BIBLE TRANSLATION AND LANGUAGE Essays into the History of Bible Translation in Maltese
Carmel Sant
Melita Theologica ...
263 downloads
1660 Views
9MB Size
Report
This content was uploaded by our users and we assume good faith they have the permission to share this book. If you own the copyright to this book and it is wrongfully on our website, we offer a simple DMCA procedure to remove your content from our site. Start by pressing the button below!
Report copyright / DMCA form
BIBLE TRANSLATION AND LANGUAGE Essays into the History of Bible Translation in Maltese
Carmel Sant
Melita Theologica Supplementary Series, No.2 Malta 1992
CONTENTS
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. ®
1992 Faculty of Theology, University of Malta
7. 8. 9.
Editor's Note Abbreviations Select Bibliography The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese language: 1810-1850 Protestant Maltese Bible Translation: 1870-1872 Protestant Maltese Bible Translation. The Gospel of St. Mark: 1914-1915 Protestant Bible Translation into Maltese. The Book of Psalms: 1919-1926 Attempts by Protestants to publish the New Testament: 1927-1937 Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi. Translator of the Acts of the Apost1es Mgr P.P. Saydon's Contribution in the History of Bible Translation in Maltese. An Appreciation History of the Bible in Maltese: 1822-1984 Documentation
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Typesetting: Charles Baj ada Printed: Veritas Press, Zabbar, Malta
15.
Letter Rev W. !owett to Prof Samuel Lee (6/8/1817) Letter Rev W. !owett to BFBS Secretary (16/3/1818) Letter M.A. Vassalli to Bishop F. Mattei (12/3/1822) Letter M.A.Vassalli to Rev W. !owett (8/8/1828) Letter Rev C.F.Schlienz to CMS Secretary (29/1/1829) Letter H. Innes to BFBS Secretary (22/2/1870) Letter G. Pratt to H. Innes (December 1869) Letter T.J. Kirby to H. Innes (7/2/1870) Letter Rev M.A. Camilleri to H. Innes (21/2/1870) Letter Rev I. Loundes to Rev R.B. Girdlestone (15/3/1870) Letter Rev H. Swabey to Rev R.B. Girdlestone (15/3/1870) Letter T.J. Kirby to Rev R.B. Girdlestone (31/3/1870) Letter T.J. Kirby to Rev R.B. Girdlestone (27/5/1870) Letter T.J. Kirby to Rev R.B. Girdlestone (12/7/1870) Letter Rev M.A .. Camilleri to the BFBS Editorial Supt (4/8/1870)
Vll'l X XI
1 51 63 83 97 109 139 153 165 167 169 173 175 177 180 182 184 187 189 191 192 197 199 200
vi
vii
16. Letter Rev M.A. Camilleri to the BFBS Edit Supt (6/8/1870) 17. Letter H.M. Gooch to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (1/3/1912) 18. Letter Rev G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (25/3/1912) 19. Letter Rev G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (26/4/1912) 20. Letter Rev G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (3/5/1912) 21. Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (7/5/1912) 22. Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (10/6/1912) 23. Letter E.I. Morrell to Rev G. Wisely (26/8/1912) 24. Letter E.L. Bevir to Rev G. Wisely (25/11/1912) 25. Letter Rev G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (30/11/1912) 26. Letter Rev G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour (16/12/1912) 27. Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (21/10/1913) 28. Letter Rev R. Kilgour to Rev G.A. Sim (27/10/1914) 29. Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour (5/11/1914) 30. Letter H.M. Gooch to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (21/4/1915) 31. Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (10/5/1915) 32. Letter l. Falzon to H.M. Gooch (26/6/1915) 33. l. Falzon 's Critique of the Gospel of St. Mark (26/6/1913) 34. Letter l. Falzon to H.M. Gooch (19/2/1926) 35. Letter l. Falzon to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (4/10/1926) 36. Letter P. W. Howard to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (27/1/1927) 37. . Letter P. W. Howard to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (14/2/1929) 38. Letter P. W. Howard to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (16/2/1929) 39. Letter Rev R. Kilgour to P. W. Howard (27/3/1929)
201 202 203 207 209 211 214 216 217 220 223 225 226 227 228 229 232 233 236 238 239 241 243 245
40.
Letter W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith (12/9/1934) 41. Letter W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith (26/9/1934) 42. Letter W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith (8/1111934) 43. Information Memorandum on Michael DeGabriele (24/11/1934) 44. Letter Rev E. W. Smith to I.S. St. Clair (12/12/1934) 45. Letter Rev E. W. Smith (BFBS) to M. DeGabriele (18/1/1935) 46. Letter M. DeGal?riele to Rev E. W. Smith (BFBS) 28/1/1935) 47. Letter 1.A. Thompson to W.H. Rainey (15/3/1935) 48. Letter I.S. St. Clair to Rev E. W. Smith (27/8/1935) 49. Letter I.S. St. Clair to Rev E. W. Smith (29/10/1935) 50. Letter W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith (18/3/1937) 51. Letter D.M. Callus to Alfons M. Galea (21/6/1931) 52. List of Scriptures in Maltese and their Catholic Translators Appendixes 1. P.P. Saydon: History of the Maltese Bible 2. P.P. Saydon: The Earliest Biblical Translation from Hebrew into Maltese 3. P.P. Saydon: The Maltese Translation of the Bible 4. Anna Muscat: Alfons Maria Galea. Translator of the Bible 5. Ġ. Cassar Pullicino: De Soldanis's Maltese Translation of the Miserere (Ps 51) Index of Dramatis Personae
246 248 249 250 252 253 254 256 257 260 261 264 265 267 267 285 299 323 333 341
ix EDITOR'S NOTE
An editor's role in the publication of a living author's book fits that of the bridegroom's friend in the metaphor of John the Baptist: "The bride belongs to the bridegroom. The friend who attends the bridegroom waits and listens for him, and is full of joy when he hears the bridegroom's voice" (Jn 3, 29, NIV). The editor ushers the author on stage, presents him to t4e audience, and disappears backstage once again. This is what 1 shall do in this short note: 1 shall briefly describe the editorial dynamics employed in the shaping of this monograph, and then succinctly share with the reader a few observations on the sig nificance of the material here presented The dream and wish of seeing this material published together in book form were first of all of Mgr Prof C. Sant, the author. And when some three years ago Prof Sant entrusted me with this ensemble of essays and documentation 1 hardly realized its importance. But 1 as sume the entire responsibility for the present form of these various studies written by the author over a period of years. As far as possible, 1 limited my intervention to harmonizing the style, updating method of reference and quotations to meet modern standards, arranging the material chronologically, and such other details linked to editorial ac tivity. This book consists mainly of eight essays written by Prof Sant, each covering particular moments in the history of Bible translation into Maltese. These essays, though intended by the author as parts of a wider global project, were written and published separateIy over a period of thirteen years (1975-1988). This time factor, together with the circumstantial character of some of the contributions, rendered in evitable a substantial amount of repetition. For the author had often to situate the particular translation forming the object of his study into a historical framework. Besides these eight essays, the book reproduces fifty-two documents, mostly letters, which formed part of the author's source material; they are being reproduced for the insight they offer and the light they shed on the difficulties met by the various translators and promoters in having the Bible translated into Maltese, and publish ed. The decision to inclu�e, as appeildixes, another five contributions, three from Prof P.P .. Saydon, one from Mrs Anna Muscat and one from Mr Ġ . Cassar Pullicino, was taken by the editor alone. Their entry in this book is meant to complement Prof Sant's wide-ranging research.
