Caste-Based Reservations and Human Development in India

Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India K.S...

Author: K S Chalam

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Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India


K.S. Chalam

Copyright © K.S. Chalam, 2007 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilised in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. First published in 2007 by Sage Publications India Pvt Ltd B 1/I-1, Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044 www.sagepub.in Sage Publications Inc 2455 Teller Road Thousand Oaks, California 91320 Sage Publications Ltd 1 Oliver’s Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP Sage Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd 33 Pekin Street #02-01 Far East Square, Singapore 048763 Published by Vivek Mehra for Sage Publications India Pvt Ltd, typeset in 10/12 GalliardBT at Excellent Laser Typesetters, Delhi, and printed at Chaman Enterprises, New Delhi Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Chalam, K.S. (Kurmana Simha), 1948– Caste-based reservations and human development in India / K.S. Chalam. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Minorities—Employment—India. 2. Minorities—Education—India. 3. Caste—India. 4. Economic development—Social aspects—India. I. Title. HN687.C44 ISBN:

305.5'680954—dc22

978–6–7619–3581–0 (PB)

2007

2007002236

978–81–7829–742–2 (India–PB)

Sage Production Team: Kuhu Tanvir, Neha Kohli, Sandeep Bankhwal and Santosh Rawat The views expressed in this book are personal and do not reflect those of the organisation where the author currently works.

To Ayothidas and Periyar E.V. R.

Contents List of Tables Preface

9 13

1. Introduction

15

Present Status of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes 2. Caste and Economic Inequalities in India

25

3. Social Linkages of Artisans with Technology and Development

35

4. The Socially and Educationally Backward Castes vs Economically-backward Classes

42

5. Untouchability and Poverty Among Dalits

75

Impact of Caste-based Reservations 6. Caste Reservations to Remedy Socio-economic Inequalities

93

7. Human Development Through Caste Reservations: A Study

122

8 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India 8. Dalit Development in Andhra Pradesh: A Case Study of the Impact of Reservations on Development

146

9. The Alternative: Replace Caste-based Reservation with Democratic Representation

168

Glossary Bibliography Index About the Author

182 187 199 211

List of Tables 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4

4.5

4.6

4.7

5.1 5.2

Percentage Distribution of the Indian Population by Caste and Religious Groups Number of State-wise Backward Classes as per Mandal Commission 1980 Private Costs of Education for Backward Class Students in Vishakhapatnam, 1977–80 Percent Enrolment of Other Backward Classes Students to Total Students in Different States (1963–64) Enrolment of Reservation Category Students in a Private College, Rajahmundry, Andhra Pradesh (1990–91) Educational Support Programmes for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes in India (1951–52 to 2002) Distribution of Post-Matric Scholarships— SC, BC and ST—Intermediate, B.A., B.Com and B.Sc Students in Rajahmundry, Andhra Pradesh, 1988–89 Main Offences Committed against Scheduled Castes in India during 1979–99 Poverty among the Dalits in 1987–88, 1993–94 and 1999–2000

53 55 61

65

67

70

72 82 89

10 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India 6.1 6.2 6.3a

6.3b 6.4

6.5 6.6a 6.6b 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7a 7.7b 7.8

8.1

Justice Party’s Policy of Reservation Expenditure on Post-Matric Scholarships on SC and ST Students, 1944–45 to 1997–2002 Educated (Matric and Above) Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Job Seekers by the End of 1979 Number of Educated Unemployed per 1,000 in the year 1999–2000 (SC, ST and OBC) Percentage of Enrolment of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Students to Total Enrolment after Independence in India Monthly Earnings of Scheduled Caste and Non-Scheduled Caste Male Workers in India Representation of Backward Classes in Central Government Services in 1980 Representation of Backward Classes in Central Government Services in 1999 Per Capita NSDP and Sectoral Shares in South Indian States Poverty and Net Migration in South India Human Development Index of States in 1981, 1991 and 2001 Birth Rate, Death Rate and Infant Mortality Rate in South India The Growth of Literacy Rates in South India Expenditure on Education Levels of Literacy among Scheduled Castes Levels of Literacy among Scheduled Tribes Enrolment Ratio of Scheduled Castes to Other Communities and Coefficient of Equality in All Institutions State Domestic Product of Andhra Pradesh (Sector-wise Percentage)

96 100

103 104

105 106 113 115 127 129 131 133 135 137 141 142

144 149

List of Tables

8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6

9.1 9.2

Agricultural Labour and Main Workers among Dalits (Scheduled Castes) Public Sector Employees by Caste Land Holdings and Access to Irrigation (Scheduled Castes) Incidence of Poverty in Rural Andhra Pradesh by Social Group (1982–1991 and 1999–2000) Caste-related Development Index for Andhra Pradesh Employment in Organised and Unorganised Sectors (All India) Financial and Technical Collaborations 1981–98 and 2006

11 151 152 155 157 161

174 181

Preface

T

oday India is considered to be one of the fastest developing countries in the world in terms of the rate of growth of its Gross National Product (GNP). The transition from an underdeveloped to a developing country has its own problems and limitations. One of the serious problems that the country has been faced with is in the area of social inequality. This inhibits the allocation of development fruits to all sections of society. It is alleged that the benefits of development are limited to the (dvija) castes and the weaker sections are provided only crumbs in the name of so-called welfare measures. This has widened the gap between the haves and have-nots, and has also led to inter group conflicts. These conflicts are manifested in claims for more space for each caste in the name of caste-based reservations. No democratic society can survive keeping a vast majority of its population away from participating in socio-economic processes. Allowing individuals to vote irrespective of their caste is not the be-all and end-all of democracy. The democratic principle of ‘one man one vote and one vote one value’ needs to be translated into in all spheres of public life. Therefore the founding fathers of the Constitution had incorporated caste-based reservations as one of the methods of achieving it. However, no attempt seems to have been made to assess the impact of this strategy in achieving the expected goals. It is ironic that whenever an effort is made to review it, people are divided into groups

14 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India as antagonists and protagonists. Except a few opinionated journalists, intellectuals of the country have hardly participated in the debate. Thus a dispassionate judgement on this important issue has remained an apparition. I have written on socio-economic issues as a researcher in social sciences. Some of my papers were published in Economic and Political Weekly, Seminar, and Social Action, after the Mandal Commission Report was made public in 1982. An attempt is made here to present the factual data on this issue with an effort to bring some of my (related) publications here. The material is evaluated with critical comments on the impact of caste-based reservations in the country in general and South India in particular. Readers might find some repetitions and inconsistencies in the book due to the fact that it has been written over a period of two decades. Several friends and colleagues have helped me in sharpening my arguments in the book. I am grateful to all of them, particularly Mr Vinay and Mr Lalta Prasad Pal who brought all the material on a floppy for easy presentation in print. The views expressed in the book in no way reflect the organisation for which I am working now. K.S. Chalam New Delhi

1 Introduction

C

aste-based reservations are as old as the caste system in India. The varna or the jati structure has evolved over a period of time to reserve certain professions or duties for a particular caste. It was almost forbidden for others to enter the caste group, making it similar to the present system of caste-based reservations. Some scholars claim that the caste system was originally based on merit ( guna and karma) but later degenerated to an extent where it recognised a person’s merit by birth and not his/her worth. Suffering under the iniquitous system, the upper

16


caste Shudras1 initiated struggles for upward mobility in the social ladder and also for a dignified ritual status in the past. Later they started comparing their position with that of the Brahmins in the area of employment in some of the diwans of princely states. They produced data to show how they were denied opportunity in employment though they constituted a major proportion of the population compared to the negligible percentage of Brahmins who occupied almost all the privileged positions of power. The British Indian Government had also implemented a policy of reserving certain places in educational institutions for Muslims who were considered by the Hunter Commission (1882) as under-represented in education. Therefore, the origin of the concept of reservation dates back to the 19th century. It is not related to the population of a particular group, caste, religion or ethnic origin. Reservation here means keeping aside some places or positions to provide an equality of opportunity to a group in education or employment. It is not necessarily related to the strength of the group in the population. It can be more or less than the population and it can even be carried forward if suitable candidates are not available. It is only an ameliorative step, first implemented by the British in their presidencies. This favourable situation tempted several depressed classes to build struggles to achieve similar privileges from the British. Thus caste-based reservations in India have a much longer history compared to the recent (four decades old) affirmative action in the USA. This may be kept in mind while discussing the issues relating to reservations based on constitutional provisions and amendments to the Constitution in recent times. In fact, there was a very significant event in the preIndependence movement in the form of the ‘Poona Pact’ between 1 Upper castes in India are categorised as ‘dvija’ (twice-born) while Shudras are the non-dvijas. The latter are again divided into upper-caste and backwardcaste Shudras.

Introduction

17

Mahatma Gandhi and B.R. Ambedkar about the so-called concessions given to Dalits to become a part of mainstream society. It is almost similar to that of the Jammu and Kashmir issue (Article 370). Once the pact came into operation after the Government of India Act 1935 and became a part of the Constitution, it was inevitable for the state to continue the castebased reservations for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). The issue of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) arose because of the implementation of the communal Government Order (GO) in the Madras Presidency in 1925–26, and the demand for its continuation in the post-Independence period. The backward classes leadership fought for social justice within the Constituent Assembly and outside, forcing the Assembly to adopt Article 340 and 15(4) (see details in Chapter 4). Further, castes identified as SCs in some states (based on untouchability) are categorised as backward classes in other states. Therefore, it was inescapable for the state from implementing caste-based reservations for all. The recent debate on reservations has brought out certain concepts which are not fully elaborated by the scholars. It is also true that several contemporary pro- and anti-reservation activists have not gone through the history of reservation struggles in India. Some believe that these struggles are based on the so-called ‘affirmative action’ in the USA. Let us understand some of the concepts relating to caste-based reservations that have evolved in the literature on the reservation. (i)

(ii)

Affirmative Action—refers to action that is designed to assure future fairness of treatment in the absence of any specific legal finding of discriminatory practices whose consequences are to be remedied (a situation where there is no need for a remedial action). Remedial Action—refers to plans put into place as a result of litigations and/or of court settlements that have

18


(iii) (iv) (v)

(vi) (vii)

specifically-crafted remedies for a pattern and practice of what is or at least appears to be actual discrimination. Diversity—refers to giving preference (at the margin) to members of a given racial or other minority over equally qualified others. Quota—refers to a particular quantity of places fixed to be filled without any reference to the proportion of the group in the population for which this quota is fixed. Reservation—refers to an act through which places or positions are fixed in relation to gender, religion, caste, language or any other nomenclature with an intention to provide the legitimate share to the group so that others can not appropriate it. It can be carried forward on certain conditions. Preferential treatment—refers to a situation in which preference will be given to persons over others ceteris paribus. Reparations—refers to recompensation given to one who has suffered at the hands of another. It also implies compensation for the free service (slavery) rendered by a population. Germany has paid compensation for the damage done to the Jews. African-Americans are demanding similar compensation from the whites in the US.

It is possible to elaborate on each one of the above concepts. As there is a lot of confusion about the use of these concepts, Robin M. Williams lists the following possibilities which are used in the US with reference to affirmative action. They are as follows: (a) (b)

informational and educational programmes; arranging for positive inter-ethnic interactions;

Introduction

(c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j)

19

strict judicial and administrative enforcement of antidiscrimination laws and regulations; notification and publicity concerning opportunities for ‘minority’ persons in education, employment, business, political access, public facilities and civic affairs; direct solicitation and aggressive search, e.g., for university admissions, civil service jobs, business contracts; use of ethnic category and one factor in actual practice, including for example, promotions and dismissals; remedial programmes such as tutoring and on-the-job training; categorical preferences, based primarily but not exclusively on ethnic origins (reverse discrimination); quotas, absolute preferences, tied to obligatory numbers or proportions; and reparations sometimes claimed but rarely accepted.

There is growing literature available in the USA on this issue from the time of the Civil Rights Act 1964. Some AfricanAmerican and minority scholars oppose the concept of diversity as it strengthens the idea of ‘separate but equal’ and allege that this will encourage racial stereotypes. They are very critical about the ‘slippery slope’ argument of whites who accuse it as one that is ‘devoid of merit’. The same arguments are fashionable among Indian intellectuals and media. Often, these ideas slip into judicial pronouncements without any critical scrutiny. In fact, the major problem within India’s reservations policy is that there is no institutional mechanism like the Equality of Opportunity Commission of USA to supervise it. Apart from USA and India, several European and Asian countries follow some kind of affirmative action for the disadvantaged and deprived groups in their countries. The UK government has instituted a new ministry, Ministry for Social Exclusion, in 2006 to deal with issues of inclusion, other than poverty.

20


The concept of social exclusion has been used by scholars in recent times to explain the position of certain deprived groups in society. Amartya Sen has elaborated the concept in the Asian context by mentioning that social exclusion leads to deprivations and limits our living opportunities. He has quoted Adam Smith (1976), who was one of the earliest to recognise how capability deprivations took place in society. It is instructive to quote Sen who quoted Smith saying that ‘being able to appear in public without shame’, is a good example of capability deprivation that takes the form of social exclusion (Sen, 1999). In India, large sections of society were considered untouchable; these people were humiliated if they appeared in public. Scheduled Tribes have remained physically isolated from mainstream society. Some people belonging to the service castes were looked down upon as inferior human beings. Therefore, the concept of social exclusion is well suited to study the socio-economic conditions of the so-called ‘reservation groups’ in India. These groups, particularly the first two, have been excluded from participating in the development process, thus resulting in ‘capability poverty’. According to Sen the inability to interact freely with others is an important deprivation in itself (Sen, 1999). Once a group is excluded from social relations, it will have debilitating conditions to command livilihood opportunities. These are found in both material and non-material conditions. Therefore, the underdevelopment or backwardness of these groups can be understood now in the historical perspective by using the concept of social exclusion. The remedy appears to be in bringing the socially excluded close to society through a process of social inclusion. An attempt was made in the past in the southern states to bring these sections at par with the so-called upper castes by providing equality of opportunity in education and employment. These policies have paid rich dividends in the form of increase in human development indicators. Though reformers in the 19th century were not aware of the concept of human development, they insisted on these

Introduction

21

parameters which now form an important part of human development. Human development is defined as ‘the process of enlarging the range of peoples’ choices’ (see Chapter 7). These include the parameters of enlarging the opportunities in education, health, income and employment. It is believed that the policy of caste-based reservations will provide equality of opportunity to groups hitherto excluded from them. It is yet to be seen to what extent this has become a reality, particularly in those states where it has been implemented for more than a century. There are, however, very few studies on the impact of this policy on development. The poverty of scholarship in India is so glaring that no worthwhile intellectual exercise was undertaken during the debate on reservations; while in the USA it produced treatises like Jencks’ Inequality (1972), Becker’s Economics of Discrimination (1957), and above all Rawls’ A Theory of Justice (1971). A majority of the participants of the polemics in India are almost divided on caste lines. There is a total absence of objectivity and deep sense of scholarship in these writings indicating a serious malady in our intellectual tradition. An attempt is made here to bring together some of the empirical data to present the factual position of caste-based reservations in India. It is necessary to throw light on the almost two centuries old policy to find out its utility or uselessness for contemporary society.2 It is also imperative to reflect on the past theories on the basis of the changing context both in terms of chronology and ideology. The socio-economic status of reservation groups and the impact of the policy of caste-based reservations in the South, where it has been implemented for more than 150 years, is presented here. However, we are conscious of the limitations of the study in terms of the data and other intellectual inputs. 2 Some Dalit groups recently performed the centenary celebrations of reservations to indicate that Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur was one of the first to grant 50 per cent reservations to lower castes in his kingdom in 1902. The Maharaja of Mysore did it in the 1850s.

Present Status of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes

2 Caste and Economic Inequalities in India

C

aste surfaced once again as an important unit of social and political mobilisation when a new coalition government occupied the seat of power in Delhi symbolising the emergence of a new category of alliances of the upper castes. It was alleged that the middle castes and the dvija collective1 were determined to get the resources and opportunities distributed among themselves. The Judiciary seems to have strengthened the 1 The dvija collective refers to the collective of three ‘twice-born’ upper castes—Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas.

26


spirit of the dominant coalition with regard to reservations. Part IV of the Constitution is made infructuous. The first thing that the 24-party coalition did was coopting the opportunist elements among the Dalits by extending political reservations to SCs and STs for another 10 years. This would help strengthen the group in getting political support from these sections. The traditional Hindu tactic of co-option is being enacted once again. That is the reason why the 100-odd Members of Parliament (MPs) belonging to SCs and STs, it is alleged, do not have any voice in a Parliament of several coalitions. They do not have either social or political power. But a group of 10 or 15 MPs belonging to upper castes or dvija collective can wield positions of cabinet berths and can get contracts worth crores of rupees. Some claim that there seems to be no difference in the economic policies of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Therefore, in the name of liberalisation the same caste groups are making use of the opportunities created. How is this happening? Is it due to the fact that the power of these castes is higher than that of others? How did they get this power? This needs to be probed.

The Concept of Power The concept of ‘power’ in social sciences is understood as the capacity of a subject to have his own way. Power takes into account the social relationship between two individuals or groups of individuals. Power is always exercised through domination and subordination. It depends upon the historical setting, social structure, and nature of the state and economy. Economists have neglected analysing the nature of power till John Kenneth Galbraith developed the theory of countervailing power as a socio-economic phenomenon. Some economists have no doubt discussed it as a technical relation in the theory of competition. There are theories that discuss the monopoly power in

Caste and Economic Inequalities in India

27

capturing the market demand and so on. But what is important here is that power appears in varied forms. J. Pen (1971) classifies seven categories of non-economic power such as (i) physical power—threat of use of physical force; (ii) personal power— personal ascendancy, father-child relationship; (iii) social power— respect for the social position of the subject; (iv) administrative and organisational power—based on the rules of an organisation and administrative body; (v) state power—based on the sanctions which the state has at its disposal; (vi) legal power—legal relationship based on an agreement; and (vii) political power— the exercise of power by citizens in respect of the state. In the theory of power, social scientists have analysed how a person’s power over another person is effected in terms of the behaviour pattern. In order to analyse it the constituents of power need to be examined in terms of the base, means, scope and amount. The base of power is considered to be resources such as economic assets, constitutional prerogatives and military force, among others. The means of power is exercised through specific actions like promises, threats and so on. The scope of power lies in the specifications of the subject. The amount of power is measured in terms of the increase in the probability of performing some specific action.

Economic Power Economic power has been defined in terms of the economic situation. J. Pen (1971) defined it as that ‘in which the subject who has a series of unsatisfied wants is faced with the relatively scarce means of satisfying these wants. In this situation, economic power can be exercised if the means on which the subject must rely for the satisfaction of his wants are in the hands of another subject.’ For example if the resources are in the hands of A, then A is powerful, as B depends on A. However, the dependence of

28


power on resources is not a simple preposition. It needs to be analysed in terms of power structures such as the liberal democratic state, patriarchal family, capitalist economy, and the caste system. These power structures influence not only the base but even the means of power. Our concern here is to examine to what extent the caste system as a power structure influenced the base and means of economic power in India. It is very difficult to analyse this problem in the Indian context as there are few studies available to undertake this exercise. No economist, it appears, has so far examined the Indian caste system as an economic power relation. It is always considered a social institution wielding no economic power. The past experience of the country in terms of ascendancy of certain castes and the subjugation of several other castes as dependants has not been analysed in purely economic terms. R.K. Hazari (1967) has attempted to measure power in terms of concentration of economic resources. To measure the monopoly power of big business houses, three criteria have been used: (i) the share of the largest companies in the industrial output; (ii) concentration of ownership of capital; and (iii) concentration of management of companies in the economy. Though similar attempts have been made by economists to measure the economic power even after the new economic policy, no attempt seems to have been made to examine the social background of the people who wield this economic power.

Caste and Economic Inequalities Caste has been considered an economic asset of a group of individuals in the Indian context. It is property. The value of the property is raised or reduced directly in proportion to the ritual status in the social order of Hindu society. W.H. Wiser, a Christian missionary attempted to measure the economic relations


29

between different castes considering the jajamani system in a village in 1935 (Wiser, 1935). No one has ever bothered to examine why the upper castes, particularly the dvija castes of Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya have always remained in the higher echelons of economic power and the Dalits on the lower rung. Some sociologists in the West have tried to examine the social background of top decision-makers in the corporate sector. The study of C.S. Wilson and T. Lupton (1971) brought out clearly the ‘connections between directors of merchant banks, and between merchant banks and directors of the Bank of England.’ It goes on to say: ‘Nor is it surprising that we find that positions in certain firms are occupied by adjacent generations of the same family. . . What might seem surprising is that kinship connections of this kind have persisted through many changes in the scale and functioning of banking, in the organisation of industry and, in the complexity of politics.’ What is found in the English system of kinship relations is inherently naturalised in the Indian caste system. The development of the élite class from among the dvijas and particularly among the Brahmins took place during the 1960s. In fact, the criteria used by M.N. Srinivas (1987) to label a caste ‘dominant’ is not appropriate to capture all castes in a village or region because landholdings are no longer an important base for economic mobility. It is now subsidised higher education, access to banks and credit institutions, contracts, public sector sales outlets etc., that make a caste dominant. The opportunities created by the public sector of the Nehruvian era were systematically grabbed by the educated dvijas. That is why Periyar E.V.R. referred to bank nationalisation as ‘bank Brahminisation’. There was nothing wrong in it because Brahmins were the only group eminently qualified at that time to enter the public sector. Several Indian doctors, engineers, scientists and technocrats migrated to USA, UK and other industrialised countries. Most of them got absorbed in multinational companies and developed close

30


contacts. Some of them also occupied important positions in Fund-Bank institutions. In other words, a separate caste, a universal dominant caste crossing the narrow geographical boundaries of the state emerged like that of Zionism. A Pundit of Kashmir, a ¯ Sastry of Tamil Nadu and a ¯ Sarma of UP carved out a pan-Indian collectivity. They started learning Hindi and Sanskrit and revived Vedic rituals in Delhi, New York, London and elsewhere to ‘share common culture and way of life’ (Wilson and Lupton, 1971). For the first time in the history of India, Brahmins as a group started entering the economic sphere and used the bureaucracy for the accumulation of capital, which has three dimensions: physical, human and social. Tycoons of the public sector started ploughing the money into private coffers. They used their positions for contacts with multinationals to establish units in India either in their name or with a binami to start with. They left the public sector unit after extracting as much as they could from it.2 Several neo-rich industrialists of the pre- and post-liberal period belong to this genre. They are supported by Non-Resident Indians (NRIs). The formation of this internationalised elite has not taken place out of isolation of the nationalist pan-Aryan or Vedic revivalism in India and abroad. In fact, one should not forget the fact that more money and bricks for the Ram temple in Ayodhya poured into India from the US and other developed countries. This would not have been possible without systematic networking. Some of them who have worked for liberalisation of the economy became billionaires in a short period of time using their caste capital. The position of the socially deprived has remained the same as can be seen from the data in the appendix (Table 2.A.1). More than 50 per cent of the labour force among SCs still constitute agricultural labour and the average size of land possessed by them 2 There are several cases of this kind available in informal discussions and the rhetoric of the Left parties.


31

is only 0.4 hectare (ha) while it is 0.88 ha for others. The average monthly per capita expenditure (MPCE) is only Rs 412 for SCs and Rs 373 for STs compared to Rs 508 for others. The levels of literacy in the age group of seven and above is 46 per cent for SCs and 40 per cent for STs while it is above 60 per cent for others. The average schooling is four years for Dalits and above six years for others. This data suggest that the socio-economic status of the Dalits is much lower than others even in the year 2000.

Caste as a Source of Economic Power Caste has been used as a source of social and economic power since its earliest stages. The dvija castes have used it as a property of the group of people who inherit a particular caste by birth. Dvija caste-power as domination is exercised by social action, which in India is implemented through the operation of upper caste cleavages. These cleavages have existed in India as they did in English society (see Wilson and Lupton, 1971) in a subtle manner before 1990. It is a known fact that public sector undertakings particularly the powerful banking sector is under the control of ‘Brahmin power’. It is difficult to explain how financial institutions can be manipulated by an ordinary person like Harshad Mehta to the extent of crores of rupees and the actions still remain unpunished. The allegation that money laundering is involved in the so-called boom of IT where upper caste bourgeosie is involved has not been interrogated by scholars yet.3 The New Economic Policy has provided opportunities to the upper castes to consolidate their social and economic power by deals and mergers. Public money in the form of forced savings of the middle classes and Dalits is being diverted to private 3 There is an alleged apprehension among government employees about why is it that civil servants in the administrative service cadre belonging to SCs and STs are punished for smaller offences while others who are involved in huge scams are left unpunished?

32


individuals belonging to upper castes in the name of disinvestment. The recent publication by a news agency of a list of 100 rich persons in India does not contain even a single Dalit or OBC. The emergence of multi-caste corporations (MCC) in metropolitan centres in the areas of financial companies, agri business, and other sectors provide unlimited opportunities to the dvija castes while similar opportunities are denied to Dalits. This is happening because of the fact that caste has re-emerged as a powerful economic weapon after the New Economic Policy. It is systematically planned to leave the urban service sector and the unremunerative traditional agriculture to the Dalits and artisan castes and capture all the coveted investments for the upper castes. Even the ‘telecom scam’ of the 1990s is a pointer to indicate the exercise of power by upper castes in India. It is not unusual to find upper caste investors emerge as billionaires overnight without any initial investment while similar opportunities are not available for qualified and talented Dalits. This difference in opportunities and market efficiency is to be found not in the abilities of the persons but their social background of belonging to upper castes. The reason why organisations like the Confederation of Indian Industries (CII) and other social formations of MCC did not want the present social arrangement to be disturbed is because caste interests and economic benefits converge here. The present economic policies of all the political parties as mentioned in their election manifestos clearly indicate that they are interested in market efficiency through privatisation. The policies will definitely provide some opportunities to Dalits and others, not in the primary and secondary sectors of the economy, but in the tertiary sector and particularly in the service sector. The traditional caste system provided space for the non-dvijas particularly Dalits and service castes who are ‘supposed’ to serve the dvijas. Now the space created by the service sector will be filled in by Dalits and backward castes. In other words, the Varnashrama Dharma will be recreated in the 21st century.


33

Caste and Race Race is used in the West, particularly in the US to intensify discrimination and segregation. This is not done on the premise of social and psychological advantages. According to P.A. Baran and P.M. Sweezy (1971), it is perpetuated to gain economic advantages in capitalist America. Baran and Sweenzy have listed five economic interests in the existence of an African-American sub-proletariat. (i)

Employers benefit from divisions in the labour force which enable them to play one group against another, thus weakening all. (ii) Owners of ghetto real-estate are able to overcrowd and over-charge. (iii) Middle- and upper-income groups benefit from having at their disposal a large supply of cheap domestic labour. (iv) Many small marginal businesses, especially in the service trade, can operate profitably only if cheap labour is available to them. (v) White workers benefit by being protected from African-American competition for the more desirable and higher-paying jobs. The situation in India is not different from what has happened in the USA. Here, the Dalits take the role of African-Americans. Interestingly, India entered the liberal capitalist frame in the 1990s to perpetuate the differences between dvijas and Dalits. The rulers in 1990 realised that the feudal system was not giving economic benefit as the influence of power was limited largely to the social sphere. Therefore, the economy was linked to the international market so that market forces could be brought in to develop several agencies to exercise economic power. It is the capitalist mode of production that perpetuated the caste mode of production in India, which does not have any serious problems of adjustment.

% of households (hh) Average MPCE (Rs) Average household size Average Proportion of Workers in hh Average Proportion of Females in hh % of hh Self-Employed in Non-Agricultural section % of Agricultural Labour hh % of other labour hh % of hh in other occupations Average size of land held (ha) % of Literacy (age>7) Average minimum of years of schooling Gini Index Composition of Rural Population

01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06. 07. 08. 09. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Sources: 1. Based on NSS. 55th Round Calculated. 2. IGIDR, 2005.

Item

Sl No. 21.43 412.20 4.84 0.48 0.49 11.80 54.05 9.11 8.44 0.41 45.99 4.46 23.31 20.46

SC 10.87 373.50 4.84 0.53 0.48 5.12 44.57 7.96 7.81 1.06 40.41 3.97 24.35 10.51

ST

Others 67.70 508.37 5.12 0.43 0.49 14.87 26.88 7.00 13.10 0.99 60.08 6.20 26.38 69.04

TABLE 2.A.1 Economic Characteristics of Rural Households by Social Group 1999–2000

Appendix

100.00 474.40 5.03 0.45 0.49 13.15 34.63 7.55 11.52 0.88 55.18 5.59 26.32 100.00

All

3 Social Linkages of Artisans with Technology and Development

H

The Background

istorical data on the existence of the manufacturing sector in India dates back to an ancient period. This sector was completely supported by the artisan castes. Historians have pointed out the linkages between the artisan groups and their indigenous origin. It is mentioned that ‘social discrimination against these dark-skinned people also led to discrimination against the trades which they plied. The original lack of such skills among the Aryans was probably one of the most

36


important reasons for the emergence of the caste system, which was designed to maintain the social and political superiority of the Aryans’ (Kulke and Rothermund, 1991). Thus the low social status of the artisans, who today constitute a majority of backward castes and some Dalit groups, originally existed in the ancient period. However, artisan communities have continued to maintain their skills and have been involved in the economic transformation of society. It was mentioned by Megasthenes in 4th Century BC that Indian society was broadly divided into seven social categories. The social structure of Magadha as described by Megasthenes contains the fourth estate that consisted of ‘traders and artisans’ who got their food from the royal storage (Kulke and Rothermund, 1991). Thus artisan groups have been stigmatised as a lower social group, though their importance grew with the transformation of the economy from pastoral to the urban economy based on the manufacturing sector. In her recent book Early India (2002) Romila Thapar mentions the rise of economies of exchange during 200 BC–AD 300. The economy was growing fast because of the liberal social conditions that prevailed after the Buddhist and Jain incursions in the country. Production and exchange were facilitated through the institution of the shreni (guild). However, the caste system prevailed. Thapar says, ‘many artisans joined shrenis since it was difficult for individuals to compete with professional orgainsations and the shrenis also offered status and a degree of security. Buddhist texts such as the Milind Panha and the Mahavastu mention 75 or more different occupations, not many of which could have been organised as guilds, even if there were at many’ (Thapar, 2002). It is noted that by the 12th century AD, caste consciousness was becoming a marked feature of social relationships. The Shudras were divided into clean Shudras and unclean Shudras. The unclean Shudras were debarred from entry into temples. As the economy started to diversify, new occupations were created, but they continued to occupy a despicable status

Social Linkages

37

in the Hindu social order. (The present connotation of OBCs is replete with controversies as they are not a homogeneous group).

