boards of the two hospitals. The Dames de la Misericorde met together in a mood of spiritual self-improvement which expressed itself in good works. Their activities were originally defined by the traditional Works of Mercy, though foundations and legacies had swelled the range even further. By 1740 they were running a weekly workshop, the chambre de travail, which made clothes for the poor and where girls from needy homes were at the same time taught to sew and to spin; they provided four or five annual dowries to poor brides; they ran a charitable dispensary; they organised primary-school classes for the daughters of the poor; they were responsible for the Bon Pasteur, a reformatory for prostitutes and for young women confined at their family's request for moral correction; and they also directed the Oeuvre des Prisonniers, which supplied the inhabitants of the city's gaols with bed-linen, clothes and food. Their major service, and the one which consumed most of their revenue was the provision of home relief to the poor and sick of the city. 26 The basic form this took was a daily ration consisting of two portions of bouillon, plus meat, a little poultry and a one-W loaf of bread. In addition, a two-livre loaf and one livre of rice might be awarded to deserving cases. The Misericorde also distributed bed-linen, mattresses, pillows, blankets, nightshirts and nightcaps as well as coal, firewood, and other necessaries during the winter months. Six — later eight — salaried doctors provided the recipients of relief with medical care in their homes. The aid which the Misericorde provided had a strong denominational and moralising charge. Visitors from the confrerie made arrangements for the poor to receive in their homes communion, confession and, if necessary, the last rites. They were also enjoined to make enquiries into the religious as well as the economic circumstances of candidates for relief. They were to ascertain, for example, whether the family went to church regularly or sent their children, whether they worked on Sundays — a notorious sign of Protestantism — and whether any scandal concerning them existed in their 2 5 Membership lists and formal regulations in Fonds Mis., which constitutes the most important source for the history of this organisation. Documents historiques sur I'oeuvre de la Misericorde de Montpellier,

Montpellier, 1840; B. Cabanel, 'L'Oeuvre de Misericorde de Montpellier' in Melanges de litterature et dhistoire religieuses, publies a Voccasion du jubile de Mgr de Cabrieres, vol i, Paris, 1899; and A.

Leenhardt, La Misericorde et le bureau de bienfaisance, Montpellier, 1936, should all also be consulted as they contain citations from documents which appear no longer to be extant. For the Bon Pasteur which, although an offshoot of the Misericorde, never lost its connection with the parent body, see my article, 1978. 26 Table 4 (item: 'monthly expenditure').

Poor relief

55

Table 4. Annual average accounts of the Misericorde of Montpellier in the 1740s and 1780s 1740s

1780s

Amount (in livres)

Amount %

(in livres)

%

11297

30.9

1000

2.7 —

16827

46.1 — — 20.3

A. Income

1. Income from investments -rentes constitutes etc.

—land and property

[5 159]

[ 601]

2. Diocesan and municipal subsidies 3. Municipal tolls 4. Charity 5. Fees 6. Work 7. Miscellaneous

5 760

30.1

700 —

3.7 —

12 632 — — —

[ 9 728] [ 1569]

—

66.2

— —

— — —

7 400 36 524

19092 B. Expenditure

1. Food and provisions —normal monthly expenditure —extraordinary expenditure 2. Drugs and medicines 3. Buildings and repairs 4. Salaries and administration 5. Particular services 6. Miscellaneous

[ 10 607 ]

[15 977]

[ 1 708]

[ 2 586] 12315 1076 1397

65.6 7.4

18 563 5 084 574

21.3

— — 11614

5.7

— —

4012 18 800

58.8

14.2 1.6

32.4

35 835

Sources: Fonds Mis. 1740s=accounts for 1742 to 1751, the figures for 1740 and 1741 being missing; 1780s =1780 to 1789

neighbourhood. This screening for religious and moral orthodoxy, which gave the impression that worthiness to receive aid was judged by willingness to partake in the sacraments, had the effect of reducing the potential number of clients. In practice, hard-pressed gentility was often preferred to outright distress. The favoured recipient of relief was the

56

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

pauvre honteux, the individual of breeding and estate — often a widow — who had fallen on bad times. 27 Institutions such as the Misericorde not only dispensed religiously inspired charity; they also depended for their very existence on the outward manifestations of charity. The services of the administrators and the nursing sisters comprised one such form of charity. Another was the alms, donations, benefactions and legacies which the institution received. Just how important these were in the running of the Misericorde may be seen in its accounts in the 1740s. 28 Charity comprised about two-thirds of gross income. Most of the remainder came from rentes constitutes — the return on investments made usually with sums deriving from outstanding legacies. Charity and rentes were still the predominant source of income in the 1780s too, although income accruing from the dispensary which the Filles de la Charite ran was a valuable adjunct. Proof of the value of charity was the fact that the institution's turnover had nearly doubled between the two periods, and expenditure on monthly distributions had increased by nearly half. By the last decades of the Ancien Regime, the Montpellier families which the Misericorde assisted numbered over two hundred, where a century previously they had barely surpassed a dozen. 29 The increase in the operations of the Misericorde registered something of the growing demand on resources which all the city's poor-relief institutions experienced over the course of the eighteenth century. Between the turn of the century and the 1740s, for example, the daily capacity of the Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi virtually doubled, from about one hundred to nearly two hundred inmates. 30 The bulk of the clientele of this establishment were able-bodied individuals — mostly between late adolescence and middle age, and predominantly male — who were temporarily incapacitated by illness or disability. The main exceptions to this rule were, first, the motley crew of down-and-outs dumped dying on the steps of the hospital; and, second, the insane, who since 1715 had been assigned special cells or loges within the hospital's premises, where they were kept secure with few if any efforts at cure being made upon them. 31 The administrative board of the hotel-Dieu was very much aware of a growing demand for places within their establishment. Although they had passed a regulation in 1715 stipulating that each inmate was to have a bed 27 Besides the assorted materials in Fonds Mis., see also on this point L. Cahen, 'Les Idees charitables a Paris aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siecles, d'apres les reglements des compagnies paroissiales', R.H.M.C., 1900; and J.P. Gutton, LaSocieteet lespauvres. L'exempledela genera lite deLy on, 1534-1789, Paris, 1970, 373ff. 28 Table 4. 29 C 5957, G 1353. 30 Appendix A. 31 See my article 'The treatment of the insane in eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Montpellier. A contribution to the prehistory of the lunatic asylum in provincial France', Medical History, 1980.

Poor relief

57

to him or herself,32 such was pressure on space in the 1740s that inmates were piled up more than two to a bed at times, and lightning epidemics sporadically revealed the low level of hygiene to which overcrowding reduced the hospital. 33 In order to make more space available, the board began in the 1730s an extensive building and rebuilding programme. They were to devote well in excess of 100,000 livres to this purpose in the period down to the early 1750s. 34 It would have been little short of Utopian on the part of the hotel-Dieu's administrators to expect private charity to bear the added financial burden. The hospital still bore the stigmata of the 'system' of John Law in the 1720s when the fiasco of state credit had cost the establishment much of its income from government bonds. 35 Income from charity represented only about one-seventh of the hotel-Dieu's annual gross income. 36 There was little chance of being allocated more funds by the central government. The latter did not like spending money on hospitals. It preferred negative subsidies enshrined in letters patent — allowing an institution a fixed amount of tax-free salt, rights of alms collection or whatever. Income from municipal tolls and from the subsidy from the municipality promised little either. Indeed, the municipality, itself nearly a million livres in debt, 37 was seeking to reduce its expenditure on charity and in 1754 managed to obtain royal permission to reduce its annual subsidy to the hotel-Dieu from 12,200 to 6,200 livres™ The hotel-Dieu was obliged to have recourse to borrowing in order to fund its growing commitments and its building programme. The form of loan which the administrative board favoured was the so-called fondsperdu. This was a loan in return for which the recipient undertook to pay each year a fraction of the principal sum until the lender's death, when all further obligation lapsed. The exact rate of interest was fixed according to the age of the lender. In the absence of accurate actuarial tables, and given the rising levels of life expectancy especially among middle-class lenders, such loans were probably highly risky. 39 There was no shortage of willing lenders, however, and the element of risk may have seemed initially attractive. In the two decades from the mid 1730s the administrative 32 L. Dulieu, Essai historique sur I'hopital Saint-Eloi de Montpellier. 1183-1950, Montpellier, 1953, 66. 33 HD I E 13 (15/7/1786), E 27, F 37. Cf. A.M. Montpellier, GG (unclassified documents). 34 A.M. Montpellier, BB Reg., (5/2/1734) and GG (unclassified documents). 35 C 561. 36 Table 5. 37 A. Babeau, La Vilk sous I'Ancien Regime, 2 vols., Paris, 1884, ii, 370. 38 HD I E 22, E 25; A.M. Montpellier, GG (unclassified documents). 39 This was certainly the opinion of Jean Colombier, the experienced Royal Inspector of Hospitals and Prisons, who visited the Montpellier hospitals in 1785: A.N., F 15 226. For actuarial tables, P.J. Richard, Histoire des institutions d'assurance en France, Paris, 1956, 7. For life expectancy,

M. Reinhard et al., 1968, 197ff.

58

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

Table 5. Annual average accounts of the Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi of Montpellier in the 1740s and 1780s 1780s

1740s

Amount

Amount (in

(in

livres)

%

livres)

%

12 019

15. 7

41 109

38.1

12 200 3 826 12 052

15. 9 5. 0 15. 7

6 200 3 183 18 137

5.7 2.9

16.8

A . Income

1. Income from investments —rentes constitutes etc.

—land and property 2. Diocesan and municipal subsidies 3. Municipal tolls 4. Charity 5. Fees [-soldiers] [13 064] [-insane] [ 3 039]

[13710] [ 6828] 16 103

21. 0

20 538

19.0

20446

26. 7

18 868

17.5

—

6. Work 7. Miscellaneous

—

76 646

—

108 035

B. Expenditure

1. Food and provisions -bread -meat -other 2. Drugs and medicines 3. Buildings and repairs 4. Salaries and administration 5. Particular services 6. Miscellaneous

[ 6 872] [13 864] [11778]

[10 127] [16 767] [23 638] 32 514 3 967 4 385

42. 3 5. 2 5. 7

50 532 4434 4 353

45.6 4.0 3.9

2 190

2. 8

4913

4.4 — 42.1

—

33887

—

44.0

76 943 Sources: 1740s=HD I E 79 to 88; 1780s=HD I E 119 to 128

46 588 110 820

Poor relief

59

board borrowed afondsperdu the not inconsiderable sum of 420,255 livres.40 The prominence of this item in the hotel-Dieu's accounts was clear by the 1740s. Although much of the miscellaneous items of income included loans, a very large proportion of the item of miscellaneous expenditure — which accounted for nearly a half of the institution's annual outgoings — was devoted to building projects and to the payment of rentes on loans a fonds perdu.

The board of the hotel-Dieu was able to prevent this potential source of weakness in its finances from becoming more dangerous by prudently exploiting a particularly valuable item of their income, namely, the reimbursement which they received for different types of fee-paying inmates. Already in the 1740s, fees received for the confinement of the insane and for the treatment of soldiers accounted for about one-fifth of the hospital's gross annual income. This source of funds was expanded over the last decades of the Ancien Regime. The hotel-Dieu had charged fees for the treatment of the insane within its walls ever since the loges in which they were kept had been built in 1715. The number of loges and the size of fees were progressively increased over the course of the century. By 1789, nine were available to the nominees of the municipality which paid an annual pension for each; eight were paid for by the diocese and were in the gift of the bishop; and there were a further nine places at the disposal of the board itself. The latter were normally filled with individuals whose families were able to make a substantial payment towards their upkeep. 41 Prior to the 1730s, the number of soldiers admitted to the hotel-Dieu appears to have been relatively small. When in 1734, however, the Minister of War raised from six to eight sols the sum which the government was willing to pay for each day's treatment (Journee) which soldiers received in civilian hospitals, the hotel-Dieu's administrators seized with alacrity on this opportunity of raising additional revenue.42 Down to the Revolution, they were often to bewail the fact that rising costs made the price which they were entitled to charge the Ministry of War an uneconomic one. In 1774, for example, when the daily fee was increased from twelve to sixteen sols, the board produced figures which purported to demonstrate that the daily cost of treatment was in reality between sixteen and seventeen sols.43 Yet however justified their complaints, reimbursement for the journees of sick soldiers proved a substantial and dependable source of income. The alternative to admitting the troops - turning the spare capacity over to the 40 A.M. Montpellier, GG (unclassified documents). 41 L 3970. 42 HD I E 29, F 22; A.M. Montpellier, BB Reg., (5/2/1734). 43 HD I E 26, E 29. For similar complaints, cf. C 566 (1755) and HD I E 10 (5/9/1767, 12/2/1772).

60

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

poor, for whom no form of reimbursement was possible — would have been financially disastrous. Much the same was true of beggars from Montpellier's depot de mendicite who swamped the hotel-Dieu in the early 1770s following an agreement made with the Intendant. 44 It was true that the cost of treating such individuals was inordinately high: they were normally unclothed on entrance, they absconded with the hospital's effects, and they died and had to be buried at the hospital's expense rather more frequently than the average inmate. Yet again, however, the alternative strategy of releasing the beds used by beggars for other inmates would have involved forgoing the reimbursement which the province made for the beggars. Despite their drawbacks, fee-paying inmates proved of sterling value to the hotel-Dieu and took at least part of the credit for the relatively healthy complexion of the institution's finances in the 1780s. 45 Although the substantial size of the miscellaneous items of income and expenditure bore witness to continued borrowing, the administrative board could contend that, utilised cautiously, the fondsperdu had been vital in allowing them to start a fresh building programme in the 1770s, as well as in amassing a much more considerable income from rentes constitutes than they had possessed in the 1740s. 46 There was, however, a price to be paid for the form of institutional survival which the hotel-Dieu had achieved. First of all reliance on income from extrinsic sources constituted a risk. If — as indeed happened — the policy of the fee-payers changed, then financial instability was unavoidable. In 1786, an infirmary was opened inside the depot de mendicite and the stream of beggars admitted into the hotel-Dieu ceased.47 Military regulations in 1788, which stipulated that the vast majority of sick and ailing soldiers was to be cared for in newly created regimental infirmaries rather than in civilian hospitals, caused a drop in the number of military admissions as sharp as it was unexpected.48 The hotel-Dieu's income from the fees paid for soldiers and beggars plummeted from 19,273 livres in 1785 to 12,961 livres in 1788 and then to 3,3 10 livres in 1789 and 2,755 livres in 1790. 49 Besides causing a certain fragility in the hotel-Dieu's finances, the 44 For the depot de mendicite, see below, page 153, HDIE 11 (9/11/1771), E 12 (14/7/1781), E 29. Cf. C 560. 45 Table 5. 46 A.N. F 15 226. A very considerable legacy received in 1775 also helped finance the building programme. L. Grasset-Morel, 'L' Hopital Saint-Eloi. L'Ecole Mage. Le Palais universitaire', A.S.L.M. (S.L.), 1896, 390. 47 C 587, C 588. 48 J. Des Cilleuls, 'Le Service de sante a 1'interieur sous l'Ancien Regime', Rev, hist, de I'Armee, 1955, 60. 49 HD I E 124, E 127, E 128, E 129.

Poor relief

61

admissions policy adopted by the administrative board in the eighteenth century also led to the stagnation of the levels of care which the hospital could offer the local community. The long-term increase in the hospital's capacity had been achieved largely through taking in a larger number of fee-paying inmates extrinsic to the institution's destination: the forty or fifty extra places gained from building programmes were consistently taken by soldiers, beggars and lunatics rather than by the local and migrant poor. The average daily population of the institution in the 1740s was 188; in the 1780s it was only 192. 50 This stagnation in the capacity of the hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi in the face of rising demand for resources was all the more serious, moreover, in that the city's other great poof-relief establishment, the Hopital General, was undergoing, in the late eighteenth century, a traumatic crisis. The royal letters patent, which had in 1678 established the Montpellier Hopital General, assigned the institution the tasks of 'faire cesser l'oysivete, le libertinage, la corruption et les autres vices qui accompagnent ordinairement la mendicite'. 51 This injunction combined a compassionate concern for the victims of poverty and distress with a preoccupation with morality and spiritual hygiene similar to that exemplified by the Misericorde. It was also attuned to the desire of the government of the day to lead a determined onslaught on begging and vagrancy through the confinement of social-problem groups. The Montpellier hopital, like the myriad similar institutions created throughout France in the same period, was thus to harbour both the 'impotent poor' or invalides — the aged, the infirm, the defenceless - and also the able-bodied pauper, the beggar, the work-shy and the vagrant. Both groups were to be subjected to intense religious indoctrination and, within their capacities, set to work. The new institution was thus to be not only a refuge for the unfortunate but also an active moral, religious and even judicial force.52 Individuals found begging or giving alms to beggars and vagrants could be hauled for punishment before the administrators of the hopital or before the courts. Besides its own tribunal, the hopital was to have its own stocks and dungeons and its own police force, the archers des pauvres or chasse-gueux.

The policing functions of the hopital were progressively attenuated over the course of the eighteenth century. The writ of the administrators rarely if ever ran beyond the walls of the city. Although the hospital board made 50 Appendix A. 51 HGI A 1. The Hopital General's copious archives are listed in the bibliography. They are the basis of the studies ofR. Meissonnier, Essai historique sur I'hopital general de Montpellier. Sa reglementation et

son organisation sous I'Ancien Regime, Montpellier, 1951; and C. Reboul, 'L'Hopital general de Montpellier. Les institutions et les hommes au XVIIIe siecle', unpublished memoire de maitrise, Montpellier, Lettres, 1973 - which do not, however, nearly exhaust the subject. 52 C{. C. Paultre, 1906; and E. Chill, 1962.

62

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

strenuous efforts for a time in the 1730s and then again in the 1760s to enforce the provisions of their letters patent, the increasing involvement of the central government in the repression of begging and vagrancy largely took the matter out of their hands. 53 Down to the Revolution, however, there remained a perceptible moral and religious tinge to the hopital's activities. The administrators availed themselves of their disciplinary powers within the institution itself against the thefts, insubordination, blasphemies and desertion of inmates. 54 They continued too to keep a close eye on former female inmates working in Montpellier who ran the risk of becoming prostitutes. 55 In the interests of preventing infanticides or unregistered illegitimate births, they also supervised the activities of the city's midwives. 56 Even towards the very end of the Ancien Regime, members of the hopital's board could congratulate themselves that 'cette maison a toujours ete regardee comme un azille pour les moeurs aussi bien qu'une ressource contre la misere'. 57 By 1740, however, the main role of the hopital had come to be the care of invalides, usually either persons over the age of seventy and those totally unable to look after themselves as a result of incapacity or disablement, or else untended children — orphans, foundlings, the illegitimate, the offspring of over-large families or of persons receiving treatment within the hotel-Dieu. Two-thirds of persons admitted to the hopital were childrenthe vast majority of them under ten years old — and a further 30 per cent were aged fifty or more. 58 The administrators were in addition responsible for a wide range of other charitable works, many of them in execution of the wishes of founders or benefactors. They supplied home relief to the destitute of the city, for example, and to pauvres honteux: in the 1740s they were distributing some 1,600 quintaux of bread each year at a cost of more than 20,000 livres to an estimated 1,400 families — seemingly in excess of 4,500 individuals out of a total urban population of approximately 33,000. 59 The hopital also gave thepassade- a bed for the night and a bread dole — to itinerant workers, travelling priests and sick paupers en route to their home parishes. Over 40,000 individuals availed themselves of this facility during the first two-thirds of the eighteenth century. 60 In addition, the hopital provided surgery for individuals suffering from gallstones and 53 55 56 58 59

See below, Chapter 7. 54 HG I B 585. HG I E 24 (18/4/1762, 20/1/1765), E 29 (17/8/1781, 1/2/1782), G 21. C 592; HG I E 38, G 21. 57 HG I E 29 (27/8/1780). C. Reboul, 1973, 51ff. Extant records of distributions within the Sixain Sainte-Anne between 1743 and 1753 suggest a coefficient for individuals per family of at least 3.4. The 1,400 families aided would therefore contain 4,760 individuals. HG I G 12. Cf. C 561, where the administrative board claims (in 1721) to be assisting between 1,200 and 1,500 families in the city comprising 6,000 individuals, figures which would justify an even larger coefficient. 60 HG I G 13.

Poor relief

63

children with ringworm and other skin ailments. 61 It was responsible for the health spa at nearby Balaruc-les-Bains, which opened for two spells of two months each year to treat soldiers and civilians suffering from skin disease, rheumatism and other complaints. 62 Those children who survived their early years under the tutelage of the hopital could be entitled to an apprenticeship or dowry, which the board was entrusted with administering. 63 Other children from the hopital might be farmed out as readinginstructors to the children of the well-to-do or might be bound over until adolescence as farm servants to foster parents in neighbouring villages. 64 The discharge of these multifarious duties weighed heavily upon an institution which, unlike the Misericorde, had huge buildings and grounds to maintain and extensive staffs and large overheads to support. In the 1720s moreover, the financial situation of the hopital had been seriously compromised by the effects of the system of John Law, in which it lost a considerable part of its income from rentes constitutes.65 The administrators were obliged to alienate their capital in order to pay for debts incurred and for ordinary running costs. The financial setback of the 1720s, the effects of which were still being felt well into the next decades, inhibited the ability of the hopital to cope with the additional demands which deteriorating social conditions placed upon it. The rise in food prices over the course of the century was especially grave since the hopital, like most hospitals, was a major consumer: over half its annual outgoings in the 1740s, for example, went on foodstuffs.66 High prices thus brought a significant reduction in the institution's purchasing power at the same time that they exacerbated the needs of the poor in the world outside. Pressure on places within the hopital was building up apace towards the middle of the century: numbers rose from between 400 and 500 in the 1720s to between 500 and 650 in the 1730s and 40s, to between 600 and 750 in the 1750s and early 60s. 67 The number of children which the hopital placed with wet-nurses outside Montpellier doubled in the period down to the 1750s too. 68 External commitments also became heavier: the amount of bread which the hopital was called on to distribute within the city rose dramatically in the 1740s and 50s. 69 Aware of the growing demands being made upon their charity, the hopital's administrators determined, in 1744, to build an enormous 61 62 63 64 65 67 69

H G I E 38, F 2. HG I G 1, G 2, G 3. HG I G 41, G 42, G 44, G 46, G 47, G 53, G 54, G 56, G 60. HG I E 314, E 342, E 365, G 24, G 58, G 61. C 561, C 573. 66 Table 6. Appendix A. 68 HG I C 4, E 388. HG I E 22 (23/5/1757, 12/3/1758), G 4 to G 11.

64

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

extension, including a chapel. 70 This major new departure was aimed to increase revenue as well as to swell capacity. Following a logic dear to the heart of many a charitable institution, the board was convinced that the sale of side-chapels and burial-places within the new chapel would attract the death-bed legacies of benefactors wishing to consecrate their names in posterity by a religious foundation of both utility and eclat. The scale of the building project would also justify the organisation of special collections and claims for extraordinary aid from the religious establishment of the diocese. The trust of the hopital's administrative board in the alms of the faithful proved to be disastrously misplaced. The timing and the scale of the enterprise were singularly inopportune: to adopt such an ambitious project and to continue its services at their normal levels at a time when the hopital's finances had still not fully recovered from their mangling in the 1720s was ill-advised, especially as the added demands upon the hopital showed little sign of drying up. The logic behind the enterprise proved faulty too. The sale of side-chapels and burial-places had'raised only 6,000 livres by the 1760s and a royal decree of 1776 which prohibited burials inside churches dealt the scheme a death blow. 71 Special collections organised by the bishop raised not insubstantial sums: one in 1750, for example, produced 22,000 livres.12 Even this was only a paltry contribution, however, to total building costs estimated to be in the region of half a million livres.73 The foolishly exaggerated optimism of the board in expecting private charity to finance their building programme emerges clearly from a study of the institution's accounts. 74 Admittedly, the Hopital General's income from rentes constitutes - normally, invested benefactions - and from active charity far outdistanced that of the hotel-Dieu and the Misericorde. Yet the 50,000 livres which the institution was deriving from these sources in the 1740s was less than half its gross annual expenditure, and represented only a tenth of the eventual costs of the new extension. By the 1780s, moreover, income from these sources had fallen. If charity was something of a broken reed, there was little hope, either, of the money for the new extension coming from the hopital's other main revenue items. Diocesan and municipal subsidies, and the hopital's share of 70 HG I E 18. Cf. L. Dulieu, 'La Chapelle de l'hopital general de Montpellier', Mons. Hip., 1961. 71 HG I E 25 (3/8/1768), E 28 (18/5/1777). Cf. J.A. Mourgue, Recherches sur le lieu lepluspropre a etablir un cimetierepublic aux environs de cette ville de Montpellier, Montpellier, 1777; and F. Lebrun, Les Hommes et la mort en Anjou aux XVlle et XVllle siecles. Essai de demograpbie et psychologie historiques,

Paris, 1971, 48Iff. 72 HG I E 21(2/11/1750). A further collection in 1772, as much for the hospital's overall solvency as for the building fund, produced over 30,000 livres. HG I E 25 (5/7/1772). 73 C 5957. 74 Table 6.

65

Poor relief

Table 6. Annual average accounts of the Hopital General of Montpellier in the 1740s and 1780s 1780s

1740s

Amount

Amount (in livres)

%

(in livres)

%

24 734

79.7

A. Income

1. Income from investments

[17 668] [ 7 066]

—rentes constitutes etc. [27 127]

—land and property

[ 2 539]

2. Diocesan and municipal subsidies 3. Municipal tolls 4. Charity 5. Fees (illegitimate children) 6. Work 7. Miscellaneous

29 666

22.7

11745 20674 23 687

15.8 18.1

12 740 10.2 30 433 24.3 27 508 21.9

4 620 3133 37 247

3.5 2.4 28.5

10187 10 735 9047

9.0

130 772

8.1 8.6 7.2

125 384

B. Expenditure

1. Food and provisions —bread —other 2. Drugs and medicines 3. Building and repairs 4. Salaries and administration 5. Particular services —children —dowries and apprenticeships

[31842] [33 849]

—other

65 691 401

2212

1.8

[ 4 580]

39.2 .4 1.4

2 869

2.3

24492

19.6

46463

37.1

[15 954] 14 020

[17 220] [19 527]

49015 455 1734

[ 8 538]

[ 9440]

6. Miscellaneous —rentes viageres etc.

52.8 .3 5 257 4.2

[20 153] [28 862]

26747

11.3

29.6

[32 261] [14 202]

124 328 Sources: 1740s=HG I E 102 to 111; 1780s=HG I E 142 to 151

125 028

66

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

municipal tolls were solid but inelastic sources of income. Fees (in the hopital's case, payments from the parents of children admitted) were too. Revenue from the manufacturing of woollen and cotton goods within the hopital may even have disguised overall losses. The difficulty of finding outlets for the often shoddy goods emerging from the institution's workshops was notorious. The board, however, was committed to such work for its ethical value: 'nous faisons travailler', they noted, meme dans le cas d'une perte reelle'. 75 Nor did the board hold out much hope of government aid. Given the lack of an expanding supply of fee-paying inmates such as had shored up the hotel-Dieu's finances, the inability of charity and of the hopital's regular sources of income to cover the costs of its ambitious building programme led the board to resort to further borrowing. Much of the miscellaneous item of income which comprised over a quarter of the hopital's income in the 1740s consisted of loans. As with the hotel-Dieu, the institution's administrators favoured the fonds perdu loan which, for all its convenience and initial attractiveness, was dangerously risky for an establishment whose finances were so shaky. Although the state of the accounts of the hopital preclude any definite conclusions about whether the institution suffered losses as a result of the reliance on the fonds perdu, this seems likely to have been the case.76 By the late 1740s, the seriousness of the hopital's financial problems was becoming apparent. It was, however, less troublesome for administrators to raise a monument to their own self-esteem by continuing the full range of the hopital's services and by going ahead with their extravagant building programme rather than to undertake the slow and painstaking task of shoring up the institution's financial base. Division and dispute on the board — over questions of preseance and between Protestants and Catholics — reduced its propensity for getting to grips with the problems and introducing the necessary palliatory measures.77 The proponents of administrative inertia presented the task of reducing the capacity of the hopital or its range of activities as cruel and heartless and, in the final analysis, counter-productive: Pouvait-on sans inhumanite [asked one administrator rhetorically] chasser de la maison des enfans en bas age, des vieillards dans la derniere caducite, des infortunes charges de playes, accables de douleurs, presque tous sans azille; qui auraient presente au public un spectacle si affreux qu'il aurait fait perdre a l'hopital tous les secours qu'il a lieu d'attendre de la charite des citoyens?78 75 HG I E 388. Cf. R. Meissonnier, 1951, 162. 76 See the opinion of Jean Colombier, the Royal Inspector of Hospitals and Prisons, A.N., F 15 226. 77 HG I E 22 (7/6/1756), E 388; C 567, C 568. 78 HG I E 26 (17/5/1770).

