Ceramic Kilns of Ancient Greece: Technology and Organization of Ceramic Workshops (PHD Dissertation)

UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI February 28th, 2002 I, , Eleni Hasaki hereby submit this as part of the requirements for th...

Author: Eleni Hasaki

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UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI February 28th, 2002

I,

,

Eleni Hasaki

hereby submit this as part of the requirements for the degree of:

Doctorate of Philosophy (Ph.D.) in:

Classics It is entitled:

Ceramic Kilns in Ancient Greece: Technology and Organization of Ceramic Workshops

Approved by: Diane Harris-Cline Charles Brian Rose Jack L. Davis Barbara Burrell Panos Valavanis

CERAMIC KILNS IN ANCIENT GREECE: TECHNOLOGY AND ORGANIZATION OF CERAMIC WORKSHOPS

A dissertation submitted to the Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY (Ph.D.) in the Department of Classics of the College of Arts and Sciences 2002 by Eleni Hasaki

B.A., University of Athens, Greece, 1992 M.A., University of Cincinnati, 1995

Committee Chair:

Outside Reader:

Diane Harris-Cline, Ph.D. Jack L. Davis, Ph.D. C. Brian Rose, Ph.D. Barbara Burrell, Ph.D. Panos Valavanis, Ph.D. University of Athens, Greece

i

ABSTRACT The present study constitutes a literary, iconographical, technological, and typological analysis of ceramic kilns in ancient Greece. More than four hundred and fifty kilns dating from Early Bronze Age to the Byzantine times from the modern state of Greece have been surveyed and categorized.

Kavmino" is the all-encompassing term for any type of pyrotechnological structure, whether it fired pottery or smelted metal, but later lexicographers also used ijpnov", klivbano"

(krivbano"), and fou'rno" (terms connected primarily with bread ovens) as synonyms to kavmino". The iconographical reexamination of the representations of kilns on the Archaic Penteskoufia plaques suggested that their use as test pieces might account for the irregularities in the structure and execution level of their scenes. Chapter II presents all the structural parts (fixed and movable) of a standard, twochambered, updraft Greek kiln. The firing process and it fuel requirements are estimated using ethnographic and experimental data. An Excursus on various pyrotechnological structures such as the baking oven, the metallurgical furnace, or the lime kiln, highlights the similarities and differences in the construction and performance of these structures. A comparative approach not only spells away the prolongued confusion about their operative mechanisms, but also emphasizes the pyrotechnological interdependence of the practicioners of these crafts. Ceramic workshops tend to develop in industrial quarters along other crafts. Their presence in sanctuaries is very limited, and their association with cemeteries should be viewed as a coincidence rather than as a conscious choice. In the typological chapter (III), the kilns are distinguished according to the shape of the combustion chamber (circular and rectangular) and into nine subtypes according to the arrangement of the support of the perforated floor. A central circular or rectangular support of the perforated floor is the commonest type. Other types are attested mainly, but not exclusively in certain periods and areas of Greece. The larger rectangular kilns, although fewer, point to more specialized production, able to afford their costly operation. The earliest updraft kilns with an intermediate perforated floor appear in the Middle Bronze Age. Their design remains stable throughout antiquity. In the historical periods, the comparisons among periods from Geometric to Byzantine are based on typology, size, and

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density of types. Overall, there is a slow progression towards more and slightly bigger kilns in every period within each workshop. The size of the kiln is also used as a yardstick to estimate the volume of ceramic production. Medium workshops with one to two kilns and with a full-time crew of four to six persons can be reconstructed based on a potter’s daily production and the capacity of a kiln operating full-time. Such workshops correspond to the “workshop industry” of craft specialization categories.

Stouς goneiv" mou, Mariva kai Tzwnavko, me pollhv agavph...

Ouj mikro;n de; th'" keramiva" ejsti; mevro" hJ o[pthsi". dei' de; mhvte e[latton, mhvte plevon, ajlla; memetrhmevnw" to; pu'r uJpobavllein. The firing is no small part of the potter's craft. Not too little or too much fire should be built under the pots, but just enough. Geoponica, VI.3.5

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© Eleni Hasaki 2002

All rights preserved. No part of this dissertation can be copied without the written permission of the author.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The completion of a dissertation is an interesting combination of personal dedication together with communal effort of many people who graciously have contributed to its formation and have knowingly or unknowingly affected its development. At the University of Athens, I thank Profs. A. Lemos, O. Palagia, and E. SimantoniBournia for instilling in me the love for archaeology and their dedication to teaching young students. Later on at the University of Cincinnati, in the Burnam Classics Library (also known as the Home) my professors A. Christopherson, G. Cohen, K. Gutzwiller, A. Michelini, H. Parker, and G. Walberg introduced me to many unknown areas and broadened my horizons which made the longer stay a definitely beneficial experience. The continuous support of the Fulbright Fellowship, the Taft Graduate Fellowship and the summer grants of C. Boulter and M. Rawson as well as the University Research Summer Grant enabled me to carry out my research in Greece. During the years 1998-2000 I had the honor to participate in the ASCSA program as a Virginia Grace and H. A. Thompson Fellow and to conduct my research in the perfect environment. The Director of the School Prof. J. Muhly, Profs. R. Stroud, M. Langdon, Stephen Tracey, and B. Burke, R. Bridges, M. Pilali, and T. Elemam facilitated immensely my research through encouragement, scholarly input, and practical advice. While in Athens I had the privilege to develop fruitful discussions with Ian Whitbread, Director of the Fitch Laboratory of the British School at Athens. Prof. V. Kilikoglou, at the “Demokritos” Institute was always willing to read the sections on archaeological sciences and exchange ideas. In terms of library assistance, one could not hope for a better combination: since my first year in Cincinnati I was fortunate to work with the extraordinary librarians J. Wellington and M. Braunlin as well as their equally conscientious assistants. At the ASCSA N. Winter combined in one person the helpful librarian and the academic mentor regarding production issues of architectural terracottas. A. Ziskowski, M. Raftopoulou, and P. Kyriakopoulou offered me valuable help when needed. Outside the nurturing environment of academia, and when faced with 500 cases of kilns, mainly unpublished, I was extremely fortunate to have a wonderful collaboration with

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the archaeologists of the local ephorates in Greece, who, despite their hectic schedules, still found time to consult old notebooks and provide generously the information I was interested in. Many warm thanks to E. Baziotopoulou-Valavani, Kaza-Papageorgiou, K. PrekaAlexandri (G v Ephorate), A. Doulgeri-Intzesiloglou, V. Adrimi-Sismani (ID v Ephorate); M. Petropoulos, L. Papakosta, and M. Sotiropoulou (ST v Ephorate); X. Arapoyianni, O. Karagiorga (Z v Ephorate); S. Spyropoulos (E v Ephorate); E. Pappa, E. Psarra (D v Ephorate); E. Grammatikaki, A. Lebessi (Herakleion Ephorate); Y. Tsakos, Y. Kourayos (KA v Ephorate); D. Skorda (I v Ephorate); F. Dakoronia, T. Bougia (IG Ephorate) and E. Sapouna-Sakellaraki (IA' Ephorate); D. Kourkoumelis (Enalion Ephorate). The following people kindly shared with me unpublished results of their research: B. Demierre, V. Cracolici, H. Elton, W. Loomis, A. McLoughlin, A. Penttinen, P. Petridis, E. Psarra, D. Skorda, and C. Zerner. The directors of excavations of the foreign archaeological schools also facilitated my access to notebooks, photographic material and plans of the kilns. I thank Profs. H. Kyrieleis, U. Sinn and A. Martin (for Olympia); S. Schmidt (for Eretria); G. Rizza (for Prinias); Prof. J. Jameson for the excavation of the modern kiln at Porto-Cheli by F. Matson. And especially Prof. Stephen Miller for the kilns at Nemea. I feel deeply obliged to the staff of the Corinth Excavations, Director G. Sanders and Asst. Director N. Bookidis, not only for their warm hospitality, but also for answering my numerous questions about the Tile Works and other kilns at ancient Corinth. The Emeritus Director C.K. Williams, II, believed in my project from our first meeting and has generously offered his comments and advice since then. M. Roebuck and G.S. Merker supplied me with additional information about the Tile Works. The excavation team at Kommos directed by Profs. J. Shaw and M. Shaw together with the pottery analyst A. Van Den Moortel presented to me the manuscript of the Kommos monograph before its publication (see now Shaw et al. 2001). Once the material was collected, it fell upon long-standing friends and colleagues to point out obscure references, accompany me to kilns (some of not so early in date!!) keep my head off water when I thought I was drowning, go for long coffees where the topic of conservation was of little importance. It is my honor to return inadequate thanks for valuable advice to the following professors and colleagues A. Ajootian, E. Athanassopoulou, F. Blondé, S. Klinger, O. Kouka, T. Kozelj, E. Landridge, M. Lawall, Y. Lolos, W. Loomis,

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V. Machaira, A. Mazarakis-Ainian, J. Papapolymerou, G. Papassavvas, L. Stirling, B. Tekkök, D. Welle, and N. Zimi. My fellow students during my stay at the ASCSA took sincere interest in “Eleni’s kilns” and made sure that I did not leave out even one example. Special thanks I owe to Leda Costaki for always looking for kilns while gathering her evidence for ancient streets in Athens; to V. Tsoukala and C. Verfenstein for fruitful exchange of opinions on Penteskoufia plaques; thanks also to N. Dimitrova, M. Richardson, and A. YassurLandau. I cannot be grateful enough for my cherished friendship with Bryan Burns. He oversaw the completion of this project as a honorary advisor and solved numerous dilemmas, selflessly dedicating his time and energy. The following potters shared with me that insightful knowledge and accumulated experience that cannot be found in any books: Costas Chrysogelos (Thasos), Dimitris Kirkilessis (Ancient Olympia), Dimitris Nastas (Scopelos) and Takis Tranoulis (Rafina). My long standing relationship with the workshop of Mr. Abdallah Abdelali and with the families of Abderrazak Sandid and Mohammed Bousrih at Moknine, Tunisia, helped me understand many aspects of the Greek kilns during the ethnoarchaeological project of the traditional Tunisian kilns. Back in Cincinnati a large group of archaeologists and non-archaeologists kept a healthy balance in my life there and enriched me as a person: Jim Newhard grew up to be the best friend and colleague once can hope for, being there at airports and hospitals with the same interest with which he would explain Excel databases or surplus theories. My fellow students M. Dalinghaus and S. Wallrodt commented on earlier drafts and sharpened my thinking. Our computer assistant, John Wallrodt, enlightened us technologically and made the practical rendering of a dissertation a relatively painless experience. Especially Siriol Davies, Evi Gorogianni, and Sean Lockwood went beyond the call of colleagues and friends and I thank them dearly. In my early years a vibrant Greek community kept me in touch with the far away land and have left with me a cherished box of memories: Ioulia Tzonou-Herbst and Nasia Liakopoulou (with whom we shared endless hours in the computer room), T. Liakopoulos, C. Matsoukas, N. Oikonomides, the honorary Greek of German nationality M. Schröder and the dear friend J. Franz. The families of Aleksi Du Comb and James Burns provided the warmth of a home away from home.

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In the last semester of completing this study in my new position at the University of Arizona at Tucson, faculty and staff gave me the necessary support for the last stretch. Special thanks to “my Head” Prof. Mary Voyatzis for creating an unobstructed environment and for her steadfast belief in me. Profs. D. Killick and F. Romer, Eleni Saltourides and Hale Thomas saved the day in critical moments. A vibrant friend, the artist Paulus “Lucky” Musters, proved to be an excellent host in the new town. His enthusiasm about kilns and furnaces was always welcome. Kianoosh Haghighi just made everything happen with his smile and kindness. The long standing friends, Costas Voyatzis and Karam Chatha, have been treasuries to have during my entire stay in the United States. A discrete thank you to a valuable friend, V. Tzerpos for his encouragement and support at the very beginning of it all back in 1992-93. An unusual, but highly necessary eucaristw v, to a team of highly skilled and devoted medical doctors, V. Georgoulis, Th. Kanaghinis, N. Dovas, and especially to K. Karlaftis who literally held my hand at many difficult times. They know why. Finally my warmest thanks to my dissertation committee: my chair, Diane HarrisCline; although we were in different states or continents for most of my dissertation, she was always there with her infallible support, sound advice, and enthusiasm. Her teaching and scholarly achievements have set a high standard for me and I am so glad that our paths crossed even for a short period of time. Sincere thanks to Jack Davis, for his great impact on my graduate career as a graduate advisor. I thank him for pushing to the limits my thinking in his seminars; the reassuring sound of his boots walking down the corridor was always a sign that things will go well. He followed this dissertation with continuous interest and constructive criticisms. I cannot thank enough Brian Rose with his outstanding lectures and his inspiring academic and personal talents. He generously provided unlimited help when it was most needed. Barbara Burrell smoothly steered this project through the final bureaucratic Scyllas and I am thankful to her. My gratitude to the outside reader, Prof. Panos Valavanis who, with his ethics and deep understanding of ceramic workshops, stood by this dissertation a solid pillar of encouragement and inspiration.

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And of course, a wink and a smile to my best friend, Irene Thanassoulia, for her interest in movies and pupper theaters which kept me sane all these years. She stood by me as the sister I never had, but I wished I had. Her company in operation rooms, in traditional kilns, and at noisy brick factories are only a sample of all the times she was there with love, understanding, and support. This work is dedicated to my parents, Maria and Tzonako, the two people without whom nothing would have happened. Although they will not be able to understand what I have written, I hope they can understand how much I respect and love them.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract.............................................................................................................................................i Acknowledgments ...........................................................................................................................iv List of Tables ...................................................................................................................................xi List of Plates ....................................................................................................................................xiii

Introduction......................................................................................................................................1 Chapter I The Ceramic Kiln in Ancient Art and Literature ..................................................................29 Artistic Representations ........................................................................................................31 Uncertain Representations of Kilns ......................................................................................51 Literary Terms.......................................................................................................................54 Chapter II The Ceramic Kiln: Its Architecture and Function.................................................................70 Building a Kiln ......................................................................................................................71 The Structural Parts of a Ceramic Kiln................................................................................77 Firing a Kiln..........................................................................................................................102 Excursus “Alike Yet Different: Ceramic Kilns vs. Other Pyrotechnological Structures .............112 The Baking Oven...................................................................................................................115 The Lime Kiln........................................................................................................................121 The Bath Furnace..................................................................................................................125 The Glass Furnace ................................................................................................................127 The Metallurgical Furnace ...................................................................................................129 Minor Firing Structures........................................................................................................134 Chapter III Typological Classification of Greek Kilns...............................................................................139 Old and New Typologies .......................................................................................................142 Circular and Pear-shaped Kilns .............................................. ..........................................152 Rectangular Kilns ...............................................................................................................165 General Typological Observations ......................................................................................177

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Chapter IV The Predecessors of Historical Kilns: Neolithic Ovens to Late Bronze Age Kilns ............186 Neolithic Ovens .....................................................................................................................189 Early Bronze Age Kilns.........................................................................................................195 Middle Bronze Age Kilns ......................................................................................................199 Late Bronze Age Kilns...........................................................................................................201 Chapter V The Historical Kilns: Geometric Through Byzantine Periods..............................................219 Submycenaean and Geometric Kilns ....................................................................................220 Archaic Kilns.........................................................................................................................225 Classical Kilns ......................................................................................................................230 Hellenistic to Byzantine Kilns...............................................................................................234 Undated Kilns .......................................................................................................................246 General Chronological Survey .............................................................................................247 Chapter VI The Kiln, The Ceramic Workshop, and The Ancient City....................................................251 Defining a Workshop ...........................................................................................................252 Identifying a Workshop .........................................................................................................257 Categorizing a Workshop: Specialization of Production ....................................................264 The Ceramic Workshop in the Ancient City .........................................................................285 Epilogue ...........................................................................................................................................296 Catalogue of Geometric through Classical Kilns..........................................................................319 References .........................................................................................................................................362 Appendix I: List of Bronze Age and Hellenistic through Byzantine Kilns.................................408 Appendix II: Concordance to Seifert's (1993) List of Ancient Greek Kilns...............................429 Appendix III: Penteskoufia Plaques depicting Kilns....................................................................434 Plates .................................................................................................................................................453

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LIST OF TABLES Table Intro.1

Parameters of ceramic technology.

Table Intro.2

Firing temperatures for ceramics in Greece.

Table I.1

Distribution of iconographical themes on the reverse of the Penteskoufia kiln plaques.

Table II.1

Data for time requirements of kiln construction.

Table II.2

Consumption of fuel at different sites.

Table II.3

Ethnographic and experimental data on kiln capacity.

Table Exc.1

Fuel requirements for lime kilns in Greece.

Table III.1

Cuomo Di Caprio's types for Italian ceramic kilns.

Table III.2

Attestation of Italian kiln types in major chronological periods.

Table III.3

Geographical distribution of Italian kiln types (Data: Cuomo Di Caprio 1971/1972).

Table III.4

Davaras' typology for ceramic kilns in Greece.

Table III.5

New typology of Greek kilns.

Table III.6

Distribution of kilns according to regions.

Table III.7

Chronological and geographical distributions of type Ia.

Table III.8

Chronological and geographical distributions of type Ib.

Table III.9

Chronological and geographical distributions of type Ie.

Table III.10

Chronological and geographical distributions of type If.

Table III.11

Chronological and geographical distributions of type Ig.

Table III.12

Chronological and geographical distributions of type IIa.

Table III.13

Chronological and geographical distributions of type IIb.

Table III.14

Chronological and geographical distributions of type IIc.

Table III.15

Sizes of kilns according to types.

Table IV.1

Distribution of types in the Bronze Age.

Table IV.2

Criteria for identification of Minoan pottery workshops. Data from Michaelidis 1993.

Table V.1

Distribution of types of kilns according to periods.

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Table V.2

Sizes of kilns according to periods.

Table VI.1

Archaeological criteria for identifying a ceramic workshop.

Table VI.2

Flowchart of archaeological criteria for identifying a ceramic workshop.

Table VI.3

Concordance of degrees of craft specialization proposed by various scholars.

Table VI.4

Kilns as indicators of production.

Table VI.5

Measurements of area occupied by ceramic workshops.

Table VI.6

Calculations of raw material required for Corinthian rooftiles.

Table VI.7

Time schedule to prepare and fire the roof of a treasury building at the East kiln (65) at Tile Works at ancient Corinth.

Table VI.8

Sites with kilns in association with sanctuaries.

Table VI.9

Sites with kilns in association with cemeteries.

Table Epil.1

Number of types of kilns.

Table Epil.2

Chronological distribution of Greek kilns.

Table Epil.3

Distribution of general types according to regions.

Table Epil.4

Distribution of kilns according to prefectures.

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LIST OF PLATES Plate I.1

Penteskoufia plaques depicting kilns. Part I. (MNB 2856, F616).

Plate I.2

Penteskoufia plaques depicting kilns. Part II (and possibly painted by the same artist). (F608, F609, F618, F637+819, F867).

Plate I.3

Penteskoufia plaques depicting kilns. Part III. (F615, F683+757+822+829, F810, F811, F816).

Plate I.4

Penteskoufia plaques depicting kilns. Part IV. (MNB 2858, F632+887, F843, F866+546, F909).

Plate I.5

Penteskoufia plaques depicting kilns. Part V. (F482+627+943, F611, F802, F846, F863+877+879, F865).

Plate 1.6

Penteskoufia plaques possibly painted by the same artist. (F639, F789, F865, F871, F893).

Plate I.7

Penteskoufia plaques with the same orientation of scenes on both sides. (F595, F797, F848, F849, F855, F860, F894, F921).

Plate I.8

Penteskoufia plaques with sketchy compositions. Part I. (F368, F460, F555, F835, F839, F900).

Plate I.9

Penteskoufia plaques with sketchy compositions. Part II. (F489, F722, F769, F873, F899).

Plate I.10

a. Penteskoufia plaques with kilns and inscriptions. (F608, F611); b. An aryballos and a Penteskoufia plaque (F848) signed by Timonidas (after Payne 1931, cat. no. 1459).

Plate I.11

Representations of kilns. a. Terracotta model from the Potters’ Quarter at ancient Corinth (KN 131); b. Hydria attributed to the Leagros Group (Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen 1717).

Plate I.12

Uncertain representations of kilns. a. Black-figure skyphos from the Robinson collection in Baltimore, by the Theseus Painter; b-c. Gem engravings (now lost).

Plate II.1

Multi-lingual dictionary of the structural parts of the kiln. Drawing of the Protoarchaic kiln at Prinias by F. Tomasello (after Rizza et al. 1992).

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Plate II.2

Different methods for firing pottery a. pit firing (after Rice 1986); b. horizontal kiln firing (after Rye 1981); c-d. so-called horizontal kilns from ancient Palestine (after Wood 1990). Scale applies only to d.

Plate II.3

a. Major parts of a kiln; b. Kiln at Pella (85); c. Schematic representation of a kiln.

Plate II.4

Hellenistic kiln at Chalkis (349). Walls of the combustion chamber lined with Corinthian-style rooftiles [after ADelt 24 (1969), pl. 211b].

Plate II.5

The stoking channel of the kiln. a. Classical kilns at Kerameikos, Athens (40-42); b. Archaic kilns at Lato (28-30); c. Roman kiln at Philotas (250); d. Kiln with double-stoking channel at Klirou on Cyprus (after Hampe and Winter 1962, figs. 50-51). Scales apply only to a and d.

Plate II.6

Two reconstructions of the Penteskoufia plaque F893 [after Noble 1988, fig. 238 (top) and after Jena Painter 1996, fig. 11].

Plate II.7

Ventholes of the perforated floor. a. Fragments of ventholes from Protoarchaic kilns at Prinias (31-36) and their restored diameters; b. Joining fragments of a venthole from Geometric kilns at Lefkandi (07-09).

Plate II.8

Examples of diversity in the arrangement of the ventholes of the perforated floors from ceramic kilns in Egypt. a. Burg-el Arab (after El-Ashmawi 1998); b. Amphora kiln at Desert Road Alexandria-Cairo, Km 203 (after ElFattah 1998).

Plate II.9

Supporting system for the perforated floor at Istronas, Crete (385).

Plate II.10

Roman kiln at Gortys, Arcadia (337) preserving the perforated floor and the system of supporting arms.

Plate II.11

Supporting clay arms of the perforated floor. a. Nemea Valley Archaeological Project (after Wright et al. 1990); b. Berbati, Argos (340); c. Mitropoli, Karditsa (353); d. Asomatos, Crete (after Hampe and Winter 1962, pl. 2). Scales apply only to a and b.

Plate II.12

Different types of stacking supports. Part I. a-b. from the Athenian Agora (after Papadopoulos J. 1992); c. Tripods from ancient Corinth and the Athenian Agora; d-e. Types of supports from ancient Corinth (drawings by author). Reconstructions A (after Kalogeropoulou 1970) and B (after Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1987) of their use inside the kiln.

Plate II.13

Different types of stacking supports. Part II. a. Stacking supports from the Tile Works at ancient Corinth (64-65); b. Modern kiln-supports for pitharia at Korone, Messenia (after Blitzer 1990).

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Plate II.14

Experimental use of L-shaped stacking supports at ancient Corinth (64-65).

Plate II.15

Clay rings from Athenian workshops (after Monaco 2000).

Plate II.16

a. Kiln supports or handle molds from Hellenistic workshop at Paroikia, Paros (228-233) (with permission by Y. Kourayos); b. Stacking techniques of ancient pottery. LM I kernos from Gortyn (after Hägg 1990).

Plate II.17

Tower-stacked cups from the cemetery at Merenda in the Brauron Museum (photo by author).

Plate Exc.1

Models of Neolithic terracotta ovens and reconstructions of their use in a Neolithic settlement (a), b. Neolithic model from Plateia Magoula Zarkou in Trikala; c. Neolithic model from Sitagroi (b-c: after Papathanassopoulos 1996).

Plate Exc.2

Experimental reconstruction of a Neolithic hut with an oven in Volos (photo by author).

Plate Exc.3

Fifth century B.C. model of oven from Boeotia (Berlin, Staatliche Museen 31644) (after Sparkes and Talcott 1958).

Plate Exc.4

Archaelogical examples of ovens. a. Neolithic oven from Arhontiko Giannitson (after Papaeuthimiou-Papanthimou and Pilali-Papasteriou 1998); b. LBA two-storied oven at Anchialos, Sindos (after Tiverios 1995); c-d. Roman bakery ovens from Pompeii and Ostia (after Bakker 1999).

Plate Exc.5

Comparison of a ceramic kiln and a lime kiln (after Adam 1992).

Plate Exc.6

Coexistence of a ceramic and a lime kiln from Kokkinovrysi at ancient Corinth (343). Courtesy of American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth Excavations.

Plate Exc.7

Lime kiln in section from Kokkinovrysi at ancient Corinth (343). Courtesy of American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth Excavations.

Plate Exc.8

a. Glass furnaces at Tell El Amarna, ca. 1400 B.C. (after Jackson et al. 1998); b. Late Roman glass workshop in Rome (after Sagui 2000).

Plate Exc.9

a. "Early Helladic metallurgical furnaces" at Steno Arcadias (after Spyropoulos, 1993); b. Cupellation furnace from Geometric Argos (after Courbin 1963).

Plate Exc.10

Metallurgical furnace and casting pit from Kladeos foothills at Olympia (after Hampe and Jantzen 1937).

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Plate Exc.11

Representations of metallurgical furnaces on Greek vases (after Oddy and Swaddling 1985).

Plate Exc.12

Plans, pictures, and reconstructions of a casting pit at Kassope (after Schwandner and Zimmer 1983).

Plate Exc.13

Various types of furnaces. a. Coin foundry at the Agora, Thessaloniki (after Velenis 1996); b. Workshop for preparation of colors on Cos (after Kantzia and Kouzeli 1987).

Plate Exc.14

Reconstruction of a coin foundry (after Conophagos et al. 1976).

Plate Exc.15

Summary of characteristics of pyrotechnological structures.

Plate III.1

Cuomo Di Caprio's typology (after Cuomo Di Caprio 1978/79).

Plate III.2

Development of pottery-firing structures in Syria and Palestine (after Delcroix and Huot 1972).

Plate III.3

Typology of circular and rectangular tile kilns in Roman France (after Le Ny 1988).

Plate III.4

Typology of Greek circular kilns (drawings by D. Weibel).

Plate III.5

Kilns with a central wall from ancient Syria and Palestine (after Delcroix and Huot 1972).

Plate III.6

Archaic circular kiln at Prinias with two parallel walls (36) (after Rizza et al. 1992).

Plate III.7

Circular kilns with benches: Dodona (10), Achladia (146), Palaikastro (150).

Plate III.8

Typology of Greek rectangular kilns (drawings by D. Weibel).

Plate III.9

Archaic (?) rectangular kiln at Aigion (18).

Plate III.10

Plans and sections of rectangular kilns at Olympia (73, 347, 392).

Plate III.11

Roman rectangular kilns at Polymylos, Kozanis (365-367) (after Karamitrou et al. 1998).

Plate III.12

Traditional rectangular kilns from Cos (above) and Chios (after Psaropoulou 1986).

xvii

Plate III.13

Typology of circular and rectangular kilns in ancient Greece (drawings by D. Weibel).

Plate III.14

Rectangular kilns/ovens from ancient Iran and Mesopotamia (after Delcroix and Huot 1972).

Plate III.15

Typology of Gallo-Roman kilns (after Peacock 1982).

Plate III.16

Comparison of Greek typology of rectangular kilns with other Mediterranean typologies.

Plate III.17

Ceramic kilns in Magna Graecia. a. Classical kilns at Metaponto (after Adamesteanu et al. 1980); b. Classical kilns at Naxos (after Fischer-Hansen 2000).

Plate IV.1

Plans and reconstructions of the Neolithic “oven” at Olynthus.

Plate IV.2

Early Helladic ovens/kilns. a. Agios Mamas, Chalkidike; b. Polychrono, Chalkidike (94). The north arrow applies only to b.

Plate IV.3

Middle Helladic kilns: Lerna (96), Sparta (101-102), Kirrha (104-106). The scale applies only to the plans.

Plate IV.4

Middle Helladic kiln from Eretria (103). Courtesy of Swiss Archaeological School.

Plate IV.5

Kiln sites on Crete (with the addition of the later production center, Thrapsano).

Plate IV.6

a. Late Minoan IB channel kiln at Kommos (145); b. Reconstruction of the Late Minoan IB channel kiln at Kommos (145) (a, b. after Shaw et al. 2001).

Plate IV.7

Plans and sections of the Late Minoan IB kiln at Agia Triadha (143).

Plate IV.8

Reconstruction of the rectangular kiln at Agia Triadha (143) firing pithoi.

Plate IV.9

Late Minoan IIIA Potters' Quarter at Gouves, Herakleion (after HatziVallianou 1996).

Plate IV.10

Reconstruction of kiln IV at Gouves, Herakleion (after Hatzi-Vallianou 1998).

Plate IV.11

Metallurgical furnace/pottery kiln at Zakros, Crete (123).

Plate IV.12

Late Minoan IIIB channel kilns from Knossos (139-141).

xvii

Plate IV.13

Sizes of Prehistoric kilns (all in the same scale). a. Agia Triadha (143); b. Dimini (116); c. Achladia (148).

Plate IV.14

Late Minoan IIIB circular kiln at Kavousi, Crete (151).

Plate IV.15

Mycenaean kilns: Aigeira (108), Berbati (111), Dimini (116), Pylos (114), Thebes (115), Velestino (117).

Plate IV.16

Ceramic workshop at Kirrha, Delphi (104-106).

Plate IV.17

Distribution of Prehistoric kilns.

Plate V.1

Plans of Geometric kilns (all in the same scale): Amorgos (13), Athens (01), Dodona (10), Phaistos (12), Torone (11).

Plate V.2

Distribution of Geometric kilns.

Plate V.3

Perforated floor of Geometric kiln at Kyme on Euboea (05) (photo by author).

Plate V.4

Plans of Archaic kilns. Aigion (18), Knossos (27), Lato (28-30), Phari (2526), Prinias (31-36).

Plate V.5

Distribution of Archaic kilns.

Plate V.6

Selection of Classical kilns (all in the same scale).

Plate V.7

Distribution of Classical kilns.

Plate V.8

General plan of the sanctuary of Zeus at Nemea (60-62) indicating area of the kilns (after Miller 1975).

Plate V.9

The sanctuary of Zeus at Nemea. Plan of the kilns area in relationship to the Xenon and the Basilica (composite plan by the author on Miller’s 1975 site plan).

Plate V.10

Rectangular kiln at the sanctuary of Zeus at Nemea (60) (drawings by C.K. Williams).

Plate V.11

Distribution of Hellenistic kilns.

Plate V.12

Hellenistic workshop at Pella (218-223) (after Lilimbaki-Akamati 1993).

Plate V.13

Distribution of Roman kilns.

Plate V.14

Athens, Kotzia Square. Late Roman workshops area (274-300). (Kilns indicated with red, basins with blue color) [after ADelt 43 (1988), pl. II].

xix

Plate V.15

Rectangular Roman kilns at Kerameikos, Bau Y (260-269) (after Knigger and Rügler 1989).

Plate V.16

Distribution of Late Antique kilns

Plate V.17

Distribution of Byzantine kilns.

Plate V.18

Byzantine kilns at ancient Corinth (After Morgan 1942).

Plate V.19

Byzantine kilns at ancient Corinth (412-413) (after Morgan 1942).

Plate VI.1

Protoarchaic ceramic workshop at Prinias, Crete (31-36) (after Rizza et al. 1992, 155, fig. 35).

Plate VI.2

Site plan of the Tile Works, ancient Corinth (64-65). Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth Excavations.

Plate VI.3

Section plans of the East kiln at the Tile Works, ancient Corinth (64-65). Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth Excavations.

Plate VI.4

The East kiln at the Tile Works, ancient Corinth (65). Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth Excavations.

Plate VI.5

a. Orlandos' reconstruction of the superstructure of the East kiln at the Tile Works at ancient Corinth (65); b. New reconstruction of the East kiln at the Tile Works at ancient Corinth (65); c. Modern abandoned tile kiln (1968) at ancient Elis [ADelt 23 (1968), fig. 138].

Plate VI.6

Estimations of time requirements for the East kiln at the Tile Works to fire roofs of buildings of various sizes.

Plate VI.7

Workshops with rectangular kilns at ancient Corinth. A. Tile Works (64-65), B. West Tile Works (344), C. Kokkinovrysi (343). Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth Excavations.

Plate VI.8

a. Plan of the Olympia sanctuary with locations of kilns indicated; b. Detailed plan of encircled area in plan a (after Kunze and Schleif 1944, pl. II).

Plate VI.9

The Protoarchaic ceramic workshop at Prinias (31-36).

Plate VI.10

Geometric (?) kiln and clay pits at Samos (14).

Plate VI.11

Archaic ceramic workshop at Phari, Thasos (25-26)

xx

Plate VI.12

Classical ceramic workshop at Lenormant Ave. in Athens (51-53).

Plate VI.13

Kerameikos at Figaretto, Corfu operating from Archaic to Hellenistic times (197-209).

Plate VI.14

Classical ceramic workshop at Sindos, Macedonia (86-89).

Plate VI.15

Hellenistic ceramic workshop at Stamouli-Bolia Plot, Pherai, Velestino (190-192).

xxi

The Greek font used to publish this work is available from Linguist's Software, Inc., PO Box 580, Edmonds, WA 98020-0580 USA, tel (425) 775-1130, www.linguistsoftware.com.

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

INTRODUCTION

An ancient Greek ceramic kiln is a partially subterranean structure (circular or rectangular) with two compartments: the lower one, where the combustion of the fuel takes place, and the upper, where the pottery is placed. The two compartments are separated by a perforated floor, which allows the heat to move to the upper compartment. Most students of classical antiquity are familiar with this standard definition of an ancient pottery kiln of an updraft type and especially with its representations in the Archaic terracotta plaques from Penteskoufia in Corinth, but unfortunately the subject has never been systematically investigated. Ceramic kilns in Greece, as a subject, lie at the juncture of two well-studied fields in archaeology: ancient ceramic kilns in general and ceramic production in ancient Greece. Despite intensive study of ceramic production in all its stages and the ceramic ecology within which the production is framed (i.e., procurement and choice of raw materials,

1

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

forming techniques, decoration, distribution, and consumption), the study of the ceramic kilns as structures and as sources of information about ceramic production has managed to "fall through the cracks."1 The main purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the Greek ceramic kilns as a group of technological structures and to analyze the technological, economic, and social aspects of a ceramic kiln and its surrounding workshop. The present study focuses on the third major stage of ceramic production (following clay collection and pot-forming), the firing, and its physical center, the ceramic kiln. Not only is the kiln one of the four major fields of ancient ceramic technology (i.e. raw materials, tools, techniques, facilities), but also all the technological choices made in the other fields aim at the best performance of the pot inside the kiln during the firing (Table Intro. 1).

RAW MATERIAL

PRIMARY CLAY SOURCE PREPARING (tempering agents, settling basins) FUEL

TOOLS

FORMING (wheel, general tools)

TECHNIQUES

FORMING DECORATING (glazes) FIRING

FACILITIES

SETTLING BASINS KILNS

Table Intro.1: Parameters of ceramic technology.

1

For ceramic ecology, see Rice (ed.) 1984; for forming a vessel, see Schreiber 1999 with earlier bibliography; Stissi 1999a on issues of production and distribution of Archaic and Classical pottery.

2

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

Ceramic kilns" has been chosen deliberately as a term over the more familiar term "pottery kilns" in order to highlight the fact that other types of terracotta objects, such as roof tiles, bathtubs, water pipes, well rings2, and funeral sarcophagi, also required a kiln to be fired. These objects tend to be forgotten as the result of the prolonged emphasis by archaeologists on ancient decorated fine pottery. This dissertation aims to accomplish three main goals: a. To provide a detailed description of a ceramic kiln, the kavmino", as understood from the iconographical and literary sources (Ch. I: "The Ceramic Kiln in Ancient Art and Literature"), as well as from the archaeological and technological points of view, in order to explain more clearly the kiln’s function, its economic impact, and the time requirements for the potting process (Ch. II: "The Ceramic Kiln: Its Architecture and Function"). An excursus ("Alike, Yet Different: The Ceramic Kiln vs. Other Pyrotechnological Structures") serves both as a reminder of how often ceramic kilns are mistaken for other structures and as a guide for correct identification of the archaeological remains. This shared pyrotechnological knowledge which accounts for this confusion also highlights the interdependence of the practitioners of such crafts centered around the use of fire.

b. To produce a comprehensive corpus of kilns as a reference tool for future, more detailed research with a regional or chronological focus. I have collected more than four hundred and fifty examples of kilns from the Bronze Age to the Byzantine period, a range of 4,500 years, within the geographical limits of the modern state of Greece (Ch.

2

For a good example of well-rings, see 46-50, Patreos St. in Patras [ADelt 32 (1977) 89, pl. 63c].

3

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

IV: "The Predecessors of Historical Kilns: Neolithic Ovens to Late Bronze Age Kilns"; Ch. V: "The Historical Kilns: Geometric through Byzantine Periods", Catalogue, and Appendix I). Moving one step beyond the logical assumption that kilns are everywhere in Greece, the present study sets out to substantiate this assumption with specific examples, to show in which regions of Greece kilns existed, and to single out areas with strong concentrations of kilns. Based on this extensive body of material, a typology can be built for the Greek kilns for the first time on a comprehensive scale, so that the excavation of new kilns can be incorporated into this system of types (Ch. III: "Typological Classification of Greek Kilns"). Through this typological arrangement certain regional preferences become noticeable. In addition, coordination of the Greek typology with existing classification systems from other Mediterranean countries (e.g. France, Italy, Britain), offers the potential of exploring not only regional, but also cultural preferences in types of kilns.

c. To maximize the range of information that an excavated kiln can provide to an archaeologist. First, a kiln can be studied as a technological structure. Ceramic technology, which so far has been studied solely through clay sources, tempering agents, the pottery wheel, and the chemical composition of glazes (Table Intro.1), can now be further elucidated through observations on kilns. Furthermore, distinct chemical groups, as defined in previous archaeometric analyses, can be matched to individual kiln sites.3

3

For the potter's wheel, see Rieth 1960; Cuomo Di Caprio 1995; Hadji-Vallianou 1997; Triantaphyllidis 2000a. Brodie (1997, 69) encourages the researchers of chemical clay compositions to improve their results by checking them against geological and archaeological data.

4

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

Finally, archaeologists will be able to compare unprovenanced material with that from a secure local provenance of excavated or detected kilns and to attribute a more reliable geographical provenance to their pottery assemblages. The degree of similarity or difference between kilns from various periods and areas of Greece can indicate that imitations and/or exchange of technological knowledge occurred not only in vessel shape and decoration, but also in kiln construction.4 Second, the kiln constitutes one of the most secure criteria for identifying a ceramic workshop and can function as a reliable measurement unit of intensity of production (Ch. VI: "The Kiln, the Workshop, and the Ancient City"). The standard time required for each firing (ca. 10-12 hours) and cooling-off (one to two days), the kiln's capacity, and its restricted operational season (during the potting season from April to October) enable us to estimate the volume of production in an ancient ceramic workshop. Such estimations set severe limits on the reconstructed sizes for large-scale ancient Greek pottery workshops that have been previously suggested and point instead to medium size workshops with one or three kilns. Finally, identification of local pottery through study of material from kiln sites will enable archaeologists to distinguish it from imported pottery, assess better the strength of the economy of the ancient Greek cities, and gain a more realistic understanding of the extent of imports and the presumed trade relationships.

4

Broekmans et al. (1999) note that wares, which were classified in the art-historical record as "imitations", were sometimes proved in scientific analyses to require the same, if not more advanced, technological skills as those involved in the manufacture of the originals.

5

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

OVERVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

The focus of the scholarship on ancient Greek pottery production has developed in a reverse order compared to the order in the manufacturing process: first on the final products (the ceramics), on their destinations (trade) and last on the workshops themselves, whereas during manufacture everything starts from and at the workshops. Greek pottery, especially the glazed fine wares, has been one of the best-studied fields in Classical archaeology.5 The standard books by J. Beazley on the Attic black-figure (ABV) and red-figure vase-painters (ARV) and extensive museum catalogues (Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum-CVA) have categorized the enormous volume of ancient vases.6 Beazley, merely by looking at pots in museums, reconstructed a vivid Athenian Kerameikos with many potters, including "masters" and "followers" who set the trends in pottery production in Attica and across ancient Greece.7 Attic pottery in turn has been used as the reference criterion for the study

5

This overview highlights only the main trends in the literature of ancient Greek pottery studies. Relevant works (with detailed discussions and extensive bibliography) are cited in the footnotes in chronological order. 6

Crielaard et al. (1999) dedicated several overview chapters to the history of pottery studies in the Mediterranean and the remaining unsolved issues. See especially Stissi's contribution (Stissi 1999a) on the Archaic and Classical periods. 7 Robertson (1982) has attempted posthumously to define Beazley's reconstructed relationships between master painters and followers and the related terms. Kurtz 1985a, 1985b, von Bothmer 1987, and Oakley 1999 offer a historical account of the study of vase painting and a critical assessment of Beazley's contribution. Recently Rouet 2001 discussed the contribution of Beazley and Pottier to the study of ancient Greek vase-painting.

6

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

of the remaining Greek and related pottery from other sites. Theories on the function of ancient pottery workshops, their structure, organization of labor, and volume of production have been formulated based on these catalogues.8 Studying pottery for its artistic merits dominated the scholarship during most of the 20th century. Scholars looked only to pots to find the answers to all the questions involving the entire process of pottery production, and generally did not investigate the excavated physical remains of pottery workshops in their urban contexts. Until the 1980s, even the term "workshop" referred to a group of ceramic materials that shared common stylistic characteristics, overlooking any references to architectural remains of a manufacturing site. The introductory books on Greek pottery dedicate only a few paragraphs to the manufacturing technique for ancient vases. Whereas the chemical effects during the different stages of firing on Athenian glaze have been extensively studied, scholars continued to rely solely on the evidence from the Penteskoufia plaques in restoring an ancient Greek kiln, even as recently as 1997.9 Our information on kilns themselves derives from three main sources: archaeological investigation of ancient kilns, scientific studies conducted on kilns or on material from kilns, and ethnographic research on modern-day pottery workshops. It was the conscious detachment from the style-based study of pots that truly advanced our knowledge of ancient kilns and prompted the excavation of actual workshops, the loci of production.

8

9

See infra Ch. VI.

Noble 1988; Sparkes 1991, 21-6, fig. II.7; Cook 1997, 231-7, fig. 235; Scheibler (1995, fig. 93), does, however, include a photograph of an actual ceramic kiln from Classical Olympia. For a discussion on the composition of Athenian black glaze and previous theories, see Noble 1988, 79-98.

7

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

During the late 1970s and 1980s, scientific methods were used increasingly to determine the sources of raw material, qualities of various tempering agents, and firing temperatures. Scientific and ethnographic research, conducted on the pottery itself for an understanding of the forming of the pots, triggered this interest in excavating ancient workshops. In the late 1980s the pottery analysts, recovering from the Beazley attribution approach, started considering issues of personnel, production, and specialization.10 In the past two decades (1980-2000), all four types of pottery studies (stylistic, scientific, archaeological, and ethnographic) have been combined in order to achieve a fuller appreciation of ancient pottery production. In the following pages, I will first discuss the ethnographic literature, then the scientific advancements, and finally the archaeological research, which forms the core of this dissertation. Since all three fields of investigation largely overlap in their development and have exercised mutual influences, the adopted way of presentation moves us gradually backwards in time, from modern times to antiquity.

a. Ethnography-Ethnoarchaeology The field of ethnoarchaeology, the study of contemporary societies that resemble ancient ones with a view to answering questions about the latter, was established only in the

10

Gillis 1988; Rudolph 1988.

8

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

beginning of the 20th century, as an offshoot of ethnography.11 Yet it did not acquire branches until the middle of the century, and the works of Hampe and Winter belong to this revived interest in traditional societies. Systematic ethnographic work on modern pottery workshops in Greece and on Cyprus was carried out in the 1960s by R. Hampe and A. Winter (1962, 1965).12 Even then, researchers only recorded the activities of traditional potters in the form of a traveler’s journal, without attempting to relate them to ancient ceramic production, or to perform any quantitative or technological analysis. They were mainly interested in how pots were formed and in family relationships, probably having been influenced by Beazley's reconstruction of families of potters. Not until the early 1980s did scholars take an active interest in the few remaining craftsmen communities in Greece and Cyprus, aware that these craftsmen were threatened with complete extinction because of the approaching industrialization. Their work encompassed forming techniques, modes of production, and trade patterns. H. Blitzer (1990) recorded the production and distribution of pithoi (Koroneika jars) at Messenia in the southwest Peloponnese, after she had studied, in 1984, the Kentri community in central Crete in a comparative ethnoarchaeological project exploring the prehistoric East Cretan White-on-

11

London 2000a. Walter Fewkes, who studied the pottery production in the American Southwest in the early 1900s, is credited (Longacre 1991, 1) as the pioneer in ceramic ethnoarchaeology; Skibo 1992.

12

Smaller scale ethnographic research (and of a very general character) was carried out by Casson (1938, 1951) on the Aegean islands (Crete, Euboea, Siphnos, Skyros), on Cyprus, and at Çanakkale in Turkey and by Birmingham (1967) on Amorgos. For a brief overview of ethnographic literature, see Peacock 1982, 12-51, Ch. 3: "The ethnography of pottery production in Europe and the Mediterranean area."

9

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

Dark Ware.13 The itinerant potters also entered the ethnographic record through the studies of M. Voyatzoglou on the pithos makers, known as the “bandema” groups, from Thrapsano in central Crete, and the study of G. London on itinerant potters on Cyprus.14 P. Valavanis and his team. (1990) documented the workings and spatial arrangement of a modern workshop at Marousi, in northern Attica from where ancient potters also used to extract their clay.15 The studies have exceeded in size the length of small articles, and recently an entire monograph by S. Papadopoulos was dedicated to the study of traditional pottery workshops on the northern island of Thasos.16 The studies of P. Betancourt on Crete and G. London on Cyprus have resulted in the production of two video documentaries on these communities, whose populations are rapidly dwindling.17

13

Blitzer 1984.

14

Voyatzoglou 1974, 1984; London 1987a, 1987b, 1989a, 1989b, 1991a, 1991b, 2000b. Day (1989) combines ethnographic with petrographic studies for prehistoric ceramics on Crete. Longacre (1991) and London (2000a) advocated for the need that ethnoarchaeologists record the activities of the community under study at regular intervals, every five to ten years, to obtain valuable, diachronic, comparative data. Biçken-Tekkök (2000) presented recently an ethnographic study on the potting community of Akköy in Turkey, located south of Troy.

15

Kardulias (2000) gives a similar account of a modern potter’s workshop at Ermioni in the Argolid.

16

Papadopoulos S. 1999a, 1999b. On Thasos, see also Giannopoulou 1999; Gratsia 1999; Giannopoulou and Demesticha 1998 on the traditional potters and their workshops on Lesbos.

17

Betancourt 1999; London 2000c. The present author (Hasaki 2001) has completed a documentary on the traditional potting communities at Moknine in Tunisia, where pottery production extends back in the Roman period, but which are also threatened with rapid decline in their number.

10

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

In the 1990s the study of traditional contemporary pottery communities acquired a more institutionalized form through the foundation of local ethnographic museums, such as the Museum for Cretan Ethnology at Voroi, near Herakleion, on Crete, founded by C. Ballianos; and the Center for the Study of Traditional Pottery (Kevntro Melevth"

Neovterh" Keramikhv") in Athens, founded by C. Psaropoulou. They have been instrumental in recording and preserving the traditional pottery techniques, some of which no longer exist, from many parts of Greece. As a result of a governmental initiative, a well-known tile factory at Volos, which belonged to the Tsalapatsa family and was active in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, has been rescued from complete deterioration and was transformed into a museum for industrial technology.18

b. Scientific Studies Archaeometric studies are the other major field where kilns have appeared prominently as data.19 Small-scale archaeometrical tests were applied to Greek pottery in

18

19

Andreadaki-Chronaki 1999.

In this section I mention only works which either are directly relevant to Greek ceramics or refer to ceramic kilns regardless of geographical area. For brief explanations of the various scientific methods applied on ceramics in Greece, see Jones R. 1986a, 15-22, 82136; Rice 1987, 415-35. A recent account of the contribution of scientific methods to ceramics can be found in Jones R. 1993. For in-depth provenance studies on sherds and samples of clay from modern sources in Greece and Cyprus, see Jones R. 1986a. The literature on the scientific applications in archaeology is vast and covers all areas of the world: The journals Archaeometry [1 (1958)-present], the Journal for Archaeological Sciences [1 (1974)-present] and the proceedings of the international Symposia on Archaeometry (e.g. Olin and Blackman 1986, Maniatis (ed.) 1989, Archaeometry 1994, Archaeological Science), present results of the ongoing investigations.

