Archives from Elephantine: Life of an Ancient Jewish Military Colony

1etl et Retaba. (PHnom) WADI et Maskhuta. . (Succoth) TUMILATTe\\ 1&� ·TeU et Yahuc1 J\ (LeontopoliS)

�

.Heliopotis (On)

SINAI

(Akhetaten)

EI GebeHn (Crocodilopolia)

Edfu (Apollinopolis Magno)

o

I

o

50 i

Miles

i 100 Km.

Elephanti.ne . Aswon Dam (1 at Cat01cac.t)I'

High

Dam)

ARCHIVES FROM ELEPHANTINE THE LIFE OF AN AN CIENT JEWISH MILITARY COLONY

BY

UN IVERSI T Y

OF

BEZAL EL

P OR T E N

CAL I F ORNIA

B E RKELEY AND L O S ANGELES

PRESS

1968

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

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Cambridge University Press London, England Copyright © 1968, by TllC Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 68-13114 Printed in the United States o f America

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•

TO

MY

PARE N T S

P RE FACE

In the fifth century B.C.E. a colony of Jewish soldiers protected the interests of the Persian Empire on the island of Elephantine at the southern border of Egypt. The colony has transmitted to posterity three Aramaic archives of some dozen documents each. Two are family archives and one is a com­ munal archive. The discovery and publication in the first decade of this century of two of these archives caused a sensation in learned circles not unlike that produced a half-century later by the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls. The increasing popularity of Qumran studies coincided with the publication of the third archive and tended to eclipse the full significance of the Elephantine texts. Their importance, however, can hardly be gain­ said : ( 1 ) They antedate most of the Scrolls by at least four centuries. ( 2 ) They provide the earliest documentation for the political, eco­ nomic, social, religious, and corporate life of a Jewish community-and a Diaspora one at that. ( 3 ) They display numerous points of contact with the contemporary Biblical books of Ezra and Nehemiah and greatly enhance our knowledge of Imperial Aramaic. (4 ) They are valuable to the Iranologist and Egyptologist because they contain many Persian and Egyptian words and names. ( 5 ) They provide another link in the chain of ancient Near Eastern law, allowing us to trace the development of legal patterns from earliest times down through the demotic contracts of Egypt and beyond. (6) They illuminate the daily life of a military colony on the farthest border of the Persian Empire. The first batch of papyri turned up on the antiquities market at Aswan and its masterful publication by the Englishmen Archibald Henry Sayce and Arthur Ernest Cowley in 1906 stimulated both the French and the Germans to undertake excavations on the island of Elephantine in search

Vlll

P REFACE

of more papyri. The German excavation was amply rewarded and the many papyri and ostraca which it discovered were published by Edward Sachau in 191 1 . The French efforts yielded no papyri but numerous ostraca, most of which still await publication. The expensive editions of Sayee-Cowley and Sachau were followed immediately by smaller, popular editions by Willy Staerk and Arthur Ungnad. The papyri published by the Germans were shortly thereafter translated into English by Martin Sprengling and the definitive collection of texts was made in 1923 by A. E. Cowley. New translations of selected texts may be found in the several anthologies of Ancient Near Eastern Texts edited by Hugo Gressmann, James B. Pritchard, and D. Winton Thomas. Leading scholars in the field of ancient Near Eastern studies gave their attention to the illumination of the Aramaic texts. Significant articles and reviews were written by the Semitists Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, S. Daiches, J. Halevy, M.-J. Lagrange, M. Lidzbarski, Th. N6ldeke, F. E. Peiser, and others; by the Egyptologists M. J. Leibovitch, M. E. Revillout, and W. Spiegelberg; and by the Talmudists L. Blau and J. N. Epstein. Mono­ graphic studies were produced by H. Anneler, A. van Hoonacker, Ed. Meyer, N. Peters, and C. G. Wagenaar. Most of these works were written within a decade of the publication of the original documents. In 1937 A. Vincent published a comprehensive study of the religion of the Elephan­ tine Jews. New Aramaic texts were published beginning in the 1930'S. In 1931 Noel Aime-Giron edited a collection of papyri, mostly fragmentary, from Memphis and elsewhere. A legal text was published in 1936 by Hans Bauer and Bruno Meissner and a diplomatic letter found at Saqqarah was pub­ lished in 1949 by Andre Dupont-Sommer. Another collection of legal papyri from Elephantine was published in 1953 by Emil G. Kraeling and letters from the satrap Arsames were edited by Godfrey R. Driver. Ostraca from the Clermont-Ganneau collection were published singly by Dupont­ Sommer between 1942 and 1963. Papyri from Hermopolis Magna discov­ ered in 1945 were published in 1966 by Edda Bresciani and Murad Kamil. The new material was as richly reviewed as the earlier texts. Especially noteworthy are the studies by B. Couroyer, W. Eilers, H. L. Ginsberg, P. Grelot, E. Y. Kutscher, J. T. Milik, and S. Segert. Several legal studies were written, bringing to bear material from the Bible and the Talmud as well as from Babylonian and Egyptian sources. The works of S. Greengus, Y. Muffs, J. J. Rabinowitz, A. Verger, Ed. Volterra, and R. Yaron contrib­ ute greatly to the exposition and clarification of the various legal implica­ tions of the private documents.

P REFACE

IX

In his publication of the new material, Kraeling wrote a long introduc­ tion which not only sought to place the new documents into the context of what was already known but discussed such points as the origin and end of the colony, its religion and daily life, and the nature of Persian rule in Egypt. Continued and careful study of the material enables us to go beyond the limits of Kraeling's introduction and to produce a comprehensive study of all aspects of the Elephantine Jewish community-political, economic, religious, family, and communal. Much as the papyri extend our knowledge in many fields, they also pose numerous questions. They state that the Jewish settlement preceded the Persian conquest but do not reveal when or why Jews settled in Elephan­ tine. There are many indications that the Jewish settlement constituted a a military colony, but the organization of that colony and its precise tasks are not spelled out. The monetary unit was the shekel. How much was it worth? 'What did the soldiers and their families cat and wear and what were their dwellings like? It is indicated that the Jews possessed a Temple to their God YHW but it is not stated when or why it was established. The Temple was destroyed by the local Egyptian priests in collusion with the Persian officials, but the reason for this act is not given. Although the Jews deeply mourned the destruction of their Temple they seem to have divided their religib us loyalties among more than one deity. The Sabbath is men­ tioned but appears to have been honored more in the breach than in the observance. The family archives concern an Egyptian slave girl married to a free man, and a woman who was married three times, twice to Egyptian builders. Were these situations unusual? To answer these and other questions and to draw a comprehensive pic­ ture of the Elephantine Jewish community, it is necessary to consider Bibli­ cal origins and Babylonian parallels, the Egyptian 5Hz im Leben and the organization of the Persian Empire, later Jewish history and Talmudic legal developments. Careful attention must be paid to philology without losing sight of the underlying social situation. Many different kinds of texts must be employed to reconstruct an event or a situation. Due to the relative paucity of documents and the occasionally fragmentary state of a crucial text, much is conjectural and many conclusions must remain tentative. The most fascinating and at the same time the most perplexing problem is that of the religion of the Elephantine Jews. A letter which apparently calls upon the Jews to celebrate Passover and the Feast of Unleavened Bread is fragmentary and leaves open the question of why it was sent. A list which enumerates the Jews who gave two shekels each to YHW concludes with the notation that funds were also distributed to the deities Anathbethel

X

PR EFACE

and Eshembethel. The interpretation of the Passover letter is inseparable from questions of literary and historical criticism of the Bible. The explana­ tion of the collection list is bound up with an evaluation of Israelite reli­ gion. Both questions, however, cannot be separated from the particular circumstances of the Jews at Elephantine. In short, to describe adequately the Elephantine Jewish community is to place it against a background that was sometimes Israelite and some­ times Aramean, at times Babylonian and at times Egyptian, now Persian and then Greek. It is this convergence of so many influences and sources which makes this community such a fascinating and rewarding object of study. The transcription into English characters of Semitic and Egyptian names poses many problems. For the most part, I have sought to normalize such spellings. On the assumption that the Elephantine Jewish onomasticon is essentially Hebraic, I have patterned the spelling of most West-Semitic names according to that of Biblical names as rendered in the Revised Standard Version translation. Occasionally, where the particular name is not found in the Bible and/or would be otherwise unfamiliar, I have distinguished he [= h] from lJ-eth [= 1J-] and taw [= t] from teth [= t]. This work was several years in the writing and I am indebted to many . people in different places for the help and advice which they graciously extended me. In appropriate spots in the footnotes I gratefully acknowl­ edge the assistance of many friends and scholars. Here I wish to single out my teachers and those to whom l owe a special debt. I am pleased to mention Prof. H. L. Ginsberg of the Jewish Theological Seminary; Profs . Salo W. Baron, Elias J. Bickerman, and Gerson D. Cohen of Columbia University; Profs. R. A. Bowman, W. F. Edgerton, and J. A. Wilson of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago; and Prof. E. Y. Kutscher of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem. Prof. Cohen showed a keen interest in the work and made many stylistic suggestions. Prof. Baron's high standards of scholarship and history writing were a constant example to me. My understanding of Israelite religion has been greatly influenced by the works of the late Prof. Yehezkel Kaufmann of the Hebrew Uni­ versity, and I consider myself most privileged to have been able to discuss with him questions of religion at Elephantine. During my stay in Israel Prof. Reuven Yaron, now Dean of the Faculty of Law, Hebrew University, gave freely and enthusiastically of his time and knowledge and for this I am most grateful. Prof. R. B. Y. Scott of Princeton University read Chapter III and made several helpful comments. Finally, I wish to thank

P REFACE

Xl

my colleague at Berkeley, Prof. Jonas C. Greenfield, for his general help­ fulness and sound judgment. Needless to say, none of the scholars cited is responsible for errors of fact or interpretation. The manuscript went through several drafts and I wish to thank Miss Carol Widrig of Chicago for her great skill in preparing the first complete draft. My former student, Mrs. Judy Rubin, assisted me in a partial revision of the work. The final draft was prepared by Mrs. Dolores Byrne and I am greatly indebted to her for numerous stylistic refinements. Miss Margaret Levin prepared the line drawings. The indexes were prepared with the assistance of Mrs. Evelyn Kasmire, Mrs. Evelyn Showalter, and Mrs. Pat Krotser King. I wish to thank those institutions and funds whose kindness and generos­ ity made my two year research stint ( 1 960-1962 ) in Israel possible: Lena Socolow Scholarship Fund; National Foundation for Jewish Culture; War­ burg Fellowship Fund, Hebrew University. The Committees on Research of the University of California at Berkeley and at Davis granted assistance toward the preparation of the final draft and the indexes. The Libraries of the Hebrew University, the Oriental Institute, and the University of California, at Berkeley and at Davis extended me many courtesies. For all these kindnesses I am most grateful. Finally, I wish to express my ap­ preciation to the staff of the University of California Press for the concern and diligence shown in the publication of a difficult manuscript. B. P. January, 1968 Davis. California

CO N T E N T S

L I S T O F T A B L E S,

ABBREVIATIONS

FIGURES,

AND

PLATES

XVi XIX

.

PART I. P O L I T I CAL AN D E C O N O M I C L I F E

1

1 . S ETTLE MENT OF J EWS A N D ARAMEAN S

IN E GYPT

Early Contacts Saitic Mercenaries Arameans of Syene From Cambyses to Artaxerxes

2. ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S: OR GANIZATION, OFFIC IALS AND DUTIES Degel-A Socio-Military Unit Military Tasks Tshetres

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.

Provincial Officials Satrapal Supervision

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Treasury .

28 35 42 45 53 58

3. STANDARD OF LIVING Weights and Measures

Value and Price . Food . Clothing Shelter

62 72 80 87 94

XIV

CONTENTS

PART I I . R E L I G I O U S L I F E

•

103

4. W O R S H I P O F YHW Temple of YHW

.

Sabbath and Passover Names

105 1 22 133

5 . PAGAN CONTACTS Oaths Letters The Collection List Aramean Deities . Jewish Syncretism? The Marzeal;! Association

PART I I I . FAM I LY A N D CO M M U N A L L I F E

INTRODUCTION : THE LEGAL DOCUMENT 6. ANANIAH b. AZARIAH: T E M P L E OFFICIAL

MARRIED TO E GYPT IAN HANDMAIDEN Various Obscurities . Slavery Marriage to an Egyptian Handmaiden Purchase of a House Gift to Wife Conditional Emancipation Marriage to Jehoishma . Gift to Jehoishma by Her Father Sale of Property to Son-in-Law Family Archive .

7 . M I B TAHIAH DAUGHTER O F MAHSE IAH: P R OMIN ENT PR OP ERTY HOLDER THRICE MARRIED Papponymy A House of Mahseiah Jezaniah-Mibtahiah's First Husband Pia the Builder-Mibtahiah's Second Husband Intermarriage AS{lOr the Builder-Milftahiah's Third Husband

200 203 205 213 217 219 221 225 231 234

CONTENTS Jedaniah

XV

and Mahseiah-Mibtahiah's Children

255

The Egyptian Woman

258

The Israelite Woman

260

The Cousins

262

Jedaniah

8. P R IVATE LETTE R S The Family of Psami b. Nabunathan Osea and Hosea . The Family of Ahutab .

9 . CONFLICT AND R E S O LUTION Communal Archive .

278

Hananiah and the Passover .

279

Bribery

282

Destruction of the Temple of YHW

284

Negotiations for Reconstruction

289

Restoration

294

Aftermath

296

E P I LOGUE AP P E N D IXE S

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I. THE NOTATI O"N S

"

;L

V

s

h to te lO

"

.

2 r

303

to the 10" AND

" " " II. THE MEANING OF ABOVE AND B E L OW"·

308

III. RESTORED TEXTS

311

IV. TH E C O LLECTION LIST

319

V. P E RS O NAL NAMES COMP O UNDED WITH B ETHEL, E S H E M, AND f,£E REM VI. A CO MPARISON O F THE S C HEMA O F ARAMAIC AND DEMOTIC LEGAL DOCUMENT S

334

B IBLIOGRAPHY

345

GENERAL

377

INDEX NAMES

386

INDEX

OF

P E RS O N A L

INDEX

OF

FOREIGN W OR D S

395

INDEX

OF

PRIMARY

398

S OURCES

LIST

TABLE TABLE

OF

TABLES,

FI GURES,

AND

PLATES

1 . Value of Bridal Gifts and Dowries 2. Price and Relative Value

1 . Amenophis III Presented to Khnum by Sati (T. Young, Hieroglyphics [London, 1 82.3-2. 8] II, Plate 57 ) FIGURE 2. . Sketch Plan of the German Excavations at Elephantine (W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 [1909- 1 0], Plate 3) . FIGURE 3. Persian Period House on S ite k (W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 [ 1 909-10], Plate 5) . FIGURE 4. Brick House g from the Late Roman or Byzantine Period (W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 [ 1 909-10] , Plate 4 ) FIGURE 5. The Jewish Temple and Its Environs . FIGURE 6 . House which Bagazusht and Ubil Sold to Ananiah FIGURE 7 . Portion of the House which Ananiah Gave Tamut FIGURE 8. Portion o f the House which Ananiah Gave Jehoishma FIGURE 9. Jehoishma's Apartment in 404-402. B.C.E. FIGURE 10. Portion of the House which Ananiah and Tamut Sold to Ananiah b. Haggai FIGURE 1 1 . Family of Mahseiah b. J edaniah . FIGURE 12. . House which Mibtahiah Acquired from Jezaniah FIGURE 1 3 . First House which Mibtahiah Acquired from Mahseiah . FIGURE 14. Second House which Mibtahiah Acquired from Mahseiah FIGURE 15 . Family of Psami b. Nabunathan .

74 75

FIGURE

PLATE

J

PLATE

96 99 1 00 112 2. 15 218 2.2.7 2.2. 8 2. 32 2. 3 8 2.41 2.4 3 246 2. 66

( following page 40 ) Aerial View of the Southern Tip of Elephantine (H. Ricke, Die Tempel Nektanebos' II., Plate 1 ) 2. Aerial View of the Ancient Ruins of Elephantine (H. Ricke, Die Tempel Nektanebos' II., Plate 2. ) 3 . General Plan o f Elephantine and Environs as Seen by Napoleonic Expedition (Description de l'Egypte, Antiquites, Planches [Paris, 1 809] I, Plate 3 1 ) 4 . Looking South at the Cataract Rapids from the Island of Sehe1 (Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum)

PLATE 1 . PLATE

38

TAB LES, FIGURES, AND P LATES

XVll

sa. The Famine Stela on the Island of Sehel ( Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATE Sb. Two Types of Phoenician Jars Discovered in Building k ( Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin) PLATE 6a. View of the Southern Tip of Elephantine from the East. Nilometer ( Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATE 6b. Nilometer as Seen by the Napoleonic Expedition (Description de l'Egypte, Antiquites> Planches, I, Plate 3 3, Figure 2) PLATE 7a. Southern Tip of Elephantine (Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATE 7b. Ancient Ruins of Elephantine Viewed from the South ( Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATE 8a. Modem Village of Elephantine Viewed from Ancient Ruins (Cour­ tesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATE 8b. Khnumeum (Ram's Coffins ) Adjacent to the Temples of Nectanebo II ( Courtesy of H. Ricke) PLATE

( following page 312) Passover Letter ( Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin) PLATE 10. Text of an Oath ( Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin) PLATES 11-13 . Collection List ( Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin) PLATE 14a. Sealed Contract of a House which Ananiah Gave to Jehoishma ( Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATES 14b-1Sb. Steps in the Opening of a Papyrus ( Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum and Mr. Anthony Giambalvo) PLATE 16. Text of an Appeal to the God ( Sachau Plate 26) PLATE 9.

ABBREV IA T I O NS

Journals AASOR AHDO AJSL AJT ANOR AOF AR ASAE ASAW BA BASOR BIE BIES BIFAO BJRL BO BSOAS BZ BZAW CE CRAI DLZ HJAS HTR HUCA IEJ IIJ

The Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research Archives d'histoire du droit oriental The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures The American Journal of Theology Analecta Orientalia Archiv fUr Orientforschung Archiv fUr Religionswissenschaft Annales du Service des Antiquites de l'Egypte Abhandlungen der Sachischen Akademie der Wissenschaften The Biblical Archaeologist Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Bulletin de l'Institute d'Egypte Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society Bulletin de l'Institute Fran�aise d'Archeologie Orientale Bulletin of the John Rylands Library Bibliotheca Orientalis Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies Biblische Zeitschrift Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Chronique d'Egypte Comptes rendues des seances de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres Deutsche Literaturzeitung Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies Harvard Theological Review Hebrew Union College Annual Israel Exploration Journal Indo-Iranian Journal

xx

JA JAOS JBL JCS JEA JHS JJLG JJP JNES JQR JRAS JSS JTS MAl MDAIK MGWJ MUSJ PEF PEQ PSBA RA RAO RB RE REJ REG RES RHR RIDA RS RSO SPAW TLZ VT WZKM ZA ZAS

AB BR EVIATION S Journal asiatique Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Cuneiform Studies Journal of Egyptian Archaeology The Journal of Hellenic Studies J ahrbuch der judisch-literarischen Gesellschaft Journal of Juristic Papyrology Journal of Near Eastern Studies The Jewish Quarterly Review The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of Theological Studies Memoires presentees par divers savants a l'Academie des Inscrip­ tions et Belles-Lettres Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Institutes Abteilung Kairo Monatschrift fur Geschichte der Wissenschaften des Judentums Melanges de l'Universite Saint Joseph Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement ( from 1937 = PEQ ) Palestine Exploration Quarterly Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology Revue d'Assyriologie et d'ArcMologie orientale Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d'ArcMologie orientale (18881924 ) , I-VIII Revue Biblique Revue d'Egyptologie Revue des etudes juives Revue des etudes grecques Revue des etudes semitiques Revue de l'histoire des religions Revue internationale des droits de l'antiquite Revue semitique Rivista degli studi orientali Sitzungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Theologische Literaturzeitung Vetus Testamentum Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie Zeitschrift fUr agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde

A B BREVIATIONS ZAW ZDMG ZDPV ZVRW

AG BE

BK C CG CH CIS D K L M MP Sachau SC UM

UT

XXI

Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenliindischen Gesellschaft Zeitschrift des deutschen PaHistina-Vereins Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft

Texts [Numbered according to documents, not pages] Aime-Giron, N., Textes arameens d'Egypte (Cairo, 1 9 3 1 ) . Clay, A. T., Business Documents of Murashu Sons of Nippur The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, Series A: Cuneiform Texts. Edited by H. V. Hilprecht, Vol. X ( Philadelphia, 1 904) . Bresciani, E. and M. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze Mo­ rale, Memorie, Ser. VIII, 1 2 ( 1966 ) , 3 57-428, plus 1 0 Plates. Cowley, A. E., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. ( Oxford, 1923 ) . Clermont-Ganneau, Ostraca to be published by A. Dupont-Sommer Code of Hammurabi Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum Driver, G. R., Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B .C. (Ox­ . ford, 1954; abridged and rev., 1 9 57 ) . Kraeling, E., The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri, New Docu­ ments of the Fifth Century B .C. from the Jewish Colony at Ele­ phantine ( New Haven, 1 9 53 ) . Liiddeckens, E., Xgyptische Ehevertrage ( Xgyptologische Abhand­ lungen 1 ; Wiesbaden, 1960) . Malinine, M., Choix de textes iuridiques en hieratique "anormal" et en demotique (xxv'-xxviie dynasties) (Paris, 1953 ) , I . Malinine, M . and P irenne, J., "Documents juridiques egyptiens ( Deuxieme serie ) ," AHDO 5 ( 19 50-5 1 ) , 1 1 -9 1 . Sachau, Ed., Xramaische Papyrus und Ostraka aus einer iiidischen Militarkolonie zu Elephantine (Leipzig, 19 1 1 ) , 2 vols, Texts and Plates. Sayce, A. H., and Cowley, A. E., Aramaic Papyri Discovered at As­ suan, with appendices by S. W. Spiegelberg and Seymour de Ricci (London, 1 906 ) . Clay, A. T., Business Documents of Murashu Sons of Nippur Dated in the Reign of Darius II. University of Pennsylvania. The Mu­ seum. Publications of the Babylonian Section, Vol. II, no. 1 ( Philadelphia, 1 9 1 2 ) . Gordon, C. H., Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta Orientalia, 3 8; Rome, 1 96 5 ) .

PART

I

POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE

I S E T T L E M E N T O F JEW S A N D ARA M EAN S I N E G YPT

Early Contacts and Impressions Egypt was a source of attraction and repulsion for the forefathers of Israel. On the one hand, it was the haven from famine for the seminomadic patri­ archs. Abraham sojourned there ( Gen. 1 2 : lOff) and Isaac considered de­ scending inh;j Egypt (Gen. 26:1£) .1 Joseph was sold into Egyptian slavery, rose to a position of prominence in the court, and brought his whole family down to escape the effects of a long famine (Gen. 37ff) .2 On the other hand, Egypt was symbolic of abominable sexual practices which were absolutely proscribed ( Lev. 1 8 ) . The ancestor of Egypt was Ham ( Gen. 10:6) who "saw the nakedness of his father," Noah, and "told his two brothers out­ side" ( Gen. 9 :20ff) . Abraham feared that the Egyptians would kill him and take Sarah (Gen. 1 2 : 1 1 ff) . God's covenant blessing did not go to his first born son, Ishmael, because his mother was the Egyptian Hagar (Gen . 1 6, 2 1 ) . The seductive advances of Potiphar's wife were repelled by Joseph because he would not betray his master's trust nor sin against God (Gen. 39:6ff) . His two sons by Asenath, daughter of Potiphera, priest of Heli­ opolis, were adopted by his father Jacob (Gen. 48) , thereby removing the stigma of Egptian parentage.3 1 Cf. the picture of the brightly dressed Semites who brought eye-paint to Khnumhotep III at Beni Hasan; J. B . Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in Pic­ tures ( Princeton, 1 9 54 ) , NO . 3; P. Montet, L'Egypte et La Bible (NeucMtel, 1959 ) , 1 1ff. 2 Cf. J . Vergote, Joseph en Egypte (Louvain, 1 9 59 ) , reviewed by K. A. Kitchen in JEA 47 ( 1961 ) , 1 58ff; P. Montet, op. cit., 1 5ff. 3 For discussion of the Genesis passages, d. E. A. Speiser, Genesis (The Anchor Bible, Garden City, 1 964 ) , ad lac.; for survey of the relations between

4

J EWS AND ARAMEANS IN E GYPT

The period o f the Exodus and settlement saw a continued rejection of Egyptian ways, but a conditional acceptance of the Egyptian. The Sojourn and the Exodus each had its impact on Israelite law and life. "I am the Lord your God who brought you out of the land of Egypt" served to moti­ vate an extensive legislation of ritual and moral purity. The widow and orphan and especially the poor debtor and the resident alien came under the protection of "the Lord your God who brought you out of the land of Egypt" (Lev. 25 : 3 5ff) . The Israelite was to be solicitous for the welfare of the stranger in his midst beca use he was a stranger in Egypt (Ex. 22 : 20 ) . A mixed multitude joined Israel in its Exodus ( 1 2 :38 ) , and the story was told of the son of an Egyptian man and Israelite woman, Shelomith d. Dibri, who, in a quarrel, cursed God and was therefore stoned to death ( Lev. 24: lOff ) . Despite the innuendo against Egyptians in this tale, the third generation offspring of a mixed Israelite-Egyptian union was allowed to enter the Israelite community. "You shall not abhor an Egyptian be­ cause you were a stranger in his land" (Deut. 23 :8f) . The Egyptians, on the other hand, secure within the boundaries of their never-changing land, felt scorn for the foreigner. In the First Intermediate period, a Herakleopolitan king instructed his son, Merikare, on how to manage affairs. He expressed contempt for the "wretched Asiatic" who wan­ dered in the land of rain, trees, and mountains attacking stealthily and robbing individuals like a thief but never assaulting a town. The Asiatic "does not conquer nor can he be conquered." 4 Asiatics were foreigners and Egyptians were "people." When the Asiatics managed to penetrate success­ fully into Egypt and settle down, the prophet Ipuwer complained, "Foreign­ ers have become people everywhere." 5 When beset by difficulty at home, however, the Egyptian did not hesiEgypt and Syro-Palestine, cf. W. HeIck, Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Var­ derasien im 3. und 2 . Jahrtausend v. Chr. (.i\gyptologische Abhandlungen, 5; Wiesbaden, 1 962 ) . 4 "The Instruction for King Meri-ka-Re," translated and annotated by J . A. Wilson apud J. B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament ( 2nd ed., Princeton, 19 5 5 ) , 414ff ( cf. p. 416 11. 90ff ) . Cf. his discussion in The Culture of Ancient Egypt (Phoenix Books; Chicago, 19 56, 3rd impression ) , 1 10ff; also W. HeIck, ap. cit., 43f; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, Les peuples de l'arient mediterraneen, II, L'Egypte (4th ed., Paris, 1 962 ) , 2 1 7, 2 5 5f, 2 64f, 275, 646; A. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs (Oxford, 1961 ) , 37, 1 1 5f. 6 "Th e Admonitions of Ipuwer" is translated and annotated by J. A. Wilson apud J. B. Pritchard, ap. cit., 441ff ( cf. i.lff ) ; cf. his discussion in Culture of Ancient Egypt, 1 IOff; A. Gardiner, ap. cit., I09f.

J E WS AND ARAMEANS IN E GY P T

5

tate to flee to Syro-Palestine. Once abroad, he might find things quite satis­ factory. Sinuhe, who fled Egypt after the assassination of Amenemhet I, marveled at the land of Yaa. It was a land of figs, grapes, and honey; olive and fruit trees; barley and emmer; and "more wine than water." There were herds of cattle and ample opportunity for hunting. Sinuhe married the local sheikh's daughter, became head of the sheikh's children and com­ mander of his army. He prospered, participated in many exploits, and even fought the "rulers of foreign countries" ( Hyksos ) . Nevertheless, wonderful as it might be to live in Yaa, Egypt was the only land in which to die. "It should not be that you should die in a foreign country," wrote King Senusert I to Sinuhe. And so Sinuhe left his family and gave up his possessions to re­ turn to Egypt, where he was properly buried.6 It was not until the fifth year of Merneptah (ca. 1 2 1 9 ) that the word "Israel" appeared in an Egyptian text. At the conclusion of a lengthy hymn of victory over the Libyans, Merneptah told of his "victories" to the east : "Desolation is for Tehenu, Hatti is pacified; Plundered is the Canaan with every evil; Carried off is Ashkelon; seized upon is Gezer; Yanoam is made as that which does not exist; , Israel is laid waste, his seed is not; , Hurru is become a widow for Egypt." 7 It has long been noted that the word "Israel," unlike the other names, appears written with the determinative for people rather than for land, thus indicating that the Israelites had not yet settled down. Whether the battle took place at the Reed Sea,s somewhere in the Sinai Peninsula, or in Palestine,9 or whether, indeed, there was a battle,l° the passage indicates a thirteenth century date for the Exodus. Contemporary Egyp­ tian sources have preserved no references to Joseph, the Sojourn, or the 6 "The Story of Sinuhe" is translated and annotated by J . A. \Vilson apud J. B. Pritchard, op. cit., 1 8ff (d. B 78ff, 23 5ff, 300ff ) ; cf. his discussion in Cul­ ture of Ancient Egypt, 1 34ff; E. Drioton and J . Vandier, op. cit., 265, 275; W. HeIck, op. cit., 44ff; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 1 30f, 142. 7 The "Hymn of Victory of Mer-ne-Ptah (The 'Israel Stela' ) " is translated and annotated by J. W. Wilson apud J. B. Pritchard, op. cit., 376ff ( cf. lines 51ff) ; R. J. Williams apud D. Winton Thomas, Documents from Old Testa­ ment Times (London, 1 9 5 8 ) , 1 37ff. S Y. Kaufmann, The Religion of Israel (translated and abridged by M. Green­ berg; Chicago, 1 960 ) , 2 3 2 . 9J. Bright, A History of Israel (Philadelphia, 1 9 59 ) , 1 1 3, 1 19; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 4 3 1 £, 665; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 273. 10 J. A. Wilson, The Culture of Ancient Egypt, 2 54f; W. HeIck, op. cit., 240.

6

J EWS AND ARAMEANS I N E GY P T

fact o f the Exodus. The third century B.C.E. Egyptian priest Manetho wrote a Greek History of Egypt and certain relative extracts have been pre­ served by the first century C.E. Jewish historian, Josephus . According to Josephus' account of Manetho, the inhabitants of Jerusalem were descendants of the impious Hyksos who had terrorized Egypt for 5 1 1 years until forced out by King Tuthmose (Thummosis ) (Josephus, Ag. Apion I.14, 73ff) . They invaded Egypt a second time, 518 years later, and joined forces with a pack of leprous slaves led by a Heliopolitan priest Osarseph-Moses. The allies ruled for thirteen years, polluting the people, mutilating idols, and pillaging temples until driven out by Amenophis and his son Ramses. Moses, meanwhile, had imposed upon his group an oath of obedience to him and enjoined them from worshipping the gods and ab­ staining from the flesh of sacred animals. Many other laws were also formu­ lated, all completely opposed to Egyptian custom (Ag. Apion I.z6, 228ff) .11 It is difficult to reconcile this account of the expulsion of the Hyksos with what is known from earlier sources.12 Nor can other details about the Hyksos and Jews be verified. The Egyptians were known to accuse foreign conquerors of sacrilege.13 Still, given the general bias of Egyptians against Asiatics, a certain antipathy toward the Israelites would not be surprising. Solomon's marriage to an Egyptian princess at the beginning of his reign ( 1 Ki. 3 : 1 ) must have been considered quite a diplomatic coup since the Pharaohs were not accustomed to give their daughters in marriage to foreign rulers . Solomon also gained a valuable dowry, for the Pharaoh, possibly Siamun, presented his daughter with the recently sacked city of Gezer ( 1 Ki. . 9 : 1 5f) .14 The town was refortified by Solomon and along with Hazor, 11 These passages from Josephus comprise fragments 42 and 45 in W. G. Waddell, Manetho (The Loeb Classical Library; Cambridge, 19 56; 3fd print­ ing) . The injunction against intercourse with outsiders is reminiscent of the Egyptian refusal to eat at the same table with Joseph and his brothers (Gen . 43 : 3 2 ) . 12 For discussion of the Hyksos, d. T. Save-Soderbergh, "The Hyksos Rule in Egypt," JEA 3 7 ( 19 5 1 ) , 53ff; J. A. Wilson, Culture of Ancient Egypt, 1 54ff; W. HeIck, op. cit., 92ff; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 288ff, 6 50f; A. Gar­ diner, op. cit., 147ff. 13 Cf. p. 291, below. 14 Cf. A. Malamat, "Aspects of the Foreign Policies of David and Solomon," JNES 2 2 (1963 ) , 10ff; idem, "The Kingdom of David and Solomon in its Con­ tact with Egypt and' Aram Naharaim," D. N. Freedman and E. F. Campbell, The Biblical Archaeologist Reader, 2 (Garden City, 1 964) , 9 1 ff; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 5 1 7, 524, 559·

JEWS AND ARAMEANS I N E GY P T

7

Megiddo, and a few other sites, became an integral part of Solomon's sys­ tem of fortifications.15 But Solomon took many foreign wives and the idol­ atry toward which they influenced him, particularly in his later years, aroused the ire of prophetic circles. Ahijah of Shiloh inspired the Ephrai­ mite Jeroboam b. Nebat to revolt. The attempt miscarried and the rebel fled to Egypt where he was harbored by Shishak ( Sheshonk ) , founder of the Twenty-second Dynasty (Libyan ) ( 1 Ki. 1 1 ) .16 In the fifth year of Solo­ mon's successor, Rehoboam, Shishak invaded Palestine and came away with extensive tribute from Jerusalem ( 1 Ki. 1 4: 2 5f) .17 References to Egypt during the next two centuries picture her as an ally of Israel and/or Judah.18 Egypt possibly joined the coalition of Syro-Pales­ tinian states which successfully opposed the advance of Shalmaneser III at Qarqar in 853/9 while in the next generation the "kings of Egypt" were suspected of coming to the aid of beleaguered Samaria against Aram ( 2 Ki.

7:6).20

In the eighth century, both Israel ( 2 Ki. 1 7 :4f) 21 and Judah ( Is. 18:2, 30 : Iff, 31 : lff) sought Egyptian help against the Assyrian threat. The Twenty-fifth Dynasty (Ethiopian ) gave special promise of providing vig­ orous opposition to the Assyrian advance ( 2 Ki. 19 :9; Hdt. 11.141 ) .22 Israel fell and mostof Judah was captured but Jerusalem was saved ( 2 Ki. 1 7:1ff, 1 8 : 1 3ff, 19: 35ff) . As a result of three decades of intermittent war and civil strife in Israel and Judah, many doubtless fled to lands of relative security. 15 Cf. M. Gichon, "The Defences of the Salomonic Kingdom," PEQ 9 5 ( 1 963 ) , 1 1 3fI . 16 Some of the Greek and Latin versions preserved a tradition that Jeroboam married Shishak's sister-in-law; d. J. A. Montgomery, The Book of Kings (In­ ternational Critical Commentary, New York, 19 5 1 ) , 2 5 ff 1 . 17 B. Mazar, "The Campaign of Pharaoh Shishak to Palestine," Supp. to VT 4 ( 19 57 ) , 57ff; J. Brigh t, op. cit., 21 3f; P. Montet, op. cit., 42ff; E Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 5 24ff, 560; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 324ff. 18 Zerah the Kushite, who attacked Asa of Judah (2 Chron. 1 4 : 7ff, 1 5: 10) pr ior to his fifteenth year ( ca. 900 ) , may have been of Nubian origin ( cf. 2 Chron. 1 2 : 3 ) or related to the Midianites (cf. Hab. 3 : 7) . Cf. the discussion in J. Bright, op. cit., 2 1 5; P. Montet, op. cit., 44ff; Encyclopaedia Biblica (He­ brew, Jerusalem, 1 9 54 ) , II, 942f. 19 H. Tadmor, "Que and Mu�ri," IEJ 1 1 ( 1 961 ) , 141ff. 20 Ibid., 1 49. 21 For "The End of 'So, King of Egypt,' " cf. H. Goedicke,· BASOR 171 ( 1 963 ) , 64ff, and the comme nt the re to of W. F. Albright . 22 J. Bright, op . cit., 263ff; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 545ff, 563f; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 34off.

8

JEWS AND ARAMEANS IN EGYPT

It is not surprising, therefore, to find Jews at this time already established in "(Lower) Egypt, Pathros, and Nubia" (Is. 11:11).23

Saitic Mercenaries While the existence of Jews in Egypt is attested for the late eighth century by a Biblical source and made probable by a consideration of the unstable conditions prevalent in Palestine at the time, it was not until the Saitic period that the Jews were sent to Egypt. The Letter of Aristeas (13) notes, apropos of Jewish migration to Egypt during the reign of Ptolemy I, that Jews "had been sent out as auxiliaries to fight in the army of Psammetichus against the King of the Ethiopians." Since both Psammetichus I and Psammetichus II fought against the King of the Ethiopians,24 it is uncer­ tain which monarch is meant in the Letter.20 The use of tributary forces or mercenary troops was widespread during this whole period. Manasseh, King of Judah, was listed among the twenty-two kings who, with their troops, accompanied Ashurbanipal (669-27) in his first campaign against Egypt and perhaps in subsequent ones as well.26 Ionian and Carian troops were hired by Psammetichus I to aid him in throwing off the Assyrian yoke and establishing his position over the other local dynasts. These mercenaries were settled as permanent garrisons in camps nearby Daphnae on either side of the Nile, and perhaps inside the town as well, and later transferred to Mem23 Cf. H. L. Ginsberg, "Gleanings in First Isaiah," M. M. Kaplan Jubilee Volume (New York,1953),248ff; P. Boylan,"The New Aramaic Papyri from Elephantine," The Irish Theological Quarterly 7 (1912),46. 24 Cf. S. Sauneron and J. Yoyotte,"La campagne nubienne de Psammetique II et sa signification historique," BIFAO 50 (1952), 200f; Sauneron and Yoyotte, "Sur la politique palestinienne des rois saites," VT 2 (1952), 131ff.

25 The attempt of M. Greenberg, "Ezekiel 17 and the Policy of Psamme­ tichus II," JEL 76 (1957),304ff,to identify the monarch mentioned in Aristeas with Psammetichus II and to imagine that he negotiated for these Jewish troops during his visit to the land of Ijr is to be rejected, since his visit followed and did not precede the Nubian campaign. Cf. Sauneron and Yoyotte, EIFAO 50 (1952),174 (Nubian campaign: 3rd year); P. Rylands 9, 14:17ff (visit to Ijr: 4th year). See, too, J. Yoyotte, "Sur la voyage asiatique de Psammetique II,"

VT 1 (1951),14off. 26 J. B. Pritchard, op. cit., 294ff. For the date of the campaigns cf. P. K. Kienitz,Die politische Geschichte Xgyptens vom 7· bis zum 4- Jahrhundert vor der Zeitwende (Berlin,1953),8ff; cf.,too,E. Drioton and J. Vandier,op. cit., " 547ff. For a study of "Assyrian Chronology,631-612 B.C., see J. Oates,Iraq 27 (1965),135ff.

JEWS AND ARAMEANS IN E GY P T

9

phis by Amasis (Hdt. II.30, 1 52ff) . 27 Participating in the campaign of Psammetichus II against Nubia ( 591 B.C.E. ) and inscribing their names on the colossus of Ramses II at Abu Simbel were Carians, Ionians, Rhodians, and Phoenicians.28 The name of the man in charge of navigating the forces up the Nile from Elephantine, Psammetichus son of Theokles, suggests a Greek born in Egypt/9 just as Ebedptal). b. Jagureshmun, the name of one of the Phoenician leaders, suggests a Phoenician born in Egypt.3o The latter was most likely stationed in the Tyrian camp at Memphis (Hdt. 11.1 1 2 ) where the major deity was Ptal).. Phoenicians were also stationed, i t seems, in or around Daphnae-Tahpanhes.31 All of the Saitic rulers took a lively interest in Syro-Palestine while the rulers of Judah looked to Egypt variously as friend or foe. When the Chal­ deans, Medes, and Scythians ( ? ) united in onslaught against the Assyrian Empire, Psammetichus I, and after his death his son Necho, rushed to its 27 Ashurbanipal recorded that Gy ges King of Ly dia cs nt troops to aid Tusha­ milki (Psammetichus ) King of Egypt throw off the Assyrian yoke; D . D. Luck­ enbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (Chicago, 1927) II, 298, # 785. See further F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 1 2£, 37ff. For Daphnae and the camps, d. W. W. How and J. Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus ( Oxford, 1928; corrected reprint) 1, 1 7 5; W. G. Waddell, Herodotus Book II (London, 1939 ) , 246; J . B. Bur y et al., eds., The Cambridge Ancient History (Cambridge, 1929; corrected reprint) III, 292£, IV ( 1930 ) , 107. 28 The Greek material was recopied between March 1 8 and April 1 1 , 1956 A. Berna nd and Abd el Latif Ahmed Ali and published by A. Bernand and by O. Masson, "Les insc riptions grecques d'Abou-Simbe1," REG 70 ( 19 57 ) , Iff. Four new Semitic inscriptions, as yet unpublished, were also discovered and parenthetical reference was made to them by A. Bernand, "Recherches d'epi­ graphie grecque a Abou-Simbel (Nubie) " Bulletin de la Societe frangaise d'Egyptologie No. 27 (November, 1958 ) , 7 1 . N. Aime-Giron, Textes arameens d'Egypte (Cairo, 19 3 1 ) , 8 4£, also claimed to have discovered new Phoenician graffiti on the Ramses colossus but was unable to study them adequately. The previously discovered Phoenician inscriptions may be found in N. Slouschz, Thesaurus of Phoenician Inscriptions (Hebrew; Tel-Aviv, 1942 ) , 62ff, nos. 5354. Like the main Greek inscriptions they may record the leaders of the troops, those under the commander-in-chief (A)lf mose (? = Amasis of the Greek in­ scription ) . For t his Egyptian official, "Overseer of the Soldiers," d. A. Rowe, "New Light on Objects Belonging to the Generals Potasimto and Amasis in the Egyptian Museum," ASAE 38 ( 193 8 ) , 1 57ff and the article by A. Bernand. See, too, S. Sauneron and J. Yoyotte, BIFAO 50 ( 1952 ) , 1 88, who withhold identification of (A) !:t mose ( if indeed such is the reading! ) with Amasis pend­ ni g a new coll ation of the material . 29 F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 4 1 . 30 Sauneron and Yoyotte, BIFAO 5 0 ( 19 52 ) , 1 88, n . 4. 31 N. Aime-Giron, "Adversaria Semitica (III ) ," ASAE 40 ( 1 941 ) , 4 33ff.

10

J EWS A N D ARAMEANS I N E GYPT

aid, fearful lest a new power arise that would seriously threaten Egypt.32 On his way up the Palestinian coast Necho destroyed the fortress at Me�ad I.Iashavyahu in the south 33 and slew Josiah at the mountain pass of Me­ giddo in the north ( 2 Ki. 23 : 29f//2 Chron. 35:20ff) . The attempt of the nobility of Judah to enthrone the apparently anti-Egyptian Jehoahaz b. Josiah was thwarted by Necho who appointed Jehoahaz' brother Eliakim to the throne, changing his name to Jehoiakim. A tribute of 100 silver talents and one talent of gold was levied upon the country ( 2 Ki. 23 : 3 1 ff//2 Chron. 36 :1ff) and Jehoahaz was exiled to Egypt where he died (Jer. 22 : lOff) . Psammetichus had earlier captured Ashdod after a long siege (Hdt. 11.1 57 ) and either Necho or Apries took Gaza (Jer. 47: 1 ) .31 But Egypt was defeated at Carchemish in 605 by Babylon who pressed south into Syro-Palestine and captured the city of Ashkelon at the end of 604-35 An Aramaic letter to the Pharaoh asking for help against the advancing Babylonian forces may have been sent from this city prior to its conquest.36 Whether aid was forthcom­ ing is not known, but Egypt fought Babylon to a draw in 601 .31 As the earlier Egyptian defeat forced Judah to submit to Babylon, so the subsequent Babylonian setback emboldened Jehoiakim to revolt (2 Ki. 24: 1 ) . 38 Nebuchadnezzar himself had to come to quell the uprising. Jehoiakim died before the siege of Jerusalem began and his son Jehoiachin capitulated on March 1 6, 597 and was exiled to Babylonia. His uncle Mattaniah was appointed to the throne by Nebuchadnezzar who changed the new ruler's name to Zedekiah ( 2 Ki. 24:8ff//2 Chron. 36:9ff) .39 In 595/ 94 rebellion threatened Nebuchadnezzar at home and the Syro-Palestinian 32 J . B. Pritchard, op. cit., 303ff; F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 20ff; D. J. Wiseman, Chronicles of the Chaldaean Kings (626-556 B .C.) (London, 1 9 56 ) , 1 2f. 33 J. Naveh, "The Excavations at Me�ad I.Iashavyahu," lET 1 2 ( 1 962 ) , 98£. 31 A. Malamat, "The Historical Setting of Two Biblical Prophecies on the Nations," IET 1 ( 19 50-5 1 ) , 1 54ff; F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 1 7f; J. Yoyotte, VT 1 ( 19 5 1 ) , 1 42; D . J. Wiseman, op. cit., 30; P. Montet, op. cit., 47f. 35 D. J. Wiseman, op. cit., 2 8, 68f, 85. 36 Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, "Un papyrus arameen d'epoque saite decouvert a Saqqarah," Semitica 1 ( 1 948 ) , 43ff & Pl.; H. L. Ginsberg, "An Aramaic Con­ temporary of the Lachish Letters," BASOR 1 1 1 ( 1 948) , 24ff; J. A. Fitzmyer, "The Aramaic Letter of King Adon to the Egyptian Pharaoh," Biblica 46 ( 1 96 5 ) , 41ff. 31 D. J. Wiseman, op. cit., 23ff, 67f, 7 1 . 88 Ibid., 28f, 69; cf. D. N. Freedman, "The Babylonian Chronicle," BA 1 9 ( 1 9 5 6 ) , 53ff; J . P . Hyatt, "New Light on Nebuchadnezzar and Judean History," TBL 7 5 (19 56 ) , 279ff. 39 D. J. Wiseman, op. cit., 32ff, 73; D. N. Freedman, BA 19 ( 1956) , 54; J. P. Hyatt, TBL 75 ( 1 956) , 278, 281.

J EWS AND ARAMEANS

IN

E GYPT

11

states anticipated the end of his rule over them (Jer. 27-28 ) 4°_but in vain. Nebuchadnezzar restored order at home and marched to Syria to col­ lect tribute yet another year. Egypt was at that time threatened by Nubia and apparently offered no tangible resistance. In 591, as indicated earlier, Psammetichus II launched a successful attack deep into Nubia.41 The following year he marched into Syro-Palestine (ljr) to celebrate his victory and perhaps to offer his encouragementto the various states desiring to be free of the annual tribute to Babylon.42 If the report in Aristeas that Jews had been sent to aid Psammetichus is taken literally, inquiry must be made as to which of the Judahite rulers contemporary with Psammetichus I and II, Manasseh, Amon, Josiah, or Zedekiah, was the most likely to have dispatched such assistance. The last­ named would have had to have sent the troops between the fall of 594, the accession of Psammetichus II, and 591, the year of the campaign against Nubia. It should be noted that in 594/3 Zedekiah journeyed to Babylon to acknowledge his allegiance to Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. 5 1 : 59 ) . Unfor­ tunately, the Chaldean Chronicle breaks off in the year 594 so that it is not known whether any subsequent weakening of the Babylonian regime encouraged Judah to revolt. Moreover, would not the dispatch of troops to Egypt be viewed as an unfriendly act by Nebuchadnezzar? Could Zedekiah afford to spare any of his soldiers for a campaign in Nubia?43 It is conceiv­ able that Josiah sent troops to Psammetichus sometime during the decade prior to the Reform of 622 since Jeremiah castigated the people for con­ sidering an alliance with Egypt (Jer. 2 : 18 ) }4 Nothing is known of the short reign of Amon that would suggest what his policy toward Egypt might have been.45 As noted above, Manasseh was obliged to supply troops to Ashurbanipal 40 D. J. Wiseman, op. cit., 36f, 73; D. N. Freedman, BA 1 9 ( 1 956) , 5 8f; J.P.Hyatt, ]BL 7 5 ( 1 9 56 ) , 281£. 41 S. Sauneron and J. Yoyotte, BIFAO 50 ( 1 9 52 ) , 198ff; A.J. Arken, "An Egyptian Invasion of the Sudan in 591 B . C., " Kush 3 ( 19 5 5 ) , 93f.A. Gardiner, op. cit., 360, believes it unlikely that the "campaign ( or was it a mere foray? ) .. . was Psammetichus's answer to an Ethiopian attempt to regain the hold upon Egypt lost after Tanuatamun's flight. . . . " 42 The nature of this march to FJr has been much disputed. Cf.the discus­ sion in F.K.Kienitz, op.cit., 2 5; J. Yoyotte, VT 1 ( 19 5 1 ) , 14off. 43 Cf. S. Sauneton and J. Yoyotte, VT 2 ( 1 9 52 ) , 1 32f. 44 For "The Date of Jeremiah, Chapter 2" cf. J. Milgram, ]NES 14 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 65ff.See, too, J . Bright, op. cit., 295. 4 5 But see A. Malamat, "The Historical Background of the Assassination of Amon King of Judah," IE] 3 ( 1 9 5 3 ) , 26ff.

12

J EWS AND ARAMEANS I N EGYPT

for his Egyptian campaign and it has been suggested that these may have been stationed in the garrisons planted in Egypt by that monarch.46 The troops mentioned in Aristeas, however, may have been sent by Manasseh at the time that Psammetichus was asserting his independence from Assyria, ca. 650' Having consolidated his control over Thebes in 656 (9th year) and secured his western frontier in 655 ( 10th year) , Psammetichus 1 would have been likely to press his advantage against the expelled Ethiopians at a time when Assyria was beset with rebellion closer to home ( 652-48) . At such a time, too, Manasseh would most likely have ceased payment of trib­ ute ( cf. 2 Chron. 33 : 1 1 ff) and thus thrown in his lot with Egypt.47 That such "mercenary" troops settled down in Egypt after the campaign is further implied by Aristeas. Moreover, since Herodotus reports ( 11.30) that "in the reign of Psammetichus [I] there were garrisons posted at Elephantine . . . at Daphnae . . . and at Marea," the Jews may well have been established in the Elephantine garrison at this time-no doubt to re­ place the Egyptians who had deserted to Nubia because of dissatisfaction with their reduced status under the Saites ( cf. Diod. 1.67) .48 Certain Biblical allusions strongly suggest that Manasseh sent troops to Egypt. The Deuteronomist enjoins the king not to return the "people," i.e., soldiery (cf. 2 Ki. 1 3 :7 ) , to Egypt in order to multiply horses (Deut. 1 7 : 1 6 ) . This injunction implies a trade of mercenaries for horses by Ma­ nasseh,49 who continued the policy of his father. Much to the chagrin of the 46 Cf. E. G. Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (New Haven, 1 9 5 3 ) , 42f, n. 1 3 . An Assyrian statue of Bel-Sar-u�ur, whose name is written in Aramaic ( blsT>$r) , derives from the period of Assyrian rule in Egypt. R. A. Bowman, "Arameans, Aramaic, and the Bible," lNES 7 ( 1948) , 76, assigned the origin of this statue to Elephantine, but M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris fur semitische Epigraphik ( Giessen, 1 9 1 5 ) III, 1 1 7£, indicated origin unknown. 47 For the position of Egypt, see F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 1 5ff; S. Sauneron and J . Yoyotte, BIFAO 50 ( 1 952 ) , 201 ; Sauneron and Yoyotte, VT 2 ( 1 9 52 ) , 1 34; R. A. Caminos, "The Nitocris Adoption Stela," lEA 50 ( 1 964 ) , 71ff; H. Goedicke, "Psammetik I . und die Libyer," MDAIK 1 8 ( 1 962 ) , 26ff. For the rebellions against Assvria, see D. D . Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, II, 300ff. For Manasseh's revolt, see J. Bright, op. cit., 289ff; H. B . MacLean, "Manasseh," in G . A . Buttrick, ed., The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (Nashville, 1 962) III, 2 54f; E . L. Ehrlich, "Der Aufenthalt des K6nigs Manasse in Babylon," Theologische Zeitschrift 2 1 ( 1 96 5 ) , 281ff. 48 For the desertion of the Egyptian forces, see H. Schafer, "Die Auswander­ ung der Krieger unter Psammetich I. und cler S6ldneraufstand in Elephantine unter Apries," Klio 4 ( 1 904 ) , 1 54ff; F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 40; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 3 56f. 49 Cf. Ed. Meyer, Der Papyrusfund von Elephantine (Leipzig, 1 9 1 2; 2nd ed. ) , 36; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 43f. Another Deuteronomic injunction seems

J EWS AND ARAMEANS IN EGYPT

13

prophet Isaiah, Hezekiah had turned to Egypt for horses and chariotry ( Is. 18, 20, 30 :1ff, 1 6, 3 1 : 1ff, 36: 9 ) . The Rabshakeh of Sennacherib taunted Hezekiah: "Come now, make a wager with my master the king of Assyria : I will give you two thousand horses, if you are able on your part to set riders upon them" (2 Ki. 1 8 : 23; Is. 36 :8) .50 Manasseh was forced to sub­ mit and later supplied troops to Ashurbanipal, as already noted. An attempt to break away from Assyria required reliance upon Egypt and this, appar­ ently, meant a delivery of a contingent of troops in return for needed chariotry and horses. The erection by the Elephantine Jews of a Temple also suggests a date prior to the promulgation of Deuteronomy ( cf. Deut. 1 2 ) and the limitation of the sacrificial cult to Jerusalem ( 2 Ki. 22-23; 2 Chron· 34-3 5 ) ·51 There were thus three distinct periods when Jews, Israelites and Ju­ dahites, might have settled in Egypt: ( 1 ) the thirty-five year period of strife from the Syro-Ephraimitish War of 735 until the siege of Jerusalem in 701 and perhaps again later; ( 2 ) the middle of the seventh century when Manasseh joined Egypt in an attempt to throw off Assyrian rule; and ( 3 ) the period of almost thirty years between the accession o f J ehoiakim in 609 and the flight to Egypt led by Johanan b. Kareah after the assassina­ tion of the governor Gedaliah b. Ahikam (JeI. 41-43 ) . The events of the third period warrant further consideration. An entourage may have accompanied the dethroned King Jehoahaz who was exiled to Egypt and died there ( 2 Ki. 23 : 34; 2 Chron. 36:4) . During the reign of his successor, Jehoiakim, a prophet of Kiriath-jearim, Uriah b. Shemaiah, arose and, like Jeremiah, prophesied against Jerusalem and J u­ dah. Sought by the King, he fled to Egypt whence he was extradited and sentenced to death (JeI. 26: 20ff) . Elnathan b. Achbor, who went to Egypt to press the extradition of the prophet (JeI. 26:22 ) , may have been the father of the army commander Coniah b. Elnathan who journeyed to Egypt on a mission prior to the siege of Lachish.52 On the latter occasion, Apries to refer to a practice current during the reign of Manasseh, namely prohibition against worship of the heavenly host (Deut.4 : 19; 2 Ki.2 1 : 3ff) . 50 J. Bright, op. cit., 269ff, 282ff. 51 So Ed. Meyer, op. cit., 3 5; J.A.Kelso, "The Unity of the Sanctuary in the Light of the Elephantine Papyri," JBL 28 ( 1 909 ) , 76.A. Vincent, La religion des judeo-arameens d'Elephantine (Paris, 1937 ) , 37ff, also thought that a pre-Deuteronomic date was caned for, but he preferred ca. 630, assuming that the soldiers came from around Bethel and were fleeing the Josianic Reform. 52 Lachish Ostracon 3 translated by W. F.Albright in J . B.Pritchard, op. cit., 322.

14

J EWS AND ARAMEANS IN E GYPT

did send a force from Egypt whose effect was to draw off, temporarily, the Babylonian force besieging Jerusalem Oer. 37: 5ff) . Were the Jews who lived in the Egyptian border forts of Tahpanhes ( Daphnae) and Migdol (Jer. 44: 1 ) among Pharaoh's mercenaries? Had they taken part in this unsuccessful expeditionary force? Jeremiah was told to deliver his prophecy of the Babylonian destruction of Egypt at the entrance to the "house of Pharaoh," i.e., the government house;3 in Tahpanhes, thus implying a close connection between the Jews and these official quarters (Jer. 43 :8ff) . Dur­ ing the reign of Zedekiah, th e Egyptian Jewish community was already of such size that Jeremiah referred to it in the same breath with the remnant community of Jerusalem and the rest of Judah (Jer. 24:8 ) . It is specifi­ cally indicated that Jews were to be found in Memphis and in the land of Pathros as well as in Tahpanhes-Daphnae and Migdol ( Jer. 44: 1 ) . The Jewish popUlation was increased by a group of migrants led by Johanan b. Kareah who rejected the word of Jeremiah to remain in Judah and forced the prophet and the scribe Baruch b. Neriah to accompany them to Egypt (Jer. 43 :5ff) . Prophecies of doom against foreign nations were common in Israelite literature (Num. 24: 17ff; Amos 1 : 3-2 : 3; Is. 1 3-23; Nahum; Jer. 46-5 1; Ezek. 25-32, 38f) and the prophecies against Egypt delivered by Jeremiah and Ezekiel were part of the prophetic tradition. Both predicted its de­ struction by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. 43 : 8ff, 44: 30, 46 : 1 3ff; Ezek. 29-32 ) . "From Migdol to Syene they shall fall by the sword" (Ezek. 29 : 10, 30 : 6) ; "her mercenaries . . . shall turn and flee" ( Jer. 46: 2 1 ) . Jeremiah prophe­ sied death by famine and sword for the Jews who had settled in Egypt; only a handful of fugitives were to return to Judah (Jer. 44:27 ) . A mere generation later, however, a prophet in the Babylonian exile jubilantly envisioned the ingathering of the exiles "from the north and from the west and from the land of the Syenians" (Is. 49: 1 2 ) .54 This singling out of the first cataract region of the Nile suggests the existence there of a well-known Jewish community. Some of the Jews coming to Egypt during this third period may have found their way into Elephantine. During the reign of Apries, the garrison there was under the authority of NesuQor who counted among his titles one recalling the earlier age of grandeur when Egyptian rule extended into Nubia : "Gov63 Cf. the term "house of the king" in the Elephantine papyri (C 2: 1 2, 14, 16, 43 : 8; K 1 1 : 6 ) . 54 This is the reading according to lQIsaa; cf. M. Burrows, ed. , The Dead Sea Scrolls of St. Mark's Monastery (New Haven, 1950 ) , I, PI. xli and note E.C. Kraeling, op. cit., 21, n. 1 .

J EWS AND ARAMEANS I N EGYPT

15

ernor of the Door of the Southern Countries." The mercenaries, "was nothing more than the group of Judeo-Arameans organized as a national and religious society" and the century merely an "in­ ternal organization of the community" ( emphasis mine ) . A. T. Olmstead, A History of the Persian Empire, 245, thought that the centuries were divided into standards and E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 42, that degel and centuries were interchangeable. But A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 5f, was doubtless right in taking the century as a subdivision of the degel. Since the leaders of both the degel and the century always bore non-Jewish names, it is unlikely that these units pertained exclusively to the "internal" organization of the Jews. On the sig­ nificance of the chiliarch d. E. Benveniste, Titres et noms propres en iranien ancien (Travaux de l'Institut d'etlldes iraniennes de l'Universite de Paris, 1 ; Paris, 1 966 ) , 67ff. 10 The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago ( Chicago, 1959) III, 1 36, defines diglu as, inter alia, "sight (what is looked upon ) ." It has been given an extended meaning of "standard," i.e., "something that strongly attracts attention" on the assumption that the He­ brew-Aramaic term degel means standard; P. Haupt, "Assyr. dagalu, to look for, in the aT," TBL 37 ( 19 1 8 ) , 229. The meaning "standard" has been rigor­ ously denied by Y. Yadin, op. cit., 39, n. 1 ; 49ff; 62, n. 2; 1 56ff. 11 R. O. Faulkner, "Egyptian Military Standards," TEA 27 ( 1 941 ) , 1 2ff. 12 Cf. A. Christensen, L'Iran sous les Sassanides (Copenhagen, 1944; 2nd ed.) , 210. In Greek and Latin, the words for "standard" also designate the body of troops serving under a standard; d. semeion and semeia in H. C. Liddell and R. S. Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon ( revised by H. S . Jones and R. McKen­ zie; Oxford, 1940 ) , 1 593; and manipulus in C. T. Lewis and C. S. Short, A Latin Dictionary ( 1 879; Oxford, impression of 1945 ) , 1 1 09. Cf. discussion in J. Lesquier, Les institutions militaires de l'Egypte sous les Lagides ( Paris, 191 1 ) , 62f, n. 3; I 03f. n. 9 .

ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GA R R I S O N S

31

420, the period covering the activity of Mahseiah's daughter, Mibtahiah, four officers are again in evidence : Varyazata ( C 1 3 :2 ) , Iddinnabu ( K 14:2, 7 : 1 f; C 20 :2ff ) , Nimasu ( K 3 : 2 ) , and Arpa1.m ( K 5 : 2 ) . For the period 411-400, that of the activity of Mibtahiah's children, attestation for at least three officers exists : V. . . . ta (C 28 : 2 ) /3 Nabukudurri (C 29: If; K 1 1 : 1f, 1 2 : 2f; C 7 : 3 , 3 5 : 2 ) ,14 MR . . . ( C 7:4 ) .15 The records are so fragmentary that it is impossible to ascertain if the figure of four digl'in reflects the full complement of the garrison or is merely accidental. It is noteworthy that at a later date, the Romans stationed at Syene three co­ horts, slightly undermanned since the Ethiopians were at that time disposed to peace.16 The Roman cohort varied in strength from 600 to 1 ,000 men.17 13 A. E. Cowley'S reconstruction in C 2 8 : 2 is uncertain; d. A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 7; N. Peters, Die jiidische Gemeinde von Elephantine­ Syene und ihr Tempel (Freiburg i. B ., 191 0 ) , 1 8. If correct, the later Varyazata may be the grandson of the earlier one, as suggested by Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund 28, n. 1, or his namesake ( cf. K 8 : 1 1 ) . During the Hellenistic period positions of military command often passed from father to son and a son would fre­ quently be associated with his father in such positions even during the latter's lifetime; cf. J . Lesquier, Les institutions militaires de l'Egypte sous les Lagides, 82 . This would not be unnatural in a military colony where children were raised to follow in the military footsteps of their parents. A less likely expla­ nation is one which would make of this name, Varyazata, as well as others, the name of an early chieftain which adhered to the troops during subsequent years; d. E. SchUrer, TLZ ( 1907 ) , 5 . 14 For the dating o f C 7 in 401 cf. R. Yaron, 'SS 2 ( 1 957 ) , 34. It should be noted that A. E. Cowley's reconstruction of the name in line 3, according to C 5 : 17, seems unlikely; cf. Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 1 0 3, for the earlier and more probable reading. All the other references to the degel of Nabukudurri fall within the last decade of the century. Assuming that each of the digl'in is named after its living commander, we have a further reason for dating C 7 to the year 401 . 15 Here, too, A. E . Cowley's reading and reconstruction must be rejected and preference given to Ed. Sachau's reading, lac. cit. A name beginning with the same two letters MR appears as degel commander in Memphis; cf. N. . AimeGiron, Textes arameens d'Egypte, no. 2 7 + 16 Strabo, XVII . 1 . 53, 819. Probably basing himself upon the next passage in Strabo where the latter reported that the invading Ethiopians seized Syene, Elephantine, and Philae, H. Kees, "Syene," Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll-Mittlehaus, op. cit., 2nd series (Stuttgart, 19 3 1 ) , 1021, assumed that the three cohorts were distributed among the three garrisons. If so, then, on the basis of our supposi­ tions, the Persian garrisons at Elephantine-Syene would have been considerably larger than the Roman. E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 24, estimated the latter at no more than 1 , 500 men. But Kees' interpretation of Strabo appears erroneous. 17 Of the 2 3 cohorts mustered against the Jews by Vespasian, 10 numbered 1,000 infantry each while the rest had 600 infantry each plus 1 20 cavalry; cf.

32

ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRISONS

The Persian garrisons a t Elephantine-Syene thus approximated those o f the Romans. The names of only four centurions are known : Betheltqm and Nabuslw (C 2 : 6, 8, 10) during the reign of Xerxes and Nabuaqab and Siniddin (C 22 : 19f) from the end of the fifth century. The number of men associated with each of the first three centuries is eleven (C 2 : 6f, 2 2 : 20-30 rs while the fourth comprised twelve (C 22 : 6-1 8 ) .19 Yet these figures can hardly have represented the full strength of each century; they probably denoted the decarchy, a subdivision of the century. Several of the lists of names written on papyri, ostraca, and stone may record such squads at full or partial strength. Where complete, these lists range from seven ( Sachau 79.2, all Jews ) and eight ( two or three Jews ) 20 through ten ( C 12, mostly Jews ) 21 It has been suggested that the Aramean name, Nabuaqab, written upside down at the end of one list (C 1 2 : I I ) is that of the decurion 22 while the fourteen men, mostly Persians, in another list ( C 51 ) are centurions or other leaders. 23 No information exists on the deployment of each of the diglin or the exact stations occupied by these units. Some information on the national composition of the detachments may be gleaned from other sources. Units in battle array in the campaigns of Xerxes (as described by Herodotus ) , and of Artaxerxes II (as described by Xenophon ) , were organized along .

'

III,�

..