Poor relief

67

Such a decline in charity — one of the major resources and, in a sense, the very raison d'etre of the hopital - would, it was feared, precipitate a downward spiral in the institutions's fortunes: Une maison de charite ne saurait se conduire d'apres les principes d'un bon pere de famille; elle s'exposerait, en restreignant sa charite, a ne plus l'exercer, parce que les depenses accroissant chaque jour par la cherte progressive des objets necessaires et indispensables a la nourriture et a l'entretien des pauvres, les aumones venant a diminuer, il faudrait reduire le nombre des pauvres, de sorte que, de reduction a reduction, ils seraient reduits a rien; tandisqu'en exercant la charite le public augmente les dons aux pauvres qu'il voit secourus.79 For all the apparent good sense behind such remarks, an unwillingness to tailor its services as financial constraints required pointed the institution resolutely towards financial catastrophe. It was only very belatedly, in 1760, as bankruptcy loomed, that the hopital's board took the momentous decision to reduce their commitments. 80 The first victim of retrenchment, symbolically enough, was a sculpture representing the allegorical figures of Charity and Religion reclining with groups of small children, which had been planned for a niche above the entrance of the recently completed chapel on whose fund-raising potential so much hope had been sadly pinned. 81 By far the most considerable savings made in the new age of austerity which the board now ushered in was the reduction and then (in 1761) the complete suppression of bread distributions within the city. This measure was popular with the better-off fraction of Montpellier's population, for the distributions had been criticised for breeding sloth, and also on account of the inefficiency and corruption caused by allowing intermediaries to collect the bread dole from the gates of the hopital. 82 The passade was stopped in 1760 for all but itinerant priests. Free treatment for gallstones and ringworm was temporarily suspended. Funds deriving from apprenticeships and dowries were switched to the purchase of grain. Attempts were made to reduce the inmate population to between 400 and 500 by the introduction of stricter regulations relating to admission and length of stay within the institution. From about the same period, more effective controls over the internal workings of the hopital were introduced. First, the administrative board adopted a more businesslike approach to the exploitation of resources: a feudal lawyer was hired to track down seigneurial rights; more effective 79 A.N., F 15 226. 80 For all the following, see in particular the important deliberations of 13 August 1760 and 24 May 1761. H G I E 23. 81 HG I E 441. 82 HG 1 E 22 (23/5/1757, 12/3/1758), G 12.

68

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

procedures were introduced to ensure that legacies actually reached the coffers of the hopital; spare capacity within the buildings was given up, part of the new extension being leased out as a cotton factory, and part as the city's depot de mendicite. 83 Besides striving to maximise income, the board also enforced greater economy within the hopital: inmates unwilling to work were summarily expelled; staff reductions were made; fuel economies were introduced with new limitations on braziers and hot-water bottles; the number of inmates on special rations was cut, the daily meat portion reduced and rationing in wine introduced for the first time. 84 Nevertheless, the administrators of the hopital found it an impossibly painful task to reduce the number of inmates to the levels they realised were essential if the institution was to achieve solvency. The aim of reducing numbers from 800 to below 500 between 1760 and 1761 was not achieved. Although some progress was eventually made in this direction, a slackening of zeal in the face of the acute distress evident in the region in the mid 1760s sent inmate population soaring once again. 85 Symptomatic of the worsening state of the hopital's finances was the increasing difficulty which the administrators experienced in finding individuals willing to take on the financially onerous one-year job of treasurer. The perennial deficit in the hopital's accounts meant that the board now required of the new appointee a colossal interest-free loan with which to reimburse his predecessor and with which to purchase provisions when prices were still low and before the bulk of the hopital's income had come in. 86 As an inducement, the board had petitioned the government to grant noble status to any individual serving as treasurer for three years, or to award the treasurer fiscal privileges — but their efforts were in vain. 87 By the mid 1760s, the financial viability of the hopital was in serious jeopardy. The board was obliged to sell off more than half its capital and to increase its borrowing a fonds perdu in order to keep going and to provide sufficient r

'

•

88

guarantees for incoming treasurers. Finally in 1773, with bankruptcy imminent and with the administrative board's capacity for action riven by a fresh round of internal disputes, the government, 'tant pour le bien et la surete des creanciers que pour le soulagement des pauvres de ladite ville', 89 intervened over the heads of the 83 HG I B 14 (lawyer); HG I E 22 (10/7/1757, 15/8/1757) (legacies); HG I E 441; C 570 (lease of hospital property). 84 HG I E 23 (21/9/1760, 25/4/1761), E 24 (5/5/1765) (expulsions); and HG I E 25 (19/10/1766), E 27 (5/12/1773 and 25/6/1775) (for tighter entrance requirements); HG I E 25 (19/10/1766) (staff); HG I E 22 (2/4/1758) (fuel); and HG I E 25 (17/11/1765, 22/5/1768), E 27 (13/11/1774) and E 28 (8/'6/'1777) (food rations). 85 Appendix A. 86 C 567, C 568; HG I E 38. 87 C 568; HG I E 35. 88 HG I E 26 (17/5/1770). 89 Arrit du conseil detat, 20 September 1773, included in the Hopital General's register of deliberations, HG I E 27 (7/11/1773).

Poor relief

69

administrators. In a decree of September 1773 and then in a fresh set of letters patent issued in November 1774, 90 the government set the administrative board on a firmer footing, introducing the municipal officials, producing a better balance between temporary and permanent posts and insisting that any individual wishing to leave the board should first seek royal permission. In order to check against the sort of imprudent financial policies which had been the hopital's undoing, the government obliged the board to secure the approval of local magistrates before selling off any of their capital in the future. Finally, the revitalised board was to check any existing abuses within the hopital, draw up a new set of regulations and reduce the inmate population to 300. The salubrious effects of the government's intervention in the affairs of the hopital are clearly evident in the institution's accounts in the 1780s. 91 The considerable reduction in the amount spent on bread marked the effect of the cessation of bread doles within the city and of the passade. Building and repair costs had also fallen drastically since the 1740s. Outgoings in the form of payments on rentes and on loans a fonds perdu still comprised over a quarter of gross expenditure, but considerable progress was being made even in this sphere: at the height of the crisis in the 1770s, annual repayments on loans had topped the 60,000 livres mark; in 1780 they were still over 40,000 livres, but by 1789 they were down to under 13,000 livres.92 Charity had remained on a fairly steady keel and still far outdistanced the charitable income of any of the other poor-relief institutions in the city. The internal workshops were being better managed too, and the production of woollen bonnets and stockings and cotton cloths was fast becoming an extremely profitable enterprise. 93 Despite evident improvements after 1773, however, all was still far from well. Jean Colombier, the Royal Inspector of Hospitals and Prisons, who visited the hopital in 1785, was shocked to discover that the size of the inmate population had risen to levels far above those agreed in 1774. He proposed an immediate reduction in the intake of certain types of pauper and the imposition of much tighter budgetary control if the hopital was to avoid another bankruptcy. 94 The board, however, convinced that to stint on the ostentatious and gratuitously profuse distribution of aid was to risk the drying up of private charity, was able to hide behind the hopital's corporate, semi-private status to frustrate the reforming zeal of the government down to the outbreak of the Revolution. 95 In a period of rising prices, expanding population and overall deterio90 92 93 94

Ibid. For the new letters patent, ibid., 3 May 1775. HG I E 26 (5/7/1772), E 142, E 151. HG I E 345; R. Meissonnier, 1951, 161. A.N., F 15 226. 95 HG I E 389.

91 Table 6.

70

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

ration in popular living standards, then, the two major poor-relief institutions of Montpellier — and indeed of the whole surrounding region — were experiencing serious problems which signally reduced the extent of their service to the local community. After a considerable increase in its capacity in the first decades of the eighteenth century, the Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi had been unable to increase its provision of care, and paupers had found themselves ousted from the hospital's beds by soldiers, lunatics and other fee-paying inmates. The city's Hopital General also had emerged much diminished from its trials and tribulations. In the 1740s the institution had distributed aid to 4,500 individuals in their homes; by the 1780s this bread dole had ceased. During the 1740s the hopital's inmate population had fluctuated between about 500 and 650 and was moving steadily towards the day when it numbered nearly 800; in the 1780s in contrast, the size of the population was always less than 500. On the very eve of the Revolution, moreover, both Montpellier hospitals faced suddenly increased difficulties — the hotel-Dieu as a result of its heavy dependence on income from fee-paying inmates, the hopital because of the administrative board's stubborn refusal to cut its coat according to its cloth. The straitened situation of both hospitals created a vacuum at the heart of the region's poor-relief provision which the Misericorde, for all its merits, was too slight to fill. The poor condition of the Montpellier hospitals in the last decades of the Ancien Regime reflected a situation which was far from untypical: most if not all hospitals of any substance were beset by grave financial problems. In many, the foundations of budgetary deficit had been laid by the financial debacle of the John Law system in the 1720s, which had affected the hospitals of Bas Languedoc particularly acutely since, for reasons which are not clear, the institutions here had less extensive property holdings and heavier investments in rentes than hospitals in many other areas.96 From the early eighteenth century, therefore, hospital administrators in the region had to face the dilemma which rent the boards of the two great Montpellier hospitals: namely, how best to scale down costs in a period when inflation was causing overheads to expand dangerously and reducing institutional purchasing power at the same time that it was swelling the ranks of those individuals who required assistance. Getting to grips with this dilemma called for a fund of managerial good sense unfortunately only too rare among the administrative boards of local 96 Losses under John Law: C 561 for the hospitals of Agde, Florensac, Gignac, Pezenas, Saint-Thibery; and, for the Lodeve hospital, J.A. Crouzet, Topographie medicate et statistique comparee de Lodeve,

Lodeve, 1912, 253. For the structure of the income of local hospitals, C. Bloch and A. Tuetey (eds.), op. cit., 564f.

Poor relief

71

charitable institutions. In a region well over 50 per cent illiterate, 97 the most basic administrative skills were sometimes in desperately short supply. In addition, patterns of kinship and patronage were so dense in some villages that the control of hospital boards or bureaux de charite might fall into the hands of local godfathers who used the distribution of poor-relief funds as a means of shoring up their local power. 98 The widespread extent of deficiencies in the administration of hospitals and bureaux de charite in minor localities away from the big urban centres came to light in enquiries into charitable resources which the government instituted in 1754, 1764, 1770, 1774 and 1788. 99 None of the most elementary regulations was being properly and universally observed. Many bodies had too few rotating officials or none at all. The principle of election of officials had almost everywhere been replaced by more or less camouflaged co-option. Even where election subsisted, it was on an extremely infrequent basis. Months and even years passed between the meeting of administrative boards, instead of the weekly hiatus usually envisaged. Poor book-keeping was the rule and some bureaux only audited their accounts on the infrequent visitations by their bishop. Neglect of formal regulations meant that in practice most charitable bodies were being run by a small charmed circle of the locally influential. These 'inner councils' normally included the cure — universally acknowledged, in Catholic villages at least, as the individual best suited to know in intimate detail the needs of poor families and most likely to possess the requisite discretion and integrity to distribute relief equitably. In some places, the cure more or less ran affairs single-handed. In some places, he was assisted by the consuls, by a tresorier or a couple of ladies from the local Confrerie de la Misericorde. In some places, especially in the larger bourgs, the bureau de charite had become conflated with the Misericorde, whose female officials controlled affairs, often with an exaggerated sense of secretiveness and self-importance. Perhaps the most typical case, in a region characterised by strong municipal traditions, however, was that of the cure or the Misericorde operating under the strict control of the local consuls or a tresorier or syndic des pauvres — himself often an ex-consul.

Although the charmed circle of charitable administrators might be zealous and conscientious in the performance of their duties, the general impression was of inefficiency and maladministration. There was a great 97 The literacy rate in the 'Herault' in 1786-90 was under 30 per cent. M. Fleury and P. Valmary, 'Les Progres de l'instruction elementaire de Louis XIV a Napoleon III d'apres 1'enquete de Louis Maggiolo (1877-1879)', Population, 1957, 81. 98 See especially G 1636 (for Poussan). 99 Appendix B for full details of sources, etc.

72

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

deal of neglect in ensuring that the payment of dues was kept up — most notoriously in the case of property, which often stood untended, unlet or with no rent being charged. The effects of such negligence could be irrevocably damaging. The bureau de charite of Corneilhan in the diocese of Beziers, for example, allowed its principal debtor to run up such large arrears that to prosecute him would have both bankrupted the bureau in legal fees and also reduced the individual concerned to a state of destitution in which the bureau would be obliged to accord him relief. 10° In a number of cases, too, inefficiency was spiced with peculation and corruption. 101 Often it was the case that charitable administration proved a sphere in which local power struggles could be fought out. Exact alliances varied: sometimes it was the seigneur versus the communal officials, sometimes the cure against one or other of these two, sometimes some other combination. 102 The effects on the well-being of the institutions in question were, however, invariably deleterious. The comments of the sub-delegate of Beziers on the hospitals in his region have a ring of verisimilitude which make them applicable to most small charitable bodies in the Montpellier region: reviewing the quality of their administration, he claimed that 'on ne peut pas dire qu'il y ait un seul hospice bien en regie', and went on to lament, 'le peu de secours que les pauvres peuvent retirer de ces biens et la difficulte de les faire regir d'une maniere conforme aux vues des donnateurs'. 103 The case of the Montpellier hospitals confirms, moreover, that this wretched state of affairs was not confined to the smaller establishments. In the larger centres, the problem sometimes boiled down to over- rather than under- administration. The numerous, doubtless well-intentioned dignitaries who composed the administrative board of the Hopital Saint-Charles at Sete, for example, evidently spent a great deal more of their time in checking other's pretensions to administrative dominance than in attending to the pressing needs of the institution. 104 A similar conflict — equally damaging to the establishment — brought the bishop and consuls of Lodeve to loggerheads in the 1770s over control of the local hospital board. 105 100 C 562. Cf. similar cases in Aspiran in the diocese of Beziers, C 567; and, in Marsillargues in the diocese of Nimes, E Sup Marsillargues GG 28. 101 Strong suggestions of outright dishonesty in the administration of institutions at Baillargues, Balaruc, Castries, Mauguio, Valflaunes in the diocese of Montpellier (C 563, C 5957); in Aspiran, Colombiers, Pailhes, Portirargues, Saint-Genies in the diocese of Beziers (C 567); and in Ceyras in the diocese of Lodeve (E. Appolis, 1951, 172). 102 For example: cases involving seigneurs, G 1636 (Poussan) and (for Marseillan), HS Hop Marseil 15, 17 and J. Fayet, Un village en BasLanguedoc. Marseillan, Montpellier, 1970, 20ff. For a dispute between cure and consuls in Marsillargues, E Sup Marsillargues GG 28. 103 C 567. Cf. C 29 (comments of Narbonne sub-delegate). 104 C 552. 105 E. Martin, Histoire de la ville de Lodeve depuis ses origines jusqu'a la Revolution, 2 vols., Montpellier,

1950, ii, 202.

Poor relief

73

The short supply of economic realism and managerial competence was all the more worrying in the case of the major institutions in that they bore the heaviest demands for assistance. It was they too which were worst affected by the inflationary rise in the cost of overheads. Their finances suffered accordingly. The accounts of the hospital at Lodeve, for example, showed a consistent deficit throughout the 1750s, and by 1763 expenditure was over-shooting income by nearly 3,000 livres. Despite urgent attempts to cut back on fixed costs, bankruptcy stalked the hospital down to the Revolution. 106 The same was true in nearby Clermont, where the decision of the bishop of Lodeve in 1752 to merge the revenues of the moribund Propagation de la Foi with those of the hospital gave the latter only temporary respite from its financial worries.107 A great many other large and medium-sized local hospitals - the two big Beziers hospitals, for example, as well as those in Sete, Saint-Pons, Marseillan, Meze and Frontignan — were also deep in financial difficulties on the eve of the Revolution. 108 No organ of public authority could hope to rescue the hospitals. Bishops on occasion made considerable donations and bequests; 109 the provincial Estates sometimes made generous grants for specific projects;110 entreaties could go out to the central government for letters patent to confirm and extend an institution's range of rights and privileges. None of these, however, provided any long-term solutions. Nor were communes of much avail. Most were heavily in debt themselves. Indeed, close association with an indebted municipality could be a liability, since consuls were not loth to extract loans from poor-relief institutions under their control on terms which were highly disadvantageous to the institution. 111 Forced back on their own resources, therefore, hospital administrators like those of Montpellier's institutions took any of a wide variety of palliatory measures. Some boards, for example, staved off financial ruin by reducing their commitments: by the introduction of food of a poorer quality, for example, by lowering the standards of hygiene, by deferring 106 C 561; HS Hop Lod 4, 22. 107 HS Hop Cler I A 2. 108 See in particular C 567, A. Soucaille, 'Notice sur l'hotel-Dieu Saint-Jacques ou hopital Mage de Beziers', 1883, and id., 'Notice sur l'hopital general Saint-Joseph de Beziers', M.S.A.B., 1884, 1885 (Beziers); C 560 (Sette); C 561 (Saint-Pons); HS Hop Marseil 37 (Marseillan); R. Arnaud, Ma ville a un passe. Histoire de Meze, Montpellier, 1966 (Meze); and C 5957 (Frontignan). For a similar situation in Pezenas, C 553 and, among minor institutions, L 2905 (Serignan); C 563 (Poussan); and G. Cros-Mayrevieille, L'Assistancepublique et priveeen Languedoc, Montpellier, 1914, 37 (Cazouls-les-Beziers). 109 Examples from the immediate pre-Revolutionary period cited by the hagiographic F. Saurel, Histoire religieuse du departement de I'Heraultpendant la Revolution, 4 vols., Montpellier, 1898, vol. i. 110 C 570, 1 X 26 (subvention to the Hopital Saint-Charles at Sette for the introduction offilles de la charite to run the hospital). 111 HS Hop Cler (unclassified documents); HS Hop Nissan (unclassified documents). For the indebtedness of communes see in particular M. Bordes, 1968.

74

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

building programmes and repairs or by reducing any extrinsic services. 112 A more stringent admissions policy also helped in this respect, as did the speeding-up of the turnover of inmates. 113 In order to spread limited resources more widely too, some hospital administrations, taking their cue from those so-called 'hopitaux' which had become bureaux de charite, began to devote a larger proportion of their income to home relief. This course of action — which made obvious economic sense - appears to have won favour with local charitable opinion. 114 Some hospital boards tried in addition to maximise their income by attracting more fee-paying inmates. Soldiers were a good bet here, as Montpellier's Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi had already discovered. The twelve or fourteen sols which the Ministry of War was prepared to pay for a day's treatment of a soldier in a civilian hospital appeared to leave some margin of profit, when prices were normal at least. By the end of the Ancien Regime, nearly a dozen hospitals in the region were taking in sick soldiers, and several admitted sailors as well. 115 Paying civilians were admitted into some hospitals too. Normally these were aged widows or widowers who paid the hospital a lump sum in return for bed and board until death. 116 In explaining the circumstances which obliged them to take such actions so foreign to the traditionally charitable vocation of hospitals, administrators made great play of a supposed dwindling in the flow of that almsgiving which was the life blood of all poor-relief institutions. Many complained in particular that the royal edict of 1749 on mainmort 117 — which had restricted the right of religious and charitable bodies to receive legacies - had significantly stemmed the flow of testamentary charities. The larger institutions had set about obtaining royal letters patent exempting them from the provisions of the edict — which was in any case somewhat relaxed in 1761. The process of obtaining letters patent was, however, long and drawn out — and therefore prohibitively expensive for most small institutions. 118 Not even letters patent, moreover, could counteract declining bequests. 112 C 553 (rice in the diet of the Beziers Hopital Saint-Joseph, 1762); C 567 (hygiene in the Beziers hospitals); Ball, (buildings and repairs in the hospitals at Clermont and Saint-Chinian); A. Soucaille, 1885 (cessation of ancient tradition of bread doles in Beziers). . . 113 C 5957 (Lunel); Arch. hosp. Saint-Pons E 1; HS Hop Cler IE 2; HS Hop Lod 22; and Ball. (Agde). 114 Details of hospitals offering home relief in the regional enquiries in Ball.; cf. above, note 9. For the unpopularity of poorly run hospitals, see esp., for Marsillargues, E Sup Marsillargues GG 27, GG 28; for Lansargues, C 5955; and for Poussan, G 1636. 115 Agde, Meze and Pezenas in the diocese of Agde, Ball., C 553; Beziers and Bedarieux in the diocese of Beziers, C 562, C 567; Lodeve and Clermont in the diocese of Lodeve, HS Hop Lod 29, HS Hop Cler I E 2, E 3, E 4; Sette in the diocese of Montpellier, Ball.; and Saint-Chinian in the diocese of Saint-Pons, C 561. 116 HS Hop Cler (unclassified documents); HS Hop Lod 34; and HS Hop Marseil 3. 117 C 567. Cf. C. Bloch, 1908, 3O5f. for the provisions of the edict of 1749. 118 For the problems of obtaining letters patent, cf. the case of Montpellier's Misericorde, recounted in C 512.

Poor relief

75

The philanthropy of the Enlightenment age of bienfaisance was not always, it would seem, well attuned to the needs of the poor-relief institutions. From his death-bed on his estates in Santo Domingo, for example, the sugar-planter Jean Singla bequeathed 400 livres to the poor of the hospital of his native Clermont — to be used for the purchase of twelve silver salvers for them to eat off!119 Another Clermontais, Jean Rouziere, on the Caribbean island of Grenada left no less than 10,000 livres for the establishment in his home town of an institution for the upbringing of twelve orphan girls. In 1782, the Maison des Orphelines de Clermont was finally opened. Much to the chagrin of the administrators of the town's hospital, who had fought hard to have this dubious legacy redirected into its own coffers in order to soak up some of its sizeable debts, only two orphan girls came forward to take up the twelve places in this manifestly over-endowed institution. 120 From such impressionistic evidence, it is difficult to assess how justified hospital administrators were in arraigning the deficiencies of charitable giving. There is, of course, a considerable fund of evidence of managerial incompetence on the part of administrators from the smallest to the largest institutions. There is the additional point that, in the unpropitious economic atmosphere of the eighteenth century, hospitals would have found the going rough, whatever the state of charitable giving. Nevertheless, the unimpressive and limited paternalism evinced by seigneurs, tithers and monastic clergy in the countryside strongly suggested that traditional Catholic charity was not all it had been. 121 An examination-of patterns of charitable giving in the regional capital will throw further light on this important issue. 119 HS Hop Cler I B 9, E 2. 120 HS Hop Cler III A 1, E 1; Ball. 121 If, of course, it ever had been! The 'Golden Age' of private charity may, like many such 'Golden Ages', be merely a myth born of dubious nostalgia.

26 On discharge, inmates from the depots were to be sent off either to a person of probity who would vouch for them or else, preferably, to their families. It was also hoped that hospital administrators would co-operate by opening their doors to the aged and infirm and to orphaned or institutionalised beggars who had no means of support in the outside world. Such was the confidence in the success of the campaign, that it was not thought that the added strain on hospitals would be great, or that the lifespan of the so-called 'depots provisoires' would have to be long. The campaign against begging and vagrancy certainly failed to live up to the hopes which were pinned on it at the outset. Disappointment with its evident failure to put an end to these social ills was soon being voiced both nationally and locally. In 1774, Controleur-general Turgot even suppressed the depots de mendicite outright, and put the 1767 ordinance into abeyance.27 The depots were reopened in 1776 on the fall of Turgot, 25 C 568. 26 C 560. 27 B.N., Fondsfr., 8129, fo. 343;C 569, C57O. Cf. C. Paultre, 1906, 408ff.;C. Bloch, 1908, 179ff.; and T. Adams, 1976.