11

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

the States in the late 1950s, but for the subsequent decades the epicenter of research was located in England with the work of M. Tite at Oxford University.20 In Greece the first systematic efforts to apply scientific methods to pottery studies must be credited to the activities of the Fitch Scientific Laboratory at the British School in Athens, under the directorship of R.E. Jones (1974-1992), I. Whitbread (1992-2001) and E. Kyriatzi (2001present). At the beginning of the 1980s the British projects soon were joined by the newly established archaeometry laboratory at the National Center for Scientific Research "Demokritos" in Athens, which began its official function in 1986, although a program in archaeometry was established a decade earlier, in 1975. During the last twenty years, the researchers from the archaeometry laboratory have conducted analyses on the entire range of pottery, from Neolithic to Byzantine. Similar archaeometry labs were later established in Thessaloniki and on Rhodes in association with local universities.21 New scientific methods had been developed and refined in order to extract as much accurate information as possible from ancient kilns and to concentrate on four major areas: a. to detect firing (and fired) structures beneath the modern surface; b. to use the kiln as a dating tool; c. to determine ancient firing temperatures inside the kiln; and

20

Sayre and Dodson 1957 for neutron activation studies on samples from the Mediterranean (Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy), four of which came from Greece. 21

The Wiener Laboratory at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens was established in 1992 and, in its policy not to replicate research undertaken in other institutes in Greece, concentrated less on ceramics. Exceptions are the work of S. Vaughan on Prehistoric pottery from the Argolid, the Cyclades, and Crete, M. Moore's petrographic analyses on coarsewares from Epirus, and G. Kakandes' study on clay resources from Attica.

12

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

d. to conduct chemical and petrographic analyses on raw clay and pottery (associated or not with kilns) for establishing local control reference groups.

i. Detecting firing (and fired) structures beneath the modern surface

The first two areas of archaeometric research analyze characteristics specific to kilns. Geophysical prospection techniques are used to detect firing or fired structures in the ground. In geophysical prospection kilns are detected easily by magnetometers because the kilns emit high thermoremnant magnetism, both negative and positive.22 With the proton magnetometer it is possible to identify a kiln used for glass (higher readings) as opposed to one used for the production of pottery or the baking of bread (lower readings).23 With ground-penetrating radar it is possible to detect the presence and general structural features of intact kiln floors. The floors would appear as "basin-like" reflection patterns on radargrams.24 Repeated firing affects the density of the fired materials and consequently

22

Quite early, Belsché et al. (1963) sampled forty-two fired structures from Greece (ovens, hearths, kilns, foundries) dating from the Bronze Age through the Byzantine period, and attempted to date them independently from pottery on which they were previously dated. See also Archaeometric Studies of Ancient Greek and Cretan Kilns 1977 for samples taken from the kilns on Crete (Agia Triadha, Kalo Chorio, Phaistos, Stylos, Zakros) and from Thessaly (Dimini, Sesklo). For the geophysical prospection conducted at a workshop site at Vamvouri, Ammoudia, on Thasos (226), see Jones R. 1986b. Many excavations of kiln sites were prompted by magnetic prospection [e.g. the kiln at Phari on Thasos (25)]. For uses of ground radar survey of kiln sites in Japan, see Goodman et al. 1994.

23

Nicholson 1997, 51.

24

Goodman et al. 1994.

13

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

their electromagnetic properties. In other words, an oven for bread used over a long period of time can give higher readings than the normal readings for an oven and therefore can be mistaken for a pottery kiln or a metallurgical furnace.

ii. Using the kiln as a dating tool

The kiln itself can be used as a dating tool based on the principle of archaeomagnetism.25 When clay structures are fired over 670oC, they lose their original geological magnetism, and adopt the magnetism of the earth at the time of firing. In other words, time is imprinted on the walls of the kiln. Samples from kilns which were securely dated with other criteria have served to establish a magnetic reference curve for different regions in antiquity.26 One can use this curve in turn to date other kilns which cannot be dated by pottery or other internal evidence. Conversely, one can learn the provenance of a pot if its archaeomagnetic measurement (its archaeointensity) is known.27

25

This method was introduced by Thellier and Thellier (1959) and its dating accuracy is quite high, ± 25 years. Thellier (1981) established the Terrestrial Magnetic Field (TMF) for the last two millennia in France. For archaeomagnetic studies in Greece, see Liritzis and Thomas 1980; Thomas 1981; Liritzis 1984; Aitken et al. 1989; Kovacheva et al. 2000; Spatharas et al. 2000; cf. Barbetti and Hein 1989 for similar work conducted in ceramic kilns in Thailand.

26

Thomas 1981; Evans and Mareschal 1989a, 1989b; Kovacheva 1989 (for Bulgaria). Moving beyond the implications for ceramic studies, with this method one can also determine the position of the magnetic North at various periods in antiquity elucidating thus issues of ancient cartography and maritime travel.

27

Belsché et al. 1963.

14

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

Archaeomagnetism can be applied to pottery sherds as well, if one knows their original orientation. Kilns are preferred to pottery sherds, however, because they are permanent structures with a fixed orientation. Any type of permanent, undisturbed, and undisplaced fired structures can be tested by using this method. These include architectural structures such as ovens, furnaces, burnt houses, fired or burnt floors, furnaces of hypocaust installation, and funeral pyres. Not all fired structures, however, are equally suitable for an archaeomagnetic study: thermal baths and low fires are more problematic because they were fired at low temperatures.28 In addition, samples should be taken from parts of the kilns which are still in situ, not from collapsed walls of the kiln, because the original orientation during the time of the last firing should be maintained.29 An eloquent proof of the versatility of the archaeomagnetic intensity is provided by an extensive study of Gallo-Roman kilns and associated rooftiles and other terracotta building materials: Goulpeau and Langouet (1980) were able not only to date the tile kilns, but also to establish that the tiles were mostly fired in an upright position, and prove that the tiles under study were fired in three different kilns.30

28

Nunez et al. 1999.

29

Harold 1960.

30 Valladas (1977) used thermoluminescence dating on a Medieval kiln for firing stoneware at 1000ºC (or 1300º F). The quartz grain samples taken from the walls and floor of a kiln, when fired, have a different ferromagnetism than the quartz contaminating the structure after its use. The measurements, thus, refer to the very last firing inside the kiln.

15

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

iii. Determining ancient firing temperatures inside the kiln To estimate the firing temperatures inside an ancient kiln, scientists use the technique of refiring with a number of methods: a. Differential Thermal Expansion (DTA) b. Thermal Expansion Measurement (TX) (increase in size correlated with firing time) c. Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM)31 d. X-ray Diffraction Analysis (XRD)32 (for the clay's mineral composition. It is usually combined with SEM to verify the results.) e. Mössbauer Spectroscopy (MS)33 f. Heat balance calculations (to estimate temperatures and feasibility)

The underlying theory in all these methods is that clay undergoes microstructural, mineralogical, and mechanical transformations at certain temperatures, which can be detected by the methods above.34

31

From fresh cuts examined under the scanning electron microscope, one can establish whether pots were fired up to initial vitrification (SEM). The only drawback to this method is the assumption that the pots were fired until initial vitrification.

32

Kardos et al. 1985.

33

Wagner et al. 1986.

16

17

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

PERIOD

TEMPERATURE 750-800 >800

NEOLITHIC

LOCATION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Mandalo, Pella (northern Greece)

Youni 1996 Meroussis and Ioannidou 1999

BRONZE AGE 850> 950

Mandalo, Pella

900°C

De•irmentepe

Türkmeno•lu 1996

GEOMETRIC

850-1100°C

Naxos

Grimanis et al. 1989

CLASSICAL

900-1000°C

Attica

Noble 1988

EBA

EM

Kesisoglou et al. 1996 Meroussis and Ioannidou 1999 Martin-Socas et al. 1989

Fabre et al. 1979

Table Intro.2: Firing temperatures for ceramics in Greece.

34

For example, in the DTA the clay first decreases in size because of the evaporation of water, but then it expands as it is heated. The temperature reached when it stops expanding is the original firing temperature.

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

18

The original temperatures can be detected with an accuracy of ± 20°C. The temperature, however, refers to the maximum temperature in the kiln, even if this was a short-lived peak, and not to the temperature sustained for the longest period in the kiln while the pots were fired (Table Intro.2).35

iv. Conducting chemical and petrographic analyses on raw clay and pottery In the past, these two types of analyses had been conducted on pottery sherds alone. Ultimately, however, these results are of limited use, since measurements on raw clay and on fired finished products can differ substantially. This discrepancy is the result of the various alterations that the clay has undergone, either through purification, addition of temper, firing, or burial.36 Archaeometric studies on fired material from an excavated kiln provide a much more reliable indicator of local production. Provenance studies conducted on pottery from a specific kiln enable the archaeologist to identify and study patterns of diffusion of an archaeologically defined ware. One should not study only wasters from a kiln or production site

35

For example, the study by Maniatis and Fakorellis (1998) recorded high temperatures (550-660ºC) for the low-firing prehistoric ovens at Arhontiko Giannitson, which are much higher than the ones required for cooking (200-400ºC) and they are due probably to the initial firing of the structure, or to an event unrelated to their function as ovens. See infra Excursus, 111-5.

36

Kilikoglou et al. (1988) showed that the properties of locally manufactured fired tiles did not match the properties of local raw clays until the latter were purified and fired.

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

because their overfired condition skews any qualitative and quantitative results regarding the compositional elements of the clay. Most of the scientific studies in the past tried to establish local reference pottery groups. To do this, they employed Mössbauer Spectroscopy (MS), which takes measurements of the content of iron in clay in different temperatures and under different conditions, which influences the color. By refiring clay samples, one observes the qualitative transformations of iron oxide in the clay lattice. The best-known method for provenance studies is Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis (INAA) which has replaced the less accurate Optical Emission Spectroscopy (OES).37 INAA is a multi-element analysis capable of measuring a large number of elements with a high degree of accuracy to establish the chemical composition (also known as composition profile or chemical fingerprint) of pottery fired in a kiln and to establish kiln site reference groups. Such data collected from production sites can then be used to assign provenance to ceramics found at a distance from the original production sites.38 This method of establishing the provenance of a type of pottery is more reliable than the study of clay beds, because it has been scientifically proven that production centers used a variety of

37

First used to detect the Greek origin of Mycenaean pottery on Cyprus (Jones R. 1986a, 49). For another early application of the method on the pottery from Corinth and its colony Corfu, see Farnsworth et al. 1977. At the same period Attas (1977, 1983) conducted NAA on Early Bronze Age pottery from the Argolid and the Corinthia. 38

From the available data on Tunisian kilns, Taylor et al. (1992) were able to attribute the amphora cargo of a shipwreck off the coast of Sardinia to specific Tunisian kiln sites with enough probability, while excluding other possibilities with certainty. The kiln (or presumed kiln sites) samples from northern, coastal sites at Tunisia (El Mahrine, Pheradi, Oudna) share many similarities while being quite distinct from those of the inland kiln site at El Ala.

19

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

clays in the production of their pottery.39 Elemental analysis techniques (e.g. Atomic Absorption Spectroscopy) combined with Thin Section Microscopy can be used for detecting the mineral composition of the pottery. Recently research has focused on determining the degree of purification and the range of specific elements in the clay matrix of a pottery group. The ratio of concentration of each element in the purified and in the natural clay was measured. Only when these relationships are established can we hope to obtain an accurate chemical fingerprint of the local pottery.40 This can lead to further inquiries into time investment, specialization, and high degrees of organization. The scientific analysis of wasters from kiln sites and of sherds of vessels used in nearby settlements helps to answer questions about the extent to which these kilns supplied neighboring communities with pottery.41 A very sensitive technique is thermal extraction, which uses a thermodesorption system with gas chromatograph/mass spectometer (TDS-GC-MS). The chromatograph spectometer has been used so far in dietetic research for detecting organic remains to determine eating habits. Through this technique it is possible to identify what type of fuel was used in the firing because different types of fuel, once burned, affect the chemical

39

Taylor and Robinson 1996.

40

Fabbri 1996.

41

See e.g. the experiments in pottery from the Roman kilns in Mareotis and Alexandria and from nearby settlements discussed by Rodziewicz 1998.

20

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

fingerprints of the clay vessels.42 Finally, less frequently used methods are Differential Thermogravimetry (DTG) and Thermogravimetry (TG), which are employed to characterize the thermal properties of raw material and fired pottery.43

c. Archaeological Research For the larger part of the 20th century, ceramic kilns were mentioned only in passing in short reports in the Archaeologikon Deltion. Even excavators devoted little attention to their proper excavation and the preservation of kiln sites. In the late 1930s the German excavators at Olympia summarily recorded six Classical kilns under the South Stoa and kept very little associated material, architectural or other (67-72) (Plate VI.8). A welcome surprise is the excellent preservation of a large tile kiln at the Tile Works at ancient Corinth, excavated in 1940, which is protected and still visible under a permanent roof (65). The workshops of craftsmen were previously studied only through their appearance in vase-painting and in literature.44 A few sociological works focused on the social status of

42

Schram and Wolf (1999) used an experimental kiln (built according to medieval prototypes) and fired a brick with Lawson cypress and another one with lime/hazel as fuel. These two fired bricks had completely different chemical fingerprints due to the organic material of the fuel embedded in their clays during the firing.

43

The potential of this method for estimating ancient firing temperatures was first realized in the early 1960s (cf. Roberts 1963), but began to be used as a method in 1969. See especially the table of color changes and Mössbauer spectra in Hess and Perlman 1974.

44

For representations of craftsmen and their workshops, see Burford 1972; Ziomecki 1975; Hadjidimitriou 1997. For craftsmen in ancient literature and inscriptions, see Blümner 187577; Philipp 1968; Müller 1974.

21

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

craftsmen in ancient society and the payments they received.45 Only recently has there been increasing interest in excavating and studying the physical remains of ancient pottery workshops, although kilns are the most secure criterion for identifying a ceramic workshop (infra Ch. VI). The beginning of this new scholarly trend can be placed in the early 1980s when most articles on ceramic workshops were published by scholars who had excavated ceramic workshops or kiln sites themselves and compiled preliminary lists of kilns in a relatively comprehensive manner.46 These occasional lists were later replaced by more systematic collections of kilns, either regionally or throughout Greece. In 1971 the pioneering study of N. Cuomo Di Caprio introduced the shape of the kiln and the type of support for the perforated floor as deciding criteria for typological classification. Despite its outdated character and its shortcomings, this work is still a valuable reference study and her system was adopted widely by later scholars (including the present study).47 More recently, Cuomo Di Caprio (1993) published an updated catalogue of ceramic kilns in Sicily. Publications of individual kilns or of regional examples of kilns have also been published for Italy, England, and France (see below). Cook in 1961 was the first to collect kiln sites (from the Geometric to the Byzantine period). Second came the prehistoric kilns: Davaras and Momigliano have presented some preliminary lists of Bronze Age kilns in Greece and recently Evely (2000) categorized the

45

Lauter 1974; Neesen 1989; Feyel 1998.

46

Despoini 1982 (on the Classical kilns at Sindos) (86-89); Papadopoulos J. 1989 (on a Geometric kiln from Torone) (11); Baziotopoulou-Valavani 1994 (on Athenian Archaic and Classical workshops) (51-53); Niemeier 1997 (on the Prehistoric kilns in Miletus). 47

For a critical review of catalogues of kilns and their typologies, see infra Ch. III.

22

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

Minoan kilns.48 This increased attention to ceramic workshops is reflected in a substantial increase in the number of attested kilns. From the 58 kilns known to Cook in 1961, the list has increased to over two hundred in the most recent collection of ceramic kilns in Greece made by Seifert in 1993.49 Seifert stated that even her collection was not exhaustive, because she catalogued only the kilns reported in certain archaeological journals. Despite the numerous faulty references, her catalogue represents the first systematic attempt to gather the vast corpus of these structures. The presentation of kilns in alphabetical order, however, regardless of geographical location or date (all the Bronze Age kilns covering a range of 2,000 years are presented under a single heading without any further chronological subdivisions), renders any geographical or chronological analysis virtually impossible.50 With the flourishing of survey archaeology in the 1980s, J.-Y. Empereur and Y. Garlan worked extensively on identifying production centers of amphoras in the Greek islands, with an emphasis on the island of Thasos.51 In 1992 F. Blondé and J. Y. Perrault presented a BCH supplement that consisted mainly of preliminary excavation reports on ceramic workshops: e.g. the workshop at Phari on Thasos (25-26), the workshops at

48

Davaras 1973b, 1980; Momigliano 1986; Michaelidis 1993; Evely 2000; A. Streily’s ongoing dissertation on Bronze Age kilns at the Universities of Mannheim and Heidelberg (cited in Niemeier 1997, n. 15).

49

Seifert (1993) included 144 entries in her study with 212 kilns from 132 sites. Twelve sites do not preserve kilns. She also considered ceramic kilns from western Turkey in her study, which she does not include in her article. See also other lists in Mingazzini 1954. A cross-reference list between Seifert's entries and mine is found in Appendix II.

50

The same year McLoughlin (1993) wrote an honors thesis at the University of Sydney on ancient Greek kilns.

51

Amphores grecques 1986.

23

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

Lenormant Ave. in Athens (51-53), and the Kerameikos of Figaretto on Corfu (197-209).52 At the same time many individual pottery workshops began to be published comprehensively; they included sections not only on architecture of the kilns and associated pottery, but also on scientific analyses of samples from pottery and from the kilns to gain a better understanding on the date of kilns and the technological characteristics of the pottery produced.53 The extensive workshop complex with six kilns at Prinias on Crete (31-36) was published as a monograph in 1992 with the kilns themselves.54 The same balance among archaeological, typological, and archaeometric aspects are also to be found in the publications of the Geometric kiln at Torone (11)55 and the kilns at Knossos.56 The extremely well-preserved Late Minoan IA channel-kiln from Kommos (147) appeared as a Hesperia supplement and includes a technological section on the kiln written by P.V. Day and V. Kilikoglou.57 C.C. Monaco (2000) recently published a group of ceramic workshops from Attica, identified on the basis of kilns and pottery deposits.

52

Ateliers de potiers 1992.

53

Cuomo Di Caprio 1979a; 1979b; 1981; 1982. The publication of the Hellenistic kilns at Morgantina by Cuomo Di Caprio (1992b) adopts a similar presentation of the material.

54

Rizza et al. 1992.

55

Whitbread et al. 1997.

56

Tomlinson and Kilikoglou 1998 for the Orientalizing kiln at Knossos (27); Tarling and Downey 1989 for the Late Minoan kilns at Knossos (139-141).

57

Buxeda i Garrigos et al. 2001; Shaw et al. 2001.

24

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

Catalogues were followed by thematic conferences. The increasing interest in craftsmen and their workshops resulted in the organization of two major conferences. One, focusing on the Bronze Age, was held in 1996 (TECNH: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftsmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age). The Minoan ceramic workshops at Kommos (145), Mochlos (148-149), and Kato Gouves on Crete (127-137) as well as that on Miletus were presented in this volume. The other was a colloquium on artisans organized by the Centre National de Recherches Scientifiques (CNRS) at Lyon and held at Lyon (1998) and Lille (1999).58 The focus of recent conferences on Hellenistic pottery in closed deposits (in order to attain finely-tuned chronologies and distribution patterns) also directed the scholarly attention to the analysis of kiln deposits for establishing secure local production groups.59 But even with this auspicious trend in ceramic studies, Greek excavated kilns were conspicuously absent from the conference, The Prehistory and History of Kilns, organized by the American Ceramic Society in 1997.60 Richer information on kilns from other regions in the Mediterranean is available to the archaeologist. There are now numerous articles as well as monographs on Roman kilns in Great Britain and in France, the Iron Age kilns in Israel, the kilns in eastern Europe, and

58

The proceedings of these two French colloquia were published in Topoi 8 (1998) and 9 (1999).

59

See articles in the proceedings on Hellenistic pottery: A v EllKer 1989, B v EllKer 1990, G v EllKer 1994, D v EllKer 1997, E v EllKer 2000. 60

Rice (ed.) 1997. Vitelli's article in that volume (Vitelli 1997) on Neolithic kilns was an attempt to reconstruct the appearance of Neolithic kilns (see infra Ch. IV).

25

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

those from Syria and Palestine.61 In the 1960s and 1970s many Roman kilns were excavated in western Europe, mainly in England, France, and Germany. French archaeologists took the lead in the next two decades in the publications of Gallo-Roman workshops.62 Kilns in more remote areas of the world (North Africa, China) have also fared well.63 The 1980s witnessed the publication of many ethnographic studies on contemporary workshops in North Africa (Egypt, Tunisia).64 Western European scholars, however, still lament the absence of a large number of individual fully published pottery workshops, rather than merely compilations of kilns. The intense study of ancient kilns in the Roman provinces in Europe spurred archaeologists to replicate ancient kilns and fire them in order to understand more clearly their construction and operation. In this field of experimental archaeology the British are undoubtedly the leaders. The excellent state of preservation of some of the Roman-British kilns allowed the reconstruction of 1:1 replicas, where archaeologist tested the rise of temperatures, fuel consumption, and breakage rates.65 The results of experimental firings

61

In chronological order, the regional surveys are as follows: Delcroix and Huot 1972 (Syria); Duhamel 1973, Le Ny 1988 (France); Duhamel 1978/9 (western Europe); Swan 1984 (Britain); Anderson 1987 (Phoenician Sarepta); Killebrew 1996 (Israel).

62

For an exemplary publication of a Gallo-Roman workshop, see Dufäy et al. 1997 (with extensive bibliography).

63

Rhodes 1968; Rice 1987.

64

For Tunisia, Balfet 1965, 1973. Ethnographic work on Egypt has been conducted by Lacovara 1985; Nicholson and Patterson 1985, 1989.

65

Mayes 1961; 1962; Bryant 1978/9 (with earlier bibliography on experimental firings). Cook (1984) reports on an experimental firing of a kiln at Calke Wood in England.

26

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

were then compared with those reported in the ethnographic data. 66 At Sardis an experimental project produced the rooftiles for an Archaic roof on the site.67 The experimental interest in ceramic kilns extended to include other pyrotechnological structures such as the experimental glass furnaces built next to the ancient furnaces excavated at Tell El Amarna.68 In Greece I know of only one attempt to rebuild a traditional, two chambered, kiln; this took place at Kompoi in Messenia in 1993, and was overseen by a team of researchers from the Center for the Study of Traditional Pottery.69 The kiln, which was built by one of the oldest potters still living in the area, was used to fire the Koroneika, the traditional large jars in the area. Construction of experimental ovens similar to Neolithic excavated examples has been undertaken three times, by Vitelli, the French team at Dikili-Tash, and by Voulgari at Dispilio in northern Greece.70 In the late 1970s Rostoker and Gebhard built a rectangular

66

See infra Ch. II, Table II.2 for combined results from these two sources.

67

Hostetter 1994. See infra Ch. VI.

68

Nicholson and Jackson 1998.

69

Archives at the Center for the Study of Traditional Pottery (no inventory number available). The entire process of digging the pit, preparing, and drying the bricks for lining the walls of the pit, the construction of the six arches (combined with smaller ones, which connect the arches to each other) made of the same bricks as the ones for the support of the floor, and constructing the floor itself is recorded with photos. This project formed part of a general attempt to reproduce the Koroneika jars, which are no longer mass-produced. See Giannopoulou 1996-7 and her ongoing dissertation at the University of Thessaloniki in Greece.

70

Vitelli 1994; Voulgari et al. 1997, 17, fig. 11. The example at Dispilio was made after the model of oven from Sitagroi, discussed infra Excursus, "The Baking Oven".

27

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

28

kiln at Isthmia using traditional materials to fire a few replicas of composite tiles similar to those used to roof the Archaic temple of Poseidon.71 The richness of information which may be presented in the publication of an ancient ceramic workshop should not overshadow the difficulty and time consumption involved in processing the large quantities of pottery recovered from a production site. In Athens the excavation of the Classical workshop at Lenormant Ave. (51-53) and the twenty-seven Roman kilns at Kotzia Square in Athens (274-300) exemplify in the best way the overwhelming quantities of pottery. An alternative method for coping with such quantities, while still being able to investigate an entire workshop area is to conduct a sectional excavation of a kiln.72 Building and expanding upon the literature presented above, this study places at its center the ceramic kiln of the ancient Greek workshops. Our approach is carried out on four levels: the philological, the iconographical, the architectural, and the economic. The fuel of this dissertation is the geographical and chronological distribution of ceramic kilns in ancient Greece (within the limits of the modern state of Greece) and their typological classification.

71

In building this kiln (Rostoker and Gebhard 1981) the workers were more concerned with the efficiency of the structure. Therefore they did not attempt to replicate the structural characteristics of an Archaic kiln, but instead chose a feature of Roman kilns, the arch, as the safest method to support the perforated floor.

72

For sectional excavations of some of the Roman kilns at Leptiminus, see Stone et al. 1998; Stirling and Lazreg 1999. Kiln 3005: ∅ 1.85m, 2.10m deep; kiln 4012: ∅ 3.20m, 3.50m deep; kiln 9008: ∅ 4.50m; kiln 9010: ∅ 4.90m.

KILNS IN ART AND LITERATURE _____________________________________________

CHAPTER I

THE CERAMIC KILN IN ANCIENT ART AND LITERATURE

In the history of the field of Classical archaeology, knowledge of Greek kilns has derived mainly from their numerous representations on the Archaic terracotta plaques from Penteskoufia at Corinth (see infra). As soon as the structures depicted were correctly identified as ceramic kilns and not as metallurgical furnaces, they became the standard reference in every study of ancient ceramic production in Greece. Originally these plaques were thought to be a votive deposit from a sanctuary dedicated to Poseidon. An alternative interpretation put forward in this study regards some of the plaques as trial or apprentice

29


pieces discarded from one or more ceramic workshops in the vicinity. This explanation might account better for several oddities associated with the composition of the scenes. Aside from the Penteskoufia plaques, in the two-dimensional art, there is only one other iconographical representation of a ceramic kiln, on the shoulder of hydria 1717 in Munich dated to the 520s B.C. Finally, a miniature terracotta model recovered from the Corinthian Potters’ Quarter exhausts the list of secure depictions of these pyrotechnological structures.1 In addition, some peculiar conical structures on a black-figure skyphos, the “Robinson skyphos”, have been (mis)interpreted as pottery kilns. Two engraved gems, now lost and of uncertain authenticity, complete the corpus of representations of kilns familiar to students of ancient Greek pottery production.2 In the second part of this chapter I survey the meaning of the ancient terms usually associated with a kiln. I begin with the most common, kavmino", and proceed to its synonyms, which admittedly appear less often in our sources, such as ajnqravkion, skarfwvn,

thvgano", pnigeuv", and bau'no". In connection with these terms I also analyze the words primarily chosen for domestic or industrial ovens: ijpnov", klivbano" or krivbano", and

fou'rno", since all these words are used interchangeably for kavmino" by the later lexicographers. The ambiguity among these terms and the inconsistency in their use by

1

Duhamel (1978/9, 51, fig. 1e) is the only one who mentions a graffito on a Greek vase depicting a person near a kiln (in the Bibliothèque des Arts Décoratifs, Paris), without providing any further reference to it. Due to a current renovation of the Bibliothèque des Arts Décoratifs, my efforts to locate it were not successful. 2

For the entire Roman period, there is only one representation of a furnace on a Roman lamp found in Pouzzoles, but its identification (Duhamel 1978/9, fig. 1g) as a ceramic kiln lies on weak grounds.

30


ancient Greeks is paralleled by a similar ambiguity in the correct identification and distinction of ceramic kilns from other pyrotechnological structures (see infra Excursus).

I. ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS

a. The Penteskoufia Plaques i. The assemblage

The best-known representations of ancient kilns are those depicted on the Penteskoufia plaques. About 1600 fragments of votive terracotta plaques were found in 1879 near a ravine at Penteskoufia, two kilometers to the southwest of Acrocorinth.3 The more complete pieces are now exhibited in Berlin (Staatliche Museen) and in Paris (Louvre

3

The site is not commonly indicated on maps. For the general location, see Wiseman 1978, figs. 1, 39, 105, 107. Fig. 105 is especially informative about the findspot of the plaques. Salmon 1984, 4, fig. 2; Whitbread 1995, figs. 4.28, 5.3, 5.33.

31


Museum). Some are still at the archaeological museum at ancient Corinth.4 In a three-day sondage conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens in 1904, 350 more fragments were found in the same spot, as well as few Protocorinthian and Early-Corinthian pots.5 No architectural remains were recorded, and the mention of some fragmentary Archaic "terra-cottas" refer most likely to terracotta figurines rather than to architectural rooftiles. Many of the plaque fragments join and so far more than 1,000 plaques have been restored. Three quarters of this group have decoration on only one side; the remainder are decorated on both sides (I will call them two-sided), usually with a different orientation of the scene on each side. The most popular iconographical themes of the plaques are Poseidon alone or with Amphitrite, Poseidon and Amphitrite riding in a cart, horseback riders, marching hoplites, ships, animals, and potters at work. These themes show Poseidon in his various aspects, as protector of the sea, the earth, and horses.6 Their sizes, as we can gather

4 For a catalogue of the plaques with kiln representations, see Appendix III. For the primary catalogue entries, see Furtwängler 1885. Pernice (1897) inventoried more fragments, added joins to the existing ones, and offered correct reinterpretations of the scenes. For illustrations, Antike Denkmäler I, 1886, pls. 7-8; II, 1893-1894, pls. 23-24; 1895-1898, pls. 29-30; 1899-1901, pls. 39-40. The plaques in the Louvre are discussed in Rayet 1880. Also see von Raits 1964 and Geagan 1970 (same person) for a discussion of the pieces with mythological themes. For discussion and illustrations, see Richter 1923, 76-8; Ziomecki 1958; Boardman 1954, 1956; Marwitz 1960; Duhamel 1978/9; Zimmer 1982; Cuomo Di Caprio 1984 (who was mainly interested in the process of firing, with little emphasis on the plaques themselves); Hadjidimitriou 1997, 60-4, 67-71; for the Penteskoufia plaques as craftsmen's dedications, see Verfenstein 2001. 5 Washburn 1906. For excerpts from Ancient Corinth Excavation Notebook 18, see von Raits 1964, 2-4. 6

Cf. the adjectives in the Homeric poems: gaihvoco" (e.g. Il. 9.183; 13.59, 125, 377), ejnnosivcqwn (Il. 8.303), ejnnosivgaio" (Il. 9.183, 362). For more references, RE and LIMC s.v. Poseidon; von Raits 1964, ch. IV, 26-8.

32


from the complete examples, can be as small as 0.075m (F619+826) to 0.11m (F76, F414, F867) in width, and as large as 0.14 x 0.20m (F623).7 The presence of Poseidon and Amphitrite on many of these plaques as well as accompanying dedicatory inscriptions have prompted archaeologists to interpret this assemblage as a votive deposit of a nearby sanctuary where Poseidon, probably together with his wife, Amphitrite, were worshipped.8

ii. The plaques with kiln scenes

On seventy of these plaques, kilns are certainly depicted (Appendix III and Plates I.1-5). On thirteen more, depictions of kilns have been suggested, thus bringing the total number to eighty-three plaques. Sixteen additional fragments borrow their themes from pottery-making activities, such as digging for clay, throwing vessels on the potter's wheel, or showing shelves stacked with pottery.9 They are dated stylistically to the last three quarters

7

For other examples which preserve full dimensions: F367 (0.28 x 0.165m), F485 (0.14 x 0.208m), F474 (0.078 x 0.068m), F539 (0.093 x 0.136m). 8

In Furtwängler’s (1885) detailed catalogue of the pieces, 240 out of 508 plaques (or 48%) have Poseidon depicted on them. For the inscriptions, see Lorber 1979 and a more recent discussion and review of previous literature is provided in Amyx 1988. 9

F638-645, F813, F815, F868-871, F884, F886. Some plaques were wrongly identified as kiln scenes: F630+539 (Poseidon shown holding a trident on a two-horse chariot), F621+n.n. (the addition of an extra piece does not leave room for a kiln next to the horseback rider), F828+n.n. (initially thought to be a kiln, it is actually a horse depicted from the front which turns its head to the right; its lower legs are missing. In front of the horse a man with his right hand raised faces right). (n.n. refers to not-inventoried fragments). 10

Payne 1931; Jeffery 1990.

33


of the sixth century B.C., or the Transitional to Late Corinthian II periods in the Corinthian vase-painting chronology.10 Although the structures depicted on the Penteskoufia plaques are undoubtedly ceramic kilns, in the earliest literature they were interpreted as smelting furnaces.11 The main arguments identifying them as metallurgical furnaces were as follows: a. The structures were thought to be too large to be ceramic kilns; b. The long stick held by a man on many plaques was believed to be more closely associated with the metallurgical furnace; and c. If these structures were furnaces, then the plaques merely reflected a blooming metallurgical activity in the Corinthia. The dipinto SODRIS (SADRIS), interpreted as

SIDHROS on the plaque MNB2858 in the Louvre (Plate I.4), was taken to corroborate epigraphically this connection to the metal industry. The absence of a large number of excavated and published kilns in the early days of Classical archaeology enabled these arguments to last longer than they should have. As recently as 1960, Ziomecki devoted an entire article to dismiss this interpretation. After an adequate number of kilns had been excavated and published, Ziomecki could easily provide evidence that many ancient ceramic kilns were large enough to require the use of the stoking rod, and he was able to refute the first two arguments outlined above. One can also easily argue that Corinthian pottery industry of the Archaic period was very prominent, whereas metal-working in a scale that would justify such an iconographical zeal of representations of "furnaces" is still to be discovered in Corinthia.12 Most important, however, is the fact that

11

Furtwängler 1885; Pernice 1897.

12

Salmon (1984, 128) emphasizes that "There were no mines of any kind in the Corinthia."

34


smelting furnaces tended not to be larger than 1.00m in diameter in antiquity, especially in the period of the Penteskoufia plaques.13 The assumption, therefore, that pottery kilns are smaller than metallurgical furnaces is also proved incorrect. The composition of the kiln scenes is quite standardized.14 A circular kiln is shown from the side, and a man, often in the company of others, is depicted either stoking the fire with a long stick or picking up trial pieces from the top of the kiln to check the firing progress (e.g. F608, F618) (Plates I.2, I.4).15 The entire kiln is depicted above ground, unlike most archaeological examples which are constructed partly subterranean.16 The firing chamber is depicted with its loading door, usually at a 90o angle from the stoking channel. Blazing flames come out from the chimney and occasionally from the stoking channel. The stoking channel varies in length. The large size of the kiln is inferred because the men always stand on top of the stoking channel to reach the chimney; sometimes even a ladder is required (F802). F893 stands apart iconographically because it shows a vertical section of the interior of a kiln with its load consisting of hydriae and other large vessels.17 On

13

See infra Excursus, "The Metallurgical Furnace".

14

Verfenstein (2001) notes that most plaques depict specifically the crucial moment in the transition from oxidizing to reducing atmospheres during the firing.

15

The long rod made of wood or iron is a standard piece of equipment for kiln workers. On Cyprus (Hampe and Winter 1962, 76) they call the wooden stoking rod to kontavri, and the metal rod to sivdero.

16

Ziomecki (1960, 157) believes that this false depiction is due to artistic conventions and for a better understanding of the structure.

17

For a detailed discussion of this particular plaque and its misconception in earlier literature, see infra Ch. II, "Stoking Channel and Stoking Pit".

35


36

F482+627+943 a welcome inscription labels the structure as KAMINOS, leaving no doubt as to its identity (Plate I.5).18

THEME

N

%

Poseidon Poseidon and Amphitrite Amphitrite Horseback riders Unidentified males Birds Workshop related scenes Bulls and men Design TOTAL of two-sided plaques

17 3? 3 9 9 4 1 2 1 49

34 8 8 19 15 8 4 4 100%

Table I.1: Distribution of iconographical themes on the reverse of the Penteskoufia kiln-depicting plaques.

Dedicatory dipinti on some of the plaques depicting kilns indicate that some plaques were aimed to be votive dedications to Poseidon.19 On one of them (F511+MNC212), which

18

For the word kavmino", see infra Ch. I, "kavmino"".

19

F611: FLEBWN M j ANEQEKEN and F608: POTEDAAN (Plate I.10). Verfenstein (2001) compares the dedicatory character of the plaques to the "cletic hymn" as attested in ancient Greek literature, in which the dedicant asks the deity to continue supporting him or her as they had in the past.

20

For an illustration of the joint fragments of this plaque, see Geagan 1970, 34, fig. 2. The plaque depicts Poseidon riding in a chariot. Lorber 1979, nos. 40, 41, 83, 114 lists the signatures of three painters from Corinth (Charis, Milonidas, and Timonidas).


does not depict a kiln, the dedicator is also the painter of the plaque: MILONIDAS EGRAYE

KANEQEKEN.20 In the group of plaques with kiln scenes Poseidon and Amphitrite, either alone or together, decorate the reverse of almost half (23/49) of those plaques that are painted on both sides (Table I.1). The prominence of Poseidon's cult in the Corinthia and the importance of maritime trade to the Corinthian potters and craftsmen would explain their devotion to Poseidon. But Poseidon does not appear elsewhere in Greece as protector of the artisans' community, as Hephaistos or Athena Ergane generally do. The remaining half carry representations mainly of horseback riders, unidentified males, and birds. Only in two cases the topics on both sides of the plaque may be related to ceramic production (F889, F892). As I have mentioned, from the first moment of their discovery, these plaques as a whole were thought to belong to a votive deposit from a sanctuary or a shrine to Poseidon (and Amphitrite) in the vicinity. I would suggest, however, that due to the low quality of the draftsmanship, the different orientation of the scenes on the plaques that are decorated on both sides, and the location of the site next to an area where ceramic production is attested in later periods, it might be more prudent to regard some of these plaques, including a number of those which depict kilns, as apprentices' test pieces or trial pieces for the firing. These suggestions can accommodate, rather than exclude, the existence of a religious site near the workshop area.

iii. The findspot of the Penteskoufia plaques: near a sanctuary or near a workshop?

Although the ultimate destination of the plaques was votive dedications in a sanctuary, it cannot be automatically assumed that their find spot was within a sanctuary, or

37


that all the plaques were dedications (and those depicting kilns were specifically dedications of potters), or that all the plaques (regardless of their theme) were craftsmen’s dedications.21 Although one of them (F511+MNC212) is clearly a vase-painter’s dedication, as the inscription MILONIDAS EGRAYE KANEQEKEN strongly states, it is a considerable leap to assume that all the plaques with kilns or phases of ceramic production were dedications of potters. It might be better to see them as a ceramic workshop's debris, which included many apprentices' pieces.22 The few different stylistic “hands” of the Penteskoufia plaques make it likely that these plaques were painted in one large, or some small-scale, workshops whose production included votive plaques to be dedicated to Poseidon.23 Architectural context: Starting from the find context of these plaques, it should be emphasized that no architectural remains contemporary with the plaques have come to light in the area.24 Nor were there any other traces of religious activity nearby, such as a bothros deposit. Therefore, the alleged sanctuary of Poseidon has never been located archaeologically.

21

In this section I use evidence from the entire corpus of the plaques, not only the ones which depict kilns. I should emphasize that only 20% of the published plaques are illustrated. The final publication of the entire corpus is pending.

22

As early as 1880, the association with a workshop was offered as plausible. Rayet (1880, 102-3) lists a series of possible provenances for the plaques: a necropolis, a neighboring temple, ancient pottery kilns, or the area outside one of the gates of Acrocorinth. Surprisingly enough, Rayet discards the possibility that pottery kilns could have existed near Penteskoufia without any discussion.

23

In the identification of individual artists or styles, I have used the following as preliminary criteria: renderings of facial traits, anatomical details of animals, clothing details, depiction of chariot wheels, filling ornament, and use of color.

24

Remains of a later aqueduct are present. See Wiseman 1978, fig. 105.

38


If there had been a sanctuary to Poseidon in the vicinity, was it short-lived? The answer must be "yes"; otherwise one would expect a wider variety of styles, representing not only individual hands, but also different periods. The consistency of the styles in the Penteskoufia deposit speak for a narrow range of dates (second to fourth quarter of the sixth century B.C.). In addition, the Corinthian potters would have continued asking for support from Poseidon in the following centuries as well. The deposit, although clearly containing the work of more than one artist, seems to have been formed as the result of a one-time depositional process, as one can gather from the presence of many joining fragments. Potters and Poseidon: The second assumption stemming from the characterization of the deposit as votive is that they were dedications of potters and painters to Poseidon. Let us look more closely at this group of plaques. Eighty-three of about one thousand plaques show kilns, and these constitute only 8% of the entire assemblage.25 In other words, the potters chose to depict their profession for which they were asking protection from Poseidon, only on very few plaques. Second, of these eighty-three kiln-scenes, twenty-six appear on one-sided plaques (ca. 30%), forty-nine (or 59%) are placed on one side of the plaques with decoration on both sides, and for the remaining eight plaques (11%) it is unclear if they had decoration on one side or on both sides. If they were asking for protection from Poseidon, they cared to depict the god on only twenty plaques out of the eighty-three, (ca. 25%), and in

25

Even the addition of the sixteen plaques which depict various stages of the pottery production does not alter the general picture (see supra n. 9).

39


all cases he is placed on the reverse of two-sided plaques (20/48 or 42%) (Table I.1).26 One would expect that the invoked god would appear more often. Stylistic homogeneity: Germane to the question of craftsmen's dedication is the fact that the kiln-depicting plaques represent very few styles. According to my analysis, most of the plaques which depict pottery-making phases can be easily attributed to just a few hands, who were obviously interested in depicting the inner workings of their profession. Especially for the kiln-depicting plaques, the best example is the hand that painted five plaques: F356+609, F608, F618, F637+819, and F867 (Plate I.2). Therefore this preference for kiln depictions was very short-lived.27 If these plaques had been used as votive dedications, it was probably a very local and personal custom of only a few painters/potters (probably from the same workshop), which lasted only for a generation or two. It may have been the case that Poseidon, in his capacity as protector of the earth (gaihvoco", seisivcqo"), was connected with the earth's product, the clay, which is the raw material for the potters.28 Its restricted local character would then explain why we find no parallels of such potters' dedications anywhere else at Corinth or in

26

The figure on plaque F846, which has been suggested that Poseidon (or an elderly person, perhaps the owner of the workshop) oversees the fire, is interpreted in this study as the original composition of the painter who later changed his mind and painted a kiln covering partially the earlier figure.

27

Between fifty and one hundred years if we accept the wider chronological range suggested by Payne 1931. For other discernible hands, see the following groups: a. F616, MNB2856 (Plate I.1), b. F810, F816 (Plate I.3), c. F632+887, F843, F909, MNB2858 (Plate I.4), d. F866+546, F889, e. F639, F789, F865, F871, F893 (Plate I.6). Even Payne (1931, 112) proposed a single artist for the plaques F349 and F367+372+398+399.

28

von Raits 1964, ch. IV, 26-8.

40


the Greek world.29 In addition, nothing comparable was uncovered in the excavations of sanctuaries of Poseidon or of other deities in the Corinthia. And during the same period, only one crater bears an inscription to Poseidon.30 To corroborate the workshop association, it suffices to say that overall the area to the west and southwest of Acrocorinth has strong indications for pottery production. In the Byzantine period, a ceramic workshop was operating in the wider vicinity. The unusually large number of vitrified wasters still seen on the ground is a reliable indicator of the presence of this late kiln.31 Finally, the area of Penteskoufia is less than a kilometer away from the Potters' Quarter of ancient Corinth.32 Different orientation of scenes on the two-sided plaques: The different orientation of scenes on many two-sided plaques (F632+887, F802, F810, F811, F816, F889, F913) may add supporting evidence for refuting the sanctuary scenario. If we assume that both sides were visible when they were hung from trees (as the frequently-preserved holes indicate),

29

Other examples of craftsmen's dedications in Rouse 1902. A new study of craftsmen's dedications is currently being undertaken by C. Verfenstein at the U. of Minnesota. Verfenstein (2001) also notices the unusual character of the Penteskoufia group of votive dedications.

30

A crater at Bari from Monte Samnace, Early red-ground style (Payne 1931, no. 1459). For statistical considerations, Payne’s list of inscribed vases includes seventy-five examples. In addition to this inscribed pot, one oenochoe depicts Poseidon (Louvre A 438; Payne 1931, no. 1124) and possibly one alabastron (Bonn 591; Payne 1931, no. 374).

31

This site has been identified by Dr. G. Sanders and discussed in his dissertation (Sanders 1995, 226-33; for its geographical location, see map on p. 234).

32

Stillwell 1948, 1952.

41


42

this factor would cause one side to be illegible, because it would have been hung upside down.33 The issue of different orientation brings us to the second major consideration regarding these plaques: the inequality of drawing skills. The two-sided plaques which have the same orientation are painted mostly by the same hand, and they usually display high artistic skill (e.g. F521+796+876, F595, F797, F848, F849, F855, F860, F894, F910, F921, F929) (Plate I.7). In cases of different orientation, the scenes on each side can be painted either by the same artist (F889) or by different artists (F863), usually with unequal skill.34 In other words, an apprentice would be entrusted to work only on the "back" side of a clay plaque, which (for whatever reason) could be spared.35 Apprentices’ pieces: Also suggesting that these are workshop pieces rather than finished votives is the fact that this assemblage includes a large number of apprentices’ pieces (their quick sketches).36 Even Furtwängler (1885), in his preliminary presentation of this corpus a century ago, noticed that the style of many plaques was "primitiv." If one interprets

33

It should be noted, however, that such considerations would not have been important to the gods, if they were the recipients of these tablets.

34

In the cases of two-sided plaques, one should examine whether the plaques were fired at two different times, or whether there was a single firing. One should prefer one firing, because a double firing would cause the second decoration to adhere less well on the fired clay and to chip off easily.

35

The possibility that these plaques were reused at a later date as votives cannot be sustained with the currently available evidence.

36

von Raits (1964, 19) also comments on the poor quality of draftsmanship. The bibliography on apprentices' pieces or preliminary sketches is quite sparse; for general information, see Richter 1923, 38-9, fig. 44; Noble 1988, 104-7; for preliminary sketches on red-figured vases, see Corbett 1965; Boss 1997.


biva (from the inscription of Timonidas TIMONIDAS EGRAFSEN BIA on the reverse of F846, whose other side depicts a kiln scene) as "haste" or "rush", the interpretation of the plaques as hastily drawn pieces is strengthened.37 The carelessness of the scene's composition offers the first clue towards this interpretation. Strikingly low artistic skill is detected in the wrongly rendered proportions of body parts (F671, F722), in drawing male figures in outline (F395), in drawings in unusual scale (F839), and in some other figures painted in a grotesque style (F621). We also have examples of what should be considered studies of foreshortening, especially difficult positions of horses or men (F668, F769, F828, F873) (Plate I.9).38 The discrepancy of talents becomes apparent when one contrasts the many, well-drawn instances of Poseidon with the Poseidon on F357, whose sketchy appearance confirms the presence of less competent artists in the workshop(s). Some scenes have no structural composition, but are compilations of figures and objects with no relationship to each other: for example some plaques have multiple sketches on one side (F846, F83539, F460, F555, F899). Especially plaques F835, 460, F899, and F900 are representative examples of the case in which the artist changed his mind about the

37

The other meaning of biva is "by force". So, were these painters slaves, or were they simply forced by the advanced potters to practice intensively in order to improve their skills? It is worth noting that this dipinto is painted in the middle of the scene in a hasty manner, whereas the dedicatory inscription to Poseidon is written orderly on the border of the plaque. 38

Boardman (1954, 191, n. 87) mentions one plaque from the Acropolis, which preserves a sketch of Athena on its reverse side; the front side, painted in white ground technique, depicts Athena.

39

Cf. F833.

43


composition of the scene: F835 preserves the preliminary drawing of the lower legs of a man facing right, whereas the final composition shows a ship moving to the left; the plaque F899 had been used once for Poseidon (as his trident suggests) and was later turned upside down and decorated with a striding male. There are also cases with numerous identical inscriptions on one plaque [F368: the word Poseidon appears twice, once as a dipinto and again inscribed after the firing (Plate I.8)]. If we accept that these plaques are mostly trial pieces, then the scenes of kilns or pottery workshops, otherwise an unusual theme for craftsmen’s dedications and a minor percentage of the collection (8%), as well as the entire assemblage are open to other explanations. It might be that the apprentices practiced their skills at freehand draftsmanship in their free time while watching the pottery being fired.40 They may have sat to the side in the workshop and painted what they saw. The firing stage is the only time in the potterymaking process which is less demanding for the workers before the next batch of pottery starts. Half of the kiln scenes are painted on the reverse of Poseidon plaques, which might have been rejected in the workshop before being fired. Although the question might sound redundant, one should ask "why were trial sketches necessary?" It is conceivable that the apprentices were practicing on such plaques before they were entrusted with painting vases. The flat surfaces of the plaques would pose fewer challenges to beginners than the curved surfaces of the vases. TIMONIDAS has signed both a pinax (F846, which also depicts a kiln on the other side) and a vase with a Troilos scene (NM 277). The composition and rendering of the scene on the vase parallel

40

Hampe and Winter (1962, 5, fig. 4) illustrated a crude miniature model of a kiln, made by the children of the potters from one workshop at Thrapsano on Crete.