Josephus, War 111.4.2, 64-67. For comparison of the Qumran degel and the Roman cohort cf. Y. Yadin, op. cit., 1 61ff. For general discussion of the cohort, see H. M. D. Parker, The Roman Legions (Oxford, 1928 ) , 26ff. 1B J n C 2 2 : 3 1 , traces of the mark for 1 0 may be detected before the final stroke indicating 1, thus a total of 1 1 . 19 Cf. Appendix IV; it should be noted that a t least four women were in­ cluded among the members of this century (lines 1 3, 1 5, 1 6, 1 8; 1 7 may also have contained a feminine name) . We do not know if they were paying for themselves or their families. If degel and century membership was according to families, then we might imagine that "1 ,000" families and/or adult males were enrolled in the degel as a social unit and had to supply "1 ,000" soldiers for the degel as a military unit. The social degel would be subdivided into "10" social centuries, each supplying "100" soldiers. 20 CIS 2/1, 1 54 (PI. 20 ) with corrections in N. Aime-Giron, "Adversaria semitica," BIFAO 3 8 ( 1 939 ) , 36f. 21 Fragmentary lists evidence at least thirteen ( 7 ) names ( C 5 3 ) and as many as twenty-seven ( C 23; only fifteen are preserved ) ; cf. also the obscure C 52. 22 Cf. P. Joilon, MUSJ 1 8 ( 1 934 ) , 44. 23 H. Anneler, Zur Geschichte der Juden von Elephantine (Bern, 1 91 2 ) , 57, suggested that they were degel commanders . Cf. C 5 1 :6 and 6 : 3 .

ELEPHANTINE�SYENE GA RRISONS

33

ethnic lines. Each had its own nominal native leader and was clearly dis­ tinguished from other units by distinctive garb and fighting equipment (Hdt. VII.61-88, 96; Xen., Anab. 1.8.9) . Separate from such general levies for major campaigns was the deployment of mercenaries, usually away from home and on garrison duty. Such troops would also maintain their ethnic identity and internal leadership ( d. Xen., Anab. IV-3-4, 4-18; VII.8. 1 5 ) , but, particularly in the case of stationary forces, foreign ele­ ments might be introduced. The "Jewish troop" ( C 21 : 2, 4, l l, 22: 1 ) was originally settled in Elephantine, as the presence there of the Temple to YHW and the frequent occurrence of the descriptive term "Jew of Ele­ phantine" indicate. The Arameans, on the other hand, were stationed in Syene, as the recurrent term "Aramean of Syene" and the presence there of temples to Nabu ( BK 1 : 1 ) , Banit (BK 2 : 1, 1 2, 3 : 1 ; d 1 :7 ) , Bethel and Malkat-Shemayin ( BK 4 : 1 ) indicate.24 But a Jew, too, came to be desig­ nated as "Aramean of Elephantine" ( C 2 5 : 2, 3 5 : 2; K 7 : 1f, 1 2 : 2 f, 14 : 2 ) ,25 and more frequently, "Aramean of Syene." 2 6 The designation "Aramean" was probably due to the fact that the Jews were considered members of the larger Aramaic-speaking group.27 The term "of Syene" was employed 24 For discussion of the designations "Jew of Elephantine" and "Aramean of Syene," cf: A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 12; for the Aramean temples, cf. below pp. 1 64ft. 25 Cf. C 7 : 2, "Aramean, property-holder in Elephantine." 26 C 5 : 2, 1 3 :2, 1 5 : 2 f, 2 8:2, 2 9 : 1 f, 4 5 : 2; K 2 : 2, 7 : 2, 8 : 2f. 27 Since the Lachish and Arad letters from the end of the J udahite Kingdom were still written in Hebrew, we must assume that the Jews of Elephantine, and doubtless elsewhere in Egypt, acquired Aramaic as a spoken language in their new home. As noted (cf. Chapter I, n. 36) , this was the language of correspondence between Pharaoh and a Philistine kinglet, and it was the lingua franca of the Persian Empire. Legal proceedings, as will be seen, were conducted in the presence of Persian officials at Elephantine and Syene. Thus, out of official contact with Saitic and Persian rulers and living next to a body of Arameans, the Jews of Elephantine adopted Aramaic not only as the language of legal documents and official letters but also as the language of ordinary notes to one another, as evidenced by the ostraca. The presence of the AlJiqar text attests their ability to read an Aramaic literary text. All this does not necessarily mean that they forgot Hebrew; but no Hebrew text or fragment has come to light which would provide positive evidence of its retention. Ignoring the locus designation, N. J. Cohen, Lesonenu 31 ( 1 966-67 ) , 204ft, notes that in ten out of eleven documents where Jews were designated "Ara­ means" both parties to the contract were Jews ( C 5, 1 3, 2 5, 2 8, 29, 3 5; K 2, 7, 8, 1 2 ) . Conversely, in two of the three documents where one of the parties was non-Jewish the other was designated "Jew" (C 6; K 1 1 ) . Each of the exceptions (C 8-10, 14, 1 5; K 5 ) is given a specific explanation, sometimes forced. Thus,

34

ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S

either because they acquired property there or, more likely, simply be­ cause the term "Aramean of Syene" had become standardized. Writing to Bagohi, governor of Judah, Jedaniah spoke of himself "and his colleagues, and the Jews, all those of Elephantine" (C 30: 22 ) . But . addressing Arsames, satrap of Egypt, Jedaniah and his four colleagues designated them­ selves "Syenians who [ho]ld [prop]erty in the fortress of Elephantine" ( C 3 3 :6) . Evidently ethnic Arameans served in the same degel as Jews according to the case of "Anani b. Haggai b. Meshullam, Jew of the degel of Nabu­ , kudurri" and "Pakhnum b. Beso, Aramean of Syene of the same degel' ( K 1 1 : If) . The couple Bagazusht and Ubil sold a house in Elephantine, and although Ubil's father, Satibar, was a resident of Elephantine, she was described as "Caspian of Syene of the degel of Nimasu." Her husband also belonged to the same degel (K 3 : 2 , 8 ) . The term "Syenian garrison" probably indicates a preponderance of non-Jews in Syene. Of eighteen wholly or partially legible names in a ration record of fifty-four men of the Syenian garrison (C 24) , none can with certainty be considered Jew­ ish. The Hermopolis letters, addressed to Syene (BK 1-4) and to Ofi (Luxor) ( BK 5 ) contain some fifty-five names-all Egyptian or Aramean.28

i

11,1

she concludes, Jews considered themselves as "Arameans" while others viewed them as Jews; cf., too, R. Yaron, Iura 1 5 ( 1964 ) , 1 72. Still, in the Collection List for the YHW Temple, drawn up internally, the designation was "the Jewish troop" (C 22 : 1 ) . In the Bible, it should be noted, the more restricted term "Israelite" applied internally whereas the broader designation "Hebrew" is only used when the context introduces foreigners. 28 Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 89, distinguished only one clearly Hebrew name in C 24-Shemaiah (line 3 ) , while a subsequent editor, M. Sprengling, "The Aramaic Papyri of Elephantine in English," AJT 22 ( 1 9 1 8 ) , 364, remarked that "We may thus have to do with the rationing of a non-Jewish portion of the Persian ( or Egyptian? ) army at Elephantine." Even in the name Shemaiah the last letter is absent and the penultimate is only partially preserved. The more I examine the plate the more I confess that Cowley's readings yielding the ad­ ditional Hebrew names Haggai (line 3 ) , Sammuah or Shammua (line 7 ) , Nathan (line 1 1 ) , Abihu (line 1 7 ) , and Uri (line 26) are not at all certain. The gimel of Haggai may be a pe and the name an Egyptian one. There is no assurance that ntn in line 1 1 is the name Nathan, and not the verbal element of an Aramean theophorous name. The second letter of the name in line 1 7 looks better as a resh than beth while the hw i s separated from the first three letters and may bear the same meaning it has in line 6, though placed before the s ) and not after it. It is thus highly doubtful that this list contains any Hebrew names at all. For the Hermopolis letters cf. E. Bresciani and lVi. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," 365ff.

ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S

35

I n contrast, Elephantine was entrusted primarily to the "Jewish garrison." The unique designation given to the Khorazmian Dargman b. I:Iarshin may thus indicate a semipermanent status. He is one "whose station is fixed in Elephantine." The degel to which he was assigned, that of Arta­ banu, is otherwise unknown ( C 6:2ff) . As an economic unit, the degel may have held and cultivated land (C 16:2; cf. 80 : 5 ) . Three members of the degel of Varyazata held lots in Elephantine adjacent to each other (C 5 : 2ff, 6:4ff) . As a social unit, the degel was a focal point for various activities. Since membership was by families, husband and wife were attached to the same degel (K 3 :2 ) and a divorcee might continue in the degel of her father (C 1 4 : 2f, 1 5 :2f ) . The men married women from the same degel: Jezaniah and his father-in-law, Mahseiah, both belonged to the degel of Haumadata (C 9:2f), while Ananiah b. Haggai and Jehoishma's legal "brother," Zaccur b. Meshullam, belonged to Iddinnabu's degel ( K 7 : 1 f ) . In case of need, a person may have turned to a fellow member for a loan (K 1 1 : 1 f ) , creating litigation between members of the same degel ( cf. C : 20; the original bailee, Asl;1or b. Sel;1o, was a civilian [1 5 : 2] ) . Parties to legal contracts, whether male or female, were usually designated according to their degel/9 although wit­ nesses, and addressee and addressor in letters were never explicitly desig­ nated. Not every Jew was a b" el degel, "member of a degel." Ananiah b. Aza­ riah, servitor of YHW (K 1, etc. ) , and possibly other leading priests, had no such designation. Perhaps they were included in the term b',el qiryah, "member of a town," civilian, used in contrast to "member of a degel," soldier, in legal contracts ( C 5 : 9, 1 3 : 10, 20: lOf, 46:6) .30

Military Tasks The Aramaic documents contain very little reference to the military activ­ ity of the Elephantine garrison. It is generally assumed that Elephantine served at this time as a border fortress. The actual political border, how­ ever, lay much more to the south since Ethiopa, at least Lower Nubia, was included in the Persian Empire. But the region of Aswan remained a fron29 For

an explanation of the exceptions cf. R. Yaron, JSS 2 ( 19 57 ) , 37. 80 A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 7f, thought that men of both the degel and the town were soldiers, the townsmen having burgher rights. It is more likely, how­ ever, that the "member of a town" was simply a civilian.

36

E LE P HANTINE-SYENE GARRISONS

tier until modern times because of its geography, geology, and ethnic com­ position.51 The hindrance to continued river traffic posed by the first cataract at Aswan provided the twin towns of Elephantine and Syene with their major function of protecting and facilitating commerce and intercourse between Egypt and Nubia.52 In the early days Syene may have developed essen­ tially as the "Mart" and Elephantine as the fort, but by the Persian period, both towns had garrisons and wharves. Both also had their own wells pro­ viding the towns with independent fresh water supplies.s3 Sailing up the Nile, one notices that the fertile land dwindles to a mere strip. At Aswan, cultivated land is confined to 1 .7 km. on the eastern bank. The surrounding countryside is relatively so arid that the "Blossoming Isle" of Elephantine takes on a verdue and freshness by contrast. Yet its climate is remarkably dry. In this "Garden of the Tropics" grow mulberry trees, acacias, and date- and dom-palms. Between Elephantine and the west bank of the Nile is the tiny eighteen acre Island of Plantations or Kitche­ ner's Island, covered with trees and flowers.34 The rocks that abound in the

31 Even today, Professor J . A. Wilson informs me, the passport and customs frontier is at Shellal at the First Cataract whereas the political border is at Adindan, 191 miles to the south. 32 S. Clarke, "Ancient Egyptian Frontier Forts," lEA 3 ( 1916) , 1 5 1 ; L. Ha­ bachi and H. Riad, Aswan, 6; H. Kees, "Syene," Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll-Mittel­ haus, eds. op. cit., 2nd series, 7 (Stuttgart, 193 1 ) , 1019. 33 J. Baikie, Egyptian Antiquities in the Nile Valley-A Descriptive Hand­ book ( London, 1932 ) , 697ff. For the well at Elephantine cf. C 27:6f (line 8 should perhaps be reconstructed bb [yrf> z] k ) . The unpublished diaries of Ch. Clermont-Ganneau which were studied by H. Ricke contained the observation that the British Director of Waterworks on the island had excavated not far from the Khnum temple and uncovered a circular well; cf. H. Ricke, Beitriige zur Agyptischen Bauforschung 6 (Cairo, 1 960 ) , 53, n. 1 2 . See, too, L. Habachi and H. Riad, Aswan, 20f. The well at Syene, famous in the Hellenistic period (Strabo, XVII.1 .48, 8 1 7; Pliny, Nat. Hist. I1.75, 1 83f) , may have gone back to the Persian period; J. Baikie, op. cit., 723, and L. Habachi and H. Riad, op. cit., 20f, both suggested that the famous Hellenistic well may have been the same as that adjacent to the Elephantine Museum; but Pliny and Strabo are clear on the point that this well was located at Syene. 34 For a description of the cataract region cf. J. A. Ball, A Description of the First or Aswan Cataract of the Nile ( Cairo, 1907 ) . Consult also the various travel guides, especially K. Baedeker, Egypt and the Sudan (Leipzig, 1929; 8th rev. ed . ) , 378ff, and more recently H. Ziock, Aegypten (Bonn , 1 9 5 5 ) , 3 2 1 ff; M . Baud, Egypte (Paris, 1956 ) , 455ff; E . Brunner-Traut and V.Hell, Aegypten ( Stuttgart, 1962 ) , 520ff. The Description de l'Egypte ( Paris, 1 809 ) issued under Napoleon contains a "Description de l'lle d'Elephantine" (Chap. iii )

E LEPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S

37

Nile upstream from Aswan create rapids that mark the limits of deep wa­ ter navigation in Egypt. Here the Nile no longer seems "to run but to riot between the rocks that bar its way" (Pliny, Nat. Hist. V.10. 59) .35 ( See Plate 4. ) Navigating the cataract was possible only at or near the period of high Nile. It was a difficult task and took four days to navigate the cataract and the twelve schoeni (about 133 km. ) beyond. Herodotus ( 11.29) was told by natives from the island, perhaps the boatmen themselves, that "one must pass with the boat roped on both sides as men harness an ox, and if the rope breaks, the boat is carried away by the strength of the current." 36 Strabo reported that the boatmen entertained the prefects by riding the cataracts ( XVII.1 .49, 817f) . Living next to the Elephantine Jewish soldiers and perhaps employed in government service (d. C 26) were several Egyp­ tian cataract boatmen, Peftoneith and his son, Espemet (C 5: 13, 6 : 1 0, 8 :7), and the brothers Pe1;i and Pemet, sons of the slave woman Tawi by E. J omard. Each chapter in this work has separate pagination. Popular but yet reliable is a small descriptive handbook by L. Habachi and H. Riad, Aswan (Cairo, 1959 ) . For historical geographies d. the very complete chapter on "The Frontier Region" by H. Kees, Ancient Egypt (London, 1961 ) , 308ff, and the briefer philological sketches in A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomasticon (Oxford, 1 947) II, 1 *ff; P. Montet, Geographie de l'Egypte ancienne (Paris, 1961 ) II, 1 3ff. Many ancient Greeks and Romans visited and wrote about Egypt and their works have been studied by J. BaH, Egypt in the Classical Geographers (Cairo, 1 942 ) ; pp. 10-2 8 contain a discussion of the work of Herodotus who himself visited Elephantine ca. 450. For an attempt to apply contemporary statistics to ancient Egyptian geography and agriculture d. J. A. Wilson, "Buto and Hierakonopolis in the Geography of Egypt," JNES 1 4 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 209ff. 35 "The obstruction to navigation offered by a Nile cataract is in fact due not so much to the velocity of the water, as to the irregularity and conflicting na­ ture of the current caused by the narrowness, winding courses, and rocky state of the channels." J. BaH, Aswan Cataract of the Nile, 8. It has even been sug­ gested that the name Elephantine is due not to the presence in the region of elephants or to trade in ivory, but to the elephant-like appearance of the numer­ ous rocks on the coast and around the island; d. R. Muner, "Der Name der Nil-Insel Elephantine," Zeitschrift fur Ortsnamenforschung 1 1 ( 1 93 5 ) , 1 83f. 36 The construction of a canal at the west side of the Aswan dam built at the beginning of this century with a series of four locks and of an additional lock at the Bab Hemedai has removed this difficulty of navigation and aHows aH types of boats to pass at any time of year; d. J. BaH, Aswan Cataract of Egypt, 30. The new high dam will contain a diversionary channel on the east bank; d. T. Little, High Dam at Aswan (New York, 1 965 ) , 84f. For the modern equiva­ lent of the various measures given by Herodotus, d. J. BaH, Egypt in the Clas­ sical Geographers, 1 1 .

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Figure 1. Amenophis III is presented to Khnum by Sati; from interior of "The Southern Temple." T. Young, Hieroglyphics (London, 1 823-28) II, Plate 57.

ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRI S O N S

39

(K 1 2 : 20) . A demotic contract of such a boatman is preserved from the reign of Amasis ( L 5 ) . According to Egyptian myth, the Nile rose from between two sharp peaks, Crophi and Mophi, which lay between Elephantine and Syene. Half flowed toward Egypt and the other half toward Ethiopia ( Hdt. II.28 ) .37 Its annual rise was presided over by the god of the cataract region, Khnum .38 A Nilometer from Roman times is preserved on the southeast end of Elephantine Island. The Nilometer was a well on the bank, con­ structed of close-fitting stones marked to show the greatest, least, and mean rises of the river, for the water in the well would rise with the river. The rise was carefully watched and charted, and the information was then passed on to the people throughout the land. This information served as a guide for water distribution and canal and embankment construction and maintenance. It also provided the government with a forecast of the crop yield and, ultimately, of the revenues that would be forthcoming (Strabo XVII.1.48, 817) .39 If this Nilometer were in operation during the Persian period, the Elephantine garrison would certainly have been entrusted with its supervision. ( See Plates 6a and 6b. ) As Lord of the Cataract Region, Khnum also presided over its extensive mineral wealth. The "Famine Stela" on the island of Sehel enumerated seven different kinds of rocks and three times as many precious stones, metals and pigments,40 although identification of most of the minerals re­ mains uncertain. Attested with certainty are various porphyritic rocks; black, white, and especially red varieties of granite; diorite; sandstone; syenite; schist; quartz; garnet; amethyst; and red ochre.41 The principal quarries lay 37 Cf . P. Barguet, La stele de la famine a Sehel (Cairo, 1953 ) , 22f. For earlier discussion of the terms Crophi and Mophi cf. C. Sourdille, La duree et l'eten­ due du voyage d'Herodote en Egypte (Paris, 1 9 1 0 ) , 2 1 7ft See too, J . G. Grif­ fiths, "Hecataeus and Herodotus on 'A Gift of the River,' '' JNES 2 5 ( 1 966 ) , 60. For a representation of Khnum, see Fig. 1 . 38 P . Barguet, op. cit.; E . Drioton and J . Vandier, L'Egypte, 168. Recent travellers up the Nile reported that as boatmen passed through the cataract, they would toss a piece of bread, some salt, and water overboard "as a gift to the sheik of the cataract"; cf. I. and E. Johnson, "Yankee Cruises the Storied Nile," National Geographic 1 27 (May, 1965 ) , 62 3. 39 J . Baikie, op. cit., 724, E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 23f, and references cited n. 7; Description de l'Egypte, Planches, I, PI. 33; L. Borchardt, "Nilmesser und Nilstandsmarken," Anhang zu APAW (Berlin, 1 906 ) , 1 3ft 40 P. Barguet, La stele de la famine, 2 3ft 41 Pliny, Nat. Hist. XXXVI.8, 63; A. Lucas, "Egyptian Predynastic Stone Vessels," TEA 1 6 ( 1 930 ) , 206f, 21 1 ; L. Habachi, "An Inscription of Aswan Referring to Six Obelisks," TEA 36 ( 1 9 50 ) , 1 3, n. 1; Description de l'Egypte,

40

ELE PHANTINE-SYENE GARRIS O N S

south o f Syene and were worked throughout Egyptian history. Smaller quarries existed at Elephantine and SeheJ.42 ( See Plates 3, sa, and 7a. ) During the reign of Amasis, a stone naos measuring thirty-one feet six inches high, twenty-one feet broad, twelve feet deep ( Hdt. II.! 7S ) and weighing an estimated 600 tons 43 was quarried at Elephantine and allegedly lugged by 2,000 boatmen-over a period of three years�to Sais. Work of more modest proportions on the island, the quarrying of stones for statu­ ary for the Khnum temple, was reported in a fragmentary demotic papyrus from the Saitic-Persian period.44 The papyrus mentioned a certain Psam­ metichus son of Apries-both popular names-who probably directed the work. About S88 a contract was drawn up for the sale of a cow by Petemin, "quarry worker, servant of the king." 45 The woman Mibtahiah married in ,succession two Egyptians, Pia b. Pa4i and As40r b. $e4o, who respectively bore the titles "builder" (C 14 : 2 ) and "builder of the king" (C I S : 2 ) . The Superintendent of (Construction ) Works in Egypt during the reign of Darius I, Khnumibre, also bore the titles "Commander of Sol­ diers" and "Commander of the Troop." He left several inscriptions in Wadi Hammamat where he apparently directed quarrying activities.46 The Aramaic word by ( "house" ) was discovered in three different places on the rocks of a sandstone quarry at Syene, due east of the famous "obelisk" that was carved out but never removed.41 It is possible that the Elephantine soldiers were detailed to work in the quarries at Syene either physically or

I , !

Planches, I, PI. 32, 3; A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (London, 1962; 4th ed. rev. and enlarged by J. R. Harris ) , 3 88ff, 408ff; J. Ball, Aswan Cataract of the Nile, 65ff. 42 J. Ball, Aswan Cataract of the Nile, 74; J. ROder, "Zur Steinbruchge­ schichte des Rosengranits von Assuan," Archaologischer Anzeiger (Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch des deutschen archaol ogisch en Instituts, Vol. 80 ) , 1965, 467ft (Abb. 49 contains a geological map of the Aswan area.) 43 W. C. Waddell, Herodotus Book II ( London, 1939 ) , 2 57. 44 W. EriC'men, "Ein Bericht tiber Steinbrucharbeiten auf der Inse} Elephan­ tine in demotischer S chrif t , " Sludi in Memoria di I. Rosellini ( Pisa, 19 5 5 ) II, 75ff.

45 P. Berlin 1 3 5T 1 published by W. Erichsen, "Zwei frtihdemotischen Vr­ kunden aus Elephantine," Coptic Studies in Honor of Walter Ewing Crum (Boston, 1950 ) , 272ff. 46 C. Posener, La premiere domination perse en Egypte, 88ff, 1 79; E. Bresciani, Studi classici e orientali 7 ( 1 9 58 ) , 141 . 47 A. H. Sayee, "An Inscription of S-ankh-ka-Ra. Karia n and Other Inscrip­ tions," PSBA 28 ( 1 906 ) , 174f, PI. 2, 10; idem, "An Aramaic Ostracon from Elephantine," PSBA 30 ( 1908 ) , 41.

Plate L Aerial view of southern tip of Elephantine opposite Aswan. Left :

Khmlm; right: Temple of Sati (reign Die Tempel Nektanebos' II. , Plate 1 .

Temple of

of Nectanebo ) .

H.

Ricke,

1. 'femple of Khnum 4. Enclosure \Vall 7. Granite Platform

3. Socle of the Hall of Pilla"

2. Temple of Sati 5. Khnumeum 8. Hekaib Shrine

( Ram's

Cemetery)

2. Aerial view of the ancient ruins Tempel Nektanebos' II., Plate 2.

Remains of Fortress Wall

9. Nilometer

Scale 1 : 20'.)0

Plate

6.

of

/

10. Museum

Elephantine. H. Ricke, Die

-')

r

Plate 3 - General plan of Elephantine and environs as seen by Napoleonic Expedition _ Description de l'Egypte, Antiquites, Planches (Paris, 1809 ) , I , Plate 3 1 .

.'-

Plate 4. Looking south at the cataract rapids from the island of Sehel . Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.

Plate 5a. The Famine Stela on the island of Sehel. Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.

Plate 5b. Two types of Phoenician jars discovered in building k. Inscription left, top : clblpt; middle : lmlk, "To the King," followed by a schematic teth. Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.

Plate 6a. View of the southern tip of Elephantine from the east. Nilometer is right of center. Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.

D

Plate 6b. Nilometer as seen by the Napoleonic expedition. Line CD marks high Nile. Description de l'Egypte, Antiquites, Planches, I, Plate 33, Figure 2.

Plate 7a. Southern tip of Elephantine showing granite rocks, palm trees, and the ancient mound. Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.

Plate 7b. Ancient ruins of Elephantine viewed from the south . Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.

Plate 8a. Modern village of Elephantine viewed from ancient ruins. Cour­ tesy of the Brooklyn Museum.

Plate 8b. Khnumeum ( ram's coffins ) adjacent to the temples of Nectanebo II. Courtesy of H. Ricke.

E LEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRI S O N S

41

in a supervisory capacity, or assigned military escort duty on quarrying ex­ peditions.48 Whatever the precise relationship of the Elephantine Jews to the vari­ ous quarrying activities may have been, they were assigned as escort for the caravans which transported goods from Nubia and the cataract region into Egypt. The standard objects sought in Nubia included gold, ebony and other wood, ivory, animal skins, spices, ostrich feathers, minerals, and slaves.49 A record mentioned earlier 50 told of a journey to Nubia from Ele­ phantine on the eve of the Persian conquest. This convoy consisted of thirty rowers, sixty Palestinians ( possibly Jews ) , fifteen Syrians, several Egyptians, and Nubians, the latter serving as translators and guides.51 The Palestinians and Syrians apparently provided the military escort for this commercial expedition. With Persia exercising control over Nubia, expeditions south doubtless increased and took, where possible, the form of exaction of tribute.52 As indicated earlier, the Ethiopians brought the Persians as "biennial gifts" two quarts of unrefined gold, 200 blocks of ebony, twenty elephant tusks, and five Ethiopian boys ( Hdt. 111.97 ) . A demotic copy of a letter sent to the satrap Pherendates told of the transport of grain, apparently from Nu­ bia, and its unloading at Elephantine. The writter of the letter, Khnum­ emakhet, who may have been a cataract boatman, went with Artabanos to bring down the grain ( P Loeb 1 ) .63 On another occasion, a caravan arrived in Abydos. A dyed stone had disappeared from the train and turned up in the hands of the local mer­ chants. The Elephantine garrison commander, Vidranga, apparently lead­ ing another detail, arrived shortly thereafter and arrested Mauziah b. Na­ than, accusing him of either theft or negligence (C 3 8 : 3f) . 54 The ultimate 48 Conscript troops were employed as forced labor in public works projects, e.g., the quarries at Turah, already in the Old Kingdom; see R. O. Faulkner, "Egyptian Military Organization," JEA 39 ( 1 953 ) , 3 3ft 49 H. Kees, Ancient Egypt, 3 1 3ft See P. Ryl . 9, 3 : 3; F. L1. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 68 and n. 5; #48. 50 See p. 1 5, above. 51 W. Erichsen, Klio 34 ( 1941 ) , 56ff. 62 Cf. the earlier practice described by H. Kees, Ancient Egypt, 3 1 2 . 53 W. Spiegelberg, Die demotischen Papyri Loeb (Munich, 1 9 3 1 ) , Iff. 54 This seems tb be a better interpretation of this incident than that of Ed. Meyer, "Zu den aramaischen Papyri von Elephantine," SPAW ( 1 91 1 ) , 1 045; A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 1 36; E. Bresciani, Studi classici e orientali 7 ( 1 9 58 ) , 149; according to them, the commander of Syene had jurisdiction over Abydos. E. C. Krae1ing, op. cit., 1 1 4, assumed that after his demotion from the post of

42

E L E P HANTINE-SYENE GARRISONS

destination of such caravans could have been the northeastern border for­ tress of Migdol. Caravan duty brought much confusion regarding the manner and place of payment of wages to the troops and/or the families performing escort service. A letter sent from Migdol opens : Greetings to the Temple of YHW in Elephantine! To my son, Shelomam; from your brother Osea. I send you greetings and pros­ perity in abundance! Since the day when you went on that caravan, my son, all goes well with me and your mother too. May you be blessed by YHW the God who may grant me to see your face (again ) in peace! Since the day when you left (Lower) Egypt (Mi$rayim ) salary has not been given to us. And when we lodged a complaint with the governors (p1;,Wb ) about your salary here in Migdol we were told thus : 'About this (matter) complain to the scribe and it will be given to you.' 55 This caravan, travelling from one end of Egypt to the other, gives concrete expression to the geographical term quoted by Ezekiel ( 29: 1 0 ) , "from Migdol to Syene, i.e., to the border of Kush." As soldiers, one of whose duties was to escort caravans, the Jews in Egypt would have attained con­ siderable mobility. This fact illuminates the assembly at Tahpanhes (Daph­ nae) , also a military outpost, addressed by Jeremiah and attended by Jews not only from nearby Migdol and from not-too-distant Memphis, but also from the "Land of Pathros," i.e., Upper Egypt (Jer. 43 :8-44:30 ) .

Tshetres The term vocalized as Pathros in the Bible appears also in Akkadian sources as Pa turisi and in demotic as Ptrs (P. R yl. 9, 1 : 2, 5 : 14, 7 : 1 3 ) . It means frataraka at Elephantine Vidranga had been transferred to the post of garrison commander at Abydos and arrested Mauziah as an act of revenge. W. R. Arnold, "The Passover Papyrus from Elephantine," TBL 3 1 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 22, assumed that Mauziah was one of the visiting traders to whom gems were displayed and that one of them stole a gem and Mauziah was blamed. 55 E. Bresciani, "Papyri aramaici egiziani di epoca persian a presso il Museo Civico di Padova," RSO 3 5 ( 1 960 ) , 1 8ff; J. A. Fitzmyer, "The Padua Aramaic Papyrus Letters," TNES 2 1 ( 1962 ) , 1 5ff. On the translation "governor" rather than "governors" cf. E. Y. Kutscher, "Pf:Lw> and its Cognates," TarbiZ 30 ( 1 9601961 ) , 1 1 2ff; but see, now, J. Naveh, "Ancient Aramaic Inscriptions ( 19601 964 ) " (Hebrew ) , Lesonenu 29 ( 1 965 ) , 1 89, n. 1 9 .

E L E PHANTIN E-SYENE GA RRISONS

43

"The South Land" and i s usually taken to designate Upper Egypt or at least the Thebaid,56 although both this geographical assignment and the identification of the term with the demotic homonym have been chal­ lenged.57 In later years, however, a new term describing the same area ap­ pears : "Tshetresniut" ( M 9:6, 1 8 : 5 ) , meaning "district south of Thebes," again the Thebaid.58 It is usually simplified to "Tshetres" and appears in the abbreviated form in the Aramaic papyri (C 24: 39, 43, 27:9 ) . In view of the full form found in demotic documents, it is likely that the two terms in the Aramaic papyri, "province of Thebes" (C 24: 1 8b, 36, 37:6, 68, 1 1 rev. ) and "province o f Tshetres," usually taken as indicating two distinct administrative districts, 59 are actually synonyms. The Aramaic term for province, medinah, is also used to designate Judah (Ez. 2 : 1//Neh. 7 : 6; Ez. 5 :8 ) , Media (Ez. 6 : 2 ) and the 1 27 provinces which stretched from India to Ethiopia (Est. 1 : 1 ) . Although Tshetres was clearly an administrative unit (cf. C 27:9) , as was Ptores (P. Ryl. 9, 5: 14) , and not merely a geographical term, the status of Elephantine-Syene in relation to that province is far from certain and the extent of the jurisdiction of the officials in the twin forts still . re­ mains obscure. The one passage usually taken to indicate that the Syenian garrison commander had jurisdiction in Abydos, considerably north of Thebes (C 38:2f), simply indicates his jurisdiction over the troops under his command, in this case in caravan escort. Theoretically, garrisons were immediately under the king's control; their commanders received their "appointment from the king" and were "en­ rolled upon the king's list" (Xenophon, Cyrop. VIII.6.9) . The position was evidently a coveted one and in periods of revolt might be promised by an aspirant to the throne such as Cyrus to soldiers displaying keen loyalty or bravery in his cause (Xenophon, Anab. 1+15; cf. VII.P9, 5.8) . In practice, however, the king would assign the right of appointment to the governor of the province. Nehemiah, for example, appointed his brother Hanani (ah ) over the newly fortified city of Jerusalem ( Neh. 7 =2 ) . Even when the post in fact became hereditary, as it did during the last decades 56 F . Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 6 5, n. 2 and most recently T. O. Lambdin, "Pathros," G. A. Buttrick, Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, III, 676. 57 J . Leibovitch, "Pathros," BIE 1 7 ( 1934-3 5 ) , 69ff. G8 M. MaIinine, Choix de textes juridiques ( Paris, 1 9 53 ) , 68, n. 5; H.Kees, "Die Kopenhagener Schenkungstele aus der Zeit des Apries," ZAS 72 ( 1936 ) , 48f, n. 10; F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 143, n. 2 . a9 Cf. E. G . Kraeling, op. cit., 32.

E L E P HANTINE-SYENE GARRISONS

44

at Syene,60 the new incumbent probably had to have the approval of a superior authority. Mention is made at Migdol of a "governor" or "governors," but none is made in the papyri from Elephantine. The two local officials are the rab �aylii>, "general," "commander of the garrison" ( C 1 : 3, 20:4f, 38:3, 54: 14) , whose station was at Syene ( C 16:7, 2 5 :2ff, 30:7; K 8:2f) and the frataraka whose station was at Elephantine (C 27:4, 30: 5/131 : 5 ) . The names of three commanders are known : Ravaka ( 495 B.C.E. [C 1 : 3] ) , Nefayan (ca. 43 5 [C 1 6:7] ) , his son Vidranga (ca. 420-416 [C 20:4ff, 2 5 : 2ff, 38:3; K 8 : 2f] ) , and the latter's son Nefayan ( 410 [C 3° :7] ) . A contract of 416 gave Vidranga the additional title of hpt�Pb (K 8:2f ) , explained as *haf­ taxUwapata, "Guardian of the Seventh." 61 T:aken literally, this would im­ ply an administrative division into seven parts, of which Vidranga ruled one. Would this be the seventh part of a nome? Or the seventh part of Tshetres? Or is the title not to be applied literally? Standing above the commander was the frataraka. The term means "The Foremost" and the post was a combined civil-military one 62 since 60

Cf. A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 5 1 . 61 Cf. W. B. Henning, "Ein persischer Tite! im Altaramaischen," BZAW 103 ( 1968 ) , 1 3 6ff. I am grateful to the late Professor Henning, University of California at Berkeley, for giving me an advance copy of this article and for dis­ cussing various Persian terms with me. 62 Andreas apud Lidzbarski, Ephemeris II, 2 1 3; cf. the similar title in Est. 1 : 3. For the significance of the title, see H. Anneler, op. cit., 1 3; A. E. Cowley, op cit., 59; A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 24, contra Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 12; and A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 6, who imagined a military title. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 42, was not sure "whether this is a purely military title." R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 3 5, said the post was "possibly a combined military-civil office similar to the Roman term praetor." The title prtrk, zy ,lhy> is stamped on coins of Iranian rulers, Bagadates, Oborzos, Artaxerxes I, and Autophradates I, from ca. 2 50 to 1 50 B .C.E .; cf. G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Arabia, Mesopotamia, and Persia (London, 1922 ) , clxiv-clxx, 195ff and PIs . xxviii,7-xxix,14. Subsequent series of these coins carried the title mlk" "king"; cf. G. F. Hill, op. cit., clxxi-clxxxii,209-244 and PIs. XXX, 10xxxvii,19; W. B . Henning, "Mitteliranisch," B. Spuler, ed., Handbuch der Orientalistik, 1/4 ( Leiden, 1958) , 2 5 . The title is thus one taken by a ruler­ translated "governor" by A. Christensen, L'rran sous les Sassanides, 8 5-and not by a mere military commander. The appearance of this word as a title of Iranian rulers and the fact that it never appears written with the waw following the resh would alone rule out the suggested equation with the Greek protarches as maintained by J . J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law (New York, 1956 ) , 37. Does the title appear in a demotic text from the time of Darius I? Cf. F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 430.

ELEPHANTINE-SY E N E GARRI S O N S

45

the official had not only judicial (C 20:4) but also military authority (C 30: 5ff. 3 1 : 5ff) . The names of two fratarakas from the end of the cen­ tury are known : Ramandaina in 420 (C 20 :4) and shortly thereafter, Vidranga (C 27:4, 30 : 5, 31 : 5 ) , who was promoted from the position of garrison commander. 63 It remains uncertain to which of the earlier Egyp­ tion title it corresponds : "Governor of the Door of the Southern Coun­ tries (lmy-r in C 2 : 2; 63 :9, 12, might be connected with Akkadian nagiru, "herald, crier," but it is more likely that the former word is to be read ngd" i.e., nag6dii" "chief." See p. 200, below. 94 E. Bickerman, "The Edict of Cyrus in Ezra i," JBL 65 ( 1 946 ) , 2 52 .

ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S

53

festival (Neh. 8 : 1 5 ) . The edict of Darius I I to Arsames in 419 (C 2 1 ) call­ ing upon the Elephantine Jewish community to celebrate the Passover may well have been brought to the attention of the community by a herald.

Satrapal Supervision As the ruler of Egypt, the satrap had jurisdiction over the frataraka and other provincial officials of Tshetres. One of his major duties was to insure the military security of Egypt 95 and he doubtless made periodic inspection tours of the various garrisons. An adequate food supply for the garrisons would be one of the needs requiring his attention. Grain for Elephantine­ Syene came not only from the province of Tshetres (C 24: 36ff) but also from Nubia 96 and had to be safely stored and protected against the attacks of marauders or rebellious elements. The satrap Pherendates, in the last days of the reign of Darius I, was once called upon by the zealous Khnum­ emakhet son of I:Iornefer to write to the latter's superior, Artabanos, asking him to take special measures to guarantee the garrison's food supply. In a multinational garrison, disputes were bound to arise among the var­ ious nationalities. Moreover, a certain amount of tension was inevitable be­ tween the tuling Jewish garrison and the subjugated Egyptian population. When disputes arose, each side sought to win the favor of superior author­ ities through the age-old Egyptian practice of bribery (C 27: 3f, 37:4) .91 Often the various parties would repair, or be summoned, to Memphis ( C 37: 1 1 ) to argue their case. One o f the officials of the satrap concerned with handling such matters was the patifrasa or frasaka, "inquisitor," "exam­ iner," "investigator." 98 In 421-20, Marduka held that post ( LV pat-ip95 Xenophon, Cyrop. VIII.6.10ff; M. Ehtecham, op. cit., 73; R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 32f, 1 3 5f. 96 P. Loeb 1 : 2, 4, 1 3ff; W. Spiegelberg, Die demotischen Papyri Loeb, 3. F. Ll. Griffith, TEA 1 8 ( 1932 ) , 1 9 5, translated 1 1 . 1 3f, "Let word be sent to Artabanos that it ( = the grain) be not unloaded on the ground ( or exhaus­ tively? ) and that only so much grain as can be unloaded in one Syene boat (?) shall be put out on the bank and that the men guard the remainder, staying on the bank ( or on the ship ) ." 91 Note the extensive bribery reported in the Petition of Peteisis ( P. Rylands 9, 1 : 1-5 : 1 3 ) ; cf. F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of Demotic Papyri, III, 64ff . Est. 3 :9 and C 3 3 : 1 3f clear1y indicate such "payment for services." 9B Cf. G. R. Driver, TRAS, 1932, 80; W. Eilers, "Iranische Beamtennamen," 5ff; G. Cardascia, Les archives des Murasu (Paris, 19 5 1 ) , 20f.

54

ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRISONS

ra-a-su ) under the Babylonian satrap Gobryas ( B E X 97 : 1 6f) .911 A century earlier, the frasaka Shethar-bozenai and his colleagues appeared in the presence of the governor of Trans-Euphrates, Tattenai, and inquired as to the authority by which the Jews were rebuilding their Temple in Jerusalem (Ez. 5 : 3-6: 13 ) . In Memphis at the end of the fifth century a complaint was tendered before the "investigators" of Arsames (C 37 : 5 ) , one of the com­ plainants being Jivaka ( C 37:3 ) .100 A report of the proceedings was sent to the Jewish leaders and the members of the garrison by its representatives, but unfortunately, only a little over half of each line is preserved (C 37) . Most of the contact that a satrap would have with the Elephantine com­ munity, however, wOllld be through his deputies. Arsames had estates not only in Babylonia 101 and in Egypt ( D 1 : 2, 2 : 2f, etc. ) but also along the Fertile Crescent route connecting the two ( D 6: 2 ) . The peqid, "adminis­ trator," 102 of his domain in Lower Egypt during the last decade or so of w. Eilers, op. cit., 12. 100 Cf. W. Eilers, op. cit., 28. The arguments of C. R. Driver and Eilers for regarding patifrasa in our fragmentary text as an official appear convincing con­ tra E. C . Kraeling, op. cit., 37, n. 58; qbl in our texts is always used in the sense of "approach some official with a complaint" and never has the meaning "received" (as rendered by Cowley, op. cit., 1 3 3 ) . For the most recent note by Eilers cf. his review of Kraeling in AOF 1 7 ( 1 9 54-56 ) , 3 3 1 , where he eliminates the connection of patifrasa with ptp, because of the yod in the former word and maintains that it either means "retribution," patifras, or is to be connected with the official p_atrifrasa. Again, the p�eceding qbl would seem to indicate the sec­ ond meaning ( for use of the term without qdm or l, "before," d. C 8: 1 3; K 1 : 5 f and Kraeling's remarks thereon, op. cit . , 1 3 5f) . C 37: 3 may be translated, "He complained to the investigators. A certain Jivaka, he, complained to a[nother] investigator." I am indebted to Professor W. B. Henning for discussion of this verse. 101 C. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 88f: R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 3 3, 1 3 7f. 102 In the Driver letters this is not the title of the head of the province as pre­ sumed by E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 33f, but rather of the administrator of noble estates and it is likely that such is also its meaning in C 37:6. The p"qldln in D 6 are also not government officials in the strict sense of the term, but admin­ istrators of Arsames' estates in those places, just as the uJ paqdu Bel-sup� muhur administered his herds of small cattle in Nippur (BE X 1 30, 1 3 1; UM III ;, 1 44ff [I am grateful to Prof. D. Weisberg of Hebrew Union College for his letter of February 3, 1967, commenting on this official.] ) ; cf. M. San Nicolo Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung filr Rechtsgeschichte; Romanistische Abteilung, 71 ( 1 9 5 4 ) , 379ff; W. Eilers, "Neue aramaische Urkunden aus Xgypten," AOF 1 7 ( 1 9 54-1 9 56 ) , 3 2 5, and H. Cazelles, "Nouveaux documents arameens d'1tgypte," Syria 3 2 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 9 3 . Similarly, the paqudu, paqdu, and paqqadu of 99

ELEPHANTI NE-SYENE GAR RISONS

55

the century was the Egyptian Nakht1;or ( D 7 : 1 * ) while the one in the province of Ne, Upper Egypt, was a "Mazdaean," i.e., a Persian ( C 37 : 6 ) , 103 with whom the Jews and Egyptians at Elephantine probably had some do­ ings. Nakht1;or's predecessor, Psamsek (Psammetichus ) , had jurisdiction over estates in both Upper and Lower Egypt ( D 2 : 2f) and could call upon a military force, if need be, to carry out his master's orders. On one occasion, Armapiya, the Luwian commander of a l;aylii> "troop," refused to obey Psamsek, and as a result earned a severe rebuke from the satrap ( D 4) . It is possible that the troop at Elephantine was called upon by Arsames and the administrators of other Persian nobles in Upper Egypt to insure the execution of various orders such as the payment of ground rent by reluc­ tant tenants ( d. D 10, 1 1 ) .104 Knowledge of these affairs derives from letters which passed among various officials containing orders, reports, and complaints. Orders were is­ sued by the king as the ultimate source of authority.lOs He may have authorized a "Master of an Order" (Chancellor ) to issue an order himself (literally "set [down] an order" ) . Artaxerxes authorized the Samarians Rehum, Chancellor, and Shimshai, Scribe, to "issue an order" to put an end to the fortification of Jerusalem by the Judahites, evidently by force if necessary, "until a ( further) order be issued" by the king ( Ez. 4:21 ) 10a This Chancellor was attached to the entourage of the satrap or governor and entrusted with the administration of much routine business. He and the Scribe would handle most of the official correspondence and at the con­ clusion of letters to be dispatched he would either sign his name, indicating .

Neo-Babylonian documents is an agent whose official functions appear unclear; cf. E. Ebeling, "Beamter," Reallexicon der Assyriologie, I, ed. by E. Ebeling and B. Meissner (Berlin, 1932 ) , 456f. 103 W. Eilers, ZDMG 90 ( 1 936), 1 70; E. Benveniste, "Notes sur les tab­ lettes Elamites de Persepolis," TA 246 ( 1958 ) , 5 1 , would take this word as a personal name "Mazdayazna." W. B. Henning (orally) rejects this explanation, preferring "Mazdaean." 104 In his discussion of "Ramesside Texts relating to the Taxation and Trans­ port of Corn," TEA 27 ( 1 941 ) , 19ff, A. H . Gardiner notes that "the collection of the corn-tax was often carried out with great brutality . . . down to the 19th century." 105 Cf. the legal terminology in Ez. 4: 19, 6 : 8, 1 1, 7: 1 3 (mny sym tern ) ; Ez. 5 : 1 7 ( "an order was issued from Cyrus" ) ; 5 : 1 3, 6 : 3 ( "Cyrus the King issued an order'I ) ; 6 : 1 2 ("I, Darius, issued an order" ) ; and 7 : 2 1 ( "an order was issued from me, Artaxerxes the King" ) . 106 Tattenai and Shethar-bozenai had asked the Jews, "Who issued to you an order to build this Temple?" (Ez. 5 : 3, 9 ) .

56

ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRI SONS

his title (C 26:23 ) /°1 o r note that h e was "cognizant o f this order" (D 4:4, 6:6, 7: 10, 8:6, 9 : 3, 10: 5 ) .108 Two documents from Egypt, one in demotic written in 492, and the other in Aramaic written in 426, indicate that the positions of Chancellor and Scribe could have been held by a single individual. The actual writing of both these documents was done by a secretary and not the Scribe. The demotic document concluded "let it be known to you that Iebr (or Itbri who knows this . . . (or whom this . . . knows ) is he who has written this letter. Written by Apries in year 30, Choiak 29." 109 The Aramaic document concluded, "Anani the Scribe (and) Chancellor. Nabuaqab wrote (it ) " (C 26:23 ) . The conclusion of the demotic letter is unique and although a word or two is obscure and not yet translatable, the impression remains that the ending of this text parallels in style the ending of the Aramaic docu­ ment. The language barrier in an empire . the size of the Persian realm could be overcome in several ways. The central authority in the realm or in each satrapy may have maintained at his Chancellery officials capable of trans­ lating orders from Persian into the tongue of the local populace. On one 107 Cf. W. R. Arnold, JBL 31 ( 1 91 2 ) , 2 5; M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 1 91 7 ) , 434, n . 1 . 108 For the two titles Chancellor and Scribe cf. S. Segert, Archive Orientdlni 24 ( 1956 ) , 396. It is hard to find a precise idiomatic English rendition of the Aramaic betel tOtem. Cowley, op. cit., 91, probably gave a correct paraphrase when he translated "drafted the order," though in his notes, op. cit., 97, he was more literal : "author of the order." E. E. Herzfeld, Zoroaster and His World, 171, spoke of a "Holder of a Firman," "one who has a letter patent," "plenipoten­ tiary." In his commentary on the Book of Ezra, R. Bowman in the Interpreter's Bible, III ( 19 54 ) , 599, rendered the term "Holder of a (Royal ) Decree." C . C. Torrey apud M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 1 91 7 ) , 434, n. 1, translated "Master of Reports." See also F. Rosenthal, A Grammar of Biblical Aramaic (Wiesbaden, 1961 ) , 79, who rendered the term "official in charge." R. Yaron has suggested to me "procurator," i.e., one acting on someone else's behalf. This term would be very good were it not for its Roman allusions. It seems best, therefore, to return to the traditional "chancellor" as does G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 18. As indicated, this official has been identified with Old Persian *framanakara, "one who 'makes' orders." At Elephantine, however, both titles appear in the same papyrus, the Chancellor writing to an Egyptian official about action under­ taken by the framanakara, and so I prefer to keep the two terms separate. 109 Cf. W. Spiegelberg, SPAW, Phil.-Hist. Kl. 30 ( 1928 ) , 606. The above translation varies from that of W. Spiegelberg and was made for me by Professor George Hughes of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago.

ELEPHANTIN E-SYENE GARRI S O N S

57

occasion, letters were depicted as being sent out from Susa to each of the provinces written in the script and language of the local populace (Est. 1 : 22 ) . Although he was not an Egyptian, Iebr (ltbr) , Pherendates' Chan­ cellor and Scribe at Memphis, was able to dictate a letter in Egyptian or had someone in his service who did so. Communication may also have taken place in Aramaic, the language which had been in administrative use and had served as the diplomatic lingua franca since the days of Assyrian rule.llo The Jew Anani, Chancellor and Scribe of Arsames, sent a letter in Aramaic to an Egyptian official, Wabprimal:li, directing him to see that the repair of a Nile boat start im­ mediately "according to the order issued" (C 26:22f) . Upon receipt of the letter Wabprimabi, or his secretary, scrawled his name and the phrase "according to the order issued" ( C 26:24f) in Aramaic and made some notation about a Nile boat (C 26:26) in demotic.l11 In Samaria ( Ez. 4:7-23 ) and at Susa or Babylon ( D 4:4, 6:6, 7 : 10, 8 : 6, 9:3, 10 : 5 ) the Scribe and Chancellor were two distinct personalities. It was the task of the Scribe to serve as stylist and translator from the native language of the Chancellor or other administrative official into Aramaic and, subsequently, from Aramaic into the language of the recipient of the letter. The Aramaic letters of the Chancellor Rehum and the Scribe Shim­ shai were rtiad before Artaxerxes I in (Persian ) translation (Ez. 4 : 1 8 ) , no doubt by a "royal scribe." 112 It is not known whether the Egyptians Wab­ primalJi, recipient of Arsames' letter, and Pabim, author of a letter to the Persian Mithravahisht ( C 70) , themselves knew Aramaic or whether they relied upon a scribe to formulate and translate their official correspondence. The average official was probably not versed in Aramaic. Reference to the language problem may have been contained in a slightly damaged ostracon wherein the writer indicated that he had received an official message from 110

Cf. 2 Ki. 1 8 :26; the Aramaic military report sent from Babylonia to As­ syria by the officer Beletir-see the references in R. A. Bowman, JNES 7 ( 1 948 ) , 76, n. 52; the Aramaic letter of a coastal kinglet to Pharaoh-see Chap­ ter I, n. 36. For discussion of the widespread use of Aramaic cf. R. A. Bowman, JNES 7 ( 1 948 ) , 6 5ff; J. Lewy, "The Problems Inherent in Section 70 of the Bisutun Inscription," HUCA 2 5 ( 1 9 5 4 ) , 1 88ff and the literature cited on page 1 90; see, too, M. Ehtecham, op. cit., 5 8ff; R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 2 8ff. 111 Cf. W. Spiegelberg, "Die demotische Notiz in dem Papyrus 8 von Ele­ phantine," OLZ 1 6 ( 1 9 1 3 ) , 1 5f. 112 For the activity of the scribe cf. H. H. Schaeder, Esra der Schreiber (Tti­ bingen, 1 9 30 ) , 5 1 ff; idem, "Iranische Beitrage I," 203ff; J. Lewy, HUCA 2 5 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 70, n. 6; R. N . Frye, HJAS 1 8 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 4 59.

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ELEPHAN TINE-SYENE GARRI S O N S

the Persian frataraka, Ravaka, and had sent i t to him ( to whom? ) "to trans­ late" (lmprs ) , and subsequently to inform Hosea of its contents.113

Treasury Framanakara were "foremen" 114 and hamarakara were "accountants" 115 who concerned themselves with the income and disbursement of all kinds of funds. Prior to the orders given Wa}:lprima}:li, Arsames had a letter writ­ ten to the "hamarakara of the treasury" and to Shemshillech and his com­ panions the framanakara directing them jointly to inspect the boat and de­ tail the material needed for its repair ( C 26:4ff) . They were joined in their inspection tour by Shamou b. Kenufi, chief carpenter ( C 26:8f) . The re­ port they submitted to Arsames enumerating the material to be used for repairing the Nile boat at Elephantine indicates that a strict accounting had to be made for every lJallur spent. Each nail, splinter, and thread was carefully counted ( C 26: lOff) ! Kindasirma 116 and his accountants recorded the rent due from tenants of Arsames' estates ( D 8 ) and those of other Persian princes whose estates in Egypt had been given them by Arsames ( D 10, 1 1 ) . The accountants also held some responsibility for the actual collection of the rent. In case of de­ fault, letters from both Arsames and the Persian noble involved would be addressed jointly to the accountants and Nakht}:lor, Arsames' administrator. They were ordered to insist that the noble's administrator collect the rent and deliver it immediately to the noble. No doubt, force was used if nec­ essary ( cf. D 4) . The accountants also had to be informed by Arsames of 113 Ed. Sachau, op. cit., PI. 64, 2; M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, II, 229ff, III, 2 57, n. 1; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Sur la f�te de la P�que dans les documents arameens d'EIephantine," REJ 7 (NS; 107, OS; 1 946-47 ) , 44. 114 Cf. G. G. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, 40, 43, especially n. 1 8 . Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 46, and W. Eilers ( and Weissbach in a letter to him ) , "Iranische Beamtennamen," 1 22ff, wanted to read prmndr),>, Old Persian *fra­ manadara, "Befehlshaber," which Eilers thought was better than the *framana­ kara, "Befehlsmacher," but the papyrus does not support such a reading. 115 For discussion of this word and its evolution cf. F. Perles, OLZ ( 1 91 1 ) , 498f; W. Eilers, "Iranische Beamtennamen," 43ff. 118 For this word as a proper name cf. W. Eilers, AOF 1 7 ( 19 54-1956 ) , 326; A. Goetze, "Cilicians," JCS 1 6 ( 1962 ) , 57. For the various Aramaic spellings of this name cf. G. R. D river, Aramaic Documents, 78. See also J. de Menasce, BO 1 1 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 62 . The English spelling of this name i� conjectural; cf. D . J. Wiseman et al., Notes on Some Problems in the Book of Daniel (London, 1965 ) , 62.

EL EPHANTI NE-SYENE GARR I S O N S

59

the addition of the sculptor I:Iinzani and his family to the satrap's domestic staff before sustenance could be provided ( D 9 ) . Uncertainty shrouds the location of the "treasury" to which the Ele­ phantine accountants were attached ( C 26:4) and their relation to Kinda­ sirma and the accountants functioning in conjunction with Nakhtl:lOr. If the latter group were indeed "government" officials, the line between "pub­ lic" and "private" was not as finely drawn then as it is today. The adminis­ trator of Arsames' estates was either a quasi-governmental official or had at his disposal government accountants. It is quite possible that both Nakht­ Qor and the accountants were "private" individuals, even though they were in the service of the satrap and thus wielded powerful authority. How­ ever, the "accountants of the treasury" appearing at Elephantine seem to have been government officials and were probably attached to a treasury at Elephantine. The relation of the Elephantine accountants to the framanakara is also obscure. It has been suggested that the latter were "supply officers" or "ordnance officials." 117 At Persepolis, workmen were under the control of their foreman a�d dependent upon the Treasurer for their rations.u8 At Elephantine, to d, the ship captain Psamsineith and his companion ( C 26:2, 7) may have ,been under the control of the framanakara and subject to the financial supervision of the "treasury accountants." 119 117 R. A. Bowman, "An Aramaic Journal Page," AJSL 58 ( 1 941 ) , 306. The term most likely appears also in the Memphis arsenal journal; d. N. Aime-Ciron, Textes arameens d'Egypte, 1 4 : 1 . 118 C. C . Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, nos. 44, 7 5, 7 8 ( on which d. E. Benveniste, "Notes sur les tablettes elamites de Persepolis," JA 246 [1958], 59; as well as being a foreman this individual was also a mirror-maker) . The term sarama, saramana has been interpreted as a "person responsible for the apportionments to the workers" by R. T. Hallock, "A New Look at the Per­ sepolis Treasury Tablets," JNES 1 9 ( 1 960 ) , 90, 99, and "The Verb sara- in Achaemenid Elamite," JNES 24 ( 1965 ) , 271ff; and as being under the "official supervision" of the treasurer by C. C. Cameron, "Persepolis Treasury Tablets Old and New," JNES 1 7 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 163, 173. Cameron follows the interpretation of W. Hinz, ZA 49 ( 1 9 50 ) , 3 5 1 , "subordinate." Most recently Cameron trans­ lated the term in quotes as "responsible"; "New Tablets from the Persepolis Treasury," JNES 24 ( 1 96 5 ) , 170ff (Text No. 1 963 :6, line 6; etc. ) . I am in­ debted to Dr. R. T. Hallock for discussing this and other questions relating to the Persepolis tablets with me. 119 Old Persian *hamarakara als o appears in cuneiform sources; cf. W. Eilers, "Iranische Beamtennamen," 43ff. In the Sassanian Empire the amarkar appears not only as accountant but also as tax-collector; A. Christensen, L'Iran sous les Sassanides, 1 2 3 . The function of tax coUector may go back to Achaemenide

60

E L EPHANTINE-SYENE GAR R I S O N S

In the papyrological sources, the term for "treasury" was either "store­ house" (C 2 : 1 2, 14; 1 l :6) , "storehouse of the king" (K 3 :9, 6:7, 10:4, 1 l :4 ) , or "house of the king" (C 2 : 12, 14, 1 6; 3 : 13; 43 :7, 10; K 1 l :6) . 1be second and third terms were apparently used interchangeably (K I I :4, 6) and the latter may well have been an abbreviation of the complete term "house of the treasures of the king" ( Ez. 5 : 1 7, 7 : 20 ) , i.e., "royal treas­ ury." 120 Its staff included the Treasurer ( cf. Ez. 7 :21 ) and the Vice-Treas­ urer,121 who together may have been the "chiefs of the royal house" ( C 2 : 1 1f; cf. 3 : 1 1 ) ; the accountants; and the "scribes of the storehouse" ( C 2 : 12, 1 4 ) . The division of function between the accountants and the scribes is uncertain, but the scribes were responsible for recording all grain deliv­ eries (C 2 : 12, 14) ' Since there was a "house of documents where the treas­ ures were laid up" at Babylon (Ez. 6: 1 ) , i.e., a "treasury department of the archives," and the Persepolis Treasury had archival rooms/22 it is possible that the "royal house" at Elephantine contained a treasury department, a storehouse, and as the seat of the frataraka, an archival department as well. The "accountants of the treasury" at Elephantine would then be re­ sponsible not only for the income and disbursement of funds but also for the income and distribution of grain, wine, meat, and other stores. Such, at least, seems to have been the situation at Persepolis where tablet letters calling upon the treasurer to pay out a certain sum in cash imply or state that another amount was to be paid in sheep, wine, or grain. Some of the tablets conclude with the notation that "N. and his companions the ac­ countants entered the silver together (with the commodiy) ." 123 The storetimes. From the evidence of our sources, the hamarakara certainly exercised duties broader than those of a mere bookkeeper. We see that the Persepolis treasurers, for whom the hamarakara worked, "supervised" not only various crews of workmen (Persepolis Treasury Tablets nos. 3, 9, 1 7, 20, etc. ) but also a haoma priest at Parsa ( Persepolis Treasury Tablet I I : 3ff) . 120 H . L. Strack, ZDMC 65 ( 1 9 1 1 ) , 827. At Persepolis we find "treasury" (Persepolis Treasury Tablet 43 : 3 ) , "treasury of the king" ( 27 : 6 ) , "treasury of Parsa" ( 3 2 : 2£, 34 :2f, 3 5 : 2£, etc. ) , "treasury storehouse" ( 1 9 :4; 56 : 7-cf. E . Benveniste, TA 245 [1 958] , 307-; 1963 : 1 1 , 1. 7-cf. C. C. Cameron, TNES 24 [ 1965], 1 77f) and "storehouse" ( 2 1 : 5f) . For the rendering "storehouse" rather than Cameron's original "storeroom" cf. R. T. Hallock, "New Light from Persepolis," TNES 9 ( 1 950 ) , 246, n. 37. 121 C. C. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, 3 3 f. 122 E. P. Schmidt, The Treasury of Persepolis and Other Discoveries in the Homeland of the Achaemenians (Chicago, 1939 ) , 33ff. 123 Persepolis Treasury Tablets nos. 1 5, 1 8, 22, 27; C. C. Cameron, Per­ sepolis Treasury Tablets, 1 70. The translation of this. phrase was worked out in conjunction with Dr. R. T. Hallock.

E LEPHANTINE-SYENE GAR R I S O N S

61

house scribes, on the other hand, may have had no more responsibility than to maintain an inventory of what came in and went out of the storehouse.124 124 Cf. Zadok the Scribe who, next to Shelemiah the priest, was placed in charge of the stores by Nehemiah ( 1 3 : 1 3 ) ; J. Lewy, HUCA 2 5 ( 1 954 ) , 198, n. 1 1 2, quoting H. H. Schaeder, Esra der Schreiber, 4 1 ; C. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 19, n. 1 . Cf. the sitologue in Ptolemaic times; C. Preaux, L'econo­ mie royale des Lagides (Brussels, 1939 ) , 142f; M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World ( Oxford, 1941 ) , 2 80, 406f. 1 286f.

III S T A N DARD O F L I V I N G

Weights and Measures The system of exchange in Elephantine waS composed of four units­ J:tallur, ZUZ, shekel, and karsh. Although it is commonly believed that this system is identical with the Persian monetary system/ this does not seem to be the case. First of all, the Persian monetary system was based upon minted coins-the golden daric of 8.43 grams ( 1 30.1 grains ) and the silver Median siglos (shekel ) of 5.68 grams ( 87.8 grains ) .2 Although the shekel at Elephantine is thought to be identical with the Median siglos, not one siglos has been found in the seventeen coin hoards from sixth to fourth century Egypt discovered during the ninety years between 1857 and 1947.3 1

M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 2 5 1 ; Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 3 of, 5 5££; A. van Hoonacker, Une communaute iudeo-arameenne, 28, n. 1; E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 3 8f. 2 For a statistical analysis of 'The Weight Standards of Ancient Greece and Persia" cf. A. S. Hemmy, Iraq 5 ( 1 93 8 ) , 6 5-81 and Tables 2 and 3 where the respective coin weights are given. For a general discussion of "The Statistical Treatment of Ancient Weights" cf. A. S. Hemmy, Ancient Egypt (Dec. 1 93 5 ) , 83-93 and F. Petrie, "The Study of Weights," ibid., 146f. For the most recent treatment of "The Beginnings of Achaeminid Coinage" cf. E. S. G. Robinson, The Numismatic Chronicle, 6th series, 1 8 ( 19 5 8 ) , 1 87�93, who shows that the value of the siglos was raised and that an earlier lower weight would account for the correctness of Herodotus' statement ( 111.9 5 ) that the silver-gold ratio was 1 3 : 1 (pp. 190f) . This new finding is based upon "Two Hoards of Persian Sigloi" carefully studied by S. P . Noe, Numismatic Notes and Monographs 1 36 ( 19 5 6 ) and reviewed by G. K. Jenkins, The Numismatic Chronicle 6th series, 17 ( 1 9 57 ) , 276££. S Cf. already A. Segre, "Circolazione tolemaica e pretolemaica in egittQ," Rivista italiana di numismatica 3 3 ( 2nd Series, vol. III; 1920 ) , 2 2 .