Government, poor relief and repression of begging

141

however, and a law of 1777 reaffirmed the ordinance of 1767. Both the 1777 law and the depots were the subject of much abuse and hostility down to the eve of the Revolution. The major public authorities in Languedoc, which were intimately involved in the conduct of the campaign and in the running of the depots, were consistently critical. When asked his opinion on the laws on begging and vagrancy in 1763, Saint-Priest, Intendant of Languedoc, had expressed his satisfaction with the law of 1724 and saw no point in new legislation. He was to be a bitter opponent of the way in which the legislation of 1764 was applied. 28 The Estates of Languedoc too, which became financially embroiled in the campaign, were among its sternest critics. 29 Lomenie de Brienne, Archbishop of Toulouse, an old college friend of Turgot, had influenced the latter in his decision to close the depots in 1774. 30 He, the Estates and the Intendant were all dismayed by their reopening in 1776. They would doubtless have concurred with the sentiment which Ballainvilliers, Saint-Priest's successor as Intendant, expressed in 1786: despite two decades of the campaign against begging and vagrancy, *il est vrai de dire qu'il n'y a pas un mendiant de moins dans la province, que les chemins en sont couverts [et] que les villes en sont remplis'. 31 Undoubtedly a great deal of the blame for the failure of the campaign attached to the main policing agency involved, the marechaussee, which seemingly had little more effect than hospital administrators had done in the past. The marechaussee was a para-military organisation of mounted policemen responsible for the maintenance of law and order in the countryside. 32 They performed both administrative and judicial functions: on the one hand, they could arrest any miscreant found in flagrante delicto and bring him before the ordinary courts; on the other, they also had their own courts, presided over by their superior officer, or prevot, who had jurisdiction over a list of offences which had swollen over the years to include everything from robbery to poaching, from desertion to burglary and from smuggling to vagrancy. The law of 1764 was the first to give the force primacy over the chasse-gueux'of the hospitals in the application of the law on vagrancy. After 1767, moreover, they were empowered to sentence both beggars and vagrants to detention in the depots de mendicite by administrative ordinance without any need for a trial. 28 C 567. 29 A. N., H 297. See too theproces-verbaux of the Estates in Series C, cited in extenso in the list of sources in the bibliography. 30 B.N., Fondsfr., 8129, fo. 339; A.N., F 15 138. Cf. L. Dutil, 'Philosophic ou religion? Lomenie de Brienne, Archeveque de Toulouse', Ann. du Midi, 1948. 31 C 1564. 32 The best introduction to the marechaussee is to be found in I. Cameron, 'The police of eighteenth-century France', Eur. Stud. Rev., 1977. The best of the older treatments is Larrieu, Histoire de la gendarmerie depuis les origines de la marechaussee jusqu' a nos jours, Paris, 1933. See also

O. Hufton, 1974, and N. Castan, 1976.

142

Poverty under the And en Regime

Over the course of the eighteenth century, the marechaussee had been progressively streamlined. Prior to important reforms in 1720, the force had comprised less than two score companies which were situated in the big cities and which at periodic intervals rode en masse around their jurisdictional area. After 1720, these quasi-military shows of strength ended. The companies were split up into brigades of four or five men posted thickly throughout the country. Each brigade was now to make frequent routine patrols in the countryside. Their activities became less overtly terroristic and repressive and more administrative and preventive. Brigades were now to be found supervising inns, policing fairs, public holidays and religious holidays, prohibiting the illegal carrying of arms, checking on transport workers and other 'dangerous trades' and even, in Languedoc, collecting taxes and acting as postal messengers.33 Considering the range of tasks which it was expected to perform, the marechaussee was tiny. Its national strength in the 1760s was 3,263 men, of which Languedoc's share was a mere 183 men in thirty-three brigades. 34 Aware of the enormity of the responsibilities it was placing upon the force by requiring it to implement the new campaign against begging, the government tardily, in 1768, increased its size. After this date Languedoc boasted fifty-eight brigades, containing 254 men. This was insignificant when set against an estimated total population of 1.7 millions. 35 The same was true of the future department of the Herault, whose quarter of a million inhabitants were patrolled by a police force numbering only 59 men in eleven brigades. The size of the marechaussee was also small when set against the vast geographical expanse of the province. The regulation ideal was to have brigades stationed at approximately four or five leagues' distance from each other. Yet the distance between some of Languedoc's brigades exceeded twenty leagues — much of it difficult mountain terrain. In a great many localities, patrols were rare, and police work excessively thinly spread: years went by in some villages before a cavalier of the marechaussee was seen. Ballainvilliers, the Intendant of Languedoc on the eve of the Revolution, was convinced that only a doubling in the size of the force could get it to function remotely as efficiently as was expected.36 The government had gradually evolved a method of concentrating the attention of the small and hard-worked marechaussee on tasks to which it gave priority, namely, the payment of bonuses and gratifications. The importance which the government attached to the campaign against begging may be gauged by the fact that Controleur-general de l'Averdy 33 C 696. 34 C 697, C 8481. Cf. Larrieu, 1933, 73. 35 C 697, C 700, C 8481. 36 C 699-

Government, poor relief and repression of begging

143

agreed from the start to award brigades a bonus of 3 livres for every capture which they made. 37 Payment by results was popular within the force. It was even too popular perhaps, for the abuse of the bonus system was to be the bane of the whole campaign against begging in Bas Languedoc. Only a matter of months after the campaign opened, the sub-delegate of Montpellier was complaining that the brigades were arresting, without any apparent discrimination, 'toutes les personnes mal vetues qui ne sont point munies de passeports et lorsqu'ils ont mauvaise mine'. 38 Soon too a stream of protests began to issue from both the Intendant and the Estates of Languedoc on behalf of 'des malheureux paisans trop legerement arrestes'. 39 In order to check what he suspected was sheer venality on the part of bonus-hungry brigades, Saint-Priest sought to bring the arrest procedures of the force under his own orders. The apparent concession which Controleur-general d'Invau made in 1769 whereby bonuses should be awarded only for arrests which led to confinement was in practice meaningless: for the greffier and prevot, who both shared in the bonus system, preferred to send virtually all individuals wTho were brought before them to the depot and only to make enquiries about their background from there. 40 In 1777, Saint-Priest finally inveigled the Controleur-general into allowing him to control the awarding of bonuses. He restricted awards to arrests of those individuals whom careful enquiry had shown to be bona fide beggars, and refused claims for bonuses for indiscriminate arrests and confinements. The consequence of Saint-Priest's action, however, was an arrest strike by irate marechaussee brigades. Complaints from local authorities that the law on begging was being flouted, and protests from the marechaussees superiors in Paris that the Languedoc brigades were being unfairly treated for carrying out the law to its letter led to a change of policy. The government backed down, prohibited Saint-Priest from his selective treatment of arrests, and insisted that the Languedoc brigades should receive full remuneration for every arrest which was followed by a committal to the depots. 41 There was almost certainly a strong element of truth in Saint-Priest's contention that the local marechaussee, in their desire to be awarded bonuses, were making indiscriminate arrests. Corruption riddled the marechaussee of Languedoc and probably reached as high as the prevot himself.42 Its roots were in the frail economic position of the force over the course of the eighteenth century. Their wages remained stable from 1720 to 1768, a period of steep price rises. After 1768, the method of payment was changed: wages were reduced, but this was offset by the extension of a 37 C Paultre, 1906, 370. 38 C 568. 39 C 569. 40 C 568. 41 C 562. 42 M.R. Santucci, 1974, 117.

144

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

Table 11. Arrests of beggars and vagrants made by the brigades of the Languedoc 'marechaussee', 1768-86

Brigade

Arrests, 1768-75

Arrests, 1776-86

Total arrests, 1768-86

1. Montpellier Lieutenance

Montpellier (H) Lunel (H) Ganges (H) Gignac (H) Lodeve (H) Beziers (H) Pezenas (H) Bouzigues/Meze (H) Nimes Ales Uzes Remoulins Bagnols Sommieres Jean/Gard Unattributed

500

465

149 56 24 159 292 219 287 76 173 78 170 132

9 274

1109

467 241 70 62 245 225 140 477 128 223

176 233

207 —

1609

932 390 126 86

404 517 359 764 204 396 254 403 339 9 274

3 063

4003

7 066

71

56 3 — 85

127

2. Carcassonne Lieutenance

Carcassonne Castres Saint-Pons (H) Narbonne Sejean Saissac Lezignan Limoux Le Mas de Cabardes Mirepoix Caudiez

96 9

122 25 21 62 8

99 9

207 25 21 100 13

1

— 38 5 — 12 —

418

199

617

85 27

1710

1795

3 —

3

12 1

No arrests: Chalabre 3. Toulouse Lieutenance

Toulouse Albi Lavaur Fronton Castelnadaury

69

12 21

73 114 1 248

100 183 13 269

145

Government, poor relief and repression of begging

Table 11 (cant.)

Brigade Villefranche Grisolles Rabestens Rieux Le Monestier

4. Le Puy Lieutenance Le Puy Annonay Aubenas Villeneuve-de-Berg Privas Villefort Mende

Arrests, 1768-75

36

Arrests, 1776-86

Total arrests, 1768-86

26 14 1 4

104 166 87 14 14

140 192 101 15 18

295

2531

2 826

6 17 20 37 7 — 5

— 9 66 — 3 —

6 17 29 103 7 3 5

92

78

170

No arrests: Tournon, Langogne, Le Monestier, Marvejols, Florae, Montfaucon, Chalenc.on, Le Cheylar,Monpezat, Joyeuse Recapitulation: Montpellier Carcassonne Toulouse Le Puy

3 063 418 295 92

4003 199 2531 78

7 066 617 2826 170

3 868

6811

10 679

Sources and presentation: (i) (H) signifies that a brigade was situated in a locality within the future department of the H£rault. (ii) The above is drawn largely from the quarterly accounts of the campaign against begging, on which payments of bonuses are marked. Where this information is lacking, recourse has been had to other lists found at random in the papers of the Intendance and the central government. Full references: C 569, C 570, C 582-586 and A.N., F 15 2791. (iii) Although bonuses paid to the marechaussee do not cover all arrests made, it would appear that they do cover the vast majority. According tofigurescompiled by the central government in 1774, 4 311 individuals were arrested in Languedoc up to 1773. 3 481 of these were treated as beggars and vagrants and subjected either to a prevotal ordinance (3 434) or to sentencing (47). The sources indicated above show that for the same period, 3 296 bonuses were paid out to local brigades — 93.7 per cent of those treated as beggars or vagrants. It seems probable that the couple of hundred others were arrested by other authorities, notably the municipalities. These did not receive the bonuses in the same way as the brigades of the marechaussee.

146

Poverty under the And en Regime

system of allowances for expenses incurred in the line of duty. The change probably did not improve the basic economic position of most cavaliers. It favoured the growth of corrupt practices based on over-generous claims for expenditure. There was to be a major corruption trial in the 1780s of officers and men from the brigades of Montpellier and Bas Languedoc for this type of malversation of funds. 43 This almost certainly extended into the sphere of begging. In the 1770s and 80s, the Intendant received reports, for example, of individuals paying brigades to arrest personal enemies and to fabricate evidence against them; of prostitutes paying to be arrested so that they could benefit from the depot de mendicite's facilities for the treatment of venereal disease; of rejects from the marechaussee's own prisons being passed off as beggars; and of brigades making personal profits from the expenditure they claimed for the imprisonment and transport of beggars to the depots, so that many beggars were arriving in the depots half dead from neglect. 44 Besides the corruption of many of the brigades of the Languedoc marechaussee^ there was an additional problem of inexperience. The expansion of numbers in 1768 and 1769 from 183 to 254 men brought in an influx of raw recruits, unused to policing duties. If the eighteen brigades of the Lieutenance of Montpellier — roughly speaking, the plain of Bas Languedoc and the southern reaches of the river Rhone — were guilty of endangering the campaign against begging by their hyperactivity, the torpor which the other brigades displayed was equally damaging. The forty brigades of the other three Languedoc Lieutenances of Toulouse, Carcassonne and Le Puy made only one arrest in four in the years down to 1775, and eleven of the brigades made no arrests at all down to the eve of the Revolution. 45 It took experience and determination to break down the resistance to the activities of the marechaussee which was often shown by urban patriciates and the mafia-like notables of much of Languedoc, and the almost universal loathing in which the force was held by the poorer classes. Not only were many brigades desperately short of the necessary resolution and experience, they were not blessed with much intellectual acumen either: their officers sometimes spoke of their men as if they were only marginally more intelligent than their horses!46 So poor was the performance of the marechaussee outside the Bas Languedoc corridor that both the government and local authorities were fully in agreement in 1776 that the 43 A.N., Z l c 475, 476. 44 C 562, C 572, C 2192. Cf. A.N., F 16 965. 45 Table 11. The figures down to 1775 were as follows: Lieutenance of Montpellier, 79.2 per cent; Carcassonne, 10.8; Toulouse, 7.6; and Le Puy, 2.4. 46 C 700. There are some revealing comments here concerning the evident incapacity of a number of cavaliers.

Government, poor relief and repression of begging

\Al

depots of Le Puy and Toulouse should remain closed, and that the depot in Montpellier would suffice for the whole of the province.4T Although a depot was eventually opened in Toulouse in 1782, it appears to have admitted predominantly beggars of the city and its environs, who were finding it difficult to gain admittance to the recently bankrupted Hopital de la Grave, the local hopital general. 48 The deficiencies in the performance of the marechaussee owed much to the overall orientation of the law as well as to their own evident short-comings. The law of 1764 on vagrancy had evidently been framed with the social problems of northern France in mind. The law's main target was the work-shy agricultural proletarian who tended to compose the backbone of the gangs of criminal vagrants which, under the guise of begging, terrorised the lonely farmsteads of the pays de grande culture in the Orleanais and the Beauce, and from whose numbers the Parisian criminal underworld tended to be drawn. 49 Thus the vagabond was defined as the property-less individual who could find no person of recognised probity to vouch for him and who had not worked for six months. This period of time was evidently designed to exclude from the workings of the law the agricultural labourer who was unable to find work in the 'dead season' of the agricultural year. It did not think to exclude, however, the manufacturing worker from regions such as Languedoc who might experience much longer bouts of unemployment as a result of the vagaries of the business cycle. Moreover, in the event, the instructions which the marechaussee received at the beginning of the campaign against begging in 1767 were even more stringent than the 1764 definition: any individual, whatever his circumstances, who was found begging was to be subject to arrest. The repromulgated law of 1777 did eventually, it is true, concede that the provisions of the law should not be used against the 'ouvrier travailleur [qui] ne mendie que par necessite ou manque de travail'. 50 Such orders contradicted the orders of the marechaussee, however, and were too vague to be effective. The marechaussee continued to arrest individuals who, in the opinion of Saint-Priest, were only 'mendiants momentanes', that is, 'les journaliers et artisans reduits a 47 C 570. 48 The main change discernible in the arrest pattern before and after the closure of the d£p6ts in 1775 was the larger number of arrests made by the Toulouse Lieutenance. The majority of these were made by the two urban brigades of the city of Toulouse itself. Thus one had a situation in which about 50 per cent of arrests down to 1786 (3,304 out of 6,811) were centred on and in the environs of Languedoc's twin capital cities: 1,795 arrests by the Toulouse brigades, 1,609 by those of Montpellier. 49 See above, note 21. Cf. C. Bloch, 1908, 34ff.; and M. Vovelle, 'De la mendicite" au brigandage. Les errants en Beauce sous la Revolution franchise', C.N.S.S., 1962; and R.C. Cobb, Reactions to the French Revolution, Oxford, 1972. 50 C 562.

148

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

cette necessite pendant un certain terns de l'annee par la suspension des travaux de la campagne ou des manufactures'. 51 It was understandable that the government should see in the rigid and uniform application of the law of 1764 and the ordinance of 1767 throughout the whole of France an essential prerequisite of the success of the campaign against begging. The mass criminal vagrancy of many northern French landscapes, however, was simply not to be found in most areas of Languedoc. There was always some risk that the rootless individual could turn to crime, but in general the pauper found far from home and with hand outstretched did not have the same dangerous and anti-social air in the Midi which he did elsewhere. In particular, the seasonal migrant on his way down from mountain to plain for the hay, grain and wine harvests was a perennial and accepted figure in Bas Languedoc. Yet travelling as they normally did in groups, usually without travel documents and often begging a living en route, the summer migrant fell outside the letter of the law, and was susceptible to arrest. The Intendant of Languedoc would gladly have winked at the begging and wanderings of such individuals because of the important contribution which their labour made to the prosperity of local agriculture. The marechaussee, however, was instructed to think otherwise. Freshly primed by the government, egged on by the incentive of a bonus for each arrest and, furthermore, empowered since 1760 to arrest any individual travelling without authenticated documents, the brigades of Bas Languedoc set about arresting droves of mountaindwellers on their annual descent. Despite the loud and long protestations of both the Intendant and the Estates, they were to continue in this vein down to the Revolution. No amount of compromise could stop the conflict over migrant workers between local officials anxious to protect the local economy and wary of over-reacting to a problem of vagrancy which had not reached serious proportions, and a marechaussee hell bent on following orders if only so as to fill their pockets. In 1772, Saint-Priest had attempted to stem the flow of needless arrests by writing to each of Languedoc's 2,500 communities stressing the need for summer migrants fo carry with them passports authenticated by their maires and consuls. This circular cut little ice, 51 C 569. With the specific and rather unusual exception of the masques armes in the northern parts of Bas Languedoc, it is probably true to say that Mediterranean France was not affected by the waves of criminal brigandage which afflicted many parts of France following the closure of the d£p6ts in 1775. For comparison with Provence, F.X. Emmanuelli, Pouvoir royal et vie regionale en Provence au declin de la monarchie. Psychologie, pratiques administratives, defrancisation de I'lntendance dAix, 1745-1790, 2 vols., Paris, 1974, ii, 65Off., 662. For elsewhere in France, besides the text of the 1777 law itself, see also V. Boucheron, 'La Mont£e du flot des errants de 1760 a 1789 dans la g£neralite d'Alen^on', Annales de Normandie, 1971, 60; F. Mourlot, La Question de la mendicite en Normandie a la fin de I'Ancien Regime, Paris, 1903, 381; C. Paultre, 1906, 4 1 1 , 452f. (Orleanais), 476f. (Burgundy).

Government, poor relief and repression of begging

149

1000 g

800

?

600

o 400 ^

200 0 1768 691770 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 1780 81 82 83 84 85 86 = = = = =

arrests by all Lieutenances arrests by Montpellier Lieutenance id., Toulouse Lieutenance id., Carcassonne Lieutenance id., Le Puy Lieutenance

Graph 4 Arrests of beggars and vagrants by the brigades of the four Lieutenances of the Languedoc marechaussee, 1768—86 Sources: as given in note to Table 11, page 145

however, in communities whose members were long accustomed to make their annual descent without travel documents, and whose officials were often barely literate. Furthermore, the marechaussee had just received fresh instructions ordering them to ignore passports, which were in fact often forged or out of date. As a result, helped by a rise in grain prices which placed additional pressure on local consumers, the year 1772 saw a new high-point in the number of arrests. 52 Reiterated attempts by Saint-Priest in 1777 to insist upon migrants carrying passports, and to regulate the zeal of the marechaussee also failed to have any effect.53 The vexed question of arrests brought into the open a fundamental ambiguity in the status and allegiance of the marechaussee. As the force had acquired a more police-orientated and less militaristic hue over the eighteenth century, it had been obliged to take commands from the major civilian authorities, including the Intendant. Early instructions in the campaign against begging in the 1760s, for example, emphasised that it was the Intendant who was to be responsible for the local conduct of the campaign. Yet the force which was supposedly subordinated to him had become increasingly militarised and professional in its general bearing. It was increasingly modelled on regiments of the line; its administration was streamlined and more direct chains of command instituted; it was placed under the supreme authority of the Ministry of War and was made subject to more frequent military inspections; there was a new insistence on the wearing of uniform; stricter internal discipline was introduced; the force 52 Graph 4.

53 C 570.

150

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

was increasingly assigned to barracks, like regular troops; and, finally, a prolonged spell of military service came to be regarded as a requirement for entry. Matters came to a head when the Languedoc marechaussee, long since one of the most militarised companies in the whole of France,54 started to receive orders from the Intendant which ran counter to those of their military superiors in Paris, which in turn were based on explicit government instructions. A dispute over the nature of the subordination of the marechaussee to military and civilian authority thus became conjoined with an equally serious dispute over the degree to which the law might be acclimatised to local conditions. In the event, professional solidarity and the rigidly uniform application of the law won the day: the Intendant's sphere of initiative was restricted over the question of arrests, and the letter rather than the spirit of the law prevailed. The overall effectiveness of the campaign in Languedoc suffered accordingly. The government's hostility to any local variation in the application of the campaign also put paid to the alterations which the Estates of Languedoc proposed in the early 1770s. Horrified at the large sums which the government was expecting the province to pay towards a campaign which seemed to be damaging rather than bolstering the local economy, and urged on by the influential Archbishops of Narbonne and Toulouse, the Estates offered to assume responsibility for the conduct of the campaign themselves/ 5 Their proposals recaptured something of the comprehensiveness of the ill-fated plans of the Bureau de Mendicite. The depots would become no more than entrepotspassagers;56 criminal vagrants would be shipped off to the galleys; the infirm would be accommodated in the hospitals; and the able-bodied would receive employment in massive public-works schemes which the Estates offered to organise and finance. This return to first principles was too extreme for the central government. The state bureaucrats who were running the campaign were well aware that the hospitals had proved incapable of supporting any additional burden, and they ruled out the idea of radical reform of poor-relief institutions. They refused to use the galleys as the 1764 law had envisaged. Above all, they were not willing to allow local experiments which seemed to endanger the uniformity in the implementation of the law in which they saw some sort of guarantee of limited success. The government ceded control of the depots to the Estates — and enjoyed the discomfiture of the Estates at the huge sums which they were obliged to spend on them. But it was not prepared to 54 A. Corvisier, 1964, ii, 926. 55 For this episode in the campaign in Languedoc, see the proces-verbaux of the Estates for 1771 (C 7564, C 7570), 1772 (C 7574) and 1773 (C 7578). See also C 569, C 8481; and A.N., F 15 138. 56 C8481.

Government, poor relief and repression of begging

151

incorporate any other part of their far-reaching programme in a campaign which had swiftly become far less amibitious than when it had begun. The failure of the campaign to live up to the high hopes of 1767 and 1768 also affected the role and the functioning of the depots de mendicite. Originally, they had been conceived of as institutions neither deterrent in purpose nor prison-like in appearance. They were simply temporary holding-places in which beggars arrested by the marechaussee would be detained. 57 They would also receive, it was planned, the occasional vagrant too frail or too old to be sent to the galleys under the provisions of the law of 1764. Since the running down of the royal galley-fleet in 1749, the punishment of a spell in the galleys had been transmuted to a period of forced labour in the docks of the main naval ports. 58 Under this scheme, there was neither the former need for oarsmen nor perhaps the available facilities for large numbers. Consequently, the marechaussee had received specific instructions as early as 1765 to be highly circumspect about sentencing individuals to the galleys. They were told to prefer the use of detention in the depots even for individuals against whom there was a good prima-facie case for vagrancy. 59 The Languedoc brigades were to keep well within these instructions: while 3,464 individuals found their way into Languedoc's depots de mendicite in the period down to 1773, only 17 individuals were despatched to the galleys as vagrants. 60 The resulting presence of professional and semi-criminal vagrants among the inmates highlighted the confusion which presided over the whole campaign. Not only were beggars being arrested under the provisions of a law — that of 1764 — which applied to vagrants, but vagrants were being detained in institutions specially designed for beggars! The composition of the inmate population became even more variegated as the government used the depots as convenient dumping grounds for other types of individuals besides the beggar and vagrant. Many of these were individuals on the margins of the worlds of poverty and crime. After 57 C 567, C 568. For policy concerning the depots, cf. T.Adams, 'Moeurs et hygiene publique au XVIIIe siecle. Quelques aspects des de"p6ts de mendicite', Ann. demog. hist., 1975. 58 P.W. Bamford, The procurement of oarsmen for French galleys, 1660-1748', Am. H.R., 1959, 47;and A. Zysberg, 'La Soci&i des galeriens au milieu du XVIIIe siecle', Ann. E.S.C., 1975, 43ff. 59 C 568; B.N., Fondsfr., 8129, fo. 12960 B.N., Fondsfr., 8129, fo. 335. This table is given in its entirety in C. Paultre, 1906, 603, and O. Hufton, 1974, 390. The figures for Languedoc are as follows: Number of arrests till 31/12/1773 4,113 Number condemned to detention following sentence 30 Number condemned to detention following prevotal ordinance 3,434 Number condemned to the galleys 17 Number of escapes 29 Number of releases 563 Deaths prior to detention 2 Number remaining to be sentenced 38

152

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

February 1769, for example, prostitutes and camp-followers suffering from venereal disease could be forcibly detained within the depots and subjected to mercury treatment for their ailment. 61 Individuals detained under royal lettres de cachet — often those who had infringed conventional codes of morality — also came to be confined within them. 62 In 1770, Controleurgeneral Terray instructed Intendants to make special provision within the depots for the insane. 63 The authorities were also surprised to find that in practice there was a danger of the depots becoming 'des hopitaux et les azilles de la mendicite au lieu d'en etre le remede'. 64 However austere the general atmosphere, the stabilities and certainties of depot life seemed attractive to a great many poverty-stricken and physically or mentally handicapped individuals for whose needs existing poor-relief institutions were progressively less able to cope. The government sent out special instructions to guard against voluntary entries to the depots on the grounds that they were irrelevant to its function. It was clear, however, that a fair proportion of inmates always regarded detention as a blessing rather than a punishment. The development of the depots into catch-all institutions for a wide variety of social and legal cases contributed towards a transformation of the status and orientation of the institutions, in Languedoc as in the rest of France. What had originally been viewed as depots provisoires came to be seen as repressive institutions serving a deterrent function in their own right. The original logic behind the whole campaign - that certainty of capture rather than the misery of conditions within the depots should constitute the prime deterrent against begging - was, first of all, made to look somewhat shopworn by the manifest inability of the marechaussee to make a durable impression on the incidence of begging. Second, the presence within the depots of criminal and para-criminal cases, who were often serving lengthy sentences, necessitated greater precautions against escapes and encouraged a harsher internal regime. Third, the presence of paupers who regarded the depot as a refuge led the authorities to promote internal austerity in order to discourage voluntary entries. Finally, the method in which the depots were financed accelerated the move towards a more repressive atmosphere. From the earliest days, the contractors who took on the provisioning of the Languedoc depots found it difficult to make profits without surreptitiously reducing the quality or the quantity of rations and supplies. Although the Intendant struggled valiantly against such abuses, he failed to stamp out corruption. In addition, the greater supervision of life within the depots by 61 C 568. 62 C 569. Cf. C. Paultre, 1906, 405. 63 C 569, C 562. 64 C 7574; A.N., F 15 138.

Government, poor relief and repression of begging

153

the Estates of Languedoc, which were keen to reduce what they regarded as excessively high costs, led to economies which contributed towards a greater starkness and austerity in internal conditions. 65 The transformation in the role and functions of the depots led to a change in policy regarding releases. The more hardened professional vagrant whom the depots now received made the authorities sceptical of the sufficiency of short stays. It would be, opined Controleur-general de l'Averdy, in 1769, 'illusoire de mettre en liberte des gens qui seraient dans le cas d'etre repris quelques jours apres'. 66 Forsaking the fast turnover of inmates which had been the original aim, the authorities now placed greater emphasis on discovering the backgrounds of beggars who had found their way into the depots and on seeking guarantees about their future behaviour from persons of probity. Normally, a guarantor would have to agree to pay part of the costs of a second detention in the depot. In 1777, Controleur-general Necker introduced new regulations which sought to harmonise releases with the calendar of agrarian employment. Although some individuals would still be released after guarantees had been sought, or after having themselves given an undertaking of future good behaviour (a soumission), most inmates were to be detained over the winter and only released in April and May as the seasonal demand for labour asserted itself.67 The most obvious manifestation of the change in the role of the depots was the progressive worsening of the conditions of inmates. The degree of austerity which was planned from the start, combined with the effects of financial stringency and the dishonesty of contractors, produced conditions which were far from euphoric. About one entrant in ten died in captivity and the Montpellier hotel-Dieu, which admitted many of the sick from the local depot, was appalled at the state of physical privation in which they entered. Life within the depots was subject to a progressively harsh code of discipline. Chains and bars made their appearance as the authorities strove unavailingly to make the makeshift rented buildings in which depots were housed escape-proof. In the Montpellier depot, cells, dungeons and new quarters for a squad of marechaussee on the premises to oversee the maintenance of internal discipline attested to the atmosphere of naked coercion which developed. 68 More thorough-going efforts were made especially after the issuing of revised regulations in 1785 - to introduce forced labour into the depots' daily timetable. The inmates of the Montpellier depot were made to spin and weave for local textile manufacturers. Work, in theory at least, could help to make the depots 65 C 560, C 568, C 569, C 570. 61 C 570. 68 C 560, C 562.