Social Order and Technology The study of the social linkages with the status of artisan communities has not been taken up by many researchers. M.A. Qureshi (1990) attempted to explore the neglected area of linkages between social status and the development of technology in India. In this process he raised some basic issues for discussion. First, new linkages created by modern technology inhibit the integration of the traditional skills with the mode of production of modern technology. Second, it has been noticed that all classes, strata and sections of society cannot interact with science and technology in the same way and with the same degree of intimacy and intensity. Thus the results of science research and their applications have failed to contribute much to the amelioration of the condition of poor people. Third, the activities of the artisans were limited to either manufacturing articles to meet local requirements or to providing technical services to the local people. Many artisans’ products could not thus be brought into the framework of the market economy and remained as a backward segment of the economy. Finally, artisans to a large extent behave rationally when they are exposed to techniques new to them. Once the workability and profitability of new techniques are demonstrated to the artisans, they consider adopting these techniques. Experiments by agencies like NISTADS (National Institute of Science, Technology and Development Studies) can create a favourable climate for diffusion of innovations. Qureshi’s framework appears to be the neo-classical market mechanism. But the paradigm of mode of production and the corresponding socio-economic formation under which the rural

38


artisans are placed are still pre-capitalistic in nature. Therefore, Qureshi’s failure to link the low social status of the artisans with the existing technology in the rural areas is not due to the low technology (assuming that the advanced technology of the urban elite did not creep in the rural areas), but (as he has observed, but not elaborated) due to the continuation of the jajmani system. Even in the urban areas, a majority of the migrated artisans are employed in petty jobs and live in city slums in the same socio-economic condition as that of rural areas. Therefore, the traditional bonds are not weakened but in many cases are continued, resulting in the susceptibility of the groups to exploitation even in a new situation. The market framework of Qureshi, as in the case of many others, did not allow him to probe into these aspects as he assumed that the market would weaken the traditional bonds. Similarly, some Marxist scholars hold that in India the social status of low caste artisans remains so because of their refusal to accept advanced technology (Qureshi, 1990). It is not true that the results of research and development (R&D) are not accepted and applied by artisans in their work; the failure, when it occurs, is because of the lack of cognitive abilities (which have been suppressed) among these groups. Further, the so-called R&D in the country has very little to offer to modernise the artisans’ skills and are irrelevant to the latter. Most R&D results in the country are for ‘bureaucratic consumption’. Also, the educational status of the backward artisans is so low that the written word (including the results of R&D) cannot be communicated to them. Technological behaviour, as Qureshi has rightly pointed out, is intimately related to the level of income and land holdings, and is not just an outcome of enlightenment (Qureshi, 1990). There are very few instances in Indian history to show that artisans’ guilds were modernised deliberately through state policy or through mass movements. Even the limited renaissance movement concentrated more on the socio-cultural aspects of

Social Linkages

39

the artisans’ lives than on the need for modernisation of their skills. The market mechanism does not bring any perceptible change in the lives of the poor artisans as long as the terms of trade are linked with their low-caste background. The exchangevalue of the products of artisans’ labour turns out to be the usevalue in the rural setting. The impact of the experiments made by agencies such as NISTADS and KVIB (Khadi and Village Industries Board) is yet to be conceptualised, as the effort seems to be small and sometimes elitist in nature as compared to the magnitude of the problem. The experimental model illustrated by Qureshi seems to have very little to offer in establishing social linkages between the mainstream society and the status of the low-caste artisans (Qureshi, 1990). Production of pottery with modern techniques may not withstand the onslaughts of the market, particularly in the event of large-scale production of aluminium and other kinds of utensils and vessels which use capital-intensive technologies. The industrial policy of the government does not reserve such products for the rural artisans. Further, the pattern of demand for new products from the ever-growing salaried class does not encourage the products of rural artisans. Therefore, upliftment of low-caste artisans through the use of modern technology in a socially-backward market economy doesn’t seem possible in the near future. However, the concerted attempts being made by agencies such NISTADS should be encouraged for one simple reason: they are able to create a knowledge-base and awareness among those scientists who are committed to taking science and technology to the masses.

Appropriation of Occupations The caste system has shown resilience in adopting itself to changing situations. However, the castes that were responsible for the

40


creation of wealth in the country were never given the status that they deserved. As a result, the OBCs and Dalits who are actually involved in production activity are given very low positions, while those who do not contribute anything but are involved in exchange and implicated in contributing intangible services obtain a higher status in India. In European society, particularly in France during the French Revolution, they were considered a sterile class. Stephen Fuchs (1981) surveyed around 630 artisan castes, mostly belonging to the untouchable category and came out with new conclusion that, ‘the ancestors of the present low castes and outcastes were on the whole the artisans and manual workers in this culture. They performed the tasks of blacksmiths, porters, weavers and leather workers. They were well-skilled in the arts, in singing, playing musical instruments and dancing, in the composition of songs, poetry, legends and ballads. They were also the painters and sculptors of culture. Most probably the wonderful architecture—temples, palaces and monuments, the very artistic paintings and sculptures in caves and temples—were conceived and produced by the descendants of these early artisans and village servants (Fuchs, 1981). However, he found that there is a difference in the status of these artisan castes of the North and South and in different parts of the country depending upon how the skills are perceived and utilised by the upper castes. Fuchs opined that ‘excellence in a certain trade may also help in gaining a respected social status; weavers who produced high quality cloth or worked in silk, smiths who became the moulders or carvers of the figures of gods and goddesses or masons and carpenters who specialised in temple architecture, stone-cutters who became sculptors and even distillers who became money-lenders or land owners, have risen to the status of clean Shudras and sometimes higher’ (Fuchs, 1981). But the above optimistic note with which he concluded his study has not fully conveyed the situation in the 21st century.

Social Linkages

41

Most of the artisan occupations which the Shudras and Dalits performed were appropriated once the occupation or skill gained significance and economic return. Similarly several traditional occupations were slowly transformed into secular professions after interaction with the western world. Some of the occupations have been modernised with the use of modern technology and are considered advanced. The OBCs and Dalits who were denied access to education have failed to modernise their occupations and they have failed to enter modern sectors of the economy. Therefore, once these occupations were appropriated by upper castes with the use of modern technology (for example, fishermen were displaced by upper castes using trawlers and mechanised boats), lower caste artisans lapsed into much lower positions than they previously held; such as the agriculture sector or menial occupations in the urban areas (Fuchs, 1981). Thus, they fail to participate in the process of modernisation with dignity owing to the legacy of their past. Access to education and the reservation of positions of power in civil society appear to be the solutions to this malady in the immediate future.1

1 There is lot of discussion on the hetrogeneous nature of backward classes as it is alleged that some of the OBCs in the rural areas are responsible for atrocities on Dalits. The question of atrocities on Dalits is different from that of the educational backwardness of a caste. It is also true that there are one or two OBC castes that have emerged as dominant in mobilising their kinship relations in the democratic process. But that cannot be cited as an argument against their educational improvement as education is a universal right and is to be extended to everyone. It is the failure of the Protection of Civil Rights (PCR) Act 1955 that failed to book the dominant OBCs or others who are perpetrating crimes against Dalits. It is ironic that those who sympathise with the Dalits do not raise their voice against discrimination. (Backward Classes [BC] and OBCs are used interchangeably.)

4 The Socially and Educationally Backward Castes vs Economicallybackward Classes

T

he concept of class has been used rather ambigiously ever since its use came into existence in the caste-based Indian society. Class has several definitions and uses as compared to caste in India. As this concept is imported to understand the stratified Indian society in the Western mould, all the streams of its use in the West, that is, Marxian, Weberian and functional, have been applied to India. Class, however, is extensively referred to in most Indian studies from a Marxian perspective, though the use of Weberian and functionalist approaches are not infrequent. Unfortunately most scholars who are involved in the

SEBCs vs Backward Classes

43

debate with some kind of Marxian persuasion appear to have been examining the issue under the influence of their social or political loyalties. Therefore, the real issue in the debate has not come out for serious examination. Unless the concept of class is clearly defined and its criteria laid down, how can we use it to address caste-based reservations which is an important issue now. The issues of class and caste came up for discussion in the year 1991 when an announcement was made by the Government that hereafter economic criterion will be used in giving reservations to backward castes and will also be used to rope in more castes which are not within the purview of the Mandal Commission. This created some chaos at that time because the Mandal Commission was appointed to draw the lists of socially and educationally backward classes of citizens in India and not the economically-backward classes. Further, the determination of class, particularly by using the economic criterion, is a very difficult proposition for state policy. Even the Marxists did not have a consensus on the criteria to be adopted to categorise groups of people in India. Marx did not use income or occupation as the basis for defining class. Rather, he used property as the basic criterion to define a class. The class structure in every society in the Marxian framework is again linked to the mode of production and the related socio-economic formation. In society that has scarce agricultural land, ownership of land can be considered a criterion to determine class. Unfortunately, the National Sample Survey (NSS) data and its class intervals do not reflect the reality; as Andre Beteille says, they do not reflect the Indian masses (Beteille, 1969). There are several kinds of tenancy that have a bearing on the concept of class. At the same time, we cannot forget about the inherited intellectual properties of certain categories of people in Indian society, especially when India is fighting for due share and justice for intellectual property rights (IPR) in the international market. Is the objective of the state policy of reservations, as enunciated in the Constitution, to

44 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India provide equality of opportunity to people living under similar circumstances or just providing equal opportunities by treating all individuals as citizens? How many of the rich among the urban elite who are fighting for the economic criterion for providing reservations allow the poor among their group to come in life and are waging a war against inequalities in general? Why should they be worried about the poor only among the other backward classes? Are they really interested in class solidarity among the castes? There are many more questions which need to be answered to analyse and understand former Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao’s government’s policy of reservations and its continuation in the 21st century.

Kaka Kalelkar Commission The study of educational and social problems of the backward classes started in the country in a systematic manner after the appointment of the Kaka Kalelkar Commission by the Government of India in 1953. The Commission, however, did not arrive at a definition of backward classes that was acceptable to all. Further, it is alleged that the Chairman wrote a forwarding letter while submitting the report to the Government which contained some observations that the members of the Commission found objectionable. In fact, the volume on the minutes of dissent of the Commission is found to be as big as the main recommendations. However, it was the Kaka Kalelkar Commission which made a beginning in analysing the socio-educational problems of the backward classes in India on a systematic basis that triggered a national debate on this important issue. This does not mean that there were no studies on backward classes prior to 1953, but they were all spasmodic in nature. The Central Government appointed the Kaka Kalelkar Commission with the intention of defining ‘Other Backward Classes’ to make certain


45

concessions for their advancement. The recommendations of the Commission were ultimately not accepted and the state governments were informed that they were free to draw their respective lists of backward classes. As a result, today we have around 18 states and union territories which have notified lists of ‘Other Backward Classes’ and have been following measures to ameliorate their backwardness. However, these concessions have been challenged by high-caste Hindus in the courts as a part of their legal battle. In order to understand the dimensions of the problem, it is necessary to examine some sample of states where the OBC lists are drawn, the method or the approach in drawing the lists, as well as the social and constitutional litigation involved.

Constitutional Status of Backward Classes Some classes have been referred to in the Constitution as ‘Backward Classes’ in Articles 15(4), 16(4), 338(3) and 340(1). It is under the Directive Principles (Article 46) that the Constitution enjoins upon the state governments ‘to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.’ The Constitution underlines that the weaker sections can be categorised into (i) Scheduled Castes, (ii) Scheduled Tribes, and (iii) Other Backward Classes. Article 340(1) specifically relates to the OBCs who are socially and educationally backward. It is not very clear from the Constitution how to measure the social and educational backwardness of a group of people or class or community. However, the Constitution under Article 340(2) has empowered the government to appoint a commission to ‘investigate the matters referred to them and present to the President a report setting out the

46 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India facts as found by them and making such recommendations as they think proper.’ Therefore, it was the Kaka Kalelkar Commission again which attempted to apply a criteria to measure the social and educational backwardness of people. The Commission had used 11 indicators, namely; (a) place of habitation of the person in a community, (b) ownership of land, (c) profession, (d) difficulty in establishing contacts with advanced castes, (e) social stigma, ( f ) preventing groups taking advantage of certain amenities of society, (g) Prevention of the groups to take the advantage of certain amenities of society, (h) percentage of literacy, (i) lack of leadership in the community, ( j) inability to obtain training for business, industry, and (k) poor sanitation, primitive techniques of work (Chalam, 1990). However, the Commission ultimately came out with caste as a category in determining the social and educational backwardness of a group and listed 2,399 castes. It defined the backward castes as those who have ‘ideas of ceremonial purity, restriction on inter-caste marriages, taboos on food and drink, social segregation, and feelings of caste loyalty and superiority, all of which have contributed to the backwardness of a large number of communities in Indian society.’ The criterion of caste as the sole measure of backwardness has been challenged in the courts, and in many cases the courts upheld the view that caste cannot be taken as a measure of backwardness. However, individual states have appointed their own commissions to draw up lists of backward classes. We have given here four case-studies of such states (two from South and two from North India).

Andhra Pradesh The Composite Madras State maintained a list of backward classes other than SCs and STs as per the provisions of the Constitution. After the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh in 1953, the same list continued in Andhra with some modifications. The erstwhile Hyderabad State also maintained a backward classes


47

list and when the State was reorganised in 1956, it maintained two lists for the two regions of the State. These lists were challenged in the Andhra Pradesh High Court in 1963. The state government then formed a cabinet sub-committee to draw a fresh list of backward classes which was again struck down by the High Court in 1968. Thereupon, the government constituted a fullfledged Backward Classes Commission to draw up a list under the Chairmanship of Anantaraman. This Commission broadly categorised the backward classes into four groups consisting of (i) aboriginal tribes, vimukta jatis, nomadic, and semi-nomadic tribes, (ii) occupational and service castes, (iii) SCs who converted to Christianity, and (iv) other communities. This list was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1972 and the same list of backward classes is now being used for reservation of 25 per cent of seats in educational institutions (Government of Andhra Pradesh, 1970). The 25 per cent is again subdivided into 7 per cent, 10 per cent, 1 per cent and 7 per cent, respectively, for each group as mentioned above. In 1986, the N.T. Rama Rao government enhanced the percentage of reservation to 44 per cent by including some more backward classes in the recommendations of the Muralidhara Rao Commission. But the government was forced to withdraw the list due to agitations against the quota by forward groups and the status quo ante is still maintained in the state with 25 per cent reservation.

Karnataka The Karnataka Backward Classes Commission 1 followed altogether a different approach to the problem and used multiple tests to determine backwardness. The Commission first used a simple test to draft the educationally-backward classes. According to this test, a caste or community whose student 1 The Commission was formed under the chairmanship of L.G. Havanur and so is also referred to as the Havanur Commission.

48 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India average per thousand of its population passing the April 1972 Secondary School Learning Certificate examination was below the state average should be treated as educationally backward. It further categorised the classes into three groups as, (i) Backward Communities, whose student average per thousand of population is below state average, but above 50 per cent of the state average. (ii) Backward Castes, whose student average per thousand of population is below 50 per cent of the state average. (iii) Backward Tribes, whose student average is below 50 per cent of state average, except Dombars and Voddars, and those who are Nomadic and Denotified Tribes. The recommendation of the Commission did not take caste as a criterion to determine backwardness. The Commission also recommended that 20 per cent, 10 per cent and 5 per cent of seats and jobs in educational institutions and public appointments be reserved for the three categories of backward classes respectively (Government of Karnataka, 1975). Later, the Government added a ‘Special Group’ consisting of those persons whose annual income was less than Rs 4,800, a 5 per cent reservation was earmarked for them. However, the Ramakrishna Hegde Government diluted the spirit of reservations for backward classes and all castes and communities being provided with varying degrees of reservations in Karnataka. Finally, Justice Chinnappa Reddy was appointed to prepare a list of backward classes. The Justice Chinnappa Reddy Commission came out with the conclusion that caste is a sufficient factor in identifying backward classes (Justice Chinnappa Reddy Commission, Government of Karnataka, 1990).

Gujarat The Government of Gujarat set up a Backward Classes Commission in August 1972 under the chairmanship of A.R. Bakshi. The report of The Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Commission announced the following 10 factors to


49

determine the socially- and educationally-backward classes in Gujarat (Government of Gujarat, 1976). (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi) (vii) (viii) (ix) (x)

Social backwardness in general. Poverty and economic backwardness. Illiteracy and educational backwardness. Occupational and environmental factors. Poor representation in public services. Social status in general. Mode of living, customs and beliefs. Caste only as one of the relevant factors. Nomadic way of life and criminal tendencies. Backwardness in other ways.

The Commission did not mention the methodology through which it had identified the 82 backward classes in Gujarat. It has, however, narrated the socio-economic and educational backwardness of the 82 backward classes. The Commission recommended only 10 per cent of reservation for backward classes in Gujarat.

Bihar The Government of Bihar had issued a GO in 1951 listing two categories of OBCs. Annexure-1 contained 79 castes that were deemed more backward than the 30 castes contained in Annexure-2 (Government of India, 1980). Following the Supreme Court decision in the Balaji case in 1963, the Patna High Court held these lists as unconstitutional in 1964. Again in 1971, the government appointed a Backward Classes Commission under the chairmanship of Mungeri Lal. The Mungeri Lal Commission prepared its own list of Other Backward and Most Backward Classes (MBCs), taking into account social status, educational backwardness, adequacy of representation in government service, and adequacy of the share in trade,

50 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India commerce and industry. The list contained 128 castes of OBCs and 93 castes of MBCs. It recommended 26 per cent reservation in jobs and 24 per cent reservation in educational institutions (Government of India, 1980). No action was taken by the Bihar government till the Karpoori Thakur government issued the famous GO in November 1978. The GO classified the percentage of reservation into: 8 per cent for OBCs, 12 per cent for MBCs, 3 per cent for the economically-backward, and 3 per cent for women. The prevailing ceiling for income tax exemption was fixed as the income criterion for all categories of backward classes.

The Mandal Commission Following the popular demand for reservations for backward classes in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and in most of the states in the Hindi-belt and the counter agitations, the Morarji Desai Government constituted the second Backward Classes Commission in December 1978 under the chairmanship of Bindeswar Prasad Mandal, popularly known as the Mandal Commission. It submitted its report in 1980 and the same was placed before the Houses of Parliament in April 1982. The recommendations of the Commission and the methodology followed in drawing the lists of OBCs appear to be more comprehensive than the first commission and also the individual state commissions of backward classes. Therefore, it is necessary to examine the contents of this report to understand the concept of backwardness and its relationship with educational backwardness. It was for the first time that the Backward Classes Commission involved specialised research institutions to aid the Commission in its deliberations as also in pronouncing their recommendations (Mandal Commission, 1980: 52). The Commission involved the Indian Law Institute to analyse the court cases and legislative debates; Tata Institute of Social Sciences to analyse the


51

sociological issues that were involved in the definition of backward classes and the criteria adopted to indentify them; Central Statistical Organisation to provide technical advice to carry out the socio-economic survey; and also other individual experts like M.N. Srinivas, among others. The criteria adopted by the Commission to identify the social and educational backwardness include the following indicators.

Social (i)

Castes/Classes considered socially backward by other Castes/Classes. (ii) Castes/Classes which mainly depend on manual labour for their livelihood. (iii) Castes/Classes where at least 25 per cent females and 10 per cent males above the state average get married at an age below 17 years in rural areas, and at least 10 per cent females and 5 per cent males do so in urban areas. (iv) Castes/Classes where participation of females in work is at least 25 per cent above the state average.

Educational (v)

Castes/Classes where the number of children in the age group of 5–15 years who have never attended school is at least 25 per cent above the state average. (vi) Castes/Classes where the rates of student dropouts in the age group of 5–15 years is at least 25 per cent above the state average; and (vii) Castes/Classes amongst whom the proportion of matriculates is at least 25 per cent below the state average.

Economic (viii) Castes/Classes where the average value of family assets is at least 25 per cent below the state average.

52 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India (ix) Castes/Classes where the number of families living in kuccha (thatched) houses is at least 25 per cent above state average. (x) Castes/Classes where the source of drinking water is beyond half a kilometre for more than 50 per cent of the households. (xi) Castes/Classes where the number of households having taken consumption loan is at least 25 per cent above the state average. The Commission took up 25 per cent as the minimum threshold to identify groups as backward since the 50 per cent divergence suggested by the Supreme Court in Balaji’s case was found to be beyond arithmetic reasoning (Mandal Commission, 1980: 52). For instance, the Commission stated that 80 per cent of the population of Bihar (1971 Census) was illiterate. To beat this percentage figure by a margin of 50 per cent would have meant that 120 per cent members of a caste/class should be illiterate. In fact, it will be seen that in this case even 25 per cent divergence stretched us to the maximum saturation point of 100 per cent (Mandal Commission, 1980: 51–52). Therefore, the less than 50 per cent criterion suggested by various groups was found to be ridiculous in determining the backwardness of a caste/class in comparison to a state or national average. The Commission, therefore, used all the 11 indicators in determining the backwardness and constructed a weighted index of backwardness with these indicators. The social indicators were given a weightage of 3 points, educational was given 2 points, and the economic indicators were given 1 point each. This score according to the weightage system adds up to 22. The weighted index was applied to all the castes covered by the social-economic survey in each state and all castes which had a score of 50 per cent (that is 11 points) or above were listed as socially and educationally backward, the rest were treated as advanced. The Commission


53

has identified a total of 3,743 castes as socially and educationally backward in different states and union territories of the country. The Commission also identified the non-Hindu backward communities by following the criteria listed below. (a) (b)

All untouchables converted to any non-Hindu religion. Such occupational communities which are known by the name of their traditional hereditary occupation as whose Hindu counter parts have been included in the list of OBC’s. Examples include Dhobi, Teli, Dheemar, Nai, Gujar, Kumbar, Lohar, Darji, and Badhai. (Mandal Commission, Vol. I and II, 1980: 56).

After this exercise, the Commission also estimated the total population projections (based on the 1931 Census data). The Mandal Commission came out with an estimated population of 52 per cent of total population in India as backward. This was further subdivided into the following categories (see Table 4.1). In view of the legal constraint, the Commission felt obliged to recommend for the backward castes a reservation of 27 TABLE 4.1 Percentage Distribution of the Indian Population by Caste and Religious Groups Sl No. Caste & Religious Groups 01. 02. 03. 04. 05.

Scheduled Caste Scheduled Tribes Non-Hindu communities, religious groups etc. Forward Hindu castes and communities (a) Backward Hindu castes and Communities (b) (Of which) Depressed Backward Classes (c) (Add) Backward Non-Hindu communities (52 per cent of non-Hindus) (Total OBC’s (5a + 5c)

Source: Mandal Commission, Vol. II, p. 235.

Percentage 15.05 7.51 16.16 17.58 43.70 20.56 8.40 52.00

54 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India per cent only, even though their population was almost twice this figure. But L.R. Naik, member, Mandal Commission in his minute of dissent, demanded that there should be a separate category of ‘Depressed Backward Classes’ (DBCs) and he pleaded that they should be provided with 15 per cent reservation out of the 27 per cent recommended by the Commission (Mandal Commission, Vol. III–VII, 1980: 230). His justification for this included an allegation that the intermediate backward classes were responsible for ill treatment of the DBCs in the manner in which they themselves were subjected to by the advanced groups. Thus, according to Naik, this protection was necessary for the DBCs. The number of DBCs as per this classification was found to be as big as the OBC’s as seen from Table 4.2.

Creamy Layer as Double Counting As seen from Table 4.1 and the number of castes listed in Table 4.2, it is clear that a majority of the population in India is identified as backward. Now the problem is that these castes were again subdivided into economically backward and forward by the Narasimha Rao Government on the basis of the Supreme Court judgement (1992. Indra Sawhany case). This appears to be irrational if one looks at the factors identified by the Mandal Commission to identify backwardness. The Government assumed that 52 per cent of the backward population identified by the Commission were only educationally and socially backward and they need not necessarily be poor. This was a wrong assumption as the Commission had taken sufficient care and used more economic indicators than educational ones to identify backward classes. At least two out of the four economic indicators as mentioned above really did consider the economic (property) base of the caste to identify backwardness. The public has been given a wrong impression that the Mandal Commission did not


55

TABLE 4.2 Number of State-wise Backward Classes as per Mandal Commission 1980 Sl No. State 01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06. 07. 08. 09. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

Andhra Pradesh Assam Bihar Gujarat Haryana Himachal Pradesh Jammu & Kashmir Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Manipur Meghalaya Nagaland Orissa Punjab Rajasthan Sikkim Tamil Nadu Tripura Uttar Pradesh West Bengal Union Territories Total

OBC 292 135 168 105 76 57 63 333 208 279 272 49 37 nil 224 83 140 10 288 136 116 177 495 3,743

DBC***

Percentage of Reservation for OBC

155 96 97 61 40 35 40 204 128 160 164 35 13 nil 181 34 85 10 171* 76 67 113 143 2,108

25 – 20–24 10 10 5 42 48** 25–40 – 14 – – – withdrawn 5 – – 50 – 15 – – –

Source: Mandal Commission, 1980. Notes: * Includes Pondicherry; ** Includes Special Groups; *** DBC = Depressed Backward Classes

take the economic background of the caste to include it in the Socially and Economically Backward Castes (SEBC) category. This is not true if one looks at the four economic indicators identified by the Commission. Now if the government applies one more economic test in the name of creamy layer to the same

56 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India groups of people who have already undergone an economic test, this results in double counting and marginalisation of the group as compared to the so-called forward castes who undergo the economic test only once. Further, 27 per cent out of the identified 52 per cent of the backward population are given reservations while 10 per cent of the 17.52 per cent of forward Hindu castes are provided reservations as per the new policy. Here, the population of the forward castes as given in the Commission are not put to any economic test, but in most research studies, it is found that a majority of them are rich. The concept of ‘creamy layer’ needs to be applied to all categories of people including the general category that is interested in government jobs and subsidies to ensure equality of treatment. But in the case of the backward classes where the poverty test is used a majority of them are found to be poor. Therefore, the distribution of quotas here is not equal. Does it really bring any equality of opportunity? Is this the economic or social justice of India?

Class vs Caste Controversy The methodology adopted by the Mandal Commission and various other backward classes commissions appointed by the state governments has been contested by scholars and intellectuals on the ground that the Commissions have identified backwardness with reference to caste while the Constitution speaks of the class of a citizen only.2 It is interesting to observe that those critics 2 It is generally held by backward-class activists that there is unanimity among the anti-reservationists, forward-caste intellectuals and, in most cases, in the pronouncement of court decisions that caste should not be used as a criterion of determining backwardness. This, it is alleged, is because of politically-motivated arguments against the entry of the backward classes to positions of power, prestige and status. Therefore, the anti-caste arguments need to be answered only on sociological or economic arguments because the so-called forward castes have


57

who put forward this argument have not clearly specified what they mean by class. As we have pointed out earlier there are different theories of class and we do not know to which theory of class these researchers are referring to Marxian, Weberian or some other, and their relationship with the Indian caste categories. Further, the critics of the caste criterion have brought out arguments of both the economic factors and occupation of people as important factors in determining the backwardness of a group of people. In this case, Andre Beteille (1969) has argued that ‘in reality, the backward classes are not classes at all, but aggregates of closed status groups. One’s economic position is not a determining factor in one’s membership of the backward classes; rather membership is determined generally by birth’ (Beteille, 1969: 105). This observation has been supported by field surveys conducted by the backward classes commissions which show that, ‘even today the agricultural, service and low castes have high concentration in the unskilled occupations. The high-status castes are to be found in professional and managerial occupations in greater number’ (Government of Karnataka, 1975). Similar conclusion can be arrived at by looking into the caste-wise employment of people in the Central Government sector presented in the Appendix Tables of the Commission. Further, the concept of ‘classes of citizens’ in the Indian context refers to a distinct genus which comprises more than one species (that is castes, tribes and communities). Even the Supreme Court, in one of its decisions, mentioned that ‘caste has always been recognised as a class’ (1968). The Havanur Commission in Karnataka devoted

fought with the domination of the Brahmins through reformist movements and political mobilisation to capture power, and the same process has been denied to the backward classes in their fighting against the same forces. Of course, the backward classes seek the protection of the legal system because of their low socioeconomic status, which the forward castes did not lack in their initial fight with the Brahmins.

58 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India three chapters in its report to point out that this concept refers to groups of people who are associated with their race, caste and religion. The Commission has also examined how the concept has been loosely referred to groups of people as backward classes from the time of Dadabhai Naoraji in his Congress addresses down to Ambedkar in the Constituent Assembley. The Commission has pointed out that the first constitutional amendment took place to include Clause 4 to Article 15, specifically with reference to caste, race and religion and, therefore, it does not restrict any one to a particular caste. Further more, in most cases, state governments have grouped a number of identical castes into one group and a certain percentage of reservation is provided to them so that the individual identity of the caste is removed and groups of people are really considered as classes of people and not castes of people. This was done in the case of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Bihar and other states where castes are grouped into different categories. Thus, arguments against the use of caste as a unit of identification of backwardness have a number of strong points of arguments in their favour. However, the most important aspect that is generally neglected in the analysis of caste reservation is the concept of social and educational backwardness. It is not clear to us as to why the problem of economic backwardness is brought in as a dominant issue of discussion while the Constitution speaks only about social and educational backwardness. It appears that most of the counter arguments against backward classes reservation did not examine the relationships between education and social backwardness on the one hand and economic backwardness on the other. Further, the issue of economic strength of the backward classes does not arise when places are provided to them in an educational institution. However, it can be used as an important factor in distinguishing the economically-strong backward and the poor backward class of persons at the time of economic benefits. At this stage, ‘there should definitely be an income ceiling in the case of OBC’s above which


59

OBC people should not be given the facility of reservation because, unlike in the case of SCs and STs, a stream of affluent bourgeoisie has developed among the OBCs both in the towns and country side’ (CPI, 1985). However, it is to be assessed now to see how many of them are really forming into an affluent bourgeoisie and what is their percentage in the total population.

Educational and Socio-Economic Backwardness The Constitution of India specifically refers to the socially- and educationally-backward classes of citizens in respect of whom certain safeguards are to be ensured. Therefore, it is the educational backwardness of people that needs to be identified and the same should be used as a criterion in determining the backwardness of OBCs. We know about the role played by the cognitive and affective domains of knowledge in the formation of concepts that are very important in the educational advancement of a person. It is well established by studies that the socalled backward castes (classes) have been alienated from the mainstream literate learning for ages, which constitutes an important impediment for educational development. Further, the family and social environment, educated parents, language and all other factors that will be conducive for educational upliftment of the backward castes are found to be so poor that education in the family in about a generation does not bring any perceptible change in the education of either the present or immediate future generations. Economic status of the family has nothing to do with education though it may help to continue education if an opportunity is provided. But it is of no use if educational opportunities are denied. Further, economic status does not help to overcome the educational handicaps that have been imposed

60 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India on castes for generations. Equality of opportunity in education cannot be established overnight. This has to be pursued till the conditions of family, language and so on, are equated among the competing groups. This requires protective discrimination. Moreover, education has a close relationship with the economic status of a person as the positions of power as well as employment in a modern society are necessarily linked with the educational attainment of a person. The policy of reservation in educational institutions is essential for the backward classes for at least two generations till the initial inertia is crossed. Here, the economic criterion does not help to solve the problem of educational backwardness. There is a misunderstanding even among the knowledgeable public that mere provision of admissions into colleges and universities to the backward classes will be sufficient to educationally uplift them. In Table 4.3 the private costs of higher education by different caste backgrounds are provided from a sample survey. The data clearly show that a backward class parent needs to spend several thousand rupees per annum for getting his children educated in higher learning and professional institutions. Under these circumstances, the poor backward class parent can not afford to send his children to university and then benefit from it in public appointments. Therefore, at least for one or two generations, till the minimum base is created to take off the mission of higher education for the backward classes, the reservations policy should not discriminate on the basis of income or other economic criterion. Otherwise, the whole exercise of providing opportunities to the backward classes would go waste. (The data on private costs of education by caste background for recent years is not available). All the backward classes commissions have drawn out lists of backward classes on the basis of the results of sound socioeconomic surveys. (The recent controversy of the percentage of OBCs in employment in NSS 55th round has certain

3,089 (100)

24 (0.98)

122 (4.97)

130 (5.30)

3,089 (100)

16 (0.52)

148 (4.79)

143 (4.63)

3,072 (100)

22 (0.73)

198 (6.45)

165 (5.37)

158 (5.14)

3,138 (100)

50 (1.59)

212 (6.76)

219 (6.95)

195 (6.21)

2,911 (100)

34 (1.17)

170 (5.84)

165 (5.67)

154 (5.29)

4,763 (100)

178 (3.74)

213 (4.47)

280 (5.88)

263 (5.52)

4,644 (100)

169 (3.64)

181 (3.92)

293 (6.27)

285 (6.14)

4,483 (100)

500 (11.15)

370 (8.25)

254 (5.67)

256 (5.71)

4,941 (100)

173 (3.5)

232 (4.69)

297 (6.01)

335 (6.76)

Source: Chalam K.S., ‘Finances, costs and productivity of Higher Education’, Inter-India, New Delhi, 1986. Notes: Figures in parentheses indicate percentage of total. The costs are calculated per year of the study.