S TANDARD O F LIVING

63

In fact, the siglos is almost completely absent from hoards discovered else­ where in the Near East outside of Anatolia.4 Minted initially according to the silver standard of Croesus of Lydia and then slightly raised in weight, the Median siglos was a coin of local circula­ tion, intended, perhaps, to pay Greek mercenaries.5 Moreover, money at Ele­ phantine did not circulate in the form of minted coins accepted at face value but in the form of silver weighed out on the balance ( C 1 5 : 23 f; K 7: 26; d. Jer. 3 2 : 10) 6 according to the "stones of the king" 7 or, in one or two instances, the "stones of Ptal:I." 8 Throughout most of the Persian Em­ pire, silver, in all forms, served as currency only by weight.9 These "stones," � Of five treasures discovered containing only the siglos four were from Ana­ tolia. Of eleven containing sigloi and Greek coins five were from Anatolia. The percentage of sigloi in the other collections was negligible. Two more from Anatolia contained : ( 1 ) 2 54 sigloi and one silver Croeseid (an intrusion ) ; ( 2 ) 440 sigloi and 2 1 2 Croeseids. Twenty-seven hoards discovered outside of Anatolia did not contain the siglos. Cf. D. Schlumberger, "L'argent grec dam l'empire achemenide" in R. Curiel and D. Schlumberger, Tresors monetaires d'Afghanistan (Paris, 1 9 5 3 ) , 6f (list of places where siglos discovered ) , lOf (list of Egyptian hoards ) ; S. P. Noe, op. cit., 42f. 5 B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1 91 1 ) , 646f; A. R. Burns, Money and Monetary Policy in Early Times (London, 1927 ) , 198££; the excellent treat­ ment of the Persian monetary system by D. Schlumberger, op. cit., 3££, 1 2-16 ( role of the siglos ) ; S. P. Noe, loco cit., from which it is evident that early sigloi were minted on the standard of Croesus' silver half-stater. 6 For a g�neral discussion of "Weights and Balances in Ancient Egypt," see S. R. K. Glanville, Proceedings of the Royal Institution of Great Britain 29 ( 1 9 3 5-37 ) , 1 0-40 and 5 Plates. On the accuracy of ancient weights and bal­ ances cf. A. S. Hemmy, "An Analysis of the Petrie Collection of Egyptian Weights," TEA 23 ( 1 937 ) , 39f; C. M. Kraay, "On the Weights of Ancient Coins," Numismatic Circular 71, No. 6 (June, 1963 ) , 1 1 6. 7 C 5 : 7, 6 : 14f, 8 : 14, 21, 9 : 1 5, 10:4, 14: 1 0, 1 5 : 5££, 9f, 14f, 34££, 20: 1 5, 2 5 : 16, 43 :3, 46 : 10; K 3 : 6, 4 : 1 5, 2 d, 5 : 8, 1 5, 7 : 1 6f, 32, 9 :20, 10: 1 1 , 1 4, 1 2 : 30. It is assumed that all of these occurrences refer to a single standard. 8 C 1 1 :2 and perhaps C 2 : 1 5f//3 : 1 7; cf. J. N. Epstein, "Glossen zu den 'aramaischen Papyrus und Ostraka,' '' ZAW 3 2 ( 191 2 ) , 1 3 1 . 9 Cf. D . Schlumberger, op. cit., 1 7f 2 5f; C . M. Kraay, "Hoards, Small Change and the Origin of Coinage," JHS 84 ( 1964 ) , 84. Whatever the obscure and much disputed passage in Hdt. IV.166 may mean no Aryandics have been discovered so far. For discussion of this passage cf. A. Segre, Rivista italiana di numismatica 33 ( 2nd series, vol. III; 1920 ) , 22, n. 1; G.-R. Kian, Introduction a l'histoire de la monnaie et histoire monetaire de la Perse ( Paris, 1 9 34 ) , 1 09££; R. A. Parker, "Darius and his Egyptian Campaign," AJSL 58 ( 1941 ) , 373f; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums (Stuttgart, 1939; 3rd ed. ) 4/1, 77, n. 1 . But ,

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then, were weights ( cf. 2 Sam. 14:26) and it is likely that each individual possessed his own set which he carried around in a small pouch (Deut. 25 : 1 3; Provo 1 6: 1 l ) .10 Just weights were divinely enjoined upon the ancient Israelite ( Deut. 25 : 1 5f; Provo 16: 1 l ) as well as upon the Egyptian.l1 The monarch ( 2 Sam. 14:26) or sanctuary (Ex. 30 : 24 ) maintained official standards in Israel as in Egypt. Three papyri from the last decade of the fifth century equate two shekels with one stater.1 2 One of these texts adds that the stater is of the "silver of Yavan" ( C 29 :3, 3 5 : 3f; K 1 2 : 5, 1 4 ) .13 The stater of Yavan can only be the Athenian tetradrachm (the "owl" ) which from the middle of the fifth cen­ tury down through the conquest of Alexander prevailed as the dominating silver coin in the Greek world and was the most prominent piece of silver in the Persian Empire.14 It was of high and unvarying quality and uniform in weight and type. A continuous supply was guaranteed by the vigorous policy of Athcns and her exploration of the mines of Laurium which lay within her territory of Attica.15 The "owl" has been discovered as far south as the temple of Ptal). in Memphis and as far nor�h as the Crimea, as far east as Kabul, Afghanistan, and as far west as Spain. It appeared in ten of the seventeen Egyptian hoards referred to above.16 During this period, the weight of the tetradrachm remained sustantially constant at 1 7.52 grams see P. J. Junge, Klio 43 ( 1941 ) , 14f. Herodotus is simply being graphic when he describes the tribute of Babylon in terms of a unit of capacity, i.e. one artaba of silver per day. This artaba was over 1 2 gallons ( 1. I 9 2 ) . 10 G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws (Oxford, 19 56; 2nd im­ pression ) I, 1 83 . 11 Book of the Dead, chap. 1 2 5. See the recent publication of T. C. Allen, Egyptian Book of the Dead, Documents in the Oriental Institute Museum The (Chicago, 1960 ) , 196ft 12 By this we are to understand : equivalent in weight. 13 Sachau's restoration in 29 : 3 was correct as a comparison with K 1 2 : 14 indicates. The numeral must thus be seven. 14 H. Michel, The Economics of Ancient Greece (New York, 1 9 57; 2nd ed. ) , 320; B . V . Head, op. cit., 371; D. Schlumberger, op. cit., 6-10, who lists 44 Greek coin hoards from the Persian period and indicates the mint of each coin; A. R. Burns, op. cit., 88, 2 1 2, 34 5ff; C. M. Kraay JHS 84 ( 1 964 ) , 80ff. 15 H . Michel, op. cit., 94ff. 16 Aristophanes, Frogs, 730ff; A. R. Burns, op. cit., 88; D. Schlumberger, op. cit., lOf, 32; C. Seltman, Greek Coins ( London, 1 9 5 5; 2nd ed. ) , 1 10; C. M. Kraay, JHS 84 ( 1 964 ) , 81f. An Attic tetradrachm was recently discovered in Samaria, apparently in a cave in W:1dI D:1liyah, some nine miles north of Jeri­ cho; cf. F. M. Cross, "The Discovery of the Samaria Papyri," BA 26 ( 1 963 ) , 1 1 6.

S TAN DARD OF LIVING

65

( 270.4 grains ) .17 The shekel would thus have to weigh 8.76 grams and could not be identical with the Median siglos of 5.68 grams . The relation of the siglos to the Attic monetary system was given by Xenophon (Anab. I. 5.6) 18 who wrote at the same time that the three above-mentioned papyri were written. One siglos equaled 7Y2 obols, he tells us, and since there were six obols to the drachm, a siglos was just under Y3 of a tetradrachm while the Elephantine shekel was Y2 tetradrachm. If the Elephantine shekel was not the Median siglos, what was it? Over 1300 Egyptian stone weights from the Twenty-sixth Dynasty through Ro­ man times have been analyzed and classified according to posited stand­ ards. 19 One of these, called the "stater" standard 20 by Sir Flinders Petrie who collected the material, weighed maximally 8.78-8.89 grams ( 1 3 5.5137 grains ) .21 It is plain that the Elephantine shekel, which as half a tetra­ drachm had to weigh 8.76 grams, is identical with this standard.22 More­ over, just such a standard, weighing maximally 8.775 grams, has been found among the standards in Babylonia 23 and appears to have been intro­ duced into Egypt by the Hyksos since it became the predominant standard 17 A. S. Hemmy, Iraq 5 ( 1 938) , 77 and Table 3 on p. 73. 18 It is of note that this equation is given in a context which further indicates the Anatolian, locus of the siglos. In the Lydian market attached to Cyrus' camp a capithe of wheat flour or barley meal was selling for the exorbitant price of 4 sigloi. The Lydians quoted prices in their own units and Xenophon converted them into Attic units for his Greek readers. 19 F. Petrie, Ancient Weights and Measures (London, 1 926 ) as analyzed and corrected by A. S. Hemmy, TEA 2 3 ( 193 7 ) , 5of, Tables 8 and 9 . 20 F . Petrie, op. cit., 1 2 chose the name "from its most celebrated example, the immense coinage of gold staters of Philip of Macedon. We do not know any early name for it, and to call it Attic or Solonic is only to put back the name a couple of centuries in some thousands of years of history." 21 A. S. Hemmy, TEA 2 3 ( 1 937 ) , 50f. The material was assignable to either the 26th-30th Dynasties or more broadly to 26th Dynasty-Roman times. The higher figure comes from the first category; the lower, from the second: The slight difference between the weights here given and the weight obtained by halving the tetradrachm may be due to the fact that Attic coins always weighed slightly less than the Attic weights, thereby providing a profit for the govern­ ment minter. Cf. F. Petrie, Ancient Weights, 1 3; A. S. Hemmy, Iraq 5 ( 1938) , 72; C. M. Kraay, THS 84 ( 1964 ) , 90. 22 For an earlier attempt to relate the Elephantine shekel to the Egyptian standard cf. E. Revillout, "Les monnaies mentionnees dans les papyrus ara­ meens d'ltlephantine," Revue Egyptologique 1 3 ( 1 91 0 ) , 1 58ff; see also A. Vin­ cent, ap. cit., 547f. 23 A. S. Hemmy, Ancient Egypt (Dec. 193 5 ) , 89ff; idem, Iraq 5 ( 19 38 ) , 72; J. A. Wilson, The Culture af Ancient Egypt, 162.

66

STANDARD OF LIVING

during the Eighteenth Dynasty. In the Saitic and Persian periods it was again the dominant standard; fully fifty per cent of the 4 1 2 weight speci­ mens discovered belong to it. 24 It maintained its prevalence down through the Roman period.25 The weights in use at Elephantine were standardized by the "stones of the king," i.e., the "weight of the king" ( C 28: 1 1 ; K 8 : 8) . The government maintained, no doubt in the "house of the king," i.e., the government house on Elephantine,26 an official standard by which individuals might have their personal stone weights checked for accuracy. 27 This royal weight is apparently different from the "weight of Persia" (C 26:21 ) by which several items were to be weighed for delivery to ship repairmen. When the Persians conquered the country, they did not substitute their weight stand­ ard for that of the Egyptians but simply superimposed it upon the latter. The "weight of Persia" doubtless includes the karsh which occurs so fre­ quently in the papyri as the equivalent of ten shekels. In fact, it is often called "the tenner." 28 Three karsh weights have been discovered, though not in Egypt, and the unit weight of 83.33- 83 .36 grams was ascertained from them.29 Ten Elephantine shekels would weigh 8 7.6 grams, i.e., 4-3 grams or roughly 1/2 shekel more than the karsh. To bring the Persian karsh in line with ten shekels, half a shekel ( = one zuz) would have to be added 24 A. S. Hemmy, TEA 23 ( 1937 ) , 50f, 5 5; idem, Iraq 5 ( 1 938) , 77f. In fact, it is not at aU unlikely that this didrachm weight in Athens, raised 4 per cent by Peisistratus from a previous weight, was introduced to facilitate the Egyptian trade; d. suggestion of A. R. Burns, op. cit., 3 56ff and discussion by J. G. Milne, "Trade between Greece and Egypt before Alexander the Great," TEA 2 5 ( 1939 ) , 1 81f. 25 Thirty-seven percent of 835 specimens. 26 On the other hand, such expressions as "road of the king" ( C 2 5 : 6f) and "street of the king" ( K 3 : 8, 1 0, 4: lOf, 1 O :4f, 1 2 : 1 9, 2 1 ) mean simply public thoroughfare; d. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 76f. 27 For general discussion of official weight standards, see A. Segre, Rivista italiana di numismatica 3 3 ( 2nd series, vol. III; 1920 ) , 1 2f; A. F. Rainey, "Royal Weights and Measures," BASOR 1 79 ( 196 5 ) , 34ff; . R. B. Y. Scott, "The Scale-Weights from Ophel, 1 963-64," PEQ 100 ( 1965 ) , 1 2 8ft. 28 C 6: 1 5, 8:14, 21, 9 : 1 5; K 3 : 1 6, 7 = 1 7, 8 : 8. 29 F. H. Weissbach, "Zur keilinschriftlichen Gewichtkunde," ZDMG 6 5 ( 1 91 1 ) , 675; idem, "Neue Beitrage zur keilinschriftlichen Gewichtskunde," ZDMG 70 ( 191 6 ) , 79; E. F. Schmidt, The Treasury of Persepolis (Chicago, 1939 ) , 62; G. G. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets (Chicago, 1948) , 37; E. F. Schmidt, Persepolis II, Contents of the Treasury and Other Discoveries (Chicago, 1 9 57 ) , 1 0 5ff.

S TANDARD OF LIVING

67

to it. This is most likely the meaning of the formula "2 r to the ten ( 10) ," 80 "2 r to one karsh" 31 "zuz to the ten ( 10 ) " ( K 3 : 1 5, 1 8, 7 : 1 7, 8 : 8 ) , or "zuz to one karsh" ( C 43 :3; K 3 :6) which was almost regularly added to any notations of the karsh and even the shekel ( cf. C 43 : 3; BK 2 : 6) .3 2 The smallest denomination in the papyri is the "Qallur. In Neo-Babylonian texts it is the equivalent of 'lio sheke1.sa In the Aramaic papyri, on the other hand, it can only be *0 sheke1.34 This would yield a unit weight of approximately .22 grams, a small but not inconceivable figure for a single weight.a 5 References to the "Qallur in the papyri fall into two categories. They are either ( a ) fractions or multiples of the unit "five: " 5 ( K 7 : 6, 16, 23, 27 ) , iY:! (K 2 : 5, 7 ) , 10 ( C 36:4; K 7 : 14 ) , 1 5 ( C 36:4 ) , 20 ( C 1 5 : 14, 36: 3; K 7: 14f ) ; or (b) multiples of "two" in accounting figures for a rate of interest ( C 10:5, 1 1 : 2, 4) . In the latter category, both loans yield a monthly interest of eight "Qallurs, i.e., � shekel. It is thus possible that there existed individual weights in denominations of VB shekel ( 1.09 grams ) or � shekel ( 1 .75 grams ) . In fact, the Persian monetary system known to us from PersepoIis contained a weight, the danaka, which was Ys (Persian ) shekeJ.36 One of the two above-mentioned loan contracts states that "4 shekels 30 C 6 : 1 5, 8 : 14, 21, 9 : 1 5; K 3 : 1 5f, 1 8, 7 : 32, 8 : 8. 31 C 20: 1 5, 2 5 : 1 6; K 4 : 1 5 . 32 For discussion see Appendix I . For recognition of the zuz in these texts ef. R. Yaron, "ksp zwz" (Hebrew ) , Lesonenu 3 1 ( 1 966-67 ) , 287-2 88. 33 A. Ungnad, "Aus den neubabylonischen Privaturkunden," Beiheft zum OLZ ( 1908 ) , 26ff. 3� A. E. Cowley, op. cit., xxx-xxxi. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 39, gives no rea­ son for assigning only 1 0 I:Iallurs to the Elephantine shekel. 35 Although the smallest stone weight known from Palestine is 1 . 5 2 grams (R. B . Y. Scott, "Sh�kel-Fraction Markings on Hebrew Weights," BASOR 173 [1964], 60) , five Persian period YHD coins range in weight from .23 grams (the Jehezekio coin from Beth-zur [ef. below Chap. 9, n. 24] ) to . 5 3 50 grams; Y. Meshorer, Jewish Coins of the Second Temple Period (Tel-Aviv, 1967 ) , 1 16. Many weights in the Petrie collection are approximately one gram, the small­ est ( # 3922 ) weighing .62 grams (9.6 grains ) . There are also many Greek coins of small denominations. The Colophon collection reveals some 8 5 speci­ mens ranging from .06 grams up to .29 grams; ef. C. M. Kraay, "Monnaies provenant du site de Colophon," Revue suisse de numismatique 42 ( 1962/63 ) , 5-1 3 and 1 Plate. ,See also C . Seltman, op. cit., 108ff; C. M. Kraay, JHS 84 ( 1964 ) , 76ff. 36 G. G. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, 1 3 2; idem, JNES 22, 1965, 1 72, 1 83ff. .

68

STANDARD O F LIVING

by the stones of Ptal;, silver, 1 sh[ekel] to the 10" were lent out at the rate of "2 l;allurs to 1 shekel of silver per month" (C 1 1 :2f) . Here, units from three different systems were used: a Pta1:t standard shekel, a Persian karsh, and an Elephantine l;allur. This is the only place where silver reckoning is not definitely given according to the "stones of the king." How can these facts be explained? The standard of Pta1:t is that commonly referred to in demotic documents Qeginning with Persian rule (M 4:2, 5 : 5; L 6:2, 7 : 3; MP 32 :7, 37:4; L 1D : 1 ) 37 and extending through the Ptolemaic ( L 4D :2, 5D: 3f, 7D : 3f, etc. ) and Roman ( L 1 2D : 2 ) periods.38 The formula there is "silver, x kite of the Treasury of Pta1:t, refined." The term "Treasury" seems to indicate that these particular silver pieces bore some identification mark by which their weight was easily determined and that this mark was impressed upon these pieces by the Pta1:t temple Treasury at Memphis.39 While such pieces may still have been weighed in the commercial trans­ actions at Elephantine, as Greek coins indeed were throughout Egypt, they were accepted as representative of their own standard and not weighed according to the "stones of the king." The kite weight standard at this period was maximally 9.53 grams ( 147 grains ) ; 19.2 percent of the 41 2 specimens from the Twenty-sixth to the Thirtieth Dynasties belonged to this standard.40 The "Ptal;" kite was thus over Y2 gram heavier than the "royal" shekel. This particular creditor-only the Aramaic patronymic is preserved in the document-happened to have some kite silver which had to be lent as is, i.e., on the basis of the weight of the individual pieces. To bring these pieces into relation with the Persian karsh, the formula '' 1 sh[ekel] to the 10" was appended. This means that one shekel of the kite standard was to be added to the karsh to bring the weights of one karsh and one deben ( 10 kite ) in line.41 37 F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 76; M. Malinine, Choix de textes juridiques (Paris, 1 9 S 3 ) I, 2 Sf. 38 For discussion of whether this designation in the post-Persian period had reference to an independent issue of stamped silver bars by the PtaJ:t temple at Memphis or whether it is simply an archaism cf. C. Preaux, L'economie royale des Lagides (Brussels, 1939 ) , 273f; E. Liiddeckens, Xgyptische Ehevertrage (Agyptologische Abhandlungen, 1; Wiesbaden, 1960 ) , 3 1 6f; P. W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt ( Leiden, 1961 ) , l O S . 89 Cf. preceding note. From the 4th century we begin to find actual coins, in silver and gold, bearing demotic and hieroglyphic characters; cf. G. K. Jenkins, "Greek Coins Recently Acq uired by the B ritish Museum, " The Numismatic Chronicle 6th series, 1 S ( 19 S S ) , 144ff. �o F. Petrie, Ancient Weights, 1 3f; A. S. Hemmy, TEA 23 ( 1 937 ) , So. 41 For discussion see Appendix I.

S TANDARD OF LIVING

69

The interest on this loan was calculated in terms of the l)allur and the loan was to be repaid out of the wage which the debtor received from the government house ( C 1 1 : 2-6) . It is likely that this wage was weighed out according to the "stones of the king" but the document is silent about the weight standard of the four shekels to be repaid. If both the interest and principal were meant to be paid according to the "stones of the king" the debtor would benefit, paying a somewhat lower rate of interest than usual and returning lighter shekels than he received. If, on the other hand, he had to pay shekels weighed according to the "stones of Ptal)," this might sug­ gest a wider use of that standard at Elephantine than appears from the documents. Although "kite" weights continued to be found down through the Ro­ man period,42 the kite of the demotic contracts ceased to be paid in silver of the Treasury of Ptal) and commenced to be brought into relation with the Attic stater. The earliest evidence for this change is a marriage contract of 364/63 (L 8 : 2 ) , but it most likely occurred earlier, probably at the end of the fifth century when the Elephantine shekel came to be specifically related to the stater.43 This second kite weight is thus brought into line with the shekel since 2 kite = 1 stater = 2 shekels. This same 2 : 1 kite stater formula continues to be found in demotic documents down through the end of the Ptolemaic period (cf. L 53 :4) /4 even though the Ptolemaic -

42 A. S. Hemmy, JEA 23 ( 1937 ) , 5 1 . 43 In the case of the shekel it must have been recognized that weight "by the stone of the king" was exactly half that of the Athenian tetradrachm and as that coin became more and more popular in commerce it became customary to refer to it as the standard. It is of note that in a fragmentary letter written from Memphis at the end of the 5th century the correspondent informs the Ele­ phantine Jewish leaders that some government officials gave him 1 2 silver staters (C 3 7 : 1 1f) . Was he presented with Athenian "owls" which he accepted at face value or were the silver coins weighed out? Despite the appearance of a few locally minted Egyptian coins of the 4th century, the bulk of the numis­ matic evidence from Egypt-Greek coins punched, stamped, and cut away­ indicates that until the time of the Ptolemies Greek coins circulated among the Egyptians by weight and not by face value; cf. H. Dressel, "Altgriechischer Miinzfund aus Agypten," Zeitschrift filr Numismatik 22 ( 1900 ) , 23 1-58; G. F. Hill, "Greek Coins Acquired by the British Museum 1914-191 6," The Numis­ matic Chronicle 4th series, 1 7 ( 19 1 7 ) , 9f; H. Dressel and K. Regling, "Zwei agyptische Funde altgriechischen Silbermiinzen," Zeitschrift filr Numismatik 37 ( 1927) , 1-1 3 8. Cf., too, E. Bresciani, "La sa trapia d'Egitto," Studi classici e orientali 7 ( 1 9 58 ) , 1 36. 44 Cf. M. Lichtheim, Demotic Ostraca from Medinet Habu (Chicago, 1 9 57 ) , 1 .

70

STANDARD OF LIVING

stater underwent a continuous drop in weight to 1 7.13, 15.09, 14.99 and finally to 14.28 grams.45 This kite-shekel equation is valuable since, even allowing for a certain rise of prices with the advent of the Ptolemies and the lowering of the silver content in the coinage ( though the silver-gold relationship remained the same ) /6 comparisons may be made of such items as the dowries of the Elephantine women with those of the Egyptian as evidenced in demotic marriage contracts from 364/3 to 198 B.C.E. Gold is never mentioned as a metal of exchange. The Temple vessels were made of gold (C 30: 12//31 : 1 1 ) , and gold is mentioned once again in a comprehensive list of possible possessions ( C 10:9) .47 Knowledge of the system of weights operative at Elephantine comes almost exclusively from private contracts, but that of the system of meas­ ures derives primarily from official accounts and letters. Though we do not know how the Persian officialdom recorded transactions of silver-income and disbursements-we do have such accounts for grain and legumes. The system of measures consisted of three units : handful, griw and ardab ( C 24 : 38) .48 These units derived from an official account book and corre­ sponded to the measures employed in the distribution of rations to workers at Persepolis during the earlier part of the fifth century, even though in one case the scribes wrote in Aramaic and in the other in Elamite: 45 c. F. Hill, Historic Greek Coins ( New York, 1 906 ) , I07ff; A. Segre, op. cit., 29ff; Fr. Heichelheim, Wirtschaftlichen Schwankungen der Zeit von Alexander bis Augustus (Jena, 1930) , 22ff. 46 It should be noted as well that the weight of the gold stater was also re­ duced from the value of the Persian daric so that through the end of the 3rd century B .C.E. the gold-silver ratio remained essentially the same as during the Persian period. Cf. Th. Reinach, "Du rapport de valeur des metaux monetaires dans l'itgypte au temps de Ptolemees," REG 41 ( 1928 ) , 122-40; Fr. Heichel­ heim, op. cit., 6-1 2. 47 It is unlikely that a bribe of gold was offered to Bagohi in C 30:28//3 1 :27; cf. M . Vogelstein, "Bakshish for Bagoas?" JQR 3 3 ( 1 942-43 ) , 89ft 48 Though Cowley correctly surmised that the letter aleph in the term S> must abbreviate ardab in C 2 :4ff, he failed to appreciate that g is the abbrevia­ tion of gryw) even though he cited J. N . Epstein's suggestion to that effect. Moreover, Epstein himself had no better suggestion for IJ than IJlk, "part"; cf. "Weitere Glossen zu den 'aramaischen Papyrus und Ostraka: " ZAW 3 3 ( 19 1 3 ) , 148. The key to the proper understanding o f these abbreviations lies in a bilingual Pahlevi-Greek inscription of Shapur I (cf. n. 50 below) which speaks of bread to the measure of "one griw and 5 handfuls ( lJwpn ) ." Strangely, though G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B .C. (Oxford, 1 9 57; abridged and revised) , 60, connects the IJ in C 24: 38, 41 with IJpn, "handful," he fails to see that the g there abbreviates griw.

STANDARD O F L IVING

71

irtiba = 3 BAR (i.e., sutu = seah ) = 30 qa 49 1 ardab = 3 grlw (seah ) 50 = 30 handfuls 51 The capacity of the qa at Persepolis has been estimated as being the equiva­ lent of roughly one liquid quart.52 This would be the capacity of the hand­ ful.5a An ardab of thirty quarts also accords well with Egyptian equivalents for the ardab derived from other sources.54 The handful was both a popular and an official measure. It appears in Arsham's letter authorizing the officials in his domains in Babylonia and Syria to supply NakhtI:wr and his men with daily rations of flour ( D 6:3ff) and in the marriage contracts as a measure of oil ( C 1 5 : 15 [read in the interlinear phrase tqm f:zpnn 5]; K 2: 5f, 7:20f) . The measures gnw and ardab are not found in the contracts, even where expected. If a clause in a loan contract is correctly interpreted, Ananiah b. Haggai borrowed two ardabs of emmer from Pakhnum but the amount is listed as "2 p'ras 3 seah" and the quantity to be returned is "2 times 6 seah" ( K 1 1 : 3f) . These units also occur in another account written on the back of a Behistun fragment : "s [abbreviation of scm, "barley"] p ['ras] 4," "p['ras] 1

�9 Cf.

R. T. Hallock, "A New Look at the Persepolis Treasury Tablets," JNES 19 ( 1 960) , 92, n. 5 . Dr. Hallock informs me that "1 BAR = 10 qa" and the BAR probably stands for the siltu. This equation corresponds perfectly with the system at Elephantine. 50 The Peshitta translates seah in 2 Ki . 7 : 1 , 1 6, 1 8 by gryb,. The Armenian translation griw renders Creek modias in Matt. 5 : 1 5; cf. M. Sprengling, "Shah­ puhr I the Great on the Kaabah of Zoroaster ( KZ ) ," AJSL 57 ( 1 940 ) , 387ft The modias "is a classical loan-word for the housewife's seah-measure"; A. R. S. Kennedy, "Weights and Measures," J. Hastings (ed. ) , A Dictionary of the Bible (New York, 1 903 ) , IV, 9 1 2f. Also, in several passages in th e Talmud (e.g., Ab. Zar. 43a, Erub. 29b, Pes. 32a, Ned. 5 1a, etc.) the term grlwa, ap­ pears. Finally, we may note the calculation of E . C. Kraeling, ap. cit., 263, that 3 seah = 1 ardab. Although he cites no source for this equation, it does fit. 51 It is evident from the Shapur inscription that 1 griw = 1 0 handfuls; cf. M. Sprengling, ap. cit., 3 87ff, 39°, 416. 52 E. F. Schmidt, Persepalis II, 108f; W. Hinz, "Zu den Persepolis-TafeI­ chen," ZDMG 1 1 0 ( 1 961 ) , 2 37f. 53 C. R. Driver, ap. cit., 60, writes that "the amount that can be held in the hand is approximately 500 gr." but Dr. Hallock wondered whether the amount of 1 liquid quart = < 1 liter = < 1000 grams may not have been held in both hands cupped together. The capacity of the "handful" may well have changed beyond the etymological meaning of the word. 54 Cf. W. Hinz, lac. cit.; E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., 26 1 . It should be noted, however, that this equation does not accord with what Hdt. 1.192 reported : 1 artaba = 5 1 choenices, i .e., roughly 5 1 quarts. Hinz thought Herodotus' figure applied to a double-ardab but it is too far off for that.

72

S TANDARD OF LIVING

2 seah 4" ( C 63 :2f) . This account is a list of "memoranda" (C 63 : 10, 1 2, 14) and it is not possible to determine whether it is official or private. In a fragmentary contract, a payment of barley was to be made at the rate of "1 qab to 1 p'ras all the months and years . . ." ( C 45 : 8 ) .55 It seems that the people employed the familiar seah rather than gnw and the circumlo­ cution 2 p·ras for 1 ardab. The qab, moreover, is unknown in the official accounts; it occurs once in the Bible ( 2 Ki. 6 : 2 5 ) where it probably equals 116 seah.56 Thus, the traditional terms continued to be used even though they were brought into relationship with the Persian system!7

Value and Price The foregoing clarification of the system of weights and measures prevailing at Elephantine enables us to estimate the standard of living of the Jewish soldier. The royal treasury-storehouse disbursed both a monthly ration (Pip) [pal.lfa1 ) 58 in grain and legumes ( C 2; K l l : 3ff; d. D 6 : 2, 4ff, 9: 1 ) to men and women ( C 43 :8) and a monthly payment in silver (p'ras ) to men and women ( C 2 : 16, I I :6; BK 1 : 5, 8f) . Information on the size of the ration comes from an account drawn up during the reign of Darius II ( C 24 ) . Of fifty-four men in the Syenian garrison covered by the account 22 men received 1 ardab of barley 2 men received 1 V2 ardabs of barley 30 men received 2V2 ardabs of barley. A three-level scale of payment, though with varying ratios, is found both in military and civilian life during this century. Greek mercenary soldiers, serving either a Greek or a "barbarian," were paid as follows (Xenophon, Anab. 1.3.21; Y.6.23; VII.2.36, po, 6.1 ) : soldier-l gold daric officer-2 gold darics general-4 gold darics. 55 For the term "all the months and years" cf. R. Yaron, "Notes on Aramaic Papyri II," JNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 128. 56 For value of the qab cf. J. Benzinger, Hebriiische Archiiologie ( Frei­ burg i .B., 1 894 ) , 1 82ff; A.-G. Barrois, Manuel d'arcMologie biblique ( Paris, 1 9 5 3 ) II, 247ff. The measure appears also in the ostraea (A. H. Sayee, PSBA 3 3 [ 1 9 1 1 ] , 1 83ff, convex : 2; N. Aime-Giron, ASAE 26 [1926] , 29ff, convex: 2 ) . 57 The p'ras as a measure apparently means liz of another measure, whether liz shekel as in Dan. 5 : 2 5 or liz homer as in the Bauer-Meissner papyrus, line 5 . 58 Cf. W . B . Henning, "Mitteliranisch," B. Spuler, ed., Handbuch der Orientalistik 1/4 (Leiden, 1958) , 1 1 3 ·

ST ANDARD O F LIVING

73

The soldier was also entitled to a food ration but whether this was distrib­ uted in addition to his wage or whether he was expected to pay for it him­ self is a disputed point.59 The payments of sheep and silver or wine and silver to workers at Persepolis are illustrated by several Elamite tablets. The "sheep texts" indicate a three-part scale with four subdivisions within each part : 60

A B C

Full Ration

Half Ration

3 1 112 1

1 112 %

112

Third Ration 1 112 V3

Quarter Ration %

% �

Unfortunately, we do not know how much the Elephantine soldier re­ ceived per month in silver. Expressed in terms of the Elephantine weight standard, the wage of the Greek mercenary equalled roughly 12112 shekcls per month.61 Mercenary service being what it was at this period, he was by no means assured a steady annual income at this rate, i.e., 1 50 shekels per annum. Nevertheless, it has been estimated that the minimum annual cost of living for an Athenian worker with wife and child at the end of the fifth century was 136 shekels ( 272 drachms ) .62 l\lost of the knowledge of prices at Elephanti �e derives from evaluated objects in the marriage contracts. From this it seems clear that the families of Mahseiah b. Jedaniah and Meshullam b. Zaccur were much above the class of hired workers in Baby59 Cf. Xenophon, Anab. 1.2.18, 3.14, 5.6 which suggest that "Greek troops were not supplied with rations in the modern way, but bought their rations from day to day from sutlers who accompanied the army. The commander's duty ended with providing a market." Cf. C. L. Brownson, The Loeb Classical Library. Xenophon ( London, 1932; 2nd printing ) apud Anab . 1.2.1 8. On the other hand, G. T. Griffith, The Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World (Cam­ bridge, 1 93 5 ) , 264-73, 295, n. 3, argues on the basis of Anab. VI1 .3.1O and other texts that a mercenary might expect ( 1 ) pay (misthos) , ( 2 ) rations (sitos) and ( 3 ) a possible bonus. His argument from the Xenophon passages is not fully convincing. 60 R. T. Hallock, JNES 1 9 ( 1 960 ) , 92. 61 The gold daric weighed 8.43 grams (cf. A . S. Hemmy, Iraq [1938], 70) and the gold-silver ratio was 1 : 1 3 1;3; so 8.43 X 1 3 · 3 = 1 1 2 . 1 19 -;- 8.76 = 1 2 .7 Elephantine shekels. 62 Cf. H. Michel, The Economics of Ancient Greece, 1 3 2f, who cites other higher estimates of 280, 396, and 400 drachms. Moreover, if the Cyreian sol­ dier received a grain ration in addition to his pay, he would have had an annual income of 206 shekels; cf. G. T. Griffith, op. cit., 308, who adds another 2 obols/day to the soldier's wage as the equivalent of gra in.

74

STANDARD O F LIVING

Ionia whose average annual wage was twelve shekels,63 and of more sub­ stantial means than the Egyptian families whose daughters married native, Greek, and Nubian soldiers. The comparative material from the marriage settlements is presented in Table 1 . 1 64 VALUE OF BRIDAL GIFTS AND DOWRIES TABLE

Document

Place

Year

Husband

Bridal Gift (Shekel /kite)

C 15 K7 L8 L 16 L 18 L 23

Elephantine Elephantine Edfu Edfu Thebes Edfu

43 5 ( ? ) 420 364/3 247-221 226 219

Builder of the King Servant of YHW mslJ, (soldier? ) Servant of Horus Greek (soldier? ) Blemmian (police? )

5 10 5 10 10 20

L 24 L 26 L 28

Edfu Edfu Elephantine

2 1 7/16 208 198

Nubian (police? ) Servant of Horus Man from cfnt (soldier? )

10 10 30

Dowry ( Shekel /kite )

•

60lh 68lh 14 1 2 ( 1 67 ) 50 14 + 5 artab wheat 13 73 35

The figure given for dowry does not include the bridal gift which in most instances was included in the list of the bride's possessions, either as an amount paid or to be paid. •

63 Cf. sources cited by W. H. Dubberstein, ATSL 56 ( 1 939 ) , 39f; I. Mendel­ sohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East (New York, 1949 ) , 1 1 8. 64 The conflicting views of M. Lichtheim, Demotic Ostraca, 3f-who thought that P. Berlin 1 3 59 3 ( = L 28) reflected the introduction of the new copper standard since most of the items bear extraordinarily high values in comparison with the earlier marriage contracts-and of E. Liiddeckens, Xgyptische Ehe­ vertriige, 308-who thought that the new system was not yet reflected in this papyrus since the bridal gift is the low figure of three deben-may be resolved by assuming that both are partially right. Six categories of items are listed : ( 1 ) bridal gift substitute, three deben; ( 2 ) and (4) seven objects of gold jew­ elry valued at 1 1 Y2 kite; ( 3 ) and ( 5 ) sundry objects plus cash valued at 878 copper kite; (6) five copper objects valued at 5 3 5 kite, apparently also copper kite. It would be strange to find objects of gold so cheaply valued on a copper standard when copper objects are so dearly valued on that same standard. So ( 1 ) and (4) must be valued in silver deben and kite while the rest are valued in copper units. This document reflects the first stage in the monetary devaluation where the ratio is sixty copper drachms to one silver drachm and copper had not yet com-

S TANDARD

OF

L I VING

75

An idea of the relative value of objects a t Elephantine can be obtained by enumerating the several evaluated items in the marriage contracts plus others whose price is known or can be estimated. Using an assumed mini­ mal annual income of 144 shekels (selected for convenience of calculation ) for a family of three, Table 2 also shows how many months' pay each item cost. 2 PRICE AND RELATIVE VALUE TABLE

Item Average fines Dowry (less mohar) Adult Slave Expensive woolen garment House, 34.2' x 1 2 . 5' b Average woolen garment Bridal gift (mohar) Divorce mOl1 ey Average loan Temple contribution Linen garI11ent Bronze utensil a

Ct. p. 76, below.

Value (shekels )

Months' Pay

Passim C 1 5 : 14; K 7 : 1 5£ Estimated ' C 1 5 :7£

50-200 60Yz-68lh 24-48 28

41Al-1 6% 5-5% 2-4 2Jh

K 3 : 6, 1 2 : 5, 14 C 1 5 :9ff; K 2 :4f, 7 : 6ff

14-1 8* 7-1 2

1 1Al-1 * Y12-1

C 1 5 :4f; K 7 :4£ C 1 5 : 24; K 2 : 8, 1 0, 7 :26 C 1 O : 3f, 1 1 :2£ C 22 K 7 : 1 0-12 C 1 5 : 1 1ff; K 7 : 1 3ff

5-1 0 7* 4 2 1 YZ-1*

%2-%

Source

b

*+ *

� �2 Y24-�2

For size see n. 65, Chapter III.

Other observations can be made on the basis of Table 2. For instance, the cost of a medium-priced woolen garment is virtually the same as the amount ( thirteen shekels ) paid for part (23.9' X 7-7' ) of an average size dwelling with beams, windows, and two doors ( K 1 2 : 12ff) . The whole dwelling measured 34.2 X 12.5 feet, and in a state of disrepair sold for four­ teen shekels. To put such a structure in good condition cost only about four and one half shekels.65 These Elephantine plots and houses were inpletely replaced silver. The later documents already indicate a ratio of 400: 1 . Accordingly, we have 141 3 copper kite X 2 (drachm ) = 2826 -;- 60 = 47.1 -;- 2 ( drachm ) = 2 3 . 5 5 silver kite plus 1 1 . 5 silver kite worth of gold jewelry = 3 5.05 kite, within the range of the other dowries. 65 For these calculations cf. H. L. Ginsberg, "The Brooklyn lVluseum Ara­ maic Papyri," TAOS 74 ( 1954 ) , 1 62 . The Egyptian cubit is calculated at 1 7.6

76

STANDARD OF LIVING

deed quite cheap when compared to the cost of forty shekels ( ca. thirty­ nine Elephantine shekels ) for a small plot and house in Babylonia at this time.66 Under such circumstances, it is very possible that most persons owned their own little houses. On the other hand, it is doubtful that every bride was as well endowed as were Mibtahiah and Jehoishma. Mahseiah b. Jedaniah had at least three children-Gemariah (C 8 : 29) , J edaniah (C 8: 3 1 ) , and Mibtahiah. His grandson, Jedaniah b. Gemariah, was leader of the Jewish community at the end of the fifth century (C 21 :2, l l , 22 : 1 20f; 30: 1/131 : 1 ) and it is most likely that Mahseiah had held that same post earlier. He owned several houses, two of which he deeded to his daughter (C 8, 1 3 ) . Sometime during her second marriage she was in a position to provide her father with fifty shekels' worth of unspecified goods (C 1 3 : 5f) . When she married the third time, she possessed, inter alia, a fine, large, dyed, woolen garment (C 1 5 : 7f) worth four times as much as the ordinary woolen garment. Upon her death she bequea thed to her sons four slaves : a mother and three children (C 28) . In Babylonia, the price of a slave varied between forty shekels under Nebu­ chadnezzar and one hundred shekels ( ca. 95 Elephantine shekels ) during the reign of Darius 1.67 During the Twenty-fifth to Twenty-sixth Dynasties in Egypt, the price of a slave was twenty-three kite ( ca. 25 shekels ) .68 If the same price variation occurred there as in Babylonia, a slave could cost be­ tween twenty-five and fifty shekels. Meshullam b. Zaccur, master and later adoptive father of Jehoishma, was also a man of substance. Besides possessing the handmaiden Tamut and her child ( K 2, 5 ) , he owned a house which he sold to Mahseiah b. J edaniah (C 1 3 : 3) and was in a position to lend at interest four shekels to the woman Jehoben d. Meshullach ( C 10) . His son Zaccur endowed J ehoishma very well ( K 7) . He possessed a slave lad, Jedaniah, whom he inches; d. R. B. Y. Scott, "Weights and Measures of the Bible," BA 22 ( 19 59 ) , 2 2ff. I f Ananiah b . Azariah sold %0 of the plot which he bought from Baga­ zusht for 14 shekels to Ananiah b. Haggai for 1 3 shekels then the added value which he put into it (cf. K 3 : 2 2a, 2 3a) was worth, in the course of 3 5 years, 4Yz shekels. 66 W. H . Dubberstein, ATSL 56 ( 1 939 ) , 38. It is not known where these houses were located. They may all have been situated in a rich neighborhood. Caution must be exercised in interpreting these comparative figures since the data is meager. I am grateful to Dr. D. B . Weissberg for his letter of May 2, 1966 discussing prices of houses and slaves in Babylonia. 67 W . H. Dubberstein, ATSL 56 ( 1939 ) , 34ff; I. Mendelsohn, op. cit., 1 1 7. Too many factors entered into the price of a slave (e.g., health, age, training, family status) for us to be certain that these figures indicated a rise in price. 68 M. Malinine, "Un jugement rendu a Thebes sous la xxv· dynastie," RE 6 (1951 ) , 1 71, n. 1 .

STANDARD O F L IVING

77

manumitted ( K 8 ) and may have had, like his father, a house for sale ( cf. C 42 : 5 ) · The loan contracts shed some light directly upon the needs of the aver­ age Jew and, indirectly, upon his means. Ten Egyptian documents deal with loans and obligations : four demotic (M 3, 4, 5; P. Strassburg 4 69 ) and six Aramaic ( C 10, 1 1, 29, 35, 49; K 1 1 ) . In no two of these documents are the terms alike. Yet, in three documents concerning lending of silver, the amount of the loan was small-four shekels ( C 10) or 4 shekels/kite by-the-stones-of-Ptal;1/of-the-Treasury-of-Ptal;1 ( C 1 1; M 4 ) -and interest was high. One ( C 10) and perhaps both of the Elephantine loans were made for a year. Interest was to be paid monthly at the rate of two l;1allurs per shekel, i.e., five per cent per mensem or sixty per cent per annum.70 Any unpaid interest was to be capitalized and bear interest along with the prin­ cipal. The demotic contract from Gebelen provided for the repayment of six kite after eight months, interest per annum thus being seventy-five per cent. The high rate of interest is especially conspicuous since the rate preva­ lent in Babylonia and Assyria over the centuries was twenty to twenty­ five per cent.71 It is apparent that the Egyptian loans were for purposes of consumption in a tight money market where the creditor had all the advantage. ' Various penalties were applicable in case the debtor failed to pay by the due date : ( 1 ) the creditor might seize as pledge "house of bricks, silver and gold, bronze and iron ( vessels ) , slave and handmaiden, barley, emmer and any other food to be found" (C 1O:8ff)-in short, anything but the debtor's children-until the loan was repaid. No vital objects were exempt nor could the debtor protest in court the seizure of a pledge against his will (C 10: 12ff) . Both Biblical and Babylonian law regulated the taking of pledges (CH 1 1 3f; Deut. 24: lOff) .72 Should the debtor or creditor die before the loan was repaid, the power to collect and the obligation to repay fell upon their heirs (C 10:8, 1 4£) . ( 2 ) The outstanding principal and interest were 69 M. Malinine, "Un pret de cereales a l'epoque de Darius I," Kemi 1 1 ( 1 9 50 ) , 1 -23. 70 In his discussion of "The Rate of Interest and the Text of Neh. 5 : 1 1 " E. Neufeld indicated his preference for the conjecture of Ch. Clermont-Can­ neau that there were 192 l:lallurs in the shekel and that the rate of interest was only 12 per cent;, cf. JQR 44 ( 1 953-54 ) , 204. He gives no reason for his pref­ erence and in the light of A. E. Cowley, op. cit., xxxi, it is hard to see what can be given. 71 C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws, I, 1 73ff; E. Neufeld, JQR 44 ( 1953-54) 194f. Some Neo-Assyrian documents specify higher rates, ' particularly where the interest is paid per mensem. 72 Cf. C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, op. cit., I, 208ff.

78

STANDARD OF LIVING

doubled 73 (e 1 1 :8f) and continued to bear interest. Such a stringent pen­ alty was probably due to the fact that the creditor was not empowered to levy a distress . ( 3 ) The balance bore interest at the rate of ten per cent per mensem or 120 per cent per annum ( M 4: 3f; d. M 5:6f) . Penalties of exorbitant interest in case of default are also to be found in a few Old­ and Neo-Babylonian and Assyrian contracts.74 Should the debtor in the demotic contract fail to pay, the creditor might levy a distress ( though it is not clear at what point ) upon all his possessions-"grain, field, slave, hand­ maiden, son, daughter, ox, ass, silver, bronze, clothing, anything"-until he was reimbursed ( M 4 : 5ff) . It will be noted that even the debtor's son and daughter were not withheld from the creditor. If silver was expensive, grain was even more so. A loan of grain made in Thebes in 499 required that 1 1/2 times the amount borrowed be repaid a month later ( M 3 ) . At Elephantine, for six seahs ( 2 ardabs ) of em mer borrowed in Thoth, twice 75 that amount was to be repaid out of the debtor's ration given him from the government house (K 1 1 :3ff ) , probably at the beginning of the following month. Both contracts provided for a penalty in case of failure to repay-the demotic contract required the pay­ ment of ten per cent grain per month ( M 3 : 5 ) and the Aramaic docu­ ment stipulated a fine of ten shekels was to be paid within twenty days after receipt of rations ( K 1 1 : 5ff) . The original loan of grain, in effect, was converted to one of silver. The fine of ten shekels was quite small compared with the usual Elephantine fine and probably bore some relation to the value of the grain, perhaps something like double the amount due (d. e I I :8f) }6 After the twenty-day "grace period," the creditor might seize as pledge any of the debtor's property to be found "in Elephantine, in Syene, or in the province" (K 1 1 : 1 1 ) .77 A provision with a grace period of 73 Double-payment penalties are frequent in Neo-Assyrian contracts; cf. K. Deller, "Zur Terminologie neuassyrischer Urkunden," WZKM 57 ( 1 961 ) , 3 5ff. I am indebted to Professor Y. Muffs of the Jewish Theological Seminary for this reference. 74 G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, op. cit., 176f; E. Neufeld, lac. cit. 75 A Twentieth Dynasty document shows that a loan of grain made at high Nile yielded 1 1/2, probably at harvest. When not paid, the amount due became twice the original amount a year later. Cf. T. E. Peet, "The Egyptian Words for 'Money,' 'Buy,' and 'Sell,' " Studies Presented to F. Ll. Griffith (London, 1932 ) , 1 26. For a different interpretation of Aramaic kp II ("in two install. ments " ) , cf . R . Yaron, "M"mubae Aramalcae. " 76 There is a figure for 1 40 B . C.E. where 1 ardab of emmer is worth 2 drachms; cf. P. W. Pestman, Marriage in Ancient Egypt, 148. 77 R. Yaron, TNES 20 ( 1961 ), 1 27£.

S TANDARD OF LIV ING

79

thirty days can be found in a demotic loan contract of 249 B.C.E. (P. Louvre 2443 ) .78 In the Elephantine document, the obligation devolved not only upon the debtor's heirs but on his guarantors as well (,drng [K 1 1 : 8ff] ) . Reference to a guarantor ( orb ) is also found in one of the Hermop­ olis letters (BK 1 : 9 ) . The other Aramaic documents are not loan contracts but deeds of obli­ gation. One case concerns two shekels of a woman's dowry which the hus­ band still owed the wife ( C 3 5 ) , probably after divorce. In the second case, the amount owed was fourteen shekels though it is not clear how the obli­ gation was incurred (C 29 ) . Both documents are broken off midway and the penalty clauses are missing. Nevertheless, the debtors at Elephantine were in a somewhat better position than were their brethren in Judah before the arrival of Nehemiah. Large sections of the population had become impoverished due to heavy land taxes and perhaps drought leading to famine. To maintain themselves they had to borrow the very necessities of life-grain, wine, and oil-and if unable to repay they were forced to hand over their fields, vineyards, and olive groves and even sons and daughters as pledges. When Nehemiah and his staff arrived, they, too, lent to the poor. But things reached such a pass that the people cried out to Nehemiah about their state of impoverishment, and he berated the rich for their exactions and forced them under oath to remit all debts (Neh. 5 : Iff ) .7g The situation of the Elephantine Jews does not suggest any widespread incurring of debt because of impoverishment or famine. These soldiers and their families received monthly rations and silver. Although the creditor might seize as pledge any property of the defaulting debtor, he could not seize the debtor's children. Now the Torah neither expressly countenances nor forbids the pledging of children or their seizure, but the practice did obtain in Israel ( 2 Ki. 4 : 1 ; Is. 50 : 1 ) as elsewhere in the Near East 80 and Egypt (M 2 : 6, 3 : 7, 4 : 6[?] ) . That this practice was not found in Elephan­ tine might be attributed to the fact that the Elephantine Jews were in the service of the Persian king and he could hardly tolerate a situation whereby 78 P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 68, n. 4. 79 Y. Kaufmann, Toledot ha-Emunah ha-Yisr"elit (Jerusalem, 1956 ) , IV/I, p off.

80 Laws of Eshnuna Par. 22, Code of Hammurabi Pars. 1 1 6f; C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, op. cit., I, 208-221; E. Szlechter, "L'affranchissement en droit sum ero-akkadien, " AHDO and RIDA 1 ( 1 952 ) , 1 44; Middle Assyrian Laws Pars. 39, 44, 48; C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, The Assyrian Laws ( Oxford, 193 5 ) , 271- zy yb "buy (salt) from Alphaios the ferryman of Elephantine" and suggested that he was in charge of the sale of salt; but d. J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1967 ) , 5 5 5 . 122 Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, ASAE 48 ( 1948 ) , 1 21f. 123 Cf. B . A. Levine, JAOS 84 ( 1 964 ) , 1 9; H. Donner and W. Ri:illig, Kanaanaische und aramaische Inschriften (Wiesbaden, 1962-64 ) , No. 270. 124 See section on "Clothing."

STANDARD O F LIVING

87

have enjoyed milk, curds, and cheese. Goat's milk was popular in Israel ( Prov. 27:27 ) , and cheese and curd were among the products brought to David at Mahanaim ( 2 Sam. 17:27ff ) . A correspondent wrote, " [Your wel­ fare may the Lor]d of Hosts see[k at all times. Now, I have se]nt you one piece of cheese" ( CG 1 67) .125 In the earlier periods, at least, the Egyptians ate a considerable amount of meat and fowP26 For the Israelite, a meat meal required ritual slaughter, i.e., drawing out all the blood (Gen. 9 :4; Lev. 1 T 1Off; 1 Sam. 14: 32ff) , and resembled a sacrifice ( Lev. 1 7 : 1 ff; 1 Sam. 14: 33ff) with its attendant rituals ( 1 Sam. 9 : 12f, 22ff ) . The Elephantine Jews probably performed the paschal sacrifice,127 and they did offer up holocausts of ovine, bovine and caprine animals (C 33 : 10) . Allusion was made to dNm (C 3° : 28//3 1 : 27) , "wel­ fare sacrifices," and perhaps also to the distribution of such a choice part as Samuel presented Saul at Ramah ( 1 Sam. 9: 24; SC P ) y8

Clothing When the Israelites first descended into Egypt they were shepherds (Gen. 47 : 3 ) . Their descendants in Elephantine also raised sheep, perhaps pasturing them on royal land.129 A fellow wrote to Uriah, "Now, verily, your large ewe has reached shearing. Her wool is already being plucked by the thorns .. Now come and shear her." If Uriah could not come that day, his correspondent volunteered to wash the ewe, thereby readying it for his 125 A. Dupont-Sommer, " 'Yaho' et 'Yaho-Seba)ot' sur des ostraca arameens inedits d'EIephantine," CRAl ( 1 947 ) , 1 79f. 126 P. Montet, op. cit., 7 5ff. 127 Cf. E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 9 5, and P. Crelot, VT 4 ( 19 54 ) , 349ff, 5 ( 1 955 ) , 2 50ff; d. pp. 1 2 8ff, below. 128 Cf. C. R. Driver, "Problems in Aramaic and Hebrew Texts," ANOR 1 2 ( 1 93 5 ) , 58; for discussion o f the sacrifices a t Elephantine, see A . Vincent, La religion des judeo-arameens d'Elephantine (Paris, 1937 ) , chap. iv. 129 Two demotic ostraca from Elephantine during the 3rd century B.C.E. have been interpreted as being receipts for pasturage tax. Their editor, C. Mattha, Demotic Ostraka from the Collections at Oxford, Paris, Berlin, Vienna and Cairo (Cairo, 1945 ) , 17 If wrote "the lJ.t rm-e-f-mn (if correctly trans­ cribed ) is quite likely the ennomion of C. O. [= U. Wi1cken, Criechische Os­ tralw aus Agypte'n und Nubien] I, p. 191, a tax paid by private owners of live­ stock for feedin g their flocks or herds upon th e pas tu reland of which the king was owner and operator." Such pasture land around Aswan, however little it might have been, may already have been under royal control during the Phar­ aonic and Persian periods in which case it could have been given or leased to the Elephantine soldiers as grazing land.

88

STANDARD OF LIVING

arrival ( Sachau PI . 63, 1 ) .130 On another occasion a son wrote to his mother, Kaviliah, to go to Syene and lend assistance to NPn>, shepherd of Sekhemre, who was seeking to sell. One good turn deserves another and the corre­ spondent hoped to gain from the shepherd a promised goat in return.l3l In addition to serving as sacrifices and providing dairy products, sheep may have furnished some of the wool for the garments which every woman brought into her hus1Jand's house upon marriage. Such garments seem to have been of two standard sizes : S x 5 cubits ( 1 1 .7' x 7.3' ) and 6 X 4 cubits ( S.S' x 5.9 ' ) , though slight variations of one half to one cubit are also indicated ( C 1 5 :7ff, 36: 2f; K 7:6ff) . Three different words were used to designate woolen garments, lbS, gmydh and sbyt,132 but it is not clear what the differences were. Two descriptive terms, medr ( K 7:S) and ns1.rf ( C 1 5 : 10) were appended to some of the names but their meaning is un­ certain.133 Some of the garments were described as having been dyed ( C 1 5 : 7f ) ; in one case (K 7 : S ) o nly a border of a handbreadth ( 2 .9" ) and 130 Cf. M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 2 5 5f; J. C. Greenfield, " 'Le bain des brebis,' Another Example and a Query," Orientalia 29 ( 1 960 ) , 98ft 131 Cf. A. Cowley, "Two Aramaic Ostraka," JRAS ( 1 929 ) , 1 07-1 1; J. Hem­ pel, ZAW 47 ( 1929 ) , 1 50; S. Daiches, "Some Notes on Ostrakon A," JRAS ( 1929 ) , 584£. 132 Lbs is the general word for "garment," "piece of clothing." The second word, read by Kraeling ( T 7) gmyrh is probably Akkadian gammidatu men­ tioned on several Neo-Babylonian tablets; cf. G. R. Driver, PEQ 87 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 93; E . Y. Kutscher, "New Aramaic Texts," JAOS 74 ( 1 954) , 2 3 6 who com­ pares gwmdyt in M. Kelim 29 : 1 . The etymology of sbyt ( C 1 5 :9; K 7 : 9 ) has been connected by E. Y. Kutscher, loco cit., with Syriac sbp, "a smooth gar­ ment." A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 48, sought to connect it with Hebrew sbt, "weav­ er's rod" and thought of "closely woven stuff." The demotic marriage con­ tracts use about three times as many different words for women's garments and the precise differentiations are not always certain there, either; d. E. Liiddeck­ ens, op. cit., 292ff. 1 33 E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 210, suggested that the first word derived from the root cdr but was uncertain as to the translation: "hacked?" i.e., "flounced?" or "damaged?" But the garment is new and not likely to be damaged. J. Reider, JQR 44 ( 1 953-54) , 340, translated a "stripped garment," short and sleeveless, though upon what authority is not clear. J . Korner, op. cit., 45, equated medr = mqdr, "dark," "black." This equation cannot be maintained because of the etymological koph in mqdr. The second word has been derived from Akkadian sa1;atu "pull off skin," hence, fleece with wool pulled off; F. E. Peiser, OLZ 1 1 ( 1 908 ) , 28; and from Hebrew root si:rf ( d. Jer. 9 : 7 si:rwf, "drawn out" ) and translated "finely woven" by A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 48. M. Lidzbarski, DLZ ( 1 906 ) , 3 2 1 4, noted that the Niphal form implied a non-Aramaic origin and suggested that the word was a trade term of the Phoenician merchauts.

S TANDARD OF LIVIN G

89

in another ( K 7: 10 ) , one of two fingerbreadths ( 1 .5") were so decorated.134 In almost every case the garment was described as new. The extraordinary size of even the smaller garment suggests that they were draped around the body. Whether the drapery follo"wed the style of Egypt or that of Judah is not known.135 The usual Egyptian garment was made of linen. It is strange that, of the three marriage contracts, only that of Jehoishma lists any linen garments ( K 7 : lOff) . Along with her four woolen garments she possessed four of linen. One is designated snt" a term also found in a demotic marriage contract (Snt) of 364/3 B.C.E. ( L S : 3 ) .136 Though the Elephantine garment was twice as long ( 6 X 3 cubits ) as the Edfu one ( 3Y2 X 2 cubits ) , it was worth less than half as much ( ca. 1 shekel as against 21/3 kite ) ; Egyptian linen varied considerably in texture 137 and such variations, no doubt, ac­ counted for differences in price. Men, too, we are told by Herodotus ( II.Sl ) , wore garments of two dif­ ferent kinds of material : "linen tunics with fringes hanging about the legs . . . and loose white woolen mantles over these." Among the items de­ posited by Shelomam b. Azariah with Asl;or b. Sel;o were "garments of wool and linen" (C 20 : 5 ) . In their letters, correspondents made frequent reference to the acquisition and transport of various items of clothing. 134 G. R. Driver, PEQ 87 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 93, maintained that Myb $bc ydyn meant not "dyed on both sides" (so Cowley and Kraeling) but "twice dyed," making the color fast and adding to the value of the garment; d. Pliny, Nat. Hist. IX.63, 1 37. For general discussion of Egyptian dyes d. A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials, 1 50ft 135 The size of the garments seems nowhere near that of any of the several garments described by M . G. Houston, Ancient Egyptian, Mesopotamian and Persian Costume and Decoration (London, 19 54; 2nd ed. ) , 74-97. Most of these garments, whether worn by men or women, are roughly of body length and width. The shawl, or Indian Sari type, draped around the woman, is several times longer than it is wide, whereas the Elephantine garments are not even twice as long as they are wide. For detailed discussion of the historical develop­ ment of Egyptian fashions and modes of dress d. A. Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, 200-1 8. The garment worn by the Syrian ambassador from the time of Tutankhamon, figured on p. 2 1 7, appears to have been of rectangular shape, draped around the body. H . Anneler, op. cit., 2 8f, 32f, thought that the objects indicated in C 1 5 were rugs or carpets and not clothing since the hot Egyptian climate would seem to exclude woolen garments. But Hdt. 11.81 clearly indi­ cates that woolen garments were worn; for brief discussion and citation of references cf. A. Lucas Ancient Egyptian Materials, 146f. 136 B. Comoyer, "Termes egyptiens dans les papyri arameens du Musee de Brooklyn," RB 6 1 ( 1 9 54 ) , 5 59; E. Y. Kutscher, JAOS 74 ( 1 954 ) , 236. 187 A. Lucas, op. cit., 1 66f. ,

90

ST ANDARD O F LIVING

Writing from Memphis, Hosea called upon the recipient of the letter to acquire some five or six different kinds of garments from Bethe1tdn, to come immediately to Memphis, and to bring a cloak for him ( C 42 : 8ff, 1 3 ) . It is not clear what kind of garments were meant, though one was woolen and another perhaps was dyed. In a letter from Migdol, Osea in­ formed his son Shelomam, who was accompanying a caravan bound for Elephantine, that his 'earlier request for cloak and clothing had been ful­ filled though Osea had failed to bring the article to Shelomam at Memphis. Osea further informed Shelomam that he had bought for himself a linen cloak ( Padua 1 :8ff) .138 Writing to their family at Syene, Makkibanit and Nabushezib reported from Memphis the purchase of a tunic (BK 2 : 1 1 ) and some colored cloth ( BK 3 : 10) and expressed dissatisfaction with a garment sent ( BK 4 :4f ) .139 Another epistle, this one on a potsherd, records the request of a soldier, out cultivating a field, for some salt for his food; a pick to hoe and seed to sow; and a cloak to change (CG 16 ) .140 Elephantine-Syene had its tailors; Gadal requested that Micaiah send him the garment he was wearing so that it could be fixed (CG 70 ) .141 Another ostracon, according to an in­ genious interpretation, was addressed to the woman Salluah. It requested that Uriah consecrate a garment left by the addressor at the Temple.142 Unfortunately, none of the references to men's garments gives any indica­ tion as to the size or value of this clothing or as to how it was worn. Hides were tanned in Egypt from earliest times 143 and leather objects were included among the possessions of the Elephantine-Syene Jews and Arameans. Correspondents to Elephantine-Syene requested the dispatch of skins (C 37 : 10) 144 for a leather garment (BK 3 :7f) , while a marriage 138 E. Bresciani, "Papiri aramaici egiziani di epoca persiani presso il Museo Civico di Padova," RSO 3 5 ( 1960 ) , 1 1 -24; J . A. Fitzmyer, "The Padua Ara­ maic Papyrus Letters," JNES 21 ( 1 962 ), 1 5-22. 139 E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," 3 88, suggested that the word tqbtjh was also a garment. No etymology was given and I would offer a different explanation; d. below, pp. 267f, n. 7. 140 A. Dupont-Sommer, "Ostracons arameens d'Elephantine," ASAE 48 ( 1 948 ) , 1 09-1 1 6 and Fig. 1 . 141 A. Dupont-Sommer, "Le syncretisme re1igieux des juifs d'Elephantine," RHR 1 3 0 ( 1945 ) , 1 7-28. For a possible Syenian locus for Gada1. see p. 275. 142 N. Aime-Giron, "Trois ostraca arameens d'Elephantine," ASAE 26 ( 19 2 6 ) , 27-29 and PI. 2; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Maison de Yahve et vetements sacrees a Elephantine d'apres un ostracon arameen du Musee du Caire," fA 23 5 ( 1946-47) , 79-87; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 96£. 143 A. Lucas, op. cit., 3 3ff. 144 G. R. Driver, JRAS ( 1932 ) , 81 .

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91

contract referred to leather sandals 145 or a leather bag 146 ( K 7 : 20; cf. C 1 5 : 1 6, 5 5 : 8; K 2 : 5 ) . The soles of such sandals may have been made of leather, papyrus reed or palm bast, the latter from the local palm trees.141 In the latter part of the eighth century, the women of Jerusalem were subjected to a mocking denunciation by the prophet Isaiah ( 3 : 16ff) . We are indebted to him for a catalogue of feminine adornments. Although Isaiah did not include the use of eye-paint in his castigations, the Bible does refer to this practice, primarily with regard to foreigners ( 2 Ki. 9: 30; Job 42 : 14) or harlots ( JeL 4 : 30; Ezek. 23 :40 ) . Still, limestone cosmetic palettes were discovered in Iron II Megiddo,14 8 Beth-zur/49 Tell en-Na�­ beh/50 and elsewhere. In Egypt, eye-paint was used by both men and women. This cosmetic was commonly made of galena, a substance found on the Red Sea coast and near Aswan.l5l In house m, where most of the Ara­ maic papyri were found, the German excavators discovered a palette in the sh a pe of a fish with a lotus flower in its mouth.152 Such fish-shaped cosmetic dishes were common in Egypt. Also common were bronze mirrors 153 and at Elephantine these items were duly recorded in the marriage contract as property of the bride. By the time of her third marriage, Mibtahiah owned a mirror worth 1 Y2 shekels ( C 1 5 : 1 1 f) ; J ehoishma was the possessor of one worth a shekel (K 7: 1 3 ) ; and the slave girl Tamut had a very cheap one worth only 7Yz l;iallurs (K 2 : 5 ) . The Elephantine women did not confine their attention to their faces but also took proper care of their bodies. To counteract the effects of the 145 Cf. E. Y. Kutscher, JAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 234, with reference to J. N. Ep­ stein, ZAW 33 ( 1 91 3 ) , 2 2 5, who would have read C 1 5 : 1 6 snn mS>l1 / zy lJ-$n '/:tdt, "a new shoe of palm bast." It is more likely, however that the last three words go with prks. For pictures of ancient Egyptian sandals cf. A. Erman, op. cit., 227. 146 J. Reider, JQR 44 ( 1953- 54) 339. ' 141 For sandals of palm fibre cf. Tackholm and Drar, Flora of Egypt, II, 227. 148 R. S. Lamon, G. S. Shipton, Megiddo I (Chicago, 1939 ) , PIs. 96, 1 08ff. 149 O. R. Sellers, The Citadel of Beth-Zur (Philadelphia, 1 9 3 3 ) , Fig. 53, No. 5· 150 C. C. McCown, Tell en-Na$beh Excavated Under the Direction of the Late William Frederic Bade (Berkeley and New Haven, 1947 ) I, 266, PI. 1 06. 151 A. Lucas, op. cit., 80ff, 1 96f; A. Erman, op. cit., 230; Beauty Treatment in Ancient Egypt (Egyptian State Tourist Dept., Cairo ) presents a popular and reliable treatment of the subject; A. Lucas, "Cosmetics, Perfumes and In­ cense in Ancient Egypt," lEA 1 6 ( 1 930 ) , 41-43. 162 Cf. W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1 909-1 0 ) , 30. 153 Cf. A. Erman, op. cit., 2 30f.

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STANDARD O F LIVING

dry climate on their skins, both the men and the women of Egypt 154 and Judah ( 2 Sam. 1 2 : 20; Ru. 3 : 3 ) anointed their bodies with oil after wash­ ing themselves.155 In some of the later demotic marriage contracts the hus­ band promised to provide his wife with food, clothing, and oil, the latter presumably for her toilet.1ss In the Elephantine contracts, oil is listed among the objects that the bride brought into her husband's household. Jehoishma possessed no fewer than four different kinds : oil ( 2 handfuls ) , olive oil (four handfuls ) , scented oil (one handful ) , and castor oil ( K 7 : 2 0f) . The unspecified oil was probably the Egyptian n7J (sesame) , which is mentioned frequently in the demotic marriage contracts and used for food and buming in lamps as well as for anointing.157 Oil was frequently scented in both Egypt 15B and Judah (Song of Songs 1 : 3 ) , and the handmaidens Tamut and Jehoishma possessed a half and a full handful, respectively ( K 2 : 5f, 7 : 20 ) , of such perfume. The most popular oil was castor oil ( Ricinus communis ) for which there were two Egyptian terms : bb transcribed as qyqywn in Hebrew (Jon. 4: 6 ) , and as kiki in Greek ( Hdt. II.94; Diad. I. 34. 1 1 ) ; and tgm, transcribed as tqm in the Aramaic. The Greek word kroton applied to both ( cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. XV.7, 25 ) .159 Herodotus ( II.94) reported that the kiki plant was very prolific and its oil was extracted by either bruising and pressing the seeds or else boiling them. Dioscorides stated that the oil was prepared by 154 For discussion of oil cf. J. A. Thompson, "Ointment," G. A. Buttrick (ed. ) , Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible ( New York, 1 962 ) III, 593fl'. 155 A. Erman, op. cit., 231ff; P. Montet, op. cit., 70f; N. E. Scott, The Home Life of the Ancient Egyptians (New York, 1 944 ) , "Toilet and Dress" opposite Fig. 2 1 . 156 Cf. E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., 262, n. 2. 157 A. Lucas, op. cit., 3 36; L. Keimer, Die Gartenpflanzen im alten Agypten (Hamburg, 1924 ) , 1 8ff, 1 34f. 15B Cf. A. Erman, op. cit., 23If; A. Lucas, op. cit., 85fl'. 159 The equation of the Egyptian and Aramaic terms was first called to my attention by the late Professor W. Erichsen of Copenhagen; for this equation and for the identification of tgmjtqm with castor oil, d. L. Keimer, "Bemer­ kungen und Lesefriichte zur Altagyptischen Naturgeschichte," Kemi 2 ( 1 929 ) , 100ff; P . Grelot, "L'huile de ricin a Elephantine," Semitica 1 4 ( 1 964 ) , 63ff; E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," 3 89 . For brief discussion of castor oil in Egypt, cf. A. Lucas, op. cit., 332. The term tqm also appears in CG 1 30, 1 3 6 and 1 37; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Note sur Ie mot TQM dans les ostraca arameens d'Elephantine," Semitica, 14 ( 1964) 7 1ff. See, too, I:I. Farzat, "Encore sur Ie mot TQM dans les documents arameens d'E1ephantine," Semitica 1 7 ( 1967 ) , 77-80.

