Armed struggle and the search for state: the Palestinian national movement, 1949-1993

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YEZID SAYIGH

Armed Struggle and the Search for State

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Armed Struggle and the Search for State The Palestinian National Movement 1949-1993

YEZID SAYIGH

INSTITUTE FOR PALESTINE STUDIES WASHINGTON, D.C.

CLARENDON PRESS

·

OXFORD

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OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

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© The Institute for Palestine Studies 1997 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) Reprinted 2004 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced. stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted. in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law. or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department. Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover And you must impose this same condition on any acquirer

ISBN 0-19-829265-1

Antony Rowe Ltd., Eastbourne

To my parents, Yusif and Rosemary Sayigh, with love, gratitude, and admiration

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PREFACE

An entire era ended when Palestine Liberation Organization chairman Yasir Arafat and Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin presided over the signing of the Declaration of Principles on 13 September 1993. Their exchange of letters of recognition ended decades of mutual denial between the national communities they represented, even if the accord did not fundamentally resolve all aspects of the conflict. Many thousands had died, both combatants and civilians, since the war that led to the establishment of the Jewish state in Palestine and to the mass exodus of its Arab population in 1947-9. The Palestinian national movement was to raise the twin banners of •total liberation' and ·armed struggle' in following years, but ultimately proved unable to liberate any part of its claimed homeland by force. The civilian uprising that erupted in 1987 initially appeared more effective in shaking Israeli control, but still the PLO finally accepted a negotiated compromise, the terms of which ran counter to virtually all the principles and aims it had espoused for so long. How did the Palestinian national movement arrive at this outcome, and what factors determined its course over the decades? Could it have achieved more, given the severe external constraints and daunting challenges, both military and political, that it faced? How were its principal leaders and organi­ zations able to maintain their internal control for so long, despite the glaring discrepancy between declared goals and actual achievements at each and every stage? Last but not least, what role did the armed struggle play, given the enduring emphasis it received in Palestinian discourse and strategy on the one hand, and on the other its effective abandonment in the course of the intifada

and the diplomatic process that led ultimately to the 1993 accord?

This book tells the story of the Palestinian national movement between 1949

and 1993, taking the armed struggle as its main focus. The central thesis is that the armed struggle provided the political impulse and organizational dynamic in the evolution of Palestinian national identity and in the formation of parastatal institutions and a bureaucratic elite, the nucleus of government. It did so by driving mass politics and the establishment of a national ·political field', in the process enabling a new political class to form, gain recognition and legitimacy, and assert its leadership. By the same token, the armed struggle played a pivotal role in demarcating the Palestinians as a distinct actor in regional politics with a not insignificant degree of autonomy. A subsidiary thesis is that the key to the survival of the Palestinian national movement and to the attainment of at least a modicum of its objectives, was the ability to effect fundamental shifts in goals and strategy at critical stages in its evolution. These shifts took place in response to external circumstances and challenges, but they

viii

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also required parallel changes in ideology, structure, and internal politics. Here, again, it is by tracing the course of the armed struggle, both as discourse and practice, that the transformation can be highlighted most effectively. The following account is divided into four periods-demarcated by the Arab-Israeli wars of 1948, 1967, 1973, and 1982-and is brought to its natural conclusion in the PLO-Israel accord of September 1993. An introductory sec­ tion precedes each part to summarize the main international and regional trends that set the context for Palestinian politics of the period, and to touch briefly on the most salient developments in the Palestinian arena. Although it is informed by both disciplines, this pretends to be neither a political sociology nor a study of international relations, and the account does not trace systemati­ cally or in consistent detail the attitudes and fortunes of distinct Palestinian social forces, nor those of the principal regional and global powers. Rather, it offers a historical reconstruction of the evolution of Palestinian political pro­ grammes, ideological discourse, and organizational structures, as revealed by the connecting theme of armed struggle. This book will have achieved its purpose if it deserves to be described as a history.

Between States and State-Building The voluminous literature on the Palestine conflict attests to the persistent interest and intense emotions it has generated. The reconstruction presented in this book is therefore of obvious relevance and intrinsic value, but it is also set apart from comparable studies by its distinctive framework. Essentially, this views the Palestinians as engaged almost continuously since 1948 in a historical process of state-building, with the PLO gradually emerging after 1964 as the non-territorial equivalent of a state. National liberation has been the goal of many movements in the colonial and post-colonial eras of the twentieth cen­ tury, but the Palestinian case shows that the state-building dynamic does not come into operation only after independence. Rather, the search for state shapes the articulation of goals, formulation of strategies, choice of organiza­ tional structures, and conduct of internal politics through much of the preced­ ing struggle. These assertions require elucidation, but a disclaimer is first in order. To assert that the Palestinians have been engaged in state-building is to make neither a polemical point nor a juridical one about their status as a national entity or distinct people and their right, accordingly, to exercise self­ determination, specifically in the form of an independent state. Nor is it to make a historical or empirical claim about the degree to which-at any stage in the three decades prior to the inauguration of the Palestinian Authority in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank autonomy areas in May 1994 (and even then only arguably)-the PLO actually exercised sovereignty and fulfilled the major func­ tions attributed to the modem territorial state. Rather, at issue are the emer-

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ix

gence and maintenance of a particular set of political practices and institutional arrangements centred on the PLO; the processes through which it redefined its political relations with, and sought to co-opt, Palestinian society; and the man­ ner of its interaction with sovereign members of the regional and international state systems. It is in this sense that the PLO can be seen as a 'statist' actor, and that the underlying logic of Palestinian national politics and organizational evolution-within which framework the armed struggle proved to be situ­ ated-since 1948 has been one of state-building. A crucial distinction is being made here between the 'stateness' of the PLO (its actual possession of the key attributes of the state), which was severely qualified, and its statist character, which is being asserted. The distinction draws on definitions of the state in social science literature to explain what the PLO was not, and what it was. Charles Tilly summarizes the common view that an 'organization which controls the population occupying a definite territory is a state

insofar as (1)

it is differentiated from other organizations operating in the

same territory; (2) it is autonomous; (3) it is centralized; and (4) its divisions are formally coordinated with one another'.1 Drawing on Max Weber, Joel Migdal adds that an especially important defining function of the state is 'the ability or authority to make and implement the binding rules for all the people as well as the parameters of rule-making for other social organizations in a given terri­ tory, using force if necessary to have its way' .2 That the PLO lacked sovereign authority over a distinct territory and popu­ lation is obvious. At no point was it able to exercise exclusive jurisdiction, that is, to monopolize rule-making and the means of coercion, over the inhabitants of a defined geographical area, even when it formed the rudiments of parallel government in the state-within-the-state it ran in Jordan in 1968-71 and Leba­ non in 1972-82. The physical dispersal of the Palestinians and their subordina­ tion to the political, administrative, and economic systems of various host governments qualified the stateness of the PLO even further. Not only were its attempts to achieve social control continuously contested by rival state centres (especially Israel and Jordan), but its own development as a statist actor was ultimately contingent on the existence of a counterpart: a society with a com­ mon 'sociological space'. Palestinian society was itself in need of demarcation and articulation; the recursive element within the state-society dyad only be­ came realizable when the 1993 Oslo Accord wedded the PLO's political frame­ work to an identifiable social, economic, and territorial base in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The fact that the PLO's own bureaucratic elite was already drawn heavily from these areas, and that it inherited a ready governmental apparatus in the form of the Israeli-run civil administration, facilitated the transition and emphasized it as a new stage in an established process of state-building. That said, it was precisely in terms of its political framework that the PLO was most identifiable as a statist actor, and not simply because it explicitly sought national independence and statehood as its central goal. Above all, it

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Preface

conformed to a key distinguishing feature of states described by Theda Skocpol (summarizing Alexis de Tocqueville's approach), namely that 'their organiza­ tional configurations, along with their overall patterns of activity, affect politi­ cal culture, encourage some kinds of group formation and collective political actions (but not others), and make possible the raising of certain political issues (but not others)'.3 The PLO's centralizing tendencies moreover revealed, to borrow from the general discussion of the state by Gianfranco Poggi, 'how keenly, and how successfully, the protagonists of "state-building" sought to entrust the conduct of political business to a single organisation, and to distin­ guish that from all other entities harbouring and ordering social existence' .4 Much like a state, the PLO was the receptacle for political legitimacy, and as a consequence it manoeuvred continually in relation to its mass constituency between the politics of control and the politics of mobilization (while adhering strictly to neither).5 The fact that the PLO, unlike most states, did not seek to extract financial resources from society or effect social transformations does not detract from its statist character. It was, after all, engaged in a violent nationalist struggle, and so the key internal variable was the ability of leaders, in crisis circumstances, to

create and use political arrangements that could eventually solidifY into stable,

durable structures.6 Furthermore (to apply a notion borrowed from political economy), the initiators of political change in the Palestinian arena were statists precisely because they were not rooted in any existing set of social or economic interests: 'the state was their chosen instrument of change, and in their vision it was to be self-perpetuating' .7 Like the state, the PLO was thus more than a mere arena for socio-economic struggles. The insulation of its career officials from current socio-economic interests imbued its political leadership with the relative autonomy that state managers seek in order to act upon their own preferences, 'making decisions that reshape, ignore, or circumvent the prefer­ ences of even the strongest social actors'.8 The emergence of a distinct political class and durable bureaucratic elite within the PLO framework was in itself additional evidence of state-building, despite the lack of a firm territorial base.9 This, the institutionalization of political power, was reflected in the rapid increase in the number of people on the PLO payroll and its extension of social welfare and some collective services to its mass constituency. Through the latter means it also reinforced the inclusivist political function of the mass-based corporatist associations it formed or co-opted (in the case of pre-existing ones), such as labour and professional unions, all the while maintaining the exclusivist functions of the core bureau­ cratic elite. The prevalence of factionalism was another indication of statist corporatism, as it indicated the lack of ability, or interest, of different strata of the PLO elite and mass constituency to organize and act as autonomous social forces in pursuit of specific demands. 10 It was also typical of the post-colonial state, which was significant both as a major employer and as an arena for the articulation of factional conflict and power competition.11

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The preceding suggests strong similarities between the path of political development taken by the PLO and that of a variety of Arab (and Third World) states. Building on this parallel, the recourse to a combination of traditional and modem techniques of political mobilization and institutionalization-different forms and roles of ideology, bureaucracy, mass organization, and so on-can also be seen as indicative of state-building in the Palestinian case. As in various Arab states, moreover, the availability of 'rent'-the dispensation of financial and other material resources obtained from external sources (or non-extractive ones, such as overseas commercial investments), often in the form of outright patronage-encouraged an authoritarian and populist style of political leader­ ship in the PLO. This, too, was a function of a specific stage of state-building (and of societal modernization), that was especially likely to grow out of a revolutionary or nationalist movement. 12 Lack of territoriality remained an important impediment, but the experience of the Kuwaiti government in exile during the Iraqi occupation in 1990-1 demonstrates that although the existence of a concrete territorial base is symbolically necessary to sustain the notion of statehood, international political, strategic, and financial networks can be 13 . equally Important. As the Kuwaiti analogy suggests, finally, the statist character of the PLO cannot be understood without reference to its interaction with the system of states. The latter not only offers the model of the modem territorial state and the Westphalian concept of sovereignty-both of which the PLO strove to appropriate for itself-but also provides a crucial context to help explain the structures and orientations of new state actors. As Skocpol observes in a discus­ sion of regimes emerging from Third World social revolutions that also applies broadly to the PLO, 'these revolutions have happened in settings so pene­ trated by foreign influences-economic, military, and cultural-that social­ revolutionary transformations have been as much about the definition of autonomous identities on the international scene as they have been about forging new political ties between indigenous revolutionaries and their mass constituents'.14 At the same time, involvement in the system of states can

increase regime autonomy from domestic actors, an advantage not lost on the PLO leadership. 1; That the PLO should have sought international recognition with almost

obsessive determination is therefore neither incongruous nor whimsical. A majority in the international community came to recognize its status as the representative national organization of the Palestinians; it enjoyed full mem­ bership in the League of Arab States, Non-Aligned Movement, and other mul­ tinational groupings of Third World states, as well as observer status at the United Nations; and around 100 states extended varying levels of recognition to the State of Palestine that it declared in November 1988. That they should have done so is partly due to Cold War politics and the peculiar historical and international legal circumstances of the Palestine conflict. But it is also reminis­ cent of the general position of'quasi-states', as Robert Jackson describes them,

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namely those members of the international system who enjoy juridical state­ hood by virtue of obtaining formal recognition from the other, more powerful members, even when they lack the full physical and functional attributes of statehood.

16

The importance of international recognition explains the constant PLO con­ cern to combat any challenge, whether internal or external, to its status as

sole

legitimate representative of the Palestinians. Ironically, it also explains PLO determination to secure the loyalty of its mass constituency and the continued acceptance by opposition groups of its formal framework, even when this required it to adopt political stances or military tactics that damaged its diplo­ matic standing. This seeming paradox was in fact a logical consequence of the premium placed by the international community on sovereignty, since it prompted the PLO to work ceaselessly to demonstrate its effective political control, at least, over its own population. Nor, in any case, was the use of violence consistently counter-productive. After all , war-making was in itself a crucial element in state-building-whether in relation to internal actors or external ones-and instrumental in the assertion of a particular form of Pales­ tinian nationalism.

Between Nations and Nationalism Nationalism is a term commonly associated with anti-colonial struggles, but its meaning in the Palestinian context bears examination. Of the various defini­ tions, that of Ernest Gellner is the most apt in this context: 'Nationalism is primarily a political principle, which holds that the political and the national unit should be congruent.'1c The national unit, or nation, has also been con­ ceived in various ways. bur jan Penrose offers the most useful explanation for the present purpose. It is 'the product of three elements: a distinctive group of people, the territory which they occupy. and the bonding over time (of histori­ cal experience) which melds people and land into a "natural" whole. It is through the idea that distinctive groups of people exist that the concept of the nation builds directly on the assumption that culture as a particular way of life is essential.'18 The assumption of distinctiveness is implicit in much of the Israeli and Palestinian historiography that analyses Palestinian nationalism. The one tends to refute its existence in certain periods and to suggest that it is primarily a reaction to the emergence of Zionism and the State of Israel; it therefore does not stem from a 'real', that is pre-existing, nation or from intrinsic historical processes, but rather is historically 'artificial'. The other affirms the existence of Palestinian nationalism as an autonomous phenomenon and traces its roots to earlier periods; the biblical roots of jewish nationalism are moreover now confronted with a 'Can'anite' myth of Palestinian origin.19 However, both views contain an underlying polemical purpose, which is based on twin as-

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xiii

sumptions: first, that the division of humankind into national entities is 'natu­ ral', and second, that claims to the right of self-determination are validated only by the ability to demonstrate early self-awareness and identification as a nation. Neither the purpose nor the assumptions are shared here. Nationalism is not seen to be unilinear, inevitable, or irreversible even though it is most likely to appear as a political force or ideological trend in situations of conflict involving distinct communities. Rather, it remains a fragmented and contingent phenom­ enon: it draws on historical and cultural specificities, but these are not undying, essential characteristics, and their significance can be properly understood only in terms of specific conjunctions of social, economic, political, and institutional factors.20

Seen this way, to speak of Palestinian nationalism is problematic on a number

of counts. Strictly speaking, the collective political reaction of the Arab inhabit­ ants of Palestine to the succession of major events that have affected them since the tum of the century might be termed patriotism-the attachment to patna and resistance to the imposition of alien political control (that is, by people who are culturally distinct) and commonly translated in present-day (Mashriqi) Ara­ bic as

wataniyya

(from

watan,

homeland)-rather than nationalism. The fact

that Palestine had not previously existed as a sovereign or autonomous political entity weakened the tendency to express such resistance in terms of social or cultural commonality among local inhabitants, and led to a greater emphasis on the common territorial component, suggesting that their movement was akin to what Ernest Dawn has described as 'regional patriotism'.21 Palestinians have moreover stressed their commonality, rather than distinctiveness, of culture with neighbouring Arab societies, with which they share language, religion, social custom, and family ties. At the same time, Palestinian patriotism has acquired additional dimensions as a result of its striving for separate statehood. Collective memories, percep­ tions of common injustice, and the sense of belonging to a particular territory provided a basis for turning a latent collectivity into a community, and set Palestinians apart from other Arabs, with whom language. religion, and culture were shared.22 As such their patriotism evolved into a form of ethnicity as they strove to redefine themselves after 1948 in particular, and revealed some of the features of 'proto-nationalism' following the rise of the PLO after 1967, to use Eric Hobsbawm's term for the 'feelings of collective belonging which already existed and which could operate, as it were, potentially on the macro-political scale which could fit in with modem states and nations'.23 This involved some mixture of elements and types, however, as different regions of pre-1948 Arab Palestine and different resident and refugee communities of Palestinian Arabs afterwards experienced significant variations in the material conditions of their existence. Palestinian responses to the direct encounter, first with Zionism and the yishuv up to 1948 and then with Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip after 1967, came closer to a recognizable form of ethno-nationalism, whereas the political evolution of the PLO in Arab exile should more properly

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by seen as state nationalism. The former can also be termed 'experiential' nationalism-the reaction to a lived experience of British and Israeli rule-in contrast to the 'cognitive' nationalism actively propounded and nurtured by the statist PL0.24 This course of evolution is commensurate with the pattern in other Arab societies, where fundamental tensions still persist between the ways in which belonging to the imagined wider Arab nation or to the more narrowly-bound territorial states are conceived.

Qawmi(yya)

(from

qawm,

people) has come

customarily to denote the former, being used to describe pan-Arab nationalist ideology or other phenomena of relevance to all Arab countries, while

qutri(yya) (from qutr,

single territory or country) denotes the territorial state.25

There is another polemical debate here, as the selection of terminology may be regarded as an attempt to deny the existence of an all-embracing Arab nation or to assert territorial states more distinctively as nation-states. What has emerged in individual countries, particularly of the Mashriq (Arab East), is something of a halfway house: the national state, rather than the nation-state.26 Other poten­ tial bases for ethnicity, such as language and religion, may continue to operate and compete within its framework and may indeed contest it, but the broad pattern since World War Two, if not earlier, has been the attempt to construct national states and inculcate what may be termed state-patriotism or country­ nationalism, which is both particularistic and territorially-bound. However, what matters ultimately is not the particular typology of nationalism but the structures, discourse, and politics through which the inclusion and mobilization of a substantial majority of the target population, or at least of significant sectors within it, may be attained.27

This book argues that much the same processes have been underway among the Palestinians, the key determinant being the degree to which statist political structures have asserted their symbolic legitimacy and consolidated their social control. This is not to argue that the Palestinians have in fact formed either a fully distinct national community or a sovereign territorial state. Nor is it to suggest that their movement towards a distinctive national character is either inevitable or irreversible; to the contrary, it is contingent on the consolidation of their statist enterprise and on the terms of their interaction with neighbouring populations and political systems. Rather, the purpose of the comparison with other Arab cases is to underline the feasibility of understanding and explaining Palestinian history in terms of wider human experience. It also confirms that the different typologies of nationalism are neither mutually exclusive nor relate to each other necessarily in a fixed order of hierarchy or historic sequence. Far from it, as the Palestinian case reveals the degree to which ethnic and territorial forms of nationalism may in fact overlap in space and time within the same group; co-exist simultaneously but in separate social or geographic spheres (especially for a fragmented or diaspora community); or alternate from one to the other in different historic phases involving fundamentally different material and cultural circumstances.28 That

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said, the text will refer generally to Palestinian 'nationalism' (as well as proto-nationalism where specifically appropriate), while keeping these various qualifications firmly in mind.