Total

5. Pre-admission

(b) Fees and Other Academic Items

4. Academic (a) Book & Stationery

199 (6.44)

Average of College/ University

5,752 (100)

100 (1.74)

392 (6.82)

537 (9.39)

357 (6.21)

MBBS

94 (3.83)

B.E./ B.L.

3. Transport

M.Sc

340 768 581 633 587 1,302 1,225 998 1,338 1,495 (13.85) (24.84) (18.91) (20.17) (20.16) (27.34) (26.39) (22.26) (22.26) (25.99)

Average M.A./ of all M.Com

2. Maintenance

B.Com

1.744 1.815 1.948 1.894 1.804 2,527 2.491 2,491 2,566 2,871 (71.07) (58.76) (63.41) (58.29) (61.97) (53.05) (53.66) (46.96) (51.91) (49.91)

B.Sc

1. Food

B.A

Intermediate

Items of Expenditure

TABLE 4.3 Private Costs of Education for Backward Class Students in Vishakhapatnam, 1977–80 (Amount in Rs)

62 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India methodological problems). Therefore, it is now clear that in a majority of cases, caste and educational backwardness have converged. This does not mean that all low-status castes are socially and educationally backward. It is precisely for this reason that the Havanur Commission in Karnataka excluded some sections of Lingayats who are considered to have a low status but are economically and educationally advanced. It all depends upon the methodology of the Commission in devising a criteria to select the real backward and leave the undeserved. It is also argued that caste-based reservation was aimed at countering social injustice and reposing social justice, and not mere economic backwardness. Viewed in the historical perspective, we find that the constitutional provision of reservation is, in fact, the driving force of the process of social change. This provision was not only a means of removing backwardness, having identified historical inequalities, it has a step in the direction of resolving them. ‘Backwardness is directly related to the process of development and reservation to the question of human righs.’ Caste-based reservations, therefore, need to be understood now in the paradigm of human rights and social inclusion. Further, Indian society is stratified into social groups, heredity continuing to be an important basis of stratification. Among such groups, those at the top of the hierarchy had early access to education, bureaucracy and political power and such groups had cumulative advantages. Others at the bottom of the hierarchy, particularly the SCs, STs and service castes, among others, had poor access to commanding positions in society and suffered from cumulative disadvantages. As a consequence, the elite class in Indian society is drawn mainly from a few social groups, the Brahmins and upper-caste Hindus. There is a marked imbalance in the formation of the elite class. This may not matter if social groups are not based on caste and heredity, and social relation-ships including marriages are not governed by the


63

principle of exclusiveness. In a society which continues to be rigidly stratified on the basis of caste and heredity, such imbalances in the formation of the elite class have disadvantages in relation to mobilisation of social groups from the bottom strata of society for development. Thanks to reservations, the imbalances, though continuing to persist, are gradually being corrected. This is a healthy sign and there is a case for reservations as long as stratification by caste and heredity continue. The conclusions arrived at by the Backward Classes Commissions are unanimous as far as educational backwardness is concerned. It is universally accepted that the socially backward classes or castes are those who are denied education or alienated from mainstream formal education. This is largely responsible for their low social status and stands in the way of their entering the mainstream of power and prestige despite their economic well-being. Therefore, it is argued that certain safeguards are still essential in educational institutions to remove the continued social and educational disadvantages.

The Educational Status of Backward Classes The educational status of a group can be examined with reference to the rate of enrolment, retention, drop-outs, and pass-outs at a particular level of education and also in terms of the academic achievements of the group at different levels. Unfortunately, we do not have sufficient and reliable data on backward classes to examine their educational status. However, the Department of Education (Ministry of Human Resource Development) has been publishing the enrolment figures of SCs, STs and, occasionally, OBCs from time to time. But these enrolment figures are lumped together while presenting them in the annual report

64 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Education in India. The figures of enrolment are again given for total (all levels of) education and the break-up for different levels is not available. Even the data relating to the enrolment of backward classes is based on the figures of individual states supplied by the Department of Education; in turn, the states adopted their own definition of backward classes on the basis of the 1944 scheme of post-matric scholarships for backward classes. Therefore, the data provided by the Department of Education has a number of approximations and drawbacks. Despite the lacunae in the data, one can still use it to indicate the level of enrolment of OBCs in different regions of the country. The data relating to OBCs was available only for the year 1963–64, and it was discontinued thereafter. Therefore, the enrolment figures presented in Table 4.4 refer to only for the year 1963–64. The data in Table 4.4 provides the total enrolment of OBCs (excluding SCs and STs) at different levels of education in 1963– 64. It is presented in comparison with the total enrolment of all communities combined together. The data suggests that the highest number of boys from the backward classes was enrolled in Bihar and the lowest number was found in the state of Tripura. In the case of girls, the highest number was found in Tamil Nadu and the lowest was observed in Jammu and Kashmir. The corresponding figures for the general population from among boys was found in the states of Uttar Pradesh and Tripura respectively. The same holds good to indicate the magnitude of enrolment of backward classes as they do not reflect the size of the state. Therefore, the proportion of backward classes to the total enrolment is calculated and presented in the same table. It can be seen that the highest proportion of backward classes enrolment to the total enrolment was found in Tamil Nadu (48.19 per cent) and the lowest was observed in the case of West Bengal (4.35 per cent ) among boys. In the case of girls, the highest proportion of backward classes to total was observed in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal was the lowest. There are five

Andhra Pradesh Assam Bihar Jammu & Kashmir Kerala Madhya Pradesh Tamil Nadu Maharashtra Orissa Punjab Rajasthan Uttar Pradesh Tripura West Bengal Total

12,68,062 358,979 17,23,224 77,751 7,11,580 2,02,089 17,04,160 7,65,513 3,96,422 2,62,274 1,31,108 14,42,032 22,276 1,37,168 79,68,000

Boys 6,96,550 87,127 3,38,795 7,718 5,51,989 41,994 10,07,289 2,79,083 2,15,396 1,05,917 1,11,954 2,37,097 12,564 47,123 34,40,000

Girls

Other Backward Classes

28,47,195 12,29,675 39,06,010 2,94,756 21,24,756 26,36,938 26,36,938 41,85,198 13,61,318 20,14,323 15,32,191 58,67,816 97,349 31,53,466 3,47,91,000

Boys

Girls 16,51,746 6,62,468 10,18,042 98,813 17,40,59 8,12,48 21,61,221 21,46,50 5,74,220 9,68,346 3,52,305 18,61,009 51,794 16,75,92 1,57,38,000

Total (All Castes)

44.57 29.19 44.12 26.38 33.49 47.66 48.19 18.29 29.12 13.02 8.55 24.57 22.88 4.35 22.04

Boys

42.17 13.15 33.28 7.81 31.71 5.17 46.60 13.00 37.51 10.94 31.78 12.74 24.26 21.81 23.76

Girls

Percentage of Total OBC

Source: Ministry of Education, Education in India 1963–64, New Delhi. Note: The enrolment of OBCs refers to all levels of education while the total enrolment does not include pre-primary, special education etc.

01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06. 07. 08. 09. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Sl State No.

TABLE 4.4 Percent Enrolment of Other Backward Classes Students to Total Students in Different States (1963–64)

66 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India states which have an enrolment proportion of more than 20 per cent among boys. In the case of girls enrolment, the number of states who have an enrolment of above 20 per cent are Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Kerala, Assam, Orissa, Jammu and Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh and Tripura. The missing states include Assam, Jammu and Kashmir and Uttar Pradesh, while Rajasthan had the distinction of more than 20 per cent enrolment among girls of backward classes. These regional disparities in enrolment need to be taken into consideration while examining the whole problem. The figures relating to the latest year from a sample college presented in Table 4.5 support the conclusions that the backward classes are under-represented. The problem of underrepresentation is very severe if one looks at the proportion of enrolment in courses like Bachelor of Science (B.Sc) where it has not even crossed 10 per cent. If this is the situation in an advanced district of Andhra Pradesh, one can well imagine the situation in other parts of the country. There appears to be little change in the enrolment rates of backward classes in different courses of study as indicated in Chapter 6.

Low Coefficient of Equality The national average of enrolment of backward classes to the total enrolment among boys and girls stood at 22.04 per cent and 2.76 per cent respectively in 1963–64. It is interesting to observe that the enrolment ratio of backward classes girls is higher than the boys. This is because among the higher classes, enrolling girls is considered a taboo and is generally low, as opposed to the backward classes where such a taboo is less prevalent. This must have influenced the ratio. Further, the enrolment of backward classes is higher in those states that have experienced backward classes movements. It can be seen from the table that all the southern

B.A.

B.Com

34 – 36 210 280 14 – (12.14) – (12.865) (75.0) (100.0) (1.94) –

39 – 38 200 277 12 – (14.08) – (13.72) (72.00) (100.0) (0.46) –

42 – 32 200 274 12 – (15.33) – (11.680) (72.99) (100.0) (0.46) –

48 – 35 226 309 08 – (15.53) – (11.33) (73.14) (100.0) (0.86) –

49 – 35 224 308 05 – (15.91) – (11.36) (72.73) (100.0) (6.57) –

1982–83

1983–84

1984–85

1985–86

16 204 248 14 – (6.45) (82.26) (100.0) (1.94) –

OC

Total

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

SC

B.Sc

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

ST OBC

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

OC

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

– –

Total

(Table 4.5 contd.)

22 836 63 4 – 5 280 289 (2.55) (96.87) (100.0) (1.38) – (1.73) (96.88) (100.0)

23 898 929 (2.47) (96.66) (100.0)

32 785 829 (3.15) (96.39) (100.0)

32 785 829 (3.86) (94.69) (100.0)

27 767 808 (3.34) (94.92) (100.0)

6 701 721 (0.83) (77.23) (100.0)

2 582 590 (0.34) (98.64) (100.0)

ST OBC

1981–82

SC

28 – (11.29) –

Total

1980–81

OC

8 156 174 6 – (4.60) (89.65) (100.0) (1.02) –

ST OBC

10 – (5.75) –

SC

1979–80

Year

TABLE 4.5 Enrolment of Reservation Category Students in a Private College, Rajahmundry, Andhra Pradesh (1990–91)

B.A.

B.Com Total

SC

B.Sc ST OBC

OC

Total

35 832 875 5 – 17 226 278 (4.00) (95.08) (100.0) (2.01) – (6.85) (91.13) (100.0)

Source: O. Jeeva Ratnam, 1996, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Andhra University. Note: Figures in parentheses are percentages to total.

51 354 570 10 – 39 908 957 6 – 15 237 258 (1.95) (79.65) (100.0) (1.05) – (4.071) (94.88) (100.0) (2.32) – (5.81) (91.86) (100.0)

65 – (11.40) –

OC

23 957 987 9 – 21 240 270 (2.33) (96.96) (100.0) (3.33) – (7.78) (88.89) (100.0)

ST OBC

1988–89

SC

73 – 47 325 445 08 – (16.40) – (10.56) (73.03) (100.0) (0.91) –

Total

1987–88

OC

66 290 390 07 – (9.23) (74.36) (100.0) (0.71 –

ST OBC

64 – (16.41) –

SC

1986–87

Year

(Table 4.5 contd.)


69

states, and Bihar, Orissa and Uttar Pradesh show a figure of nearly 30 per cent and more. Further, the enrolment ratios indicate a lower proportion in comparison to the proportion of backward classes to the total population in each state, though there are wide disparities among the states. As the Mandal Commission had based its population projections on the 1931 Census, the figure arrived at by the Commission with respect to backward classes can be equally applied to 1963–64 to estimate the coefficient of equality. By using this data, the coefficient of equality among OBC boys is estimated at 42.30 per cent and among girls it stands at 46.15 per cent at the all-India level. The low percentage of the coefficient of equality in the enrolment of the backward classes in the year 1963–64 shows the educational backwardness of other backward classes in the country. Though it is a rough estimate, the figures suggest the approximate gap between the backward classes and all others in our education system. The gap has been lower at the school stage in recent years as explained earlier.

Slow Growth of Support Programmes The Government of India and the individual state governments have been providing freeships, scholarships and hostel facilities to OBCs for their educational upliftment since 1944. In Table 4.6, the number of scholarships awarded and the amount involved in such awards for the period 1951–52 to 1963–64 and in 2002 is given. The data in Table 4.6 shows that the amount of scholarships granted to OBCs has increased from Rs 4.42 lakh (Rs 442,000) in 1951–52 to Rs 83.68 lakh (Rs 8.3 million) in 1956–57 to Rs 106.54 lakh (Rs 10.6 million) in the year 1963–64. This is an increase of 2,310 per cent over a period of 12 years. This is lower than SCs scholarships but substantially higher than scholarship

4.42 83.68 106.54 4990.00 2310 (24) 368 (46)

– 13.6 18.5 580.0 36 (1.4) 3035 (31)

Beneficiaries (000)

OBC Out lay (Rs Lakh) 8.18 88.91 293.82 45729.00 2493 (36) 15 (153)

Out lay (Rs Lakh) – 26.4 60.6 2100.0 129 (2.3) 3365 (35)

Beneficiaries (000)

SC

– 4.3 11.8 531.0 175 (2.7) 4400

Beneficiaries (000)

ST

8.82 15.68 50.27 17656.00 470 (5.7) 35022 (351)

Out lay (Rs Lakh)

Sources: 1. Committee on Plan Projects, Report of the Study Team on Social Welfare and Wefare of Backward Classes, Vol. 1, New Delhi, 1959, pp. 174–75, for the years 1951–52, 1956–57 and 1957–58. 2. Education in India, 1963–64. 3. Tenth Five Year Plan Document, Government of India, 2002. Note: Figures in parentheses indicate the times of increase.

1951–52 1956–57 1963–64 2002 Change % 1951–52 to 1963–64 Change % 1963–64 to 2002

Year

TABLE 4.6 Educational Support Programmes for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward classes in India (1951–52 to 2002)


71

granted to the STs during the same period. The most interesting aspect of the scholarships schemes for the backward classes is that the number of awards of grants constitutes 38 per of the applications received for such help in 1957–59. This shows that the educational support programmes for backward classes are not in line with the demand for such help from the target groups. Even the growth of the number of awards during the period 1957–58 to 1963–64 is found to be less than the SCs and STs (35.87 per cent). This tendency observed in the early 1960s can be attributed to the lack of legal and statutory provisions in favour of the educational upliftment of the backward classes, particularly in the northern states. We have collected data for SC, ST and OBC post-Matric Scholarships from the Planning Commission Tenth Five Year Plan document. It is found that there was a substantial change in the education support programmes during 1963–64 to 2002. The change is significant both in outlay (46 times) and beneficiaries (31 times) for OBC and very substantial for SC and ST outlay (155 and 351 times, respectively) during the Ninth Plan Period 1997–2002. The conditions had not improved much by 1980 as per the report of the Mandal Commission. Because the Commission had noted three educational indicators which constituted six scores out of 22 of a weighted index of backwardness. It means that 52 per cent of the population of backward classes was at least 25 per cent lower than the educational status of forward castes. These conclusions suggest that the educational status of OBCs in the country is much lower than that of the forward castes and it requires the immediate attention of the Government. Because the universalisation of primary education and the achievement of universal literacy ultimately depends upon the bulk of this target group. Data from a sample college in Andhra Pradesh is presented to indicate the magnitude of the problem. Data in Table 4.7 indicates that the per student public expenditure on OBC’s is

83 108 62 77 86 102 111 165 104 120

2

Total No. of Students

12,401 34,448 98,047 102,890 153,518 130,955 176,275 189,711 341,044 366,892

3

Grant Paid

133.34 318.96 1,581.40 1,336.23 1,785.04 1,283.87 158.06 1,149.76 3,279.27 3,057.43

4

Per Student Expenditure

197 180 325 323 326 319 321 322 368 318

5


43,128 57,976 67,401 67,108 16,506 169,207 132,853 132,359 153,159 126,461

6

Grant Paid

218.92 322.08 207.38 208.04 326.70 514.75 413.87 411.08 416.19 397.68

7


Backward Classes

Source: O. Jeeva Ratnam, 1996, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Andhra University. Note: The scholarships are paid through the Principal of the College.

1979–80 1980–81 1981–82 1982–83 1983–84 1984–85 1985–86 1986–87 1987–88 1988–89

1

Year

Scheduled Castes

2 2 3 2 2 4 4 4 4 2

8


4,139 2,178 4,913 912 3,044 7,328 8,023 5,397 5,026 5,461

9

Grant Paid

2,069.50 1,089.00 1,637.33 481.00 1,622.00 1,832.00 2,005.78 1,349.50 1,406.50 2,730.50

10


Scheduled Tribes

TABLE 4.7 Distribution of Post-Matric Scholarships—SC, BC and ST—Intermediate, B.A., B.Com and B.Sc Students in Rajahmundry, Andhra Pradesh, 1988–89 (Amount in Rs)


73

lower than that on SCs and STs. The data suggests that the scholarship amount paid by the state government to OBCs has no trend. It is found that in some years the per student scholarship is higher than in other years. This is because of the fact that there is no grant in aid from the Central Government for postmatric scholarships for backward classes. As Table 4.6 indicates, the post-matric scholarship amount allocated during the Tenth Plan Period for backward classes was much smaller than the amount allocated to the STs.

Conclusion It is now clear that caste is used to qualify a particular group as socially and educationally backward for social purposes and class is liberally applied to qualify a group as a backward class in the public domain. There is a close link between education and employment. In a developing society like India, education is pursued by all to secure a job either in the public sector or in the organised private sector. The availability of jobs and the demand for manpower provide the necessary incentives for people to pursue education. But, in the case of OBCs, the absorbing capacity of the government sector does not provide any positive contribution to the incentive mechanism of the backward classes. The data presented in the Mandal Commission Report shows that the OBCs constitute only 4.69 per cent of the total government employment in Class I posts, 10.63 per cent in Class II posts and 18.93 per cent in the Class III and IV posts (See Chapter 6). In total, they constitute 12.55 per cent of the total employment, while the forward castes constitute between 70– 90 per cent at Class I and II positions and 56 per cent at Class III and IV positions. The situtation deteriorated by 1999 (see Table 6.6b in Chapter 6). Therefore, these figures indicate the need for a rational allocation of jobs among different competing

74 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India groups of society to create the necessary incentive mechanism for these sections to benefit from education (let alone the objective of creation of equality of opportunity and equal distribution of income). It is better to make use of the education system to get the weaker sections categorised into high and low through the mechanism of class differentiation based on educational achievement, rather than allowing them to suffer with the irrational caste hierarchy of occupations. This is what the education system can do in the caste-ridden market economy of India.

5 Untouchability and Poverty Among Dalits

T

he Dalits of India who constitute a major segment of Hindu society are also considered untouchable. This can mean three things: firstly, that they should not be looked at (un-seeable); secondly, that they should not be approached (unapproachable); and thirdly, that they should not be touched (untouchable). It is a practice that keeps a section of the society physically away from the mainstream in all social transactions except in using their labour for production. It is sanctioned by the Hindu Dharmashastras and implemented by society with religious fervour from historical times. However, it is not

76 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India practiced with the same rigour in all regions of the country. Its intensity is severe in the Aryan mainland and is found to be nonexistent in northeast.1 It was the Europeans who called the indigenous people of this country Dravidians, Dasyus, Asuras and untouchables on the basis of the Dharmasastras and Hindu practices. In the Hindu ritual status, each caste is given a social rank. The highest rank is given to the Brahmin and at the bottom of the society is the Dalit or the SC who is ascribed a zero status. These ranks are ascribed to different castes based on birth and they are permanent. The place of dwelling, the food, and social relations are dictated by the Dharmashastras. Manu, the lawgiver of the Hindus whom a section of the ruling elite in India respect even today, had codified the conduct of Dalit. B.R. Ambedkar citing Manu, tells us that, ‘if the Hindu observed untouchability it is because his religion enjoins him to do so’ (Ambedkar, 1982). Manu said, ‘If one who (being a member of the Chandalas or some other low caste) must not be touched, intentionally defiles by his touch one who (as a member of twice born caste) may be touched (by the other twice born persons only) he shall be put to death’.2 One might say that these were provisions only in the ancient Hindu order, and may not be relevant now. Ambedkar has cited extreme cases of the practice of untouchability during his lifetime and cited court judgements upholding this practice during the 1950s. Even after Independence and the abolition of untouchability by the Constitution with several acts made to punish the guilty, the practice of untouchability still prevails both in rural as well as in urban India 1 The geography of caste, according to Chalam K.S., is not uniform across the subcontinent, it is severe in the South, including Maharashtra and not so serious in Central India indicating the onslaught of Aryan expansionism. See Indiayalo Samajika Parinamam Oka Pariseelana (Telgu) Kalingandhra Prachuranalu, Visakhapatnam, 2002. 2 Manusmriti, Chapter X, verse 91, as quoted by B.R. Ambedkar (Ambedkar, 1982).

Untouchability and Poverty Among Dalits

77

(see Table 5.1). Several cases of untouchability are reported in the Justice Punnayya Commission report on the practice of untouchability in Andhra Pradesh (Government of Andhra Pradesh, 2003). It is reported that there are around 80 categories of untouchability that are in vogue in Andhra Pradesh. The two tumbler system at hotels (one for upper castes and one for untouchables) and the restriction of entry of Dalits into temples are popular practices of untouchability. Therefore, untouchability is not a simple social malady of the past but is a living core value of Hindu society even today.

Untouchability as a Form of Intolerance The World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia (WCAR) held at Durban, South Africa in 2001 and related intolerance has generated lot of discussion on caste related discrimination in India. It was reported that official delegates from the Government of India opposed the discussion on caste-based discrimination at the WCAR. The Government used all its diplomatic resources to stall the discussion and the inclusion of discrimination based on ‘birth and work’ as a part of the WCAR declaration. However, the Dalit NGO (non-governmental organisation) representatives ensured visibility of the issue of untouchability and caste discrimination, and thereby obtained the support of the world’s civil society at Durban. In this process, several issues were raised for discussion and incorporation in the United Nations (UN) processes. It is however found that the real theme of the WCAR on caste-based discrimination in its totality has not been seriously discussed. The WCAR was not only interested in the racial discrimination but was equally concerned about the forms of discrimination including the intolerance observed by those who carry these inhuman attitudes. It is in this context that ‘untouchability’, one of the core values

78 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India of caste discrimination is examined here. Caste has no meaning without untouchability in the Indian subcontinent.

Untouchability Defined The British rulers defined untouchability and recorded it in the Census enumeration. They laid the following tests to mark off the untouchables from the touchables in the Census of 1911. The untouchables are those who: (i) (ii)

denied the supremacy of the Brahmins; did not receive the mantra from Brahmins or other recognised Hindu gurus; (iii) denied the authority of the Vedas; (iv) did not worship the great Hindu gods; (v) were not served by good Brahmins; (vi) have no Brahmin priests; (vii) have no access to the interiors of ordinary Hindu temples; (viii) cause pollution; (ix) bury their dead; and (x) eat beef and do not reverence the cow. It is on the basis of the above tests that the Census of SCs and STs was undertaken in India. The proportion of the exuntouchables (as the Constitution prohibited it) has been increasing in Indian society ever since the Census of 1911 and up to 2001. One needs to understand why the majority of Indians still practice untouchability. It has been observed not only among the Hindus but even among Muslims and Christians, and in other faiths also. That is the reason why it is also prevalent among various other communities which have been influenced by Hindu


79

India. Sociologists have tried to identify the reasons within the ideology of purity and pollution. Based on the concepts of Jatidharma and the practice of Jajmani system, sociologists have tried to explain the hierarchy of castes. They have identified the priestly transactions with god as one of the causes of the emergence of the idea of purity. It is also said that any bodily waste from a human, animal or divine body is impure. According to them, this is carried into the dietary practices of the Hindus. Some sociologists, who see in Hindu customs a rationale, have identified some vedantic ideas like the Trigunas—Satguna, Rajoguna and Tamoguna—as the virtues that helped the Hindu dvijas to practice purity and pollution. Some of them even tried to justify ones rank in the social order on the basis of the kind of food they eat, making the Brahmin superior as he eats satvik food and so on. However, they have failed to explain why the Vaishya who eats the same satvik food remains next to a Kshatriya who eats in fact food that instil rajoguna. Interestingly, most sociologists including Dumont, Srinivas, Inden, Marriott and Andre Beteille, who wanted to rationalise that the great virtues of Hindu practices of caste discrimination were guided by the ‘nonsensical belief ’ (to use Andre Beteille’s words) of the superiority of Aryan practices over the lifestyles of the indigenous Indian population (Beteille, 2001).3 Therefore, one aspect of caste discrimination, the practice of untouchability, itself is a sufficient ground to take up the case of Dalits at the UN forums.

Different Forms of Untouchability Every caste in the Hindu social order is kept at a distance from another. Even among the dvijas, Brahmins are considered 3 Andre Beteille, in his article in The Hindu in 2001, used the word to denounce Dalit representation at the WCAR.

80 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India superior and Kshatriyas and Vaishyas are not allowed to enter the place where food is prepared by the Brahmins. The Dalit untouchable remains outside the system and is therefore far away from mainstream society in the spatial sense. One can enumerate different categories of untouchability practiced among Hindus in India. They are broadly divided into (i) ritual and (ii) secular forms of untouchability. Ritual untouchability keeps each caste at a distance from another on the basis of their ritual ranks. This is analysed by some sociologists in the context of intercaste transactions. Interestingly the one who does very little in the process of production, the Brahmin gets the highest rank and the Dalit untouchable who is deeply involved in the production sector gets zero status. Why does this happen? Is there any economic reason behind it? One can bring in the concept of scarcity in the creation of value. The number of people in each caste who transact in the Hindu ritual order is not uniform. The Brahmin is a scarce resource and this number is limited by ritual prohibition for others to enter. Therefore, a Brahmin has a value like any other scarce good. Whereas the number of lower castes is not regulated. It is found that the number of people among the untouchable castes is continuously increasing as it is a residual category at the lowest order. Any one who is rejected in the mainstream social order can easily enter the Dalit category. There is no restriction. Any thing that is available without effort and in abundance is generally called a free good. Dalits in the social order serve as free goods without a rank. The ranking of 15 castes with the responses of 18 persons was organised by M.J. Mahar in 1959 (Mahar, 1972). He found the Brahmin occupying rank one and the sweeper rank 15. This ranking is based on the belief of the respondents in the social order and does not carry any significance in terms of scientific enquiry into one’s own worth. It is purely based on birth and has been carried on as traditional practice. This is found to be convenient for every caste including the sub-castes among the Dalits. However, the Dalits remain


81

suppressed as the means of livelihood is under the control of those whose ranks are higher. It is in this context that the practice of untouchability is to be analysed. The ritual status of every caste in India gives each member in the caste some premium and with each caste pitted against another, no one is allowed to cross their social boundaries. Any act of the Dalit to express the idea of equality with others is to be brutally suppressed, be it in the area of ritual status or in secular transaction among different people. Therefore, untouchability is practiced as an expression of inequality among humans who believe in the Hindu order. That is the reason why Dalits are not allowed to enter temples, separate glasses are maintained at hotels and they are not allowed to sit along with upper caste Hindus in social gatherings, to highlight their unequal status. The atrocities on Dalits based on the belief of untouchability by non-Dalit groups seem to have increased over a period of time (NHRC, 2002). The data in Table 5.1 show that the number of murders was reported to be 430 in 1979 and they have increased to 506 (only recorded) by 1999. The total offences against Dalits, including rape and arson, have doubled from 13,976 in 1979 to 25,093 in 1999. This shows the criminal intolerance against Dalits in India.

Poverty Among Dalits Untouchables in India suffer from both intolerance and poverty. Traditionally, they are excluded from mainstream social and economic development and as a result they are found to be most vulnerable to hunger and poverty. Poverty is basically considered as the unavailability of sufficient food, clothing and shelter. Ever since its conceptualisation by English sociologist Charles Booth in 1889, it has undergone several changes in its connotation. It is referred to as ‘primary poverty’ when a bare subsistence

388 1,441 430 1,013 10,703 13,975

Murder Grievous Hurt Rape Arson Other Offences Total

525 1,362 641 982 11,324 14,834

1983 510 NA 798 369 23,296 24,973

1993 546 4,542 992 533 27,295 33,908

1994 571 4,544 873 500 26,509 32,997

1995 543 4,585 949 464 24,899 31,440

1996

Sources: 1. Ministry of Social Welfare, Government of India. 2. National Crime Records Bureau, New Delhi, Ministry of Home Affairs.

1979

Crime Category 513 3,860 1037 389 22,145 27,944

1997

1998 517 3,898 931 346 20,085 25,777

TABLE 5.1 Main Offences Committed against Scheduled Castes in India during 1979–99

506 3,241 1000 337 20,009 2,509

1999


83

minimum is available for physical efficiency. It is ‘secondary poverty’ when adequate income is available but can not be spent due to lack of knowledge and other factors. Now the concept has been totally appropriated by economists and several measures put forward by them to measure poverty. In India, poverty is officially ‘linked to a nutritional base line measured in calories. The Planning Commission defines poverty line as per capita monthly expenditure of Rs 49 for rural areas and Rs 57 in urban areas at 1973–74, all-India prices.’ The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRSID) also brought out a similar concept known as the level of living index (LLI) in 1966. The LLI consisted of three indicators (i) basic physical needs— nutrition, shelter and health (ii) basic social and cultural needs— education, leisure and security, and (iii) higher level needs—in the form of surplus income. In India, scholars like Sukhatme, Dandekar and Rath, Amartya Sen and several others have enriched the concept with their research findings. They are also responsible for building methodologies to measure poverty. The following concepts are popularly used both in academic writings and in policy documents on poverty. (i)

Head Count Ratio—the proportion of population whose per capita consumption is below the poverty line. (ii) Poverty Gap Index—average distance below the poverty line expressed as a per cent of the poverty line. (iii) Squared Poverty Gap—individual poverty gaps raised to the power of two. In order to arrive at a poverty line, a particular consumption level of food is considered as a base line that covers a minimum nutritional level per person per day. A minimum of 2,100–2,400 calories, depending upon the location of the person, is considered as minimum nutrition which is arrived at by converting the quantities and categories of food consumed by such persons. For instance 100 grams of cereals is estimated to give 345 calories of

84 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India nutrition, oil 900 calories, pulses 343 calories, milk 92 calories, and so on. Later, experts realised the importance of proteins in the sustenance of a person. Therefore, protein calorie malnutrition in terms of change in the colour of hair and skin was brought into the literature. The anthropometric method has brought in the measure of weight of the child below five years and so on. In all these measures the role of the statistician is seen, rather than that of the sociologist or political economist. That is the reason, the literature on poverty in India is burgeoning with debates on the methods of measurement and with empirical data-based studies. In this process, the human being and his existence is lost in the discussions. This led to the emergence of a new concept, Human Poverty Index or Human Deprivation Index. Human Poverty Index is essentially concerned with human life. It is concerned with three kinds of deprivations. The first relates to survival— the percentage of people not expected to survive to age 40. The second relates to knowledge—the percentage of adults who are illiterate. The third relates to a composite of decent standard of living consisting of percentage of people without access to safe water and health services, and the percentage of moderately and severely undernourished children under the age of five.