S TANDARD OF L I VING

93

grinding the seeds in a mill, putting the ground mass into baskets and press­ ing it ( 1.38) . A similar process is followed today. In ancient times, this oil was used by laborers and the poor for anointing (Strabo XVII.2.5, 824) and is still used for this purpose today in Nubia. Tamut brought in with her six handfuls of tqm ( K 2 : 6) and Mibtahiah and Jehoishma five each ( C 1 5 : 1 6; K 7 : 20f) . On the basis of what the average Egyptian woman re­ ceived, this meant, respectively, a six- and a five-month supply.160 Aramean soldiers away at Memphis writing to their family at Syene made frequent requests for tqm, also in quantities of five handfuls (BK 2 : 13, 3 : 1 2, 4:7; cf C 37: 10) . In fact, there may have existed at Syene a place known as "the castor place" ( tqrm) (AG 99) .161 Perfumed oil or olive oil was bought by these soldiers in the north to be sent by messenger to their families at Syene ( BK 2 : 1 1 f, 3 : 10 ) . Sometimes the castor oil which they received was exchanged for (less likely, mixed with ) some other oil (sesame? ) (BK 4:7) . The olive oil may have been im­ ported from Palestine, since olive trees were virtually unknown in Egypt in early times.162 Containers for the oil, "ladles" ( kpn ) , both of wood and of stone, are listed for Mibtahiah and Jehoishma (C 1 5 : 16; K 7 : 19) . Various bronze ob­ jects, such a� cups (C 1 5 : 1 2f; K 7 : 1 4 ) , bowls ( tm[s)]; C 1 5 : 1 2 ) and "jars" (C 1 5 : 1 3; K 7 : 1 5, 1 8 ) may have been items of the toilet as well as of the table.16B The Egyptian women kept their toilet in special chests which they 160 As noted, the demotic contracts mention two types of oil which the hus­ band agreed to provide the wife. The annual amounts vary: 1 2 hin of nlJ ( L 1 3 , 29 ) ; 1 2 hin of nlJ and 1 2 hin of tgm (L 19-21 , 25, 27, 3 5 ) ; 24 hin of tgm (L 1 0 ) ; 36 of nlJ (L 14) ; 24 of nlJ and 24 of tgm ( L 1 7 ) . The average seems to have been a hin of each kind per month, i.e. in toto roughly a quart a month; but d. P. Grelot, Semitica 14 ( 1 964 ) , 64, 7°, n . 2. 161 A sarcophagus inscription from South Saqqarah read "To Sheil, priest of Nabu, who resides tqm) at Syene." Aime-Giron suggested that tqm) meant "ordinarily" but Dupont-Sommer has now suggested the meaning, "the castor place"; d. E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," 389 . A report on "Seed Oil Production in Egypt" in 1920 states that "The castor plant can be extensively and successfully grown in the South of Egypt. The feddan in these localities gives about three ardebs of seeds containing forty-eight to fifty-three per cent of oil." Cf. Y. E. Milad, Agricultural Journal of Egypt, 1 0 ( 1 920 ) , 39f. I am grateful to Professor P. F. Knowles, University of California, Davis, for this and other references on the castor bean . .162 Cf. A. Lucas, op. cit., 33 3ft 16B Cf. P. MOntet, op. cit., 69, who notes that "the usual toilet articles com­ prised a basin and a spouted vessel [here the zlwc?], the latter generally kept under the table on which the food stood." So, too, bronze tableware was com-

94

STANDARD O F LIVING

put away under their beds?64 Such a chest may be indicated by the "wooden container (t[wy] ) 165 for her valuables" which belonged to Jehoishma ( K 7: 19 ) · In addition, she had a container of palm bast for her many woolen and linen garments ( K 7: 17) 166 and another object, perhaps also a con­ tainer, of papyrus reed, "inlaid ( ? ) with alabaster stones" ( C 1 5 : 1 5f; K 7 : 1 7f) .161 In house n the excavators discovered wickerwork objects-a bas­ 1 ket, a dish, and a tub, (Wanne) . 68

Shelter Demotic and Greek papyri from the Ptolemaic and Roman periods indi­ cate that Elephantine was divided into an "upper," a "middle" and a "lower" quarter.169 The Aramaic papyri, however, contain no references to any districts on the island or in the fortress. While it would seem that the majority of Jews lived near their Temple, they were not always the sale occupants of this area. Jews living opposite the Temple had as neighbors various peoples plying different crafts and pursuing diverse occupations. There was Marduk b. Palto, priest of I:I[an and 'At]ti (C 1 3 : 1 5 ) ; 110 the Khorazmian soldier Dargman b. I:Iarshin (C 6 : 2 ) ; the Caspian soldier Samon in Egypt throughout the centuries; cf. N. E. Scott, op. cit., "Tableware" and Fig. 1 5. 164 N. E. Scott, op. cit., "Toilet and Dress," and Fig. 27. 165 So perhaps we may restore on the basis of K 7: 17. 166 For the use of the leaves and stalks of the date- and dom-palm in making mats, baskets and bags, see V. Tackholm and M . Drar, Flora of Egypt, II, 1 87, 2 2 8, 276. 161 E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 1 954 ) , 236. 168 W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1 909-10 ) , 30. For such Egyptian objects cf. N. E. Scott, op. cit., Figs. 9, 10, and 26. 169 U . Wilcken, "P. Eleph. und P. Eleph. dem.," Archiv filr Papyrusfor­ schung, 2 1 7, thought that the division had reference to the island, while O. Rubensohn, ZAS 46 ( 1 909-10) , 1 6f, thought that the reference was merely to the town, i.e., the ancient kom on the southern part of the island, since he saw no evidence of ancient settlement further north. Seb. Ronzevalle, however, who directed a 7-week expedition on the isand in 1 9 1 8, was of the opinion that the first few houses of the Nubian village in the northern part of the island, built as they were on an artificial mound, lay over part of the ancient site. This area still awaits excavation; d. A. Strazzul1i, P. Bovier-Lapierre, Seb. Ronze­ valle, "Rapport sur les fouilles a Elephantine de l'Institute Biblique Pontifical en 191 8," ASAE 1 8 ( 1 91 9 ) , 2. See Plates 1 and 8a. 110 Cf. Kraeling, op. cit., 78, n. 1 1 .

S TANDARD O F LIVING

95

tibar (K 3 : 8) and his daughter and son-in-law, Ubil and Bagazusht (K 3 : 2 ) ; the Egyptian cataract boatmen : Peftoneith ( C 5 : 1 3 ) and his son Espemet ( C 8:7f) , the brothers Pel:Ii and Pemet, sons of Tawi (K 1 2 : 20) ; and the Egyptian I,Ior b. Peteisi, gardener of the god Khnum (K 10:6) . The German excavator O. Rubensohn reported that the houses were built so close together that hardly any room was left for even a narrow street or a small courtyard 171 (Figure 2 and Plate 2 ) . At the same time, the director of the French expedition, Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, reported that their own excavations revealed "a network of streets and alleys clearly enough characterized." 112 Unfortunately, no plan of the French dig was published. The papyri make frequent references to 8Wq, "street" (C 5 : 1 2, 14, 1 3 : 14; K 6:6) and swq mlk), "street of the king" (K 3 : 8, 10, 4 : l Of, 1O : 4f, 1 2 : 19, 2 1 ) , and once mention ,ri:t mlk), "road of the king" (C 2 5 : 6f) . In most instaQces the "road" or the "street" separated the building in ques­ tion from the Temple of YHW. A "street" also separated private houses from each other ( C 5 : 12ff) and a "street of the king" even intruded upon a person's property, lying "between," as it were, Ananiah's "courtyard" and his "southern side" ( K 1O:4f, cf. 6:6) .173 Such streets of the king apparently designated, in many instances, nothing more than a public thoroughfare, an area not contained in a private courtyard or enclosure.174 The maih task of both the German and French excavators was the search for papyri. Still, the German excavators explored the buildings that had been uncovered and drew up a few plans. It was not possible to estab171 Cf. O. Rubensohn, Elephantine-Papyri (Berlin, 1907 ) , 3 . 172 Clermont-Ganneau to de Vogue, March 5, 1908; cf. J.-B. Chabot, "Les fouilles de Clennont-Ganneau a Elephantine," Journal des Savants ( 1 944 ) , 136. 173 In K 9 : 14f we learn that trb$ = lJ-yt ( demotic; cf. W. Erichsen, Demoti­ sches Glossar, 377 ) , "courtyard/porch," had a gate ( tre) of exit in it. In K 1 0 : 3 the scribe writes "and the courtyard-that is the gate ( bbh ) of exit"; for this reading d. Milik apud B . Couroyer, RB 6 1 ( 1 9 54 ) , 5 57. In K 1 O : 4f Professor Z. Ben-Haim of the Hebrew University suggested to me that we translate, "west of it (is) that gate (hw bb, ) of yours for exit and the street of the king (is ) between them." (Cf. K 6 : 6 which also mentions the "street of the king" as intervening. ) Reversing the identification of 10: 3 we should understand that what lay on the other side of the street was not simply a gate but the courtyard/ porch with the gate. The scribe placed special emphasis upon the gate since a grant of part of the house would be of less value if it did not provide access to the outside. It is not to be understood from K 10 :4£ and K 6 : 6 that the street split the house in ·half. It merely intruded upon the house. For the reading rsy, "southern," instead of dsy cf. E. Y. Kutscher, JAOS 74 ( 1 954) , 237. 174 Cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 77.

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S TANDARD OF L IVING

97

!ish a clear stratigraphy of the site for two reasons : ( 1 ) The German exca­ vators could not distinguish any differences in the method of construction of the private dwellings from earliest times down through the Arabic pe­ riod; (2) successive builders had never bothered to clear away the, debris or level off the construction work of their predecessors. They simply built on top of it. ( See Plate 7b.) In one spot four such superimposed structures were ascertained. The transactions recorded in the papyri either omit any reference to an upper story (e.g., C 1 3 ) or specifically indicate that the property under consideration was a "lower house," i.e., a "lower story" ( K 4:8, 9 : 12f, 10:2, 1 2 : 12; cf. Gen. 6 : 1 7 ) .175 The excavators reported, however, that most houses had two stories . Access to the upper story was by a staircase built against the wall, such as that on the southwest wall of the house of Ananiah b. Azariah ( K 6 : 5 [where restore wplg drg,), la, 13, 9:4, 7, 10, 1 5, 10 : 3 ) , or by a ladder raised to a hole carved into the ceiling. A hole found in the floor of a lower story indicated that it had been the upper story of an earlier building.176 In Egypt a house that was intact was described as "built and roofed" 177 or "fully provided with beams and doors." 178 A house in a state of disrepair would be described as "in ruins, but with its walls still standing." 179 Simi­ larly at Eleppantine, a structure in good condition was described as "built, containing beams, windows and ( two ) doors" ( K 1 2 : 1 2f, cf. 4 : 8, 9 : 1 2f, 1O:2f) . The particular section referred to in this description was part of a larger structure which had been purchased from the Caspian couple Baga­ zusht and Ubil by Ananiah b. Azariah and repaired by him. When pur­ chased it had either been unoccupied for some time or allowed to fall into a state of disrepair, for it was then described in the following terms : "its walls standing, its courtyard is (barren ) land and not built; windows are in it but it does not contain beams" ( K 3 :4f) .180 On another occasion, a piece 175 For discussion of the term cf. B . Couroyer, RB 6 1 ( 1 9 54) , 5 56f; E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 236; R. Yaron, TNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 1 29. 176 W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1909-1 0 ) , 1 7ff. 177 Cf. S. R. K. Glanville, Catalogue of Demotic Papyri in the British Museum ( Oxford, 1 9 39 ) , 4; so, too, almost all the conveyances in M. el-Amir, A Family Archive from Thebes (Cairo, 1 9 59 ) , where cf. p. 87. 178 p. Ryland 1 7 : 3; 44 : 5, 4 5 : 8; cf. F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of Demotic Papyri, III, 143f, 1 70, 1 7 3 . 179 Cf. the expression i n P . Strassburg 1, "the house o f P . son of H., which (is ) in ruins, but with its walls still standing"; S. R. K. Glanville, op. cit., xxix. 180 Cf . E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 234f; B. Couroyer, RB 61 ( 19 54 ) , 5 59. Both cite the demotic parallels.

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S T AN DARD OF LIVING

like this was described as a "plot of land" (C 8: 3 ) .181 Such a plot was pre­ sented by Mahseiah to his daughter Mibtahiah upon her marriage to Jeza­ niah b. Uriah. Express permission was granted to the husband to "build up this plot" ( C 9: 5 ) . Its size was 2 1 .9 X 1 6.1 feet.182 Whether Ananiah's house, once repaired, contained two stories is not certain; whenever described, it is spoken of as "built is the lower story" ( K 4:8, 9 : 1 2f, 1 0 : 2, 1 2 : 1 2 ) .183 In any case, this lower story consisted of a large side (try rbi» , part of which was known as the southern side (try rsy) ( K 4 : 3, 6; 9:4, 1 l ; 10:3, 6, 1 2 : 1 3, 2 1 ) ; 184 a chamber; a courtyard or porch; 185 and a stairway under which there was some sort of room (byt prs» .186 This layout is very similar to that detailed in later demotic documents.187 TIle house's trapezoidal shape ( the two short sides, 8 and 1 2.4 feet, were parallel to each other and the sloping sides were 34.2 feet) approximated the size and shape of the house on site k that held a batch of Aramaic docu­ ments which disintegrated upon exposurc. The length of the latter house was approximately 34-4 feet, while its short sides measured approximately 1 1 .5 and 1 6.7 feet.188 Tne rooms were long and narrow as in other houses excavated at Elephantine.189 Since there was little wood available in the 181 Cf. already M. Lidzbarski, DLZ ( 1 906 ) , 3 2 1 3 ; E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 234f. 1 82 For the equivalent of the cubit d. R. B. Y. Scott, BA 2 2 ( 1 9 59 ) , 22f. 183 Cf. n. 1 7 5 above. If there was no upper story in this house then the stairs led to the terrace upon which some light structure might be erected; d. G. Per­ rot and G. Chipiez, A History of Art in Ancient Egypt (London, 1 883 ) II, 3 3ff. In fact, the roof itself was sometimes called the "upper house" in Egypt and such usage alone would account for a one-story dwelling being designated a "lower house"; for the Egyptian term cf. E. B. Smith, Egyptian Architecture as Cultural Expression (New York, 1938 ) , 201 . 1M For these two terms cf. H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 5 8; E. Y. Kutscher, ibid., 2 3 5, 237. 185 The Aramaic trblf' is explained in two of the documents as being the equivalent of Egyptian tlJ,yt ( K 6 : 5, 9 :4 ) , which means "a pylon gateway or porch, similar no doubt to the rooms in the thickness of the wall, which serve as gateway and quarters for the bawwab in eastern houses today"; d. S. R. K. Glanville, op. cit., xxxiii. Cf. n . 173 above. E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 237, n . 30, says that from a meaning of "courtyard" one o f "entrance" might well develop; d. twrbll hwst: 'the wide part of the gullet.' '' (See Figs. 8-10.) 186 B. Couroyer, RB 61 ( 1954) , 5 54ft 187 P . Strassburg 1 : 1 ; S. R. K. Glanville, op. cit., xxvii-xxviii, xxxiii-xxxiv as corrected by B. Couroyer, loco cit.; P. Ryland 1 7 : 3 . 188 W. I-Ionroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1 9°9-10 ) , 23ff, 28ff; see Fig. 3 . Another possible interpretation of the dimensions of Ananiah's house is given in Fig. 10. 189 Ibid., Tafel IV-house g-a late Roman or Byzantine house; see Fig. 4.

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Section A-B

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Figure 4. Brick house g from the late Roman or Byzantine period. The inner walls were coated with a thin layer of white stucco and contained three stone-lined wall niches. The rooms and part of the corridor were roofed by barrel vaults. There was only one window and so the entry court was unroofed to provide additional - -\

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.01

STANDARD O F LIVING

101

area for ceiling beams, the roofs in most of the excavated houses were brick barrel vaults. Still, there are many references in the papyri either to the presence of beams ( K 4:8, 6:4, 9 : 13, 10:2, 1 2 : 1 3 ) or to their absence (K 3 : 5 ) . Two Hermopolis letters also refer to beams. Makkibanit wrote to Ta­ shi, "Give grain (cbr) to Apries and let him buy beams and leave them in his house. Do not stand in his way. Let him buy every beam which he finds" (BK 2 : 14ff) . At the same time he wrote to Apries, "Take barley from Ta­ shi and give ( in exchange ) for the beams. Leave every beam which you find with Mmh" ( BK 3 :9f) . The timber of the date-palm or the dam-palm from around Elephantine is good and was used in ancient and modern times for posts, beams, doors, etc. 190 The regular building material used on the island for the construction of private dwellings was sun-dried brick made of Nile mud.l9l In contracts of obligation (C 10 :9; K 1 1 : 1 1 ; cf. C 3 : 1 8 ) , "a house of bricks" headed the lists of objects which could be seized by a creditor from a defaulting debtor. 192 The walls of these buildings were usually carefully laid out with alternating layers of headers and stretchers and were extra thick ( 2 to 2¥2 brick sizes ) to provide support for the downward thrust and weight of the vault roof. Bricks used in the arches were of smaller size and provided with four finger depressions to aid in the bonding. Stone was rare and was found only in steps, thresholds and window embrasures.193 Two of the houses for which a plan was provided show windows. The late Roman/Byzantine house g had only one window, in its southwest wall, facing the middle room ( cf. Figure 4) but the late Roman house on site k had five windows in its southeastern wall (see Figure 3 ) . In the Egyptian climate, windows were most welcome in the northern wall to catch the cool northern breezes in hot weather.194 Descriptions of the Elephantine houses contain several 190 Cf. V. Tackholm and M. Drar, Flora of Egypt II, 1 87, 22 5f, 276ff; J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1 967 ) , 5 5 1 . 191 "By Nile mud is signified material, brought down in suspension and de­ posited by the Nile which coheres on drying into a tough solid mass. . . . The toughness and hardness of the material when dried is taken advantage of in the manufacture of native unburnt bricks. . . . once properly baked in the sun, the mud bricks have a surprising resisting power"; J . Ball, Aswan Cataract of the Nile, 60. For a general discussion of brickwork in Egypt cf. e.g., F. Petrie, Egyptian Architecture ( London, 1938 ) , 3-1 3 . 192 C . G . Wagenaar, D e joodsche Kolonie van Teb-Syene in de 5" Eeuw voor Christus ( Groningen, 192 8 ) , 41, n. 3; H. L. Ginsberg, "Notes on Some Old Aramaic Texts," TNES 18 ( 19 59 ) , 1 49; J. Hoftijzer, UNotae Aramaicae," VT 9 ( 1959) , 3 16. 193 W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1 909-1 0 ) , 1 8. 184 A. Badawy, "Architectural Provision against Heat in the Orient," TNES 17 ( 1958), 122ff.

1 02

STANDARD O F LIVING

references to windows (K 3: 5, 4:8, 1 2 : 1 3 ) ; in one case three are enumerated (K 9 : 1 3 ) . In the two instances where locations are given, the windows ap­ pear to have been in the northern wall ( C 25: 5f; K 1 2 : 21 ) 195 Doors (K 9 : 13, 10:3, 1 2 : 1 3 ) and gateways ( K 9 : 1 5, 1O:3f) are also expressly men­ tioned in the deeds of conveyance. Descriptions of the gateways assumed special importance since they stipulated rights of exit to and entry from the public thoroughfare (K 9 : 14f, 10:4, 1 2 : 2 1 £ ) , rights which might be denied by a co-owner or a neighbor unless expressly specified ( d. C 5 : 12f ) . The five gateways in the Temple of YHW were made of carved stone (C 30 : 10//31 :9) .196 The description continues, "and their doors were stand­ ing," i.e., in good, strong condition.197 Similarly, the expression in a deed of conveyance ( K 9: 1 3 ) , "one door is in it, shutting and opening," indicates that the door was in operating condition. Otherwise reference was made to a door to indicate that what was meant was an actual door, perhaps of palm­ timber, and not a simple hanging cloth.198 Unfortunately, the two houses in which most of the Aramaic papyri were discovered, houses m and n, were so badly destroyed that it was im­ possible to draw up a plan of their structure. .

195 See Appendix n. 196 A. Vincent, op. cit., 348f. 197 E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 0 1 , n . 5. 198 C . Perrot and C. Chipiez, op. cit., 3 5, quote an earlier work to the effect that "Doors and windows opened generally in the middle. They opened inwards and were fastened by means of bolts and latches. . . . Most of the inner doors were closed merely by hangings of some light material."

PART

II

RELIGIOUS LIFE

IV WORS H I P O F YHW

Temple of YHW The name of the Israelite deity is the tetragrammaton YHWH. In this form it appears over six thousand times in the Bible; once in the ninth cen­ tury Mesha Stela (line 1 8 ) from Moab; reportedly in an eighth century seal; 1 a dozen times or so in the early sixth century ostraca from Lachish; 2 and several times in the ostraca from Arad.3 An abbreviated form of the name, YH, appears some twenty times in poetic passages of the Bible.4 The tetragrammaton never appears in personal names. In these, the regular form is YHW (occasionally YW ) , either as the initial or the final element of the name. In the post-exilic period, both in fifth century Judah and at Ele­ phantine, the trigammaton at the end of a name is shortened to YH. The noteworthy fact, however, is that the tetragammaton never appears at Ele­ phantine. The regular form of the divine name in the papyri, when not part of a personal name, is YHW, while in the ostraca it is written YHH.6 Even

1 For the Mesha inscription d. A. H. van Zyl, The Moabites (Pretoria Oriental Series, 3; Leiden, 1960 ) , 1 36ff. The unpublished seal is in the Har­ vard Semitic Museum; d. F. M. Cross, "Yahweh and the God of the Patri­ archs," HTR 5 5 ( 1962 ) , 2 5 1 . 2 Lachish 2 : 2, 5 , 3 : 3, 9, 4 : 1 , 5 : 1 , 7f, 6 : 1 , 1 2, 8 : 1 , 9 : 1 , 1 2 : 3. For translation of the Lachish letters cf. W. F. Albright apud J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 32lf. 8 Two ostraca have been published so far and in one the name appears twice; d. Y. Aharoni, "Hebrew Ostraca from Tel Arad," IEJ 1 6 ( 1 966 ) , 5f (Fig. 2, lines 2, 9 ) . 4 Ex. 1 5 : 21lIs. 1 2 : 21IPs. 1 1 8 : 14, Ex. 1 7 : 1 6; Is. 26 :4, 3 8 : 1 1; Ps. 68 : 5, 19, 77 : 1 2, 89 :9, 94 :7, 1 2, 102 : 1 9, 1 1 5 : 1 7f, 1 1 8 : 5, 1 4, 1 7ff, 122 :4, 1 30 : 3, 1 3 5 : 3f, 1 50:6. 5 The spelling YHH is probably an orthographic variation of YHW; cf. yrlJ,h for Jericho ( 1 Ki. 1 6 : 34) . In th e papyri YHH alone appears only in C

1 06

WORSHIP OF YHW

the common Biblical compound "YHWH of hosts" is written "YHH of hosts." 6 Classical writers, the Church Fathers, magical papyri, and a Qum­ ran fragment of Leviticus (4QLXX Levb ) have preserved in Greek a form of the divine name, "lao," no doubt the equivalent of YHW.7 It seems that this triliteral form of the divine name found in pre-exilic personal names, dominant at Elephantine, and popularly known in the Hellenistic-Roman period, was virtually cop fined to the vernacular.s The literary form was al­ most always YHWH and in some of the Qumran scrolls, as well as in Greek translations of the Bible, it continued to be written in the old script.9 Unfortunately, no sacred writings were uncovered at Elephantine. 1 3 : 14 but that document possesses numerous orthographic peculiarities. It is also found in the personal names J ehour (C 1 : 2 ) and J ehodad (C 1 1 : 1 3 ) and appears regularly in the ostraca (CG 70 : 3; Cairo 49624 : 3 ) , especially in the oath "by the life of YHH" ( CG 1 4 convex: 1, 20 concave: 3, 41 convex : 5, 56 concave: 7, 1 52 concave :3, 7, 174 concave :2, 1 8 5 convex:6, 214 concave : 2 ) and "YHH of hosts" (cf. n. 6 ) . Cf. N. Aime-Giron, ASAE 26 ( 1 926 ) , 27ff; A. Dupont-Sommer, CRAI ( 1947 ) , 175ff. E. G. Kraeling read YH in the endorse­ ment to K 3 but it is possible that the word was originally written YHW and that the waw has faded; cf. the plate. In two names the initial theophorous element is written defectively, YH : Jahnathan (C 2 : 2 1 ) and Jahishma (K 5 :4, 7, 9ff, 6 : 2, 1 0 : 2 1 [?] ) . 6 CG 1 67 concave: 1, 1 7 5 concave:2, 1 86 concave: l f; cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, CRAI ( 1 947 ) , 1 7 5ff. Cf. the stimulating study of M. Tsevat, "Yahweh Sega,ot," HUCA 36 ( 1 96 5 ) , 49ff, who renders this term "Yahweh (Is) Armies," comparing the new Jewish Publication Society translation of Num. 1 0 : 36, "Return, 0 Lord, You who are Israel's myriads of thousands." 7 For references see A. Vincent, op. cit." 3 7ff; P. W. Skehan, "The Qumran Manuscripts and Textural Criticism," Supp. to VT 4 ( 1 9 56 ) , 1 57. 8 Cf. already the view of Kittel quoted by L. Elau in the fine article on the "Tetragrammaton" in I. Singer, ed., The Jewish Encyclopedia (New York, 1907 ) XII, 1 1 8ff; differently, G. R. Driver, "The Original Form of the Name 'Yahweh,' '' ZAW 46 ( 192 8 ) , 20f. For more recent surveys of the subject cf. B. W. Anderson, "Names of God," G. A. Buttrick, ed., The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, II, 409ff; U . Cassuto in Encyclopaedia Biblica (He­ brew) I, 307ff; J. Korner, Der Militarkolonie von Elephantine, 1 3 8ff. See, too, the remarks of F. M. Cross, HTR 55 ( 1 962 ) , 2 5off. 9 Cf. e.g. 1 QpHab. 6 : 14, 1 0 :7, 1 4, 1 1 : 1 0 and discussion by A. M. Haber­ man, Megilloth Midbar Yehuda (Tel-Aviv, 1959 ) , 30ff; lQPS 127, lQpMic, 1 QpZeph (cf. D. Barthelmy and J. T. Milik, Qumran Cave 1 [Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, 1; Oxford, 1955], 71, 77, 80 ) . The tetragrammaton is regularly written in Palaeo-Hebrew script in the Psalms scroll; cf. J. A. Sanders, The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 1 1 ( l 1 QPS" ) (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan, IV; Oxford, 1965 ) , 6.

WORSHIP O F YHW

107

The Israelite deity was at the same time far and near, transcendent and im manent. 1o Three terms which express this polarity are "God of Heaven," "Lord of Hosts," and "indwell" (skn) . YHWH created heaven and earth (Gen. 1, 14: 22, etc. ) , dry land and sea (Jon. 1, : 9 ) , and "took" Abraham from his homeland to father a nation which would possess the land of Ca­ naan (Gen. 24:7) . This deity was the "God of heaven and (the God of) earth" (Gen. 24 :3; Ez. 5 : 1 1 ) , or simply "the God of heaven" (Gen. 24:7; Jon. 1 :9; Ez. 5 : 1 2; d. Ps. 136:26) . From His heavenly Temple, He heard the cry of His people in Egypt and He came down to deliver them (Ex. 3 : 7f; d. 2 Sam. 22:7//PS. 1 8 : 7 ) . He descended again upon Mount Sinai to conclude with them a covenant (Ex. 19: 1 1, 20 : 19; d. 24: 10) . The term used to designate God's presence on earth was sa�an, "indwell," or "abide." The Lord was He who "dwelt in the bush" (Deut. 33 : 16) when He first revealed Himself to Moses and later the "presence of the Lord dwelt on Mt. Sinai" (Ex. 24 : 16) . That Israel might experience his continuous pres­ ence, He commanded the people to erect a miskiin, "a place for indwelling" (Ex. 2 5 : 8f) . The Lord who "bowed the heavens and came down" to earth, riding on a cherub ( 2 Sam. 22 : lOf/ /Ps. 1 8 : 1Of) , met with Moses from be­ tween the two cherubs which covered the ark deposited in the miskan (Ex. 25 :22; d. 40: 3 5 ) .11 The ark guided the people in their desert wandering (Num. 1O: 33ff; d. Ex. 40 : 36ff; Num. 10: 1 1f) . When it set out, the people would proclaim, "Arise 0 Lord and let your enemies be scattered" (Num. 10: 3 5 ) . The "God of the armies of Israel" ( 1 Sam. 17:45 ) was known as "the Lord of hosts who is enthroned on the cherubs" ( 1 Sam. 4:4; 2 Sam. 6:2; d. 2 Ki. 19: 1 5 ) or simply "the Lord of Hosts." When the ark was permanently established in Solomon's Temple in Jerusalem ( d. 1 Ki. 6 : 1 1-1 3 ) , YHWH became known as the one "who dwells in Jerusalem/Zion" (Ps. 1 3 5 : 21; Is. 8: 18; Joel 4 : 1 7, 21; Ps. 74: 2 ) . 10 For discussion of this transcendence-immanence tension in Israelite re­ ligion as reflected in forms and terminology, see G. E. Wright, "The Temple in Palestine-Syria," G. E. Wright and D. N. Freedman, The Biblical Archae­ ologist Reader ( Garden City, 196 1 ) , 1 75ff; F. M. Cross, "The Priestly Taber­ nacle," ibid., 224ff. See, also, R. E. Clements, God and Temple (Philadelphia, 1965 ) . For the dating of the Pentateuchal sources, however, cf. Y. Kaufmann, The Religion of Israel (trans. and abr. by M. Greenberg; Chicago, 1 960) , 1 53ff. It is the as�umption of this work that the Priestly Source is early and not late. H For discussion of the cherubs cf. W. F. Albright, "What were the Cherubim?," G. E. Wright and D. N. Freedman, The Biblical Archaeologist Reader, 9 5ff; M . Haran, "The Ark and the Cherubim," IEJ 9 ( 19 59 ) , 3 off, 89ft

1 08

WORSHIP OF YHW

After Judah was subjugated by the Chaldeans and some o f its people sent into exile, the cherubic throne of deity once more assumed mobility. Riding upon it to Babylonia, the Lord addressed Ezekiel by the Chebar canal ( Ezek. 1 ) . He would destroy the Temple, He told him, because of the pa­ gan practices performed there (Ezek. 8-1 1 ) . Seated on His chariot throne, the Lord had abandoned His dwelling in Jerusalem (Ezek. I I : 22f) . He later appeared to Ezekiel with a vision of the Temple reconstructed and the prophecy that He would dwell in the midst of the Israelites forever (Ezek. 43 : 7 ) . Full of messianic hope, Zechariah encouraged the repatriates to rebuild the Temple : "I come and I will dwell in the midst of you . . . and you shall know that the Lord of hosts has sent me to you" ( Zech. 2 : 14f) . "Thus says the Lord of hosts, 'I am greatly zealous for Zion . . . . I will return to Zion and will dwell in the midst of Jerusalem, and Jerusalem shall be called the faithful city; and the mountain of the Lord of hosts, the holy mountain" (Zech. 8 : 2f ) . The term "Lord of hosts" occurs some seventy-five times in the books of Haggai, Zechariah 1-8, and Malachi. The letter of Artaxerxes I to Ezra addressed him as "Ezra the priest, the scribe of the law of the God of heaven" and authorized him, inter alia, "to convey the silver and gold which the king and his counselors have freely offered to the God of Israel, whose dwelling is in Jerusalem" (Ez. 7 : 1 2, 1 5 ) . The term "God of heaven," rare in pre-exilic times, occurs frequently in post-exilic times.12 12 The term "God of Heaven" appears in any one or a combination of the following contexts : ( 1 ) Diaspora; ( 2 ) official documents; ( 3 ) conversation between Jew and gentile or (4) between gentile and gentile. ( 1, 2, 3 ) Proclamation of Cyrus (Ez. 1 : 2//2 Chron. 3 6 : 2 3 ) ( 2, 3, 4 ) Jews to Tattenai, reported i n his letter to Darius (Ez. 5 : 1 2 ) ( 1, 4 ) Darius to Tattenai (Ez. 6 :9f) ( 1 , 2, 3 ) Artaxerxes to Ezra (Ez. 7 : 2 1 ) ( 1 , 2, 4 ) Artaxerxes to treasury officials ( Ez. 7 : 2 1 , 2 3 ) ( 1 ) Prayer o f Nehemiah (Neh. 1 : 4f, 2 :4 ) ( 3 ) Nehemiah to Sanballat, Tobiah, and Geshem (Neh. 2 : 2 0 ) ( 1 ) Daniel to Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah (Dan. 2 : 1 8 ) . ( 1 ) Daniel's blessing (Dan. 2 :19) ( 1 , 3 ) Daniel to Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 2 : 37, 44; d. 2 : 2 8 ) ( 1 ) Raguel to Tobias and Sarah (Tob. 1 0 : l l ) (4) Achior to Hollofernes ( J dt. 5 : 8 ) Prayer of Israelites (Jdt. 6 : 1 9 ) ( 3 ) Judith to Hollofernes (Jdt. 1 1 : 1 7 ) A similar epithet was the less frequent "Lord of heaven." ( 1 , 3 ) Daniel to Belshazzer (Dan. 5 : 2 3 ) ( 1 ) Edna to Tobias (Tob. 1 0 : 1 2 )

WORSHIP OF YHW

1 09

Each of these three terms was employed by the Elephantine Jews. The and conclusion of the letter to Bagohi recommended him to the utation sal favor of "the God of heaven" (C 30:2, 27f//31 : 2, 26f ) and the same epi­ thet was employed in the salutations of two letters written by the scribes Mauziah b. Nathan (C 38: 2f, l 2; d. 1 8 : 3, 20: 1 6, 2 5 : 17; K 4 : 2 2, 7:42 ) and (his brother? ) Hoshaiah b. Nathan ( C 40 :1, 5; d. K 9:24) . In his letter, Mauziah also spoke of the help of "the God of he;lven" in securing his re­ lease from arrest ( C 3 8 : 5 ) . A memorandum from Bagohi and Delaiah re­ ferred to the Jewish Temple as "the altar house of the God of heaven" ( C 32 :3f) . The earlier letter to B;lgohi reported that the Jews prayed to "YHW Lord of heaven" for revenge against Vidranga ( C 30: 1 5 ) . The term "Lord of hosts" ( Yhh $b,t) , not found in the papyri, occurs in fragmentary contexts in three ostraca. In two of these, it appears in the salutation, "May the Lord of hosts seek your welfare at all times" ( CG 1 67 concave : I f, 186 concave :lf) . Both passages are partially restored. The third passage presents the phrase intact (CG 175 concave : 2 ) but no photograph of the text has yet been published. The third term appears in a contract dated December 1 2, 402, more than eight years after the destruction of the Temple. Tamut, Ananiah's wife, is called "ll:mh of YHW the God who dwells in the fortress of Elephantine" ( K l 2 : 2 ) . To the Elephantine Jews, the "Lord of hosts," no doubt heavenly hosts as well as military, was the "God of heaven" who "dwelt in Elephantine." His presence there was concretely indicated by the erection to Him of a Temple. The term regularly employed was the Aramaic word ,egora, (C 1 3 : 14, 2 5 : 6, 30//31 :passim, 33 :8; K 3 :9, 4 : 10, 1 2 : 18 ) though "house of YHW" 13 and "altar house" (C 3 2 : 3 ) also appeared. The term msgd, (C 44: 3 ) has been rendered "temple" but it may have had a more restricted meaning. In the Bible the word "house" is the usual term for both "pal;lce" and "temple" ( 1 Ki. 3 : 1 , etc. ) . Another frequently used word for both "tem­ ple" and "palace" is he�al ( 1 Sam. 3 : 3; 1 Ki. 2 1 : 1, etc. ) < Akkadian ekallu < Sumerian e.gal, "great house," i.e., palace, but not temple. Ara­ maic ,egora, is also a loan word, going back to Sumerian e.kur, "mountain house" > Akkadian ekurru, "temple." The Hebrew term "house" applied For discussion of this term cf. A. Vincent, op. cit., 104ff; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 84; D. K. Andrews, "Yahweh the God of the Heavens," W. S. McCullough, ed:, The Seed of Wisdom: Essays in Honor of T. J. Meek ( To­ ronto, 1964 ) , 4 Sff. 13 Cairo 49624:2; cf. N. Aime-Giron, ASAE 26 ( 1 926 ) , 27ff; A. Dupont­ Sommer, JA 2 3 5 ( 1946-47 ) , 79ff. Padua 1 : 1 ; cf. E. Bresciani, RSO 3 5 ( 1 960 ) , 18.

1 10

WORSHIP O F YHW

also to pagan temples (1 Sam. 5 :2, 31 : 10) as did the Aramaic )eg6ra) (C 30: 1 4//3 1 : 13 ) , but hekal designated only the shrine of the Lord.14 Details about the Temple derive from the papyrus recording its destruc­ tion and asking assistance for its reconstruction ( C 30//3 1 ) . It was built prior to the Persian conquest of 525 B .C.E. and contained stone pillars, five gateways of carved stone with bronze hinges, a "cedarwood" roof and wood­ work (? )srm) 15 ( C 30:9ff//3 1 : 8ff) . Neither the German, French, nor Ital­ ian expeditions succeeded in locating the site of the Temple though each of the excavators held certain views as to its possible site.1 6 Several deeds of conveyance provide valuable hints regarding the size and orientation of the Temple complex. Houses are located in relation to the four adjacent prop­ erties. Mibtahiah and her first husband Jezaniah b. Uriah each had a house which lay northwest of the Temple, separated from it by the "road of the king" ( C 1 3 : 1 3f, 25:6f ) . Since the side of Jezaniah's house facing the Temple measured over thirteen cubits ( C 8:4f) and at least three other houses are known to have fronted the Temple in ad.dition to Jezaniah's and Mibtahiah's, the length of the Temple was at least sixty cubits. A width of approximately twenty cubits may be inferred from the presence of two buildings lying northeast of the Temple, across the "street of the king" ( K 3 : 8ff ) . The side of one of these, Ananiah's house, measured at least 8Y2 cubits ( K 9:6) . The dimensions of sixty by twenty cubits are reminis­ cent of those given for Solomon's Temple ( 1 Ki. 6: 2 ) .17 The Elephantine Temple was probably smaller, situated in a courtyard measuring sixty by twenty. ( See Figure 5.) The five carved stone gateways with their doors "standing" and attached by bronze hinges suggest an enclosure wall; it would be difficult to locate all of these in the Temple building proper.18 In his vision of the recon­ structed Jerusalem Temple, Ezekiel was shown six gateways, distributed on three sides each of an outer and inner courtyard ( Ezek. 40:6ff, 19ff, 24ff, 14 For discussion of these terms cf. A. van Hoonacker, Une communaute judeo-arameenne, 52ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 3 1 2ff. 15 For discussion of this term cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 101, n. 6; J. T. Milik, RB 61 ( 1954 ) , 24; C. G. Tuland, ">u5sayya> and >ussarn�," JNES 1 7 ( 1 958) , 271ff, who ignores the Kraeling discussion; C.-F. Jean and J . Hoftijzer, Dictionnaire des inscriptions semitiques de l'ouest ( Leiden, 1965 ) , 2 8, with references. 16 See my discussion, "The Structure and Orientation of the Jewish Temple at Elephantine-A Revised Plan of the Jewish D istrict," JAOS 81 ( 1961 ), 39£, n. 8. 17 Ibid., 3 8ff. 18 A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 52ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 340ft

WORSHIP O F YHW

111

28ff, 32ff, 35ff) . The Temple of Onias at Leontopolis included an enclosure wall of brick with stone doorways (Josephus, Jew. War VII·1O·3, 430 ) ' In any case, the "cedarwood" roof indicates that the Temple structure was rectangular. Does the "woodwork" refer to logs alternating with the brick or stone layers in the walls ( 1 Ki. 6: 36; Ez. 5 : 8, 6:4) /9 or to interior wain­ scoting ( 1 Ki. 6:1 5ff) ? As noted, the shrine was called an "altar house" (C 32 : 3 ) and it is pos­ sible that it contained two altars, a small one for burning incense inside the sanctuary (ef. Ex. 30: Iff; 1 Ki. 8:64b ) and a large one for sacrifices in the courtyard (ef. Ex. 27: 1 ff; 1 Ki. 8 : 64; Ezek. 43 : 1 3ff) . In their petition to Bagohi, Jedaniah and the priests reported that since their Temple was destroyed "no meal-offering, incense, nor holocaust have been offered" and they promised him that "the meal-offering, incense, and holocaust will be offered in your name and we shall pray for you at all times . . . ," were he instrumental in having the Temple rebuilt. They added, "And you shall have a merit before YHW the God of heaven more than a man who offers to Him holocaust and welfare sacrifices worth a thousand talents of silver and (because of) gold" 20 (C 30 :21f, 25ff/13 1 : 21, 25ff) . The holocaust (Hebrew el/2 "The Chariot/Carrier of EI" (rekeb, r"kub, rakub ) or the "Charioteer of El" ( rakkab. rakib ) .78 This deity has not as yet appeared in Aramaic sources from Egypt but the idea of the deified "Chariot( eer ) " comports well with the other deifications. None of these deified objects of EI is represented in sources earlier than the first millennium. It may be conjectured that their deification reflected the remoteness of El himself, already evident in the Ugaritic myths. The more removed the god, the more the elements of his cult and theophany came to replace him and take on the nature of deity. All these elements appear in personal names and most are abbreviated . Rakibel is known from the second half of the ninth century as Lord of the dynasty of Kilamuwa, 74 and his name is abbreviated in that of the late eighth century king, Bar­ rakib.75 I:Ierembethel has not appeared outside Elephantine, but I:Ierem is a theophorous element in Phoenician and Aramaic names 76 and may be contained in the name of Mount Hermon.77 Eshembethel is not found earlier than the fifth century in Egypt. The element Eshem appears in some Aramean names in Elephantine and Memphis.78 Finally, Bethel (dBa-a-a-ti­ DINGER.MES ) appears in the treaty between Esarhaddon and Baal, King of Tyre (ca. 675 ) and in an Aramaic religious text written in demotic script.79 It is found in personal names (as Baitil ) in several cuneiform tab­ lets from the time of Nebuchadnezzar down through Darius II and in an

I

72 Cf. H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., Nos. 24 : 1 6, 2 5 :4ff, 2 1 4 : 2f, 1 1, 1 8, 2 1 5 : 22, 2 1 6 : 5, 2 1 7 : 7f. 73 For discussion of this name cf. H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., II, 34; J. Friedrich, "Das bildhethitische Siegel des Br-Rkb von Sam)al," Orientalia 26 ( 19 57 ) , 345ff; L. Y. Rahmani, "Two Syrian Seals," IET 1 4 ( 1 964 ) , 1 83f. 74 Cf. n. 72• 75 H. Donner and W. R611ig, op. cit., Nos. 2 1 5f. 76 See Appendix V, Personal Names Compounded with Bethel, Eshem and J:Ierem . 77 A. Vincent, op. cit., 59 5ff. 78 See Appendix V, Personal Names Compounded with Bethel, Eshem and J:Ierem. 79 Cf. R. Borger, Die Inscriften Asarhaddons Konigs von Assyrien ( Graz, 19 56 ) , 109, IV: 6; R. A. Bowman, "An Aramaic Religious Text in Demotic SCrip t, " TNES 3 ( 1944 ) . 226.

1 70

I'

!"I i II III

i' "

PAGAN CONTACTS

Aramiic tablet ( from Sfire? ) from the time of Nebuchadnezzar.80 It ap­ pears in the name of a ( Babylonian? ) Jew (Bethelsharezer) making in­ quires of the Jerusalem priests in 5 1 8 (Zech. 7 : 2 ) ,81 and in many names in fifth century Egypt.82 The close relationship among these several deities may be seen in some of the names from Egypt: Bethelzabad b. Eshemram (AG 1 10 ) , I:Ieremna­ than b. Bethelnathan b. SelJo ( C 1 8 : 4 ) , and Shewahram b. Eshemram b. Eshemshezib ( K 1 1 : 1 2 ) . The element /:l.amman, however, which appears in a personal name at Elephantine (C 59 ) is found in the second mil­ lennium at Ugarit.83 The best known of the deities worshipped by the Arameans in Egypt is Anath. She was worshipped in Babylonia from the early second mil­ lennium and her name is preserved in that of the city IJanat (modern 'Anah ) situated on the Euphrates.B4 She was introduced into Egypt by the Hyksos and was a favorite with Ramses 11.85 Assyrian records attest her popularity, in the form Atta, with the Arameans of Harran in the seventh century.S6 The deity Anathbethel has been read ( da-na (?) -ti-Ba-[a]-[a-ti­ DIN]GER.MES ) next to Bethel in the Esarhaddon-Baal Treaty.87 Anath blended rather readily with both male and female deities. The "Syrian God­ dess" Atargatis ( ,Attar + 'Atta [ < 'Anat] ) is well known. A small lime­ stone painted relief from Nineteenth/Twentieth Dynasty Egypt pictures a nude figure standing on a lion accompanied by the inscription "Qudshu­ Astarte-Anath." 88 An Aramaic funerary stela from late sixth-early fifth century Egypt ( Saqqarah? ) is inscribed "To Anan (mn ) b. Elish, the priest of Baal husband (bel) of Anoth." 89 In the Ugaritic myths, Anath appeared 80 Cf. Appendix V, Personal Names Compounded with Bethel, Eshem and Herem. 81 J. P. Hyatt, "A Neo-Babylonian Parallel to Bethel-sar-e�er, Zech. 7 : 2," TBL 56 ( 1937 ) , 3 87ff. 82 See Appendix V, Personal Names Compounded with Bethel, Eshem and Herem. 83 C. F.-A. Schaeffer, Le palais royale d'Ugarit (Mission de Ras Shamra VI; Paris, 1 9 5 5 ) III, 24ob. B4 A. W. Eaton, The Goddess Anat, l Off, 49. 85 Ibid., 26ff; J. A. Wilson apud J. B. Pritchard, op. cit., 249£. 86 C. H. W. Johns, op. cit., 17. 87 N. 79; R. Borger, "Anath-Bethel," VT 7 ( 19 57 ) , 1 02ff. 88 1. E. S. Edwards, "A Relief of Qudshu-Astarte-Anath in the Winchester College Collection," TNES 14 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 49ff. 89 A. Dupont-Sommer, "Une stele arameenne d'un pIetre de Bacal trouvee en f:gypte," Syria 3 3 ( 19 56 ) , 7 9ff.

PAGAN CO N TACTS

171

as Baal's brother/a but in Egyptian mythology she was the spouse of Seth, equated with BaaJ.91 The name Anathyahu shows that the goddess was associated with the Israelite deity. It is not clear, however, what was meant by Anathbethel and Anathyahu. Did these names mean that Anath was wife of Bethel and of YHW as she was of Baal? Or perhaps they are to be related to such names as "Astarte Name of Baal" from Ugarit (UT 127 :56) and fifth cen­ tury (7) Sidon 92 and "Tinnit Face (pn) of Baal" in the later Punic inscrip­ tions.93 In Israelite religion, the "name" and "face" of the Lord were but terms indicating His presence, comparable to ka'Q()(j.94 A goddess who is the "name" or "face" of Baal may have reflected some attribute or mani­ festation of that deity.95 Some of these West Semitic and Babylonian deities were probably in­ troduced into Samaria by the foreigners settled there after its annexation by Assyria in 722/21 . Certainty is not possible since the Biblical writers either inadvertently or deliberately corrupted most of the divine names. The exiles from Babylon worshipped Succoth-benoth, the second element of which is probably Banit ( u) ,96 and the Babylonians from Cuthah worshipped Ner­ gal ( 2 Ki. 1 7:30) . The Arameans from Hamath brought Ashima (,sym» , who was perhaps related to Eshem; those from Avva brought Nibhaz « mbl}z trqt > trtq ) , the Greek Atargatis (2 Ki.

I

90 Cf. UT cnt IV: 83f, "His sister's approach Baal sees, The advance of his own father's daughter" (Ginsberg's translation ) ; UT 49 :II : 1 2, "Now, Motl Deliver my brother" ( Ginsberg) ; UT 76 : II : 1 5ff, " . . . Beholds the maiden Anath, Fairest among Baal's sisters . . . . And he lifts up his voice and cries : 'Hail, sister . . .' ''; UT 76 : III: 8ff "is suggestive of something more than platonic relations between the two," Ginsberg observes : "Baal scoops [his hands] full, rThe Godl Hadd [his] fin [gers] full . . . . the mouth of Maiden An[ath], E'en the mouth of [his] fairest sister." This last text suggests that Anath was also the consort of Baal, but she is never so designated explicitly; cf. U . Cassuto, The Goddess Anath (Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1 9 5 3 ) , 49f. 91 J. A. Wilson apud J . B. Pritchard, op. cit., 1 5, 2 50; A . W. Eaton, The Goddess Anat, 94; A. Dupont-Sommer, Syria 33 ( 1 9 56 ) , 87. 92 For the Eshmunazar inscription cf. H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., No. 14: 1 8. 93 H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., No. 78:2; II, 90, 96. 94 E. Jacob, TTieology of the Old Testament, 73ff. 95 For a general discussion of Anath, see A. Vincent, op. cit., 622ff; M. H. Pope, UCAnat," H. W . Haussig, ed., Worterbuch der Mythologie, 1/2, 2 3 5ff; A. VI. Eaton, The Goddess Anat. 96 Cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 86, n. 9.

172

I!

II H

,I

,I I

;1 ,j

I

I

PAGAN C O NTACTS

17:31) .97 These Arameans and Babylonians also worshipped the Lord in the manner taught to them by a North Israelite priest who was returned to Bethel. This dual worship was carried on down to the days of the redac­ tion of the Books of Kings ( 2 Ki. 17: 28ff, 41 ), i.e., possibly as late as the middle of the sixth century (d. 2 Ki. 25 : 27ff) . If these Arameans also wor­ shipped or knew of the deity Bethel, their devotion to that god may have , been heightened by the fact that the worship of YHWH was centered in the city of Bethel and that the Israelites hallowed a divine being associated with that place. Some of the deities worshipped by the Arameans in Egypt, and perhaps in Samaria, continued to be worshipped in Northern Syria until the Chris­ tian era. Philo of Byblos ( 11.16) 98 placed Baitylos after El and before Da­ gon as one of the four sons of heaven and earth. In the early third century a Roman soldier stationed at Dura-Europas dedicated an altar, incribed in Greek, "to the ancestral god Zeus Betylos, ( god) of those (who dwell ) along the Orontes." 99 At Kefr Nabu, the name of which attests the wor­ ship of Nabu from early times, the following Greek dedicatory inscription, dated 224 C.E. was found on an oil mill : "To Seim (i) os and Symbetylos and Leon, ancestral gods." 100 Seimios may or may not be related to the Hamathian Ashima and in turn to Elephantine Eshem/o1 but Symbetylos 97 Cf. J. A. Montgomery, The Book of Kings (The International Critical Commentary; New York, 1 9 5 1 ) , 472; J. Gray, I and II Kings ( The Old Testa­ ment Library; Philadelphia, 1963 ) , 593. In his review of Montgomery's com­ mentary, W. F. Albright, JB L 71 ( 19 52 ) , 2 5 2 found the proposal of Hommel, OLZ 1 5 ( 1 91 2 ) , 1 1 8, "more reasonable" than Montgomery's. Hommel would locate Avva in Elam and identify Nibhaz and Tartak with Elamite Ibnagaza and Dagdadra. See, too, J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1 967), 578: 98 C. Clemen, "Die phOnikische Religion nach Philo von Byblos," Mittei­ lungen der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft 42/3 (Leipzig, 1 9 39 ) , 25. 99 H. Seyrig, "Altar Dedicated to Zeus Betylos," P. V. C. Bauer, M. I. Rostovtzeff, A. R. Beninger, The Excavations at Dura-Europas, Preliminary Report of the Fourth Season of Work, October 1 93o-March 1 9 3 1 (New Haven, 193 3 ) , 68ff. 100 W. K. Prentice, Greek and Latin Inscriptions, Northern Syria, III/B, 1 8off; A. Vincent, op. cit., 664. 101 For discussion of Seimios, Simios, Simia, Semea cf. H . Ingholt, "Parthian Sculptures from Hatra," Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 1 2 (New Haven, 1954 ) ; H. C. Butler and W. K. Prentice, op. cit., 1 82ff; N. Aime-Giron, Textes arameens, 1 1 3ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 663ff. The relationship of these Greek deities to Eshem and Ashima is most uncertain; cf. A. Lemonnyer, "Achima," Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiqu�s 8 ( 19 1 4 ) , 289ff; J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1967 ) , 567ff.

PAGAN t O NTACTS

1 73

can hardly be separated from Eshembethel. Leon may be the "carrier" of deity (cf. Rakibel ) . At Jebel Sheikh Barakat, not far from Kefr Nabu, there was discovered a temple of the second century C.E. dedicated to Zeus Madbachos and Selamanes, ancestral gods.102 During the Antonine age, there was a temple at nearby Burj Baqirl;a dedicated to Barnas, the Greek form of Madbal:z.103 The worship of Nabu continued at Edessa and else­ where in the Jebel Seman 104 as well as at Dura-Europas.105 Nabu was also associated with the cultic deification of El at Elephantine as evidenced by suoh names as Nabuslrn b. Bethelrcy (K 8: 1 1 ) and Eshemram b. Nabu­ nad[in?] ( C 53 :9) . The association, then, at Elephantine and/or elsewhere in Egypt, and in the Jebel Seman, ancient Bit Agusi, of Nabu, Bethel, Eshembethel ( Symbetylos ) , Madbal;, and possibly Eshem-Simios, suggests that the Arameans in Elephantine came from Bit Agusi. The possible pres­ ence in Samaria of Attaratta, Mizbe�l; (Madbal; ) , Eshem ( =Ashima? ) and Banit suggests derivation from Hamath and Samaria.

Jewish Syncretism?

I

What was the relation of the Elephantine Jews to the many deities of their neighbors? As seen from their shrine and cult, their observance of Sabbath and Passover, and their retention of Israelite names, the Jews as individ­ uals and as an organized community were devoted to their ancestral God YHW, known by Jews everywhere in the exilic and post-exilic periods as "God of Heaven." Oaths were sworn by YHW; the salutations of letters invoked His blessings; and money was collected on His behalf. But an oath was also sworn by the Egyptian goddess Sati and a divine appeal was made to I:Ierembethel. Epistolary salutations also invoked the blessings of other gods. Money collected for YHW was distributed to Him as well as to Eshembethel and Anathbethel. Although the Elephantine Jews maintained their religious and com­ munal cohesion, they did not refrain from social contact with their Ara102 W. K. Prentice, "Die Bauinschriften des Heiligthums auf den Djebel SMkh Berekilt," Hermes 3 7 ( 1 902 ) , 91ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 579£. 103 W. K. Prentice, Hermes 37 ( 1 902 ) , 1 1 8; A. Vincent, op. cit., 579 f. 104 R. Duval, ':Histoire politique, religieuse et litteraire d'Edesse jusqu'a la premihe croisade," JA 8th series, 1 8 ( 1 891 ) , 228f; N. Aim e Giron, Textes arameens, 99ff. 105 C . B. Welles, R. O. Fink, J. F. Gilliam, The Excavations at Dura­ Europa�; Final Report V, Part 1 , The Parchment and Papyri (New Haven, 1 95 9 ) , 61ff. -

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mean and Egyptian neighbors. They acquired Egyptian slaves (C 28; K 8) and married them (K 2 ) . They fraternized with Egyptians who were offi­ cials and married them ( C 14, 1 5 ) . The name Bethelnathan b. Jehonathan (C 1 8 : 5 ) shows that they also married Arameans and gave their children Aramaic names. However, since most of the names are not mixed, it is clear that the rate of intermarriage was small. For the most part, the gentiles were absorbed into the Jewish community. Still, the contact could not be without effect. There were Egyptian shrines at Elephantine and Aramean and Babylonian temples at Syene. Some of the pagans who married Jews may have, like the early Samaritans, continued to worship their ancestral god (s) at the same time that they adopted the worship of YHW. Con­ versely, some of these Jews occasionally expressed devotion to the god (s) of their spouses at the same time that they continued to revere YHW. There is evidence for this devotion both on the individual and on the communal level. Mibtahiah took a judicial oath by the goddess of Elephan­ tine, Sati, probably revered by her former husband Pia (C 1 3 ) . Malchiah appealed to the (our? ) god I:Ierembethe1 against an unknown opponent, the traces of whose name suggest that he was not Jewish ( C 7) . In what sense, though, was I:Ierembethel "our god" (assuming this interpretation to be correct) ? In the sense that he was revered by Malchiah and his opponent? The exact expression may have stemmed from the hands of the unknown scribe rather than from the mouth of Malchiah. In the same way, saluta­ tions in letters from Jews to Jews which invoked the "gods" may have been written by non-Jewish scribes. Or even if written by Jewish scribes, the phrase may have been considered purely conventional or the term "gods" understood as the plural of majesty. A pagan greeting a Jew in the name of four Babylonian-Aramean deities would be like a Christian today sending a Jewish friend a Christmas card. And if Gadal, who greeted Micaiah by YHW and by Ban ( ? ) , was a Jew, it would be comparable to a Jew sending his Jewish friend a Christmas card. Even if the situation is compared to a Jew putting a Christmas tree in his house or celebrating both Christmas and Hanukkah, the action is still an individual and not a communal affair. Quite different is the collection by the Jewish leader Jedaniah of a two­ shekel contribution for YHW from over one hundred Jews and the ap­ parent distribution of these funds to YHW and two other deities. This seems to imply communal worship of Anathbethel and Eshembethe1 by the Jews. But even this is not certain. As noted, the collection papyrus is incomplete and it is not at all clear how we are to understand the account­ ing notations. If more money seems to have been collected from Jews than

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1 75

was distributed to YHW, perhaps some unrecorded disbursement took place prior to the final tally. Previous columns would have recorded the source of the 190 shekels for the two Aramean deities. The Jewish leader Jedaniah was in some way responsible for collecting and recording these oth er funds.106 Even if it is assumed that he diverted money collected for YHW to the other deities, such an act may have been no more than a goodwill gesture on the part of the Jews to their Aramean neighbors. The alternative explanation would view Bethel and Eshem as epithets for YHWH, if not independent deities. Statements of Amos and Jeremiah appear to support this view. Amos prophesied the downfall of those who swore by ,asmat Samaria and who said "By the life of your God, 0 Dan" and "By the life ofthe way to Beer-sheba" (Am. 8 : 14 ) . ,asmat, "guilt of," was a deliberate corruption of Ashima ( = Eshem ) much as Beth-aven (,awen = wickedness) was of Bethel ( Hos. 4 : 1 5, 10 : 5 ; d. Am. 5 : 5 ) . Jere­ miah predicted the collapse of Moab, the day when she would be "ashamed of Chemosh as the house of Israel was ashamed of Bethel, their confidence" (Jer. 48 : 1 3 ) · Bethel was the deity of Israel as Chemosh was of Moab.107 Furthermore, according to this view, the colonists of Elephantine derived in whole or in part from the northern kingdom of Israel, particularly from the region of Bethep08 All these assumptions, however, are most unlikely. The town Bethel was the seat of an important shrine, erected by Jeroboam to assert the religious independence of his kingdom from Jerusalem ( 1 Ki. 1 2 : 26ff) . The shrine was soon condemned by a prophet from Judah ( 1 Ki. 1 3 : 1ff), no doubt because of the golden calf throne of deity installed there. It was later de­ nounced by the Judahite prophet Amos ( 3 : 14, 4:4, 5 : 5f, 7 : lOf) and by Hosea (4: 1 5, 1 0 : 5 ) because the worshippers there consorted with harlots ( d. Hos. 4: 12ff) or practiced injustice (d. Am. 5 : 21ff) . But the divine creature Bethel, scornfully compared by Jeremiah to the pagan Chemosh and bitingly ridiculed by Hosea ( 12 : 5f ) , was probably an angel of Bethel who protected Jacob throughout his lifetime (Gen. 3 1 : 1 1ff, 48 : 16) and 106 U. Cassuto, Kedem 1 ( 1 942 ) , 47ff; E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 88. 107 E . C. Kraeling, op. cit., 89; cf., too, F. J . Neuberg, "An Unrecognized Meaning of Hebrew dor," JNES 9 ( 1 950 ) , 2 1 5f. 108 This view was developed quite extensively by A. Vincent, op. cit., and received the support of W. F. Albright, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel4, 1 71ff. Cf. Chap. I, n. 66. This view has been advanced even by those adhering to a J udahite origin; cf. A. Lemonnyer, "La deese Anath d'Elephantine," Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiques 9 ( 1920 ) , 581ff. See, too, M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 214£.

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continued to be venerated long thereafter.109 The term )asmah, "guilt," is no more rela ted to Ashima (Eshem ) than is ,awen, "wickedness," to El. Both were simply derogatory substitutes much as Chemosh and Molech/Milcom were called the "abomination" ( Siqqu$) of Moab and Ammon, respectively ( 1 Ki. 1 1 : 5ff) . Samaria was guilty (Has. 14: 1 ) and therefore her oaths sworn by the God of Samaria were false oaths. Alternatively, reference may have been to a golden calf installed in the shrine of Samaria ( Has. 8: 5f) . Besides, the subsequent report of the introduction of Ashima and other deities into the Assyrian province of Samaria implies that they were all new to the land. The priest of Bethel who was returned from exile instructed the new inhabitants in the worship of the Lord ( 2 Ki. 1 7 : 24ff) . None of the Israelite names, either from the Bible or from signet seal (ing ) s, is com­ pounded with the element Bethel or Eshempo If inhabitants from north­ ern Israel were found among the "Jews of Elephantine" or "Arameans of Syene," it is not likely that they brought \vith them any cult of Bethel or Eshem. The only explicit account of pagan worship introduced into Egypt by Jews is that of the worship of the "Queen of Heaven" by the inhabitants of Judah during the time of Jeremiah. The impression gained is that this worship was a family one although women played a predominant role. It consisted of the preparation of cakes and the offering of libations (Jer. 7 : 16ff, 44: 1 5 ) . It may have ceased after initial condemnation by Jeremiah but was resumed in Egypt. At a gathering of Jews from Migdal, Tahpanhes, Memphis, and the land of Pathros, thus possibly including Elephantine, Jeremiah rebuked the people again. But they, particularly the women, maintained that evils, including the destruction of Judah, came upon them only because they had ceased to worship the Queen of Heaven. Moreover, they claimed, the kings and princes of Judah had carried on this very wor­ ship (Jer. 44: 1 5ff) . Manasseh built altars for the host of heaven in the Tem­ ple forecourts ( 2 Ki. 2 1 : 3f ) and this worship was condemned by Deuteron­ omy ( 4 : 19) and Zephaniah ( 1 : 5 ) . Josiah destroyed this cult ( 2 Ki. 23 : 5, 1 2 ) and no subsequent king is said to have restored it (but d. Ezek. 8:16) .111 109 Cf. H. L. Ginsberg, "Hosea's Ephraim, More Fool than Knave," TBL 80 ( 1 961 ) , 3 39ft 110 E . G. Kraeling, op. cit., 89, cites the name Bethelsharezer (Zech. 7 : 2 ) as "an excellent Palestinian parallel to the Bethel names in the papyri." The parallel, however, exists in the fact that both one and the other are non-Israelite names; the Jews who bore them either took pagan names or were proselytes. 111 Y. Kaufmann, Religion of Israel, 144, 420, 430ff, argued that the pagan practices described by Ezekiel (Chaps. 8-10 ) were carried on in the time of Manasseh and not later. Professor M. Greenberg, who is preparing the Anchor

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In the days of Jeremiah it was apparently carried on primarily at home by women. The women in Egypt did not heed Jeremiah's injunction and insisted on renewing the worship. The prophet foretold their destruction and gave as a sign the deliverance of Hofra (Apries ) into the hands of his enemies (Jer. 44: 1 5££) . As mentioned earlier, the "Queen of Heaven" had a temple at Syene (BK 4: 1 ) and it is likely that this epithet applied to Anath. The Judahite women were not telling Jeremiah that they were rejecting YHWH and worshipping only the Queen of Heaven; they would certainly continue to worship the Lord at the same time that they carried on the domestic cult of the Queen of Heaven. In fact, Jeremiah's prophecy that they would no more invoke the name of the Lord (Jer. 44: 26) implies their original deter­ mination to continue to do so. It was this worship of Anath (if it was she who lay behind the epithet "Queen of Heaven" ) along with that of YHW which found its way into the Elephantine colony and gave rise to the syncretistic deity Anathyahu by whom Menahem swore to Meshullam in the place of prostration. The Queen of Heaven, the women said to Jere­ miah, provided prosperity and security. The consequences of ceasing to worship her would be poverty and insecurity (Jer. 44: 17f) . YHW was still God, but Anath was added assurance. Anathyahu was that aspect of YHW which assured man's well-being. Although the Arameans had a shrine to the Queen of Heaven, the name Anath appears only twice among the many personal names from Elephan­ tine and Syene ( C 22 : 108; BK 4:3 ) . If the goddess' cultic importance may be judged from her onomastic absence, it would seem that she did not play a major role in the communal religious life of the Jews. As earlier in Judah, her influence was no doubt confined to domestic practices. Priestly and prophetic condemnations of Israelite idolatry never mentioned Anath. The goddesses who were condemned were Asherah and Astarte (Ashtoreth ) . In the time of the Judges the people worshipped the Baals, the Asherahs, and the Astartes (Ju. 2 : 1 3, 3 :7, 10:6f; 1 Sam. 1 2 : 10) but eliminated that worship under Samuel ( 1 Sam. 7:4) . Later, the queen mother Maacah intro­ duced the worship of Asherah in Judah, but it was eliminated by Asa ( 1 Ki. 1 5 : 13; 2 Chron. 1 5 : 1 6) . Jezebel introduced her worship in Israel ( 1 Ki. Bible commentaw on Ezekiel, wrote in a letter of February 21, 1966, "The problem in Ezekiel about which you ask is no closer to solution in my mind today than it ever was. I find it impossible to believe that there were such goings-on in the Jerusalem temple in Ezekiel's time. However, I do not find any convincing explanation of the origin of these varied cults. Manasseh's age still seems the likeliest period for their rise."