A Note on Sources The historical reconstruction presented in this book is based predominantly on five categories of primary sources. First are the publications issued by the PLO and the various Palestinian guerilla groups in exile (and by the communists and Islamists in the Israeli-occupied territories) articulating their political pro­ grammes, military strategies, and, in some cases, social ideologies to their membership and mass constituency alike. Given the intense competition for adherents (and external backing), no guerilla group was without at least one political weekly, and several also published their own soldiers' magazines, besides a variety of reports, yearbooks, and non-periodical statements or pam­ phlets containing texts of speeches and other public messages. I was able to acquire a significant amount of non-periodical publications, and to view others, along with largely complete series of most of the principal periodicals (and random samplings of many lesser ones), held by various libraries and individuals. The second category consists of publications produced by the various guer­ rilla groups for internal consumption. These include party conference reports, circulars to the membership commenting on current events and defining gen­ eral tasks, 'educational' material (political and ideological indoctrination), rules of membership and organizational statutes, and security, training, and other military manuals (the latter are not cited in the Bibliography). Originally in­ tended for members only, and therefore meant to be confidential, a substantial quantity of this literature was effectively in the public domain. As with the first category, I was able to acquire a substantial number of such publications, and to view an additional number in various libraries and private collections. This applies mainly to material published by the guerrilla groups in exile, but also includes a sizeable representative sample of publications by the Palestinian communists and Islamists. Third are archival documents relating to military and organizational affairs, and statistical data on 'martyrs' and prisoners. Viewing these was not straight­ forward. An inevitable consequence of conflict and repeated exile was the physical destruction of many official (and private) collections, whether by en­ emy fire or as a precaution to prevent confidential material from falling into enemy hands. In some cases forced exile meant that valuable documents (from an academic point of view) were in another country, beyond the reach even of the persons in whose care or possession they had originally been. Nonetheless, I was fortunate to gain access to the military archive of PLO chairman Yasir Arafat, the logbook of the PLO central operations room, parts of the archive

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of the Palestine Liberation Army and its intelligence branch, and the com­ puterized records of the PLO' s Social Affairs Institution in Amman, Jordan. The first two sources provided detailed information on battles waged by PLO forces in 1976-86; the third offered revealing insight both to internal PLO relations and to PLO relations with Arab host states in 1964-73; while the last gave further depth with basic social data for a sample of some 4,500 martyrs and over 8,000 prisoners in Israeli jails. The fourth category comprises books and articles written by active or former members of Palestinian organizations in their individual capacity. These vary from memoirs and other personal accounts, through ideological treatises, po­ lemical debates, and operational analyses, to reports in public periodicals on party conferences, battles, and other events by observer-participants. Besides revealing the opinions, assumptions, and advocacy of their authors (or re­ porting those of interlocutors) and occasionally providing factual information, these texts present a valuable record of the key issues and debates of their period. Much of the material was published in

Shu'un Filastiniyya

(Palestinian

Affairs), the monthly journal published by the PLO Research Centre in 1971-93, while the independent

Dirasat "Arabiyya

(Arab Studies) was a useful source of

articles by Arab nationalist and leftist authors, especially in the 1960s and 1970s. In some cases, however, the personal accounts and diaries cited in this book remain unpublished, and were viewed by kind permission of their authors. Last of the primary sources, but by no means least, are interviews with active and former participants in the Palestinian national movement. They include the interviews I conducted over a period of 15 years starting in October 1981, with members of the PLO military and civilian rank-and-file and a smaller selection of Arab government officials and army or intelligence officers, totalling some 400 in all. To these are added the large number of interviews with PLO and Arab leaders and officials published in the Arabic-language and foreign press. The bibliography contains a list of the interviews that I conducted, but for the most part citations for press interviews appear only in the endnotes. The main exceptions in the latter case are the extensive interviews with leading PLO figures, and the transcripts of seminars and panel discussions also involving senior officials, published in

Shu'un Filastiniyya,

the journal

of Palestine Studies,

and other journals. These are cited in the Bibliography. The use of oral history sources has potential limitations, some serious, and so requires a brief comment. These include the effects of weak or selective memory, lack or imprecision of concrete historical detail, ideologically-driven portrayal of past events, personal self-promotion, and adaptation or outright distortion of responses in accordance either with the perceived aims and preju­ dices of the interviewer or with the current political agenda of the interviewee. To avoid or minimize these risks I repeated a number of interviews and restruc­ tured others, cross-checked accounts given by different interviewees, requested explanation of conflicting narratives, and at times directly challenged accounts I knew to be inaccurate. I also strove whenever possible not to use interviews

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as the sole source of any item of fact or interpretation. I have cited specific interviews in those cases where I could not provide corroboration from other sources, and indicated any reservations I might have in the text or endnotes. That said, although oral history generally lacks the contemporaneity of official documents, and therefore some of their narrative veracity, it allowed me to study the ·anthropology' of the PLO-its internal relations and informal prac­ tices-and to compensate partially for the lack or inaccessibility of crucial documents-predictably in a guerrilla movement that either failed to commit key decisions and debates to paper, or else kept its most important documents secret-in order to reconstruct a credible 'inside story'. The Arabic press was an important adjunct to the primary sources men­ tioned above. Not only did it carry statements by a variety of PLO and Arab officials and provide inside information and analysis on current events at a level of detail unavailable in most foreign media, but it also helped me both to situate events and debates in the Palestinian arena in their local and regional context, and to place narratives relayed in interviews or official documents (when un­ dated) in correct chronological order. To view more than a few Arabic newspa­ pers first-hand would have been excessively laborious and repetitive, but the PLO Research Centre and the (independent) Institute for Palestine Studies published immensely useful yearbooks, documentary compilations, and chro­ nologies based on press sources in 1964-81. They also issued daily and monthly compilations of translations from the Israeli Hebrew-language media in 1975-

82, a task taken on by the Cyprus-based al-Manar Press in 1983-90. The Arab Report and Record and the Middle East Contemporary Survey (previously the Middle East Record) provided valuable additional coverage of both the Arabic and non­ Arabic press, while the chronological sections in Shu'un Filastiniyya, the journal of Palestine Studies, and the Middle East journal offered an instant reference source for daily events and spared me much tedious labour.

Finally, I should note that I have adopted the system of Arabic transliteration used by the Internationaljournal ofMiddle East Studies. However, I have omitted diacritical marks except for the ayn () and hamza ( ) , which I have transliterated '

wherever they occur in a word. Given the large number of Arabic sources cited in this book, and for the sake of consistency, I have applied the same system to the original Arabic names of most persons and places, with the inevitable exceptions. So although I have transliterated Hussein to Husayn, Gemayyel to

jmayyil, and Chamoun to Sham·un, for example, I have kept common Western spellings of North African names (such as Houari Boumediene, al-Habib Bourguiba, Chazli Benjedid) and Christian names (such as George, Camille, and Charles). The most important exceptions, however, are my use of Arafat (in­ stead of ·Arafat) and Fateh (instead ofFath). I have also retained the Anglicized names of countries, capitals, and better known cities: for example, Beirut and Sidon rather than Bayrut and Sayda. I have also defined Arabic terms where they first appear in the text, and provide a glossary of them at the beginning of the book.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To produce a work of such magnitude would have been impossible without the cooperation and support along the way of many individuals and a number of institutions. My greatest debt is to the hundreds of persons who gave up their time to be interviewed, often more than once. They were invariably courteous and hospitable, and tolerated my persistent questioning with good grace. Simi­ larly forebearing were their colleagues and families, who cheerfully put up with my intrusion into their offices and living rooms and supplied seemingly endless rounds of Arabic coffee, sweet tea, and soft drinks or pressed me to join their meals. It came as a pleasant surprise to discover how willing nearly all my interlocutors were, not only to speak about past events, but for the most part to do so with greater candour than I had reason to expect and, in many cases, to

commit their memories to tape rather than notebook alone.

My thanks go, too, to the persons who introduced me to interviewees, hunted for telephone numbers, located publications, and shared their detailed knowledge of the inner workings of the PLO. They are many, but I am espe­

cially grateful to eAbd-al-Fattah al-jayyusi, formerly aide to Fateh co-founder and PLO deputy military commander Khalil al-Wazir, and Mahjub eUmar,

formerly deputy director of the PLO Planning Centre. Fateh central committee member Yahya (Sakhr) Habash also gave me useful introductions and the repeated use of his offices in Tunis to hold interviews, while his assistants Marwan and Trad increased the debt I owed by acting as my PLO telephone directory and by helping with the copying of tapes, notes, and documents. Muhammad Hamza, aide to Khalil al-Wazir until the latter's assassination in April 1988, helped with introductions and gave me privileged insight into the internal relations of the Fateh leadership and its organization in the Israeli­ occupied territories, and deepened my understanding of Wazir's unique char­ acter and special role. Nizar eAmmar did the same in relation to the Fateh and PLO security agencies and Salah Khalaf, PLO security chief until his assassina­ tion in January 1991, introduced me to additional interviewees, and gave me use of his office to meet them. Samih Shbib arranged meetings with senior PLF cadres, and, as a historian, reciprocated my enthusiasm for the research and shared detailed knowledge of the PLF with me. A book of this nature would have been lacking without archival documents. In 1988 PLO chairman Arafat gave me free access to his military archive at Hammam al-Shat (Tunis), and to records of the PLO central operations room. I wish to note especially the efficient and friendly assistance of the head of his office, Sami Musallam, and archivists Abu Nasir, jihad, eAzmi, Abu Hasan, and Ghassan. I am also indebted to the chairman for invitations to attend several

Acknowledgements

xix

PLO and Fateh conferences in 1987-9 1. These provided a rare opportunity to meet, assembled in one place, large numbers of ranking officials and officers of all political affiliations, and I became a familiar part of the conference landscape as I conducted my interviews with delegates. In Cairo, Brig. •Abd-al-Hay •Abd­ al-Wahid opened a veritable treasure trove by allowing me to view military and intelligence archives of the Palestine Liberation Army. I also enjoyed valuable access to the computerized records of the PLO's Social Affairs Institution thanks to the director of its Amman office, Wahid Mtayr, and his senior assistant Abu Rami. I was also privileged to have extensive access to a number of PLO leaders who were willing to act repeatedly as sounding boards for my evolving thoughts, even when these led me to question the political, organizational, and military practices and structures that they had done much to put into place. My special appreciation goes to the late Khalil al-Wazir, whom I offended deeply with an article (published in Shu'un Filastiniyya in autumn 1985) that aimed particularly harsh criticism at Palestinian military activity, for much of which he was directly responsible. Yet his home and office remained open to me at all times, and he gave my book project, when I told him of it, sight unseen, his enthusiastic and unconditional endorsement in the remaining eight months of his life. Former DFLP military commander Mamduh Nawfal similarly devoted many hours over the years to interviews and discussions, and both he and Fateh central committee member Mahmud ·Abbas allowed me to view their unpub­ lished narrative accounts of various historical episodes. My stint in the Palestin­ ian delegation to the peace talks with Israel in 199 1-4, during which I helped negotiate the Gaza-Jericho implementation agreement and its security proto­ col, gave me additional access to PLO political and military leaders and valuable insight to their ways of thinking and operation. Thanks are also due to Sabri Jiryis, editor of Shu'un Filastiniyya, for the opportunity to air my often critical views of Palestinian politics and military action, and so to elicit responses from a wider audience. I owe a lasting debt to all the above. Some will no doubt take exception to my representation and interpretation of the struggle to which they gave so much, or object to specific aspects of the factual reconstruction in this book, but I hope they will also identify with much in it and be encouraged, or if necessary provoked, into producing their own historical accounts. In any case I am confident that they see the validity, indeed the necessity, of recording and analysing the past in all its dimensions. Only one potential interviewee, a former military commander of the PFLP, refused completely to speak to me on the grounds that my research would 'serve the enemy'. The majority of inter­ viewees, conversely, saw this as a spurious argument that condemned the Palestinians, alone of all the protagonists, to ignorance about their own struggle and about the causes of their failures and successes. They accepted the need for a critical reappraisal, even when their conviction in the justice of their cause and the legitimacy of their means remained unshaken. For their part general readers

xx

Acknowledgements

will, I hope, see that, rather than prevent dispassionate analysis, empathy with the subject allows greater insight and explanatory power if combined with a critical approach. That said, I admit to two failings that cause me particular concern. Most serious is that the history contained in this book is dominated entirely by males. This is not surprising, as coercion, especially possession of the instruments of war, remains a masculine domain, no less so among the Palestinians. The corollary is male domination of political processes and organizational struc­ tures, and of the nationalist narrative. Yet feminine narratives exist, and I am at fault for not doing enough to elicit them, although much pioneering work has been done by others. The second failing is the weak representation of the smaller guerrilla groups in my sources, especially the interviews and archival documents. This is largely because the combination of PLO-Syrian tensions and Palestinian-Shi'a clashes in the 1980s, followed by my involvement in the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks in 1991-4, made it impractical for me, and at times unsafe, to visit Lebanon and Syria, where these groups were based. However, I should add that their senior members were unresponsive to my attempts to make up for this shortcoming with the help of written question­ naires and research assistants, and eluded my requests for interviews when I met them in other countries. The resulting emphasis in the narrative on Fateh, and to a lesser degree on the PFLP and DFLP, is not unfair to historical reality, but the (partial) absence of certain voices is no less regrettable for that. My acknowledgement of debts owed would not be complete without added mention of the generous help of chief librarians in several institutions, who made it possible for me to peruse such complete collections of PLO publica­ tions, especially periodicals. My thanks go above all to Muna Nsuli of the Institute for Palestine Studies (Beirut), who supplied me with missing texts and references over the years and went beyond the calls of duty and friendship to add sources of which I had not thought or been aware, and who kept me up to date on the library's latest acquisitions. I am also grateful to Majid al-Zubaydi and Diane Ring, librarians respectively of the PLO Research Centre (Nicosia) and the Middle East Centre at St Antony's College (Oxford), for their assistance, especially in locating PLO pamphlets. I owe no less a debt to Haim Gal, librarian at the Moshe Dayan Center at Tel Aviv University-which houses an impressive collection of Palestinian and Arab periodicals-whose knowledge of the material and interest in the topic greatly facilitated my work. Palestinians joke wryly that God created them a dispersed people, and so it was natural for my research to take me to many cities, in many countries across four continents, in pursuit of archives, libraries, and interviewees. I could not have managed without the help of the numerous friends who gave me a bed, house-key, and the run of their kitchens whenever I needed, and kept me up to date with the latest political gossip. Their warm hospitality and companionship made me feel at home wherever I was and for however long, and made my task far more pleasant and enjoyable than it might have been. To all I give my love

Acknowledgements

xxi

and gratitude, but my debt is greatest to my cousin Haifa and her husband Hasan Salih, who made doing my research rounds even easier thanks to the frequent loan of their car, and to Khalid al-Jayyusi, who, only a day after we first met in 1984, became my host for the next two months and my friend ever since. The hospitality of friends was all the more valuable since my book project was, for the most part, self-financed. Thanks are nonetheless due to the Diana Tamari-Sabbagh Foundation for awarding the initial grant of $10,000 that en­ abled me to start active research and writing in 1985. It is in accordance with the terms of the grant that copyright belongs to the Institute of Palestine Studies, which kindly awarded me the additional grant of $3,000. Besides acknowledg­ ing their material support, I wish to thank both bodies for their scrupulous respect for my complete intellectual independence as the author of this work. A Small Personal Research Grant from the British Academy, though for a different project, was also instrumental in allowing me to conduct research relevant to the book in Cairo, and, as an unexpected bonus, to consult the

archives of the Palestine Liberation Army. Finally, I should note that some of

the material in the book has also appeared in articles in the Middle East journal (Vol. 45, No. 4, Autumn 1991; and Vol. 46, No. 2, Spring 1992),

journal of Middle East Studies (Vol. 30) No. 1, Dirasat al-Filastiniyya (No. 11, Summer 1992).

International Majallat al­

February 1998, and

I owe another debt, this one scholarly, to the friends and colleagues who commented on various parts of the book while in draft form. Special apprecia­ tion must go to the publisher's anonymous readers, whose comments on successive drafts were both useful and encouraging, if justifiably demanding. Husayn Agha and Ahmad Khalidi read the entire manuscript, Anne Enayat a much earlier draft of it, Rex Brynen Parts Three and Four, Paul Lalor an earlier version of the account up to 1970, Salim Tamari and Khalil Hindi the various chapters dealing with my analytical framework, the occupied territories, and PLO state-building in exile, and Fawwaz Trabulsi the penultimate draft chap­ ters on the Lebanese conflict of 1975-6. Burrus Abu-Manneh, Qays Pirro, Israel Gershoni, Ahmad Khalifa, Yossi Nevo, Roger Owen, Rosemary Sayigh, and Avi Shlaim all read the final version of the Introduction, Chapter One, and Con­ clusion. Moshe Shemesh commented on a combined draft of Chapters Four and Five, and provided me with documents and references relating to PLO­ Egyptian relations in the mid-1960s, while Yossi Nevo and Lamia Radi shared their draft chapters on the Palestinian old elite with me. I also benefited from, and enjoyed, discussing the politics of patronage in the PLO with Rex Brynen and Palestinian political sociology with both him and Rosemary Sayigh, the Palestinian Left with Ahmad Khalifa and Khalil Hindi, the PLO experience in Lebanon with Fawwaz Trabulsi, Egyptian-PLO relations in 1964-7 with Moshe Shemesh, the origins of Palestinian nationalism with Ilan Pappe, and the defini­ tion of terrorism with Anat Kurz. It is my failing that I did not seek such scholarly assistance more extensively, and at an earlier stage, but I am deeply grateful for the detailed comments and constructive criticism that I did receive.

xxii

Acknowledgements

I owe one further scholarly debt, if unrelated to this book. This is to three teachers. Hanna Batatu, whose critical guidance at the American University of B eirut in 1979-8 1 prompted me to become a disciplined reader and encouraged my natural passion for social history, although the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 then set me on a different course altogether for many years. He hon­ oured me way beyond my due or ability at that time by inviting me to collabo­ rate with him on his major new research project on Syria, a task I would approach with great trepidation even now, but which I am proud to have been offered. Lawrence Freedman, my doctoral supervisor at King's College London in 1983-7, has always given me his unstinting endorsement. His genuine sup­ port, along with that (especially) ofRobert O'Neill of All Souls' College, Oxford and my colleagues at the University of Cambridge, has done more than they know to remind me that there is yet an academic community which does not stop at ethnic boundaries. Last in chronological order, but by no means least otherwise, Roger Owen was not my teacher in the formal sense yet willingly commented on the doctoral thesis of someone to whom he had no personal tie or professional obligation, and has gone on doing so as a friend, host, and colleague ever since. For a publisher to produce a book, especially one this size, takes conviction, if not courage. I am especially grateful to OUP editor Tim Barton, whose faith in the book remained unshaken over the years as my other commitments, requests from readers for changes, and my own sweeping revisions of narrative focus and conceptual framework imposed repeated delays. His task was ably completed by his successor, Dominic Byatt, assistant editor Sophie Ahmad and copy-editor Lynn Childress, and for their capable and friendly handling of the manuscript I am truly grateful. My professional and scholarly acknowledgements are done, but two per­ sonal statements remain. In its own way, first. this book is a tribute to those relatives and friends who contributed in various ways to the making of the history it contains. To my father Yusif, johns Hopkins graduate and professor of economics who was head of the Syrian National Party branch in mandate Palestine and a key official of the Arab Higher Committee's national fund (Bayt al-Mal), until being taken prisoner of war by Israeli forces in 1948 and sent into permanent exile from his country of birth a year later; who has been a member of the Palestine National Council since the mid- 1960s and of the PLO executive committee in 1968-74, established the PLO Planning Centre in 1968, and headed the Palestine National Fund in 1971-4; and who overcame his emotional and political misgivings to follow where intellectual reason led and do what he saw as his professional and national obligation, by leading the Palestinian delegation to the working group on economic development in the multilateral peace talks with Israel in 1992-3 and by negotiating the overall international assistance programme to the nas­ cent Palestinian Authority following the signing of the Oslo accord. To my mother Rosemary, Somerville College (Oxford) graduate and sociologist who

Acknowledgements

xxiii

made the Arab countries her home nearly five decades ago and accepted all that came with bearing children who saw themselves as Palestinian, but who was also much more, as a founding member of the 5th of ]une Society in 1967, as a pioneering researcher and author on Palestinian women and on gender and nationalism in the refugee camps, and always as a stubborn wimess on behalf of the victims. From my parents I have learnt five things that, perhaps more than anything else, make me who I am: to be honest with myself, to regard all human beings as equal, to give my all in love and work, to be self-confident and self-reliant, and to be willing always to learn. To my late uncle Fayiz, Georgetown University graduate and professor of political science who, as a member of the PLO executive committee and founder of its academic Research Centre in the mid-1960s, was the target of an abortive abduction scheme by the Israeli Massad, before moving to New York and playing a critical role in the Arab diplomatic group at the United Nations until his death in 1980, and whose intricate memory for text I could never emulate. To my late uncle Munir, the American University of Beirut graduate and physician who rose at 5 a.m. to make the long journey from Beirut to the UNRWA clinics in the 'Ayn al-Hilwa and Miyya-wa-Miyya refugee camps near Sidon, every working day for the last 21 years of his life, and who helped pass on to me the Sayigh love for teasing. To my uncle Anis, Pembroke College (Cambridge) graduate and historian, who directed the PLO Research Centre in 1966-74 and in the process survived a Massad rocket attack and a bombing before losing three fingers and part of his sight and hearing to a letter-bomb in 1972, but remains as defiant as ever, and who introduced me to the world of publishing and academic journalism and contributed hugely to my stamp col­ lection. To my late grandfather, the reverend 'Abdullah, who helped re-knit Palestinian social relations in exile through his church, who bore with fortitude the loss of my grandmother Afifa so soon after the forced exodus from Tiberias in 1948 and the loss of two sons in the next two decades, and who thoughtfully kept sweets in his jacket pocket for inquisitive grandchildren to discover. To my late uncle Tawfiq, American University of Beirut graduate and one-time Harvard student, teacher of Arabic literature at Cambridge and Berkeley, trans­ lator of T. S. Eliot, and most importantly poet, by whose intensity, romanti­ cism, willingness to court controversy, and mischievous sense of humour

I

hope to have been influenced. To the late uncle I hardly knew, Fu'ad, another graduate of the American University of Beirut and an engineer, and to my uncle Michel, the mechanical supervisor, who helped separately to build another Arab country, Iraq. To aunt Mary, the unsung hero (and great cook) who abandoned hopes of a university education to be mother to her brothers after Afifa died. To my aunt Clemence, who carries on 'Abdullah's work through her church, and who has my admiration for her indomitable cheerfulness in the face of adversity and also my thanks for taking us to see Tarzan films on Sunday. To Hilda, university lecturer in Arabic, and Arlene, Utah graduate, for believing and being willing to bear the price. I admire them all for keeping the

xxiv

Acknowledgements

idea of Palestine alive, even though I regard myself firmly as a post-nationalist. It is in that spirit that I also offer this book to the second generation: my sister Joumana, brother Faris, and our cousins, all of whom took part in the struggle in one way or another, or tried to. The book is a tribute, too, to two more families. To the Jabras, who took me into their home in Baghdad in 1974-5 as son and brother, but especially to jabra Ibrahim Jabra, who flattered me immensely by incorporating some of my own brushes with life and death in one of his novels about Palestine, and who taught me how to make pickles. And to Aziz Halime, his parents, seven siblings, and grandmother who, like many other families in Shatila refugee camp and else­ where, spent the first nine years after 1948 in a single tent and the next eight in the tin shack that replaced it, but who have never let the violence of others or the lack of means destroy their spirit. There have been many victims in the conflict over Palestine, and all are equally deserving of sympathy and respect, as are those who have had to live most intimately with their loss. But it detracts nothing from this if, lastly, I pay a special tribute to those of my own friends who lived through the struggle, and to those who died in it. The living know who they are, but among the dead my special affection goes to Ahmad, Tony, Sa'd, George, 'Atif, Samir and Gharam and their two children, 'Ali, Basim, and, in a parallel struggle, that of the kurds, Anwar. I have journeyed far since we first met, politically and intellectually, and some disagree with me (or would if they were still alive) , but I am proud never to have lost their trust or friendship. They are as close to me now as then, and I love and miss them all. To return to the beginning, finally, my thanks go to Liz, whose love and support accompanied the making of this book at every stage from inception to completion . I thank her for enduring my frequent absences with such good cheer, for giving me early critical input that did so much to improve my writing style, and for acting as a sounding board and helping me to see what I was trying to say on so many occasions. She may find it hard to believe, but it was her patience that helped me most. She will more certainly know what I mean when I say that it is through her that I have bridged my two cultural worlds, and that I have balanced my collective and individual persona. To her, and to our children Serine and Yusif, I additionally dedicate this book.

Cambridge May 1 99 7

Y.S.