Limitations of the Concept In the process of explaining reasons for the existence of poverty in different countries, experts found limitations in the concept. Therefore, some scholars thought it would be better to use the concept of economic well-being of people rather than poverty. The concept of economic well-being can be measured in terms of (i) the level of average consumption flows; (ii) aggregate consumption of production stocks; (iii) inequality in the distribution of incomes; and (iv) insecurity in the anticipation of future incomes. Therefore, the World Development Report of


85

the World Bank had to accept the fact that low achievements in education and health, and vulnerability and exposure to risk limit the usefulness of the concept of poverty as defined above. The World Bank study on poverty in India, recognised that the progress in poverty reduction has been uneven as well as slow. It is said that, ‘whether male or female or low caste, landless wage earners continue to be at the bottom of the economic ladder’ (World Bank, 1997). The panacea recommended to alleviate poverty was the New Economic Policy of 1991. According to the report, ‘the reforms India started in 1991 hold the promise of considerable improvement in the living standards of the country’s 300 million poor’ (World Bank, 1997). This is really politics of poverty. The World Bank identified the vulnerable groups who are susceptible to poverty as those who do not own a piece of land, including the Dalits. However, it refuses to recognise the fact that these are the people who are also affected by the policies of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation. Instead, it recommends that by increasing the rate of growth of the economy through these policies, it is possible to reduce poverty. Further, it recommends that by reducing subsidies, resources can be generated. In retrospect, the so-called effective safety nets that were implemented by Government of India did not really catch the poor, rather they became schemes for political manoeuvrability of the ruling elite. All the political parties in the country irrespective of the ideology, except a few, have been eulogising the New Economic Policy.

Political Economy of Dalit Poverty In order to understand the poverty of India, the traditional and neo-classical theories do not help the analyst come to grips with the problem. Several attempts were made in the past to study the reasons behind poverty. Some scholars found that the

86 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India analytical tools of political economy were found to be very helpful in understanding why some groups still have substandard living conditions. Political economy is basically concerned with policies that are undertaken by a class state. Goran Djurfeldt and Staffan Lindberg in their study on poverty in the Chengalput district of Tamil Nadu found that the old caste ideology remained even in a new setting of production relations. They observed that development projects in the village did not bring any change in the fundamental structure of social formation. The traditional patron-client relations transform into development worker and aid recipient. The former being the upper caste person and the latter has always remained a Dalit. This has also facilitated the politics of rural development as the schemes under District Rural Development Agency (DRDA), Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) came to the rescue of emerging politicians to capitalise their fortunes on state sponsored aid to the poor, particularly the Dalits. The politicians, with the nexus of bureaucrats, looked at these opportunities as objects of patronage to develop caste cleavages in the villages. Each politician developed his own constituency, particularly among the poor, on the basis of these so-called rural aid or poverty alleviation schemes. They never wanted the poverty of the masses to disappear lest their vote bank sinks. Therefore, the programmes associated with the alleviation of poverty were deliberately contained and as a result poverty persists. Given the history of poverty alleviation programmes in India, any kind of innovation or restructuring of the schemes will be appropriated by the political elite in the country. But the World Bank wants us to believe that the restructured safety nets can capture the disadvantaged like the dalits. The poverty report on India cites examples from Pakistan and Bangladesh as success stories in such experiments. Further, the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP) clearly shows that the structural adjustments in South Asia continues with the four principles of


87

broad-based growth, investment in social capital, good governance and increased safety nets from 1999. The safety nets prescribed for the vulnerable groups, particularly Dalits in India, have already failed. As empirically demonstrated by the author in his ‘Economic Reforms and Missing Safety Nets’, the misery of the Dalits after the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in India has increased (Chalam, 1990). Politicians in the region see a political opportunity in the poverty of Dalits, for it can be used as an alibi to approach donor agencies for funds. Such funds can be used at the time of elections. This serves as a political investment of the ruling elite to win the elections without any budgetary process. Perhaps funding agencies wanted the money to go that way so that the regimes which are favourable to the terms and conditions are re-elected and the agenda of SAP can be pushed through. This is a good strategy that helps both parties. In the process, the poor are further marginalised and those who are on the margin like the Dalits are severely threatened of their existance.

Dalits Are More Vulnerable The concept of poverty as defined and popularised by scholars and accepted by the World Bank and other multilateral funding agencies is very narrow. This term looks at the animal existence of humans. It does not take care of the identity, self respect, self esteem and dignity of a human being. Dalits in the South Asia region as a special social category are different from other marginalised groups elsewhere. Dalits are primarily looking for a human element in social relations. There are several discriminations that are perpetuated on them that distinguish them from other vulnerable groups in the third world. They are called untouchables in India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and in other countries where the Indian diaspora has spread. Therefore, they are still discriminated in the labour market, capital

88 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India market, land market or in other areas which the market can enter. Though SAP experts consider the market as neutral and invisible, it has a caste bias in South Asia in general and in India in particular. Around 50 per cent of the so-called 300 million poor people in the region are untouchables or Dalits. The PRSP or any other strategy adopted by the World Bank based on the western experience will remain untouchable in ameliorating the poverty of the Dalits. The following table shows how Dalits in India were further marginalised by the New Economic Policy or SAP. Some state governments are directly funded by the Bank and some of these states appear to have subscribed to PRSP. The data in Table 5.2 shows that the poor among the SCs in the rural areas constituted 55.22 per cent and STs 59.92 per cent in 1987–88. Both the groups are broadly termed Dalits. The percentage of poor among the SCs has came down to 45.88 per cent in 1999–2000 indicating a marginal decline of around 3 per cent only. The proportion of the poor among SCs is much higher than the proportion of SC population in the total population. The SAP was introduced in 1991. Its impact on Dalits can also be seen in the data. In 1993–94, the proportion of poor among the SCs remained around 50 per cent and much worse, their proportion to the total poor increased to 21.65 per cent. The World Bank Country Report noted that the poor among the SCs remained at 50 per cent in 1996 and the incidence at 22 per cent in the total population of the country. If the SC and ST population of the poor are combined, it stands at 34 per cent of the total poor. This is much higher than the proportion of this group in the total population that stands around 22 per cent. That is the reason the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in its Fifth Report remarked that, ‘it is a matter of concern that the poverty alleviation programmes have not been as effective in the case of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribe beneficiaries as they have been in the case of other sections of the population.’


89

TABLE 5.2 Poverty among the Dalits in 1987–88, 1993–94 and 1999–2000 Social Category

1987–1988 ST SC Others All India 1993–1994 ST SC Others All India 1999–2000 ST SC Others All India

Proportion of poor households in the category of the total households in that category Rural

Urban

59.92 55.22 39.45 44.86

44.69 47.07 28.82 31.62

50.07 49.04 32.96 38.46

35.67 42.35 23.98 26.89

36.22 45.88 21.65 27.12

35.61 38.31 20.31 23.44

Source: NSS, 55th round.

It appears that very few studies have been conducted on the impact of SAP on Dalits. In one of our case studies in Srikakulam district of Andhra Pradesh, we found that the possession of a piece of land and durable assets in the hands of Dalits have positively contributed to the reduction of poverty (Yona, 2005). The poverty indices in terms of Head Count Ratio, Poverty Gap Ratio (PGR), Squared Poverty Gap Ratio (SPGR) and Sen Index4 are found to be much higher among Dalits than Non-SC households in the same study. This clearly shows that distribution of land in 4 These terms refer to the measurement of poverty: PGR is the average distance below poverty line expressed as per cent of poverty line; SPGR is individual poverty gaps raised to the power of two; and Sen Index of Poverty measures intensity of poverty.

90 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India the form of land reforms, transfer of income and subsidies in the shape of durable assets will help Dalits come out of the vicious circle of poverty. But the PRSP or the restructured safety nets of the government do not recognise the above as strategies to alleviate poverty. Further, land reforms in the form of distribution of surplus land, and tenancy reforms, are considered forbidden discourse in the current debate on poverty. The ruling elite of the country who are now basically drawn from the feudal and landed interests find a stake in such policies. It is alleged that they persuade the funding agencies or connive with the bureaucracy to sabotage any programme that can really benefit the Dalits. Some Dalit intellectuals are entertaining the idea that since the western capitalist model does not recognise caste, the policies prescribed by the World Bank might help alleviate poverty among the Dalits through market. The experience of the market in India so far has not substantiated their belief. On the contrary, the absence of traditional welfare programmes, subsidy schemes, positive discrimination have subjected Dalits to multiple disadvantages along with their age-old social disadvantage.

Conclusion The traditional belief of untouchability is found to still persist among Hindus in the country. Further, the atrocities on the Dalits have increased during post-Independence period. The Dalits in India are more vulnerable to the adverse affects of globalisation as they are discriminated in all spheres of life and do not possess any durable assets to sustain dignified living. The restructured safety nets without land reforms, Dalit-oriented subsidies and positive discrimination will make the Dalits the most deprived in general in the region and in India in particular. It will further aggravate the situation due to the political players of the region who see a stake in such measures.

Impact of Caste-based Reservations

6 Caste Reservations to Remedy Socio-economic Inequalities

C

aste reservations in India were introduced in educational institutions for the benefit of under-represented Muslims after the recommendations of the Hunter Commission in 1882. In order to facilitate this, the British Indian government had introduced special provisions and concessions for the educational advancement of backward classes of people which was later converted into caste reservations in educational institutions and for jobs. Therefore, the question of caste reservations in India needs to be examined within the framework of education to understand its relevance today.

94 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Shudras, women, untouchables and tribes in this country had obtained entry into the four walls of literate learning as a result of the social reform movements which were to a certain extent supported by liberal Englishmen during the 19th Century. The entry of an SC person into an educational institution in the country was first recorded in the year 1856. It was in June 1856 that a Dalit boy applied for admission into a government school in Dharwar, Bombay Presidency. The incident had created a furore in the administration which ultimately attracted the attention of the rulers. The Board of Directors of the East India Company were then forced to formulate an educational policy which stated that as long as the schools are maintained by the government, the ‘classes of its subjects’ are to be given admission without any distinction of caste, religion and race. But the British did not follow this secular approach before 1872 and had restricted education for a chosen few. 1 Mahatma Phule contested the discriminate policy of education before the Hunter Commission. This was responsible for several developments later. The policy of caste-based reservations was further strengthened with the enactment of the Caste Disabilities Act of 1872. This Act was a severe blow to the social and legal inequalities suffered by weaker sections. This was how a small beginning was made for the educational development of weaker sections in India which was later supported by legislations. The demand for entry into educational institutions and for equality of opportunity was first started in the South. The southern states including part of Maharashtra witnessed social movements of the weaker sections for equality and self-respect due to the pioneering work done by Brahma Naidu, Narayana Guru and Jyotirao Phule, among others. Under these conditions, the first government circular reserving 1 See Chalam K.S., ‘Interpreting Ambedkar’s Comments on the Educational Policy of East India Company’, Dr Ambedkar Memorial Lecture, 14 April, 2006, University of Hyderabad.

Reservations to Remedy Inequalities

95

certain posts in favour of backward castes was made from 19– 21 June 1895 by the Mysore Government (Government of Karnataka, 1975). On 25 July 1921, D.D. Gholap, a member in the Bombay Legislative Council moved a resolution for free and compulsory education for the untouchables. C.K. Bole demanded that public places should be opened to untouchables. The most important of the early Dalit movements included, the ‘Ad-Dharm movement in the Punjab, organised in 1926, the movement under Ambedkar in Maharashtra based mainly among Mahars, which had its organisational beginning in 1924; the Namashudra movement in Bengal; the Adi-Dravida movement in Tamil Nadu and; the Adi-Andhra movement in Andhra which had its first conference in 1917 (Patankar and Omvedt, 1979).2 Ayothidas, Ayyankali, M.C. Rajah, Rao Bahadur Srinivasan and many others of the non-Brahmin movement have also worked for Dalit liberation. Thus, the ground for the Dalit liberation upsurge was prepared by a number of movements in different parts of the country. In the history of caste reservation policy, the policy of the Justice Party in 1926 was supposed to be a pioneering venture. It was for the first time that the Justice Party had laid down caste-wise reservations for matters of public appointment in 1926. Table 6.1 shows the type of reservations provided for as per the caste category adopted by the government of the Justice Party (Dharmalingam, 1975). In August 1943, Ambedkar had secured 8.3 per cent reservations for untouchables. It was the Jammu and Kashmir Government which, for the first time after Independence, resorted to a large-scale communal reservation policy in 1952. It had reserved 50 per cent to Dogra Hindus of Jammu and 10 per cent was left 2 In fact, the search for a name to denote all the oppressed classes as one was started in the Madras Presidency, notably by M.C. Raja before Ambedkar took it up as an issue later. For more details see Gupta, 1985.

96 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India TABLE 6.1 Justice Party’s Policy of Reservation Sl No. Name of Caste 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

6 to Non-Brahmin Hindus 2 to Backward Hindus 2 to Brahmins 2 to Depressed Castes 1 to Anglo-Indians and Indian Christians 1 to Muslims Total 14

Percentage to Total 43 14 14 14 07 07 100

Source: Chalam, 1988.

to Pandits. The first all-India effort to recommend reservations on the basis of caste (other than SC and ST) was attempted by the Kaka Kalekar Commission in 1953. This Commission was appointed by the Government of India to satisfy the Articles 15(4) and 340(1) of the Indian Constitution. This Committee, however ended in a fiasco due to disagreement and minutes of dissent by the members. This led individual state governments to appoint their own backward classes commissions under the Commission of Enquiry Act and have drawn out lists of backward castes for reservations in educational institutions and public appointments. The Janata Government in 1978 had appointed the second All-India Backward Classes Commission under the chairmanship of Bindhyeswara Prasad Mandal which submitted its report in 1980. The recommendations of the Mandal Commission, the subject of great public debate, were accepted by the Government of India in 1990. However, there are now 16 states and two union territories which provide special assistance of varying degrees to OBCs, mostly on the basis of caste, in addition to the all-India reservation policy of the Government of India in favour of SCs and STs. The issue of caste reservation is thus closely related to the concept of inequality in our caste-based, hierarchically structured society. It is, therefore,


97

necessary to examine the nexus between caste and inequality in India.

Caste and the Concept of Inequality The concept of inequality has been analysed and understood in two different ways by two schools of thought. The functional explanations of stratification of society by Davis and Moore, and others have reasoned that the phenomenon of inequality is universal. It is said that in every society there are certain positions which are fundamental to its survival. Society in turn ensures that the most able persons fill those positions. This entails the inequality of access to income, status and prestige of those who functionally hold superior positions than the rest. On the other hand, the conflict theory or the Marxian analysis of inequality is based on the question of power and decision making. The small minority of those who have possessed wealth and property also possess decision making power against the majority of the dispossessed. In the Indian context, the noted sociologist Andre Beteille, says, ‘inequality can be studied not only as a mode of existence but also as a mode of consciousness. Societies are different not only in their division into groups and categories and their arrangement in a hierarchial system, they differ also in the extent to which these divisions are regarded as right, proper and desirable’ (Beteille, 1972). He further explains this inequality in the Indian rural context by saying that, ‘it cannot be denied that in the traditional system these inequalities were closely related to the inequalities of caste. The caste system contributes to the persistence of these inequalities by providing the values and norms which were appropriate to the agrarian hierarchy’ (Beteille, 1972). Thus, inequality in India is manifested in the form of caste. The problem here is how to understand the relationship between caste-based inequality with that of the educational inequalities. As the purpose of this chapter is to examine the

98 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India concept of inequality in the context of creation of equality of opportunity, it is necessary to analyse it in the light of the theory of human capital which is directly concerned with education. There are many studies in the area of education and inequality. The conclusions of Jencks (1972) in explaining the inequality of income with the help of human capital theory have been widely reported in some of the Indian studies on education and inequality (Karlekar, 1984). Jencks has argued that neither family background, cognitive skills, educational attainment nor occupational status explains much of the variation in men’s incomes. Indeed when we compare men who are identical in all these respects, we find only 12 to 15 per cent inequality than among random individuals (Jenck, 1972). He attributes the difference in incomes then to sheer luck. However, Atkinston (1976) has objected to Jencks’ conclusions on the ground that he (Jencks) did not relate the differences to just earnings but to total money income and he had also understated the contribution of education, ability and family background. Further, the studies of Bowles and Nelson (1974) and Bowles and Gintis (1976) demonstrated that the genetic inheritance of Intelligence Quotient is a relatively minor mechanism for the inter-generational transmission of economic and social status compared to the educational system which is a major vehicle for transmission of economic status from one generation to the next in a class-based society like the US. These arguments are further supported by James P. Smith (1984) in a different context while examining the human capital theory with reference to AfricanAmericans. Smith concluded that with gradual improvement in the quantity and quality of skills of the African-Americans, there is relative increase in their earnings. This suggests the need for continuation of preferential treatment for the disadvantaged to reduce the inequalities in society. In Soviet Russia, allotment of quotas to certain ethnic communities are followed in educational institutions. Thus, the theory and emprical investigations


99

that have been carried out by experts in advanced societies indicate that education can be used as an important vehicle to bring down socio-economic inequalities. It can also be used in India to reduce socio-economic inequalities which are related to the alienation of the weaker sections from mainstream literate learning for ages. Caste being an important category for identification of backwardness, protective discrimination in the field of education has been in vogue for the last few decades. It is now to be seen how it has fared in that task.

Impact of Caste Reservations on Target Groups Caste reservations have been used for determining places in educational institutions for the last five decades in India. The impact of this policy on the target groups need to be evaluated. Though no systematic attempt is being made here to assess the costs and benefits of the policy as suggested by Marc Galanter (1984), such an attempt was made by this author in terms of the enrolment ratios gained by each caste category of the population during the post-Independence period. Further, the costs of the policy towards the education of SCs and STs is measured in terms of the number and the amount of expenditure made on post-matric scholarships. The data is given in Table 6.2. It is evident from the table that the number of awards for SCs have been substantially increased from 4,430 during First Plan Period to 1,233,658 in the Fifth Plan and it stood at 21 lakh (2.1 million) during 1997– 2002. Increase in the amount of scholarships was also substantial during the same period. The amount of scholarships increased from Rs 29.64 lakh (Rs 2.9 million) in the First Plan period to Rs 10,858 lakh (Rs 108.5 million) in the Fifth Plan which works out to 362 times and during the Ninth Plan the amount was estimated to be Rs 45,729 lakh (Rs 457.2 million). The number

29.64 158.99 625.45 1,488.97 1,596.92 4,951.72 10,858.79 45,729.00

37,077 161,470 318,964 327,892 994,737 1,233,658 2,100,000

Amount (Rs Lakh)

4,430

No. of Awards

Scheduled Castes

0.42 0.080 0.097 0.118 0.150 0.160 0.09

–

Percentage of the Amount to Total Plan Exp. of Govt

8,494 25,592 60,058 65,637 172,299 242,135 531,000

618

No. of Awards

41.66 110.36 262.63 311.04 879.30 759.83 17,656.00

3.26

Amount (Rs Lakh)

Scheduled Tribes

0.011 0.014 0.017 0.023 0.027 0.011 0.036

–

Percentage of the Amount to Total Plan Exp. of Govt

Sources: 1. Government of India. A Handbook of Social Welfare Statistics, New Delhi, 1981, p. 140. 2. Economic Survey, Government of India, for various years. Note: Expenditure refers to amounts released by the Centre on a 50:50 basis and it indicates only the Centre’s contribution.

Pre-Plan to First Plan (1944–45 to 1950–51) First Plan Second Plan Third Plan Annual Plans Fourth Plan Fifth Plan Ninth Plan (1997–2002)

Year/Plan Period

TABLE 6.2 Expenditure on Post-Matric Scholarships on SC and ST Students, 1944–45 to 1997–2002


101

of awards in the case of STs was 618 in the First Plan and it increased to 2.42 lakh (242,000) during the Fifth Plan and Rs 5.13 lakh (Rs 513,000) during 1997–2002. The increase was 391 times during the Sixth Five Year Plan period. Similarly the scholarship amount also increased from Rs 3.26 lakh (Rs 326,000) during the First Plan Period to Rs 759.83 lakh (Rs 75.9 million) in the Fifth Plan, an increase of 233 times (the increase in the total scholarship amount for STs is found to be less than that of the SCs). The expenditure on scholarships for the SCs and STs has to be examined in relation to the total expenditure of the government, as absolute amounts do not indicate the relative share of the assistance to these groups in the total budget expenditure of the Government. In order to find out what proportion of the total central government expenditure is devoted to the SCs and STs, the proportion of the total central government expenditure for the corresponding period is estimated and shown in the same table. It is interesting to see that the proportion of central government expenditure devoted to the scholarships has not reached 0.1 per cent up to the Third Plan for SCs and in the Ninth Plan in the case of STs. The highest amount that is devoted to the post-matric scholarships for the SCs was 0.16 per cent in the Fifth Plan and it was 0.027 per cent in the case of STs in the Fourth Plan period. The per award expenditure on scholarship for the SCs was Rs 669 in the First Plan in current prices and the amount has increased to Rs 880 during the Fifth Plan. The per student award of scholarship amount was reduced substantially in the case of STs from Rs 527 in the First Plan to Rs 313 in the Fifth Plan. Therefore, the contribution of the central government to the post-matric education of SCs and STs appears to be very low. Further, even this amount will go to those students who could afford to come up to the level available for other groups of weaker sections such as women, and OBCs. However, the available data suggest the trends in the public costs of education of the weaker sections. Now it is to be observed what returns or benefits these costs have brought in for the weaker sections.

102 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India An attempt is made here to examine the unemployment problem of the educated persons of SCs and STs to indicate whether post-matric qualifications really did benefit all those who have obtained the degrees. In Table 6.3a the number of educated SCs and STs job seekers in each level/category of education is provided for the year 1979. The data indicate that the rate of unemployment among SCs was around 10 per cent of the total educated (matric and above) job seekers in the country. It is around 2 per cent in the case of STs. It can also be seen that the unemployment rate is relatively higher in the arts category in the case of SCs and low in the case of STs. The NSS data presented in Table 6.3b suggest that the number of educated unemployed among SCs were higher than others. A more interesting picture can be discerned if these rates are compared with the respective ratios of enrolment of the SCs and STs to the total enrolment as presented in Table 6.4. Though the enrolment figures in Table 6.4 do not correspond to the calendar year 1979, the figures can be used to arrive at a crude comparison. It is startling to find that out of 9.8 per cent of the enrolled students in secondary education, 9.4 per cent (to the total) are found in the job seekers list in the employment exchanges. Assuming that the ratio of SCs and STs students passing secondary education remains the same as their enrolment ratios, and further assuming that these boys do not have any alternative sources of employment, it is possible to see the difference as just 0.4 per cent. In the case of STs the gap is found to be 1.5 per cent. This gap shows two things; one, the number of people registering in employment exchanges roughly correspond to the total passed; and two, it may also be interpreted as the proportion of employed to the total passed. Though we do not intend to conclude that this is the percentage of employment possibilities available for SCs and STs on the basis of this crude measure, we feel that it requires a thorough study of the grave situation regarding the educated weaker sections. A sample study that was

Below Matric including illiterates Matriculation Persons who passed Higher Secondary (including +2 and Undergraduate): Total Graduates (including post graduates) (a) Arts (b) Science (c) Commerce (d) Engineering (e) Medicine (f) Agriculture (g) Law (h) Education (i) Others Total Educated

Source: Kusum K. Premi, 1984.

4.

1. 2. 3.

Sl Level of Education No.

86,982 57,243 10,141 9,668 492 717 674 201 6,915 931 648,664

1,012,417 384,718 176,964

Number

7.55 8.22 3.26 4.26 2.25 5.18 5.77 4.6 5.58 7.36 8.89

20.22 9.68 9.40

Percent to the Total

Scheduled Castes

12,987 8,605 1,018 1,292 102 95 125 108 1,323 315 120,369

287,754 77,916 29,466

Number

1.13 1.24 0.33 0.58 0.47 0.68 1.69 2.47 1.07 2.49 1.65

5.75 1.95 1.56

Percent to the Total

Scheduled Tribes

TABLE 6.3a Educated (Matric and Above) Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Job Seekers by the End of 1979

104 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India TABLE 6.3b Number of Educated Unemployed per 1,000 in the Year 1999–2000 (SC, ST and OBC) Category

ST

SC

Number of literates Literate upto primary level Middle Secondary Higher Secondary Graduates and above Secondary and above

2 5 21 39 34 90 44

2 9 24 50 68 131 66

OBC

Others

1 1 17 34 53 121 50

2 2 17 34 50 100 50

Source: NSS, 55th Round.

conducted to find out unemployment rates in Marathwada region by Alexander V. Verghese (1984) supports the argument that the rate of unemployment among SCs and STs is higher than caste Hindus. The study says that, ‘the low caste graduates needed on an average, 16 months to obtain job, while high caste counterparts required 14.3 months. The general rate of unemployment among the low caste graduates is found to be very high (73 per cent) while it is relatively less among high caste graduates (59 per cent) (Alexander, 1984: 380). The more distressing aspect of the problem is that the monthly earnings of SC workers with different educational qualifications are lower than that of non-SC workers with the same qualifications. Table 6.5 presents the monthly earnings of SCs as compared to the nonSCs, based on the survey results of the Directorate-General of Employment and Training as analysed by Kusum Premi (Premi, 1984: 363–72). Although median incomes of the two groups of workers do not differ significantly so far as the job is concerned, there are significant differences in the current jobs of B.Sc and B.Com graduates. On the basis of these findings one may be tempted to say that in India, as in Europe and America, education plays the role of preserving status quo (strengthening the

12.9 9.4 7.7 4.8 4.8 7.6

5.1 – –

1965–66

12.0 8.7 7.1

1960–61

8.1 7.8 13.3

15.0 11.2 9.8

1978–79

Scheduled Castes

11.3 6.6 9.8

17.7 15.9 12.5

2002– 03

1.0 – –

6.0 3.6 1.3

1960–61

1.2 0.9 2.4

5.5 3.3 1.7

1965–66

1.8 2.1 3.5

6.3 3.3 3.1

1978–79

Scheduled Tribes

Sources: 1. Education in India, for 1960–61 and 1965–66, Ministry of Education. 2. Government of India, A Hand Book of Educational and Allied Statistics, Delhi, 1983 and 2002–03.

Primary/Upper Primary Middle Secondary Higher (a) General (b) Professional Vocational (ITI Trainees, etc.)

Level of Education

TABLE 6.4 Percentage of Enrolment of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Students to Total Enrolment after Independence in India

3.5 3.1 3.9

9.6 6.9 5.5

2002– 03

106 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India TABLE 6.5 Monthly Earnings of Scheduled Caste and Non-Scheduled Caste Male Workers in India Level of Education

M.A. Graduates (Hons) B.A. (Pass) B.Sc (General) B.Com B.E. B.Sc Vet and Ag. B.Ed

First Income

Current Income

SC

Non-SC

SC

Non-SC

242.42 280.00 215.00 270.59 209.09 464.29 262.50 230.00

237.05 253.04 196.25 273.75 241.50 439.01 293.97 219.39

368.00 354.15 307.50 305.50 300.00 557.69 362.50 367.24

368.42 389.86 298.44 367.35 360.00 558.21 414.04 357.93

Source: Kusum K. Premi, 1984.

social division of society)’ (Premi, 1984). Thus, the limited evidence that is at our disposal allows us to conclude that the benefits of the weaker sections’ educational support programmes do not outweigh the costs that are involved. However, one can say that it is a success since a few of the weaker sections could enter into the educational job market which has all along been a prerogative of the high-caste Hindus. But the problem of unemployment and the unorganised and imperfect nature of the labour market for SCs and STs is not peculiar to them. It is a general problem of all groups in the country, but it is hard-hitting first the weaker sections. This is what is going to happen to the weaker sections in the near future also as long as the present economic situation of the country is dictated by extraneous forces. The problem that we have just examined is only a manifestation of a wider phenomenon which naturally hit the vulnerable sections of the society such as SCs and STs, rural artisans, service castes and other groups. Therefore, the subsidy policy and other relief measures in the name of caste reservations would definitely help them heave a sigh of relief particularly in


107

times of deep economic crisis. However, there are many counter arguments against the continuation of caste reservations in general and against OBCs in particular. It is necessary to examine the counter arguments so that a valid alternative can be provided to the existing system within the given structure of the economy and society.

Reservations and Merit While the consequences of caste reservation in educational institutions seem to have resulted in more misery and suffering for the educated weaker sections, the opponents of the reservations question such quotas on grounds of merit and efficiency that affect the overall development of the society. The arguments advanced against the continuation of reservations on grounds of justice to individuals in the non-reserved categories and on grounds of social inefficiency require careful scrutiny. The first of these arguments is that the less meritorious among the reserved categories are chosen in preference to the more meritorious among the non-reserved categories. What is not recognised in this argument is that the children from the reserved categories in general do not enjoy the advantages of educated parents, books at home and a tradition of education within the family and among the kinship groups. Under such circumstances, acceptance of the ‘merit only’ principle is a smokescreen for the perpetuation of inherited privileges. Reservations for socially backward groups, as in the case of other reservations to such categories as physically handicapped, are necessary to correct an injustice by equal treatment of unequal through the application of the principle of ‘merit only’. Further, it is a distortion of facts to suggest that reservations violate the principle of merit. What is to be done in such cases is to treat the reserved and the nonreserved as non-competing groups and apply the principle of

108 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India merit to each category separately. There is only one argument which pertains to individual injustice that needs to be considered. It may be said that poor individuals without inherited privileges such as a tradition of education within the family but with a better school record and belonging to non-reserved category are excluded while some privileged within the reserved category and with a poorer school record are selected. A more positive approach towards this problem is appropriate increase in intake in the educational institutions and improvement in job opportunities. There could also be appropriate changes in the application of reservation principle, consistent with administrative feasibility to ensure against glaring cases of individual injustice. Further, the Constitution provides socialist measures for the economically backward groups under Articles 39, 41 and 43 which should take care of these groups. If it fails to provide opportunities to such people, who are in general a minority (among forward classes), it is a failure of the system but not due to the existence of reservations for backward castes. There is a cynical argument against caste reservations by many intellectuals and media barons without any thinking as to why the Constitution has failed to protect their peer group. They do not argue for economic subsidies and benefits for the poor in general but only argue for the so-called economic poor among the upper castes. They fail to understand that reservations are extensions of the same economic benefits extended to the socially and educationally deprived, if their background is converted into economic indicators they turn out to be poor. It needs to be recognised that the substitution of the principle of ‘economically backward’ as a criterion of reservation for caste leads to more corruption in operations where large numbers are drawn from non-salaried categories. Here it is a question of corruption in providing false certificates of ‘economic backwardness’. There is some evidence that over a period of time the gap between the average mark of those selected from reserved category and average mark of those


109

selected under the non-reserved category is getting reduced. This is an evidence of the salutary influence of reservations.3 It has been argued that opportunities and earnings of people are related to their differential abilities like intellectual capacity and personal qualities, and restriction of such able persons measured in terms of the IQ scores is a restriction of merit and productivity of the society. The present measure of merit is generally taken as the numerical marks obtained by the students in their annual examinations. The arbitrary nature of the distribution of scores in the case of these intelligence tests is brought out by a hypothetical example as given by Mayer (1960): ‘Suppose that the test consists of 10 questions, each involving the addition of two numbers. More people are likely to score close to 100 per cent on such an evenly distributed test. But if the 10 questions involved solving a problem of differential equations, most of the students would score zero. By varying the ratio of easy and difficult questions, we can get almost any distribution that we like. The fact that most actual IQ tests led to a distribution of scores which follows the normal distribution that does not necessarily tell us anything, therefore, about the distribution of abilities; it may simply select the way in which the tests have been constructed.’ Further, the scores obtained by students of different socioeconomic backgrounds do not reflect their inherited differences and allow for any weighted score. The language, content, and method of teaching is devised in our system in such a way that it is more favourable and useful to the elite and Sanskritised communities than to the weaker sections whose cognitive skills and capacities have been systematically suppressed for ages. Even if the numerical marks are used to measure merit, that there is no 3 See Paramaji (1985) and P. Ananda Krishnan (2006) in Report of Oversight Committee on the Implementation of 27% Reservations (Chairman: Veerappa Moily).