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1 6:33; 1 8 : 19) only to have it eliminated by Jehu (cf. 2 Ki. 10:18ff) . Manas­ seh reintroduced her worship (2 Ki. 21 : 7 ) and Josiah removed it (23 :6f) . At Canaanite Beth-shan there existed a temple of Astarte during the time of Saul ( 1 Sam. 3 1 : 10 ) .112 Solomon built a high place for her outside Jeru­ salem ( 1 Ki. 1 1 : 5ff ) ; it was destroyed by Josiah ( 2 Ki. 23 : 1 3 ) . The impression gained is that cults to these goddesses stemmed from pagan influences resulting from intermarriage. From earliest times it was feared in Israel that marrying a Canaanite woman would result in wor­ shipping her gods (Ex. 34 : 1 3ff) . Even sexual relations with a foreigner was conducive to idolatry (Num. 2 5 : 1f) . The circumstances under which wor­ ship of the Queen of Heaven (Anath ) was introduced into Judah are un­ certain but it is noteworthy that women predominated among her devo­ tees. Manasseh's introduction of the cult of the host of heaven corresponded with the period of Assyrian domination. It would be fair to say, then, that the cult of Anath in Israel was not indigenous and developed rather late. To be sure, the name Anath was not unknown in earlier periods. From Judah in the south through Benjamin in the center to Napthali in the north, there existed sites which recalled a second millennium worship of the goddess : Beth-anath ( Josh. 19:38; Ju. 1 :33 ) , Beth-anoth (Josh. 1 5 : 59), and Anathoth (Josh. 2 1 : 1 8; 1 Ki. 2 : 26; JeI. 1 : 1 ) . Settlers in Anathoth took the name of the town and the family name of Anathoth was known in Ben­ jamin in pre-exilic ( 1 Chron. 7 : 8 ) as well as post-exilic times (Neh. 10:21; cf. Ez. 2 :23//Neh. 7:27) . One of the early Judges was Shamgar b. Anath (J u. 3 : 3 1 ) , a foreigner who settled in Israel and adopted its religion.ll3 A most curious name is that of a Benjaminite settled in Jerusalem : Antho­ thijah ( 1 Chron. 8:24) . If this name is not a corrupted expansion of Ana112 The early Iron Age Northern Temple (Level V) uncovered by A. Rowe contained a private stela dedicated to Anath, Queen of Heaven, Mistress of all the Gods. She is standing and is dressed like Astarte. Cf. A. Rowe, The Topography and History of Beth-Shan (Publications of the Palestine Section of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, I; Philadelphia, 1930 ) , 32f, PI. 50, No. 2; idem, The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-Shan (Publications of the Palestine Section of the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, II, Philadelphia, 1 940 ) , 3 3f, PI. 6 5A, No. , 1 . For discussion of the date of this temple, cf. H. O. Thompson, "Tell el-Husn-Biblical Beth-shan," BA 30 ( 1967 ) , 1 29ft 113 Y. Kaufmann, Sefer Shot-tim ( Jerusalem, 1 962 ) , 1 1 2 . For other expla­ nations cf. W. F. Albright, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel4, 1 1 1 ("The hero Shamgar was a Canaanite from Beth-anath in Galilee. . . ." ) , 2,'1 9; A. Vincent, op. cit., 643; C . F. Kraft, "Shamgar," G. A. Buttrick, ed., Interpre­ ter's Dictionary, IV, 306f; F. C. Fensham, JNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 1 97f ("son of a Ijanaean" ) ; A. W. Eaton, The Goddess Anat, 37.

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th oth,114 it must have meant "Yah is (my) cntt." Such a name implies that cnt had become a common noun in Biblical Hebrew. A similar phenomenon may be observed with regard to other divine names. Some became terms for, or epithets of, God : El, Adon, Melech, Baal, Elyon; others devolved into common nouns-Dagon : dagan, "grain"; Asherah : >aserah, "wooden cult object"; Astarte : caStarot (pl. ) , "lambing (of flock) " (Deut. 7 : 13, 28:4, 18, 51 ) .115 The word Canat may rhus be related to Hebrew cet, Aramaic cenet, "time, destiny, sign." The personal name Anthothijah would thus mean "Yah is ( my) Sign [ = Providence]" and the divine name Anathyahu would be a personification or hypostatization of the providence of YHWp6 One swore an oath by the "sign of YHW" just as one did by His name. This explanation would sever the Anath of this compound from the Queen of Heaven and thereby undermine the conten­ tion that the religion of the Elephantine Jews was syncretistic. On the con­ trary, if the term Anathyahu was conceived at Elephantine, it would even suggest a degree of theological speculation among the Jews there. The diffi­ culty with this explanation lies in the fact that outside the possible excep­ tion of the name Anthothijah, the term cnt does not appear in Biblical Hebrew; nor do the Aramaic lexica know the extended meanings, "sign," "destiny." However attractive the idea may be that Anathyahu is not a composite deity, Anath plus YHW, the evidence for considering it a hypos­ tatization is not sufficiently decisive.

The Marzeah Association

I

An ostracon at the Cairo Museum has been transcribed to read : "To Hag­ gai. I spoke to Ashian about the money for the marzealJ. So he replied to me, namely to Ito, 'Now I will give it to Haggai or to Igdal.' Speak to him that he should give it to you." 117 Ito had spoken to AS'hian about the money for the marzealJ. Ashian said that he would give it either to Haggai or Igdal. Ito was now writing to Haggai that he should collect the money from Ashian. The term marzealJ appears in Near Eastern sources from the four114 M. Noth, op. cit., 2 54, No. 1 1 0 1 . 115 W. F . Albright, Archaelogy and the Religion of Israel4, 74ff. 116 Ibid., 1 74; M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 195££; J. T. MiIik, Biblica 48 ( 1 967 ) , 5 67. 117 Ostracon Cairo Museum 3 5468a was first copied by A. H. Sayce and pub­ lished without a plate in "An Aramaic Ostracon from Elephantine," PSBA 3 1 ( 1909 ) , 1 54f. I t was restudied by M . Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 1 1 9££, who arrived at the reading set forth herein; cf. E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 92.

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teenth centurY B.c.E. down through Talmudic times. Each o f the sources indicates a different aspect of the term and together they provide a back­ ground for understanding the Elephantine marzea1;z. The term is first known from Ugarit. King Niqmepa b. Niqmeda {four. . , teenth century B.C.E. ) gave a house of the marzea1;z-men (E LU.MEs mar­ za-i ) to the marzea1;z-men and their children.11s On another occasion, a house of the marzea1;z-men of the god Shatran (E L lJ.MES mar-zi-i sa sa-at­ ra-na) is taken by an official and another house is given them in its stead.l19 Elsewhere, it is recorded that a vineyard of Ishtar was divided between the marzea1;z-men of the city of Ari and the marzea1;z-men of the city of Si­ yannu.1 20 A very fragmentary text in alphabetic script referring to "a field (and ) vineyard (sd kr[m] ) " mentions mrz1;z some five times. 121 Another text reports EI seated in his mrz1;z at a banquet.122 The marzea1;z was thus an association found in more than one location. Its membership included in­ dividuals and their children, and, as an association, owned houses and vine­ yards. There existed a special place called "house of the marzea1;z-men." Finally, it appears that the association was attached to some god. The term next occurs in the Books of Amos and Jeremiah. Amos lashed out at those who lie in ivory beds and recline on their couches, eating, drink­ ing, and listening to music and neglecting the malaise of their people. They shall be exiled and their marzea1;z shall depart (Am. 6: Iff) . In the face of the imminent destruction of whole families, Jeremiah was told by the Lord not to marry or bear children ( 16 : 1 ff ) . Nor was he ever to mourn or comfort the mourner. He was to stay away from the "house of feasting" il �:

��1111 ,"

III: 'II

II 'II

11S C. F.-A. Schaeffer, Le palais royale d'Ugarit, III, 88 (#1 5.88 :4, 6 ) . 119 Ibid., 1 30 ( # 1 5.70 ) . Text # 1 6.1 57 : 5 (p. 8 3 ) speaks of "the fields of Shatran." On this god cf. D. O. Edzard in H. W. Haussig, ed., Worterbuch der Mythologie, 1/1, 1 19f. 120 Ibid., IV (MRS IX: Paris, 1956 ) , 2 30 ( # 1 8.Ql ) . The term UJ .MES ma-ar-zi-1;i is found in another, though fragmentary Ugaritic tablet, RS 14.16, line 3; cf. Ch. Virolleaud, "Six textes de Ras Shamra proven ant de la XIV' campagne ( 19 50 ) ," Syria 28 ( 1 951 ) , 1 73, 1 76. 121 UT 2032. In UT 1 22 : 1 , 5 Gordon would read, with question mark after the first letter, mrz by A. E. Cowley, but the reading herein contained is preferable. Cf., however, M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 32. 5 Cf. A. Vincent, La religion des judeo-arameens d'Elephantine, 446ff; J. A. Montgomery, The Books of Kings, 538f. 6 O. Cairo 49,624 was found in 1925 and first published by N. Aime-Giron, "Trois ostraca arameens d'Elephantine," ASAE 26 ( 1 926) , 2 7ff. The present translation is that of A. D upont-Sommer, " 'Maison de Yahve' et vetements sacres a Elephantine d'apres un ostracon arameen du Musee du Caire," fA 2 3 5 ( 1 946-47 ) , 79ff; d. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 96f.

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Azariah did not appear in an official document, it cannot be concluded that his position was unimportant. The Levites in the wilderness were not at­ tached to a degel but were dedicated to the service of the Tabernacle (Num. 2 : 33, 3 : 5ff) . The fact that Ananiah was not attached to a degel may mean that he was solely occupied with his Temple duties.7 The situation described in the first document and the reason for its inclusion in the Anflniah archive are most obscure. The document Con­ cerned an object of unknown meaning hira, or hida>-about which Micah b. Ahio ( ? ) said to Ananiah, "You have given to me five shekels as the price of your hira, about which you complained against me and my heart is satisfied with its price" ( K 1 :2ff) . Why should Ananiah have put forth a claim against Micah regarding an object described as belonging to Ananiah and, in settlement, pay him five shekels? As if that were not per­ plexing enough, Micah said further, "Should I bring complaint against you (before ) judge or lord in the name of this hirii> concerning which I complained against you, and for which you gave me five shekels of silver so that I withdrew from you, I shall give you five karsh of silver" ( K 1 : 5ff) . But the matter had just been said to have been the opposite : Ananiah complained against Micah. Here, Micah professed to have complained against Ananiah. The most likely explanation is scribal error; the scribe inadvertently repeated the phrase at the beginning of the sentence. The questionable phrase should read, "concerning which you complained against me." S In any case, the object was now securely guaranteed to Ananiah and should anyone challenge it, Micah would clean it of all taint and restore it to Ananiah ( K 1 : 8f) .9 The document was drawn up by a non-

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7 It has been suggested on the basis of the Aramaic and Medieval Hebrew meaning of the root IlJ.n that Ananiah was a "cantor" in charge of the musical part of the Temple worship. The feminine form of the word in Dan. 5 : 2 and Al;tiqar 83 would thus mean "singing girl"; d. J. Reider, JQR 44 ( 1 953-54 ) , 3 39; C . C . Torrey, "More Elephantine Papyri," JNES 13 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 5of; E . Y. Kutscher, "New Aramaic Texts," TAOS 74 ( 1 954 ) , 234; B. Comoyer, "LlJ.n: chantre?" VT 5 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 83ft While not denying the existence of psalmody in the Elephantine Jewish Temple I prefer to follow the lead of the Assyrian evi­ dence. The Arameans of Syene, it will be recalled, came from Northern Syria­ where Nabu and Sin were worshipped; they may have taken over the term IlJ.n as they did the worship of those deities. I am grateful to Professor B. A. Levine, Brandeis University, for his letter of March 6, 1966, discussing this title. S Cf. R. Yaron, RIDA 3rd series, 5 ( 1958) , 299ff. For a different interpre­ tation cf. H. L. Ginsberg, TAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 56; Y. Muffs, op. cit., 33. 9 For the defension clause, d. pp. 2 1 6f and the reference in n. 50.

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ANANIAH B . AZARIAH

20 3

Jew, Bty b. Mannuki and attested by seven or eight witnesses, among whom was the prominent Mahseiah b. J edaniah ( K 1 : lOff) . Eight witnesses were required for renunciation of a claim to landed property and this fact pre­ s ents a clue to the meaning of h'irjda,.10

Slavery The marital situation of Ananiah was most unusual. That he was married to an Egyptian girl was not unique since intermarriage was known in the Elephantine Jewish community. What was striking, however, was the fact that his wife was a slave girl and even after her marriage remained bound to her master and later to his son in some form of service obligation. More­ over, the couple had a son prior to the redaction of the marriage contract. To appreciate fully the special status of Ananiah's family, certain aspects of slavery should be considered. The slave at Elephantine, as elsewhere in the Near East 11 and Egypt,12 was considered property to be bought and sold for money ( K 5 :7 ) , be­ queathed to children ( C 28 ), or, like a house, garment, vessel, and grain, given and tafen ih pledge for a debt (C lo:8ff; K l 1 : lOff) .13 All the slaves mentioned in the Elephantine documents were Egyptian, and it is most unlikely that any of the Elephantine Jews were or might be enslaved, even for debts. Because they bore Egyptian names, Tebo and her three children, Petosiri, Bela, and Lilu (C 28 ) ; Tamut, daughter of Pethu (K 1 2 : 3 ) , and Tetosiri (SC Mb : 3 ) , it is likely that they were acquired by purchase. One slave lad, with the YHWH-istic theophorus name Jedaniah b. Tel;lO ( K 8 ) , was probably a house-born slave who was raised as a Jew. Evidence from 10 Far discussion of the number of witnesses, see R. Yaron, JSS 2 ( 19 57 ) , 48fI. His category of "Conveyance following Judgment" should be eliminated and the two entries there listed (C 6 and K 1 ) should be included with "Re­ nunciation of Claim (to land) ." Such documents were designated seear mirT:zaq. C 6 was not a conveyance since C 5 clearly indicated that the house was already in the possession of Mahseiah. The endorsement was lost from K 1 , but the document was probably a "document of withdrawal" (cf. rT:zq in line 7 ) . 11 1. Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East (New Yark, 1 949 ) , 34fI. 12 A. M. Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt (Supplement aux Annales du Service des Antiquites de l'Egypte, Cah. No. 1 8; Cairo, 1 9 52 ) , 69ff. 13 For the last passage cf. H. · L. Ginsberg, "Notes on some Old Aramaic Texts," TNES 1 8 ( 19 59 ) , 148f; R. Yaron, "Notes on Aramaic Papyri II," JNES 20 ( 1961 ) , 1 27£.

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ANANIAH B . AZARIAH

the Middle Kingdom indicates that Asiatic slaves who retained their Semitic names were given a second, Egyptian, name by their masters. Native-born children of these slaves all had Egyptian names.14 The only evidence for double names in Elephantine is the Egyptian husband of Mibtahiah whose original name was Asl:lOr (C 15 : 2 ) and whose Hebrew name was the common Nathan (C 2 5 : 3; 28 : 2 ) . The name of the ,slave's owner was inscribed on the slave's right arm, e.g., " ( Belonging ) to Mibtahiah" (C 28 : 5f) or " (Belonging) to Meshul­ lam" ( K 5 :3 ) . 15 The recto of a much-discussed Bodleian ostracon seems to have requested something like the following, " . . . So, too, behold Tetosiri who belongs to us! Let them write it on her arm above the writing which is (already) on her arm. Behold, thus did one send ( to inform me) saying that they do not find that his/her handmaiden is written ( = marked) according to his/her name" (SC M ) .16 Here was a newly acquired slave­ girl who had a marking on her arm indicating her previous owner but who had not yet been marked by her new owners. One co-owner was here writing to his partner saying that he had learned that the partner's name (apparently the main owner) had not yet been marked on the girl's arm and urging that it be inscribed forthwith. Though contemporary Egyptian evidence for slave-marking is absent, it is known that the Pharaohs stamped their own names on enslaved captives of war.17 Neo-Babylonian docu­ ments 18 show that personal slaves were marked on their hands or wrists with the names of their owners. The slave, like the animal, may have been

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14 W. C. Hayes, A Papyrus of the Late Middle Kingdom in the Brooklyn Museum (New York, 19 5 5 ) , 92ft. 15 Professor H. L. Ginsberg has proposed to me the following translation of C 2 8 : 4f: "A mark is tattooed on his right hand, a tattoo whose legend in Aramaic is as follows: 'To Mibtahiah.' '' Accordingly, K 5 : 2f would be trans­ lated "Tapmut by name, his handmaiden who is tattooed on her right hand as follows : 'To Meshullam.' '' Ginsberg further compared Is. 44: 5 where he changed the vocalization of the last three verbs so that the verse should read, "And this one shall say 'to the Lord do I belong' and this one shall be called by the name of Jacob and this one shall have written ( upon himself) a mark [reading ywd instead of ydw] 'to the Lord' and by the name of Israel shall be ­ called." Even if we do not change the Massoretic vocalization we may still get the sense of a servant ( cf. verse 1, "Jacob my servant" ) being inscribed with the name of his master. 16 For this translation d. Ch . Clermont-Ganneau, RAO 7 ( 1 906) , 2040. 17 A. M. Bakir, op. cit., 1 1 0. 18 I. Mendelsohn, op. cit., 46f.

ANANI AH B . AZARIAH

20 5

marked simply because he was chattel,19 On the other hand, the mark did i dentify his owner and expedited restoration in 'case he fled.2 0 A slave was usually known by his matronymic (C 28:4; K 8 : 3 ) ; if one was known by a patronymic it was likely that he, or his parent, was free­ born and sold himself, or was sold, into slavery. Contracts of self-sale from the Twenty-sixth Dynasty have come down to us and indicate that the person selling himself into slavery also included his present and future children in the sale. 21 Indigence, of course, was the chief reason for such self-sale. ,\ In 456 Meshullam b. Zaccur, apparently a man of some means, extended a loan of four shekels to the Jewish woman Jehol).en (C 10) . If J ehol).en's need reflected generally bad economic conditions, Tamut's father Pethu (d. K 1 2 : 3 ) , facing destitution, may have been forced to sell himself into slavery. It may have been at this time that Meshullam, having bought Pethu, acquired Tamut. Alternatively, Tamut may have been taken from Jehol).en as pledge in case of default in accordance with one of the terms of the loan contract providing for seizure of property (C 1O:7ff) .22

Marriage to an Egyptian Handmaiden On July 3, 449, a marriage contract was drawn up between Ananiah b. Azariah and Meshullam b. Zaccur, "Aramean of Syene of the degel of Varyazata" ( K 2 :2f ) , for the handmaiden Tamut. Because she was a slave, Tamut was not given away in marriage by her natural father or mother as 19 Ibid., 42• 20 G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws, I, 422; I. Mendelsohn, op. cit., 49f. 21 F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 19, No. 1 5; pp. 50ff (P. Ryl. 3-7 ) ; A. M. Bakir, op. cit., 56f, 74ff; J. Pi renne, "Les contrats de vente de soi-m�me en Egypte a l' epoque saile," Bulletin de l'Academic royale de Belgique, 5th series, 34 ( 1948 ) , 581ff. E. Seidl, Xgyptische Rechtsgeschichte, 45ff, denies the possibility of such self-sale. His interpretation of P. Ryl. 3-7 is plausible but his scepticism concerning the text written on the Louvre bowl is unwarranted. Even if only a draft, the text must reflect a real practice. 22 This loan document was discovered tied and sealed (cf. Ed. Sachau, op. cit., PI. 28) and may have remained in the possession of the creditor; cf. the clause, "I shall have no power to lodge a complaint against you before segan or judge on the ground that you have taken from me any security while this deed is in your hand" (C lo: 1 2ff ) .

206

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was usually the case at Elephantine, but by her legal master. The substan­ tive part of the document began regularly enough with a declaration by the groom to the proprietor of the bride, "I have come to you to be given in marriage Tamut by name who is your handmaiden. She is my wife and I her husband from this day and forever" (K 2 : 3f ) . The latter declaration was a traditional one (cf. Hos. 2 :4) 23 and was pronounced orally before written documents were drawn up. The remainder of the marriage contract differed considerably from the others known to us. These differences are best explained by the unique status of the bride: married to Ananiah, she was still a handmaiden of Meshullam. The normal practice in the Near East was to emancipate a slave-girl upon her marriage. In fact, manumission and marriage were usu­ ally expressed in one document.24 Biblical Law, however, alludes to the situation of a slave-girl betrothed to a free-man (Lev. 1 9 : 20 ) 25 and Near Eastern law also seems to have known situations of free-slave marriage.26 This family archive from Elephantine, however, enables us to trace for the first time the history of such an unusual relationship. No mention was made in the marriage contract of any mohar being paid by Ananiah to Meshullam 27 and most likely none was paid.28 No doubt, this was due to her continued slave status. 29 It should be noted that in cases 28 See

0

the discussion by J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 4; R. Yaron, JSS 3 ( 1958 ) , 30f; J. Kthner, Das soziale und religiose Leben der Militiirkolonie von Elephantine, 36f. 24 Cf. M. Schorr, Urkunden des altbabylonischen zivil- und Prozessrechts, Nos . 3 1-34, pp. 5 5f (Old Babylonian) ; F. Thureau-Dangin, "Trois contrats de Ras-Shamra," Syria 1 8 ( 193 7 ) , 2 53ff (RS 8.208, an Akkadian tablet dated to the time of the Amarna tablets ) . 25 Z. W. Falk, "The Deeds of Manumission of Elephantine," TTS 5 ( 1954 ) , 1 1 4f. 26 M. Schorr, op. cit., N os . 3 5, 77, 214. There is no evidence in any of these documents that the wife was manumitted prior to marriage as maintained by Schorr nor that B�lizunu in No. 77 is the husband's first wife. l owe clarifi­ cation of these points to Professor S. Greengus of the Hebrew Union College. See also Hittite Law Par. 3 1 which Professor Giiterbock of the Oriental Insti­ tute, University of Chicago, informs me is better rendered by J. Friedrich, Die ­ hethitische Gesetze (Leiden, 1959 ) , than by A. Goetze in J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 190. 27 For further discussion of the mohar see p. 221, n. 65. 28 The attempt of H. L. Ginsberg, "The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri," JAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 1 56f, to posit a mohar payment has been rightly rejected by R. Yaron, "Aramaic Marriage Contracts from Elephantine," JSS 3 ( 195 8 ) , 16f, and his later Introduction to the Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 56ff. 29 J . Korner, cp. cit., 3 8; E. Volterra, "Osservazioni suI divorzio nei docu-

ANANIAH B . AZARIAH

207

of free-slave marriage in Babylonia, no mention was made of the payment of a terTJatum, the Babylonian equivalent of the mohar. Corresponding to the absence of any mohar was the meager dowry Tamut brought with her. She entered marriage with a single inexpensive woolen garment, probably the one on her back, a cheap mirror, some ointment for her toilet, and perhaps a pair of sandals and some other item ( K 2 :4ff) . Since the main, and most likely the original, purpose of the marriage contract was to guar­ antee the woman possession of her dowry in case of dissolution of the mar­ riage, it hardly seems worth the papyrus to have drawn up a marriage contract for a dowry valued at seven shekels and iYz l:lallurs ( K 2 : 6f) . Indeed, the several parties must have been somewhat ashamed of this paltry amount for on the endorsement of the document the scribe more than doubled it, writing, "Tamut brought into Anani in her hand 1 karsh, 5 shekels," i.e., 1 5 shekels (K 2 : 1 6) . Written on the outside of the docu­ ment and blatantly contradicting the sum inscribed within, it could have no legal significance and was only for the sake of appearance.30 The really vital clause in this marriage contract seems to be the last one. "And I Meshullam, tomorrow or the next day, will not be able to snatch Pilti from you unless you drive out his mother Tamut. Should I snatch him from you I shall give Anani 5 silver karsh" ( K 2 : 1 3 f ) . The penalty clause was written between the lines; whether it was originally omitted as an oversight or added as extra precaution is uncertain. Most such penalty clauses contained the additional notation that the threatened object con­ tinued to remain the possession of the current owner.31 The absence of menti aramaici," Studi orientalistici in onore di Giorgio Levi della Vida (Pub­ blicazioni dell'Istituto per 1'0riente, Nr. 5 2; Rome, 1956) II, 591. In his re­ view in Iura 6 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 3 54f, Volterra assumed that Tamut was emancipated upon marriage . . so For various explanations of this divergence, see E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 50; H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 56f; R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 57£. The most likely is still that of J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 88£, n . 73, citing the later Palestinian practice recorded in Tos. Ket. 4: 1 3. The various additions, erasures, and corrections in this contract suggest con­ siderable haggling. Tamut's woolen dress was originally valued at five shekels, but the scribe subsequently added two more shekels, raising its value to seven shekels (1. 5 ) . On the other hand, he was obliged to reduce the amount of scented oil he had just recorded from a "handful" to "half a handful" (ll. 56) . The divorce penalty was originally only five shekels, but was raised to the standard 7Yz shekels (ll. 8, 1 0 ) . For these corrections, cf. R. Yaron, "Minutiae Aramaicae." I am grateful to Professor Yaron for sending me a typescript of this article. 81 Cf. the discussion in R . Yaron, Biblica 41 ( 1 960 ) , 26df.

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such a notation here and the relatively small fine suggest that Meshullam might, under any circumstances, take the lad Pilti away from Ananiah provided he reimbursed him the sum of fifty shekels.32 In a subsequent contract Pilti was designated a child of Ananiah (K 4 : 1 8 ) ; since Tamut was his mother, it is almost certain that Ananiah was his natural father. The presence of a child prior to the redaction of the marriage contract raises the question of the previous relation of the parents. There are many Egyptian marriage contracts, including two from Elephantine, which indi­ cate the presence of children prior to the redaction of the document.33 This more than suggests that the Egyptian so-called marriage contract, far from concluding or even confirming the marriage itself, was necessary only to fix the property rights of the parents and children and thus need not have been drawn up until a child was born.34 The Aramaic marriage contracts, concerned as they were with property, may or may not have been drawn up at the time of the marriage. In this case the document does not seem to have been drawn up at the time of the marriage. The birth of Pilti, how­ ever, naturally raised the question of authority. Ordinarily, children of a slave belonged to the master; any other arrangement required contractual guarantees legally documented. But why would Meshullam who did not waive his rights to Tamut agree to do so in the case of her child? As indicated, both Egyptian and "Ara­ maic" law required some consideration for the full establishment of a per- · sonal or property right. What, then, was Ananiah giving Meshullam in exchange? By marrying Tamut he was taking upon himself her economic support. The quid pro quo was thus doubly established : Ananiah paid no mohar since he received no effective dowry; he received his child but had to support the mother as a husband did a wife. Should either party change his mind a new balance would have to be created. Should Ananiah drive out Tamut, Pilti reverted to Meshullam. Should Meshullam snatch away Pilti, he must pay Ananiah fifty shekels. Similarly, a balance existed be­ tween husband and wife. Should either party decide to divorce the other he or she would pay the other the "divorce money" of iYz shekels (K 2 : 7ff) . This sum, not overly large, was a standard amount at Elephantine incum- _ 82 E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 49. 33 Cf. the list in E. Liiddeckens, Xgyptische Ehevertriige, 2 84f. 34 This view was first set forth by Junker and Boak and has been elaborated and endorsed by W. Edgerton, Notes on Egyptian Marriage (Chicago, 19 3 1 ) , 2; C . F. Nims, "A Demotic 'Document of Endowment' from the Tim(! of Nectanebo I," MDAIK 16 ( 1 958 ) , 237ff; P . W. Pestman, Marriage and Matri­ monial Property in Ancient Egypt, 21ff.

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bent upon the party initiating the divorce (cf. C 1 5 : 24; K 7 : 26 ) and was probably intended to provide at least a minimal restraint upon that party.35 A similar payment was evidenced elsewhere in the Near East and in Egypt.3s It should be noted that the right of the woman to divorce her husband was to be found in the other Elephantine contracts ( C 1 5 :22 ff; K 7 : 21ff) . Divorce was abundantly evidenced in later Egyptian documents but was less widespread in the Near East.37 Although marriage arrangements were 35 J. Korner, op. cit., 57f, 62. 36 The Code of Hammurabi (Pars. 1 3 8-'-39 ) stipulated that a husband divorcing his wife must pay her "divorce money" (uzubbilm ) equivalent to the ter1:Jatum which he paid her father. If he had not paid a ter1:Jatum, the divorce money was to be one maneh ( = 60 shekels ) of silver. For discussion of this clause cf. M. E. Revillout, "La femme dans l'antiquite," JA, 10th series, 7 ( 1906 ) , 70, who understood it to mean that the husband now forfeited the terhatum which his father-in-law had returned to him after thc marriage. G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws, I, 296£, thought that the husband had to make an additional payment, whose measure was the ter1:Jatum. Con­ tracts from Kiiltepe, Nippur, Ashur, and Alalakh indicate the same penalty for whichever party initiated the divorce. At Alalakh and at Nippur it was loss of the ter1:Jatum, an additional half-maneh being required at Nippur; cf. D. J. Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets (London, 1953 ) , No. 92, and discussion by I. Mendelsohn, "On Marriage in Alalakh," Essays on Jewish Life and Thought Presented in Honor of Salo Wittmayer Baron (New York, 1959 ) , 3 52, 3 56; M. Schorr, Urkunden des altbabylonischen zivil- und Prozessrechts, No. 1 . At Kiiltepe and Ashur no bridal payment was indicated and the divorce penalty was the large sum of five manehs ( 300 shekels ) and three manehs ( 1 80 shekels ) , respectively; cf. J. Lewy, "On Some Institutions of the Old Assyrian Empire," HUCA 27 ( 1956 ) , 6ff; M. David and E . Ebeling, "Assyrische Rechtsurkunden," ZVRW 44 ( 1929 ) , No. 1 . In the Egyptian marria ge docu­ ments attesting the wife's right of divorce the penalties for the man and wife varied : the husband lost the "bride price" and paid an additional equal amount (L 8, 1 8, etc. ) or a greater one (L 22, 28, etc. ) while the wife, according to one deed, paid only one-half of the "bride gift" (L 8 ) . 81 Cf. M. Schorr, op. cit., No. 1 discussed by A. van Praag, Droit matri­ monial assyro-babylonien (Amsterdam, 1 94 5 ) , 197f, and E. Szlechter, "L'affranchissement en droit sumero-akkadien," AHDO and RIDA, 2nd series, 1 ( 1 95 2 ) , 1 3 7. Code of Hammurabi Pars. 1 42-43 and discussion by G. Dossin, "Un proces en repudiation sous Ie regne de Samsu-iluna ( 1 960-1 923 avo J.-C.) " AHDO 3 ( 1947 ) , 1 45ff and idem, "L'article 1 42/1 43 du Code de Ham­ murabi," RA 42 ( 1 948 ) , 1 1 3ff. A general discussion of "Die Auflosung der Ehe durch die Frau nach altbabylonischem Recht" is provided by D . Norr in A. Giuffre (ed. ) , Studi in onore de Emilio Betti III (Milan, 1961 ) , 507ff. He concludes that the woman's right of divorce in Old-Babylonia was more wide­ spread than one might suspect and that the Code of Hammurabi sought a

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a relatively private affair carried on by groom and proprietor, divorce was a matter of public interest. The party initiating action arose in an "assem­ bly," i.e., in the presence of a body of witnesses, and declared, "I hate [divorce] my wife, Tamut," or "I hate [divorce] my husband, Anani" (K 2 : 7ff) .38 The penultimate clauses in the marriage contract were erased before the document was finally attested and sealed. Most of the erasures can be read with a fair amount of certainty. They reveal the original intent of

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middle ground between absolute freedom and absolute prohibition-the woman might divorce her husband if he was at fault. There is some evidence for the existence of the woman's right of divorce at Nuzi; cf. E. A. Speiser, "New Kirkuk Documents Relating to Family Laws," AASOR 10 ( 192 8-29 ) , NO. 2 . Unfortunately, the relevant Par. 26a-b in the Hittite Laws i s fragmentary; d. the translations of A. Goetze apud J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 1 90, and J. Friedrich, Die hethitischen Gesetze, 23f. The woman's right of divorce is expressly indicated in an Old-Assyrian text from Kiiltepe, a Neo­ Assyrian tablet and two tablets from Alalakh; for references see previous foot­ note. See also the possible reference in a Nimrud tablet ca. 650; B. Parker, "The Nimrud Tablets, 1952-Business Documents," Iraq 16 ( 1954 ) , 30, 37ft. I am grateful to Professor Y. Muffs for this reference. For the Egyptian ma­ terial, see the texts collected by E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., beginning with No. 8, and discussion by P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 64ft. 38 Although the scribe failed to add "in an assembly" in the case of action initiated by Tamut, it is clear from C 1 5 : 22 that the same procedure was fol­ lowed by the woman as by the man. There has been much discussion as to the meaning of bcdh but it stin seems best to take it in the sense given herein rather than as "on account of her" with E. G. KraeIing, op. cit., 147f, or "be­ hind her" with G. R. Driver, PEQ ( 19 5 5 ) , 92. Among those who explain it as above are A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 49; E. Y. Kutscher, JAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 234; R. Yaron, JSS 3 ( 19 5 8 ) , 1 5; H. L. Ginsberg, JNES 17 ( 1959 ) , 148f. If the term does mean an "assembly," there is the further question of the function of this group. Did it serve as a court which investigated the reasons given for divorce or was its function simply to give the act publicity? Taking the former view were S. Funk, "Die Papyri von Assuan als alteste Quelle einer Halacha," JJLG 7 ( 1 909 ) , 378f; idem, "Die Sprache des Scheidebriefes," JJLG 16 ( 1924 ) , 1 27; E . Volterra, Studi . . . Levi della Vida, II, 598; Z . W. Falk, Marriage and Divorce (Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1961 ) , 102. The other view, which seems prefer­ able, is propounded by R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 54f. Basing his views upon Mishnah Sanhedrin 1 : 6, Z. Ben-Haim suggested that cetJiih meant a specific number of persons and that to be fully legal the declaration had to be made in the presence of the requisite number; "Yeb," Encyclopaedia Biblica ( Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1958) III, 42 8. For a general discussion of the term with references cf. A. Verger, "L'amministrazione della giustizia nei papiri aramaici di Elefantina," Rendiconti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe -di Scienze morali Ser VIII, 19 ( 1964 ) , 77f.

ANANIAH B . AZARIAH

211

Meshullam to assure himself possession of half of the couple's mutually acquired property upon the death of either one. The document originally read, "Tomorrow or the next day, should Ananiah die, Meshullam b. Zaccur (?) has power over half of all the goods belonging to Tamut and Anani together. Tomorrow or the next day, should Tamut die, Ananiah, he, he [sic!] has power over half of all the goods belonging to Tamut and Anani together" (K 2 : 10ff ) . In a free-slave marriage it would be natural fo r the master of the slave to claim upon the latter's death a share of prop­ erty jointly acquired during the marriage ( d. CH 176) . The free party, in this case Ananiah, would have received the other half. What is most interesting, however, is that Meshullam apparently claimed half of the joint property even upon Ananiah's death-no doubt in return for the support which he would then have had to provide for his handmaiden.39 Whether he had second thoughts or was dissuaded by others, Meshullam gave up this latter claim. After all, if Ananiah predeceased Tamut, Pilti doubtless would have reverted to Meshullam, as he would in case of di­ vorce, and thereby would have restored the status quo. To equalize the position of the spouses, the other clause was also changed-if Tamut died, Ananiah did not have to share the joint property with Meshullam. If the wife was to receive full share, could the husband receive l ess ? 40 The term usually employed to designate the husband's acquisition of his wife's property upon her death was "inherit" (K 7 : 3 5; C 1 5 : 21 ) . In this case, however, the term used for both Ananiah and Tamut was "have power." This may have indicated that upon Ananiah's death, the inherited "joint property" reverted to Meshullam or his heirs as it would after

89 These erasures are discussed by R. Yaron, "Notes on Aramaic Papyri II," TNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 1 29, and J. Hoftijzer and P. W. Pestman. "Hereditary Rights as Laid Down in the Marriage Contract Krael 2," BO 19 ( 1962 ) , 2 1 6ff; R. Yaron, "Minutiae Aramaicae." The name "Meshullam b. Zaccur" most likely stood in the original. Traces of a lamed are visible above the last letter of the newly-written Tamut. The downstroke of the kaph is evident following hy. On the other hand, Yaron seems to be right in assuming that the other half of the joint property in the event of Tamut's predecease went to Meshullam and not the couple's children, as Pestman and Hoftijzer imagine. Correspondingly, Tamut would receive the other half in the event of Ananiah's death. This as­ sumption accords with Code of Hammurabi Par. 1 76 as cited by Yaron and gives a simpler explanation of the change than the various suggestions, all un­ likely, proposed by Pestman and Hoftijzer. 40 For equal distribution of commonly acquired property in case of divorce between a freeman and slave-girl, where she apparently retained slave status through the marriage, cf. Hittite Laws, Par. 31, as translated by J. Friedrich, op. cit., 27.

212

A NA N IAH B . AZARIAH

Tamut's death should she survive Ananiah.41 No mention was made o f the individual property of either spouse and its devolution in case of death. Presumably it followed the regular rules of succession, devolving upon the children (d. K 4: 16ff) . Tamut's marriage contract was a remarkable document for the balance it created between all parties concerned. Tamut the slave-girl had full rights as a wife; Ananiah, who begot a child of a slave-girl, had full rights as a father; Meshullam married off his handmaiden but retained full rights as a master. It was suggested above that Tarnut's marriage contract was not drawn up at the time of her marriage. Another possibility suggests itself. As a slave-girl, Tamut may not have been the wife of Ananiah but his con­ cubine presented to him by Meshullam on some mutually agreed basis. Neo-Babylonian documents also evidenced the "leasing" of female slaves to individuals outside the household.42 Once a child was born the agree" rnent had to be redrawn; Anani might have the child if he would take the mother to wife. In 41 6, several years after Meshullam's death, his son Zaccur was also faced with the problem of the status of a slave-boy in his possession, Jedaniah son of the woman Tebo. Zaccur transferred him to Uriah b. Mahseiah under some unknown arrangement-the document effecting the transfer ( d. K 8 :4) is lost. Uriah promised to consider him as his son and drew up a document to that effect (K 8) imposing a penalty of thirty karsh upon anyone who would attempt to reenslave the lad. The father of the boy is unknown but, in light of the arrangements worked out with Meshullam by Ananiah for Pilti, it is possible that Uriah was the father.43 In any event, this kind of problem continued into the Ptolemaic period. Greek soldiers took native Egyptian women as concubines and their status and no doubt that of their children-whether slave or free-was often questionable. In 261/60 Ptolemy II issued a decree declaring such women free and not liable to be pledged for debts as were slaves.44 At Elephantine 41 S. Creengus, The Aramaic Marriage Contracts in the Light of the Ancient Near East and the Later Jewish Materials (Typescript Master's Essay, Univer·· sity of Chicago, 1959 ) , 68. 42 1. Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, 54f. 43 E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 224, suggested that Zaccur was the father� For various treatments of K 8, see Z. W. Falk, TTS 5 ( 19 54 ) , 1 1 6f; idem, J5S 3 ( 19 58 ) , 1 27f; J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 29, n. 14, 33ff; R. Yaron, Law 19f the Aramaic Papyri, 40f; J. Korner, op. cit., 94ff; A. Verger, "Intorno a P. Brooklyn 8," Rendiconti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze morali Ser VIII, 1 9 ( 1 964) , 294ff. 44 W. L. Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity ( Philadelphia, 1 9 5 5 ) , 52.

ANANIAH B . AZ ARIAH

21 3

there was no doubt as to the status of Tamut and Tel)o, but this did not hold for their children whose situation had to be legally specified. The documents which entered the archive of this family during the next three decades clarify many points left uncertain in the marriage contract of 449. First, as already indicated, Tamut was not emancipated upon her marriage (K 5 ) . Secondly, it is made clear that Tamut, though hand­ maiden to Meshullam, had the right to hold a piece of property in her own name (K 4) . Moreover, a negative definition of joint property is given : all property acquired during marriage was not automatically held in com­ mon.45 On September 14, 437 Ananiah acquired a fairly sizable piece of � property for fourteen shekels of his own money ( K 3 ) and ceded part of it to Tamut on October 30, 434 (K 4) . Until that time the whole prop­ erty belonged solely to Ananiah. Thirdly, the marriage contract of 449 did not provide for the emancipation of future children born to the couple; a daughter, Jehoishma, became the handmaiden of Meshullam as was her mother. As will be seen, both were emancipated on June 1 2, 427, but had to continue to support Meshullam and, after his death, his son Zaccur (K 5 ) . Fourthly, both father and proprietor had a responsibility to Jehoishma; her father gave her part of his house prior to her marriage ( K 6 ) and Zaocur presented her with a handsome dowry worth 78Y2 shekels (K 7 : 1 5f, 4of ) . Zaccur apparently had final legal say regarding the disposition of his adop­ tive sister since it was to him that the groom Ananiah b. Haggai presented the mohar (K 7 : 1ff ) .

Purchase at

a

House

When Jeremiah acquired the field of his cousin Hanamel for seventeen shekels, he may have drawn up the document himself. It was a deed of pur­ chase-a double document-half of which was tied up and sealed. The other half, containing the signatures of the witnesses and a duplicate copy, was left unsealed for easy reference. The whole was stored in a jar for safe­ keeping and preservation (Jer. 32: 1ff) .46 At Elephantine, however, the seller had the document drawn up. The language used in the deed of sale (K 3 : 2 5, 1 2 : 3 1 ) reflected this difference. The house had originally been in the possession of the Caspian Apuli/ Yanbuli b. Misdai (K 3 :4, 12:4) and was now being sold by the Caspian 45 Contra J . J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 63. 46 For discussion of this passage, see L. Blau, Festschrift zu Hermann Cohen, 221£; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 50f; J . J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 1 5 5; J . Bright, Jeremiah (The Anchor Bible; Garden City, 1965 ) , 23 5ff.

2 14

j

."

., .' ,.

,I I

ANANIAH B . AZARIAH

couple Bagazusht and Ubil. "We have sold and given to you the house of Apuli . . . . We have sold it to you and you have given to us its price, 14 silver shekels royal weight, silver 2 r to the karsh, and our heart is satisfied with the price which you gave to us . . . . I, Bagazusht and Ubil, both of us, have sold and given (it) to you and have withdrawn from it from this day and forever" (K 3 : 3-1 1 ) .47 ( See Figure 6. ) The deed was written by a Jew, Haggai b. Shemaiah, and witnessed by two Caspians and two Persians, some of whom signed their own names while the names of others were written by the scribe, on the bottom of the text (K 3 : 22ff) . Apparently, it was important that members of the same community or ethnos as the vendors attest the sale. The document con­ tained twenty-four lines in all. The scribe forgot to include his own name and was forced to write it in between lines 22 and 23. The document was rolled up from bottom to top, folded in from either side so that one side overlapped the other completely, then tied and sealed. The seal impres­ sion was lost but judging from those preserved on other documents it was either Egyptian or Persian.48 To the right of the seal the scribe wrote "docu­ ment" and to the left, " ( concerning that) which Bagazusht and Ubil sold to Ananiah, l"1:ren of YH (W? ) in Elephantine." Thus, the document was easily identified on the outside. The other documents were drawn up and sealed in a similar fashion. The house was a comparatively large one. It lay adjacent to the royal treasury and stood across the street from the Temple of YHW. It was ac­ quired relatively cheaply since the roof had fallen in and the courtyard (or entryway) was barren ( K 3 :4ff ) . To be made habitable, the building needed repairs. Since money had to be invested in the house, Ananiah wanted to be certain that his title to the property was relatively secure and that he would receive adequate compensation should he be forced to surrender his title. There were at least four ways by which the vendor guaranteed the buyer's right to his newly acquired property: 1 . Transfer of title. If the seller had written title to the property, such as a deed of sale ( d. C 13 :6f; K l 2 : 31 f ) or several such deeds from previous owners, he transferred them to the buyer. Bagazusht and Ubil did not transfer any other deed to Ananiah. 47 For discussion of these clauses and their import cf. R. Yaron, Biblica 41 ( 1960 ) , 2 50f, 2 54ff; idem, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 79ff; Y. Muffs, op. cit., 33f. 48 See the discussion by J. D. Cooney in E . C. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 2 3ff. None of the extant seal impressions indicates an independent Jewish craft at Elephan­ tine such as is evident in the many pre-exilic Hebrew seals.

3;­

"'��

S'l:>

�'v4,; ",4,;�

�� �4;

o

Figure 6. House, with its neighbors, which Bagazusht son of Bazu and his wife Ubil daughter of Satibar sold to Ananiah in 437 (K 3 ) .

216

'"

ANANIAH B . AZARIAH

2 . Non-recovery clause. Bagazusht and Ubil promised in their name and in the name of their children not to institute a suit of recovery against Ananiah or against anyone to whom he might cede the property. In case such a suit were instituted, the claimant would have to pay Ananiah twenty karsh while the property remained Ananiah's (K 3 : 1 2ff) . Other Aramaic (and Egyptian) deeds of conveyance listed additional people who were prohibited by penalty from instituting such suits. They included brother or sister of the alienor; father or mother; partner (hngyt = *ham-gaiBa-) , companion ( hnbg=*ham-baga- ) , or guarantor (,drng < *adranga-) ; any person of the alienor, or an outsider-whether he be soldier or civilian, nearby or far away.49 In every case the penalties were most exorbitant and apparently intended to frighten away any potential claimants. The documents even added that despite suit, the claimant shall not have attained the property. Now, while such clauses may have had legal effect if the claimant came in the name of the alienor ( d. C 6: 14; 8: 1 5f) , it is doubtful if they could have bound a third party, such as a creditor. Accordingly, another kind of guarantee would have been desirable. 3. Defension clause. Bagazusht and Ubil agreed to defend the property within thirty days of any suit brought by an outsider. Should they fail in their efforts, they would be obligated to provide Ananiah with an equiva­ lent house. Provision was made for monetary compensation, including the value of improvements, in case the successful claimant had been a child of Apuli (K 3 : 19ff) . The child might insist that Apuli had had no right to alienate his inheritance.5o It is not clear, however, why an easier recom-


, "son of the house" (K 10: 1 9; also 1 1 : 14; 1 2 : 34) . The same title was borne by the satrap Ar­ sames ( D 2 : 1 *, 3 : 1 *, 5 : 1 * ) and the Persian dignitary Warohi (D 10 : 1 ) . The term "house" in their titles apparently meant "royal house." 88 Per­ haps Nahum was some official 89 whose function eludes us. ( See Plate 14a and-Figure 9 . ) 86

For another interpretation see pp. 284f and 294f. 87 For this clause cf. Bab. Bathra 1 53a and J. N. Epstein, "Notizen zu den jtidisch-aramaischen Papyri von Assuan," JTLG 6 ( 1909 ) , 364f; R.' Yaron, Biblica 41 ( 1960 ) , 2 5 5. 88 C. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 40. E. Benveniste, Titres et noms propres en Iranien ancien, 23ft 89 E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 2 5 5f, citing Koh . 2 : 7, thought of a house-born slave "who was adopted by his master," Professor A. L. Oppenheim of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, thought it doubtful that a slave would witness a document (oral communication) . The mar-hiti in the contemporary Murashu tablets was an important personage; cf. C. Cardascia, Les archives des MuraSfi. ( Paris, 19 5 1 ) , 1 1ft.

(

ANANIAH B . AZARIAH

231

Sale of Property to Son-in-Law The house, now fully given to Jehoishma, came under the administration of her husband Ananiah b. Haggai. Because of a scribal error in a document drawn up nine months later by Haggai b. Shemaiah, the husband's rela­ tionship to the house at first appears confusing. Ananiah and his wife Ta­ mut, written "Tapmut" in the document and described as "l'"/:leniih of YHW the God who dwells in Elephantine the fortress" (K 1 2 : 2 ) , sold their share of the house to their son-in-law for thirteen shekels. Haggai proceeded � to indicate the contiguous boundaries-"East of it is the house which I gave to you ps 3rt on [ = over and above] the marriage contract of Jehoishma" ( K 1 2 : 9 ) .90 Whether the parties were looking over Haggai's shoulder or whether he himself realized the imprecision, he partially erased the words "on the marriage contract of Jehoishma" which came at the beginning of the next line and began the document afresh. The corrected passage read "East of it is your house-you, Anani b. Haggai-which we gave to Je­ hoishma our daughter ps srt on her marriage contract" ( K 1 2 : 17f) . The house came under Anani's jurisdiction through the right of usufruct ( d. C 9 ) , but it, was given to Jehoishma and ownership rested with her ( d. C 8 ) . ( See Figure 10. ) This seems to have been the main reason for starting over again but Haggai made some other changes and additions as well. Tamut was given a different description-prypt of Meshullam b. Zaccur ( K 1 2 : 1 1 ) , who was apparently no longer alive. Later on in the document she was described as having been gw, of Meshullam (K 1 2 : 24) . Both terms are still obscure. A brief description of the property tranSferred was also included-"lower story, built, contains beams, windows and two doors; built is the lower story, i.e., my large side" (K 1 2 : 12f) . Anani b. Haggai was granted the right of alienation and was protected against attempts at recovery by a fine of twenty karsh imposed on any claim­ ant ( K 1 2 :22ff) . The deed of sale written out by the former owner of the property, Bagazusht, was handed to Ananiah. Again there was an imprecise notation as it is said, "which he sold to us and we gave him its price in silver" (K 12 :32 ) . Actually, Ananiah b. Azariah bought the house alone and paid for it himself. He subsequently gave part of it to Tamut. It is interest­ ing that in the document accompanying the gift he stipulated, as will be recalled, that when either party died, his/her share was to pass to their 90 C f. H. L. Ginsberg, TAOS 74 ( 1954 ) , 162; he failed to note, however, that Tamut was described as "daughter of Pethu" in line 3 3 . R. Yaron. "Minutiae Aramaicae."

232

ANAN IAH B . AZARIAH

I I

I

�I II I ,

Figure 10. Dimensions and neighbors of the large side of the house which ­ Ananiah and Tamut sold to their son-in-law Anani in 402 (K 1 2 ) .

(

ANANIAH B . AZARIAH

233

children Pilti and Jehoishma ( K 4 : 1 7ff) . Apparently this did not exclude the possibility of both parties in conjunction selling part of the property to Jehoishma's husband prior to their death. Jehoishma had already been given ownership of part of the property and would no doubt have enjoyed access to the rest. It is noteworthy that the scribe Haggai did not sever the partially writ­ ten document from the newly written one. The break came just at the point where one papyrus sheet was joined to the bottom of another, which would have been a natural spot to sever the rejected text. Perhaps it was con­ sidered best to preserve the rejected portion once it had been written. � Moreover, it contained two clauses which Haggai saw no need to repeat­ mention of the property's owner prior to Bagazusht, namely Yanbuli b. Misdai (K 12:4) , and the notation that none of the purchase price was outstanding ( K 1 2 : 6) .91 The need to pay out thirteen shekels apparently put Ananiah b. Haggai in straitened circumstances. Right after Thoth 12 when he bought the house he had to cross over to Syene to borrow six seah of emmer from an Aramean who belonged to the same degel as he, that of Nabukudurri. The creditor bore the Egyptian name Pakhnum b. Beso (K 1 1 ) . It is of interest that the scriqe of the document was Aramean and the four witnesses Jews ( K 1 1 :1 2ff) ,I>2 The contract called for repayment of twelve seah of emmer upon receipt of royal rations, probably at the beginning of the next month, or for repayment of one karsh within twenty days, which was, in effect, the conversion of a loan of grain to one of money. Failure to pay meant seizure as pledge of any property held "in Elephantine or in Syene or in the prov­ ince" ( K 1 1 : 1 1 ) . The aged couple-Ananiah must have been in his mid-sixties 93_no 91 R. Yaron, "Notes on Aramaic Papyri," RIDA, 3rd series, 5 ( 1 958 ) , 309f. 92 The date of this document gives only the Egyptian month and the regnal year. This is in accordance with the pattern regularly found in Egyptian demotic documents between 548 and 481; cf. P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 1 68, n. 2. Since the Egyptian calendar was solar, it would be strange if the term "month (literally 'moon' ) of Thoth" meant "new moon of Thoth, i.e., "the first of the month" as suggested by E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 260; cf. R. Yaron, ,S5 2 ( 1 957 ) , 3 5 . K 1 2 was written on Thoth 12 and also lacked a Babylonian date. If we assume that K 1 1 was written subsequently, the question which perplexed Kraeling-why did a man who eleven days later bought a house have to borrow six seah of grain?-would be answered. The purchase of the house temporarily depleted Ananial)'s resources and required a loan. 9 8 He was pa.rty to a contract in 451 (K 1 ) and was already a father in 449 (K 2 ) .

2 34

ANANIAH B . AZARIAH

doubt continued to live in the apartments which they sold to their son-in­ law. It would be interesting to know what considerations on either side led to the transfer of the house. Would not Jehoishma have inherited it anyway? Or would it have gone to Pilti? Was he still alive? Why did Ana­ niah b. Azariah and Tamut need the thirteen shekels? In any case, the couple were relieved of the responsibility of maintaining the dwelling, no doubt were cared for, a,nd in addition, had a small amount of money. One might assume that they spent their last days relatively free of concern.

Family Archive The archive ended with a loan contract of the son-in-law Ananiah b. Hag­ gai, indicating that he paid the loan as due and thus received the contract in return. The present state of the archive suggests that both Ananiah and Tamut had passed away and that their documents were transferred to their daughter and son-in-law, the latter adding two of his own ( K 11, 12 ) . Six of the documents (K 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 12) concerned the house which Ana­ niah b. Haggai had recently acquired. As stated, the more documents one possessed indicating title to property the more secure was one's ownership of it. Two documents defined Jehoishma's personal status (K 5, 7) . Ta­ mut's marriage contract (K 2) had little more than sentimental value since the dowry which usually went to the children was most meager. Whether the settlement regarding the hir/dJ.> (K 2) granted Jehoishma any property rights is unknown since the meaning of the word is obscure. One document, at least, appears to be missing: that granting Jehoishma property from her husband (K 1 5 ) . The material discovered by C. E. Wilbour contained many additional fragments (K 16, 17) though it is not certain whether these formed part of the Ananiah family archive. One document (K 8 ) , wholly intact, apparently did not. Though made out by Uriah b.' Mahseiah to Zaccur b. Meshullam, the adoptive brother of Jehoishma, it is hard to see how it came into her possession. Uriah promised to consider a certain Jedaniah, former slave of Zaccur and transferred to Uriah, as his son. To be sure, if Zaccur had no other heirs, this document might have gone to his ­ adoptive sister but the possibility is unlikely. It must have come from an­ other family archive.

(

VII M I BTA H I A H D A U G H T E R O F M A H S E IA H : P RO M I N E N T P RO P E RT Y H O L D E R T H RICE M ARRI E D

Papponymy Although the Elephantine Jews adopted the Aramaic language, they con­ tinued to give their children Hebrew names.1 This practice was reinforced by the custom of naming a child after his grandfather; for example, Ta­ mut's master, Meshullam b. Zaccur, named his own son Zaccur (K 5 : 2 ) . There were many similar instances. 2 I t seems that the practice was not 1 From the publication of one of the first Elephantine papyri discovered (C 1 1 ) G. B. Gray, "Notes on the Names in the Papyrus," PSBA 2 5 ( 1 903 ) , 263, concluded that "these Aramaic-speaking Jews of Egypt were for the most part content to draw on a stock of traditional names brought by their ancestors from Palestine, instead of creating new ones. . . ." The publication of the Sayee-Cowley and Sachau papyri bore him out completely as noted by G. Holscher, "Zur jiidischen Namenkunde," BZAW 41 ( 1 925 ) , 148, and M. Noth, "Gemeinsemitische Erscheinungen in der israe1itischen Namenge­ bung," ZDMG 81 ( 1 927 ) , 2 3 . Even such pre-exiIically unattested names as Abiosher (C 2 2 : 104 ) , Jehour (C 1 : 2, 28: 16; K 9 : 24, 1 0 : 1 8, 1 2 : 34 ) , Jehotal (C 2 2 : 57, 103, 2 3 : 4 ) , and Jehodad ( C 1 1 : 1 3 ) are similar in form and structure to other pre-exilic names so that there is no reason to view them as having been formed at Elephantine. Cf. N. J. Cohen, Lesonenu 3 1 ( 1966-67 ) , 203. 2 There are 22 such instances : ( 1 ) Ahio b. Pelatiah b. Ahio (C 5 : 1 5, 1 0 : 22 ) ; ( 2 ) Hosea b. Zaccur b. Oshaiah ( C 20 : 1 8, 22 :98. That one and the same Hosea might have his name written in at least three different ways may be seen in th e case of Hoshaiah b. Jathom [K 4: 24, 9 : 2 3], whose name is also written Hosea [C 3 3 :4] and Osea [C 1 2 : 3] ) ; ( 3 ) Hosea b. Barman b. Osea ( C 1 2 : 2, 2 2 :4 ) ; (4) Hazzul b. Haggai b. Hazzul (C 2 2 : 30 ) ; ( 5 ) Zephaniah b . Zaccur b.

2 36

,

11 :11

II,

M IBTAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSE IAH

limited to naming the child only after a deceased ancestor. A grandfather moving into his middle, or a great-grandfather moving into his late, years would have experienced a sense of rejuvenation (d. Ru. 4: 1 5ft) in seeing a new-born babe carry his name. Papponymy was,not limited to the Jews but was current among the Egyptians,S the Phoenicians/ the Babylonians,5 and the Persians. 6 There is Zephaniah (C 8 : 3 2, 22: '3. In C 22:3 I would restore the name of the father as [Zephania]h rather than [Hodavia]h which in the Aramaic seems to have a letter or so too many for the allotted space. This would make this fellow the son of the witness Zaccur b. Zephaniah ) ; ( 6 ) Haggai b. Shemaiah b. Haggai (C 3 3 :3; K 7:43 ) ; (7) Jedaniah b. Mahseiah b. Jedaniah ( C 5 : 2, 2 5 : 1 8) ; (8) Jezaniah b. Penuliah b. Jezaniah (C 1 5 : 38, 2 5 : 1 9 ) ; (9) Mahseh b. Uri b. Mahseh (C 2 3 : 14, 22:65 ); ( 1 0) Nattun b. Haggai b. Nattun (C 1 2 : 1 , 22:63 ) ; ( 1 1 ) Nattun b. Pe1aliah b . Nattun ( C 22 : 1 1 1 ) ; ( 1 2 ) Anani b . Nathan b. Anani ( C 8 : 32, 22: 1 2 ) ; ( 1 3 ) Shallum b. Menahem b. Shall urn (C 2 5 : 1 8, 2 2 : 20 ) ; ( 14) Uri b. Meshullach b. Uri ( C 22: 68, 73 ) ; ( 1 5 ) Hoshaiah h. Nathan b. Hoshaiah b. Zephaniah (C 22 :7. I read the great-grandfather's name as Zephaniah with Sachau rather than Hananiah with Cowley and equate the father Nathan b. Hoshaiah with Nathan b. Hosea of C 29 : 1 ) ; ( 16) Zaccur b. Meshullam b. Zaccur b. Etir (C 1 3 :3; K 5 : 2, 1 2 ) ; ( 1 7) Mahseiah b. Jedaniah b. Mahseiah b. Jedaniah (C 5 : 2, 2 5 : 18) ; ( 1 8 ) Nathan b. Mauzi b. Nathan b. Anani ( C 1 3 : 1 7, 1 8 : 3, 20 : 1 6; K 1 0 : 1 9 ) ; ( 1 9 and 20) Nathan b. Anani b. Nathan b. Anani (C 8: 32, 22: 1 2 . The case of two brothers each giving their children the same name as their father is paralleled in Mibtahiah and Jedaniah each naming their children Mahseiah [C 8 : 3 1 , 2 5 : 3, 1 8] ) ; ( 2 1 ) ( cf. NO. 5) Zaccur b. Zephaniah b. Zaccur b. Zephaniah (C 8 : 3 2, 22 : 3 ) ; (22) Mahseiah b. Mibtahiah daughter of Mahseiah b. Jedaniah (C 2 5 : 3 ) . For a deemphasis of the significance of papponymy, cf. M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 14f. S Cf. M. Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen im Rahmen der gemeinse­ mitischen Namengebung (Stuttgart, 1928 ) , 59, on the authority of Ranke. Hardly a collection of texts from the Saitic-Persian period can be studied without coming upon several examples . Without any attempt at thoroughness we may not� from Griffith III: Rwrw daug�ter of T 3-snt-n-I:Jr d. Rwrn; (pp. 27f) ; P3_ dy-Ist son of Ns-sm3-t3 'Y)' s. P 3-dy-lst s. Ns-sm3-t 3wy s. P3-dy-lst s. Yrt 'w-r ' w and Yrt ' w-r ' w s. P3-dy-Ist s. Yrt ' w-r ' w ( p . 43 ) ; I:Jr s. Psm!k-mn-m-P s . I:Jr (p. 65, n. 1 ) ; cf. the lists of witnesses in P. Rylands 1-3, 5f, for such combinations as N son of M and M son of N which most likely contain three generations of one family however they are to be combined. � 9: N 3 -Tl1nh-p 3-R c s. cn� · f-Bnsw s. N�-mnl],-p -Rc s. t crb clyky >tyh ltpmt) " ( BK 1 :3ff) .14 Tapmut would probably reimburse him out of her salary. Makkibanit wrote to his father Psami in a similar vein, "Do not be concerned about J:Iarudj. I shall not leave him alone to the extent that I am able ( to provide for him) . And now, I am providing (cbd ) for him" (BK 3 :4) . The statements of Makkibanit in his letter to Reia find a remarkable par­ allel in the story of Al).iqar and indicate the practical effects of that didactic work. Al).iqar was about to be executed at the king's behest by Nabusum­ iskun and he pleaded for his life, saying to Nabusumiskun "[Am] I [not] the same Al).iqar who once saved you from an undeserved death? [When Sennacherib] , the father of this king Esarhaddon, sought to [kill you, th]en I brought you to my house. There I supported you as a man ( deals ) with his brother ( tmh hwyt msbl lk k>ys cm >�why) " (Al).. 46ff) . Al).iqar hid Nabusumiskun in his house and later brought it about that Sennacherib forgave him. The king, in turn, was pleased with Al).iqar for having kept him alive. Al).iqar continued, "Now, as for me, just as I have done for you, so, indeed, do for me (mt lqblzy mh cbdt lk kn >pw cbd ly ) . Do not kill me. Take me to your house until other times" (Al).. 51 £) . Nabusumiskun heeded Al).iqar's plea and spared his life. As Al).iqar had treated Nabusumis­ kun-like a brother-so would Makkibanit treat J:Iarudj. As Al).iqar asked that his action be reciprocated by Nabusumiskun, so Makkibanit prayed that his good deed be rewarded by the goddess Banit. The term "brother" referred not only to an immediate kinsman, but to a member of one's national group as distinct from the foreigner. The Israelite, for example, expected certain humanitarian considerations from

means "to be fun of wrath against someone"; cf. Ezek. 1 6 : 30 (where read, ­ "How I am filled with wrath against you" ) ; C 37 : 1 1, 41 :4; Padua I :X + 3 (E. Bresciani, RSO 3 5 [1960] , 2 1 ) . 13 E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, op. cit., interpreted mlw as imperative from the root mll. But this word, too, comes from root ml)/y and here represents 'a hitherto unattested use as part of a conjunction; cf. the comparable phrase in Al::J . 52 discussed below and Akkadian mala. 14 E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, op. cit., translated this phrase, "if there is a pledge near you." The regular word for pledge in these Aramaic texts, however, is crbn ( C 10 :9, 1 3 , 17, 42 : 5; K 1 1 :10 [reading bcrbny] ) .

P RIVATE LETTERS

271

his brother, even though the latter may have been a complete stranger to him (Deut. 22 : Iff ) . Particularly in time of need was such help to be forth­ coming. Interest-free loans, remission of debts in the sabbatical year, en­ dowment of the freed slave and the right of redemption were examples of such assistance ( Deut. 1 5, 23 : 1 9ff; Lev. 2 5 ) . Divine threat and promise were invoked to stimulate extension of this aid. "No one should wrong his brother . . . but fear your God; for I the Lord am your God" ( Lev. 2 5 : 14, 17; cf vv. 35ff, 39ff) . The people complained to Nehemiah against the fi­ nancial burden they were suffering at the hands of their Judahite "broth­ ers." "And now, our flesh is as the flesh of our brothers." Nehemiah re­ buked the nobles, "You are exacting interest, each from his brother. . . . Ought you not to walk in the fear of our God . . ?" ( Neh. 5 : 1ff) . The statement most reminiscent of the one in Makkibanit's letter is "Give to him readily and have no regrets when you do so, for in return the Lord your God ""ill bless you in all your deeds (mcSk) and in all your undertakings" (Deut. 1 5 : 10; cf. 23 :20) . A]:Iiqar had supported (hwyt msbl ) Nabusumiskun and Tapmut and A]:Iatsin were supporting (msbln) I:Iarudj. A]:Iiqar's support was "as a man with his brother." As seen, the document of manumission which MeshuI­ lam b. Zaccur drew up for Tapmut and Jehoishma required that they con­ tinue to serve him "as a son or daughter supports (ysbl ) his/her father" (K 5 : 11 ) . In one of the deeds of gift for J ehoishma, Ananiah b. Azariah motivated his donation by saying "because she did support me (sbltny ) when I was old of days, unable to work with my hands, and she supported me" (K 9 : 17) . Deutero-Isaiah reminded Israel that "even to your old age I am He, and to your hoary age, I will support ()sbZ ) " ( Is. 46: 3 ) . The sup­ port of Tapmut and A]:Iatsin may have been due to I:Iarudj's old age, his incapacity, or to some temporary inability to support himself, as was the case with Nabusumiskun. A deed of withdrawal made out by Miptahiah d. Gemariah for her sister Isweri (C 43 ) is also instructive here. With the exception of the first few lines, the right hand side of the papyrus is torn away. Owing to the sche­ matic nature of the legal phrases, however, the text has been restored with a fair degree of certainty. Miptahiah said to her sister: .