CONTENTS

Abbreviations Glossary ofArabic Terms Maps Genealogical Diagram Introduction: A Historical Framework

I. Searching for Palestine, 1949-1966 1. Why Palestinian Nationalism? The Social, Economic, and Political Context after 1948 2. Palestinians in Arab Uniform 3 . Rebirth of the Palestinian National Movement 4. The Watershed 5. Challenges of the Armed Struggle

I I . Years of Revolution, 1967-1972 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 1 1. 12.

Transforming Defeat into Opportunity Carving out the Guerrilla Sanctuary Guerrilla War in Theory and Practice The Making of the Palestinian Political System Dual Power End of a Myth Interregnum

Ill. The State-in-Exile, 1973-1982

xxvii

xxix

XXXV

xlii

1 25

35 58 71 95 112 1 43 155 1 74 195 217 243 262 282 319

13. At the Crossroads 14. The Lebanese Crisis 15. The Struggle for Lebanon

329 3 58 3 73

16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

392 410 424 447 464

Ambition Frustrated, Sanctuary Preserved A Ceasefire, Not a Truce Rearguard Action The 'Fakhani Republic' Extending the State-in-Exile or Capturing It?

xxvi

Contents

21.

No Lull before the Storm

495

22.

The Lebanon War

522

IV. Squaring the Circle: Statehood into Autonomy, 1983-1993 Assaulting the State-in-Exile from Within Struggle Within, Struggle Without 2 5 . Intifada to the Rescue

545

23.

551

24.

574

26.

The Road to Oslo

Conclusion

Notes Bibliography Index

607 638 663 693 843 913

A B BREV I ATIONS

AAL

Arab Army of Lebanon

ADF AHC

Arab Deterrent Force Arab Higher Committee

ALP

Arab Liberation Front

ANM AOLP APG

Arab Nationalists Movement Action Organization for the Liberation of Palestine

ASAP

ASP ASU

All Palestine Government Arab Socialist Action Party Arab Security Force Arab Socialist Union

BSO CENTO DA

Black September Organization Central Treaty Organization

DFLP Fateh Fateh-PC

Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine Palestinian National Liberation Movement Fateh-Provisional Command

Fateh-RC Fida FLN GFTU GiE GUPS Ham as JCP LCAO LNM NA NGC PAC PASC

Fateh-Revolutionary Command Palestinian Democratic Movement Front de Liberation Nationale General Federation of Trade Unions

Democratic Alliance

Government-in-Exile General Union of Palestine Students Islamic Resistance Movement Jordanian Communist Party Lebanese Communist Action Organization Lebanese Nationalist Movement National Alliance National Guidance Committee Palestinian Action Command

PCP

Palestine Armed Struggle Command Palestinian Communist Organization Palestinian Communist Organization in Lebanon Palestinian Communist Party

PCWP

Palestinian Communist Workers' Party

PDFLP PF-GC

Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command

PCO PCOL

Popular Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine

PFLP

Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine

PLA

Palestine Liberation Army

xxviii

Abbreviations

PLF

Palestinian Liberation Front

PLF / PLA

Popular Liberation Forces (Palestine Liberation Army)

PLF-PR

Palestine Liberation Front-Path of Return Palestine Liberation Organization Palestine National Council Palestinian National Front

PLO PNC PNF PNF PNLA PNO

Palestine National Fund Palestinian National Liberation Army

POPL PPSF

Popular Organization for the Liberation of Palestine Palestinian Popular Struggle Front

PRCS

Palestinian Red Crescent Society

PSP RCC RPCP

Progressive Socialist Party Revolutionary Command Council

RPFLP SLA UAC

Revolutionary Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine South Lebanon Army

UNRWA

United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East

UPO

Unified Palestinian Organization

Popular Nasirite Organization

Revolutionary Palestinian Communist Party

Unified Arab Command

GLOSSARY O F ARA B I C TERMS

Abna' Filastin fi al-jamta Sons of Palestine at University Abtal aVAwda Heroes of Return Afwaj al-Muqawama al-Lubnaniyya Regiments of Lebanese Resistance aliyah ascension •amal fida'i guerrilla action ·amal jamahiri mass action commander amir security of delegates (envoys abroad) amn al-mandubin partisans ansar al-·aqlaniyyun rationalists Arabs of Palestine ·Arab Filastin ·asabiyya primordial allegiance al-·Asifa The Storm a·yan notables reprehensible innovation bid•a bilad al-sham lands of 'natural' Syria Special Course al-Dawra al-Khassa dawrat ta'hil qualification course dawriyya mutarada fugitive patrol fard ·ayn religious duty fasa'il (guerrilla) groups Fath al-Islam Islamic Fateh Fawj al-Tahrir al-Filastini Palestinian Liberation Regiment fawq al-sifr wa taht al-tawrit above zero, but below entanglement faz•a call to arms, alarm fi'at sha'biyya popular categories (low-income social groups) fida'iyyun guerrillas, men of sacrifice division among believers firqa fitna dissension, dissent Knights of Badr (the full moon) Fursan Badr al-Futuwwa Youth ghawarna inhabitants of the jordan Rift Valley esoteric knowledge al-ghayb hadith discourse sayings (of the Prophet) halaqa (pl. halaqat) circle feebleness halhala

xxx

Glossary

hamula clan, extended family al-Haraka al-Lubnaniyya al-Musanida li-Fath Lebanese Movement in Support of Fateh Harakat al-Jihad al-Islami Islamic Jihad Movement Harakat al-Jihad al-Islami-Bayt al-Maqdis Islamic Jihad MovementHouse of the Holy Islamic Resistance MoveHarakat al-Muqawama al-Islamiyya (Hamas) ment (Hamas) Harakat al-Qawmiyyin al-'Arab Arab Nationalists Movement Harakat al-Shabiba Youth Movement Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini (Path) Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Fateh) harb al-tahrir liberation war harb wiqa'iyya preventive war hashd massing hasm 'askari military decision Hay'at Muqawamat al-Sulh rna' lsra'il Committee for Resistance to Peace with Israel hay'at sha'biyya popular bodies hizb (pl. ahzab) (political) party idara mahaliyya local administration consensus ijma subordination (to make into an appendage) ilhaq (subordinate) attachment iltisaqiyya infilash lax organization infitah opening up al-in'izal al-shu'uri sensory isolation contraction inkimash uprising intifada region iqlim persuasion iqna' improvisation irtijal reform, reconciliation islah isti'radiyya ostentation, demonstration istizlam clientelism al-Ittijah al-Islami Islamic Direction izdiwajiyya duality izdiwajiyyat al-sulta duality of power (or authority) jabha musanida support front Jabhat al-'Amal Action Front Jabhat Filastin al-Muslima Muslim Palestine Front Jabhat al-Qiwa al-Rafida li al-Hulul al-Istislamiyya Front of Forces Rejecting Capitulationist Solutions Jabhat al-Tahrir al-Filastiniyya Palestinian Liberation Front

Glossary

xxxi

Jabhat Tahrir Filastin-Tariq aVAwda Palestine-Liberation Front-Path of Return jahiliyya age of ignorance (pre-Islam), non-Islamic society al-Jama'a al-Islamiyya Islamic Group janah (pl. ajniha) wing janah munshaq dissenting wing (faction) Jaysh al-Inqadh al-'Arabi Arab Salvation Army jaysh al-jihad al-muqaddas Army of the Holy War jiftlik tax farm (in Ottoman empire) holy war, struggle jihad Jihaz al-Amn wa al-Ma'lumat Security and Information Apparatus Jihaz al-Amn al-Muwahhad Unified Security Apparatus al-jihaz al-khas special apparatus al-jihaz al-sirri secret apparatus Kata'ib al-Fida' al-'Arabi Battalions of Arab Sacrifice Kata'ib Muhammad Battalions of Muhammad Katibat al-Haq Battalion of Right kayan entity khaliyya (pl. khalaya) cell khalkhala undermining al-Khidma al-Khassa Special Service khususiyya characteristic refugee laji'(-un) lijan manatiq regional (area) committees al-Lijan al-Qawmiyya National Committees lijnat al-mutaba'a follow-up committee al-Mafraza al-Filastiniyya Palestinian Detachment commandos maghawir al-majal al-'askari al-khariji external military sphere trend calling for power to 'popular councils' majalisiyya al-majanin madmen Majd Hamas intelligence arm majlis shura consultative council majlis al-shuyukh council of elders majmu'a squad al-Majmu'a 1 6 Group 1 6 majmu'at al-maghariba Maghribi group majmu'at al-ruwwad

pioneers' group

Maktab al-Dabita al-Fida'iyya Guerrilla Control Bureau Maktab al-Irshad al-'Am general guidance bureau Maktab Shu'un al-Urdun Jordan Affairs Bureau mantaqa (pl. manatiq) marakiz qiwa al-Markaz

area

power centres The Centre

xxxii

Glossary

mazaj

whim (temperament)

mihna

strife

miskh

freak National Charter (pan-Arab)

al-Mithaq al-Qawmi

National Charter (Palestinian) al-Mithaq al-Watani Mu'assassat al-Ashbal wa al-Zahrat Lioncubs and Flowers Institution mufawwad 'am

general delegate

Mufawwadiyyat al-Rasd al-Thawri

Revolutionary Surveillance Directorate

Mufawwadiyyat al-Watan al-Muhtal

Directorate for the Occupied Home-

land mujahid(un)

holy warriors The Islamic Complex

al-Mujamma' al-Islami mukhtar

headman

Munazzamat al-jabha al-Dimuqratiyya-Majd

Democratic Front's Or-

ganization Revenge Youth Organization

Munazzamat Shabab al-Tha'r al-munfalishun

the 'lax ones'

al-Muqawama al-Sha'biyya murshid ruhi

Popular Resistance

spiritual guide

musayyir umur al-jaysh

conductor of army affairs

capitulationist

mutakhazil

mutamawwil

capitalist resident, citizen

muwarin(-un)

outbidding, outdoing The Sword-Bearers (youth movement in mandate Palestine,

muzayada al-Najjada

political party in Lebanon)

nakba

catastrophe

na'ra iqlimiyya

particularistic prejudice, regionalism

al-Nizam al-Dakhili

Internal Statutes

al-Nizam al-Khas qawa'id

Special Order

bases

qawa'id irtikaziyya (sing. qa'idat irtikaz) qawa'id thawriyya

qawm(-i, -iyya) qishra

revolutionary bases national, nationalist

crust Palestinian Section

al-Qism al-Filastini qita'

secure support base

sheikhs' bases

qawa'id al-shuyukh

sector Central Sector

al-Oita' al-Awsat

Western Sector

al-Qita' al-Gharbi Qita' Nusur al-'Arqub

Eagles of 'Arqub Sector

al-qiyada al-markaziyya qiyada yawmiyya qiyadat 'amal

central leadership

daily command action command

Glossary

xxxi i i

qiyadat al-dakhil inside command qiyadat iqlim regional command country qutr(-i, -iyya) (pl. aqtar) Mounted Force al-Quwwa al-Mahmula forces, brigade quwwat Quwwat al-Ansar Partisan Forces Quwwat al-Tahrir al-Sha'biyya Popular Liberation Forces monitoring raqaba ruh al-irtizaq mercenary spirit Fundamentalists Salafiyyun sanjaq district (in Ottoman empire) Saraya al-Jihad al-Islami-Saja Companies o f Islamic Jihad-Saja al-sawa'id al-ramiya the 'throwing arms' sayf al-din sword of Islam Youth of the Aqsa Shabab al-Aqsa Shabab al-Tha'r Revenge Youth martyrdom shahada shakhasiyyat 'amma public figures shari'a Islamic law shilaliyya cliquism shirk polytheism shuoa (p. shu'ab) branch al-Shuoa al-Khassa Special Branch Shuoat al-Ta'bi'a wa al-Tawjih al-Ma'nawi

Mobilization and Moral Guidance Branch essential and undying feature sifa asila lazima la tazul formula sigha Sufiyyun The Sufis Suhub al-Jahim Clouds of Fire sulh reconciliation (peace) sulta authority, power sumud steadfastness al-Tabligh wa al-Da'wa Mission and Call tadwil internationalization tafakkuk disarticulation (coming apart) al-tafjir al-rnutasalsil consecutive, or successive detonation tafrigh to place on the payroll mandate tafwid al-tafwid al-siyasi political guidance, commissariat tahjirn cutting down to size Tahrir Filastin Liberation of Palestine ta'ifat al-ghadr treacherous community (sect) Tajammu' 'Ulama' Filastin Assembly ofJurists of Palestine tajawuz(-at)

excess

xxx.iv

Glossary

tajyish regularization (turning into an army) taj dhir radicalization factions, blocs takattulat al-Takfir wa al-Hijra Proclamation of Unbelief and Exodus takhabbut erratic behaviour Tala'i' al-Fida' al-·Arabi li-Tahrir Filastin Vanguards of Arab Sacrifice for the Liberation of Palestine Tala'i' Harb al-Tahrir al-Shaoiyya-Quwwat al-Sa'iqa Vanguards of Popular Liberation War-Thunderbolt Forces al-Tanzim al-Sha.bi al-Filastini Palestinian Popular Organization taqdis sanctification ta.rib Arabization abandonment tasaqut ta•shish nesting tashkik questioning (casting doubt) tawajjuh kulli total orientation al-tawrit al-wa"i conscious entanglement tawtin resettlement thawra revolution community, nation umma al-·urwa al-Wuthqa Firmest Bond usra nuclear family vilayet province, state (Ottoman empire) waqf endowment corrupt reality al-waqi" al-fasid waqi" al-iqtidar position of capability watan(-i, -iyya) homeland, patria unit wihda, (pl. wihdat) al-Wihda Unity wisaya tutelage wujaha' elders, prominent figures yishuv the jewish community in mandate Palestine zakat tithe zawar the rich

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SYRIA

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MAP 2. Jordanian Conflict, 197o-71

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MAP J. The Lebanese Conflict and Syrian intervention, 1976

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MAP 4. Beirut, 1976-82

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MAP 6. Israeli Invasion of Lebanon, 1982.

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MAP 7. Palestinian Civil War, Tripoli,

November-December 1983

GENEALO GICAL DIAGRAM OF PALESTINIAN ORGANIZATIONS Baualtonf of ARb Sacrifice 1948·191(1

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P.Jt:st1n11n Communi" 123

There was a deep contradiction in Fateh rhetoric, but it resulted not from cynical duplicity so much as from a fundamental inability to understand the sources of the Zionist appeal to Jews or the nature of the Jewish society that had emerged since the establishment of Israel in 1 948. On the one hand, a Fateh tract in early 1 967 gave an unequivocal view: Our correct understanding of the reality of Zionist occupation confirms to us that regaining the occupied homeland cannot happen except through armed violence as the sole, inevitable, unavoidable, and indispensable means in the battle of liberation. The process of liberation is not only to eliminate a colonial base but, more importantly, to eradicate a society. Armed violence must take many forms besides destroying the military forces of the Zionist occupation state, that is, to direct itself towards destroying the existential basis of Zionist society in all its industrial, agricultural, and financial aspects. Armed violence must aim to destroy all the military, political, economic, financial, and intellectual institutions of the Zionist occupation state until it is impos­ sible for a new Zionist society to arise [again]. Military defeat [of Israel] is not the only aim of the Palestinian liberation war, but also elimination of the Zionist character of the occupied homeland, both human and social.124

This was a stark vision, yet in 1 969 Fateh adopted a proposal made by the PDFLP

that urged

parallel

resolution

of the

'Palestinian

and

Israeli

problems . . . [through] a popular democratic Palestinian state for Arabs and Jews alike in which there would be no discrimination and no room for class or national subjugation'.125 A modified version of this suggestion was incorporated by the PNC into the PLO's national charter in September. The amendment

effectively distinguished the Jews as a religious or cultural community (but not a people or nation) from Zionism as a political ideology. The Palestin­ ian assumption was that it was possible to eradicate all that made Israel a specifically Zionist state and society, yet avoid physical destruction of the jews. This distinction may have been a complete fallacy, but it was the root of the contradictions in Palestinian discourse and behaviour. Khalaf shed further light on Fateh thinking when he stated that the movement had asked the Arab states to allow former Jewish nationals to reclaim their citizenship and property, with the aim of opening a floodgate for 'reverse emigration' from Israel.126 'Udwan expressed the dichotomy succinctly, if unwittingly. On the one hand, he regarded the 'option of comprehensive cleansing as unacceptable in historic, human, and civilizational terms' . 127 On the other hand, Fateh sought to respond to offensive Israeli strategy by 'taking the battle . . . to the heart of the

occupied homeland in a confrontation in which the Israeli invasion finds itself solitary and alone and without protection, facing the Arab fighter at home, on the land, on the road, in the coffee-house, the cinema, and army camps'. The

Guerrilla War in Theory and Practice

213

aim was to 'make [the Israeli] contrast the life of stability and calm he enjoyed

in his country of origin with the life of fear and terror that he found awaiting 128 The him on Palestinian soil, and to push him into reverse emigration'. PDFLP revealed the same dichotomy. It took the lead in opposing ' chauvinistic

solutions of Palestinian or Arab origin (massacring the jews, driving them into the sea, and so on)' .129 At the same time it echoed ·udwan by stating that 'military operations against civilians are part of any struggle for national libera­ tion . . . the purpose is to provoke anxiety and confusion . . . and to prove that the Zionist design is uncomfortable . . . and to draw attention to the crimes 10 committed by Zionism in the name of the jews' . 3 This outlook was broadly shared by all the guerrilla groups. PFLP military commander Abu Hammam argued, for example, that the Israeli reserve system meant that civilians were in fact 'military personnel in civilian clothes'. They had moreover repressed the Palestinians while on service, and both supported

the occupation and benefited from it.131 An official PFLP tract further argued that 'in the case of Israel, the overwhelming majority of its families constitute

one of the forces which supports the Israeli military. They form part of hostile activity and are the basic justification for driving out the Arab population from the occupied homeland. They are thus directly responsible for the conditions under which the Palestinian people have lived for more than twenty years.'1 32 It

was fair, therefore, that Israeli civilians should now be equally at risk from the original owners of the land. 133

Indeed, it was the PFLP that took this logic furthest, by taking the battle with

Israel onto the international stage. On 23 july 1 968 two members of the PFLP

hijacked an El Al passenger aircraft on the Rome-Tel Aviv route to Algiers.

PFLP spokesmen declared that the passengers and crew would be held as hostages until Palestinians in Israeli prisons were released. The hijack opera­ tion, they asserted, would enable 'the voice of the Palestinian resistance move­ ment to reach world public opinion, despite the Israeli and colonialist

siege . . . and demolish a basic component of Israeli propaganda . . . that the

resistance movement is usually individualistic, always improvised, and hardly ever effective' .134 The hijack was the work of the Special Apparatus, headed by

Wadi• Haddad and assisted by Hani al-Hindi. Its political inspiration came from the statement issued by the ANM national executive committee in july 1 967,

that had stressed the role of the US and its 'British tail' in supporting Israel and opposing the 'Arab liberation movement'. The statement concluded that these foes should be confronted across the Arab world through 'organized, revolu­ tionary violence that is embodied in many forms and extends to armed strug­

gle'. In waging this battle, moreover, the Palestinians were simply one of various 'revolutionary foci in the Third World'. 135 The PFLP justifiably regarded the hijacking as a measure of its dynamism, as its sudden reputation for daring attracted many new recruits. Yet the fact that the resort to international terrorism was explained in terms of breaking 'the Israeli and colonialist siege' betrayed its sense of frustration. Secretary-general

2 14

Years of Revolution, 1967-1972

Habash was languishing in a Syrian jail, and Fateh was rapidly emerging as the leading guerrilla group. Whether or not this was their main purpose, 'external operations' offered a means of competing with Fateh and of strengthening the PFLP Right against the Left. The importance attached to external operations as a means of asserting militant credentials and retaining the loyalty of the mem­ bership was demonstrated again later in the year and during 1 969, as new terrorist incidents coincided with developments in the internal dispute. Israeli aircraft and businesses were struck in Athens, Zurich, London, the Hague, Brussels, and Bonn between December 1 968 and September 1 969, while a TWA airliner was destroyed on the ground after b eing diverted to Damascus airport on 4 September. On the latter occasion, the PFLP suggested that its action was a response to the destruction of 1 3 Lebanese passenger aircraft at Beirut airport in December 1968.136 The PFLP developed several arguments to justify its campaign. Airlines flying to Israel, both national and foreign, were part of its lines of communica­ tion and revealed it to be a centre of imperialist and world capitalist interests. 137 The PFLP insisted that striking civil aviation and maritime routes should not be construed as attacks on civilians, in the light of the militarized nature of Israeli society. Besides, civilian facilities such as ports and airports were being used for military purposes, and El Al pilots were in fact military personnel in civilian clothing.138 Another argument offered by Habash was that these attacks were a response, and a deterrent, to Israeli aggression against Palestinian civilians. 139 The PFLP' s leading military analyst at the time, Abu Hammam, took a straight­ forward view, stating bluntly that Israeli confidence in sealing off the borders should be shaken by 'blows that hail down from every side'. 'We should attack not the strong points [of Israel] but its weak ones', he added, 'and the external operations achieve this obj ective because they attack an isolated, sensitive target that is susceptible to shock.''�0 These explanations were genuine enough, insofar as they reflected Palestin­ ian perceptions of Israel, but they were secondary. The driving impulse was to shock the international community and shake its complacency regarding the plight of the Palestinians. Speaking the day after a terrorist attack at Zurich airport on 2 1 February 1 969, Habash explained that 'the main aim of the continuation of [external] operations against Israel is that we want people abroad, both friends and enemies, to understand well what is so obvious to us: that we were expelled from our country, and that our people have lived as refugees in tents of misery for twenty years, and so we must fight for our rights' .141 As the PFLP campaign continued in September, the tone became more bitter towards a 'world that has not heard, for over half a century, the appeals of justice and international law' .142 Finally came a stern warning: 'in today' s world nobody is "innocent" , nobody "neutral" . A man is either op­ pressed or he is with the oppressors. He who takes no interest in politics gives his blessing to the prevailing order, that of the ruling classes and exploiting forces.'143