44


exactly the style of the plaque (Plate I.10).41 The successfully painted plaques could have been sold later as votive dedications. Figural iconography: It is also quite interesting that the plaques depict so many figures, when figural scenes are strikingly few on the Corinthian pottery of the same period. Payne had argued that Corinthian potters ceased painting human figural scenes when Athenian pottery gained dominance of the markets.42 Because figural scenes tend to appear on larger vases, the painters might have preferred to compose the scene first in another medium before transferring it to the large vase.43 In addition, since these large craters do not seem to have been produced massively (and since it was the par excellence Corinthian shape), it is highly likely that the potters wanted to make sure that no mistake would occur.44 The size of most plaques coincides with the field available to the potter on a vase: the height of the plaque corresponds to the decorative panel on a small vase, or one band of the

41

For a drawing of the jug with the Troilos scene, see Lorber 1979, pl. 10 (Pl. I.10).

42

Payne 1931; Campbell (1946) points out that there were more instances of figural scenes, although the total was far fewer than for animal friezes.

43

Isocrates’ scorn (De permut. 2) of the makers of terracotta pinakes as opposed to vasepainters is often cited in connection with these plaques (von Raits 1964).

44

For a selection of craters whose themes correspond closely to those depicted on the plaques, see Louvre E 632 and London 1867.8-5.860 by Ophelandrus Painter; Berlin F 1147 and Corinth CP 2034 by Memnon Painter; Basel BS 451 and London 1836.2-24.248 by Athana Painter; Toronto 919.5.144 by Hippolytus Painter; and Florence 4198 by Sphortos Painter. For relevant bibliography on these craters, see Amyx 1988, 261-9. Amyx (1983) discusses and refutes the possibility that these craters copy contemporary mural paintings.

45


multibanded larger Corinthian shapes, such as craters. Thus the painters were practicing on the same scale as on the Corinthian pottery they would paint later in their careers. Size and quality of the offering: Given the prominence of the Corinthian pottery and the esteem that the Corinthian potters received from their society as Herodotus informs us (2.167), it is hardly imaginable that a Corinthian painter/potter would choose such a small pinax and decorate it so hastily to offer it as a dedication to Poseidon.45 For example, the plaque F482+627+943+n.n., which preserves the KAMINOS inscription, is no wider than 0.09m and perhaps not much taller than 0.10-0.13m. A well-painted vase of larger dimensions, or even an offering in a different medium, such as the marble and bronze votives reliefs by potters on the Athenian Acropolis, would seem more appropriate as a votive dedication.46 The quality of the draftsmanship (which is inconsistent in the Penteskoufia plaques) is still more important than the actual size of the pieces, since no one can deny that some potters might have been too poor to afford a larger dedication, but surely no potter would wish to offer shabby work for such a purpose. A counterargument to the use of the plaques as testing pieces is that the Corinthian apprentices were not practicing mainly animal friezes, which they would be expected to paint for the rest of their careers. Very few plaques represent any animals at all, other than the horseback rider scenes (e.g. F921-F929). Also, the cases of poor craftsmanship are

45

It is still an open question whether these plaques were dedications by the potters themselves or by the workshop owners, if they were different persons.

46

For votive dedications of craftsmen, see Raubitschek 1949; Scheibler 1979. For the Penteskoufia plaques Scheibler believes (p. 17) that they were votives for each firing.

46


relatively few, and probably could have been purchased and dedicated by poor worshippers. Moreover, there is no other evidence (architecture, tools, or misfired pieces) pointing to a workshop nearby. Future excavation of the site is a high priority and will resolve many of issues presented above. The quantitative analysis will not give priority to any arguments until a complete, systematic study of the material is undertaken. Such a study might show that the examples of low craftsmanship discussed above were not the exception, but the rule. In sum, despite the varying weights of the arguments presented above, I believe that the different orientations of the scenes, the poor quality of the drawing, the use of both sides and their small size, reinforce a preliminary character of these pieces. I tend therefore to consider some of these plaques primarily as test pieces, products of a workshop which was also producing votive plaques for a local sanctuary of Poseidon and Amphitrite (the distance of this sanctuary cannot be determined at present). The long use of the general area by potters easily accommodates the placement of a workshop (or more) on the site. Admittedly, this explanation does not account for all the evidence, but neither does the votive-deposit interpretation. For the moment, one must acknowledge that both interpretations are inherently weak, and that neither can be refuted convincingly. A third, compromising, solution is that a ceramic workshop and an open-air sanctuary to Poseidon (leaving few architectural remains) coexisted in the area in the second half of the sixth century B.C. This sanctuary could well have been a dedication of the potters themselves, who might have set up this sanctuary to thank Poseidon for providing such good raw materials to them and, at the same time, demarcating and protecting this source of material, which was so vital to their success.

47


b. Hydria (Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen 1717) A scene from a pottery workshop occupies the shoulder of this black-figure hydria attributed to the Leagros Group which was active in the last quarter of the sixth century B.C. (Plate I.11b).47 From left to right, a man sitting on a stool holds a large amphora. A second, standing man faces him. A third man, with his back turned to the second one, turns a large vessel (an amphora or a pithos) on the wheel, while a smaller figure, sitting on a very low stool, turns the wheel for the potter. Another man, placed in the center of the composition, carries a similar vase towards the kiln. A column supporting a roof divides the scene into two parts and implies that part of the workshop is located in the open-air, perhaps a courtyard. Further to the right an older man with long white hair holds a scepter and seems to oversee the whole enterprise. In front of him a large man carries a bulky object on his back (probably a pithos). At the far righthand end of the panel a man stokes the fire with a rod. A kiln is summarily depicted with a very small stoking channel, as seen from profile, and an apotropaic (?) Dionysiac mask is hung on the upper part of the kiln.48 The identification of the structure as a pottery kiln has been questioned by Oddy and Swaddling. They interpreted it as a shaft furnace due to its high, narrow dimensions, which resemble the shaft furnaces depicted on other vases.49 In this case, however, the structure 47

ABV 362.36; Beazley 1971, 161; for earlier bibliography, Carpenter 1989, 96; for depictions of pot-making activities, see Beazley 1946; Ziomecki 1975; Hadjidimitriou 1997.

48

49

For the interpretation of the Dionysiac mask as an apotropaic device, see infra, 57.

The argument for why this is a furnace and not a kiln is presented in Oddy and Swaddling 1985, where all the known examples of representations of furnaces on ancient vases (seven secure and three inferred) are collected (Plate Exc.11). Ziomecki 1975; Roebuck (ed.) 1969; Richter 1923;

48


cannot be a shaft furnace. First, a furnace has no stoking channel; such a channel, albeit short, is certainly depicted here. Second, the stoking rod, which the figure holds, is unnecessary in furnaces, where the draft is caused by blow-pipes (tuyères). Third, the presence of the potter's wheel places the scene securely in a pottery workshop, because metal workers have no need of a wheel to perform their craft. It would have been absurd for an ancient artist to paint activities characteristic of a pottery workshop and insert a metallurgical furnace at the end. The structure at the far right-hand end of the scene is undoubtedly a pottery kiln, with its stoking channel summarily rendered. The main scene on the body of the hydria is the mythical subject of Aeneas and Anchises. The placement of the pottery scene on the shoulder of the vase as subsidiary decoration should be emphasized since it is not immediately apparent in the numerous illustrations of the scene in studies on ancient pottery.50 By reserving a secondary place for the depiction of his craft, this potter continues a well-established tradition whereby potters were reluctant to depict on their product the banausic aspect of their craft; they preferred to emphasize its artistic aspect. It is no coincidence that the vast majority of potters' representations on vessels depict a painter while he/she is painting a vase.51

50

51

Sparkes 1991; Scheibler 1995.

For representations of potters, see Burford 1972; Müller 1974; Ziomecki 1975; Hadjidimitriou 1997. For female painters, see the workshop scene on the Caputi hydria, Torno Collection no. 278 in Milan (ARV2 571.73) from ca. 460 B.C., attributed to the Leningrad Painter. Discussed by Kehrberg 1982. See also full illustration in Bron and Lissarangue 1984, fig. 1.

49


c. Kiln Model (KN 181). From the Potters' Quarter at Ancient Corinth A miniature model of a kiln-like structure was excavated in the Potters' Quarter (Plate I.11a).52 It preserves the stoking channel, the combustion chamber, and the entire perforated floor. The firing chamber does not survive. The whole structure stands on a thin, rectangular plinth. Stillwell believed that the model is faulty because "the second door on the side for putting in the vases, which appears on the pinakes is not represented here." The representation is correct, however, since only the lower, combustion chamber is preserved on the model; and the loading door belongs to the firing chamber, which is not preserved in this terracotta model. There is no interior support under the perforated floor. A fragmentary perforated plaque excavated from the Potters' Quarter might belong to a second model of a kiln, but its precise function remains uncertain.53

52

Stillwell 1952, 208-9, cat. no. 33.7, pl. 45. On display at the archaeological museum at ancient Corinth. Dim. H. 0.032m, L. 0.055m, W. 0.048m; L. of the stoking channel: 0.030m. For a section of this terracotta model, see Duhamel 1978/9, fig. 3. For other models thought to represent Neolithic kilns, see infra Excursus, "The Baking Oven". 53

KN 165: Stillwell 1952, 282, cat. no. 72, pl. 59. Large perforated plaque from the Potters' Quarter at Corinth. The plaque is almost completely preserved; roughly rectangular. Dim. L. 0.151m, W. 018m, Th. 0.014m. Five rows of holes; total number of holes: 23 (an additional one is partially preserved). The reconstructed shape of the plaque is tongue-like; on one end the two corners are recessed, so the main body creates a protruding tongue. The absence of any traces of burning on the underside of the plaque shows that it was never used for actual firing. It might have been part of a model (such as KN 181, described above), but the protruding part seems quite intentional and unnecessary if the plaque is a perforated floor. Other uses, such as a stopper in a drain or in a bathtub (where it could be inserted), or a strainer make the object slightly more intelligible.

50


II. UNCERTAIN REPRESENTATIONS OF KILNS

a. Engraved Gems Two depictions of kilns are preserved on engraved gems, now lost and of dubious authenticity (Plate I.12b-c).54 In one, the man is painting the handles of a small amphora while a jug and a kylix are placed on the top of a small, rounded structure with an opening in the front. In the second gem, a potter with the aid of two sticks is placing a hydria on top of a dome-like structure described as a kiln with an opening in the front. The so-called kiln is extremely small, even considering the artist's freedom regarding correctness of scale. There are archaeological examples, however, which confirm the existence of such small kilns in a pottery workshop, often coexisting with large kilns in the same workshop, such as the Geometric kiln at Torone in Chalkidike (0.80m in diameter) (11), the Hellenistic kilns at Paroikia, Paros, with a diameter of 0.75m (232-233), or the Hellenistic kiln at Pherai in the Stamouli-Bolia Plot (192) with a diameter of 0.65m. Such small kilns may also have been used for firing a small order (for example, small skyphoi or lamps) in cases where the normal production of the workshop might have

54

Richter 1923, 78-9, figs. 81-82.

51


been larger wares. In such a case, a small kiln fires pots much faster and requires considerably less fuel.55

b. The "Robinson" Skyphos This black-figure skyphos, dating to ca. 500 B.C, belongs to the Robinson collection in Baltimore and is attributed stylistically to the Theseus Painter.56 The scenes on both sides of the kiln are very similar: a group of three men work around a trapezoidal, cross–hatched structure. The lower part of the man in the center is covered from this structure implying that this man is either behind or inside this structure. On one side, this man in the center is carrying a basket on his shoulders. Under each handle a man stands in front of a large amphora, either working on it, or filling it with products. On each side, one man is shown standing in front of a herm depicting Dionysos or Hermes. The scenes are bordered on the top with branches or vines. The cross-hatched trapezoidal areas, one on each side of the skyphos, were interpreted as kilns because of the other activities that were thought to be associated with the forming (or decorating) of amphoras (Plate I.12a). These structures, however, do not resemble any other kiln representation nor can they be paralleled in the archaeological

55

It is possible that these small kilns were intended to fire pots which would have served as samples of the final desired product, to be reproduced in larger quantities, such as the competition samples for the Panathenaic amphoras. For the personnel organization and production of Panathenaic amphora workshops, see Valavanis 1997. For small-size kilns see infra Ch. III.

56

Robinson D. 1938, 11-12, pl. I. See also Eisman and Turnball 1978 for comparing this scene with a traditional workshop operating in Maroussi in northern Attica.

52


53

record. The characteristic feature of the stoking channel, which always appears on kiln representations, is absent. The structure is very small compared to the figures, whereas all other scenes show the kilns at a much larger scale than the persons. Their size would not allow the firing of large amphoras inside it, so the link to the representation of amphoras in these scenes is very weak. The presence of a basket that the man carries is difficult to explain if the structure is a kiln. The interpretation of the scene as depicting the construction of a kiln cannot be sustained because the structural characteristics of a kiln are very different. The closest parallel to a firing structure would be bonfires. Another suggestion is that this conical arrangement represents a pile of clay anchoring thus the scene, again, in a ceramic workshop. Similar tall piles of stored clay can be seen on Crete, Cyprus, and Tunisia.57 On Crete and Cyprus, however, the clay is stored inside a room in order to keep its moisture, whereas the scene on the "Robinson" skyphos is clearly placed outdoors. The activities on the skyphos can also be explained as olive-processing and transferring of oil into large amphoras.58 The trapezoidal structures, then, probably represent gathering areas where olives are pressed. By viewing this scene as one that occurs in the countryside, one could explain the presence of the branches which frame the composition. Alternatively, one can interpret the scene as wine harvesting, with wine being stored in the amphoras.

57

In Jena Painter (1996, 18), they are interpreted as scenes of preparation of clay. The way that traditional potters in Tunisia wedge the clay outdoors is reminiscent of the structures on the "Robinson" skyphos (Hasaki, in preparation). Vallianos and Padouva 1986, 84, fig. 20; London 2000c; E. Gratsia (pers. comm.) also offers a similar interpretation. Other ethnographic practices show, however, that whenever clay is wedged, the pile is quite low (hardly taller than 0.30m) whereas the piles on the skyphos have a considerable height.

58

Scheibler 1986.


III. LITERARY TERMS

A cursory overview of the ancient terms for kilns, ovens, and furnaces shows two contradictory attitudes of the ancient Greek authors: on one hand they would use inconsistently a pool of similar terms to refer to the same structures; on the other hand, very specific words would differentiate one structure from another, or would distinguish various versions within one type of structure. It is a pity that no one in antiquity wrote a manual on how to fire pottery or, more specifically, how to build a kiln. Such a manual would have preserved much of the terminology for the kiln, its parts, and perhaps for other tools used in a pottery workshop. In the ancient Greek sources, the words related to kilns or ovens appear mainly in the texts of medical authors, who evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of the different types of food (mainly bread) baked in various structures. Our familiarization with these words becomes especially important because there is no consistency in the terminology of ancient kilns used in modern Greek publications where ceramic kilns are called kavmino" or klivbano" indistinguishably.59 The term employed in antiquity for an industrial kiln (that is, not a domestic bread oven) is kavmino" or bau'no".

59

Cf. the following titles of Greek publication where two different terms refer to the same type of structure: Davaras 1973b:"Minwikhv kerameikhv kavmino" eij" Stuvlon Canivw n." and Karagiorga 1971: "Kerameikov" klivbano" ejn jHlivdi."

54


Klivbano", which survived in modern Greek as the standard term for kiln, is reserved in the ancient writings only for the domestic oven, where food-preparing activities were performed. In the fifth century B.C. the words used for a kiln, or a kiln-shaped structure, are

ijpnov", kavmino", klivbano", and pnigeuv". The word ijpnov" is the one most frequently used in pre-Christian times and also the oldest. Its predecessor in Linear B is i-po-no, which appears on the tablet Kn 233 (the reverse of Uc 160).60 Its early association with fire probably accounts for its later use in reference to domestic hearths. Although bau'no", kavmino", klivbano", and pnigeuv" are used already in the fifth century B.C. with a relatively strict sense, starting in the second century A.D., the lexicographers blur the boundaries between the meanings of these words, and most of the terms are used as synonyms for each other.61 Herodian in the second century A.D. lists

60

See Chadwick 1973, 324, 331-4; for an overview of all the suggested translations of the word, see Jorro and Adrados 1985, s.v. From its context it becomes clear that i-po-no refers to a type of vessel translated by modern scholars as "dutch ovens," "cooking bowls," "a shallow open dish," or "earthenware bowls used for baking on a hearth." The tablet Kn 233 reads as follows: l.1 ?[ a-pi-po-re-we 3 l.2 i-po-no l.3 14 l.4 [u]-do-ro 17

[ 3 amphoras [ 14 cooking bowls [ 17 water jars

The reverse side (Uc 160) records wine and other measured commodities. 61

Below is a representative list of the lexicographic entries: ijpnov", kavmino", fou'rno", klivbano" Hsch. I 774: ijpnov", fou'rno", kavmino" Suda I 550, 552: bau'no", kavmino", klivbano" Suda K 1800: krivbano", fou'rno" Suda K 2414: Suda P 1830, F 629: pnigeuv", fou'rno", krivbano"

55


ijpnov", fou'rno", and kavmino" as synonyms.62 In the fifth century A.D., the list of synonyms increases: Hesychios (I 774) uses ijpnov", kavmino", fou'rno", and bau'no". In the Suda in the 10th century A.D. almost all the words appear as synonyms in each entry.

a. kavmino" The ancient Greek word for the ceramic kiln was kavmino" (h )J .63 Kavmino" must have been the generic word for any structure serving as kiln or furnace since it serves as a synonym for all the other terms. Its general character acquires specific meaning depending on the context or on the accompanying adjectives, such as kamineutikh;, ojpthvteira, or

kerameikh; kavmino" for the ceramic kiln.64 The earliest attested occurrence of the word kavmino" in association with a ceramic kiln is on the Penteskoufia plaque F482+627+943+n.n., where the inscription KAMINOS The abbreviations for the ancient authors follow S. Hornblower and A. Spawforth (eds.), The Oxford Classical Dictionary, Oxford 1996 (third edition), xxix-liv; for authors and later scholiasts not listed in these abbreviations, I followed the LSJ. The relevant passages are listed in chronological order of their authors, unless otherwise specified. 62

Hdn. Epim. p. 50.

63 Plut. Publ. 13.2 (Etruscan terracotta statue of a quadriga fired in a kavmino"); Septuaginta, Eccles. 27.5; Suda P 3231. A different spelling, kavmeino", appears in the papyri from Egypt from the third century B.C. onwards. 64

kavmino" kerameikh;: Dsc. De materia medica 5.75.14 (for herbs baked inside a pot which is placed inside a kiln) and Orib. 13. P2 (again for myrtle leaves baked inside a pot which is turn is fired inside a kiln); Hsch. aujthv kavmino". ejpi; tw'n ta; paraplhvsia prassovntwn eijrhmevnh. ajpo; ga;r tou' kerameikou' trocou' hJ metaforav. Bricks are also fired in a kavmino" in Olymp. In Mete., p. 332 (referring to the pots losing their water content inside the kiln). See also Clem. Rom. Ad Corinthios 8.2; Ath. 1.50; Did. Caecus fr. 185; a fournoeidh;" kavmino" is mentioned in Zos. Alch. p. 173B.

56


identifies the structure shown on the plaque. The Penteskoufia plaques, as discussed earlier in this chapter, are dated to ca. 575-500 B.C. A century later, in Herodotus, we read about amphoras and bricks being fired in a

kavmino".65 In the fragment of Critias given below (fifth century B.C.), Athens is described as the birthplace of the pottery wheel and the kiln. This statement interests us not for its historical accuracy (the author has exaggerated somewhat to account for the high quality of the Attic pottery), but for the use of the word kavmino".

To;n de; trocou' gaivh" te kamivnou t j e[kgonon eu\ren, kleinovtaton kevramon, crhvsimon oijkonovmon, hJ to; kalo;n Maraqw'ni katasthvsasa trovpaion. (Critias, Elegies I, 12-14). "And she who set up her noble trophy at Marathon invented the potter's wheel and the offspring of clay and kiln, highly renowned pottery, that useful steward." (translated in Humpheys et al. 1998, 9.78)

The poem "KAMINOS" This poem has a problematic original authorship (attributed to Homer, Hesiod, and Herodotus) and the date of the surviving version is either Hellenistic (130-80 B.C.) or Roman (second or third century A.D.). It is an invaluable source of information for the

65

Hdt. 1.179: firing bricks in kilns for building the fortification wall around Babylon; Hdt. 4.16: Arcesilaus, the ruler of Cyrene, was given a Delphic oracle: "If you find the kiln full of amphoras do not fire them, but send them away downwind." The oracle referred to his political opponents, who found refuge inside a tower in the town. Arcesilaus set the tower on fire and burned them. Hdt. 4.164: Arcesilaus realized that he had misunderstood the oracle.

57


terms used for the kiln and the various names of the kiln demons who personify the casualties, likely to occur during the firing.66 Homer is approaching a ceramic workshop while a kiln-firing of fine wares was in progress. The potters asked Homer to recite for them the poem called “Kavmino".” The kiln is called kavmino" throughout the poem, which should speak for the prominence of this term for a ceramic kiln. The firing chamber is called puraivqousan, whereas the other areas of the kiln are summarily described as chambers (dwvmata).

eij me;n dwvsete misqo;n ajoidh'", w\ keramh'e", deu'r j a[g j jAqhnaivh kai; uJpevrscesqe cei'ra kamivnou, eu\ de; melanqei'en kovtuloi kai; pavnta kavnastra, frucqh'naiv te kalw'" kai; timh'" w\non ajrevsqai, polla; me;n eijn ajgorh'i pwleuvmena polla; d j ajguiai'", polla; de; kerdh'nai, hJmi'n d j hJdevw " sfin ajei'sai. h]n d j ejp j ajnaideivhn trefqevnte" yeuvde j a[rhsqe, sugkalevw dh; e[peita kamivnwn dhlhth'ra" Suvntrib j oJmw'" Smavragovn te kai; [Asbeton hjde; Sabavkthn jWmovdamovn q j, o}" th'ide tevcnhi kaka; polla; porivzei: stei'be puraivqousan kai; dwvmata:su;n de; kavmino" pa'sa kukhqeivh, keramevw n mevga kwkusavntwn. wJ" gnavqo" iJppeivh bruvkei bruvkoi de; kavmino" pavnt j e[ntosq j aujth'" keramhvi>a lepta; poou'sa. deu'ro kai; jHelivou quvgater, polufavrmake Kivrkh, a[gria favrmaka bavlle, kavkou d j aujtouv" te kai; e[rga: deu'ro de; kai; Ceivrwn ajgevtw poleva" Kentauvrou", oi{ q j JHraklh'o" cei'ra" fuvgon oi{ t j ajpovlonto tuvptoien tavde e[rga kakw'", pivptoi de; kavmino". aujtoi; d j oijmwvzonte" oJrwviato e[rga ponhrav. ghqhvsw d j oJrovw n aujtw'n kakodaivmona tevcnhn. o{" de; c j uJperkuvyhi, periv touvtou pa'n to; provswpon flecqeivh, wJ" pavnte" ejpivstwnt j ai[sima rJevzein. Pseudo-Herodotus, Life of Homer 32.

66

Suidas quotes it entirely and Poll. Onom. 10.85 quotes line 3. For a more recent translation, see Humphrey et al. 1998, 372, passage 9.75; A detailed commentary on the poem can be found in Noble 1988, 186-96; See also Richter 1923, 94-5; von WilamowitzMoellendorff 1929, 17-8; Cook 1948; Cook 1951.

58


If you will pay me for my song, O potters, then come, Athena, and hold your hand above the kiln! may the kotyloi and all the kanastra turn a good black, may they be well fired and fetch the price asked, many being sold in the marketplace and many by the roads, and bring in much money, and may my song be pleasing. But if you (potters) turn shameless and deceitful, then do I summon the ravagers of kilns both Syntrips (Smasher) and Smaragos (Crasher) and Asbetos (Unquenchable) too, and Sabaktes (Shake-to-Pieces) and Omodamos (Conqueror of the Unbaked), who makes much trouble for this craft. Stamp on stoking tunnel and chambers, and may the whole kiln be thrown into confusion, while the potters loudly wail. As grinds a horse's jaw so may the kiln grind to powder all the pots within it. Come, too, daughter of the Sun, Circe of many spells, cast cruel spells, do evil to them and their handiwork. Here too let Cheiron lead many Centaurs, both those that escaped the hands of Herakles and those that perished. May they hit these pots hard and may the kiln collapse. And may the potters wail as they see the mischief. But I shall rejoice at the sight of their luckless craft. And if anyone bends over to look into the spy-hole, may his whole face be scorched, so that all may learn to deal justly. (Adapted from M.J. Milne's translation)

v sbeto", it is As for the names Suvntriy, Sabavkth",67 jWmovdamo", Smavrago", and A noteworthy that the names of the demons are hapax legomena in the Greek literature, although the destructive actions of these demons were all too familiar to the potters.68

67

[ makto" to Sabavkth". A [ makto" would then represent the Cook (1948) prefers A insufficiently kneaded clay, which would cause cracks in the final terracotta product.

68

The word daivmone" does not appear in the defixiones until Roman times. For other names of demons of metallurgy, see Blakely-Westover 1998.

59


60

In their attempt to harness these demons, the ancient potters placed apotropaic figures on their kilns, usually satyr masks or ithyphallic figures. On the Penteskoufia plaque F683+757+829+822 the kiln has a small ithyphallic figure in front of it (Plate I.3). A similar device appears on the sixth century B.C. hydria 1717 from the Staatliche Antikensammlungen in Munich, where a theatrical mask has been hung on the kiln to express a similar potters' concern (Plate I.11b).69 In the fill of a kiln excavated in Europos, Kilkis in northern Greece (363), two terracotta figurines with grotesque features were excavated and interpreted by the excavator as apotropaic devices.70 Aristophanes also speaks of a baskavnion ejpikavminon, in the form of a bronze statue of a man.71 Baskavnia were also placed on metallurgical furnaces for the same reasons.72 It is interesting to note that, despite the fierce competition among potters that Hesiod (Erga 25-26) warns us about, the competitors did not resort to the use of cursive tablets that

69

Ziomecki 1975; Roebuck (ed.) 1969; Richter 1923; the argument for why this is a furnace and not a kiln is presented in Oddy and Swaddling 1985, where all the known examples of representations of furnaces on ancient vases (seven secure and three inferred) are collected (Plate Exc.11).

70

See also Forbes R. 1964. A relief depicting a sizeable phallus has been excavated next to the stoking channel of a Hellenistic kiln at Metapontum at the site Pizzica (Carter 1983). Even the traditional Greek potters make a cross with their fingers on the loading door, while the clay is still wet (Hampe and Winter 1962, 23, 114; Blitzer 1990, 697). For divine protectors of fire, see Korres 1971.

71

Ar. fr. 592 R; fr. 39 from play IFF.

72 Poll. Onom. 7.108: Pro; de; tw'n kamivnwn toi'" calkeu'sin e[qo" h\n geloi'av tina katarta'n, h[ ejpiplavttein, ejpi; fqovnou ajpotroph'/. ejkalei'to de; baskavnia.


are all too common for metal workshops, but are yet to be found in a ceramic workshop context.73 The references of kavmino" to ceramic kilns were comparatively few when contrasted to the numerous instances of kavmino", which was used mainly for the description of furnaces employed for smelting metals, such as bronze, iron, silver, and gold.74 The furnaces in the Laurion mines were always called kavminoi in the leases.75 Generally, the furnaces were under the protection of Hephaistos since he himself operated furnaces, the kavminoi

jHfaivstou. These are attested in Callimachus, Lucian, and Nonnus, in reference to the furnaces of the god of bronzesmiths, whose birthplace was Lemnos.76 In the medical treatises, kavminoi are used to prepare medicines.

73

For cursive tablets in workshops and in general "agonistic" contexts, see Faraone 1991. A metal worker is mentioned in a cursive tablet from the Athenian Agora (Young 1951, 222-3; new reading of the text of the tablet in Curbera and Jordan 1998); Jordan 2000.

74

General about kavmino": Ar. fr. 39; Arist. fr. 259; Callim. Hymn, 3.60 (bronze, iron); idem fr. 115; (with Hephaistos); Nic. Ther. 924 (iron), Alex. 51 (gold, silver) Diod. Sic. Bibl. Hist. 5.27.2; Dsc. 5.75; Gal. 12.185-186 (gold, silver, iron); Lucianus Ddeor. 8.4; DMar. 10.2 (the kavminoi of Hephaistos); Clem. Alex. Strom. 2.18.91; Eust. Il. 2.182 (bronze); Anacreonta fr. 28 (iron for arrows); Pallas, Anth. Gr. 6.61; 14.50 [a silversmith (ajrguropoiov") is working at a furnace for coins]; Gal. 12.208; Nonnus, Dion. 29.349 (reference to Hephaistos). For gold (usually associated with firing of silver), see Posidonius in FGrH 2a.87.F116; schol. Thuc. Hist. 4.100.2; Str. 3.2.8; 5.2.6; 5.4.6. 75

See e.g. IG II2 1370, l. 2750, records the boundaries of the furnace (kavmino") and of the grounds around it. Generally on the leases from Laurion see Crosby 1950, 1957. See also the reference to kavminoi in the poletaiv records (P5, P20, P28, P38, P43) found in the Agora (Lalonde et al. 1991). 76

Schol. Ar. Lys. 299.

61


The working of the furnace was a very demanding craft and required trained personnel: we hear of a kamineuthv", a kamineuv", and a kamineuvtrian (or kaminwv), a woman in charge of the furnace, especially that of a bath.77 Two inscriptions recovered from Laurion from the mid-fourth century B.C. mention Ianibelos, the ajrcikamineuthv", who must have been employed in the local mines.78 Another inscription, a mortgage boundary stone from the same area, mentions the salary given to a furnace worker called Simon from Paeania.

toi'" metav E j pitevlou" ejk Keramevw n kai; ajpevrgastra kamivnwi th'i Sivmou Paianievw kai; toi'" ejranistai'" toi'" metav Neoptolevmou Melitevw ".79

Kavmino" also refers to the hypocausts of baths.80 Different types of rocks, such as flint (puritovliqo"), were fired inside a kavmino", which thus became a lime kiln.81 The word changes slightly to to; kamivnion, (plural tav kamivnia), in the Byzantine author Constantinus

77 Kamineuthv" (Luc. De sacrificiis 6.6; Greg. Nyss. Contra Eun. 1.1.38); kamineuv" (Diod. Sic. 20.63.5); kamineuvtria and kaminwv are mentioned as synonyms in Herodian (quoted in Eust. 2.165); kaminwv (Apol. Lex. Hom. s.v.). 78

IG II2 11697: jIanivbhle ajrcikamineuta; cai're and SEG 13.207 restored as jIanivbhlo" / ajrcikamin / euthv". 79

SEG 32.236, found at the Asklepiakon mine at Soureza and dated to ca. 350 B.C.

80

Schol. Ar. Plut. 535, 951; Ar. fr. 720; Asterius 3.12.2; Gal. 12.438.

81

Gal. 12.219; Orib. 13.d1, where purivth" livqo" (chert) was burnt in a kavmino"; Aët. 15.15 (lime kilns are similar to the bronze-smelting furnaces); Epiph. 1.347 (lime kilns operating away from the city).

62


Porphyrogenitus.82 It is also interchangeable with ijpnov" as part of a house,83 or a domestic fireplace.84 Synonyms are bau'no" (Hsch. s.v.) and krivbano" (Hsch. s.v.).85 Finally, the

kaminivth" bread is baked inside the kavmino".86

b. ajnqravkion, pnigeuv", skarfwvn, thvgano" The first three words are minor terms associated with the standard word kavmino". Hesychius (A 5153) uses ajnqravkion to refer to any small kavmino" (kai; pa'sa mikra;

kavmino"). It is probably a portable oven, much like the ones found in the Athenian Agora (P 14165) or the oven represented in a Boeotian terracotta scene.87 Anqravkion was also a term used for a cooking stand.88 Herodian offers thvgano" as another synonym for kavmino", and

skarfwvn is a type of furnace.89

82

Hence the modern Greek word kamivni.

83

Harp. p. 160, l. 18; Erot. p. 78, l. 1 (Klein).

84

Gal. 6.332; Dsc. 5.75.3.

85

Aspasius, schol. Eth. Nic. 104; Eust. 1.184; Anonymi in Arist. 184; Ael. 3, 2. p. 174; bauvnh (Hsch. s.v.). 86

See schol. Ar. Plut. 543; Ath. 3.113-114.

87

Both examples, among others, are illustrated in Sparkes and Talcott 1958.

88

Hadjidakis 2000, pl. 67b, for a cooking stand from Rheneia and for a vocabulary of terms for cooking pots.

89

Hdn. Epim., p. 133; Hsch. S 874. For thvgano" (tavghnon) as frying pan or saucepan see Eup. 346 and Ar. Eq. 429.

63


Aristophanes uses extensively the word pnigeuv" and some derivative adjectives.90 His scholiasts always equate pnigeuv" to kavmino", specifically the kavmino" operating with charcoal.91 A pnigeuv" was also dedicated as a votive offering in an Athenian sanctuary.92

c. bau'no" This word forms the root of the derogatory term bavnausoi. It was used for all craftsmen (bavnausoi) who did much of their work in the unpleasant environment of a furnace. Such craftsmen appear in Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (1107b 17-20; 1122 a 3032; 1123 a 19-20) and Politics (e.g. 1317b 41). It must be one of the oldest words since it is the constituent part of the word krivbano" or klivbano", which is attested already in the fifth century B.C. In all instances it is linked to the working of metal or to the baking of bread. In no case do we hear of a ceramic bau'no". The standard synonym is kavmino". Other words close in meaning are cutrovpou", cwneuthvrion, and occasionally eJstiva.

90

Suda P 1832; schol. Ar. Av. 1001; schol. Ar. Ran. 122; schol. Ar. Nub. 96a, c; Sparkes 1962. 91

Suda P 1832: pnigei' tw'/ crovnw/ to; scoinivon kai; to; qranivon. As a synonym to krivbanon operating with charcoal, see Suda P 380 and P 629. 92

IG II2 1425, l. 411.

64


Terms associated with an oven d. ijpnov" This term is usually associated with a domestic oven.93 Its earliest occurrence as ipo-no is found in the Linear B tablets (supra n. 62). Only once in historical times is it attested with the meaning of a ceramic kiln.94 Aristophanes uses ijpnov" to denote a wide range of meanings all closely related to an oven, an oven-shaped lantern, or the kitchen. In the last case, the space takes its name from the oven usually placed in it. In the vast majority of the texts the word appears with its derivative adjective ijpnivth" and refers to a type of bread. Only in the lexicographers is the word explained as kavmino", klivbano", or fou'rno".95 The second most frequent use of ijpnov" relates to the kitchen area where food is prepared. It can be suggested with a fair degree of certainty that none of the examples of kilns presented here were called ijpnoiv by their users in antiquity. The construction of an ijpnov" seems to have been entrusted to a specialist, known as ijpnopla;qh"96 or ijpnovplaqo".97 The word

93

A selection of archaeological examples of ovens is presented supra Excursus, "The Baking Oven".

94 Hdt. 5.92; Hippoc. Epid. 4.20: ajpov tou' keramevou ijpnou' (cf. Hippoc. Morb. 2.47); Antiph. 176.4; Archestr. fr. 46. In inscriptions, IG II2 147, l. 287a (spelled as ijpnwvn); Inscr. Cret. 4.73.A9 from Gortyna (fifth century B.C.). 95

Erot. s.v. ijpnov"; Hsch. s.v. ijpnov" (I 774); Suda I 550, I 552.

96

Pl. Tht. 147A.

97

In Lex. Tim. a synonym of ijpnoplavqh" is fournoplavsth" (potter); Poll. Onom. 7.163; cf. koroplavqo"; Harp. s.v. ijpnov" 101.8; Gal. 5.890.6. See also ijpnoplavqein, ijpnopoiov"; Lucian Prom. Es 21; Them. Or. 21.256d.

65


ijpnoplavsth" can also refer to a terracotta-figurine maker.98 The soot from an ijpnov" was called i[pnia (kaqavrmata ijpnou').99

e. klivbano"-krivbano" The word which came to be used for a ceramic kiln in modern Greek is the Attic

klivbano", or its Doric version of krivbano".100 The Attic word preserves the constituent parts formed by kri, meaning grain, and bau'no", which means oven or kiln. Krivbano" is the

kavmino" where bread is baked101 There seems to exist a differentiation in the ancient vocabulary between klivbano" and kavmino". Klivbano" is used more frequently to denote the domestic oven; the majority of the passages refer to the bread which is fired in ovens (called klibanivth") and its therapeutical advantages.102 The ancients probably used the same word for the ceramic kiln because of its similarity in the upper structure (a domed roof) and in size, while the industrial

98

Gal. Thras. 43.

99

Suda I 550.

100

Hdt. 2.92.10; Eust. 1.184; Suda K 1800; K 2413; schol. Ar. Acharn. 86a, 86c; for occurrences of the word in the Egyptian papyri, see Battaglia 1989. 101

Hdn. Orth. s.v.

102 For a cursory selection of excavated domestic ovens, see infra Excursus, "The Baking Oven", esp. n. 11 and 12.

66


kavmino", besides being smaller, had a chimney-like appearance because it was used mostly for smelting metal. The association with the domestic sphere and cooking is preserved even in modern Greece: in the vocabulary of the Aegean islands, klivbanon denotes a vessel for baking pies.103 In the late Roman period in the provinces the furnaces of the imperial baths in Palestine were referred to as klivbanoi in the inscriptions.104

f. fou'rno" The earliest use of this word is in the works of Hero in the second century B.C., where an oven 2.00m in diameter is given as a starting point for a mathematical problem.105 Its Latin equivalent is furnus.106 Its casual use in an exercise in Hero’s works suggests that it was already in the Hellenistic period a well-known word. It must have denoted primarily an oven, since it is the main synonym for ijpnov", but also for pnigeuv", krivbanon,107 and

103

Psaropoulou 1986, 43.

104 SEG 30.1687 dated to A.D. 662; SEG 32.1502 dated to A.D. 455; SEG 47.1990 dated to the sixth century A.D. All inscriptions come from the Roman baths at Gadara. 105

Hero Stereom. 1.76.1 and Geep. 202. For derivatives, see Anon. Alch. 321.9 a, b (fournevllon for oven, furnace), 367. 15, 17, 19 (fournavkion for a small oven). 106

Mau 1910.

107

Cf. supra n. 61 for the interchangeability of words in the entries of the lexicographers.

67


kavmino".108 The fou'rno" also produces its own kind of bread, fournivkio", which has a light dough like klibanivkio". In the Hippocratean corpus the bread baked in an ijpnov", called the ijpnivth", is compared to other types of bread. The medical authors, starting with Hippocrates and continuing with Dioscorides (first century A.D.), Galenus (second century A.D.), Oribasius (fourth century A.D.), and Aëtius (sixth century A.D.), dedicated long discussions to the various types of bread which are distinguished by their baking method as ejgkrufiva",

ijpnivth", kaminivth", klibanivth" (kribanivth"), ojbeliwvn, and fournivkio".109 These types of bread are ranked differently depending on their qualities; for example, ijpnivth" and kaminivth" are said to be difficult to digest, but have a balanced mixture. The best bread of all, regardless of which aspect is judged, is the kribanivth".110 The medical texts, besides their obvious value for studies of ancient diet, concern us here because they show also that ijpnov", kavmino", and klivbano" are similar enough in function to bake a loaf of bread. Yet they are different enough to require different names, and different qualities (or absence thereof) are attributed to the bread baked inside them.111

108

Ath. 3.113-114 for a compilation of references of ancient authors to different types of bread. 109

Additional types of bread as listed in Blümner 1885-87, 74-5: ajrtoptivko", ejpanqrakiv", ejscarivth", klibanivkio", ojbeliva", ojbelivth", thganivth", fournivth". 110

Ath. 3.115e.

111

Ath. 3.83.22.

68


The study of the linguistic range of words applying to kilns reveals our human tendency not to be specific or absolute with terms referring to objects or structures that form an integral part of our everyday lives. After this survey of the iconographical and philological evidence about kilns, let us turn now to the archaeological remains.

69

70

ARCHITECTURE AND FUNCTION

______________________________________________ .

CHAPTER II THE CERAMIC KILN ITS ARCHITECTURE AND FUNCTION

This chapter is divided into two parts, as its title indicates. In the first part I examine the individual parts of a kiln as known from the archaeological examples and from iconographical sources such as the Penteskoufia plaques (see supra Ch. I). The purpose of this section is to present the standard form of each part, the range of its variation, its function, and, wherever possible, to detect any development in the construction techniques. The principal parts of ceramic kilns remained largely unchanged throughout antiquity. For the parts that are not well represented archaeologically in Classical contexts, I will use comparative evidence from kilns that date to later times (Hellenistic to Byzantine)

71


______________________________________________

and ethnographical comparanda in modern Greece and elsewhere. Occasionally, when a seemingly odd feature is discussed, I will provide evidence from outside the Greek world in order to show that potters, regardless of culture, tend to use similar devices and constructions. The presentation will start with the lower parts of the kiln and proceed to the upper parts. I prefer this order because it follows the upward direction of the heat in the vertical kilns (Plates II.1, 3). Moreover, the archaeological information is richer for the lower parts whereas it becomes incrementally sparser (even non existent) for the upper parts. The second section focuses on the function of a kiln: its firing process, estimation of fuel consumption, capacity, and associated rate of wasters.

I. BUILDING A KILN

a. The Greek Kiln: An Updraft Kiln All the known examples of Greek historical kilns belong to the vertical or updraft category.1 The term expresses the upward direction of the heat along an imaginary vertical

1

The channel kilns of the Middle Minoan and Late Minoan periods on Crete have been reconstructed as cross-draft (Shaw et al. 2001). But they bear little resemblance to other horizontal kilns from the Mediterranean basin, such as those in Israel (Delcroix and Huot 1972; Wood 1990, fig. 10).


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axis. The draft that allows the heat to move upward is caused by an opening at the bottom (the stoking channel) and an opening at the top (the chimney).2 The choice of the kiln technology in a specific place is shaped by environmental, social, and economical factors. A potter’s choice of a vertical kiln within the entire range of firing structures is based primarily on cultural and technological reasons and less on its often-cited advantages (high and even temperatures, better control, and lower breakage rate), which are, after all, shared by the rudimentary bonfire or the pit firing (the permanent version of a bonfire) (Plate II.2).3 The real advantages of a vertical kiln is better heat insulation, economical consumption of fuel, and larger capacity. Other cultures exhibit additional types of kilns, the most common being the horizontal kiln (also known as cross-draft or downdraft). There the heat follows an imaginary horizontal axis across the firing chamber and it moves downward before it exits through a tall chimney at the end of the firing chamber, opposite the stoking area.4 The vertical kiln offers a limited range of attainable temperatures (not more than 1100-1150oC); the horizontal kiln can reach temperatures of 1300oC and more, and is ideal

2 A traditional workshop at Phini on Cyprus in 1960 used a kiln in which the burning of the fuel and the firing of the pottery took place in the same chamber (Hampe and Winter 1962, 69, figs. 40-41). This isolated example was a hybrid structure (Ø 3.10-3.27m, H. 2.77m) which combined elements of the bonfire (no separation between combustion and firing chambers) and of an updraft kiln (permanent structure, loading/stoking door, and chimney). The pots were arranged around the walls, leaving the central area open. The larger pithoi were placed at the back of the kiln, and the smaller closer to the entrance. 3

Rice 1987. Bonfires can also reach high temperatures and they have a similarly low waster rate (5%). Sillar 2000. 4

For a brief discussion of other types of kilns, see Rhodes 1968; Kingery 1997; Rice 1997a.

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for the firing of Chinese porcelain. The properties of the Mediterranean clays, which are highly calcareous and vitrify above a temperature of 1100oC, deterred the Greek potters from investigating types other than the vertical kiln. The vertical kiln is, therefore, a good example of the effects and the accompanying limitations that one part of the chaîne operatoire of potmaking can place on another part.5

b. General Location of a Kiln The main criteria for selecting a site for a kiln are the same as those used to establish a ceramic workshop: proximity to clay sources, availability of water, and a favorable location vis-à-vis transportation and trade routes.6 Pottery kilns are usually built against the slopes of hills so that the potters can benefit from the existing slope and avoid digging an entire pit on flat ground. By placing the kiln on a slope, they can dig a circular pit for the combustion chamber straight through the hill. Depending on the height of the hill, part of the firing chamber can also be dug directly into the hillside. In addition, a hill provides better heat insulation and greater stability against thermal shocks during the firing. It also facilitates the stoking of the fire. Finally, the fuel for the firing can easily be collected from the surrounding wooded areas.

5

For extensive discussions on the cultural, social, and economic restrictions on the choices of technological possibilities, see Lemonnier (ed.) 1993. 6

For a list of archaeological criteria for the location of pottery workshops, see infra Ch. VI. Also Peacock 1982.

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Very often the kilns are surrounded by walls; since in many other cases this feature is absent, we cannot say that the walls would have been used for structural reasons. It seems that the kilns, being the most sensitive and crucial of all the equipment of a pottery workshop, were somehow walled off and difficult to reach, to prevent the uninitiated from purposefully or incidentally intervening with the firing process.

c. Time Requirements for Building a Kiln and Its Lifetime The contemporary potting communities and the construction of kilns by experimental archaeological projects supply us with the only available information on the time required to build a ceramic kiln. The data from contemporary, ethnographic research is more reliable since the kilns are constructed by experienced craftsmen, often potters themselves. On the other hand, in the experimental projects, if required times seem longer, one must take into account that the participants are either archaeologists or potters, who either have no, or very limited, experience in constructing traditional kilns. The results then can be skewed, and the estimates for the original construction period can be reduced considerably. Also, success in the construction of a kiln would increase with accumulated experience. Below I have gathered data on a new kiln built by construction workers at Isthmia to fire replicas of Archaic roof tiles, an experimental Roman-type kiln built in Britain (Boston, Links), and information from my interview of a specialist at constructing kilns in Tunisia, whose crew had built more than eighty kilns in the greater area of the town of Moknine. The crew usually consists of three to five persons. In the ancient workshops, the entire workshop was probably involved with one or more aspects of the construction.

74

75


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Overall, the construction does not last more than a week, even for large kilns. And most potters agree that the most laborious phase is digging out the soil for the subterranean combustion chamber. In ethnographic examples, when a new kiln is built, it is first fired empty to solidify the perforated floor and its supporting system. Then pottery is fired inside. We know even less about the lifetime of a kiln. Generally kilns tend to last longer than one would have expected, although they exact a heavy toll in the form of frequent repair work.7 Papousek (1989) in his study of kilns in Mesoamerica estimated that their lifetime averages 20-30 years.8 SITE

DIAMETER

CREW

TIME

COMMENTS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Isthmia

1.50x1.50x2.00m

3

3 weeks

local workmen, experimental local materials

Rostoker and Gebhard 1981

Boston, LinksEngland

4ft

2

3 days

4

3-7 days

Moknine Tunisia

Mayes 1961

Kiln specialist with three assistants

Hasaki, in preparation

Table II.1: Data for time requirements of kiln construction.

7 Hampe and Winter (1962, 21-2) recorded the repair of a kiln at Asomatos on Crete which lasted only one day and where five persons were involved. 8 The rectangular kiln of K. Chrysogelos on Thasos was used from 1912 to 1970 (Gratsia 1999, 360). Blitzer (1990) reports that at Korone, Messenia, a kiln built in 1890 was still in use in 1975. 9

Dufaÿ et al. 1997.


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The range of the pottery from some sites, where newer kilns clearly replaced previous ones, indicates that kilns could last for a quarter of a century, but for some construction defect they were either abandoned or completely torn down and rebuilt. Also, careful analysis of the microstratigraphy of ash layers found inside a kiln can allow one to estimate how many firings occured, as has been done in the Roman pottery workshop in La Boissière-École in Gaul.9 It is safe to say that ancient potters (and modern potters as well) would wish to build kilns to last, since a kiln was a considerable economic investment. In addition, successful firings are directly correlated not only with a potter's general experience, but also with the number of times this potter has fired this particular, specific, kiln. On the other hand, a defective kiln would cause constant high waste rates and losses of profit; in such a case, the building of a new kiln would seem to be the most economically viable option.