110 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India empirical evidence to prove that the performance of the weaker sections is less than that of the forward castes students. On the contrary, some evidence has been forthcoming in recent years to prove that the rate of growth of academic achievement (measured in numerical marks) of SCs, STs and OBCs is much faster than the forward caste students in professional colleges and residential schools. In a recent study on caste reservations and performance of the weaker sections in comparison with forward castes in the state of Andhra Pradesh, S. Paramaji (1985) proved that if a backward class category boy is admitted in an engineering college with 65.5 per cent marks and a forward caste boy with 68.5 marks in the first year, at the end of the four-year course, the backward class boy will score 70.1 per cent, while the forward caste boy will score 70.2 per cent. It is stated that ‘while the average per cent growth for F C was 2.45 per cent, for B C-D it was 17.44 per cent.’ Similar evidence has also been provided by Omprakash (1985) on the IIT students of Kanpur. These results suggest an important condition that, if the weaker section students are provided with necessary academic and social environment, as is done in the above cases in a four year residential professional course, the handicaps will be fast removed and the weaker section boys qualify very well with any one else in the society. This is supposedly the studies undertaken by the Veerappa Moily Committee (2006).

Reservations and Efficiency As regards efficiency and reservations, there appears to be a lot of confusion about the concept of social efficiency and the implications of reservations. Efficiency is generally considered to be the relationship between inputs and output. In the case of education, the inputs of the students are; the home background, tradition of education in the family and language codes, and the output is the IQ or achievement scores. The inputs of weaker


111

sections in general are so low as compared to the students of the traditionally literate families and the output of any score in this case will be higher than their inputs, signifying their efficiency in the system. Further, there is very little discussion on how social efficiency is affected by capitation colleges for the children of the rich with money and power manipulating academic merit. Social efficiency does not ignore considerations of social objectives which should govern the selection of individuals in the educational institutions and in bureaucracy. Technical efficiency is one aspect of social efficiency. Even in this respect, the selection process should not be neutral to the social background of groups in power. There are also other aspects of social efficiency which are often ignored in discussion on the question of reservations. These include social justice and the need for correcting the imbalances in the formation of elite classes in a stratified society. There are neither substantial theoretical nor empirical grounds to believe that technical efficiency has suffered on account of reservations. Even among socially backward groups, it is the best groups that are chosen both in educational institutions and for government jobs. They may lack the sophistication and articulation of other groups which have the benefit of education. It is possible that the failure rates among these groups may initially be higher but all these are problems of adjustments of marginalised groups which did not have access to the mainstream for generations. But no one has ever produced convincing evidence to show that engineers, doctors and administrators belonging to reserved categories have proved much worse than others. In fact, the records of some top administrators belonging to the SCs and OBCs in the state of Andhra Pradesh and at the national level are known to be superior to those of their counterparts in non-reserved categories, who are known to have had all the advantages of an early start, namely, excellent circumstances and an enlivening

112 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India atmosphere that is conducive to good performance. A more important consideration pertaining to social efficiency is the need for political mobilisation for development. The very nonrepresentation of the socially backward groups in a stratified society is an obvious handicap for achieving this. It may be further argued that the question of efficiency in traditionally refined jobs of the elite class cannot be taken as the criterion to judge social efficiency. In other words, if a Brahmin is asked to work as a sweeper and the scavenger as a clerk, it would be clear soon that the change in traditional roles would affect their efficiency. This is not a correct measure of efficiency. Social efficiency must be judged in terms of historical and social conditions of the Indian society. It needs also to be remembered that reservations are limited only to the public sectors, and the ‘social cost’ of reservation (even admitting that there is some social cost) is far less, compared to the ‘social cost’ implied in the vast amount of subsidy given to both agriculturists and industrialists; and those that are against reservations for socially backward groups do not have much to say against these of reservations. If, for longterm social gains, protection is required to sick industries, similar protection is required for socially backward groups, also for longterm social gains. This has been a practice in international agencies like the UN where certain positions are reserved for developing countries. The representation of reservation communities in the dwindling bureaucracy is presented in Tables 6.6a and 6.6b. The data clearly shows that the reservation communities constituted less than 14 per cent in total and around 16 per cent in Class A and B positions of the Central Government in the year 1999. Further, the policy of reservation of jobs is restricted only to public sector which contributes only 7 per cent of the total employment. This means that the reservation policy for SC, ST and OBC categories is applicable to less than 1 per cent of the employment

303 (2.59)

4,147 (5.09)

3,719 (4.59)

8,169 (4.69)

Autonomous Bodies, Attached and Subordinate Offices

Public Sector Undertakings

Total

OBC

Ministries/Departments

Unit

9,891 (5.68)

3,652 (5.68)

5,399 (6.64)

840 (71.8)

SC/ST

FC

80,994 (100.00)

81,325 (6.64)

41,707 (100.00)

Total

155,966 174,026 (89.63) (100.00)

73,623 (90.90)

71,779 (88.27)

10,564 (90.23)

Class I

68,566 (19.74)

91,431 (18.16)

5,985 (13.66)

FC

260,977 (71.19)

352,827 (70.10)

36,076 (82.36)

Class II SC/ST

565,785 (100.00)

503,337 (100.00)

43,803 (100.00)

Total

(Table 6.6a contd.)

97,063 165,982 649,880 1,112,925 (10.63) (18.18) (71.19) (100.00)

36,242 (9.91)

59,079 (11.74)

1,742 (3.98)

OBC

TABLE 6.6a Representation of Backward Classes in Central Government Services in 1980

91,975 118,282 274,430 484,687 197,207 294,155 1,064,393 1,571,638 (18.98) (24.40) (56.62) (100.00) (12.55) (18.72) (68.73) (100.00)

Total

62,650 (10.61)

117,864 (19.95)

410,175 (69.45)

590,689 (100.00)

Source: Government of India, Report of the Backward Classes Commission, 1980, New Delhi,1981, Vols. I and II, p. 92. Note: Figures in parentheses indicate percentages.

143,910 (100.00)

907,610 (100.00)

73,339 (100.00)

75,575 (52.51)

596,767 (67.51)

57,451 (78.34)

Total

22,689 45,646 (15.77) (31.72)

131,012 163,948 (14.43) (18.06)

12,343 (16.83)

FC

All Classes SC/ST

Public Sector Undertakings

322,948 (100.00)

3,545 (4.83)

OBC

188,044 (58.24)

17,829 (100.00)

Total

Autonomous Bodies, Attached 67,786 67,118 and Subordinate Offices (20.98) (20.78)

FC

Class III and IV SC/ST 10,811 (60.64)

1,500 (8.41)

OBC 5,518 (30.95)

Ministries/Departments

Unit

(Table 6.6a contd.)


115

TABLE 6.6b Representation of Backward Classes in Central Government Services in 1999 A

B

C

D

Total

Scheduled Castes

10,558 (11.29)

13,306 (12.68)

378,115 (15.78)

19,761 (19.99)

591,740 (16.70)

Scheduled Tribes

3,172 (3.39)

3,512 (3.35)

145,482 (6.07)

66,487 (7.07)

218,653 (6.17)

Other Backward Classes

921 (10.00)

493 (0.39)

17,820 (0.75)

8,272 (0.75)

27,506 (0.74)

Total

93,520 104,903 2,396,426 3,544,262 6,139,111

Notes: 1. A is Class I, B is Class II, C is Class-III and D is Class IV. 2. The totals may not add upto 100 due to data discrepancies. 3. Figures in parentheses indicate percentage to total employees.

in the organised sector. However, the creation of this so-called creamy layer can definitely influence and inspire their respective communities to go in for education. This is definitely a positive contribution of the reservation policy.

Caste Reservations and Secularism The argument that reservations create a stake in perpetuation of casteism and backwardness and are thus against secularism puts the cart before the horse. Reservations have been called for because Indian society has been governed by the principle of exclusiveness in social relationships based on caste and heredity. In other societies where stratification is not based on caste and heredity, inter-group mobility is possible through marriage. But given the nature of stratification in India, social groups which have early access to the mainstream entrench themselves through kinship linkages both in educational institutions and bureaucracy

116 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India to the exclusion of other groups that did not have the advantage of early access to education. Thanks to reservation, the monopoly of kinship groups based on caste, both in educational institutions and the government is being broken. The answer to casteism is not discontinuance of reservations but a cultural revolution for eliminating the principle of exclusiveness in social relationships. It is hypocrisy to talk of merit only in educational institutions and government jobs while continuing to adhere to the principle of exclusiveness in social relationship. Reservations, by contributing to the entry of backward groups into the mainstream have several positive aspects in the long run. As more and more people belonging to backward groups enter the mainstream, the barriers of sub-castes get broken as they have in the case of socially advanced groups. The entry of these groups into the mainstream will help to reduce the age-old prejudices of the upper castes against socially backward groups as unclean people, while simultaneously inspiring confidence among the reserved categories. It is true that in the short-run caste will be used for political mobilisation of the socially backward groups for articulation against the dangers of caste adventures. Reservations could play the role of ‘creative destruction’ by drawing the socially backward groups into the mainstream. Similarly, the oft-repeated argument that caste reservations go against the secular character of the Constitution has been dispelled by some legal experts in their evidence before the Commission on Backward Classes in Karnataka. They said that nowhere in the Constitution is a mention made about a casteless society, and that socialism and secularism do not mean the former. It is further alleged that intellectuals who cite secularism against caste reservations do not have anything to say against the naked way in which casteism, religion and communal hatred have been perpetuated by government agencies like radio, TV, press and all other public forums, when secularism really means the separation of these from state patronage and not fighting against caste


117

reservations. The reserved groups have also been questioning the casteism of the high caste Hindus who are a minority in number in the population but occupy the major and lucrative sectors of the economy, bureaucracy and society. Any talk of secularism and socialism should really mean fighting against these same tendencies. While these arguments can be considered polemical and emotional, one cannot however support casteism of the upper castes. It remains to be seen whether caste reservations really create a threat to secularism if they are used as a means to bring equality of opportunity in education. Can we really overcome this problem if the few suffering individuals from the high castes are admitted and given the same opportunities as that of the weaker sections? This problem has been addressed by Marc Galanter (1986) who said: ‘if secularism is defined in terms of the elimination of India’s compartmental group structure in favour of a compact and unitary society, then the compensatory discrimination may indeed have impeded secularism. But one may instead visualise not the disappearance of communal groups but their transformation into components of a pluralistic society in which invidious hierarchy discarded while diversity is accommodated. In this view compensatory discrimination policy contributes to secularism by reducing group disparities and blunting hierarchical distinctions’ (Galanter, 1986: 150). There is a suggestion that reservations for positions and places in public services and in educational institutions should also consider secular attributes like functions or occupational activities of people in categorising the backward classes. This suggestion, made by experts like I.P. Desai (1984), has a strong appeal. However, the real problem is whether such a policy would really alter the present system when there is a ‘fairly close co-existence of low earning level of occupational activities, literally low caste status of the majority of the people engaged in them and low level of education’ (Desai, 1981: 823). Does it not perpetuate traditional occupations which are in general associated with the

118 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India low caste backward classes? What purpose does it serve? It is exactly for the same reason that the concept of basic education of Mahatma Gandhi was given up in this country. An alternative policy of protective discrimination based on the disadvantages of each family instead of the group may be considered. There are also arguments which say that some of the backward castes in rural India are responsible for the perpetuation of casteism and atrocities on SCs, STs and service castes. These atrocities should be viewed from the point of the economic factors that are involved in such incidents, and the impact of the growing tendency of capitalist inroads into a more traditionbased rural economy. What is lacking in such cases is the elimination of the economically-weaker backward castes in joining the feudal forces in the name of caste. The feeling of comradeship and brotherhood among all the socially disadvantaged groups in rural and urban areas would minimise such incidents. Political action by secular parties is also necessary here. This is possible if all the disadvantaged are grouped under the label of backward classes, and by withdrawing the strong and privileged among the backward castes from the lists of backward classes, as was done in the case of Karnataka in 1990 by the Chinnappa Reddy Commission. The present lists of SCs, STs and backward castes from the lists of backward classes needs to be revised to prepare a single list of the disadvantaged class, consisting of different categories taking into consideration the region and caste specificity of the disadvantages of caste.

Weighted Index of Backwardness It is quite often that a distinction is not made between caste reservations for the purpose of places in educational institutions and for positions of power and jobs in the public sector. Mere economic power does not bring education overnight to


119

the incumbent. It requires a few generations to enter the eliteoriented education system though one can achieve economic heights or power with money and caste pressure. Therefore, it is necessary to provide protective discrimination in the education sector to all those who are socially and educationally backward on the basis of their heredity caste, while eliminating the rich and powerful among them. They can enter these sectors along with all others if the handicap of education is removed. In order to implement such a policy it is necessary to follow a policy of weighted index of backwardness for each family. This can be done once the maximum amount of places are determined for this group. For this purpose, a survey can be conducted along with the census on the basis of caste as the major criterion or a sample survey can be conducted. After deciding the maximum percentage of quota for these groups, the reservation should be implemented on the basis of the disadvantages of individual families and not on the basis of the group, such as caste. The illiteracy rate in a region can also be considered as an alternative criterion to determine the maximum percentage of quota in the educational sector. Then each family becomes a unit of its own category depending upon their disadvantages. Those families who have more and long-lasting disadvantages should get preference over the advanced within the caste. In order to make it feasible, the incumbent would have to produce a certificate, as is done in the case of caste certificates today. The certificate of the family that we are proposing should not contain caste, but instead a few indicators of the following to determine the cumulative or weighted disadvantages. This certificate should be issued to all Indians irrespective of the caste. In fact, the Government of Andhra Pradesh has introduced the system of green cards (to families with an annual income of less than Rs 6,000) to all weaker sections’ households and the same can be modified to include the following indicators which may weigh the disadvantages of a family: (i) caste

120 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India and occupation or the weighted number that is to be assigned to each caste on the basis of the socio-economic survey conducted every 10 years; (ii) educational status of the family that includes the education of the head of the family and the tradition of education in the family from generations; and (iii) income (annual or mensum). Suppose an individual X in a particular caste has obtained a weight of 1 for caste, 3 for educational status based on their illiteracy in the family and come in the income range of 5 (which is to be devised on the basis of state or regional income). Let us say he will have an index of 9. Take another individual Y in the same group who will present a certificate based on his green card and get an index of 5. Then the individual X with the highest index of disadvantages will get preference over Y. The above is an illustrative example and the criteria and modus operandi can be devised by the government in each state with the help of sociologists, economists and educationists. One may say that this is a cumbersome process and the poor villager cannot follow all this and it also involves, a lot of administrative machinery to draw such lists. But we feel that it is easier than the caste certificate, as the individual incumbent in this case has to present a copy of the green card which has already been supplied to his family with all the necessary entries. At the time of admission into various courses, the index will be calculated (if it is not estimated already in the card) along with the criterion mark calculated for admission. This will also reduce the burden of producing the caste certificate for the family which some times costs a person more than Rs 50 (in 1990). As the green cards will be supplied by the government, the cost will be borne by the state or a nominal fee may be fixed for it. Now the card will be delivered to him at his home rather than the person going round the revenue officer for producing the certificate. The whole process may require in a state like Andhra Pradesh, around Rs 2 crore (Rs 20 million) in 10 years which is a small amount. This process, it is assumed,


121

will eliminate casteism in general and the dominant among the identified backward groups in particular. Finally, the following criteria may also be followed to drop certain castes which have reached the minimum standards of educational development at the time of the decadal socioeconomic survey. (i)

Adequate representation of the OBCs, SCs and STs in the elite class measured in terms of their proportion in each category of the elite professions. (ii) Improvements in the political representation of these classes at various stages of the socio-economic and political power structure measured in terms of their proportional representation. (iii) If 70 per cent of the families in a caste are found to be occupying reasonable positions and have crossed the line of income-occupation-educational backwardness and as a result, the poverty line, that entire caste can be withdrawn from the list of backward classes.

Conclusion However, it is, to be remembered that with poor rates of growth, rising unemployment and growing competition for limited opportunities in a market economy, those with combined and cumulative disadvantages of inferior social status, little access to educational institutions, bureaucracy and political power, are the worst sufferers in the system. Reservations can provide the much needed band-aid though not a cure.

7 Human Development Through Caste Reservations A Study

T

he development of human resources in South Indian states, in terms of several parameters, is considered to be qualitatively different from those in the rest of the country. In this respect, the South Indian states, due to specific cultural differences and the tradition of caste reservations in jobs, should be distinguished from others. The major part of the South Indian states consisted of the Madras Presidency (except princely states) till the formation of the four states on linguistic lines in 1956. Historical and social events, more than anything else, have facilitated the growth of human resource development in these

Human Development Through Reservations

123

states compared with others in India. This makes the achievement of human development unique. However, Andhra Pradesh is found to be lagging behind the rest of the southern states in literacy and educational development. Interestingly, Andhra Pradesh seems to be doing well in gaining moderate rates of growth in State Domestic Product (SDP) (Chalam, 2002). An attempt is made here to relate the progress in human development in the four southern states to the tradition of reform and caste reservations implemented in education and in jobs for more than a century.

Concept of Human Development Human Resource Development (HRD), as a separate branch of study in social sciences, has gained prominence with the publication of the first United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) report on Human Development in 1990. Before this the concept of human resources entered the literature of social sciences with the genesis of the concept of ‘Human Capital’ in the 1960s. T.W. Schultz (1961) first defined ‘Human Capital’ in his presidential address to the American Economic Association Meeting in 1960. To quote: ‘I shall concentrate on five major categories: (1) health facilities and services, broadly conceived to include all expenditures that affect life expectancy, strength and stamina and the vigour and vitality of a people, (2) on-the-job training, including old-style apprenticeship organised by firms, (3) formally organised education at elementary, secondary and higher levels, (4) study programmes for adults that are not organised by firms, including extension programmes, notably in agriculture, and (5) migration of individuals and families to adjust to changing job opportunities’ (Schultz, 1961). The concept was later developed by Hector Correa (1963). But the concept and its contents, as conceived and defined by Schultz,

124 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India became obscure for about three decades until the UNDP Human Development Report developed the human development paradigm in 1990. Human development was defined as ‘the process of enlarging the range of people’s choices, increasing their opportunities for education, health care, income and employment and covering the full range of human choices from a sound physical environment to economic and political freedoms’ (UNDP 1990). In the transition from HRD to the holistic term of human development between 1960 and 1990, the concept has given birth to several advancements in economic literature such as economics of education, manpower planning, economics of human resources, and so on. Of these developments, the subject of human resources has overgrown its content. Governments in both developed and underdeveloped countries started renaming their departments of education, health, welfare, culture and so on, as departments of human resources. As with other concepts in economics, human capital too was transformed into a new guise as human resource in the hands of management science and slowly entered the departments of labour and training. Now, the concept has become an independent discipline called HRD. This is creating several problems and some confusion. Among these ambiguities is the difference between ‘human resource’ used in the singular, and human resources referred to in the plural, as originally conceived by economists. The concept of HRD in which one category of researchers is interested in ‘man in relationship to the world of work, and such work involves producing things and providing services of all kinds in the social, political, cultural and economic development of nations’ (Harbison, 1973). Here, human beings are treated as resources like mineral and other material resources that are used as inputs in the production process. Human beings are only means, not ends. They have no soul, or spirit or feelings to enjoy the company of art, literature, music and other good things in life. In this context, human resources is a plural term with animate spirit,


125

the quality of which depends upon motivation and values, health and welfare, skills and abilities, employment and income, awareness and environment, and above all creating a world that is more humane, more stable, more just. In this sense, human resources should be studied from an interdisciplinary approach across the narrow boundaries of economics and management. However, the alienation of this concept from other items of investment allowed researchers to develop different branches of specialisation such as economics of health, economics of manpower planning, economics of population and so on, within the broad framework of human resources. Over the years, HRD became closer to human development, matching the horizons of defining development. The latest report on human development has further clarified several issues that have been raised in popular discussions of the first report and also due to the availability of results of several research studies in HRD. It is emphasised that human development deals with human capabilities, leading some people to believe that human development is limited to social sectors, such as health or education. These investments in people are vital, but are only part of the whole picture. The concept of human development does not focus on social issues at the expense of economic issues. But it is equally concerned with how human capabilities are to be used by people. This will facilitate people to participate freely in social, political and economic decisionmaking. Thus, human development is not limited to specific sectors nor can it be confined to a few areas of study as individual experts claim. Further, subsequent reports of human development have brought in new issues like environmental concerns, human freedom, political freedom, gender empowerment into its orbit as well. All these indices are strengthening the scope of education in enriching HRD. From the balance-sheet prepared by the UNDP Human Development Report, it is clear that indicators relating to education play a very important role in human

126 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India development of both developing countries and the industrialised countries. Thus, education, which was a major indicator of HRD, is directly related to human development. Governments, both at the central and at the state levels, have started several policies and programmes to improve the quality of life. Some of these policies have failed to improve the levels of literacy, quality of health services, and so on. Therefore, there is a need to assess these policies and to provide an alternative to the existing ones. Such a policy will be expected to specify its targets or expected results. In a country like India where more than 40 per cent of the population is still illiterate1, an educational policy cannot be unidimensional, and should focus on various problems of the target groups. Keeping these dimensions in view, the present work examines the issues that are directly related to the development of human resources through education. Educational development is given importance here, though health, nutrition, employment, and so on, are part of the development of human resources in South Indian states. Therefore, an analysis of educational development and some parameters of health and welfare such as fertility rate, infant mortality rate and so on, will enable us to understand the nature and magnitude of human development through the developments in South India.

Economic Status of South Indian States The economic status of the four South Indian states can be discerned from their ranks in the per capita SDP of various states in the country. It is observed (see Table 7.1) that out of the 25 states, the ranks of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Kerala remained almost the same during 1980–81 and 1995–96. Tamil Nadu dropped from eighth rank in 1980–81 to 14th rank 1

As per the Census of 2001, the literacy rate in India is around 61 per cent.

48.1 47.8 42.1 29.5 41.2

1975– 80

37.1 34.2 34.8 22.6 34.0

1990– 93 34.8 32.6 31.1 19.1 25.8

1996

Primary

1,494 1,572 1,487 1,555 1,630

1981

27.16 27.11 31.80 17.23 25.20

2001 15.4 19.1 20.7 28.5 23.0

1975– 80

1,504 1,733 1,478 1,770 1,811

1985

17.5 23.3 21.5 29.3 6.60

1990– 93 9.40 18.3 13.5 22.1 21.8

1996

Secondary

Sectoral Share***

1,776 2,206 1,858 2,313 2,175

1991

26.10 28.40 21.74 34.06 21.83

2001

36.5 33.1 37.3 42.1 33.8

45.0 42.5 43.7 48.0 39.4

55.8 49.1 55.4 58.8 52.4

46.74 44.49 53.53 48.70 52.97

2001

15,240 16,515 17,896 18,701 10,377

2001**

1996

Tertiary 1990– 93

1,921 2,434 2,360 2,750 2,608

1995

1975– 80

Per Capita NSDP in Rs*

Sources: 1. Economic Survey for various years. 2. Report on Currency and Finance, 1997–98. Notes: * Three years moving averages at 1980–81 prices; ** Three years moving average at current prices; *** Sectoral shares for 1975–80 relate to 1980; those for 1990–93 relate to 1990.

Andhra Pradesh Karnataka Kerala Tamil Nadu All India

States


States

TABLE 7.1 Per Capita NSDP and Sectoral Shares in South Indian States

128 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India in 1995–96. However, Tamil Nadu increased its per capita income by Rs 1,195, while Karnataka and Kerala obtained an increase of Rs 862 and Rs 873, respectively, during the same period. It is only Andhra Pradesh that did not gain much during this period. The per capita SDP substantially increased in all the southern states in 2001. The income was found to be higher than that of the national average (Rs 10,377). Out of the four South Indian states, Andhra Pradesh still gets its major share of income from agriculture, though the tertiary sector has also expanded in recent times. In Table 7.1 the per capita Net State Domestic Product (NSDP) and its sectoral shares are given for the four South Indian states for a period of 20 years. It is clear that the rates of growth of the economies in the South are moderate. The growth was probably shared by people in terms of reduction in the number of people below the poverty line. This happened in terms of the deceleration in the number of poor in the South during 1973–74 to 1993–94 and in 2006. Table 7.2 provides data on poverty levels and net migration. It is interesting to find that poverty levels in all the four South Indian states were higher than the national average in 1973–74. But in a period of two decades all the states have made impressive progress, registering a substantial reduction in the number of people below the poverty line. Andhra Pradesh is found to have a smaller number of poor than the national average since 1973–74 and its record in reducing poverty during the period is quite impressive. As per the projection of the Planning Commission, poverty figures in the South will be half of the national average (19.34 per cent) by 2006. This is also reflected in the percentage of net migration from these states. The net migration from Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Tamil Nadu in 1961 was 0.80 per cent, 2.31 per cent and 1.51 per cent of the population of the states respectively. Now they are reduced to less than 1 per cent. All these aspects should be reflected in the Human Development Index.

49.25 54.34 59.71 56.51 54.93

1973–74 27.20 38.14 32.08 45.13 39.34

1987–88 16.0 29.0 26.0 33.0 37.0

1993–94

People Below Poverty Line

8.49 7.85 3.61 6.61 19.34

2006*

Source: Reports of Planning Commission, Government of India, for various years. Note: * Projections


States

TABLE 7.2 Poverty and Net Migration in South India

0.80 1.04 2.31 1.51 0–

1961

0.63 1.21 1.06 0.26 0–

1991

Net Migration

0.3 0.3 0.6 0.7 0–

2001

130 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India

Human Development Index The Human Development Index (HDI) value for India as a whole in 1993 was found to be 42.8 (Table 7.3). This is very close to the UNDP estimate and is ranked at 135 in the comity of nations. The value of HDI of India is found to be 60.2 and the rank is 127 as per UNDP 2005 report. However, the HDI of Kerala and that of Tamil Nadu are found to be equal to that of middle-income countries. The ranks of the four states in HDI in India are found to be below 10. The most interesting aspect of this development is that while the ranks of these states in the economic sphere are found to be above 10, the HDI is found to be below 10. The achievement of high levels of educational and health indicators in Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka suggest that pure economic factors alone are not responsible for these accomplishments. If it were so, states north of the Vindhya hills could have obtained good ranks in terms of their economic resilience in terms of SDP. It is for this reason that we call this phenomenon of high levels of human development indicators attached to the social and cultural movements in the south that broke the shackles of tradition and superstition, ushering in pure human values and development in South India. Andhra Pradesh, being closer to the Vindhyas, is perhaps an exception. This unique achievement by the group of South Indian states is attributed to the policy of caste reservations that was evolved over a period of time during the British regime. It has promoted education and led to a socio-cultural revolution that resulted in the growth of HDI. It is interesting to find that the ranks of the southern states in terms of SDP are above 5, but in terms of HDI they are lower than that of others except Andhra Pradesh. This unique feature of high rates of human development is attributed to the encouragement given by the state to educate people through provision of caste reservations in educational institutions in the South.

Assam Bihar Gujarat Haryana Himachal Pradesh Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Orissa Punjab Rajasthan Uttar Pradesh West Bengal India

27.2 23.7 36.0 36.0 – 24.5 36.3 26.7 41.1 25.6 25.5 30.5 30.2

1981

10 15 04 05 – 14 03 11 02 12 13 08 –

09 06 01 07

Rank

39.48 34.05 47.82 50.56 50.63 36.71 55.49 37.29 54.86 37.11 35.51 45.37 42.79

41.28 46.83 62.79 51.11

HDI

Sources: 1. United Nations Population Fund, India, 1998. 2. Planning Commission, Government of India.

05. 06. 07. 08. 09. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

Other States

29.8 34.6 50.0 34.3

01. 02. 03. 04.

Andhra Pradesh Karnataka Kerala Tamil Nadu

HDI

States

No.

Sl

1991

11 16 07 06 05 14 02 12 03 13 15 09 –

10 08 01 04

Rank

38.60 36.70 47.90 50.90 – 39.40 52.30 40.40 53.70 42.40 38.80 47.20 –

41.60 47.80 63.80 53.10

HDI

2001

TABLE 7.3 Human Development Index of States in 1981, 1991 and 2001

14 15 06 05 – 12 04 11 02 09 13 08 –

10 07 01 03

Rank

Per Capita

12 15 04 03 – 11 02 14 01 10 13 09 –

08 06 07 05

SDP Rank

132 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India These developments have not only increased the urge of the lower castes to educate but have also helped to improve other human development indicators.

Demographic Transition in South India India is one of the most populous states in the world. As per the 1991 Census, South India had a population of 19.64 crore, constituting 21.2 per cent of the total population of India. However, the proportion of the South Indian population to the total population of the country declined from 24.7 per cent in 1971 to 24 per cent in 1981 and, as per the 2001 Census reached 21.65 per cent. The decline in population of the states in South India is attributed to the onset of demographic transition in all the four states. Kerala is the first state in the country to experience the third phase of demographic transition; the latest entry on the list is Andhra Pradesh. This is happening because of the decline in both birth and death rates. The fertility rates are also declining in all the four states and their rates are projected to be around 0.86 per cent to 1.51 per cent which are less than the national average, indicating that these states have reduced their fertility levels at a faster rate than their mortality rates. In Table 7.4 the birth rates, death rates and infant mortality rates of the four states are given for different years (1971 to 1999). It is observed that all these estimates for the South Indian states are found to be lower than the national average. It is generally expected that with the increase in economic development and diversification of the economy from a traditional mode to industrialisation and urbanisation, the attitudes and aspirations of people change. This brings in the different phases of demographic transition. But in India, advanced states like Punjab, Gujarat, Maharashtra, and so on, which eminently qualify for this, are found to have a different experience, and states in the South,

Death Rate

Infant Mortality Rate

24.9 17.3 19.0 28.6

22.0 18.2 18.9 26.4

12.1 09.0 04.4 14.9

09.7 06.8 11.7 12.7

8.5 6.1 8.5 9.7

26.2 17.8 20.3 29.1

31.7 31.1 31.4 36.9

28.0 26.0 28.3 33.8

9.2

34.8 31.6 24.9 23.7 18.2 14.6 11.7 8.1 6.0 7.9 9.2

8.3 7.7 6.4 8.0 9.0

095.4 052.7 125.1 127.1

171 033 088 105

8.2 113.6 0177

80 22 68 91

81

77 16 57 80

73

53 13 54 74

66

58 16 53 72

66

1971 1981 1992 1994 1998 1971 1981 1992 1994 1999 1971 1983 1989 1991 1996 1998

Birth Rate

Source: Sample Registration Scheme Data for various years. Note: Provisional Estimates of Sample Registration Scheme.