The publication of this monograph has been thought of as a tribute not merely to Prof C. Sant, for his invaluable contribution to Maltese biblical scholarship and particularly to the Bible translation into the language of these Islands, but to the several personalities, small and great, who are mentioned in this volume, and who have had their share in helping the Maltese have the Bible in their own language. The name of most of these people features in the Index of the Dramatis Personae (pp.341-343). Through this volume we want to pay homage to such people as G. Canolo, M.A. Vassalli, M.A. Camilleri, C. Naudi, W. Jowett, P. Bonavia, F. Panzavecchia, R. Taylor, C.F. Schlienz, G. Wise ly, Ġ . Muscat Azzopardi, R. Kilgour, A.M. Galea, C. Cortis, P.P. Grima, P.P. Saydon, C. Sant and his colleagues who in 1966 were entrusted by the Malta Bible Society to retranslate the entire Bible, and to do them justice for the courage, foresightedness and wisdom they have shown in contributing, directly or indirectly, both to the develop ment of our national language as well as to the translation of the Bible into Maltese. Naturally many of these people operated within a rigid denominational framework expressing value judgements and prejudices inherited from their religious traditions. But in acknowledging these limits one should not fail to notice that, notwithstanding the historical context in which they lived, some held ideas that were far advanced for their time (I would refer in particular to Naudi's and Jowett's views on ecumenical issues, p.12 note 46, and Muscat Azzopardi's on the use of the vernacular in the liturgy, p.127). We have to read about their con tributions free of denominational prejudices and narrow-mindedness to see in these people men of piety and zeal for whom the spiritual inter est of their neighbour featured highly in their priorities. We consider them as workers in the Lord's vineyard, as Ministers of His Word, as well as philanthropists and cultivators of our People's language. Several merit to be acknowledged as contributors to this publica tion, among whom 1 shall single out the authors who entrusted me with the material for publication, the translators of five of the essays, Prof Albert Borg, Dr Lydia Sciriha, Mrs Anna Muscat and Mr Ġuże Cassar Pullicino, the Board of the Faculty of Theology for having included this volume in the Melita The% gica Supplement Series, and the Foundation for Theological Studies for sponsoring the book. 16th May 1992
Anthony Abela
Abbreviations AAS AV BFBS
Acta Apostolicis Sedis Authorized Version · Briti sh and Foreign Bible Society (1804)
C
Correspondence
CMS
Church Missionary Society (1799). The sigla and numbers given just after CMS, and written in italics, refer to the enumeration of correspondence and documents in the CMS archives. W. Jowett, Christian Researches in the Mediterranean from
CRM
D DV
BONNICI, A.
Religion in the Middle East: Three Religions in Concord and Conflict, I (Cambridge University
Press; Cambridge 1969) "The Church and the Freedom of the Press in Malta", Melita Theologica 2(1957) 105-121 - Church and State in Malta 1800-1850, (Malta
1958)
"P r o t e s t an t P r o p a g a n d a
in
M al t a
1800-1830", Melita Theologica 13(1961) 60-64
Document.
BROWNE, G.
Melita Historica 6(1973) History of the British and Foreign Bible Society,
CANTON, W.
History of the British and Foreign Bible Society,
Hatchard & Son; London 1924) T h e numb e r s r e f e r t o i t e m s in t h e Documentation section o n pp.152-251 of this volume. S econd V atican Council: Dogmatic Constitution 'Dei Verbum' (18th November 1965) Enchiridion Biblicum (Rome 4 1961)
Joumal of Maltese Studies
MBS
Malta Bible Society (1817-1834)
MS(S) NIV NT OT RSV RV SPCK
ARBERRY, A.J. (ed)
MDCCCXV to MDCCCXX in the furtherance of the Objects of the Church Missionary Society (L.B. Seeley & Son/J .
EB JMS MC MFTC
Select Bibliograpħy
Minutes of the BFBS Committee SPCK: Minutes of the Foreign Translations Committee 1834-1844 Manuscript(s) New International Version New Testament Old Testament Revised Standard Version Revised Version Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (1699)
- "Thirty Years to build a Protestant Church",
I & II (BFBS; London 1859)
5 volumes (BFBS; London 1904-1910)
Church of England Guide Book 1971/1972, (Church Information Office; London 1971) CREMONA, A.
Vassalli and His Times,
DWIGHT, H.O.
The Centennial History of the American Bible Society, (Macmillan; New York 1916) The Floriana Story b eing an A ccount of Methodism in Malta, (Methodist Church; Malta
FAWTHROP, E.H.
(trans. M. Butcher) (Malta 1940) - "Manuskritt dwar il-Vanġeli ta' San Ġwann maqlub bil-Malti", Il-Malti 29(1953)88-91 - Miscellanea Vassalli, (Royal University of Malta Library)
1963)
JOWETT, W.
Christian Researches in the Mediterranean from MDCCLXV to MDCCLXX in furtherance of the Objects of the Church Missionary Society, (C.B.
Seeley & Son/J. H atchard & S on; London
1824)
The Jubilee Memorial of the Religious Tract Society, Society; London 1850)
(Religious Tract
xii MARSHALL, D. MOSS-ARNOLT, W. OWEN, J. RYLAND, J.E. / EADIE J. SANT, C
SAYDON, P.P.
Bibliography
History of the Maltese Language in Local Education, (Malta University Press; M alta 1971) The Prayer Book among the nations of the World, (SPCK; London 1904) History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, 3 volumes (BFBS; London 1816-1820) Memoirs of John Kitto, (Robert Carter; New York 1856) "Il-Bibbja bil-Malti 1822-1973", Sijon 6(1973) - "Qabel u wara l-Enċiklika Divino Afflante Spiritu", Sijon 6(1973) 76-77
1 THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE AND THE MALTESE LANGUAGE: 1810-1850*
- "Skoperta ta' Manuskritt bil-Vanġelu ta' S an Ġwann bil-Malti", Il-Hajja 2/1/1974 " T h e E ar l i e s t Biblical T r a n s l a t i o n from Hebrew into Maltese", Journal of the Malta
University Literary Society 2(1939) 1-12
- "The First Maltese Translation of the Bible"
SundiaI 4(1948) 10-13 - History of the Maltese Bible, (Malta 1957)
- "The M altese Translation of the Bible",
SCHLIENZ, C.F. STOCK, E.
STRONG, W.E.
Melita Theologica 16(1964) 1-22 Views on the lmprovement of the Maltese L anguage and its Use for the Purpose of Education, (Malta 1838) The History of the Church Missionary Society, lts Environment, lts Men and lts Work, (CMS; London 1899) The Story of the American. Board. An Account of the First Hundred Years of the American Board of Commisioners for Foreign Missions, (The Pilgrim Press; New York 1910)
*lt-Tradui.zjoni tal-Bibbja u l-Ilsien Malti 1810-1850 1975) (trans. Prof Albert Borg)
(Royal University of Malta;
PREFACE This is the second lecture in the Ġuże Galea Lecture series, founded by Chev. Prof Ġuże Galea in 1972 with the aim of promoting scientific Maltese studies. It is hoped that others will follow his ex ample in encouraging such a culturally important activity. The subject of my lecture is The Translation of the Bible and the 1810-1850. I have chosen this subject because as I show in this paper, the development of the Maltese Language and the translation of the Bible have always been explicit1y related. It would not be overstating the case to say that it was the interest in the Bible which gave a new lease of life to the study of Maltese at the beginning of the 19th century, following the end of Mikiel Anton Vassalli's activity in this field at the end of the 18th.