Guerrilla War in Theory and Practice

215

Whatever its aims, the PFLP had made a strong bid for pre-eminence among the guerrilla groups. Some competitors hastened to conduct their own external operations, which they similarly described as 'revolutionary violence'.144 The PPSF was the first to follow suit, as two ofits members attacked the El Al office in Athens on 27 November, killing a child and wounding 3 1 other persons before being taken prisoner. The PF-GC came next with a bomb that destroyed a Swissair aircraft in mid-air on 2 1 February 1970. The PPSF struck again on 22 July, hijacking an Olympic Airways aircraft in order to secure the release of the perpetrators of its earlier attack in Athens. In each case the Palestinian groups declared that their aim was to strike Zionism and imperialist interests every­ where, in order to widen the battlefield and dissipate Israeli power. The Syrian-sponsored Sa'iqa refrained, but ventured the opinion that 'since a struggle cannot exist in a vacuum, it must be carried out in the diaspora'. 'The international institutions [the UN] have been powerless to return the Palestine Arab people to their land', it added, 'so it is natural that all the lands of the world, including Athens, Paris, New York, and occupied Jerusalem, or any other, would be the obvious place for the Palestinian . . . to maintain his strug­ gle to regain his homeland.'145 Sa'iqa also repeated the argument that the Palestinians had the right to strike Israeli targets anywhere, since Zionism was 'a world movement having organizations and activities in various countries of the world' . The need to attack Israeli interests around the globe would cease only if host governments denied Israel the freedom to operate on their territory. There were two main exceptions to the general view. The PDFLP was the most vocal in its condemnation of PFLP activity, which was to be expected in the light of the bitter rivalry between the former partners. It opposed external operations because they relied on individual acts and created a media sensation that equated 'mass action' with individual terrorism. '•" Terrorism caused major damage to the Palestinian guerrilla movement by encouraging the masses to adulate individual, rather than collective, heroism , and by turning them into observers. Fateh was also critical of PFLP operations abroad. There had been no open dissent by any guerrilla group following the first hijacking of an Israeli airliner in July 1 968, but by March 1 969 Arafat was able to declare that 'we categorically oppose and reject such attacks on aircraft, for they come at a time when we are making world-wide political gains' .147

M ixed Harvest Arafat had just been elected as PLO chairman when he made this statement and was evidently concerned about the international image of the Palestinians. The successful takeover of the PLO by Fateh and the other guerrilla groups was arguably the dearest measure of their progress since June 1967, and the political capital it represented was not to be wasted. This was especially important

216

Years of Revolution, 1967-1972

because the guerrillas had reached the limits of their military and organizational capabilities and political potential by 1 970, although few could perceive the fact at the time and none would admit it openly. The Palestinian move­ ment had expanded its presence in jordan, Syria, and Lebanon during 'its honeymoon period', but in each country success had already laid the seeds of future conflict. Arafat and his closest colleagues in Fateh may have been dimly aware that even at its peak the reality of their modest guerrilla force was at odds with the rhetoric of people's war. This had not been put to irrefutable test, however, and there were no radical conclusions to be drawn as yet. The meteoric rise in the number of guerrilla attacks against Israel served to obscure the underlying problems, and doubts were additionally suppressed by the showcase of resist­ ance offered by Gaza. The stream of statements proclaiming the latest Israeli casualties and material damages-Fateh estimated that Israel had incurred a daily cost of $ 1 .5 million in 1 968 and $3 million in 1 969 as a result specifically of Palestinian military action-were self-deluding, but they continued to ensure popular support and Arab material assistance. 148 The guerrilla movement had been born big in its post-1 967 incarnation, and the flood of volunteers after Karama bred the reassurance that the Palestinian leadership could always mo­ bilize a large human reservoir and generate political support through national­ ist appeals and populist politics. These circumstances discouraged critical evaluation. That said, some Palestinian assessments of achievements since 1 967 were relatively sober. This was true not ofFateh, which boasted in january 1 970 that it was ready to move into the stage of 'permanent occupation of enemy posi­ tions', but rather of the PFLP, despite its militant rhetoric. It was content to note that guerrilla action had merely deprived Israel of 'reassurance and secu­ rity'. 149 The Palestinians had succeeded in undermining Israel's military aura through daily resistance , Habash argued, and in putting their problem back on the international agenda . ' "' Guerrilla action had at the very least 'bought time' for the Arab armies to rebuild and rearm . " ' The irony, as the guerrilla move­ ment was soon to discover, was that the closer the Arab states came to regain­ ing their military posture, the less willing they were to tolerate autonomous guerrilla action and sanctuaries. Yet the increasingly restrictive military policies pursued by the confrontation states after 1 970 could not eradicate the reality of the distinct Palestinian political system that had taken shape in the previous three years.

9 The M aking of the Palestinian Political System

Whatever trials they faced in mounting a military challenge to Israel, the battle of Karama had turned the guerrilla groups into a mass movement, and in doing so brought new debates about ideology, organization, and policy forcefully to the fore. The active political agents within Palestinian society were now in direct contact with a much wider constituency, at a historical juncture in which alternative models to Palestinian proto-nationalism had been severely weak­ ened and external circumstances offered an opportunity for the construction of autonomous institutions. The guerrilla movement was now able to assert its own discourse, symbols, and sources of legitimacy, all structured around the central theme of armed struggle. At the same time, the attempt by the different guerrilla groups to incorporate various social forces, acquire material resources, and institutionalize their political practice led to intense competition and in­ creasingly complex internal politics. The state-building dynamic was already at work in the emergence of a national political field and in the search for common institutional arenas. This did not necessarily mean that the statist ambition was conscious or consistent, nor that it was shared by all the guerrilla groups. Yet the basic di\'ide within the movement was between those who articulated an unsophisticated Palestinian proto-nationalism and sought to situate it within statist political structures, and those who fused their Palestinianism with wider Arab and class identities and formulated their goals within a discourse of revolution. Fateh most effectively embodied the striving of a stateless and marginalized petite bourgeoisie to acquire an autonomous political framework, and accordingly epitomized Pales­ tinian proto-nationalism and the striving for sovereign status and juridical recognition. This was perhaps best encapsulated by the formal restriction of full membership in Fateh to Palestinians, with other Arabs obliged instead to join a separate 'support front'

(jabha musanida). 1

The PFLP best represented

the opposite ethos, enclosing a Palestinian patriotism, that was if anything narrower still and certainly more absolutist than Fateh's, within an Arab nationalist, then class, ideology as a means of resisting the pragmatism and

realpolitik

of the statist drive. Paradoxically this meant that the PFLP, which

advocated the overthrow of reactionary Arab governments and professed com­ mitment to social revolution, failed to lead the development of institutions

218

Years of Revolution, 1967-1972

and practices of parallel government in the Palestinian arena. It left this task to Fateh, and in that sense undermined its own ability to effect social transformations. The underlying division between the guerrilla groups was reflected in the debate within Fateh about the formation of a Palestinian national front. This was brought to the fore by the discussion of policy towards the PLO, as Fateh gained in political stature and numerical strength in 1 968. Many in the rank-and­ file remained deeply hostile to the PLO, which they still viewed as an instru­ ment of the Arab states and a non-revolutionary body dominated by its inherent bureaucratic tendencies. The PLO had moreover been irretrievably discredited in June 1 967. In the words of one Fateh member, himself a PLO official at the time, 'the PLO is no more than a payments office, or a ministry of social affairs, at best. What does it have? An army that does not fight, when only war is feasible now, and offices spread across the capitals of the world . . . and funds that are spent mainly on salaries, commissions, and allowances.'2 Other cadres complained that even under its new leadership, the PLO had formed a PLA guerrilla wing in order to compete with Fateh. The PLF / PLA gave further evidence ofits dubious purpose by adopting a conventional system of ranks and pay and by allowing its officers to sleep in separate tents from their soldiers.3 As ever, 'Allush admirably synthesized objections to subsuming the PLO framework made from both the Arab nationalist and leftist viewpoints within Fateh. Even before 1 96 7 he had decried the narrow ambition of the 'semi­ feudal, semi-bourgeois elements that took leadership [in Arab countries], whose only concern was to assert their control within the [territorial] frame­ work defined by colonialism . . . in this way independence [ofterritorial states] became an alternative to [pan-Arab] unity'.4 Now he argued that there was an attempt to 'turn the PLO into a state in exile' by elements within Fateh who 'had suffered greatly from Arab policies' and by 'capitalists [mutamawwilin], small merchants, and craftsmen who wish to . . . compete with their counter­ parts in the Arab countries. Indeed, we can find shopkeepers in a town who will < reveal a particularistic Palestinian prejudice [na ra iqlimiyya] . . . They [all] want to be master in [government] departments'. In his view this 'stupid defence of Palestinianness' would only enable Arab circles, both 'official and grassroots, progressive and reactionary . . . to relieve themselves [of their national duty] and to distance their masses from the battle for Palestine'.' The Fateh leadership, conversely, had long appreciated the importance of 'public action'. It had argued in one of its founding documents that the means to promote its revolutionary activity among the widest constituency possible required two elements, national unity and an entity.6 Fateh drew similar lessons from the Chinese and Vietnamese experiences, which it believed revealed the necessity of forming a united front, creating a revolutionary authority and defined territorial base, and forging international relations.7 The question in 1 968 was whether or not the PLO offered a suitable framework for unity and

Making the Palestinian Political System

219

could represent the Palestinian entity. Khalaf summarized the internal debate as follows: There were several formulas for unity. There could be a national front in which the PLO was [just] one among other parties instead of being the framework for national unity . . . and Fateh could have joined this national front on the basis of fundamental parity with the PLO. There was no opposition in Fateh to this direction . . . However, there was another view of the PLO, an objective view that sought the good of the Palestinian people before [the good ofJ Fateh. This view saw that the PLO embodied an " official Arab commitment towards the Palestinian people for the first time.

Besides, with control of the PLO would also come funds, a trained army, administrative institutions, and established diplomatic recognition. Karama had generated a new political momentum, and a growing number of voices within the PLO apparatus and the PNC now called on the guerrilla groups to take over and unite.9 At the same time, Fateh was concerned that if all Palestinian par­ ties-the guerrilla groups, the PLA, and the PLF I PLA-entered the PLO on equal footing, then the organization would be paralysed and unable to arrive at decisions without consensus.10 Any small group would hold veto power over collective decisions, making it vital to have a 'backbone . . . or leading force' . " Several voices-among them Khalid al-Hasan, Mamduh Sabri, and Kamal 'Udwan-called for an -1 6 . 40. Khalafs account i n Abu lyad with Rouleau, My Home, 85-8. 41. Sharif, Hdayb. ':\ li. 42.

Palestinian

43. Texts

•

Clm•n,>ig:�·. xii. 4 1 0.

in_lor,ltlll! Documnlls 1 97 1 , l l O.

61. lnterviewd in al-Nahar, I6 January I 9 7 1 . 62. Abu Ahmad Fu'ad [Fu'ad 'Abd-al-Karim], 'The Experienn· o f t h e Palestinian Armed Struggle, from the I920s to the Contemporary Palestinian Revo luti on

al-Tariq, No. 6, 46. 63. PD FLP, September Campaign,

'

(Arab.),

I S n. I .

64. On the absence of ALF leaders, Kayyali, 'Conversations with the Leaders of the Palestinian Resistance', 47.

Palestinian Struggle, 33 and 3 7 . Organizational, Military, and Financial Report, 139. Summary of the Political Vision of the PFLP in the Post-September Phase (Arab.), n .d. Duly-August 1 971]. Text in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 9 7 1 , 774-5 . Unnamed PF-GC official interviewed in Ila al-Amam, No. 367, 1 7 September 197 1 . Interview titled 'The Current Crisis o f the Resistance Movement' (Arab.), Dirasat A.rabiyya, No. 4, February 1971, 2. Organizational, Military, and Financial Report, 139.

65. Kayyali, 66. PFLP, 67. 68. 69. 70.

754

Notes to pages 270-273

Tasks ofthe New Stage (Arab.), political report of the third national congress, September Campaign, 28. Tasks of the New Stage, 1 36.

7 1 . PFLP,

March 1 972, 5 1 ; and PDFLP, 72.

73. Zabri, and Fu'ad 'Abd-al-Karim.* 74.

Organizational, Military, and Financial Report, Tasks ofthe New Phase, 50.

139.

75. PFLP,

76. Ibid. 1 0. 77. PDFLP,

September Campaign,

6.

78. Ahmad Jibril, 'The Crisis of the Resistance Movement: A Self-Critique' (Arab.), lecture given on 28 November 1 972, PF-GC, 1972, 12. 79. Interviewed in Ila al-Amam, No. 367, 1 7 September 1 9 7 1 . 80. Unnamed PF-GC official interviewed in Ila al-Amam, No. 367, 17 September 1971 ; and PF-GC,

The Political Programme,

approved by the fourth general conference,

20-27 August 1 973, 30. 8 1 . Interviewed in

Documents

Ruz al-Yusif,

No. 2273, 3 January 1 972. Text in

Palestinian Arab

1 972, 2.

82. Interview in

al-Ahram,

1 February 1 9 7 1 . Text in

Palestinian Arab Documents

1 97 1 ,

1 1 0. 83 .

Le Monde,

12 November 1 970. Cited in

Middle East Record

1 969-70, 338.

84. 'Current Crisis of the Resistance Movement', 2. 85. 86.

Al-Ahram, 1 5 December 1 970. Akhir Sa'a, 16 December 1 970.

87. Bilal al-Hasan, 'The Palestinian Resistance' (Arab.), monthly report, 88.

Filastiniyya, No. 2, May 1 97 1 , Al-Nahar, 17 january 1 97 1 .

Shu'un

1 47.

89. 'Birth and March: A Conversation with Kamal 'Udwan', 53. 90.

Al-Hadaf,

1 7 October 1 970. Also Tamimi, then aide who travelled with Habash.*

9 1 . Interviewed in

al-Hadaf,

3 1 October 1970.

92. Ibid. 17 October 1 970. 93. Ibid. 26 December 1970; and

Palestinian National Unity

(Arab.), n.d. [approxi-

mately 1973]. 94. Khawaja, Hammuda, Yaghi, Subhi Tamimi, 'Ali, Bakir, and Natur.* 95 . Natur.* 96. The PFLP officially adopted this view at its third general conference in March 1 972. 97.

Al-Hadaf,

18 March 1 972.

98. Figures from Yaghi. * 99. Bakir.* 100. Khawaja.* 1 0 1 . Khawaja, and Hammuda.* 1 02. PDFLP,

September Campaign,

10 and 28.

1 03. Dawli, who commanded the guerrillas sent to Syria.* 1 04. Sa'd and Yasin, Palestinian National Movement, 1 14; and Ten

ment. 1 0 5 . Ibid. 58.

Years after the Establish­

Notes to pages 273-278

755

106. Ishaq Khatib, and communist sector commander.* 107. JCP, Towards a National Front against the Occupation: A Proposed Program (Arab.), June 1 9 7 1 , 3 . 108. Khatib, 'Whither the Palestinian Revolution?', 8 . 109. Interviewed in Shu'un Filastiniyya, No. 5, November 1 9 7 1 , 38. l l O. Bilal al-Hasan, 'The Palestinian Resistance', monthly report,

Shu'un Filastiniyya,

No. 1 , March 1 9 7 1 , 1 54. l l l.

Al-Nahar, 20 February 1 97 1 .

1 12. See letter o f appointment, Official Gazette 1 970, Amman, 1 540-2. 1 13 . General Command of Palestinian Forces statement on 26 March 1971 . Palestinian

Chronology, xiii. 322. l l4. Bilal al-Hasan, 'The Palestinian Resistance' (Arab.), monthly report, Shu'un

Filastiniyya, No. 1 , 1 58; and al-Hadaf, 24 October 1 970. l l5 . Edroos, Hashemite Arab Army, 460 and 471; PDFLP, Black September, 59; Arafat, interviewed in Path, 24 March 1 9 7 1 ; and al-Hurriyya, 20 September 1 971 . l l 6. Edroos, Hashemite Arab Army, 460--1; and Ghazi al-Khalili, 'Before LeavingJordan' (Arab.), Shu'un Filastiniyya, No. 58, August-September 1976, 53-6. l l 7. Naji 'Allush, 'A Pause Immediately after the September Battle' (Arab.), repro­ duced in Towards A New Palestinian Revolution, 1 5. l l 8. Naji 'Allush, 'The Palestinian Revolution Faces the Major Challenges' (Arab.),

Dirasat A.rabiyya, 7: 3 (December 1970). l l 9. 'Popular Army Order' (Arab.), Defence Order no. 1 for 1 970, 23 November 1 970,

Official Gazette, No. 2272, 2 December 1 970, 1 666. 120. Palestinian Chronology, xii. 664. 1 2 1 . Court-martials confirmed by Bashir.* 122. Text in Arab Documents 1 970, 777. 123. Shafiq, Palestinian Revolution between Criticism and Destruction, 13. 124. Khawaja, Hammuda, and Subhi Tamimi.* 125. Organizational, Military, and Financial Report, 1 4 1 . 126. Fateh central committee member Salah Khalaf subsequently offered a revealing critique of the guerrilla campaign in 'Conversations with the Leaders of the Palestinian Resistance Concerning the Problems of Guerrilla Action' (Arab.),

Shu'un Filastiniyya, No. 5, November 1971, 34-5. 127. Al-Hadaf, 26 December 1970. 128. Text in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 97 1 , 63-4. 129. 'Allush, 'Towards a New Strategy for the Palestinian Revolution', 15. 130. Al-Nahar, 1 7 January 1 97 1 . 1 3 1 . Al-Hadaf, 1 6 January 197 1 . 132. Interviewed in al-Nahar, 1 7 January 197 1 . 133. Fu'ad 'Abd-al-Karim.* 134. The PFLP maintained its view for many years. See Organizational, Military, and Financial Report, 1 4 1 . 135. Edroos, Hashemite Arab Army, 460-- 1 . 136. Yakhli£* 137. Fateh radio from Damascus, cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiii. 332.

756

Notes to pages 278-281

1 3 8. Text in Arab Documents 1 971 , 269-72. 139. Statements in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 97 1 , 265, 267, and 267-8. 1 40. 'Awda.* Example of protests in an article by Naji 'Allush in al-Huriyya, 4 May 1971. 141. Statements by Adgham and the final report by the committee, in Palestinian Arab

Documents 1 97 1 , 273, 287-9, 291-3, and 295. 1 42. Government statements on stores, Palestinian Arab Documents 1 97 1 , 294. 1 43. Tal, interviewed in al-Nahar, 6 June 1971 . 1 44. Al-Hadaf, 3 July 1 9 7 1 . 1 45. Al-Hurriyya, 1 2 July 1 9 7 1 . 1 46. Edroos, Hashemite Arab Anny, 462; Palestinian communiques i n Palestinian Arab

Documents 1 97 1 , 606-7, and 610-1 1 ; and Muhammad Kattmattu, The Palestinian Resistance and the Battle ofthe Forests (Arab.) (Beirut, 1 973), 36. 1 47. Edroos, Hashemite Arab Anny, 462. 1 48. PLO statement in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 1 12-13; Fath, 18 August 1 97 1 ; Bashir, and Jordanian colonel, name withheld on request; and Ra'fat, then PDFLP com­ mander in 'Ajlun. * 149. Detailed statistics from the PLO Social Affairs Institution, viewed by author; official Palestinian sources in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 84 and 1 1 8; press state­ ment by Tal, Palestinian Arab Documents 1 9 7 1 , 61 8-22; and Abu Iyad with Rouleau,

Palestinian Without Identity, 155. 1 50. Arab Documents 1 97 1 , 495--6. 1 5 1 . Abu Iyad with Rouleau, Palestinian Without Identity, 155. 1 52 . Al-Hurriyya, 1 2 July 1 97 1 ; and Sharif; Hdayb; and Hamada Fara'na, then PF-GC guerrilla in Syria.* 1 53. Khalil al-Wazir, Internal Circular (Arab.) (Amman, spring 1 984), 4--5 . Also eyewit­ ness account, Hammuda. * 1 54. Jordanian army spokesman quoted in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 98. 1 5 5. Bilal al-Hasan, 'The Palestinian Resistance' (Arab.), monthly report, Shu 'un

Filastiniyya, No. 4, September 1 9 7 1 , 168. 1 56. Fateh announced the first series of attacks in August, Fatl1, 25 August 1971 . 1 57. Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 291 and 295 . 1 58. Hamada Fara'na, then a PDFLP cadre in Jordan; and 'Abd-al-Fattah Ghanim, then PF-GC cadre in charge of the Jordan branch.* 159. Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 32 and 1 37; and Bilal al-Hasan, 'The Palestinian Resistance', Shu'un Filastiniyya, No. 5 , November 1971 , 201 . 1 60. Khalaf interviewed in jeune Afrique, 1 9 October 1971. 161. Al-Dustur, 13 September 1970. Cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 3 1 9. 1 62. Al-Hayat, 10 September 1970. Cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 303. 1 63 . Syrian position relayed by Sa'iqa secretary-general Zuhayr Muhsin to the PLO executive committee, reported in Beirut, 18 September 1 97 1 . Cited in Palestinian

Chronology, xiv. 344. 1 64. Unidentified Fateh official, al-Hayat, 10 September 1970. 1 65 . Al-Dustur, 3 November 1971. Text in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 9 7 1 , 824-5. 1 66. Tal's position is confirmed by family members, and by Bashir.*

Notes to pages 281-285

757

167. Hasan interviewed by Alan Hart, Arafat: Terrorist or Peacemaker? (London, 1 984), 339, 340, and 346. Also confirmed by Hurani, who accompanied Hasan to Cairo and was informed of the secret negotiations as they took place.*

168. Text ofJordanian statement in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 97 1 , 910.

12

Interregnum

1. Al-Haytham al-Ayyubi, 'The Palestinian Resistance in Flexible Dynamic Defence' (Arab.),

Shu'un Filastiniyya,

No. 19, M arch 1 973, 28.