66 C 568.

154

Poverty under the Ancien Regime

self-financing. It could also be used to produce a moral reformation in the hardened characters subject to long spells within the depots. 69 The slowing-down in the rate of turnover of inmates meant that the transformation of the depots de mendicite into prison- or workhouse-like institutions affected a smaller number of individuals than had been originally planned. In the twenty years of their existence down to the Revolution, something less than 20,000 beggars passed through the three Languedoc depots. 70 Even if the probably groundless assumption that these individuals were deterred into changing their ways by their experiences within the depots actually applied, this is still a very tiny figure to set against the proportion of the 1.7 million inhabitants of the province who were beggars, vagrants or simply poor and destitute. The supporters of the depots — seemingly a very select band — might point to the value of the institutions in soaking up some of the fringe elements within the world of poverty. Most inmates were able-bodied adults between the ages of fifteen and forty, and those arrested in, or in the environs of, big cities like Montpellier and Toulouse doubtless included a sizeable proportion of the 'dangerous classes'.71 Yet the two capital cities of Languedoc were as infested with begging and public disorder on the eve of the Revolution as ever. 72 The depots in addition had become supplementary refuges for some individuals - the aged, the simple-minded, many abandoned children who in happier times might have gained admittance to the hopitaux. Yet the numbers of such individuals were small, and the government discouraged their admittance. As the successor to the hopitaux as the centrepiece of governmental social policy, the depots were an evident disappointment. They were no solution to the problems of poverty which had preoccupied the government at their inception and which were arguably worse in the 1780s than they had been two decades earlier. For all the grandiose intentions of the Bureau de Mendicite and of Turgot, and despite the proliferation of minor relief measures backed by the state, the legacy of the governments of the last decades of the Ancien Regime in this sphere was unimpressive and sterile. There was little which the proponents of bienfaisance could find to admire in institutions as repressive as the depots - and too little either to satisfy the 69 C 560, C 562. For the 1785 regulations, A.N., H 556. 70 This figure, suggested by M.R. Santucci, 1974, 132, seems to be an absolute maximum. Cf. above, page 145. 71 Of the beggars admitted to the Montpellier depot about whom information is available, 54.9 per cent of the men and 67.4 per cent of the women were aged between 15 and 40. M.R. Santucci, 1974, 152ff. For the predominance of arrests made by the brigades of the big cities, see above, note 48. 72 For Toulouse, J. Rives, 'L'Evolution demographique de Toulouse auXVIIIesiecle', B.H.E.S.R.F., 1968. For Montpellier, C 1564; and cf. the cahier of the city of Montpellier cited in D'Aigrefeuille, op.cit., iv, 637ff.

Government, poor relief and repression of begging

155

advocates of firm measures of social control. The experiment with the depots seemed to bear out those social thinkers who since the middle of the century had been arguing against the confinement of the poor and in favour of poor-relief schemes which were orientated around the home. It was, however, to be left to the Revolutionary assemblies to venture further along this track.

PART III

The treatment of poverty under the Revolution and the Empire

8 i

32

The apparent impunity of beggars and vagrants in the worsening economic climate of the early years of the nineteenth century highlighted evident deficiencies in the application of legislation relating to these offences. These deficiencies were particularly noticed by the Napoleonic government, which was acutely sensitive to questions of law and order. The state of legislation relating to begging and vagrancy, and its effective implementation, were considerably confused, from the very outbreak of the Revolution down to the law of 1808. The important law of 24 Vendemiaire Year II (15 October 1793), it is true, had stated categorically that any individual reputed to be a beggar was to be hauled before the local justices, who could sentence him to anything from banishment to his home parish for the first offence to transportation for hardened recidivism. Justices were also empowered to sentence vagrants to up to one year's imprisonment in the departmental maison de repression. This 30 H. Creuze de Lesser, op.cit., 191. Cf. A.N., F 20 196; and Nogaret, 'Le Departement de l'Herault' in Archives statistiques de la France. Messidor an Xlll, edited byA. deFerriere, vol. i, Paris, Year XIII. 31 For the basis on which these calculations are made, and for the price of meteil, see above, pages 32 and 33. The daily wage of an agricultural day-labourer on the market of Beziers in 1808 and 1809 was 1.25 francs (A.M. Beziers, HH 5). For remarks on the general well-being of the peasantry of this region, cf. M. Birkbeck, op.cit., passim. 32 A.N., F 20 196.

244

Conclusion

law remained the basis of legislation on these matters down to 1808. For most of the period, however, it must have been one of the most flagrantly under-used and misapplied of Revolutionary laws. 33 Crucial to the non-implementation of legislation relating to begging and vagrancy was the fact that the chief policing agency upon which the government depended - the newly formed gendarmerie - was little more effective than its Ancien Regime predecessor, the marechaussee.34 The gendarmes were, admittedly, more numerous: in 1793 the department possessed 21 brigades, containing 98 men, as against 11 brigades and 59 men on the eve of the Revolution. 35 Such numbers were very few, however, when set against the departmental population, which well exceeded a quarter of a million. Moreover, the outbreak of the war in 1792 had prevented the new force from acquiring any esprit de corps and traditions of service, since most fit gendarmes were instantly rushed off to the front. The recruitment problem would continue to be acute for the rest of the wars. The workload was recognised to be high, and, with the depreciation of the currency in the 1790s, the force's state-paid wages were pitifully low. The consequence was a fall in the quality of the police and a skimping attitude towards its duties. 36 In an enquiry in Year IV, a great many communes in the department confessed that they rarely if ever saw a gendarme. 37 A further enquiry in Year V revealed large numbers of men in the force who, by the admission of their superiors, were renowned for their 'immoralite', 'inconduite', and 'manque de subordination'. Others spent all their time gambling or, in one case, 'ne frequenter que les gens sans aveu' — the latter scarcely a suitable pedigree for the putative scourge of beggars and vagrants!38 Partly as a result of the poor quality of the main police forces in the department, individuals who might be classified as beggars or vagrants were likeliest to fall foul of the authorities when local administrators took the law into their own hands. During the emergency situations of 1789, for example, during the war mobilisation from 1792 to 1795 and to a lesser extent at the turn of the century when bandits and highway robbers were being pursued in many upland areas of the department, the behaviour of the outsider to the local community was scrutinised with great care, and his chancest statement might be construed by suspicious mayors or magistrates 33 Evidence on the implementation of the laws relating to begging and vagrancy is highly fragmentary and has been almost totally ignored by historians. For the text of the law of 24 Vendemiaire Year II, A. de Watteville, op.cit., 1843, 24ff. 34 Larrieu, 1933; M. Le Clere, Histoire de la police, 4th edn, Paris, 1973. 35 L 1971. For the Ancien Regime, see above, page 142. 36 L 1942, L 1944; A.N., F 7 3901 and F 9 324. 37 L 464. 38 L 1964.

The early nineteenth century

245

as a hint of plots and conspiracies.39 The striking fact about the harsh punishments which were frequently meted out in such circumstances, however, was that they showed no regard for legal niceties and indeed evinced an almost total ignorance of relevant legislation. The new Prefect to the department in Year VIII was to express his astonishment at the extent to which the law of 24 Vendemiaire Year II had fallen into abeyance in the region, though his consequent efforts to revive it were crowned with very little success. 40 Even in Montpellier itself, the law was flagrantly flouted. In 1806 the Ministre de Police Generate pointed out that the substantial numbers of individuals detained for begging and vagrancy in the city's maison de repression on the orders of the municipality had no right to be there: only magistrates were permitted to sentence such individuals to terms of imprisonment. 41 Governments beset since the early 1790s by war mobilisation, social, economic and financial dilemmas and political insecurity evidently had more pressing subjects on their minds than the implementation of legislation relating to begging and vagrancy. Furthermore, particularly in the early years, the repressive policies of Ancien Regime governments towards these offences were in discredit. A strong streak of idealism permeated government attitudes towards poor relief from 1789 onwards. It was generally held that equitable laws and humane poor-relief measures would somehow dissolve the whole problem of poverty. 42 Once work had been provided for the able-bodied, it was thought, and assistance for the genuinely needy, the problem must necessarily contract very dramatically. Long after the fiasco of poor-relief legislation under the Terror, moreover, governments still displayed a touching faith in the capacity of poor-relief arrangements to make begging and vagrancy things of the past. 'Le premier moyen de concourir efficacement a la reduction des mendiants,' opined a ministerial circular as late as 21 Germinal Year XII (11 April 1804) was, 'd'assurer aux etablissements d'humanite et notamment aux bureaux de bienfaisance . . . les ressources qui leur sont necessaires.' 43 The greater concern for public order as well as the alleviation of distress was inscribed into the responsibilities of the bureaux de bienfaisance, which were to keep an eye on resident beggars as well as distribute poor relief. At approximately the same time, tighter checks on geographical mobility were introduced, partly as a means of combating vagrancy. The law of 9 Frimaire 39 Very good example of this in Montpellier in Year II, recorded in A.N., D III 105. Cf. A.N., BB 18 369. 40 131 M 1. Cf. L 1044; L 2889; A.N., BB 18 364, 365 and F 7 3035. 41 A.M. Montpellier I 5/5. 42 See above, pages 159ff. Cf. the hostility shown towards prevotal justice in the cahiers: Larrieu, 1933, 236; and J. Heath, Eighteenth-Century Penal Theory, Oxford, 1963, 26ff. 43 1 X 36. Cf. 39 M 10.

246

Conclusion

Year XII (1 December 1803), for example, stated that any itinerant worker discovered without his livret ouvrier or without up-to-date travel documents was to be taken to be a vagrant, and subject as such to six months' imprisonment-. 44 The law of 5 July 1808 which reinstituted depots de mendicite thus reflected — #nd heightened — the growing concern for public order within the whole sphere of the relief of poverty. But it also bore the marks of the optimism of earlier governments concerning the likely effectiveness of governmental action. In 1809, for example, the Prefect of the Herault was unabashedly informing the Minister of the Interior that the total number of beggars in the Herault did not surpass 600 and that of these, 'la plupart mendient par faineantise et lorsqu'ils se verront poursuivis, ils abandonneront cet odieux metier pour se livrer aux travaux de l'agriculture'. 45 Yet in May 1816 his Restortion successor was concluding of the whole campaign against begging and vagrancy that 'si le gouvernement en renfermant les mendiants dans ces depdts n'a eu pour but que de detruire la mendicite, ce but na pas ete atteint dans le departement. . . Le nombre des mendiants est au moins aussi grand qu'avant l'etablissement du depot. ' 46 In the Herault — as apparently in many other departments — the history of the renewed repression of begging and vagrancy in the final years of the Empire was to be a chronicle of disappointment. Much of the blame for the failure of the renewed campaign against begging and vagrancy must attach to the government. The law of 1808 showed every sign of having been drafted in complete ignorance of the failure of similar schemes under the Ancien Regime. Besides the continued reliance on the undermanned and inefficient gendarmerie for its enforcement, the law had an unempirical, doctrinaire flavour, which lessened its likelihood of success.47 Beggars reputed to be criminal vagrants — in essence those who begged in gangs, with violence or in aggravating circumstances - were to be referred to the courts for harsh treatment. All other types of beggar, however, were now to pass through the depots de mendicite. Those who were held to be begging out of sheer necessity — the disabled, the infirm, destitute children and mothers overburdened with young children — might entreat for their admission, and were to be dealt with in a humane fashion. The able-bodied beggar in contrast was to be subjected to a punitive regime within the depots and was to remain there — normally for at least a year — until he showed himself willing and able to fend for himself in 44 J. Godechot, 1968, 668. Cf. the government enquiry of 1811 and 1812 into popular migrations, A.N.,

F 20 434, 435, commented upon in G. Mauco, Les Migrations ouvrieres en France au debut du

XIXe siecle, Paris, 1932; and R. Beteille, 'Les Migrations saisonnieres en France sous le Premier Empire. Essai de synthese', R.H.M.C., 1970. 45 A.N., F 16 1007. Cf. A.N., AF IV 1062. 46 A.N., F 16 1089. 47 For the text of this law, A. de Watteville, op.tit., 1843, 143.

The early nineteenth century

247

the world outside. The law of 1808 thus ascribed the depots a two-fold function — as refuge and as prison — which the law of 1724 on begging and vagrancy had ascribed, with singular lack of success, to the hospitals, and which the administrative ordinance on begging in 1767 had transferred to the ill-starred depots de mendicite. It was not to be long before the administrative dilemmas which had beset both hospitals and depots under the Ancien Regime reappeared.48 The process was accelerated by the unfortunate coincidence of the introduction of the campaign in the department of the Herault with the agricultural, industrial and commercial debacle of the years from 1810 to 1813, which enormously increased the number of individuals forced below the bread-line - and thus tempted either to request admission into the depot or to beg. This placed the Prefect, who was responsible for the implementation of the 1808 law, into something of a cleft stick over admissions policy. To open the depot to all the needy was to 'encombrer sans fruit le nouvel etablissement: les pauvres le regarderaient comme un asile et les veritables mendiants ne pourront plus y etre renfermes'.49 The Prefect was thus instructed to guard against voluntary admissions and the entry of individuals who seemingly posed no problem of public order. However, such an attempt to resist the dilution of the 'caractere de severite' which the government felt that the depot should embody could only be successful at the price of reducing the institution's capacity to respond to the very serious social needs evident in the world outside. The economic crisis also contributed to the reduction in the size of the depot's population: it had been hoped partly to finance the institution through profits derived from its workshops, but in the circumstances it proved impossible to furnish the materials necessary.50 Down to the end of the Empire, the number of individuals passing through the depot averaged about 700 each year. This meant that the depot was considerably under-used, for about 600 places were available. The numbers it sheltered comprised only a tiny proportion of the tens of thousands in distress in the region during the crisis years from 1811 to 1813. A further obstacle to the development of the punitive aspect of the Montpellier depot de mendicite was the Prefect's continued use of it as a convenient dumping ground for all those social-problem groups for whom neither the central government nor local authorities nor poor-relief institutions could make ample provision. The heterogeneity of the inmate population emerges clearly from a study of the motives behind the admission of all individuals who entered the depot in the course of 1813. 51 If we assume that besides beggars (18.4 per cent) those committed to the 48 See above, Chapter 7. 49 A.N., F 16 1007; A.M. Montpellier I 5/5. 50 HG II G 13, G 20. Cf. D. Higgs, 1974. 51 Table 19.

248

Conclusion

Table 19. Categories of individuals admitted to Montpellier's 'depot de mendicite' in 1813 TOTAL Men

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Insane Skin diseases Venereal disease Pregnant mothers Children born in depot Children (no motive of entry given; often accompanying parents) Prostitutes Beggars Passport offences and similar Other

8 82

45 — 18

Women 3 77

33 18 11

35

No. 11 159 78 18 29

40 — 68 15 10

50 60 11 11

75 50 128 26 21

286

309

595

% 1.6

22.6 11.2 2.6

4.2 10.8 7.9

18.4 3.8 3.0

Source: H G II G 13, G 20

depot under the provisions of the law of 1808 included those arrested for passport offences (3.8 per cent) and adults and children for whom no clear motive is given (3.0, 10.8 per cent), it would still appear that about two-thirds of the individuals admitted in 1813 fell outside the provisions of the law. Most of the other categories of individuals admitted to the depot had been allowed entry long before the passing of the law of 1808, in the period when the depot had served as the local maison de repression for those sentenced to imprisonment or detention under the municipal or criminal codes. Since the late 1790s, for example, the numbers of epileptics and lunatics within the depot had risen on account of the inability of the Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi to house extra inmates in its increasingly overcrowded loges. By the time of the Restoration there were to be between a dozen and a score of such individuals. 52 Other illnesses too had long been treated in the depot. The depot's Ancien Regime specialities — scabies, scrofula, itch, and venereal disease — were those which the hotel-Dieu had always been loth to admit; in addition, the payment which sufferers from these diseases made helped boost the depot's finances.53 Abandoned children suffering from these diseases were especially likely to find their way into the depot, and some stayed a number of years before either being admitted to the Hopital 52 L 2972. Cf. 1 X 2; HG II G 49; A.N., F 15 751 and F 16 1007. 53 39 M 1; HG II E 1.

The early nineteenth century

249

General or else adjudged old enough to fend for themselves in the world outside. 54 Besides the individuals presenting themselves voluntarily for treatment, the depot had also long admitted the hordes of prostitutes whom the Montpellier police authorities periodically rounded up and sent for either treatment or detention. 55 Pregnant prostitutes might also be sent there to give birth to their child, and even before the opening of courses in practical midwifery in 1814, the institution had served as lying-in hospital for indigent women who needed a convenient spot for their deliveries. In the varied tasks which it had assumed, the depot de mendicite catered particularly directly for the city of Montpellier. Although designed for the confinement of the sturdy beggar and wandering vagrant of the Herault as a whole, the depot was in 1813 clearly functioning as a multi-purpose institution for the human flotsam and jetsam who abounded above all in the departmental chef-lieu. Although the Prefect had to give his authorisation for every admission, in 28.4 per cent of all cases this was given as a result of a request by Montpellier's maire, following what appear to have been raids on the city's strongholds of vice and petty crime. 56 In addition, over a quarter of entrants in 1813 were natives of the city — a proportion which was even more pronounced in the case of individuals admitted for treatment of illnesses. Significantly too, the entrants were drawn from the catchment area which the city's hospitals traditionally serviced.57 Where they were accredited with a trade, moreover, entrants to the depot came predominantly from those professions - agricultural day-labouring, domestic service, semi-skilled artisanal work, above all in the manufacturing of textiles — which were most affected by fluctuations in the economic climate and which provided the most numerous clients for hospital aid and home relief.58 Finally, far from all inmates were even at an age at which they might be accounted able-bodied: about half of entrants in 1813 were either infants or juveniles below the age of fifteen or else over fifty years old — and the figure was even higher in the case of entrants recorded as beggars or who had been arrested for passport offences or similar. 59 Given the varied composition of the inmate population of the depot de mendicite, the extrinsic reasons for which many individuals had been admitted and the relative paucity of entrants at a time of considerable social and economic dislocation, it is hardly surprising that the institution should be accounted a failure. Much the same was true on the national level. The 54 55 56 57

1 1 X 7 . Cf. L 2976; HG II E 2, E 3, G 113; A.N., BB 18 367 and F 16 812. 39 M 9; A.M. Montpellier I 5/5. The other entrants were interned on the orders of the Prefect. 27.4 per cent of all entrants were from Montpellier. The departments supplying the largest contingents of outsiders were: Herault (apart from Montpellier), 47.2 per cent; Gard, 10.4; Aveyron, 6.7; Lozere, 6.2; Aude, 3.0; Var, Vaucluse and Basses-Alpes, 2.0 each. 58 Table 20. 59 Table 21.

250

Conclusion

Table 20. Occupations ofindividuals admitted to Montpellier's 'depot de mendicite9 in 1813 1. 2. 3. 4.

Middle and upper classes Military Trade and commerce Skilled and semi-skilled workers -construction -leather —textiles -other

0.7 1-3 3.6 1 •9 1-0 ^..5 2.6 24.0

5. Unskilled workers —domestic service —labouring trades —transport mother

5.6 2.7 0.4 0.7

6. Agricultural workers 7. Other professions

9A

20.9 0.2

8. No profession, or no indication

39.8

Source and presentation: H G II G 13, G 20. All figures are percentages

Table 2 1 . Age of individuals admitted to Montpellier's 'depot de mendicite9 in 1813

Under 1 year old 1 to 4 5 to 9 10 to 14 15 20 25 30 35 40 45

to to to to to to to

19 24 29 34 39 44 49

50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85

to to to to to to to to

54 59 64 69 74 79 84 89

Source and presentation: As above

Male

Female

5.9 4.7

5.3 4.5

12.2 13.1 6.2

7.8 7.5

13.4

4.5 4.5 5.3

12.8 11.5

5.9

4.7

5.9 3.6 5.0 3.3

3.1 3.1 2.5 2.0 2.0 0.3 0.6 0.3

7.7 7.1

2.1 1.8 0.9 0.3

5.9 7.8 5.0

TOTAL 5.7

4.6 9.9

10.2

30.4

9.9

8.8 8.1 5.7 7.7 6.0

5.3

51.5

4.5 3.3

3.7 2.6 2.0 1.0 0.7 0.3

18.1

The early nineteenth century

251

number of dep6ts was gradually run down over the next decades. Fifty-nine in number in 1815, there remained only four by 1838. 60 In spite of being a scathing critic of the depots as scourges of begging and vagrancy, the new Prefect of the Herault in 1816 did not hold that the institutions were devoid of social utility. On the contrary, he maintained that the Montpellier depot had become essential. Its closure would throw onto the streets groups of needy individuals for whom neither the state nor the local network of poor-relief institutions made alternative provision. In practice, the depot acted partially to offset the government's abandonment of earlier plans to provide specialised institutions (a lying-in hospital, a hospital for the treatment of venereal disease),61 and the incapacity of local institutions resulting from the Revolution. Though diverted from its initial mission, the depot had thus come to serve as a sort of stopgap in the overall fabric of poor-relief. The remarks of the Prefect of the Herault on the Montpellier depot de mendicite make an apposite concluding statement on the evolution of the structures of poor-relief over the last half-century of the Ancien Regime and down to the end of the Empire. They highlighted, first, the failure of the renewed campaign against begging and vagrancy to come to terms with these perennial features of the traditional economy. Beggars and wandering paupers, spiced with elements of criminality and delinquent vagrancy, were endemic in what was still a pre-industrial society, characterised by low agricultural yields, a vulnerability to climatic fluctuation and in which human displacement was usually easier than the transportation of food.62 In addition, the unwillingness of governments — during the Empire as under the Ancien Regime — to adapt their social control measures to the realities of the Midi, where the migrant pauper was an accepted and tolerated figure in the social landscape, also doomed their campaigns to failure. The Prefect's remarks also bore witness to changes which had occurred in the manner in which poor relief was conducted. The return to many of the precepts and practices of the Ancien Regime had obscured the extent to which the government now accepted responsibility for a range of social ills to which, half a century before the Revolution, it had expected hospitals to minister. Many of the moorings which had formerly attached poor-relief institutions to the church had been severed during the Revolution, moreover, which also helped to bring them far more directly under the control of the central government than they had ever been. The way in which, for example, the Prefect transferred inmates from the depot to the Hopital General when he saw fit, without the hospital board turning a hair, would have been unthinkable under the Ancien Regime. 63 Hospital 60 F. Dubief, 1911, 257. 61 Cf. above, page 133. 62 Cf. M.R. Santucci, 1974, 256, for some interesting comments on this point. 63 HG II F 23.

252

Conclusion

administrators now meekly accepted the dictates of the state on issues which prior to 1789 had been major bones of contention and over which their predecessors had successfully resisted the reforming intentions of government. Permission was now sought, for example, to initiate new building projects, or to contract the rentes viageres which had so irked Ancien Regime bureaucrats. Despite a few storms in teacups, moreover, the subaltern medical role of nursing sisters was now generally accepted both by administrators and by nursing sisters themselves who were much chastened as a result of the experiences which their orders had had to endure during the Revolutionary decade. 64 The fact that municipal commissions rather than institutional boards now conducted the affairs of poor-relief bodies may have contributed to the dilution of the old jealously corporatist mentality. Probably most important, however, was the greater financial role which the government - through the octroi and other rights and privileges - had assumed in their financial well-being. The state could increasingly call the tune. The reinforcement of the state's real and potential powers in the field of assistance masked, however, a considerable reduction in the scale of its ambitions. Poor relief inevitably continued to take a back seat while the government was waging war. But the state was also deterred from assuming more than a tutelary and subsidiary role in poor relief by the fiasco of social policy in the mid 1790s. It had then become apparent that the 'welfare state' which had been the generous aspiration of both the Comite de Mendicite and the Revolutionary Government would necessarily involve financial commitment by the government on a massive scale. From Year V, governments turned their backs on this. In the type of bourgeois society which was emerging from the Revolution, the concept of social security was at once depasse and ahead of its time. 65 The opponents of the idea of social security - only too forgetful of the glaring deficiencies of traditional Catholic charity to which the bienfaisance of the Enlightenment had been the response — were to claim that in the Revolutionary decade, the 'welfare state' had been tried and found wanting. It is true, as we have seen, that the doctrinaire and insufficiently flexible nature of Revolutionary schemes of poor-relief did suggest the need for greater application and reflection in the formulation of government legislation. Yet — in the Herault at least, and in spite of the appallingly unpropitious circumstances in which it was implemented — the poor-relief experimentation of the period of the Terror was far from a total failure and indeed met many of the agreed objections to the traditional structures of the 64 Contrast the Ancien Regime disputes discussed above, page 69 and page 126. A.N., F 15 226. 65 Cf. H . Hatzfeld, Du Pauperisme a la securite sociale: essai sur les origines de la securite sociale en France,

1850-1940. Paris, 1971.

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253

provision of aid. It would thus be more accurate to say that, far from having been tried and found wanting, the idea of social security had never been properly tried. From the point of view of social welfare, the 1790s were Janus-faced: but, paradoxically, it was the first half of the decade which looked forward; while the legislative timidity and the insouciance of the Thermidorean and Directorial regimes trained the gaze back to the charitable priorities and practices of the long-distant past. This reversal was all the more tragic in that, as the greater state involvement in matters of social welfare demonstrated, the charitable mainspring of traditional forms of assistance was clearly and irremediably damaged. The falling away in charitable performance was clearly registered in Montpellier in the period under review. In the early eighteenth century, the city had been renowned for its traditions of open-handed generosity. By the time of the Restoration, however, the inhabitants of Montpellier were reputed misers, and all the artfulness of public officials was required to make them loosen their purse-strings to help the needy. The Restoration police commissioner in the city, writing in 1818, was highly critical of Tegoisme et la lesine naturelles a ce pays' and commented sourly on local charitable efforts during the social crisis of 1816 and 1817. Ces actes genereux [he maintained] ne trouvent pas tous leur origine dans un sentiment d'abnegation et de bienfaisance. L'amour-propre, adroitement mis en avant par M. (le Prefet), aides de quelques ames vraiment sensibles, est le mobile premier de tout ce qui a ete fait de plus favorable pour l'infortune. De l'aveu des indigents de bonne foi il n'est pas de ville ou Ton soit aussi egoiste et aussi inhospitalier que dans celle-ci . . . M. le Prefet et d'autres personnes estimables et dignes de tout mon respect ont su faire tourner au profit de la misere l'orgueil et la jalousie de celui qui quoique tres riche n'aurait donne ni prete s'il n'avait pas su que tel qu'il considere comme bien audessous de lui n'avait deja fait des avances ou des sacrifices. Bien vite il a verse une forte somme avec fracas pour tacher d'aneantir le souvenir du bien tente par celui qu'il ne voit qu'avec dedain. Combien est louable la Ruse philanthropique mise en avant par M. le Premier Magistrat de ce departement.66 As a result of the long-term decline in charitable giving and of the diminished ambition of government social policy, the recovery of poor-relief bodies in nineteenth-century France had to take place very largely within inherited institutional structures which, even in happier times, had been the butt of acerbic criticism. The hospital remained the foundation of relief endeavours. Yet it had lost none of its unpopularity among its putative clients. In the Mysteres de Paris, the popular novelist of 66 A.N., F 7 9663. For the 'politics of charity', cf. similar attempts to enlist support for the Societe de Charite Maternelle by promises of distinctions and favours for the generous giver. A.N.,F 15 3959.