Maltese Language:
This paper is based on unpublished documents preserved in the archives of the Church Missionary Society, the British and Foreign Bible Society and the Society for the Promotion of Cl: :istian Knowledge in London. In it an attempt is made to demonstra.e the relationship existing between Anglican missionary activity in .he Mediterranean with Malta as its centre and the promotion of the Maltese Language. It will be seen that the aim of these Missionaries was to use Maltese as a means whereby Englishmen and Europeans could learn Arabic in order to gain access to the Muslim world, as well as to evangelize the Mal tese. Because of this they attempted to guide the development of Mal tese along scientific lines but they laid too much emphasis on the Semitic element in Maltese while neglecting the Romance element, to such an extent that this negative effect is still felt in our own times. This activity has been considered against the religious, social and political background obtaining in Malta at the time. Much still remains to be done in this field: the present study is only an attempt to open up a new avenue of research. The language of a people ca�not be studied and understood unless it is considered against the whole background of that people's life. Hopefully the present writer will be able to devote more effort in this direction and that others will follow suit. The scope of this lecture will have been amply fulfilled if such wi11 be the outcome.
4
Cann Sant
The present study could not have been completed without the help and cooperation of several persons. I hearti1y thank all of them, espe cially Prof. J. Galea, and the Foundation committee who invited me to give this lecture, the archive librarians, Mr Arthur E. Barker (SPCK), Miss Kathleen Cann (BFBS) and Miss Rosemary Keen (CMS) who helped me in looking up documents in their archives, Miss Tessie But tigieg (now Mrs Camilleri), Secretary to the Faculty of Theology who transcribed and typed these documents (and many of them directly from the photocopies); Mr J. Cassar Pullicino and Mr E. Zarb (Toron to) who gave me some rare books and valuable information, and Mr E. Mifsud, who provided the chart representing the Maltese alphabets and other transcriptions. To all these and others sti11, my heartful gratitude. My thanks are extended also to Prof A. Borg who translated this lecture into English. I sincerely hope that this study wil1 prove to be a useful contribu tion in the recognition and appreciation of the religious, social and cultural life in our country, and wi11 encourage others to follow lead. C. Sant The Royal University of Malta Msida March 25, 1975
2
•
PART ONE
Introduction
The present subj ect h as already been considered by Mr A. Cremona/ Prof P.P. S aydon2 and Prof A. Bonnici.3 Although these studies are useful not only because they opened a new line. of research but also because of their positive contribution in this field, sti11 they have their shortcomings. For his consideration of the translation of the Bible and its distribution, A. Cremona relied on partial documentary evidence supplied to him by C. Dessoulavy from the archives of the CMS' Dessoulavy was careful not to transcribe documents offensive to Cath�lic ears;4 Bonnici's interest lay in the historical, juridical and pas toral aspects of the distribution of the Maltese Bible as a means of Protestant propaganda and Proselytism at that tim�, a� d h�s so�rces are official, civil and ecclesiastical documents; for hIS histoncal mfor mation, Saydon relied on the work of these two scholars, bu� con sidered most1y the literary and phi1ological value of these translatIons. No one of these scholars had direct access to the BFBS, SPCK and CMS archives. Thus they could not grasp exact1y the purpose of these translations and the way in which such an activity fitted within the general framework of Protestant activity in the Mediterranean with Malta as its centre. This is an important factor and holds the key to understanding why they chose a particular orthography and style for Maltese. Recent1y I succeeded in examining direct1y the BFBS, SPCK and CMS archives and in the short time at my disposal I gathered a great deal of information which sheds considerable light on Protestant ac-
1. 2.
Vassalli and His Times, (translated by Miss M. Buteher) (Malta 1940).
History of the Maltese Bible, (Malta 1957); "The First Maltese Translation of the Bible", SundiaI4(1948)10-13; ''The Earliest Biblical Translation from Hebrew into �altese",l0��1 ofthe Malta Universily Literary Society 2(1937)1-12; "The Maltese Translation of the Blble , Melita Theologica 1(1964)1-22. Cfr Appendiees for three of these studies.
3.
''The Cħurch and the Freedom of the Press in Malta", Melita Historica 2(1957)105-121; Church and State in Malta 1800-1850, (Malta 1958); "Protestant Propaganda in Malta 1800-1830", Melita Theologica 13(1961)60-64.
4.
A. Cremona, Miscellanea Vassalli, (Royal University of Malta Ubnuy) MS 222.
CannSant
6
tivity in Malta. In this paper this information will be presented in an orderly fashion so that this activity in the Maltese context of the time will be seen against the background of Protestant missionary activity in the Mediterranean. Thus some gaps will be filled, and certain con clusions will be retouched or rectified, although no c1aims are made to having said the last word on the subject. This study is divided into two parts. The first deals with the societies mentioned above, with their activity in Malta and the Mediter ranean and with their purposes. The second part will examine their activity in the Biblical field (translation and distribution) as well as their contributions, including their negative and positive effects on the literary and religious aspects of Maltese life. Finally, certain con clusions will be presented, together with some reflections which may be of some value to us. A. Protestant societies
There were in Malta at the time, several Protestant organizations such as the Wesleyan Missionary SocietyS and the American Board of Missionaries.6 These organizations had nothing to do, however, with the distribution and translation of the Bible and so fall beyond the scope of this study. But the three societies mentioned previously will now be examined one by one. (a) British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS): 1808-1834. The BFBS,.founded in London in 1804 7 was the first society to have anything to do with Malta. The aim of this Protestant society was (and still is) the production of the Bible translations in all the languages of the world, as well as their distribution. At the time, they used to work through agents or subsidiary Bible societies founded abroad. 5. 6.
7.
E.H. Fawthrop, The Floriana Story being an Account of Methodism in Malta, (Methodist Church; Malta 1963).
H.O. Dwight, The Centennial History ofthe American Bible Society, (Macmillan; New York 1916) 226-229; W.E. Strong, The Story oftheAmericanBoard. AnAccount ofthe FirstHundred Years oftheAmerican Boardof Commissionersfor Foreign Missions, (The Pilgrim Press; New York 1910) 84-87. J. Owen, History oftheBritish andForeignBibleSociety, 3 vol (BFBS; l..ondon 1816-1820); G. Browne, History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, 2 vol, (BFBS; l..ondon 1859); W. Canton, History ofthe British and Foreign Bible Society, 5 vol, (BFBS; l..ondon 1904-1910).