2. Murqus, Palestinian Resistance, 23 . 3. Ibid. 24-5. 4. Ibid. 46 and 1 27. 5. Ibid. 19-2 1 . 6. Ibid. 126-7. 7. 'Azm, Critical Study, 89-93 for example . 8. Ibid. 199. 9. Ibid. ch. 1 , and 1 44 and 1 7 1 . 1 0 . Ibid. 1 81-2 for example. 1 1 . Ibid. 1 86. 12. Ibid. 213-14 and 220. 13. Ibid. 253 and 255; and idem, Leftist Studies of the Palestinian Cause (Beirut, 1 970), 1 5 1-2. 14. Khatib, Palestinian Revolutionary Experience, 1 1 6-18. 15. Khatib, 'Whither the Palestinian Revolution?', 7, 8, and 30. 16. Quote from Arafat interview in al-Anwar, 1 January 1971. Similar sentiments expressed in Khalaf interview injeune Afrique, 20 October 1970 (cited in Middle East

Record

1 969-70, 340); and Qaddumi interview in 'Current Crisis of the Resistance

Movement', 2 .

1 7. PFLP, Tasks of the Coming Phase, 80; and ALP, Arab Liberation Front, 16. 18. WAFA News Agency, 4 July 1 972. Text in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 972, 330. 19. Naji 'Allush, 'Between Sanctifying Public Appearance and Sanctifying Secrecy' (Arab.), in

Concerning the General Strategic Line of Our Movement and Revolution

(Beirut, 1974), 88.

20. Khalaf, 'Conversations with the Leaders of the Resistance', 30. 21. Khatib, 'Closed Borders, Open Bridges', 5 1 . 22. 'Towards a New Strategy', 1 45. 23. Public speech reproduced in "Ala al-Fawr', Iraqi News Agency, no. 830, 28 Decem­ ber 1 970. Quoted in Sadiq al-'Azm, A

Resistance (Arab.)

Critical Study of the Thought of the Palestinian

(Beirut, 1973), 62 and 65.

24. Qaddumi interview in 'Current Crisis of the Resistance Movement', 4. 25. Interviewed in Ruz al-Yusif, 16 August 1 9 7 1 . Cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 204.

758

Notes to pages 286-289

26. 'Our Revolution in its Eighth Year' (Arab.), in al-Masira, No. 1 , January 1 972, 8. Cited in 'Azm, Critical Study, 35. 27. Text of private talk to Fateh guerrillas reproduced in al-Muharrir, 20 January 1972. Cited in ibid. 69-70. 28. Shafiq, Palestinian Revolution between Criticism and Destruction, 12. A similar view was taken by Naji 'Allush, in an editorial in al-Thawra al-Filastiniyya, No. 3 1 , 1 january 1 97 1 . 29. 'Our Revolution in its Eighth Year', 9. 30.

Khalaf, 'Conversations with the Leaders of the Resistance', 30.

3 1 . Shafiq, Palestinian Revolution between Criticism and Destruction, 44. 32. Interviewed in]eune Afrique, 19 October 1971. 33. Interviewed in 'Conversations with the Leaders of the Palestinian Resistance Concerning the Problems of Guerilla Action' (Arab.), Shu'un Filastiniyya, No. 4, September 1 9 7 1 , 281 . 34. Subhi Abu-Kirsh, senior Fateh cadre in charge of organization in Gaza.* 35. Police minister Shlomo Hillel and defence minister Moshe Dayan, Arab Report and

Record for 1 970 and 1971 . 36. Ma'ariv, 13 May 1971; Dayan and other official sources, Middle East Record 1 9691 970, 363; and

Financial Times, 26 January 1 972 (cited in Arab Report and Record

1 972).

37. Middle East Record 1 969-1 970, 225; and Arab Report and Record 1 971 ; and 'al

Hamishmar, 30 july 1971. 38. PFLP statement cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiii. 6 1 8. Habash interview in 'Conversations with the Leaders of the Palestinian Resistance Concerning the Problems of Guerilla Action', Shu'un Filastiniyya, No. 4, September 197 1 , 298. 39. Maariv, 1 April 1 97 1 . 40. Based on a UN report cited in Arab Report and Record 1 972. Official Israeli figures published in Davar, 6 September 1971; and Ha'aretz, 2 1 October 1 971 . 4 1 . Palestinian Chronology, 8 February 1 972, xv. 143. 42. Interview in al-Diyar, 23-29 September 1974. Text in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 974, 342.

43 . Press statement cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 23-4. 44. Al-Hurriyya, 12 july 1 9 7 1 ; and al-Nahar, 3 November 1 97 1 . 45. Press statement cited in Palestinian Chronology, 5 july 1 9 7 1 , xiv. 23-4. 46. Interview with 'Atari, 'Conversations with the Leaders of the Resistance', Shu'un

Filastiniyya, No. 7, March 1 972, 34. 47. Wazir; and Adham, then Fateh company commander in Syria. *Also internal memorandum by Wazir, untitled, n.d. [early 1984], 6. 48. Press statement cited in Palestinian Chronology, 5 july 1971 , xiv. 23-4. 49. Faysal Hurani, then senior party cadre who attended the conference.* 50. Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 450. 5 1 . Al-Hurriyya, 1 2 july 1971 . 52. Al-Yawm, 6 July 1971. Cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 28. 53. Hamid, Resolutions, 1 87.

Notes to pages 289-291

759

54. Shaqqura, later Qadisiyya commander; and Mansur Sharif, then 'Ayn Jalut com­ mander;* and al-Hayat, 24 August 1 971 (cited in Yearbook ofthe Palestine Cause 1 97 1 , 23-4). 55. Letter from Haddad reproduced in al-Hadaf, 4 September 1 9 7 1 . 5 6 . Letter from Hanafi reproduced i n ibid. 57. PLA statement, al-Nahar, 25 September 1971. Investigation results in Hisad al­

'Asifa, Fateh newsletter, No. 12, 25 September 1 97 1 . 5 8 . Al-Nahar, 1 8 September 1 971 . 59. Khalaf, 'Conversations with the Leaders of the Palestinian Resistance', 40-2; and internal memorandum from Wazir, untitled, n.d. [early 1984}, 5-6. 60. Ibid. 5; Hisad al-'Asifa, No. 22, 7 October 1971; Ghnaym;* and Beirut, 1 January 1 972 (cited in Palestinian Chronology,

xv.

1 6).

6 1 . Text of statement in al-Tala'{, 1 1 October 1 97 1 . 62. Sawt Filastin, No. 7 (43), July 1 9 7 1 . On Arafat's attitude, Yahya;* and Beirut, 1 3 October 1 9 7 1 (cited i n Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 427). 63. List in Bayrut, 13 October 1 97 1 . Cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 427. 64. Sawt Filastin, January 1 972. 65. Ibid. February 1 972. 66. B ashir;* and Shemesh, Palestinian Entity, 147. 67. Bashir.* 68. Order from Budayri, reference 1 790 / 1 0 / 88, 30 January 1 972. PLA archives. 69. Order from Budayri, reference 5006 / 1 , 7 March 1 972. PLA archives. Battalion strength from Shaqqura; Walid Sa'd-al-Din, then battalion operations officer; and Qaddumi, then company commander.* 70. Abu-Marzuq, then deputy commander of the section.* 7 1 . 'Ajiz, then second deputy commander of the section.* 72. An investigation later reported that PLF / PLA personnel in Gaza had not received salaries for five months. Commission report to the PNC cited in al-Nahar, 24 January 1 973 . The truth of the matter was obscured by the fact that Fateh had instructed the PLO Social Affairs Institution to suspend monthly stipends to PLF I PLA families as a means of resisting Budayri, provoking angry complaints from the PLA. Al-Muharrir, 22 May 1 972; and Sawt Filastin, special supplement, June 1 972. Khatib was later assigned to head the Moral Guidance Department in the PLA, under Budayri. 73. Abu-Marzuq.* 74. Order from Budayri, reference 2 1 653 / 1 0, 5 September 1972. PLA archives. 75. Khalid al-Hasan, Palestinian Thoughts-3 (Arab.) (Amman, 1988), 92-3. 76. Zabri;* and Ahmad Jibril, The Crisis of the Resistance Movement: A Self­ Critique', lecture given on 28 November 1 972, PF-GC, 1972. 77. On vulnerability, unnamed Fateh official, probably Khalaf, interviewed in al­

Hayat, 1 0 September 1971. Cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 204. 78. Hisad al-'Asifa, 3 December 1 97 1 ; and AhmadJibril interviewed in Ila al-Amam, 24 July 1 98 1 . Fateh was unhappy with the Libyan volunteers, and kept most of them in Damascus until they tired and returned home.

760

Notes to pages 291-294

79. Abu 'Azab, Yaghi, and 'Ali.* 80. Implicit in ALF statement,

Chronology, xiii.

al-Kifah (Beirut), 3 January

1971 . Cited in

Palestinian

1 13.

81. Nawfal; Dawli; 'Abd-al-Fattah Ghanim, and Ishaq, then members ofPF-GC mili­

tary command; and 'Ali, then PFLP military commander in south Lebanon; Fu'ad 'Abd-al-Karim, then member of PFLP military command; and Abu 'Azab, then PFLP head of training.* 82. Rex Brynen,

Sanctuary and Survival: The PLO in Lebanon (Boulder, Colo.,

1 990), 64

n. 27. 83. Bard O'Neill,

Anned Struggle in Palestine: A Political-Military Analysis (Boulder,

Colo., 1 978), 83-4; and Edgar O'Ballance, Arab Guerilla Power (London, 1974), 1 1 1 . Confirmed by Dayan, cited in Yearbook ofthe Palestine Cause 1 972, 76. 84.

Fath,

1 March 1972; and O'Ballance, Arab Guerilla Power, 207.

85. AhmadJibril interview in al-Hawadith, 24 March 1 972. Cited in Palestinian Chrono­

logy, xv.

326. Palestinian accounts are Ahmad Jibril,

The 'Arqub between Two Raids The Four-Day War (Arab.) (Beirut, 1 972); and Munir Shafiq, 'The 'Arqub Battle Seen Militarily' (Arab.), Shu'un Filastiniyya, No. 9, May (Arab.) (n.p., 1972); Fateh, 1 972, 70-7. 86.

Yearbook ofthe Palestine Cause 1 972, 74-5; and Palestinian Chronology, xv. 21-24 June 1 972.

87. 'Allush, 'Towards a New Strategy for the Palestinian Revolution', 1 44-5. 88. Interviews in 'Conversations with the Leaders of the Palestinian Resistance', 26;

andjeune Afrique, No. 563, 19 October 1 971 (text in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 971 , 807). 89. 'Abd-al-Qadir Yasin,

The Crisis of Fateh: Its Roots, Dimensions, and Future (Arab. )

(Damascus, 1985), 3 3 . 9 0 . Ibid. 33. 91. Habash, and Ghazi al-Husayni.* 92. 'Ammar.* 93. Interview in ]eune 94. 95.

Afrique, No. Documents 1 97 1 , 809. Fath, 25 August 1971 . Interview in ]eune Afrique, No. Documents 1 971 , 807.

563, 19 October 1 9 7 1 . Text in

Palestinian Arab

563 , 19 October 1 9 7 1 . Text in

Palestinian Arab

96. Mahjub 'Umar, who made the proposal.* 97. Salim al-Za'nun.* 98. Khalid al-Hasan,

Genius ofFailure,

1 58.

99. Khatib, 'Whither the Palestinian Revolution?', 26. 1 00.

Al-Hawadith,

1 7 September 1 9 7 1 . Cited in Palestinian

1 0 1 . Intervention argument made by Naji 'Allush,

Fath,

Chronology, xiv.

338.

1 September 1 9 7 1 .

1 02. For example, Naji 'Allush, ' A Pause Immediately After the September Battle'

(Arab.), in

Towards A New Palestinian Revolution, 1 6-17. The Crisis and the Solution: Concerning the Internal Crisis in Fateh) (Arab.)

1 03 . Abu Hatim,

(n.p., n.d. [ 1983] ), 1 7.

Notes to pages 294-298

761

104. Murad, in whose house several meetings took place.* 105. Al-Dustur, 13 September 1 970. Cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 320. 106. Habash, conference secretary.* 107. Exclusion of non-Palestinians from Fateh membership before 1 971 confirmed by unnamed Fateh leader in interview in al-Usbu 'al-'Arabi, 22 January 1 968. Repro­ duced in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 968, 30. 108. Muhammad Jihad, then brigade deputy-commander; Murad, then brigade admin­ istrative officer and first intelligence officer; Mazin Hijazi, then administrative officer; and Mahjub 'Umar, Fateh cadre in charge of evacuating the defectors from Amman.* Arafat gave the figure of 4,500 defectors in spring 1 97 1 . Fath, 3: 1 (23 March 1 971). Also Murad, Political Role of the Jordanian Army, 1 30; and Edroos,

Hashemite Arab Army, 459. 109. Jihad; Hijazi; Abu Khalid Hashim, then air defence battalion commander; and Abu al-Shaykh, Samih Nasr, and Abu Zaytun, then company commanders.* 1 10. Usama al-'Ali, then Force 14 commander; and Fayiz Zaydan, later Force 14 com­ mander;* Ha'aretz, 9 March 1 972; and Bilal al-Hasan, 'The Palestinian Resistance', monthly report, Shu'un Filastiniyya, No. 5, November 1 9 7 1 , 20 1 . 1 1 1 . Muhammad al-'Amla, then Fateh central operations officer.* 1 12. Nawfal.* 1 13. Mansur Sharif; and 'Abdullah Jallud, then Abu Hani Group officer.* 1 14. Muhammad Jihad; and Abu al-Shaykh, later Special Unit commander.* 1 1 5. Murad, then chief political officer.* 1 16. Murad, and Nasr.* 1 1 7. Broadcast on 15 January 1 973. Arab Report and Record 1 973. 1 1 8. Habash. * Jordanian sources stated that 300 exiles had returned in the first week of the May 1 972 amnesty alone. Al-Dustur, 1 1 and 19 May 1972. Cited in Yearbook of

the Palestine Cause

1 972, 1 50.

1 1 9. Interview in al-Ahram, 7 july 1 9 7 1 . Cited in

Palestinian Arab Documents

1 9 71 , 575.

120. On plots, Burhan Jarrar, then Golan Sector deputy-commander.* 1 2 1 . Munir Shafiq, Martyrs and March: Abu Hasan, Hamdi, and their Brothers (Arab.) (n.p., 1994), 50. 122. Wazir.* 123. Jamal.* 1 24. Habash, and Hijazi.* 125. Abu-Nidal, History of the Crisis in Fateh, 49; and Hdayb, Hasan Abu-Bakr, AbuLayla, Adham, and Jamal, then company and platoon commanders.* 126. Wazir.* 127. Abu-Nidal, History of the Crisis in Fateh, 49. 128. Adham, then 302 Sector platoon commander;* and Abu-Nidal, History ofthe Crisis

in Fateh, 5 1 . Further details in Yearbook of the Palestine Cause Report and Record, 14 October 1 972.

1 972, 36; and

Arab

129. Wazir; and Nawfal, then PDFLP military commander; confirmed by Adham.* Also Yearbook ofthe Palestine Cause 1 972, 36; Palestinian Chronology, xvi. 382; and al­

Nahar, 15 October 1 972.

762

Notes to pages 298-302

1 30. Abu-Nidal, History of the Crisis in Fateh, 59. 1 3 1 . Ibid. 60. Statement in Kul Shay', 21 August 197 1 . Cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 220.

1 32. 'Ashur, 'Abd-al-Muhsin, then senior civilian cadre; and Jamal, then military police NCO.*

133. 'Abd-al-Muhsin.* 1 34. Samir Abu-Ghazala, then deputy head of iqlim;* Yearbook ofthe Palestine Cause 1 972, 35; and Palestinian Chronology, xv. 5 77 and 579. 135. Abu-Ghazala.* 136. TheJisr al-Bash and Dbayya sections were threatened with detention in 1 974, for example. 'Aziz Halima, then Fateh security cadre.*

137. On Hammuda's nickname, 'Abbas, Beginnings, 1 98. 138. 'Ali; Natur, then head of student organization; and 'Abd-al-Rahman.* 139. Hani Hindi, and Yaghi.* 140. Summary ofthe Political Vision (in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 97 1 , 774). 1 4 1 . Ibid. 776. 142. Ibid. 143. Hani Hindi;* and Yearbook ofthe Palestine Cause 1 97 1 , 65. 144. Interviewed in 'Conversations with the Leaders of the Palestinian Resistance', 298. 1 45 . 'Ali, and Bakir.* 146. Confirmed in Organizational, Military, and Financial Report, 2 1 3 . 147. Ibid. 2 5 . 1 4 8 . Statement i n al-Muqawama, N o . 1 12, 9 March 1 972. 149. Ibid. Also text of statement in al-Nahar, 1 1 March 1 972. 150. Former aide to Haddad.* 1 5 1 . Natur.* 1 52. Israeli sources suggested that an airplane hijack masterminded by Haddad in February 1 972 was planned and executed with members of Egyptian intelligence who supported pro· Nasir government officials jailed by Sadat. Jewish

Chronicle, 3

March 1 972 ( ci t ed in Pt� lt-stinian Chronology, xv. 234).

153. Subhi Tamimi, then a dose aide to Haddad.* 1 54. 'Ali, Natur, and numerous other PFLP guerrillas and student cadres.* 1 5 5 . Statements by the leftist leadership and the military command, in al-Muqawama, No. 1 1 1 , 8 March 1972. Corroborated for example by Khawaja.*

1 56. Member of the ASAP central committee.* 1 57. As the PFLP later admitted. Organizational, Military, and Financial Report, 83-4. 158. Statement on 14 March 1972, in Arab Report and Record 1 972. 159. 'Ali, and Hammuda, who met Farhan and Abu 'Ali in Damascus.* 160. The PFLP published a document showing that Fateh was supplying 1 50 leftist guerrillas. Reproduced in

al-Hadaf, 25 March 1 972.

1 6 1 . 'Ali, 'Abd-al-Rahman, and a former aide of Khalaf who acted as go-between.* 162. For instance in al-Muharrir, 9 March 1 972. 163. Bilal al-Hasan, and Khalil Hindi.*

Notes to pages 302-307

763

164. Nawfal; and jamil Hila!, later head of PDFLP information.* 165. Fawwaz Trabulsi,

LCAO

co-founder and deputy

secretary-general;

and

Nawfal.*

166. Riyad a!-Dada, then LCAO central committee member; and Ribhi, Adham, Nazir, Ramadan, and Marwan al-Kayyali, LCAO activists who joined Fateh. Confirmed by Trabulsi. *

167. 'Ali.* 168. Palestinian Chronology, 2 1 May 1 973, xvii. 443. 169. Natur, RPFLP cadre who joined the DFLP central committee; and 'Ali, RPFLP military commander who joined the PPSF and then the PF-GC.*

1 70. 'Concerning the Third National Conference' (Arab.), statement issued by George Habash on 14 March 1972, 28-9.

1 7 1 . Political Treatises, 23. 172. Al-Haytham al-Ayyubi, 'The Military Activity of the Resistance Organizations and Israeli Counter-Operations' (Arab.),

Yearbook of the Palestine Cause 1971 ,

65. 1 73. Al-Hadaf, 23 October 1971. On Soviet offer, al-Usbu' al-ll.rabi, 1 1 November 1971 (cited in Palestinian

Chronology, xiv. 458).

1 74. Summary of the Political Vision of the PFLP, 773. 1 75. Habash speaking on 14 March 1 972. Text in al-Hadaf, 18 March 1972; and Political

Treatises, 18. 1 76. Hani Hindi.* 1 77. Hani Hindi.* 1 78. Al-Muharrir, 25 February 1 972. 1 79. Organizational, Military, and Financial Report, 35-6. 1 80. Ibid. 35-6; and al-Hadaf, 1 8 March 1972. 1 8 1 . Concerning the Third National Conference. 1 82.

Organizational, Military, and Financial Report, 23.

1 83. Subhi Tamimi.* 1 84. Tasks ofthe New Stage (Arab.), political report of the third national congress, March 1972, 1 5 and 18. 1 85. Ibid. 79. 186. Al-Hadlif, 15 May 1 971 . 1 87. Tasks of the New Phase, 77. 188. Political Treatises, 6 1 . 1 89. Tasks of the New Phase, 1 1 1 . 1 90. Summary of the Political Vision of the PFLP, 777. 1 9 1 . Political Report Issued by the Fourth National Congress April 198 1 ), 272.

1 981

(Arab. ) (Beirut,

192. Organizational, Military, and Financial Report, 30. 193. Summary ofthe Political Vision ofthe PFLP, 776. 1 94. 'Ammar, and a close associate of Salama.* Also Abu Iyad with Rouleau, My Home, 160-82; Alan Hart, Arafat: Terrorist or Peacemaker? (London, 1984), 337-8; and Rayyes and Nahas,

Guerrillas for Palestine, 58-63.

764

Notes to pages 307-310

195. For example, 'A Dialogue with the Leaders of Fateh' (Arab.), in Sha'th et al.,

196. 197. 198. 199. 200.

Palestinian Resistance and the Jordanian Regime, 322; and Summary of the Political Vision, in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 97 1 , 777. Fath, 26 January 1 972. Interview in Ruz al-Yusif, 16 August 1 97 1 . Cited in Palestinian Chronology, xiv. 204. Meetings confirmed in Yossi Melman and Dan Raviv, Behind the Uprising: Israelis, Jordanians and Palestinians (New York, 1989), 120. Hamid, Resolutions ofthe Palestine National Council, 208-13. Abu Iyad with Rouleau, Palestinian Without Identity, 1 5 5 .

201 . Numerous Fateh cadres, including Kifah, 'Adnan Abu al-Hayja, and then deputy head of the Jordan Affairs Bureau.* 202. Then deputy head ofJordan Affairs Bureau.* 203. Statements, for example, in al-Anwar, 20 May 1972 (cited in Arab Report and Record 1 972); and

Palestinian Chronology, 6 January 1972,

xv.

28.

204. Border defences described in Khalid al-Hajuj, 'The Participation of the 40th Ar­ moured Brigade in the 1 973 War' (Arab.), official report to the defence council of the League of Arab States, 1 973, 2. 205. Then intelligence cadre.* 206. Khalafinterview in al-Wihda, 1 June 1 972. Text in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 9 72, 273. Emphasis added. 207. Fath, No. 338, 17 May 1 972. 208. Interview in al- Wihda, 1 June 1 972; and press conference, WAFA News Agency, 13 June 1 972. Texts in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 9 72, 273 and 304. 209. WAFA News Agen cy 13 June 1972. Text in Palestinian Arab Documents 1 972, 306. 2 10. Quoted in Hart, A rt�(at , 347. .

