Cambodia's Neoliberal Order: Violence, Authoritarianism, and the Contestation of Public Space (Routledge Pacific Rim Geographies)

Cambodia's Neoliberal Order Violence, authoritarianism, and the contestation of public space

Simon S pringer

R~?,.~;!~~~~up LO N DON AND N EW YORK

First published 20 10 by Routledge 2 Par k Square. M i lton Par k, A bingdon. Oxon OX I 4 4RN

Simultaneously published in the USA a nd Canada by Routledge 270 ]\'hld ison A''Cllue, New Yo rk, NV 100 16

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Cambodia's Neolibeml Order

attempt to mitigate and manage contestation prior to its physical manifestation in public space, where the a bility to en fo rce "order" and control may be much more difficult. Moreover, the eft·o rt to control the public sphere is olien an explicitly geographical project inasmuch as the potential "damage" of dissent can be diminished by autho rities through an attempt to contro l where dissent is spoken (M itchell 2003a), which may prove easier than controll ing it altogether. Accord ingly, attempts to undermine the public sphere are often, if not always, fo llowed and/or accompanied by attacks o n public space. Thus, the Cambodian ruling elite's distain for dissent was not isolated to journalism, as the freedom of assembly and expression for opposition parties were also challenged. In late September 1995, the BLDP was victimized in two apparent incidents of Piolence from above. Two hand grenades were thrown at the BLDP party headquarters inju ring twenty-four, and seven others were injured when a thi rd grenade was thrown into the grounds of a wm (temple) where BLDP suppo11ers were camped out (Jeldres 1996: Peou 2000). While no one cla imed responsibility for the attacks, many BLDP supporters arc convinced of CPP involvement as Hun Sen was very voca l in his opposition to the proposed BLDP party congress, claiming he was "afraid of security problems, like grenade auacks" (quoted in Peou 2000: 307). In light of such developments, long-time Cambodia observer Steve Hcder (1995: 425) referred to Cambodia's transition as one to neoauthoritarianism, where " In the name of political stability and econo mic development, as well as in order to fight a lingering and murderous insurgency. the country's current 'multiparty' ruling elite coalition . .. has been work ing to dampen open political contestatio n and to deliberalize the po litical atmosphere by coopting, cowi ng. or margina li zing contesting centers of power.. . ." However, Heder (1995: 426) problematically resorts to a culwra/ist explanation for such behaviors, citing a "general refusal of elite culture to recognize the legitimacy of difference and opposition" a position he mainta ins is ''widely shared." T his line of reasoning is questionable, and appears as an analytical regression of sorts given that elsewhere in the same article Heder's scrutiny is apt. While. Heder (1995: 428) recognizes that such "dampening of political contestation" is done in the nameof"politica l stability and economic development" in order to sec the " integration of Cambodia into the world capita list system," he fails to make the con nection that this neoauthoritarian behavior not only falls in line with the neoliberal canon of "order," but appears to be a direct outcome of this doctrine. Instead , Hcder relics on culture as a theoretical cm tch. Heder simply fails to recogni;:e that much of the autho rit Food Shorlagc in B'bang Land Dispulc Villagers Block Trucks in Development Protest Angkor Suga1· Land Dispute Leaves Sour Taste For Villagers Dran taw Empowering Gov't To Confisc-ate Property Approved Land Dispute Villagers Get Ministry Runaround Siem Reap Provincial Coun Hears DcadJy land Dispute Case 7 Released 2 Jailed itl Chi Kreng Dispute Villa.gers in Koh Kong IAt•ld Dispute .A.ppeal to Ki11g. 11un Sen

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