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
7
(ai) TheAgency in Malta: 1808-1816. The Society's first contact with Malta took place in 1808. At the request of the Rev W. Terrot, chaplain to the Civil Commissioner Sir Alexander Ball, the Central Committee sent the Commissioner 500 copies of the New Testament in Italian to be sold or given away free of charge.8 When Terrot returned to England he was replaced by Dr C. Naudi, professor of Chemistry at the University of Malta.9 Dr Naudi thanked the Committee in London in the name of every pious Maltese and the many fathers of families and priests who "being as you know so litt1e learned in the Latin language, think themselves very happy in being able to read the New Testament in Italian."lO This distribution activity grew and spread beyond Malta's shores. In 1809 the Rev F. Laing, the Governor's private Secretary, wrote to the Committee aSkinfi them not to send any more books in order not to arouse suspicion, although according to Captain F. Reynolds, Dr Naudi had the permis sion of the Bishop of Malta to distribute the New Testament in Italian.12 In the following years hundreds and thousands of copies in Italian, Modern Greek, Arabic, French, Spanish and Portuguese were dis tributed.13
(aii) Malta Bible Society (MBS): 1815-1834. The Malta Bible Society was founded on May 5, 1817 in order to carry on the work of distribution in the Mediterranean and even beyond it.14 The BFBS had already conceived the idea of such a society in 1815 but G. Yeoland did not agree: "as I am convinced it would be opposed by the Popish clergy here and consequent1y the government likewise."lS 8.
BFBS: Minutes ofthe Committee, Vo1 3, p.l25.
9.
BFBS: MC, Vot. 4, p.l88. C. Naudi was born in Valletta in St. Paul's Street on June 3, 1781' Professor of Chemistty at the University of Malta, 1805-1834; Professor of Natural Risto 1824-1829. He cooperated to a considerable degree with these English Societies. He renounced the Catholic Faith on October 20, 1824. His family lived at Ħal Gllaxaq. Died in 1837.
10.
BFBS: MC, Vot. 4, pp.97-98.
11.
BFBS: MC, Vot. 3, p.23.
12.
BFBS: MC, Vot. 4, p.230.
13.
BFBS: Reports 1810-1830.
14.
BFBS: MBS: Minutes Book 1817-1834; MC, Vot. 8, p.230. Archives ofthe Church Missionaty Society: C/ME2; C/ME 86.
15.
.y,
BFBS: Co"espondence (C): Letter G. Yeo/andto Secretary: 22/24August 1815. [N.B. Much of
Carm Sant
8
The Rev W. Jowett came to Malta in November of the same year, as correspondent of the CMS and agent of the BFBS.16 Jowett was then a young man: he was dynamic, active, sure of himself, tireless and deter mined. The MBS may be said to have been founded through his inspira tion, efforts and doggedness. This society's aim was not only to work in Malta, but also to serve as the centre for the distribution of the Bible to neighbouring and far way countries. Naudi was one of the founding members as well as one of the secretaries; he described their plan as follows: "Certainly the geographical as well as the political situation of this Island is so ad vantageous for a Society of this kind, that if assistance from Heaven which we cannot but expect in forwarding these truly divine works would increase and give adapted means, in a short time we shall witness a more earnest desire to have the Bible, and the formation of many other Bible Societies, wh.ieh at (sic) its mode1 and example shall be formed in all our adjacent and neighbouring parts of Africa, Asia and Europe, as certainly are Tunisia, Tripoli, Egypt the low and high (sie), .Gerusalem (sic), Athens, The Ionian Islands, the Archipelago, etc. ,, 17 The BFBS in London gave the society !500 and 6000 copies of the Bible in nineteen languages. 18 The 1819 report describes Malta as a principal centre of Bible activity in the Mediterranean, with correspon dence with far away countries such as the cities of St. Petersburg (present day Leningrad, Russia) Calcutta and Bombay (India), 19 whi1e in the 1823 report we read: "The BS in Malta (sic) though embarrassed , in its operations by the present disturbed state of Greece, continues assiduously to distribute the Scriptures, through various channels, to the surrounding islands and maritime nations. !ta1ian, Greek, Ar menian,' Arabic, Syriac, Hebrew and French Bibles and Testaments have been transmitted to Alexandria, Cairo, Smyrna, Aleppo, Candia, Cyprus, AIgiers, Tunis, Joannina and other places,, by the Society. !ts issues amounted in November 1821 to 7,303 copies. 20 the correspondence in the BFBS Archives is not paginated. Letters are therefore quoted according to author, destination and date).
16. 17. 18. 19.
20.
BFBS:MC, Vot. 7, p.200j CMS: C/ME2/20. BFBS: C: Dr Naudi to Secretary 16/12/1817j lowett to Secretary 31/5/1817, CMS: C/ME 2. BFBS: MC, Vot. 8, p.308j MBS Repon20/11/1821. BFBS: Repon1819 BFBS: Repon1823j MBS: Repon20/11/1821. .
•
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
9
Bible House was opened in 1820, at number 16, Strada Ponente, Valletta. The house was to be used as a store for books and as a meet ing place and was provided with resident employees.21 An attempt to open a bookshop for the sale of Bibles at 279, Strada Reale , Valletta, in 1825, proved unsuccessfu1.22 The MBS was dissolved in 183423 and Mr Isaac Lowndes took its place in distributing the Bible, as BFBS agent. He stayed unti1 1860.24 (b) Church Missionary Society (CMS): 1818-1842. This was an Anglican Missionary Society founded in 1799: "an as sociation of persons united in obedience to the call of God to proc1aim the Gospel in all lands and to gather the people of all races into the fellowship of Christ's Church; ,,2s especially, "to communicate the knowledge of Christianity to such as did not possess it. ,,26 Some of its members insisted that the Society's programme should inc1ude projects "of reviving and diffusing Christianity in any of the Churches abroad" meaning not only the Roman Church but also those Protestant Chur ches tainted with rationa1ism in Germany, Switzerland, Holland and other countries. 27 Their main effort was directed towards the Oriental Churches; they thought that once these Churches returned to the genuine Gospel spirit, they would draw the Mus1ims to Christianity: "!t has not ap peared to the direct design of the Society to expand any part of its funds on Christian Countries otherwise than with the ultimate view of 21. BFBS: C: Leuer MBS Secretary to the BFBS Committee 17/2/1820; MC, Vot. 11, pp.43.57-58. Correspondence with the 22. BFBS: C: MBS Secretaries to BFBS Secretary 21/1/1826 govemment lasted from 11/1/1825 to the 4/11/1825. 23. BFBS/MBS: The tast minutes are dated 6/1/1834: Jowett had been away from Malta since 1830. Dr Naudi died in 1837. Cfr Dr P. Cassar: "Medicine in Malta in 1800-1810" St. Luke's Hospital Gazette 6(1971)3. 24. BFBS:Repon1844. 25. Church ofEngland Guide Book 1971172, (Cħurch Information Officej London 1971) 2n. 26. E. Stock, The History ofthe Church Missionary Society, fts Environment, fts Men and fts Work, (CMSj London 1899) 221. -
'
27.
Ibid, 221.