States

TABLE 7.4 Birth Rate, Death Rate and Infant Mortality Rate in South India

134 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India which are not very close to these states in economic terms, are experiencing demographic transition. This unusual trend can again be attributed to the social and cultural advancements brought in by the reform movements in the South. This is reflected in family planning practices and thus a decline in fertility rates. In Tamil Nadu, the Dravidar Kazhagam had been popularising Periyar E.V. Ramasami’s (1981) message of family planning even before Independence. The impact of the cultural revolution in the South is reflected in low fertility rates.

Levels of Literacy in the South India is one of the least literate societies in the world. ‘India’s seemingly large pool of technically educated and English speaking manpower is deceptive and presents a misleading impression on the levels of education and literacy among its population as a whole’ (UNFPA, 1998). The above comment by the UN’s population organisation needs to be examined seriously. Literacy rates in India convey only a stock variable and do not reveal the complexity of Indian society. In this respect, the South Indian states are ahead of North Indian states. Before examining the historical and cultural context, the development of literacy in the South Indian states is examined here. Table 7.5 presents the growth of literacy in South Indian states from 1951 to 2001. It is observed from Table 7.5 that the literacy rate during the first period increased more than the second period in Kerala and Tamil Nadu. In Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, the increase was a little higher during the second period. Kerala and Tamil Nadu carry with them a heritage which was common and helped them to develop education even prior to Independence. Though Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh have inherited a similar legacy as constituents of the composite Madras state, they had to carry

13.2 19.3 40.7 20.8 16.6

1951

21.2 25.4 46.8 31.4 24.0

1961 24.6 31.5 60.4 39.5 29.5

1971 29.9 38.4 69.2 45.8 36.1

1981

Literacy Rates

36.8 46.7 78.0 54.3 42.9

1991*

Source: Census of Government of India, Delhi for various years. Notes: * Number of literates to the total population. ** Number of literates to population above seven years.


States

44.09 56.04 89.81 62.60 52.21

2001** 60.47 66.64 90.86 73.45 64.54

2001

TABLE 7.5 The Growth of Literacy Rates in South India

11.4 12.2 19.7 18.7 12.9

12.2 15.2 17.6 14.8 13.4

1971– 91

23.67 19.94 12.86 19.15 21.94

1991– 2001

Increase in Points 1951– 71

136 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India independent policies after the reorganisation of the states in 1956, and this probably explains the difference. Except Andhra Pradesh, all the states in the South are found to have exceeded in HDI in the development of education through increase in literacy rates as per the 2001 Census.

Public Expenditure on Education It appears that the role of the state in providing funds for the expansion of education, particularly school education, is not commensurate with the increase in student population. This can be seen in Table 7.6. It is estimated that the proportion of funds of the education department in Andhra Pradesh in 1980–81 of 44.8 per cent declined to 39.8 per cent in 2001. Karnataka and Kerala spent around 55 per cent of their education budget on elementary education in 1980–81. However, the proportion of funds for elementary education declined by 1992–93. The same trend seems to hold in all the states except Andhra Pradesh, which still had less than 40 per cent of the educational budget resources earmarked for elementary education in 2001. The per capita expenditure on education by the state is an indicator of the educational effort of the government. It is observed that the per capita expenditure on education in 1980–81 was less than Rs 50 in all the states except Kerala, whose expenditure was more than the national average (Rs 341) on education even in 1996–97. The household expenditure suggests that the families in Kerala spent around Rs 1,100 per year on primary education alone compared with 50 per cent of that amount in Andhra Pradesh (Rs 493) in 1994. The overall expenditure on education as per household survey shows that Tamil Nadu spent more than other states in the South. However, the average was less than the national average in all the southern states in 2001– 02. The data in Table 7.6 support the evidence on enrolments

44.8 55.2 54.5 49.9 48.5

1980–81 44.6 52.0 47.8 47.8 46.3

1992–93 39.8 51.9 49.4 49.9 49.9

2001

Percentage of Budgeted Expenditure on Elementary Education to Total Education

Sources: 1. Department of Education, Government of India. 2. Primary Education in India, World Bank, 1993. 3. Household Expenditure, 1994. Note: * NCAER (relates to total education).


States

31 36 72 41 37

1980–81 335 390 565 416 341

1996–97

Per capita Expenditure on Education (in Rs)

TABLE 7.6 Expenditure on Education

708.10 713.72 893.11 851.41 867.39

2001

493 705 1,091 593 680

1994

1,938 1,466 1,493 2,662 3,081

2001–02*

Household Expenditure on Primary Education (in Rs)

138 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India and literacy. It is observed that the rates are higher in those states where the effort of the state is higher. It is typical that the household expenditure on education at the national level has increased in recent times when higher education has become a private good.

Impact of Reform Movements on Human Development Most of the regions in South Indian states have a common origin. The state of Kerala constituted parts of Madras Presidency and Travancore princely state had a common cultural heritage with them. Karnataka was formed combining parts of Bombay Presidency, Nizam and Mysore princely states, and had a different cultural milieu. Andhra Pradesh is an amalgamation of three distinct cultures formed into one in 1953 and 1956. The state missed the advantage of a wide reform and enlightenment movements in all the four regions. The formation of the Justice Party as a South Indian nonBrahmin collective in the early part of the 20th century reflects the wide divide between the literate communities and the nonliterate castes in South India. The Kannada-speaking parts in Bombay presidency have also experienced the movement. Several studies have been undertaken by both Indian and western scholars highlighting the contributions of the social reform movements (Irschik, 1969). The self-respect movement spread into the four South Indian states in different forms at different periods of time. The movement had its origin in the Veerashaiva movement in Karnataka, parts of Andhra and Tamil country. The arrival of the Christian missionaries on the west coast, particularly in Kerala, created challenges for the traditional society and ignited social revolts. The social reform movements in the


139

country were first started as a part of religious reforms or revolts. Later they transformed into the so-called Sanskritisation process and eventually converted into the self-respect movement. Most of these movements originated in the South. The social revolt against caste oppression by Jyothi Rao Phule in the Bombay Presidency was the beginning of a movement to achieve entry into educational institutions. The movement had its impact on South India through the Kannada-speaking parts of the Bombay presidency. In fact, the quota policy for Dalits in India started with the British recognising the non-representation of Muslims in educational institutions in the Ganjam district of Madras presidency. Mahatma Phule’s memorandum to the Hunter Commission further strengthened the educational aspirations of the non-Brahmins, Shudras and Dalits in South India. Ayyankali and Narayan Guru of Kerala, Ayothi Das and Periyar Ramasami of the erstwhile Madras Presidency, Mysore Maharaja’s liberal policy of reservations in his state and the social reform urge in the coastal districts of Andhra created a situation in south India that facilitated social and educational development (Ramakrishna, 1983). Similar movements also developed sporadically in the North with no continuity till the Mandal movement. Several scholars have recorded the impact of these movements on education and upward mobility of several traditional groups which were denied education in the past due to Hindu orthodoxy. The cultural significance of these movements in promoting self-esteem, economic independence and desire for upward mobility helped to expand educational facilities in the South (Geetha and Rajadurai, 1998). This legacy had distinguished the South from the North not in educational development alone but in all spheres of social and economic life that promoted human development. This has already been explained in the previous sections. However, the educational development of socially disadvantaged groups like the SCs and STs still appears to be a problem. The educational gap between these groups

140 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India and others makes achieving universal literacy an elusive goal even in the South. The reform movements have helped the lower castes demand entry into education and services. It was in the Madras Presidency that the demand for the first amendment to the Constitution originated to facilitate reservations on the basis of caste by amending Article 15 of the Constitution.

Gaps in Literacy and Enrolment at All Levels Though South Indian states appear to be advanced as compared with North Indian states in terms of literacy, there is a vast gap between the universal goal of 100 per cent literacy, and the present rates of literacy, as indicated in Table 7.5. This gap seems to be due to the low levels of literacy of the SCs and STs. In the rural areas, literacy rates are not as high as in urban areas except in Kerala where rural literacy is around 90 per cent. Tables 7.7a and 7.7b provide the percentage of the SCs and STs population in each state and their literacy rates. The literacy rates of SCs in Kerala and Tamil Nadu were above 10 per cent in 1961 and close to 10 per cent in Karnataka. In a period of 30 years, the number of literates in Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh have increased by more than three times and in Karnataka by more than four times. In the case of STs (Table 7.7b), the rates of literacy were found to be less than 10 per cent in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu in 1961. The rates of literacy of STs in Andhra Pradesh were even less than the national average. Among all the states, Andhra Pradesh appears to be far below the remaining states in the South. Further, the rates of literacy of SCs and STs are found to be lower than the aggregate rates of literacy. If the population of SCs and STs is deducted from the general population, and

13.82 13.22 08.49 18.01 14.67

1961

13.27 13.14 08.30 17.76 14.60

1971 14.87 15.07 10.02 18.35 15.75

1981 15.93 16.38 09.92 19.18 16.48

1991

Percentage of Scheduled Castes to Total Population

Source: Population Census reports for various years.


States

16.19 16.20 09.81 19.00 16.20

2001 08.47 09.06 24.44 14.66 10.27

1961

TABLE 7.7a Levels of Literacy among Scheduled Castes

10.66 13.89 40.21 21.82 14.67

1971

17.65 50.59 55.96 29.67 21.38

1981

Literacy Rate

31.59 38.06 79.66 46.74 37.41

1991

50.32 47.25 81.65 69.61 51.16

2001

3.68 0.81 0.26 0.75 6.86

1961

3.81 0.79 1.26 0.76 6.94

1971 5.93 4.01 1.03 1.04 7.76

1981 6.31 4.26 1.10 1.03 8.08

1991

Percentage of Scheduled Tribes to Total Population

6.59 6.55 1.14 1.04 8.24

2001

Source: Population Census Reports for various years. Note: Literacy rates of 1991 are for the age group above seven years.


States

4.41 8.15 17.76 5.91 8.54

1961

TABLE 7.7b Levels of Literacy among Scheduled Tribes

5.34 14.85 25.72 9.02 11.30

1971

7.82 20.14 31.79 20.45 16.35

1981

Literacy Rate

17.16 47.95 57.22 27.89 29.60

1991

26.11 36.57 58.11 32.78 34.76

2001


143

the literacy rates are estimated for the general population, the rates would appear to be higher, indicating the lower educational base of the disadvantaged. The enrolment of SCs and STs at different levels of education was found to be disproportionate to their population in the 1960s. Therefore, J.P. Naik developed a measure called ‘Coefficient of Equality’ (CE) to find out the distance between the disadvantaged groups and others in matters of enrolment at different levels. Table 7.8 presents data showing the percentage of enrolment ratio in primary and secondary schools for 1978–79, 1996–97 and 2002–03. The CE is also estimated for each state and presented in the same table. It is observed that the CE was more than 100 in all the states, except for Karnataka in 1978–79 at the primary level. However, Karnataka exceeded all the other states, including Kerala at the post-basic stage in 1978–79. The CE was uniformly found to be more than 100 in all South Indian states in primary education in 1996–97 and 2002–03. This is because the backlog of enrolments from the SCs into the primary sections in the earlier years that was overflowing now due to various schemes. However, the CE was found to be less than 100 at the post-basic stage in all the South Indian states except Kerala in 1996-97. This gap was slowly covered by the year 2002–03. The CE observed in Table 7.8 suggests that the SCs have not been able to reach the levels of other communities in enrolments at the post-basic stage. If the enrolments of the SCs and STs in post-secondary higher education and professional courses are expressed as a proportion of enrolments of others, it becomes clear that they are far behind in higher education. Educational development of the SCs is not only an essential condition but also a necessary input for them to enter into the organised sectors of employment. This will also help them to improve income, health and other parameters of human development.

19.6 12.5 12.6 21.5 16.4

Primary

10.7 18.0 9.5 12.3 10.3

Post Basic

1978–79

20.90 16.57 10.8 13.2 13.4

Primary 15.35 13.81 10.74 19.78 16.22

Post Basic

1996–97

19.8 20.3 10.2 17.6 17.7

Primary 17.7 16.1 9.8 21.4 12.5

Post Basic

2002–03

Percentage of Enrolment Ratio

147.7 85.6 134.3 120.7 109.0

80.6 123.3 101.3 69.1 68.4

Post Basic

1978–79 Primary

Post Basic

131.2 96.4 101.2 84.3 108.2 102.3 103.1 79.0 98.4 76.3

Primary

1996–97

122 125 104 93 109

109 99 100 112 77

Post Basic

2002–03 Primary

Coefficient of Equality

Sources: Data from National Council of Applied Economics Research (NCAER) and National Council of Education Research and Training (NCERT). Note: Post-basic is secondary education.


States

TABLE 7.8 Enrolment Ratio of Scheduled Castes to Other Communities and Coefficient of Equality in All Institutions


145

Conclusion The human development indicators of South Indian states particularly, education and demographic parameters, suggest that they have performed extremely well compared to all other states in the country. The Dravidian ethos of social reform and casterelated movements for upward mobility helped common people in the South to be socially and educationally conscious of their rights. This in turn was translated into development in education, low fertility and upward mobility in the socio-economic ladder. Thus, these states with low levels of incomes have achieved high rates of HDI through non-economic sources and cultural movements including caste-based reservations.

8 Dalit Development in Andhra Pradesh A Case Study of the Impact of Reservations on Development

Introduction

A

ndhra Pradesh is one of the states in India that has been pursuing caste-based reservations from the time of its formation in 1956. It is taken as a case study here to assess the impact of this policy on the development of Dalits in the State. The paradigm of development shifted from income and accumulation of wealth to that of human well-being in the 1990s. Yet, the parameters of economic development are still determined

Dalit Development in Andhra Pradesh

147

by income, employment, assets, education and so on, that have a bearing on the components of human development. They are interrelated. It is realised that the human development indices are only a phenomenon of well-being while the substance is related to economic parameters like the ones mentioned above. The same measures can be used to find out the transformation of society from a feudal or semi-feudal to a capitalist order. However, the only problem that a social scientist encounters in the analysis of Indian society with western categories is defining/understanding the typical category of ‘caste’. There are several scholarly contributions elucidating the need for annihilation of caste and for the development of socially and educationally backward castes like SCs. There are very few theoretical contributions that provide a sound economic theory of development specific to the SCs. We do not find a particular economic theory of development for SCs in Ambedkar’s writings, though he has provided enough material for a general theory of development for the country. One can draw or work on a theory based on his writings, particularly in relation to his States and Minorities. Marxist scholars have been trying to understand Indian society in its totality with the methodology of mode of production. In fact, in 1977, B.T. Ranadive identified the imperialists, landlords and the bourgeois leadership as the defenders of caste system (Ranadive, 1979). Scholarly interest in the study of socio-economic development of the SCs has intensified after 1991, which was the birth centenary of Babasaheb Ambedkar. However, there appears to be very little effort in developing a model of development for SCs by scholars. Andhra Pradesh is one of the four South Indian states that has been pursuing the policy of reservations both in education and employment. The impact of the policy on the development of Dalits is examined here in detail. The indicators used to identify the development are listed below.

148 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India (i) (ii) (iii) (iv)

Land reforms and land distribution. Nationalization of key industries and the public sector. Employment opportunities. Reduction of incidence of poverty.

In addition to the above, the following parameters can also be examined to assess the social development of Dalits. (i) (ii)

Educational development. Social sector expenditure and Special Component Plan (SCP). (iii) Atrocities and offences on Dalits.

The Formation of Andhra Pradesh The state of Andhra Pradesh, as it exists today, was formed on linguistic lines in 1956. It consisted of broadly four regions: the Telangana region which was a part of the Nizam’s domain, Rayalaseema, and coastal Andhra Pradesh, including the northern parts of Andhra Pradesh, which came together to form a separate state. These four regions have unique and distinguished marks of separate identity. Of the three regions, coastal Andhra Pradesh is considered to be most advanced and much of the plan allocations were utilised for the irrigation projects of this region till 1990. Therefore, the economic advancement of the people of Andhra Pradesh cannot be considered uniform. Dalits who reside in different regions of the state experience different phases of development. Those who are the residents of underdeveloped regions have a double disadvantage. This must be kept in mind while understanding the development of Dalits in Andhra Pradesh. However, there is a serious limitation of data to examine these issues. We do not have data for the period from 1956 to 2003 on the above mentioned parameters by caste


149

category for the entire period of the study. The 2001 Census social and cultural tables are not yet available. Therefore, we have used NSS data and estimates of some parameters to calculate the Caste-related Development Index (CDI) to assess the development of Dalits in Andhra Pradesh.

The Rate of Growth of the Economy The state came into existence during the Second Plan period in 1956. It is necessary to examine the rate of growth of the economy to understand the overall development of the people of the state and that includes Dalits. Data relating to the composition of SDP and its rate of growth during plan period are given in Table 8.1. The primary sector used to contribute around 60 per cent of SDP in 1960–61. This is a crucial sector for the sustenance of Dalits as a majority of them eke out their living from agriculture. But the contribution of the sector to the SDP has been declining (like many advanced countries), and by the end of 2000 became almost half of what it was in 1960–61. It contributed TABLE 8.1 State Domestic Product of Andhra Pradesh (Sector-wise Percentage) Year 1960–61 1965–66 1971–72 1975–76 1981–82 1985–86 1991–92 1997–98 2000–2001

Primary

Secondary

Teritiary

Annual Growth Rate*

59.40 54.94 54.99 53.01 48.79 42.87 40.10 30.32 32.04

11.41 14.58 14.11 14.82 15.97 17.52 17.85 22.17 20.09

29.18 30.48 30.91 32.17 35.23 39.61 42.05 47.51 47.01

– 2.47 1.77 4.77 2.41 5.29 4.72 4.76 3.95

Source: Compiled from various sources. Note: * Relates to Plan Period up to 1985–86.

150 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India 32.04 per cent of SDP in 2000–01. This decline in the contribution of the agriculture sector to the SDP has far reaching implications for Dalits. The tertiary sector grew fast from 29.18 per cent of SDP in 1960–61 to 47.01 per cent in 2000–01. This is a sector which is given importance by the Government of Andhra Pradesh in its vision 2020. It is projected that it will provide more than 60 per cent of SDP in the state by 2020. The Dalits, however, have very little access to this sector and due to the lack of opportunities in other sectors they always fall back on the primary sector which is now shrinking. The rate of growth of the economy was found to be at 2.47 per cent during the Second Plan and came down to 1.77 per cent during the Third Plan. However, it recovered from the deceleration and showed a growth rate of 4.77 per cent during the Fourth Plan. The highest growth rate of 5.29 per cent was found during the Sixth Plan. There was some decline in the rate of growth after the liberalisation period in 1991–92. The rate of growth of the economy stood at 3.95 per cent during 2000–2001. It appears that the state has never crossed the rate of growth of the country as a whole, particularly after 1991 when it ranged between 5 to 7 per cent.

Dalits Remained Agricultural Labourers Though the economy of Andhra Pradesh is undergoing a transformation, the condition of the SCs appears to have remained the same. The proportion of SC population to the state population increased from 13.82 per cent in 1961 to 15.93 per cent in 1991 and to 16.19 per cent in 2001. The proportion of agricultural labourers among SCs to total main workers is presented in Table 8.2. It is clear that the proportion of agricultural laboures among SCs was found to be 57.40 per cent in 1971 and 68.2 per cent

8.4 16.72 50.29 11.33 18.24 62.10 13.96 23.89 58.40 NA NA NA 86.7 –

M 9.43 13.91 67.80 9.94 11.54 86.10 13.39 16.19 82.70 NA NA NA 75.7 –

F

SC

Source: Census of India 1991. Notes: 1. Work participation rate estimates based on NCAER data. 2. Agriculture labour includes self-employed in agriculture.

1995 2001

1991

1981

1971

a. b. c. a. b. c. a. b. c. a. b. c.

1961

Agricultural Labour (lakh) All main labourers Percent a/b Agricultural Labour (lakh) All main labourers Percent a/b Agricultural Labour (lakh) All main labourers Percent a/b Agricultural Labour (lakh) All main labourers Percent a/b Work Participation Rate Percent as Labour

Item

Year

17.57 30.63 57.40 21.27 29.78 71.40 27.35 40.08 68.20 37.27 51.72 72.00 – 74.4

P 24.42 112.96 21.60 35.53 128.12 27.70 41.06 154.86 26.50 56.81 185.94 30.60 85.3 –

M 28.94 73.60 39.30 32.76 53.94 59.60 42.19 71.43 59.10 59.44 98.51 60.30 56.0 –

F

All

TABLE 8.2 Agricultural Labour and Main Workers among Dalits (Scheduled Castes)

53.36 186.96 28.60 68.29 180.06 37.90 83.25 226.29 36.80 116.25 284.45 40.90 – 25.5

P

SC

16.21 16.2

15.93

14.87

13.27

13.82

POP

152 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India in 1981. The proportion increased to 72.0 per cent in 1991. The work participation rate which is usually agricultural labour for Dalits was found to be 86.7 per cent among males and 75.7 per cent among females in 1994–95. It seems the proportion of agricultural labourers is increasing as the population of the Dalits is on the rise. But, the transformation of the economy and the advantages of liberalisation did not help the Dalits as more join the ranks of agricultural labour year after year. Table 8.3 provides the number of SC employees in the state sector. It is found that the proportion of SC employees in all categories of jobs including class IV contributed 14.4 per cent in 1981. This is 0.4 per cent less than their proportion in the population. The population stood at 16.2 per cent of the total in 2001. It is clear that the number of public sector employees is declining in the state due to the conditions prescribed by the World Bank. Most of the retrenched workers or those who took voluntary retirement are from the SC category. As per the theoretical formulations of Ambedkar, the public sector should have been expanded to provide more opportunities to the SCs and other socially disadvantaged groups. But this did not happen in TABLE 8.3 Public Sector Employees by Caste Year

SC

ST

OBC

Others

Total

1981

112,051 (140.4)

17,432 (2.3)

231,117 (29.8)

415,340 (53.5)

775,940 (100.0)

1983

114,748 (14.7)

18,545 (2.4)

234,272 (30.1)

411,487 (52.8)

779,052 (100.0)

1988

179,169 (17.4)

37,749 (3.7)

346,507 (33.7)

464,863 (45.2)

1,028,290 (100.0)

1991

184,399 (17.5)

39,830 (3.7)

357,495 (33.8)

474,507 (44.8)

1,056,231 (100.0)

Source: Statistical Abstract of Andhra Pradesh; publication discontinued after 1991. Note: Figures in parentheses indicate percentage to total.


153

the state. Further, the employment growth in Andhra Pradesh, according to Mahendra Dev and C. Ravi (2003), has ‘declined drastically in the 1990s as compared to the decade 1983 to 1993– 94. In rural Andhra Pradesh it declined from 2.4 per cent per annum during 1983 to 1993–94 to 0.29 per cent during 1993– 94 to 1999–2000. The worst affected according to this deceleration are the Dalits.

Land Reforms and Land Holdings of Dalits Land reforms policy in India is as old as the Karachi Resolution of the Indian National Congress (INS), passed about seven decades ago. In Andhra Padesh the peasant struggles against the Zamindari system were initiated by the communists and by N.G. Ranga in the early 1930s. Though Dalits were never made leaders of the struggle, they were given importance and were brought into the mainstream struggle of the people against oppression. As the land reforms included tenancy reforms and land ceiling, Dalits expected that they will benefit by such reforms. Some of the Dalits already held pieces of land due to the British land policy of distribution of Panchami lands in the Madras Presidency (GO 1010 Revenue, 1892). Most Dalits are in the agriculture sector either as labourers or tenants or cultivators. Therefore, the size of land holdings will throw light on their economic status in rural Andhra Pradesh. It is already indicated that Dalits predominantly rely on agriculture and this dependency has been increasing constantly despite modernisation of the economy. There appears to be few attempts by experts to examine why Dalits are increasingly relying on agriculture and are not visible in other sectors of the economy? The state of Andhra Pradesh was one of the earliest to bring a Land Ceiling Act in 1958, which became operational by June 1961. This changed the size of holdings in the official records of

154 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India the government. The size of holding of the marginal farmers (2.4 ha) increased from 18.0 per cent in 1961 to 23.3 per cent in 1981 while the proportion of large farmers declined from 44.0 per cent in 1961 to 18.7 per cent in 1981. The landholdings among SCs are presented in Table 8.4. The state has passed rules for the assignment of government land. In 1977, the maximum extent of land that could be assigned to an SC could not exceed 5 acres of dry land or 2.5 acres of wet land to those whose agricultural income did not exceed Rs 6,000 per annum. It is estimated that the government had assigned 1,123,942 acres of land to 684,654 SCs by June 1991. This works out to 1.64 acres per beneficiary. It is presented in Table 8.4 that the SCs held 9.30 lakh (930,000) hectares of land in 1981, that works out to 1.06 hectares as an average operational holding (OP), while it was 1.94 ha for others. Out of the total holdings of the SCs, 67.7 per cent were marginal holdings of less than the 1 ha. More than 53 per cent of the holdings of these were less than 2 ha in 1981 while it was 30 per cent for others. By 1991, the number of holdings increased to 11.83 lakh (1.18 million) ha. But the percentage of holdings has remained at 12.73 which is found to be the same as in 1981. The percentage of holdings with less than 2 ha increased to 89 per cent in 1991. This was further raised to 97 per cent by 1995. It is found that the per cent of holdings of SCs to total holdings increased to 18 per cent. However, the average size of OP holdings declined from 0.91 ha in 1991 to 0.32 ha in 1995. Much worse is the fact that the holdings getting irrigation facilities came down from 39.7 per cent in 1981 to 34.9 per cent in 1991. As per the 55th Round (1999–2000) of NSS, the percentage of Dalit marginal holdings remained almost the same (89.8 per cent) and the proportion of small holdings increased to 8.4 per cent, an increase of one percentage point between 1995 and 1999–2000. Further, it is observed that a little less than one-fifth of the SC population has some holdings, out of which 97 per cent of the

53.9 32.9

34.9 17.7

70.7 32.0 18.4 28.3 8.7 24.4 2.0 12.4 0.28 2.9

All

– –

56.0 16.4 21.3 19.5 14.5 25.2 6.9 26.1 1.3 12.8

74.68 80.39 123.33 85.29 1.54

1991 11.83 12.73 10.82 7.48 0.91

SC

Sources: DES—Reports on Quinquennial World Agricultural Census of Holdings. Sarvekshna, October–December 1995, sample study. (OP All 0.78). Note: OP—Operational Holdings.

5. 39.7 15.2

51.6 13.2 21.6 16.8 15.9 22.7 8.8 27.8 2.1 19.5

67.7 27.5 18.9 26.1 10.2 25.2 2.9 15.6 0.3 5.6

3. 4.

2.

59.67 81.0 124.47 86.8 1.94

9.30 12.6 9.84 6.9 1.06

(a) Number of Holdings (lakh ha) (b) % of Holdings (a) OP Area (lakh ha) (b) % of OP Area Average OP Holding Size Percentage Size Class Distribution (a) Marginal Number 10 ha Area % receiving Irrigation wholly or partly (a) Holdings (b) Area

All

1.

1981 SC

Item

No.

Sl

TABLE 8.4 Land Holdings and Access to Irrigation (Scheduled Castes)

– –

90.06 45.22 7.01 29.77 2.57 18.37 0.34 5.57 0.03 1.13

– 18.0 – – 0.32

SC

1995

– –

89.8 – 8.4 – 1.4 – 0.5 – – –

– – – – –

SC

1999–2000

156 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India holdings consist of less than 2 ha. We do not have data to examine the very important economic aspect of land holdings of the Dalits. However, a casual examination of their farms indicates that majority of holdings are uneconomical. Sometimes these holdings make the Dalits emotionally attached to the piece of land with zero marginal productivity of labour for the members of the family. However, there are cases where Dalits have benefitted by their holding as it provides some kind of social security and self-esteem. It is to be evaluated to what extent the distribution of surplus land in different districts of the State has enhanced the economic development of the Dalits and their social status in the society?

Incidence of Poverty among Dalits The study of poverty was first undertaken by sociologists and later it has been eminently captured by economists. In the process, the most important social category of ‘caste’ has disappeared in the analysis of poverty for sometime. Thanks to the imaginative work done by the NSS, the data on social groups is also collected, making the economists bring the category of SCs and STs into focus. There is no reference to caste even in the original work of Dandekar and Rath on Poverty in India (1971). Therefore, it is difficult to get data on poverty by caste category continuously for a period of five decades. However, we have tried to cull out data from secondary sources to capture the change in the magnitude of poverty among Dalits between two years—1982 and 1991. Table 8.5 gives the data on incidence of poverty across the districts in the state. The concept of poverty as defined and adopted by the economists in terms of nutritional standards converted into expenditure is used here. The data clearly shows that Dalits who are residents of backward districts like Srikakulam, Vizianagaram

01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06. 07. 08. 09. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Srikakulam Vizianagaram Visakhapatnam East Godavari West Godavari Krishna Guntur Prakasam Nellore Chittor Cuddapah Anantapur Kurnool Mahabubnagar Ranga Reddy

Sl No. Districts

68.0 55.3 53.2 28.3 36.1 36.0 42.7 47.8 49.0 74.8 58.7 68.0 52.8 16.9 53.9

SC 58.6 63.4 59.2 44.8 54.5 42.7 45.6 54.1 59.0 73.4 50.5 65.0 44.9 61.4 63.4

ST 51.3 50.7 45.0 27.9 39.0 31.8 37.0 45.1 50.1 63.7 44.0 48.9 43.3 53.6 50.3

BC

OC 46.5 40.0 36.4 27.4 30.4 21.5 25.5 26.6 46.2 46.7 35.9 40.8 29.8 37.2 34.2

Percentage of Poor 1982

53.1 51.3 45.9 28.6 35.7 29.4 33.0 37.8 49.7 61.1 43.1 50.0 41.7 52.8 47.8

All Groups

Rural 16.49

1999–2000 SC

(Table 8.5 contd.)

38.5 40.8 30.0 18.8 21.1 24.6 36.9 24.2 22.8 23.1 16.2 39.1 35.3 39.7 24.6

1991 SC

TABLE 8.5 Incidence of Poverty in Rural Andhra Pradesh by Social Group (1982–91 and 1999–2000)

Medak Nizamabad Adilabad Karimnagar Warangal Khammam Nalgonda Andhra Pradesh

Source: Rao and Sastry (1990).

16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

Sl No. Districts

(Table 8.5 contd.)