254

Conclusion

the July Monarchy, Eugene Sue, has one of his working class heroines pathetically define her idea of a happy life: 'Ma liberte, vivre a la campagne et etre sure de ne pas mourir a l'hopital . . . Oh! cela surtout!. . . ne pas mourir la!'67 Entry to a hospital thus still both frightened and shamed: the phrase prendre le chemin de I'hopital, denoting behaviour likely to lead to death, ruin and disgrace, still retained all its force among the poor. The early nineteenth-century hospital had lost much of its appeal to would-be benefactors too. Only a small trickle of new foundations — none of them, incidentally, in the Herault — developed in France under the Restoration and the July Monarchy and this only swelled into more substantial proportions under the Second Empire. On the eve of the Third Republic, four-fifths of France's hospitals could still trace their origins back to beyond 1789. 68 Inevitably, the legacy of the past weighed heavily on the pattern of and response to relief activities. What this meant at grassroots level is clear in the Herault, which was far from representing, it should be noted, one of the worst-off areas for charitable provision. The Revolutionary trauma and its aftermath had depleted the number of the department's hospitals in about the same proportions as the nation's: the Herault contained 25 hospitals in 1847 as against 43 in 1789 - a fall of 41.1 per cent - while France as a whole had experienced a reduction from 2,188 to 1,270 institutions, a fall of 41.9 per cent. 69 Many other regions were far worse hit. Indeed, at mid century, the Herault could lay claim to having one of the highest number of hospitals of any French department. 70 The number and prosperity of its bureaux de bienfaisance too were well above the national average: one-third of the Herault's communes contained a home-relief organisation, as against the national figure of about a quarter. 71 In addition, the charitable donors of the department, though less bountiful than their ancestors, proved among the most generous in the whole of France in the post-Revolutionary period: its poor-relief bodies received in excess of two million francs in bequests in the first half of the nineteenth century, the lion's share of which went to local hospitals. 72 In spite of all this, however, the general picture of poor-relief facilities in the department of the Herault in the middle of the nineteenth century 67 E. Sue, Mysteres de Paris, re-edition, Paris, 1963, 49. 68 Situation administrative et financiere des hopitaux de I'Empire, Paris, 1869, p. xi. 69 A. de Watteville, Statistique des etablissements de bienfaisance. Rapport aM. le Ministre de I'lnterieur sur I'administration des hopitaux et hospices, Paris, 1851, 5. For the pre-Revolutionary period, C. Bloch and A. Tuetey (eds.), op.cit.; and, for the Herault, Appendix B. 70 A. de Watteville, Essai statistique sur les etablissements de bienfaisance, 2nd edn, Paris, 1847, 53ff. 71 A. de Watteville, Statistique des etablissements de bienfaisance. Rapport a Son Excellence le Ministre de I'lnterieur sur I'administration des bureaux de bienfaisance et sur la situation dupauperisme en France, Paris,

1854, 19ff. 72 A.N., F 15 3959.

The early nineteenth century

255

faithfully reproduced many of the shortcomings and deficiencies so excoriated in the pre-Revolutionary and early Revolutionary periods. 73 Hospitals and bureaux de bienfaisance were still highly unevenly spread within the department, with the most poverty-stricken regions remaining, grosso modo, those with the least charitable resources. The majority of institutions were still small establishments, often run on a shoestring and providing aid for very small numbers of people. On the national level, for example, one bureau de bienfaisance in ten had no regular income at all, and a further 20 per cent had income of less than a hundred francs.74 Large institutions were all confined to the major conurbations. Montpellier still dominated the region's charitable provision: its Misericorde was the wealthiest home-relief body within the Herault; and over half the hospital beds in the department were located here, with well over half the Herault's total number of hospital admissions being to the city's institutions. 75 The number of hospital beds in the Herault as a whole had expanded since the eighteenth century: from 1,477 beds on the eve of the Revolution, to 2,203 under the First Empire, to 2,761 in 1847. 76 Population, however, had also grown: whereas there had been one hospital bed for every 187.8 head of population in 1789 and one for every 136.1 under the First Empire, the comparable figure at mid century was only one per 141.0. 77 These were single beds, moreover, rather than the old multi-place beds which had been prevalent down to the Revolutionary era and even beyond. Furthermore, the proportion of beds given over to sick soldiers rather than local indigents had probably risen since the late eighteenth century: in 1847, a quarter of the department's hospital beds were reserved for the troops and a half of all entrants were soldiers. 78 These figures were twice and three times respectively the national norms: 79 evidently, the 'militarisation' of the region's hospitals during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic period had proved to be a long-term phenomenon. The availability of local hospital facilities was also affected by the tendency of most relief institutions to restrict their aid to local inhabitants and by the continued practice of excluding many categories of the sick and needy. Although most institutions had adapted somewhat since the days when Turgot had railed in the Encyclopedie against the narrow and anti-social nature of religious foundations, 80 it still remained the case that, for example, individuals with contagious diseases and syphilis, as well as pregnant women and unmarried 73 The works of the Baron de Watteville are an invaluable guide to the structure of poor relief in the mid nineteenth century. 74 A. de Watteville, op.at., 1854, 9. 75 A. de Watteville, op.cit., 1851, 230f., 272f. 76 Appendix B. 77 Population figures in G. Cholvy, 1973, 143: 299,882 for 1806, and 389,286 for 1851. 78 A. de Watteville, op.cit., 1851, 23Of., 272f. 79 Ibid., 258f., 300f. 80 See above, page 2f.

256

Conclusion

mothers might still, out of respect for institutional traditions and for the wishes of founders and benefactors, be refused admission to a very large number of hospitals. 81 Many of the general complaints made by the central government's hospital inspectors in the middle decades of the nineteenth century also doubtless found their echo in the Herault. The time-worn administrative routines were still much adhered to, with the result that standards of management were pitifully low, especially in small out-of-the-way institutions, whose book-keeping left a great deal to be desired.82 The number of nursing sisters, servants and employees, dictated more by custom than by cost-benefit analysis, was high — far too high according to the inspectors, who cited cases of hospitals where they almost outnumbered the inmates. 83 The ratio of doctors to inmates was, in contrast, pretty universally low, and medical costs still only a tiny proportion of total expenditure: both nationally and in the department of the Herault in particular, about 3.5 per cent of annual expenditure went on drugs and medicines. 84 For all the sterling progress made in a small number of large urban hospitals, the average mid-nineteenth-century hospital was far from a clinical institution. The nursing sister still bulked large in the internal running of the establishments. A disproportionately high percentage of hospital inmates were not sick but were aged and infirm individuals who would be, government inspectors opined, better and more economically cared for in their homes. 85 Death-rates had fallen since the Ancien Regime, but not by much, and in some localities they were inexplicably high, particularly in the case of enfants trouves 8Q All in all, medical and sanitary conditions of many establishments were not outstanding, and hospitals inspector the Baron de Watteville cited large numbers of country hospitals which, he maintained, 'manquent la plus part du temps des instruments et appareils necessaires, tels qu'une sonde, une lancette, une baignoire, et les pauvres malades n'y regoivent pas tous les soins que reclame leur situation'. 87 Given that the extent of state intervention, both within and outside existing poor-relief institutions, was still very circumscribed and usually on an ad hoc basis, France evidently possessed not so much a system of poor relief 81 A. de Watteville, 1851, op.cit., 23f., 65ff.; Situation administrative et financiere des hopitaux de I'Empire, 1869, p.xxi. 82 A. de Watteville, op.cit., 1851, passim; Rapport au Roi sur les hopitaux, les hospices et les services de bienfaisance, Paris, 1837, 27ff. 83 A. de Watteville, op.cit., 1851, 32. 84 Ibid., 32ff., 172f., 15f. 85 Ibid., 21. 86 A, de Watteville, Statistique des etablissements et services de bienfaisance. Rapport a M. le Ministre de I'lnterieur sur la situation administrative, morale etfinancieredu service des enfants trouves et abandonnes en France, Paris, 1841, passim. 87 A. de Watteville, op.cit., 1851, 15.

The early nineteenth century

257

as a tangled congeries of relief initiatives of varying scope and significance. Its failings in the face of the needs of the poor were patently obvious. The supremely well-informed de Watteville was clear in his mind of the facts: 'une reorganisation complete dans la distribution des secours est la premiere des conditions pour l'amelioration du sort des pauvres'. 88 To the student of the Enlightenment and Revolutionary cult of bienfaisance, such a comment has the inescapably strong flavour of the deja vu. For all the sincerity and the seriousness of efforts in the late eighteenth century to recast France's poor laws on humane and comprehensive lines and in spite of the continued erosion of the charitable impulse, the move towards more modern organisation of assistance had been cut brutally short and many of the perdurable features of the Ancien Regime charitable et hospitalier lived on well after 1789. 88 A. de Watteville, op.cit., 1854, 19.

Appendices

Appendix A Inmate population of Montpellier's hospitals, 1700-1815

•= data unknown 15

(i) Setier of meteil, Beziers market

10 5 0

500

(ii) Annual movement of inmate population

400 300

8 | 200 d 300 100

(i i i) Composition o f inmate popula tion

200 100 1700

J.M.-

mfim

1750 I Men I Women Insane Soldiers I Beggars from Dep6t de Mendicite Indeterminate

Graph A Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi 261

1800

zz

262

Appendix A 15

$

10

^

5

(i) Setter of meteil, Beziers market

0

• data unknown

(ii) Annual movement of inmate population

700 600

500 § 400 d

300

(iii) Composition of inmate population

600 500 400 300

1750

1700

1800

I Men Women I Small children I Indeterminate in CeVennes ••••• Children with wet-nurses

Graph B

Hopital General

Sources and presentation: Each day, the duty administrators of each hospital signed a register containing the estimated current population within the institutions. This is the basis of what follows. GRAPH A. Montpellier Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi. HD I F 15 - F 33; HD II F 14, F 15. Each annual figure is based on twenty-four readings, one at the beginning and one in the middle of each month. GRAPH B. Montpellier Hdpital General HG I F 8 - F 17, HG II F 17. The turnover of the inmate population of the hdpital was far less rapid than was the case with the hdtel-Dieu. Only two annual readings have therefore been thought necessary, one on 1 January and the other on 1 September, when numbers were at or near their annual peak.

Appendix B Hospitals and home-reliefinstitutions from the Ancien Regime to the Empire

Sources and presentation: LOCALITY

The information is presented by Ancien Regime dioceses. All localities within the future department of the Herault have been included. The letters in brackets designate the district within which each locality was situated after 1800. HOSPITALS AND H OME-RELIEF FUNDS AND INSTITUTIONS ATTHE END OF THE ANCIEN REGIME

The information provided is the result of patient reconstitution and comparison of data from a wide variety of sources. Most derives from the great regional enquiries into poor relief which were instituted over the last half-century of the Ancien Regime. No single enquiry provides a comprehensive list. Only comparison of the replies to enquiries allows lacunae to be filled. Even then there are gaps which have been filled by recourse to a wide variety of other sources too numerous to be listed here. The list below is likely to be accurate in regard to the number and types of institution present in the region. A good degree of scepticism is justified, however, in regard to the precise values of the other data: (a) Hospital capacity Some replies to enquiries give hospital capacity, others the number of existing inmates. There is occasional contradiction from one enquiry to the next. Nofiguresexist for some hospitals, notably those in the Biterrois. Taking my cue from a reference to the small size of country hospitals in this locality (C 561), I have attributed such hospitals six beds. This hypothetical figure appears within brackets. Comparison with the capacity of the same institutions early in the nineteenth century and with the size of similar countryside hospitals elsewhere in the department suggests that this figure is not far from reality, though perhaps a little inflated. (b) Form of home-relief institution Where information exists on the way in which these funds were administered, it confirms the suspicion that no hard and fast distinction existed between Charites and Misericordes on one hand and bureaux de 263

264

Appendix B

charite on the other. Although the former would nearly always include charitable ladies in some way, this was often the case with bureaux de charite too. Similarly, the administration of many village fonds was on occasion identical to the manner in which bureaux de charite were administered. (c) Value of income of home-relief institutions Figures here vary wildly from enquiry to enquiry and should be treated with the greatest caution. I have in general preferred the figure given in what seem the most accurate enquiries, except where the evidence seems obviously false. The figures are of inferior worth to those provided in the department's reply to the enquiry of the Comite de Mendicite in 1790. They do show, however, the frequent exiguity of charitable funds below the cantonal level. The regional enquiries utilised are as follows: 1. C.S. Bernard de Ballainvilliers, 'Memoires sur les hopitaux', manuscript, 1788, B.M., Montpellier. The most thorough and accurate of all enquiries. Especially valuable in giving figures for hospital capacity. Its main drawback is that it includes no information at all on the diocese of Beziers. Although it gives some information on bureaux de charite, it neglects most minor institutions and fonds. 2. Enquiry instituted by Turgot, 1774—5. Tables of information under the general heading Etat general de tous les Etablissements, Fondations, Revenusetc. de charite dans le diocese de . . .

C 561 (dioceses of Agde, Lodeve and Saint-Pons, as well as those of Nimes and Narbonne); C 562 (diocese of Beziers); C 5957 (diocese of Montpellier). The most comprehensive of the Ancien Regime enquiries. Especially valuable for minor institutions and village fonds. 3. Enquiry instituted by Terray, 1770. Tables of information under the general heading Etat general des Fondations, revenuspour les pauvres et des aumones publiques qui se distribuent aux portes des monasteres, cures et couvents de filles dans les differentes communautes de Languedoc.

C 563 (dioceses of Agde, Beziers, Lodeve, Montpellier and Saint-Pons). Of some value, but very patchy and incomplete. 4. Enquiry of 1754—5. Information tabled under the general heading Etat des hopitaux, hotels-Dieu, hospices ou autres faits en faveur des pauvres.

C 567 (diocese of Beziers only). 5. Enquiry of the Comite de Mendicite, 1790-1. In the course of its enquiries, the Comite sent to the departmental administration of the Herault a Tableau de tous les etablissements et toutes les especes de revenus qui existent dans votre department dont la fondation a pour objet de servir au secours de ceux qui sont dans le besoin. L 2 9 0 2 .

This list was drawn up on the basis of returns concerning charitable institutions which the Comite had already received, and where this was lacking on the returns

Appendix B

265

of the locality to a regional enquiry in 1764, all other evidence of which has vanished. The information this document contains is extremely patchy and has a number of outright errors. 6. List drawn up in 1792 of expropriated or to-be-expropriated rentes, under the general heading Etat des rentes dont les universites, colleges, hbpitaux, maisons de chariteet autres etablissements d instruction publique et de charite provisoirement conserves, jouissaient sur le domaine, les revenus publics, le clerge, les Pays dEtat, dioceses et sur les autres corps, communautes et corporations meme darts et metiers supprimmes, des droits doctroi et dimes supprimmees et dont le Remplacement doit itre acquit te par les Receveurs des districts. L 1400.

Especially valuable for tithe-alms, and for the existence of charitable funds within the diocese of Saint-Pons, whose replies to other enquiries are often far from complete. HOSPITAL CAPACITY UNDER THE EMPIRE

Most details from an enquiry made in 1812 in A.N., F 15 750. Supplemented by A.N., F 15 2561 (hospitals of Beziers); 2 X 73 (Lodeve); HG II F 17 (Montpellier). Where no evidence on hospital capacity has been found, but where other evidence shows the existence of a hospital in the first decade of the nineteenth century, an 'x' has been placed in the appropriate column. HOSPITAL CAPACITY IN 1824

These figures, which are drawn from H. Creuze de Lesser, Statistique du departement de I'Herault, Montpellier, 1824, 429, are of considerable comparative value, especially for those cases in which no evidence on capacity under the Empire is available. 'BB' in" this column designates a locality which the author includes imthe list of hospitals, but which he claims are acting solely as bureaux de bienfaisance. HOME-RELIEF FUNDS UNDER THE EMPIRE

Enquiry of 1808 and 1809. Extracted from an Etat du nombre des pauvres et des ressources affectees a leur service dans les differentes communes du departement de I'Herault.

A.N., F 16 1007. It seems more than likely that a considerable amount of under-recording vitiates the exact value of this document. It is the only such enquiry, however, prior to the ressuscitation of charity during the religious revival of the Restoration and the July Monarchy, and has some positive value.

Hospitals and home-relief institutions from the Ancien Regime to the Empire

Locality

Hospitals and hospital capacity End of Under Ancien Regime Empire

Home-relief funds and institutions In 1824

End of Ancien Regime

Under Empire

(i) Ancien Regime diocese of Agde

ON ON

Agde (B) Bessan (B) Bouzigues (M) Florensac (B) Loupian (M) Marseillan (B) Meze (M) Montagnac (B) Pezenas (B) Pinet (B) Pomerols (B) Saint-Pons-de-Mauchiens (B) Saint-Thibery (B) Sette (M) Valmagne (B) Vias (B)

42 8

50 10

11

X

(6)

—

12 17

15

45 9 —

18

10 200

11 — — 106

4

—

—

3 40

X

3

115

118

6

9 12-176

9-400

9 8-309

227

659

287

X

Charite-5 000 liv. B. des pauvres—58 liv. Charite-200 liv. Charite-600 liv. Charite-60 liv. Miscde-1624 liv. Fonds—'aumones' Charite-200 liv. B. charite-103 liv. Charite-100 liv. Miscde-2 269 liv. Fonds—'aumones' Charite-200 liv. 13 localities-10 414 liv.

(ii) Ancien Regime diocese of Beziers

Beziers (B) Abeillan (B) Adissan (B)

8 700 f.

8

Miscde-2 685 liv. 'Bureau'—30 liv. 'Bureau'-88 liv.

274 f. 170 f.

150 f. 4 localities-9 294 f.

Alignan (B) Aspiran (L) Autignac (B) Bedarieux (B) Boujan (B) Boussagues (B) Cabrieres (B) Causses (B) Caux(B) Cazouls-d'Herault (B) Cazouls-les-Beziers (B) Cers (B) Corneilhan (B) Dio/Valquieres (L) Fontes (B) ON Gignac (L) 1 Jaussels (B) Laurans (B) Lespignan (B) Lezignan (B) Magalas (B) Montblanc (B) Murviel (B) Pailhes (B) Paulhan (L) Peret (B) Pezennes (B) Portirargues (B) Le Pouget (L) Le Poujol (B) Pouzolles (B)

B. charite-50 liv. 129 f.

(6) Miscde—3 liv. 5

20 Fonds—6 liv. Fonds—72 liv. Fonds—25 liv. Fonds—50 liv.

(6)

30

(6) (6)

(6)

BB Fonds-4 liv. Miscde—? liv. Fonds-39 liv. Miscde—65 liv. Fonds—24 liv. Fonds-^45 liv. Miscde—? liv. Fonds-200 liv. Fonds-104 liv. Miscde-160 liv. Fonds—72 liv. Miscde-40 liv. Miscde—25 liv. B. charite-80 liv. Fonds—36 liv. Charite—135 liv. 'Hopital'—? liv. Fonds—c. 30 liv. 'Hopital'-? liv. Miscde—65 liv. B. charite-10 liv. Fonds—36 liv.

14 f. 1 200 f.

24 f. 150 f. 140 f.

400 f.

175 f.

Hospitals and home-relief institutions from the Ancien Regime to the Empire {cont.)

Locality

ON

00

Hospitals and hospital capacity End of Ancien Under Regime Empire

Puimisson (B) Puissalicon (B) Roquebrun (St P) Roujan (B) Saint-Bauzille (B) Saint-Genies (B) Saint-Pargoire (L) Serignan (B) Servian (B) Thezari (B) Tressan (L) Vendres (B) Villeneuve (B)

(6) (6) (6)

Home-relief funds and institutions In 1824

End of Ancien Regime Charite—'tres petit' Fonds—82 liv. Miscde-140 liv. Charite-4 liv. Charite—? liv. 'Hopital'—? liv. B. charite-70 liv.

X — —

(6) 14-324

8-681

45

86

X

3 — — 4 7-315

Under Empire

490 f.

Charite-600 liv. Fonds—25 liv. 'H6pital'-8 liv. Miscde-200 liv. 42 localities-5 286 liv.

9 localities-2 722 f.

(iii) Ancien Regime diocese of Lodeve

Lodeve (L) Belarga (L) Canet (L) Le Caylar (L) Ceyras (L) Clermont (L) Joncels (L)

21

57

91

35

Miscde—3 566 liv. Miscde-50 liv. 'H6pital'-224 liv. 'H6pital'-245 liv. Miscde-2 000 liv. B. des pauvres—185 liv.

4 286 f. 10 f.

2 360 f.

Montpeyroux (L) Nebian (L) Saint-Andre-de-Sangonis (L) Saint-Felix (L) Saint-Guilhem-le-Desert (M) Saint-Jean-de-Blaquiere (L) Saint-Jean-de-Fos (L) Saint-Jean-de-Pleaux (L) Soubes (L) Villecun (L)

6

x

8

Miscde-165 liv. Fonds-42 liv. B. des pauvres—236 liv. Fonds—7 liv. Fonds-103 liv. B. charite-200 liv. 'Hopital-131 liv. Fonds—39 liv. Fonds—13 liv. B. des pauvres—50 liv.

3-72

3-143

3-134

16 localities-7 256 liv.

799

878

1156

Miscde-25 674 liv. B. charite-24 liv. B. charite-220 liv. Miscde—25 liv. B. charite-60 liv. Fonds—2 liv. Fonds—'un peu' Fonds—10 liv. B. charite-37 liv. B. charite— ? liv. Fonds—15 liv. B. charite-80 liv. B. charite-40 liv. Fonds—32 liv. B. charite-58 liv. B. charite-15 liv. Fonds-44 liv.

(iv) Ancien Regime diocese of Montpellier

Montpellier Agones (M) Aniane (M) Argelliers (M) Baillargues (M) Balaruc (M) Beaulieu (M) Boisseron (M) La Boissiere (M) Brissac (M) Campagne (M) Candillargues (M) Castelnau (M) Castries (M) Causse de la Selle (M) Cazillac (M) Clapiers (M) Claret (M)

150 f.

25 f.

5 localities-6831 f. 16000 f. 10 f.

58 f. 32 f. 15 f. 20 f. 50 f.

Hospitals and home-relief institutions from the Ancien Regime to the Empire (cont.)

Locality Combailloux (M) Cournonsec (M) Cournonterral (M) Fabregues (M) Frontignan (M) Galargues (M) Ganges (M) Gigean (M) Grabels (M) Lansargues (M) Laverune (M) Lunel (M) Lunel-Viel (M) Les Matelles (M) Mauguio (M) Mirevals (M) Montarnaud (M) Montaud/Montlaur (M) Montbazin (M) Mudaison (M) Murviel (M) N . D . de Londres (M) Pegairolles (M)

Hospitals and hospital capacity End of Ancien Under Regime Empire

12

x

2

—

Home-relief funds and institutions In 1824

End of Ancien Regime Fonds-50 liv. Fonds-100 liv. Fonds—50 liv. Fonds-98 liv. B. charite-90 liv. Miscde—2 liv.

Under Empire

350 f.

B. charite-178 liv. Fonds—20 liv. B. charite-316 liv. Fonds—30 liv. 7

50

700 f.

BB B. charite-78 liv. Fonds—12 liv. B. charite-96 liv. Fonds—36 liv. B. charite--40 liv. Fonds—9 liv. B. charite-161 liv. Fonds—20 liv. Fonds—2 liv. B. des pauvres—25 liv. Fonds—10 liv.

30 f.

Perols (M) Pignan (M) Poussan (M) Prades (M) Restinclieres (M) La Roque (M) Rouet (M) Saint-Bauzille-de-Montmel (M) Saint-Bauzille-de-Putois (M) Saint-Bres (M) Saint-Clement (M) Sait-Drezery (M) Saint-Gely (M) Saint-Genies (M) Saint-Georges-d'Orques (M) Saint Hilaire (M) Saint-Jean-de-Bueges (M) Saint-Just (M) Saint-Martin-de-Londres (M) Saint-Nazaire (M) Sainte-Croix (M) Saturargues (M) Saussan (M) Saussines (M) Soubeuras (M) Sussargues (M) Teyran (M) Valergues (M) Vendargues Verargues (M) Vic (M)

B. charite-30 liv. Charite-178 liv. Fonds—12 liv. Fonds-90 liv. 'H6pital'-68 liv. B. charite-20 liv. B. charite-32 liv. B. charite-144 liv. B. charite-33 liv. Fonds-50 liv. B. charite-182 liv. B. charite-40 liv. Fonds—5 liv. Fonds—28 liv. Fonds-100 liv. B. charite-10 liv. B. charite-340 liv. B. charite-48 liv. Fonds—20 liv. Fonds^4l liv. B. charite-78 liv. Fonds—18 liv. B. charite-58 liv. B. charite-45 liv. B. chadte—32 liv. Fonds—2 liv. Fonds-100 liv. B. charite-65 liv. Fonds—5 liv. Fonds—50 liv.

96 f.

Hospitals and home-relief institutions from the Ancien Regime to the Empire {cont.)

Locality

Hospitals and hospital capacity End of Ancien Under Regime Empire

Home-relief funds and institutions In

1824

Villeneuve-les-Maguelone (M) Villetelle (M) Viols-le-Fort (M) 7-826

5-928

4-1 168

28

15

28

End of Ancien Regime Fonds—66 liv. Fonds—16 liv. Miscde—36 liv. 71 localities-29861 liv.

Under Empire

6f. 12 localities-17 367 f.

(v) Ancien Regime diocese of Saint-Pons

Saint-Pons (St-P) Aigne (St-P) Aigues-Vives (St-P) Azillanet (St-P) Beaufort (St-P) Cassagnolles (St-P) La Caunette (St-P) Cebazan (St-P) Cessenon (St-P) Cesseras (St-P) Fraisse (St-P) La Liviniere (St-P) Minerve (St-P) Mons (St-P) N.D. de la Serre (St-P) Olargues (St-P) Olonzac (St-P)

Miscde-2 400 liv. B. des pauvres—360 liv. Fonds—36 liv. Fonds-664 liv. Fonds-90 liv. Fonds-100 liv. Fonds-44 liv. Fonds-324 liv. Fonds-500 liv. Fonds-286 liv. Fonds—30 liv.

3

—

—

Fonds—60 liv. B. .des pauvres—283 liv.

150 f.

134 f. 60 f. 140 f. 55 t. 70f. 136 f.

Premian (St-P) Saint-Chinian (St-P) Saint-Martin (St-P) La Salvetat (St-P) Siran (St-P) Le Soulie (St-P) Velieux/Boisset (St-P) Vieussan (St-P)

20

28

12

4-63

23 12

3-51

3-63

Fonds-20 liv. Miscde-3 200 liv. Fonds—15 liv. Miscde-859 liv. Fonds—30 liv. Fonds-225 liv. 19 localities-9 526 liv.

31 f. 60 f. 626 f. 60 f. 49 f.

12 localities-1571 f.

(vi) Other 'Herault' dioceses

Capestang (Narbonne-B) Nissan (Narbonne—B) Puisserguier (Narbonne—B) Quarante (Narbonne—B) Marsillargues (Nimes—M) Sauteyrargues (Nimes—M) Vacquieres (Nimes—M) Recapitulation

Agde Beziers Lodeve Montpellier Saint-Pons Other

(6)

—

1

BB

3-16

-?

12- 176 14- 324 3 - 72 7 - 826

9- 400

1-7

B. charite-723 (includes hospital income) B. charite-200 liv. B. charite-68 liv. B. charite-815 liv. B. charite-? liv. B. charite-150 liv. 6 localities—1956 liv.

Nil

by diocese

4 - 63 3 - 16 43- 1477

8 - 681 3 - 143 5- 928 3 - 51 ? 1-

8- 309 7 - 315 3 - 134 4-1168 3 - 63 17

29-2 203

26-1996

13 Iocalities-10 4l4 1iv. 42 localities- 5 286 liv. 16 localities— 7 256 liv. 71 localities-29 861 liv. 19 localities- 9 526 liv. 6 localities— 1956 liv. 167 localities-64 299 liv.

4 localities- 9 294 f. 9 localities- 2 722 f. 5 localities- 6831 f. 12 localities-17 367 f. 12 localities- 1571 f. Nil 42 localities-37 785 f.

Bibliography

A. I.

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES

ARCHIVES DEPARTEMENTALES DE L'HERAULT

1.