10
Carm Sant
winning, through them, the heathen to the reception of the Gospel.,,28 Despite this insistence, however, they did not send any missionaries because none of the volunteers had the necessary qualities required for this work. (bi) Pastoral Work in Malta It was Dr Cleardo Naudi, a Maltese, who wrote to the CMS on June 6, 1811 , asking it to send missionaries to the East: "que vous prouvez prendre quelque experience qui soit avantageuse a ces amis presque abandones de I'Est; il qui ont realement besoin d'assistance. ,,29 Naudi goes on to say that this help was needed because Propaganda Fide had to recall its Catholic missionaries owing to losses in funds. Prospective missionaries had to be young men, capable of adapting themselves to local customs , and they had to be fluent in Arabic or Greek or both.30 The Committee accepted this proposal, because "The Committee feels deeply impressed with the conviction that Malta has not been placed in our hands merely for the extention and security of our politi cal greatness. The ċourse of Divine Providence seems plainly to indi cate that the united Church of England and Ireland is called to the discharge of an important duty there. The Romish Church is manifestly in a state of gradual, but r.apid dissolution. Its scattered members ought to be collected. What church is to collect them? The prevailing form of worship in the East almost universally, and in the rest of the world generally, is episcopal. Was ever such an opportunity presented for extending Christianity in that primitive form of its discipline which is established in the United Empire. ,,3 1 28.
29.
30.
31.
Ibid.
The following note aeeompanies this CMS: Dr Naudi to Rev Josiah Pratt, Malta 2/6/1811 letter: Naudi was the first person to draw attention to the field for the Society's work in the Mediterranean, partieularlywith regard to infusing new life into the Eastern Churehes by the cireulation of Vernaeular scriptures. He was appointed Seeretary's eorrespondent at Malta and assisted W. Jowett - translating work and the writing of traets in neeessaty languages: C/ME/l; Stock, Church Missionary Society, 222-223. -
Ibid. It would not seem that Naudi was also considering Malta, sinee when he was in London in September 1814, he described the religious situation in Malta to the CMS Secretaty, Rev J. Pratt, quite optimistically. " .. in regard to Malta the affairs of Religion goes (sie) vety well, God be thanked. There are (sie) a vety good Bishop now, vety diligent and prudent in the government of h� diocese," CMS: MEl. CMS: Report 1812, quoted by Stock, Church Missionary Society, 223-224.
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
11
Naudi went to London in 181432 and suggested that three Maltese , !talian or Greek candidates should be chosen to receive Anglican Holy Orders; this plan however did not come to fruition. Naudi himself was nominated CMS correspondent in Malta, and Rev W. Jowett , a young Anglican priest , was asked to go to the Mediterranean area as Literary representative in order to report on the religious situation in the East , see to the translation of the Bible and its distribution, and suggest ways and means on how to influence the Oriental Churches. J owett accepted the offer and he left two years later. His mission was to gather as much information as possible on the religious situation in the Mediterranean countries and to establish which was the best means of spreading Christian teaching. He was to study carefully the Oriental and Roman Churches: "Notice her condition, any favourable indication, the means of communicating to her our privileges. Y ou can not act, under your circumstances, as a public impugner of her errors , nor as a reformer of her practice; but you may watch, with a friendly eye , to ascertain the best means of restoring her to primitive health and vigour. ,,33 He was also to study the Muslim world, the Jewish com munities and even the Lebanese deserts. He was to be continuously on the go , visiting and corresponding with, civil and eccIesiastical leaders , consuls and people from all walks of life; he was to found Bible societies , study Oriental languages and look for Bible MSS. This was an ambitious undertaking, too much for one man to cope with alone. In Malta he was to work in private and unobtrusively, set up a printing press , found a Bible society and avoid any proselytizing activities. "Whenever the member of a Church which holds the main truths of the Gospel, though with a great mixture of error, discerns that error , he is perhaps disposed to break away from its communion. It requires much wisdomj candour and fidelity, to guide the conscience aright in such cases;" 4 he was also advised: "The Roman Catholic Church is entangled in a snare from which it cannot be freed, while it holds the infallibility and Universal Headship of the Bishop of Rome. ,,35 The extent , if any, to which Jowett acted according to these instructions can be gauged from his activity in Malta. 32.
Stock, Church Missionary Society, 224.
33.
Ibid, 225.
34.
Ibid, 226.
35.
Ibid, 226-227.
Cann Sant
12
Jowett came to Malta on November, 1815.36 He was welcomed by Dr Naudi and went to stay at the CMA house in Strada San Giovanni, at the point of intersection of Strada Stretta, where the Savoy stands today. Naudi used to have tea with him in the afternoon.37 His first impression of the religious situation in Malta was not a favourable one at all. "As to' the moral view of the scene," he wrote to his mother in England, "I can never, indeed I never ought long, to suffer that passage to be absent from my mind: 'When,, he beheld the multitude, he was moved with a compassion on them' . 38 On his visit to Governor Mait land, he was told at once: "There is one difficulty, and which 1'11 tell you in the first instance, and that is, the Roman Catholics; they won't endure to hear of your mission; they'll set their teeth against anything that is attempted outside their grade of their own Church. ,,39 The Governor confirmed his prejudice, and he never let go of it. Jowett's activity included the founding of the Bible Society in 1818 which has already been considered above, the translation of extracts from the Bible, religious instruction, the setting up of a printing press and his travels in the East. While based in Malta, he visited Corfn, Egypt, Greece and the sur rounding countries; the fruits of these visits was his book Christian Re searches in the Mediterranean from 1815 to 182040 published in London in 1824.41 The book was based on the Joumals he frequently sent to London, now preserved in· the CMS archives.42 While in Malta, according to J owett himself, he would bring friends together at h�s home and they would read a passage from the Bible according to Martini's Italian translation and would then study it 36.
CMS: C/ME19.
37.
CMS: C/ME2/20.
38.
CMS:
39.
CMS: C/ME/19.
40.
Christian Researches in the Mediterranean from MDCCCXVto MDCCCXXin furtherance of the Objects of the Church Missionary Society (CRM) (C.B. Seeley & Son and J. Hatchard &
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
13
together.43 In contrast to the practice of the Wesleyan Missionary Society44 and in spite of the invective in his correspondence and in his frequent reports to London, he did not preach in public; and it is to be understood that the people he met at home were educated Maltese and foreigners since they read Martini's Bibie4S while the people in general were illiterate. Jowett thought that the best means for conversion was this type of . family meeting, following St. Paul's practice in the first years of the Church. Controversial issues which tended to alienate rather than unite, were avoided.46 Had this principle really been applied by the two sides, the violent reaction which followed might never have taken place, especially where the Methodists were concerned. (bii) The Printing Press At that time the only printing press in Malta belonged to the Government, and according to Jowett it wasn't worth much.47 Jowett was to clear the way for the setting up of a printing press.48 He men tions this for the first time in his letter of August 23, 1817, two years after his arrival in Malta. 49 He states that this necessitates permanent 43.
CRM, 291.
44.
Fawthrop, Floriana Story. I think that their work and aggressive behaviour in public caused Jowett's own work much damage, and hardened opposition against themselves and against anything they tried to achieve in the field of Maltese and in the distribution of the Bible.
45.
This translation was used to entice Catholics.Cfr BFBS:
28/2/1817.
C. Naudi to the Secretary, Malta
46.
W. Jowett: "It seems deeply and universally to be felt, that it is not merely by conflict with Error, that we must expect to promote the cause of Truth. Controversy has inflicted many wounds on the Cħurch of Christ; but it has healed few. It has long been a matter of ardent desire, that, in place of crimination, defence, and recrimination, which have so long been the instruments most frequently used by Cħristian Combatants, the effects of good men should be more strenuously devoted to the direct work of diffusing Sacred Knowledge", CRM, 11. Naudi expresses the same opinion in one of his book1ets: ''The only means of obtaining this end [reunion of Cħristians] are doubt1ess to extinguish the spirit of controversy, to display the truth universally, and to leave eve1)'One to profit by it in the exercise of a free judgment" - quoted by Jowett in a letter from Malta addressed to the CMS SecretaIY, on the 23/8/1817: C/ME2/80. It was only a hundred and fifty years later that this principle gained universal acceptance.