2 1 1 . Interviewed in . /
--al-Awda' al-Rahina wa Muhimmat al-Thawra al-Filastiniyya wa Harakat al-Taharrur al­ ll.rabiyya (The Current Situation and the Tasks of the Palestinian Revolution and the Arab Liberation Movement), political report issued by the ninth session of the central com­ mittee, July 1 980.

-- The Political Programme, as approved by the second national congress, May 198 1 , DFLP committee for central information and international relations.

-- al-Nizam al-Dakhili (Internal Statutes), approved by the second congress, May 1981. -al-Taqrir al-Nazari wa al-Siyasi wa al-Tanzimi (The Theoretical, Political, and Organizational Report) (Beirut: Dar Ibn Khaldun, 1981). Hawatma, Nayif, Ma al-ll.mal ba'd Qimmat Arab ll.mman? (What Is to Be Done After the Summit of the Amman Arabs?), January 198 1 . DFLP Nahwa Mujabaha Shamila li al-Hujum al-Amriki al-Sahyuni 'ala al-Watan al-'Arabi wa Ihbat Mashru' al-Hukm al-Zati (Towards an Overall Confronation with the American­ Zionist Onslaught on the Arab Homeland and the Proposed Autonomy), political report of the central committee, January 1982. Hawatma, Nayif, Qadaya al-Thawra al-Filastiniyya wa al-Marhala al:Jadida ba 'd al-Ghazu

al-Isra'ili li Lubnan wa Ma'rakat Bayrut (Issues of the Palestinian Revolution and the New Phase after the Israeli Invasion of Lebanon and the Battle of Beirut), DFLP Publications, April 1 983 . DFLP (with the PFLP), Burnamij al-Wihda Wa al-Islah (Programme for Unity and Re­

form), 10 October 1983. --Azmat Munazzamat al-Tahrir al-Filastiniyya: Tahlil wa Naqd al:Judhur wa al-Hulul (The PLO Crisis: Analysis and Critique ofthe Roots and Solutions) (Nicosia: THA Publica­ tions, n.d. [end 1983] ).

--al-Quwwat al-Musallaha al-Thawriyya: al-La'iha al-Dakhiliyya (The Revolutionary Armed Forces: Internal Statutes) (n.p.: DFLP, 1 986). --

untitled minority report submitted to central committee meeting of late Septem-

854

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her 1988. [By Yasir 'Abd-Rabbu, Mamduh Nawfal, Salih Ra'fat and other politburo and central committee members.]

--Balagh Sadir 'an A'mal al-Lijna al-Markaziyya li al]abha al-Dimuqratiyya li-Tahrir Filastin (A Statement Issued about the Workings of the Central Committee of the DFLP), early March 1990. [Representing Yasir 'Abd-Rabbu wing.]

--Hawl Nata'ij A'mal al-Dawra al-Kamila li al-Lijna al-Markaziyya (Concerning the Working Results of the Full Session of the Central Committee), circular to all our party organizations, 10 March 1990. [Issued by politburo and representing NayifHawatma wing.]

-- Ta'mim Dakhili Hawl Nata'ij Dawrat al-Lijna al-Markaziyya li-Hizbina (An Internal Circular Concerning the Results of the Session of Our Party's Central Committee), mid­ March 1990. [Issued by new politburo elected by central committee, and represent­ ing Yasir 'Abd-Rabbu wing.] 'Abd-Rabbu, Yasir, letter to secretary-general Nayif Hawatma, 1 7 March 1 990. [Repro­ duced as limited internal circular.] Nawfal, Mamduh, letter to unidentified comrade [probably Nayif Hawatma], 22 May 1 990. [Reproduced as limited internal circular.]

--Muraja'a wa Taqyim li-Dawr al-Maktab al-Siyasi fi Tanfidh Qararat al-Lijna al­ Markaziyya Khilal Thalathat Ashhur (A Review and Assessment of the Role ofthe Politburo in Implementing the Resolutions of the Central Committee during Three Months), 30 May 1 990.

Qadaya al-Tajdid al-Dimuqrati: al-Watha'iq al-Siyasiyya wa al-Tanzimiyya al­ Muqaddama ila Ijtima' al-Lijna al-Markaziyya (Issues ofDemocratic Renovation: The Politi­ cal and Organizational Documents Presented to the Session of the Central Committee, 15 February to 3 March 1 990), n.p., n.d. [ 1991].

DFLP

Democratic Al liance (1983-1984) -- Burnamij al-Wihda wa al-Islah al-Dimuqrati fi Munazzamat al-Tahrir al-Filastiniyya (The Programme for Unity and Democratic Reform in the PLO), Joint Leadership of the Two Fronts, 1983 .

--al-Nas al-Kamil li Watha'iq Ittifaq 'Adan-al:faza'ir bayn al-Tahaluf al-Dimuqrati wa al-Lijna al-Markaziyya li-Harakat Path (Complete Text of the Documents of the Aden­ Algiers Agreement between the Democratic Alliance and the Fateh Central Committee), n.d. [ 1 984].

--Rad al-Tahaluf al-Dimuqrati 'ala Bayan al-Tahaluf al-Watani Haw[: Ittifaq 'Adan-al­ ]aza'ir (The Reply of the Democratic A lliance to the Statement of the National Alliance Concerning: The Aden-Algiers Agreement), 1 984. Popu lar Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command (PF-GC) PF-GC, 'Bayan Siyasi Haw! Tard Shabab al-Tha'r "Harakat al-Qawmiyyin al-'Arab" ' (Political Statement about the Expulsion of the Revenge Youth 'Arab Nationalists Movement'), December 1 968 [mistakenly dated as December 1 967]. Jibril, Ahmad,

al-'Arqub bayn Igharatayn (The 'Arqub between Two Raids), PFLP-GC, 1972.

Bibliography --

855

'Azmat Harakat al-Muqawama: Naqd Dhati (The Crisis of the Resistance Move­

ment: A Self-Critique)', lecture given on 28 November 1972, PF-GC, 1 9 72.

-- The Political Programme, approved by the fourth general conference, 20-27 August 1 973.

--al-Duwayla al-Filastiniyya: Bayn al-Qubul wa al-Rafd (The Palestinian Statelet: Between Acceptance and Rejection), central information, 1 975. --Ahmad ]ibril an al-Rafd wa al-Qubul (Ahmad ]ibril Concerning Rejection and Accept­ ance), Beirut: PF-GC Information, 1 9 77. --al-Waq( al-Rahin wa al-Khuruj min al-Ma'zaq (The Current Reality and Emergingfrom the Predicament), series of interviews with Ahmad jibril, 1 977. PF-GC, Usus al-'Amal al-Tanzimi (Foundations of Organizational Action), Department of Central Organization, Organizational Preparation and Studies Section, n.p. [Beirut], 1 979.

Da'wa li-Tanshit al-Dhakira, Da'wa li al-Tamassuk bi al-Muntalaqat (A Call to Activate the Memory, A Call to Adhere to the Tenets), n.p., n.d. [ 1984-5].

Fadl Shruru,

Palestin i an Liberation Front (PLF) --Kayf Nafham al-Khilafat Dakhil al-]abha al-Sha'biyya-al-Qiyada al-'Amma (How We Understand the Internal Differences in the PF-General Command), internal circular, 21 December 1976.

--al-Taqrir al-Siyasi wa al-Burnamij al-Siyasi (The Political Report and the Political Pro­ gramme), documents of the sixth general national conference, 30 September to 3 October 1979.

Palestin ian Popu lar Struggle Front ( PPSF) --a!-Taswiya min Khilal Mu'tamar]inifwa Qarar 242 (The Settlement Through the Geneva Conference and Resolution 242), central information committee, 1974. --al-Muntalaqat al-Nazariyya wa al-Siyasiyya wa al-Tanzimiyya (Theoretical, Political, and Organizational Tenets), as modified and approved by the sixth general conference convened on 1 7-23 June 1 979.

--a!-Taba'iyya al-Thaqafiyya wa al-I'lamiyya wa Dawruhafi Tamrir Mashru'at al-Taswiya (Cultural and Infonnation Dependence and its Role in Facilitating Proposals for a Settle­ ment), 1979. -- The Theoretical, Political and Organizational Tenets, Central Information Committee, n.d. [ 1979].

--al-Taqrir al-Siyasi (The Political Report), issued by the sixth general conference, convened 1 7-23 June 1 979, central information, 1979.

--al-Muntalaqat: al-Nazariyya wa al-Siyasiyya wa a!-Tanzimiyya (The Tenets: Theoreti· cal, Political, and Organizational), as amended and confirmed by the sixth general conference ( 1 7-23 June 1 979), 2nd edn., central information, 1 980.

--al-Taqrir al-Siyasi wa al-Tanzimi (The Political and Organizational Report), issued by the seventh general conference, convened 1 0-14 January 1 982.

--al-Nizam al-Dakhili (Internal Statutes), as amended and approved by the seventh general conference, convened 1 D-14 January 1 982.

856

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--a!-Taqrir a!-Siyasi al-Sadir min a!-Lijna al-Markaziyya fi Dawrat Jn'iqadiha a!-Rab{a (The Political Report of the Central Commiittee in its Fourth Session), central information, April 1983. Ghusha, Samir, al-Azma al-Rahina li al-Thawra al-Filastiniyya: al:Judhur wa al-Hulul (The Current Crisis of the Palestinian Revolution: Roots and Solutions), n.d. [approx. 1983]. --al-Taqrir al-Siyasi (The Political Report), issued by the eighth general conference, 1988.

Arab Liberation Front (ALF) ALP, al-Bayan al-Siyasi (Political Statement), n.p., n.d. (1969, statement announcing for­ mation of the ALP). --al-'Amal al-Fida'i wa Tahaddiyat al-Wad' al-Lubnani (Guerrilla Action and the Challenges of the Lebanese Situation), 197 2. al-Ba'th wa al-Qadiyya al-Filastiniyya: Bayanat was Mawaqif, 1945-1975 (The Ba'th and the Palestine Cause: Statements and Positions 1945-1975) (Beirut: Arab Institute for Studies and Publications, 1975). ALP,]abhat al-Tahrir al-'Arabiyya Limadha ... wa ma Hiya? (The Arab Liberation Front: Why ... and What is It?), 2nd edn. (Beirut: al-Tha'ir al-'Arabi Publications, 1976). --]abhat al-Tahrir al-'Arabiyya aw al-Tajriba al-Qawmiyya fi al-'Amal al-Fida'i (The Arab Liberation Front or the Nationalist Experience in Guerrilla Action), n.p., n.d. --Haw! al-Wihda a!-Wataniyya al-Filastiniyya (Concerning Palestinian National Unity) (Beirut: al-Tha'ir al-'Arabi Publications, 1976).

Sa'iqa (Vanguards of Popular Liberation War Organization) and Ba'th Party Ba'th Party, 'Nashra Dakhiliyya Sirriyya Hawl Siyasat al-Hizb al-Filastiniyya wa Mu'tamarat al-Qimma' (Secret Internal Circular about the Party's Palestinian Policy and the Summit Conferences), no. 4/8, 29 September 1965. Ba'th Party, Muqarrarat al-Mu'tamar al-Qawmi al-Tasi' (Resolutions of the Ninth National

Conference), convened in the second half of September 1966. Sa'iqa, Nahu Fihm 'Ilmi wa Thawri li-Mahiyyat a!-Thawra .fi al-Ard al-Muhtalla al-Siyasiyya

wa al-Tabaqiyya 'ala al-Sa'idayn al-Qawmi wa al-Umami (Towards a Scientific and Revolu­ tionary Understanding of the Political and Class Nature of the Revolution in the Occupied Land on the National and International Levels), n.p., n.d. [possibly 1970]. Muhsin, Zuhayr, al-Nidal al-Watani al-Filastini.fi Muwajahat al-Tahadiyyat al:Jadida (The

Palestinian National Struggle Confronts the New Challenges), information office, 197 4. Sa'iqa, Shuhada' al-Sa'iqa fi Harb Tishrin (Sa'iqa Martyrs in the October War) ([Damascus]: Tala'i' Publications, information department, 1976).

Palestine Liberation Organization/Palestine Liberation Army (PLO/PLA) In cases where the PLO or Palestine National Council documents cited in the endnotes were reproduced in journals or books, they have not been listed in this section. The

Bibliography

857

PLA documents cited here do not include correspondence or inter-departmental memoranda.

al-Mu'tamar al-Filastini al-Awwal (The First Palestinian Congress), pamphlet, undated [ 1965]. Compilation (reprinted in Tunis, post-1982) of: al-Mithaq al-Watani al-Filastini (The Palestinian National Charter); al-Nizam al-Asasi li-Munazzamat al-Tahrir al-Filastiniyya (The Basic Ordinance of the PLO); •

•

al-La'iha al-Dakhiliyya li al-Majlis al-Watani al-Filastini (The Internal Statutes of the Palestine National Council). Al-Mudhakkara al-'Askariyya al-Muqaddama ila Mu'tamar al-Muluk wa al-Ru'asa' al-'Arab (Military Memorandum Presented by the PLO to the Conference of the Arab Kings and •

Presidents), marked Document no. 3 [September 1964]. Mashru' al-Khitta al-'Askariyya li-Tashkil ]aysh al-Tahrir al-Filastini (The Draft Plan for the Formation of the Palestine Liberation Army), PLO Military Committee, 8 November 1964.

Mashru' al-Qiyada al-'Arabiyya al-Muwahhada al-'Askari al-Muqaddam ila Mu'tamar al­ Qimma al-'Arabi al-Thani 'ala Daw' al-Mashru' al-'Askari li Munazzamat al-Tahrir al­ Filastiniyya (The UAC Military Proposal Presented to the Second Arab Summit Conference in Light of the Military Proposal of the PLO), Office of the Commander-in-Chief of the UAC, Re£ 142, 4 September 1964, marked as appendix 2.

Mahdar Mubahathat al-Lijna al-'Askariyya li Munazzamat al-Tahrir al-Filastiniyya ma' al­ ]umhuriyya al-'Arabiyya al-Suriyya bi-Tarikh 6/12164 (Minutes of the Discussions of the PLO Military Committee with the Syrian Arab Republic on 6 December 1964), marked as appendix 5.

Qanun al-Tajnid al-Ijbari (Compulsory Conscription Law), marked appendix no. 13. Mahdar Mubahathat al-Lijna al-'Askariyya li-Munazzamat al-Tahrir al-Filastiniyya ma' al­ jumhuriyya al-'Arabiyya al-Suriyya al-Fatra min 2213165-291311 965 (Minutes of the PLO Military Committee's Talks with the Syrian Arab Republic the Periodfrom 23 March 1 965 to 29 March 1 965), marked appendix no. 6. Taqrir 'an al-Mubahathat ma' al]umhuriyya al-'Arabiyya al-Muttahida (Report on the Talks with the United Arab Republic), marked appendix 4 [approximately beginning May 1965]. Mahdar al-Mubahathat ma' al]umhuriyya al-'Arabiyya al-Suriyya, wa a!-Tawq{ 'ala al-'Aqd raqm 2/S bi-Tarikh 5/5/65 (Minutes of Talks with the Syrian Arab Republic and the Signing of the Contract no. 2/S on 5 May 1965), marked appendix no. 8. Al-'Aqd raqm 4/S al-Mubram ma' al]umhuriyya al-'Arabiyya al-Suriyya bi-Tarikh 1615165 (Contract no. 4/S Concluded with the Syrian Arab Republic on 16 May 1965), marked appendix no. 9. Taqrir Maifu' min Qiyadat]aysh al-Tahrir al-Filastini ila a!-Lijna al-Tanfidhiyya 'an al-Mudda 24/8164-22/5/65 (Report Submitted by the Military Committee to the Executive Committee concerning the period 24 August 1964 to 22 May 1965). Al-Taqrir al-'Am al-Muqaddam ila al-Lijna al-Tanfidhiyya 'an al-Mudda 24/8/64-22/5/65

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(The General Report Presented to the Executive Committee for the Period 24 August 1964 to 22 May 1965,from the PLO military committee). Taqrir Najah al-Marhala al-Ula min Insha']aysh al-Tahrir al-Filastini 'an al-Fatra min 24181 1964 ila 151811965 (Progress Report on the First Phase of the Establishment of the PLA in the Period 24 August 1964 to 15 August 1965). Mulhaq Taqrir Lubnan: Ma' lumat 'an Harakat Tahrir Filastin (Fath) (Supplement to the Lebanon Report: Information about the Palestine Liberation Movement (Fateh)), December 1965. Taqrir Maifu' min Qiyadat jaysh al-Tahrir al-Filastini ila al-Qiyada al-Muwahhada al·

'Arabiyya li-]uyush al-Duwal al-'Arabiyya 'an al-Fatra min 181911964 ila 11611965 (Report Presentedfrom the PLA Command to the UAC for the Periodfrom 18 September 1964 to 1june 1965). al-Khitta al-Niha'iyya li-Insha'jaysh al-Tahrir al-Filastini (The Final Plan for the Establishment of the PLA), [A compilation of various documents exchanged in November 1964], marked as appendix 3. Mahdar al-Mubahathat ma' al-]umhuriyya al- 'Iraqiyya (Minutes of the Discussions with the Iraqi Republic), [February 1965], marked as appendix 10. al-'Aqd Raqm liS ma' al-]umhuriyya al-'Arabiyya al-Suriyya bi-Tarikh 291311965 (Contract No. liS with the Syrian Arab Republic on 29 March 1965). Mahdar al-Mubahathat ma' Dawlat al-Kuwayt (Minutes of the Discussions with the State of Kuwait), [March 1965], marked as appendix 11. Taqrir 'an al-Mubahathat ma' al-Mamlaka al-Urduniyya al-Hashimiyya (Report on the Discus­ sions with the Hashemite Kingdom ofjordan), [March 1965], marked as appendix 12. Mashru' Khitta li-Tashkil Wihdat ]aysh al-Tahrir al-Filastini fi al-Marhala al-Thaniya ( 'Am 1966-1967)fi Aradi al-]umhuriyya al-'Arabiyya al-Suriyya (Draft Plan for the Formation of PLA Units in the Second Stage (the Year 1966-1967) in the Territory of the Syrian Arab Republic), PLA, Military Administration Bureau, Organization and Administration Branch, No. 759/w/1, 7 August 1965. Taqrir Najah al-Marhala al-Ula wa al-Thaniya, 11911965-11311966, ila al-Qiyada al-' Amma li-]uyush al-Duwal al-'Arabiyya (Progress Report for the First and Second Stages, 1 September 1965 to 1 March 1966, to the Unified Arab Command of the Armies of the Arab States). Taqrir Najah al-Marhala al-Ula wa al-Marhala al-Thaniya min Khittat lnsha'jaysh al-Tahrir al-Filastini 'an al-Fatra min 119165 ila 11511966 Maifu' ila al-Lijna al-Tanfidhiyya li Munazzamat at-Tahrir al-Filastiniyya (Progress Report for the First and Second Stages in the PLA Establishment Plan for the Period from 1 September 1965 to 1 May 1966, Submitted to the Executive Committee of the PLO). Ittifaqiyya bi-Sha'n Tashkil wa Taslih Wihdat]aysh al-Tahrir al-Filastini, 2213166 (Agreement Concerning the Formation and Armament of the PLA, 22 March 1966), Office of the Head of the Armed Forces War Staff[UAR] Ref. 426/37 64. Nizam al-Muwazzafin al-Asasi (Basic Statutes of Employment), Ref. jh/19-2381, 23 August 1966. al-Mu'tamar al-Mun'aqidfi Munazzamat al-Tahrir al-Filastiniyya, 181211967 (The Conference Convened at the PLO, 18 February 1967), [Minutes]. Mu'tamar al-Muqawama al-Sha'biyya al-Mun'aqid bi al-Qiyada al-'Amma li]aysh al-Tahrir al-

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Filastini 221211 967 (The Popular Resistance Conference Convened at the PLA General Command 22 February 1 967), [Minutes]. Concerning the Democratic State in Palestine (Beirut: Department of Information and National Guidance, n.d.). Kadi, Leila, Basic Political Documents of the Armed Resistance Movement (Beirst: PLO Research Centre, 1969). PLA, al-Muqawama al-Filastiniyya wa al-Durus al-Mustafada min al-Zuruf al-lati Marrat

biha (The Palestinian Resistance and the Lessons Drawn from the Circumstances through which it has Passed), Education and Awareness Section, General Affairs and Moral Guidance Branch, Damascus, 197 1 [c. February]. Al-Kifah al-Musallah �m 1 974: Tasa'ud wa Tarabut ma' al-Nidal al-Siyasi (The Armed Struggle in 1 974: Escalation and Connection with Political Struggle) ([Beirut]: PLO Unified Infor­ mation, n.d.). Hamid, Rashid, Muqarrarat al-Majlis al-Watani al-Filastini, 1964-1 974 (Resolutions of the

Palestine National Council, 1 964-1 974) (Beirut: PLO Research Centre, 197 5). Palestinian Popular Culture Faced with Zionist Attempts at Arrogation, n.p., PLO Depart­ ment of Information and National Guidance, Studies and Publications Section, Sep­ tember 197 6. The Unified Revolutionary Security Apparatus, Information Section, al-Himla Dud al­

Sha'b al-Filastinifi Tasrihat wa tlam al:Jabha al-Lubnaniyya ba'd Mu'tamaray al-Riyad wa al-Qahira (The Campaign against the Palestinian People in the Statements and Media of the Lebanese Front after the Riyadh and Cairo Conferences), n.d. [1977]. al-Rusan, Mahmud Tawfiq, Majmu'at al-Tashr{at al:Jiza'iyya, 1 979 (Collected Criminal

Legislation of the PLO, 1 979) (second edition; Tunis: Dar al-Nashr li al-Maghrib al­ 'Arabi, n.d. [after 1982]). Mahdar Liqa' �dan fi al-Fatra ma bayn 221Yunyul1984m ila 27 /Yunyul 1 984m (The Minutes of the Aden Meeting, from 22]une 1 984 to 27 june 1 984), published by the PLO office in Aden. Bayan al-Lajna al-Tanfidhiyya ai-Munazzamat al-Tahrir ai-Filastiniyya (Statement of t he PLO Executive Committee), reproduced by the information bureau, Fateh, Kuwait, March 1986. AI-Bayan ai-Siyasi (The Political Statement), PLO, Palestine National Council, Extraordi­ nary 19th Session (Uprising Session), Algiers, 12-15 November 1988. I' lan al-lstiqlal (Declaration of Independence), PLO, Palestine National Council, Extraordi­ nary 19th Session (Uprising Session), Algiers, 12-15 November 1988.