Series C. Intendance and Estates of Languedoc

(a) Fonds de I'lntendance

C 28, C 29, C 38, C 46, C 47 Memoirs, enquiries into Languedoc dioceses, eighteenth century C 111-C 117, C 141-C 144 Leitresde cachet (prostitutes, depot de me ndicite etc.) C 145 Hospital of Saint-Chinian, 1780 C 492 - C 495, C 500, C 504, C 510, C 5 12 Religious and charitable institutions, late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries C 524, C 525, C 529 - 531 Medical personnel etc., 1724-^9 C 550 — C 567 Hospitals, charitable institutions etc. C 568 — C 573 Begging, public assistance C 574 - C 588 Hospitals, depots de mendicite C 697 — C 700 Languedoc marechaussee C 1114, C 1117 Diocesan enquiries, mid eighteenth century C 1564 Depots de mendicite C 1902, C 2183 - C 2186, C 2227 Social and economic affairs C 2776, C 2796, C 2816 Medical personnel C 2833, C 2840, C 2846, C 2850 Agriculture C 2866 Marechaussee, 1788

C 2949, C 2951, C 2957, C 2958, C 2966, C 2978, C 2979, C 2987 Diocesan enquiries into hospitals, late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries C 4674, C 4675, C 4677, C 4678, C 4679, C 4680 Languedoc economy C 4688, C 4689 Begging, lettres de cachet C 4719 Religious orders C 4756, C 4789, C 4834 Relations between communes and hospitals C 4923 — C 4926 Enquiry on prices and wages, early eighteenth century C 5626 Medical personnel, 1737 C 5954 Boites de remedes, 1760-90

C 5955 Enquiry into poverty and begging, diocese of Montpellier, 1790 C 5956 Hospitals, 1750-75 C 5957 Enquiries into poverty, 1774 274

B ibliography

275

C 6549, C 6554, C 6679 General enquiries and observations, dioceses of Beziers, Lodeve and Saint-Pons (b) Fonds des Etats de Languedoc

C 7559 (1760), C 7564 (1770), C 7570 (1771), C 7574 (1772), C 7578 (1773), C 7586 (1775), C 7591 (1776), C 7644 (1787) Deliberations of the Estates (for the years given) concerning begging and vagrancy C 7916, C 8138, C 8256 Depots de mendicite, prisons, 1771-89 B 8481, C 8482 Marechaussee 2.

Series I E. Private archives

I E 41, I E 42 Lunaret papers: sermons of abbe Lunaret I E 159 Germain papers: Livre de raison, 1696—1751 I E 168 Germain papers: gifts to charities, etc. (Unclassified): Livre de raison of F. Boissier de Sauvages, mid eighteenth century 3.

Series II E. Notarial archives

I consulted all registers and bundles of documents of Montpellier notaries which offered the possibility of providing wills made by residents of the city in the years 1740, 1741, 1785, 1786, 1808, 1809. (For other wills used, see note under 11. Unclassified series. Presidial and Senechaussee of Montpellier.) Cotes utilised were as follows: For the period 1740-1: IIE 55 242, 252, 253, 291; IIE 56 522, 542, 543, 559; II E 57 429, 430, 435, 619, 620;HE 58 112 113;HE 5967;II E60 124, 125; II E 61 92; II E 62 198, 207 For the period 1785-6: II E 55 306, 307; II E 56 579, 580; II E 57 665, 666; II E 58 139; IIE 59 85, 86; IIE 60 140; IIE 61 107, 108; II E 62 267, 268, 273, 275 For the period 1808-9: II E 55 345, 346, 354; II E 56 684; II E 57 696 697; II E 58 203; II E 59 104, 105, 106; II E 60 142; II E 61 117; II E 62 298, 299 4.

Series E Sup. Communal archives

Consulted unsystematically, but where there seemed a likelihood of finding information relating to poor relief. E Sup. Ganges GG 29 (Register of deliberations of bureau de charite, 1760—an IV), 37, 46 E Sup. Gignac GG 23 Dames religieuses, 1790 E Sup. Marsillargues BB 10—BB 15 (communal deliberations, eighteenth century), BB 20, FF 87, GG 29 E Sup. Montaud GG 4 Public assistance E Sup. Montpeyroux II 1 Confrerie de la Misericorde E Sup. Moules-et-Baucels GG 2, GG 3 (deliberations of bureau de charite, eighteenth century)

276

Bibliography 5.

Series 8 F. 'Depot de I'Eveche de Montpellier'

8 F 24 Bedarieux hospital and the abbey of Villemagne, 1755—68 8 F 112 Agde Charite: register of deliberations, 1724-89 6.

Series G. Secular clergy

G 511 Hopital Mage of Beziers, 1759 G 1143 - G 1144, G 1295 - G 1301 Ordinances of the bishop of Montpellier, eighteenth century G 1351, G 1352, G 1353 Charitable institutions, diocese of Montpellier, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries G 1408, G 1417 Poor of the diocese of Montpellier G 1443 Montpellier Refuge, 1707 G 1516, G 1577, G 1636, G 2117, G 2133, G 2184, G 2185 Poor, charity and charitable institutions, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries 7.

Series HS. Hospital archives 7A Montpellier hospitals

(i) Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi. I. Archives anterieures a 1790 (= HD I)

HD I A 1 Letters patent, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries HD I B 149 - B 152 Rentes viageres, fonds perdus etc.

HD I C 1 Chaplains HD I C 2 Questions of precedence, 1737-73 HD I C 3 Cemetery, 1739 HD I E 1 - E 13 Registers of deliberations, 1693-1789 HD I E 14 Index of deliberations, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries HD I E 17 - E 20 Hospital regulations, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries HD I E 21 Relations with the Hopital General HD I E 22 Legislation relating to hospitals HD I E 24 - E 27 Correspondence, 1755-an II HD I E 29 Beggars admitted, 1768-86 HD I E 30 - E 32 Income from charity, collections etc. 1733-1827 HD I E 33 Accounts, replies to enquiries etc. HD I E 78 - E 129 Annual accounts, 1739-90 HD I E 140, E 141 Buildings and repairs, 1733-83 HD E 143 Inventories HD E 144 Fonds perdus, 1743-1807 HD F 2 — F 11 Registers of admissions HD F 12 Relations with the Hopital General, 1760-81 HD F 15 - F 33 Daily record of inmate population, 1698-1789 HD F 34 Filles de la Charite HD F 35, F 36 Insane, 1713-1821 HD F 38 Medical service (ii) Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi. 11. Archives posterieures a 1790 ( = H D II)

HD II B 2, B 7 Property owned by the hospital, an Il-an VII HD II B 10, B 11 Legacies and foundations, an X-1812

Bibliography

277

HD II B 12 - B 15, B 17 Wills and legacies, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries HD II B 25 - B 27 Rentes and other income, 1790-1833 HD II B 71, B 73 Droit sur les spectacles, an Il-an VII

HD II B 74 Collections, an VIII-1817 HD II C 1, C 3, C 4, C 6 - C 8 Religious service, 1793-1847 HD II E 1 - E 3 Registers of deliberations, 1789-1823 HD II E 13 - E 15 Administration, 1791-1840 HD II E 17 Military hospital regulations, an Il-an IV HD II E 18, E 26 Internal administration, an III-1827 HD II E 28 Financial situation, 1790-1792 HD II E 29 Accounts, an IV-an XIII HD II E 49 Finances, 1808 HD II E 53, E 54, E 61 Inmates, provisions, 1791-1818 HD II E 65 Inventories, an Il-an IX HD II E 70, E 72 Internal regime, an XIII-1811 HD II E 74 Rumford soups, an VIII-1812 HD II E 86-E 92 Buildings and repairs, an VIII-1809 HD II E 99 Internal regime, 1792-1848 HD II E 103 Administration, 1806 HD HE 104-E 127 Annual accounts, 1791-1815 (including the accounts of the H6pital General) HD II E 139 - E 141 Quarterly accounts (incomplete) of the h6tel-Dieu, the Hdpital General and the Misericorde, an VI-1809 HD II F 1, F 2, F 7, F 10, F 12 Admissions, an IV-1848 HD II F 14, F 15, F 17, F 18 Inmates, 1789-1839 HD II F 19 Soldiers, an VIII-1820 HD II F 22, F 23 Statistics, 1793-1860 HD II F 24, F 25 Filles de la Charite, 1792-1809 HD II F 26, F 28 Internal service, 1808-16 HD II F 40 - F 44, F 49 Medical service HD II F 50, F 51 Dissection of corpses, 1806-20 HD IIG 1, G 2 Comite de surveillance d'administration des hbpitaux militaires, an Il-an IV HD II G 8, G 9 Insane, 1792-1824 HD II G 10 Midwifery courses, 1807 HD II G 11 Care of children, an IX HD II G 13 Smallpox vaccination, an IX (iii) Hdpital General. I. Archives anterieures a 1790 (=HG I) HG A 1 Foundation, seventeenth century HG B 14 Seigneurial rights, 1759-91 HG B 22, B 26 Legacies and donations, 1712-1856 HG B 585 Thefts within the hospital, 1737-87 HG B 592 Foundlings, midwives, 1744—7 HG C 1 — C 3 , C 5 — C 7 , C 9 Burials, religious service, eighteenth century HG C 10 Deaths of inmates, 1780-1802 HG I E 17 - E 31 Registers of deliberations, 1735-90

278 HG HG HG HG HG HG HG HG

Bibliography I E 32 Index of deliberations, 1777-an III I E 35 Appointment of administrators I E 36 Hospital legislation I E 38, E 39 Hospital regulations I E 40 — E 152 Annual accounts, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries I E 155 Abstracts of annual accounts, 1725-60 I E 156 Treasurers, 1729-89 I E 289 Wages and salaries, 1760-an III

HG I E 314 Bureau typographique, 1755-88

HG HG HG HG HG HG HG HG HG HG HG HG

I I I I I I I I I I I I

E 342 Manufacture of cotton fabrics, 1745-82 E 349 — E 356 Attendance of inmates at funerals, 1691—an III E 359 Burials in cemetery, 1777-an II E 361 - E 367 Income from charity, 1700-an V E 387 — E 389 Correspondence, replies to enquiries etc., 1731—an III E 405 Provisions, 1764-79 E 439 - E 444 Buildings and repairs, 1739-87 F 19 Community of nursing sisters, 1767 F 20 Pharmacy F 22 Incurables, 1710-86 G 1 — G 3 Baths and hospital at Balaruc G 4 — G 11 Distribution of bread to pauvres honteux, 1702-61

HG I G 12 Pauvres honteux, 1737-57

HG HG HG HG

I G 13 — G 17 Beggars, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries I G 20, G 21, G 24 Inmate children I G 28, G 29, G 33, G 34, G 36 Wet-nurses I G 41, G 42, G 44, G 46, G 47,G 53, G 55, G 56, G 58, G 60, G 61, Marriages and apprenticeships HG I G 74 Inoculation against smallpox, 1786 HG I H 1 — H 5 Personal papers belonging to paupers deceased within the hospital, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries

(iv) Hopital General. II. Archives posterieures a 1790 ( =HG II)

HG HG HG HG HG

II B 10 Income, 1790-an V II B 14 - B 21 Legacies, 1712-1848 II C 1, C 3, C 5, C 25 Religious service, 1791-1858 II C 44 - C 46 Registers of deaths, an V-1824 HE 1 — E 3 Registers of deliberations of the commission administrative des hospices civils, an V-1820 HG II E 12 - E 13 Registers of deliberations, Hopital General, 1790-an V HG II E 23 Administrators, 1791-1859 HG II E 24 Dames charitables, an V

HG II E 33, E 37, E 39, E 56 General situation of the hospital, correspondence etc., 1790-1853 HG II E 57 Fines and confiscations, an VIII-1814 HG II E 58, E 61, E 64 - E 66 Burials, attendance at funerals, an XI-1831 HG II E 68, E 70, E 75 Work of inmates, an V-1820 HG II E 109 - E 110 Repairs and constructions, an IV-1861

Bibliography

279

HG HG HG HG HG HG HG HG HG HG

HE 118 Inventory, an V II F 1, F 2, F 15 Admissions, 1790-1861 II F 17 Daily record of inmate population, 1791—1816 II F 53 Inmate statistics, an X—1860 II F 54 Community of nursing sisters, 1803—59 II F 55 Internal service, 1809-60 II F 56 Medical service, an V-1850 II F 60 Correspondence, an IV-1860 II Gl - G 4 Baths and hospital of Balaruc, an IV-1860 II G 9, G 10 Bon Pasteur of Montpellier, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. HG II G 12 - G 14, G 20, G 22, G 24 Registers of admissions to the depot de mendicite, an XII-1815 HG II G 49 Insane, 1812-36 HG II G 64 Correspondence relating to the depot de mendicite, 1810-51 HG II G 77 - G 79 Maternite, 1807-39 HG II G 110, G 113, G 119, G 122 Children in care HG II G 131 Register of legitimate children with wet-nurses, 1793—1819 HG II G 141 — G 143 Registers of illegitimate children with wet-nurses, an XI-1815 HG II G 166, G 168 Wet-nurses, an IV-1826 HG II G 171 - G 174 Children in care inside the hopital HG II G 175 Pupilles de la garde imperial

1811-14

HG IIG 177, G 190, G 191 Children's work, Boyer-Fonfrede experiment etc., an VI-1821 HG II G 204 Vaccinations against smallpox, an IX—1837 (v) Fonds de la Misericorde (Fonds Mis.)

Unclassified papers of the Oeuvre de la Misericorde of Montpellier, seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. Contains a number of important bundles of documents, including annual accounts for most of the latter part of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. No extant registers of deliberations. (vi) Fonds du Bon Pasteur

Unclassified. Throws interesting light on its mother institution, the Misericorde. (vii) Fonds de la Propagation de la Foi

Unclassified. A very little of direct relevance. IB.

Hospitals outside Montpellier

(i) Hospices de Beziers ( = HS Hop Bez)

When consulted, this series was unclassified. An inventory has since been formed. Wherever possible, the documents used have been assigned their present reference.

280

Bibliography

HS Hop Bez I F 5, F 6 Hopital Mage: medical service, 1725-63 HS Hop Bez II B 9 Hopital Saint-Joseph: rentes, 1755-8 HS Hop Bez II E 6 - E 13 Id: registers of deliberations, 1729-93 HS Hop Bez IIE 14 Id: deliberations of the 'commission des mardi', which handled all important business, 18th century HS Hop Bez II E 15 Id: deliberations relating to manufacturing within the hospital, 1724-67 HS Hop Bez II F Id: Soeurs de la charite

This fonds also includes documents relating to the Beziers Bon Pasteur and to the Revolutionary and post-Revolutionary periods. (u) Hopital-hospice de Clermont ( = HS Hop Cler)

The remarks made above concerning the archives of the Beziers hospitals apply here too. JUS Hop Cler I A 1 Merger of leper-house revenue with hospital, 1697 HS Hop Cler I A 2 Merger of Propagation de la Foi with hospital, 1749-59 HS Hop Cler I A 3 Establishment of Soeurs de la charite de Nevers, 1749 HS Hop Cler I B 9, B 11, B 13 - B 28 Property, income etc. HS Hop Cler I E 1, E 2 Deliberations, 1661-1793 HS Hop Cler I E 3, E 4 Accounts, 1754-92 HS Hop Cler I E 6 Correspondence, 1751-75 (formerly = B 26) HS Hop Cler I F 1 Nursing sisters, 1753-4 HS Hop Cler II A 3, B 1 Propagation de la Foi: administration, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries HS Hop Cler III A 1, B 1, E 1 Orphelinat Rouziere, 1774-1803 HS Hop Cler IV A 1 Misericorde: privileges, 1734 HS Hop Cler M 6 Hospital accounts, 1810-17 (iii) Hopital de Frontignan ( = HS Hop Front) Unclassified. A few stray documents only. (iv) Hopital de Lodeve ( = HS Hop Lod)

HS Hop Lod 2,4, 5, 22-24 Income and expenditure, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries HS H6p Lod 29 Accounts, 1598-1842 (incomplete) HS Hop Lod 32 Inventories, 1747-an VIII HS Hop Lod 33, 34 Admissions, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries HS Hop Lod 36 Abandoned children, 1792-1811 (v) Hopital de Marseillan ( = HS Hop Marseil)

HS Hop HS Hop HS Hop HS Hop HS Hop HS Hop HS Hop HS Hop

Marseil Marseil Marseil Marseil Marseil Marseil Marseil Marseil

1 History of the hospital, early nineteenth century 2-5, 8, 13, 17, 18, 25 Income and expenditure 27 Accounts of the bureau de charite, eighteenth century 28, 32 Hospital accounts, 1755-an IV 37, 38 Registers of deliberations, 1772-1810 41 Administration, an IX—an XIV 42 Building and repairs 43 Inventories

Bibliography

281

HS Hop Marseil 45 Admissions, 1772-1827 HS Hop Marseil 47 Medical service HS Hop Marseil 48, 49 Home relief, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (including information on the hospitals of Vias and Bessan) HS Hop Marseil 51 Rentes, nineteenth century HS Hop Marseil 53 Correspondence, nineteenth century (vi) Hopital de Nissan ( = HS Hop Nissan)

Unclassified. Deliberations, accounts and other useful materials from the hdpital and confrerie de charite of Nissan, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 8.

Series L. Revolutionary period

(i) Department of the Herault

L 65 Montpellier hospitals, 1790 L 461 - L 488 Quarterly reports and other information on the department, 1791-an VIII. (Classified by districts; includes material on charitable institutions.) L 876, L 877 Lettres de cachet, 1790-1

L 1044, L 1052 Begging, vagrancy, an IV—an V L 1084, L 1087 - L 1090 Medical personnel, 1792-an VIII L 1101 Population census returns, 1793 L 1130 Formation of the department, 1789-90 L 1141 - L 1144 Assistance in grain, 1792-3 L 1214 — L 1218 Application of the Maximum, an II L 1227, L 1228, L 1231, L 1232, L 1259, L 1260 Economy L 1400 Hospitals and charitable institutions: rentes, 1791—2 L 1942 - L 1944, L 1949, L 1954, L 1971 Gendarmerie, 1791-an VIII L 2092 - L 2094 Medical personnel in the army, 1791-an VII L 2095 - L 2102 Military hospitals, 1792-an V L 2260 - L 2264 Ateliers de charite, 1790-2

L 2498 Montpellier H6tel-Dieu Saint-Eloi, 1793 L 2499 Montpellier's ecole de sante, an IV L 2877 Assistance, 1792-an III L 2878 - L 2880 Xivre de Bienfaisance', an Il-an VIII L 2881 Indigence, an Ill-an VII L 2882, L 2883 Orphans, unmarried mothers, an Ill-an VIII L 2884 Assistance, 1790-an VIII L 2886-L 2894, L 2897, L 2899-L 2912, L 2927 - L 2929, L 2931 - L 2933 Hospitals, 1791-an X L 2935 - L 2937, L 2939 - L 2941 Prisons, depot de mendicite, 1790-an V L 2972 Replies to enquiry of the Comite de Mendicite\ 1790-1. Prisons, an IV L 2973 - L 2977 De>6t de mendicite, 1792-an VII L 3284, L 3285, L 3305 Economy L 3434 Rentes possessed by hospitals, 1790-2 L 3770 - 3774, L 3777 Military hospitals, 1792-an III L 3797 Ateliers de charite

282

Bibliography

(ii) District of Montpellier

L 3943 Foundlings, 1791-3 L 3944 Comite des secours publics, 1793-an III

L 3945 The blind, 1793-an II L 3946 Application of the law of 13 Ventose an II L 3946 — L 3951 'Grand Livre de Bienfaisance Nationale', an II—an III L 3952 Deaf mutes, an III L 3953 The blind, an IV L 3954 — L 3957 'Grand Livre de Bienfaisance Nationale', an III L 3958, L 3959 Indigents, refugees, an Ill-an IV L 3961 - L 3966 Hospitals, 1791-an II L 3968 - L 3969 Montpellier Hotel-Dieu: the insane, 1791-3 L 3970 - L 3978 Prisons, depot de mendicite etc., 1785-an V (iii) District of Beziers

L 4209, L 4265 Economy L 4497 - L 4499 Military hospitals, 1792-an III L 4526, L 4527 Ateliers de charite, 1790-2 L 4603 — L 4617 'Grand Livre de Bienfaisance Nationale', an III L 4619 Medical service, an III L 4620 — L 4624 'Grand Livre de Bienfaisance Nationale', an III L 4625 - L 4640 Hospitals, 1781-an VII L 4641, L 4643 Prisons, 1791-an IV (iv) District of Lodeve

L 4930, L 4931 Military hospitals, 1791-an III L 4961, L 4962 Assistance, deaf mutes, begging etc., 1791—an III L 4963 - L 4970 'Grand Livre de Bienfaisance Nationale', an III L 4972 Prisons, an Il-an III (v) District of Saint-Pons

L 5066, L 5311 Comite de Mendicite, 1790-1 L 5312 Orphans, 1793 L 5313, L 5314 Secours des dix millions, an II

L L L L L

5315 Foundlings, indigents, an III 5316 Deaf mutes, the blind, an III—an IV 5317 — L 5327 'Grand Livre de Bienfaisance Nationale', an III 5328 Saint-Pons Misericorde, 1759-94 5329, L 5330 Assistance etc., an III

(vi) Other

L L L L

5576 Montpellier societe populaire, an II 5590 Military hospitals, an II 5596 Montpellier hospitals, depot de mendicite, 1793-an II 5597, L 5613, L 5771 Indigence etc., 1793-an II

Bibliography 9.

283

Series M. General administration (Post 1800)

39 M 9, M 10 Police reports on the department, an X-1810 39 M 11, 48 M 19 Prisons, depot de mendicite, an XI-1812 58 M 1 Confreries, an XIII 58 M 14 Religious and other associations, 1811 71 M 29 Burials, cemeteries, an XII-1812 85 M 1, M 2, M 8 Smallpox vaccinations, an IX-1816 89 M 1 Epidemics, an IX-1822 90 M 1, M 2 Quarantine etc., an IX-an XIII 90 M 3 Bottes de remedes, an XIII-1815

90 M 4 Contagious diseases, 1810-15 99 M 8, M 9, M 20, M 21, M 23, M 25 Mineral spas, an XI-1812 100 M 1 - M 4, M 13 - M 17 Medical personnel, an XI-1860 106 M 1 Secret remedies, medical charlatans, an XII—1843 110 M 1, M 2; 113 M 1, M 2, M 6 Population, 1770-1814 131 M 1 — M 18; 132 M 1 — M 3 Statistics and reports on the department, VIII-1814 177 M 1 Emigration of workers, an IX—1812 10.

Series X. (Etablissements de bienfaisance'

1 X 1 , X 2 , X 7 , X 1 5 Laws, ministerial circulars, correspondence relating to hospitals, an VIII-1856 1 X 16, X 17, X 25 Income, property etc., an IX-1825 1 X 26 Filles de la Charite, seventeenth to nineteenth centuries 1 X 35 — X 38 Organisation of commissions administratives des hospices civils, an

IX-1813 1 X 64 Situation of the hospitals, an X—1806 1 X 139, X 140 Commissions administratives des etablissements charitables, an

VIII-1814 I X 141 — X 147 Administrative and financial situation of the hospitals, an IX-1822 2 X = Hospitals, nineteenth century: 1 (Agde, an IX—1834); 13 (Bedarieux, an IX-1848); 21 (Bessan, an IX-1875); 23 (Beziers, an IX-1814); 55 (Cazouls-les-Beziers, an IX-1838); 66 (Frontignan, an XII-1870); 72 (Gignac, an XIII-1871); 73 (Lodeve, an IX-1837); 99 (Meze, an IX-1910); 102, 121 (Montpellier, an IX-1873); 231 (Pezenas, an IX-1841); 239 (Saint-Chinian, an IX-1876); 242 (Saint-Pons, an IX-1833); 252 Sette (an IX-1830); 284 (Vias, an XII-1860); 285 (Villeneuve-les-Beziers, an IX-1896) 5 X 86 Training for midwives, 1810-24 7 X 2, X 3 Monts-de-piete (Agde, Montpellier), 1808-96 8 X = Bureaux de bienfaisance, eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries: 1 (general); 4 (Bouzigues, an IX—1858); 5 (Castries, Caux, Gigean, Loupian, an IX—1875); 6 (Montbazin, Montpeyroux, Olonzac, an IX-1877); 7 (Poussan, an IX-1858); 8 (Saint-Martin-de-Londres, an IX-1806); 9 (Servian, anIX-1901); 10(Thezan, 1818-1914); 13 (Aniane, anXI-1942);

284

Bibliography

15 (Beziers, an XI-1835); 25 (Cazouls-les-Beziers, an XII-1936); 29 (Ganges, an XIII-1942); 34 (Montpellier, an IX-1845); 53 (Pezenas, 1806-1945) 9 X = Hospital accounts, early nineteenth century: 2, 3 (Bessan, Florensac, Saint-Chinian, Vias, 1813-17); 250, 251 (Beziers, an VIII-1827); 253 (Clermont, an VIII-1868); 265 (Lodeve, an VIII-1830); 272, 273, 277 (Montpellier, an VIII-1826); 280 (Pezenas, an VIII-1832); 291 (Sette, an X-1831) 1 1 X 7 Public assistance, an IX-1815 12 X 1, X 3 Correspondence regarding children in the care of hospitals, an IX-1813 12 X 4 Apprenticeships, wet-nurses, an IX—1819 12 X 2 5 6 Societe de charite maternelle, 1 8 1 1 - 1 6 11.

Unclassified series

Archives of the Presidial and Senechaussee of Montpellier. I consulted the registers of wills insinuated before this tribunal in order to check for wills made by residents of Montpellier in the years 1740, 1741, 1785 and 1786 which did not appear in the registers of Montpellier's notaries. Only a couple of such wills were discovered. II. COMMUNAL ARCHIVES 1.

Archives Municipals

de Montpellier

Largely unclassified. (i) Ancien Regime

BB Communal administration (BB Reg. = registers of the deliberations of the Conseil de Ville, 1700-90) FF Police (FF Reg. = registers of the ordinances and judgements issued by the Bureau de Police, 1700-90) GG Death registers of the Montpellier hospitals, 1700—92; also materials relating to public assistance (hospitals, repression of begging, almsgiving, confreries etc.) HH Agriculture, trade and industry II 46 Plan of the Hopital General II 486 Plan of the buildings owned by the Misericorde (ii) Post 1790 D General administration (including registers of deliberations of the municipality) I Police, prisons, depot de mendicite 2.