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II. THE STRUCTURAL PARTS OF A CERAMIC KILN

a. Combustion Chamber In the combustion chamber the gases from the fuel are concentrated. It is not common to burn the fuel in this chamber. Instead, the fuel is initially burnt at the entrance of the stoking chamber, and only gradually is it stoked along the stoking chamber towards the combustion chamber. This is the most commonly preserved part of a kiln. It is usually dug in bedrock so that the walls of the kiln can withstand the high temperatures without collapsing. Its shape is oval, circular, or rectangular. Most typological studies rely on the shape of the combustion chamber as the main criterion for classification (see infra Ch. III on typology).11 The dimensions of the combustion chamber are slightly larger than those of the main firing chamber. The walls, which are usually made of stones or slabs [Prinias (31-36)], are covered with one or more layers of clay. Another example of additional heat insulation is the case of the Hellenistic rectangular kiln at Chalkis (349), where Corinthian-style pan-tiles

10

For terminology in Italian dialects, see Cuomo Di Caprio 1971/2; for terms in Greek and other languages, see Davaras 1980. A multi-lingual dictionary of the different parts of the kiln is provided in Plates II.1, 3.

11

Kilns, originally designed as circular, can shrink to a pear shape after the first firing (Mayes 1962).

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were used to cover the sidewalls of the combustion chamber (Plate II.4).12 In cases when the combustion chamber is dug into virgin soil, the walls are omitted and the soil is plastered with clay.13 The intense heat developed here produces strongly vitrified walls with a greenish color. The floor of the combustion chamber is simply plastered over with clay mortar. In later times the floor was made of tiles.14 It usually preserves a thin layer of ash, but more ash can be found in the stoking channel.

b. Stoking Channel and Stoking Pit This is a longer or shorter channel projecting from the general circular or rectangular outline of the kiln where the fuel is placed and fired (Plate II.5). Its presence enabled the potter to reach high temperatures inside the kiln without any harm to him, something which was not possible with the bonfires, since in the latter case he had to come very close to the bonfire to supply it with fuel. The Greek kilns have a stoking channel (with one or two

12

Cf. the Roman kiln at Aktaiou-Eptahalkou-and Hephaisteion Sts. (252) where the walls were lined with fired clay plaques.

13

See the Roman kiln at Nea Philadelpheia, near Thessaloniki (370).

14

In Roman kilns in France, the tile-covered floors of the combustion chamber also have drainage to keep moisture away from the kiln so that no fuel is wasted in drying the kiln before the actual firing (Le Ny 1988). In contrast to the Gallo-Roman tile kilns, no drainage is preserved in the combustion chamber to drain away any rainwater.

15

In Roman Gaul and Britain some kilns have two stoking channels at two opposite ends. A comparable example in Katochi (448) seems to have resulted from two phases or uses of the kiln and not of a single design.

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corridors) only on one side of the kiln.15 It can be covered with an arched roof made of sherds and clay mortar. A rare example, where this arched cover of the stoking channel is preserved, is the small Hellenistic kiln at Pherai (192). Alternatively, the stoking channel can simply be a depression in the floor (the stoking pit) resulting from the continuous use of this space. The stoker gradually pushes the ash further down the channel and adds more fuel at the entrance. Because of the constant presence of strong heat, the walls of the stoking chamber (when present) show much stronger vitrification than the walls of the combustion chamber, and the layer of ash is thicker. The length can range from a few centimeters (in such cases it coincides with the entrance, described below) to more than one meter.16 Some of the kilns depicted on the Penteskoufia plaques have remarkably long stoking chambers.17 In the Greek examples it is usually a single chamber, but occasional examples with two separate stoking channels exist in large rectangular kilns [e.g. Kato Vassiliki (402)].18

16

See infra "Overall conception of the kiln’s design" for possible correlation between the size of the combustion chamber and that of the stoking channel.

17

Cuomo Di Caprio 1984.

18

An unpublished kiln at Metropoli, Karditsa has a similar arrangement (pers. comm. with C. Intzesiloglou). In the Italian typology of kilns, type IId is reserved for a rectangular kiln with two stoking corridors and double stoking channels (Plate III.1).

19

For an ethnographic example of a pithos kiln in Kliru on Cyprus, see Hampe and Winter (1962, 83) (Plate III.4). The two entrances are much commoner in lime kilns, where one entrance serves for raking out the fast-accumulating ash (see infra Excursus, "The Lime Kiln").

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Some traditional kilns have two stoking entrances, one at each end. This symmetrical placement creates a stronger draft.19 An ancient kiln at Katochi (448) preserves two entrances, but the second was a replacement of the first; they were not used simultaneously.20 Sometimes the stoking channel is destroyed immediately after the completion of firing in order to save space in the workshop. As I was able to observe at the traditional pottery center of Margarites near Rethymno on Crete, the kilns presently stand perfectly preserved, but there is no visible sign of a stoking channel. The fire was stoked with long rods as depicted on the corpus of the Penteskoufia plaques.21 At the end of the channel which is farthest away from the kiln, where the kiln worker usually stands to stoke the fire, a depression is gradually formed, called the stoking pit. This pit often collects the ash of the burnt fuel. In the few cases of adjacent kilns, a common stoking pit serves the double purpose of saving space in the workshop and facilitating the stoking of both kilns at the same time if necessary.22 The kilns retained their individual stoking chambers. In early publications the stoking channel, was confused with the long corridors created by the presence of a dividing wall inside the combustion chamber [e.g. East kiln at Tile Works, at Corinth (65)]. The myth of such double stoking channels derives from the Penteskoufia plaque F893 (Plate II.6), which was incorrectly oriented in some early

20

For Katochi, see ADelt 29 (1973-74) 536, pl. 358a.

21

See supra Ch. I. One metal stoking rod, measuring 2.00m in length, has survived from a 19th century A.D. kiln in Porto Cheli, excavated by F. Matson (Jameson 1969; Halieis excavation notebook no. 500).

22

See e.g. the kilns at Sindos (86-89). For examples outside Greece, see Marzabotto (plan in Nijboer 1998, fig. 42), Morgantina, Policoro in Italy, and Colchester in England.

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photographs.23 R. Cook based his category of “double-stoking” kilns on these mistakenly interpreted corridors.24 The presence of two separate areas inside the combustion chamber in the rectangular kilns of type IIb does not indicate necessarily the presence of two stoking channels.

c. Entrance The so-called entrance of the kiln is basically the juncture between the stoking channel and the side of the kiln. It has been suggested that all Greek kilns had their entrance placed towards the prevailing winds, but Davaras, examining all the Minoan kilns, rejects this statement.25 The same conclusion seems to be valid for the historical kilns as well, because no uniformity in the direction of the entrance can be noted. What the builders did take into consideration

23

The section is certainly a vertical cross-section showing the central support of the perforated floor, the perforated floor, the firing chamber with its load, and the opening at the top. Wrong interpretations appeared as early as in 1911 (Perrot and Chippiez 1911, 348, fig. 185) and persisted as recently as 1978 (Duhamel 1978/9, fig. 1d); Marwitz (1960), by placing the plaque sideways clockwise, interpreted it as a combination of a horizontal section of the pit (the right-hand half) and a vertical section of the firing chamber (the left-hand half) seeing in it a double stoking channel. See also Winter A. 1957, 1959.

24

25

Cook 1961; cf. Cook 1997 for a different opinion.

Cf. Faure 1973, 217 (cited in Davaras 1980); Cook (1961, 65) notes that sheltered situations are common in the Roman British kilns, and further notes that an open situation may well be a disadvantage. The orientation of the entrance has been disassociated from the direction of the wind in the case of the Roman-British kilns as well (Corder 1957).

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82

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when constructing a kiln was the slope of the ground. The entrance usually follows that slope.26 Two Archaic examples, from Lato and the Kerameikos, further support Davaras' statement (Plate II.5a-b): in Lato, Kiln 1 and Kiln 2 (28-29), located only one meter away from each other and probably contemporary, have different orientations with Kiln 1 facing to the west and kiln 2 to the north. In the Athenian Kerameikos, two superimposed kilns found under the museum display exactly the same shape and construction technique, but face in different directions (40-41). In a traditional pottery workshop at Moknine, Tunisia, where there are four kilns, only two have an entrance with the same orientation.27

d. The Perforated Intermediate Floor (eschara) The most distinctive part of an updraft ceramic kiln is the perforated clay floor, commonly referred to as ejscavra, which divides the firing chamber from the combustion chamber.28 No other firing structure has this feature (see infra Excursus). Its primary role is to separate the pots from immediate contact with fire contributing thus to a much lower breakage rate. From a technological point of view, a perforated floor allows less heat to

26

For the exception to this rule, see the Prinias kilns (31-36), where the axis of some kilns is perpendicular to the axis of the slope.

27

28

Hasaki, in preparation.

Although this solid perforated floor is a standardized feature of most Mediterranean kilns, updraft kilns in other cultures use instead a system of interlocking arms upon which the pots stand (Papousek 1989).


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reach the firing chamber, but the permanent or semi-permanent character of the upper compartment provides a better insulation and preserves the heat efficiently. In firing structures without a perforated floor and without any walls, as in a pit fire, the heat is easily lost. Given the resemblance between a honeycomb and this perforated floor, it is likely that Hesychios refers to the kiln's perforated floor when he names a part of the furnace kuyevlai or kuyelivde".29 The eschara is a typical and essential feature of all updraft kilns, and it appears without exception in all Greek kilns of the historical periods. The earliest excavated kilns which preserve their eschara (in situ or in fragments) are the Middle Helladic kiln from Kirrha, near Delphi (106) (Plate IV.16), the kilns at the Menelaion at Sparta (101-102) and the kiln at the Kadmeion at Thebes (113). Another example can be added if we accept the Middle Helladic date for the kiln from the Agora at Eretria, now exhibited in the archaeological museum at Eretria (103) (Plate IV.4).30 The thickness of the floor ranges from 0.10 to 0.20m. The diameter of the holes varies between 0.06 and 0.10m;31 usually they are uniformly spread throughout the surface of the eschara. The Prinias kilns from ca. 700 B.C. (31-36) have also provided many fragments (0.07m thick) from the eschara, and some ventholes measuring 0.03-0.06m in

29

Hsch. K 4757. For a different interpretation, see Sparkes 1975, 134. Perhaps the term meant the spherical vessel which was placed on top of the metallurgical shaft furnaces (Hadjidimitriou 1997, 127).

30

31

Eretria Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 19558.

Cf. escharai from some kilns at Figaretto, Corfu (197-209) Ø of holes: 0.10m, and in Classical Sindos in Macedonia (89: Ø of holes ca. 0.12m; thickness of the eschara ca. 0.10m).

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diameter (Plate II.7). The distance between the holes is at least 0.10m. In the Kavousi kiln on Crete (151), the holes are located only around the perimeter of the eschara. An average kiln 1.30m in diameter would have a floor perforated with thirty to fifty ventholes, so about 20-30% of the surface of the floor would have been pierced.32 The ventholes on the perimeter are normally larger than the average-sized holes in the middle. The ventholes are arranged in loosely concentric circles in the case of circular kilns and in rows for the rectangular kilns.33 The uniformity of dimensions of the ventholes in the perforated floor and the ethnographic parallels, suggest that wooden sticks were used to pierce the wet clay of the floor to create the holes.34 This arrangement, although quite random, reflects cultural preferences; and therefore, Hellenistic kilns in Alexandria look quite different from a Hellenistic kiln on the Greek mainland (Plate II.8). The perforated floor is rarely found in situ, but its presence is attested by excavated blocks of fired clay which bear ventholes.35 A telling example of the confusion that these

32

The same number holds true for traditional kilns: calculations were conducted on a traditional kiln of K. Chrysogelos on Thasos (Gratsia 1999) which measures 2.10 x 2.80m and has thirty square ventholes (0.20m each side). Therefore, 1.20m2/5.88m2 (or 20%) of the surface is pierced. 33

It would be interesting to see whether the diameter of the holes in the eschara has any effect on the firing, or whether it can offer us indirect clues for the type of pots fired (large or small) and how much heat reaches the firing chamber.

34

35

On Asomatos, Crete the sticks are made of plane trees (Hampe and Winter 1962, 25).

In traditional modern Greek pottery workshops at Asomatos the ventholes are called ajfanoiv (Hampe and Winter 1962, 25). Rhomaios (1916), while describing the kiln at Thermon (75), provides some interesting ethnographic information about the words referring to the parts of the kiln: the workmen called the supporting wall of the perforated floor pappav", and the ventholes of the perforated floor, ntoufevkia. Around the kiln many small rectangular clay supports, called sapouvnia by the local workmen, were found (see also infra "Kiln Furniture").

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fragments can cause comes from the Archaic kiln at Lato (28) where three joining pieces of clay, showing on the underside the imprints of perishable material (probably branches) were excavated. They form a hole, 0.15m in diameter. It was thought by the excavators that it formed the chimney of the kiln despite its small diameter, whereas it is clearly a venthole.36 At Lefkandi, fragments of two perforated plaques of ca. 0.90m in diameter were found (07) (Plate II.7b). They could have belonged to a small kiln (although they bear no trace of firing); it is not entirely clear how they could have been used in a kiln.37 A supporting system of variable complexity ensures that this comparatively thin floor would not collapse. The support (or supports) is placed centrally, or along the long axis of the kiln, or along the short axis of the kiln. The commonest supporting system is usually a simple column made of a combination of stones, broken sherds, tiles, and mortar, which in turn supports the overlying perforated floor (eschara). Its position is roughly at the center of the combustion chamber. For a kiln with an interior diameter of ca 1.00-1.30m, the support has a diameter of 0.30-0.33m. Exceptionally large, in proportional terms, is the central pillar in the Archaic kiln at Phari on Thasos (Ø 1.00m), whose combustion chamber is 2.00m wide (25).38 In some early examples, such as the Protoarchaic kilns at Prinias (3136), the pillar is placed quite off center, apparently intentionally.

36

Duckrey and Picard 1969, 803. See Seifert (1993, n. 30) who accepts the chimney interpretation.

37

A miniature perforated plaque from Corinth [see supra Ch. I, "Kiln Model (KN 181). From the Potters' Quarter at Ancient Corinth"] presents an equally puzzling problem concerning its use, if it is actually connected with a kiln; for rectangular perforated plaques used as a floor in a Late Roman-Early Christian cist burial in Patras, 22-24 Charalambi St., see ADelt 31 (1976) 89, pl. 74a.

38

The pillar has been relined in a second phase increasing thus its diameter.

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Other, more complicated systems of supporting the floor of the eschara are adopted for rectangular kilns. A central wall is either built or dug inside the bedrock [Corinth, Tile Works (65)] and from this wall spring arches which rest on the side walls (Type IIb). A different conception is the arrangement of pairs of cross-walls upon which rest the ends of arches which in turn support the eschara (Type IIc).39 Sometimes there is a small ledge (ca. 0.10-0.12m wide), running on the upper part of the combustion chamber, upon which the eschara would have rested.40 This ledge should not be confused with the wider bench (see infra) that ran around the interior of the combustion chamber at a lower height and whose function is still debatable. An elaborate system of clay arms would then connect the central pillar to the side walls and provide the substructure upon which the perforated floor would rest. The Late Classical kiln at ancient Elis (66), and the Roman kilns at Gortys in Arcadia (335), at Epitalion in Elis (346), and at Istrona (Kalo Chorio Mirabellou) on Crete (385) (Plates II.1011) preserve the entire supporting web-like system, or a large part thereof.41 In the majority of cases, the arms are formed out of clay. In places with abundant stone, however, the arms are made of long stones shaped appropriately, such as the schist plaques in the Hellenistic workshops at Paros (228-233) and at Vamvouri Ammoudia (226).

39

See infra Ch. III, where all the types of supporting the perforated floor are discussed in detail.

40

For a later example of such a ledge, see the Roman kilns at Sihaina in Patras (334-336). Unpublished. Information kindly provided by M. Sotiropoulou, ST v Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities in Patras. 41

Misleedingly, Karagiorga (1971) calls these arms "ajeragwgoiv", although they are solid of baked clay and they were never intended to convey air.

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Archaeological remains of these arms are very rare [e.g. the Classical kilns from Sindos (86-89)]. They have survived more often in Roman kilns, such as those at Berbati (340), at Metropoli, Karditsa (353), and in a Medieval/Byzantine kiln in Nemea (Plate II.11).42 The clay arms at Berbati have a semicircular section, and measure ca. 0.70m (L.) x 0.20m (W.) x 0.11m (H.). Three supporting arms in Metropoli at Karditsa are Y-shaped with a long stem. The orientation of the support inside the kiln is still unclear. Most of these arms have rows of fingertip impressions on their underside. Because of the vital role of the support in the function of the kiln, potters are reluctant to experiment with its construction. Consequently, the kilns tend to be fairly homogeneous in form, resulting in few types. The enduring chronologically (and to some extent culturally) character of the supporting system, has often been used to establish typologies of kilns (see supra Ch. III).

The "bench" in the combustion chamber

Some Prehistoric kilns at Pylos (114-LH I-IIA), Berbati (111-LHIIIA1), Asine (LH III), Achladia (146), and at Palaikastro (150-LM IIIB) preserve a bench

42

Kind communication from E. Sarri, D v Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, for Berbati, plot of D. Dima; from Nemea (wrongly labeled as stacking supports), see Wright et al. 1990, esp. 609-10, 655-6, pl. 97d (Pl. II.11.a); in fig. 27 c-h, a selection of fragmentary ring supports are illustrated, as well as clay sticks from the Medieval-Byzantine kiln site 510. They were probably protruding from the walls of the firing chamber and served as shelves. This interpretation, however, still awaits confirmation from other examples, ancient or modern. 43

Davaras 1980. The bench at Palaikastro measures 0.40m (H.) x 0.34m (W.). Outside Greece a Minoan kiln with a bench was found at Miletus (Niemeier 1997).

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______________________________________________ which runs around the walls of the combustion chamber (Plate III.7).43 It has been argued that the function of the perforated floor was partially substituted with this bench. The pots would have been placed on the bench and would have been in direct contact with the fire. A number of factors speak against this interpretation.44 The small width of the bench would accommodate very few pots and of a small size. For example, the Late Minoan kiln (LM IIIB) at Palaikastro could have only fired between thirty and one hundred cups and a handful of larger vessels. It is highly unlikely that the potters would have invested the time-consuming effort needed to build a permanent structure with such a limited firing capacity. In addition, the effects of the immediate contact of the pots with the fire would have been as disastrous as if the bench had never existed. In other words, the structure would have been an elaborate version of a primitive bonfire, while retaining all the shortcomings of the bonfire. Because the bench appears on more than one occasion, and cannot be considered the result of a local and limited experimentation, it must have served a function.45 One case which is of course unique, but deserves to be mentioned, supports the hypothesis that the shelf was used to place pottery to be fired. A traditional kiln on Patmos had a shelf built inside the combustion chamber where the potters intentionally placed large pithoi and

44

45

For similar objections, see Rizza et al. 1992.

See supra Ch. III, "If. Circular kiln with internal bench" for discussion of the type If and listed examples. The type includes historical kilns as well.

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______________________________________________ lekanes which required a long firing.46 Since the fire itself and the ashes were drawn upwards with the draft the large size vessels were not affected. It was unclear by the account whether the presence of these pithoi (by necessity not more than two or three could fit in the chamber and still leave space for the fire to burn) would have obstructed the firing of the fuel. Alternatively, the shelf could have been a support for the arms springing out of a supporting pillar.47 In such cases, however, it is built much higher in the combustion chamber, closer to the perforated floor, and it is very narrow.

e. Firing Chamber Pots and other ceramic objects were placed and fired in this chamber. Very seldom is the firing chamber preserved in the archaeological record. Usually only the lowest part of the chamber above the eschara is preserved [Pythagoreion, Samos (14), Pherai-Velestino, Stamouli-Bolia Plot (192)]. This lower part is permanently built with bricks or sherds plastered with clay. Its upper parts, as well as the dome (see infra), had to be rebuilt before each new firing. Sometimes the potters were reusing pithoi, after removing the narrow lower part, as walls for the firing chamber [e.g. the Hellenistic workshop at Paros (228-233)]. The

46

Psaropoulou 1984, 98. The bench was 0.50m high. No information is available about its width.

47

See e.g. the late Classical kiln at ancient Elis (66), the Roman kiln at Patras Sihaina (334336).

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______________________________________________ pithos, having already been fired, was ideal in this place, because of its shape and its capability to provide heat insulation. Sometimes the firing chamber has a loading door that facilitates the placing of the pots to be fired in the lower parts of the kiln. The loading door is closed off with bricks and plastered over with clay for better retention of heat. The loading door can be omitted in small circular kilns, which can be loaded directly from the top. The representations of kilns on the Penteskoufia plaques show that the loading entrance was usually constructed at 90º or 180º angles from the direction of the stoking channel, and understandably on the same level as the eschara.48 Traditional kilns, as preserved in ethnographic studies, retain the same arrangement. The firing chamber of ancient kilns must have had some larger holes (besides the chimney) in order to vent the fumes and a few smaller holes to allow the potter to periodically check on the progress of the firing (the so-called peer-holes). Some of these peer-holes are depicted on the Penteskoufia plaques. At the traditional kilns on Cyprus they were called to; mavtin (eye), an additional optical aid to the potter.49 When the firing chamber was large, reaching its top must have required the use of a ladder, as the Penteskoufia plaques depict (F802). In other cases a stepped access was built. Fortunately, in a few cases, as at Pherai (190-192), remains of steps are still visible.

48

The loading door of the kiln is indicated either with a painted (e.g. plaques F616, F846) or with an incised outline (F827).

49

Hampe and Winter 1962, 76. Other names that traditional potters use for these peer-holes are fanouvria, afanoiv, movstre".

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f. Kiln Furniture To stabilize the terracotta products inside the kiln, to keep them apart, and to stack them, a variety of internal kiln supports (known in the literature as kiln props or stilts) were used (Plates II.12-17).50 At least seven different types of vessel separators have been identified in the archaeological record: a. teardrop-shaped; b. tripods; c. trapezoidal; d. L-shaped; e. clay rings or clay cylinders; f. pyramidal (loomweights); and g. any potsherd.

The teardrop-shaped supports are the most common. These are used primarily in pottery kilns and are found in abundance at production sites.51 Their earliest appearance is in the Classical period, but they continued until the Byzantine period. Sometimes they were even inscribed.52 In early excavation reports they were not immediately recognized as kiln

50

For kiln furniture in Italian kilns of Geometric through late Hellenistic periods, see Cracolici 1998.

51

Kalogeropoulou 1970; Karagiorga 1971; Themelis 1975, 40-1, pl. 18b, for Eretria; Papadopoulos J. 1992. Byzantine ones are published in Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1989 (fuller bibliography in Papadopoulos J. 1992, 208, n. 22). They are also found at the Acropolis at Vergina (Faklaris 1997), where there were workshops from the second century B.C. to the first century A.D. and at Delphi (Perdrizet 1908, 199, fig. 889). Also from 7-9, Kekropos St. in Athens (258) to name a few examples.

52

For a stamped piece of support with the name of a lampmaker PREIMIOU, who also appears on a tile stamp from Corinth, see Biers 1971.

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supports; the archaeologists provided some very imaginative interpretations, identifying them as theater tickets or worn pot handles!53 No excavated example has shed light on their exact position inside the kiln. Contrary to the way in which they are often illustrated, however, it is more likely that they were used with the long side down, thereby providing a much larger surface against which the vessel could rest.54 The small projection would ensure that the vessel would not move inside the kiln. Based on the theory that three supports provide the best balance, it is probable that the potters used three teardrop-shaped supports for each vessel.55 The principle of the tripodal balance explains the application of the tripod-shaped supports. So far the earliest examples come from the late Classical kilns at Nemea (60-62)56 They are quite large. Each leg measures 0.07m in length and its maximum height is 0.05m. They were probably used both for stacking and for separating adjacent vessels inside the kiln. In Byzantine times they became smaller both in height and width (Length of each leg:

53

Dakaris (1960) interpreted them as theater tickets to the western parodos of the theater at Dodoni (Dim. 0.03-0.06 x 0.025-0.05m); see Coleman 1986 for a misinterpreted kiln support as a worn handle from Pylos in Elis.

54

For a similar reconstruction, see Kalogeropoulou 1970, fig. 10. This arrangement better explains the orientation of the stamp on the support from Corinth (see supra n. 52); Keramopoulos 1911, 261, fig. 7.

55

Cf. the tripod supports (see infra), the bronze tripods for the large bowls, or the clay tripods for the prehistoric cooking vessels.

56

Nemea Archaeological Museum, inv. nos. TC 14, TC 22. Fragments of the tripods were also found in the context N17:26.

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0.04, total H: 0.03m), and much more standardized.57 They were mold made and used to separate the Byzantine glazed vessels, and often their footprints are still seen on the tondos of the vessels.58 Inside the Tile-Works kilns at Corinth (64-65) another type of kiln support has been found: small, thin trapezoidal ones measuring 0.03-0.07 (L.) x 0.035-0.075 (H.) x 0.02m (W.).59 The same site supplied numerous examples of a peculiar form, the L-shaped supports. The interior corner is not a right, but an obtuse angle. These supports are highly standardized in size (L: 0.08m, Max. H: 0.06m) which implies the use of a mold in their preparation. The vitrified long arm of one of these supports suggests that they stood on the horizontal arm of the “L”. Although their exact position inside the kiln is unclear, it is plausible that they were placed below the undercuts of the Corinthian pantiles (Plate II.14). Their size and their concentration in a tile-manufacturing area is indicative of their exclusive use for tiles or other large terracotta objects. A smaller version appears in the Hellenistic period, as in

57

Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1987. Morgan (1942) had expressed the view that the Byzantine tripods had been imported as an idea from China. Given the long tradition of tripods used as vessel separators in the ancient Greek ceramic technology, such a distant loan seems somewhat far-fetched, unless we assume that the prior technological knowledge had relapsed in Greece for some centuries.

58

For a reconstruction, see Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1987, fig. 1, and the experimental arrangement in the Cast Museum at the University of Athens, School of Philosophy.

59

See Nemea Archaeological Museum, inv. nos. TC 15, TC 21, TC 23. Cf. the supports from the Archaic kilns at Phari, Thasos (25-26), AAA 18 (1985) figs. 3-4.

60

In Atalante, Lokris this type was found together with examples of the teardrop-shaped variety and of a peculiar upside down T-shaped type of support. Similar unpublished examples from Arkitsa were displayed during the exhibition in the National Road Excavations in Lamia Archaeological Museum.


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Atalante in Lokris (185-186) and in Arkitsa.60 Their chronological range so far is limited to the Classical and Hellenistic periods. Clay rings were quite numerous, especially in the Athenian workshops. Excavated examples come from the Classical workshops at the Lenormant Ave. in Athens, from various contexts in the Athenian Agora, from Sindos (86-89) and from the Hellenistic kilns at 37, Pallinaion St. (160-161).61 The rings are wheel-made. The average dimensions of the examples from Lenormant Ave. are 0.20-23m in exterior diameter, 0.14m in interior diameter and 0.005m thick. They were produced in standardized diameters apparently corresponding to pots of different sizes, like the clay rings of 0.22m in diameter from the Classical workshops in Lenormant Ave. (Plate II.15).62 The clay rings from the Lenormant Ave. workshops are also inscribed with letters or names.63 The rings are very finely made and appear only in large production centers for decorated or glazed pottery. Thus they are a highly specialized type of the movable equipment of a workshop. At their size, they could not have supported very heavy vessels. In addition, they have a high breakage rate because of their thinness, which explains their frequent presence in workshop dumps.

61

For the Lenormant Ave. workshops, see Baziotopoulou-Valavani 1993 and Monaco 2000 (with extensive illustrations); for the Athenian Agora, see Papadopoulos J. 1992.

62

For an example of a clay ring from the Pnyx, see Rotroff 1982, 87, pl. 50. For a reconstruction of the stacking system employing these rings, see p. 89, fig. 3; Rotroff et al. 1997, 93.

63

Many examples from Lenormant Ave. preserve the letter N, or NAY[… It is not clear whether they refer to owners of the workshops or to specific potters employed there (Baziotopoulou-Valavani 1993). This may suggest that several potters shared one kiln. For detailed catalogue entries of them, see Monaco 2000, 217-31.

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The clay cylinders are a larger and taller version of the more fragile clay rings, discussed above. They resemble necks, but have finished edges on the upper and lower ends (Plate II.12).64 They can easily be misinterpreted for necks if only fragments survive. Their average dimensions (Diam. 0.15m, H. 0.10-0.15m) make them more suitable to support heavier pots, such as amphoras inside the kiln or even during the drying period. Their considerable height is enough to separate the lower level of pots from direct contact with the perforated floor, thus reducing the breakage rate. The excavations at the Byzantine site of Mikro Pisto in eastern Macedonia yielded an interesting variety of such cylinders, but in this case they were wheelmade and much smaller.65 Their shape resembles a cut-off base of a cup and bears a central hole. Besides the more specialized types of pot supports which have been described above, the potters had access to a large variety of the workshop’s products that could be used as kiln props either because of some defect or because there were many in stock. Pyramidal loomweights belong to this category. Their use as kiln supports, however, must have been secondary to their primary use for weaving. In Chalkis, for example, a Hellenistic rectangular kiln yielded a large quantity of loomweights (349). Their presence inside an abandoned kiln supports their secondary use as kiln supports rather than the interpretation of

64 The supports at the Classical kilns in Sindos (86-89) Despoini 1982, 67, fig. 5, pl. 2st. as well as the examples from the Stamouli-Bolia kiln at ancient Pherai (190-192), have pierced walls. 65

Zikos 1998. 66 For similar rectangular supports, called ntakavkia, used for pithoi in modern Korone, see Blitzer 1990, 696, pl. 109f. At Thermon in the beginning of the 20th century, the thin rectangular supports were called sapouvnia (Rhomaios 1916). Identical examples pierced in their upper part (Laubenheimer et al. 1978/9) were found on the perforated floor of a collapsed Roman kiln in Narbonne, France, leaving no doubt of their function inside the kiln.

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the excavator that this was a kiln firing exclusively loomweights (although it is possible that the loomweights had been fired in this kiln).66 The final category of kiln supports, completely undistinguishable in the archaeological record, consists of the sherds that the potter places among the pots so that their sides do not touch. The ethnographic evidence documents their use mainly in workshops for coarse pottery.67

Stacking techniques Virtually nothing is known from antiquity about the techniques that the potters used for stacking the vessels inside the kiln. It is unfortunate that no ancient kiln was excavated with its content intact. In 1888 an ancient kiln on Chios was reported to have been found with its load of hydriae.68

Kavmino" ajrcaiva plhvrh" uJdrivw n wjpthmevnwn schvmasi" ajrcaivou", ai{tine" sunetrivbhsan ajf j ejautw'n a{ma donhqeivsh" th" kamivnou. (G. Zolota and A. Sarrou, JIstoriva th'" Civou, Athens 1923, A. II, 27).

The stacking of the pots inside the kiln is crucial to their successful firing. An unbalanced load of pots would produce many wasters. Other causes for wasters are defects in the vessel walls resulting from insufficient drying or from faults in the composition of the

67

Hampe and Winter 1962, 1965; Hasaki, in preparation. On Paros in the Skiada Plot (228233) a large number of curved stops have been found. It is unclear at present whether they were used as props or as devices to help form the handles of large vases (Plate II.16a). 68

Lemos (1997) identifies a group of Chiotic hydriae found in a cemetery as coming from this kiln. The kiln is not visible any longer and nothing further is known about it.

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clay and abrupt changes in temperature. In modern times it is generally the most experienced potter in the workshop, usually the owner, who loads the lowest, most important, layers with pots.69 It is likely that each potter used a number of different techniques, according to the size and the surface treatment of the vessels fired. Glimpses of ancient ways of stacking can be found in completely unexpected places, or from potters' jokes (or mistakes): a LM I kernos from Gortyna depicts a number of conical cups stacked on top of a large base and crowned by the model of a hut (Plate II.16b). 70 It is only natural to assume that the potter of this plastic vase would have stacked the cups in the same manner as he was accustomed to stack them inside the kiln. The ethnographic record is less informative, because most of the traditional workshops produce coarse vessels which the potters stack in a less orderly way. Another example of stacked pottery is a peculiar synthesis of three small twohandled cups, which are stacked one on top of the other and were recovered from the cemetery at Merenda (ancient Myrrhinous) in northeastern Attica (Plate II.17). Most of the

69

Hasaki, in preparation: at Moknine, the loading of the large kiln reflects the hierarchy at the workshop: the oldest potter (and the workshop owner) stacks the first three or four layers; an experienced, but younger person stacks the middle layers; and teenaged, part-time assistants stack the upper layers. In an experimental firing of a modern kiln in Britain, onethird of the fired pots (62/182) were wasters as a result of bad stacking (Mayes, 1961). This percentage, while demonstrating the inexperience of the crew, also indicates the long-term benefits of a specialized pottery workshop whose breakage rates would have been much lower.

70

Hägg 1990. Herakleion Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 60.54.679. More examples of similar kernoi come from the Daedalic temple at Gortyna, built over the LM III settlement (Herakleion Archaeological Museum, inv. nos. 60.54.690, 60.54.680, 60.54.696). They are also discussed in the study of Minoan kernoi, see Karayianni 1984, pl. 2 where they are presented as parallels of her type II.4, best exemplified by the kernos at the Herakleion Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 60.54.698.

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examples of such stacked towers are minimally decorated with stripes or bands, with the sole exception of an Athenian black-figure cup.71 The interesting feature of the Merenda example is that the handles of the middle cup are placed at a horizontal, 90º angle, whereas the top and the bottom cups are placed in the exact same position.

g. Dome The Penteskoufia terracotta plaques invariably show a domed roof for the kilns.72 It was probably made of pot sherds joined together with clay mortar. To prevent the kiln from exploding as a result of the high temperature, there is a chimney-hole on top of the domed roofs. The ancient term for this opening is kanqov" or kapnodovch (Hsch. s.v.). The dome

71

Brijder (1997, fig. 6) provides more examples of such superimposed cups from Subgeometric Samos, dated to 675-650 B.C. On p. 13, n. 4 he lists eight more examples, and he considers them as forerunners of the Siana cups. The "tower-cups" from the Heraion at Samos come from either west of the South Stoa (three in number, all five-stacked) and the six-stacked ones come from cisterns inside the sanctuary. The height of a five-stacked tower is 0.145m, and of a six-stacked one 0.245m. The handles of the tower-cups from Samos are all aligned one on top of the other. Even if they were ritual objects [AM 72 (1957) 48], this does not refute the possibility that the inspiration of the stacking must have come from the common experience of the potter. The ritual association is further weakened since only one other example comes from a ritual context, namely from the sanctuary of Zeus on Mt. Hymettos. 72

For a mistaken reconstruction of a chimney, see the Archaic kilns at Lato (28-30). The fragments clearly form a venthole from the perforated floor of the kiln; cf. Duckrey and Picard 1969, 803; Seifert (1993, n.30) accepts this reconstruction.

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can also be only a loose arrangement of broken sherds or tiles. A kiln can have either type of covering, depending on the kiln load and the pace of production. On Crete the traditional potters placed broken pieces of pottery or sheets of tin over large pithoi-firing kilns.73 In the experimental kiln made at Isthmia, archaeologists used defective tiles as the covering of the kiln; the roof was not completely sealed in order to allow the kiln to "breathe."74 A similar arrangement can be suggested for the large kilns, usually for tiles: for example, the East Kiln at the Tile Works at Corinth, which measures 7.50 x 5.00m (65). It still remains to be investigated whether the firing chamber must be of a minimum height so that the circulation of heat is not impeded during the firing of the pots. One should also not discount the possibility that there may have been more than one chimney, especially in the larger kilns, to ensure that the heat reaches equally all parts of the kiln. More than one chimney would have been welcome at the larger rectangular kilns of type IIb.75 So far no kiln has provided any traces of a permanent protective roof over the kiln, like those excavated in the Gallo-Roman kiln at Franche Compte at the workshop of Offemont.76

73

Hampe and Winter 1962, 25.

74

Rostoker and Gebhard 1981.

75

Multiple openings on the perimeter of the dome, placed at standard intervals, are to be seen on thetraditional kilns at Moknine, Tunisia (Hasaki, in preparation).

76

Le Ny 1988. The necessity for such roofs as well as the presence of drainage facilities, may be explained by the more frequent rains encountered in the French climate.

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h. Overall Conception of the Kiln's Design It is most likely that the dimensions of certain structural components of the kiln had proportional relationships to each other. The list below details these proportions: a. The diameter of the combustion chamber and the dimensions of the central support; b. The height and the width of the combustion chamber; c. The height of the combustion chamber and the height of the firing chamber; d. The diameter of the combustion chamber and the length and width of the stoking channel.

It has been suggested that when just one of the above features is excavated, an approximate size for the entire kiln can be reconstructed. At Prinias (31-36) the excavators, through careful measurement of all the constituent parts of the kilns, postulated that all the dimensions used in their construction could be converted into multiples or dividers of two interrelated units of measurements, unit P (ca. 0.315m) and unit M (ca. 0.5233m).77 The P was used for minor structural elements such as the diameter of the columnar support (1 P) and the thickness of the perforated floor (1/3 P). On the other hand, the M was used for larger dimensions, such as the interior dimensions of the combustion chamber. For example, the combustion chamber of the "North kiln" is 6M (ca. 3.14m), or the combustion chamber of Kiln 1 equals 2M (1.04m). The two units are connected by the formula M=12/3P. The calculations, however, are too complicated and too numerous to be believable and/or useful. Correlations such as 42/3 P or 12/3 P could conceivably have been used by architects of major public buildings, but it is unlikely that the potters at Prinias had the time, 77

Rizza et al. 1992, 117-34.

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the knowledge, or even the desire to make such elaborate calculations for a ceramic kiln. Instead they probably used an intuitive system of building to scale and of recognizing proportional relationships between parts. Kilns 3 and 4 at Prinias were left unconsidered by Rizza and his colleagues because these kilns did not fit their criteria; therefore, the units seem to have been made to fit their argument. Moreover, two different systems, albeit interconnected, were used for two kilns which are similar in shape and of approximately the same date. A stronger case for a standardized unit of measurement could have been made if only one unit and a small number of its basic multiples or fractions had been used for the construction of all kilns. Otherwise, almost any number can be converted into another, but this speaks more for a haphazard system of construction than for a well-planned scheme. I believe that these interrelationships would have been more empirical and more finely tuned over the years, rather than being minutely calculated, as the excavators of the Protoarchaic complex at Prinias have attempted, quite attractively, to demonstrate. The dimensions of some basic structural parts of the kiln probably fell within a narrow range of proportional possibilities, rather than adhering strictly to a set numerical unit of measurement.

101

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III. FIRING A KILN

a. Fuel The major types of fuel used in ancient Greek kilns were wood, olive pits, and several types of plants gathered from the countryside, such as vine cuttings, straw, pistachio shells, almond shells, or prickly shrubs.78 Potters usually combined these types, depending on the local flora and the season during which they were firing.79 The ancient sources are not very helpful about ancient fuel. From Romanus Melodus we learn that pivssa and klimativde" (vine branches) were used as fuel for furnaces.80 Carbonized remains of olive pits have often been found in excavated kilns and

78

Tsoumis 1999.

79

For general information on fuel, see Rice 1987, 162-3, 174-6; for deforestation in antiquity, see Hughes 1983 (literary references to deforestation); Wertime 1983 (practical estimations).

80

Romanus Melodus, Cantica, Hymn 8.15-16. Ethnographic comparanda from the pithoi potters at Korone in Blitzer 1990, 696. For an estimate of the quantity of fuel required for the Roman baths and its cost, see Blyth 1999.


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were used throughout antiquity to modern times (e.g. Bronze Age kilns at Mochlos (148149), Hellenistic kiln at Amorgos (227), Roman kilns at Kotzia Square in Athens (274-300). The carbonized pieces of wood recovered in kilns are usually too small for analysis, and most have turned to ash. Thick trunks from large trees, such as pines or cypresses, were used at the beginning of the firing for a slow, gradual increase in temperature. The small branches and olive pits, which caused rapid increases in temperature and produced much smoke, were used to maintain the high temperature. As a rule, dry wood fires better than wet wood, which is one more reason why the potting season is centered in the dry months of spring and summer. It is not likely that the ancient Greek potters used charcoal extensively.81 The admittedly superior firing qualities of charcoal would have been counterbalanced by the longer processing time and the higher costs for the large quantities of charcoal needed by the potters. On the other hand, charcoal was ideal and necessary for the high temperatures required by bronzesmiths, and for the ancient Greek oven or fireplace, where a rapid increase in temperature was desired.82 81

Olson 1991 (with a rich, non-archaeological bibliography on traditional charcoalproducing methods practiced in various countries). The only extensive information in texts regarding the use of charcoal is found in the Hellenistic papyri (PMich II.123r, col. XXII.18) referring to bronzesmiths' workshops: Burkhalter 1990). For a traditional method of making charcoal by stacking large tree trunks and firing them for many days, still used in northern Greece, see Tsenoglou 1991.

82

A ] nqrake" as well as firewood were used for the casting of Pheidias’ bronze Athena as the epistatai account informs us (IG I2.338 and IG I3.1). See also Dinsmoor 1921 and Merritt 1936. Theophrastus Lap. 16, 48 for bronze workers in Olympia using charcoal for their furnaces; Theophrastus HP 3.8.7, 5.9.3 emphasizes that charcoal is useful only to bronze smiths.

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It is probable, however, that large-scale firing structures were the providers of charcoal rather than the consumers. An elaborate system of producers, intermediaries, and retailers existed in antiquity to support the consumption of charcoal.83 In contemporary lime-making and pottery-making centers the fuel is not completely burnt inside the kilns, but is taken out to be reused in the households as charcoal.84 In all cultures, potters exploit the local sources of fuel for their firings. Most Mediterranean countries use olive pits in an effort to maximize the benefits of intensive oleoculture. Even in these cases, however, there is local variation: most traditional potters in mainland Tunisia use wood and olive pits (called fatura in Arabic) for their firings, but on the island of Djerba the ubiquitous palm trees (trunks and leaves) replace the rare olive trees as fuel.85 In South America the dry, hot climate, combined with their agricultural economy and their technological knowledge, have forced the Andean potters to use animal dung for their bonfires.86 83

Mayes and Scott (1984, 27) report that the shift to use of coal instead of wood caused the Medieval potters in England to construct kilns with multiple stoking channels for even distribution of heat, since the flame of the coal is less intense than that of the wood. For example, a kiln of 2.13m. in diameter (K12B in their catalogue) had to have four flues built around its perimeter.

84

Adam 1994, 62, 69.

85


86

Sillar 2000.

87

Shram and Wolf (1999) combined a thermodescription system with gas chromatograph/mass spectometer. This method has already been used extensively in the food industry.

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Table II.2: Consumption of fuel at different sites.

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The firing properties of the local fuel can, therefore, define the pace and range of development of the local pottery technology. A method for detecting the fuel used to fire a terracotta product has now been developed in Switzerland.87 Based on the principle of thermal extraction, the combustion fuel infiltrates the porous ceramic, thereby leaving a distinctive chemical fingerprint on the organic composition of the fired object. In other words, a brick fired with pine will have a different organic composition after its firing, than a brick fired with cypress. By analyzing ancient terracottas and observing their organic composition, we will be able to learn what fuel was used for firing as well as what type of firing atmosphere developed. Access to fuel sources for firing the kilns is a major consideration for potters. Due to the large quantities of fuel required for the kilns of a full-time workshop, fuel availability and proximity to fuel sources were among the most important criteria for establishing a workshop, even more important than their proximity to raw material.88 Quantitative data on the fuel requirements are recorded in the experimental archaeological and ethnographical corpora.89 One should not expect that the quantity of fuel consumed will fluctuate considerably since fuel consumption is relevant to the kiln design. Given the almost stagnant character of kiln's design in antiquity (see infra Ch. III), no dramatic savings in fuel consumption are to be expected. For the first hours of firing at low temperatures, the quantities of fuel are smaller. At the higher temperatures, however, the burning of a large volume of fuel results in a small increase in the temperature. On average, a cubic meter of firing chamber requires one ton of

88

Rice 1987.

89

For quantitative data on fuel consumption of a lime kiln, see Excursus, Table Exc.1.

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wood. The ratio of kiln size to fuel consumption is not directly proportional: a circular kiln of 3.00m consumes less fuel than the fuel burnt by three kilns, each 1.00m in diameter.90 A traditional circular kiln at Moknine, Tunisia (2.00m in diameter) uses one ton of olive pits, a quantity which is produced by processing ca. 1300 kg of olives.91 Because an olive tree provides on average 120 kg of olives, one firing is equal to the crops of ten to twenty olive trees.92

90

A kiln for producing 1,500 kiln bricks uses less than twice as much fuel as a kiln that fires only 300 bricks. See Stevens 1992.

91

Quantitative data on maximum and minimum outputs of Roman olive presses are given by Mattingly 1988; further elaborated argumentation in Mattingly 1993 (both with earlier bibliography); especially for Greece Forbes H. 1992, 1993; Forbes and Foxhall 1978; Foxhall 1993.

92

The estimated numbers were based on the information provided by Dr. P. Theodoropoulos, Marketing Director, Eliki Extra Virgin Olive Oil Company (pers. comm. Oct. 13, 2001): "….A good assumption is that we can get 120 kg of olives from each tree. Assuming an 18% yield, this should provide roughly 21.6 kg of olive oil. Let's also assume that the olives contain 5% water by weight, which gives us 6 kg of water. The remaining mass (120 kg minus 21.6 kg minus 6 kg= 92.4 kg) is composed of the pit and the rest of the olive. Let's assume that 50% (this percentage is probably conservative, it may be higher) of this mass is due to the pit, which gives us 46.2 kg of pit mass per olive tree. This means that it will take (1000/46.2 = 21.6) 22 olive trees to produce 1 ton of olive pits. To make things simple, and since our assumptions are kind of loose, let's say that it will take 20 trees to produce one ton of olive pits." Later he lowered his estimates: "I think, that they were using the whole mass that remained after the production of olive oil (called "pirina" in Greek) and not just the pit). If this were the case, then it would take only 10 olive trees to produce one ton of "pirina". I would also think that in ancient times they would not have had the high capacity presses that we have now and therefore their yield in olive oil would be less. If we consider therefore all these details, we can safely assume that they were able to produce the one ton mass that you are referring to from 10-15 olive trees." The final estimate can also be around twenty olive trees since olive trees produce more olives every two years.

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At Asomatos on Crete, 350 batches of straw were used for firing of pithoi, which lasted six to seven hours.93 Contrary to standard expectations, only small amounts of ash were recovered from the combustion chambers. This is due to the firing behavior of the fuel, which leaves very little ash, and to the further use of ash as medication and cleanser.

b. Progress of Firing and Test Pieces The firing phase is subdivided into three equally important stages: prefiring, firing, and cooling. This cycle is preceded by the loading of the kiln and followed by its unloading.94 The underlying principle is that the temperature must rise slowly (prefiring), continue rising steadily until it reaches 900-1000oC, remain there for some hours (firing), and finally decrease steadily (cooling). Not all the places inside a kiln had the same temperature at all times and it depends on the skill of the potter to achieve an even distribution of heat inside the kiln. A slow and steady pace is the best prerequisite for an uneventful firing. The duration of each phase and its difficulties can be reconstructed by ethnographic practices and experimental firings. To examine the progress of firing, the ancient potter was using test pieces: they are usually sherds pierced with a hole that makes it

93

94

Hampe and Winter 1962, 27.

At Kliru, Cyprus (Hampe and Winter 1962, 84) the prefiring lasted six hours as long as the firing.

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easier for the potter to pull them out and look at them.95 In the case of glazed pottery, they brush a sherd with many strokes of glaze so that they can see the change of color. In general, the prefiring lasts almost as long as the firing itself, and the cooling period lasts as long as the prefiring and the firing together.96 The cooling-off period is a very important phase of the firing, and equally crucial to the safe firing of the kiln load. Therefore it is difficult to imagine how the potters of Vasilike ware (Early Minoan period) could have taken out the pots in the last phase of firing, smudge them, and put them back in the kiln to undergo the last phase of firing, as Betancourt has suggested.97

c. Capacity, Breakage Rates, and Wasters Capacity was a critical concern for the ancient potters and is a key factor in estimating volume of production in this study (see Ch. VI). The capacity of a built kiln constitutes its main advantage over the pit fires and counterbalances its larger fuel requirements. The desired capacity of a kiln determined the shape and final size of the kiln. Exact numbers derive from observations of ethnographers, while the potters themselves have

95

For illustrations of test pieces, see Papadopoulos et al. 1998; Farnsworth 1960; Webster 1968; Phari Thasos (25-26) [AAA 18 (1985) 32, fig. 5].