I . have given to . you 6-six-shekels of silver, according to the stones of the kin'g, silver, 2 zuz to one karsh.15 I, Miptahiah, have given it to you as a gift in consideration of the support ( lqbl sbwl ) 15 The reading zuz was rejected by Ed. Sachau, Aramaische Papyrus und Ostraka, 1 23, as "unlikely"; but in light of BK 2 : 6 is probably to be maintained. Cf. the interpretation of R. Yaron, "Minutiae Aramaicae."

P R IVATE LETTERS

2 72

[which you have given me . . . ] . . . . [Also there is provision fro m the royal house ('p ,yty ptp, ly mn byt mlk' ) for me, me, Mip-] tahiah which was in your hand. You have given it to me . . . . [ . . . I have withdrawn from you from] this [mon]ey and from the provision which was ( made) to me from the royal house. Whosoever shall seek to reclaim the six shekels or further demand the pro­ vision shall be fined two karsh. For some reason, unable to support herself, Miptahiah had her sister collect her government provision for her and sup­ port her. Similarly, I:Iarudj, unable to support himself and collect his gov­ ernment salary, was supported by Tapmut and A"batsin who apparently re­ ceived the salary on his behalf. This salary was in some way to be forwarded to Ijarudj's family in Syene. Receiving a government salary, the men of the Hermopolis letters were most likely not merchants or artisans but Armean soldiers stationed in the Syene garrison. They would travel away from home with or without their wives, on caravan duty or some other assignment.

Osea and Hosea Private letters of the Elephantine Jews were similar in content to the Her­ mopolis letters and support the assumption that the latter belong to a mili­ tary family. There are two groups of letters, three in one ( Padua 1-3 ) 16 and four in the other (C 39-42 ) . Most are fragmentary, so that it is not possible to reconstruct a family genealogy for either group. Like the Her­ mopolis letters, they were written on both sides, beginning on the verso and ending on the recto, which also contained the address.17 Wherever ascertainable, the width of the papyrus was about 30 cm. In the first group, two letters were addressed to Jehoishma, one by her son Shallum b. Peteam[un] (Padua 2 ) . The other addressed Jehoishma as "my sister" and referred to the Temple ('gwr,) (Padua 3 ) . Both letters were written in a vulgar script, though apparently at different times. The third letter (Padua 1 ) , written in a semi-conservative script, began, " [Greet­ ings to the Tem]ple of YHW at Elephantine. To my son Shelomam [fr]om your brother Osea. [I send you ( greetings ) ] of peace and strength [abundantly]." The outside address read, "To my brother Sheloma m b. [O)sea, your brother Osea b. Pete[amun) ." If Osea's patronymic has been 16

TIle letters held by the Civic Museum of Padua were published by E. Bres­ ciani, RSO 3 5 ( 1 960 ) , 1 1££. The palaeographical observations are based upon J. Naveh, Development of the Aramaic Script, 5 2 . 17 Cf. Ed. Sachau, op. cit., Pis. 1 3, 14, 1 6.

\

P RIVATE LETTERS

2 73

correctly restored he might be a relative, less likely (on palaeographic grounds ) a brother, of Shallum. One could address a father as "brother" much as one could address his mother as "sister" (BK 6 : 1, 1 1 ) . In the second group, one letter was written in a semi-extreme cursive script and sent by Hoshaiah b. Nathan to Pilti b. Jaush (C 40 ) . Both appeared to­ gether as witnesses to a document drawn up in 404 (K 9:24) . Two letters were written in a vulgar-extreme and extreme cursive script, respectively, and sent by Hosea (C 39, 42 ) , probably to be identified with Hoshaiah, while the addressor of the fourth letter (C 41 ) is missing. It was written in a semi-conservative cursive hand. One of the two letters of Hosea was addressed "to my lady Shelewah, your servant Hosea" (C 39 : 1 ) . The other was sent to [Am] os b. Hag [gai] (C 42 : 1 , 1 5 ) . Like the Hermopolis letters, both sets of Elephantine letters referred to requests for garments (C 42 :8ff; Padua I : X + 2ff ) and both dealt with houses. Unfortunately, in each instance the text is fragmentary and the meaning uncertain. The letter of Osea to Shelomam may have referred to a house being taken in pledge ( Padua 1 : 6f ) . 18 The sense of Hosea's letter to [Am]os (C 42 ) seems to be that he and Sel:lO (?; cf. C 40: 2 ) had paid ten karsh to Paisan and apparently needed a further sum of five karsh. If [Am]os could not borrow the money for him at interest, drawing up an LO.U. and 'giving a pledge, then he should sell the house of Zaccur and the house of )sn [ . . . ] . If they would not sell their houses (or, if no one would buy them ) , he should find someone who would buy the big house of Hodo and sell it to him at market value. Whether he found the money or not, he should come to Memphis as soon as the letter reached him. "Do not stand! Come down to Memphis immediately" (C 42 :7; cf. Gen. 45 :9 ) ·19 Like the Hermopolis letters, the ones to Elephantine expressed concern for people's welfare. As seen, they invoked a divine blessing on the ad­ dressee (C 39: 1, 4° : 1 , 41 : 1 , 42: 1 ; Padua 1 : lff) . Hosea's letter to Shelewah was but five lines long and was taken up almost completely with greetings. It sent greetings to "my lord" Menahem, "my lady" Abihi and her son and daughter, Takhnum, Jehoishma, Meshullemeth, Hazzul, Kilkeliah, and others. The first half of the last line is missing but the end stated, "Jaush said to me. . . . " This Jaush may have been the father of Pilti b. Jaush ad­ dressed in another letter by Hosea (C 40 ) . In that letter, greetings were sent to Shewa and his children, Ab[ihi ( ? ) ], and others. Hosea acknowl­ edged a certain effort that Pilti had put forth and said that he and Sel:to 18 Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, JNES 21 ( 1 962 ) , 20. 19 The interpretation of this letter differs somewhat from that of Cowley. I owe the Genesis reference to Professor Jonas Greenfield.

2 74

P RIVATE LETTERS

b. Pel:;a had spoken to Paisan. A letter had been sent about the matter to $el:;o (? ) . Hosea urged Pilti to look after the children and made reference to Mauziah. On another occasion $el:;o was at Elephantine and his cor­ respondent wrote (C 41 ) that he rejoiced whenever he received a letter with greetings from $ebo. Moreover, whenever anyone was going to Ele­ phantine he would send greetings to $el)o. He was now oomplaining that he , had not been told something and so became full of anger at him ( m1) 1btk) before Dalah. Moreover, since he had left Syene, he had not re­ ceived a single letter from $el)o informing him of $el)o's welfare. He had asked him to look after the lads and my house "as you would do for your house." The conclusion of the letter, unfortunately fragmentary (C 41 : 7 ) , may be reconstructed along the lines o f Makkibanit's letter to Reia, "In­ form me of every matter ( tem) which happens in my house" (BK 1 : 1 2 ) . Comparison of this letter of Makkibanit with Osea's letter to Shelomam reveals the military occupation of the correspondents in the Hermopolis letters. Makkibanit wrote to Reia, "Behold, salary has been given to them here (h1w yhb 1hn prs tnh ) and it will be taken before them in Syene" (BK 1 : 8f ) . Osea wrote, "Since you left (Lower) Egypt, salary has not been [given to us here] (prs 1) y[hyb 1n tnh] ) . . ." 20 (Padua 1 : 3 ) . It is most probable that the salary given to Tapmut and Al)atsin was a monetary al­ lowance from the royal treasury (d. C 1 1 :6) and not simply private wages. The question of salary payment was of great Concern and occurs also in the family archive of Ahutab.

The Family of Ahutab Letters sent a long distance, from Migdol or Memphis to Elephantine­ Syene, were written on papyrus, which was rolled, tied and sealed. Letters sent across the river from Syene to Elephantine were written on ostraca. Over 300 ostraca and fragments have been discovered at Elephantine, most of them by Charles Clermont-Ganneau in 1 907-1909, but only about sixty have been published so far. About thirty of these appear to have been written, in an indifferent hand, by a single scribe ca. 475 B.C.E.21 Unfortu­ nately it is not possible to say how, why, or even whether these ostraca were preserved. Did they exist in some faI?ily archives or were they d,is­ carded shortly after receipt? 20 Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, op. cit., 19. 21 A. Dupont-Sommer, "La collection des ostraca arameens recueillis par Clermont-Ganneau a Elephantine," Actes du xxvi" congres international des orientalistes, 1 948 (Paris, 1949 ) , I09ff; J. Naveh, Development of the Aramaic Script, 5 3ff.

PRIVATE LETTERS

27 5

Most of these ostraca began on the concave side and, turning from right to left, continued on the convex side.22 Being written on potsherds that lay ready at hand, these notes were often terse and even cryptic. Words might be written right up to the edge of the sherd. Final and even initial letters could often be squeezed out. Interpretation of many texts is difficult and the same text has been read and explained in entirely different ways. One example will serve as illustration (CIS 2/1, 137 ) : Now, behold, I have seen a borage (J:i,lm) , and from that time on it has been cooking ()ph) , very hot. (If) you see ( tJ:i,zy) Jal;nlloliah (yJ:i,mlyh ) pay ( slmy) ( her) . Now, if you wish (�bty) (those things ) , do not ( )1 ) sell them. Let the chil­ dren eat ( them) . Behold, there is no cucumber left ( 1) s)r qtyn) .23

Now, behold I have seen a dream ( J:i, lm) and from that time on I have been (mh) very feverish. An apparition appeared ( [)]tJ:i,zy J:i,z[w] ) . Its words ( m1why ) : Peace (81m ) . Now, if you will sell all ( k1) of my bundles (�bty ) (of grain ) , the chil­ dren may eat, for there is no remain­ der of pieces ( qtyn ) ( of silver) .24

A dream or a vegetable?! Greek and demotic ostraca told of disturbing dreams and it is likely that our Aramaic text also reported dreams.25 The first one was . disturbing and the second was reassuring. The father would not be returning home for a while and the money had run out, so he ad­ vised his wife to sell stored grain in order to buy food for the children. Being limited in space, the ostraca did not send such extensive greetings as did the papyri. Both showed concern for the children and both sent in­ structions to the recipient. Both made requests, but the ostraca often spoke of something being done or sent "tomorrow." Although most of the ostraca were apparently written between members of the same family circle, the fact that Syene was the site of the Arameans meant that certain ostraca may have been sent by Arameans. One example would be the note sent by the tailor Gadal, a name which could be Aramaic as well as Hebrew, to Micaiah (CG 70 ) : 26 "To my lord Micaiah, your servant Gadal. (Greetings of) peace and life I send to you. I bless you by YHH and by lfn ( = Han?, Khn[um?] ) . Now, send me the garment which is on you that one may sew it (wyJ:i,tnh ) . I send this letter for your welfare." 22 A. Dupont-Sommer, RES ( 1942-4 5 ) , 65. 23 Idem, ASAE 48 ( 1 948 ) , 1 1 7ff. 24 B. A. Levine, JAOS 84 ( 1964 ) , 1 8ff. 25 H. Donner and W. Rollig, Kanaanaische und aramaische Inschriften, II, 323· 26 A. Dupont-Sommer, RI-IR 1 30 ( 1 94 5 ) , 1 7ff; idem, eRA! ( 1 947 ) , 177f. Cf., too, H. L. Ginsberg apud J. B . Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 491; E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 86.

27 6

P RIVATE LETTERS

Thirteen ostraca mentioned the woman Ahutab.27 Three published os­ traca were addressed to Ahutab (SC N; Sachau 65,2; CG 169 ) ; two unpub­ lished ones are reported to be addressed to her (CG 1 3 5, 1 57) and two more unpublished ones are reported as probably being addressed to her ( CG 78, 228) . All three letters began with the salutation : "Welfare (81m) of Ahutab," which is probably an abbreviation of the longer formula "The welfare of Ahutab may deity seek at all times" ( d. C 40: 1, 41 : 1 ) . One of the letters may have continued "Nathan came to Syene from the boat" ( ntn ,1 swn mn )lp) ) and possibly made some reference to a (fishing ? ) net (sbk ) which was to be sent to the addressor (sllJhy 1y) ( Sachau 65,2 ) . The other two reported, respectively, that the writer had no salt (CG 169) 28 and that there was no cucumber seed (SC N ) . The first of these requested that salt be sent, even if it had to be bought mn )lpy ,bw() zy yb, "from Alphaios boatman of Elephantine" ( ? ) ; "from the grain boats . . ." ( 7 ) ; "from the passing boats . . ." ( ? ) .29 The second note made some reference to a seed of gourds (d1m) .30 Of the three letters which mentioned Ahutab, one was addressed "To Hoshaiah. Your welfare" (Bodleian ostracon concave : 1 f ) .31 The greeting probably abbreviated, "May deity seek your welfare at all times." A second note bore the salutation, "The welfare of Uriah," the implied continua­ tion being "may deity seek at all times" (Sachau 63,l ) . The third ostracon contained no greeting (CG 16) .32 The first one was the famous Passover ostracon and after the salutation continued, "Now, look out for the chil­ dren until Ahutab comes. Do not bring them to anyone else. If you have ground ( the meal for) their bread, knead for them one qab until their mother comes." Following the question about the Passover, the letter con­ cluded, "Do send the welfare of the child[ren] ." The last line may either mean, "Send the children my regards" ( "The welfare of the children may deity seek at all times" ) or "Send me regards of the children" (viz., "The children are well here"; d. C 37:2, 57:2 [81m 1y tn)]; BK 1 : 3f, 2: 2f, 6: 8f, 8: 1 1 ) . As seen, the letter to Hoshaiah asked, "Inform me when you are cele­ brating the Passover." An answer must have been sent and shortly there27 A. Dupont-Sommer, RES ( 1 942-45 ) , 66f. 29 Ibid., 73f. J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1967 ) , 5 5 5 . 2 8 Ibid., 67, 70f. 30 Cf. A. E . Cowley, PSBA 37 ( 191 5 ) , 221 81 A photograph of this ostracon was published by A. H. Sayee, PSBA 33 ( 1 9 1 1 ) , 1 83ff. For correct interpretation, cf. E. L. Sukenik and J. Kutsher, Kedem 1 ( 1 942 ) , 53ff; A. Dupont-Sommer, REt 7 (N.S.; 1 i}46"'"47) , 46ff. . 32 A. Dupont-Sommer, ASAE 48 ( 1 948) , 109ff.

P RIVATE LETTERS

277

after the correspondent wrote to another member of the family, Uriah ( Sachau 63,1 ) , telling him that the time had come to wash and shear the sheep. This would ordinarily be in the spring time.33 The letter continued, "The welfare of Ahutab (may deity seek, etc. ) . Now, concerning that bread, eat until tomorrow eve ( [c]rwbh ) . An ardab of flour remains here" ( , qrnlJ s,r tnh ) . If the reading "eve" is correct, then the correspondent could have been informing Uriah to finish the leaven by the eve of Pass­ over. He, himself, had enough flour, presumably to prepare unleavened bread for Passover. The third ostracon, the one without address, requested 2 qabs of salt, a pick and a garment (CG 1 6 ) . It concluded, "Let Ahutab bring one orner of split ( ?; pllJ? ) beans." Three more ostraca (CG 44, 214, 2 5 5 ) , as yet unpublished, are reported to refer to the woman Ahutab. Though it is pos­ sible that these thirteen ostraca refer to more than one woman, the absence of this name from the papyri suggests its infrequent use and argues for the existence of but one Ahutab behind these thirteen references. As noted, Syene had its own garrison which received government sup­ plies (C 24: 33 ) . Since one of the ostraca greeting Ahutab was addressed to Uriah, it is possible that two other ostraca mentioning Uriah belonged to the same family group. One has been explained as having the address at the end rather than at the beginning: 34 "Look after my tunic which I left at the house of the Temple of YHH. Tell Uriah to dedicate it ( [y] lJrrnh ) . To Salluah." The other is both difficult to read and interpret but it contained one passage which inquired as to when "they are giving salary (yhbn prs) at Syene" ( SC M convex : 3f) . Salary was thus distributed at Syene as well as at Elephantine. These three sets of letters-the Hermopolis and Elephantine papyri and the ostraca-all concerned private affairs. The one or two intimations as to occupations suggest that the correspondents raised sheep and tilled the soil. An three groups, however, contained the expression yhb prs, "give salary," and it is likely that this meant the same thing in the Hermopolis letter and in the ostracon as it did in the Elephantine letter. The salary was government wages paid to soldiers who enhanced their subsistance by raising sheep and tilling the soil.

33 M. Lidzbar�ki, Ephemeris, III, 2 5 5f; J. C. Greenfield, Orientalia 29 ( 1 960 ) , 98ff. 34 0stracon Cairo 49,624 was published with a photograph by N. Aime­ Giron, ASAE 26 ( 1 926 ) , 27ff and restudied by A. Dupont-Sommer, JA 23 5 ( 1 946-47) , 79ff. Cf., too, A. Dupont-Sommer, CRAI ( 1 947 ) , 189ff; E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 96f.

IX CO N F L I CT AN D RE S O L U T I O N

Communal Archive The archive of J edaniah b. Cemariah contained ten documents dealing with communal affairs. Most of them concerned the relations between J ews and Egyptians and the destruction of the J ewish Temple. Three docu­ ments were copies of letters drawn up by, or at the order of, J edaniah ( C 27, 30//3 1 ) ; three were memoranda drawn up by him ( C 22, 32, 3 3 ) ; and three were letters addressed to him and his colleagues ( C 21, 37, 38) . One contained his name ( C 34: 5 ) . U nfortuna tely, several were damaged and others undated ( C 27, 34, 37, 38 ) . One is dated but damaged ( C 21 ) and another only partially dated ( C 22 : 1 ) and bristling with problems. One undated letter most likely preceded the destruction of the J ewish Temple (C 38 ) . The dates of two other documents (C 34, 37) are uncer­ tain; several possibilities exist but there is little to aid in deciding which is correct. Nonetheless, these documents are especially valuable since they indicate that the conflict which arose in Elephantine was also acted out in Thebes and Memphis. The reason for the destruction of the Jewish Temple by the Khnum priests is a ma jor problem in the interpretation of these documents . Was the destruction due to religious or political motives, or to both? 1 Several documents from the Ananiah archive shed unexpected light on this subject. \

1 Cf. the discussions by Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 75ft; H. Anneler, Der Juden von Elephantine, 1 3 1ft; A. van Hoonacker, Une communaute judeo-arameene a Elephantine, 3 8ft; A. Vincent, La religion des judeo-arameens d'Elephantine, 249ft, 375ft; A. E. Cowley, op cit., xvii ; E. C. Krae ling, op. cit., 102ft; H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 1954 ) , 1 5 5; S. A. Cook, "The Significance of the Ele­ phantine Papyri for the History of Hebrew Religion," AJT ( 1 9 1 5 ) , 3 77f; C. G. \Vagenaar, De joodsche Kolonie van Jeb-Syene, 98ft.

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2 79

Until now, the relevance ofthe Ananiah documents to the destruction of the Temple has gone unnoticed. The unfolding of events according to the communal archive will be considered first.

Hananiah and the Passover The death of Artaxerxes I was followed by a period of intrigues, assassina­ tions, and minor rebellions. Arsames left Egypt to campaign in Phrygia for Ochus ( Darius II ) against Xerxes II (Polyaenus VII.28 ) . The later as­ sertion of the Elephantine Jews that when "diglin of the Egyptians re­ belled we did not leave our posts and nothing disloyal was found in us" (C 27: If) most likely referred to disturbances in Egypt at this time.2 It is not certain, however, from this assertion by the Jews, that the rebellion of the Egyptians extended as far south as Elephantine. Nor does it reveal the attitude of the Khnum priests who later instigated the destruction of the Temple of YHW. The first document relating to the destruction of the Temple is a letter S dated to the fifth year of Darius II (419 ) sent by Hananiah to Jedaniah and his coll�agues, the Jewish garrison. In an earlier chapter the view was developed that Hananiah was identical with Nehemiah's relative and was at this period Governor of Judah.4 A different identification and attendant reconstruction will now be presented. Jews are said to have achieved a cer­ tain prominence in government circles. Tobit was described as buyer of provisions for Shalmaneser V ( Tob. 1 : 1 3 ) and AlJ.iqar had several appoint­ ments from Sennacherib and Esarhaddon (Tob. 1 :22; AlJ.. Iff) . Daniel (Bel teshazzar) , Hananiah ( Shadrach ) , Mishael ( Meshach ) , and Azariah (Abednego ) held several posts in the Babylonian courts of Nebuchadnez­ zar, Belshazzar, and Darius the Mede (Dan. 1_6) .5 Mordecai rose from 2 For the general situation in the Persian empire, see A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 3 5 5ff, 3 63f; for that at Elephantine E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., l03f. The Driver letters, usually ascribed to the period after 410, when Arsames was again absent from Egypt, may as reasonably refer to this earlier period of revolt. s A. Vincent, op. cit., 2 36, thought that the present text was a copy of the original letter because it was written on both sides. But most of the letters were written on both sides. 4 Cf. p. 1 30 , above. 5 R. H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old Testament ( New York, 1948 ) , 748ff. The Books of Tobit and Daniel l to 6 are usually ascribed to the Hellen­ istic period; cf. R. H. Pfeiffer. History of New Testament Times with al1 Intro-

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being a minor official ( Est. 2 : 1 1 ) to second in the realm (8:2, lo:df ) .6 Whatever the precise historicity of these various accounts, there is no deny­ ing that Nehemiah was cupbearer to Artaxerxes I (Neh. 1 : l Iff) and Anani was scribe and chancellor to Arsames (C 26: 23 ) . Since Jewish communities were scattered throughout the Persian Em­ pire (Est. 3 : 8) , an individual who could advise the royal authority or the various provincial authorities about Jewish matters may have held an offi­ cial or semi-official position. Such an individual was Ezra, "scribe of the law of the God of heaven" (Ez. 7 : 1 2 ) , sent from Babylonia by Artaxerxes I to order Jewish affairs in the Trans-Euphrates ( 7 : 2 5 ) .7 Hananiah may have been another such individual, sent from Babylonia or Judah by Darius II to order Jewish affairs in Egypt. Hananiah's arrival in Egypt bearing his Passover letter created a stir. In a letter to Jedaniah, Uriah, and the priests Mattan and Neriah, Mauziah reported that he had been falsely arrested in Abydos by the garrison com­ mander Vidranga and had been released only throl.lgh the efforts of $el;o and Bor, servants of Anani. The two were on their way to Elephantine and Mauziah urged they be wen treated so that the community might con­ tinue to enjoy the favor of Anani. Such favor was important because "It is known to you that Khnum is against us since Hananiah (was ) in Egypt till now." Moreover, I):or was also a servant of Hananiah ( C 38:7f ) . 8 As seen, the Passover had been celebrated prior to the arrival of Hananiah, so it is not to be supposed that he was the first to introduce an act, the sacrifice of the paschal lamb, which would have been abhorrent to the devotees of the ram-god Khnum. Besides, the paschal sacrifice need not have been taken from the sheep; it could equally well have come from the goats ( d. Ex. 1 2: 5 ) . With such a choice, it is unlikely that the Jews, after duction to the Apocrypha (New York, 1949) , 2 58ff. Most recently, however, Y. M. Grintz, "Hebrew Literature in the Persian Period," (Hebrew) Sefer ha­ yovel lerabbi I:Ianoch Albeck (Jerusalem, 196 3 ) , 1 2 3ff, has argued for a Persian date for these books; d. also Y. Kaufmann, Toledot, IV/I, 405f, 418ff. 6 Cf. the suggestive article of S. H. Horn, "Mordecai, A Historical Problem," Biblical Research 9 ( 1964) , 14ff. 7 Cf. H. H. Schaeder, Esra der Schreiber; Y. Kaufmann, Toledot IV/1, 27 5ff; \. J. M. Myers, Ezra · Nehemiah (The Anchor Bible ) lvii seq., lxxii seq. 8 For treatment of this papyrus, d. W. R. Arnold, "The Passover Papyrus from Elephantine," JBL 3 1 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 21ff; M . Sprengling, AJT 2 1 ( 1 91 7 ) , 422f; H. Anneler, op. cit., 1 3 1f; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 39; A. Vincent, op. cit., 379. E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 1 4, dates this papyrus after 410, understanding Vidranga's coming to Abydos as garrison commander as a demotion for his share in the destruction of the Elephantine Temple.

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their arrival at Elephantine under an Egyptian Pharaoh, would deliberately antagonize the priests of the island. Nor is it likely that Hananiah would have insisted on the selection of a lamb. Moreover, since Hananiah's letter contains no reference to the Temple, the paschal meal may very well have been a household affair as it was in 'Egypt prior to the Exodus ( cf. Ex . . 1 2 ) .9 Hananiah's mission probably served to antagonize the Khnum priests, and perhaps other Egyptians, simply because it emphasized strict ob­ servance of a seven day festival which commemorated the Exodus from Egypt and the victory of the Israelites over the Egyptians.10 The negative Egyptian reactions during the Hellenistic period to the Jewish account of the Exodus are familiar (Josephus, Ag. Ap. l.I4, 73ff; 26-31, 227ff) . Analogies from the Hellenistic-Roman period may be taken a step further. These indicate that various Greek cities had sought to hinder the Jews in their observance of the Sabbath and festivals. The case of Laodicea in Asia Minor is illustrative. The Jews must have appealed their case to the High Priest Hyrcanus in Jerusalem. He sent envoys with letters to the pro­ consul Gaius Rabirius to the effect that the Jews be allowed to observe the Sabbath and other rites. Thereupon, Rabirius sent one of these envoys, Sopatrus, to the magistrates of Laodicea, ordering them to allow the Jews to observe tJ1eir rites. The magistrates had no choice but to acquiesce (Ant. XIV.1O.20,' 241 ff) . So at Elephantine, Jewish observance of the Passover ran afoul of the Egyptians and during the disturbances which followed the death of Artaxerxes I and the absence of Arsames, they took steps to pre­ vent the Jews from observing their festival. The Jews appealed to their brethren in Jerusalem ( and Babylonia ?) to intercede on their behalf with the Persian authorities. The Jews in Jerusalem/Babylonia sent Hananiah to present their plea to Darius who finally issued a decree that the Elephan­ tine Jewish soldiers were to be allowed to observe the Passover. Hananiah brought this decree to Arsames and then, on the authority of the Jerusalem leadership, wrote the Jews instructions concerning the festival. Hananiah apparently remained in Egypt, attached to Arsames' court. 9 For discussion of the Paschal sacrifice, d. M.-J. Lagrange, "Les fouilles d'Elephantine," RB 1 7 ( 1 908 ) , 267; J .-B. Chabot, "Les fOl1illes de Clermont­ Ganneau a Elephantine," Journal des Savants ( 1 944 ) , 1 36ff, 14of; A. Vincent, op. cit., 2 5 5, 375; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 102; H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 1954) , 1 5 5; for the restoration of this papyrus d. "The Passover Letter" in Appendix III. P. Grelot, VT 4 ( 1 954 ) , 349ff supports with variations the restorations of Cowley and others against E. G. Kraeling, op. cit. , 92ff. 10 A. T. Olmstead, History of Palestine and Syria (New York, 193 1 ) , 605; M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 19 1 7 ) , 421, n. 1, cited this among other motives which led to the destruction of the Tem'ple.

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It should be emphasized that a strict separation of religious and political motivations is artificiaL The religious festival of Passover celebrated the political victory over the Egyptians. Any political resentment which the Egyptians, especially the Khnum priests, might have felt toward the Jewish representatives of Persian authority in Egypt would have been heightened by religious differences and the presence of a Temple to YHW, the God of the Jews.

Bribery The Anani whose servants effected the release of Mauziah at Abydos and whose favor the Elephantine Jews were told to curry was doubtless that Anani who was scribe and chancellor to Arsames at Memphis ( C 26:23 ) . A letter ( C 37) from there was addressed "To my lords Jedaniah, Mauziah, Uriah, and the garrison. Your servant. . . ." Here the papyrus is broken. One-third of the whole left side, including the name of the addressor, is missing. The gist of the message seems to be that while both Jews and Egyptians were seeking the ear of Arsames, the Jews feared for the success of their cause since the Egyptians were able to present a larger bribe. The letter may have contained reference to the two servants of Anani, Sebo and Bor ( i ) .11 The need to bribe lesser officials in order to gain access to their superiors is well illustrated in a lengthy demotic document drawn up a century ear­ lier. It shows how long a controversy might drag on and the manner in which government officials treated the various parties. The quarrel between Peteisis and the priests of Amun at Teuzoi concerned certain rights and benefices and was inherited from an earlier generation. Matters came to a head in the early summer of 513 when one Abmose came to Teuzoi to collect his annual stipend. There he found the granary and treasury empty. Pete isis, temple scribe at that time, was brought to the nome capital, Heracleopolis Magna, and forced to write out the reasbns for the temple's impoverishment. He returned to Teuzoi and his deposition was sent on to . "the governor" (P3 pcl) ? ) 12 at Memphis. Some days later a certain Pkoip 11

For treatment of this papyrus, d. M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 444ff; Ed. Meyer, Papyrus/und, 77; A. Anneler, op cit., 1 3 2ff; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 40; A. Vincent, op. cit., 378. For a later dating-the time of Amyrtaeusd. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 1 4f. 12 The reading and signification of the title are micertain; d. F. L1. Griffith,

CONFLICT AND RESOL UTION

28 3

arrived at Teuzoi with Peteisis' deposition in hand. He arrested Peteisis, his son, and four relatives; he also deposed and arrested the incumbent lesonis and appointed another in his stead. The deposed lesonis managed to escape and the new lesonis, enraged over this development, beat Peteisis almost to death. Peteisis spent three months under the care of a physician, recuperating from the beating. One night, he secretly boarded a wood-freighted boat bound for Memphis. He spent seven months in Memphis trying to gain access to "the governor." Pkoip did everything to prevent an audience, but a certain Semtutefnakht finally arranged an interview, no doubt for a fee. "The governor" had to send five times to Teuzoi before the priests there would come to Memphis. Upon their arrival, each was given fifty lashes. Peteisis, then, proceeded to press his claim for restoration of his rights before "the governor" and Semtutefnakht. "These events you are telling me are many," said "the governor." "Betake thee, pray, to a house . . . and write them out." While Peteisis was doing so, the Amun priests went to Semtutefnakht and presented him, his brother, and three sons with five temple stipends. He obligingly persuaded "the governor" to have them released. When Peteisis pres.ented his account to Semtutefnakht, he was informed that "the governor" had already dismissed the other priests. Peteisis was persuaded to return to Teuzoi with a letter of protection from Semtutefnakht and Al)mose. On his way home, Peteisis met someone who told him that his house had been set on fire. He returned to Memphis to renew his claim and press fresh charges. "The governor" appointed another Al)mose to accompany Peteisis to Teuzoi and return with the guilty priests. This Al)mose delayed so long that the other Abmose appointed a certain blind man to go to Teuzoi and bring back the priests. When the blind man arrived at Teuzoi, he was given five kite of silver by the priests; he managed to return to Memphis with only the lesonis. Unable to provide a satisfac­ tory explanation for the arson, the lesonis was given fifty lashes and thrown into jail. Peteisis pursued his case further but to no avail. He was finally persuaded by Al)mose to accept a promise from the lesonis that every wrong would be rectified. Returning to Teuzoi, he found the situation much the same as before. 1s Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 61, 65, n. 5, 219, n. 6; R. A. Parker, "The Durative Tenses in P. Rylands IX," lNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 181. 13 P. Rylands . 9, 1-5; F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 64ff; d. S. Sauneron, The Priests of Ancient Egypt, 19ff; E. Seidl, Xgyptische Rechtsgeschichte, 33f.

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Destruction at the Temple at YHW The sad fate that befell the Jewish community was also revealed in a peti­ tion. The copy preserved at Elephantine was written an a long, narrow strip of papyrus, two columns on the recto and one on the verso, the latter running lengthwise (C 27 ) . A line or so, including the address, is missing , at the beginning and a line may be missing at the end of the first column on the recto. TIle course of events was related at the beginning and the petition entered on the verso. The person whose favor was sought was addressed as "our lord" (C 27: 10, 19, 2lf)-Arsames or some other high Persian official, perhaps Anani.14 He was told that verification of that which they were telling him might be secured from the judicial, investigating, and police officials stationed in the province of Tshetres (C 27 :8f) . The events were described as follows : "In the year 14 of Darius the king [410 B.C.E.] , when our lord Arsames went to the king, this is the crime which the priests of the god Khnub committed in the fortress of Elephantine in concert with Vidranga who was frataraka here, having given him silver and goods : there is part of the royal stores which is in Elephantine the fortress-they de­ stroyed. And a wall (silr) they built in the middle of the fortress of Ele­ phantine." The second column began : "And now, that wall is built in the middle of the fortress." The letter went on to tell how the Khnum priests also stopped up a well from which the garrison was accustomed to drink.15 The wall built by the Khnum priests is apparently mentioned in two documents from the Ananiah family archive. On September 14, 437, Ana­ niah acquired a house whose boundaries were: northwest-the house of Satibar; northeast-"the storehouse of the king adjoins it"; southeast-the district of the god Khnum across the street; southwest-the Temple of the God YHW across the royal street (K 3 :7ff) . In 404 the northeastern por­ tion was deeded to Ananiah's daughter, Jehoishma. The relevant boundaries were then given as follows (K 9 : 8ff) : northwest-the "chapel of the god (qnl;nty = Egyptian knl; ntr) adjoins it wall to wall"; northeast-"the wan ('gr, ) of the 'shelter' ( hnpn = Old Iranian * hdmpana ) which the 14 A. Vincent, op. cit., 380, n. 15 This papyrus strip, measuring 63 X 7.3 em., was acquired from a dealer at Luxor in 1 898 and first published by J. Euting, "Notice sur un papyrus egypto­ arameen," MAT 1 1 ( 1 903 ) , 297ff. It has received extensive treatment; suffice it here to mention Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 26f; Ch . Clermont-Ganneau, RAO 6 ( 1904 ) , 221ff; Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 78f; H. Anneler, op. cit., 1 34ff; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 46f; M. Sprengling, ATT 21 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 441 ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 380; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 103.

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28 5

Egyptians built, i.e., the way of the god (tmw>nty = Egyptian t3 my ' t ntr)"; 1 6 southeast-J:Ior b. Peteisi, gardener of the god Khnum; southwest -Ananiah's big side. A document for the same property drawn up in 402 gave the northeast­ ern boundary with even greater precision : the royal storehouse adjoins wall to wall the "shelter" which the Egyptians built (K 10: 3f ) . The additional notation, unusual in a legal document, "which the Egyptians built," no doubt attested to a recent act if it did not also mean to cast aspersion on that act. It is hard to escape the impression that the wall bordering this "divine way" leading to the "chapel of the god" is the same as that men­ tioned in the petition. In the petition, the wall was said to have been built over the site of that part of the royal stores which was destroyed to effect the construction. In the document from the Ananiah archive, the wall was described as lying between Ananiah's house and the royal storehouse. For­ merly, these two buildings were adjacent to each other. It is likely that part of Ananiah's house was also destroyed when the wall was built. Another petition told what happened to this shrine during that fateful year. Arsames departed and went to the king. The priests of the god Khnub, who is in the fortress of Elephantine, conspired with Vidranga, who was frataraka here, to wipe out the Temple of the God YHW from the fortress of Elephantine. So that wretch Vidranga ;sent to his son Nefayan, who was garrison commander in the fortress of Syene, this order : 'the Temple ofthe God YHW in the fortress of Elephantine is to be destroyed.' Nefayan there­ upon led the Egyptians with the other troops. Coming with their . weapons to the fortress of Elephantine [they plundered and razed the Temple] ( C 30: 4ff//3 1 :4ff) . The erection of the "divine way" seems to have been directly connected with the destruction of the YHW Temple. The two events certainly oc­ curred at the same time and with the connivance of the chief official at Elephantine-Syene, Vidranga. Nothing was said about the building of the 16 For the meaning of the two Egyptian terms, cf. B . Couroyer, . RB 68 ( 1 961 ) , 53 1ff. In other respects, however, his grasp of the topography is at fault since he failed to realize that true orientation lay at a 45° angle to that given in the documents. Accordingly tmy alone is best rendered "town," " dis­ trict" and not "road." I benefitted greatly by discussing these questions of demotic with Professor George Hughes of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago. For the meaning of the Persian term cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 241 (B. Geiger) ; J. de Menasce, BO 1 1 ( 1954) , 162.

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"divine chapel" at this time; it may have been erected earlier. In 434 the house of Satibar still existed northwest of at least part of the property of Ananiah ( K 4: 1 1 ) . It is unfortunate that the deed of 420 is damaged just where that boundary was given ( K 6:7 ) . A deed of December 1 3, 402 indi­ cates that the house of Pamu and Mardu, sons of Zili, stood where formerly Satibar dwelt ( K 1 2 : 19 ) . The "divine chapel" thus adjoined Ananiah's property to his northwest : some seven cubits in the upper part of his house ( K 9:6f) and his big side ( ca. 5 cubits ) in the lower end ( K 1O: 5f) . Whether it continued on the northwest side to border on the royal store­ house is unknown. The "divine way" led to the chapel from, or past, the house of Hor b. Peteisi who was already installed in the district of Khnum in 420 (K 6:8), a year before the Passover decree of Darius II. He was then known as "serv­ ant of the god Khnum." By 404 he bore the title "gardener of the god Khnum" ( K 9 : 10, 10:6) . His neighbors to the southwest were the Egyptian cataract boatmen PeJ:ti and Pemet, slaves or freedmen, sons of the woman Tawi ( K 1 2 : 20 ) . Between 434 and 420, the Egyptians began erecting dwellings southeast of the house ofAnaniah b. Azariah and most likely southeast of the Temple as well. About the same time they erected some sort of shrine on the other side of Ananiah's house. Its nature or function is unknown. Judging from the term used, it was not a large structure, perhaps no longer than twelve cubits, and may have been a Khnumeum, a burial place of rams sacred to the god of the Cataract Region.l1 These new constructions seem to have been the prelude to the conflict between the devotees of the god Khnum and the followers of the God YHW. If the shrine was, indeed, a Khnum­ eum and the Jews were in the habit of offering up lambs in their Temple, whether as a paschal sacrifice or otherwise, the source of the strife is ob­ vious. Hananiah, through his authorization of the Passover and perhaps through other action, would have contributed to the antagonism. The Khnum priests decided that the YHW Temple must be destroyed and bent all their efforts to that end. They were finally able to persuade Vidranga, plying him with a considerable bribe, that their cause was a just ' one. He ordered an armed contingent of Egyptians and others led by his 17 The suggestion is that of B. Couroyer, RB 68 ( 1 961 ) , 5 3 5, but the Khnum­ eum discovered by Ch. Clermont-Ganneau most likely dates to the Roman period; d. H. Ricke, "Die Tempel Nektanebos' II. in Elephantine und ihre Erweiterungen," Beitriige zur iigyptische Bauforschung, VI (Cairo, 1960 ) , 33ff. (See Plate 8b. )

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28 7

son Nefayan to destroy the Temple. They were rewarded for their efforts with spoil of precious vessels. Ananiah's house, lying opposite the Temple, no doubt suffered destruction as well and the Khnum priests erected an approach to the side ( ? ) of their shrine on the far edge of the ruins. The construction also required that a part of the royal storehouse be torn down. There is no apparent reason for the stopping up of the well. The priests may have had the well filled in to effect the construction of the approach to the shrine or it may have been done out of sheer animosity toward the Jewish soldiers. Whether the action of the Khnum priests against the YHW Temple was also tied up with a revolt of the Egyptians against Persian rule is hard to say. The evidence for rebellion at this time is of the most indirect sort. In discussing a naval battle at the Hellespont in 410, Diodorus (XIII.46.6) attributed to the Persian satrap Pharnabazus the not too clear statement that "the king of the Arabians and (the king? ) of the Egyptians had de­ signs upon Phoenicia." 18 A "king of the Egyptians," if such was the original text, implies that Egypt had revolted, perhaps at the time that Arsames left the country. Three letters sent by Arsames from abroad make reference to a time "when Egypt revolted" ( D 5 :6, 7:1 , 8 : 1 f, 4) . Although most of the satrap's ,estate escaped damage (D 7 ) , the revolt did result in some bloodshed (D 8 ) and confusion ( D 5 ) . During such periods of disturbances, Persian officials, military and civil­ ian, would often act according to their own lights, even in disregard of standing orders. The manager of one of Arsames' estates wrote to him, "Armapiya with the troop which is under him do not obey me in my lord's affair on which I am instructing them." So Arsames wrote to Armapiya, "In regard to this affair of my estate on which Psammetichus will instruct you and that troop which is under you-obey him and do what he says. Thus shall it be known to thee: If hereafter Psammetichus sends me com­ plaint of you, you will be strictly called to account and reprimanded" (D 4). The letters all indicate that the revolt was put down while Arsames was still away. Unfortunately, the extent of the revolt is not known, i.e., whether it reached Upper Egypt, and it cannot be dated with certainty. None of the letters is dated. The revolt may have occurred during Arsames' absence after the end of 424 as well as in 410. Although the. political situation in Elephantine in 410 is not clear, Vidranga did not escape punishment by his superiors. His property was 18 For this passage cf. the note in the Loeb Classics translation by C. H. Oldfather, Diodorus of Sicily ( Cambridge, 1950 ) , 248, n. 1 . See further A. Vin­ cent, op. cit., 389. .

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confiscated and it is possible, though not certain, that he was executed. The others responsible for the destruction and spoliation of the Temple Were executed (C 30 :16f//31 : 15f) .19 A document (C 34) from the Jedaniah archive, whose first lines are missing and which is damaged at the left edge, contains the names of over half a dozen women and of the Jewish leaders Jedaniah b. Gemariah, Hosea b. Jathom, Hosea b. Nattum (Nattun? ) , "Haggai his brother," and Ahio b.Mahseiah (? ) . The document also refers to the return of property which had been taken from certain houses and to a payment of 120 karsh. These people may have been insulted or injured, perhaps even arrested, "in the gate in Thebes (? ) ." It is tempting to assume that the plundered houses were those of the leaders and that the Khnum priests were the cul19 One of the most disputed phrases in these papyri is that translated by A. E. Cowley, "the dogs tore oft the anklets from his legs." In his rendering in J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 492, H. L. Ginsberg translated, "The dogs took the fetter out of his foot" and appended in a footnote, "perhaps a mistake for 'his feet out of the fetter.' " So, too, A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 42. O. Tufnell studied "Anklets in Western Asia," Bulletin of the Institute of Archeology 1 (1958) , 37ft, and concluded that "while the literary evidence suggests that certain Persian officials wore anklets as a mark of distinction it is not confirmed by representations of this ornament on surviving monuments of the Persian court" (p. 5 1 ) . She further cited a private communication from G. R. Driver who knew of no use of the word kbl as ornament. But J. W. Epstein, "Glossen zu den 'aramaischen Papyrus und Ostraka,' '' ZAW 32 (19 1 2 ) , 1 28, already pointed to Shabo 6:4 where kbl designated women's anklets. In the Bible the term indicated putting someone('s feet) in chains; d. PS. 1 05 : 1 8, 149 : 8. An interpretation which would have Vidranga enchained and thrown to the dogs may point to the torture inflicted upon the wife of Masistes by Amestris, wife of Xerxes : "She cut off the woman's breasts and threw them to the dogs, and her nose and ears and lips likewise, and cut out her tongue, and sent her home thus poorly used" (Hdt . IX.1 1 2 ) . Persian muti­ lation was proverbial; d. also 1 Ki. 1 4 : 1 1 , 1 6 :4, 21 :23f; 2 Ki. 9 : 10, 36. If one takes the word klby> as an epithet for Vidranga, "cur," as does E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 08, n. 12, the problem of kbl, still remains. See H. Anneler, op. cit., 1 3 8f. Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 83, believed that Vidranga's corpse was thrown to the dbgs . A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 44ff, thought that Vidranga was killed in a Jewish counterattack. A. Vincent, op. cit., 381£, thought this unlikely though he suggested that once sentenced to death Vidranga and Nefayan may " well have been handed over to the Jews to carry out the sentence. E., G. Kraeling, op. cit., 105, 1 14, connected the Vidranga of K 1 3 :7 with the one in C 38:3 and accordingly assumed that he was merely demoted and assigned to another post at Abydos. The letter in K 1 3 is very damaged and his reconstruc­ tion of the relevant line most uncertain. For a translation of C 30: 16 indicating that the punishment of Vidranga is being prayed for but not achieved d. M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 191 7 ) , 438. .

�

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CONFLICT AND RESOLUTION

prits. In Thebes on a mission, possibly in connection with the impending blow, the leaders of the Jewish community suffered a setback. At the same time, the Temple was destroyed. The plot of the priests, then, would have been carried out at a very favorable conjunction of events : the absence of Arsames abroad and the absence of the Jewish leaders in Thebes.20

Negotiations tor Reconstruction The reconstruction of the YHW Temple was not easily effected. If it was to be rebuilt in its former glory, cedars had to be brought from Lebanon . for the roofing (C 30: 1 1 //31 : 10) and men had to be assigned to the construction. Besides the physical difficulties, the Jews still had to contend with the animosity of the Khnum priests. The priests undoubtedly argued very vigorously that the Temple had had no right to be there in the first place. Apparently, they refused to sanction even the erection of a temporary altar on the site, insisting that the site of the Temple be transferred else­ where. The Jews, naturally, felt that the former site alone was holy. After the destruction of the Temple, the Jews went into mourning; donned sackcloth and fasted; refrained from drinking wine, anointing their bodies with oil, and having sexual intercourse with their wives ( C 30: 19ff// 31 : 1 9ff) . They directed petitions to people in authority and influence (C 27) . They appealed to Bagohi, governor of Judah; Johanan the High Priest and his colleagues the priests; "Ostanes the brother of Anani and the nobles of the Jews" (C 30: 1 8f//31 : 17f) , but to no avail. Three years later another appeal was made to Bagohi and to Delaiah and Shelemiah, sons of Sanballat, the governor of Samaria. The identification of Anani with the Davidic descendant of that name ( 1 Chron. 3 :24) has been affirmed by some 21 but denied by others.22 A 20 For other treatments of this letter, most of which date it later, cf. Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 90; H. Anneler, op. cit., 146f; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 51f; M. Sprengling, ATT 21 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 449f; A. Vincent, op. cit., 390; A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 366; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 104, alone dates it earlier, just before 410. An ostracon (CG 44 ) addressed to "Je­ daniah" states that the writer was in prison ( [bm]sgr, ) where he was denied bread and water. The editor, A. Dupont-Sommer, "Un ostracon arameen inedit d'EIephantine (Collection Clermont-Ganneau N°. 44 ) ," Hebrew and Semitic Studies Presented to G. R. Driver ( Oxford, 1963 ) , 53ff, thinks it may be re­ lated to this peri od . 21 See most recently E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 108f; H. L. Ginsberg apud Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 492, n. 16. 22 Cf. J. Liver, The House of David (Hebrew, Jerusalem, 1 9 59 ) , 1 6f. A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 44; and A. Vincent, op. cit., 382, would identify this Anani

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sister of Delaiah and Shelemiah was married to a brother of the High Priest Johanan (Neh. 1 2 : 22, 1 3 :28) . Even though the High Priest's brother "was driven out" by Nehemiah ( 1 3 : 28 ) , cordial relations reigned between Delaiah and Nehemiah's successor, Bagohi. The latter, though he bore a Persian name, may have been, like Ostanes, a Jew, since the other governors of Judah during the fifth and fourth centuries all seem to have been Jews-Urio/3 Hananah, Jehoazar, Ahzai, and Jehezekio.24 Two draft copies of the petition to Bagohi were preserved (C 30//31 ) . This petition contained the most elaborate salutation of any letter so far uncovered : "May the God of Heaven seek the welfare of our lord abun­ dantly at all times and give you favor before king Darius and the nobles a thousand times more than now. May you be happy and healthy at all times." The letter recounted the destruction and looting of the Temple with the prominent official known elsewhere in the Aramaic papyri (C 26:23, 38:4, 10) . 23 Cf. N. Avigad, "A New Class of Yehud Stamps," IET 7 ( 19 57 ) , 146ff. 24 Cf. Y. Aharoni, "Excavations at Ramat Ra}:iel," BA 24 ( 1961 ) , lloff; idem, "Excavations at Ramat Ral;tel, Seasons 1 959 and 1960 (Rome, 1962 ), 5ff, 30ff, 56ff, 61ff; idem, Excavations at Ramat Ral;wl, Seasons 1961 and 1962 ( Rome, 1964 ) , 21f, 44ff; idem, "The Citadel of Ramat Ra}:iel," Archaeology 1 8 ( 1965 ) , 23; P. W. Lapp, "Ptolemaic Stamped Handles from Judah," BASOR 1 72 ( 1963 ) , 33, n. 56, gives the reading of F. M. Cross >Q.zy instead of >Q.yw; 34, n. 59, gives the reading of F. M. Cross yQ.zqyw instead of yQ.zqyh for the Beth-zur coin. Y. Aharoni (orally) concurs in the reading >Q.zy. F. M. Cross rejects the reading pQ.W), "The Governor," appended to the names Je­ hoazar and Ahzai, and insists upon pQ.T>, "The Potter." Cf. J. Naveh, Develop­ ment of the Aramaic Script, 77ff. Claiming Bagohi as Jew-cf. the name Bigwai among the caravan leaders who returned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua ( Ez. 2 : 2//Neh. 7:7) -virtually sev­ ers him from identification with Bagoas/Bagoses the strategos of Artaxerxes II who backed Jesus ( Jeshua) against his brother Johanan to the point where the latter committed fratricide in the Temple. As a punishment Bagoas levied a seven-year tribute of fifty drachms for every lamb offered in the daily sacrifice. The name Bagoas/Bagoses was not an uncommon one among the Persians; d. the Persian general of that name during the reign of Artaxerxes III who played a prominent role in court affairs; A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 437f, 489f, 505, 5 1 8. Moreover, when Josephus, who reported this tale, re- " ferred to the ruler of Samaria, a territorial unit like that of Judah, he did hOt use the term strategos but satrap (d. Ant. XL7.1-2, 297ff) . For discussion of the relation of Sanballat to the Jerusalem authorities, d. H. H. Rowley, "San­ ballat and the Samaritan Temple," BTRL 3 8 ( 1955-5 6 ) , 1 66f, particularly p. 1 88 for discussion of Jedaniah's petition and the reactions thereto; G. E. Wright, Shechem, 1 7Sff.

CON FLICT AND R E S OLUTION

29 1

and the punishment of those guilty of the crime. To emphasize the Tem­ ple's legitimacy and the official recognition which it had formerly enjoyed, the deponents averred, "Now our forefathers built this Temple in the for­ tress of Elephantine back in the days of the kingdom of Egypt and when Cambyses came to Egypt he found it built." Then, citing what was appar­ ently little more than popular Egyptian propaganda against the Persians, they added, "They [the Persians 1 knocked down all the temples of the gods of the Egyptians" and specifically noted, "But no one did any damage to this Temple" (C 30: 13ff//3 1 : 1 2ff ) . Complaining that earlier letters had gone unanswered and that they had been living in a state of mourning for over three years, they set forth their request : If it please our lord, take thought of this Temple to rebuild it since they do not let us rebuild it. Look to your well-wishers and friends here in Egypt. Let a letter be sent from you to them concerning the Temple of the God YHW tb build it in the for­ tress of Elephantine as it was built before; and the meal-offering, incense, and holocaust will be offered in your name, and we shall pray for you at all times, we and our wives and our children and the Jews who are here, all of them, if you do thus, so that that Temple is rebuilt (C 30:23ff//3 1 :22ff) . They concluded by noting that they had also written to Delaiah and Shelemiah, sons of Sanballat, governor of Samaria, and that "Arsames knew nothing of all that was done to us" (C 30: 29f//31 : 28f) . The earlier unanswered letters may have been sent by the regular postal service. The new epistles were delivered by personal messenger, perhaps Jedaniah b. Gemariah himself. The letter gives no indication of whether the presentation of the petition was accompanied by a gift.25 Delaiah and Bagohi joined in issuing reply to the petition of the Ele­ phantine Jews-not in the form of a letter as requested but in an oral com­ munication to be delivered to Arsames. It was recorded in a memorandum by the messenger and repeated almost verbatim the pertinent phrases of the petition, noting that the Temple was to be rebuilt on its former site.26 There was one important exception-the omission of burnt-offering. The failure of the Jerusalem authorities to answer the earlier petition may have reflected their unwillingness to sanction the existence of a sanctuary to 25 Cf. M. Voge1stein, "Bakshish for Bagoas?" JQR 3 3 ( 1 942-43 ) , 89ff; H. L. Ginsberg apud Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 492, n . 1 8. 26 Cf. A. Vincent, op. cit., 2 53f.

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YHW outside of Jerusalem. Their subsequent willingness may have been due to compromise; meal offering and incense 27 were permitted but holo­ caust was not. The Elephantine Jews accepted this limitation of their rights. The five leaders of the community, Jedaniah b. Gemariah, Mauziah b. Nathan, Shemaiah b. Haggai, Hosea b. Jathom, and Hosea b. Nattun now turned to "our lord," probably Arsames, and said, "If our lord is [favo] rabIe, and the Temple of ou[r] , God YHW [is rebuilt] in the fortress of Elephan­ tine as it was for[merly buil]t and n[o] sheep, ox, or goat is offered there 27 An inscribed incense altar may be of interest in this connection. About 200 limestone altars or incense stands were found in three deposits, "uncon­ nected with burials or domestic quarters," at Lachish. Most of the altars were found in two caves with collapsed roofs. The rest were scattered. One altar, about 1 6. 5 cm. high and between 1 1 and 1 2 cm. wide on each side, contained a lightly scratched Aramaic inscription on one face. The shallow depression on the top surface did not show signs of fire. The shape of the letters and adjacent pottery argue for a fifth century date for the inscription. The altar surface on the left-hand edge of the inscription is worn away and it is uncertain how many letters are missing. Moreover, the lower half of the third line is missing. At least three different restorations and interpretations have been offered. A. Du­ pont-Sommer read: lbnt> y[w,] S bn m�[yr/sh] lyh mr>[h qrb] and translated, "Incense (which ) Joash b. Mel}.ir ( 7 Mahseh 7 ) offered to Yah his Lord." Cf. O. Tufnell, Lachish III (Tell ed-Duweir) : The Iron Age (New York, 19 53 ) , 226, 3 83f, PIs. 49 :3, 68 : 1 , with note by A. Dupont-Som­ mer, 3 5 8f; A. Dupont-Sommer "Les autels a encens de Lakish," Annuaire de L'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves 1 3 ( 1 953; Melanges Isidore Levy ) , 1 3 5ff. W. F. Albright, "Some Recent Publications," BASOR 1 32 ( 1 9 5 3 ) , 47, transcribed the text quite differently: Ibnt, y [,] s bn mz[r] lyh[w?] rzk'l and translated, "0 Incense! Let Yaosh (7 ) son of Mazzer ( ? ) be absolved from guilt!" According to him the text is pagan Phoenician and not Jewish. J . T. Milik, "Nouvelles inscriptions semitiques et grecques du pays de Moab," Studii Biblici Franciscanum, Liber Annuus, 9 ( 19 58-59 ) , 334, n. 4, transcribed : lbnt 'y s bn m� ly h [ . . Hy] and translated "The incense (altar ) of )Iyas son of Mal}.lai, the. . . ." For him the text was Arabic (Idumean? ) and is to be dated ca. 450. A careful examina­ tion of the plate leads one to agree more with the restorations of Dupont-Som­ mer and Milik than with that of Albright. Cf. J. Naveh, Development of the Aramaic Script, 73f. The text as well as the identity of the Lachish temple (cf . O. Tufnell, op. cit., 14If) merit further treatment.

.

CONFLICT AND RESOLUTION

2 93

as holocaust, but only incense, meal-offering and [drink offering] and if our lord giv[es] orders [to that effect, then] 28 we shall pay into our lord's house the s[um of . . . and] a thous[and] ardabs of barley" (C 3 3 ) .29 28 A. Vincent, op. cit., 388, has reconstructed these lines differently, the ef­ fect being that the Temple had already been rebuilt and that permission was being sought to offer burnt offerings as well as meal-offerings and incense. This seems less likely. For a more recent reconstruction, d. the discussion of P. Grelot, "La reconstruction du temple juif d'EIephantine," Orientalia 3 6 ( 1967 ) , 1 73ff. H e assumes that permission has already been granted and the letter is an acknowledgment thereof. 29 The subject of the destruction of the Temple and the resultant petitions seeking its reconstruction has received the most extensive treatment of any concerning the Elephantine Jewish community. Besides its intrinsic interest and the many contacts which it establishes with the Books of Ezra and Nehe­ miah, it poses several critical problems: ( 1 ) Why did the Elephantine Jews petition the Jerusalem authorities? ( 2 ) Why did the Jerusalem officials not answer the first appeal? ( 3 ) Why did the Elephantine Jews appeal to Samaria in their second attempt? (4) What is the significance of the omission of burnt­ offering from the memorandum of Delaiah and Bagohi? In response to the first question, it is at least tacitly assumed, if not explicitly stated, that Jerusalem was already then, as she continued to be down through the Roman period, the metropolis of, "world" Jewry. Opinions differ as to whether the authorities there had an official say an cultic matters in the Diaspora or whether it was merely their influence which was being sought. Consensus has developed with regard to the second question though there are differences in detail and emphasis­ the Jerusalem officials looked askance at the existence of a Jewish Temple, whose cult was not the most orthodox at that, on foreign soil. The third question has given rise to a variety of answers, most of which are involved in an estimation of the state of relations existing between Judah and Samaria at the time. The appeal to Samaria has been cited as evidence both for the fact that the Samari­ tan schism had already taken place (e.g., R. Marcus, Josephus [Loeb Classical Library; London, 19371 VI, 507 ) and that it had not yet taken place (H. H. Rowley, BJRL 38 [1955-56], 166ff) . The recent discovery of the Samarian Aramaic papyri from the fourth century makes it less likely that the schism had already taken place. Cf. F. M. Cross, BA 26 ( 1963 ) , 1 1 off; G. E. Wright, Shechem, 1 7 5ff; F. M. Cross, HTR 59 ( 1 966 ) , 208ff. The appeal has also strengthened the proposition that the Elephantine Jews came from Northern Israel exclusively or primarily, rather than from Judah. This view was most fully propounded by A. van Hoonacker, Une communate iudeo-arameene. Some three different views have developed in response to the fourth question : the omission was a cqncession to Egyptian susceptibilities (no more sacrifice of the ram ) , to Persian susceptibilities (no more profaning of fire) , a compromise between the latitudinarian Samaritans and the restrictive Judahites. For this last view d. especial1y E. Mittwoch, "Der Wiederaufbau des jiidischen Tempels in Elephantine," Festschrift H. Cohen (Berlin, 191 2 ) , 229ff; M. L. Margolis, "The Elephantine Documents," JQR 2 ( 1 9 1 1-1 2 ) , 426. Three of the papyri which serve as the source for this subject (C 30-3 2 )

294

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Restoration Was the Temple rebuilt on its former site and a reduced worship taken up there to YHW the God? It will be recalled that on November 26, 404 an­ other document was drawn up by Ananiah for the apartment which he had presented to his daughter on July 11, 420. The new deed of gift contained certain substantive differences in line with Ananiah's advancing years and the changed northeastern boundary. It was conjectured earlier that Ana­ niah saw his house, or at least part of it, destroyed along with the Temple and the southwest wall of the royal storehouse which it adjoined. The Khnum priests may also have objected to the reconstruction of this house. Jehoishma's document was drawn up about seven months subsequent to the accession of Artaxerxes II. Perhaps it was Artaxerxes who first issued definite orders regarding the Temple of the Jews and, incidentally, the right of Ananiah to rebuild his house on its former site. After the house was re­ built, Ananiah felt it necessary to draw up a new document for Jehoishma's share, adding the changes brought about by the passage of time. The deed of sale for the remainder of the property is most significant for the information it supplies on this subject. It was drawn up on Decem­ ber 12, 402 by "Anani b. Azariah Z6lJ.en of YHW and the woman Tapmut were first published by Ed. Sachau in a separate edition, Drei aramiiische Papyrusurkunden aus Elephantine (Berlin, 1908) and then in a small vocalized edition by W. Staerk, Aramaeische Urkunden zur Geschichte des Judentums im VI and V Jahrhundert vor Chr. (Bonn, 1908) along with C 27 and the Ara­ maic passages from Ezra. The first three documents plus a fourth, hitherto un­ published, were given by Sachau as the first four papyri in his publication Aramiiische Papyrus und Ostraka and again by A. Ungnad, Aramiiische Papyrus aus Elephantine (Leipzig, 191 1 ) . They were translated into English with com­ mentary by M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 434ff, 447ff, and constitute nos. 30-33 in Cowley's edition of 1923. H. Gressmann translated them afresh in his Altorientalische Texte wm alten Testament (Berlin, 1926; 2nd ed. ) , 450ff as did H. L. Ginsberg in J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 49 1£ and H. H. Rowley in D. W. Thomas, Documents from Old Testament Times ( Lon­ don, 1 9 5 8 ) , 260ff. A Hebrew translation and commentary was given by Z. Ben- "­ Haim in the Hebrew Encyclopaedia Biblica (Jerusalem, 1958) III, 433f. For treatment of the subject cf. H. Gunkel, "Der Jahutempel in Elephantine," Deutsche Rundschau 1 34 ( 1908) , 30ff; Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 79ff; H. An­ neler, op. cit., 1 34ff; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 47ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 3 1 2ff; · E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 100ff; and the various Biblical histories and encyclo­ pediae.

C O N FLICT AND R E S O LUTION

2 95

his wife, l"l;enah of YHW the God who dwells in Elephantine the fortress" (K 1 2 : lf) . It was explicitly indicated that southwest of their property, across the royal street, lay the "Temple of YHW" (K 1 2 : 18f ) . Thus, both the Presence and Temple of YHW are stated to be again in the fortress of Elephantine. It may be argued that these passages are not conclusive evi­ dence for the full reconstruction of the Temple as it had previously existed. Still, they indicate that eight and a half years after its destruction, the site was still reserved for YHW the God. It had not been taken over by Khnum nor devoted to any other purpose. It is possible, therefore, that some struc­ ture was re-erected on the spot and a reduced sacrificial service reinsti­ tuted.so It is likely that Artaxerxes decided in favor of the Jews to assure their loyalty in the face of the rebellion of the rest of Egypt. Amyrtaeus was recognized as king of Egypt after the death of Darius II though the three cited documents of Ananiah show that his rule did not yet extend to Ele­ phantine. The garrison there maintained its loyalty to the Persians at least down through the beginning of 401. The last document ( C 7) dated to Artaxerxes II was a promise to render an oath made by Ma1chiah to an unknown accuser on 18 Phaophi in the fourth year of that king (January 1 8, 401 ) . Partially damaged, it may be restored as follows, "You have com­ plained against me in Nepha saying, 'You have forced your way into my house, assaulted my wife, forcefully taken goods from my house and ap­ propriated them to yourself.' " 31 The accusation was similar to that made against Nakhtbor, manager of Arsames' estate, by Maspat, manager of the estate of another Persian dignitary, Warfish ( D 12 ) . The incident may have occurred during the Egyptian revolt (423?, 410? ) or shortly thereafter. "Nakhtbor has taken and appropriated to himself the wine which is in Papremis and the crop from the land, all of it. He has assaulted my lady's domestic staff and taken property from them." Though the Elephantine case was between two members of the garrison, it may reflect something of the unrest attendant upon the transfer of allegiance from Artaxerxes II to Amyrtaeus. The next, and also the last, dated private contract is an LO.U. drawn up on Phamenoth 2 1 ( ? ) , Amyrtaeus 5 (June 19, 400 ) . Menahem b. Shallum was divorced from his wife Salluah and still owed 30 Cf. E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 10; J. Reider, JQR 44 ( 1 953-54 ) , 33 9; E. HammershaimD, "To nye samlinger ararnaiske dokumenter fra 5. arh. f. Kr.," Dansk teologisk Tidsskrift 1 8 (19 5 5 ) , 1 3of. For the earlier views cf. Ed. M eyer, Papyrusfund, 90; . H. Anneler, op. cit., 146; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 51; A. Vincent, op. cit., 3 87ff. 31 Cf. Appendix III, 2 for reconstruction of this text.