Archives Municipales de Beziers

GG 182 — GG 184 Beziers Hopital Mage: deaths register, eighteenth century HH 4, HH 5 Mercuriale, 1673-1821

Bibliography

285

III. ARCHIVES NATIONALES

AF IV 1042 National crime statistics, 1809-11 AF IV 1062 Trade, industry, 1811 AF IV 1067 Dep6ts de mendicite\ Rumford soups, 1812 BB 3 26 Vagrancy, 1806-7 BB 18 364—372 Herault: banditry, vagrancy, crime, prisons, religion etc., an IV-1814 D III 103—106 Herault: religion, crime, Maximum etc., an II—an IV F 7 3035, 3901, 8560—8563 Herault: crime, begging, vagrancy, police etc., an IX-1812 F 7 9663 Situation of Montpellier, 1818 F 8 110 Herault: smallpox vaccinations, 1801-17 F 15 172 Montpellier hospital finances, an XIII-1806 F 15 226 Languedoc hospitals, 1785-6 F 15 284, 313, 340, 373, 385 Herault: hospitals, an IV-an IX F 15 433 Herault: foundlings, depot de mendicite etc., 1792-an XIII F 15 444, 448 Id: hospitals, assistance, 1790-1818 F 15 748—751 Id: legacies to hospitals and other charitable institutions, an IX-1816 F 15 1423 Olonzac: bureau de bienfaisance, early nineteenth century F 15 2295 Herault: hospital accounts, an IV-1814 F 15 2561 Id: religious personnel in hospitals, an IV—1812 F 15 2742, 2752, 2791, 3516, 3530, 3539, 3547, 3590, 3619 Id: assistance, vagrancy, indigence etc., 1780—1820 F 15 3959 'Memoire sur la charite legale', 1845 F 15 3964, 4261 Begging, foundlings etc., 1752-1867 F 16 518, 812, 937 Herault: prisons, depot de mendicite etc., an III—1812 F 16 1007 Montpellier depot de mendicite, 1808—17; departmental enquiry into poverty and assistance, 1809 F 16 1089 Montpellier depdt de mendicite F 20 116 Herault: population enquiries, late 1790s F 20 195, 196 Herault: reports and statistics, an IX-an XIV F 20 334 Herault: active citizens, 1790 F 20 434, 435 Enquiry on migrations, 1811-12 H 556, 927, 939 Begging, depots de mendicite in Languedoc, 1780s H 1 1021, 748292 Montpellier: reports, eighteenth century S 6160, 6161, 6163, 6169,617r 1, 6173 Contracts of service and other documents relating to the service of thefillesde la charitewith charitable institutions in the following localities: Agde, Beziers, Cazouls-les-Beziers, Lodeve, Lunel, Montpellier, Saint-Pons, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Z lc 475, 476 Languedoc marechaussee, 1780s IV. BIBLIOTHfeQUE NATIONALE

Fonds frangais 6801 'Etablissements charitables', 1714-90 Fonds frangais 7511-7514 Documents from the archives of the Due de Castries, Governor of Montpellier, relating to the city in the late eighteenth century

286

Bibliography

Fondsfrangais 8129, 8130 Royal social policy and legislation, eighteenth century Collection de Languedoc ( Benedictins) 11, (Agde), 12 (Beziers), 18 (Montpellier) 'Description g£ographique et historique des paroisses'. Replies to diocesan enquiry, 1759 V. BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE DE MONTPELLIER

Ms. 48 C.S. Bernard de Ballainvilliers, 'Memoires sur le Languedoc, divises par dioceses et sub-delegations' (1788) Ms. 48 bis. Id., 'Memoires sur les hopitaux' (1788) Ms. 261 P J . Amoreux, 'Memoire sur la topographie medicale de Montpellier et de son territoire' (1779) Ms. 286 Id., 'Topographie historique physique et medicale de la cote maritime du diocese de Montpellier' (1787) Ms. 561 bis. Id., 'Memoire sur les abus qui s'opposent aux progres de l'agriculture aux environs de Montpellier' (1789)

VI. OTHER ARCHIVE SOURCES CONSULTED 1.

Archives consistoriales de Montpellier

Located in building adjoining Protestant church, Rue Maguelone. Unclassified documents relating to the re-establishment of Protestant worship in the 1760s and then again under the Consulate and Empire. Also a substantial 'Recueil de pieces concernant l'hospice de charite etabli a Montpellier en 1785'. 2.

Archives de I'Oeuvre du Fret Gratuit

Located in the premises of the Oeuvre, Rue de 1'Eveche. Unclassified. Little that was not put to use in the thorough work of L. Mandon (Mandon, 1892) who, however, refrains from any statistical treatment of the data. 3.

Archives hospitalieres de Saint-Pons

Property of the hospital. Classified early in the twentieth century by J. Sahuc (Sahuc, 1910), the archives have not been properly kept, and some appear to have been lost. I consulted the following: E 1 Deliberations, 1666-1752; E 2 Id., 1754-83; and G 2 Bureau des pauvres, 1761-72 4.

Archives departementales du Gard

Unclassified archives of the hotel-Dieu of Nimes: registers of admissions, eighteenth century.

Bibliography B.

PRINTED

287

SOURCES

I. PRIMARY SOURCES

Administration de I'Oeuvre des Prisons de la ville de Montpellier. Montpellier, 1814 Albisson, J. Lois municipales et economiques du Languedoc, 7 vols., Montpellier, 1780-7 Almanack du department de VHerault pour Van XI de Verefrangaise, Montpellier, XI Almanack du departement de VHerault pour Van XII de la Republique, Montpellier, XII Amelin, J.A. Guide du voyageur dans le departement de VHerault, ou Esquisse dun tableau historique, pittoresque, statistique et commercial de ce departement, Paris, 1827 Annales de la Societe de medecine pratique de Montpellier, 12 vols., Montpellier, 1803-11 Annuaire du departement de VHerault, Montpellier, printed annually from 1818 (consulted up to 1840) Astruc, J. Memoires pour Vkistoire naturelle de la province de Languedoc, Paris, 1737 Baumes, J.P.T. Traite de la pktisie pulmonaire connue vulgairement sous le nom de maladie depoitrine, 2 vols., Paris, XIII (1805) Belleval, C. de. Notice sur Montpellier, 2nd edn, Montpellier, XIII (1805) Birkbeck, M. Notes on aJourney through France, from Dieppe through Paris and Lyons, to the Pyrenees and back through Toulouse, London, 1815 Bloch, C., and Tuetey, A. (eds.). Proces-verbaux et rapports du comitede mendicitede la Constituante, 1790-1791, Paris, 1911 Boissier de Sauvages, Abbe. Dictionnaire languedocien-frangais, ou Choix des mots les plus diffidles a rendre en frangais, Nimes, 1756 Bouillet, J. Les Elements de la medecine pratique tires des ecrits dHippocrate et de quelques autres medectns, 2 vols., Beziers, 1744 Buchez, P.J.B., and Roux, P.C. Histoireparlementaire de la Revolution frangaise, 40 vols., Paris, 1834-8 Bulard, M. Annuaire statistique du departement de VHerault pour Van XIV, Montpellier, XIV Caizergues, C., and Rogery, S. Rapport fait a VEcole de Medecine le 23 ventose an VIII sur la nature, la marche et le traitement de lafievre observee dans les hbpitaux de cette commune pendant les six premiers mois de Van VIII, Montpellier, VIII Cambaceres, Abbe. Oeuvres completes, in Collection des orateurs sacres, edited by Abbe Migne, vol. lxv, Paris, 1854 Candolle, A.P. de. Memoires et souvenirs, Geneva, 1862 Chaptal, J.A. Memoire sur Vinsalubrite de Vair des etangs et les moyens den detruire la cause, Montpellier, 1781 Mes Memoires sur Napoleon, Paris, 1893 Creuze de Lesser, H. Statistique du departement de VHerault, Montpellier, 1824 D'Aigrefeuille, C. Histoire de la ville de Montpellier, new edition published under the direction of M. de la Pijardiere, 4 vols., Montpellier, 1885 Documents historiques sur Voeuvre de la Misericorde de la ville de Montpellier, Montpellier, 1840 Etat de medecine, chirurgie et pharmacie en Europe pour Van 1776, Paris, 1776 Etat general des unions faites des biens et revenus des maladreries, leproseries, aumoneries et autres lieux pieux aux hopitaux des pauvres malades, Paris, 1705

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Expilly, J.J. Dictionnaire geographique, historique etpolitique des Gaules et de la France,

6 vols., Paris 1762-70 Fischer, C. A. Letters written during a Journey to Montpellier performed in the Autumn of

1804, London, 1806 Fort aine, M. Tables de comparaison entre les anciens poids et mesures du department de VHerault et les nouveaux poids et mesures, Montpellier, XIII Fouquet, H . Observation sur la constitution des six premiers mois de Van V a Montpellier et sur lesprincipales maladies qui ont regnependant ce semestre dans cette commune et aux environs, Montpellier, VI Recherches sur la situation de la ville de Montpellier, son climat et les autres causes qui peuvent influer sur les qualites de Vair de cette ville et de son territoire par rapport aux maladies qui y regnent le plus communement, no date, but perhaps 1755,

Montpellier Fournier, P. Memoiresur la situation, Vair et les eaux de la ville de Montpellier, in Recueil a*observations de medecine des hopitaux militaires, vol. i, Paris, 1766 Precautions d?usage dans Vhotel-Dieu de Montpellier pour empkher la communication et arreter les progres des maladies (as above) Observations sur les maladies qui ont regne dans Vhotel-Dieu de Montpellier pendant Vannee 1763, suivi a* observations sur plusieurs maladies particulieres (as above) Fraisse, E. (ed.). Requite des enfants a naitre contre les sages-femmes, Montpellier, 1873 de Genssane. Histoire nature!le de la province de Languedoc. Partie mineralogique et geoponique, 5 vols., Montpellier, 1776—9 G r a n d , E . D . , and Pijardiere, L. de la (eds.). Lettres de Cambon et autres envoyes de la ville de Montpellier (Allut, Coulomb, Albisson, Estorc) de 1789 a 1792,

Montpellier, 1889 Histoire de la Societe Royale de Medecine, Paris 1 7 7 6 - 8 9 Hugues, E. (ed.). Les Synodes du desert. Actes et reglements des synodes nationaux et provinciaux tenus au desert de France de Van 1715 a Van 1793, 3 vols., Paris,

1885-92 Instruction general en forme de catechisme, 5 vols., Riom, 1803 Journal de Madame Cradock, Voyage en France 1783—1786, Traduit dapres le manuscrit original et inedit, edited by O . D e l p h i n , Paris, 1896 Journal de Medecine, Paris (volumes consulted from late eighteenth century) Journal of a Younger Brother. The Life of Thomas Platter as a Medical Student in Montpellier at the Close of the Sixteenth Century, edited by S. Jennett, English translation, London, 1963 Lefranc de P o m p i g n a n . Voyage de Languedoc et de Provence, T h e H a g u e , 1745 Le Trosne. Memoires sur les vagabonds et sur les mendiants, Soissons, 1764 Locke, John. Locke's Travels in France, 1675—1679. As related in his Journals, Correspondence, and Other Papers, edited by J. Lough, London, 1953 Malvaux, Abbe. Les Moyens de detruire la mendicite en France en rendant les mendiants utiles a VEtat sans les rendre malheureux, Chalons-sur-Marne, 1780 Messance. Recherches sur la population des generalites de Lyon, de Rouen et de quelques provinces et villes du royaume, Paris, 1766 Nouvelles recherches sur la population de la France, Lyons, 1788 Millin, A.L. Voyages dans les departements du Midi de la France. IV. Languedoc, Paris, 1811

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X(1801) Nogaret. Le Department de VHerault, in Archives statistiques de la France, Messidor an XIII, edited by A. de Ferriere, Paris, XIII Notice historique sur Vhospice de la maternite de Montpellier et sur Vecole theorique et pratique dfaccouchements en faveur des sages-femmes, Montpellier, 1841 Paris, H. Almanack historique du department de VHerault pour Van XIII, 1805 de Vere chretienne, Montpellier, XII (1804) Peytal, B.A. Essai sur la topographie medicale de Meze (department de VHerault), Montpellier, X Plan du retablissement de la Societe de la charite maternelle (no date or place indicated) Plumptre, A. A Narrative of a Three Years Residence in France, principally in the Southern Departments from the year 1802 to 1805, 3 vols., London, 1810 Poitevin, J. Essai sur le climat de Montpellier, Montpellier, XI (1803) Proces-verbaux des seances de VAssemblee administrative du departement de VHerault pendant la Revolution, 4 vols., Montpellier, 1889-98 Razoux, J. Tables nosologiques et meteorologiques tres-etendues dressees a Vhotel-Dieu de Nimes depuis le ler. juin 1757 jusques au ler. Janvier 1762, Basle, 1767 Reboul. Sommaire des reglements faits par le bureau de police de la ville de Montpellier, Montpellier, 1760 Recueil des bulletins publies par la Societe Iibre des sciences et belles-lettres de Montpellier, 6 vols., Montpellier, XI (1803)-18l4 Requite des enfants a naitre contre les sages-femmes, Facetie envoyee en 1782 aux Etats de Languedoc, edited by E. Fraisse, Montpellier, 1873 Rochefoucauld, F. de la. Voyages en France, 1781-1783, Paris, 1938 Roucher. Memoire sur lafievre catarrhale nerveuse et maligne qui a regne dans VHopital civil et militaire de Montpellier pendant les six premiers mois de Van VIII, Montpellier, VIII Rousseau, J.J. Correspondance complete, vol.1, 1730—1744, edited by R.A. Leigh, Geneva, 1965 Serres, P. Histoire de la Cour des Comptes, Aides et Finances de Montpellier, Montpellier, 1878 Situation administrative et financiere des hopitaux de VEmpire, Paris, 1869 Smollett, T. Travels through France and Italy, edited by T. Seccombe, Oxford, 1919 Stendhal. Voyage dans le Midi de la France, Paris, 1930 Sue, E. Mysteres de Paris, re-edition, Paris, 1963

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Zysberg, A. 'La Societe des galeriens au milieu du XVIIIe siecle', Ann. E.S.C., 1975

Index

Place-names within the department of the H£rault are given with the name of the district to which they were assigned in 1790 (B = B6ziers; L = Lodeve; M = Montpellier; St P = Saint-Pons); other French localities are given with the name of their department. For poor-relief institutions in individual localities, see under 'home-relief institutions' and 'hospitals' rather than under place-names. Agadensis, 23 Agadois, 224. See also Agde, Ancien Regime diocese of Agde(B), 11, 20 Ancien Regime diocese of, 7, 23: poor-relief provision in, 46; medical provision in, 116-17, 118n aged, the, 4, 61, 62, 66, 97, 103, 121, 140, 154, 160, 178, 182, 191 'agrarian individualism', 31 Aigues-Mortes (Gard), 35 Albi(Tarn), 19, 118 Ancien Regime diocese of, 15 Albigensian crusade, 23 Ales (Gard), Ancien Regime diocese of, 15 alms, 50, 56, 57, 64, 67, 91-3, 95, 166, 168, 208, 213, 225. See also alms-giving, charity, 'mutualism' alms-giving, 1-2, 4, 39-42, 45, 50, 74-5, 76-9, 91, 166 Amoreux, 97, 113, 114, 119, 121 Amsterdam, 20 anti-clericalism, 1, 5, 39, 84, 166, 196, 201, 211 archers des pauvres, 61. See also chasse-gueux

Areconici, 23 Argenson, Marquis d', 24 Arm£e des Pyr£n6es Orientales, 172 artificial respiration, 136 assignat, 162-4, 170, 179, 187, 194 ateliers de charite, 133n, 135, 136, 165 ateliers de secours, 160 aumdne, see alms

Avene (L), 236

Ballainvilliers, C. S. Bernard de, 141, 142, 264 banditry, 138, I48n, 227, 244, 245 Barere, 166, 176, 180, 197 'baroque piety', 82, 84, 85, 201, 210 Bartelemy, Etienne, 195 BasLanguedoc,7,25,26,27,45,70, 117, 126, 146 agriculture, 11, 16-17, 31-2, 34, 148, 241, 251 climate, I4n, 27, 34, 35, 251 communications, 11, 14, 19, 32, 242, 251 economic development, 30—4, 162, 241—3, 247, 249 migrations, 14-17, 35-6, 96, 148, 251 towns and cities, 15, 96, 236. See also under individual cities

trade and industry, 12, 17-18, 30-2, 34, 147, 162, 184, 241-3, 246 Baumes, 204 Beaucaire (Gard), 20, 30; 242 Beauce, 147 begging, 15, 22, 41-2, 61, 77, 95-6, 245 as expression of social tension, 23, 37, 243 polemics concerning, 3, 5, 29, 132, 166 repression of, 50, 111, 133, 134, 135, 230 see also poor; government, campaigns against begging and vagrancy; vagrancy Beziers, 32, 33, 114, 164, 209 Ancien Regime diocese of, 7, 16, 23, 31: poor-relief provision in, 45, 46, 72, 224; medical provision in, 118n sub-delegate of, 72, 189 bienfaisance, IS passim, 75, 91, 98, 128, 130, 154, 176, 183, 185, 186, 252, 257 central government and, 5, 160—1

307

308

Index

bienfaisance — cont.

and charitable giving, 75, 87, 92, 93, 166, 212-13 historiography concerning, 5—7 see also alms; alms-giving; charity; poor-relief institutions biens nationaux, 161, 162, 174, 241 Biterrensis, 23 Biterrois, see Beziers, Ancien Regime diocese of Boisset, 196 Boissier de Sauvages, 121 boites cCHelvetius, see boites de remedes boites de remedes, 117, 1 3 7 - 8 , 235

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 76, 201. See also Empire Bonnier de la Mosson, 91—2 Bon Pasteur, of Be"ziers, 175; of Montpellier, 79, 88, 89, 168 Bordeaux (Gironde), 118 Bouillet, 114 bourgs, 24, 71, 196, 224, 226 Boussagues (B), 46 Boyer-Fonfrede, 223, 224 brigandage, see banditry Broussonet, Victor, 205, 207 Bureau de Mendicite, 138, 150, 154, 159 bureau gratuit de vaccination, 239 bureaux ctaumones, 138—9

bureaux de bienfaisance, 213, 219, 240, 245 administration of, 196, 217-18, 225 geographical distribution of, 225—9, 254—5 legislation instituting, 195 see also bureaux de charite"; home-relief institutions bureauxdecharite,49, 111, 132, 135, 139, 160, 182 administration of, 50, 71, 98 effects of Revolution on, 168, 169 geographical distribution of, 48, 136, 263—4 see also home-relief institutions burial sites, 64, 81, 83, 84-5, 97, 170, 210, 211. See also cemeteries Burke and Hare, 125 Cadiz, 20 causes de secours et de prevoyance, 230

Cambaceres, Abbe, 76 Cambon, Joseph, 168 camp-followers, 152 Canal de Lunel, 30 Canal du Midi, 11, 30, 32, 242 Carcassonne (Aude), Ancien Regime diocese of, 17; Lieutenance (marecbaussee), 146 Catholic Reformation, see religious revival, in seventeenth century Causses, 17 cemeteries, 97, 136, 170, 208, 210. See also burial sites Cessenon (St P), 46, 179

Cevennes, 12, 17, 104, 193, 194, 224 Chalons-sur-Marne (Marne), Academy of, 5 Chaptal, 31, 200, 203, 229-30 Charigny, 117 charitable donors, 79, 87-8, 93-4, 95, 130, 131-2, 209n, 211, 254. See also alms-giving; charity; testamentary charity; wills Charites, 49, 263-4 chari.ty, 1-8 passim, 23, 67, 75, 237, 252 in collection boxes, 78, 79, 207-8, 219 in collections, 64, 78-9, 86, 168, 174, 208, 2l6n, 219 critique of, 2-5, 7, 131-3, 159-61 geographical availability of, 24, 45, 178 poor-relief administration, as an act of, 51, 53, 56, 202-3, 225 popular attitudes towards, 6—7, 95—112 passim

religious motivation behind, 2, 76—7, 166, 169 trends in: decline in Ancien Regime, 74—5, 79, 107, 131; decline in early 1790s, 162, 164, 166, 172, 188; revival in late 1790s and 1800s, 207-12; long-term decline, 212-13, 253, 257 see also alms; alms-giving; bienfaisance;

charitable donors; clergy; foundations; 'mutualism'; seigneurs; testamentary charity charity pawnshops, 99- See also Pret Gratuit charivaris, 20, 25 charlatans, 22, 117-18, 137, 236 chasse-gueux, 61, 111, 134, 141 Chaurand, 49 chestnuts, 14, 106, 126 child abandonment, 103, 192. See also enfants trouves; hospitals, children within; illegitimacy; orphans church lands, see biens nationaux citoyennes, 197—8

Civil Constitution of the Clergy, 164, 168, 197, 199, 202, 209 clergy, 5, 37, 62, 66, 61, 115, 210, 212, 251-2 bishops, 23-4, 136, 201, 209; and poor relief, 24, 50-1, 71, 73, 90, 99, 108, 219, 224 constitutional clergy, 197 cures, 22,39, 116, 170: and poor relief, 50, 71, 72, 76, 82, 98, 106, 108, 137, 166, 168, 211 monastic clergy, and poor relief, 3, 40—2, 75, 98, 167-8 non-jurors, 198, 209 Clermont(L), 16, 17, 34, 117 Clermont (Puy-de-D6me), Ancien Regime diocese of, 15 Code Civil, 219

coitus interruptus, 211

309

Index Colbert, 38, 77, 82-3, 91-2 Collot d'Herbois, 186 Colombier, Jean, 69, 112, 127, 134 Comite de Mendicity, 8, I4n, 46, 133n, 159-61, 166, 169, 174, 175, 178-9, 180, 183, 185, 217, 226, 231, 236, 252, 264 comite de salut public, 186 comite des secours publics, 186 comites de surveillance, 173 commission des secours publics, 186

communes, see communities; municipalities; village community communities, 24, 73, 171, 177, 213, 226 compagnonnages, 77, 94n, 230 compoix, 25

Concordat, 199, 200, 209n, 210, 230 confreries, 82, 85

des penitents, 92-3, 99, 168, 211, 219, 230 du saint-sacrement, 92

constitutions, of 1791, 160; of Year III, 182 Consulate, 201, 213, 219. See also Empire Continental System, 242 Cosne, Alexandre, 118 counter-revolution, 172 Cournonsec (M), 98 crime, 3, 22, 23, 29, 37, 77, 132, 133, 138, 148, 151, 152, 249, 251. See also begging; vagrancy criminal vagrants, see vagabonds customs officials, 221 'dead season, 18, 33n, 135, 147 decadi, 197, 198 'dechristianisation', see anti-clericalism

dissections, 124-5, 205-7 districts, 177, 178-9, 182 drailles, 16-17 Dreyfus, Ferdinand, 173 droit sur les spectacles, 213n

economic independence, 26—7, 95—6 Edict of Blois (1560), 50 Edict of Nantes, Revocation of (1685) 20, 84, 90 education, 8, 24, 26, 100 emigration, 164, 174 Empire, 209, 211, 213, 216, 219, 220, 229, 230, 241, 246, 247, 251. See also Bonaparte, Napoleon employment, 2, 101, 113, 133, 135, 153, 161, 243 Encyclopedie, 2, 52, 94, 120, 204, 255 enfants trouves, 62-3, 66, 96, 103-8, 160, 192-4, 223-4, 256 adoptions of, 105, 106n diet, 104 messageres, 105, 194

mortality, 104, 105, 106-7, 192, 223 rise in numbers, 103, 107, 193 wet-nurses, 63, 104-5, 106, 193-4 England, 1, 31, 34 poor laws in, 1, 45, 138, 159 Enlightenment, 3, 5, 21 epidemics, 29, 35, 36, 57, 102-3, 114-15, 126, 172, 178. See also disease; illnesses epileptics, 248 esprit de clocher, 23. See also localism

family, 17-18, 22, 32-4, 62, 114, 132, 140, 176, 177, 179 Delpech, 207 and kin, 24, 71, 95-6, 97, 98 depdt de mendicite: at Le Puy, 140, 146-7; at famine, 29, 32 Montpellier, 68, 140, 153; at Toulouse, Farel, 188 140, 146-7 fermage, 27 depdts de mendicite Fete-Dieu, 84 admissions and discharges, 140, 151, 152, Fete du Malheur, 178, 183 153—4, 163, 247 'feudalism', 37-40, 161, 167, 185, 241 Ecole des Accouchements, see Maternite Filles de la Charite, 50, 53, 56, 97, 123, 197, establishment in 1768, 140 198n. See also nursing sisters internal regime, 140, 152-3, 247-9 medical facilities within, 60, 146, 152, 248 filles de la charite de Saint Augustin, 199 Fizes, 120 reopening in 1808, 231, 240-1 Fleury (Aude), 40 temporary closure in 1775, 140—1, I48n Fleury, Abbe, 17 types of inmates, 151-2, 154, 247-9 folkloric medicine, 115-16, 120 unpopularity, 141, 154-5, 251 fondsperdus, 5 7 - 9 , 60, 66, 68, 69. See also rentes see also government, campaigns against viageres begging and vagrancy foundations, charitable, 54, 62, 64, 76,98, 168, desertion, 141, 191 diet in, therapy, 116, 125—6 218-19, 254 Directory, 184, 201, 230-1. See also critique of, 2-3, 52, 93-4, 255 foundlings, see enfants trouves Revolutionary assemblies disease, 35, 96, 99, 102-3, 173-4, 239. Seealso Fouquet, Henri, 204 Fournier, bishop of Montpellier, 201, 212 epidemics; illnesses defenseurs de la patrie, 176—7, 236

310

Index

Fournier, Pierre, 113 Franchiman, 25

freemasonry, 21, 91-3, 230 funerals, 82-3, 85-6, 93, 187, 210, 230 attendance of hospital inmates at, 82,85, 170, 197, 202, 208, 210 Gaillac (Tarn), 118 galleys, 140, 150-1 Ganges (M), 15, 17, 34 Gard, department of, 223 garrigues, 11, 17, 18

Gascony, 34 gavach, 25

gendarmerie, 244, 246 Geneva, 20 government aid: to agriculture and industry, 135; to military hospitals, 173; to poor-relief institutions, 1, 57,66,68-9, 167, 186-8, 189, 194, 217-18, 222-3 campaigns against begging and vagrancy: prior to 1764, 34,61-2,133-4, 138, 247; 1764 to 1790, 138-55 passim, 247; 1790 to 1808, 176-7, 243; 1808 to 1815, 231, 240-1, 243, 246-52 passim. See also begging; dlpdts de mendicite"; vagrancy legislation: on cemeteries (1776), 64, 85; on congregations (1792), 168; on hospital administration (1698), 50; on land reclamation (1771), 32; on local government (Ancien Regime), 26; on medicine (Revolution), 173, 203, 204; on mortmain (1749), 41, 75; on religious vows (1789), 199 reform of poor relief by: under Ancien Regime, 5, 50, 74, 133, 175; under Revolution, 7-8, 159-61, 166, 174-5, 176, 177, 183, 184, 185, 188, 217, 227; under Napoleon, 213-30 passim tutelage over poor-relief institutions, 57, 69, 71, 133, 218-19, 251-2 'Grand Livre de Bienfaisance Nationale', 176-83, 188 grand renfermement des pauvres, 4, 98, 134

Granier, 197 grave-digging, 85, 125 Grenada, 75 Guevarre, 49 guilds, 77 healers, 115-16 health propaganda, 135—8 Hfrault department of, 7, 12, 17, 23, 46, 164, 193, 201, 227, 230, 237, 240, 246, 252, 254, 256: population of, 142, 244, 255 river, 23

home-relief institutions (general) administration, 71-5, 168, 195 advocated by reformers of poor laws: under Ancien Regime, 4-5, 89n, 132, 139, 154, 155; under Revolution, 166, 169, 176 charitable income, 50, 226, 227 effects of Revolution on, 169, 188 geographical distribution of, 46—50, 136, 225-7, 229, 263-73 government enquiries into, 46—9, 225—6, 263-5 history of, 49-50 policing functions, 50, 54-5, 227-8 preference for, shown by charitable donors, 74, 89, 132 tendency towards secretiveness, 71, 98, 169, 201 vetting of poor by, 98 home-relief institutions (individual localities) Baucels, 169 Briers (Misericorde), 169 Corneilhan, 72 Ganges, 49n Loupian, 229 Meze, 229 Montbazin, 229 Montpellier(Misencorde), 49-52, 53-6, 61, 63, 64, 70, 163, 226, 254: chambre de travail, 54, 89, 171; charitable income, 54-6, 78-9, 80, 88, 165, 211, 213-16; clientele, 52, 54, 55—6; denominational and moralistic character, 54—6; dispensary, 54, 56, 213; effects of Revolution, 169; finances, 55, 56, 214-15, 218; medical personnel attached to, 54; nursing sisters, 56, 198, 199-200; primary schooling given by, 54; service to local poor, 52-3, 54-6; soupes economiques, 226