96

At Isthmia (Rostoker-Gerbard 1981) the prefiring lasted eight hours (at 150ºC); in the next six hours they increased the temperature gradually by 40ºC to 300ºC and then by 100ºC to 675ºC. At Korone (Blitzer 1990) the prefiring lasts five hours and the firing itself can last from three to five hours.

97

Betancourt et al. 1979.

98

See infra Chs. III, VI.

109

110


______________________________________________

a rough idea of the total capacity of their kilns. For ancient kilns, an average capacity can be estimated based on the principle that kiln loads tend to consist of vessels of the same, or similar, shape. One should not overlook though the common practice of stacking smaller ceramics (such as lamps, figurines, or miniature pots) inside larger pots.98 SITE

DIAMETER

Korone, Greece

Cyprus, Agios Dimitrios

2.00

Djerba, Tunisia

2.50 H. 4.00

Boston Links

France

1.20

1.00x1.00x1.00

n. of pots 495 pots (120 large+170 medium+205 small) 100 pots (35 large+65 small) 160 (large olive jars) 188 mostly jars and some plant pots

BIBLIOGRAPHY Blitzer 1990 Hampe and Winter 1962, 76 Waster rate: 23% (9 out of 39) Peacock 1982, 42

Mayes 1961, 1962 Echallier and Montagu 1985 (60-80 kg of clay used for pottery and 100kg for lamps)

Table II.3: Ethnographic and experimental data on kiln capacity.


______________________________________________

Pottery workshops usually have a 5-10% failure rate.99 These failures are commonly called wasters. Waster is a general term for a vessel which shows some defects that render it useless and therefore worthless in the market. A pot is characterized as a waster when it is overfired or melted together with another pot, or when it sustains serious cracks. The wasters resulting from the firing have the most serious impact on the economy of the workshop. Many pots show defects during the forming and drying phases, but the potter can then squash the clay and reuse it for another vessel. The fired waster translates into a waste of raw material, labor, and fuel. The 10% breakage rate is the maximum limit that a specialized pottery workshop can afford. Stark (1985) correctly observed that only such a low breakage rate can qualify a pottery establishment as a specialized unit of production.100 One should also take into consideration some additional breakage during post-firing, handling, and transportation.101

99

Blitzer (1990) reports a 3% rate (twelve to fifteen wasters out of five-hundred vessels) in Korone, Greece. Under very unfortunate conditions the rate can be as high as 40%, but these circumstances are very rare. The rate of rejects remains the same (8% or 2,400 tons of bricks out of the annual 30,000 brick production) even in highly industrialized brickmaking plants (Stevens 1992).

100

Stark (1985) reports a 10% breakage rate in Mexico and Guatemala, but the rate changes to 20% in Coyotepec, Oaxaca. 101


111

ALIKE, YET DIFFERENT: KILNS AND OTHER PYROTECHNOLOGICAL STRUCTURES _____________________________________________

112

EXCURSUS “ALIKE, YET DIFFERENT”: CERAMIC KILNS VS. OTHER PYROTECHNOLOGICAL STRUCTURES

Kavqe kuklikhv kataskeuhv den eivnai kamivni. Kavqe kamivni den eivnai keramikov" klivbano". Allav ouvte kavqe keramikov" klivbano" parhvge efualwmevnh kerameikhv Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1999 Every round structure is not (necessarily) a furnace Every furnace is not (necessarily) a pottery kiln And not every pottery kiln produced glazed pottery

Ceramic kilns form only a small group of firing structures, whose evolution depends on the pyrotechnology available and attainable in each culture and period. In


pyrotechnology the fire is the main element in the structure which transforms the initial state of the material placed in it. Metals, glass, rocks, and pitch, to name a few, need a firing structure for their processing. Because the common element in all these procedures is the transforming power of the fire, these structures tend to leave similar traces in the archaeological record, namely vitrified clay pieces and layers of ash. A closer examination of the specifics of each structure individually will make it clear that they are all alike, yet different. Becauce pyrotechnology in pre-industrial societies was largely an empirical type of technology, its evolutionary pace was remarkably slow. As a result only a limited body of information was handed down each time to the following generation. In contrast to artillery or irrigation techniques, there are no ancient treatises on how to build successfully a pottery kiln or a metallurgical furnace. Ancient authors refer only in passing to these humble structures.1 The term "pyrotechnology" was coined by the Italian Vannocio Biringuccio (14801538), who compiled an epitome of the pyrotechnological knowledge available in his time, titled Pirotechnia.2 In the same period Georgius Agricola produced his famous book on metals, De re metallica, first published in Basel in 1556.3 The woodcut illustrations of these

1

Hero Stereom. 1.76.1 (for an oven); Cato De Agric. 38, 44 (for a lime kiln); Pliny NH 34.156-159 (lead furnaces); 36.190-194 (glass furnaces). See also Humphrey et al. 1988, passages 5.40, 6.14. 2

Biringuccio 1977.

3

Agricola 1912.

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books served many generations of archaeologists before actual examples of metallurgical, glass, or pottery kilns were excavated or recognized as such in the archaeological record. As a result of this limited physical and literary evidence on pyrotechnological structures, histories of ancient pyrotechnology tend to follow a linear development.4 The picture emerging from the archaeological evidence is that the development was unpredictable, generally slow, or of irregular speed, and not always progressive. Often there was even regression. In my presentation I divided the pyrotechnological structures into two major groups: first, the structures which technologically resemble a ceramic kiln and/or leave similar archaeological traces (i.e. the baking oven, the lime kiln, the glass furnace, and the bath furnace). Second, the group which includes furnaces for the working of metal: either primary smelting furnaces, or secondary melting and foundry furnaces. Although the underlying principle of the latter group's function differs radically from that of the former, they are often confused in excavations. This paratactical consideration of other pyrotechnological structures in comparison with the ceramic kiln aims to familiarize the archaeologist with some of the most common of the artisanal activities which require the presence of a kiln or furnace. By gathering in one place crafts which are normally examined individually and with no reference to each other, we bring into relief the distinct characteristics of each structure as well as the extent of the shared features.

4

See Forbes R. 1972 for the arguments about placing the invention of metallurgical furnaces before or after pottery kilns.

114


These shared features can determine whether or not some structures can fulfill two functions and what alterations are necessary to fire a different type of material (as in the case of a pottery kiln and a lime kiln). By gaining a firm grasp on the functional characteristics, we are better equipped to decipher the possibly complicated history of a seemingly simple pyrotechnological structure. The linguistic evidence testifies to this technological affiliation of the structures, as the word kavmino" is employed to refer to a ceramic kiln, a metallurgical furnace, or a lime kiln (see supra Ch. I). This discussion is summarized at the end in a check list of archaeologically identifiable criteria suitable for correct identification of a structure (Plate Exc.15). It should be emphasized that the primary criteria in any identification process are the general context and the associated material that accompanies a pyrotechnological structure. Such a list is needed in cases when it is not possible to excavate a large area of the workshop and when one is faced with a fired clay structure with little or no associated material, as is commonly the case with many salvage excavations.

a. The Baking Oven At the outset of an overview of pyrotechological structures, one should study the baking oven, an indispensable piece of equipment for every household. Numerous examples of Neolithic ovens have been excavated in northern Greece, in the settlement of Dikili-Tash

115


(Philippoi).5 Better preserved ovens were also excavated in the Neolithic settlement at Arhontiko Giannitson where they are securely associated with houses (Plate Exc. 4).6 Sizable terracotta models of structures interpreted as ovens were found in Sitagroi at Neolithic levels.7 Another Neolithic clay model from Plateia Magoula Zarkou in Trikala, shows a small oven constructed directly on the ground, with a domed roof, but it has a much bigger opening than the Sitagroi “oven” models (Plate Exc.1).8 Finally, a completely different impression of a portable oven is given by the Late Helladic IIIC clay oven from Kastelli at Chania. Its height is approximately 0.20m, and its diameter is ca. 0.20m. The scientific analysis of these ovens has demonstrated that temperatures up to 300500°C were reached.9 This made them ideal for baking and cooking, but inefficient for a

5

See preliminary reports with rich illustrations of ovens in BCH 116 (1992) 715-9 and BCH 118 (1994) 437-45. 6

Papaeuthimiou-Papanthimou and Pilali-Papasteriou 1994, 1995, 1997a, 1997b, 1998.

7

Drama Archaeological Museum, inv. no. D 725 (from Neolithic Sitagroi, square MM27); Renfrew et al. 1986, SF 813, fig. 8.20, pl. 40.2 a-b; the small example [Dim. 0.025 (H.), 0.05m (L.)] shows a long oven with its saddle roof and a small opening in the front; Papathanassopoulos 1996, 329, cat. no. 267. 8

Larissa Archaeological Museum, inv. no. ML PMZ 619. [Dim. 0.17 (L.), 0.15 (W.), 0.052 (H.)]; Renfrew et al. 1986, 216, fig. 8.20, pl. XL.1a-d; BCH 114 (1990) 780, fig. 110. Papathanassopoulos 1996, 329, cat. no. 266. For a reconstruction of a Neolithic hut and an oven, see Plate Exc.2. 9 As Maniatis and Fakorellis (1998) note, measuring the temperatures attained in the Neolithic ovens at Arhontiko informs us only of the highest temperature achieved, 550650ºC (probably due to external fire) rather than the temperatures normally developed inside these structures while cooking or baking food. 10

Maniatis et al. 1999.

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pottery kiln since clay becomes terracotta, only if fired above 450-500°C. Current archaeometric studies focus on establishing methods to detect firing temperatures in lowfired clay structures, where temperatures were under 750°C.10 Historical examples of ovens have been excavated on numerous occasions, inside rooms or in courtyards.11 Ovens were used for processing food as well as for baking. The following check list for criteria can be divided into two broad categories: context and structural characteristics. Analytically, a. General context: Clay structures excavated in a clearly domestic context are more likely to be ovens than kilns.12 b. Associated finds such as food residues and specialized cookware pottery.13

11

For historical terracotta models of ovens and representations of ovens in Greek vasepaintings, see Sparkes 1962 (Plate Exc.3). A few examples of excavated ovens: a sizeable Late Classical (fourth century B.C.) oven in Treis Gremoi on Thasos [ADelt 50 (1995) 6226]; a Hellenistic ijpno;" at Argos near Classical and later tombs, ADelt 18 (1963), plan 2, pl. 73a. Dim. 1.35 x 0.60m. Its floor was made of plinths measuring 0.30 x 0.25m. For a possible bread oven at Messene, see PAE 1988, pl. 35. Another kiln in Hellenistic Rhodes (Gregoriadou 1999).

12

At Dikili-Tash all excavated ovens are at the far side of the room opposite the entrance. At Sitagroi ovens 1 and 2 are found in the so-called kitchen area of the Burnt House surrounded by cooking vessels and a grinding stone. See Renfrew et al. 1986, 190-1. fig. 8.11; [Dim. of oven 1: 0.90m (max.W.), 0.73m (frontal W.), 1.10m (total L.)]. For various phases of a single oven, see Dikili-Tash, in PAE 1987, pl. 121. A nice example of an oven from DikiliTash is illustrated in PAE 1993, pls. 83a, b. Inside the Neolithic cave of Alepotrypa at Diros three clay circular plaques (max. Ø 0.65m) were interpreted as ijpnoiv (Papathanassopoulos 1971, figs. 6-7). 13 A cup with lentil seeds was found inside an oven in Dikili-Tash (PAE 1989, 235, pl. 162b) confirming its domestic character.

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c. Size: Ovens tend to be smaller, usually under one meter in diameter. The earliest examples of ovens and kilns, however, from the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age, are very difficult to distinguish from household ovens because they are similar in size and construction.14 Both can fulfill the same purpose, however, and it is more likely that household-produced pottery (especially in the Neolithic period) was fired in bread ovens. Size cannot be used alone to establish a clear-cut distinction because there are quite large ovens and quite small kilns.15 d. Low temperatures, below 750°, which is the cut-off point for the melting of most materials.16 These ovens usually consist of only one chamber, where the fuel burns and the food is placed. Occasionally ovens with two stories, with a separating floor, have been excavated, such as the Late Bronze Age, horseshoe-shaped oven in Anchialos-Sindos in northern Greece (Plate Exc.4).17 More substantial in size than the household ovens are the ovens of bakeries. Such ovens are not known yet archaeologically in Greece, although they must have existed. On the other hand, numerous examples have been found in Roman Pompeii and Ostia (Plate

14

Davaras 1980, 124.

15

See e.g. Torone (11), Paros (232-233), and Pherai (192) for examples of small kilns.

16

Maniatis and Fakorellis 1997.

17

Tiverios 1995, 1998. Dated to the 12th-11th centuries B.C. on the basis of pottery.

118


Exc.4).18 Also, although bread baking and supply has been the subject of many economic and social studies of the Roman world, the study of the ovens themselves as architectural structures lags considerably behind. The limited available evidence from the Roman side presents a rectangular podium made of bricks. On top of this rectangular base, a dome is built, in which the fuel is burnt first and later the bread is placed. This is a single compartment and consequently no perforated floor to facilitate the circulation of the heat from the lower to the upper level. The inside diameter of the dome is in the range of 3.50-4.50m.19 The cupola is built out of tufa blocks, and the floor of the oven is covered with bricks. Therefore, if an archaeologist finds fragments of eschara, then he/she deals securely with a ceramic kiln and not with an oven. The dome has an arched opening in which fuel and bread are inserted. The opening is blocked with a removable cover, probably made of metal, as may be seen today in domestic ovens in Greek villages. The structure also had one or more chimneys. The unused fuel can be stored in a niche in the front part of the podium, below the oven. Such large ovens are to

18

For the most recent treatment of Roman bakeries, see Bakker 1999. In the case of a Roman oven, associated structures such as kneading machines and millstones help with its identification as a bakery oven. A sizeable oven is depicted on the funeral monument of Eurysaces in Rome (Rosetto 1973, table 31.2; Frayn 1978; Kleiner 1986; Kleiner 1992, 1089, fig. 94).

19

Oven at Caseggiato del Balcone Ligneo in Ostia (Bakker 1999, 93). Another oven in Caseggiato della Cisterna, I, XII, 4 measures ca. 4.00m. in diameter. The imperiallyregulated oven at the Caseggiato dei Molini has a width of 5.00m. For a list of measurements of ovens from Ostia, see Bakker 1999, 110-1.

119


be expected only in very sizable towns, as were Ostia and Pompeii, and not in the ordinary small towns in Greece, where people baked their bread in smaller, private ovens.20 The quality of construction is also different between ovens and kilns: ovens are often crude structures requiring only a small investment of labor, and they are easy to repair, whereas kilns are constructed with the expectation of functioning for a longer time. If only the lowest courses of a circular structure are preserved with indications of strong firing, as is normally the case in the archaeological record, the criteria discussed above can be only of limited use.21

20

Bakker (1999, 111, 127) estimated that about twenty bakeries served the population of 40,000 people at Ostia in the second century A.D.; in Rome, in the fourth-century A.D., 250275 bakeries served a population of 300,000-350,000 persons.

21

For a close similarity of a hearth construction to a kiln construction, see the example at Thermon PAE 1993, pl. 63b. The hearth is located inside the northwestern corner of the southern room of the eastern stoa (Ø 1.25m) and is covered with rooftiles.

120


121

b. The Lime Kiln Limited attention has been given to the study of lime kilns in Greece, although they are a common sight in excavations (Plates Exc. 5-7).22 These humble structures were used to burn stone (and often marble sculptures) to produce lime which was essential in every domain of ancient life, from plastering walls and floors to waterproofing cisterns. Their construction technique has remained largely the same in all centuries, and recent lime kilns on Mt. Hymettus in Attica along the ancient Sphettia road differ little from ancient examples.

22

Demierre (2000) collected twenty-nine examples of ancient lime kilns in Greece in her recent catalogue. A selection of lime kilns of various dates from Thasos is presented in WurchKozelj and Kozelj 1995. Other examples: at Dimini, near the tholos tomb away from the acropolis (unpublished; excavated in 1999); lime kilns in Asine in houses O and G with a shelf ca. 0.60m above the floor, Ø 4.50 [for bibliography, see Asine (109-110)]; Roman lime kiln of Augustean era in Eretria (fully published in Demierre 2000). A late Roman or Byzantine circular lime kiln was excavated in 1961 in the northern tower of the fortification wall at Agia Irini on Keos [ADelt 26 (1971) 470], but it is still catalogued as a pottery kiln in Seifert 1993, no. 27. Three late Roman lime kilns were excavated at Neo Panteleimona in Pieria (Ø 1.90m, Ø 2.40m, Ø 3.20m). The preserved height in all three structures is 2.504.00m from the floor of the kiln. The excavators (Loberdou-Tsigarida et al. 1999) use the term "eschara" in kiln 1 for a feature that resembles more a bench. Another lime kiln, excavated at Sami on the island of Kephallonia (Ø 3.50m), was reported in ADelt 39 (1984) 106-7; a lime kiln of Ottoman date was excavated in Platamona near Thessaloniki (Loberdou-Tsigarida and Messis 1997). Undated lime kilns are found at the sanctuary of the Great Gods at Samothrace and at Isthmia, southwest of the northeastern gate of the fortress [ADelt 24 (1969) 118, pl. 102a]. In the Laurion area (see Karten von Attika) where they are designated as Kalkofen (KO). At Nemea at the Tretos pass, lime kilns which resemble tholos tombs in their construction; probably a rectangular lime kiln at Xyste of the Gymnasium at Delphi, BCH 110 (1986) 706. For the economics of a late 19th century A.D. lime kiln in Attica and the organization of the work force for it, see Vekris 1998. Coulson and Wilkie 1984 on Hellenistic circular lime kilns in Ptolemaic Egypt. For lime kilns in Europe, see Flach 1981; Dix 1982; Janke 1989.


All securely identified lime kilns in Greece are circular in shape.23 They are usually quite large, more than 3.00m in diameter, in order to accommodate larger amounts of stone, and their walls are quite thick. In the interior they are plastered with clay for better insulation, as are the pottery kilns. There is an interior bench where the stones are piled up, forming a solid corbelled vault; the larger stones are placed at the bottom and the smaller on the top. No intermediate perforated floor is used. In the space created underneath this pile of stones the fuel is placed. Since the firing lasts for many days, lime kilns usually have two openings on opposite ends in the lower level, for the stokers to stoke the fuel inside the kiln from the one opening and rake it regularly from the other. The firing lasts four to six days, to which one should add one or two extra days for the cooling-off period. The limestone has to undergo a preparation period of 30-45 days before it is ready to be fired.24 The fuel consumption of a lime kiln, a klarokavmino (a twig-burning kiln), in Attica at the beginning of this century together with other ethnographic evidence is presented below (Table Exc.1).25 Lime kilns can easily be confused with pottery kilns because their construction is quite similar. In addition, some pottery kilns have double entrances, like a typical lime kiln, and some lime kilns have only one entrance, like a ceramic kiln. It is conceivable that an

23

Rectangular lime kilns do exist outside Greece: e.g. at Montceau-les-Mines, France (Le Ny 1988, cat. no. 87).

24

25

Cato De Agric. 38, 44 offers instructions for the construction and firing of a lime kiln.

The design of the klarokavmina (Vekris 1998) was considered to be imported from the island of Amorgos. For another estimation of 1,000 donkey loads of juniper wood for a lime kiln burning, see Koster and Forbes 1983, cited in Wertime 1983, 450.

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abandoned pottery kiln, with the perforated floor and its supporting system in ruins, can be modified later and used as a lime kiln. A low ledge running around what seems to be a pottery kiln perhaps reflects this change in use.26 Lime is easily dissolved after it is burnt, leaving very little visual aid to the archaeologist who excavates a lime kiln.

DAYS OF FIRING

VOLUME OF

FUEL

BIBLIOGRAPHY

5-6 days

400-500

Thebes (Keramopoulos 1909)

(100-150 hours)

batches of

PRODUCTION

cuttings 4-6

28–39,5 tons

2000-2800

Attica (Vekris 1998)

(or 500-700 staters)*

batches**

[Retail price: 40drs/stater (total 20,000-28,000 drs)]

6

100,000 kg

Ermioni (Kardulias 2000)

*1 stater=44 okades=56kgs The data on volume of production refers to one month’s production, given the lengthy preparation period for such quantities of stones. **One batch is equivalent to an adult’s arm load.

Table Exc.1: Fuel requirements for lime kilns in Greece.

26

The potters at Camerota, south Italy, burn limestone in their pottery kilns while the pots are being fired (Hampe and Winter 1965, 17); cf. the modern use of kilns in Tunisia (Adam 1994, 68, fig. 154) to fire simultaneously limestone in the lower part and bricks in the upper part; McLoughlin 1993, 5, n. 23.

27

For a critical dismissal of such an arrangement, see Demierre 2000, 33-4.

123


Most kilns indeed are found without any layer of lime; the attribution is based on form and on negative evidence which excludes them from being pottery kilns. In general, however, a circular construction with a bench, two entrances, and no remains of perforated floor or any other signs of pottery-making activity in the surroundings, is a strong candidate for being a lime kiln. Larger circular kilns which had proportionately larger stoking chambers were more likely to have been transformed into lime kilns. The long-standing confusion about the original interior arrangement of a lime kiln is evident in the incorrect reconstruction of the interior arrangement of a lime kiln at Pyrgos in Boeotia.27 In order to be used as mortar, the lime is usually mixed with crushed pottery or bricks (a way of producing a quasi-pozzolanic mortar), which give the lime a stronger binding capacity. The result is a hydraulic mortar used to waterproof surfaces, e.g. cisterns. It is not surprising, therefore that at Roman Corinth, in Kokkinovrysi (343), a lime kiln was located near a ceramic kiln. The rejects of the ceramic kiln could potentially be used for such a purpose, thus minimizing the amount of unused pottery of a kiln load. In recent scholarship the pyrotechonology relating to lime burning has pushed back the ancestry of lime kilns. The lime plaster used for the floors in settlements in Anatolia and the Levant in the ninth millennium B.C., and the technology required to produce it, have given a leading position to lime kilns as the first pyrotechnological structures, long before the appearance of pottery kilns or metallurgical furnaces.28

28

Gourdin and Kingery 1975; Garfinkel 1987; Kingery et al. 1988; Moore 1995. For the first pyrotechnological industries, see Wertime and Wertime 1982.

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Lime plaster technology chronologically predated the adoption of advanced pottery technology, because Neolithic inhabitants used lime for their structures and their vessels much earlier than they used fired clay.29 It is uncertain, however, how highly developed this technology was and to what extent it influenced the inception and evolution of pottery firing technology.

c. The Bath Furnace An essential component of ancient baths was the furnace that heated the water, usually called praefurnium (-a), fornix (-ces), or propnigeum.30 The furnace of a bath has little in common with a pottery kiln and because it is attached to the easily identifiable

29

For molded vessels made of plaster, see Contenson and Courtois 1979; Moore 1995 with earlier bibliography.

30

For two large examples of furnaces at Messene (each Ø 3.00m), see PAE 1988, pl. 47 and PAE 1990, pl. 44a-b; Corinth, Panagia Field (Sanders 1999); baths at Argos (Yegül 1992, 356-95, esp. 368-73). A bath furnace was also excavated at Pella (Chrysostomou 1994, 1123, fig. 8). Its dimensions are 1.15 x 1.00 x 0.50m. Inside it, three bases made of sandstone were used to support the lebes. Lilimbaki-Akamati (1997) reports on the bath complex at Pella and its associated furnace. In Ostia (Robinson O. 1984) there were established guilds which procured the baths in Rome with the large quantities of wood. Probably the potters secured some of their wood illegally from the large supplies of bath owners. A regulation in Roman Portugal [CIL II, no. 5181 (=ILS 6891)] states that the "lessee shall not be allowed to sell wood except for branch trimmings unsuited for fuel." Further restrictions were placed on the lessee to ensure the undisrupted operations of the baths, by requiring that the lessee at all times should have on hand a thirty-day supply of wood. More recently, Blyth 1999 on fuel consumption at baths. 31

Delorme 1961, 37, fig. 64.

125


structure of a bath, it is rare to confuse a bath furnace with a pottery kiln. Some misinterpretations, though, have endured in the literature which justify their discussion. Bath furnaces have been excavated at many places, including Olympia, Corinth, and Pella. Their dimensions range from 1.00m (Olympia) to 1.50m (Pella). At Pella near the furnace there is a rectangular cistern for storing the water. A bath furnace never has a perforated floor. Usually there is a solid floor separating the combustion chamber from the water that is heated. Therefore the rectangular kiln of late antiquity excavated on Delos (456), which has a well-preserved perforated floor, cannot possibly have been a bath, as was suggested in the publication.31 On the other hand, it should be noted that its type of supporting system in the form of rows of pillars made of tiles, is highly reminiscent of the substructure of baths’ hypocausts and was probably influenced by bath construction. A temporary misidentification of a bath furnace for a pottery kiln occurred in the excavations of the Centaur Bath at Corinth.32 The continuation of the excavation in the following year, however, revealed the bath complex and the real function of the structure as bath furnace. The vitrification levels on the walls of a bath furnace must be lower than those of a pottery kiln, because estimated temperatures in ancient baths rarely exceeded 200°C. Only occasionally in the large thermae would they have reached temperatures of 600°C at the early stages of firing.33

32

Incorrect identification: Williams and Fischer 1975, 6-7; corrected in Williams and Fischer 1975, 1976; Williams 1977. In Seifert’s catalogue (1993, no. 54) it still appears as a kiln structure, despite the correction by the excavator.

33

Yegül 1992, 381, 468, n. 73; Kretschmer 1953 for estimations of furnace temperature and fuel consumption (ca. 3kg of charcoal per hour).

126


d. The Glass Furnace The earliest examples of glass furnaces in the Mediterranean have recently been excavated in Tell El Amarna in Egypt and date to the 14th century B.C. (Plate Exc. 8a).34 In Greece, definite evidence, but not permanent installations, for glassworking have come to light in late Classical and Hellenistic Rhodes.35 Evidence for the working of glass has been found at Delphi, to the southwest of the Roman Agora and in Thessaloniki, at the Dioikitirio in the area of the Roman Agora and the Roman Baths (ninth century A.D.).36 A medieval glass workshop was excavated in Corinth where a rectangular structure was interpreted (not very convincingly) as a glass furnace.37 There were two main types of glass furnaces: I. The tank furnace. These are usually large rectangular structures, where the frit was melted and shaped into large blocks. Parts of these large blocks were then sent out to local glassmaking establishments. In few places in the world, mainly in Egypt and SyroPalestine, glass is produced by mixing sans, lime, and ash. Most places prepared glass

34

For the most recent synthesis of excavation data and replication process, see Nicholson and Jackson 1998. Also Jackson et al. 1998.

35

Triantaphyllidis 2000a, 2000b; for glass workshops in the Classical and Hellenistic period, see Nenna 1998.

36

BCH 117 (1993) 823 (at Delphi); Adam-Veleni 1999 for Thessaloniki.

37

Davidson 1943.

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vessels from remelting and working on cores of glass acquired from the large production centers. II. The reverbatory furnace. Inside them the core of glass was placed into clay crucibles, which in turn were placed inside a three-tiered furnace. It is conceivable that for this procedure an altered pottery kiln could have been used, because the underlying technological principles are the same. The important remaining issue is whether or not such modification would have been preferred to a newly-built glass kiln. Below are a few criteria which can be employed in the identification of a glass kiln: a. No perforated floor (eschara). This is not needed in the process. Even in the replication process of the glass furnaces at Tell El Amarna the excavators did not reconstruct a perforated floor, but instead an arrangement of embayments and shelves inside the furnace.38 b. Stronger walls. In Egypt, at Tell El Amarna, the glass kilns studied by P. Nicholson had walls which were three bricks' thick, compared with the walls of the local pottery kilns which were only one brick thick.39 The temperature required for melting glass is in the range of 1100-1400°C depending on its composition.40

38

Nicholson and Jackson 1998, fig. 2. The entire furnace was ca 1.50m high and most of it was underground.

39

Charleston 1978 (a theoretical account of glass furnaces as known from paintings, with no examples of ancient glass furnaces). Nicholson (1997) interpreted the furnaces of the 14th century B.C. at Tell El Amarna (Ø 2.00m) as glass kilns by process of elimination since the vitrified material included no remains of metal.

40

Nicholson and Jackson 1998 measured temperatures up to 1150°C inside their experimental furnace; Nicholson 1995.

128


c. The floor of the combustion chamber usually has white pebbles rather than the clay floor found in ceramic kilns.41 d. Glass furnaces have multiple openings in the dome through which the glassworker removes and works the hot glass as quickly as possible. This is an important distinction from the pottery kiln, whose functional principle prohibits multiple openings. This striking difference is explained by the fact that kiln firing is only one stage of pottery making, albeit an important one; in glassmaking, however, the furnace itself is used constantly for the finished product. Its presence is necessary during the entire manufacturing process. e. Glass furnaces are much later in date in Greece: glassmaking spread widely throughout Greece only in the second and first centuries B.C.42

e. The Metallurgical Furnace Although a specialist in metal pyrotechnology would never mistake a metallurgical furnace for a ceramic kiln, non-metallurgy specialists have often confused them in publications and have mistakenly identified a metallurgical furnace as a pottery kiln, or vice

41

Glass furnaces are described by Pliny NH 36.10.159-160: small beehive-shaped hearth furnaces with one or two compartments to place a small crucible and again one or two small compartments left empty to place the blown glass objects for cooling or annealing. Also see Forbes R. 1966, 119. 42

The glass objects mentioned in Aristophanes and Plato were probably Egyptian imported molded vessels (Forbes R. 1966, 164).

129


130

versa (Plates Exc. 9-12).43 Even what are now the best available representations of ceramic kilns, those on the Penteskoufia terracotta plaques (see supra Ch. I), were first interpreted as metallurgical furnaces.44 Before we present some cases of misinterpretations, we should describe briefly what a metallurgical furnace is and how it functions. The metal workers dig a pit, construct a cylindrical furnace of small diameter, place the metal inside a clay crucible, and cover it with fuel, which they burn to the high temperatures necessary to melt such materials. The melted material concentrates at the bottom and is channeled to molds for the finished product (Plate Exc.9). In order to attain high temperatures, which in most cases cannot be reached only with a natural draft, they used blowpipes or bellows (tuyères), to create a forced draft. Metallurgical furnaces were much needed because metals were necessary not only for statues, but also for armor, household equipment, ships, and for casting coins (Plates Exc.13a, 14).45

43

Richter 1923; Shwandner and Zimmer 1983. For furnaces in bronze smiths, see Zimmer 1990 with extensive bibliography; also a metallurgical furnace on the shore in the place of a neosoikos in Abdera before a cemetery was established in the same area [PAE 1993, pl. 74 p. 136 and AEMQ 2 (1989) 471-87]. Its dimensions are not recoverable, probably 0.80 x 1.00m. For the tall shaft furnaces in the Laurion area, see Conophagos 1974, 1980. A very good discussion of the different types of furnaces and their evolution is presented by Forbes R. 1971, 120-32. 44

45

See supra Ch. I, 32-3.

See the four Roman metallurgical furnaces (Velenis 1996).) in the coin foundry in the Roman Forum at Thessaloniki, dating from the second to fourth century A.D. The precedure of casting coins is described in Conophagos et al. 1976. For the remains of a workshop for coins at Argos, see Consolaki and Hackens 1980.


The basic type of a smelting furnace is a small pit in the ground, usually 0.70-1.00m. in diameter. The shaft furnaces which are represented on classical vases were quite common in Greek antiquity (Plate Exc.11).46 The metallurgical furnaces had tall circular clay walls which contained the fuel and the metal. These are quite different in shape or form from ceramic kilns and were used exclusively for metals. The best surviving remains of metallurgical furnaces are in the area of Laurion, where the Athenians extracted silver from the rich silver ores.47 Conophagos restores them at an unusual height. A slightly different structure is required for cupellation, a method of separating silver from lead ores. So far the only example of a cupellation furnace has been excavated in Argos (Plate Exc.9b).48 It is dated to the Geometric period, much earlier than the first mention of the method in the sources and the secure archaeological evidence for the practice of cupellation.49 An interesting group of at least nine cementation furnaces (pear-shaped and rectangular) were unearthed in Archaic levels at Sardis: the furnaces bear a central separating wall (corresponding to type IIb in the new typology).50 Their dimensions are quite small; the

46

Oddy and Swaddling 1985. A shaft furnace is also carved on the north frieze of the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi (Mattusch 1988, 12, fig. 2.2).

47

Conophagos 1980.

48

See Appendix II.

49

Pliny NH 33.105-108 mentions the method. Indisputable archaeological evidence, although indirect (in the form of tubes of lead) has been excavated in a late Hellenistic workshop in Rhodes (Kakavoyiannis 1984).

50

Ramage and Craddock 2000, 83-91.

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largest of the pear-shaped ones are ca. 0-70 x 0.50m. and the rectangular one is 1.00 x 1.00m. Fragmentary metallurgical furnaces have been excavated in the Greek world at least as early as the Early Minoan period on Crete and the Late Bronze Age on Cyprus.51 Spyropoulos in the early 1980s excavated six impressive structures at the Steno Arcadias. He dates these to the Early Helladic period, making them the earliest extant Greek furnaces (Plate Exc.9a).52 The interpretation of an archaeological feature as a foundry furnace usually rests on very slim evidence (fragments of a mold probably used to cast a “loaf” of metal from which the metal object was hammered). Lumps of vitrified material and the vitrified walls of the kiln are equally present in ceramic kilns, as the extensive vitrification of the East kiln at the Tile Works at Corinth (65) attests. Such an extensive workshop complex at the Steno Arcadias in such an early period is also hardly to be expected. Finally, and most important, the massive dimensions of these structures (reportedly one kiln is 15m. long) would have made it impossible to maintain the high temperatures necessary for smelting metals for a long time in such spaces without using as fuel all the woods of Arcadia. In addition, the perforated floor is redundant, and even counter-productive, for the functioning of a metallurgical furnace. Spyropoulos acknowledged encountering such problems in the interpretation.

51

For prehistoric examples of furnace wall fragments, see Rothenberg 1990. Fragments which may belong to the earliest furnace from the Greek world were excavated at Chrysokamino, Crete (Betancourt et al. 1998); for fragments of furnace walls and furnace linings of the earliest copper-smelting establishment on Cyprus (1600 B.C.), see Knapp et al. 1999, 125-46.

52

ADelt 37 (1982) 120-1.

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Another controversial attribution is the Middle Minoan IIA kiln outside the Palace of Zakros, which had been characterized as a foundry furnace and not a kiln (Plate IV.11).53 The palm shape of the structure led N. Platon to consider all palm shaped kilns on Crete (see infra Ch. IV) as metallurgical. The imposing size of all these kilns, however, especially the one at Agia Triadha, for the same reasons as in Arcadia, makes such interpretations untenable. Historic examples of furnaces can be found at Skala Oropou, dating from the Late Geometric and Archaic period and from the Classical fort at Rhamnous. Mazarakis-Ainian reported finding melted metals inside the furnaces at Oropos; the area has a long tradition of coexisting ceramic and metal workshops (16-17).54 For the furnace at Rhamnous, Petrakos does not give any further information about the criteria he used to identify the structure as a furnace rather than as a kiln.55

53

Platon N. 1979, 1980; also Ergon 1973; 1975; PAE 1973; 1975; for similar confusion in other non-Greek examples: the furnaces in Buhen, southern Sudan were previously presented as metallurgical furnaces, but Craddock (1995, 131) thinks they are almost certainly pottery kilns. The kiln is well constructed of brick, over 1.00m in diameter, and divided into an upper and lower chamber by a radial grid of clay bars supported on a central pillar; probably the furnace lining found belongs to a different structure, not preserved.

54

See also Demetrias, for the proximity of a casting pit and three ceramic kilns (two carved in the bedrock and one built). In Kassope an abandoned residence of the third century B.C. housed three different types of firing structures: a furnace, a kiln, and two ovens, see PAE 1981, 72-7.

55

PAE 1991, 23 (a kiln). Petrakos changed his mind (PAE 1995, 7, pl. 3b) because he found slag around it and he associated it with production of iron. It is quite large, 2.50 (L.) x 2.00m (W.), in its exterior dimensions, but the interior dimensions are 1.00 x 2.00m. The interior support, though, remains inexplicable, if it is a metallurgical furnace. A terminus post quem for its date is a funerary stele from the last quarter of fourth century B.C. incorporated in its construction.

133


Secure identification criteria for a furnace are fragments of the furnace walls or (what is most common) furnace lining, the extensive presence of slag, fragments of bellows made of clay, clay or stone molds for metal objects, and clay crucibles for the smelting or the gathering of the metal. Still to be determined is whether the same structure could be used alternatively as a ceramic kiln or a metallurgical furnace. It had been suggested that pottery kilns were used by metallurgists to reduce copper ores.56

f. Minor Firing Structures i. Furnaces for color preparation Other workshops represented in the archaeological record needed some kind of furnace to process their raw material, such as the workshops for the preparation of colors. On the island of Cos, a Late Hellenistic-Early Roman establishment for the preparation of colors, especially of Egyptian blue, has been excavated near the agora of the city (Plate Exc.13b).57 The furnace is a small circular structure, not more than one meter in diameter. In its ruined state it preserves walls made of clay bricks, and its floor is made of clay plaques. In its interior it shows traces of intense heating and small quantities of red, yellow, brown, purple, and pink colors. According to ancient sources, Egyptian blue was produced

56

57

Forbes R. 1972.

Kantzia and Kouzeli 1987; ADelt 42 (1987) 638-40, plan 14; BCH 118 (1994) 795, figs. 118-9; BCH 116 (1992) 932. The production of lead to be used for the preparation of colors is attested from the presence of many tubes of lead-rich silver. For dye-works in the Roman world, see Uscatescu 1994.

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by mixing salt, soda, lime, and scoriae of copper, burnt in a furnace.58 Three large circular furnaces (average Ø 2.10m) of the type Ia for the processing of porphyry have come to light in a Late Hellenistic-Roman workshop on Rhodes.59 Another furnace, for the production of hematite pigment from iron hydroxide ores, was unearthed in the Makriyianni barracks during the excavations for the Metro in Athens.60 The shape of the furnace was rectangular, 1.50m long with an interior width of 0.50m. Its walls were quite thick and had an intensely red color. The hematite pigment was used in antiquity for wall plastering. Scientific analysis showed that comparatively low temperatures, ca. 700o C, were reached inside this kiln.61 Such furnaces had closer ties with metallurgical furnaces because metals are a basic component of their final products. Colors or metallic glazes were also used on ceramic vessels; thus it is not surprising that many late antique and medieval pottery workshops in the Black Sea contained color-processing furnaces usually adjacent to a pottery kiln.62

58

Vitr. De archit. 7.11.

59

Marketou 1999.

60

Parlama and Stampolidis 2000, 34, fig. 4; Cherry et al. 1991 for miltos production; For analysis of the miltos (iron oxide) from the island of Kea, see Hall et al. 1997.

61

62

Maniatis and Bassiakos 2000.

Ivaschekno 1997. Dsc. De materia medica 5.75 reports how a furnace for producing pompholux worked (translated by Humphrey et al. 1998, passage 6.30). They postulate that pompholux was probably a zinc oxide.

135


ii. Furnaces for pitch Pitch (pivssa, pivtta) was widely used in antiquity for plastering walls, for glazing the interior of wine-carrying vessels, for varnishing ships, and for cleaning and casting bronze statues, among many other purposes.63 It was already known to Herodotus, and it appears even more often in later authors.64 Pitch is produced by burning tree trunks. The term

pissokavmino" appears in a sixth-century A.D. papyrus.65 Hellenistic pitch furnaces operated in Kimitiri and Lithosouri.66 In addition to pitch production, the excavators found evidence for the production of charcoal (carbon) and remains of an older kiln which was reused for an unknown purpose. Structures identified as pitch furnaces have also been recorded on Thasos. Their construction technique is highly reminiscent of lime kilns, but in the cases of pitch furnaces a small basin is constructed near the furnace where the pitch is gathered.67

63

Farnsworth 1963; André 1964; De Caro 1985; Connan et al. 1998.

64

Hdt. 4.195; pissourgeia (Str. 5.1.12). For Latin sources, see Pliny NH 16.53 for pitch burnt in alvei or furni. 65

PMasp. 110.38.

66 Recently the Macquarie University of Sydney [BCH 122 (1998) 669-70] has been conducting technological analysis on metallurgical furnaces, charcoal, and pitch production in the places Kimitiri and Lithosouri on Cyprus in order to determine the ecological impact of such activities on the forests of Adelphi. 67

Wurch-Kozelj and Kozelj 1995. Although the preserne of a basin indeed requires explanation, the suggestion that these structures are pitch furnaces still needs additional reasons.

136


To summarize the observations made above: the archaeologist can address the following issues once a pyrotechnological structure has come to light (Plate Exc.15). a. shape: The most indistinguishable shape is circular because it can be any pyrotechnological structure. The rectangular version limits the choices mainly to a ceramic kiln. b. size: A general rule of thumb is that the larger the structure, the more specialized its character; hence, it is easier to decipher its function. A small, circular construction without any distinguishing individual features may lead the archaeologist to an impass. c. individual features: The perforated floor is essential only for a ceramic kiln. A bench in the combustion chamber points to a lime kiln operation, but its use in a ceramic kiln has been attested in a few cases. Finally, the strong walls of a structure indicate that very high temperatures were reached (as in lime kilns and glass furnaces). d. vitrification level: Although the vitrification level observed on the walls of the structure can be one indication of the range of temperatures reached inside this structure, it can also be misleading, since repeated firings of low temperatures can create superimposed layers of vitrification which can be misinterpreted as the result of high temperatures.68 From this brief overview of the pyrotechnological structures, one can begin to understand that ancient artisanal communities shared a large part of the collective traditional knowledge for building and firing their kilns. Artisans depended on each other not only for practical reasons such as procurement of raw material and fuel, but also for artistic borrowings. On the practical side, the metal workers needed terracotta molds fired in a ceramic kiln to produce their works. Lime burners could use the rejects of ceramic

68

A good example is the Late Classical kiln (East Kiln) in the Corinthian Tile Works (65).

137


workshops for binding additions to the lime. Seen through this light, the long-standing academic argument over whether pottery was the cheaper imitation of metal vessels loses its intensity.69 The interdependence between the two media must be reestablished on more even levels.70

69

For a fuller discussion, see infra Ch. VI.

70

Vickers and Gill 1994 for major advocates of this theory.

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TYPOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK KILNS _____________________________________________

CHAPTER III TYPOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK KILNS

Pottery kilns are normally divided into categories according to shape, construction, and direction of the heat.1 In Ch. II, I reviewed the variations of the pottery kilns in regard to the direction of the heat. The Greek kilns belong to the category of the updraft type. This updraft type is popular in the Mediterranean basin, appearing at least as early as the third millennium B.C.2 Some isolated examples of the type of channel kilns from Minoan-period

1

2

Rice 1987; id. 1997.

For historical development of kilns see Rhodes 1968; Delcroix and Huot 1972; Drews 1978/9; Duhamel 1978/9.

139


Crete have been reconstructed by scholars as cross-draft, but no universally convincing case has been made yet about their original appearance.3 In this chapter I will examine the basic shapes that are encountered in kiln-construction, and their variations. As to shape, ceramic kilns can be circular, pear-shaped, or rectangular as far as their general outside plan is concerned. This schematic, clear division becomes more complex, however, once the supporting system of the perforated floor is taken into consideration. Some combinations of general plan and specific support system seem to have a strong chronological and/or geographical association; others, such as the circular kiln with the central columnar support, cannot be used as indicators of a specific period or region because they are common to all. The discovery of a large number of kilns dating to the Roman period in Italy and in the Roman provinces created the necessary corpus of material which could be subjected to a typological arrangement. The first scholar to approach the ceramic kilns systematically and arrange them typologically was N. Cuomo Di Caprio in 1971, who distinguished eight types of updraft kilns based on the shape of the support for the perforated floor and the shape of the combustion chamber (Plate III.1). Delcroix and Huot (1972) confined their discussion to Prehistoric examples of kilns from the Near East and they were more interested in the historical development of the firing structures (Plates III.2, 5, 14).4 Duhamel (1978/9)

3

For the latest attempt for the reconstruction of a cross-draft Late Minoan IA from Kommos, see Kommos (145). 4

See infra Epilogue, "Types and Meanings".

140


designed more detailed typologies for the Roman kilns in France (Plate III.15).5 The easily expandable system established by Cuomo Di Caprio (Ia, Ib...; IIa, IIb...) allowed later scholars to add new types attested in their specific areas. Le Ny (1988) in her detailed study on Gallo-Roman tile kilns was able to expand Cuomo’s system of categorization by adding type III (Plate III.3). Before presenting my typology of the Greek kilns gathered in the catalogue, I will discuss the basic typology of Cuomo Di Caprio. Davaras' preliminary attempt to classify the Greek kilns by employing structural criteria will follow. At the end of the chapter I will both explore the potential of such typologies as indicators of cultural and regional preferences and address their limitations as chronological criteria.

5 A more refined proposal of classification of the Gallo-Roman kilns based on the typology of Duhamel is put forward by Dufaÿ 1996. Although they take into consideration the separation or not of the combustion and the firing chambers, the number of stoking channels, and the form of the perforated floor (besides the shape of the kiln, and the type of the supports of the perforated floor), these additional criteria are not applicable to Greek kilns.

141


I. OLD AND NEW TYPOLOGIES

a. Cuomo Di Caprio's Typology Cuomo Di Caprio, in her seminal article "Proposta di classificazione delle fornaci per ceramica e laterizi nell'area italiana, dalla preistoria a tutta l'epoca romana," was the first to classify the kilns in Italy from the Prehistoric to the Roman periods (Plate III.1).6 She was able to gather 192 kilns from fourteen geographical areas in Italy. The strongest concentrations of kilns are noticed in Sicily (46), Emilia (28), and Pugia (18). Only in 110 examples (57% of the total catalogue) had the kiln been preserved fully enough to have a distinct shape. On the basis of these 110 examples, Cuomo Di Caprio established two major groups of kilns (circular and rectangular) with four variations each, depending on the type of support of the eschara (Table III.1). The group of the circular kilns with its four subtypes includes 77 examples. They account for 40% of the collected examples (77/192) and for 70% of the identifiable cases (77/110).

6

Cuomo Di Caprio 1971/72; translated in an abbreviated form in Cuomo Di Caprio 1978/1979; id., 1985, 136-42.

142

143


RECTANGULAR (II)

CIRCULAR (I)

Ia

central pedestal(s) (a pilastro centrale)

IIa

Ib

radial pilasters/tongue-shaped pilasters IIb (a muretti radiali)

central wall (a muro assiale)

central corridor with cross-walls and cross-flues (a corridio centrale)

or with a central wall (a muretto assiale)

Ic

arches (ad archi)

IIc

double corridor with cross-walls and cross flues (a doppio corridoio)

Id

central corridor with cross-walls and cross-flues (a corridoio centrale)

IId

double praefurnium and double corridor (a doppio corridoio e doppio prefurnio)

Table III.1: Cuomo Di Caprio's types for Italian ceramic kilns.

The date range of most types extends from the Prehistoric period to Hellenistic times. The only examples which continue into Roman times are the universally common types with the central columnar support, Ia and Id. The Ib type seems to be limited to the Classical period; Ic is mainly Hellenistic and geographically centered around the area of Morgantina. The second group of the rectangular kilns consists of 33 examples, accounting for 17% of the total (33/192) and for 30% of the identifiable cases (33/110). These kilns, as a

144


rule, are encountered in the later periods. IIa and IId appear as early as the Classical period; IIb and IIc are clearly the favorites in the Roman period. Geographical preferences are not easily detectable in the catalogue, although there is a strong regional preference for specific types (type Ic) at sites such as Morgantina (Tables III.2-3).

PERIOD

TYPES Ia

Ib

Ic

Id

IIa

IIb

IIc

IId

Bronze Age

X

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Geometric

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Archaic

X

X

Arch/Class Classical

X X

Hellenistic

X

X X

X

X

X

X

X

X

Imperial

X

X

X

X

Roman

X

X

X

X

X

Table III.2: Attestation of Italian kiln types in major chronological periods.

Only type Ia, which is the universally common kiln type, and type Ib of the Roman typology apply to the Greek kilns. The rectangular examples of types IIa, IIc and rare examples of IId have counterparts in the Greek world. Type IIb is absent from the currently known examples.

145


AREAS

TYPES I

Ia

Ib

Ic

Id

II

IIa

IIb

IIc

IId 1

Marche (1) Abruzzo (1)

1

1

1

1

1

2

2

4

5

6

4

8

7

13

3

15

7

16

8

16

3

17

1

10

18

2

12

28

1

18

46

3

82

192

1

Puglia (2) Umbria (4)

1

Veneto (6)

1

Toscana (8)

3

1

Campania (13)

1

1

Lucania (15)

5

4

1

1

3

3 3

Lombardia (16) Lazio (16)

1

Calabria (17)

10

1

Puglia (18)

2

3

2

2

1

Sicilia (46)

11

6

TOTAL

36

22

3

1

4

1

1 2 6

2

6

9

3

6 2

3

77

5

1

1

1

6

Emilia (28)

Tota

1

Sardegna (1)

Circular (Total)

?