58.1 46.2 59.2 49.6 54.9 37.6 58.8 50.2

SC 57.1 57.7 66.3 47.1 50.0 55.6 52.8 56.7

ST 49.4 40.4 49.7 44.0 47.2 41.8 48.7 45.5

BC

OC 35.8 34.2 36.0 30.0 31.7 25.5 30.6 33.3

Percentage of Poor 1982

48.8 41.0 53.1 43.2 43.2 41.7 46.6 43.7

All Groups

22.2 16.2 32.5 13.5 31.4 23.8 28.9 27.4 (37.0)

1991 SC

26.5

Urban 41.42

1999–2000 SC


159

and Mahabubnagar among others, are more prone to the incidence of poverty in terms of higher rates of people falling under the category of poverty in rural areas. Though the average rate of poverty among Dalits in the state was estimated to be 50.2 in 1982, there are 13 districts where the incidence of poverty was found to be above the state average. All these districts are in backward regions of north-coastal Andhra Pradesh, Rayalaseema and Telengana. The incidence of poverty came down to 27.4 per cent in the state by 1991. There are eight districts where the rate of poverty is above the state average. Except Guntur, all the remaining districts are from the backward regions mentioned above. The incidence of poverty among the Dalits was higher (50.2 per cent) than all others (43.7 per cent) in 1982 and also in 1991 (27.4 per cent for SC and 37.0 per cent others). Though we could not get data on the incidence of poverty for the state on social category in each distinct for recent years, the studies of Sundaram and Tendulkar on India have clearly demonstrated that, ‘among the social groups, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes population report levels of poverty well above average on all three indicators of prevalence, depth and severity of poverty in both the years (1993–94 and 1999–2000) and in both rural and urban areas of the study’ (Sundaram and Tendulkar, 2003). This is equally true in the case of Dalits of Andhra Pradesh. The poverty ratios among SCs of the state declined from 27.4 in 1991 to 16.49 per cent in rural areas and 41.42 per cent in urban areas as per NSS 55th round (1999–2000). This is found to be the highest rate among the South Indian States, Kerala being the lowest (20.27 per cent). The disadvantages of the Dalits in the economic sphere also reflect on their under-nourishment. The National Family Health Survey (NFHS) estimated that 56.0 per cent of SC women suffered from anaemia in 1998–99 compared to 48 per cent among others. Similarly anaemic children among the

160 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India SCs constituted 79.6 per cent while it was 69.7 per cent among others. The nutritional status is generally measured by weight for age and height for age by experts. It is found in the NFHS study that 43.4 per cent of children under the age of three belonging to SC families are under nourished as per weight and 42.7 per cent as per height. The corresponding figures for others were 29.7 per cent and 32.3 per cent respectively. This clearly indicates the economic and living status of SCs in Andhra Pradesh (NFHS, 2003). Dalits in the State suffer from several disabilities as they are discriminated both in the economic and social spheres. This is reflected in the number of crimes committed against SCs as presented in the appendix Table 8.A.2.

Caste-related Development Index (CDI) So far we have examined the traditional economic parameters to assess the economic development of SCs in Andhra Pradesh. Now the paradigm of development has shifted to human development and also to gender-related development. As human development is defined as the enlargement of people’s choices in terms of their longevity, education and income, it is considered to be a very important index to find out the status of development of a nation. However, the UNDP discovered in 1995 that the HDI is not taking care of women, who constitute half of the population. Therefore, a new concept of Gender-related Development Index (GDI) with the same three parameters was introduced. It has also provided the methodology to calculate GDI. We have simply adopted the methodology by assuming SCs to be disadvantaged groups like women and others as equal to men. A few adjustments have been made to suit our data requirements. The indices are given in Table 8.6. The HDI calculated by K.S. Chalam for Andhra Pradesh is given as a reference index to facilitate comparison.


161

TABLE 8.6 Caste-related Developement Index for Andhra Pradesh Sl No. 1. 2. 3.

Life expectancy index Educational attainment index Income index CDI AP HDI

1971

1981

1991

0.367 0.177 0.046 0.197 –

0.500 0.341 0.108 0.316 0.466

0.583 0.521 0.145 0.416 0.592

Source: Andhra Pradesh HDI, K.S. Chalam, Human Development in South India: The Dravidian Marvel, New Delhi: Anmol, 2002.

The CDIs for SCs in Andhra Pradesh are estimated for 1971, 1981 and 1991. As the social and cultural tables of 2001 are not available, we could not estimate the CDI for 2001. It is clear from Table 8.6 that there was an improvement in the CDI during the period 1971–91. Of the three parameters, life expectancy and educational attainment are found to be fast developing. There was an improvement in the CDI from 0.197 in 1971 to 0.316 in 1981 and to 0.416 in 1991. The indices are supported by the data on coefficient of equality estimates for education in Andhra Pradesh from the period 1965–66 to 2000–01. The concept of coefficient of equality popularised by J.P. Naik (Naik, 1966) is a simple measure of expressing the proportion of SCs enrolment to the enrolment of other communities divided by the proportion of SCs population to the total population. It is expressed as a per cent. The coefficients, presented in Table 7.8 in Chapter 7, clearly show the progress made by SCs in Andhra Pradesh, particularly in higher education. The coefficients, are more than 100 at primary and high school levels due to the emphasis given by the government through the District Primary Education Programme (DPEP), as a result the enrolment of Dalits in higher education came nearer to other castes by 2002–03. This is because of the maintenance of social welfare hostels, residential schools at the high school

162 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India and inter-mediate levels. There are around 2,500 hostels where 2 lakh (200,000) boys and girls are studying in Andhra Pradesh making one of the most successful states in India in promoting education among the SCs and STs. In addition to the central government support given for post-matric education, successive governments have made efforts to implement some of the sponsored schemes due to the Dalit assertion from the early 1980s onwards. The assertion fractured in the late 1990s and the pressure on the government came down. This has had a bearing on the allocations of social sector expenditure in recent times. The incidence of offences against SCs in the state has increased over a period of time. We have reproduced data (Appendix, Table 8.A.2) from a study to show the composite index of discrimination in the state. If the data is compared with the data on atrocities on Dalits at the all-India level (see Chapter 5), it comes to around 7 per cent of the total.

Social Effort by the Government The social effort to develop SCs can be assessed in terms of the allocation of funds for the welfare of the SCs in the plan and nonplan expenditure by the state. In 1975, the Government of India decided to allocate funds in the plan outlay to various departments in proportion to the population of SCs in each state to satisfy the constitutional obligation of the government. This is known as Special Component Plan for SCs and Tribal Sub-Plan for STs. This came into operation from the Sixth Plan onwards. It was observed by the National Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes Commission in its 5th report that the allocation of resources for SCP for SCs by the Government of Andhra Pradesh never exceeded 11 per cent of the total allocation for SCs. Out of which, around 85 per cent in each plan period is spent only on the development of SCs (Government of India, 1995). The data in


163

Appendix Table 8.A.1 clearly shows that the allocations for SC, ST welfare in the plans never exceeded 7 per cent of the total outlay till the Eighth Plan. The allocation for SC/ST and OBC Welfare during the Tenth Plan is only 8.3 per cent of the total plan allocation. Apart from the plan allocations, the government is also spending on the welfare of SC, ST and OBCs in the state under non-plan budget. It is estimated by J.V.M. Sharma (2003) that the percentage of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) spent on SC, ST and OBC welfare in the state slowly declined from 1.3 per cent in 1985–86 to 0.7 per cent of GSDP in 1995–96. This remained less than 1 per cent (0.8 per cent) even in the 2002–2003 budget. This shows the commitment of government towards the development of Dalits in Andhra Pradesh in recent times.

Conclusion Andhra Pradesh is one of the states in the south that has been following caste-based reservations in education and employment. Therefore, the socio-economic development of SCs in Andhra Pradesh is assessed on the basis of economic parameters like the composition of agricultural labourers, public sector jobs, land holdings and incidence of poverty during a period of five decades. The picture that emerges from the data presented in the text is mixed. Dalits in the state have remained predominantly agricultural labourers. The agricultural holdings of the Dalits that constitute 97 per cent of less than 1 ha which seems to have given them little benefit. It is perhaps because of the effective implementation of the Public Distribution System (PDS), the incidence of poverty declined sharply between the 1980s and 1990s. But the incidence of poverty among Dalits is very severe in those districts which are considered backward. The nutritional levels of Dalit women and children need urgent

164 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India attention. The CDI is estimated for SCs for the years 1971, 1981 and 1991. The coefficient of equality in education indicates that the distance between SCs and others has remained high in all the parameters that have been examined. The social effort made by the Government of Andhra Pradesh in allocating funds for SCP and in revenue expenditure has remained less than the statutory limit. This has further accentuated after liberalisation. Despite of these limitations, the CDI and HDI show a positive trend indicating the contribution of the reservation policy to Dalit development in the state.

3rd Plan 1961– 66

Annual Plan 1966– 69

10.15 (5.40)

9.53 (5.10)

4. Transport and Communications

17.00 (4.80)

15.19 (4.30) 7.21 (3.10)

7.11 (3.00)

57.43 93.02 59.36 (30.40) (26.40) (25.40) 38.53 93.62 97.96 (20.40) (26.60) (41.90)

37.37 79.34 40.83 (19.80) (22.50) (17.40)

2nd Plan 1956– 61

3. Industries and Mineral Dev.

(b) Power

2. Irrigation and Power (a) Irrigation

1. Agriculture Programmes (Actual Exp.)

Head of Development

14.73 (3.30)

190.57 (42.50)

98.55 (22.00) 98.55 (22.00)

60.14 (12.40)

4th Plan 1969– 74

92.30 (9.2)

35.44 (3.50)

284.90 (28.30) 381.33 (38.00)

96.20 (9.60)

5th Plan 1974– 78

70.05 (7.80)

28.33 (3.16)

270.65 (30.17) 310.40 (34.60)

96.16 (10.72)


214.75 (6.30)

216.57 (6.30)

913.61 (26.70) 772.29 (22.60)

311.94 (9.10)

6th Plan 1980– 85 (Revised)

246.50 (4.70)

312.40 (6.00)

1488.10 (28.60) 1105.90 (21.30)

525.00 646.00 (22.50)

7th Plan 1985– 90 (Approved)

TABLE 8.A.1 Andhra Pradesh Plan Outlay by Major Heads of Development

Appendix

1620.00 (11.88)

500.00 (3.7)

3505.00 (25.70) – –

1538.50 (11.28)

8th Plan 1992– 97

399.49 (8.57)

165.3 (3.55)

1084.49 (23.27) 714.17 (15.32)

233.32 (5.01)

10th Plan 2002– 07

(Table 8.A.1 contd.)

4365.64 (14.58)

519.93 (1.74)

6355.98 (21.23) 7689.65 (25.68)

830.74 (2.77)


(Rs in Crore)

111.33 (11.10)

5th Plan 1974– 78

117.95 (13.15)


938.95 (27.50)

6th Plan 1980– 85 (Revised) 801.81 (15.50)

7th Plan 1985– 90 (Approved) 2706.00 (19.8)

8th Plan 1992– 97

7883.63 (26.33)


1363.4 29.25

10th Plan 2002– 07

Source: Government of Andhra Pradesh—Five Year Plan Reports including minor irrigation. Minimum Needs Programme is included under Agriculture and Allied Activities.

Total

55.74 (12.40)

4th Plan 1969– 74

4.59 3.59 1.0 7.1 31.2 7.5 163.5 370.7 495.00 NA 391.46 (2.4) (1.1) (0.4) (1.7) (3.1) (0.8) (4.7) (7.1) (3.6) (8.3) 2.54 1.03 0.14 0.22 2.73 3.53 48.05 73.80 53.00 2297.92 309.70 (1.40) (0.30) – – (0.30) (0.40) (1.50) (1.40) (0.40) (7.67) (6.72) 188.6 352.42 234.06 448.87 1004.28 897.07 3416.16 5200.00 13627.00 29943.49 4661.40 (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100)


(a) SC, ST and BC 6. Miscellaneous

3rd Plan 1961– 66

35.95 53.22 21.50 (17.50) (15.10) (9.10)

2nd Plan 1956– 61

(Rs in Crore)

5. Social Services

Head of Development

(Table 8.A.1 contd.)

Adilabad Anantapur Chittoor Cuddapah East Godavari Guntur Karimnagar Khammam Krishna Kurnool Mahabubnagar Medak Nalgonda Nellore Nizamabad Prakasham Ranga reddy Srikakulam Visakhapatnam Vizianagaram Warangal West Godavari Total

01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06. 07. 08. 09. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

1 0 2 1 2 3 0 2 2 6 5 1 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 3 1 33

Murder 10 0 4 1 3 4 3 2 6 2 5 4 3 1 2 2 2 1 1 3 6 6 72

Rape

Arson 0 0 0 1 0 4 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 0 1 0 1 0 1 12

Hurt 14 36 7 27 4 48 6 5 7 59 8 4 4 6 6 17 1 11 5 0 15 7 298

40 30 26 45 3 63 2 12 18 53 15 2 8 21 23 28 13 9 12 3 43 20 491

Other IPC

Source: ‘Composite index of discrimination’, Chalam, K.S. et al., Social Action, March 2004.

District

Sl No. 65 66 39 75 12 122 11 21 33 121 34 11 17 28 31 49 17 22 18 7 67 35 901

Total 11.33 211.33 209.33 23.33 23.67 143.33 6.33 66.33 5.00 290.67 754.00 74.33 165.00 43.00 15.67 81.33 244.67 65.33 61.00 61.33 41.00 15.33

Composite Index of Discrimination

TABLE 8.A.2 Incidence of Cognizable Crimes (IPC) against Scheduled Castes in Andhra Pradesh during 2000

9 The Alternative Replace Caste-based Reservation with Democratic Representation

The Past

T

he analyses of the factual data presented in the previous chapters has brought out that caste is omnipresent both in our conscious and subconscious relations. Castebased reservations, though not a perfect strategy have helped to create voices for the marginalised. However, there are dissenters both among the beneficiaries of the system and its opponents. Therefore, it is necessary to find out an alternative to the present system of the so-called caste-based reservations. An attempt is

The Alternative

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made in this chapter to throw an idea for discussion and for popular consent within the parameters of democracy. Caste as a social institution has outlived its existence even if we accept that it severed a particular social function during the early period of its formation. It has also failed to deliver social justice to its constituents. Yet, the basic structure of the Indian society has been strongly laid on its foundation. No attempt seems to have been made to do away with it, though great savants from the time of Buddha down to the present generation of reformers have tried to reform it because everyone is benefited by it except those who are at the bottom of the system. It has also been pointed out by some that the caste system as it existed in the past had protected merit by providing higher rank and status to those who were meritorious and the secondary and other level ranks to those who were less qualified. It has worked well for generations according to some. However, this is proved to be wrong time and again as better performance has come from candidates of the groups which are graded low in merit, questioning the mechanism of graded inequality in the caste system. The system has slowly degenerated into a mechanism to protect the self-interest of a few. There may be several social, economic and cultural factors that have been responsible for protecting it for generations but with the advent of modernisation and ushering in of egalitarian values, caste has lost its theoretical rigour though it may appear to have survived as an institution. It appears that no counter institutional structure or countervailing force has been promoted to debunk it by any known reformer or the erstwhile colonisers. Caste had also baffled the colonisers. First, they tried to encounter it with their own understanding under an illusion of Anglo-Saxon and Aryan racial unity (Trautmann, 2004, 2005). But later they became a part of the cast system. However, they brought in western values like utilitarianism, libertarianism, parliamentary democracy and social justice. Before these ideas were put into practice after the Government of India Act 1935,

170 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India they had to leave the country in 1947. They left a legacy of support for social reform movements developed as autonomous caste struggles for upward mobility of several Shudra and Dalit castes. The British acted as arbiters in their presidencies in these struggles and in princely states some progressive rulers like the Maharajas of Mysore, Kolhapur, and Baroda, allowed social space for lower caste aspirants. Thus, the caste-based reservation movement in India has a different historical legacy compared to the recent struggles of African-Americans and other minorites in the USA and other nations. These movements were inspired by the struggles of the lower caste movements in India and similar movements became visible elswhere only after the Civil Rights Act, 1964. This may be kept in mind while comparing the issue of quota or reservations in education and employment in India with that in the USA or others.

Emergence of Indian Democracy India never had a tradition of democracy, though we may boast that Buddhists had practiced some kind of democratic principles in their Sanghas (Ambedkar, 1994). The despotic rulers (whether Hindu or Muslim) were only guided by the inegalitarian principles of caste in their statecraft. There was no mechanism to counter it as the Dharmasastras upheld the values of the caste system. The British came from a different background. It is only to understand the difficulties of the ambiguous and contradictory laws of the Indians that the British India Government brought Lord Macaulay to India. Macaulay, being a member of the utilitarian club in London brought some fresh ideas into the Indian society. English education together with utilitarian values helped create a creamy layer of liberal intellectuals who worked for the independence of the country. Therefore, the democratic principles of liberty, equality and justice became the

The Alternative

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cardinal principles of the Indian Constitution in 1950. These values were found to be incompatible with the prevailing social values and practices based on the caste system. At this stage, it was but natural for the founding fathers of the Constitution, including Ambedkar, to invoke western values of democracy. Therefore, Ambedkar had to oppose the idea of making the village a unit of democracy, rather he wanted the individual to be the unit of democracy. However, the Constitution which was adopted to provide justice, liberty, equality and rule of law could not create any institutional structure to protect the interests of the ‘least disadvantaged’. Caste-based reservations which became a part of the struggles of the people were simply incorporated in the Constitution without any proper mechanism to implement it. In fact, the Constitution has not taken enough care to recognise the importance of groups like caste, perhaps with a noble aim and dream that it will be annihilated once the Constitution comes into effect. Under these circumstances, the judiciary perhaps took the responsibility into their hands to uphold it. The first amendment to the Constitution was necessitated as the judiciary itself had failed to recognise this legacy of reservations in India. It is, therefore, necessary to examine the policy of caste-based reservations in the context of constitutional democracy to understand its relevance. Ambedkar perhaps thought that parliamentary democracy was sufficient to protect the interests of the least disadvantaged or to use his term ‘socially and educationally backward castes’. In his Constituent Assembly debates he stated that ‘our Constitution as a piece of mechanism lays down what is called parliamentary democracy. By parliamentary democracy we mean, ‘one man, one vote’ . . . While we have established political democracy, it is also the desire that we should lay down as our ideal economic democracy. . . Our object in framing this Constitution is really two fold: (i) to lay down the form of political democracy, and (ii) to lay down that our ideal is economic democracy and also to prescribe that every government in power,

172 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India whatever party it is, shall strive to bring about economic democracy’ (Ambedkar, 1994). These ideas are to be interpreted and evaluated in the context of their application and implementation during the last 60 years of Independence through policies like reservations. It is also necessary to re-evaluate these ideas in the backdrop of recent developments in the economic theory of democracy and practice in India.

Parliamentary Democracy Did Not Bring Justice The philosophy of democracy as enunciated by Schumpeter (1980) is, ‘that institutional arrangement for arriving at political decisions which realises the common goal by making the people itself decide issues through the election of individuals who are to assemble in order to carry out its will’. The definition of Schumpeter is chosen here instead of the popular definition by Abraham Lincoln, as the term ‘people’ in Lincoln does not qualify in the Indian context. The people of India are not homogeneous and are not considered as born equal. Further, democracy at the beginning of 21st century has passed through several phases and is now known in practical terms as a representative form of government. As distinguished from this, the pure participative form is one where each individual in the society participates directly in the collective decision-making process. The representative form of government has entered all institutional structures including forms of organisation that maintain modern capitalism based on corporations. The corporatisation of economic processes and the decision-making apparatus create a challenge to societies like India that are not tuned to the democratic values of ‘one man, one vote’. In Indian social institutions and public life the ‘individual’ does not exist.

The Alternative

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He is only a part of the cosmos, caste. He has no separate existence. He represents the caste in all spheres of public life, and even in private life. While it is so in social life, the country has adopted a western model of development based purely on the invisible hand. India has now entered into an era of liberalisation and an economic structure based on market. The production and distribution of goods and services will rely on the efficiency and competitiveness of the market forces. In such a situation according to many, making special quotas for certain people leads to inefficiency and waste. Therefore, the rule of reservation in public employment that was in vogue for the last century and half (from 1856) is redundant. It is only in pursuance of this implicit argument that the department of Personnel and Training (DOP&T), Government of India, has issued several controversial office memoranda (OM) during the last few years and particularly after 1997. This led to a serious comment on the DOP&T by the Parliamentary Committee under the Chairmanship of Kariya Munda (2001).1 On the other hand, there are several arguments against the continuation of caste-based reservations. The judiciary is also holding the opinion that it affects efficiency if we rely on Article 335 of the Constitution. In fact, the Article itself is responsible for the judiciary to take recourse to in restricting the quantum of reservations to 50 per cent. They seem to have not examined the historical background of a backward country of 1950 requiring this Article. Its continuation today is obsolete as India and its population are considered developed. The OM of the DOP&T, based on the interpretations of judgments, have introduced concepts like post-based roster, efficiency in administration and so on. These ideas do not seem to be based 1 The Munda Committee have recommended action under the SC/ST Atrocities Act 1989 against the Secretary and Joint Secretary of DOP&T.

174 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India on facts of the Indian society and economy. Table 9.1 presents data to show that the rule of reservation is limited to the organised public sector where the total number of positions available is limited to 185.80 lakh (18.5 million). Of these, several ‘posts’ are forbidden for the untouchables and OBCs, like the Department of Defence, research and development, posts of scientists, and so on. The organised sector, including the private sector constitutes only 7.08 per cent of the total employment. Therefore, the rule of reservation as applied to public sector services does not touch even a decimal point when the total economy and its employment are considered. It is only 0.21 per cent of the total employment in the organised sector (see Chapter 6). Further, reservations and quotas do exist even in capitalist countries like Malaysia and USA to provide ‘representation’ to certain categories of people who are not adequately represented. TABLE 9.1 Employment in Organised and Unorganised Sectors (All India) Year 1973 1978 1983 1988 1991 1994 2000

Organised

Employment (Million) Unorganised

Total

Organised as percent of total

18.82 21.24 24.01 25.71 26.73 27.38 28.11

217.48 249.46 278.69 296.29 315.17 344.72 368.89

236.30 270.70 302.70 322.00 341.90 372.10 397.00

7.96 7.85 7.93 7.99 7.82 7.36 7.08

Sources: 1. National Sample Survey Organisation. 2. Directorate General of Employment and Training. Note: Organised sector includes all the establishments in the public sector and non-agricultural establishments employing 10 or more persons in the private sector. While data on employment in the public sector and the non-agricultural establishments in the private sector employing 25 or more persons are collected under the provisions of Employment Exchanges (Compulsory Notification of Vacancies) Act, 1959, the same from the non-agricultural establishments in the private sector employing 10–24 persons are being collected on voluntary basis.

The Alternative

175

Even the Constitution of India speaks about the ‘provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens, which in the opinion of the state is not adequately represented [emphasis added] in the services under the state’ (Majumdar, Kataria, 1998). The word ‘represented’ was originally inscribed by the drafting committee under the Chairmanship of Dr Ambedkar under Article 10(3). The committee, in fact opined that the word ‘backward’ was to be inserted before the class of citizens in the above sentence (Moon, 1994). The democratic principle of ‘representative form’ rather than ‘pure participatory’ form seem to have guided the ‘will’ of the Constitution makers. If one is inclined to read a little more than this, the Constitution makers were anticipating ‘capitalism’ based on private property. Therefore, justice is to be pursued within the framework of liberal democracy. It is interpreted by libertarians that justice in liberal democracy ought to protect personal property. It is further argued that democracy must accommodate dissent even if it amounts to pricking social justice. These dissenters constitute a strong lobby and are managing the government. Thus, democracy in India is reduced to that of a few privileged castes who manage individuals to control all institutions. Therefore, it has become in practice only an oligarchy of castes, and not a truly representative form of democracy. As a result, the spirit of democracy to ensure social justice is lost. Unfortunately, intelligent scholars argue the other way and denounce caste-based reservations. It is necessary to restore the true spirit of democracy in India.

Principle of Representation in Capitalist Economy The relationship between democracy and capitalism needs to be understood here to highlight the significance of the principle of

176 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India ‘representation’. It is implied that both of them have a set of harmonious and mutually supportive institutions, each promoting a kind of freedom in distinct relations of social life. The liberal democratic capitalist societies are, ‘those two dozen or so nations whose social life is structured by a limited state that extends civil liberties and suffrage to most adults and an economy characterised by production for the market using wage labour and privately owned means of production’ (Bowels and Gintis, 1986). Generally, democracy is identified with liberty while capitalism is related to private property. There is also a contradiction between these two. The conflict between these two values has been resolved in post-liberal democracies like the US through the development of corporations. The emergence of giant corporations, most of them later turned into multinational corporations, have done away with the concept of private property. The concept of ‘share-holder’ was invented in its place with a limited liability. The democratic principle of representative form was introduced in the organisation of the corporations through the so-called elected representatives who would take part in the decision making process as representatives of the share-holders. This invention appears to have solved theoretically the contradiction between liberty and private property, but never resolved the antagonistic nature of liberty and inequality. The collective action undertaken by the representatives at times lead to inefficient decisions of resource allocation based on majority rule. The costs involved in resolving such issues will be minimised if an unanimous decision is taken. This is possible when all the interests of the people or communities are properly represented. It is, perhaps, specifically to represent these diverse interests that our Constitution makers introduced a set of collective choice rules in the form of Directive Principles of State Policy. Ambedkar called them instruments of instruction to the government. It is yet to be evaluated how far these instructions are adhered to.

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It is instructive to draw from the experience of American capitalism that abolished slavery and the bondage of serfdom, but failed to inaugurate equity. In India, neither inequity nor caste-based slavery is abolished. It is under these conditions that liberalisation based on the so-called market efficiency has been introduced. This will further accentuate the existing inequities and inefficient allocations if the distortions in the social life based on age old traditions are not contained. Is this possible through the creation of equality of opportunities? Can the distribution of primary goods solve this problem?

Social Justice and Inequality The problem of social justice and inequality were interrogated by scholars like John Rawls during the post-Civil Rights Act in USA. He came out with some solutions to the problem of justice with concepts like difference principle and primary goods. Primary goods, as defined by Rawls, constitute ‘all social values, liberty and opportunity, income and wealth and the bases of “self respect”’ (Rawls, 1971). These primary goods are distinguished from health and vigour, intelligence and imagination, which are natural goods. It is on the basis of this monumental philosophical work of Rawls that Amartya Sen re-examined the question of inequality (Sen, 1992). These two works need to be articulated through the works of B.R. Ambedkar to find out solutions to the reservation problem. The question of justice is to be examined from the point of view of Dalits and the circumstances in which they live. Rawls opines that ‘justice is the first virtue of social institutions, as truth is of systems of thought. A theory however elegant and economical must be rejected or revised if it is untrue; likewise laws and institutions no matter of how efficient and well-arranged must be reformed or abolished if they are unjust’ (Rawls, 1971). Rawls also maintained that in-

178 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India equality of wealth and authority is just only if they result in compensating benefits for every one, and in particular for the least advantaged members of society. If we evaluate the compensatory policy of the government towards Dalits and Bahujans during the last 60 years within the framework of the graded iniquitous Hindu society, we would come to the conclusion that it did not give enough benefit to the least advantaged. For instance, it is reported that 25 per cent of SC and 32 per cent of ST villages are away from the locations of drinking water. The under-five mortality rates among SCs and STs are 120 and 126, respectively compared to 94 for others (Government of India, 2004). The same is the case in terms of distribution of land and other assets. We have examined poverty and unemployment among Dalits in previous chapters. The reservation of jobs and positions of power including the posts of judges in the Supreme Court, defence establishments and so on, seem to not be amenable to the compensatory principle of democratic capitalism according to recent debates on the issue. What is the alternative? Can the compensatory principle be examined in the framework of Sen’s entitlements? As India has chosen the path of market economy, these entitlements should work. An entitlement refers to the set of alternative commodity bundles that the person can command in a society using totality of rights and opportunities that he/she faces in a market economy. These entitlements will provide claims over primary goods to the individuals. It is assumed that these ultimately create capabilities in people. However, these entitlements alone may not generate the declared capability to ensure justice. Sen (1992) argues that it is the ‘actual freedom that is represented by the person’s capability to achieve various alternative combinations of functionings, that will decide justice. It is important to, ‘distinguish capability—representing freedom actually enjoyed—(i) from primary goods (and other resources) and (ii) from achievements (including combinations of functionings actually enjoyed, and other

The Alternative

179

realised results). To illustrate the first distinction, a person who has a disability can have more primary goods (in the form of income, wealth, liberties and so on) but less capability (due to handicap). To take another example, this time from poverty studies, a person may have more income and more nutritional intake, but less freedom to live a well-nourished existence because of a higher basal metabolic rate, greater vulnerability to parasitic diseases, larger body size, or simply because of pregnancy’ (Sen, 1992). The arrangements such as caste reservations and quotas for women, used in India as entitlements, need to be assessed from the above logic. These entitlements must be sensitive to the respective impacts of the different systems on aggregative and distributive aspects of peoples’ effective freedom and capabilities. These capabilities include education, health and income. It is found that the elaboration of the principle of ‘justice as fairness’ by Rawls (1971) or its extension by Sen and others is done within the framework of liberal capitalism. India being a liberal capitalist state is expected to ensure these capabilities in the form of reservations or quotas in education and employment. This is possible within the framework of democracy.

Representation is More Respectable Than Reservation The expansion of people’s capabilities is to be done in the area of education, health and income. They are now expressed as components of the Human Development Index. As indicated earlier, liberal capitalism is inseparable from democratic institutions where freedom to choose is guaranteed. It is brought out clearly that under the conditions of democratic capitalism, achievement of social justice as ‘fairness’ is theoretically possible.

180 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Further, in a market economy, the goods are produced for the market. The market, in theory, does not recognise the social background of the person who produces it. It is also necessary to see that these groups or communities are represented both in production and distribution in order to expand the base of the market and to enhance the capabilities of individuals. This is made possible by drawing people into the system and by providing representation to each of the groups in various institutions. The individual in India represents a caste or community, and therefore it is necessary to ensure that each caste or community is adequately represented in the institutions through which the system operates. In order to make democratic capitalism function efficiently, all the groups (both advantaged and disadvantaged) need to be represented (proportionally) in the organisations whether they are public or private, education or employment, parliamentary seats or panchayat berths and so on. Representation is to be ensured within the framework of entitlements as mentioned above. It is exactly here that one must examine the representation of various groups in the emerging opportunities in India to find out whether it is really a democratic capitalist economy or a traditional caste-based system. It is estimated that the amount of investments that are brought into the economy during the postliberalisation period is around Rs 1,912,478 crore (Rs 19,124.78 billion) (see Table 9.2). It appears that none of the socially disadvantaged groups are represented here by expanding the opportunities upto them. As a result, new institutions like multi-caste corporations (MCCs) are emerging with the association of influential castes. These caste cleavages will not allow liberal democratic institutions to function. This will harm the traditions of liberal capitalism. Therefore, it is inevitable to provide representation to every caste sooner or later in the parliament, economy and social relations. If we agree with the principle, the rules of the game can easily be prepared.