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her two shekels ( one stater) of her dowry which h e had not yet returned. He promised to do so within a month. Penalty was provided for failure to return the sum (C 3 5 ) . Life apparently went on as usual under the new ruler as under the old. On October 1, 399, Shewa b. Zechariah wrote to Islal)., perhaps from Memphis, and reported the seizure of the throne by Nepherites (K 1 3 ) . Unfortunately, the letter is too fragmentary to detect the feelings of the writer toward the change in ruler. Reference is made to a Vidranga but his identity is uncertain.32

"

Aftermath No documents dated later than 399 have been found. Whether the Jewish garrison at Elephantine came to an end at this time is unknown. Since the Jews had worked out a modus vivendi with the Khnum priests subsequent to the many negotiations after the destruction of the Temple in 410 and had managed to weather the storm of the death of Darius II and the estab­ lishment at Elephantine of the rule of Amyrtaeus a few years later, there is no inherent reason why they could not have rendered their services to the Egyptian crown as they had done before the Persian conquest. One Egyptian dynasty rapidly gave way to its supplanter-Twenty-eighth Dy­ nasty (Amyrtaeus alone, 404-399 ) , Twenty-ninth Dynasty ( 399-380 ) , Thirtieth Dynasty ( 3 80-343 ) .33 Before Artaxerxes III had reconquered Egypt in 343, the last Pharaoh, Nectanebos II, had commenced construction on the southern edge of the island of a temple to Khnum, 81 by 54 cubits (42.53 X 28.35 m. ) and one to Sati, 45 by 35 cubits (23.63 X 18.38 m. ) . They were further enlarged under the Ptolemies and the Romans. Under one of these regimes, a well­ constructed outer brick wall, some five meters thick, was erected right up against house h (see Figure 3 ) , in which were discovered Aramaic papyri and storage jars bearing Aramaic and Phoenician inscriptions.34 Was the house in which they were stored cleared away to make room for the street which ran along and outside the Temple wall? It is not certain. But the modern discovery of papyri and jars suggests that it was not. The house in, the layer or so above ran more parallel to the Temple wall. It contained 32 Cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 1 3f, 283. 33 For dates d. F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 1 66ff; A. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs, 452f; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 60 5f, 620ff. 34 Unfortunately the papyri disintegrated upon exposure.

�j

CONFLICT AND RESOL UTION

297

a Greek graffito dated to late Roman times, "Homage of the foreigners." Were they, too, mercenaries? The homage which the foreigner rendered to the native was already apparent with the conquest of Alexander. The work on the Khnum temple was consummated by Alexander II. The free-stand­ ing portal which he erected may still be seen there today.35 ( See Plate 7a. ) The last dated private contract of the Jewish community indicated a divorce and the first document of the Greek colony was a marriage contract. It is the earliest Greek papyrus contract uncovered in Egypt. "In the 7th year of the reign of Alexander son of Alexander, the 14th year of the sa­ trapship of Ptolemy, in the month Dius. Marriage contract of Heraclides and Demetria." He was from Temnos and she and her parents, who pre­ sented her in marriage, from Cos. Both were apparently well-to-do since her dowry was valued at 1,000 drachm ( 500 Elephantine shekels ) . The migratory life of the mercenary is reflected in the clause that husband and wife shall live together wherever it seems best to husband and father-in­ law, "consulting in common." Whatever the uncertainty of domicile, both partners sought security in monogamy and marital faithfulness. Stipulations reminiscent of clauses in the contracts of Mibtahiah and Jehoishma were included : "If Demetria is discovered doing any evil to the shame of her husband Herqclides, she shall be deprived of all she brought. . . . It shall not be lawful for Heraclides to bring home another wife in insult of Demetria nor to have children by another woman nor to do any evil against 35 The "Tempelhofmauer" was uncovered on January 1 5, 1907 by the Ger­ man excavator O. Rubensohn who, along with W. Honroth and F. Zucker wrote a "Bericht tiber die Ausgrabungen auf Elephantine in den Jahren 19061908," ZAS 64 ( 1 909-1 0) , 14ff. For their description of house k cf. pp. 23ff and Tafel V. The temple wall is described on pp. 3 5ff. Excavations of the Khnum and Satet temples were subsequently undertaken by H. Ricke on Jan­ uary 1 3-26, 1938, February 1 5-23, 1954 and February 1 1-26, 19 58. The re­ sults were published by him in "Die Tempel Nektanabos' II in Elephantine und ihre Erweiterungen," Beitriige zur iigyptische Bauforschung, VI (Cairo, 1960) . E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 1 5, thought the Jews did not survive into the Thirtieth Dynasty. He observed, "the street which skirts the wall of the Khnum temple seems to impinge on the houses of the Aramean district in a manner suggesting that these were no longer occupied when it was laid." But already Zucker and Rubensohn, op. cit., 42f, did not date the wall-which would have been the last structure erected-until the time of Ptolemy I while Ricke, op. cit., 33, thought it might also have been erected during the Roman period when an extension was added to the front of the temple. For details of, and references relating to, the Alexander II portal cf. B . Porter and R. L. B. Moss, Topo­ graphical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings (Oxford, 1937) V, 227. For location of the temples, see Plates 1, 2 .

29 8

CONFLICT AND R E SOLUTION

Demetria on any pretext." Violation resulted in return of dowry and a 1,000 drachm penalty. S6 The newcomers may have been more accommo­ dating to the religious susceptibilities of the worshipers of the ram-god, but their desire for family stability differed but little from that of their Jewish predecessors. S6 P. Eleph. 1 was discovered, published and discussed by O. Rubensohn, Elephantine-Papyri (BerFn, 1907 ) and translated by A. S. Hunt and C. Edgar, Select Papyri (The Loeb Classical Library; London, 1932) I, 3£.

E P I LO G U E

The suggested date of ca. 650 for the establishment of the Elephantine Jewish community gives it a life span of at least ten generations. During that period its language became Aramaic but the names of the people re­ mained Hebrew and their deity, Israelite. The religious influence of the Arameans was nominal and that of the Egyptians negligible. Intermarriage occurred with both Egyptian slaves and Egyptian officials in the Persian government. In both cases the Egyptian was assimilated into the Jewish community. . Egyptian and Aramaic deeds of conveyance and loan bear great similarity, indicating like practices in economic matters. Marriage contracts, on the other hand, differ considerably, indicating that the Jews retained their own social practices. The greatest similarity was in the right of the woman to divorce her husband; it is possible this right existed in ancient Israel. There were other Jewish communities, perhaps also military colonies, established in the northeastern border posts of Migdol and Tahpanhes­ Daphnae and in the capital of Memphis. These maintained contact with one another as well as with the Elephantine community. Some Jews held high positions in the satrap's court; Anani was Chancellor and Scribe at the end of the fifth century. Like other highly placed Jews, Nehemiah and Mordecai in the court of Susa, he showed consideration for the welfare of his Jewish brethren in their struggles. An apparently unique feature of the Elephantine Jewish community was the existence of a Temple to YHW. It was oriented toward Jerusalem and the size of the Temple complex resembled that of Solomon's Temple. In fact, it foreshadowed the situation in the Jewish military colony at Leontopolis established in the middle of the second century B.C.E. by Onias IV, scion of the Jerusalem high priest. This colony also had a Tem­ ple on the model of the one in Jerusalem. The erection of the Leontopolis

3 00

E P ILOGUE

shrine most likely resulted from the disappointment of Onias IV at being excluded from what he regarded as his rightful post in the Jerusalem Tem­ ple. Similarly, the Temple at Elephantine may have been built under the impetus of priests who were forced to flee Jerusalem because of Manasseh's cultic innovations. The Qa�r eVAbd at 'Araq el-Emir in Transjordan has recently been ex­ plained "as a unique indigenous example of the old Syrian temple type in " the Hellenistic period.' This incompleted structure is doubtless the bc1ris erected by Hyrcanus, also related to the high priestly family. Disagreement with his brothers and father Joseph forced him to retire to the ancestral estate in Transjordan. There he spent his time fighting the Arabs. At the same site Toubias, the father of Joseph, earlier headed a cleruchy in the service of the Ptolemies. The question of whether the Elephantine Jewish military colony fell into the category of what was later known as a cleruchy must be left open. Cleruchs received plots of land (kleroi) varying in size according to rank and branch of service. In exchange they performed various military duties. J Herodotus recorded that Egyptian soldiers received small grants of land and it is assumed that foreign mercenaries also received such grants. But agricultural land in and around Elephantine was so meager that the pos­ sibilities of sizable grants there were next to nil. The ostraca do suggest some farming but this was probably no more than vegetable gardening. There was also some pasturage and the Jews did keep sheep and goats. A fragmentary papyrus has been restoted by Cowley to indicate that the degel held agricultural land, but the restorations are far from certain. If the plots and grazing land were government grants, the Elephantine Jews might technically be considered cleruchs. The Pharaonic and Ptolemaic grants were expected to sustain the soldier and his family, but the grants at Elephantine could provide only a supplemental income. The soldiers, therefore, received a regular monthly ration. If a cleruchy was a military group which was expected · to be economically self-sufficient, the Elephan­ tine garrison was most likely not a cleruchy. On the other hand, an essen­ tial reason for establishing soldiers on the soil was to provide a sure source for military recruitment. At least one son of the cleruch was expected to follow the military profession. In this respect, the Elephantine community " did constitute a cleruchy. There is one important economic question which we are unable to an­ swer. If the opportunities for accumulating an econorriic surplus from agriculture were strictly limited at Elephantine, what was the source of all the money which the possessions of Mibtahiah and .Jehoishma imply? One

E P I L O GUE

301

possible answer is trade; Elephantine was a transit post. Unfortunately, the documents are silent on this point. Although situated at the southern extremity of Egypt, the Elephantine Jewish community was apparently known to Deutero-Isaiah. It maintained contact with the center of Jewish life in Jerusalem and with the leaders in Samaria. The Jerusalem community, in the person of Nehemiah's brother Hananiah, may have been eager to see that the Elephantine Jews observed the Passover. When their Temple was destroyed, the Elephantine Jews turned to the Jerusalem and Samarian authorities for help in securing its reconstruction. After much hesitation, the Jerusalem authorities agreed to the reconstruction of a sanctuary in which only meal-offerings and incense, but not holocausts, would be allowed. The Leontopolis Temple was granted similar limited recognition by the Jerusalem authorities. Persian rule maintained itself at Elephantine for a few years after Amyr­ taeus had established himself in the Delta. This sole ruler of the Twenty­ eighth Dynasty was recognized at Elephantine by June 19, 400. He was overthrown the following year by Nepherites I who instituted the Twenty­ ninth Dynasty. It is not known if the Elephantine Jewish community suc­ ceeded in surviving this second change of rule. If they did not, they may have done what earlier discontented soldiers at Elephantine did or threat­ ened to do-leave for Nubia.

APPENDIXE S

A P P EN D I X

T H E N O TAT I O N S "2 AND

"

1

I

to the

10

S to the

10

r

" "

The notation "2 r to the ten/ ( 10)" or "2 r to the karsh" has been con­ sidered to refer to a five per cent alloy in the silver. The r apparently is the abbreviation of rbe " "quarter," and was not only used to designate a quar­ ter of a shekel but was also applied to linear measures ( [� cubit] K 7 : 7, 9 ) , and measurements of capacity ( [� ardab] C 24 :7, 16, 28, 30; cf. C 81 ) .1 Although some references to silver contain no additions (K 1 :3, 5, 7f, 2 : 6ff, 10, 14, 16, 7:passim though note 7 : 32; C 1 : 7, 1 3 :6, 11, 42 :4) and some mention only the expression "by the stones of the king" (K 5 :8, 10: 14; C 1O :�j., 1 5 : 34ff) there is usually added, particularly in fines, either the expression ksp $r(y) p, "refined silver" (C 5 : 7, 28 : l Of; K 5 : 14f, 9 : 2°, 10: 10f, 1 1 :6, 12:30) or "2 r to the ten," "2 r to the 10," "2 r to one karsh," "zuz to the ten," "zuz to the 10," "zuz to one karsh." This formula also appears in instances other than fines : price of a house ( K 3 :6) or evaluation of dowry ( C 1 5 : 7; K 7 : 17 ) . The term "refined silver" is not so found. A. E. Cowley 2 thought that the two expressions were distinct; E. C. Kraeling 3 that they were synonymous. The latter assumed that ksp $r( y ) p was identical with the kaspu pe$u, "white silver," o f the Persepolis Akka­ dian tablet published by C. C. Cameron,4 and concluded on the basis of the accounts in that tablet that silver with up to five per cent impurity fell within the category of "refined silver." It seems to me, however, that we should equate ksp $r (y) p with kaspu murruqu in the Babylonian texts. These texts indicate that "white silver" was a third-grade silver with various degrees of alloy and was the kind commonly employed in commercial transactions in Babylonia. The three classifications in the Persepolis text fall into this third-grade category and give the following classification : 1

Cf. G. R. Driver, "The Aramaic Papyri froin Egypt," JRAS ( 1932 ) , 84ff. 2 A. E. Cowley, op. cit., xxxi. 3 E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 39£. 4 G. C. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, 2ooff.

3 06

APPENDIXES

"white silver," "2nd (-class ) silver," and "3rd (-class ) silver." The latter two classifications are thus merely subdivisions of this 3rd-grade silver, the differences being in the amount of alloy.5 The fact that a description of silver in the papyri is accompanied either by the expression "refined silver" or the expression "2 r/zuz to the ten/ ( 10) /karsh" and never by both, suggests that the expressions are related. Both expressions must refer to a standard of purity. Still, there are instances cited above where no descriptive term was added or where the scribe merely referred to weight "by the stones of the king." Besides, if a standard of purity was meant, why should some fines be paid in pure silver and others in silver with a five per cent alloy? There is no apparent relation between the amount of the fine or the nature of the document and the choice of phrase, though K 9, 10, 12, and perhaps K 5, all containing the phrase "refined silver," were written by the same scribe. Moreover, the standard description of silver in the demotic documents is wtlt ( M 4 :2, 5 : 5f, 1 2 : 1 1; MP 3 2 : 7, 37:4 etc. ) ; "literally meaning 'refined' it denotes undebased metal. . ." 6 An expression similar in form to "2 r to the 10" was added to silver notations in the Ptolemaic demotic documents: "copper, 24 obols for 2 kite." This means that 24 copper obols are the equivalent of four silver drachm, i.e., no agio is to be added even though payment is made in copper; or "26 obols for 2 kite" which means that a 2 0bol agio was to be paid to bring the copper payment in line with the silver value.7 Finally, how are we to account for the difference between the Persian karsh weight of 83.33 grams and the ten shekels of 87.6 grams? If "2 r to the 10" does not refer to the difference, it is certainly a neat coincidence. I conclude that all payments at Elephantine (if less than ten shekels ) were meant to be weighed according to the Egyptian weight of 8.76 grams (unless the weight specified was "by the stones of Ptal)." ) and paid in refined silver (although even this probably contained some alloy) .8 When calculated in sums of ten or multiples thereof, i.e., "karsh amounts," payments were made ac.

5 For discussion of the various terms in the Babylonian texts cf. H. Pognon, "Notes assyriologiques," JA 1 1 th series, 17 ( 1 921 ) , 3 0ff; B. Landsberger, "Be­ merkungen zu San Nicolo und Ungnad, Neubabylonische Rechts- und Verwal­ tungsurkunden, 'Bd. I 1 .2,' " ZA 3 9 ( 19 3 0 ) , 3 8 3ff; W. H. Dubberstein, "Com­ parative Prices in Later Babylonia," AJSL 56 ( 19 3 9 ) , 22f. 6 C. F. Nims, "Demotic Papyrus Loeb 6 2 : A Reconstruction," Acta Orien­ talia 2 5 ( 1 960) , 27 3 . 7 Cf. the recent discussion in E. Liiddeckens, Xgyptische EhevertrCige, 3 1 lff. 8 Cf. the sevenfold refined silver of Ps. 1 2 : 7 which indicates that there were degrees of refined silver. For "Metallurgy in the Old Testament," cf. A. Guil­ laume, PEQ, 1962, 1 29ff.

APP ENDIXES

307

cording to the "weight of Persia," i.e., a slightly lighter weight. In drawing up a document which required a monetary notation, the scribe added one or more descriptions of the silver, but he never gave three additions, e.g., "5 shekels by the stones of the king, pure silver, 2 r to the 10." The notation "1 sh [ekel] to the 10" (C 1 1 : 2 ) was considered by Cowley to mean a 10 per cent alloy in the silver. I assume it means that one shekel of the kite standard was to be added to the karsh to bring the weights of one karsh and one deben ( 10 kite) in line. If we calculate on the basis of the maximum value of the kite (d. above, p. 68) we would get a value of 95.3 grams for the deben and only 92.8 for the "1-karsh-plus-1-kite shekel." That the weight of the kite during this period was not as precise as was the "stater" (Petrie's term ) , i.e., the Elephantine shekel, may be seen from the fact that specimens dating from the 26th Dynasty through Roman times indicate a split into a low of 9.46 grams and a high of 9.91 grams while those specimens datable to the shorter period (26th Dynasty to 30th Dynasty) show a maximum weight of 9.53 grams.9 The earlier value of the kite, cited in the handbooks and encyclopedia articles, was 9.1 grams, which would be more in line with the figures here given. But the Treasury guaranteeing the silver standard changed with the aegis of Persian rule from that of Arsaphes to that of Pta"b; this change may have been accom­ panied by a rise in standard. Either the Pta"b standard was lower than that indicated by Hemmy's statistical maxima or "1 sh[ekel ] to the 10" is sim­ ply a formula in round numbers indicating rough equivalents. 9 A. S. Hemmy, TEA 23 ( 1937) , 51.

A P P ENDIX

II

THE M E AN I N G OF "AB OVE " AN D " B E LOW"

Conveyances locate houses according to their four boundaries. These are designated "above," "below," "east," and "west." Beginning with the edi­ tors of the Mibtahiah archive, everyone assumed that "above" meant "south" and "below" meant "north," no doubt in view of the direction in which the Nile flows.1 The Ananiah archive, however, revealed the presence of the tmy of the god Khnum below the Jewish section ( K 3 : 8 ) . W. Erichsen, H. J. Polotsky, and W. F. Albright connected tmy with demotic tmy, "town." 2 Kraeling thereupon concluded, "Since the Khnum temple lay south of the district where the Aramaic papyri were found, it would appear rather certain that 'below' in the property descrip­ tions must mean south and not north as has been hitherto supposed." 8 Accordingly, he drew up a "Revised Plan of the Jewish District." 4 Accept­ ing his identification, "below" = south, and showing that Mahseiah's house lay northwest and not southwest of the Jewish Temple, I revised the plan further.5 According to the new reconstruction, the Temple was oriented toward Jerusalem. ( See Figure 5. ) Subsequently, there appeared an article by B. Couroyer which argued once more for the traditional explanation "above" = south.6 Let us treat his arguments one by one: 1 . B oundary descriptions in the demotic papyri always begin with the southern boundary.7 In the Aramaic documents, however, there is no fixed 1 A.

36.

H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri Discovered at Assuan, 1 2,

2 E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 160; W. Erichsen, Demotisches Glossar (Cope,nhagen, 1 9 54 ) , 632£· 8 E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 79. 4 Ibid., p. 81, Fig. 5. 5 JAOS 81 ( 1 961 ) , 38ff. 6 "Le Temple de Yaho et l'orientation dans les papyrus arameens d'Elephan­ tine," RB 68 ( 1961 ) , 525ff. 7 Ibid., p. 528, nn. 14, 1 5.

'\

APPE NDIXES

3 09

starting point. The descriptions begin with at least three of the four points of the compass : above ( C 8 : 5, 1 3 : 13, 25 :4f; K 3 : 7, 4 : 9 ) , below ( K 6 : 5 ) , and east ( K 9:8, 10:3, 12 :9, 17; C 6:8) . 2. The word tmy does not mean "town" but is to be equated with Egyp­ tian t3 my · t, "the way." 8 In like fashion, Couroyer explained the enig­ ma tic tmwmty (K 9 : 9) as t3 my · t ntr, "the way of the god." 9 Both lie east of a group of houses and so Couroyer equated them. In one document, however, the tmy (tm,) is described as lying "below" Ananiah ( K 3 : 8) . Something which lay both east and below a particular property must have lain below-east of that property. The tmwmty, however, must have lain above-east of Ananiah's property. The two terms are not identical and Comoyer would have recognized the problem had he attempted to draw up a plan of the Jewish district on the basis of his explanation. We may accept his explanation of tmwmty but must continue to explain tmy as "town." (See Figures 6-10. ) 3. The presence of an Egyptian shrine "above" the house of Ananiah. Couroyer explained the word qnl:mty (K 9:9, 10 : 5 ) not as a personal name but as Egyptian ��nlJ- ntr, "shrine of the god." Since the Egyptian temple and Khnumeum were situated at the southern extremity of the island, "above" must mean south.10 But, as seen, the qnlJ-nty was not present when Ananiah first bought his house in 437 and is not mentioned until 404 (K 9 :9 ) . The shrine was a recent construction, the very location of which ap­ parently led to serious conflict with the Jewish community and the destruc­ tion of their Temple. Rather than having been erected in the "town of Khnum," i.e., to the south, the shrine was constructed in the Jewish dis­ trict, i.e., to the north. 4. The presence of a window in the "lower" side of a house (C 25 : 6) . Since Egyptians would want to catch the cool north breeze, windows would most naturally be built in the northern wall. "Lower" must mean "northern." 11 As seen, excavated houses at Elephantine displayed win­ dows in southern walls. But the window in the Cowley document was in­ deed in the northern wall . The passage was not correctly understood by Couroyer. In both C 25 and in K 12, the windows were located not in the houses being transferred but in the neighboring houses. In C 2 5 : 5f we should translate, "below it the house of Hazzul b . Zechariah adjoins it on its lower (side) and above are windows open there," i.e., in the upper (northern ) wall of the house of Hazzul and not in that of Jezaniah b. Uriah. The boundary descriptions are never interrupted by structural de­ tails of the house being transferred. These always precede or follow. That .

.

8

Ibid.,

530•

9

Ibid.,

531 .

10 Ibid., 5 32ff.

11

Ibid.,

537.

310

APPENDIXES

it is important to mention windows located in the walls of a neighbor may be seen from three demotic papyri treated by S. R. K. Glanville.12 In P. Leyden 378 ( 160 B.C.E. ) Imhotep, after withdrawing any claim to his sister's property directly north of his, says, "I shall not be able to open a window in (?) the north wall of my house . . . [measurements] the wall ( on) the north (giving? ) onto thy house [or possibly 'the wall (on ) the north being (a) (part of) thy house?'] whose measurements and boundaries are written above." The other two documents guarantee that the "light­ well" in the respective houses shall not be blocked by subsequent construc­ tion of the neighbor. Houses being built so close together, a party having a window would want to insure its continued exposure to light and air, while the neighbor of a party not having one would want to guarantee his own privacy against a new intrusion. It is thus important to indicate the presence of windows in one's own or in a neighbor's property. Perhaps Hazzul himself was present when the document was drawn up and re­ quested that mention be made of his windows. In K 1 2 : 2 1 "and its one window opens to the large side" means "the one window in the northern wall of the house of Pe1).i and Pemet which lies below [south] yours looks out over the large side" which Anani and Tamut are conveying to their son-in-law Anani b. Haggai. The "large side" itself contains "beam, win­ dows [i.e., more than one] and 2 doors" ( K 1 2 : 1 3 ) . In my article I offered two suggestions apropos of the equation above = north : ( 1 ) in Sanskrit the term for "north" derives from a word meaning "upper"; 13 ( 2 ) island surfaces generally slope down to their shores so that "below" ( "downtown" ) would usually be "south" and "above" ( "up­ town" ) would be "north." 14 A third consideration now appears to me to be more decisive. In the Sfire inscription ( lA:6) we find the expression "all upper and lower Aram" ( kl cly ,rm wt1Jth) 15 "Upper" doubtless applies to "northern" Aram and "lower" to "southern" Aram?6 Aramaic thus knew the usage of "above" = north and "below" = south. .

12 S. R. K. Glanville, op. cit., 19ff, 46ff. 13 C. D. Buck, A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo­ European Languages ( Chicago, 1949 ) , 873 . 14 H. L . Ginsberg, TAOS 74 ( 1 954) , 1 54. 15 H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., No. 222A:6; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Les,. inscriptions arameennes de Sfire," MAL XVjl ( 1960 ) , 2 1 3f, 225. 16 B . Mazar, "The Aramean Empire and its Relation with Israel," BA 25 ( 1 962) , 1 1 7. The recent studies of B . A. Ayad, The Topography of Elephantine According to the Aramaic Papyri (Publications of the Institute of Coptic Studies; Cairo, 1967) , and B. Couroyer, "Le temple de Yaho et l'orientation dans les papyrus arameens d'Elephantine," RB 75 ( 1968) , 80-8·5, have not led me to alter my interpretation.

AP PENDIX

I II

RESTORE D TEXTS

1 . Passover Letter (C

21;

see Plate 9)

VERSO

'[nK 5K] [,5KtV'] K'n';K InK 05tV [n']��n o:n n K K'" n [' K;'ln nnu:J' n'�[" J i:1 O]tViK ;1I n'5tV K::J;� Ir.l K:J;r.l tVm, Ii' 5 Kt KnJtV nll:J' itVlI nll]:::Ii K Ur.l I:J OnJ� nll:J �'['W �;'n Ir.l "n I ' j:l'ni i��; �n':1 I O'�I; 21 0 " ,1I 15 0"

Ir.l' ,,[:111 �no�, I O'�; 1 0"

,':1l1n ;] � n" :1l1 'in't�' "n 1':1, [onJ�

I� Ir.l"

.1

.2

.3

.4 .5

,,:111 �'i't:l� ' t ��n

.6

,5:1�n 5]� i'r.ln 't Oll'�r.l ;:1, ,n tVnl ;[� i:ltV ��, 21 0" :1' 15 0" :1

.7

•••

RECTO

:1ill�:1 l lo'�; 21 0" 'll �tVr.ltV :1ill�[:1 IO'�; 14 0\' I� '5:1� li't:l�

n5� �]'�"

[Address]

1':1 \r.lnn\ tl:l'�m:1 \;lI�[n 0:J; 'n'� 't i'�n 5:1' KtV�tV

.8

.9

�:I[;r.l tV\ill ' i' Ollt:l Ir.l\ �'r.ltV i15� ellt:l I� .10

Notes 1-2.

[,I ,1;ty . . . ,1;twkm, "To my brothers . . . your brother" is an address between companions or equals. Contrast the address of a subordi­ nate to a superior, "To Artaxerxes the king: your servants, the men of the Trans-Euphrates" (Ez. 4: l l ) , "To our lord Bagohi, governor of Judah : your servants Jedaniah and his colleagues" (C 3° : 1/13 1 : 1 ) ; or of a superior to a subordinate, "From Arsames to Wabprimabi" ( C 26: 1 ) . slm ,1;ty ,lhy, [y§,lw], "the welfare of my brothers may the gods (God? ) seek"; for discussion of this phrase d. above, pp. 1 59f.

312

A P P E NDIXES

3. wk,t, "and now," the usual introduction to the body of the letter (cf. Ez. 4: 1 1 [wkent], 17, 6:6 [ken], 7 : 12 [wkent] ; C 1 7 : 2, 26 : 1, 30 :4 [/,en] , 31 :3, 38: 3, 54: 1 1; D 1 : 1, etc. ) . In thc Hermopolis letters the term occurs virtually as a punctuation mark, recurring several times in each of the letters. snt 5 drywhws mlk>, "year 5 of Darius the king" = Nisan-Nisan, 419/18. The regnal year began in Nisan and the Passover was celebrated in Nisan. How long did it take a letter to travel from Susa to Memphis and from there to Elephantine? Did Darius' letter arrive at the end of the fourth year and Hananiah dispatch his let­ ter around Nisan 1? Or were both letters dispatched toward the end of the fifth year to apply to the Passover of Nisan, 418/17? mn mlk> slyl:t rs[m, "from the king was sent to Arsa [mes." The phrase reproduces the salutation of a superior to a subordinate,\ where the name of the superior always comes first (cf. C 26: 1 and� the Driver letters; my Hebrew article, "The Restoration of Zion in the Light of the Elephantine Papyri," Beth Mikra, No. 16 [Adar, 5723 = 1963], 73ff) ; sll:t, "send," is the regular term for sending a letter (C 16:8, 17:3, 26:6 [sIY(l], 30: 7/131 :6, 30; 24, 30 :29//3 1 : 28, 38 : 10, 40: 3, 41 : 5 ; BK 1 : 5, 2 : 1 7, 3 : 1 3, 4 : 1 2, 5 : 9, 6: 1 0, 7 :4; Ez. 4: 1 1, 14, 17£, 5 :6, 6 : 1 3, 7 = 14 [slyl:t ] ; cf. P. Grelot, VT 4 [1954], 3 54ff) or information in a letter (BK 1 : 1 1 £, 2 : 6ff, 3 : 5ff,

�

Tl).

3-4. [br byb], lit. "son of the house," therefore, "prince." The title is ap­ plied to Arsames in the Driver letters; cf. G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B.C., 1 2ff. The restoration of this phrase and of the following clause is that of K. Galling, Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter (Tubingen, 1964) , 1 53f. 4. [rl:tyqyn hww mn], "withdraw from"; d. Ez. 6 : 6. H. L. Ginsberg, in his classroom lectures for the Fall, 1965, restored the line [byrl:t nysn cyd ll:tyl> yhwd]y>, "a festival for the Jewish garrison in the month of Nisan." P. Grelot refrained from any resforation. kct, "now,'? marks a transition from the message of Darius to Arsames to the message of Hananiah to Jedaniah and the garrison. 4- 5 . ,ntm kn mnw ,rb[ct <Sr ywmn . . . cb] dw, "so do you countfour[teert days . . . ke]ep" may be restored on the model of such passages as Lev. 23 : 1 5f, "You shall count from the morrow of the Sab­ bath . . . fifty days and then you shall bring an offering. . . ." or Deut. 16:9f, "You shall count seven weeks from the time the

"­

Plate and )qn should have the same meaning in both places. He is protesting his innocence before the god and invoking the god's assistance against his opponent. 7. )qr, lk cl, "I will call for/against you." The divine appeal was either made for the opponent, i.e., imposed upon Ma1chiah by the court at the insistence of his opponent, or against him, i.e., uttered by Ma1chiah to his opponent's detriment. For the latter interpretation d. Deut. 24: 1 4£, "You shall not abuse a needy and destitute laborer . . . else he will cry to the Lord against you . . . ." (wl, yqr, clyk ,1 yhwh ) . 8. [nq]mn, "avengers"; d. line 10 [n]qmy), "the avengers." The term has been variously understood as Strafrichtern (Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 104 ) , judges (Cowley ) , guarantors (M.-J. Lagrange, RB 21 [1912], 1 36, n. 2 ) , compurgators, oath-helpers 0. J. Rabinowitz, Biblica 38 [1957], 272ff) . It was the late Professor Y. Kaufmann of the Hebrew University who suggested to me the interpretation of divine avengers, comparing the Greek erinys. 10. whn [1,] qryt lk, "and if I do not call for/against you. . . ." Cf. A. Ungnad, Aramiiische Papyrus; 44; J. N. Epstein, ZAW 32

3 17

APPE NDIXES

( 1912 ) , 143; Ed. Meyer, SPAW ( 191 1 ) , 1049. Demotic oath texts regularly conclude, "If X takes the oath . . . if X refuses."

3 . An Oath (C 44; see Plate 10) i::1 cl5tt" i::1 CnJ� ['T il �� ll� InJ i::1 c'tt'�5 ��, [il'lItt"jil 'l'llil m'nJlI::1l �mO�::1 �[il5� ( �)ciln::1 1'::1 'T �Jn� i��5 [il5 ��'ll '5 iltt'i nJ� 'T ��[!:l i::1 ' O� l!:l "'1lt m '5'T m5!:l [c5 il'5]l1

'l::1� 'O�!:l ilnlJOn[il5 ilJl� m5!:l �5n i� n '5 :Jil' [�l5

� 5 n � O:J '�'l �O:J ' 5 [:JiI'l �5l

1

.

.2

.3

.4 .5 .6

.7 .8

.9

[i1�5!:ll .10

A few centimeters are worn away after the first letter or so of each line. It is presum�d that line 8 is virtually intact, only one letter missing. The number of letters restored in the other lines is, therefore, based upon line 8. The text is dated palaeographically and onomastically to the end of the fifth century; cf. J. Naveh, Development of the Aramaic Script, 48; M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 30. 1. mw [m>h, "an oath," restored on the basis of ym" (line 2) "he swore," "he will swear." 2. The name may either be Hodaviah or Hoshaiah. If zy is restored before ym>, then an abbreviated name should be read, Hodo or Hosea. 3. The second letter of the first word is only partially preserved. Cowley read yod and restored the word YHW. M.-J. Lagrange, RB 21 ( 1 912 ), 1 3 5, read f:teth and restored I:Jerem. A f:teth seems more likely than a yod. The aleph after the bracket is damaged but fairly certain. 5 . p[rnsy br p]mt, "Pamisi b. Pemet." For the name Pemet cf. K 12:20; it is a hypocoristicon of Espemet. This restoration is preferable to that of Cowley, who restored "Pamisi and Espemet." An Espemet does not play a role in the text. 6. lm], "namely" or the like. Cowley restored h" "behold" and understood the following statement as a reply to the suit. The statement,

318

APPENDIXES

however, is the claim. For the use of 1m following a verb of com­ plaint and introducing the statement of complaint d. C 10 : 1 1, 13. It should be restored at the end of C 7:4 instead of Cowley'S hn. 6-7. $dyq , [nh , "I a[m] entitled." The term $dyq frequently refers to the party who is in the right in a judicial dispute; d. Ex. 23:7; Jer. 1 2 : 1 ; Provo 17: 1 5, 1 8 : 5, 17. 7. lh] 1Jsnwth pmsy, "to transfer it to Pamisi." The hapheZ h1Jsn does not have causative meaning elsewhere in the papyri but it does have that meaning in the Targum, regularly translating hn1Jl in pas­ sages with a double accusative (Deut. 3 : 28, 21 : 16; Josh. 1 :6; Zech. 8 : 1 2 ) or with an object suffix of the thing transferred fol­ lowed by a personal object, hit ya1Js·ninnah Z·yisrJ,el (Deut. 1 :38; d. 3 1 :7) . The absence of the prefixed particle lamed before Pamisi in our text should not be an insuperable difficulty to the present interpretation (d. Deut. 32 : 8 and in the Hebrew, Pro J. 8:21 ) . ,bwk, "your father" is not Pamisi, thus assuming that Nathan also had an Egyptian name and that the same man was given two different names in the same text. "Your father" begins a new sentence, the second word of which should read 8. l[,], "did not" and not l[m], "namely." The right of absolute ownership is the right of alienation. Menahem claimed that the female don­ key �as absolutely his and that he had every right to transfer it to Pamisi. Nathan had never paid him for any part of the animal and, therefore, his son Meshullam had no claim on the animal. I am indebted to Professors R. Yaron, Hebrew University; H. L. Ginsberg, Jewish Theological Seminary; and Jonas Greenfield, University of California, Berkeley, for their helpful suggestions in reconstructing this papyrus. Responsibility for the final text, however, remains mine.

APPENDIX

IV

THE COLLECT I O N L I ST

(C

22;

see Plates 1 1-1 3 )

APPENDIXES

32 0

[Column 1] >. C1)

� 0 U

.S

c:i

�

Z

C1)

C1)

.s

.s ....:l

....:l

'" C1)

•

S 'O «I U

Z ,..c:::

..... CJ 0 «1

.� 0

Z.S

.o bO

.S ·O ..... "'0

88

t:: '"' e::I. CJ ....

.....
.

..... -

bO]

� I .� ..o -lo'I ..... "'0 ::I

8 § ,; t:: '"' CI)

t; < . s t3 eP •

0 0 «1

Z =:; ;:;S

1 . On 3 Phamenoth, year S. This is (a list of) names of the Jewish garrison who gave silver to YHW the God, each on[e 2 shekels of] silver [across the tops of Column 1 and Column 2] : 2.

(1)

3·

(2)

4·

(3)

S· 6.

(4)

7·

( S)

8.

9· 10.

(6) (7) (8)

11.

(9 )

12.

( 10 )

1 3·

(11)

14· [ I S] ( 1 2 ) I S. 16. 1 7. 1 8. 19.

[16] [17] [18] [19] [20]

(13) ( 14) (15) ( 16)

/Meshu [llem]eth d. Gemar[ia]h [1 ] b. Mahseiah, 2 sh. of silver /Zaccur [b. Zephania]h b . Zaccur, [2] 2 sh. of silver /Serai [ah daugh] ter of Hosea b. [3] Barman, 2 sh. of silver JAIl j/U . . . ] [1] /Hose[a b . Beth]elnuri, he, 2 sh. of silver, to [him] [2] /Hosh [aiah b. Nathan] b. Hoshaiah b. Zephania[h, 2 sh. of silver, to him] /[X b. Y], 2 sh. of silver, to him [3] [4] [X b . Y], 2 sh. o f silver, to him [X] b . Jeho[ . . . ], 2 sh. o f [sil- [5] ver], to him [6] [X] b. Neh [ab b. Mah]seh, 2 [sh. of silver,] to him [Na]than b. Anani b. [Z, 2 sh .. [7] of silver, to him] [X dau]ghter of Zebadia[h, 2 sh. [8] of silver. . . .] [9] [X dau]ghter of Pelul[iah, 2 sh. of silver. . . .] [X] d. [Y, 2 sh. of silver. . . .] [10] [X] b. [Y, 2 sh. of silver. . . .] [11] [X] d. [Y, 2 sh. of silver. . . .] [12] All the century of Siniddin[: 12] The century of NabuaqabjShal- [IJ lum b. Menahe[m . . . J

[1] [2] [3] [4] [ S] [6] [7] [8] [9] [ 10] [ll] [ 12]

[13] [ 14] [ I S] [16J

321

A.P P E NDIXES [Column 2] � � 0

0 .

0

Z

u

I::

:3

= ....

0 >,

en II)

•

6 '0 rn o

Z ,.c::

�

..... u O m

...:I

Z .5

.5

Q)

.

0

�

20. [21] ( 1 ) 2 1 . [22] ( 2 ) 22. [23] ( 3 ) 23 · [24] (4)XX 24- [25] ( 5 ) 25. [26] (6) 26. [27] (7) 27. [28] ( 8 ) 28. [29] (9) 29· [30] ( 10 ) �O.

[31]

31. 32. 33 · 34· 3 5·

[32] [33 ] [34] [35] [37]

(11) ( 12 ) (13) ( 14)

.o bO . ... I:: ... . ... .... '"0

.

8 ] .8

= "' e;.

.....

I::

�0 elc3 0 o

::I .... z ....

/Meshullam b. Sammua1:t, 2 sh. [2] of s., to him /Pilti b. Micah, 2 sh. of s., to him [3] /Ma1chiah b. Jathom b. Hadad- [4] nuri, 2 sh. of [s.], to him [5] /She1emiah b. Jashub, 2 [sh. of] s., [to] him [6] /Gaddul b. Meshullam b. Mibtahia[h], 2 [sh. of s.], to him [7] /Menahem b. Hazzul, he, b. Shema [iah, 2 sh. of s., to him] [8] /Simach b. Meshullam, he, 2 sh. of s., to him [9] /Gaddul b. Sammua1:t, he, 2 sh. of s., to him /Meshullam b. Haggai b. Hazzul, [10] 2 sh. of s., to him /Hazzul b. Haggai b. Hazzul, 2 [1 1] sh. of s., to him All the [century of Nabuaqab:] 11 [1] [X b . Y], 2 sh. [of s.] [2] [X b. Y], 2 sh. of s. [3] [X b. Y, 2 sh. of s.] [4] [X b. y], 2 [sh. of s.] [All the century of . . . : 4]

.0 ' 1:: . 5bO$ .0

.... :::1

.... '"0

::I

§ l:i Cll

O !::l c;; ..... < . I:: ... o

", bO ... ... o O rn

.

z "S :::E

[ 17] [ 18] [ 19] [20] [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6]

[7] [8] [9] [10]

322

APPENDIXE S [Column 3 ] � 'i 0

0

Z

(1)

U .S

�

(1)

0 ;... ..... .....

'" (1)

8 '0

ZU

S t5 U'l

u t: 'CU ...... .. pc 4. Eshemram b. Nabunad[ ] 5. Bethelzabad b. Eshemram 6. Pal;li b. Eshemram 7. Smn b. Eshemmadbal:t

Eshem Gave Eshem is Exalted, Eshem Rescued Eshem [Protect] my Eldest Son! Eshem is Exalted Eshem is Exalted Eshem is Exalted (The) Name of the Altar is . . .

Elephantine Elephantine

416 41 6-402

(K 8 : 1 1 ) ( K 8 : 1 1, 1 1 : 1 2 )

Elephantine

(C 53:6)

Elephantine South Saqqarah Near Memphis Near Memphis

(C 53:9) (AG 1 10 ) 5th-4th century 5th-4th century

(Bresciani) (Bresciani)

Notes 6-7. E. Bresciani, ASAE 5 5 ( 1958 ) , 276££ ( wooden tablet recto :4f, 8f) . For the possibility that these texts are mod­ em forgeries, d. above Chap. V, n. 6a)ot," HUCA 3 6 ( 1 965 ) , 49-58. Tufnell, 0., Lachish III ( Tell ed-Duweir) : The Iron Age (New York, 1953 ) . ---, "Anklets in Western Asia," Bulletin of the Institute of Archeology 1 ( 19 58 ) , 37-54· Tuland, C. C., "'ussaya, and 'ussarn� : A Clarification of Terms, Date, and Text," JNES 17 ( 19 58 ) , 269-75 . ---, "Hanani-Hananiah," JBL 77 ( 1 958) , 1 57-61 . Turck, J., "Die Stellung der Frau in Elephantine als Ergebnis persisch-babylo­ nischen Rechtseinflusses," ZAW 46 ( 1 928 ) , 1 66-69. Uffenheimer, C., The Visions of Zechariah, from Prophecy to ApocalYPtic (Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1961 ) . Unger, M. F., Israel and the Arameans of Damascus (London, 1957 ) . Ungnad, A., "Aus den neubabylonischen Privaturkunden," Beiheft zur OLZ Berlin, 1908) , 19-28. Val1x, R. de, Ancient Israel, Its Life and Institutions, trans. by J. McHugh (London, 1961 ) . Verger, A., "Note suI diritto dei papiri aramaici di Elefantina," Oriens Anti­ quus 3 ( 1 964 ) , 47-59 · --- , "L'amministrazione della giustizia nei papiri aramaici di Elefantina,"

BIBLIOGRAPHY

375

Rendiconti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze mo­ rali, ser. VIII, 19 ( 1964 ) , 75-94. ---" "Intorno a P. Brooklyn 8," ibid., 294-3 1 5 . ---, Ricerche giuridiche sui papyri aramaici di Elefantina ( Universita di Roma, Centro di Studi Semitici, Studi Semitici, 16; Rome, 1965 ) . Vincent, A., La religion des ;udeo-arameens d'Elephantine (Paris, 1937) ' ---, "Les papyrus arameens d'Elephantine," Bible et vie chretienne 17 ( Mar.-May, 1957 ) , 105-1 5. Vogelstein, M., "Bakshish for Bagoas?" JQR 33 ( 1 942-43 ) , 89-92. Vogt, K , "Ex Novis Documentis Aramaicis," Biblica 3 5 ( 1 9 54 ) , 266-68. Volterra, K, Iura 6 ( 19 5 5 ) , 34°-60. ---, "Osservazioni suI divorzio nei documenti aramaici," Studi orientalistici in onore di Giorgio Levi della Vida ( Pubblicazioni dell'Istituto per 1'0riente Nr. 52 ) (Rome, 1956) II, 586-600. ---, "Le affrancazioni di schiavi nei documenti aramaici del V secolo a. C.," RSO 32 ( 1 9 5 7 ) , 675-96 ( = Scritti in onore di Giuseppe Furlani ) . --- , " 'yhwdy' e " rmy' nei papiri aramaici del V secolo provenienti dall'Egitto," Rendiconti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze morali Ser. VIII, 18 ( 1963 ) , 1 3 1-73. ---" "Osservazioni alla Nota del Prof. R. Yaron," Iura 1 5 ( 1 964 ) , 1 73-80. ---" "Intorno a AP. 1 3 lin. 17-1 8," Studi e Testi 2 3 1 (Melanges Eugene Tisserant, I; Vatican City, 1964 ) , 443-48. Volz, P., "Ein Beitrag aus den Papyri von Elephantine zu Hiob Kap 3 1 ," ZAW 32 (,l 91 2 ) , 126-27. Waddell, W. G., Herodotus Book II (London, 1939 ) . Wagenaar, C. G., De joodsche Kolonie van Jeb-Syene in de 5" Eeuw voor Christus (Groningen, 192 8) . Wainwright, G. A., "The Date of the Rise of Meroe," JEA 38 ( 1952 ) , 7 5-77. Weis, P. R., JRAS ( 1 956) , 214-1 5. Weiss, I. H., Dor Dor ve-Dorshav (Berlin, 1924, 2nd printing) I. Weissbach, F. H., "Zur keilinschriftlichen Gewichtkunde," ZDMG 6 5 .( 1 91 1 ) , 62 5-96. ---, "Neue Beitrage zur keilinschriftlichen Gewichtskunde," ZDMG 70 ( 1 9 1 6 ) , 49-9 1, 3 54-402. Welles, C. B., Fink, R. 0., and Gilliam, J. F., ed., The Excavations at Dura­ Europas Final Report V, Part I the Parchments and Papyri (New Haven, 1959 ) . ---, "Manumission and Adoption," RIDA 3 ( 1949 ) , 507-20. Wells, J., Studies in Herodotus ( Oxford, 1923 ) . Westermann, W. L., The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity (Phil­ adelphia, 19 5 5 ) . Whitehouse, O . C., "Some Problems Suggested by the Recent Discoveries of Aramaic Papyri at Syene (Assuan) ," Transactions of the Third Interna­ tional Congress for the History of Religions ( Oxford, 1908 ) I, 280-84. Wilcken, U., Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung 4 ( 1 908 ) , 228-30. ---, "P. Eleph . und P. Eleph. dem.," Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung 5 ( 1 91 3 ) , 200-17.

37 6

B I BLIOGRA P HY

Wilson, J. A., "The Oath in Ancient Egypt," JNES 7 ( 1 948) , 1 29-56. , "Buto and Hierakonopolis in the Geography of Egypt," lNES 14 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 209-36. Wolff, H. J ., Das Justizwesen der Ptolemaer (Munich, 1962 ) . . Wright, G. E., Shechem: The Biography of a Biblical City (New York, 1965 ) . , ed., The Bible and the Ancient and Near East (Garden City, 1 961 ) . , and Freedman, D. N., The Biblical Archaeologist Reader ( Garden City, 1 961 ) . Yadin, Y., "A Note on the Stratigraphy of Arad," IEJ 1 5 ( 1 965 ) , 1 80. Yaron, R., "On Divorce in Old Testament Times," RIDA 3rd series, 4 ( 19 57 ) , 1 1 7-28. , "The Schema of the Aramaic Legal Documents," JSS 2 ( 1 9 57 ) , 3 3-6 1 . , "Aramaic Marriage Contracts from Elephantine," lSS 3 ( 19 5 8 ) , 1-39 . , "On Defension Clauses of Some Oriental Deeds of Sale and Lease, from Mesopotamia and Egypt," BO 1 5 ( 1 958 ) , 1 5-22. , "Identities in the Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri," Biblica 39 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 344-54· , "Notes on Aramaic Papyri," RIDA, 3rd series, 5 ( 19 58 ) , 299-3 10. , "Jewish Law and Other Legal Systems of Antiquity," lSS 4 ( 1 959 ) , 308-3 1 . ., "Aramaic Deeds of Conveyance," Biblica 41 ( 1 960 ) , 247-74, 379-94. ---,. "Aramaic Marriage Contracts : Corrigenda and Addenda," lSS 5 ( 1 960 ) , 66-7°· , Introduction to the Law of the Aramaic Papyri (Oxford, 1 961 ) . ---,. The Law of the Elephantine Documents ( Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1961 ) . . , "Notes on Aramaic Papyri II," lNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 127-30. --- ., "CPJud. 144 et Alia," Iura 1 3 ( 1 962 ) , 170-1 75. --- , "Who Is Who at Elephantine," Iura 1 5 ( 1 964 ) , 1 67-72. " lSS 1 2 ( 1967 ) , 306-1 1 . ---, "Minutiae Aramaicae" (typescript) . Yoyotte, J., "Sur Ie voyage de Psammetique II," VT 1 ( 1951 ) , 1 40-44. Zandee, J., Death as an Enemy According to Ancient Egyptian Conceptions (Leiden, 196o ) . Zeitlin, S., Megillat Taanit as a Source for Jewish Chronology and History in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (Philadelphia, 1922 ) . Zimmerman, F., The Book of Tobit, An English Translation with Introduction and Commentary (New York, 1 9 58 ) . Ziock, H., Xgypten (Bonn, 1 9 5 5 ) . Zohary, M., "Flora," G. A. Buttrick, ed., Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, II, 2 84-302 . Zyl, A. H. van, The Moabites (Pretoria Oriental Series 3; Leiden, 1960) . ---

---

---

---

-----

---

---

---

---

---

---

--

G E N E RAL I N D E X

Abu Simbel, 9 Abusir, 23 Abydos, 41, 42n54, 43, 2 57, 280, 282, 288nI9 Accountants. See Officials Adindan, 36n31 Afghanistan, 64 Ai, 183 Akkadian, 2 1 £, 1 3 6n85, 188, 191 Alalakh, 209 Alexandria, 1 88n36 Altar, 1 55; to the host of heaven, 1 1 9; to the Lord in Egypt, 1 1 9; Greek, 1 5 5nI5; and oaths, 1 56, 1 56nI 6; and appeal to deity, 1 5 8; ' incense, 168; names of, 168; deified; 168f; Nabatean inscription on, 181; at Palmyra, 182; incense at Lachish, 2921127 Ammon, Ammonite, 1 6, 1 1 7, 176, 248f Amoll (Amun ) , Amon-Re, 1 1, 23, 1 5 5nI6, 282f Anath, 149, 1 66f, 1 70, 178f; Atta, 1 65, 170; [At]ti, 94, 165; Atargatis, 171; Attaratta, 1 73 Anathbethel, 163f, 17of, 17 3f, 326 Anathoth, 178 Anathyahu, 1 54, 1 56, 1 58, 171, 1 77, 179 Anatolia, 63 Anthothijah, 178f Aphroditopolis, 4 5 Apollo, 23, 1 8 3 Arabs, Arabia, Arabic, 2 1 , 1 1 3n24, 292n27 Arad, 29, 33n27, 105, 1 20 Aram, Arameans, 7, 16-18, 1 70-72, 207n7, 31 0; soldiers, 1 6, 265, 272; at Syene, 1 5, 17f, 29, 33f, 1 64f, 173f, 202n7, 233, 239, 2 51, 264; in Egypt, 17, 1 68, 1 72; deities and shrines, 19, 33, 1 64-67, 1 74, 3 3 3 Aramaic contracts, 2 3 , 3 5, 70, 72, 188, 198, 21 9, 2 54, 262f; building rights,

239, 3 3 5n3; conveyance, 102, 1 10, 1 65, 1 88, 194, 203nI O, 216, 229, 284f, 298, 3 3 5, 3 3 5n3, 340; division of inherit­ ance, 188, 3 3 5n3; divorce, 261; eman­ cipation, 192nI 7, 1 98n35, 219, 271; exchange, 23, 3 3 5n3; gifts, 188, 242nI5, 294, 3 3 5n3; loans, 27, 67f, 71, 77f, 80n81 , 83, 1 88, 20 5, 233, 2 64, 298, 3 37f, 340; marriage, 71, 73, 7 5, 91, 188nI , 1 90, 192nI 7, 194, 198n35, 203, 205-10, 2 1 2f, 222-26, 23 of, 247, 252-57, 261, 298, 340, 343; obligation, 79, 101, 29 5, 3 37; remu­ neration, 244f, 33 5n3; reversion of property, 242-44, 3 3 5n3; sale, 188, 2 1 3f, 216n50, 223, 2 3 1 , 286, 294, 3 3 5n3; withdrawal, 194, 203nlO, 240, 247, 2 5 5, 2 57, 271, 3 3 5n3; date for­ mula, 27, 196£, 23 3n92 ; titles in, 48; and demotic, 1 69, 194; size of, 1 29n55, 19 5f, purpose of, 188; penalties in, 19of, 207, 2 1 6f, 220, 223f, 226, 239f, 253, 256-58, 296, 306, 3 37; stored in clay jars, 191, 2 1 3; and Egyptian con­ tracts, 191; sources for family histories, 191; place and manner of redaction, 191£, 194, 196Il28, 197f; Egyptian as witness, 194; corrections in, 207n30; sealed, 1 9 5 Aramaic documents : administrative affairs, 32, 34n27, 4 5, 47, 72, 1 64, 262f; lists of names, 32; with demotic writing, 57, 1 63f, 194; and monetary system, 64; disintegrated upon exposure, 98; from Samaria, 293n29; in house k, 296 Aramaic inscriptions: on storage jars, 148,nI31, 296; Behistun, 21f, 71, 263; Wadi Tumilat, 22; dockets on cunei­ form tablets, 141nI 06; of Sheil, 16 5; from Southern Anatolia and Northern Syria, 1 67; funerary stela, 1 70; Sfire tablet, 170; on Lachish altar, 292n27

37 8

GENERAL INDEX

Aramaic language, 16, 33, 33n27, 57, 2 3 � 2 50, 298, 300, 310 Aramaic law, 22, 192n13, 208, 258 Aramaic letters, 3 5, 42, 47, 89, 1 50, 262n58, 262f, 272f, 277, 282, 291; of Arsames, 46, 5 lf, 5411102, 57, 287, 3 1 2; titles in, 48; official, 5 5, 70; of Rehum and Shimshai, 57; of a coastal kinglet to Pharoah, 57111 1 O; salutation in, 109, 129, 1 58f, 173, 268f, 273, 3 1 l f, 3 1 4; of Hananiah, 1 28, 1 3 2, 28of; size and script of, 1 29, 265, 272f; in Jedaniah archive, 278. See also Aramaic ostraca, Hermopolis letters Aramaic ostraca, 1 6, 57, 72n56, 90, 105, 1 5 511 1 1 , 267n7, 276f, 300; lists on, 32; references to food and garments, 84, 86, 90; divine epithets in, 109; saluta­ tions, 109, 275f; and Sabbath, 1 26, 1 3 1 ; and Passover, 1 3 1f, 276; and oaths, 1 5 2; and marzeaTJ, 1 79, 184; and slavery, 204; sent from Syene to Elephantine, 274f; and letters, 274-77; difficulty of interpretation, 275; how written, 275 CAraq el-Emir, 1 1 6f, 300 Archives, 265, 274; Ananiah b. Azariah, 191, 1 9 5, 202, 206, 2 1 3 , 219n55, 223, 234, 262, 278f, 284f, 308; Mib­ tahiah, 26, 191, 19 5f, 237, 239, 245, 247, 256, 2 58f, 262f, 265; Tsenenl:Jor, 259, 265; Egyptian, 1 9 1 , 262; Jedaniah b . Gemariah, 263, 278f Ari (city ) , 1 80 Arpad, 17f, 1 67 Arsaphes, 307 Artemesium, 28 Ashdod, 1 0 Asherah, 1 1 9, 177, 179 Ashima, 1 7 1 f, 175f Ashkelon, 5 , 10, 184 Ashur (deity ) , 1 57, 200£ Ashur (place) , 166n53, 209 Asia Minor, 23, 281 Asia tics, 1 5 Assyria, AS5yrian ( s ) , 7, 9, 16, 18, 1 19, 1 2 1, 1 2 5, 171, 178, 200, 202n7; law and contracts, 78, 1 57, 170, 200; Old­ Assyrian contracts, 21 on37; Neo-Assyrian contracts, 192n 1 3, 199n38, 210n37; loans, 77£ Astarte ( Athtart) , 1 66£, 171, 1 77£, 178n 1 l 2 , 1 79 Aswan, 24, 3 5-37 Atar (Athtar) , 1 66£ Athens, Athenian, Attic, 64£, 66n24, 69, 73

Avdat, 1 8 2 Avva, 1 6, 1 7 1 , 172n97 Baal, 1 9, 1 1 9, 1 5 8, 1 67, 169, 171, 177, 1 79 Baal-I:Jamman 19, 1 68 Baal-I:Iaran, 1 9 Baal-Peor, 1 68n70, 1 8 3 Baal-$amad, 1 9 Baal-Zaphon, 1 59n33 Babylon (ia ) , lOf, 19, 21, 57, 71, 73f, 1 1 5£, 166, 171, 236, 280, 3 28f Babylonian law and contracts, 55111 02, 1 69, 191, 198, 229n82, 261, 305; courts, 279; exculpatory oath, 1 5 1111 ; loans, 77f; manumission, 220f; mar­ riage, 207; slavery, 76; Old-Babylonian law and contracts, 78, 199, 209n37, 2 1 7, 244, 2 54; Neo-Babylonian law and contracts, 67, 78, 8811132, 197, 199, 204, 212, 254 Babylonian religion, 168, 171 Babylonians, 9; at Elephantine, 19, 29, 199; in Samaria, 172 Baitylos, 1 72. See also Bethel Banit ( u ) , 33, 171, 173, 268, 270 Bar Kochba documents, 1 3 4 Barca, 24 Beer-sheba, 1 7 5 Bel (Marduk ) , 15 7, 1 59, 1 60, 1 66-68, 1 8 2£ Bceltek, 1 83 Beni Hasan, 311I Beth-anath, 178 Beth-anoth, 178 Beth-marzeal;!. (Betomarsea ) , 1 8 3 Beth Mashko, 1 5 511 1 1 Beth-i:ehob, 1 6 Beth-shan, 1 6 5n46, 178 Beth-zur, 67n35, 91 Bethel, Beth-aven (place) 1 72, 1 75£ Bethel (deity) , 1 3n51 , 33, 149, 1 65-70, 173, 175, 3 3 3 Bethlehem, 249 Bit Agusi, 1 7, 173 Blemmian, 74 Boats, boatmen, 28, 3 7, 39, 41, 57f, 66, 9 5, 1 3 1 , 239, 286 Bomos, 173 Bribery, 53, 282f Builder, 40, 245, 248 Burj Baqirl:Ja, 173 Calasirians, 28, 29n4 Canaan, Canaanite, 5, 1 1 5, 1 1 8£, 178, 248-50 Canal, dug by Darius, 21

GENERAL INDEX Caravans, 41-43, 263, 272 Carchemish, 1 0 Carians, 8f Carthage, 3 3 3 Caspians, a t Elephantine, 29, 34, 94, 1 94, 199, 21 3f, 245 Centurions. See Officials Chancellor. See Officials Chemosh, 1 7 5f Children, 208, 212, 2 1 7nS2, 22of, 22 5f, 229, 233-36, 240, 242, 244, 250, 2 54f, 2 58, 261, 269, 273, 275f; child­ birth, 1 34, 1 45; adoption, 2 20n61, 221; right of inheritance, 216-17 Cilicians, 26mo4, 28, 56m 16 Circumcision, 251 Claims. See Litigation Clothing. See Garments Coinage and coins, 44n62, 62, 63n4, 63f, 65, 65ll2 1, 65n22, 66n24, 67n3S, 68, 68n39, 69n43, 70, 70n4S, 72f, 73n6162, 74n64, 306 Contracts. See Aramaic contracts; Assyr­ ian contracts; Babylonian contracts; De­ motic contracts Coptos, 2 5 Cos, 297 Courts. See Litigation Crimea, 64 ' Crophi and Mophi, 39 Cuthah, 1 6, 171 Cypriote, 28 Cyrene, 24 Dagon, 1 72, 179 Damascus, 1 7 Dan, 1 7 5 Daphnae. See Tahpanhes Death, 226, 229f, 2 3 3, 245, 2 56, 3 3 8, 341, 343 Deities : and Moses, 6; at Samaria, 1 6; and Elephantine Jews, 19, 1 60; at Ya,di, 19; and personal names, 1 3 3f; Greek, 172m01; in letter salutations, 1 29, 174, 3 1 1 ; Babylonian-Aramean, 1 74; Aramean, 3 3, 164-7 3, 175 Delta, 26, 28 Demotic contracts, 40, 56, 1 54, 1 8 5m43, 198f, 2 19, 258f, 306, 3 34; conveyance, 216, 298, 3 1 0, 3 3 5, 340; debt ac­ knowledgement, 3 3 7; divorce, 247; gift, 229nBS; loans, 77-79, 80nBl, 83mol, 298, 33 7, 340; marriage, 69f, 74n64, 82n9o, 88m 32, 92, 1 9 2 m 6, 208f, 22 1n6s, 222n66, 223, 247n23, 2 54, 268n7, 33 8, 340, 343; oaths, 1 55nl l , 3 1 7nB; sale, 3 3 5ll2; o f boatman, 39;

379

of quarry worker, 40; containing title

frataraka, 45n63 ; and weight standard,

68f; of a Theban family, 192m6; scribes, 1 9 5; not sealed, 195; and date formula, 197, 23 3n92 Demotic documents : administrative af­ fairs, 1 5, 45n63; petition of Peteisis, 282f Demotic law, 22, 208, 258 Demotic letters, 23, 2 5, 41 Demotic ostraca, 87m 29, 1 5 5nl l, 275 Deuteronomy, Deuteronomic, 1 2, 1 62, 1 76; injunction against worship of heavenly hosts, 1 2n49; reformation, 13, 1 24; and Passover, 1 3 1 Divorce, 3 5, 79, 1 53f, 207n30, 208-10, 2 1 1 n40, 2 23-25, 239, 242n1S, 244n1S, 245, 247f, 2 52f, 2 58, 261f, 298, 341f; penalty, 75, 209, 2 5 3; woman's right of, 209, 26lf. See also Marriage Dodekaschoinos, economic privileges of, 25 Dowry. See Marriage Dura-Europas, 1 72f Dushara, 1 82 Eanna, 168 Ecbatana, 2 1 Edessa, 1 7 3 Edfu, 23 Edomites, Idumeans, 249, 292n27 Egypt, Egyptians : Old Kingdom, 41114B; Middle Kingdom, 204, New Kingdom, 30, 49nB2; Third Dynasty, 24; Sixth Dynasty, 45; Eighteenth Dynasty, 66, 199; Nineteenth Dynasty, 170; Twen­ tieth Dynasty, 170; Saitic period, 8f, 1 2, 1 5, 33n27, 47, 51, 66, 1 59n33, 1 9 1 , 198, 222n6s, 236n3, 252; Thir­ tieth Dynasty, 65n2 1 , 296, 307; Ptol­ emaic period, 24, 5 1 , 68-70, 85, 94, 1 55, 212, 296, 300, 306; Roman pe­ riod, 39, 66, 69, 94, 1 1 8, 1 27, 293ll29, 307; Upper Egypt, 43, 45, 5 5, 287; Middle Egypt, 45; Lower Egypt, 27, 42, 54f; and Israel, Jews, 3-8, 1 2f, 19f, 194, 249, 281, 286m7, 287; scorn for foreigner, 4; attitude toward death, 5, 184f; foreign rule over, 6, 10, 1827, 28, 49, 53, 2 1 7, 287; religion, 6, 20, 23, 29, 29n7, 1 22, 1 54, 248; soldiers of, 29f; and Greek and Roman travelers, 37n34; myth about Nile source, 39; and material culture, 65, 71, 74, 89f, 197; slaves, 76, 203-05; foods of, 80, 84, 87, 92, 1 3 3 ; climate,

3 80

G E N E RAL INDEX

89nI35, 92, 101, 18 5n140; and As­ syria, 1 19, papponymy, 236. See also Demotic EI, 19, 1 67, 169, 176, 179f Elam, Elamite, 21f, 46, 70, 73, 17 2n97 Elephantine : garrison at, 1 2, 29, 33, 341127, 3 5f, 53, 5 5, 1 29, 197; settle­ ment of Jews in, 14£, 18n66, 19n68, 3 3, 175, 2931129; Jewish community of, 53, 174, 201, 203, 219, 257£, 262, 289, 292, 293n29, 298, 301; as transit post, 17, 3 6, 301; Khnum priests of, 23, 9 5, 278-99; inscription of Ramses III at, 24; and Persian rule, 25-27, 43, 45, 49, 54, 279, 287; seized by Ethi­ opians, 3 1n I 6; well at, 36n33, 284; name of, 37n35; and Nilometer, 39; and quarrying, 39-41; rations and wages of Jewish soldier at, 26, 34n28, 42, 53, 58, 60, 69, 72-74, 78f, 82n91, 85, 233, 270, 272, 300, 3 3 8; fruits and vegetables at, 84-86; excavations at, 9 5, 97, 262f; end of Jewish garrison at, 296. See also Syene Ephraimites, possibly at Elephantine, 1 3 11161 Erech, 329 Esagila, 1 68 Eshem, 169, 172, 172nI01, 173, 17 5f, 333 Eshembethel, 163f, 1 68f, 173f, 3 2 6 Esther, book of, 46 Ethiopia (Nubia, Kush ) , Ethiopians, 71 5, 20, 24f, 3 1n16, 3 5, 41-43, 74, 86, 93, 1 1 9n38, 301 Euphrates, 170 Exodus from Egypt, 4-6, 1 22, 1 2 5, 281 Ezra, book of, 46, 293n29 Falashas, 1 62f Feast of Unleavened Bread, 1 23-2 5, 1 28f, 1 3 2f, 3 1 3 Feast of Weeks, 1 62f, 3 1 3 Garments, 3 3, 75f, 88-91, 267£, 273 Garrison commander. See Officials Gaza, 10, 1 84 Gebelen, 77 Gezer, 5f Gibeon, 145nI23 Gifts, 188, 190, 2 1 7, 21 9f, 22 5f, 229f, 239f, 2 59 God of Israel. See YHW, YHWH Gold, 70, 73n61, 108, 1 1 3 Governor. See Officials