C/ME2/20.
Son; London 1824). 41.
According to Rev J. Pratt in hisAdvertisement at the beginning ofthe book, p. vi, Jowett wrote the book when he was in London in 1820.
47.
CMS: C/ME2/80; C/ME/18.
48.
CMS: C/ME2/80.
42.
These Jouma/s contain a wea1th of infonnation on Malta during this time.
49.
CMS:
C/ME3/61.
Cann Sant
14
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
15
employers. He asks for it again in March, 1818.5 0 In January 1819 the Secretary informed him from London "that the printing press is nearly ready and hope it,, wiIl be accompanied by a printer whose heart is sincerely with US. 51 !t seems it was intended to choose Dr Naudi as translator at the press, but J, owett did not agree because he thought that "his Italian is not !talian. ,5 2
When Schlienz retired in 184261 - Jowett had retired earlier in 183062 - CMS activity in Malta came to an end. The press was sold; in the index to the Correspondence from Malta in the CMS archives, it is called the British Press, and the Society transferred the seat of its ac tivity to Egypt and Abyssinia.63
It is not known when the printing press arrived but it is certain that it was functioning in 1822 under Jowett's direction up to 182653 and under Schlienz up to 1844.5 4 J. Kitto worked with them for a time, from 1827 to 1829, but according to Schlienz he was dedicated more to his own private study than to work on the Press. 55 In 1844 the CMS,, handed over the press to Mr J.M. Wales, with the name "British Press. 56
The SPCK was an Anglican Missionary society founded in 1699. It did not have any offices in Malta, but it supplied funds for publishing a translation of the Book of Common Prayer, with the title Ktieb it-Talb ta' Alenija bit-traduzzjoni tas-Salm i in 184564 as well as a complete edi tion of the New Testament in 1864.65
The press at this time was not allowed to print works intended for Malta, at least in so far as religious publications went, for which a special permit was needed.5 7 Editions on Biblical texts (but never a complete edition of the Bible), a number of treaties and booklets on religious topics, some of them written by Naudi himselC S s were publish ed in Maltese, !talian, Modern Greek and Arabic. The Maltese !nemselves sought the services of this press: Vassalli had his Grammar and proverbs printed here59 and Bellanti asked the management to pr, '1t his Grammar, but his request was not accepted because of other commitments.6O 50.
CMS: C/ME2/80.
51.
CMS: C/ME3/62.
52.
CMS: C/ME3/98.
53.
CMS:A/C and receipts and expenditureofthe mission andits agents 1822-26; 1826-40: C/M04.
54.
Ibid.
(c) Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (SPCK): 1842-1847
(d) Malta's importance At this point it is logical to ask why these Protestant missionaries came to Malta. Following the defeat of Napoleon in Syria in 1799, inter est in the Holy Land was aroused in the beginning of the nineteenth century. Protestants had already been curious about it in the preceding century, and interest grew with the travels of geographers. The descrip tions of travelers to these countries and their experiences there drew the attention of the West to the miserable state of Oriental Christians under Turkish rule. So, spurred on by a spirit of adventure, or by an evangelizing zeal many missionaries began to leave for these countries with the intention of helping and reforming these Oriental Churches. Societies were even founded with this end ili view.66 Such organizations felt the need for centres in the Mediterranean in a country where they could work in freedom under the protection of
55.
J.E. Ryland and J. Eadie, Memoirs ofJohn Kitto, (Robert Carter; New York 1856).
61.
CMS: C/M065. Co"espondence ofSchlienz: 1827-1842.
56.
CMS: CM04.
62.
Stock, Christian Missionary Society, 231.
57.
CMS:
63.
Ibid, 231, or rather, to be more complete: "British Press fonnerly the CMS Press".
58.
Stock, ChristianMissionary Society, 227; CMS: StatementofMaltaPress (Malta; January 1828). "In the three years, which have been the most effective, viz.: 1825-1827 (during which period we printed, according to the account sent to London, 3 million of pages, of which 2 million have been distributed .. .." C/M04/1l.
C/M039b/99. Cfr. Bonnici: "Protestant Propaganda".
.
59.
CMS: C/M039b/99; C/M039b/109.
60.
CMS: C/M065{7.
64. William Moss-Arnolt, ThePrayerBookamongtheNations ofthe World' (SPCK; London 1904)
65. 66.
154/5.
n-Aaqda il-Jdida ta 'SidnaJesil Kristu mijyuba mil Inglis, (Gabriel Vassalli Stampatur- Malta 1847).
'
A.J. Arberry (ed), Religion in the Middle East: 1hree Religions in Concord and Conflict, Vol. I (Cambridge University Press; Cambridge 1969) 573-574.
Carm Sant
16
a liberal and democratic Government. They therefore turned to Malta. Their choice was unanimous. The opinions of the founders of the MBS67 and the CMS68 have already been considered. J owett confirms these opinions when he writes: "In the 'centre of all these advantageous scenes [countries sur rounding the Mediterranean] Malta offers a secure asylum, and an im mense scope, for the conduct and labours of a Christian Mission. ,,69 Members of the American Board of Missionaries were of the same opinion: " ... the mighty energy of the Press in such a place [Malta] renders that station, to a reflecting mind, one of the most interesting in the whole world. The security of the Island, its central situation, its proximity to various nations , dissimilar in language , manners and religion, and the comparative ease with which a moral influence may be diffused from it to these nations , make it particularly eligible as the seat of a great evangelical printing establishment.,, 7o Its geographical position in the centre of the Mediterranean and the political and military protection of the British Government rendered Malta a centre where one could work in peace and quiet. Malta lost its importance around 1835 when the political situation in the East improved and . missionaries could work in freedom. The Americans transferred their press to Beyrouth and Smyrna71 and after Jowett left, the CMS went to Egypt and Abyssinia. Only Schlienz stayed in Malta working on proj ects concerned with the Island.72 The Methodists alone remained active but even their activities came to a halt around the year 18 5O.73
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
17
B. Local Reaction
(a) The attitude of the Anglican Missionaries In order to understand the local reaction from the Church and the Government it is first of all necessary to grasp how the Protestant Mis sionaries themselves saw Maltese religious life. They had rather a nega tive idea of it, and so closed their minds to any possible positive aspect, even though Dr Naudi had written to Dr Pratt of the CMS , saying that, "in regard to Malta, the affairs of Religion goes (sic) ve1)l well, thank God", and had in addition, given the CMS a very favourable descrip tion of the Church in Malta and Gozo, which then formed one diocese , saying: "Very near to Malta there are (sic) the Island of Gozo , which is in the diocesis (sic) and for religion is ruled after the same step (Sic). ,,74 J owett, as already seen, was of a different opinion, which he had per haps formed before coming to Malta;75 he also writes, " ... for they (the Maltese) seem to be very simple minded race of people" , and he adds: "we have delicious Maltese honey, combines the freshness of mint with the fragrance of thyme. ,,76 At least he liked the honey! He writes again two years later: "Y ou have no idea how difficult it is in these parts to excite the least attention to Religion.,,77 In the !ournal for November 1817 he says that Dr Naudi invited him to his mother's house at Hal Ghaxaq, and the Parish Priest invited him to lunch; they had a discus sion on preaching and he noted that Christ's name was never men tioned in the homily books! 78 He wanted to convert them "from the yoke of P0-2ery and from sin" to turn them into Protestant missionaries for Africa. 9 Short1y before publishing Vassalli's Gospels in 1823 he says that because of "the bigotry of the dominant church in Malta and of the
67.