Palestinian National Front (PNF) This section relates to the PNF formed in 1973 and the revamped PNF formed in 1974. Also consulted, but not included here, are assorted PNF leaflets and statements, and statements by the National Guidance Committee in 197 8-80.

--Burnamij al:fabha a!-Wataniyya al-Filastiniyyafi ai-Ard al-Muhtalla (The Programme of the Palestinian National Front in the Occupied Land), August 1973.

860

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-- Mu'ash.shirat 'ala al-Tariq (Indicators of the Path), January 1974. -- Ma'alim al-Tariq (Features of the Path), February 1975.

Palestinian Communists Included are the relevant documents of the Jordanian Communist Party OCP). Not included in this section are publications issued to mark party anniversaries or to discuss a variety of historical, social, and political topics not related directly to the contempo­ rary Palestinian struggle. JCP, al-Burnamij al-Marhali li al-Hizb al-Shuyu'i al-Urduni (The Phased Programme of the

JCP), August 1967. -- al-Hizb al-Shuyu'i al-Urduni .ft. al-Nidal min ajl Sad al-'Udwan al-Imbiryali-al-Isra'ili wa Tasfiyatih (The Jordanian Communist Party in the Struggle to Repel the Imperialist-Israeli Aggression and Liquidate It), report of the politburo, unanimously approved by the central committee of the JCP in its metting of late August 1968. -- a!- Taqrir al-Siyasi li al-Kunfarans al-Hizbi (The Political Report of the Party Conference), April 1970.

-- al-]udhur al-Iqtisadiyya li al-Intihaziyya al-Yaminiyya (The Economic Roots of Rightwing Opportunism), February 197 1. -- Taqrir al-Hizb al-Shuyu'i al-Urduni (Report of the Jordanian Communist Party), March 1971. -- Mashru'Jabha Wataniyya Muwahhada (A Proposal for a United National Front), June 1971. -- Nahwa Jabha W ataniyya Mu'adiya li al-Ihtilal: Mashru' Burnamij (Towards a United National Front against the Occupation: A Proposed Programme), submitted by the polit­ buro to the central committee of the JCP, late June 1971. --Haw! al-Qadiyya al-Filastiniyya wa al-Haraka al-Sahyuniyya wa Mawqif al-Zumra al­ Munshaqqa minha (Concerning the Palestinian Cause, the Zionist Movement, and the Atti­ tude of the Splinter Clique Towards It), August 197 1 (second printing). al-Ashhab, Na'im, Fi Sabil al-Taghallub'ala al-AzamafiHarakat al-Tahrir al-Filastiniyya (To Overcome the Crisis in the Palestinian Liberation Movement) (n.p.: JCP publications, 1972). JCP, al-Taqrir al-Siyasi (Political Report), approved unanimously by the JCP Central Committe at its meeting held in early May 1973.

-- al-Maham al-Matruha amam al-Hizb al-Shuyu'i al-Urduni .ft. al-Marhala al-Rahina (The Tasks before the Jordanian Communist Party in the Current Phase), as presented by the politburo and discussed and unanimously approved by the central committee, late May 1974.

--Fi al-Dhikra al-Ula li Wafat Fu'ad Nassar: al-Rajul ... wa al-Qadiyya (On the First Anniversary of the Death of Fu'ad Nassar: The Man ... and the Cause), Culture for the People 2 Oerusalem: Saladin Press, 1977). and PCO, Mudhakkirat al-Lijna al-Markaziyya li al-Hizb al-Shuyu'i al-Urduni wa al-

--

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Lijna al-Qiyadiyya li al-Tanzim al-Shuyu"i al-Filastini ji al-Daffa al-Gharbiyya ila A"da' al­ Dawra al-Thalitha 'Ashara li al-Majlis al-Watani al-Filastini (Memorandum from the Cen­ tral Committee of the]CP and the Leadership Committee of the PCO in the West Bank to the Members of the 13th Session of the PNC), 1977. -- Taqrir al-Lijna al-Markaziyya al-Muqaddam ila A'da' al-Kunfarans al-Thalith (The Cen­ tral Committee Report Presented to the Members ofthe Third Co7iference), July August 1977 . -

al-Barghuthi, Bashir, Dud Kamb Dayjid (Against Camp David) (Jerusalem: Salah-al-Din Press, 197 8). JCP, Baa Qadaya wa Ittijahat al-Wad" al-Siyasi al-Rahin ji al-Mantaqa (Some Issues and

Directions in the Current Political Situation in the Region), text of the report presented by the JCP Politburo to the Central Committee, which approved it unanimously, at its expanded meeting in the middle of January 197 8. -- Taqrir Siyasi (Political Report), issued by the JCP Central Committee meeting held in December 197 8. PCO, al-Tanzim al-Shuyul. al-Filastini ji al-Daffa al-Gharbiyya (The Palestinian Communist

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]CP Central Committee), February 1980. --Munaqasha li-Mudhadkkirat al-Amin al-'Awwal li al-Lijna al-Markaziyya li al-Hizb al­ Shuyu"i al-Urduni, al-Muqadamma ila Ijtima' al-Lijna al-Markaziyya, al-Mun"aqid ji 10 Ab 1981, bi-Sadad Masalat al-I'lan 'an al-Hizb al-Shuyu'i al-Filastini (A Discussion of the Memorandum from the First Secretary of the ]CP Central Committee, Presented at the Meeting of the Central Committee Convened on 10 August 1981, Concerning the Announce­ ment of the PCP). PCP, Risala Dakhiliyya Dud Himlat al-Mughalatat-Tawdihat li-Siyasat al-Hizb al-Shuyu"i

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Articles and Chapters Individually-authored reports or other regular sections of periodical publications are not listed. Abu Khalil, Asad, 'Internal Contradictions in the PFLP: Decision-Making and Policy Determination', Middle East journal, 4 1 : 3 (Summer 1 987). Barkai, Haim, 'Reflections on the Economic Cost of the Lebanon War', jerusalem

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Lebanon and 422, 595-6 occupation of Gaza Strip 64-5 raids 356, 495 Shatila massacre 539-40 withdrawal from Lebanon 581-2 withdrawal from Shuf mountains al-Ifranji, 'Abdullah 633 immigrants, jewish 1-3, 25 civilian targeting and 21 1-12 from USSR 68, 639-40

567

Index

928 Independent Nasirites Movement 370

Kuwait: invasion of 548-9, 641-3

Indonesia 32

Lebanon and 504

industry, Palestinian: in occupied

Lebanese crisis 385, 394, 402, 4 1 8

territories 467, 476

Palestinian Left and 4 1 6

infiltration 1 8 , 48, 75 government policies

PDFLP and 3 4 1 to

curb 45

Palestinian military units to curb 60-5 problem of 5 8 -60 informers 287 violence against 636-7

peace process after 1 973 conflict 322, 339,

344 PF-GC and 340 PFLP and 235-6, 345, 489 PLO and 424, 425, 434-6, 444, 640

institutions: war of 612-13

PLO headquarters in 592-3

intelligence apparatus:

PLO-Jordan dialogue 440

Fateh 225-6, 254

Revolutionary Command Council 148

Jordan 245-6

rise in power 645-6

international community: Iraqi invasion of Kuwait 549 statism ofPLO and 447-8 international non-governmental organizations funds for occupied territories 612 funds for Palestinian left 482 international politics: Palestine and 1 6-20 intifada 547, 638

steadfastness and confrontation front 325 Syria and 32; feud 324, 326-7, 545; national charter 437, 438 UAR and 29-30 UNIFIL and 431 US and 639-40 USSR and 1 5 1 see

al.>o

Gulf war

Irgun Zvai Leumi organization 3

Arafat and 688-9

'Isa, 'Abd-al-Rahman 601

DFLP and 647

'Isa, Mahmud 232, 272, 599

Israel and 659 Palestinian Left and 645 PFLP and 645, 647-8

in ANM 1 09, 1 6 1 , 228, 230 Fateh split 562 Ishaq, 'Ali 576, 644

PLO and 607-37, 634-5

Iskandar, Ahmad 552

potency of 677

Islam:

use of term 664-5 Iran 1 5 1 , 437 camps war 594-5

in refugee camps 49 revitalization of 143 Islamic Assembly 404

Iraq and 322, 497

Islamic Complex 628-9

Islamic revolution 497

Islamic Conference Organization 1 29 , 501

PLO recruits 500 see

also Gulf war

Iraq 14, 354-5 ANM and 76, 77-8, 108-9

Islamic Conference for Palestine 644 Islamic Fatch 226 Islamic From for the Liberation Of Palestine 630

Arab--Israeli war (1 973) 3 1 9

Islamic Group 626

battle o f 'Ajlun 280-1

Islamic jihad Movement 607, 630

DFLP and 489 domestic unrest 325-6 economic liberalization 548 Egypt: feud with 67-9 Fateh and 129, 236-7

intifada 625-7 Islamic League 1 03 camps war 593 Islamic Liberation Party 50- 1 , 99, 226, 234,

625

guerrilla movement 147

Islamic Liberation Society: appeal of 49

Iran and 322, 497

Islamic movement and Islamists 625-32, 682

Israel: invasion of Lebanon 428

decline in appeal of 95

Jordan: dual power in 252, 259

expulsion from Israel 652

Jordan civil war ( 1 970) 264-5, 275

intifada 6 1 5

Kurds 548-9

Israel and 483

Index in occupied territories 689 Islamic Resistance Movement, see Hamas Islamic Supreme Council and Higher Committee for National Guidance

466-7

929 recognition 368, 549, 658, 659, 660 PNF and 347 prisoner exchange 573, 584, 609, 610, 626 Rogers plan 144-5 terrorism: reprisals 309-10

Islamic Unification Movement 353

Suez crisis 26

Islamic University 480, 628, 629

Syria and 504-5, 595-6

Islamists, see Islamic movement

Troop Withdrawal Agreement with

Isma'il, Abu Nidal 559 Israel 197

Arab--Israeli war ( 1973 ) 319 Arab states: relations with 1 1-12, 18-20,

Lebanon 546 US arms for 144, 1 52 West: commitment to 663

al-Ittijah al-Islami al-Mujahid 630

2 1-2 artillery war 508-9

al-Ja'bari, Muhammad 467

battle of Karama 1 77-9

Ja'ja', Samir 590, 5 9 5

civilian targeting 2 1 1-13

jabhat Filastin al-Muslima 630

demographic time bomb 686

al-Jabi, Subhi 1 1 6, 133, 138, 139

Fateh and 88, 107-8, 1 1 2, 3 1 1

influence of 1 85-6

formation of state o f 3-4, 5 , 6 , 1 1

PLA guerrilla wing 1 7 1

France: arms from 19, 26, 62

Gaza occupation ( 1956) 64-6 Good Fence policy 410

Jabir, Fayiz 109, 1 1 1 , 230, 305, 395 Jabir, Rubin 272 Jabr, 'haj' Isma'il 162, 222, 224, 462

guerrilla movement 202-4, 292

Fateh split 561-2, 563, 566

Hamas and 65 1

Lebanese war 524-5, 541

infiltration problem 59-60

Jackson, Jesse 485

informers 636-7

Jadid, Ghassan 67

intifada 61 9-20

Jadid, 'Izzat 146

iron fist policy 5 1 9-20, 609-10

Jadid, Salah 32, 1 1 7, 125, 127, 230

Islamic movement 629 JCP and 347 Jordan and 546-7, 61 0-1 1 Jordan River dispute 80, 94, 95, 101

power struggle with Asad 145-6, 1 48-9,

1 84-5, 1 87, 248, 264 Sa'iqa and 288 Jallud, 'Abd-al-Salam 389, 399, 556

Lebanese crisis 362, 364, 366, 371, 385,

jallud, 'Abdullah 330

389, 392, 400 Lebanese war 5 1 8-19, 523-8, 530, 53 1-2, 539-40; invasion plans 509, 514, 522 Lebanon 4 1 7-18, 495, 504, 555; invasion of 326-7, 426-9, 429-36, 686-7 Maronite militia, aid for 420 Negev settlement 122, 136 Nixon doctrine 1 5 1 nuclear weapons 3 3 , 1 1 9-20, 122, 134, 136, 140 occupied territories 286-8, 483-4, 589; economic policy 465; government 163 open bridges policy 160, 209, 345 Oslo accord 655-6, 659-60 Palestinians: attitudes to 1 1 ; government controls 37-9

Jam'ani, Oafi 1 82, 264, 288

peace process 548, 638, 640-1 ; after 1973 war 324 PLO and 414, 5 13-14, 574;

jama'a Islamiyya 5 8 1

al-jamal, Khalil 188 ai-Jamal, Muhammad 626 al-jamala, Jum'a 180-1 jamil, Naji 127, 128, 149, 418 Lebanese crisis 366, 405, 407 jarad, Fayiz 171 Jaradat, Sa'd 353, 355 Jarbu', Rashid 1 1 7 Jarring, Gunnar 144 al-Jayyab, Khalil 1 83 al-Jayyar, Mahmud 129 al-jazi, Mashhur Haditha 253, 260, 261, 266 Jbara, 'Abd-al-Rahman 231 JCP, see Jordanian Communist Party Jericho: Cairo accord 658-9 Palestinian Authority 663

Index

930 jewish Agency 6, 8-9

camps war 596

jibril, Ahmad 165, 1 7 1 , 207, 228, 4 1 2, 4 1 9

civil war (1970) 1 4 8 -9, 150-1, 262-8, 671 ,

artillery war 509

683; aftermath 268-79, 274-9

battle of Karama 1 78

domestic instability 1 1

Brezhnev proposal 503-4

Egypt and 30-1, 32-3

camps wars 620

Fateh and 104-5, 129, 222, 224, 307-8

criticism of 339-40, 4 1 7

food riots 548

Fateh split 5 6 1 , 563

fugitive patrols 208-9

Lebanese crisis 3 7 1 , 3 8 1 , 382, 407

guerrilla action against 1 3 8

Lebanese war 5 1 5, 5 16, 529-30

guerrilla groups in 147, 1 76--7, 1 8 1-4, 202,

opposition to Arafat 126, 127, 579 Palestinian civil war 571 , 572

668, 675; deterioration of relations 243--61; end of dual power 262- 8 1

in Palestinian Liberation Front 94, 125

infiltration problem 59-60

in PF--GC 203, 229, 258, 644

Israel and 1 3 , 610-1 1

PLO and 429, 439, 440, 444, 485

Lebanese war 526

UNIFIL 431-2

Lebanon: Israeli invasion of 428

jihad, Muhammad 597, 600, 633

Muslim Brotherhood and 629

Jihad Movement,

occupied territories 465-6; control of

see

Islamic jihad

Jisr al-Basha refugee camp 395-6 jmay'ani,

Dafi

1 85 , 230, 253

Jmayyil, Amin 419, 555, 590

335-6

Palestine problem 96 Palestinian civil war 572

accordian plan 5 1 4

Palestinian military units missions in 67

elected president 539

Palestinian policies 15, 21

Jmayyil, Bashir 3 7 1-2, 392, 4 1 9

Palestinians in 4, 54; alliance 545, 546-7,

accordian plan 5 1 4

552-3, 557-8; federation 414-15;

death 5 3 8

government control 41-2; social and

elected president 538 Lebanese crisis 392

economic control 42-4 PFLP and 305-6, 4 1 7, 490

Syria-Israel clash 504

PLA 169, 290-1

Tal al-Za'tar refugee camp 400

PLO 1 ! 8 -19, 438-40, 577, 586-9;

jmayyil, Pierre 194, 3 13 Lebanese crisis 358-61, 369, 3 7 1 , 376-7, 403, 404

Tal al-Za'tar refugee camp 363 johnson, Lyndon 144

expulsion from ( 1 970-1) 682; personnel from 460-1 plot to overthrow monarchy 226-7 political activism in 51-2 refugee organizations 48

Joint Arab Defence Council 28 1

state-building 1 3-14, 20

joint committee: Jordanian-Palestinian

Syria and 387-8, 489, 502-3

479-82, 503

Joint Forces 385

UAR and 29 United Arab Kingdom 483

Israeli Good Fence policy 410

US and 27-8

Lebanese crisis 374-5, 388-9, 390, 393-4,

West Bank: severance of ties with 621-2,

398, 405-9

623

Lebanese war 5 1 7

Jordan Affairs Bureau 308

Tal al-Za'tar refugee camp 396-8

Jordan River dispute 3 1 , 80, 94, 95, 1 0 1

Jordan 1 8 Amman accord 578-9 ANM and 75, 109, 1 3 5 , 1 59, 1 6 1 , 166

Jordanian Arab Army 2 7 Jordanian Communist Party UCP) 243-4, 273, 4 1 5

Arab-Israeli war ( 1973) 319, 321

formation o f Ansar 248-51

Arab states: grants from 143

in occupied territories 167-8, 476-7

battle of 'Ajlun 279- 8 1 battle o f Karama 1 77-9 Britain and 27

PNF and 346-7 Jordanian Communist Parry-Leninist Cadre 273

Index Jordanian option 466

931 assassination 5 1 2-13

Jordanian Revolutionary People's Party 490

Kfar Shuba raids 360

al-Ju'ba, Hasan 228, 229, 230

al-Khaddam, 'Abd-al-Halim 321, 366, 378,

al-Ju'ba, Nasir 6 1 5

444, 501

Jum'a, Sha'rawi 77, 149-50

Amman accord 582

Junblat, Kamal 1 9 1 , 1 93, 194, 369, 380, 388

assassination attempt 4 1 6

assassination 4 1 7

camps war 591

Damascus accord 386-7

Fateh split 566

leader of Lebanese Nationalist

Jordan and 587

Movement 362-3 Lebanese crisis 3 8 1-3, 385, 3 89-90, 392,

399, 401-4 Junblat, Walid 425, 53 1 camps war 594 Lebanese war 529 in national unity government 580 al-Jundi, 'Abd-al-Karim 1 24, 125, 127, 145-6,

157 al-Jundi, Khalid 1 0 5 , 126 Jundullah 370 al-Juwayfil, Muhammad Najib 350

Lebanese crisis 368-9, 376, 377, 385, 390,

407 Lebanese war 533 opposition to Arafat 585 PLO and 554, 620 al-Khadra, Muhammad Tariq 570, 5 7 1 , 572,

573 Khalaf, Dawud 287 Khalaf, Salah (Abu Iyad) 1 99, 230, 302, 380,

383, 434, 601 accordian plan 5 1 4 Amman accord 579 ANM and 132

al-Ka'kabani, Salih 87

after Arab-Israeli war ( 1 967) 1 55, 1 56

Ka'wash, Jalal 104, 126

Arafat and 601, 633, 634

Ka'wash, Kamal 1 04

assassination 654, 689-90

Kafama, Marwan 6 1 5

in central committee 294, 431

Kahan, Yitzhaq 5 3 9

criticisms of 293

Kamal, Sa'id 1 2 9 , 425

early career 80, 82, 84, 87

Kan'an, 'Azzam 1 09

Egypt and 129, 378, 558

Kan'an, Ghazi 5 7 1 , 595, 596

Fahd peace plan 5 1 1-12

Kan'an, Musa 363

Fateh 120, 127, 128, 1 5 8, 205, 492-3;

Kan'an, Sa'id 638

criticism 292; internal disputes 1 56, 306-7; split 562-3, 563-4, 565 Faysal of Saudi Arabia and 1 79 government-in-exile (GiE) 616 guerrilla movement 669 Gulf crisis 642 Husayn assassination plot 355-6 intelligence apparatus 223, 225-6, 246, 254 jordan 258, 264, 280, 586; civil war 265, 266 Jordan Affairs Bureau 308 Jordanian-Palestinian alliance 558 Lebanese crisis 389-93, 395, 399, 402, 404, 429 Lebanese war 530 Lebanon and 5 1 2 Nasir and 180 national authority 343 peace process 421 ; after 1 973 conflict 334, 33 5-6, 338, 342 PLA and 241

Kan'an, Tahir 589 Kanafani, Ghassan 1 1 0, 1 1 1 , 130, 256-7, 304

death 309-10 Karam a, battle of 17 4-9

effect on Palestinian movement 68 1 Karami, Rashid 1 90, 360, 363, 367, 375 assassination attempt 3 8 1 funds for Fateh 1 8 8 Lebanese crisis 369, 3 9 2 , 403 national unity government 580 runs for president 323, 358

Kata'ib al-Fida' al-'Arabi 72-3 , 75 Kata'i b Muhammad 86 Katibat al-Haq 82 Katmattu, Muhammad 228, 229, 230 Kayid, Abu Yusif 298 al-Kayid, Hasan 1 77 Kayid, Yusif 600 al-Kaylani, Muhammad Rasul 1 77, 300, 355 al-Kayyali, 'Abd-al-Wahhab 92, 236, 269

Index

932 Khalaf, Salah (Abu lyad) (cont.): PLO 2 1 9 , 273, 555; reform 444, 646; withdrawal from Lebanese cities 496,

498-9 PLO-Jordan dialogue 438

Khuri, Iliyya 343

al-Kifah al-Musallah Tariq al-'Awda 87 Kilani, Muhammad Rasul 247 Kishli, Muhammad 79, 1 59, 230, 302 Kissinger, Henry 144, 1 5 1 , 1 52, 356, 684

PNC and 557, 576

Lebanese crisis 361, 385, 386

'reverse immigration' 212

policies 320, 321, 322, 341

revolutionary bases 224 security apparatus 457, 462 Shtura accord 4 1 9-20

recognition of PLO 368 Korea, North 500 arms for Fateh 5 1 0

Syria and 554, 576-7, 620

DFLP and 349

Tal al-Za'tar refugee camp 4 0 1

support for Fateh 147, 5 10

terrorism 309, 3 1 0, 3 1 1 , 639

Kreisky, Bruno 4 1 5 , 484, 502

Tripoli conference 425

ku.fiyya 1 9 5

USSR and 426

Kuwait:

Khalid, king of Saudi Arabia: Riyadh agreement 407 Khalid, Hasan (Abu al-Sa'id) 375, 380, 390,