14

8

Rectangular (Total)

Table III.3: Geographical distribution of Italian kiln types (Data: Cuomo Di Caprio 1971/72).

1

33

146


b. Davaras' Typology In 1980 Davaras, after having excavated a number of ceramic kilns on Crete himself, proposed a different typology of ceramic kilns (Table III.4).7 His main criteria were: a. the presence or absence of two different chambers, one for fuel and one for pottery, and b. the type of support for the perforated floor. He did not differentiate on the basis of the shapes of the combustion chamber of the kiln.

TYPE A

No. of chambers

Type of support

One-chamber structures

TYPE B

Two-chamber structures separated by a perforated floor

-No perforated floor between combustion and firing chamber

B1: Floor supported by short parallel walls

-An interior shelf in the combustion chamber

B2: Central pier support (circular or rectangular

Table III.4: Davaras' typology for ceramic kilns in Greece.

7

Interestingly enough, Davaras does not take Cuomo Di Caprio’s research into consideration in his references.


Type A derives from the domestic type of oven and does not differentiate between the combustion and the firing chambers. A later variation in Minoan times features a round or oval-shaped structure with a narrow shelf running around the interior side, on which the pots might have been placed (cf. new type Ig in the new typology, Plate III.4). The pots come into direct contact with the fire because there is no eschara separating the firing chamber from the kiln chamber. The kilns at Achladia (146) and Palaikastro (150) are the only examples that Davaras attributes to this type. This type of one-chamber structure was short-lived. The fact that it was discarded can perhaps be attributed to its low capacity, if one accepts that the shelf was used to hold pots.8 It remains to be proved whether such structures were primarily ovens and were never intended to fire pottery on a regular basis. If this was the case, people were using structures familiar and available to them until the strong need arose for constructing a kiln used exclusively for firing ceramics. Davaras' type B refers to the standard ceramic kiln as described in Ch. II, in which a perforated floor divides two chambers: the lower one was used for the combustion of fuel and the upper one for placing and firing pottery. Within type B, Davaras reconstructs an

8

Cf. supra Ch. II, "The 'bench' in the combustion chamber"; Momigliano (1986) also comments on the narrowness of the shelf, the low capacity of the kiln, the small size of any vessel fired in such kilns, and the disproportionate consumption of fuel for firing so few vases. 9

Davaras records no prehistoric example of Type B2 from Crete, but mentions that the type is known on the mainland from the Middle Helladic period onwards. Evely's typology for Minoan kilns (2000) differentiates mainly between round and rectangular kilns, and presence or absence of specific features: a. Type I (subdivided into i. hemispherical/horseshoe in plan; no stoking channel; ii. hemispherical/horseshoe in plan, with stoking tunnels; iii. circular in plan, with stoking channel and grate); b. Type 2 (with long, multiple flues); c. with squarish features.

147


evolutionary improvement of the supporting system, from the more rudimentary method of building multiple "short, parallel" walls to support the perforated floor (I call this type B1, corresponding to the type Ie in the new typology) to the more evolved system of using only one circular or rectangular free-standing pillar to support the perforated floor (which I call type B2, corresponding to type Ia in the new typology).9 As an example of his type B1, he refers to the kiln at Stylos in Chania (with two long parallel walls), but he does not make any reference to channel kilns from Crete, which should have been included as well. Although usually cautious about reaching definite conclusions, Davaras ventures to say that type B "must be in general later than Type A."10 This very brief and schematic typological classification by Davaras presents many shortcomings, primarily because he does not take into account the entire corpus of excavated Greek kilns; this is a major obstacle to establishing correct chronological differentiations.11 His idea that the ceramic kiln evolved from a domestic oven structure is not to be dismissed easily, and it is likely that a loan in this direction may have indeed taken place.12 But his treatment of such structures as a distinct type of kiln requires serious reexamination and in light of the following catalogue it must be abandoned (see infra Ch. IV). As for the evaluation of the single central support as an improvement, Davaras' argument is not supported sufficiently by the evidence. Also, if one keeps in mind that the

10

Davaras 1980, 125.

11

Davaras (1980, 126) acknowledges the preliminary character of this classification: "But we must reserve judgement about a more accurate dating of the types until new examples are found."

12

See supra Excursus, "The Baking Oven".

148


central circular wall appears early, remains in use throughout antiquity, and is used even today, it is difficult, if not impossible, to prove that any development process resulted in the adoption of this type.

c. A New Typology for Greek Kilns First, the typology proposed in this study differentiates kilns according to their shape. There are two predominant shapes: (I) circular or pear-shaped ones, lumped together in one group for easier reference, and (II) rectangular (Plates III.4, 8, 15). I must emphasize again that these distinctions do not imply any technological differentiation, since all historical Greek ceramic kilns are of the updraft type. Second, each group is subdivided further according to the type and number of the internal support(s) upon which the perforated floor rests (designated with letters a, b, c, etc.). I use this criterion only because it helps the excavator. Most likely, no ancient potter would have used this criterion to differentiate among different kilns, or at least would not have used only this criterion. It is more plausible that they distinguished kilns according to what they fired (pottery kilns vs. tile kilns), or what type of fuel they used, or their regional affiliation, if the type was imported into the area. For examples, the lime kilns in Attica in the beginning of the 19th century were called klarokavmina (kilns that burn twigs).13 The rectangular kilns in the Aegean islands during the same period were known as anatolivtika, because the tradition of building rectangular kilns had been forgotten in Greece and was

13

Vekris 1998.

149


reintroduced by way of Turkey in the East.14 This term is also known for the rectangular kilns in modern Marousi.15 In my typology (Table III.5) I also use the type of the support for the perforated floor as the second major criterion, after the shape of the combustion chamber, to distinguish the various types. I adopt the system established by N. Cuomo Di Caprio by differentiating between circular or pear-shaped kilns (I) and rectangular kilns (II). Cuomo Di Caprio herself suggested that her system allows for expansion according to local variations. Therefore, I employ the same letters as Cuomo Di Caprio (a, b, c) when Greece shows the same examples, and start the new types with e, the first available letter. This classification will enable newly excavated kilns to be assigned easily to a category, either one that already exists in the Graeco-Roman world (types a-d) or a new Greek category. Adopting a previously existing typology facilitates the distinction between types which have been universally adopted since all potting cultures have certain basic needs (such as types Ia, Ib, IIa, IIb), and types that are unique or have a stronger presence in some cultures (IId for Italy), or in some regions of one culture (IIc for northern Greece). In a longer-term project, the typologies of all ceramic kilns from the Mediterranean could be organized according to one typology. Such an endeavor, although far beyond the scope of the present study, is likely to show the degree to which ceramic technology is specific in each culture, the degree of regional influences on the type of the kiln, and finally, the number

14

Giannopoulou and Demesticha 1998.

15

Ioannou n.d.

16

For circular Neolithic ovens, see Ch. IV.

150


and nature of types imported into a culture and the mechanisms that allowed this import to take place (e.g. colonization or adoption).

Table IV.5: New typology of Greek kilns.

151


II. CIRCULAR AND PEAR-SHAPED KILNS Circular kilns are more common than rectangular ones. With 229 secure examples out of 459, they account for 50% of the kilns. Since it is rather difficult to misinterpet rectangular kilns, due to their distinct shape and their larger size, it is highly likely that the 75 examples of kilns with unrecorded (or unrecoverable) shape must have been in their majority circular (or pear-shaped) increasing thus the total possible percentage to 66%. They appear as early as in the Early Bronze Age period and continue throughout antiquity.16 This type of kiln shares many affinities with domestic ovens, a relationship also reflected in the terms used interchangeably for kiln and for oven, as was discussed in Ch. I. This group can be subdivided further into smaller categories, depending on the type of internal support of the eschara. The shape comes in a variety of sizes with the average diameter of the circular kilns ranging from 1.20-1.50m. On the one hand, one can find extremely small kiln of a diameter of 0.65-0.80 (with most of them in the Hellenistic period and in large workshops which are also equipped with larger kilns). But we also find very large ones measuring up to 4.50m. Larger sizes appear with more frequency in Hellenistic and later times, with only isolated examples encountered in Archaic [Prinias (36), Phari on Thasos (25)] and Classical [Kerameikos, Chabrias Area (43-45)] periods. In addition to the archaeological evidence about the size of ancient kilns, there is also an indirect piece of information from Hero of Alexandria, an author who wrote about mechanics in the second century B.C. In his Stereometrica (1.76.1), in an exercise on calculating the area of an oven (fou'rno"), he uses 10 feet as a diameter, an equivalent of

152

153


3.00m. This is definitely a large kiln for the early periods, but in the Hellenistic and especially in Roman times these sizes are no longer surprising. REGION

Unknown

I

II

Grand Total

Attica

19

34

62

115

Peloponnese

22

58

28

108

Central

9

35

23

67

Western

3

17

3

23

Northern

6

24

23

53

Aegean

16

61

16

93

Grand Total

75

229

155

459

Table III.6: Distribution of kilns according to regions.

Very rarely are circular kilns exactly circular. Even kilns originally constructed as circular eventually lose their shape after multiple firings and become pear-shaped kilns. They are sometimes described by the excavators as horseshoe-shaped, elliptical, or oval. Circular and pear-shaped kilns tend to have similar supports, although the pear-shaped ones show a slight preference for long walls (type Ib) rather than central columnar supports for the perforated floor. In addition, their stoking chamber, the praefurnium, tends to be longer than that of the circular kilns. Lato (28-30) and Phari on Thasos (25-26) preserve Archaic examples of pear-shaped kilns, and the Athenian Kerameikos (40-42) has Classical examples. It is noteworthy that all these sites have more than one kiln, and that all the kilns are of the same pear-like shape. At this time it is not clear whether this shape required any specific technical knowledge which was not widely shared in other areas.


a. Circular Kiln with Central (Circular or Square) Pillar (Type Ia) This type can easily be considered the most popular, not only in Greece, but in all Mediterranean potting cultures (Plate III.16). It combines simplicity in design with maximum efficiency in firing, since only a very small place in the combustion chamber, which the support occupies, is left “cold.” Most of its characteristics coincide with the description of a standard type which was presented in Ch. II regarding the range of sizes for the central support. It was adopted in 73 kilns (ca. 16% of the total number of kilns). It outnumbers all other types of circular kilns examined either individually or collectively (73 vs. 43 examples of all other circular types).17 Its geographical and chronological distribution does not present any unusual peaks either in Greece or in other Mediterranean areas. The type begins in the Bronze Age, with examples in Kirrha (104-105) and in Eretria (103), and continues throughout the historical periods and in every geographical region (Table III.7).18 Its simplicity made it a favorite in western Greece and in the Aegean, where there is normally a low frequency of kilns and an overall lag in the technological and typological developments. The kilns adopting this type range in size from 1.00 to 3.00m in diameter, and the circular support increases proportionally.

17

The arrangement in the French kilns of multiple small piers as supports is not attested for Greek kilns (Dufaÿ 1996).

18

Obviously the statement by Cook (1984, 64) that earliest kilns with a central support date to the sixth century B.C., with the Penteskoufia plaque F893 being the earliest example, is wrong.

154


The central support can have a roughly circular or rectangular shape. It is usually made of a combination of clay mortar, stones, broken sherds, and tiles.19 Its slender diameter (ca. 0.30m) and its long exposure after a kiln is abandoned explain why it is usually obliterated from the archaeological record. In kilns of this type, the central support averages about one third of the total interior diameter of the combustion chamber. Most examples preserve their dimensions: it is easy to distinguish four main groups of dimensions: a. the small ones (Ø below 1.00m), b. the average ones (Ø 1.00-1.59m), c. the larger ones (Ø 1.60-3.00) and d. the exceptionally large ones (Ø over 4.00m). The first two groups of sizes are the most numerous.20 The larger examples are encountered in the later periods (Hellenistic and Roman) with the exception of Archaic Prinias (35-36) and Thasos, Phari A (25). Because of the vulnerability of the central support to abandonment, and because of the slow process of identifying a kiln during excavation, it is very likely that many of the kilns which preserve no support originally belonged to this type, but that the support has not left any traces.

19

For more details on this structural feature, see Ch. II, "The 'bench' in the combustion chamber".

20

The same predilection of sizes is also evident in the kilns of the same type in Roman Gaul (Dufaÿ 1996).

155


156

b. Circular Kiln with Central Wall(s) (Type Ib) This type appears in two main versions: a) with a free-standing wall and b) with the one end of the wall touching upon the walls of the combustion chamber. The central wall can either be a built feature or be left as a baulk in the natural soil and the two corridors would be dug into the ground on either side of the baulk. The earlier examples come from the Middle Helladic kilns at Lerna (95-96) and from the Mycenaean Palace at Pylos (114). Both of these cases belong to the first version, whereas the Late Helladic IIb kiln at Thebes (115) provides an example with the wall protruding from the combustion walls. The total number of securely identifiable kilns of this type is twenty (ca. 4% of the total number of kilns and 8% of all circular types) (Table III.8). It has a strong presence in the Bronze Age (eleven examples) but fewer examples in the Classical and Hellenistic periods. Geographically it shares an almost equal frequency between the Peloponnese and central Greece, whereas Attica and the Aegean preserve only isolated examples. In Attica, especially, all three instances of this type are attested in the Kerameikos in a complex of kilns which was short-lived (40-42). The kilns with a central wall tend to be a little larger than the average kilns of type Ia. Especially the variation with the central wall being solid shows the largest dimensions among all types of kilns (over 4.00 on each side). For such large sizes, it was more timeand energy-efficient to dig the corridors on both sides and leave in the middle a protruding baulk of natural soil. The wall is quite thin, hardly ever more than 0.20-0.30m wide. This support is more popular in the pear-shaped kilns than in the circular examples. 21

21

For similar examples from Syria and Palestine, see Delcroix and Huot 1973 (Plate III.5).


c. Circular Kiln with Parallel Walls on the Long Axis (Type Ie) An elaborate version of type Ib is Type Ie with more than one wall running parallel to the axis of the stoking channel (Table III.9). The normal number of walls is two. It does not appear often in the archaeological record, although its counterpart in the rectangular kilns, IIe, is more prominent. Both in its circular and rectangular variants this type is absent from Cuomo Di Caprio’s typology. There are only eight examples of type Ie (2% of the total number of the kilns, and 4% of all circular kilns): the examples are mainly Prehistoric, and the remainder are dispersed in antiquity. Interestingly enough, each of the two prehistoric examples that are in central Greece, in Dimini (116) and Kirrha (106), has three parallel walls. Both kilns are quite large in diameter: Dimini is 3.95m and Kirrha is 2.30m. In Dimini, the central supporting wall is the longest (ca. 2.00m), whereas the other two walls on each side of the long wall are shorter. Of the historical ones, especially noteworthy is the "South Kiln" at Prinias (36) (Int. Ø 2.98. Ext. Ø 4.10) (Plate III.6). On average, the kilns of this type are larger than 2.00 in diameter. Overall the Aegean and central Greece preserve the most examples of the type. It has been suggested in this study that these kilns might be variants of the channel kilns from the Minoan period on Crete.22 Three walls are probably the maximum number that a circular kiln can accommodate, given the restricted range that its diameter can attain. The type has more occurrences in Hellenistic Istria, in western Turkey, and in western Europe, but in different time ranges.23

22

infra, Ch. IV, "The Minoan Channel Kilns".

23

For Histria, see Coja 1974.

157


d. Circular Kiln with no Central Support (Type If) Eight examples, of medium size, and mainly from the Aegean, have not preserved any central support (Table III.10). Although it is more likely that they once possessed a central support that has not survived, I categorized them separately because it is conceivable that they did not originally have a central support. Most of them (five) come from the Aegean and their chronological peak is in the Bronze Age, a period of general experimentation.

e. Circular Kiln with Internal Bench (Type Ig) Type Ig corresponds to type A in Davaras’ typology. He considered it to be a small improvement over a domestic oven, but without potential for further development (Table III.11) The problems associated with placing pots to be fired on this bench, namely the low capacity of the kiln and the dangers of direct contact with the fire, have been discussed above.24 The type has seven examples (2% of all kilns and 4% of all circular kilns). Most of them appear in the Aegean and are thinly distributed throughout antiquity. The sizes range from 1.00-3.00m with one exception to over 3.00m. The early examples are the Minoan kilns at Palaikastro (150) and Achladia (146). The Geometric kiln at Dodone (10) is the next example chronologically. The bench can be added at a later stage of the kiln's lifetime when its function is modified: for example, a

24

See supra Ch. II, "The 'bench' in the combustion chamber".

158


bench was apparently added to the Hellenistic kiln at Evangelismos in Athens (157) when it was converted for use as a lime kiln.25 This kiln has the largest dimension in the group. The longer association of a bench with a lime kiln has led scholars to question whether any of the kilns belonging to this category ever fired pottery.26

25

A kiln (type If) at Patras (7, Nikita and Karatza Sts.) (244) also preserves a bench 0.60m wide and .035m high.

26

Demierre 2000 prefers to see the Palaikastro example (150) as a lime kiln.

27

Rectangular lime kilns are very rare. For glass, only the tank furnaces are rectangular.

159

160


Chronological Distribution of Type Ia 35

31

30 25 20

n=73

12

15 7

10

10

6

4

2

5

1

Br on ze G Ag eo e m et r A ic rc h Cl aic as H sica e H lle l el le nist ni Ro c m an La Rom te a A n nt By ique za nt i U ne nd at ed

0

Geographical Distribution of Type Ia 20

17

17

15

14

12

10

n=73

8 5

5

rn

e W

es

te

es nn po

Pe lo

N or

th

er

n

l ra nt Ce

ca tti A

A

eg ea n

0

Table III.7: Chronological and geographical distributions of type Ia.

161


Chronological Distribution of Type Ib 15 11 10 n=20 4

5

4

1

Br on ze G Ag eo e m et r A ic rc h Cl aic as H sica H elle l el le nist ni Ro c m an R La om te A an nt By ique za nt i U ne nd at ed

0

Geographical Distribution of Type Ib 10 7 5

6

4

3

n=20

W

es

te

rn

es e nn

Pe lo

th or N

po

er n

l ra nt Ce

ca tti A

A

eg e

an

0

Table III.8: Chronological and geographical distributions of type Ib.

162


Chronological Distribution of Type Ie 5 4

4 3

n=8

2 1

1

1

1

1

Br on ze G Ag eo e m et r A ic rc h Cl aic as H sica el l l H el eni le n- stic Ro m an La Rom te a A n nt By ique za nt i U ne nd at ed

0

Geographical Distribution of Type Ie 10 4

5

n=8

3 1

W

es

te

rn

es e po

Pe lo

th or N

nn

er n

l ra nt Ce

ca tti A

A

eg

ea n

0

Table III.9: Chronological and geographical distributions of type Ie.

163


Chronological Distribution of Type If 5 4 3

3

n=8

2 1

1

1

1

1

1

ni H el sti le c nRo m an Ro m La an te A nt iq By ue za nt in e U nd at ed

al

le

H

el

Cl

as

sic

ic ha rc

A

et m

eo G

Br on ze

A ge

ric

0

Geographical Distribution of Type If 5

5 4 3

n=8

2

1

1

1

1

rn te es W

nn po lo Pe

N

or

th

er

es

e

n

l ra nt Ce

ca tti A

A

eg

ea

n

0

Table III.10: Chronological and geographical distributions of type If.

164


Chronological Distribution of Type Ig 5 4 3 2

2

2

n=7

2

1

1

Br on ze G Ag eo e m et r A ic rc h Cl aic as H sica e H llen l el le isti nRo c m an R La om te a A n nt By ique za nt i U ne nd at ed

0

Geographical Distribution of Type Ig 5 4

3

3

2

2

n=7 1

1

1

W es te rn

Pe lo po nn es e

N or th er n

Ce nt ra l

A tti ca

A eg ea n

0

Table III.11: Chronological and geographical distributions of type Ig.


III. RECTANGULAR KILNS Ceramic kilns of rectangular size are easily identifiable and have been recovered in many excavations. In the catalogue there are 155 examples, or 34%, of the total number of kilns (Plate III.8). Their larger size and more sturdy construction usually result in more complete preservation. Therefore the percentage rate of the preserved rectangular kilns may be somewhat higher than the actual ratio of circular and rectangular kilns that operated in any period of Greek antiquity. They are also the only types that cannot be mistaken for other pyrotechnological structures such as lime kilns, glass kilns, or furnaces.27 They tend to appear in technologically advanced production centers, since they constitute a "risk-taking" shape.28 Rectangular kilns already appear in the Bronze Age, but in those cases they have rounded edges. All the examples belong to the peculiar, exclusively Prehistoric type IIe, the channel kilns, whose function remains an issue of debate (see infra Ch. IV). The beginning of the rectangular kilns is hard to establish since both the kiln at the Giannopoulou Lot at Samos (14) (Plate VI.10) and the Aigion kiln (18) (Plate III.9) are only tentatively dated to the Archaic period, and their material remains largely unpublished. It is only late in the Classical period that examples of rectangular kilns multiply. They include the East Kiln at the Corinthian Tile Works (65) [a much larger (7.50 x 5.00m)

28

For the adoption of rectangular-shaped kilns by the more enterprising members of the potters' community in Los Pueblos, see Papousek 1989.

165


replica of the earlier West kiln (64)], and the more modest kilns at Nemea (60-62) and at Olympia (73) of the late fourth century B.C. The Nemea and Olympia kilns measure in average ca. 4.00m square. Despite their impressive dimensions, they constitute only a small group of the total number of preserved kilns. Nevertheless, they become popular in the Roman period, as revealed by the excavations of the Plateia Kotzia with its twenty-seven rectangular kilns (274-300).29 There has been a long-standing argument as to whether the rectangular kilns were used exclusively, or at least primarily, for firing tiles.30 The most commonly cited examples are the kilns at the Corinthian Tile Works (64-65), the kiln at the sanctuary of Zeus at Nemea (60), and the fourth century A.D. kiln at Olympia (392). It is argued that the rectangular kiln could accommodate more tiles, which were also rectangular, than could a circular kiln. The presence of rectangular kilns for tiles in other parts of Europe corroborates this assumption.31 Such lines of argument take into consideration only the peculiarities of the Corinthian-type tiles in antiquity which indeed were rectangular. The other major tile type was concave and was known as the Laconian type.32 The Laconian and Corinthian types require different arrangements inside a kiln since their shapes differ considerably. Laconian

29

Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou 1988.

30

Martin 1965, 78-81; Orlandos 1966, 92.

31

Le Ny (1988) in her study of tile kilns in Roman France demonstrates that 81% of the identified tile kilns (64/79) are indeed rectangular, but a considerable proportion, 19% (15/79), are circular.

32

Winter N. 1993.

166


tiles were commonly fired in circular kilns, because according to the same argument of compatibility of shape, concave items can be fired more easily in circular kilns.33 The Archaic kilns at Phari (25-26) have shown evidence of firing of tiles as have the workshops with circular kilns at Figaretto on Corfu (197-209) and at Nemea (62).34 In addition, ethnographic examples from Italy and modern Ermioni in the Argolid corroborate this practice of firing Laconian-type tiles in circular kilns.35 Once built, the rectangular kilns were used for firing other types of pottery as well: in Eretria, a Roman rectangular kiln (352) produced coarse ware pottery (cooking pots, jugs, and amphoras) in addition to rooftiles. The initial impetus for constructing rectangular kilns, however, is the widespread use of rooftiles. Thus, it is not surpring that in historical periods where we have little evidence for roofing structures with tiles (as in the Dark Ages), we also have little or no evidence for rectangular kilns. In such sizable kilns ancient potters could

33

See comments of C.K. Williams in Perrault 1990, n. 13. Circular kilns for firing tiles were preferred in Roman Italy, whereas Britain used exclusively rectangular tile kilns. Roman Gaul, situated geographically between these traditions, exhibits examples of both types, with a clear preference for rectangular tile kilns (Le Ny 1988).

34

Perrault 1990 on the production of tiles at the workshop at Phari. Blegen 1937, 180-1 interpreted a circular structure (Ø 2.40) in the dromos of a tomb as a tile factory because of the large quantity of Greek tiles that he found scattered. The thick layer of lime plaster, the thick walls (0.50m), and its large size, however, argue more in favor of a lime kiln.

35

For Italy, Hampe and Winter 1965; Kardulias 2000 for Ermioni. In southern France round kilns were also used to fire rooftiles (Le Ny 1988).

167


also fire terracotta bathtubs36, water pipes, large-scale architectural sculpture, such as the Zeus and Ganymede akroterion at Olympia, or large ritual basins (perirrhanteria).37 Rectangular kilns have also survived in traditional Greek pottery workshops of the 18th and 19th century A.D., but their structure, both in terms of plan and materials used, is quite different (Plate III.12).38

a. Rectangular Kiln with Central (Circular or Square) Pillar (Type IIa) Type IIa shares the same internal arrangement as its circular counterpart Ia. The kilns of this type are usually of small size, a characteristic common to types Ia and IIa. It is

36 A Late Geometric bath tub from Kalabaktepe (Milet I, 8,30, fig. 22). For fragments of a louter in a Classical house at Vari, Patriarchou Gregoriou E St. [ADelt 44 (1989) 62]; louter in a Late Hellenistic house at Aegion, Lysiou St. [ADelt 31 (1976) 97]; complete louter comparable to the one at Isthmia at Pella [ADelt 16 (1960) 82, pl. 88]; clay larnakes at Voula [ADelt 20 (1965) 111-2, pl. 73]; at the Athenian Kerameikos [ADelt 16 (1960) 21, pl. 17]; in Kephallenia, Same [15, Metaxa St. and Anonymous, ADelt42 (1987) 165]. A children’s clay larnax was excavated at Autantzes Karioton, Leukada [ADelt 26 (1971) 480, pl. 338st] measuring 0.83 x 0.45m, which preserves its rectangular cover measuring 0.83 x 0.45 x 0.18m. 37

The only example of a kiln which had been associated with the firing of water pipes is the Late Minoan IIIA kiln at Kato Gouves in Herakleion (Kiln A) (127) where many fragments of water pipes are preserved. For terracotta large scale sculpture, Bookidis 2000; terracotta statues were fired at hight temperatures, above 1100°C , see Gaugler and Anderson 1980.

38

Psaropoulou 1986; Giannopoulou and Demesticha 1998. Most of them are two-storied in order to produce the glazed wares. The walls of the combustion and firing chambers are thick and built primarily of stone. Their size, however, is in the same range as the ancient kilns, that is between 2.00 and 3.00m. For their nickname as anatolivtika (Easterners), see infra.

168


not clear whether the potters used the rectangular shape as a conscious choice, or whether it simply developed from the circular, pear-shaped type (Table III.12). There are twenty-two examples of this type (5% of the entire corpus and 14% of all rectangular kilns). The earliest example is the Geometric kiln at Phaistos (12), and it barely appears in the Archaic, Classical, and Hellenistic times [Herakleidon St. (15), Sindos (89), Kerameikos (260-269), respectively]. It becomes much more common in the Roman period, especially in Athens. When the large Kerameikos in the Kotzia Square (274-300) is fully published, more examples will be added to this type, making it the favorite type of Athenian potters in the Roman period. Generally, however, the type never became very popular because rectangular kilns usually attain a large size, and a central circular support would make any system of supporting arches very long and consequently very weak. The average size for this type of kiln is ca. 2.00 x 2.00m.39

b. Rectangular Kiln with Central Wall(s) (Type IIb) A central oblong wall running in the same direction as the stoking channel is the earliest support of the rectangular kilns (Table III.13). The entire design of this type largely resembles domestic architecture, with thin walls used to separate spaces. The same arrangement is adopted for pyrotechnological structures other than ceramic kilns, such as the Archaic furnace for processing gold at Sardis.40

39 Of ten kilns of this type with recorded measurements, the distribution is: for measurements 1.00-1.49m (2), 1.50-1.99 (4), 2.00-2.99 (4). Much smaller is the Geometric kiln at Phaistos (12) (1.25x1.60) while the Classical kiln at Sindos (89) (4.25x1.85) is bigger than normal. 40

Ramage and Craddock 2000 and supra Excursus, "The Metallurgical Furnace".

169


170

Thirty-three kilns constitute this subtype (7% of all kilns and 23% of all rectangular ones). Although there are single examples from the Geometric and Archaic periods [Samos Pythagorion (14) and Aigion (18)], they should be viewed with caution regarding the beginning of this type, since both their dates are preliminary and the associated pottery is not yet fully studied. The type was undoubtedly adopted by the end of the Classical period (with seven examples). During Hellenistic and Roman times potters show a predilection for this type, and in the Roman Kerameikos at the Kotzia Square in Athens, it shares first place with type IIa (see supra). Regarding its geographical distribution, the type is widely adopted by the Peloponnesian potters with thirteen examples (especially tile-makers). In this local version however, the central long support/divider is not a built wall, but the natural ground itself, and the stoking corridors of the combustion chamber are dug into the ground on both sides of this generally substantial wall. This serves as a central wall from which arches spring out to the side walls of the kiln. The Peloponnesian examples also exhibit the larger sizes, ranging from 4.50 x 4.50m [Nemea (60)] to 6.80 x 6.80m [ancient Elis (172)] to 7.50 x 5.20m [East Kiln, Tile Works (65)]. It is therefore understandable that the potters preferred the strength of the natural massive support to any built means of supporting the perforated floor of such a large structure. At ancient Corinth [Tile Works (64-65) and West Tile Works (344) and in ancient Olympia, especially, the type has strong roots. Attica, central Greece, and the Aegean also preserve some examples, whereas the type is much less popular in northern and western Greece. In Keramidario, Vassiliki, in western Greece (402) the kiln of this type is the only surviving example of a kiln with double stoking channels.


It is also worth noting that in the cases of multiple kilns in one workshop, potters tend to duplicate the same type for their other kilns, such as at Krannon (181-182), or the Tile Works at ancient Corinth (64-65) where both kilns of the workshop are of type IIb. The length of the wall is proportional to the length of the combustion chamber and tends to be a little shorter than the combustion chamber. Its width varies from 0.50 to 1.00m. The wider walls are more common in Athens (37-38) and in ancient Elis (172). Most of the walls of this type touch the back wall across from the stoking chamber. A small subgroup of this type is the one with more than one wall, on the same axis as the stoking channel. Five excavated kilns, from Velestino (189), Olympia (392), Berbati (340), Delos (456), and Kato Kastelliana on Crete (384) form this type. The walls are usually short and wide, with dimensions ranging from 0.30 to 0.50m. The type appears only in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The average size for kilns of this subgroup is 2.00x2.00m. In some examples the two separate walls are close to each other, and halfway up their height they are consolidated into one support with the help of arches [ancient Olympia (392), Kokkinovrysi (343)]. An even less frequent variant has the walls made of pairs of pillars which bear strong resemblance to the hypocausts of baths. The proximity of pottery workshops and baths is noteworthy (see supra Ch. VI). So far, the only known examples are a Byzantine kiln at Lefkadia, itself near a bath (423), and an undated kiln at Delos (456). This type is also attested in the Etruscan workshops of the fourth and third centuries B.C. (e.g. Marzabotto), whereas it is absent from Cuomo Di Caprio’s typology (1971/72) for the Roman kilns.41

41

Nijboer 1998; Ewell 2000.

171


c. Rectangular Kiln with Multiple Pairs of Cross-walls (Type IIc) Seventeen examples belong to this type, constituting 4% of the entire corpus of kilns and 12% of all rectangular ones (Table III.14). It is limited only to rectangular kilns.42 The cross-walls constitute a different approach to the construction of the support: in the types described above, the supports run parallel to the length of the combustion chamber, whereas these walls run across the chamber at short intervals. The walls usually measure 0.30-0.50m, and the intervening spaces are about the same width. In reality the walls that touch the two long sides of the combustion chamber form the lower parts of arches, which span the combustion chamber and support the perforated floor. The advantage of this type is that the number of cross walls can be as great as the size of the kiln requires. In Greece the number of the pairs of cross-walls usually is from three to five. On the other hand, the disadvantage is that these walls create many "cold pockets" and cause an uneven distribution of heat in the firing chamber. The average dimensions for a kiln of this type are 3.00 x 3.00m. Anything larger would have caused problems with the stoking of fuel and with the even distribution of heat.43 The type first appeared in the Hellenistic period and immediately became a favorite in northern Greece, where it remained popular until the Byzantine period. Notable examples are in Pella, with two Hellenistic kilns of this type (214, 223), in Thessaloniki, at Nea Philadelphia (370), at Philotas in Florina (249-250) (Plate II.5), and at Europos in Evros

42

It is also adopted by circular kilns in Britain and France in the Roman period (Dufaÿ 1996 who questions their efficiency).

43

Le Ny 1988 mentions this as a possible factor for the standardization of dimensions.

172


(363). In other areas of Greece rectangular kilns with cross-walls generally date to the Roman period, e.g. at Olympia (347). It seems that this arrangement was the most appropriate for a rectangular-shaped kiln as is shown from the majority of Roman tile kilns in France (44/79, or 65%), which are of the type with cross-walls, but in France they are more evenly distributed than in Greece where they are clustered regionally.44

d. Rectangular Kiln with Channels (Type IIe) The type appears only in the Minoan sphere of influence from the Middle Minoan to the Late Minoan periods with eight representatives. Its function is still undetermined (infra, Ch.IV), but it is unlikely that they were metallurgical furnaces. All eight examples come from Crete.

44

The average dimensions of this type are (Le Ny 1988): combustion chamber, L. 3.00m (±0.87m), W. 2.70m (±1.00m); firing chamber: L. 2.79m (±0.86m), W. 2.39m (±1.00m).

173

174


Chronological Distribution of Type IIa 20 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

18

n=22

ni H el sti le c nRo m an Ro m La an te A nt iq By ue za nt in e U nd at ed

1

le

Cl

as

sic

al

1

H

el

ic ha rc

A

et m eo

1

G

Br

on

ze

A

ge

ric

1

Geographical Distribution of Type IIa 20

17

15 10

n=22

5

2

2

1

rn

e

te es W

nn po lo Pe

N or

th

er

es

n

l ra nt Ce

ca tti A

A

eg e

an

0

Table III.12: Chronological and geographical distributions of type IIa.

175


Chronological Distribution of Type IIb 10 8 6 4 2 0

9

8

8

3

n=34

3 1

1

Br on ze G Ag eo e m et A ric rc h Cl aic a H ssic e H lle al el le nis n- tic Ro m a R La o n te ma A n n By tiqu za e nt U ine nd at ed

1

Geographical Distribution of Type IIb 13

15 10 5

7

5

4

n=34

4 1

rn

e

te es W

Pe

lo po

nn

er or th N

es

n

l ra nt Ce

ca tti A

A eg ea n

0

Table III.13: Chronological and geographical distributions of type IIb.

176


Chronological Distribution of Type IIc 10 7

8 6

4

4

2

2

2

n=17

2

Br on ze G Ag eo e m et r A ic rc h Cl aic as H sic H elle al el le nist nRo ic m an R La om te A an nt By iqu za e nt i U ne nd at ed

0

Geographical Distribution of Type IIc 20 14

15 10

n=17

5

2

1

rn

e

te es W

nn po lo

Pe

N

or th

er

es

n

l ra nt Ce

ca tti A

A

eg

ea n

0

Table III.14: Chronological and geographical distributions of type IIc.

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407

BRONZE AGE, HELLENISTIC THROUGH BYZANTINE KILNS _____________________________________________

408

APPENDIX I: LIST OF BRONZE AGE AND HELLENISTIC THROUGH BYZANTINE KILNS

Explanatory Note: In this list I adopted the same way of presentation of entries as I did in the Catalogue. First chronologically, Bronze Age (EBA-MBA-LBA). Hellenistic, Hellenistic-Roman, Roman, Late Antique, Byzantine and Undated. Within each period the entries are arranged geographically: Attica, Peloponnese, Central Greece, Western Greece, Northern Greece, and Aegean Islands. Within Attica, I start with Athens and each site is listed alphabetically according to the name of the street. Outside Athens, the sites are listed alphabetically. Within the other regions, the sites are entered alphabetically according to their prefectures and again alphabetically within each prefecture. The numbers after some sites (e.g. Athens, Corinth, Pherai) denote separate workshops that have been excavated in the same site. Kilns believed to belong to the same workshop are labeled A, B, etc. For example, Pherai-7A-C (Stamouli-Bolia Plot) is the seventh recorded workshop in the area and it has three kilns.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

409

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

BA

EH

ADelt 45 (1990) 317-8; M. Pappa, "Egkatavstash Epochv" Calkouv sto Poluvcrono." AEMQ 4 (1990) 385-98, pl. 3, fig. 5.

BA

MH

S. Marinatos, “From the silent earth.” AAA 3 (1970) 14, 61-6; 53, 344; id ., "Anaskafhv Maraqwvno"." PAE 1970, 5-20; R. Hope-Simpson and O.T.P.K. Dickinson, A Gazetteer of Aegean Civilization in the Bronze Age I , 1979, 219.

no. 94

Northern

Chalkidiki

Polychrono

no. 95

Attica

Attica

Marathon-1

no. 96

Peloponnese

Argolis

Lerna-1A

I

b

2.70x1.80

BA

MH

J.L.Caskey, “Excavations at Lerna, 1955.” Hesperia 25 (1956) 159, pl. 41a; K. Syriopoulos, Proistorikoiv Politismoiv th" Peloponnhvsou, 1964, 306, XI 19; P.P. Betancourt, G.H. Myer and J.B. Rutter, “The ceramic petrography of Early Helladic pottery from Lerna.” in Kolb and Lackey 1988, 73-80; Davaras 1980, 126, n. 61.

no. 97

Peloponnese

Argolis

Lerna-1B

I

b

2.50x1.60

BA

MH

supra no. 96.

no. 98

Peloponnese

Argolis

Lerna-1C

I

b

BA

MH

supra no. 96.

no. 99

Peloponnese

Argolis

Lerna-1D

I

b

BA

MH

supra no. 96.

no. 100 Peloponnese

Argolis

Mycenae-1

Unknown

BA

MH

A.J.B. Wace, Mycenae. An Archaeological History and Guide, 1964, 47.

no. 101 Peloponnese

Arcadia

Sparta-3A

Aetos Hill A

I

?

BA

MH

ADelt 35 (1980) 153-7, fig. 3, pl. 57a; BCH 105 (1981) 794, fig. 41; ARepLondon 1980-81, 16-19, fig. 23; H. W. Catling, “Excavation and study at the Menelaion, Sparta 1978-1981.” Lakwnikaiv Spoudaiv 5 (1982) 28-43.

no. 102 Peloponnese

Arcadia

Sparta-3B

Aetos Hill B

I

?

BA

MH

supra no. 101.

Vouratsa Plot

I

a

1

BA

MH

A. Tuor and C. Krause, “Eretria, Ausgrabungen 1979-1980." AntK 1979-1980, 70-87; A. Tuor, "Eine bronzezeitliche Siedlung auf Eub a.” AntK 24 (1981) 83-4. BCH 105 (1981) 847; BCH 106 (1982) 597, figs. 119-121; ARepLondon 1983-84, 16.

I

Phasi

?

1.6-1.7

PERIOD

Unknown

no. 103

Central

Euboea

Eretria-3

no. 104

Central

Phocis

Kirrha-1A

I

b

1.30x0.90

BA

MH

ADelt 44 (1989) 205-6, plan 10, fig. 122a. EUPPO 2 (1998) 99; D. Skorda, “H arcaiologikhv evreuna sthn periochv tou kovlpou th" Iteva" kai tou Galaxidiouv.” in Galaxivdi kai periochv, apov thn arcaiovthta mevcri shvmera, 29-30 Septembrivou 2000 . Forthcoming.

no. 105

Central

Phocis

Kirrha-1B

I

b

1.20x1.00

BA

MH

supra no. 104.

no. 106

Central

Phocis

Kirrha-1C

I

e

2.3

BA

MH

supra no. 104.

no. 107

Central

Trikala

Zarkos

I

?

BA

MH

EUPPO 2 (1998) 113.

no. 108 Peloponnese

Achaia

Aigeira-1

I

a

BA

LH

W. Alzinger, "Aigeira 1976/77." AAA 11 (1978) 148-56; ARepLondon 1976-77, 35.

no. 109

Peloponnese

Argolis

Asine A

I

?

BA

LH III

O. Frödin and A.W.Persson, The Excavations at Asine 1, 1922-1930, 1938, 67, 74-7, figs. 53, 66; B. Sjoberg, "Two possible Late Helladic kilns at Asine: a research note." in Production and the Craftsman, 89-100.; Davaras 1973, 80, C6; id ., 1980, 121, n. 23.

no. 110

Peloponnese

Argolis

Asine B

I

?

BA

LH III

supra no. 109.

Petromagoula


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

410

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

no. 111

Peloponnese

Argolis

Berbati-2

I

b

BA

LH

AA 53 (1938) 533, fig. 11; A. Akerström, "Das mykenische Töpferviertel in Berbati in der Argolis." in Bericht über den VI. Internationalen Kongress für Archäologie, Berlin, 21.-26. August 1939, 1940, 296-8, pl. 20a; The same article in English translation: “A Mycenaen potter’s factory at Berbati near Mycenae.” Atti e Memorie del 1o Congresso internazionale di micenologia, 1968, 48-53; A. Akerström, Berbati II: The Pictorial Pottery, 1987; Schallin 1997; Lupack 1999; Cook 1961, 65, D2; Belsché et al. 1963, 11, HB; Davaras 1973, 80, C3; id ., 1980, 115, n.3.

no. 112

Peloponnese

Argolis

Tiryns A

I

?

BA

LH III

H. Dragendorff, "Tiryns. Vorbericht über die Grabungen." AM 38 (1913) 328-54, esp. 339-40, figs. 3-4; G. Karo, Führer durch Tiryns,1934, 33; U. Jantzen, Führer durch Tiryns, 1975, 40. H. Mommsen et al. "Neutron Activation Analysis of Mycenaean pottery from the Argolis: the search for reference groups." Archaeometry Symposium 26 (1988) 165-71; Cook 1961, 65, D7; Davaras 1973, 80, C5; id., 1980, 117, n. 5.

no. 113

Peloponnese

Argolis

Tiryns B

II

?

1.60x1.50

BA

LH III

C.K. Kilian et al. "Ausgrabungen in Tiryns 1978/1979." AA 1981, 149-256, figs. 14, 18.

no. 114

Peloponnese

Messenia

Pylos

I

b

1.5

BA

LH IIIB

no. 115

Central

Boeotia

Thebes-1

I

b

BA

LH III

A. Keramopoulos, "H oijkiva tou' Kavdmou." AEphem 1909, 56-122, esp. 61; id., "A iJ biomhcanivai kaiv to; ejmpovrion tou' Kavdmou." AEphem 1930, 2958; A.W. Persson, New Tombs at Dendra near Midea, 1942, 148, 151; S. Symeonoglou, The Topography of Thebes, 1985, 223; Cook 1961, 65, D6; Davaras 1973, 79, C1; id. , 1980, 124, n. 49.

no. 116

Central

Magnesia

Dimini

Tsakanika Plot

I

e

3.95

BA

LH III

V. Adrimi-Sismani, “ Newvtera dedomevna twn ereunwvn gia thn arcaiva Iwlkov.” Praktikav episthmonikhv" sunavnthsh" 1 2/05 /1993, 1994, 17-44; id., “ Mukhnai>kovv" keramikovv" klivbano" sto Dimhvni.” H Perifevreia tou Mukhnaikouv kovsmou. Praktikav A v dieqnouv" diepisthmonikouv sumposivou, Lamiva 25-29 Septembrivou , 2000, 131-42; ADelt 47 (1992) 222-3, plan 1; BCH 118 (1994) 734.

no. 117

Central

Magnesia

Pherai-4

Saranti Plot

I

b

1.6

BA

LH IIIC

no. 118

Aegean

Cyclades

Naxos A

Metropoli A

I

?

1.5

BA

LH

ADelt 39 (1984) 295; ADelt 49 (1994) 668; Ergon 1983; Ergon 1984; PAE 1983, 304-11; PAE 1994, 167-9; pls. 104-105.

no. 119

Aegean

Cyclades

Naxos B

Metropoli B

I

?

BA

LH

supra no. 118.

no. 120

Aegean

Cos

Cos A

Saraglio, Vassiliou Plot A

I

a

BA

MM

ADelt 35 (1980) 547-57; ADelt 36 (1981) 409, fig. 309a; ADelt 39 (1984) 329-35; BCH 113 (1989) 675; BCH 115 (1991) 931.

no. 121

Aegean

Cos

Cos B

Saraglio, Vassiliou Plot B

I

a

BA

LM IA

no. 122

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Phaistos-2

Palace

I

e

2.5

BA

MM IIB

D. Levi, Annuario 27-28 (1965-66) 351-4, figs. 43-44; D. Levi, Festos e la Civiltà Minoica, 1976, 327, figs. 494, 510; E. Pernier and L. Banti, Il Palazzo minoico di Festos II, 215-7, figs. 134-135, 285 (at point 53); Belsché et al. 1963; Davaras 1980, A6; Evely 2000, no. 3.

no. 123

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Zakros-1

II

e

3.00x2.00

BA

MM IIIA

Ergon 1973, 106-7, fig. 100; Ergon 1975, 180-1, figs. 179-180. PAE 1973, 137-66; PAE 1974 , 344. N. Platon, 1979, 1980; L. Platon, The Workshops and Working Areas of Minoan Crete. The Evidence of the Palace and Town of Zakros for a Comparative Study, 1988.

C. Blegen and M. Lang, “The Palace of Nestor, Excavations at 1959-Part I." AJA 64 (1960) 113-64, esp. 155, pl. 40.9; C. Blegen, The Palace of Nestor at Pylos, I, 1966, 18-19; C. Blegen et al., The Palace of Nestor at Pylos in Western Messenia, III, 1973, 19, figs. 44, 45, 307; Galaty 1999, 26; Cook 1961, 65, D5; Davaras 1973, 80, C7; id. , 1980, 122, no. 29.

A. Batziou-Eustathiou, “Mukhnai>kov" kerameikovv" klivbano".” in Thessalie, 215-24; BCH 117 (1993) 834; BCH 119 (1995) 922.

supra no. 120.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

411

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

BA

MM IIIA-LM IA

REFERENCES

S. Marinatos, “Anaskafaiv megavrou Baqupevtrou Krhvth"” PAE 1951, 258-72; id. “Anaskafaiv ejn Baquvpetrw.” PAE 1952, 592-610; id ., " Anaskafaiv ejn Baquvpetro Krhvth"" PAE 1953, 298; id., “ Anaskafaiv ejn Lukavstrw kai; Baquvpetro, PAE 1955, 306-10, pl. 115 S. Hood, The Minoans, 1971, 83; J. Driessen and J. Sakellarakis, “The Vathypetro complex. Some observations on its architectural history and function.” in R. H gg (ed.), The Function of the Minoan Villa. Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 6-8 June 1992, 1997, 63-77; Davaras 1973, 79, A3; id ., 1980, 124, n. 27; Momigliano 1986, 78, no.6; Evely 2000, no. 10.

no. 124

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Vathypetro

II

e

no. 125

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Zou

II

e

2.30x1.70

BA

MM IIIB

N. Platon "Anaskafaiv eij" th;n perioch' Shteiva"." PAE 1952, 630-48. N. Platon, "Anaskafhv minwikh'" ajgroikiva" eij" Zou' Shteiva"." PAE 1956, 23240; ARepLond 1956, 23; Fasti Arch. 17 (1962) 2258; Cook 1961, D8; Davaras 1973, 79, A2; id ., 1980, 20, n. 16; Momigliano 1986, 77, no. 3-4.

no. 126

Aegean

Crete-Chania

Stylos

I

e

2.3

BA

LM IIIB

* Davaras 1973b; Momigliano 1986, 77, no. 7; ARepLondon 1974-75, 28; Betancourt 1985, pl. 15.7; Evely 2000, no. 8.

no. 127

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves A

Koukouvitaki Plot A

I

?

BA

LMIIB

ADelt 50 (1995) 771-8; Hadji-Vallianou 1995, 1997.

no. 128

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves B

Koukouvitaki Plot B

I

?

1.1

BA

LMIIB

supra no. 127.

no. 129

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves C

Koukouvitaki Plot C

II

?

2.20x1.10

BA

LMIIB

supra no. 127.

no. 130

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves D

Koukouvitaki Plot D

I

?

BA

LMIIB

supra no. 127.

no. 131

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves E

Koukouvitaki Plot E

I

?

0.9

BA

LMIIB

supra no. 127.

no. 132

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves F

Koukouvitaki Plot F

I

?

1.5

BA

LMIIB

supra no. 127.

no. 133

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves G

Koukouvitaki Plot G

I

?