Cfr. supra pp.7-9.
68.
Cfr. supra pp.9-12.
69.
CRM, 345.
70.
The Jubi/ee Memorial of the Religious Tract Society (The Religious Tract Society; London 1850) 376.
74.
CMS: C/ME/l. Dr Naudi's English was velY weak. In a letter preserved at the BFBS archives, dated 1/3/1812 he starts in English and continues in Italian. At the end he adds a P.S.: "Mi scusi se trovi la lettera in parte in Inglese, l'avevo cominciato in Inglese, ma siccome capitan Reynolds vuol partire non ho poco piu tempo per tradurla. Forse lei sa l'italiano 0 qualche amico la spieghera".
75.
Cfr. supra pp.11-13.
76.
CMS: C/ME2/20.
71.
Strong, The Story ofthe American Board, 86.
n.
72.
CMS: C/MO/65, Malta 1827-1842.
78.
CMS: C/ME3!l.
73.
Fawthrop, Floriana Story, 19.
79.
CMS:
•
CMS: C/ME2/38.
C/M039b/97. / •
c
Cann Sant
18
reigning Pope" he held no hope that the work could be done in Malta.80 J owett thus came to Malta with an opinion he always held on to. On his coming to Malta, moreover, he met G. Yeoland,the BFBS agent, who held a similar, if not a more extreme opinion. A little while earlier Yeoland had written to the BFBS in London, saying there was no hope that a Bible Society could f10urish in Malta: "Thus, my dear Sir, you will be led to view the truly awful situation of this Island, immersed in worse than Egyptian darkness ... Thus an awful barrier stand opposed to the progress of Christianity in this Island from
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
19
According to what F. Reynolds wrote in July 1810, the Bishop had not objected to Dr N�udi circulating Martini's Bible in It.alian;84 G. Yeoland says this too m 1815, but adds that later on the B1Shops had ordered these Bibles to be collected and destroyed.85 Serious opposition was met with the founding of the MBS. J owett reports that the Bishop and the Government were strongly opposing the MBS; that the Vicar had summoned Dr Naudi to ask him: "What is the secret of the Bible Society?" Naudi had answered him that there was no secret and that its aim was the circulation of the Scriptures. The Vicar's rejoinder was: "That is a pretext.:,86 In the 1821 report t� e MBS secretaries state that before the eXlstence of the MBS the Blble was distributed with profit, but that immediately following its foundation, "the attention of its opponents was excited and calumnies, censures, and threats were all used for its destruction."S7 This is also evidenced in the Bishop's rep ort to the Vatican in 1823, where he mentioned the MBS by name.8 The Bishop also included a list of doctrines that were being spread - he mentions Anglicans, Methodists, Calvinists and Lutherans - in other words, the principle of the private interpretation of the Bible, the denial of the sacraments, except baptism, the denial of the virginity of Mary, the invocation of the saints and the circulation of the Bible without notes aniong the people.89 On an official level the Bishop protested with the Government on the grounds that in allowing the MBS to circulate the Bible90 it had broken the agreement by which the British government had bound itself to protect the dominant religion in Malta. The CMS sent a delegation to the British Secretary of State, Lord Buthurst, to discuss the whole question with him. Lord Buthurst suggested they change the name of
(b) The reaction of the Church in Malta In view of all this, the attitude and strong, sometimes even violent, reaction of the local Church, becomes understandable. 80.
Ibid.
81.
BFBS: C: G. Yeoland to the BFBS Secretary, 20/23August 1815.
82.
BFBS: C: Report in letterfonn, from the MBS. Malta 30/11/1821.
83.
BFBS: MBS: Laws and Regulati01lS of the Malta Bible Society: No. 1: .....the sole object shall be to promote the circulation of the Holy Scriptures, without nete and comment... " Malta 16/3/1818. Cfc D, 2 on pp.169-170.
84.
BFBS: MC, Vol. 4, p.230.
85.
BFBS: C: G. Yeoland to Secretary: Malta 22/4 August 1815.
86.
87.
CMS: C/ME3/54. BFBS: C: Report in letterfrom the MBS, Malta 30/11/1821.
88.
Report by Bishop Matte; to the Sacred Congregation of the Counci� 22/2/1823. Cfc. Sijon
89.
Ibid.
90.
6(1973)3. The notes are not explicitly mentioned but they can be confirmed from othec documents.
Bonnici, "Protestant Propaganda", 60-64.
Carm Sant
20
the MBS to "Bible Society established in Ma1ta. ,, 91 The BFBS was in formed of this proposal and advised the MBS Committee to change the name.92 Two years later the Bishop protested once more against the circula tion of the Bible in Malta, that is to say, its distribution on in-coming ships, religious meetings in a public hall to the detriment of the people's faith and the circulation of the Bible among the lower c1ass people against the priests' wi11 and that of the ecc1esiastical authority and in violation of the promises in the peace treaty. The BFBS retorted that the Bishop had no jurisdiction over ships; that they had no halls for religious meetings93 and that the distribution of the Bible was by sale.94 Dr Pinkerton wrote to the MBS informing them of this delegation and that the BFBS committee "deem it peculiar1y desirable to give no first cause for complaint of any imprudent zeal in your circumstances in forcing Italian Scriptures upon the Ma1tese. ,, 95 Jowett reported in 1826 that "considerable opposition to the dis tribution of the Scriptures was manifested, nevertheless the Committee at Malta wi11 persevere in the work.,,96 Besides protesting officially, the Bishop took practical steps to gather as mani copies as possible, both in Italian and in Maltese, and destroy them.9 (c) The Reaction from the Civil Authorities
The British government found itself in a quandary. On the one hand it was under pressure from the English missionaries who were insisting on the principle of religious freedom. On the other, it was not desirable to strain relations with the Bishop, who, as seen above, was 91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96. r.n.
BFBS: MC, Vo\. 13, p.364. Ibid. This was a hall in Valletta belonging to the Methodists, as well as a house at Senglea and another at Cospicua, cfr Fawthrop, The Floriana Story, 5. BFBS: MC, Vo\. 15, pp.146-151.
BFBS: C: Dr Pinkerton to the MBS, London 26/4/1825. BFBS: MC, Vo\. 16, p.26,9.
BFBS: C: G. Yeolandto the BFBS Secretary, Malta 22/4August 1815; togetherwith the report
by Bishop Mattei to the Sacred Congregation of the Council, 22/211823.