520 Khalid, Taysir 488, 642 'Khalid ibn al-Walid' 64 al-Khalidi, Mahmud 87, 103, 1 2 8

aid to Jordan 267-8 aid to PLO 640

Arab-Israeli war (1 973 ) 3 1 9 grant to Egypt and jordan 1 43 , 1 52 Iraqi invasion of 548-9, 641-3, 651 Palestinian civil war 572 ai-Kzar, Nazim 148

al-Khalidi, Walid 441 Khalifa, Abu 'Abdullah 67

al-Labadi, Mahmud 559

Khalifa, Ahmad 1 1 0, 130, 164, 1 65 , 166

al-Ladabi, Muhammad 6 1 5

arrested 1 67 al-Khalili, Ghazi 272, 279, 301 , 332

labour,

see

workers

Labour Party: Israel 503, 652

Khammash, 'Amir 1 78

landlessness 46-7

Khan Yunis raid 65

landowners: in Jordan 42-3

Khartum 3 1 1

al-Lawh, '!sam 604

ai-Khatib, 'Umar 105, 162, 207

al-Lawzi, Ahmad 552

ai-Khatib, Ahmad 73, 74, 379, 600

LCAO 302-3, 353, 370, 581

arrested 413

LCP, see Lebanese Communist Party

Lebanese crisis 390, 404

leadership, Palestinian:

as PLA commander 230, 23 1 , 242, 380 ai-Khatib, Hasan 288 ai-Khatib, Husam 87, 103, 1 05, 284 on PLO executive committee 56, 206, 263 ai-Khatib, Husayn 209, 291 guerrilla groups 1 7 1

age differentiation 6. 9, 669-70 in exile 2, 3, 7-9 Fateh 223 guerrilla groups 1 82-3 lack of 35 lack of accountability 680-1

ai-Khatib, lshaq 250

nature of 677-9

ai-Khatib, Na'im 588

in occupied territories 63 5-6

al-Khatib, Samir 133, 1 86, 238

in Palestinian Authority 661

al-Khawaja, 'Azmi 1 1 0, 165, 1 66, 167, 232,

272 Khaydar, Muhammad 100, 102 Khmayyis, Mustafa 165

rivalries 676 Leadership of the Palestinian Organization 412 League of Arab States 3, 13, 14-1 5 , 30, 4 1

Khrushchev, Nikita 33

battle o f Beirut 465-6

al-Khuli, Hasan Sabri 405, 407

disbanding of Palestinian armed forces

al-Khuli, Muhammad 393

58-9

ai-Khuri, Bishara 1 1 , 13

Iraqi invasion of Kuwait 549

Khuri, Emil 189

Lebanese crisis 358, 370, 392, 394

Index Lebanese war 529, 535-6

933 conflict ( 1 974 ) 356

Palestine problem 95-6

conflict ( 1 978-82 ) 495-521

PLA and 1 13

domestic instability 1 1

League of Nations 1, 4-5

Fateh and 104, 129, 298-9, 653-4, 656

League of Palestinian Students 57

guerrilla bases in 29 1-2, 3 1 2-17

Lebanese Communist Action Organization

guerrilla groups in 147, 1 88-94, 202, 668,

(LCAO) 302-3, 353, 370, 5 8 1 Lebanese Communist Party (LCP) 3 7 0 , 497,

5 13 Amal and 520 camps war 581, 594, 595 Palestinian civil war 570 Lebanese deuxieme bureau: bombing campaigns 5 1 3 Lebanese Forces 4 1 4 , 527, 567, 568, 5 8 2 , 590,

592 accordian plan 5 1 4

675 independence 5 Israel and 13, 555

Israeli invasion ( 1982 ) 326-7, 426-9,

686-7; effects of 429-36 liberalism 20 national unity government 546, 580 Palestinian dissidents and 597-8 Palesrinian military units missions in 67 Palesrinians in 4; government control 39,

40-1; social and economic control 44-6

camps war 582

PFLP in 645

Lebanese war 531

PLA in 1 18, 2 89-90

Syria and 538-9

PLO and 448, 449, 460-1, 560-1, 589-90,

Lebanese Front 406, 4 1 1 , 4 1 3-14, 4 1 8, 496,

499

685 political activism 52, 53

Lebanese crisis 386, 387, 388, 392, 394, 403

state-building 20

Palesrinian refugees and 414

Troop Withdrawal Agreement with

Shtura accord 420 withdrawal of Syrian forces 498 Lebanese Movement in Support of Fateh 1 89

Israel 546 UAR and 29

war ( 1982) 523-40; aftermath 540-3 ,

Lebanese National Resistance Front 5 8 1

551-5; effect on PLO 545; preparations

Lebanese Nationalist Movement (LNM) 4 1 3 ,

for 522-3

496, 567

Lebanon committee: camps war 602-3

control of 433

Legislative Council in Gaza 96, 1 1 5

decline of 5 1 3

Lehi (Stern) organization 3

feud with Amal 403-4, 497, 504 formed 362-3

Lenin 233

Israeli Good Fence policy 410

Lewis, Samuel 531

Lebanese crisis 369-74, 387, 392-3 , 395,

401-4 Lebanese war 528, 529, 53 1 , 539, 542 PLO weapons for 538 political programme 367 political reform draft 364

Levy, Moshe 595 Liberation Council: formation of 1 38-9 liberation groups 666 liberation movements, national: relations with Fateh 102-3 Libya: aid to jordan 267- 8

Shtura accord 420

aid to PLO 640

Tal al-Za'tar refugee camp 397

Amman accord 579

Lebanon:

Arab-Israeli war ( 1973 ) 33 1-2

Ba'th party 92-3 camps war 580-5

civil war ( 1975-6) 190-4, 323-4, 47 1-2,

684; approach of 358-72; ceasefire attempts 398-403, 4 1 0-23; PLO and Syrian rivalry in 373-9 1 , 392-5; Tal al-Za'tar siege 395-8

Arafat and 502 arms: for Palestinian Left 486; for PLO 509-1 0 battle o f 'Ajlun 280 domestic instability 146 Egypt: border war 419 Fateh and 105 Fateh split 561 , 563, 566, 567 Fez declaration 552

Index

934 Libya: (cont.):

MAPAM 38

grant to Egypt and jordan 143

Maqdah, Munir 653-4

guerrilla movement 1 9 1

MAQI 38

jordan civil war 275

Mar\ 'Abd-al-Rahman 352, 432, 434, 564

Lebanese crisis 360, 385

Maragha, Sa'id 294, 296, 350, 3 5 1 , 599

Lebanese war 529

'Atallah and 297

Palestinian civil war 570

camps war 620, 621

Palestinian dissidents and 486, 600, 644

as Fateh commander 299, 600

PDFLP and 341

Fateh split 558, 561, 562, 563, 567

peace process after 1 973 conflict 322, 339,

344

Lebanese war 5 1 6 opposition to Arafat 556-7

PF-GC and 340

Palestinian civil war 571

PFLP and 234, 345

PLO internal disputes 429

PLO and 378, 485-6, 556

proposed coup 254

steadfastness and confrontation front 325 al-Liftawi, Mustafa 207 Likud Party 324, 4 1 8, 466, 479, 503 Baker peace plan 641 plan to incorporate occupied territories 508

quells revolt 298 in revolutionary council 493 USSR and 567 wounded 413 Maronites, Lebanese 323, 498, 531 see

also Lebanese crisis

Liu Shao-Chi 103

martyrs: social welfare for families of 460

LNM, see Lebanese Nationalist Movement

Martyrs of September battalion 297

Lockerbie bombing 624

Marxism:

Lydda attack 166-7

Arab and Palestinian 648 in PFLP 232-7

al-Ma'ani, Salah 93, 5 7 1 , 572

Marxist-Leninism:

Ma'ayta, Mahmud 1 82, 1 85, 288

DFLP 488

al-Mabhuh, Mahmud 287

guerrilla groups 492

al-Mabhuh, Marwan 6 1 5

PFLP 490-1, 648

al-Madani, 'Ali 393

al-Masri, Tahir 579

al-Madani, Wajih 1 1 6, 169, 1 7 1 , 172

al-Masri, Zafir 587-8, 6 1 1

formation of Abtal al-'Awda 136-7

mass action 471, 474-8

as PLA commander-in-chief 1 1 3, 1 1 5 , 133,

Maswada, Mahmud 1 03 , 224

141, 1 85-6 Shuqayri and 1 32, 1 34, 138, 139 Madrid peace conference 648, 651-2, 653-4,

690

challenge to Arafat 1 56, 223 expelled from Fateh 226 Matar, Hamdi 1 6 1 , 228, 232, 272, 279 release from Jordanian prison 332

Maghdusha 593-4, 595

al-Maw'id, Hamad 1 26

Mahmud, Sulayman 287

mayors: in occupied territories 478-9, 482,

Mahmud, Taha 164

483-4

al-Majali, H abis 261

M eir, Golda 1 44-5, 308

al-Majali, Haza' 28

M elkart protocol ( 1973) 3 1 7, 363, 373

Majd 348, 629-30

Melloy, Francis 395

Majid, Abu 559

Mhanna, Ghazi 1 83, 330

Makhus, Ibrahim 105, 1 45-6, 157

al-Mi'mari, Ahmad 390

Malik, Charles 29

middle class 8, 665

Malik, Fu'ad 396

birth of Palestinian entity 95

al-Malki, 'Adnan 67

founding of PLO 667

Malluh, 'Abd-al-Rahim 230, 306, 45 1 , 642,

in guerrilla leadership 671

647, 649 Mao Zedong 103, 1 5 1 , 233, 489

Reportfrom Xunwu 679

Islamic movements 626-7 in jordan 43 marginalization of 44-5

Index

935

in occupied territories 466-8, 608-9, Palestinian nationalism and 35-6 political activism 50-1, 608-9 transfer of leadership from 220 see

PLO-Jordan dialogue 439-40, 445 US-PLO dialogue 42 1 , 422

61 1-12

also petite bourgeoisie

Munazzamat Shabab al-Tha'r 1 4 1 Muqawama 168 Muqawama Mustamirra 344 Muqbil, Hanna 434

Mifrij, Ahmad 1 8 1

Murad, Mustafa 393, 601

Mikha'il, Hanna (Abu 'Umar) 352

Murphy, Richard 587

military action,

see

armed struggle

military training: Fateh 162, 1 80, 1 87, 225 PLO: compulsory 98 military units, Palestinian: in Arab countries 4 1 , 58-70 see

also armies;

Murqus, Ilyas 283, 284 al-Murtaja, Yahya 1 7 1 , 291

Palestine Liberation Army

militia agreement: Jordan 275-7

al-Musallarni, Muhammad 1 1 0, 165, 232,

272-3 , 306 in ANM 74 criticism of 649 Muslih, Raji 352 Muslim Brotherhood:

Milson, Menahem 483-4, 5 1 9-20

appeal of 49, 86, 105

al-Mir, Ahmad 146

Arafat and 573

missile crisis 3 26

campaign against 'Alawi domination

Miyya-wa-Miyya refugee camp 590, 653 mobile war 205, 206

325-6 Egyptian training for 8 1-2

Morgan, Ernest 365-6

Fateh and 80-1, 84, 485, 498

Morocco 3 1 9, 502, 548, 588

in Gaza 53

Mossad: terrorism 5 1 2

government loyalty of 5 1

Movement o f Arab Lebanon 353

Hamas 652-3

Movement of Arab Revolutionaries 163

intifada 630-2

Movement of Free Jordanians-Shihan

Islamic Fateh and 226

Forces 276

Islamist movement and 483

Mraysh, Ma'mun 592

Jordan and 52, 489, 586

Mroz, John 507

Nasir and 26, 33, 61-2

Mtayr, Wahid 462 Mu'ammar, Ibrahim 626

in occupied territories 482, 627-30 PLO leadership in 677

Mubarak, Husni 572, 573, 579, 586, 639

spread of 50

Mufid, Marwan 298

suppression 129

Muflih, Riyad 281

Syria and 520, 547

Muhammad, 'Ali Nasir 576

United National Front and 1 63

Muhammad, Abu Usama 462, 485

weakening of 83

Muhanna, 'Abdullah Ahmad Hasan 626, 632

Muslims, Lebanese,

al-Muharrir 378

Mustafa, Salah 64

Muhsin, Hashim 'Ali 233, 254, 302 Fateh split 56 1 , 566

see

Lebanese crisis

Mutlaq, 'haj' 462 ai-Mzayyin, Sa'id 84

Muhsin, Zuhayr 288, 290, 3 1 4

Arab-Israeli war ( 1973 ) 330

Na'im 162, 193, 296

collective leadership 442

Nab'a 400, 403-4

Israeli invasion of Lebanon 429

Nabatiyya clashes 416

Israeli truce 414

ai-Nabhani, Taqi-al-Din 50-1

Lebanese conflict 4 1 2-13

ai-Nabulsi, Sulayman 27

Lebanese crisis 366, 371, 378-9, 384-5,

388-90, 393, 428

ai-Nafuri, Amin 28

al-Nahar 610

peace process after 1 973 conflict 333-4,

ai-Nahhal, Fakhir 181

337-8, 342 PLO and 441 , 444, 485

al-Nahlawi, 'Abd-al-Karim 30, 69 Nahr al-Barid refugee camp 191, 584

Index

936 Naji, Talal 229, 552, 553

Nasirite Murabitun 497, 504, 529, 538

Najib, Muhammad 6 1

Amal and 582

al-Najjab, Sulayman 1 67, 347, 634, 646

camps war 595

al-Najjar, Muhammad Yusif (Abu Yusif ) 106,

Salih and 5 9 8 Nasirite Popular Organization 5 2 1

123 , 1 92 , 298, 306

after Arab-Israeli war ( 1967) 1 56

Nasr, Mahmud 1 68

arrested 82

Nasr, Salah 77, 1 29, 1 3 5 dismissal 1 49

death 3 1 1 i n Muslim Brotherhood 80, 84, 86-7

Nasr, Samih: capture of 590

terrorism 308, 309, 3 1 0

Nasrallah, Sa'id 363 Nassar, Fu'ad 1 68 , 249, 250

al-nakba 1-4, 46-7, 90, 663, 665-6 al-Naqib, Hasan 1 62, 1 78 , 1 84, 435-6

National Alliance (NA) 575, 576, 577-8

al-Naqib, Usama 78, 1 6 1

National Assembly Forces 370

al-Nashashabi, Muhammad Zuhdi 9 3 , 482

'national authority' 322, 340-1, 342-3, 3 5 1 -2,

al-Nashashibi, Raghib 6, 7, 8, 9

684, 685

al-Nashshar, 'Isa 629

National Bureau of Guerilla Control:

al-Nashshash, 'Abd-al-Hadi 5 59

Syria 1 87-8, 289

Nasim, Muhammad 77, 129

National Front 65

Nasir, Jamal 'Abd-al- 12, 1 3 , 49, 1 84, 1 91-2

National Guidance Committee (NGC) 482,

ANM and 75, 77, 80, 1 3 1 , 135, 136

483, 508

after Arab-Israeli war ( 1 967 ) 1 75

banned 5 1 9, 608

Arab Socialist Union and 3 1

formed 479

assassination attempt 82

National Liberation League 50

attitudes to 83, 1 60, 666, 678

National Salvation Council 529, 531

Ba'th Party and 28-9, 30

National Steadfastness and Confrontation Front 437

Baghdad Pact 18

National Union 29, 30, 31, 667

death 1 45 domestic conflict 1 49 Egyptian policy

National Union Front 404

13 5

National Unity Programme

establishment of eastern ti·ont 1 46, 1 79

Arafat and 605

Fateh and 108, 1 1 2 grass-roots support

667

guerrilla movement

country 5-6, 8-9 Patch and 680

1 '! 1

Habash and 23 5

pan-Arab 664, 666

inter-Arab relations 3 1 . .l2-.l. 1 24

policies 20-3

Israel: recognition of 1 4 l

political activism 48-54 rebirth 7 1-94

jordan 259 jordan civil war

439

nationalism 95-1 1 1 , 687

( 1 970 1

2nt>,

Muslim Brotherhood and

267 61

re-emergence of national politics social origins 46-8

nationalization 27, 64

7H-9, 96, 97, 286

Palestinian movement Palestinian rupture

665-7

repression in occupied territories 484

1 00

statist and revolutionary options 332-3 nationalization, Arab 20 ai-Natsha, Mustafa 6 1 1

PLA and 1 1 6

al-Natsha, Rafiq 1 05, 493

PLO and 1 02, 103-4

in Revolutionary Command Council 25-6 Qasim: feud with 6 7 9 78, 99 Rogers plan 256 Shuqayri and 1 1 7 Soviet arms 1 9 war of attrition 24 1 , 253-4 Yemen conflict 95 Nasir, Kamal 124, 253, 3 1 1 -

,

al-Natur, Suhayl 272, 542, 603 Natur, Muhammad (Abu al-Tayyib) 635 Nawfal, Mamduh 204, 341, 383, 604 artillery war 505 camps war 593-4 DFLP internal reform 646

Lebanese war 526, 542 USSR and 342

Index

937

Nayifbin 'Ali, prince 245

Palestinian autonomy in 549

Nazmi, Ra'uf (Mahjub 'Umar) 181

Palestinian civil war 573

Nazzal, Nafidh 652

Palestinian representation 643

neopatrimonialism 656, 672, 674, 680, 687

peace process after 1973 war 333-9

Arafat 605, 689-90

PLO and 657, 660-1 , 685

in state-building 670

rentier politics in 680

NGC,

see National Guidance

Committee

Nicaragua 453

al-Nida' 43 1 Nida'al-Masira 223 Nidal, Abu, see Abu Nidal faction;

social and economic transformations

464-70 struggle for political predominance in 478-84 al-Banna,

Sabri al-Nimayri, Muhammad Ja'far 146, 149, 266,

267, 3 1 4 battle o f 'Ajlun 279 al-Nimmari, Kamal 164 Nimr, Walid (Abu 'Ali Iyad) 123, 259, 261 ,

278, 297, 306 arrested 12 7 in central committee 294 death 279, 297, 298 intelligence apparatus 225

see also intifada October war, see Arab-Israeli war ( 1 973 ) oil embargo 3 1 9 oil states: aid for Hamas 65 1 , 652 funds for PLO 641 ; suspension of 656

see also specific countries Olympic village attack 309, 3 10 Organization of Lebanese Socialists 192, 23 1 formed 230 Oslo accord 653, 655-6, 659-60, 663, 691 provisions 658

as military trainer 128, 1 83 Nixon, Richard 144, 145, 1 5 1 , 1 52, 285, 320

PAC,

Nixon doctrine 1 5 1

Pakistan 5 00

Nkrumah, Kwame 32

Palestine and Palestinians:

Non-Aligned Movement 344, 690 PLO and 3 1 2 , 332 non-governmental organizations: in occupied territories 689 nuclear weapons: Iraq 641-2 Nuqrashi, Mahmud 1 1

see Palestinian Action Command

after Arab-Israeli war ( 1 947-8) 1-4 Arab politics and 10-16, 20-3 armed struggle 1 1 2-42, 673 'civilian administration' 1 5 in Egypt: government conrrols 40-1 ; social and economic controls 44

Nusayba, Nihad 291

imagined com m u nity 54

Nusayba, Sari 615, 638, 654

international politics and 1 6 -20

-i

in Israel: governrnellt romrols .� 7-\1; OACL 497 occupied territories: activists 608-9

also occupied

sec

territories

in jordan: govcrnmcm controls 41-2 in labour market 46 1 . 46'1, 607-!l

Arafilt populariry 592, 654

in Lebanon: government co nt rols 39,

effect on Palestinian politics 676-7

40-1; social and economic controls 44-6 military units in Arab counrries 58-70 opposition to statehood of 4-10, 25-33 in Syria: government controls 39-41; social and economic controls 44-6 unsuitability for guerrilla warfare 198

emigration of Soviet Jews 639-40 Fateh in 1 974 349-50 guerrilla movement 147, 207-10, 470-4; after 1967 war 1 55-73; after 1973 war 345-9 iron fist policy 5 1 9-20 Islamic movement in 625-32

see also Palestine

Liberation Organization

Jewish settlements 508, 520, 558, 607, 609

Palestine Arab Refugees Institution 39

Jordan and 587-8, 589

Palestine Armed Struggle Command

leadership in 63 5-6 Likud plan to incorporate 508 mass action in 474-8

(PASC) 182 formed 204-5 Palestine Border Police 6 1 , 66

Index

938 Palestine Borders Guard 61-3, 66, 68-9, 1 1 5 Shuqayri and 97, 1 1 2

Arab-Israeli war ( 1 973) 3 1 9 , 329-33 armed struggle: launch of 1 32-5

Palestine Committee: ANM 78-9

army regularization 448-53

Palestine Liberation Army (PLA) 80, 294-5,

clandestinity 285

368, 4 1 3 Abtal ai-'Awda 136-7 after Arab-Israeli war ( 1967) 1 69

Fakhani republic 447-63 Fateh and 100-4, 1 2 1-2, 1 74-5, 293; takeover by 2 1 8 -2 1

Arab recognition 102

formed 94, 97-100, 666-7

battalions 1 1 8

guerrilla movement 1 4 1 , 205-6, 239-42;

batde of 'Ajlun 279

takeover by 669

camps war 584

internal crisis ( 1 966-7) 138-9

control of 1 1 3-19, 132-3, 1 8 5-7, 241-2,

international image, concern for 2 1 5-16

289-90

intifada 613-19, 632-7

expansion of 330

Islamic University 629

Fateh and 121

Jordan and 253, 260, 26 1 , 445

formation o f 1 12-19

Jordanian civil war 267, 268, 273-4, 683

guerrilla wing 1 70-2 in Jordan 260, 261 Jordan conflict (1 970) 262, 267, 268 Lebanese crisis 376-8, 380-1 , 387-8, 393-4, 402 Lebanese war 526, 528, 536 military expansion 450 Palestinian civil war 5 70-1 personnel: origins 462 recruits 500 Sa'iqa and 185 Syria and 329-30, 416 Tal al-Za'tar refugee camp 397 unity document 251-2 see also Popular Liberation Forces Palestine Liberation Front 1 P I . I ' J 92, 125-6, 127, 1 65, 432, 4.H Achille Lauro 5K6 camps war 59.>. 5