0.80x0.60

BA

LMIIB

supra no. 127.

no. 134

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves H

Koukouvitaki Plot H

I

?

1.19x0.88

BA

LMIIB

supra no. 127.

no. 135

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves J

Koukouvitaki Plot J

I

?

BA

LMIIB

supra no. 127.

no. 136

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves I

Koukouvitaki Plot I

I

?

BA

LMIIB

supra no. 127.

no. 137

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Gouves K

Koukouvitaki Plot K

I

b

BA

LMIIB

supra no. 127.

no. 138

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Knossos-3

SE of the palace

II

e

BA

LM II

BCH 82 (1958) 785, fig. 12; ARepLondon 1957, 24; Fasti Arch. 12 (1957) 2019; Cook 1961, 65, D3-4; Belsché et al. 1963, 10, GA; Davaras 1980, 120, n. 13; Evely 2000, no. 16.

no. 139

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Knossos-4A

Stratigraphical Museum A

II

e

1.80x1.00

BA

LM IA-IB

* ADelt 33 (1978) 360-1; ADelt 34 (1979) 386; ARepLondon 1979-1980, 49; ARepLondon 1981, 73-92; D.H. Tarling and W.S. Downey, "Archaeomagnetic study of the Late Minoan kiln 2. Stratigraphical Museum Extension, Knossos." BSA 84 (1989) 345-52; Evely 2000, nos. 11-13.

no. 140

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Knossos-4B

Stratigraphical Museum B

II

e

2.94x1.45

BA

LM IA-IB

supra no. 139.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

Stratigraphical Museum C

I

a

Chalara

I

a

412

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

BA

LM IA-IB

1.2

BA

LMIB-LMIIIC

9.00x3.40

BA

Levi and Laviosa 1979/80; Evely 2000, no. 14.

BA

Ergon 1957, 92-4; Momigliano 1986, 78, no. 11.

no. 141

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Knossos-4C

no. 142

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Phaistos-3

no. 143

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Agia Triadha

II

e

no. 144

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Metropoli, Gortyna

II

e?

no. 145

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Kommos

II

e

5.40x4.10

BA

no. 146

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Achladia

I

f

2.00x1.75

BA

N. Platon, "Anaskafhv periochv" Shteiva"." PAE 1952, 630-48; Davaras 1980; Evely 2000, no. 7.

no. 147

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Zakros-2

I

f

2.00x1.35

BA

N. Platon, "Anaskafaiv periochv" Shteiva"." PAE 1952, 646, fig. 25; Krhtikav Cronikav 6 (1952) 479; Cook 1961, 65, D1; Davaras 1980; Momigliano 1986, 78, no. 8.

no. 148

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Mochlos A

I

f

2.00x0.70

BA

LM IB

J. S. Soles, “A community of craft specialists at Mochlos.” in TECNH, 425-31; BCH 118 (1994) 813; BCH 119 (1995) 1019.

no. 149

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Mochlos B

I

g

BA

LM IB

supra no. 148.

no. 150

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Palaikastro

I

g

2.68

BA

no. 151

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Kavousi

I

a

2.13x1.88

BA

LMIIIC

ADelt 42 (1987) 581; P.L. Day, W.D.E. Coulson, and G.C. Gesell, "A new Early Iron Age kiln at Kavousi, Crete." RdA 13 (1989) 104-6; G.C. Gessel, L.P. Day, and W.D.E. Coulson, “Excavations at Kavousi, Crete, 1987.” Hesperia 57 (1988) 279-302; Evely 2000, no. 8a.

no. 152

Aegean

Crete-Rethymno

Armenoi

Unknown

BA

LM III

ADelt 29 (1973-74) 917-21; ADelt 31 (1976) 368-372; ADelt 33 (1978) 378-81; ADelt 35 (1980) 512-17; Myers et al. 1992.

no. 153

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Zakros-2A

Sfakas, Kokkino Frydi

Unknown

BA

LM IA

S. Chrysoulaki, "Ergasthvria sthn periochv Sfavka" Zavkrou." in Kerameikav Ergasthvria, 16-23.

no. 154

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Zakros-2B

Sfakas, Kokkino Frydi

Unknown

BA

LM IA

supra no. 153.

no. 155

Attica

Attica

Athens-13A

Euangelismos A

II

?

3.00 x 3.00

Hellenistic

2nd century BC

BCH 120 (1996) 1124; Parlama and Stampolidis 2000, 209-14.

no. 156

Attica

Attica

Athens-13B

Euangelismos B

II

?

3.00 x 3.00

Hellenistic

2nd century BC

supra no. 155.

no. 157

Attica

Attica

Athens-13C

Euangelismos C

I

g

3.00 x 3.00

Hellenistic

2nd century BC

supra no. 155.

no. 158

Attica

Attica

Athens-14

Kerameikos-5

II

b

3.00x3.00

Hellenistic

ADelt 23 (1968) 31; K. Gebauer, "Ausgrabungen in Kerameikos." AA 1936, 210, fig. 21T.

no. 159

Attica

Attica

Athens-15

Makriyianni

Hellenistic

Parlama and Stampolidis 2000, 34, fig. 4; ADelt 39 (1984) 8-10.

no. 160

Attica

Attica

Athens-16A

37, Pallinaion St. ASerefoglou Plot

II

?

3.00x1.75

Hellenistic

ADelt 35 (1980) 24-41; ADelt 36 (1981) 5-7, 10-25, pls. 16 b-c; BCH 113 (1989) 587-88.

no. 161

Attica

Attica

Athens-16B

37, Pallinaion St. BSerefoglou Plot

II

?

3.00x1.80

Hellenistic

supra no. 160.

Unknown

LM I A-IB

supra no. 139.

D. Levi, "L' abitato di Festos in località Chalara." ASAtene 45/46 (1967/68), 55-166, esp. 71; Davaras 1980, 120, n. 14; Momigliano 1986, 78, no.10; Evely 2000, no. 6.

*Shaw et al. 2001; Shaw et al. 1997; BCH 118 (1994) 831; BCH 119 (1995) 1026; BCH 120 (1996) 1335.

ADelt 33 (1978) 390; Davaras 1980. Evely 2000, no. 5.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

413

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

no. 162

Attica

Attica

Attica

Spata 1

I

?

1.2

Hellenistic

G. Steinhauer, " vEreuna cwvrou aerodromivou Spavtwn." PAE 1982, 122-126. Mesogaia 2000.

no. 163

Attica

Attica

Attica

Spata 2

I

?

1.5

Hellenistic

supra no. 162.

no. 164

Attica

Attica

Attica

Spata 3

II

?

2.5

Hellenistic

supra no. 162.

no. 165

Attica

Attica

Attica

Spata 4

II

?

5.00x2.50

Hellenistic

supra no. 162.

no. 166

Attica

Attica

Attica

Spata 5

II

?

8.50x6.20

Hellenistic

supra no. 162.

no. 167

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-1

Germanou and K. Palaiologou St.

Hellenistic

BCH 115 (1991) 870.

no. 168

Peloponnese

Argolis

Argos-2

Agros Piteros

Hellenistic

ADelt 46 (1991) 100, pl. 546.

no. 169

Peloponnese

Argolis

Argos-3

Archaias Voulis St.

Unknown

Hellenistic

ADelt 37 (1982) 96; BCH 114 (1990) 727.

no. 170

Peloponnese

Argolis

Argos-4

N. Kourou St.

Unknown

Hellenistic

ADelt 18 (1963) 62, pl. 73a.

Paliopyrgos, N. and B Blogiari Plot

Unknown

Hellenistic

ADelt 35 (1980) 111-20; ADelt 36 (1981) 107-14; BCH 113 (1989) 602, 709, fig. 11.

Unknown

II

?

no. 171

Peloponnese

Argolis

Argos-5

no. 172

Peloponnese

Elis

Ancient Elis-2A

II

b

6.80x6.80

Hellenistic

ADelt 26 (1971) 138-42, plan 1, pl. 120b.

no. 173

Peloponnese

Elis

Ancient Elis-2B

II

b

3.80x3.60

Hellenistic

supra no. 173.

no. 174

Peloponnese

Elis

Ancient Elis-2C

I

g

2.8

Hellenistic

supra no. 173.

no. 175

Central

Boeotia

Elateia

I

a

Hellenistic

ADelt 41 (1987) 65-6, pl. 66c; BCH 117 (1993) 829.

no. 176

Central

Boeotia

Pyrgaki/Palaiomazi

Unknown

Hellenistic

ARepLondon 1982-83, 32.

no. 177

Central

Euboea

Eretria-4

Hellenistic

ADelt 21 (1966) 257-61, pls. 328 a-b.

no. 178

Central

Euboea

Karystos-2

Site no. 57

Hellenistic

Keller 1985, 114, 222-3.

no. 179

Central

Karditsa

Metropoli-1

Papadouli Plot

I

?

Hellenistic

ADelt 40 (1985) 195, pl . 68b; BCH 115 (1991) 893, fig. 72.

no. 180

Central

Karditsa

Metropoli-2

Kotoula Plot

I

?

Hellenistic

BCH 122 (1998) 832; EUPPO 1 (1997) 93.

no. 181

Central

Larissa

Krannon A

II

b

5.70x5.70

Hellenistic

Late Hellenistic

ADelt 29 (1973-74) 564, plan 4, pl. 376.

no. 182

Central

Larissa

Krannon B

II

b

3.00x3.00

Hellenistic

Late Hellenistic

supra no. 181.

SE sector of the city

II

b

Unknown

0.59


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

414

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

no. 183

Central

Locris

Atalante-1A

Karagiozi Rema A

I

?

Hellenistic

Unpublished.

no. 184

Central

Locris

Atalante-1B

Karagiozi Rema B

I

?

Hellenistic

Unpublished.

no. 185

Central

Locris

Atalante-2A

Kolomvrezos Plot A

I

b

3.50x3.10

Hellenistic

L. Lambropoulou, "Duvo keramikoiv klivbanoi sthn Atalavnth Lokrivdo"." AAA 16 (1983) 74-9; ADelt 35 (1980) 232-6; ADelt 36 (1981) 214-8; BCH 110 (1986) 708; BCH 113 (1989) 629; ARepLondon 1985-86, 41.

no. 186

Central

Locris

Atalante-2B

Kolomvrezos Plot B

I

b

5.85x4.10

Hellenistic

supra no. 186.

no. 187

Central

Locris

Atalante-3

Kioulafa Plot

I

b

Hellenistic

ADelt 47 (1992) 200.

no. 188

Central

Magnesia

Pherai-5

Merminga Plot

I

?

Hellenistic

ADelt 35 (1980) 271, pl. 123a; ARepLondon 1988-89, 56.

no. 189

Central

Magnesia

Pherai-6

Agrokosta Plot (Avlagadia Area)

II

b

5.00x2.50

Hellenistic

ADelt 35 (1980) 269-73; ADelt 36 (1981) 249; BCH 113 (1989) 637; BCH 115 (1991) 891, fig. 69; BCH 117 (1993) 834; Doulgeri-Intzesiloglou 1990a, 1990b, 1992, 1994, 1997a, 1997b.

no. 190

Central

Magnesia

Pherai-7A

Stamouli Plot- Bolia Plot A

I

a

1.45

Hellenistic

2nd cent. BC

supra no. 189.

no. 191

Central

Magnesia

Pherai-7B

Stamouli Plot- Bolia Plot B

I

a

1.35

Hellenistic

2nd cent. BC

supra no. 189.

no. 192

Central

Magnesia

Pherai-7C

Stamouli Plot- Bolia Plot C

I

a

0.65

Hellenistic

2nd cent. BC

supra no. 189.

no. 193

Central

Phocis

Kassope

House 5

I

?

no. 194

Western

Arta

Papadates A

Ftelobryso-Deka Plot

I

a

no. 195

Western

Arta

Papadates B

Ftelovryso-Deka Plot

I

a

no. 196

Western

Arta

Arta-2

Sklivanitis Plot

Unknown

no. 197

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto A

Mikalef Plot A

I

no. 198

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto B

Mikalef Plot B

I

Hellenistic

S.I. Dakaris, " jAnaskafhv sthn Kasswvph H j peivrou." PAE 1980, 21-32, fig. 4, pl. 37a; id., " Anaskafhv sthn Kasswvph." PAE 1981, 72-7, pl. 75a; BCH 106 (1982) 559.

2.3

Hellenistic

ADelt 42 (1987) 179-81; BCH 117 (1993) 819, fig. 85.

0.8

Hellenistic

supra no. 194.

1

Hellenistic

ADelt 39 (1984) 178-93; BCH 115 (1991) 878.

a

2

Hellenistic

* Kourkoumelis and Demesticha 1997; Preka-Alexandri 1992; * D. Kourkoumelis, Recherches Archéologiques à Corfu. Topographie, Questions historiques. Amphores de Transport et Commerce Attique. Thèse Aix-en-Provence, 1988; ADelt 38 (1983) 252-3; ADelt 40 (1985) 228-9; ADelt 42 (1987) 336-7; ADelt 43 (1988) 338-40; ADelt 44 (1989) 296; ADelt 45 (1990) 286; ADelt 46 (1991) 255; ADelt 47 (1992) 334; ADelt 50 (1995) 435-7; Ergon 1975, 77; Ergon 1982, 62; BCH 119 (1995) 893; Lang 1996, 129.

a

2.5

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

415

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

no. 199

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto C

Mikalef Plot C

I

a

no. 200

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto D

Mikalef Plot D

I

a

no. 201

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto E

Mikalef Plot E

I

no. 202

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto F

Mikalef Plot F

no. 203

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto G

no. 204

Western

Ionian

no. 205

Western

no. 206

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

1.9

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

a

1.15-1.35

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

I

a

2.8

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

Mikalef Plot G

I

a

1.10-1.30

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

Corfu-Figaretto H

Mikalef Plot H

I

a

1.10-1.30

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto I

Mikalef Plot I

I

a

1.2

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto J

Mikalef Plot J

I

?

1.60-1.92

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

no. 207

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto K

Mikalef Plot K

I

?

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

no. 208

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto L

Mikalef Plot L

I

a

1.4

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

no. 209

Western

Ionian

Corfu-Figaretto M

Mikalef Plot M

I

a

0.8

Hellenistic

supra no. 197.

no. 210

Northern

Kozanis

Polymylos-1A

I

?

Hellenistic

ADelt 50 (1995) 568-9; "Via Egnatia. Ancient Greek cities along a restored Roman road." Minerva 11 (2000) 41-2.

no. 211

Northern

Kozanis

Polymylos-1B

I

?

3

Hellenistic

supra no. 210.

no. 212

Northern

Pella

Dion A

II

c

2.60x.3.00

Hellenistic

S. Pingiatoglou, " To ierov th" Dhvmhtra" sto Divon." AEMQ 10 (1996) 225-32.

no. 213

Northern

Pella

Dion B

II

?

3.60x3.60

Hellenistic

supra no. 212.

no. 214

Northern

Pella

Pella-2

South of Area I

I

a

Hellenistic

ADelt 18 (1963) 200, 202, plan 2, pl. 240d.

no. 215

Northern

Pella

Pella-3

South of Area I

II

b

Hellenistic

C. Makaronas, " Anaskafaiv Pevllh" 1957-1960." ADelt 16 (1960) Meletai 72-83, plan 2, pl. 50b; BCH 83 (1959) 702, fig. 20; ARepLondon 1958, 13, fig. 16.

no. 216

Northern

Pella

Pella-4

Area I

Unknown

Hellenistic

supra no. 215.

no. 217

Northern

Pella

Pella-5

Sanctuary of the Mother of Gods

Unknown

Hellenistic

M. Lilimbaki-Akamati, "Ierav th" Pevvlla"." in Povli" kai Cwvra sthn Arcaiva Makedoniva kai Qravkh. Mnhvmh D. Lazarivdh. Praktikav arcaiologikouv sunedrivou Kabavla 9-11 Maivou 1986, 1990, 195-200.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

416

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

no. 218

Northern

Pella

Pella-6A

Tsagarli Plot A

I

a

1

Hellenistic

1st cent. BC

ADelt 48 (1993) 395, pls. 111 a-b; *Lilimbaki-Akamati 1993; BCH 120 (1996) 1242, figs. 164-5.

no. 219

Northern

Pella

Pella-6B

Tsagarli Plot B

I

a

1.7

Hellenistic

1st cent. BC

supra no. 218.

no. 220

Northern

Pella

Pella-6C

Tsagarli Plot C

I

a

1.7

Hellenistic

1st cent. BC

supra no. 218.

no. 221

Northern

Pella

Pella-6D

Tsagarli Plot D

I

a

1.2

Hellenistic

1st cent. BC

supra no. 218.

no. 222

Northern

Pella

Pella-6E

Tsagarli Plot E

I

a

2.5

Hellenistic

1st cent. BC

supra no. 218.

no. 223

Northern

Pella

Pella-6F

Tsagarli Plot F

II

c

3.5

Hellenistic

1st cent. BC

supra no. 218.

no. 224

Northern

Kavala

Amphipoli-2

I

?

2.8

Hellenistic

no. 225

Northern

Kavala

Thasos-3

Gounophia

I

a

Hellenistic

no. 226

Northern

Kavala

Thasos-4

Vamvouri-Ammoudia

I

a

Hellenistic

BCH 104 (1980) 741, fig. 29.

no. 227

Aegean

Cyclades

Amorgos-2

Minoa

I

f

1

Hellenistic

PAE 1984, pl. 194d; PAE 1986, 225, pl. 91a-b; PAE 1998, 163-88, plan 2; V. Pappa, "Apov thn ellhnistikhv keramikhv th" Minwva"." in Ellhnistikhv kerameikhv apov to Aigaivo , 1994, 82-99; id. , "Ergasthvria paragwghv" megarikwvn skuvfwn sthn Amorgov." D V EllKer, 352-8. "Minwva Amorgouv. Ellhnistikhv keramikhv apov thn tomhv sto bovreio toivco tou Gumnasivou." E v EllKer, 105-14.

no. 228

Aegean

Cyclades

Paros A

Skiada Plot A

I

a

2.5

Hellenistic

ADelt 41 (1986) 213; ADelt 42 (1987) 490-1, plan 1; ADelt 43 (1988) 490-1, plan 10; ADelt 47 (1992) 539-44, fig. 2; BCH 117 (1993) 878; BCH 118 (1994) 788; Zapheirophoulou 1992; Archeologia 299 (1994), 5; id ., Archeologia 300 (1994) 5-6. Y. Kourayos and P. Zapheiropoulou, "La capitale antique de Paros." Archeologia 302 (1994), 36-43; Y. Kourayos, "Une exposition permanente à Paros." Archeologia 311 (1995) 12.

no. 229

Aegean

Cyclades

Paros B

Skiada Plot B

I

a

0.75

Hellenistic

supra no. 228.

no. 230

Aegean

Cyclades

Paros C

Skiada Plot C

I

a

0.75

Hellenistic

supra no. 228.

no. 231

Aegean

Cyclades

Paros D

Skiada Plot D

I

a

1

Hellenistic

supra no. 228.

no. 232

Aegean

Cyclades

Paros E

Skiada Plot E

I

a

0.8

Hellenistic

supra no. 228.

no. 233

Aegean

Cyclades

Paros F

Skiada Plot F

I

a

1.85

Hellenistic

supra no. 228.

no. 234

Aegean

Cyclades

Tenos

Hellenistic

Whitbread 1995, 42; R. Etienne and J. Gautier, “Recherches sur la ceramique de Tenos. Etude petrographique.’ in Rougemont, G. (ed.) Les Cyclades: Materiaux pour une étude de geographie historique , 1993, 191-200, 204.

no. 235

Aegean

Dodekanese

Lemnos-1

Hellenistic

BCH 109 (1985) 830; ARepLondon 1980-81, 41; ARepLondon 1982-83, 50.

Unknown

Hephaisteia Sanctuary

I

?

D. Lazaridis, "Anaskafaiv kai evreunai th" Amfivpolh"." PAE 1982, 43-51.

4th-3rd cent. B.C.

BCH 110 (1986) 809, figs. 30-31; ARepLondon 1985-86, 81.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

417

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

no. 236

Aegean

Dodekanese

Lemnos-2


Unknown

Hellenistic

supra no. 235.

no. 237

Aegean

Dodekanese

Lemnos-3


Unknown

Hellenistic

supra no. 235.

no. 238

Aegean

Dodekanese

Rhodes-2

Aphantou

Unknown

Hellenistic

BCH 119 (1995) 1014.

no. 239

Aegean

Dodekanese

Rhodes-3

Charaki

Unknown

Hellenistic

ADelt 39 (1984) 328; BCH 115 (1991) 936.

no. 240

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Knossos-5

Kephali Monastery

Hellenistic

Unpublished.

no. 241

Aegean

Crete-Rethymno

Eleutherna

Hellenistic

Krhtikhv Estiva 4 (1991-93) 247-63; T. Kalpaxis, "Ellhnistikov" klivbano" keramikhv" sthn arcaiva Eleuvqerna." in Kerameikavv Ergasthvria, 25760; T. Kalpaxis, A. Furtwängle, and A. Schnapp, Eleuvqerna, Tomeva" II, 2. vEna ellhnistikov spivti (Spivti A) sth qevsh Nhsiv, 1994, 178-82; N. Tsatsaki, "Keramikhv apov evna ellhnistikov spivti sthn Eleuvqerna." E v EllKer, 45-51; BCH 118 (1994) 832.

no. 242

Attica

Attica

Argyroupoli

no. 243

Attica

Attica

Voula-2

Voula

no. 244

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-2

7, Nikita and Karatza Sts.

no. 245

Peloponnese

Argolis

Argos-6

Hypostyle Hall

no. 246

Central

Boeotia

no. 247

Central

no. 248

Marathonomachon St., Vouliagmeni Ave., and Alimou Ave.

0.9

II

b

I

b

II

?

1.3

Hellen-roman

ADelt 42 (1987) 69-70; ADelt 44 (1989) 55-6; BCH 115 (1991) 845; BCH 117 (1993) 773; BCH 120 (1996) 1126.

Hellen-roman

ADelt 42 (1987) 89; BCH 117 (1993) 776.

Hellen-roman

ADelt 35 (1980) 174, fig. 2.

Unknown

Hellen-roman

ADelt 31 (1976) 111, pl. 77b; BCH 97 (1973) 482-9.

Akraifnio

Unknown

Hellen-roman

EUPPO 2 (1998) 174.

Boeotia

Aulis

II

?

Hellen-roman

Ergon 1956, 33-7; Ergon 1958, 53-60; Ergon 1959 24-31; Ergon 1960, 49-53; Ergon 1961, 48-51; PAE 1956, 94-104; PAE 1957, 45-51, fig. 60; PAE 1959, 26-9, fig. 29; PAE 1960, 42-43, fig. 22; BCH 80 (1956) 297-8; BCH 81 (1957) 586-8; BCH 83 (1959) 683-7; BCH 84 (1960) 760-3; BCH 85 (1961) 751-3; ARepLondon 1956, 15; ARepLondon 1958, 10; ARepLondon 1959, 13; ARepLondon 1960, 14; ARepLondon 1961, 12; Leeskey 1980, 17; J. Travlos, "Trei" naoiv th" Artevmido"." in U. Jantzen (ed.), Neue Forschungen in griechischen Heilgtümern, 1976, 197-206; Cook 1961, 67, J5.

Central

Euboea

Chalkis-1

I

?

2

Hellen-roman

E. Sapouna-Sakellaraki, “Apov thn Euvboia kai Skuvro.” AAA 19 (1986) 27-44.

no. 249

Northern

Florina

Philotas A-Ancient Eordaia

II

c

2.30x2.00

no. 250

Northern

Florina

Philotas B-Ancient Eordaia

II

c

no. 251

Attica

Attica

Athens-17

Aktaiou-EptahalkouHephaisteion Sts.

II

a

1.80x1.80

Roman

ADelt 40 (1985) 25-7, pl. 11c; BCH 116 (1992) 841, fig. 10.

no. 252

Attica

Attica

Athens-18

6-8, Aktaiou-Eptahalkou Sts.

I

f

2.1

Roman

ADelt 49 (1994) 38-9, plan 5.

no. 253

Attica

Attica

Athens-19

Amalias St.

Roman

EUPPO 2 (1998) 74.

Papadimitriou Agros

Unknown

I

Unknown

f

1.9

Hellen-roman eHellenistic-Early Rom K. Moschakis, "O kerameikov" klivbano" K3 ston Filwvta Flwvrina"." AAA 16-18 (1996) 189-200; BCH 122 (1998) 850-1, fig. 158.

Hellen-roman Hellenistic-Early Ro supra no. 249.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

418

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

Roman

Eleuqerotupiva (daily press) 26.5.96, 10.4.07, 11.4.97; BCH 122 (1998) 724.

1.2

Roman

ADelt 25 (1970) 60, fig. 16.

a

1.80x1.40

Roman

Late Roman

AAA 1 (1968) 224-9; ADelt 24 (1969) 37-41; BCH 95 (1971) 819; Karivieri 1996.

II

a

2.50x2.50

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 256.

7-9 Kekropos St.

II

?

Roman

Kerameikos-6

I

?

Roman

4th-6th cent. A.D.

Athens-25A

Kerameikos-7A-Bau Y

II

a

Roman

Late Roman

U. Knigge and A. Rügler, "Die Ausgrabungen im Kerameikos 1986/1987." AA 1989, 80-99, plan 1, figs. 7-8; ARepLondon 1988-89, 11, fig. 5.

Attica

Athens-25B

Kerameikos-7B- Bau Y

II

a

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 260.

Attica

Attica

Athens-25C

Kerameikos-7C- Bau Y

II

a

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 260.

no. 263

Attica

Attica

Athens-25D

Kerameikos-7D- Bau Y

II

a

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 260.

no. 264

Attica

Attica

Athens-25E

Kerameikos-7E- Bau Y

II

a

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 260.

no. 265

Attica

Attica

Athens-25F

Kerameikos-7F- Bau Y

II

a

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 260.

no. 266

Attica

Attica

Athens-25G

Kerameikos-7G- Bau Y

II

a

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 260.

no. 267

Attica

Attica

Athens-25H

Kerameikos-7H- Bau Y

II

a

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 260.

no. 268

Attica

Attica

Athens-25J

Kerameikos-7I- Bau Y

II

a

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 260.

no. 269

Attica

Attica

Athens-25I

Kerameikos-7J- Bau Y

II

a

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 260.

no. 270

Attica

Attica

Athens-26

Kerameikos-8 Pompeion

II

a

2.08x2.08

Roman

W. Zschietzschmann, "Einbauten im griechischen Pompeion." AM 56 (1931) 90-6; AA 1937, 185-6; W. Hoepfner, Das Pompeion und seine Nachforgerbauten. 1976, 172, fig. 158; Cook 1961, 66, J1; Belsché et al. 1963, 11, HE.

no. 271

Attica

Attica

Athens-27A

Kerameikos- 9APropylon of the Pompeion A

II

a

1.20x1.20

Roman

W. Hoepfner, Das Pompeion und seine Nachforgerbauten. 1976, 173, figs. 185-9; Cook 1961, 66, J2.

no. 272

Attica

Attica

Athens-27B

Kerameikos-9B Propylon of the Pompeion B

II

a

1.00x1.00

Roman

supra no. 271.

no. 273

Attica

Attica

Athens-28

no. 254

Attica

Attica

Athens-20

Asomaton Square

no. 255

Attica

Attica

Athens-21

16-18, Athanassiou Diakou St.

I

?

no. 256

Attica

Attica

Athens-22A

5, Demophon St. A; Ifantidou Plot

II

no. 257

Attica

Attica

Athens-22B

5, Demophon St. B; Ifantidou Plot

no. 258

Attica

Attica

Athens-23

no. 259

Attica

Attica

Athens-24

no. 260

Attica

Attica

no. 261

Attica

no. 262

Kerameikos-10 West of Sacred Gate

Unknown

Unknown

Roman

ADelt 24 (1969) 50.

4th cent. A.D.

U. Knigge, "Tätigkeitbericht Kerameikos 1977." AA 1979, 178-87, fig. 15.

Cook 1961, 67, J4.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

419

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

no. 274

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-1

Kotzia Square 1

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou 1988; ADelt 43 (1988) 22-9; BCH 110 (1986) 676; BCH 111 (1987) 525; BCH 112 (1988) 617; BCH 119 (1995) 854.

no. 275

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-2

Kotzia Square 2

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 276

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-3

Kotzia Square 3

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 277

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-4

Kotzia Square 4

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 278

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-5

Kotzia Square 5

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 279

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-6

Kotzia Square 6

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 280

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-7

Kotzia Square 7

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 281

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-8

Kotzia Square 8

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 282

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-9

Kotzia Square 9

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 283

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-10

Kotzia Square 10

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 284

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-11

Kotzia Square 11

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 285

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-12

Kotzia Square 12

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 286

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-13

Kotzia Square 13

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 287

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-14

Kotzia Square 14

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 288

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-15

Kotzia Square 15

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 289

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-16

Kotzia Square 16

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 290

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-17

Kotzia Square 17

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 291

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-18

Kotzia Square 18

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 292

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-19

Kotzia Square 19

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 293

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-20

Kotzia Square 20

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 294

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-21

Kotzia Square 21

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

420

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

no. 295

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-22

Kotzia Square 22

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 296

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-23

Kotzia Square 23

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 297

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-24

Kotzia Square 24

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 298

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-25

Kotzia Square 25

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 299

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-26

Kotzia Square 26

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 300

Attica

Attica

Athens-29-27

Kotzia Square 27

II

?

Roman

3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 274.

no. 301

Attica

Attica

Glyfada

no. 302

Attica

Attica

Marathon-2

National Road, 34th km

I

?

no. 303

Attica

Attica

Marathon-3


I

no. 304

Attica

Attica

Marathon-4


no. 305

Attica

Attica

Marathon-5


no. 306

Attica

Attica

Eleusis

Perikleous St.

Unknown

II

?

Roman

ADelt 29 (1973-74) 79, plan 34; ADelt 42 (1987) 34-49; BCH 117 (1993) 782.

II

b

Roman

ADelt 29 (1973-74) 79, plan 32-33.

Unknown

Roman

ADelt 44 (1989) 44-5.

ADelt 44 (1989) 45, plan 8, pl. 38a.

Ion. Metaxa St.

no. 307

Attica

Attica

Megara-1

42, Konstran. Palaiologou St.

no. 308

Attica

Attica

Megara-2

28th October St.

no. 309

Attica

Attica

Megara-3

Sahtouri St.

no. 310

Attica

Attica

Megara-4

no. 311

Attica

Attica

Roman

ADelt 35 (1980) 67, fig. 3; BCH 113 (1989) 588; ARepLondon 1988-89, 16.

Roman

ADelt 46 (1991) 70, pl. 38d; BCH 122 (1998) 734.

?

Roman

supra no. 302.

I

?

Roman

supra no. 302.

I

?

Roman

supra no. 302.

Unknown

4

Roman

1st-2nd cent. A.D.

ADelt 39 (1984) 14-9; BCH 115 (1991) 852.

Unknown

Roman

Skala Oropou-2A

28 Octobriou and Meg. Alexandrou St.-Plot Barsos A

Unknown

Roman

Late Roman

ADelt 44 (1989) 82; BCH 116 (1992) 846.

28 Octobriou and Meg. Alexandrou St.-Plot Barsos B

Unknown

Roman

Late Roman

supra no. 311.

Unknown

Roman

Imperial

BCH 109 (1985) 789.

Imperial

ADelt 35 (1980) 198; BCH 116 (1992) 872; ARepLondon 1988-89, 40 .

no. 312

Attica

Attica

Skala Oropou-2B

no. 313

Peloponnese

Achaia

Aigeira-2

no. 314

Peloponnese

Achaia

Aigio-2

4, Messinezzi St.

Unknown

Roman

no. 315

Peloponnese

Achaia

Aigio-3

8, Polychroniadou St.

Unknown

Roman

ADelt 37 (1982) 148.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

no. 316

Peloponnese

Achaia

Kallithea

no. 317

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-3

no. 318

Peloponnese

Achaia

no. 319

Peloponnese

no. 320

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

421

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

Roman

ADelt 45 (1990) 132, plan 3, 133; BCH 120 (1996) 1172.

105, Agiou Dimitriou St. Unknown

Roman

ADelt 44 (1989) 127; BCH 110 (1986) 195; BCH 120 (1996) 1175.

Patras-4

Danielidos St.

Roman

ADelt 42 (1987) 137-151; BCH 117 (1993) 804.

Achaia

Patras-5

160-162, Gounari St.

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-6

Ileias St.

no. 321

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-7

32, Ipirou and Hellenos Stratiotou St.

no. 322

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-8A

212, Karaiskaki and Kalamogdarti St. A

I

a

no. 323

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-8B

212, Karaiskaki and Kalamogdarti St. B

I

no. 324

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-8C

212, Karaiskaki and Kalamogdarti St. C

I

e

2

PERIOD

Unknown

Roman

2nd cent. A.D.

Unknown

Roman

Imperial

Unknown

Roman

BCH 115 (1991) 870.

1.5

Roman

ADelt 43 (1988) 151, plan 5, 154; BCH 119 (1995) 887, figs. 29-30.

a

1.3

Roman

supra no. 322.

I

g

1.5

Roman

supra no. 322.

II

?

3.80x2.10

Roman

supra no. 322.

I

?

2

ADelt 35 (1980) 188, fig. 13.

ADelt 42 (1987) 137-51; BCH 117 (1993) 804.

no. 325

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-8D

212, Karaiskaki and Kalamogdarti St. D

no. 326

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-9

148-150, Londou St.

I

?

0.6

Roman

1st-2nd cent. A.D.

ADelt 37 (1982) 140, fig. 1; BCH 114 (1990) 750.

no. 327

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-10

87-89, Patreos and Al. Ipsilantou St.

I

?

1.20x1.00

Roman

1st-3rd cent. A.D.

ADelt 35 (1980) 185, fig. 12; Petropoulos 1999.

209-211, Trion Nauarhon and Maizonos St.

I

?

0.72

Roman

0.82

Roman

1st-3rd cent. A.D.

ADelt 33 (1978) 86; BCH 110 (1986) 695; BCH 120 (1996) 1174; ARepLondon 1985-86, 35.

no. 328

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-11

no. 329

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-12A

60, Votsi St. A

I

a

no. 330

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-12B

60, Votsi St. B

I

?

Roman

1st-3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 329.

no. 331

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-12C

60, Votsi St. C

I

?

Roman

1st-3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 329.

no. 332

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-12D

60, Votsi St. D

I

?

Roman

1st-3rd cent. A.D.

supra no. 329.

no. 333

Peloponnese

Achaia

Pharai

no. 334

Peloponnese

Achaia

Sihaina A

I

no. 335

Peloponnese

Achaia

Sihaina B

no. 336

Peloponnese

Achaia

Sihaina C

Vasiliko

ADelt 33 (1978) 89-91.

Roman

ADelt 44 (1989) 132.

a

Roman

ADelt 51 (1996) forthcoming.

I

a

Roman

supra no. 334.

I

a

Roman

supra no. 334.

Unknown


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

no. 337

Peloponnese

Arcadia

Gortys

no. 338

Peloponnese

Argolis

Argos-7

Agiou Dimitriou and Kapodistriou Sts.Papadopoulou Plot

no. 339

Peloponnese

Argolis

Argos-8

Karmoyiannis Plot

no. 340

Peloponnese

Argolis

Berbati-3

no. 341

Peloponnese

Argolis

Lerna-2

no. 342

Peloponnese

Corinthia

Ancient Corinth-3

no. 343

Peloponnese

Corinthia

Ancient Corinth-4

Kokkinovrysi

II

no. 344

Peloponnese

Corinthia

Ancient Corinth-5

West Tile Works

II

no. 345

Peloponnese

Corinthia

Ancient Corinth-6

Theater Area

no. 346

Peloponnese

Elis

Epitalion

no. 347

Peloponnese

Elis

Ancient Olympia-4

no. 348

Peloponnese

Messenia

no. 349

Central

no. 350

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

BCH 76 (1952) 245; BCH 77 (1953) 268, fig. 63.

Unknown

Roman

ADelt 35 (1980) 114, plan 8 on p. 115.

Unknown

Roman

ADelt 44 (1989) 94, plan on p. 95, pl. 62c; BCH 113 (1989) 602; 709, fig. 11

Roman


Roman

J.L. Caskey, “Excavations at Lerna, 1954.” Hesperia 24 (1955) 42, pl. 20c.

Roman

BCH 119 (1995) 867.

?

Roman

ADelt 20 (1965) 144 figs. 129a-b; BCH 89 (1965) 689-91, figs. 1-2. Ancient Corinth Excavation Notebooks 276, 277; M. Sakelarriou and N. Faraklas, Corinthia-Ciconea , 1971, 147.

b

Roman

ADelt 20 (1965) 144. Ancient Corinth Excavation Notebooks 276, 277.

Roman

ADelt 39 (1984) 73-4.

ADelt 23 (1968) 165-71; Despoini 1982.

a

II

b

I

g

2.00x2.00

PERIOD

Roman

II

Dima Plot

422

2.20x2.20+

Unknown

Unknown

I

a

4.5

Roman

South of Palestra

II

b

3.50x2.90

Roman

4th cent. AD.

Kunze and Schleif 1944, 24-5, fig. 12, pl. II; Cook 1961, 67, J9.

Messene

East of the koilon of the Teather

I

a

Roman

Late Empire

BCH 122 (1998) 775.

Euboea

Chalkis-2

Pneumatikos Plot

II

?

Roman

Central

Euboea

Chalkis-3

Alatsata Area; Plot Liaskou-AthanassiouPanagopoulou

II

b

Roman

1st-2nd cent. A.D.

no. 351

Central

Euboea

Chalkis-4

Lilantion St.

II

a

1.67x0.72

Roman

Late Roman

no. 352

Central

Euboea

Eretria-5

Stoa in the Agora

II

?

2.00x1.50

Roman

4th cent. A.D.

no. 353

Central

Karditsa

Metropoli-3

Goutzamani Plot

I

a

1.43

Roman

ADelt 39 (1984) 147, pls. 47d-e.

no. 354

Central

Karditsa

Philia A

Xana Bros Plot A

II

b

2.80x2.60

Roman

ADelt 43 (1988) 256-8; BCH 119 (1995) 929.

no. 355

Central

Karditsa

Philia B

Xana Bros Plot B

II

b

2.00x2.00

Roman

supra no. 354.

ADelt 24 (1969) 203-4, pl. 211d.

A. Sampson, "To koroplastikov ergasthvrio th" Calkivdo"." ADelt 35 (1980) Meletai 135-66; id., "Arcaiva Calkivda I. Topografiva, rumotomiva." Anqrwpologikav Cronikav 1 (1986) 7-66; id ., "Ena kerameikov ergasthvrio sth Calkivda sthn perivvodo th" Rwmaiokrativa"." Anqrwpologikav Cronikav 2 (1987) 73-131; ARepLondon 1982-83, 11; Leeskey 1980, 61.

ADelt 33 (1978) 122-3, plan 1, pl. 43c.

PAE 1974, 34-46; Ergon 1974, 17-24, fig. 27; Ergon 1975, 26-35, fig. 27: Ergon 1976, 14-25, fig. 13; ARepLondon 1974-5, 4-5; ARepLondon 197576, 5; ARepLondon 1978, 17; Leeskey 1980, 63.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

423

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

no. 356

Western

Ionian

Corfu

Anemomylos

Unknown

Roman

BCH 115 (1991) 873.

no. 357

Western

Thesprotia

Thesprotia

Gitani

Unknown

Roman

Leeskey 1980, 45; AEphem 1952, 13-14.

no. 358

Northern

Chalkidiki

Stratoni A

II

c

Roman

ADelt 48 (1993) 347-8.

no. 359

Northern

Chalkidiki

Stratoni B

I

?

Roman

supra no. 358.

no. 360

Northern

Chalkidiki

Nea Roda-Tripiti

Unknown

Roman

ADelt 44 (1989) 328; BCH 120 (1996) 1261.

no. 361

Northern

Chalkidiki

Paliouri-Kassandras A

II

?

Roman

Imperial

ADelt 38 (1983) 277; BCH 108 (1984) 803; BCH 114 (1990) 792; Misailidou-Despotidou 1998.

no. 362

Northern

Chalkidiki

Paliouri-Kassandras B

I

?

Roman

Imperial

supra no. 361.

no. 363

Northern

Kilkis

Europos

II

c

2.45x2.35

Roman

Late Roman

no. 364

Northern

Veria

Aliakmon

II

c

4.00x3.75

Roman

A. Hondroyianni-Metoki, "Aliavkmwn 1997. Stoiceiva apov thn epifaneiakhv evreuna kai thn anaskafhv duvo nekrotafeivw n, th" UEC kai PES." AEMQ 11 (1997) 31-42, fig. 4.

no. 365

Northern

Kozanis

Polymylos-2A

II

c

2.85x2.75

Roman

G. Karamitrou-Medessidi and M. Vatali, "Poluvmhlo" Kozavnh" 1998." AEMQ 12 (1998) 481-97; G. Karamitrou-Medessidi and M. Vatali, "Poluvmhlo" Kozavnh" 1999." AEMQ 13 (1999) 369-98.

no. 366

Northern

Kozanis

Polymylos-2B

II

c

3.40x3.30

Roman

supra no. 365.

no. 367

Northern

Kozanis

Polymylos-2C

II

c

3.80x3.40

Roman

supra no. 365.

no. 368

Northern

Pieria

Methone

I

?

Roman

ADelt 41 (1986) 142-3; BCH 117 (1993) 845.

no. 369

Northern

Thessaloniki

Thessaloniki-1

no. 370

Northern

Thessaloniki

Nea Philadelpheia

no. 371

Aegean

Chios

Chios-2

Ancient City-Choremi Plot

Unknown

Roman

4th cent. A.D.

Tsaravopoloulos 1986; BCH 109 (1985) 831; BCH 110 (1986) 732; ARepLondon 1986-87, 53; ARepLondon 1988-89, 91.

no. 372

Aegean

Chios

Chios-3

Christou Plot

Unknown

Roman

4th cent. A.D.

BCH 109 (1985) 831; BCH 110 (1986) 732; ARepLondon 1986-87, 53; ARepLondon 1988-89, 91.

no. 373

Aegean

Chios

Chios-4

Spartounda

I

?

no. 374

Aegean

Dodekanese

Rhodes-1

New Cemetery-1

I

?

no. 375

Aegean

Dodekanese

Rhodes-2

New Cemetery-2

I

?

18, K. Palaiologou St.

2.50x2.35

3.00x2.00

Roman

Unknown

II

3rd cent. A.D.

Roman

c

ADelt 38 (1983) 285, fig. 3; BCH 114 (1990) 788.

Misailidou-Despotidou 1998.

Ciakav Cronikav 17 (1985) 65-73, 76-7; Ciakav Cronikav 18 (1987) 61-7; BCH 113 (1989) 666.

Roman

2.7

M. Valla, "Keramikov" klivbano" sthn Eurwpov tou nomouv Kilkiv"." AAA 13-18 (1990-1995), 109-15; T. Savvopoulou and M. Valla, "Eurwpov" 19911992." AEMQ 6 (1992) 433-51.

Roman

3rd cent. B.C.

ADelt 33 (1978) 400.

Roman

3rd cent. B.C.

supra no. 374.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

424

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

no. 376

Aegean

Dodekanese

Rhodes-3

New Cemetery-3

I

?

no. 377

Aegean

Dodekanese

Rhodes-4

New Cemetery-4

I

?

no. 378

Aegean

Dodekanese

Rhodes-5

New Cemetery-5

I

?

no. 379

Aegean

Crete-Chania

Kastelli-1A

I

?

no. 380

Aegean

Crete-Chania

Kastelli-1B

I

?

no. 381

Aegean

Crete-Chania

Kastelli-2

Theodosaki Plot

no. 382

Aegean

Crete-Chania

Kastelli-3

no. 383

Aegean

Crete-Chania

Topolia

no. 384

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Kato Kastelliana

7

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

Roman

3rd cent. B.C.

supra no. 374.

Roman

3rd cent. B.C.

supra no. 374.

Roman

3rd cent. B.C.

ADelt 18 (1963) 325.

Roman

ADelt 43 (1988) 558-63; Markoulaki 1989.

Roman

supra no. 379.

Unknown

Roman

ADelt 48 (1993) 476.

Berdiou Plot

Unknown

Roman

ADelt 46 (1991) 420-2.

Ay Kyr-Yiannis

Unknown

Roman

ADelt 43 (1988) 553; BCH 119 (1995) 1030.

Gerokolympos

no. 385

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Istronas-Kalo Chorio Mirabellou

no. 386

Attica

Attica

Athens-30

Areos St.

no. 387

Attica

Attica

Athens-31

Makriyianni

no. 388

Attica

Attica

no. 389

Attica

no. 390

Peloponnese

1

PERIOD

II

b

2.00x1.70

Roman

I

a

4

Roman

Unknown

4th cent. A.D.

ADelt 27 (1972) 624, pls. 583 a-b; BCH 101 (1977) 648; ARepLondon 1976-77, 64.

Krhtikav Cronikav 18 (1963) 405; Davaras 1973a, 80, B4; id ., 1973b, figs. 1-2; pls. 62-67; id ., 1980, 119.

Late Antique

6th cent. A.D.

EY PP O 2 (1998) 74.

Late Antique

5-7th cent. A.D.

ADelt 39 (1984) 8-10.

I

?

Skala Oropou-3A

I

?

0.6

Late Antique

ADelt 43 (1988) 79-81, plan 4; BCH 119 (1995) 860.

Attica

Skala Oropou-3B

I

?

0.6

Late Antique

supra no. 388.

Achaia

Patras-13A

Karaiskaki, Ermou and Ipsilantou St. A

I

?

Late Antique

ADelt 31 (1976) 107.

Karaiskaki, Ermou and Ipsilantou St. B

I

?

Late Antique

supra no. 390.

NW of Palestra

II

b

no. 391

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-13B

no. 392

Peloponnese

Elis

Ancient Olympia-5

no. 393

Peloponnese

Laconia

Sparta-4

Christou Plot

II

b

no. 394

Central

Phocis

Delphi-1

Gymnasium, Xyste

II

?

4.00x2.00

Late Antique

4th cent. A.D.

no. 395

Central

Phocis

Delphi-2

North-Eastern Villa

II

?

2.00x1.00

Late Antique

6th-7th cent. A.D.

BCH 117 (1993) 641-4, fig. 23; Petridis 1998.

no. 396

Central

Phocis

Delphi-3

North-Eastern Villa

II

?

1.80+x1.80+

Late Antique

6th-7th cent. A.D.

BCH 118 (1994) 423-8, fig. 4H; Petridis 1998.

3.00x3.00

Late Antique

6th cent. A.D.

Late Antique

Kunze and Schleif 1944, 21-3, figs. 10-11; Cook 1961, 67, J8; Belsché et al. 1963, 10, GT.

ADelt 16 (1960) 102, pl. 81d; BCH 85 (1961) 684, fig. 2.

BCH 111 (1987) 611, fig.2; BCH 112 (1988) 723-4 fig. 4; ARepLondon 1986-87, 25, fig. 38; Petridis 1998.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

425

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

no. 397

Central

Phocis

Delphi-4

North-Eastern Villa

II

?

Late Antique

6th-7th cent. A.D.

BCH 121 (1998) 545; Petridis 1998.

no. 398

Central

Phocis

Delphi-5

North-Eastern Villa

II

?

Late Antique

6th-7th cent. A.D.

supra no. 397.

no. 399

Central

Phocis

Delphi-6

North-Eastern Villa

II

?

Late Antique

6th-7th cent. A.D.

supra no. 397.

no. 400

Central

Phocis

Delphi-7

North-Eastern Villa

II

?

Late Antique

6th-7th cent. A.D.

BCH 121 (1998) 546-7, fig. 10; Petridis 1998.

no. 401

Central

Phocis

Kirrha-2

Desfina, Seimeni Plot

no. 402

Western

Ioannina

Kato Vassiliki

no. 403

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

no. 404

Attica

no. 405

2.00x1.90

Unknown

Late Antique

ADelt 38 (1983) 190; BCH 114 (1990) 762.

Keramidario

II

b

5.00x3.90

Late Antique

Ergon 1988, 48-50; Ergon 1989, 40-3.

Knossos-5

Venizeleio Hospital

II

a

2.00x2.00

Late Antique


Attica

Athens-32

Areopagus-1

II

c

Attica

Attica

Athens-33

Areopagus-2

no. 406

Attica

Attica

Athens-34

no. 407

Attica

Attica

no. 408

Attica

no. 409

Byzantine

R.S. Young, "An industrial district of ancient Athens." Hesperia 20 (1951) 135-288.

Unknown

Byzantine

H.A. Thompson, "Excavation of Athenian Agora 1947." Hesperia 17 (1948) 149-96, fig.6. Cook 1961, 67, K1; Belsché et al. 1963, 11, HD.