The Alternative

181

TABLE 9.2 Financial and Technical Collaborations 1981–98 and 2006 Year

No. of Approved Collaborations Public

1981 57 1982 113 1983 129 1984 151 1985 238 1986 242 1987 242 1988 282 1989 194 1990 194 1991 289 1992 692 1993 785 1994 1,062 1995 1,355 1996 1,559 1997 1,665 1998 (up to August) 820 1991 (upto August 1998)8,227 2006 4,580 1991–2006 –

Private

Total

332 389 477 590 544 673 601 752 786 1,024 715 957 611 853 644 926 411 605 472 666 611 950 828 1,520 691 1,476 792 1,854 982 2,337 744 2,303 660 2,325 433 1,253 5,791 14,018 3,165 7,745 – 67,126

Percentage Share Investment of Financial Approved Collaborations (Rs Crore) in Total 14.65 19.15 19.17 20.8 23.24 25.29 28.37 30.45 32.06 29.13 30.42 45.53 53.18 57.28 57.98 67.69 71.61 65.44 58.69 – –

10.9 62.8 61.9 113.0 126.8 106.9 107.7 239.8 316.7 128.3 534.1 3,879.1 8,861.8 14,190.0 32,070.0 36,150.0 54,890.0 22,930.0 173,510.0 1,561,540.98 1,912,478.00

Source: Website of the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, Government of India, New Delhi.

Conclusion It is to strengthen these democratic institutions and to broaden the market, (as India has chosen this path) that affirmative action in the form of proportional representation should be extended to those sections that are inadequately represented, not only in the economy but also in employment and in all other spheres of private and public life.

Glossary Ad-Dharm early 20th century movement of followers of (Movement Ravidas who stopped attending gurudwaras in Punjab) because of untouchability there Adi-Andhra fall out of Adi-Dravida movement in (Movement in Andhra Pradesh Andhra Pradesh) Adi-Dravida anti-Brahmin and anti-Aryan movement by (Movement in untouchables who claim ancient nativity Tamil Nadu) of India Aryans an English term derived from Sanskrit to describe the descendants of proto Indo– Iranian people who settled in India after the decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation Asuras local residents of India who opposed the Devas Binami refers to a situation where a person conceals himself using a pseudonym or a different name. It is very common in business and financial transactions in India to avoid taxes and other levies Brahmins first of the four varnas. It is the highest level in the caste hierarchy. According to the Vedas, the Brahmins who are scholars emerged from the mouth of the ‘primordial man’. It now refers to a particular culture

Glossary

Caste (in other religions)

183

though a preserve of the traditional Hindu ritual order, it has entered other religious beliefs that have developed contacts with Hindu social values. Among Muslims, Ashrafs claim superior social status compared to Ajlafs and others. Similarly, it has entered Christianity and is practiced religiously in such a manner that different Churches are used for different castes among Christians in South India Chandalas used in the epic literature and Manusmriti to categorise a group of indigenous native Indians by early settlers Dalit refers to the ati-sudras who are exuntouchables. Its usage became popular after post-Ambedkar Dalit Panthers Movement signifying its use to denote all SCs, STs, and backward and other lower castes Dasyus one of the races of Asuras who were defeated by Lord Indra according to the Vedas Devas Sanskrit word for ‘deity’. In Hindu tradition, the Devas are opposed to the demonic Asuras Dharmashastras Sanskrit texts pertaining to religious and legal duties of different castes. It is a product of Brahminical Hindu tradition. There are hundreds of Dharmashastras, but the Sashtras referred to by the Guhya sutras are considered by Brahmins as sacred Dravidians refers to native Indians who speak Dravidian languages

184 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Dvija

derived from Sanskrit, meaning the ‘twiceborn’. In the Hindu social order, the upper castes—Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas are allowed to wear the sacred thread symbolising that they alone are qualified to be twice-born Jajmani refers to a person upon whose behalf a Brahmana performs a religious sacrifice. It is derived from Sanskrit word yajanya, meaning sacrifice. It is also used to explain the relationship between a Brahmin priest and other service castes who are supposed to provide services to the Jajmani. The service castes believe that they have a right to get support from the landed Jajmani Jati refers to a social group which has a common birth and live in a common culture. It is close to caste Jati Dharma rules and rituals pertaining to a particular Jati Kshatriyas second of the four Hindu social categories of varna. Kshatriyas are also the ruling class, and are said to have sprung from the arms of the ‘primordial man’ Mahavastu Sanskrit word dealing with the biographies of Buddha (great story) Manusmriti laws of the sage Manu (the law giver) that contain laws, rules and codes of conduct for individuals and communities in Hinduism. These laws also codify the caste system Milinda Panha ancient Buddhist text dating to around 100 BC containing the questions posed by

Glossary

Panchayat Panchama Lands

Property (in terms of caste)

Satvik food Shreni Shudras

Trigunas

185

the Indo–Greek king Menander I (Milinda in Pali) to the Buddhist sage Nagasena local village council the British government separated lands for untouchables in rural areas after receiving a report on their pathetic conditions of living in the Madras Presidency during the 19th century. They are still held by many Dalits in Tamil Nadu. The upper castes continue to usurp these lands through court litigation a general term governing legal rights of people to have access, control and bequeath any material and non-material resource. The concept of, property is divided into public, private, communal, social, individual, group and so on. In this context, certain traditional rights of a group of people who inherit those rights as inalienable through networks such as priesthood is considered as caste property vegetarian food that does not evoke any serious emotions association of traders, merchants and artisans in ancient India; comparable to a guild the fourth and the lowest of the four varnas. Shudras were said to have sprung from the feet of the ‘primordial man’. They include castes at the lower rungs of Hindu society. in Hindu philosophy, Sattava (equilibrium), Rajas (activity) and Tamas (inertia) are referred to as the three desirable properties or gunas of the human character

186 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Vaishyas

Varna

Varnashrama dharma

Vedas

Veerashaina

Vimukta Jati

the third of the four varnas; this basically consists of the mercantile community. According to the scriptures, Vaishyas sprung from the belly of the ‘primordial man’ social division that compartmentalises society into four hierarchical categories based on birth and supported by Dharma Sastras— Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras refers to the system of classes of social life and stages of individual life in Hinduism. The dharma must be adhered to by every Hindu by following his allotted Karma (duty) as per his caste order. If that is crossed at any time, according to Bhagavad Gita, God will reincarnate on earth to restore the Varnashrama dharma main scriptural texts of ancient Aryans and Hindus. There are four main Vedas—Rig Veda, Sama Veda, Yajur Veda and Atharva Veda. The Vedas form an important oral tradition (shruti). They contain knowledge of the ancient, indigenous people, and early Hindu thought and society 12th century revolutionary religious movement that proclaimed and practiced monotheistic ideals. Mostly confined to Karnataka ex-criminal tribes as identified by the British are now known as Vimukta Jatis

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Index aboriginal tribes, in Andhra Pradesh, 47 Ad-Dharm movement, in Punjab, 95 Adi-Andhra movement, in Andhra Pradesh, 95 Adi-Dravida movement, in Tamil Nadu, 95 affirmative action, concept of, 17, 18–19 African-Americans, in United States, 33 agriculture(al), contribution to State Domestic Product in Andhra Pradesh, 149–50; holdings, by Dalits in Andhra Pradesh, 163 agricultural labourers, Dalits as, in Andhra Pradesh, 150–53 Ambedkar, B.R., 58, 76, 147, 152, 171, 174, 176, 177; movement by, in Maharashtra, 95; and ‘Poona Pact’, with Mahatma Gandhi, 16–17 American capitalism, and abolition of slavery and bondage of serfdom, 177 Andhra Pradesh, agricultural development in, 149–50; atrocities on Dalits in, 148, 162, 167; backward classes in, 46–47; backward regions of, and

incidence of poverty, 159; Dalit population in, 146–67; educational development in, 148; employment, by caste in public sector, 152; opportunities in, 148; expenditure on education in, 71, 72, 136; formation of state of 138, 148–49; income from agriculture in, 128; issue of green cards to weaker sections’ households, 119, 120; lag in literacy and educational development in, 123; land reforms in, 148, 153–56; level of poor in, 128; literacy level in, 134–36; of Scheduled Castes, 140–43; migration from 128, 129; nationalisation of public industries and public sector in, 148; per capita SDP in, 126, 127; plan outlay for, 165–66; practice of untouchability in, 77; rate of growth of economy in, 149–50; reduction in incidence of poverty in 148, 156–60; Scheduled Caste population in, 150, 152; social effort by government in, 162–63; social sector expenditure and Special Component Plan (SCP) in, 148, 162; State Domestic Product

200 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India (SDP) in, 123, 163; tertiary sector in, 150 Andhra Pradesh High Court, challenge of list of backward classes in, 47 Anantaraman, Chairman of Andhra Pradesh Backward Classes Commission, 47 artisan communities, occupation of, 40–41; social linkages with, 37; status of 35–36, 38, 40 Aryan mainland, practice of untouchability in, 76 Aryans, social and political superiority of, 36, 79 Atrocities, on Dalits, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, 90, 118, 148, 162, 167 Asuras, 76 Ayothidas, 95 Ayyankali, 95, 139 backward castes, definition of, 46; in Karnataka, 48; reservations on economic criterion for, 43 backward classes, educational status of, 63–66; as per Mandal Commission, 55; reservations for, 56; scholarships to, 69–71; socio-economic problems of, 44, 46 Backward Classes Commission, 63; in Andhra Pradesh, 47; in Bihar, 49; in Gujarat, 48; Second, 50; in states of India, 96 Backward communities, in Karnataka, 48 Backward Tribes, in Karnataka, 48 backwardness, 62; weighted index of, 118–21 Badhais, 53

Bahujan, policy towards, 178 Bakshi, A.R., Chairman of Backward Classes Commission, Gujarat, 48 banking sector, under control of ‘Brahmin power’, 29, 31 basic education, of M.K. Gandhi, 118 Beteille, Andre, 43, 97 Bihar, backward classes in, 49–50; illiterate population in, 52 birth rate, decline in, in South Indian states, 132, 133 Bole, C.K., 95 boys, enrolment of, from backward classes, 64, 66 Brahminsm 16, 76, 80; economic power of, 29; among elite classes, 62 British Indian Government, and English education in India, 170; land policy of, 153; reservations for Muslims in educational institutions under, 16; on untouchability in India, 78 Buddhist Sanghas, practice of democratic principles in, 170 bureaucracy, representation of Backward Classes in, 112–15 capability, deprivation in society, 20; ‘poverty’, 20 capitalism, democracy and, 175–76 capitalist mode of production, and caste mode of production, 33 caste, as category, and social and educational backwardness of group, 46, 58; and concept of inequality, 96–98; consciousness in social relationship, 36; discrimination, 79; ‘dominant’, 29–30; and economic inequality, 25–34; interests and economic

Index benefits, 32; and political mobilisation, 25; and race, 33–34; and social mobilisation, 25; as source of economic and social power, 31–32; versus class controversy, 43, 56–59; -wise employment, 57 caste-based reservation, 21, 62, 93; alternatives to, 168; denouncing of, 175; in education and employment in Andhra Pradesh, 163; impact of, on development in Andhra Pradesh, 146; impact of, on target groups, 99–107; to remedy socio-economic inequalities, 93–121; and secularism, 115–18; in south Indian states during British regime, 130 Caste Disabilities Act of 1872, 94 caste-related development index (CDI), in Andhra Pradesh, 149, 154, 160–62 caste system, 15; defenders of, 147; as an economic power relation, 28; emergence of, 36; grade inequality in, 169; and inequality, 97; as a power structure, influence base and means of economic power, 28; reforms in, 169 casteism, 116–17, 118 Census of 1931, 69 Census of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, 78 Central Government sector, castewise employment in, 57 Central Statistical Organisation, 51 Chalam, K.S., 160 Chandalas, 76 Chinnappa Reddy Commission, 118

201

Christian missionaries, in West Coast, 138 Christianity, Scheduled Castes conversion to, 47 Civil Rights Act of 1964, 19, 170 class, concept of 42–43; determination of, 43; in Marxian perspective, 42, 43; theory of, 57; versus caste controversy, 43, 56–59 ‘Coefficient of Equality’, enrolment of Scheduled Castes and, 143, 144 Commission on Backward Classes, in Karnataka, 116 Commission of Enquiry Act, 96 Communal Government Order (GO), in Madras Presidency (1925–26), 17 Confederation of Indian Industries (CII), 32 conflict theory, 97 Constituent Assembly, 17, 171 Constitution of India, amendment to, 171; Article 10 (3) of, 175; Article 15 of, 140; Article 335 of, 173; Article 340 and 15(4) of, 17; Article, 370 of, 17; on ‘Backward Classes’, 45; on class, 56; on social and educational backwardness, 58, 59, 108; cooption, Hindu tactic of, 26 corporations, emergence of, 176 countervailing power, theory of, 26 corruption, to avail of ‘economic backwardness’ certificate, 108 ‘creamy layer’, 55–56; education among, 115 Dalits, denial of access to education, 41; as agricultural labourers in

202 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Andhra Pradesh, 150–53; assertion, 162; atrocities on, 148, 162; concessions to, 17; development in Andhra Pradesh, 146–67; enrolment in higher education, 161; land reforms and land holdings by 148, 153–56, 163; marginalisation of, 88; policy towards, 178; political reservation for, 26; poverty among, 81, 83–84, 88–89; and political economy of, 85–87; restriction on entry into temples by, 77; schooling among, 31; in service sector, 32; suppression of, 80–81; untouchability and poverty among, 75–90; vulnerability of, 87–90; Darjis, 53 Das, Ayothi, 139 Dasyus, 76 death rates, decline in south Indian states, 132, 133 democracy, and capitalism, 175–76; definition of, 172; emergence of Indian, 170–72 democratic representation, 168 demographic transition, in south India, 132–34 Denotified Tribes, in Karnataka, 48 Department of Education, on enrolment of Scheduled Castes ands Scheduled Tribes, 63–64 departments of human resources, 124 Department of Personnel and Training (DoP&T), office memoranda (OM), 173 ‘Depressed Backward Classes’ (DBC), demand for, 54

depressed classes/groups, 19; position of, 20; seeking privileges from the British, 16 Desai, Morarji, Government of, 50 Dharmasastras, on caste system, 170; on untouchability, 75, 76 Dhobis, 53 Dhumars, 53 Directive Principles of State Policy, 45, 176 Disadvantaged/deprived groups, affirmative action for, 19 discrimination, of Dalits, 87 disinvestments, 32 District Primary Education Programme (DPEP), in Andhra Pradesh, 161 District Rural Development Agency (DRDA), 86 diversity, concept of, 18; opposition to the concept of, 19 Dombar tribes, in Karnataka, 48 Dravidar Kazhagam, in Tamil Nadu, 134 Dravidian ethos, of social reform, 145 Dravidians, 76 dvija castesm 25, 32, 79; of Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya, economic power of, 29 earnings, monthly, of Scheduled Caste workers, 104, 106 East India Company, formulation of educational policy by, 94 economic backwardness, issue of, 58; of population, 54 economic development, parameters of, 146 economic growth, rate of, in Andhra Pradesh, 149–50 economic inequalities, caste and, 28–31

Index economic power, 27–28; assets and, 27; measurement of, 27–28 economic status, and education, 59–60 economic theory, of development of Scheduled Castes, 147 economic well-being, concept of, 84 ‘economically backward’, criterion of caste reservation for, 108 economically weaker backwardness castes, 118 education(al), 110; access to, 41; backwardness, 50, 63; and decrease in socio-economic inequalities, 59–63, 97, 98; and employment, 73; expenditure on, in south Indian states, 136; institutions, reservations in, 60, 93; in Karnataka, 48; for Muslims under British Indian Government, 16; opportunities, 59–60; policy, illiteracy and, 126; of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, 99; public expenditure on 136–8; role of, in human resource development, 125–26; of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Andhra Pradesh, 161–62; status of backward classes, 63–67; support programmes, 70, 71 Education in India, 64 educationally backward classes, in Karnataka, 47–48 elementary education, funds for, 136 elite classes, in society, 62, 111 employment, in organised and unorganised sectors, 174 English system, of kinship relations, 29

203

enrolment, of backward classes, 69; literacy and, gaps in, 140–4; national average of, 66; ratio, 67, 69; of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes, 63–65, 105, 161 equality, 170, 171; low coefficient of, 66, 69 equality of opportunity, 16, 94; in education and employment, 20 Equality of Opportunity Commission, USA, 19 exclusiveness, principle of, 115, 116 family planning, practices in South Indian states, 134 Five Year Plans, Ninth, 71; Tenth, 71 forward Hindu castes, in government employment, 73; reservations for, 56 French Revolution, artisan class during, 40 Galbraith, John Kenneth, 26 Gandhi, M.K., concept of basic education of, 118; and ‘Poona Pact’ with Ambedkar, 16–17 Gender-related Development Index (GDI), 160 Germany, compensation to Jews for damages caused, 18 Gholap, D.D., 95 globalisation policies, 85 government, employment of OBCs in, 73; representative form of, 172 Government of India Act 1935, 17, 169–70 guilds (shreni), of artisans, 36, 38

204 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Gujarat, determination of socially and educationally backward classes in, 48–49 Gujars, 53 guna, 15 Havanur Commission, in Karnataka, on class and caste, 57–58; on exclusion of section of Lingayats, 62 Head Count Ratio, poverty and, 83 Hegde, Ramakrishna, government of, 48 high-status castes, 57 higher education, for backward classes, 60, 61; private costs of, 60 Hindus, dietary practices of, 79; ritual status of, social rank of each caste among, 76; see also dvijas Hindu social order, and technology, 37–39 Hindu society, Dalits as untouchables in, 75 human capital, concept of, 123 human development, caste reservations and, 122–45; concept of 123–26; definition of 20–21; impact of reform movements on, 138–40; indicators, 20; resources in south Indian states, 122; Human Development Index (HDI), 130–32, 179; in Andhra Pradesh, 164; in south Indian states, 145 Human Poverty Index/Human Deprivation Index, 84 human resources development (HRD), 124, 125; education in, 125

Hunter Commission (1882), 16, 93, 94, 139 Hyderabad State, list of backward classes in, 46–47 illiteracy, and education policy, 126; rate, and quota in educational sector, 119 inclusion, issues of, 19 income, ceiling, on OBCs for reservation, 58–9l; and inequalities, 97–98 Indian Law Institute, 50 industrialisation, 132 inequality, caste and concept of, 96–98; concept of, reservation and, 96 infant mortality rates, in south Indian states, 132, 133 Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP), 86 intellectual property rights (IPR), 43 irrigation, access to, in Andhra Pradesh for Scheduled Castes, 154, 155 jajmani system, 29,79; and status of artisan community, 38 Jammu and Kashmir, communal reservation policy in 1952, 95; issue (Article 370), 17 Janata Government, 1978, appointment of All-India Backward Classes Commission by, 96 Jatidharma, concept of, 79 job seekers, among educated Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, 102, 103 justice, 170, 171

Index Justice Chinnappa Reddy Commission, Karnataka, 48 Justice Party, formation of, and nonBrahmin collective, 138; policy on caste reservation, 95, 99 Justice Punnayya Commission, report on practice of untouchability; in Andhra Pradesh, 77 Kaka Kalelkar Commission 1953, 44–45, 46, 96; recommendations of, 44, 45 karma, 15 Karnataka, categorisation of backward classes in, 47–48; enrolment of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in, 143; formation of, 138; government expenditure on education in, 136; high levels of educational and health indicators of, 130; literacy levels in, 134–36; of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in 140–43; per capita State Domestic Product in, 126, 127 Karnataka Backward Classes Commission, 47 Kerala, government expenditure on education in, 136; high levels of educational and health indicators in, 130; human development index of, 130; levels of literacy in 134–36; of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in; 140–43; migration from, 128, 129; per capita State Domestic Production in, 126–28 Khadi and Village Industries Board (KVIB), 39

205

kinship, connections in banking, industries and politics, 29; linkages, 115 Kolhapur, grant of reservations to lower castes in, 21n Kshatriyas, 79; in higher echelons of economic power, 29 Kumbars, 53 labour market, unorganised and imperfect nature of, 106 Lal, Mungeri, Chairman of Backward Classes Commission, Bihar, 49 land, ceiling on, 153; possession among Dalits, and poverty reduction, 89; reforms 90; and land holdings by Dalits in Andhra Pradesh, 148, 153–56 Land Ceiling Act, 1958, Andhra Pradesh, 153 liberal capitalism, democracy and, 179 liberalisation, 85, 150, 152, 173 liberty, 170, 171; democracy and, 176 Lincoln, Abraham, 172 Lingayats, in Karnataka, 62 literacy, 71; and enrolment, gaps in, 140–44; levels in south Indian states, 134–36 Lohars, 53 Macaulay, Lord, 170 Madras Presidency, 122, 138 Madras State, composite, list of backward classes in, 46 Mahar, M.J., 80 Mandal, B.P., 96; Chairman of second Backward Classes Commission, 50

206 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Mandal Commission, 43, 50–54, 69, 71; on backward population in India, 53, 55; recommendations of, 96; Report of, 73 Mandal movement, in north India, 139 manufacturing sector, artisan castes in, 35 marginalised population, 168 market, economy, 178; efficiency, 32; forces, 173 Marx, Karl, on property as criterion for class, 43 Marxian analysis of inequality, 97 Megasthenes, on social categories in India, 36 Mehta, Harshad, 31 ‘merit only’ principle, and reservation, 107–10 migration, from Kerala, 128, 129; from south Indian states, 128 mortality rates, among Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, 178 Most Backward Classes (MBC), in Bihar, 49, 50 multi-caste corporations (MCC), 32, 180 Mungeri Lal Commission, Bihar, 49 Munda, Kariya, 173 Muralidhara Rao Commission, Andhra Pradesh, recommendations of, 47 Muslims, reservations for, under British Indian Government, 16; reservations in educational institutions; 93 Mysore Government, reservations for backward castes in, 95 Naidu, Brahma, 94 Naik, J.P., 143

Naik, L.R., 54 Nais, 53 Namashudra movement, in Bengal, 95 Naoraji, Dadabhai, 58 Narayana Guru, 94, 139 National Democratic government, economic policies of, 26 National Family Health Survey (NFHS), on Scheduled Caste women suffering; from anaemia, 159–60 National Institute of Science, Technology and Development Studies (NISTADS), 37, 39 National Sample Survey (NSS) data, 43 National Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes Commission, 5th, report of, 162 New Economic Policy 1991, 32, 85, 88; and consolidation of upper castes, 31 Nomadic tribes, in Karnataka, 48 non-economic power, categories of, 27 non-Hindu backward castes, 53 Non-Resident Indians (NRIs), support from, 30 nutritional status, of women and children in Andhra Pradesh, 159–60 occupations, appropriation of, 39–41; traditional, of backward classes, 117–18 organised public sector, reservations in, 174 Other Backward Classes (OBCs), 17, 53; academic achievements of, 110; in Bihar, 49, 50; Constitutional status of, 45–50;

Index criterion for determination of, 59; definition of, 44; denial of access to education, 41; educational status of, 71; enrolment of, 63–66; in government employment, 73; government’s offer of scholarships to, 69–71; list of, 45, 50; reservations for, in Bihar, 50; see also caste-based reservations, reservations Panchami lands, in Madras Presidency, 153 Parliament, 50; Parliamentary democracy, 171; and justice, 172–75 Patna High Court, 49 Periyar, E.V.R., 29, 134, 139 Phule, Jyotirao, 94; representation to Hunter Commission, 139 plan allocation, for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, 163, 165–66 Planning Commission, 128; on definition of poverty, 83 political economy, of Dalits, 85–87 political mobilisation, caste and, 25; for development, 112 pollution, purity and, 79 population, decline in, in south Indian states, 132; distribution by caste and religious, groups, 53, 54 poor, marginalisation of, 88 post-metric scholarship, 71–73 ‘Poona Pact’, between Gandhiji and Ambedkar, 16–17 poverty, alleviation programmes, 86; among Dalits, 81–84; concept of, 87, 156; incidence of, among

207

Dalits in Andhra Pradesh, 148, 156–60; levels in South Indian states, 128; line, 83; nutritional base, of, 83; politics of, 85; tests for backward classes, 56; untouchability and, among Dalits, 75–90 Poverty Gap Index, 83 Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP), 86 power, concept of, 26–27 preferential treatment, concept of, 18 primary education, universalisation of, 71 ‘primary poverty’, 81 private property, capitalism and, 175, 176 privatisation policies, 85 property, ritual status in social order of Hindu society and value of, 28 Protection of Civil Rights (PCR) Act, 1955, 41n Public Distribution System (PDS), in Andhra Pradesh, 163 public expenditure, on education, 136–38 public sector, reservations in, 112; Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes employment in Andhra Pradesh, 152 purity, and pollution, 79 quota, concept of, 18; distribution of, 56 Qureshi, M.A., 37, 38, 39 race, caste and, 33–34; and discrimination, 77 racial stereotype, 19

208 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Rajah, M.C., 95 Rajahmundry, enrolment of reservation category in Andhra Pradesh, 67–8 rajoguna, 79 Ranadive, B.T., 147 Ranga, N.G., 153 Rao, N.T. Rama, 47 Rao, P.V. Narasimha, government of, 54; policy on reservation, 44 Rawls, John, 177 Reddy, Justice Chinnappa, 48 reforms, impact of, on human development, 138–40 religious reforms/revolts, 139 remedial action, concept of, 17–18 reparations, concept of, 18 representation, of groups, reservation and, 179–81; principle of, in capitalist economy, 175–77 reservations, agitation against quota in Andhra Pradesh, 47; in Andhra Pradesh, 47; in Bihar, 50; concept of, 16, 18; with economic criterion to backward classes, 43; and efficiency, 110– 15; ‘groups’, 20; in Gujarat, 49; implications of, 110; of jobs, for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, 178; for women, 179; and merit, 107–10; opponents of, 107; policy, objective of, 43; ‘social cost’ of, 112; struggle, history of, 17; see also caste-based reservations ritual status, and property in Hindu society, 28 rule of law, 171 rural development, politics of, 86

rural households, economic characteristics of, 34 safety nets, for vulnerable groups, 86, 87, 90 Sanskritisation process, 139 satvik food, of Brahmins, 79 Satguna, 79 Scheduled Castes, academic achievements of, 102, 110; as agricultural labourers, 30; atrocities/offences on, 82, 148, 162, 167; conversion to Christianity, 47; disadvantaged position of, 62; enrolment of, 143, 144; expenditure on scholarships to, 100, 101; Government scholarships to, 69; land possession by, 30–31; low literacy levels of among 31, 140, 141, 143; members of Parliament, 26; monthly earning of workers, 104, 106; political reservations for, 26; poor among, 88; population in Andhra Pradesh, 150, 152; poverty levels among in Andhra Pradesh, 159; problems of unemployment of educated, 102–04; reservations for, 17; scholarships to 99, 101; see also reservations Scheduled Tribes, academic achievements of, 102, 110; disadvantaged position of, 62; enrolment of, 143; expenditure on scholarship for, 100, 101; Government scholarship to 69; low literacy levels among, 140, 142, 143; members of Parliament, 26; per capita expenditure by, 31; physical

Index isolation of, 20; problem of unemployment of educated, 102–04; reservations for, 17, 26; scholarship to, 100, 101 secondary education, among Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, 102 ‘secondary poverty’, 83 secularism, caste reservation and, 115–18; definition of, 117 segregation, race and, 33 self-respect movement, in South Indian states, 138–39 semi-nomadic tribes, in Andhra Pradesh, 47 Sen, Amartya 20, 177 Shahu Maharaj, grant of reservation for lower castes in Kolhapur by, 21n Shudras, artisans from caste, 40, 41; ban on entry into temples for, 36; and struggle for upward mobility, 15–16 slavery, 18 Smith, Adam, 20 social, and cultural movements of South India, 130; efficiency, concept of, 110–12; and educational backwardness, criteria for, 51–53; -educational problems, of backward classes, 44, 46; exclusion, concept of, 20; inclusion, 20; linkages with artisan class, 35–41; justice, 17, 62, 111, 175, 179; inequality and, 177–79; mobilisation, caste and, 25; relationship, power and, 26; reforms movements, 94, 170 socially disadvantaged groups, 118, 180

209

Socially and Economically Backward Castes (SEBC) category, 55, 63; versus economically backward classes, 42–74 Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Commission, Gujarat, 48 socio-economic and educational backwardness, 59–63 socio-economic inequalities, caste reservations to remedy, 21, 93–121 south Indian states, demographic transition in, 132–34; economic status of, 126–29; human development resources in, 122, 126; impact of caste-based reservation in, 21; migration from, 128, 129; population of, 132; self-respect movement in, 138–39 Soviet Russia, allotment of quotas to ethnic communities, 98 Special Component Plan, for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, 148, 162 ‘Special Group’, in Karnataka, 48 Squared Poverty Gap, 83 Srinivas, M.N., 51 Srinivasan, Rao Bahadur, 95 State Domestic Product, in South Indian states, 126–28 structural adjustments, in South Asia, 86 Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), in India, 88, 89 subsidy policy, 106 support programmes, slow growth of, 69–73 Supreme Court, decision in Balaji case, 49, 52; decision on class and caste, 57

210 Caste-based Reservations and Human Development in India Tamil Nadu, caste ideology in production relations in, 86; high levels of educational and health indicators, 139; human development index of, 130; literacy levels in 134–36; of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in, 140–43; migration from, 128, 129; per capita State Domestic Product (SDP) in, 126–28 Tamoguna, 79 Tata Institute of Social Sciences, 50 technical efficiency, impact of reservations on, 111 Telis, 53 tenancy, kinds of, 43; reforms, 153 Thakur, Karpoori, Government Order of, 50 Thapar, Romila, 36 Travancore princely state, 138 Trigunas, 79 undernourishment, in Andhra Pradesh, 159 unemployment, problem of, 102–04, 106 United Kingdom, Ministry of Social Exclusion in, 19 United Nations, Development Programme (UNDP), report on development, 123–25; Research Institute for Social Development (UNRSID), on level of living; index (LLI), 83 United Progressive Alliance (UPA), government’s economic policies, 26 United States, affirmative action in the, 16–19; race discrimination in, 33

untouchables, in India, 20, 53, 80 untouchability, abolition of, 76; definition of, 17, 78–79; as form of intolerance, 77–78; forms of, 79–81; and poverty among Dalits, 75–90; practice of, 76– 77; ritual form of, 80; secular form of, 80 upper caste Hindus, 20; alliance of, 25; among elite class, 62; power of, 32 urbanisation, 132 Vaishyas, consumption of satvik food by, 79; in higher echelon of economic power, 29 varna structure, evolution of, 15 Varnasharma Dharma, 32 Vedic revivalism, in India, 30 Veerashaiva movement, in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, 138 Vimukta jatis, in Andhra Pradesh, 47 Voddar tribes, Karnataka, 48 weaker sections, categorisation of, 45 Wiser, W.H., 28 women, caste reservations and quotas for, 179 World Bank, 152; Country Report, 88; World Development Report of, 84–85 World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia (WCAR), South Africa 2001, 77 zamindari system, peasant struggle against, in Andhra Pradesh, 153 Zionism, 30

About the Author K.S. Chalam is Member, Union Public Service Commission, New Delhi. He has worked as Professor of Economics at the Andhra University from 1990–2005. He is a founder-director of the Academic Staff College, Andhra University, Vishakhapatnam, and has also served as Director, Swamy Ramananda Tirtha Rural Institute, Pochampally, Hyderabad; Member, Planning Board of the Government of Madhya Pradesh (2002–05); and ViceChancellor, Dravidian University, Kuppam, Andhra Pradesh (2005). He has published 18 books in English and five in Telugu as well as numerous research papers in journals and editorial articles in vernacular newspapers. His books include, Finances, Costs and Productivity of Higher Education; Human Development in South India; Modern Techniques of Teaching and Staff Development; Education and Weaker Sections, among others.

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