Tbo Translation of the Bible
21
and the Maltese Language
to. safeguard the religion of the having recourse to England's promise . . y agams t It. Maltese and not to allow any actlV1t ,
G. Yeoland writes that "our present Governor [Thomas �aitland] only bee? f',�'Ce at �he is totally indifferent to all thes.e th.ings, he has 1813 lthat IS, m a penod r Octobe m arnval his since Church Protestant goes on of two years] but oftener at the Catholic Churches." 8 Yeoland in . the ion, publicat to say that the Government had not allowed the Testa New the of sale the ing Govemm ent Gazette, of a notice advertis ment in Greek, even though insistence had been made.99 This squares take with what Jowett reports, namely that Mait1and had refused to more unless s, Anglican the of use the for l Cathedra over St. John's troops were sent to him.1OO The Governor had also advised Jowett to be wary. In 1818 Jowett complained that the MBS was being opposed by 1 1 and adds that it had also been forthe Govern�ent and the Bishop . 0 late I es.102 more B'bl clrcu to . ment Govern the by n bidde In 1825 the Government acting on instructions from London forced to change its name103 and forbade the circulation of Canolo's MBS the texts.104 Lord translat io n of St. John's Gospel and other Biblical 1 0 circulation the or 5 books Buthurst did not take exception to the sale of out "with carried be to had on distributi free of the Bible .on ships, but ,, ' 1 6 0 the utmost CIrcumspectlon. When the MBS asked permission to open a shop at 277 Strada Reale, the local Government did not grant a license, but after discus98.
Ibid.
99.
Ibid.
100. "It is said " Jowett writes to his mother, "that when the present Govemor remonst�ted upon the wont 'of a Cħurch for the Eng1ish, Ministers at home told him to take possesls on of St. John's Church, as belonging to the Order, to which the Govemor sent his prude�t. that they must send him some more t�PS" -:- �S: C/ME2/20. Cfr. A. BonruCI, 'Tħirty Years to build a Protestant Cħurch", Melua H/Stonca 6(1973)183.
�r:
101. CMS: C/ME2/19. 102. CMS: CME3/41.
103. BFBS: C: Rev Dr Pinkerton to Rev W. lowett, London 26/4/1825. 104. CMS: C/M039/19a and 19b. 105. Cfr. note 103. 106. Ibid.
22
Cann Sant
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
23
sions with the BFBS Representatives in London Lord Buthurst in structed the Maltese Government to grant permission for the sale of Bibles "at their present establishment and it is considered that in this way the object which the BFBS have in view will be equally obtained, without giving the offence which would be produced in the minds of the Roman Catholic population of the Island, by opening a shop in so con spicuous a part of the town as that proposed by yoU."I07 The Govern ment moreover, did not in general grant them permission to print books or leaflets (especially religious ones) intended for circulation in Malta.los
,, appeal for "a strong government protection in name of freedom 112 and in his report to the CMS in London on the subject of Government opposition to the printing of the Gospels, he says: "All this puts me to a stand. If I were at this moment in Sir Thomas Maitland's presence, I would not ask a question: for it is a paralysing thing to such answers such as these. !t is better to go on as we have done for a little time than to have our hands in the least degree shackled about the Maltese Gospels and !talian Tracts, we shall send you to print. Will you print the four Gospels in Maltese if I send you a fair copy? The !talian in parallel columns need not be printed again."l 13
!t can thus be seen that the British Government steered a neutral course in order not to strain relations with either side. This ran con trary to the hopes and expectations of the CMS leaders who thought that the British Government was almost obliged to spread Protestan tism according to the principle: "that religion follows the flag."I09
The CMS and BFBS authorities always insisted on the need to proceed with prudence. When the MBS tried to put off changing the Society's name 114 the Central Committee insisted on their compliance, until they gave in.11S Dr Pinkerton formulated the principle which was to guide their activity as follows: "Now my dear Friend, white the deputation felt it their duty not to sacrifice one degree of that un bounded liberty which it has been the privilege of the BFBS to practice in all nations, or freely imparting the Word of life without money and without price, yet they deem it peculiarly desireable to give no just cause for complaint of any imprudent zeal in your circumstances in forcing the !talian Scripture upon the Maltese ..... " 116
(d) The Anglican Missionaries' Approach Inspired and led by Jowett, the missionaries were not content with their activity directed towards the East; rather they also worked in private and in public among the Maltese. Jowett writes: "Now the work of converting them [the Maltese] both from Popery and from Sin, has not been overlooked by the Missionaries; but it has proceeded some what languidly and inconspicuously. The work of cultivating the lan guage has at the same time gone on with steady step. I earnestly desire, therefore, that our Society would encourage the present design; and I doubt not in the least their readiness to do. !t will be requisite, how ever, some time longer to refrain from printing in our Reports anything on the subject. ,, 110 In their dealings with the Government they appealed to freedom of conscience and on these grounds they had insistently asked for a licence to open a shop in Strada Reale. They only desisted from this request on instructions from headquarters in London. 111 Jowett used to 107. BFBS: C: Sir FredHankey, ChiefSecretory to Govemment, to the Treasurer ofthe Bible Society established in Malta, Valletta, 31/10/1825. 108. CMS: C/MO/39a 50. 109. efr supra pp.9-10. 110. CMS: C/MO/39b. 111. BFBS: C: Rev W. lowett, Rev Daniel Temple and Cleardo Naudi, Treasurerofthe "Bible Society
The missionaries did not despair of still being able to work among the Maltese, but they tried to proceed in such a way so as not to offend them and they no longer revealed their projects in advance. According to its first article of its Statute, the MBS bound itself to circulate only Martini' s !talian Bible, a Catholic translation enjoying a wide circulation at the time. "The only copies in the !talian Language to be circulated by the Society shaH be according to the authorized version of Archbishop Martini. ,,117 At first they distributed it in its comestablished in Malta'� to Sir FredHankey, ChiefSecretory to Govemment, Valletta, 4/11/1825. 112. CMS: C/ME/3/41. 113. CMS: C/M039/9. 114. BFBS: MC, Vot. 14, p.80. 115. /bid. 116. BFBS: C: MBS Secretaries to the BFBS Secretory, Malta, 12/8/1823. 117. BFBS: C: Laws and Regu1ations of the Malta Bible Society, Malta, 16/3/1818. Cfi. D, 2 on pp169-172.
24
Carm Sant The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
plete form, including the Deuterocanonical Books, which Protestants do not accept as part of the Bible. Later, however, they asked permis sion not to circulate these books anymore.118 !t was Naudi's idea to circulate Martini's translation, in order to win Catholic .sympathy: "This would produce an effect by far better in disposing of the Bibles with the Catholiks (sic) and take away at once all the difficulties which they meet with not rarely in distributing the ,, Holy Pages in these our parts. 119 For this reason, an edition of this Bible without notes and comments had been published in Naples.120 For the same reason the Catholic !talian translation was printed in parallel columns along with Canolo's translation of St. John, and the LatiJi Vul gate with Vassalli's translation of the Gospels, in such a way that these translations may be regarded as Catholic in content, as can be seen from their analysis.l21 "On Sunday evenings", writes Jowett, "I have a small party of friends and an !talian lecture! We read Martini's version all round then verses a piece; and when a few chapters are finished, I expound in !talian .... A mot1ey biblical group you will say; but I mention it to give ,, you a view of our want of the !talian Scriptures. 122 They also made it a point to conceal as much as possible the projects they had in mind and the names of the Maltese who worked with them. Naudi insisted many times that his name sh