Areopagus-3

Unknown

Byzantine

supra no. 405.

Athens-35

Areopagus-4

Unknown

Byzantine

supra no. 405.

Attica

Athens-36

Hadrian's Library

I

a

Byzantine

ADelt 48 (1993) 12-17; ADelt 49 (1994) 18-20, plan 1; BCH 122 (1998) 718.

Attica

Attica

Athens-37

Roman Agora

I

?

Byzantine

ADelt 13 (1930-31), Appendix, 4-6, figs. 5-6.

no. 410

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-14

39-41 Korai St.

I

?

Byzantine

ADelt 32 (1977) 89.

no. 411

Peloponnese

Argolis

Argos-9

6, Diomedous St.Dimopoulou Plot

Unknown

Byzantine

ADelt 36 (1981) 113.

no. 412

Peloponnese

Corinthia

Ancient Corinth-7

Agora N.E. 1936

I

a

2.7

Byzantine

Morgan 1942.

no. 413

Peloponnese

Corinthia

Ancient Corinth-8

Agora S.C. 1936

I

a

3

Byzantine

supra no. 412.

no. 414

Peloponnese

Corinthia

Ancient Corinth-9

St. John Theologos Church

I

a

5

Byzantine

supra no. 412.

no. 415

Peloponnese

Messenia

Chora Trifyllias

I

?

3

Byzantine

ADelt 23 (1968) 156; ADelt 24 (1969) 145.


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

no. 416

Central

Boeotia

Thebes-2

no. 417

Central

Trikala

Trikala

no. 418

Western

Arta

Ambrakia

no. 419

Northern

Chalkidiki

no. 420

Northern

no. 421

STREET/PLOT

Fasoulopoulou Plot

50, Stournara St.Zacharaki Plot Tzabela and PhilellinonSklivanitis Plot

TYPE

I

426

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

e

Unknown

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

Byzantine

ADelt 22 (1967) 239, pl. 168.

Byzantine

ADelt 32 (1977) 137.

II

?

Byzantine

Late Byz-Post Byz.

Veria Neon Syllaton A

II

c

Byzantine

10th century AD

T. Pazaras and A. Tsanana, "Anaskafikev" evreune" sth Bevria N. Sullatwvn." AEMQ 4 (1990) 353-60; AEMQ 5 (1991) 289-301; BCH 118 (1994) 758.

Chalkidiki

Veria Neon Syllaton B

II

c

Byzantine

10th century AD

supra no. 419.

Northern

Evros

Didymoteicho A

3, Karaiskaki St.

I

?

Byzantine

Bakirtzis 1980.

no. 422

Northern

Evros

Didymoteicho B

3, Karaiskaki St.

I

?

Byzantine

supra no. 421.

no. 423

Northern

Emathias

Naoussa

Lefkadia

II

b

Byzantine

Ergon 1959, 60-6, fig. 63.

no. 424

Northern

Pieria

Pydna

Plot 568

II

c

Byzantine

ADelt 42 (1987) 410-1; M. Besios and A. Chrahtopoulou, " Anaskafhv sto B. Nekrotafeivo th" Puvdna"." AEMQ 8 (1994) 147-50; E. Marki, "Anaskafhv ergasthrivou keramikhv" kai cuvteush" sidhvrou sthn Arcaiva Puvdna." in A.B. Katsaros (ed.), Antivfwnon. Afievrwma ston kaqhghthv N. B. Drandavkh, 1994, 121-31.

no. 425

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Gortyna

Unknown

Byzantine

ADelt 41 (1986) 225.

no. 426

Aegean

Crete-Herakleiou

Gortyna

I

?

Byzantine

A. Di Vita, " Il forno bizantino per ceramica dipinta di Gortina (Creta)." in Kerameika Ergasteria, 49-53.

no. 427

Attica

Attica

Athens-38

I

?

Undated

ADelt 40 (1985) 10.

no. 428

Attica

Attica

Attica

Undated

ADelt 15 (1933-35), Appendix 23.

no. 429

Peloponnese

Achaia

Aigeira-3

Undated

W. Alzinger, "Aigeira." AAA 6 (1973) 193-200.

no. 430

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-15A

no. 431

Peloponnese

Achaia

no. 432

Peloponnese

no. 433

Dionysiac Theater

Eleusis

Unknown

ADelt 39 (1984) 183-4, pl. 74a; BCH 115 (1991) 878.

II

?

206, Antheias St. A

I

?

1.2

Undated

ADelt 43 (1989) 149.

Patras-15B

206, Antheias St. B

I

?

1.4

Undated

supra no. 430.

Achaia

Patras-16

90-92, Boukaouri St.

I

?

Undated

supra no. 430.

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-17

142, Kanakari St.

I

?

Undated

ADelt 36 (1981) 160.

no. 434

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-18A

217, Kanakari St. A

Unknown

Undated

ADelt 31 (1976) 89; ADelt 31 (1976) 105-6, plan 5.

no. 435

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-18B

217, Kanakari St. B

I

Undated

supra no. 434.

?


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

427

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

no. 436

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-19A

184, Kanakari and Gounari Sts. A

I

a

no. 437

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-19B

184, Kanakari and Gounari Sts. B

II

c

no. 438

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-20

48-52, Kanari St.

I

?

no. 439

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-21

3-5, Katerinis St.

Unknown

no. 440

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-22A

100-102, Londou St. A

II

no. 441

Peloponnese

Achaia

Patras-22B

100-102, Londou St. B

no. 442

Peloponnese

Achaia

Kleitor

Katarrachi

no. 443

Peloponnese

Achaia

Kastritsi

no. 444

Peloponnese

Achaia

Kato Achaia A

Leivada Plot A

II

no. 445

Peloponnese

Achaia

Kato Achaia B

Leivada Plot B

II

no. 446

Central

Boeotia

Narthakio

no. 447

Central

Amphissa

Amphissa

no. 448

Western

Ioannina

Vonitsa

no. 449

Northern

Chalkidiki

Kassandra-Sarti

no. 450

Northern

Pieria

Pella-7

1.8

REFERENCES

ADelt 33 (1978) 87.

Undated

supra no. 436.

Undated

ADelt 34 (1979) 144.

Undated

ADelt 34 (1979) 134.

?

Undated

ADelt 31 (1976) 109-11.

II

?

Undated

supra no. 440.

II

?

Undated

ADelt 44 (1989) 137.

Undated

ADelt 47 (1992) 143.

c

Undated

EUPPO 2 (1998) 87, fig. 2.

a

Undated

supra no. 445.

Unknown

Undated

EUPPO 2 (1998) 109.

Unknown

Undated

ADelt 38 (1983) 187.

Undated

ADelt 29 (1973-1974) 536, pl. 358a.

Undated

ADelt 43 (1988) 363.

Undated

Ergon 1986, 74-8; ARepLondon 1986-87, 39.

Katochi

II

?

Platanitsi

I

?

West of the Agora, Kanali

SPECIFIC DATE

Undated

1

Unknown

35, Thermopylon, Str, Giatsou Plot

PERIOD

3.30x3.20

Unknown

no. 451

Northern

Thessaloniki

Thessaloniki-2A

Koloniari and Galina Sts. A

no. 452

Northern

Thessaloniki

Thessaloniki-2B

Koloniari and Galina Sts. B

no. 453

Aegean

Crete-Chania

Agia Marina

Unknown

no. 454

Aegean

Crete-Lasithiou

Ierapetra

I

?

Undated

A. Zois, "Anaskafhv Basilikhv" Ieravpetra"." PAE 1991, 331-91, pls. 219 a,b.

no. 455

Aegean

Crete-Rethymno

Axos

I

?

Undated

ADelt 30 (1975) 348.

no. 456

Aegean

Cyclades

Delos

II

b

Undated

Delorme 1961.

Palestra

II

?

Undated

ADelt 47 (1987) 405-6.

II

?

Undated

supra no. 451.

Undated

ADelt 43 (1988) 570.

2.20x2.20+


CAT.NO. REGION

PREFECTURE

SITE

STREET/PLOT

TYPE

428

SUBTYPE DIMENSIONS

PERIOD

SPECIFIC DATE

REFERENCES

no. 457

Aegean

Dodekanese

Rhodes-5A

2, Kennedy and Diagoridon Sts. A

I

?

1

Undated

ADelt 29 (1973-74) 957, pl. 723, plan 9.

no. 458

Aegean

Dodekanese

Rhodes-5B

2, Kennedy and Diagoridon Sts. B

I

?

1

Undated

supra no. 457.

no. 459

Aegean

Dodekanese

Rhodes-6

Undated

ARepLondon 1988-89, 115.

Archangelos

Unknown

APPENDIX II: CONCORDANCE TO SEIFERT'S LIST OF KILNS _____________________________________________

429

APPENDIX II: CONCORDANCE TO SEIFERT’S (1993) LIST OF ANCIENT GREEK KILNS no. 1: Dimini

not considered a kiln in the present study

no. 2: Olynthus

not considered a kiln in the present study

no. 3: Achladia

(146) not considered a kiln in the present study

no. 4: Agios Kosmas no. 5: Aigeira

(108)

no. 6: Asine

(109-110)

no. 7: Berbati

(111) Seemingly an oven/kiln

no. 8: Chania no. 9: Cnossus (Knossos)

(139-141)

no. 10: Eretria


no. 11: Eutresis no. 12: Festos

(142) incorrect reference; the reference provided refers to Metropoli at Gortyne, Crete

no. 13: Kannia (Chania) no. 14: Kavousi

(151)

no. 15: Lerna

(96-99)

no. 16: Palaikastro

(150) no evidence for kilns after geomagnetic survey (J.M. Fossey, pers. comm.2000)

no. 17: Perachora no. 18: Pylos


no. 19: Sesklo no. 20: Sparta

(101-102)

no. 21: Stylos

(126)

no. 22: Thebes

(115)

no. 23: Tiryns

(112)

no. 24: Tiryns

(113)

no. 25: Vathypetro

(124)


430

no. 26: Festos

not visible -registered

no. 27: Kea

not a ceramic kiln (lime kiln)

no. 28: Mallia

uncertain identification

no. 29: Mycenae no. 30: Plasi (Phasi) no. 31: Zou no. 32: Chania

(100) the second "kiln" not considered in the present study (95) (125) the second "kiln" not considered in the present study no kiln excavated

no. 33: Myrtos

no kiln excavated

no. 34: Stavrakia

no kiln excavated

no. 35: Turkissa Chondru Viannu

no kiln excavated

no. 36: District Turtula

no kiln excavated

no. 37: Near Vathypetro

no kiln excavated

no. 38: Zominthos

no kiln excavated

no. 39: Zygouries

no kiln excavated

no. 40: Argos, South District

(03) not a ceramic kiln (a cupellation furnace) no kiln excavated

no. 41: Argos, Square Delta no. 42: Ancient Elis no. 43: Prinias

(31-36)

no. 44: Torone

(11)

no. 45: Athens, Agora

(01) not a ceramic kiln (a lime kiln)

no. 46: Athens, Acropolis no. 47: Lato

(28-30)

no. 48: Thasos

(25-26)

no. 49: Athens, Kerameikos

(40-42)

no. 50: Athens, Lenormant Ave.

(51-53)

no. 51: Athens, Chambrias Area

(43-45)

no. 52: Elis

(66) (incorrect reference)

no. 53: Cnossus (Knossos)

(92-93) not a ceramic kiln (a bath furnace)

no. 54: Corinth Corinth no. 55: Corinth

(64-65)


no. 56: Olympia, Peristyle House V

(74)

no. 57: Olympia, Byzantine Church

(73)

no. 58: Olympia, South Stoa

(67-72)

no. 59: Sindos

(86-89)

no. 60: Thermos (Thermon)

(75)

no. 61: Ano Potamia Kyme

(76)

431

not included

no. 62: Paximadhi no. 63: Palaiomazi

(176) the same as Pyrgaki, Seifert's no. 143

no. 64: Thasos

(90) incorrect reference

no. 65: Aigion no. 66: Amorgos

(230) no specific information for a kiln

no. 67: Argos no. 68: Argos. N. Kourou St.

(170)

no. 69: Argos, Paliopyrgos

(171)

no. 70: Atalanti

(185-186)


(46-49)

no. 72: Athens, Poulopoulou St.

(90)

no. 73: Athens, Pallinaion St.

(160-161)

no. 74: Cynuria (Kynouria)

(63) not included

no. 75: Kato Panionion no. 76: Krannon

(188-189)

no. 77: Lemnos

(235-237)

no. 78: Pella

(85)

no. 79: Rhodos (Rhodes)

(374-378)

no. 80: Samos

(14)

no. 81: Samothrace

not a kiln (J. MCCredie, pers.comm.)

no. 82: Thasos, Kalonero

no kilns excavated

no. 83: Thasos, Gounophia

(225)

no. 84: Velestino, Avlagadia

(189)

no. 85: Velestino, Pherai

(190-192)

no. 86: Patras, Nikita St.

(244)


432

no. 87: Troizen

incomplete reference

no. 88: Michalitsi

no kiln excavated

no. 89: Aigeira

(429)

no. 90: Aigeria, Gymnasion

(313)

no. 91: Athens, Kerameikos, Pompeion

(270)

no. 92: Athens, Kerameikos, Pompeion

(271-273)

no. 93: Athens, Kerameikos, Bau Y no. 94: Athens, Plateia Demarchiou (Plateia Kotzia) no. 95: Aulis

(260-264) (278-304)

no. 96: Chalkis

(351)

no. 97: Chios

(351)

no. 98: Chios, Spartounda

(371-373)

no. 99: Corinth

(343)

no. 100: Epitalion

(346)

no. 101: Gortys

(337)

no. 102: Kalo Chorio

(385)

no. 103: Kastelli Chania

(379-380)

no. 104: Olympia, Kladeos Bath no. 105: Olympia, South wall of the Palestra no. 106: Olympia, West entrance

(74) (347)

no. 107: Patras, 60 Votsi

(329-332)

no. 108: Patras, 87-89 Patreos St.

(327)

no. 109: Patras, 160-162 Gounari St.

(319)

(247)

(392)


no. 110: Athens, Kerameikos no. 111: Delphi, Xyste

(394)

no. 112: Glyphada

(301)

no. 113: Kato Kasteliana

(384)

no. 114: Pella

(214) no kiln excavated

no. 115: Chalkis no. 116: Athens, Areopagus

(404)


no. 117: Athens, Agora

(405-407) incomplete reference

no. 118: Athens, Kerameikos no. 119: Didymoteichon

(421-422) no kiln excavated post-Byzantine kiln (outside the limits of this study) incorrect reference

no. 120: Megalopolis no. 121: Pherai no. 122: Thessaloniki no. 123: Lefkadia

433

(423)

no. 124: Nichoria

not included

no. 125: Samothrace

not a kiln-pers. comm. with excavator

no. 126: Trikkala (Trikala)

(417)

no. 127: Amphipolis

(225))


(158) unexcavated kiln

no. 129: Dendrochorion no. 130: Gortys

(337)

no. 131: Keramidario-Kato Vassiliki

(402)

no. 132: Kirra

(105)

no. 133: Lesbos

unexcavated remains -

no. 134: Olympia


no. 135: Patras, 184 Kanakari St.

(436-437)) no kiln excavated

no. 136: Patras, Katerinis St. no. 137: Pella

(450)

no. 140: Aliartos

not included not a ceramic kiln (a metallurgical furnace) not included

no. 141: Megara

not considered a kiln in this study

no. 138: Philippoi no. 139: Thessaloniki

no. 142: Paliouri

(361-362)

no. 143: Pyrgaki

(176) the same as Palaiomazi, Seifert's no. 63

no. 144: Rhodos (Rhodes)

(459)

APPENDIX III: PENTESKOUFIA PLAQUES DEPICTING KILNS _____________________________________________

434

APPENDIX III: PENTESKOUFIA PLAQUES DEPICTING KILNS Inv. no.

1.

Louvre MNB 2856

Picture (when available) Not in scale

CATALOGUE 1

A. The plaque is completely preserved. A man is stoking a kiln. The kiln is painted in outline and its loading door is clearly depicted. B. Not known. Cuomo 1988.

2.

Louvre MNB 2858

A. A man holding up a rod is watching the kiln. Flames are coming out from the chimney and the stoking channel. B. Not known. Inscription: SODRIS Rayet 1881; Cuomo 1988.

3.

I74

A. Right half preserved. H. 0.08m. Strong fires come out of the kiln. B. Undecorated. Pernice 1897, 44.

4.

11

I75

A. Total height 0.10m. To the left of the kiln a figure is standing. B. Undecorated.

In the bibliography, I refer only to the primary publications and illustrations in Antike Denkmäler (abbr. as AD), in Furtwängler 1885, Pernice 1897, Geagan 1970, Zimmer 1982, and Cuomo 1988. n.n. refers to uncatalogued fragments in Furtwangler's description. The numbers preceded by F refer to fragments inventoried by Furtwängler 1885, and the ones preceded by I refer to fragments inventoried by Pernice 1985; The joining fragments are entered according to the lowest number, unless the joining has occurred much later and for the sake of easy reference I have kept the higher number first. I first describe the side which bears the kiln scene (side A), then the rear side (side B). At the end of each entry I supply the basic bibliographical references.


Pernice 1897, 44. 5.

I76

A. The right half of the plaque is preserved. H. 0.108m. To the left the remains of a hook held by a worker. B. Undecorated. Pernice 1897, 44.

6.

I77

A. Parts of a small kiln are depicted. A man stands on the stoking channel. B. Undecorated. Pernice 1897, 44.

7.

I78

A. Depiction of a kiln. B. Undecorated. Pernice 1897, 44.

8.

I79

A. The leg of a man standing on the stoking channel is depicted. B. Undecorated. Pernice 1897, 44.

9.

I80

A. A kiln is painted in outline. Parts of a male figure are preserved. B. Undecorated. Pernice 1897, 44.

10.

I 123

A. A kiln with its loading door is depicted. B. Feet and chiton of Poseidon. Pernice 1897, 45.

11.

I 141?

A. A large black-glazed surface; possibly remains of a large kiln.

435


B. The head and arm of a man facing right are depicted. Pernice 1897, 46. 12.

I 172?

A. A kiln? B. The leg of a man and a small bird are presented. Pernice 1897, 48.

13.

I 179

A. Depiction of a kiln. A man stands on the stoking channel of the kiln. B. Not known. Pernice 1897, 48.

14.

F414

A. A kiln with its loading door is depicted. B. Poseidon facing right. Pernice 1897, 14.

15.

F482+ 627+ 943+n.n

A. Total W. 0.09m. To the right a kiln with its stoking chamber is depicted. Flames are coming out from the chimney. Further to the left a man is inspecting the chimney of the kiln with a stick. B. Not known. Inscription (on side A): KAMINOSҏ Pernice 1897, 19, 25; Cuomo 1988.

16.

F555

A. Pres.Dim. 0.045x0.052m. A kiln is painted in red color. A man is standing on its stoking channel. B. Front parts of two horses preserved and one person, shown from the back, stands in front of them (this side is illustrate here). Inscription: LUSIP(P)OS. Under the feet of

436


the horses, ACI] LEUS. Furtwängler 1875, 67; Pernice 1897, 24.

17.

F607

A. A kiln is depicted; its loading door is clearly shown. B. Not known. Pernice 1897, 25.

18.

F608

A. The plaque is almost complete. Dim. 0.077x0.11m. The kiln is preserved completely with its firing chamber and stoking channel facing left. Flames are coming out of the chimney. A man is standing on top of the stoking channel with a hooked tool checking the firing. A second man behind the first seems to be placing fuel into the stoking channel. B. Undecorated. Inscription: POTEDAA AD I.8.1; Furtwängler 1875,70; Zimmer 1982; Cuomo 1988.

19.

F609+ 356

A. Same depiction as F608, but without the second man to the left. Dim. 0.065x0.095m. The kiln occupies the entire width of the plaque. B. Undecorated. Inscription: .. NA EIMI Furtwängler 1885, 70; Geagan 1970.

20.

F610

A. Complete plaque. Dim. 0.085x0.09m. The kiln has no stoking channel, but preserves a distinct chimney. A man, smaller than the kiln, is climbing on the kiln. He seems to hold something in his right hand in front of the loading door of the kiln. A slender vase

437


is hanging to the right. B. Undecorated. Furtwängler 1885, 71.

21.

F611

A. Almost completely preserved plaque. Dim. 0.05x0.07m. A complete kiln, facing right, is depicted; the stoking channel is shown in section. An object (pot?) serves as a chimney (cf. F631, F802). A man is stoking the kiln. Similar in style with plaques F557, F558. B. Undecorated. Inscription: FLEBWN M ANEQHKE AD I.8.26; Furtwängler 1885, 71; Cuomo 1988; Lorber 1979, no. 75, pl. 17.

22.

F612

A. A youth with a hooked tool in his hand is about to climb on the stoking channel of the kiln. On the kiln itself there is an inscription to Poseidon. B. Undecorated. Inscription: POTEDA Furtwängler 1885, 71.

23.

F613

A. Lower left corner preserved. In front of the large stoking channel of the kiln there are logs of wood. The left leg of a standing man holding a hooked tool is depicted. B. Undecorated. Furtwängler 1885, 71.

24.

F614

A. A man is standing on the stoking channel of the kiln with both his hands raised. In his right hand he is holding a stick. Flames come out from the chimney. To the left a flying

438


eagle is depicted. B. Undecorated. Furtwängler 1885, 71.

25.

F615

A. Lower right corner preserved. A man stands in front of a bell-shaped structure (a kiln?). Behind him two rectangular things are barely discernible. B. Undecorated. AD II.24.19; Furtwängler 1885, 71.

26.

F616

A. Lower right corner preserved. A kiln with is stoking channel looking left is depicted in outline. Flames are coming out both from the chimney and through the stoking channel. A man rests his left foot on the stoking channel holding a hooked tool to inspect the fired objects. A crater is depicted behind him, probably held by a second figure; three lines at the back seem incidental (?). B. Undecorated. AD I. 8, 12; Furtwängler 1885, 71; Cuomo 1988 (wrong illustration for F616).

27.

F617

A. The lower part of a man wearing a chiton is standing on top of the stoking chamber of the kiln. B. Undecorated. Furtwängler 1885, 72.

439


28.

F618

A. Upper left corner preserved. Half of the kiln is preserved. The beginning of the stoking channel is shown. Flames are coming out of the chimney. A man is standing on top of the stoking channel inspecting the kiln with a tool. B. Undecorated. AD II.30.15; Furtwängler 1885, 72.

29.

F619+ 826

A. Complete plaque. Dim. 0.055x0.75m. A kiln and parts of a man holding a stoking rod are preserved. A man is placing one of his legs on top of the stoking channel. B. Amphitrite. Inscription: A]] NFIT [ RIT ] AS EIMI Furtwängler 1885, 72, 89; Pernice 1897, 25.

30.

F620

A. The lower right corner preserved. A kiln is depicted with flames coming out from the chimney and the stoking channel. To the left, the right arm of a man is shown holding a stick. B. Undecorated. Furtwängler 1885, 72.

31.

F622+ n.n

A. The central part of a large kiln with chimney is depicted; flames are coming out of the chimney. Pernice found another fragment restoring thus the right half of the plaque. B. Undecorated. Furtwängler 1885, 72; Pernice 1897, 25.

32.

F623

A. A kiln is depicted with flames coming out of the chimney and the stoking channel. A Rectangular closed opening is depicted at the

440


upper part of the kiln. No trace of a man although there is ample space for one. B. Undecorated. Furtwängler 1885, 72. 33.

F624

A. The upper part of a kiln facing left is preserved; flames are coming out of the chimney. To the left a flying bird is depicted. B. Undecorated. Furtwängler 1885, 72.

34.

F625

A. Flames are coming out from a kiln; to the left a flying eagle is depicted. B. Undecorated. Furtwängler 1885, 72.

35.

F626 A. A kiln with its loading door depicted. B. Undecorated. Furtwängler 1885, 72.

36.

F628+ 666

A. Part of a kiln is depicted. A man is climbing on the stoking channel. He wears a tall hat, he is holding a rod with his right hand while his left hand is extended. B. Undecorated. Inscription:ҠҠ ANEQHK ] E POTEIDAN [I FANAKT] I Furtwängler 1885, 72; Pernice 1897, 25.

37.

F629

A. Part of a kiln; in the free space the inscription is written. B. Undecorated. Inscription: DERIS

441


Furtwängler 1885, 72. 38.

F631

A. A kiln is partially depicted. A pithos (?) serves as a chimney. Flames are coming out through the pithos (cf. F611, F802). B. A flying bird? Furtwängler 1885, 72.

39.

F632+ 887

A. The lower right corner preserved. A kiln with stoking channel and a small hole for observing the progress of the firing. Flames are coming out from the chimney. The legs of a man are shown climbing on the stoking channel. B. A man in profile, seated on a stool, is touching his forehead with a finger of his right hand. The scenes painted on the two sides of the plaque have opposite orientations. AD II. 40.21; Furtwängler 1885, 98; Pernice 1897, 25.

40.

F633

A. Parts of a kiln. B. A flying bird. Furtwängler 1885, 72-3.

41.

F634

A. Parts of a kiln. B. A flying bird. Furtwängler 1885, 72-3.

42.

F635

A. Parts of a kiln preserved. B. A flying bird. Furtwängler 1885, 72-3.

442


43.

F636

A. Parts of a kiln. B. Two sets of curved parallel lines, with a row of dots in the center between them. AD II. 40.11; Furtwängler 1885, 72-3.

44.

F637+ 819

A. A kiln is depicted on the right half of the plaque facing left. A man is stoking the kiln; he is holding two stoking rods (is this evidence for two stoking channels?). He has placed on of his legs on top of the stoking channel. Behind him one leg from a second figure is shown holding something in his hands. B. Poseidon. AD II.40.9; Pernice 1897, 25.

45.

F683+ 757+ 822+ 829

A. The lower right corner preserved; part of the firing chamber; an owl standing on the dome of the kiln; in front of it an ithyphallic figure and to the right as standing man with an underdeveloped right leg. B. Amphitrite (or Zeus) and Poseidon. Inscription: YOKA LAI AKOF LOKRIS AD II.39.12; Furtwängler 1885, 76, 78, 89, 90; Pernice 1897, 30.

46.

F694+ 524

A. A kiln with its loading door and the stoking channel is depicted. A man with a rod stands on the stoking channel. B. The front legs of the horses of a quadriga are preserved. Inscription: ANEQHKE POTI [DANIF] ANA(KTI AUTOPOKIA Pernice 1897, 22.

443


47.

F709+ n.n.

A. A large kiln is depicted. The firing chamber with its loading door and the stoking channel are clearly indicated. B. The leg of a man. Furtwängler 1885, 77; Pernice 1897, 31.

48.

F763

A. A kiln with the loading door is depicted. B. Bull's head with two horns. Furtwängler 1885, 78; Pernice 1897, 32.

49.

F785?

A. Dim. 0.08x0.06m. A komast (?) stands in front of a double-pyramidal structure resembling the structure on the Robinson's skyphos (see supra Ch. 1). B. Not known. AD II.39.9. Furtwängler 1885, 82.

50.

F800

A. A large kiln is depicted. In front of the stoking channel a man is standing wearing a long chiton and is inspecting the chimney. B. Two horses pulling a wagon. Birds are flying above. Poseidon and Amphitrite must have been depicted in the lost part of the plaque. Furtwängler 1885, 85.

51.

F801

A. A large kiln is depicted; a short man stands in front of the stoking channel whereas on top of the stoking channel stands a large male figure wearing a long chiton. The figure, most probably Athena, is holding a shield with her left and a spear with the right. B. Poseidon and Amphitrite ride a wagon. Furtwängler 1885, 85.

444


52.

F802

A. Plaque almost completely preserved. Dim. 0.105x0.12m. A kiln with its stoking channel facing left is depicted. Flames are coming out from the chimney. A man is climbing up a ladder holding both a stoking rod and a hooked tool to inspect the firing. Chimney clearly indicated (cf. F611, F631). To the left of the plaque branches of a tree (?) are shown. B. Poseidon. AD I.8.4. Furtwängler 1885, 85.

53.

F803

A. Left upper corner preserved. The top part of a kiln is depicted with flames coming out of it. To the right the right arm of a man is preserved holding a stoking rod. B. Poseidon holding a trident. Inscription (on side A): POTDAN (POT (EI SAN) PI Furtwängler 1885, 86.

54.

F804

A. A man is doing something in front of a large kiln. Pernice mentions that there is not trace of the kiln, but there are traces of a second man who is standing on the stoking channel of the presumed kiln. B. Poseidon. Inscription: . . SOPETS Furtwängler 1885, 86; Pernice 1897, 35.

55.

F805

A. A man is standing on top of the stoking channel of the kiln holding a stoking rod in his right hand. To the right a second man is holding another stoking rod. The figures are

445


rendered on a small scale compared to the space available. B. Poseidon holding a trident. Remains of inscriptions. Furtwängler 1885, 86. 56.

F806

A. The upper part of a blazing kiln is shown. B. Poseidon. Furtwängler 1885, 86.

57.

F807

A. The upper part of a kiln is preserved. B. Poseidon holding a trident. Furtwängler 1885, 86.

58.

F808+ 691

A. A kiln with a man standing in front of it. B. Poseidon holding a trident. Furtwängler 1885, 76, 86; Pernice 1897, 36.

59.

F809

A. Parts of a kiln and of a rod are preserved. B. Poseidon holding a trident. Furtwängler 1885, 87.

60.

F810

A. The head of a man wearing a hat is stoking a kiln. The kiln is facing left; the torso and the hand of another and the hand of a third who are holding a pot (?) over the stoker's head are depicted. B. Not known. AD II.23.7; Furtwängler 1885, 87.

446


61.

F811

A. A man standing on a stoking channel. Flames are coming out of it; from the left a bearded man with a stoking rod and a youth holding a basin in the right hand B. Poseidon holding a trident. Inscription: ARISTOFILOS AD II.23.15; Furtwängler 1885, 87.

62.

F812+ 773

A. A short man is climbing on top of the entrance of the kiln. The fragment 773 shows the upper part of the kiln. B. Bottom part of a clad figure (Poseidon?). Furtwängler 1885, 80, 87; Pernice 1897, 33.

63.

F814?

A. A man with a vase on the potter's wheel; to the right a small kiln (?) and a man standing in front of it are depicted. B. Poseidon holding a trident. Furtwängler 1885, 87-8.

64.

F816

A. Pres.Dim. 0.10x0.07m. To the upper left corner of the plaque a flying bird is depicted. The upper part of a man holding a rod in his hand is probably stoking the kiln. Another man is standing higher (possibly on the stoking channel of the kiln). B. Poseidon holding a trident. AD II.23.13; Furtwängler 1885, 88.

65.

F817?

A. A small figure is walking on a rope holding something perforated (an animal's skin?) in his hand. In the background a ladder lays against a structure (a kiln?).

447


B. Poseidon with trident and dolphin. AD II.23.4; Furtwängler 1885, 88.

66.

F827

A. Firing chamber and stoking channel facing right. A small jug is hung on the kiln. A man is standing on top of the stoking channel (probably holding the hooked tool from the position of his arm); another man is stoking the fire; or he is closing the stoking channel with a cover. Only the cover is preserved. Flames and wood are depicted at the mouth of the stoking channel. B. Amphitrite. Inscription: AMFITRITHS EIMI AD I.8.22; Furtwängler 1885, 89.

67.

F830

A. Depiction of a kiln. B. Amphitrite. Inscription: ..LOSҏ and another inscription . KRA . Furtwängler 1885, 90; cf F846 (in the style of the painter Timonidas).

68.

F845?

A. Parts of a kiln are depicted. B. Upper part of a man. Inscription: DASO P] OTE [DAN Furtwängler 1885, 92.

448


69.

F846

A. Lower right corner preserved. The kiln with its stoking channel is facing left. Flames are coming out from the chimney and the stoking channel. Behind the kiln an imposing figure, wearing a chiton and holding a scepter is looking right. It is probably an earlier sketch, since it seems unconnected to the scene. B. Poseidon. On the border a graffito dedication to Poseidon. In the middle of the plaque a dipintoTIMONIDAS EGRAYE BIA Inscriptions preserved (see above). AD I.8.15; Furtwängler 1885, 92, 93; Pernice 1897, 37.

70.

F863+ 877+ 879

A. Total W. 0.19m. A man is striding to the right holding a hooked instrument in his left hand and a branch with leaves in his right hand (fuel for the kiln?). A kiln at the right edge is shown facing left with stylized flames coming out of its chimney. B. Two horseback riders; at the upper left corner a bird is depicted. AD II.23.2; Furtwängler 1885, 95, 97; Pernice 1897, 37-8.

71.

F865

A. Total H. 0.107 m. A kiln is depicted with flames coming out it; a young person is striding to the left and extends his hand. B. Horseback rider; an ithyphallic figure stands on the tail of his horse. Furtwängler 1885, 95; Pernice 1897, 38.

449


72.

F866+ 546

450

A. The right part of the plaque is preserved. Part of firing chamber of a kiln facing right and the complete stoking channel are depicted. Flames are coming out of it. A man holding a stoking rod stands on top of he stoking channel. B. Galloping horse. AD II.39.13; Furtwängler 1885, 66, 95; Zimmer 1982; Cuomo 1988.

73.

F867

A. The kiln, facing left, is being inspected by a man without the use of a ladder. Unusual depiction of the flames coming out from the stoking channel of the kiln. B. Parts of a horse. Furtwängler 1885, 95.

74.

F878+ 909

A. Head of a man holding a rod for inspecting the firing from the chimney the kiln. Only the very top of the firing chamber with the chimney is preserved. Flames are coming out from the chimney. B. Horseback riders; Bellerophon and Pegasos? AD I.8.21; Furtwängler 1885, 97, 102; Zimmer 1982.


75.

F881? A. Two men standing in front of a kiln (?) B. Horseback rider. Furtwängler 1885, 97.

76.

F885?

A. A man swings a long staff (for the kiln?) B. A man is sitting in front of a vessel. AD I.8.14; Furtwängler 1885, 98; Pernice 1897, 39.

77.

F889

A. The stoking channel of a kiln facing left is partially preserved. The hand of a man who is stoking the fire with a rod is preserved. B. A man with extended both arms (in an abnormal anatomically way) is on top of a heap of material (clay?) The scenes of the two sides of the plaque have opposite orientations. AD II.39.17 a, b; Furtwängler 1885, 98.

78.

F890+ n.n.

A. A small figure is bending over the stroking channel of a kiln. B. Poseidon and Amphitrite. Furtwängler 1885, 98; Pernice 1897, 39.

79.

F891?

A. A man holding a stick in his right hand stands in front of a round structure (kiln?). B. Two men are shown and an unusual object is hung in the middle of the plaque. AD I.8.6; Furtwängler 1885, 98-9.

451


80.

F892

A. A kiln is depicted. Flames are coming out of chimney. A man with a rod is standing on top of a stoking channel. B. A standing man is digging lumps out from a scarp of stones or clay. Furtwängler 1885, 99; Pernice 1897, 40, fig. 35.

81.

F893

A. A vertical section of the interior of a kiln, showing schematically the vessels inside and the support of the eschara. A vessel is placed under the perforated floor. Initial publications present it as a horizontal section. B. Lower left corner preserved; a man is behind an animal bull partially shown AD I.8.19a, b; Furtwängler 1885, 99.

82.

F900?

A. Dim. 0.095x0.06m. Two bulls are depicted. Underneath a kiln (?) B. Men? Furtwängler 1885, 101.

83.

n.n

A. Parts of the firing chamber and the stoking channel facing right are preserved. Over the stoking channel the back half of a bird is preserved. B. Not known. AD II.40.17; Pernice 1897, 44, 92.

452

453

PLATES

Plate I.1:

Penteskoufia plaques depicting kilns. Part I. (MNB 2856, F616).

454

Plate I.2:

Penteskoufia plaques depicting kilns. Part II (and possibly painted by the same artist). (F608, F609, F618, F637+819, F867).

455

Plate I.3:

Penteskoufia plaques depicting kilns. Part III. (F615, F683+757+822+829, F810, F811, F816).

456

Plate I.4:

Penteskoufia plaques depicting kilns. Part IV. (MNB 2858, F632+887, F843, F866+546, F909).

457

458

Plate I.5:

Penteskoufia plaques depicting kilns. Part V. (F482+627+943, F611, F802, F846, F863+877+879, F865).

Plate 1.6:

Penteskoufia plaques possibly painted by the same artist. (F639, F789, F865, F871, F893).

459

460

– Plate I.7:

Penteskoufia plaques with the same orientation of scenes on both sides. (F595, F797, F848, F849, F855, F860, F894, F921).

461

Plate I.8:

Penteskoufia plaques with sketchy compositions. Part I. (F368, F460, F555, F835, F839, F900).

462

Plate I.9:

Penteskoufia plaques with sketchy compositions. Part II. (F489, F722, F769, F873, F899).

a. Penteskoufia plaques with kilns and inscriptions. (F608, F611); Plate I.10: b. An aryballos (after Payne 1931, cat. no. 1459).and a Penteskoufia plaque (F848) signed by Timonidas.

463

464

Plate I.11:

Representations of kilns. a. Terracotta model from the Potters’ Quarter at ancient Corinth (KN 131); b. Hydria attributed to the Leagros Group (Munich, StaatlicheAntikensammlungen 1717).

465

Plate I.12: Uncertain representations of kilns. a. Black-figure skyphos from the Robinson collection in Baltimore, by the Theseus Painter; b-c. Gem engravings (now lost).

Plate II.1

Multi-lingual dictionary of the structural parts of the kiln.

466

467

Plate II.2:

Different methods for firing pottery a. pit firing; b. horizontal kiln firing; c-d. socalled horizontal kilns from ancient Palestine. Scale applies only to d.

Plate II.3:

a. Major parts of a kiln; b. Kiln at Pella (85); c. Schematic representation of a kiln.

468

469

Plate II.4:

Hellenistic kiln at Chalkis (349). Walls of the combustion chamber lined with Corinthian-style rooftiles.

The stoking channel of the kiln. a. Classical kilns at Kerameikos, Athens (40-42); b. Archaic kilns at Lato (28-30); Plate II.5: c. Roman kiln at Philotas (250); d. Kiln with double-stoking channel at Klirou on Cyprus. Scale applies only to a.

470

471

Plate II.6:

Two reconstructions of the Pentekoufia plaque F893.

472

a.

b. Plate II.7:

Ventholes of the perforated floor. a. Fragments of ventholes from Protoarchaic kilns at Prinias (31-36) and their restored diameters; b. Joining fragments of a venthole from Geometric kilns at Lefkandi (07-09).

473

Examples of diversity in the arrangement of the ventholes of the perforated Plate II.8: floors from ceramic kilns in Egypt. a. Burg-el Arab; b. Amphora kiln at Desert Road Alexandria-Cairo, Km 203.

Plate II.9:

Supporting system for the perforated floor at Istrona, Crete (385).

474

475

Plate II.10:

Roman Kiln at Gortys, Arcadia (337) preserving the perforated floor and the system of supporting arms.

476

Supporting arms of the perforated floor. a. Nemea Valley Archaeological Plate II.11: Project; b. Berbati, Argos (340), c. Mitropoli, Karditsa (353); d. Asomatos, Crete. Scales apply only to a and b.

477

Plate II.12: Different types of stacking supports. Part I. a-b. From the Athenian Agora ; c. Tripods from ancient Corinth and the Athenian Agora; d-e. Types of supports from Corinth. Reconstructions A and B of their use inside the kiln.

478

Plate II.13: Different types of stacking supports. Part II. a. Stacking supports from the Tile Works at ancient Corinth (64-65); b. Modern kiln-supports for pitharia at Korone, Messenia.

479

Plate II.14:

Experimental use of L-shaped stacking supports at ancient Corinth (64-65).

480

Plate II.15:

Clay rings from Athenian workshops.

Plate II.16:

a. Kiln supports or handle molds from Hellenistic workshop at Paroikia, Paros (229-334). b. Stacking techniques of ancient pottery. LM I kernos from Gortyn.

481

Plate II.17:

Tower-stacked cups from the cemetery at Merenda in the Brauron Museum.

482

Plate Exc.1:

Models of Neolithic terracotta ovens and reconstructions of their use in a Neolithic settlement (a), b. Neolithic model from Plateia Magoula Zarkou in Trikala; c. Neolithic model from Sitagroi.

483

484

Plate Exc.2:

Experimental reconstruction of a Neolithic hut with an oven in Volos.

485

–

Plate Exc.3:

Fifth-century B.C. model of oven from Boeotia (Berlin, Staatliche Museen 31644).

Plate Exc.4:

Archaelogical examples of ovens. a. Neolithic oven from Arhontiko Giannitson; b. LBA two-storied oven at Anchialos, Sindos; c-d. Roman bakery-ovens from Pompeii and Ostia

486

487

Plate Exc.5:

Comparison of a ceramic kiln and a lime kiln.

Plate Exc.6:

Coexistence of a ceramic and a lime kiln from Kokkinovrysi in ancient Corinth (343).

488

Plate Exc.7:

Lime kiln in section from Kokkinovrysi at ancient Corinth (343).

489

490

a.

– b. Plate Exc.8:

a. Glass furnaces at Tell el-Amarna, ca. 1400 B.C.; b. Late-Roman glass workshop in Rome.

491

Plate Exc.9:

a. "Early Helladic metal furnaces" at Steno Arcadias; b. Cupellation furnace from Geometric Argos.

492

Plate Exc.10:

Metal furnace and casting pit from Kladeos foothills at Olympia.

493

Plate Exc.11:

Representations of metallurgical furnaces on Greek vases.

494

Plate Exc.12:

Plans, pictures, and reconstructions of a casting pit at Kassope.

Plate Exc.13:

Various types of furnaces. a. Coin foundry at the Agora, Thessaloniki; b. Workshop for preparation of colors on Cos

495

Plate Exc.14: Reconstruction of a coin foundry.

496

Plate Exc.15: Summary of characteristics of pyrotechnological structures.

497

498

Plate III.1:

Cuomo Di Caprio's typology.

499

Plate III.2:

Development of pottery-firing structures in Syria and Palestine.

500

Plate III.3:

Typology of circular and rectangular tile kilns in Roman France.

501

Plate III.4:

Typology of Greek circular kilns.

502

Plate III.5:

Kilns with a central wall from ancient Syria and Palestine.

503

Plate III.6:

Archaic circular kiln at Prinias with two parallel walls (36).

504

Plate III.7:

Circular kilns with benches (10, 146, 150).

Plate III.8:

Typology of Greek rectangular kilns.

505

506

Plate III.9:

Archaic (?) rectangular kiln at Aigion (18).

Plate III.10:

Plans and sections of rectangular kilns at Olympia (from left to right 73, 347, 392).

507

508

Plate III.11:

Roman rectangular kilns at Polymylos, Kozanis (365-367).

509

Plate III.12:

Traditional rectangular kilns from Cos (above) and Chios.

Plate III.13:

Typology of circular and rectangular kilns in ancient Greece.

510

511

Plate III.14:

Rectangular kilns/ovens from ancient Iran and Mesopotamia.

Plate III.15:

Typology of Gallo-Roman kilns.

512

Plate III.16:

Comparison of Greek typology with other Mediterranean typologies.

513

514

a.

b. Plate III.17:

Ceramic kilns in Magna Graecia. a. Classical kilns at Metaponto; b. Classical kilns at Naxos.

515

Plate IV.1:

Plans and reconstructions of the Neolithic “oven” at Olynthus.

516

Plate IV.2:

Early Helladic ovens/kilns. a. Agios Mamas, Chalkidike; b. Polychrono, Chalkidike (94). The north arrow applies only to b.

Plate IV.3:

Middle Helladic kilns: Lerna (96), Sparta (101-103), Kirrha (104-106). The scale applies only to the plans.

517

518

Plate IV.4:

Middle Helladic kiln from Eretria (103).

Plate IV.5:

Kiln sites on Crete (with the addition of the later production center, Thrapsano).

519

520

a.

b. a. Late Minoan IB channel kiln at Kommos (145); Plate IV.6: b. Reconstruction of the Late Minoan IB channel kiln at Kommos (145).

521

Plate IV.7:

Plans and sections of the Late Minoan IB kiln at Agia Triadha (143).

Plate IV.8:

Reconstruction of rectangular kiln at Agia Triadha (143) firing pithoi.

522

523

Plate IV.9:

Late Minoan IIIA Potters' Quarter at Gouves, Herakleion.

524

Plate IV.10:

Reconstruction of kiln IV at Gouves, Herakleion.

525

Plate IV.11:

Metallurgical furnace/pottery kiln at Zakros, Crete (123).

Plate IV.12:

Late Minoan IIIB channel kilns from Knossos (139-141).

526

Plate IV.13:

Sizes of Prehistoric kilns (all in the same scale). a. Agia Triadha (143); b. Dimini (116); c. Achladia (148).

527

Plate IV.14:

Late Minoan IIIB circular kiln at Kavousi, Crete (151).

528

529

Plate IV.15:

Mycenaean kilns: Aigeira (108), Berbati (111), Dimini (116), Pylos (114), Thebes (115), Velestino (117).

Plate IV.16:

Ceramic workshop at Kirrha, Delphi (104-106).

530

531

Plate IV.17:

Distribution of Prehistoric kilns.

532

Plate V.1:

Plans of Geometric kilns (all in the same scale). Amorgos (13), Athens (01), Dodona (10), Phaistos (12), Torone (11).

533

Plate V.2:

Distribution of Geometric kilns.

534

Plate V.3:

Perforated floor of Geometric kiln at Kyme on Euboea (05).

535

Plate V.4:

Plans of Archaic kilns. Aigion (18), Knossos (27), Lato (28-30), Phari (25-26), Prinias (31-36).

536

Plate V.5:

Distribution of Archaic kilns.

537

Plate V.6:

Selection of Classical kilns (all in the same scale).

538

Plate V.7:

Distribution of Classical kilns.

Plate V.8:

General plan of the sanctuary of Zeus at Nemea (60-62) indicating area of the kilns

539

Plate V.9:

The sanctuary of Zeus at Nemea. Plan of the kilns area in relationship to the Xenon and the Basilica.

540

541

Plate V.10:

Rectangular kiln at the sanctuary of Zeus at Nemea (60).

542

Plate V.11:

Distribution of Hellenistic kilns. Sites in italics and triangles are dated as Hellenistic-Roman.

Plate V.12:

Hellenistic workshop at Pella (218-223)

543

544

Plate V.13:

Distribution of Roman kilns. Sites in italics and triangles are dated as Hellenistic-Roman.

Plate V.14:

Athens, Kotzia Square. Late Roman workshops area (274-300). (Kilns indicated with red, basins with blue color)

545

546

Plate V.15:

Rectangular Roman kilns at Kerameikos (Bau Y) (260-269).

547

Plate V.16:

Distribution of Late Antique kilns.

548

Plate V.17:

Distribution of Byzantine kilns.

549

Plate V.18:

Byzantine kilns at ancient Corinth.

Plate V.19:

Byzantine kilns at ancient Corinth (412-413).

550

551

Plate VI.1:

The Protoarchaic ceramic workshop at Prinias, Crete (31-36).

552

Plate VI.2

Site plan of the Tile Works, ancient Corinth (64-65).

553

Plate VI.3:

Section plans of the East kiln at the Tile Works, ancient Corinth (64-65).

Plate VI.4:

The East kiln at the Tile Works, ancient Corinth (65).

554

555

a. Orlandos' reconstruction of the superstructure of the East kiln at the Tile Plate VI.5: Works at ancient Corinth (65); b. New reconstruction of the East kiln at the Tile Works at ancient Corinth (65); c. Modern abandoned tile kiln (1968) at ancient Elis.

Plate VI.6:

Estimations of time requirements for the East kiln at the Tile Works to fire roofs of buildings of various sizes.

556

Plate VI.7:

Workshops with rectangular kilns in ancient Corinth. A. Tile Works (64-65), B. West Tile Works (344), C. Kokkinovrysi (343).

557

558

a.

b.

Plate VI.8:

a. Plan of the Olympia Sanctuary with locations of kilns indicated; b. Detailed plan of encircled area in plan a.

559

Plate VI.9:

The Protoarchaic ceramic workshop at Prinias (31-36).

560

Plate VI.10:

Geometric (?) kiln and clay pits on Samos (14).

561

Plate VI.11:

Archaic ceramic workshop at Phari, Thasos (25-26).

Plate VI.12:

Classical ceramic workshop at Lenormant Ave. in Athens (51-53).

562

563

Plate VI.13:

Kerameikos at Figaretto, Corfu operating from Archaic to Hellenistic times (197-209).

Plate VI.14:

Classical ceramic workshop at Sindos, Macedonia (86-89).

564

565

Plate VI.15:

Hellenistic ceramic workshop at Stamouli-Bolia Plot, Pherai, Velestino (190-192).

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