Montpellier (Protestant bureau de charite"), 90-1 Saint-Bauzille-de-Putois, 196 'hopital', 49, 176 'hopitaux de transport', 96 hopitaux g&ieraux, 3, 35n, 45, 49, 61, 77, 86, 96-7, 108, 111, 131-2, 133, 135. Seealso hospitals 'hospice', 49, 176, 197 hospitals (general) administration, 50-1, 70-5, 109, 111, 132-4, 160, 185-8, 194-200, 217-18, 224-6, 240, 252, 256 admissions, 52, 53, 74, 121, 171, 225, 229, 255 blackmarket in goods, 110, 171 buildings and construction, 73-4, 100, 171, 218, 252 calendar of entries, 35, 96, 101 chapels, 97, 108, 160, 201

Index hospitals (general) — cont. chaplains, 99, 108, 201 charitable income, 74-5, 108, 207-13, 2l6n children within, 104-8, 191, 223-4, 237. See

311

work within, 4, 61, 107, 109, 110n, 134 hospitals (individual localities) Agde, 42, 191, 198, 217, 221 Balaruc, 63, 122-3, 236 also enfants troupes, orphans Bedarieux, 190 closures under Revolution, 169, 170, 188-9, Beziers, 73, 92, 217: Hdpital Mage, 47, 97n, 224, 229, 254 99, 102, 107, 191, 199, 221, 222n; conditions of inmates, 73-5, 100, 102-3, Hotel-Dieu Saint-Joseph, 47, 167, 175 171, 190, 216-17, 220-2, 229 Cazouls-les-Beziers, 102, 175, 198 converted into bureaux de bienfaisance, 49n, Clermont, 73, 75, 172, 191, 198 224 Frontignan, 73, 190, 222 'dechristianisation' under Terror, 196-7, 198 Ganges, 188 diet within, 109, 125-7, 171, 190, 206 Gignac, 208 discipline within, 108, 110-11 La Salvetat, 190 effect of Revolution on, 170—2 Lodeve, 72, 73, 97n, 172, 192, 199, 216, entry into, 95-6, 98, 99, 108 218, 220 fee-paying inmates, 74, 97 Lunel, 221 financial problems, 4, 70-5, 101, 103, 107, Marseillan, 35n, 36, 73, 96, 102, 208, 216, 218 126, 129-30, 169-70 founders and benefactors, 51, 52—3, 63—4, Meze, 73, 172, 192 Montagnac, 167, 188, 190 108, 254, 256 geographical distribution of, 4, 45—8, 226, Montpellier, 20, 23, 92, 93, 162-3, 165, 170-1, 188: administration of, 51-2, 54, 254, 263-73 72, 73, 186-8, 195, 225-6; effects of and government campaigns against begging Revolution on, 170-1, 188, 202; service to and vagrancy, see government, campaigns local poor, 52-3, 61, 69-70, 164-6, 249 against begging and vagrancy —, Hopital General, 20, 38, 78, 86, 93, 108, hygiene within, 4, 99-101, 123, 129, 160, 118, 162, 251: administration, 50-1, 52, 190-1, 221, 256 62-9, 88, 109; admissions, 52, 63, 64, inspectors of, 134, 216, 217, 256-7. See also 67-9, 99, 126, 171, 224-5, 262; Colombier, Jean apprenticeships and dowries, 63, 67, 171, internal regime, 108-10 223; bankruptcy, 67—9; borrowing, 63—9, isolation from outside world, 109-10, 203 187; building and construction, 63—4, letters patent, 50, 57, 73, 74 66-7, 68, 69, 100; capacity, 47, 63, 67, medical aspects, 52, 96, 97, 101, 121-9, 68, 69; chapel, 64, 67, 85, 196, 197, 208; 131-2, 190, 199, 222, 256 chaplain, 108; charitable income, 64—9, medical personnel, 99, 110, 121-9, 203 78-9, 80, 88, 165, 208, 211, 213, 216; 'militarisation', 172-4, 188, 191-2, 219, children within, 62-3, 66, 96-7, 107-8, 220-2, 255 187, 192-4, 197, 248-9; condition of mortality within, 60, 101—3, 207, 221-2, inmates, 68, 99, 102-3, 108-10, 220; 256 control over Balaruc spa, 63, 123; 'municipalisation' in 1790s, 194, 195 'dechristianisation' within, 196—7; depot de nationalisation of hospital property, 174-5 conservation de vaccin, 239; diet of inmates, number of beds, 173, 219-20, 229, 255 126, 171, 190; discipline within, 62, outdoor relief given by, 49, 52, 74, 132, 189 111-12, 198; finances, 51, 63-9, 79n, property-holding of, 70, 72, 167, 174-5, 106, 186-8, 214-15, 218; history, 61; 185, 218 home relief supplied by, 62, 63, 67, 69, 70; receveurs, 218 hygiene within, 100—3, 125; inmates of, 'rechristianisation', 207—9 61—3, 69, 70, 82, 262; letters patent, 61, regulations, 110, 111 62, 69; medical aspect, 104, 204; mortality religion within, 108-10, 201, 206-7, 208-9 within, 103; nursing sisters, 51, 53, sites, 99-100, 108 111-12, 123, 197-8, 200; passade given staff, 110-11, 189, 191-2, 193, 222, 256 by, 62, 67, 69; policing and moralising as traps for disease and death, 100—2, 108, functions, 61—2; property losses, 175; range 130, 132 of services, 61—3; regulations, 69, 108, types of inmates, 74, 97, 110-11, 121 111—12; religious atmosphere, 61-2; uniform within, 99, 109, 111-12 seigneurial rights, 67-8; staff, 68, 111-12, unpopularity with poor, 97, 98, 99, 103, 128, 198; surgery for ailments, 62—3; treasurer, 132, 176, 206, 253-4

312

Index

hospitals (individual) — cont. 51, 68; work within, 65-6, 68, 69, 110, 112, 170, 203 —, Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi, 20, 62, 64, 66, 97, 109, 220: administration, 52, 57-61, 124-30; admissions, 15, 16, 35n, 36, 52, 56-7, 60-1, 121, 129, 222, 261; beggars fromdepotdemendicite,60,6l, 129, 153, 162; blesses, 129; borrowing, 57-9, 60; building and reconstruction, 57, 59, 60, 61, 100, 129n, 222; capacity, 47, 56, 61, 101, 221-2; chaplain, 53, 124; charitable income, 57-8, 78-9, 80, 88, 129, 165, 206, 208, 211-12, 213-16; clinical teaching within, 127-8, 204-7; 'dechristianisation' within, 196—7; diet of inmates, 126—7, 171, 206; dissections within, 124-5, 205-7; fear of entry, 97, 101; fee-paying inmates, 58—61, 70; fievreux, 129; finances, 57-61, 187, 214-15, 218; hygiene within, 56-7, 100-3, 127, 222; inmates, 56-60, 70, 261 {see also insane; soldiers); medical aspect, 52, 97, 124-9; medical personnel, 101, 110; mortality within, 60, 101, 103, 221-2; nursing sisters, 53, 123, 127, 199, 206-7; operating theatre, 129, 197; property losses, 175, 184—5; segregation of inmates, 129; seigneurial income, 167; treasurer, 188 — , Hopital Saint-Louis (military hospital), 122 — , military hospitals (Revolutionary era), 172-4 — , Protestant hospital, 47, 91, 128 Nimes, 103, 104, 126 Olargues, 188, 190 Paris, 107: Hospice de la Maternite, 237 Pezenas, 97n, 190, 191, 198, 216, 221: Grange-des-Pres (military hospital), 191 Saint-Chinian, 100, 102, 217 Saint-Pons, 73, 97n, 99-100, 102, 125, 189, 190, 192, 199, 217 Serignan, 196 Servian, 189 Sette, 72, 73, 125, 167, 172, 192, 216-17 Thezan, 189 Toulouse, 147, 223 Valros, 196 hotels-dieu, 4, 96, 214 houses of correction, 160, 176 Hufton, Olwen, 42 illegitimacy, 62, 96, 103, 104, 170, 171. Seealso en/ants trouves

illnesses, and medical conditions asthma, 112 blindness, 224

chest disease, 103 contagious disease, 255 dysentery, 191 eye troubles, 118 fevers, 114, 191, 194 fievre maligne, 115

gallstones, 63, 67 gangrene, 102, 126-7, 129 'gaol fever' see typhus gastric complaints, 191 halitosis, 118 hernia, 112, 113, 117, 182 'hospital fever', 102 hypothermia, 103 itch, 248 malaria, 35, 137, 239 nervous disease, 123 plague, 29, 114 pneumonia, 103 rheumatism, 63, 123 ringworm, 63, 67, 121 scabies, 102, 121, 248 scarlet fever, 35 scrofula, 121, 194, 248 skin diseases, 35, 52, 136, 191, 224, 230 smallpox, 35, 52, 136, 137, 191, 204, 224, 230, 239 stomach ailments, 118 syphilis, 115, 118, 121, 129, 255 tinea, 102 typhoid fever, 35, 191 typhus, 35, 102, 191 venereal disease, 52, 105, 122, 133, 146, 172, 194, 248, 251 see also disease; epidemics; insane infanticide, 62 infirm, 4, 61, 66, 97, 121, 139, 140, 160, 176, 178, 191, 192, 246 inflation, 70, 73, 79, 106, 131, 162, 242 insane, 136, 152, 154, 160, 176, 248 treatment in the Montpellier Hotel-Dieu, 56, 58-9, 70, 129, 203, 221, 248 Intendants, 138, 152 Interior, Minister of, 187, 193, 198, 199, 200, 203, 204, 205, 207, 225, 246 Invau, Controleur-general d', 143 Italy, 12 itinerant workers, 15, 63, 96, 121 Jansenism, 82, 84, 111 Jenner, Edward, 239 journees militaires, 59, 188, 221

July Monarchy, 253-4 justices of the peace, 228 Lamalou, 236 land-ownership, 20, 27-8, 31-2, 37, 40, 162, 241

Index Languedoc, 22, 34, 37, 139, 142, 165 dioceses of, 23, 137, 164, 168 Estates of, 11, 15, 18-19, 22, 23-4, 25, 73, 116-17, 135, 136, 164: and poor relief, 24, 139; and campaigns against begging and vagrancy, 141-2, 148, 150-1, 152-3

313

maires, 225, 228, 229, 244 Maison des Orphelines (Clermont), 75 'Malthusian' checks, 29 marechaussee, 134, 244

economic position, 143—6 functions, 140, 141-2 gouverneur, 19, 54 'militarisation', 149—50 Intendantof, 19, 24, 54, 60, 117, 137, 140, numbers, 142, 146, 244 142, 148, 149, 152, 166. See also reforms, 142, 146, 149-50 Ballainvilliers; Saint-Priest role in campaign against begging and population, 142, 154 vagrancy, 141—54 passim prevot des marechaussees, 19, 141, 143. See also unpopularity, 146 Marseilles, 20, 114 marechaussee Marx, 161 Royal Inspector of military hospitals, 126 Larochefoucauld-Liancourt, Due de, 159, masques armes, 37, I48n 175-6 masses, for the repose of the soul, 81, 83, 86, La Tapie, Raymond de, 117 210 Launac, 191 Massif Central, 7, 15, 16, 227. See also mountain L'Averdy, de, 138, 142, 153 areas Law, John, 57, 63, 70, 134, 162-3 Maternite (Montpellier), 237 law-courts, 61, 141, 245, 246 Maundy Thursday, 78-9, 80, 86, 2l6n Laws of Ventose, 177, 183 Mende (Lozere), Ancien Regime diocese of, 15 legacies, 51, 56, 68, 74, 80-90 passim. See also medecins des epidemies, 239 charitable donors, testamentary charity; medical institutions wills faculties of medicine, 117, 203. See also legion d'honneur, 237 Montpellier, Medical Faculty leper-houses, 45 guilds of apothecaries, 117, 123, 203 Le Pouget (L), 45 guilds of surgeons, 117, 203. See also LePuy, (Haute Loire), Lieutenance (marechaussee), Montpellier, College of Surgery 146 medical personnel, 53, 92, 113—30 passim, letters patent, 78, 134, 166. See also hospitals 236-9 lettres de cachet, 152 doctors, 26, 35, 101, 103, 104, 110, 113-14, Levant, 17, 30, 34 115, 116-18, 119-21 life expectancy, 57 students, 85, 124, 125, 127, 129, 205, 207, literacy, 71, 149, 196, 228 230 livret ouvrier, 246 surgeons, 26, 99, 114, 116, 118-19, 124 localism, 23-8, 225, 228-9 see also charlatans; home-relief institutions; Lodeve, 14, 17, 77, 117, 242 hospitals; midwives 'medical revolution', 7, 116, 124 Ancien Regime diocese of, 7, 23: poor-relief medical statistics, 124 provision in, 46; medical provision in, medicine 116-17, 118n bishop, 72, 73 geographical availability of, 118n, 119—20, district of, 182 137, 178, 235, 239 municipality, 72, 199 popular attitudes towards, 113—30, passim, sub-delegate, 116—17 236 Lomenie de Brienne, 23-4, 135, 141 reform of, during Revolution, 203—4 London, 20 mendicity, see begging longue duree, 7, 23, 209n

metayage, 27

Louis XVI, 24 Loupian (M), 229 Low Countries, 31 Lunaret, Abbe, 213 lunatics, see insane Lutovensis, 23 lying-in facilities, 133, 249, 251

meteil, 14, 32-3, 88, 212n, 226n, 243n, 261 midwives, 62, 116-17, 136 technical education of, 116—17, 137, 204, 206, 236-7, 249 migrants, 15, 96, 121, 147-9, 251. SeealsoBas Languedoc, migrations military hospitals under Ancien Regime, 122 after 1789, 172-4, 187, 191-2, 220 military medicine, 172, 203-4, 220

mafias, 26, 146 Magalonensis, 23

314

Index

military welfare policies, 172—4, 176—7 Millin, 205 mineral spas, 115, 122-3, 236 Misericordes, 49-50, 71, 98, 168, 169, 180, 201, 226, 263-4. See also home-relief institutions mixture, see meteil Moliere, 120 monetary crisis, 162-4, 166, 172, 184, 242 Montagnac (B), 16 Montbazin (M), 229 Montblanc (B), 45 Mont-Carmel and Saint-Lazare, military order of, 45 Montpellier (city), 11-12, 18-23, 25, 27, 38, 77,113,118,120,122, 132-3, 154,165, 178, 188, 191, 209, 210, 213, 216, 230, 236, 244, 249, 253 administrative functions of, 18—20, 164 Association Patriotique, 166 bishop, 19, 49-50, 53, 59, 64, 90, 164, 209 Bourse des Marchands, 19 Bureau de Police, 23, 78 bureau de sante, 173, 207n Bureau des Finances, 19, 50 cathedral chapter, 19, 39, 50, 164 charitable giving in, see alms-giving; charity, testamentary giving climate, 12-14 College of Surgery, 118 comite de surveillance, 173, 207n Cour des Comptes, Aides et Finances, 19, 20, 50, 54, 78, 164 cures, 22, 86, 89 d£p6t de mendicite", see d6p6t de mendicity Ecole de Sante\ 173, 204 labouring classes, 21, 230, 249 masonic lodges, see freemasonry Medical Faculty, 19-20, 119, 120, 121, 125, 127-8, 204, 237, 239 military garrison, 128, 164 monasteries, 85, 93, 164 municipal authorities, 57, 59, 64, 69, 166, 187, 195, 248 patois, 21 poor, 21, 22, 53, 59-61, 63, 68, 78, 86, 88, 89, 111, 211, 249 Pr&idial, 19, 50, 78 procureur du roi, 84 prostitutes, 22, 62,89, 123, 168, 249. Seealso prostitutes reputation for charitableness, 77, 87, 253 S6n6chaussee, 19 social elite, 19-21, 22, 51, 53-4, 85-6, 91, 93-4, 99, 166, 212 societe de mededne pratique, 239 Soci6t6 des Amis de la Constitution, 166 societipopulaire, 204

Societe Royale des Sciences, 21 theatre, 21, 22 topography, 12, 21—2 trade and industry, 12, 20, 31, 242 University, 19-20, 119, 164 Montpellier, Ancien Regime diocese of, 7, 23, 27, 31, 37, 59, 64, 77 poor-relief provision in: 38, 39, 46—50, 52—3 medical provision in, 116—17, 118n, 119n Montpellier, district of, 46, 179 Montpellier region, see Bas Languedoc; Montpellier, Ancien Regime diocese of mortality crises, 29, 96, 126, 242 mountain areas, 7, 12, 14-18, 35-6, 45-6, 137, 226, 227, 229, 236, 241 municipalities, 173, 185, 194-5, 196, 206, 217, 227. See also communities; village community municipal tolls, 55, 57-8, 64-6, 167, 213. See also octroi

'mutualism', 91-4, 132, 230-1 Narbonne (Aude), 19, 118 archbishop of, 19, 24, 150 sub-delegate of, 117 Necker, 153 Madame Necker, 91, 132 Nimes, 17, 34 sub-delegate of, 119 notaries, 26, 80, 83, 219 nursing sisters, 50, 53,99, 108, 110, 196-200, 202, 208-9, 223, 256 disputes with doctors, 123-30, 206-7, 252 see also Filles de la Charite"; hospitals octroi, 213-18, 222, 224, 225, 236, 252. Seealso municipal tolls Oeuvre des Prisonniers (Montpellier), 54, 89, 171 Oeuvre des Prisons (Montpellier), 21 In, 213n, 219 offtders de sante, 173, 178, 179, 182 opium, 104 Orl6anais, 147 orphans, 62, 75, 96, 103, 160, 192, 223 Paris, 21, 37, 132, 138, 143, 147, 187, 236 Acade"mie des Sciences, 21, 114 Ecole de Sante, 173 Parlement, 138-9 passade, 62, 67, 69, 96 passants, 96, 220, 235 patent medicines, 137 pauperisation, 30—1, 136, 162 pauvres honteux, 56, 62, 90, 95, 160, 201 pays de grande culture, \Al Perols (M), 120 Petite Eglise, 210

Index Peyre, Louis, 77

pregnant women, 52, 121, 255

philosophes, 2, 131

preseance, 19, 5 1 , 66, 9 3 , 109

pilgrims, 96, 121, 208 placebo effect', 115-16 Platter, Thomas, 122-3 poaching, 141 Police G£ne"rale, Ministre de, 245 political instability, 164, 184, 195, 201, 239, 245 Ponteils (Gard), 104 poor, 3,4,6, 15,22-3,27,31,41,46,76, 176, 180, 219, 241, 247. See also Montpellier, poor Catholic attitude towards, 1, 76 deserving and undeserving, 3, 5, 98 diet, 32-5, 136 invalides, 4, 61, 62, 134 and self-respect, 95-6, 97, 98-9, 111, 183.

315

Pret Gratuit (Montpellier), 79, 88, 89, 90, 99, 162-3, 168, 208, 211 'price revolution', 38 prices, 20, 32, 33-4, 37,41,46, 63, 69, 74, 79, 88, 101, 143, 148, 149, 162, 185, 186, 212n, 213, 240, 242 prisons, 128, 146, 191, 243, 245 prisoners-of-war, 191 Propagande or Propagation de la Foi (Montpellier), 90, 168 Propagation de la Foi (Lodeve), 73 prostitutes, 116, 146, 152, 175, 192. See also Montpellier, prostitutes Protestants, 19, 20, 23, 54, 66, 84, 90-1, 116, 166, 198, 202, 229 and charity, 45, 77, 90-1, 93, 211, 230 See also pauvres honteux Providence (Montpellier), 90, 168 purgatory, doctrine of, 76 valides, 4 poor relief, see bienfaisance; charity; home-relief Purs, 210 institutions; hospitals; poor-relief quinquina, 137 institutions poor-relief institutions Refuge (Montpellier), 89n administration, 71-3, 95, 131, 202 religious revival archives, 6—7 attitude of poor towards, 6-7, 94, 95-112 in the seventeenth century, 49, 76, 108 passim in the early nineteenth century, 201, 209 rentes constitutes, 56, 60, 63, 64-5, 163-4, 170, attitude towards clients, 53—4, 202—3 171-2, 174, 175, 185,213,218,224,226 charitable income, 50, 79-80, 83 rentes viageres, 170, 218, 252. See also fondsperdus critique of, 2-7, 131-3, 160-1, 235 representants en mission, 111 demand on resources, 52, 56, 61, 63, 68, Restoration, 207, 246, 248, 253, 254 69-75, 161-3, 171, 177, 184, 249 Revolutionary assemblies, 203 effects of Revolution, 170-2 Constituent Assembly, 8, 159, 161—2 finances, 51, 55-6, 64, 70-5, 77-90passim, Legislative Assembly, 166 131 Convention, 166, 168, 175, 176, 178, geographical distribution of, 3, 7, 45—50, 182-3, 185, 186, 197 132, 159-60, 179, 183, 263-73 Directorial period, 200, 253 government enquiries into, 41, 71, 132, 159, Revolutionary Government, 175, 183, 184, 263-5 188, 231, 252 'municipalisation', 168, 169, 170, 194 Rhone, river, 20, 146 quasi-ecclesiastical character, 51, 52—3, 135 rice, 54, 104 reform of: in seventeenth century, 3, 45, 49, Rights of Man, 196, 198 77, 131, 133; in eighteenth century, 5-6, robbery, 141 95, 138-9; under Revolution, 5-6, 8, Robespierre, 174 175-83 passim, 235, 257 Rodez (Aveyron), Ancien Regime diocese of, Pope, 201 popular disorders, 36-7, 138, 240 15 popular festivities, 20, 22, 98, 118 Rollet, 201 population growth, 1, 30-1, 69, 131, 241 Roman Law, 37 poverty, 30, 35, 241, 245 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 22 analysis of, 1-2, 29, 154-5 Rouziere, Jean, 75 problem of, 1, 29-42passim, 131-5, 154-5, royalism, 174, 211 rural industry, 17-18, 27, 32, 34, 135, 241 162-3, 180, 228, 231 prayers, 87, 109, 115. See also masses sailors, treatment of sick in hospitals, 74, 221 prefects, 217, 227, 236 Saint-Andre-de-Sangonis (L), 46 of theH6rault, 220, 225, 242, 243, 245, 246, Saint-Clement (M), 12 247, 251

316

Index

Saint-Flour (Cantal), Ancien Regime diocese of, 15 Saint-Just, 177, 183 Saint-Papoul (Aude), 117 Saint-Pierre, Abbe de, 2 Saint-Ponais, see Saint-Pons, Ancien Regime diocese of; district of Saint-Pons, 177 Ancien Regime diocese of, 7, 17, 46: poor-relief provision in, 46; medical provision in, 116—17, 118n district of, 178, 226 Saint-Priest, 24, 41, 45, 107, 136, 141, 142, 147, 148, 149 Saint-Thibery (B), 41-2 Santiago de Compostela, 96 Santo Domingo, 75 scientific farming, 31 Second Empire, 254 seigneurs, 37-9, 72, 75 charity of, 37-40, 40-2, 98 Sette, 20 Seven Years War, 30 sick, in hospitals, 3, 52, 56, 96, 139, 176, 192, 230 Singla, Jean, 75 smallpox, 35, 52 inoculation against, 136, 137, 239 vaccination against, 204, 224, 239 Smollett, Tobias, 113, 120, 126 social and economic development, 1—2, 3,8, 19, 20, 26, 28, 29-34, 42, 45, 75, 161-2, 166, 184, 193, 241-3, 247, 251 social medicine, 135-8, 204, 237-40 social security, 252, 253 Societe de Charite Maternelle, 237-9 s octetis populaires, 173

soldiers, treatment of sick in hospitals, 59, 74, 172, 191-2, 220-2, 229, 255: in the Hotel-Dieu Saint-Eloi, Montpellier, 59-61, 70, 74, 97, 172-4, 187-8, 191-2, 203, 213, 220-2, 255 in mineral spas, 63, 123 in regimental infirmaries, 60, 172 see also military hospitals sorcerers, 115—16 soupes a la Rumford, see soupes economiques soupes economiques, 226, 239—40

Spain, 12, 34, 196, 220, 221 Spanish America, 34 Strasbourg, Ecole de Sante, 173 sub-prefects, 217, 218, 227 subsistence crises, 14, 32, 126 Sue, Eugene, 254 suspects, 174 syndic des pauvres, 71

Tectosages, 23

Terray, 152, 264 Terror, 162, 172, 176, 182, 186, 207, 208, 245, 252 testamentary charity, 74, 80n, 85—90, 208-13 Thermidor, 177, 182, 186 Thermidoreans, 184, 200, 253 Thezan (B), 45 Thibault, 213 Third Republic, 6, 254 tithes, 20, 39-40, 75, 241 tithe-alms, 39-40, 98, 168 Toulon (Var), 197, 223 Toulouse (Haute-Garonne), 19, 32, 154 archbishop, 19, 150 Lieutenance (marechaussee), 146 Parlement, 31, 39 travailleurs de terre, 27, 32-4, 147, 243 trees of liberty, 196 tresoriers des pauvres, 11

Turgot, 2-3, 52, 94, 140-1, 154, 255, 264 unemployment, 34, 133, 147, 176, 240 unmarried mothers, 116, 176, 182, 255—6. See also illegitimacy unwanted children, see enfants trouves;

illegitimacy; orphans 'urbanised villages', 24, 26, 45, 236 Uzes (Gard), Ancien Regime diocese of, 15 vagabonds, 133, 134n, 140, 147, 148, 150, 151, 240, 246, 251 vagrancy, 77, 227; 240, 243, 245. See also begging; government, campaigns against begging and vagrancy vaine pature, 98

Verdanson, river, 100, 125 Vidourle, river, 27 Vieussens, 124—5 Vigaroux, 204 village community, 24—7, 38, 241 administration of poor-relief institutions, 71-2, 224-5 caritadiers, 98

customary rights, 26, 31, 38-9, 98 disputes and tensions, 26—8, 72 outsiders to, 25, 26, 95, 244-5 self-government, 24, 25-6, 38, 45, 71, 73, 98, 224, 228 see also communities; maires; municipalities Vincent de Paul, 50, 53 viticulture, 11, 31, 32, 34, 96, 241 Viviers, (Ardeche), 15 Voltaire, 2 wages, 32-4, 106, 107, 162, 243 war, 162, 172-4, 184, 220, 241, 242, 244, 252 Ministry of, 59, 74, 149, 188

Index Wars of Religion, 23 Watteville, Baron de, 256-7 'welfare state', 8, 161, 175, 182, 184, 252 widows, 3, 56, 74, 117, 178, 182 wills, 6, 38, 79-90, 97, 108, 208-12 preambles to, 81, 83, 85, 86, 210, 211 religious bequests in, 81, 83, 85, 86, 210, 212 'religious dimorphism' in, 211

317

religious inspiration, 6, 80—3, 209 'secularisation', 83-4, 209-10 see also alms-giving; bienfaisance; charitable donors; foundations; testamentary charity wise women, see healers, midwives work schemes, 3, 135, 138, 150, 160, 165-6, 176, 245 Young, Arthur, 11—12, 18, 27