Greece, Greeks, 28; soldiers in Egypt, 1 5, 2 1 2, 297; travelers in Egypt, 37n34; stater of Yavan, 64; mercenaries, 7274; and slavery, 80n81, 22on60; grains of, 81; contr�cts, 194, 297; ostraca, 275; and JeWIsh Sabbath observance, 281; at Elephantine, 297 Gulf of Suez, 21 Hadad, 19 Hamath, 16-18, 173 I:Ian, 94, 1 59, 165, 1 74, 275 I:Iamman, 1 9, 1 70, 194 lJanat ('Anah ) , 170 Hanukkah, 1 30, 1 74 Harran, 167, 1 70 Hatti, 5 Hazor, 6 Hebrew (language ) , 3 31127 Hellespont, 287 Heracleopolis Magna, 282 I:I ercm, 149, 1 5 5f, 1 58, 169, 3 1 7, 3 3 3 l;Ierembethel, 1 56-58, 1 64, 168f, 17 3f, 316 Hermopolis letters, 1 8 , 34, 34n28, 1 27, 1 3 5n70, 148, 165f, 25of, 264, 267, ' 272-74, 277, 3 1 2, 314 Hermotybians, 28, 29n4 I:Ioruodj, island of, 164 Horus, 74 House, houses, 34f, 51, 75, 80, 97f, 102, 1 10, 203n10, 2 1 3, 2 1 6n50, 21 7, 231, 233n92, 234, 239f, 242, 244f, 256, 258f, 263, 273, 284, 286, 288, 294, 3 1 3n9; in Babylonia, 76; plan and boundary of, 9 5, 97f, 101f, 226, 230f, 308-10; excavated, 102; for EI, Baal, 1 67 Hurru, Ijr, 5, 1 1 Hyksos, Sf, 65, 1 70 Incense, 1 1 1 , 1 1 3n24-25, 1 14, 291-93, 301 India, 43 Indus, 50 Inheritance, 2 1 7, 22 5f, 229, 242, 256f, 259, 342 Intermarriage. See Marriage Ionians, 8f Ishtar, 1 66n55, 168, 180, 200 Isis, 1 56nI 6 Israel, Israelite: attitude toward Egyptian, 4, 249; justice and humanitarian con­ c�rn, 4, 64, 270f; in Merneptah inscrip­ tion, 5; and Canaan, 5, 18 3, 248; diet, 86f; shepherds, 87; religion, 1 2 2f, 1 3 2, 1 57f, 1 68, 172, 175, 220; and neigh-

GE NERAL INDEX bors, l S 3, 24Sf; attitude toward death, l S4f; documents, 213, 260; women, 260, 29S. See also Palestine, Samaria Jebel Nabu, 1 67 Jebel Seman, 1 7, 1 67, 173 Jebel Sheikh Barakat, 173 Jeme, temple of, 1 56m 6 Jericho, 123 Jerusalem, 6, 16, 91, lOS, 1 14, 1 1 9, 175; besieged, 7, 1 3f, 1 19n39; captured, 10, 1 2S; fortifications of, 43, 55, 1 2 1 ; Sab­ bath and Passover, 52, 1 23-25, 1 27, 1 3 3; relations with Elephantine, 1 2 1, 2S1, 291f, ' 293n29, 301, 308 Jordan (river ) , 1 1 5, 183 Jubilees, 162 Judah, 43, 86, 92, 260; invaded, 7, 10, 108, 1 76; and Egypt, 9; origin of Elephantine Jews, 1 8n66; restoration of, 19; debtors in, 79f; climate, 92; and Passover, 1 23; names in, 141mo6, 147; and pagan worship, 1 77f; lan­ guage of, 250; intermarriage in, 249, 251; governor of, 279, 289f. See also Palestine Judaism, adoption of, 2 5 1 Judges. See Officials Kabul, 64 Karaites, 162 Kefr Nabu, 1 67, 172f Khargeh, oasis of, 23 Khnum : priests of, 23, 9 5, 165n4B, 275, 278-99; economic privileges of, 24f; temple of, 36n33, 40, 29 6f, 308f; and Nile rise, 39; and Jewish Temple, 1 20, 278-99; town of, 284, 286, 308 Khnumeum, 286, 309 Khorazmian(s ) , 29, 3 5, 94, 1 52f, 239 Kitchener's Island, 36 Kiiltepe, 209n36 Kush. See Ethiopia Lachish, 1 3 , 3 3n27, 105, 292n27 Lake Moeris, 24 Land: lease, 27; registration of, 51; rent from Persian estates, 58 Laodicea, 281 Larsa, 329 Law. See Aramaic law; Assyrian law; Babylonian law; Demotic law; Near Eastern law; Talmudic law Lebanon, 289 Leon (deity ) , 1 72f

381

Leontopolis, 1 1 1 , 1 1 6, 1 1 8, 1 20n42, 299, 301 Letters. See Aramaic letters; Demotic let­ ters Levites, 52, 1 24, 1 2 5 , 202; and Onias Temple, 1 1 8 Libya, Libyan ( s ) , 5 , 24, 2 6 Litigation, 3 5; claims, 47, 49, 53f, 188-90, 202f, 239f, 245, 2 5 5-57; court(s) , 47f, 49nB2, 1 53, 1 57, 1 8 8, 1 90, 210n3B, 2 5 5, 3 1 6 Loans, 67-69, 7 5, 77-79, 88, 1 0 1 , 203, 205, 2 1 2, 2 1 6, 2 3 3 , 270f, 273, 298, 3 38. See also Aramaic contracts, loans; Demotic contracts, loans Lord. See YHW, YHWH Luxor, 284m 5 Lydia (n) , 6 5m B Maccabees, 1 1 8 Madbachos, Madbal;!, Mizbeal;!, 17 3 Magians, 199 Mahanaim, 84, 87 Maioumas, 1 83 Malkat-Shemayin. See Queen of Heaven Manumission. See Slavery Marathon, 2 5 Marduk. See Bel Marea, 1 2 Marriage, 74, 88, 203, 205, 208f, 2 1 11 3 , 21 7n52, 2 1 9n 5 5, 220n61, 229, 237, 240, 244m6, 2 5 1 f, 2 57-59, 261, 297f; dowry, 70, 74f, 79, 190, 207f, 2 1 3 , 223, 242n 1 5, 247, 25 2, 259, 268n7, 298, 341, 34 2f; intermarriage, 149, 1 74, 1 78, 203, 248-50, 2 52, 298; bridal gift, 74f, 206-08, 2 1 3 , 221-24, 2 5 3 , 341f; remarriage, 2 2 5 . See also Children Marseilles, 181 Ma�tabat-Firun, 82n91 "Mazdaean," 5 5 Measures. See Weights and measures Mede, Median, 9, 29, 62f, 65, 199, 2 1 9 Medeba, 1 8 3 Megiddo, 7, 10, 91 Memphis, 7-9, 14, 1 8f, 24, 26, 29, 3 1 m 5 , 42, 45, 47, 49, 53f, 57, 64, 69n43, 85, 90, 93, 165f, 1 68, 176, 264, 268f, 273, 278, 282f, 296, 298, 31 2, 3 3 2 Mercenaries, 8 , 1 2, 14-16, 3 3, 1 1 8, 300, Merchants, 18, 41, 264 Me�ad ijashavyahu, 10 Meshwesh, 28 Midianites, 7m B Migdol, 14, 42, 44, 90, 1 76, 298

3 82

GEN ERAL I NDEX

Miletus, 28 Mishnaic, 1 33, 198, 244ll 1 6, 3 1 3 Moab, Moabite, 175f, 1 83, 248f Mohar. See Marriage, bridal gift Molech/Milcom, 176 Month (temple of ) , 1 56111 6 Mount Amanus, 1 68n70 Mount Gerizim, 1 1 6f, 1 20 Mount Hermon, 1 69 Mount Sinai. See Sinai Mytilenaeans, 49 Nabateans, 1 55ll1 S, 181, 1 8611147 Nabu, 33, 1 57, 1 59f, 1 6 5-67, 1 73, 183, 200, 202n7 Names, 34, 1 24, 1 3 3-50, 1 70, 1 77, 219nSS, 3 1 7, 328-3 3; Akkadian, 1 68, 3 30; Aramaic ( Aramean ), 85, 1 34, 1 34n70, 1 3 6n82, 1 37n88, 141111 06, 147, 147ll1 27, 1 60, 1 65f, 169, 174, 1 8 5, 251, 269, 3 3 3 ; Egyptian, 45n63, 192111 6, 194, 203f, 233, 251, 3 33; He­ brew, 13 6, 147-49, 1 54, 160, 1 64, 1 8 5, 204, 235, 237, 25of, 298, 3 3 3 ; Israel­ ite, 106, 1 3 5f, 142ll1 09, 144, 148, 149ll1 33, 173, 1 76; non-Jewish, 149, 161, 1 76nl lo, 237, 250; Persian, 49; Phoenician, 8 5, 1 69; Punic, 141111 04; Semitic, 1 50, 204; compounded with Bethel, 165, 328-3 1; compounded with Nabu, 166; compounded with YHW, 105, 1 3 6-45, 203 ; structure and type, 1 3 3-48; hypocoristica, 1 34f, 14 5, 147f, 1 65, 1 66nS3; of Babylonian Jews, 1 3 5, 1 70, 237n9; and childbirth, 140n98, 145; religious significance of, 145, 147; papponymy, 148f, 192111 6, 193nI 9, 23 5-37; feminine, 1 60, 250n3 1, 2 5 1 ; on collection list, 16062, 320-27; absence of EI in, 167; of scribe and witnesses, 1921117, 197f; double, 204, 2 5 2 Navigation. See Boats, boatmen Near East, law and contracts, 203, 206, 209f, 221n6s, 222 Nehemiah, book of, 46, 293n29 Neirab, 1 67 Neith, 19, 2 3 Nepha, 1 56, 295, 3 1 5 Nergal, 1 59f, 1 66f, 171 Nibl;IaZ, 171, 172n97 Nile, 8, 21, 36f, 37n3S, 39, 49f, 101 Nilometer, 39 Nippur, 5411102, 1 2 5n48, 209, 210n37, 3 29f Nubia. See Ethiopia

Nus (h )ku, 1 66f Nuzi, 210n37 Oaths, 1 50, 1 52, 194; by the altar, 1 56; by the God of Samaria, 176; by pagan deity, 1 53, 1 58; by Sati, 1 73, 247; by the Temple, 1 56; by YHW, 1 5 2f, 1 58, 17 3, 240; Babylonian, 1 56111 6; Egyp­ tian, 1 52, 1 5 5111 1 , 247U2 3; judicial, 1 51 , 1 53, 1 5 5f, 174, 256, 295; on ostraca, 1 52, 1 5 5111 1; oath-helpers, 1 52n5, 3 1 6; rationale behind, 1 53n8; where taken, 1 56 Officials : accountants, 46, 58-60; cen­ turions, 29f, 3 2; chancellor, 55-57; de­ curion, 32; degel officers, 3of; framana­ kara, 46, 5611108, 58; frataraka, 42nS4, 44f, 47ff, 53, 58, 60, 225, 284f; gar­ rison commander, 23, 41, 43-45, 47f, 2 5 5, 257, 280, 285; gausa-ka ("ears" ) , 50, 51n87; governors, 42, 44, 5of, 55; heralds, 46, 52f; investigators, 53f; judges, 23, 46-5 1 , 1 24, 1 5 2, 1 77£, 202, 205n22, 239, 3 1 6n8; "lord," 48; nom­ arch, 45; satrap, 23, 50, 53, 5 5, 59, 230, 287, 290n24, 298; scribes, 42, 46, 51, 57, 6of; segan, 48f; sheriffs, 50, 284; treasurer, 59 Ofi ( Luxor ) , 18, 34, 264, 267-69, 330 Oil, castor, 92£, 267£ Onomasticon. See Names Ophrah, 1 68 Orontes, 172 Osiris, 1 561116, 1 8 5 Ostraca. See Aramaic ostraca; Demotic ostraca Oxyrhynchus, 1 7 Palaeography, 1 62, 1931119, 263nS9, 272111 6, 273, 3 1 7; and Michaelidis in­ scriptions, 168n69 Palestine, Palestinian (s) , 8, 1 5, 41, 1 20, 2 3 5111, 261; stone weight from, 67n3S; olive oil from, 93. See also Israel; Ju­ dah; Samaria Palmyra, 1 82£ Papremis, 295 Papyri. See Aramaic contracts; Aramaic documents; Demotic contracts; Demotic documents Parthia, 1 28 Passover, 53, 82, 87, 122-3 3, 1 50, 1 62, 173, 276£, 280-8 3, 286, 301, 3 1 1-1 3 ; paschal sacrifice, 1 22-2 5, 1 32£, 28of, 286, 3 1 3 . See also Feast of Unleavened Bread Pasturing, 86f, 300

GENERAL INDEX Pathros, 8, 14, 42, 1 76 Pelusium, 1 9 Persepolis, 46, 59f, 67, 7of, 73, 305 Persian ( s ) , 29, 64, 1 30, 199, 214, 28 8TIl 9; rule in Egypt, 1 9-27, 45-61, 279, 291, 295f; as judges, 49, 1 52; calendar, 197; weights and measures, 62-72, 197; papponymy, 236 Petra, 181 Pharisees, 1 62f Philae, 3 1TIl 6 Philistines, 33TI27, 1 1 5 Phoenicia, Phoenician (s) , 28, 88TIl 33, 141TIl04, 287; in Egypt, 9, 8 5; in­ scriptions, 8 5, 1 8 1 , 292n27, 296; letter, 1 59n33; papponymy, 236 Phrygia, 279 Piraeus, 1 8 1 Plataea, battle at, 28 Prayer, 144-46, 1 58, 291 Priestly Code, 1 1 1 , 1 3 1 Priests, 114, 1 70, 177; of Amun, 282f; of Baal, 1 70; of Bel, 18 2f; of I:Jan and Atti, 1 65; of Khnum, 23, 9 5, 165n48, 275, 278-99; of Nabu, 1 65; of YHW, 3 5, 48n77, 1 1 3, 1 2 1 , 133, 201, 280, 300; and a marzeal:!, 1 8 183; Egyptian, 1 8 5TIl 43, 2 59; Magian, 219; North ' Israelite, 172; and Leon­ topolis Temple, 1 18; and Passover, 123-2 5, 1 3 3 Prophets, prophecies, 1 4, 1 1 5, 1 1 8f, 1 58, 177 Proselytes, 1 76n1 1 o, 251 Psalmic literature, 1 3 5, 146£, 1 57 Ptal,l, 9, 27, 63f, 68f, 77, 269TIl 1 , 306f Punic, 141n104, 171, 1 8 1 Purim, 1 3 0 Qarqar, 7 Qa�r el-'Abd, 1 1 6f, 300 Qedarite Arabs, 22 Quarries: at Syene, 1 5, 39f; at Elephan­ tine, 40; at Sehel, 40; at Turah, 41n48 Queen of Heaven, 33 , 165, 176-78 Qumran, 29, 106, 162f Rakibel, 19, 1 69, 173 Ramah, 8 7 Rations. See Elephantine, rations and wages Red Sea, 91 Reed Sea, 5 Religion. See Babylonian religion; Deities; Egypt, religion; Israel, religion; Sacri­ fices

3 83

Rephidim, 1 68 Resheph, 1 9 Rhodians, 9 Roman ( s ) , 3 1 f, 37n34, 100f, 1 28, 1 72, 296 Sabbath, 1 22-3 3, 1 50f, 173, 281, 3 1 2 Sacrifices : at Elephantine, 24, 88, 1 1 31 5, 201, 292-95, 301; in Israel, 1 1 1, 1 1 3-1 5, 1 55; and sacred soil, 1 1 5; on Sabbath and festivals, 1 22f; of the proselyte, 1 58; pagan, 181; taxed in Jerusalem temple, 290n24. See also Incense Sadducees, 1 62 Sais, 1 5, 1 9, 23, 40 Sale, 214-1 7, 219, 231, 242n 1 5 Samal, 1 68, 1 68n67, 169 Samaria : and foreign attack, 7, 1 6; for­ eign settlers in, 1 6, 1 8, 171; ostraca and papyri from, 17n63, 1 I 6n31, 145TIl23; officials in, 46, 5ITI87, 57, 289; quarrel with Judah, 1 I 6; shrines of, 1 I 6, 1 20, 176; and Passover cele­ bration, 1 2 3; pagan deities in, 173, 1 76; rebuked by prophets, 1 76; and Elephantine, 293, 301 Samaritans, 1 8n66, 1 62, 174, 293n29 Saqqarah, 1 59n3 3. See also South Saq­ qarah Sati (goddess ) , 1 53, 1 58, 165n48, 173f, 247 Satrap. See Officials Scribes, 5 1 , 5 5-57, 1 6 1 , 1 74, 192-97, 207, 2 14, 219, 222, 23of, 233, 237, 240, 247, 2 57, 306, 334m , 33 5n3; as gov­ ernment officials, 42, 46, 51, 57, 6of; Egyptian, 1 54, 192m6, 237n7; Ara­ mean, 1 60, 192-94, 242, 248; of a marzeal:!, 1 82-84; of Aramaic con­ tracts, 192, 1 9 5, 2 5 2; Babylonian, 192; error of, 202, 245; of Hermopolis letters, 265; of ostraca, 274; of Tem­ ple of Teuzoi, 282 Scythians, 9 Seals, 264; Aramaic, 262n5 1; Egyptian, 214, 265; Hebrew, 214n48, 26of; Per­ sian, 2 14 Sehel, 24, 39 Seimios. See Eshem Sekhemre, 88 Selamanes, 173 Seleucids, 1 20, 182 Sepharvaim, 16 Seth, 171 Slire, 1 68n67, 328

3 84

GEN E RAL INDEX

Shamash, 1 9 , 1 57, 1 59, 1 66£ Shatran, 180 Shavuoth ( Pentecost) . See Feast of Weeks Shechem, 1 1 7, 1 68 Sheikh Fadl, 1 7 Shellal, 36n31 Ships. See Boats Shunem, woman of, 224 Sidon, 171, 1 8 1 Silver, 62f, 73, 78, 108, 1 1 3, 305f Sin (deity ) , 19, 166f, 200, 202n7 Sinai, 5, 107, 1 1 1, 1 1 5 Siyannu, 180 Slaves, slavery, 7 5f, 80, 1 2 5, 174, 190, 203-05, 208, 21 1f, 219-21, 224, 230n89, 234, 2 56-59, 271, 33 6; manu­ mission, 191, 206, 207n29, 213, 2 5 2 Somaliland, 1 1 3 n2 4 South Saqqarah, 1 8 5, 200f, 330, 332f Spain, 64 Standard, military, 29£ Storehouse, at Elephantine, 60, 28 5f, 3 39 Succoth-benoth, 171 Sukkiens, 1 3 1 Susa, 57, 1 30, 147, 298, 3 1 2 Syene: and prophecy of Ezekiel, 14; quarries at, 1 5, 39f; garrison at, 1 6, 3 1 , 34, 36, 47, 72, 23 7n7, 272, 277; temples at, 1 7, 33, 267; Arameans at, 17f, 3 3 f, 1 49111 33, 1 64, 1 66, 269, 3 30; and Hermopolis letters, 18, 34, 264; sandstone stela at, 26; and com­ merce, 36; well at, 36n33; Egyptian border, 42; administrative center, 43f; rations and wages of garrison at, 81, 83, 277; pasturing and cultivation, 8688, 90; Aramaic documents written in, 194f, 248; the beautiful, 247n2 1 ; cas­ tor plant grove at, 267. See also Ele­ phantine Symbetylos, 1 72f Synagogues, 1 1 6, 120n42 Syria, Syrians, Syro-Palestine, 4n3, 5, 9f, 1 5, 19, 41, 19 2111 5, 262n5 1 . See also Aram Syro-Cappadocia, 3 3 3 Tabernacle, 202 Tachompso, 25 Tahpanhes, 8f, 1 2, 14, 42, 1 59n33, 176, 298 Taima, 1 8 3 Talmudic law and contracts, 1 2 1 , 1 3 2, 180, 183, 222, 244

Tartak, 1 71, 172n97 Taxation, 24, 39, 41, 5 1 f, 52n90, 5 5n 1 04, 59111 1 9, 80 Tehenu, 5 Tel-Halaf, 166n53 Tell el-Maskhuta, 22 Tell en-Na�beh, 91 Temnos, 297 Temple ( s ) , 1 2 2, 1 68f; at Arad, 1 20; at Bethel, 175; at Lachish, 292n27; Jew­ ish, at Leontopolis, I l l , 1 1 6, 1 1 8, 1 20n42, 1 2 1 , 298f, 301; at Piraeus, 1 8 1 ; at Syene, 1 74, 267; of Astarte at Beth-shan, 1 78; of Baal-Zaphon, 1 8 1 ; o f Banit, 165; o f K1mum, 36n33, 40, 296f, 309; of Nabu, 16 5; of Queen of Heaven, 33, 1 65, 1 77; Assyrian, 200; Babylonian, 1 68, 174; Egyptian, 20, 1 74, 291 ; Jewish, in Egypt, 1 20n42 Temple, Jerusalem, 107-22, 201 , 249, 298; and altars of Manasseh, 1 76; neg­ lected by Ahaz, 1 23; purified by Jo­ siah, 1 3 , 1 24; referred to in Psalms, 147; and oaths, 1 5 6; and Elephantine Temple, 1 1 0, 1 2 1f; destruction of, 1 2 1 , 184n1 38; reconstruction of, 23, 46, 54f, 108, 1 1 5, 1 2 5, 251; fratricide in, 290n24 Temple of YHW, 1 3 , 20, 24, 33, 75, 90, 220, 282, 299f; terms for, 109, 1 1 1 , 1 5 5; founding of, 1 1 0, 1 1 6f, 1 1921; plan of, 102, 1 1 0, 201, 277; l,oca­ tion and orientation, 94f, 1 1 0, 1 2 1, 214, 2 1 7, 245, 284, 286, 308; and prophecy of Isaiah, 1 1 8-20; and Solo­ mon's prayer, 1 2 1 ; and divine presence, 1 2 1 , 1 50; cult and officials, 70, 1 1 1 , 1 1 3, 1 3 3 , 191, 202, 2 50, 286, 291 ; compared to Onias' Temple, I l l ; in letter salutations, 42, 272; and Hana­ niah letter, 281; and Jerusalem, 94f, 1 1 0, 1 1 8, 1 2 1f, 293n29, 308; and Samaria, 289-93; destruction of, 49, 146, 186, 278f, 280n8, 2811110, 28 5f, 288-90, 296, 301, 309; reconstruction of, 193, 289, 29 1, 293n28, 294f, 301 Ten Commandments, 1 5 1 Tesserae, Palmyrene, 182f Teuzoi, 23, 282f Thebes, Thebaid, 1 2, 28, 43, 4 5, 278, 288f Thoth, 264 Tinnit, 171 Tob, 16 Torah, 49, 52, 79, 132 Trans-Euphrates, 49, 280

GENERAL INDEX Transjordan, 1 1 5-17, 300 Treasury, 59f, 68, 214, 282 Tribute. See Taxation Tshetres, 43-45, 49, 53, 284 Tshetresniut, 43 Tuna el-Gebel, 264 Turah, ' 411148 Tyre, Tyrian, 86, 1 2 5, 249 Tyros, 1 1 7 Ugaritic, 16 5n46, 1 67, 169f, 1 71, 1 80, 1 8611I47 Uruk, 168 Wadi Daliyeh : Attic tetra drachm from, 6411I6; papyri from, 14711127 Wadi Hammamat, 40 Wadi Murabbaat, 1 5 511I l Wadi Tumilat, 21 Wages. See Elephantine, rations and wages; Syene, rations and wages Weights and measures, 27, 62-74, 163, 197 Wisdom literature, 1 34n70, 261 Witness (es ) , 3 5, 1 27, 1 5 1, 1 54, 1 9 2, 1 9211I 7, 194, 197-99, 203, 2 1 3f, 2 1 9, 222, 230, 239f, 242, 245, 247f, 273, 337, 3 37n7, 340 Women : Egyptian, 2 1 2, 258f; Israelite, 9 1 , 260-62; Moabite, 183; members of century, 3211I9; ration for, 82, 271f; names of, 160, 2 5of, 288; donors, 1 6of; and worship of Queen of Heav­ en, 176f; as witnesses, 1 99; right of

385

divorce, 261 f. See also Divorce; Mar­ riage Yaa, 5 Ya,di, 1 9 Yanoam, 5 Yara�, 160 YHW, 3 5, 48n77, 1 34, 1 50, 1 56, 160, 1 64, 1 7I f, 174, 1 79, 275, 286, 291, 292, 294; as God of heaven, 109, 1 1 1 , 173; dwells in Elephantine, 109, 295; written lao, 106f; written YHH, 1 06, 1 26, 1 59, 1 74, 275; and oaths, 1 26, 1 53, 1 58, 173, 240; contributions for, 34n27, 160, 163f, 1 73-75; servants of, 3 � 48n77, 74, 1 09, 1 1 3, 1 2 1 , 1 3 3, 20of, 214, 231, 280, 294, 300; names compounded with, 105, 1 36-4 5 . See also Temple of YHW YHWH, 105, 1 22, 1 2 5, 1 57, 1 80, 271, 3 1 4, 3 1 6; as God of heaven, 108f, 1 1 5, 1 2 1 , 280, 290, 3 1 4; epithets of, 106-09, 1 7 5, 179; characteristics of, 1 °7; theophany and cult of, 1 1 3, 1 1 5f, 1 2 1, 1 62, 169; acts of, 4, 1 14, 1 19, 1 2 2f, 1 3 2, 146, 271; and prayer, 1 4 547; and oaths, 1 51-53; and Queen of Heaven, 177; and manumission of slave, 220 Zenon papyri, 1 1 7n34 Zeus : Bel, 182; Betylos, 17 2; Madbachos, 168 Zobah, 1 6

I N D E X O F P E R S O N A L NAM E S

Aaron, I l l, 1 1 4 Abda, 1 48 Abigail, 260, 262nS4 Abihi, 1 36, 2 5 1 , 273 Ab[ih]i d. Nattun, 324 Abihi d. Osea, 141m21, 324 Abihu, 34n28, I l l , 1 3 6 Abijah, 1 3 6n86 Abiosher, 1 3 6, 1 3 8, 235m , 2 50n31 Abiosher d. Hosea, 144m 2 1 , 3 2 5 Abraham, 3, 107, 1 14, 1 8 5 Achaemenes, 26, 28, 52 Achior, 108m2 Agilo, 182 Aglibol, 182 Agur (Hagur ) , 1 34 AJ:!at d. Na�rai, 26mSl Ahatsin, 270-72 Ahiab, 1 3 6 Ahiab b. Gemariah, 26 Ahijah (prophet o£ Shiloh ) , 7 Ahio, 1 3 6 Ahio b . Mahseiah, 288 Ahio b. Nathan b. Anani, 326 Ahio b. Pelatiah b. Ahio, 193, 23 5112 AJ:!iqar, 146, 2 5 2n37, 263, 270£, 279 Ahmose, 282£ Ah utab, 1 3 6, 1 3 6n32, 1 59, 251, 274, 276£ Ahzai, 148n 128, 290 A1cimus, 1 1 8 Alexander, 64, l l 7, 1 28, 297 Alexander II , 297n 3 5 'Aliah, 261 Amashsai, 1 48m28 Amasis (general) , 9n28 Amasis (pharaoh ) , 8, 1 5, 1 7, 39, 219 Amenemhet I, 5 Amenophis, 6 Amestris, 288m 9 Amos, 1 7 5, 180, 184 [Am]os b. Hag[gai], 273 Amram, 148m29

Amyrtaeus, 26, 1 62, 236n3, 282n l l , 29 5f, 301 ) Anan b. Elish, 1 70 Anani (ah ) , 140, 148, 322 Anani (brother of Ostanes ) , 289 Anani (scribe and chancellor) , 56£, 280, 282, 284, 298 Anani( ah ) b. Azariah, 3 5, 95, 97£, 109£, 190n7, 191, 194£, 200-02, 205-08, 210-14, 216£, 223, 22 5£, 229-3 1 , 234, 239, 259, 271, 284-87, 294£, 309£ Anani (ah ) b. Haggai b. Meshullam, 34£, 71, 83, 191, 19� 217nS2, 221, 231, 234, 3 1 0 Anani b. Mauzi, 323 Ananiah b. Meshullam b . Shelomam, 255 Anani b. Nathan b. Anani, 236n2 Anathi, 1 65 Anathi £. Jedaniah, 149m 32 Antiochus VII, 1 2 8 Apries (brother o£ Makkibanit) , 84, 101, 265 Apries ( pharaoh ) , 10, 13-15, 1 7, 45, 56, 1 77, 267£ Apuli/Yanbuli b. Misdai, 213, 216 'Aqab b . Kephas, 148m 3 1 Aqabnabu, 1 66nS3 Aqbah b. Apries, 2 50 Ariel, 1 3 5n73 Armapiya, 55, 287 ArpaJ:!u, 31 Arsames (Arsham) , 26, 34, 48, 51-55, 57£, 71, 8m89, 237n6, 263, 279, 2808 5, 287, 289, 29 l f, 295, 3 1 1 , 3 1 2 Artabanos, 4 1 , 5 3 Artabanu, 30, 3 5, 239 Artaxerxes I, 26f, 46, 49, 55, 108, 108n12, 1 32, 279-8 1, 3 l l, 3 1 4, 3 1 5 Artaxerxes II, 28, 3 2, 1 56, 290n24, 294£, 314 Artaxerxes III, 290n24, 296 Aryandes, 20, 22£ Asa, 7m 8, 1 6

INDEX O F PE RSONAL NAMES Asahel, 1 3 5n73 Asenath d. Potiphera, 3 ,sh b. Petekhnum, 250 Ashian, 1 79, 184 ASJ:lOr b. Sel:w, 3 5, 40, 89, 14811132, 194, 204, 248, 252, 2 5 3n39, 2 54-56, 259 Ashurbanipal, 8, 9n27, 1 2 1 Asvadata b. Jeh ( o ) nathan, 149111 3 3 Atarmalki, 1 66n55 Atarramari, 269 Atarsamach f. Matiel, 1 66n55 Atarshuri b. Nabuzeribni, 1921114, 193, 237n7, 242 Ater, 14111I06 Athaliah, 260 Athlai, 1 4811128 Atroparan, 30 , Attacidri, 1 65n49 Augustus, 1 26 Azaliah, 141 Azaniah, 141 Azarel, 1 3 5n73 Azariah, 142 Azariah (Abednego ) , 108n12, 279 Azariah (king of Judah ) , 1 7 Azariah b. Hazzul, 326 Azariah f. Ananiah, 201 AZibu b. Berechiah, 149111 33 Aziza, 148 Azzul, 141, 147 Azzur, 142, 1 47 Baadiah, 17n63, 1 3 8 Bagadates b . Psammetichus, 14811131 Bagaeus, 5 1 1187 Bagaphernes b. Vashi, 3 26 Bagazusht, 34, 95, 97, 194, 214, 2 1 6, 231, 233 Bagoas (Bagoses ) , 290n24 Bagohi, 34, 48, 1 09, I l l , 1 1 4, 193n19, 289-91, 293n29, 3 1 1 Banitsar b . Tabi, 265, 268£ Bardiya, 2 1 Barrakib, 1 69 Bdyw, 1 7n63 Bebai, 148111 2 8 Bedeiah, 1 7n63 Beeri, 1 3 4 Beletir, 571l1 1O, 1 4111106 Beletirshamash, 14111106 Belo b . Tebo, 80, 203, 2 57£ Bel-sar-u�ur, 1 2n46 Belshazzar, 279 Bel-sup�-mubur, 5411102 Benaiah, 1 39 Ben-hadad b. Tabrimmon b . Hezion, 16 Benjamin, 1481112 9

3 87

Berechiah, 1 39 Bethelaqab b. Achar (7 ) , 3 29 Betheladir ( 7 ) , 3 29 Bethelasani, 328 Betheldalah, 3 29 Betheldalah s. Bel-iddina, 330 Betheldalani, 3 2 8 Betheldalani b . [7]izacah , 328 Betheldalani b. [ ]d Jahot, 328 Bethell,Iarah, 329 Betheliada, 32 8f Bethelnad[in], 330 Bethelnathan, 3 30 Bethelnathan b. Jehonathan, 1491l133, 1 74, 330, 3 3 3 Bethelnathan b . Shuri, 330 Bethelnuri, 3 29 Bethelnuri f. Hosea, 1 48111 32 Bethelsharezer, 176nl l 0, 3 29 Bethelshezib, 3 29 Bethelshezib b. Apries, 3 30, 3 3 3 Bethelshezib s . Lu�f-ana-niir, 329 Betheltdn, 90, 3 30 Betheltqm, 26, 3 2, 329 Bethelzabad b. Eshemram, 1 70, 3 32, 3 3 3 Bezalel, 1 3 5n73, 1 48n1 2 9 Bigwai, 290n24 Biktabarva, 46 Bildad, 1 3 6n83 Boaz, 249 Bty, 265 Bty b. Mannuki, 192111 4, 1921115, 203 Busasa, 19n69, 14811 1 3 2 Calcol, 1 39 Cambyses, 2 1 , 49, 86, 1 22, 237n6, 291 Cleopatra, 1 20 Coniah b. Elnathan, 1 3 Cushi b. Azzur, 149U 1 3 3 Cyrus, 1 9 , 108n12, 2 37n6, 3 1 4 Cyrus the Younger, 28, 4 3 , 65111 8, 73n62 Dalah, 141, 147, 274 Damidata, 47, 48n77, 49, 1 52, 239 Daniel, 1 3 5n73, 1481112 9, 279 Dargman b. l;Iarshin, 3 5, 47, 94, 1 52f, 2 39f, 242 Darius I, 20-22, 25, 27, 40, 53, 76, 108n1 2, 2 58, 3 1 4, 3 3 5n2 Darius II, 27, 53, 72, 1 29f, 1 3 2£, 162, 1 69, 279-8 1, 284, 286, 290, 29 5£, 3 1 2, 3 1 4 Darius III, 1 20 Darius the Mede, 279 David, 1 6, 84, 87, 1 081l12, 1 14£, 201, 249

3 88

IN DEX O F P E R S ONAL NAME S

David, descendant of, 289 Deborah, 260 Delaiah, 141 Delaiah b. SanbalIat, 251, 289-91, 293n29 Demetria, 297f Deuel, 144 Deutero-Isaiah, 14, 1 24, 1 26f, 271, 301 Domla, 1 4 5 Domliah, 1 45 D/Rwl:tsn b. Nergalshezib, 192111 4 Eanna-sar-u�ur, 168 Ebedptal) b. Jagureshmun, 9 Eder b. Pasi, 250 Edna, 108n 12 Elasah, 1 3 5n73 Eldad, 1 3 6n83 Eleazar, 1 48111 2 9 Eliakim, 1 3 5n73 Eliashib, 1 1 6, 1 3 5n73 Eliezer, 1 3 5n73, 148111 2 9 Elijah, 1 1 3, 1 3 5n73 Elimelech, 249 Eliphelet, 1 3 5n73 Eliphelet b . Ahasbai, 1 6 Elisha, 1 1 5 Elnathan, 1 3 5n73 Elnathan b. Achbor, 1 3 Esagila-zer-ibni, 168 Esarhaddon, 1 69f, 270, 279 Eshemkudurri b. ,pc, 3 3 2 Eshemmadba1:J, 168 Eshemram b. Nabunad[in], 1 73, 3 3 2 Eshemzabad b. Swyn, 3 3 2 Eshmunshillech, 14211109 Espemet, 26, 3 1 7 Espemet b _ Peftoneith, 37, 9 5 Esta1:J f . A[nani], 1 4811 1 32 Esther, 1 3 0 Etir f. Zaccur, 19n69, 14811132 Ezekiel (prophet ) , 14, 108, 11 0, 11 5f, 1 24, 1 77111 1 Ezra, 49, 52, 108, 1 2 5, 1 30, 1 47, 249, 280 Gadal, 90, 1 60, 1 74, 275 Gadates, 2 3 Gaddul, 14 2, 147 Gaddul b. Meshullam b. Mibtahia[h], 321 Gaddul b. Osea, 1411112 1 Gaddul b . SammuaJ:!, 3 2 1 Gaius Rabirius, 281 Galgul, 1 34 Gedaliah, 142 Gedaliah b. Ahikam, 1 3

Gemariah, 142 Gemariah b. Mahseiah, 76, 219, 240 Gershom, 1 48111 29 Geshem, 1081l12 Gideon, 1 1 3, 168 Gilalai, 14811128 Gobryas, 54 Gyges (king of Lydia ) , 91127 Hacaliah, 145 Hadadnuri, 19, 199 Hadadnuri ( grandfather of Malchiah ) , 1 4911132 Hagar, 3 Haggai (prophet ) , 108, 1 1 5 Haggai, 34m8, 1 24, 1 60, 1 66, 1 79, 184 Haggai b. Hodiah, 323 Haggai b. Mardu, 230 Hag [gai] b . Menahem [b]. Posai, 323 Haggai b . Micah, 323 Haggai b. Miptahiah, 326 Haggai b. Nattum, 288 Haggai b. Shemaiah, 193£, 214, 2 19, 222, 230-34, 2 36n2 Ham, 3 Haman, 146 Hanan, 140, 1 47 Hananah, 290 Hanani, 140, 148, 201 Hananiah, 1 28-30, 1 3 3 , 1 40, 1 60, 2798 1 , 286, 301, 3 1 2f, 326 Hanani (ah ) (brother of Nehemiah ) , 43 Hananiah ( Shadrach ) , 108n12, 279 Hananiah b. SanbalIat, 251 Hanamel, 2 1 3 Hananel, 261 Hannah, 146, 1 5 8 l:fap [ican]h, 8311100 l:farman b. Osea, 1 491l 133, 237, 3 3 3 l:farudj (scribe) , 5 1 f l:farudj b . Bethelshezib, 2 50, 267, 26972 , 330, 3 3 3 Haumdata, 30, 3 5, 240 Hazzul, 1 42, 1 47 Hazzul (feminine name ) , 2 50n3 1 , 273 Hazzul b. Haggai b. Hazzul, 23 5n2, 321 Hazzul b. Hodaviah, 3 2 5 Hazzul b. Zechariah, 309f Helkai, 14811 1 2 8 l:feremnathan b. Besa, 333 l:feremnathan b. Bethelnathan b. Se1:JO, 1 70, 330, 3 3 3 I;Ieremnathan b . Pel)o, 3 3 3 l:feremnathan b . Peteisi, 3 3 3 Heremshezib, 3 3 3 �Ieremshezib b . )sh, 3 3 3 Hezekiah (king) , 1 3 , 1 19n39, 1 23f, 1 3 3

INDEX OF P E R SONAL NAMES Hilkiah, 1 38 �Iinzani (sculptor) , 59 Hiram (artisan ) , 249 Hiziliah, 142 Hodaviah, 14 5, 3 1 7, 326 Hodaviah b. Zaccur b. Oshaiah, 144111 2 1 Hodiah, 1 37, 327 Hodo, 145, 148, 273, 3 1 7 Hollofernes, 1081112 Honi, 140 Ijor, 14911 1 3 3 Hor b . Benaiah, 14911 1 3 3 Hor b. Peteisi, 9 5 , 285f Hori, 14911133 Hor( i) (servant of Anani ) , 280, 282 Hori b. Shillem, 149111 33 Hori b. Vanah, 322 Hosea, 144, 1 48, 3 1 7, 322, 3 27. See also Osea Hosea (prophet ) , 175 Hosea b. Bethelnuri, 1 441112 1 , 320, 3 29, 333 Hosea b. Hodaviah, 26, 14411121 Hosea b. Igdal, 1 4411 1 2 1 Hosea b. Hannan b . Osea, 2 3 5n2, 2 3 7 Hosea b. Menahem, 1 4411 1 2 1 , 323 Hosea b. Nattun, 14411121, 262ns8, 288, 292, 322 Hosea b. Pelaliah, 14411 1 2 1 Hosea b . Petekhnum, 1 44111 2 1 Hosea b. Reuiah, 144n 1 2 1 Hosea b . Sigri, 3 2 3 Hosea b . Uriah, 240 Hosea b. Zaccur b. Oshaiah, 23 5n2 Hoshaiah, 144, 276, 3 1 7. See also Oshaiah Hoshaiah ( Hosea ) b. Jathom, 14411 1 2 1 , 21 9, 23 5n2, 288, 292 Hoshaiah (Hosea) b. Nathan (b. Hosha­ iah b. Zephaniah ) , 47, 90, 1 09, 144n 1 2 1 , 1 60, 236n2, 262ns8, 273, 3 20 Hoshaiah b. Uriah, 14411 1 2 1 Hoshaiah b. Zephaniah, 1 44111 2 1 Huldah, 260 Hur, 1 4911 1 3 3 H uri, 14911 1 3 3 Huriah, 327 Hyrcanus b. Toubias, 1 1 6f, 300 Iddinnabu, 31, 3 5, 1 66nS2 IebrIItbr, 56f Ieturn, 2 59 Igal b. Nathan, 1 6 Igdal, 1 43, 1 79 [Ig]ri b. Bethelzabad, 330 Immanuiah, 1 38 Inaros, 258

3 89

Inaros s. Psammetichus, 26, 236n3 Ipuwer, 4 Isaac, 3, 1 1 4 Isaiah (prophet ) , 1 3 , 9 1 , 1 1 8, 200 Isaiah, 142 Isaiah b. Abah b. Haggai, 186 Ishmael, 3, 1 3 5n73, 1 4 5, 1 481112 9 Islal:1, 143, 296 Islal:1 (feminine name ) , 2 50n3 1 Islal:1 b. Nathan, 1411110S Isreshwet, 251 Isweri d. Gemariah, 1 49111 33, 251, 271 Ito, 1 79, 1 84 Ito b. Abah, 1921114, 240 Jaadaniah, 143 Jaasai, 14811128 Jaazaniah, 143 Jacob, 3, 168, 175, 185 Jaddai, 1 48n1 2 8 Jaddua, 1 1 6 Jaddua (or Jeshua ) b . Sanballat, 2 5 1 Jahaziel, 1 3 5n73 Jal:1mol, 1 43, 148, 2 50n31 Jal:1mol d. Pilti b. Jaush, 3 24 Jal:1mol d. [Shille]m, 324 Jal:1moliah, 275 Jakeh, 1 3 5n70, 267 Jashobiah, 143, 322 Jashobiah b . Berechia[h], 326 Jashub, 143, 1 47 Jathma, 1 34, 251 Jathom, 1 34 Jaush, 143, 147, 273 Jedaniah, 1 26, 143; meaning of name, 143nl l S Jedaniah b . Asl:1or/Nathan, 191, 194£, 2 54-58, 263, 3 3 5 Jedaniah b . Gemariah, 34, 47, 48n 77 , 76, 1 1 1 , 1 1 3 , 1 1 5, 1 28f, 1 3 3, 1 60, 1 63, 1 74f, 1 93111 9, 201, 222, 230, 2 58, 262£, 279£, 282, 288, 291£, 3 1 1 , 326 Jedaniah b. Hoshaiah b. Uriah, 2 56f Jedaniah b. Mahseiah h. Jedaniah, 76, 236n2, 240 Jedaniah b. Tel:1o, 80, 203, 2 1 2 Jehezekio, 290 Jehiel, 1 3 5n73 Jehoahaz b. Josiah, 10, 1 3 Jehoazar, 290 Jehobacadi, 17n63 Jehodad, 1 06ns, 1 36, 2 3 511 1 Jehoeli, 1 3 7, 2 50n3 1 Jehoeli d. Immanuiah, 3 2 5 Jehohadari, 1 3 6n83 Jehol:1en, 1 3 7, 2 50n31 Jehol:1en d. Gedaliah, 325

INDEX OF P E RS O NAL NAME S

3 90

Jehol,len d. Igdal, 324 Jehol,len d. Meshullach, 76 Jehoiakim (Eliakim) b. Josiah, 10, Jehoishma, 3 5, 76, 89, 9 1-93, 143,

13 191, 1 94f, 2 1 3 , 2 1 7, 2 19-2 1, 2 2 3-26, 229, 2 3 1 , 233f, 2 50n3 1, 2 5 2-54, 2 59, 271, 273, 284, 297, 300; Jahishma, 106n5, 143 Jehonathan, 141; Jahnathan (C 2 : 2 1 ) , 106n5, 141 Jehonur, 147 11127 Jehoshama, 140, 250n31 [Jeh]oshama b. Kon, 3 2 5 Jeho[sha]ma d . Haggai, 3 24 Jehoshama d. Meshullam, 32 4 Jehoshama d. Nathan, 1 4 1 11 1 0S, 324 Jehoshama d . Hosea b. Zaccur, 14411 1 2 1 , 3 24 Jehotal, 1 3 8, 2 3 511 1 , 3 2 2 Jehotal d. Isla�1, 3 2 5 Jehour, 1 38, 2 3 5111 Jehom d. Shelomam, 106ns, 25on31 Jehu, 1 78

Jeiel, 1 3 5n73 Jeremai, 14811 1 2 8 Jeremiah, l l , 1 3 f,

42, 1 1 6, 1 57£, 1 7 5-77,

1 80, 201, 2 1 3

Jeroboam b. Nebat, 7, 1 7 5 Jerpijah, 1 4 3 Jeshua (or Jaddua) b. Sanballat, 2 5 1 Jesus (Jeshua ) (brother of Johanan ) , 290n24

Jethoma, 1 34, 2 5 1 Jezan, 143, 148 Jezaniah, 1 4 3 Jezaniah b. Penuliah b. Jezaniah, 2 3 6m Jezaniah b. Uriah, 3 5, 98, 1 l 0, 240, 242, 244, 2 5 6, 309 Jezebel, 1 77 Jivaka, 54 JOb, 1 57

Josiah, Judah,

1 4811 1 2 9 262ns6,

b.

Jehozadak,

lOf, 1 24, 1 3 3, 143, 1 76, 1 78 148n1 2 9

KaviJiah, 88, 1 4 5, 2 5on3 1 Kavla, 145, 2 50n31 Kebadiah, 141 Kelita, 1 48 Kenaiah, 1 3 9 Khnumemakhet s . l;Iomefer, Khnumibre, 40 Kibda (not Nabda) , 141 Kibedastarte, 1 4 1 11 1 04 Kibedmelkart, 1 4 m 1 04 Kilamuwa, 1 69 Kilkeliah, 1 39, 273 Kindasirma, 58£ Kon, 1 39 Konaiah, 1 3 9 Konaiah b. Zadok, 239

Lilu b. Tebo,

25, 41, 53

80, 203, 257

Maacah, 1 6, 1 77 Maadai, 1 48m 28 Maai, 148m 28 Mal,lath, 1 34, 3 2 3 Mahseh, 1 3 7, 1 47 Mahseh b. Uri b. Mahseh, 2 3 6m, 3 2 3 Mahseiah, 1 3 7 Mahseiah b. Asl,lor/Nathan, 194, 2 3 6m, 2 5 4- 58

30, 3 5, 47, 73, 76, 80, 98, 1 5 2£, 203 , 239f, 242, 245, 258, 308

Mahseiah b. Jedaniah,

Mahseiah b. Jedaniah b. Mahseiah b. Jedaniah, 2 3 6 Mahseiah b. Shibah, 1 5 3 Makki, 268

290n24

290n24

Kadmiel, 1 3 5n73 Kallai, 1 4811 1 2 8

84, 90, 1 0 1 , 1 37n88, 25 0, 265, 267-7 i, 274 Malachi, 108, 1 1 5, 1 58, 249£ Malakbel, 1 82 Malchiah, 1 36 Ma1chiah b. Jashobiah, 1 5 6£, 174, 29 5, 316 Malchiah b . Jathom b . Hadadnuri, 3 2 1 Malchiah b. Uriah, 1 8 5f Manasseh, 148m 2 9 Manasseh (king of Judah ) , 8, 1 1 -1 3, 1 1 9-2 1 , 1 24, 1 58, 1 76-78, 300

Makkibanit b. Psami b. Nabunathan,

Joel, 1 3 5n73 Johanan (high priest) , 289f Johanan b. Kareah, 1 3 f John Hyrcanus, 1 28, 2 8 1 Jonathan, 1 3 5 Joseph, 3 , 5, 1 8 5 Joseph ( of the sons o f Binnui) , Joseph b. Toubias, 1 1 7, 300 Josephus, 6, 1 1 6n31, 1 1 8 , 1 20, Joshua, 1 2 3 Joshua (Jeshua)

Judah Maccabee, 1 2 6 Judith, 1 0 8m 2 , 1 26, 224

1 5 7,

Manasseh (brother of high priest Jaddua ) , 116

Manetho, 6

Manoah, 1 1 3

INDEX O F PERSONAL NAMES Mardu b. Zili, 286 Mardu £ . Haggai, 149TIl32 Marduk b. Palto, 94, 1 6 5 Marduka, 5 3 Masistes, 2 88TIl 9 Maspat, 295 Matiel, 1 67 Mattan, 141, 147, 3 2 3 Mattan b. Jashobiah, 48n77, 201, 280 Mattan b. Jedan[iah], 3 2 2 Mattathias, 1 28 Mattenai, 148n1.28 Mauzi, 147 Mauziah, 1 3 7, 274 Mauziah b. Nathan, 41, 42n54, 109, 193, 2 19, 222, 237n7, 2 57, 280, 282, 292 Mehetabel, 1 3 511 73, 147 Melech!.Ierem, 3 3 3 Melechpalas b. Bodmelkart, 3 3 3 Menahem, 140, 273 Menahem b. Hazzul b. Shema[iah], 3 2 1 Menahem b. Mattan, 3 2 3 Menahem b. Meshullam b. Shelomam, 255 Menahem b . Shallum, 1 54, 1 5 8, 177, 295, 3 1 8 [Men]ahem b. Uri b. Meshullach, 3 2 3 Menahem b. Zechariah, 323 Menahemeth, 140, 2 50n31, 324 Menahemeth d. A[l1ani] b. Estal�, 323 Menahemeth d. Jedaniah, 3 2 5 Mephattea!.I, 2 50n31 Mephattea!.I d. Shillem, 324 Mephattea!.I d. Tastaz, 3 24 Mephattea!.I d. Zapeliah, 3 2 5 Merikare, 4 Memeptah, 5 Meshahel, 1 6 5 Meshezabel, 1 3 5n73, 147 Meshullach, 142 Meshullach b. Hoshaiah, 144nI21 Meshullach b. Uri, 3 2 3 Meshullam, 1 39 Meshullam b. Haggai b. Hazzul, 3 2 1 Meshullam b. Hosea, 144nI 2 1 Meshullam b . Mauzi, 325 Meshullam b. Nathan, 141TIl05, 1 54, 1 58, 177, 3 1 8 Meshullam b . Sammua!.I, 3 2 1 Meshullam b. Shemaiah, 3 2 5 Meshullam b. Zaccur, 7 3 , 76, 80, 190n7, 204-08, 21 1-1 3, ' 21 7, 2 19, 221, 2 3 1, 2 3 5, 242TIl5, 244f, 271 Meshullemeth, 1 26, 1 39, 2 50113 1 , 273, 323 Meshu[llem]eth d. Gemar[ia]h b. Mahse­ iah, 320

39 1

Meshullemeth d. Penuliah, 3 2 5 Meshullemeth d . Zapeliah, 324 Mibtah, 1 37, 147 Mibtahiah, 1 37, 2 50n31 Mibtahiah d. Mahseiah, 3 1 , 40, 76, 91, 93, 98, 1 1 0, 1 3 7, 1 5 3 £, 1 58, 1 74, 191, 195 £, 204, 2 3 7, 240, 242, 244£, 247 £, 2 52-60, 262f, 297, 300, 3 3 5n3 Micah, 1 3 7, 147 Micah b. Ahio, 202 Micaiah, 90, 1 3 7, 1 60, 1 74, 275 Micaiah b. Jehoishma, 3 2 6 Michael, 1 3 5n73 Milalai, 148111 2 8 Miptahiah d . Gemariah, 271 £ Mishael, 1 3 5n73 Mishael (Meshach ) , 1 081112, 1 3 5n73, 279 Mithrasarah, 219 Mithravahisht, 48, 57 Mmh, 101, 265, 268 Mordecai, 1 30, 279, 298 Moses, 107, I l l , 1 14, 1 68, 201 Murasti, 237n5 Naaman, 1 1 5 Nabal, 1 84111 38 Nabuaqab (centurion ) , 32, 1 6of, 1 66n53, 3 20£ Nabuaqab (scribe ) , 56, 1 66n53 Nabudalah, 1 66n53 Nabuelah, 1 66n53 Nabukudurri, 3 1 , 34, 1 56, 1 66n52, 3 1 5 Nabunathan, 1 66n53 NabuT'Y, 1 66n54 Nabushe, 1 66n53 Nabushezib b. Petekhnum, 90, 2 50, 265, 267-69 Nabushillem b. Bethelrei, 173, 330 Nabuslm, 1 66n54 Nabuslw, 26, 3 2, 1 66n54 Nabusumiskun, 1 66n52, 270£ Nabutukulti b. Nabuzeribni b. Atarshuri b. Nabuzeribni, 1 66n52, 1921114, 19 3, 23 7n7, 2 57 Nabuzer, 1 66n52 Nabuzeribni, 166n52 Nadab, I I I Nahum (not Rehum! ) , 140, 230 Nakht!.Ior, 5 5, 58 £, 71, 8 1118 9 , 295 Nanai!.Iem, 265-68 Naomi, 224, 249 Naphtali, 249 Napukshur, 46 Nathan, 34n28, 1 3 5, 141, 147, 3 2 5 Nathan (As!.Ior) , 204, 252

3 92

INDEX O F P E RSONAL NAMES

Nathan b. Anani (ah ) , 14111105, 193, 236n2 , 237n7, 245, 257, 320 Nathan b. Gaddul, 141 111 05 Nathan b. Hodaviah, 141n105 Nathan b . Hosea, 141n105, 236n2 Nathan b. Hoshaiah, 236m Nathan b. Jehour, 141n105, 230 Nathan b. Mauziah, 141n105, 236n2 Nathan b. Neriah, 14111105 Nathan f. Meshullam, 318 . Nathanel, 1 3 5n73 Nattun, 141, 147 Nattun b. Haggai b. Nattun, 236m, 323 Nattun b. Pelaliah b . Nattun, 23 6m, 3 2 5 Nbtn ( ? ) f . Pilti, 14911 1 32 Nebuchadnezzar, 1of, 14, 76, 108n1 2, 1 56111 6, 169f, 279 Necho I, 9f, 236n3 Necho II, 23 6n3 Nectanebos II, 296 Nefayan b. Vidranga b. Nefayan, 44, 47, 237n7, 285, 287, 2881119 Nehab, 1 34 Neh[ab b. Mah]seh, 320 Nehebeth, 1 3 4, 250n3 1, 324, 326 Nehebeth d. Mahseh, 324 Nehebeth d. Zaccur, 3 2 5 Nehemiah, 4 3 , 61111 24, 79f, 10811 12, 1 1 6, 1 1 7n34, 1 2 5, 1 30, 1 3 2, 140, 201, 249£, 271, 280, 290, 298, 301 Nepherites I, 296, 301 Neri, 1 38, 147 Neriah, 48n77, 1 3 8, 201 , 280 Nesul),or, 14£, 4 5 Nethin, 1 3 5 Netira b . Jehopadani, 14711127 Nikaso, 1 1 6 Nimasu, 3 1 , 34 Niqmepa b. Niqmeda, 180 Noadiah, 260 Noah, 3, 1 1 4 Nurshavash, 147 Nushkuidri, 147 'Obaidu b. Waqi4el, 1 8 1 Obodas I , 1 8 1 Onias II, 1 1 7 Onais III, 1 1 8 Onias IV, 1 1 8-20, 298, 300 Oroetes, 5 1 1187 Osarseph-Moses, 6 Osea, 144, 148. See also Hosea Osea b. Galgul, 141111 2 1 Osea b. Hodu, 14111121 Osea b. Nathan b. Hodaviah, 14111 1 2 1 , 326 Osea b. Pete[amun], 42, 90, 273£

Osea b. Uriah, 14111121 Oshaiah, 144. See also Hoshaiah Osirwer, 45n63 Ostanes, 289f Pa4i b. Eshemram, 332n6, 3 3 3 Pa4im, 57 Paisan, 273£ Pakhnum b . Beso, 34, 71, 2 3 3 Pakhnum b. Zaccur, 14911 1 3 3 Pakhnum f . Hanan, 149n 1 32 Panul, 1 39, 147, 250n31 Pa[misi b. Pe]met, 148111 3 1 , 1 54, 3 1 7f Pamisi £. Meshullam, 14911 1 3 2 Pamut b . Sigri, 323 Panammuwa, 1 68n67 Parnu b. Zili, 286 Pashhur b. Immer, 201 Pasu b. Mannuki, 263 Patseo s. Phib, 51 Pedaiah, 142 Pelaliah, 1 39 Pe£toneith, 37, 9 5, 239 Pel),i b. Tawi, 37, 95, 286, 3 1 0 Peisistratus, 66n24 Pelatiah, 1 3 5, 142 Pelatiah b. Ahio, 193, 239 Peluliah, 1 39, 3 2o, 327 Peluliah b . Hosea, 14411 1 2 1 , 3 2 3 Pemet b . Tawi, 37, 95, 286, 3 1 0 Penuliah, 1 4 5 Pe[nulJ iah b . Menahem b . Posai, 323 Peteamenl:lOtep, 2 58£ Peteisi b . Nabunathan, 1921114-1 5, 193, 247 Peteisi b. Nethin, 14911133 Peteisis, 282£ Petekhnum £. Hosea, 14911 1 32 Petemin, 40 Pethu, 205, 23 1n90 Petosiri b. Tebo, 80, 203, 2 57f Pharnabazus, 237n6, 287 Pherendates, 23, 25, 41, 53, 57 Phib, 51 Philip of Macedon, 65n20 Philo of Byblos, 172 Phinehas, 14811129 [Phra]taphernes [b. Artaphe] rnes, 3 1 5f Pia b . Pal),i, 40, 1 53£, 1 74, 245 Pilti, 1 3 5, 142, 148 Pilti b. Ananiah b. Azariah, 190n7, 194, 207£, 21 l£, 2 1 7, 226n81 , 2 3 1 , 234 Pilti b. Jaush, 273£ Pilti b. Micah, 3 2 1 Pkoip, 282£ Posai f. Menahem, 14911 1 32 Potiphar, 3

INDEX OF P E R SONAL NAMES ,, 270 metichus (prince ) , 1 6 5n46 metichus I, 8f, 1 1 f, 1 5, 24, 1 20, 6n3 j lmetichus II, 8f, 10£, 1 5, 2 36n3 Imetichus ( official of Arsames ) , 5 5, 17 nmetichus f. Ananiah, 149nl32 nmetichus s. Apries, 40 .nmetichus s. Theokles, 9 msineith, 59 enisis, 2 5 8 Ilemy I, 8 , D 8 , 297n35 )lemy II, 2 1 2 )lemy VI, 1 1 8, 1 20 thius, 5on83 lbel II, 182 19uel, 108nl2 amandaina, 45, 47, 2 5 5 ami, 1 37, 147, 2 50n31 .amiah, 1 37 .amses, 6 �arnses II, 9, 1 70 tamses III, 24 �aphi, 141 Ravaka, 44, 47 Rebekah, 260 Rehoboam, 7 Rehum ( chancellor) , '46, 5 lO87, 5 5, 57 Rehum. See Nahum ' Reia, 2 5 1 , 265, 268-70 Reia d. Neri, 324 Remaliah, 144 Rephaiah, 141 Reuiah, 1 3 6 Reuiah b. Uri, 3 2 5 Rochel, 1 34 Ruru, 2 58£ Ruth, 249 Sallai, 148n1.28 Sallu, 140 Salluah, 140, 2 50n3 1 , 277, 295 Salluah d. Neri, 3 2 5 Sammual)., 34n28, 142, 147 Samuel, 87, 1 24, 146, 1 77, 1 84nl 38 Samuel b. Nahman, 1 84nl 38 Sanballat, 108m 2, 1 1 6, 2 5 1 , 290n24 Sanballat III, 1 1 6, 1 20 Sarah, 3 Sarah d. Raguel, 108n12 Sargon, 1 8 Satibar, 34, 94£, 284, 286 Saul, 87, 1 1 5 Sbh b . Hosea, 14lO1 2 1 , 1 85 *Segariah, 149nl32 $eho (servant of Anani ) , 280, 282

39 3

$e1:w b. PeJ:a, 273f Semachiah, 141 *Semal).iah, 142 Semtutefnakht, 283 Sennacherib, 1 3 , 1 1 9n39, '].70, 279 Senusert I, 5 Seraiah, 142 Seraiah ( feminine name ) , 2 ,on31 Seraiah b. Hilkiah, '].01 Seraiah d. Hosea b. f.larman b. Osea, 144n l 2 1 , 3'].0, 3 3 3 Shabbethai, 1 24, 1 27 Shabbethai b. Kibda, 1 27 Shabbethai b. Swg, 1 27 Shabith d. f.lori b . Shillem, 3 24 Shadah, 200 Shallum, 1 3 5, 1 39, 147 Shallum b. Menahem b. Shallum, 23602, 320 Shallum b. Peteam[unJ, 272£ Shallum b. Zechariah, 3 2 3 Shalma b. Maliku, 1 8 2 Shalman, 1 8 3 Shalmaneser III, 7 Shalmanesser V, 279 Shamashdlllah, 166n53 Shamgar b. Anath, 1 7 8 Shammua, 34n28, 140, 147 Shammua b. ShiIlem, 3 Z 2 Shamou b. Kenufi, 5 8 Sharah, 200 Sharai, 148n1 2 8 Sh€baniah, 1 44 Shebuel b. Gershom, 201 Sheil, 267 Sheil (priest of Nabu) , 1 65 Sheil b . Baadiah, 186 Sheil b. PtlJ.rtys, 250 Shelemiah, 1 3 5, 1 3 9 Shelemiah (priest ) , 6111124 Shelemiah b. Jashub, 3 2 1 Shelemiah b. Sanballat, 2 5 1 , 289-91 Shelewah, 1 34, 1 60, 2 50n3 1 , 273 Shelomam, 1 3 8 Shelomam b . Azariah, 89, 2 5 5 Shelomam b. [Olsea, 42, 90, 272-74 Shelomith d. Dibri, 4 Shemabaal, 1 8 1 Shemaiah, 34n28, 1 26, 140 Shemaiah b. Haggai b . Shemaiah, 193, 292 Shemaiah b. Hosea, 14411 1 2 1 Shemaiah b. Jedaniah, 240 Shemshillech, 58, 142Dl09 Shephatiah, 1 39 SheRneith, 2 5 1 Sherabiah, 147

!

II

I

II II

INDEX O F PERSONAL NAM E S

3 94

Shethar-bozenai, 46, 54 Shewa, 134, 273 Shewa b. Zechariah, 296 Shewahram b. Eshemram b. Eshemshezib, 170, 1921ll4, 3 3 3 Shillem, 147, 3 2 5 Shillem b. Hodo, 322 Shillem b. Hoshaiah, 14411 1 2 1 Shillem b. Nathan, 14mlo5 Shimshai, 46, 5m87, 5 5, 57 Shishak, 7 Shubael, 144 Siamun, 6 Sigri f. Hosea, 14911132 Simach b. Meshullam, 321 Simchi, 141, 148 Simeon, 1 4 5, 14811 1 2 9 Simon II, 1 1 7 Sindalah, 1 66n53 Siniddin, 32, 1 60, 320 Sinkishir b. Shabbethai, 1 2 7, 1 49nI 33 Sinuhe, 5 Sithri, 1 3 7, 147, 2 50n31 Sithriah, 1 3 7 Smn b. EshemmadbaJ:!, 3 3 2 Snyt[ . . 1 f . Shelomam, 149m 3 2 Solomon, 6f, 1 1 4, 1 21, 123, 1 5 5, 1 5 8, 178, 249 Sopatrus, 281 Swg f. Shabbethai, 149m 32 .

Tabi, 251, 267-69 Takhnum, 251, 273 Tanuatamun, 1 1n41 Tapmut, 2 5 1 , 270-72 Ta ( p ) mut d. Pethu, 80, 91, 109, 190n7, 194, 203, 204n15, 205-08, 210-1 3, 2 1 7, 219f, 231, 234, 244, 294, 310 Taraval).a, 47 Taru, 251, 267, 269 Tashi, 84, 101, 251, 265, 267-69 Tastaz f. Mephatteal)., 149m 32 Tatt, 2 1 9 Tattenai, n, 46, 54, 108nI2 Tebo, 80, 203, 257 Tel).o, 2 1 2£ Tetosiri, 203f, 251 Tiglath-Pileser III, 17 Tikvathiah, 137 Tobiah (Ammonite servant ) , 108lll2, 116 Tobiah (inscription of) , 1 1 7 Tobias b. Tobit, 108m2 Tobit, 279 Toubias, 1 1 7, 300 Tsenenl).or, 2 58£ Tuthmose, 6

Ubil, 34, 9 5, 97, 1 94, 214, 216 Uri, 1 3 8, 147 Uri b . Meshullach b. Uri, 236n2 Uriah, 48n77, 87, 90, 1 26, B2, 13 8, 276f, 280, 282, 322, 327 Uriah b. Mahseiah, 212, 234 Uriah b. Shemaiah, 1 3 Urio, 290 Uthai, 14811 1 2 8 Uzai, 148n128 Uzziel, 1 3 5n73 Varyazata, 30, 3 5, 205, 239, 245 Varyazata b_ Bethelzabad, 330 Vasl).i b. Zadmar, 326 Vidranga, 41, 42n54, 44f, 109, 146, 237n7, 2 5 5, 2 57, 280, 284-87, 288m9, 296 Wal).primaJ:!i, 57f, 3 1 1 Warfish, 295 wktit b. Shillem b. [ . . . ], 149nI 33 Yanbuli b. Misdai, 2 3 3 Yarl). ai Agrippa, 1 8 2 Yarl).ibola, 1 8 2 Yarl).o, 1 66 Ya'ubidi, 17 Zabai, 148n128, 1 8 2 Zabdiel, 1 3 5n73 Zabidri, 147 Zaccai, 148nI28 Zaccur, 1 39, 147, 273, 322 Zaccur b . Meshullam b . Zaccur b. Etir, 3 5, 76, 21 2f, 221, 223, 234f, 236n2 Zaccur b. Zephaniah b. Zaccur b. Zephaniah, 236n2, 320 Zadok, 1 3 8, 147 Zadok ( scribe) , 6m124 Zapeliah, 145 Zebadiah, 141, 320, 327 Zebida, 182 Zebina, 147 Zechariah, 1 3 9 Zechariah (prophet) , 108, 1 1 5 Zechariah b. Nathan, 141n105, 240, 242 Zedekiah, 1 3 8 Zedekiah (king of Judah) , lOf, 14, 1 561117 Zephaniah (prophet ) , 1 58, 1 76 Zephaniah, 140, 3 2 5, 327 Zephaniah b . Zaccur b. Zephaniah, 2 3 536m Zerah the Kushite, 7m 8 Zerubbabel, 251, 290n24 Zibiah, 1 34, 2 50n31 Zoser, 24£

I ND E X OF FORE I GN WORDS

NORTHWEST SEMITIC

,ag, 1 3 5 ,bd, 1 26 ,egora" 109£, 1 5 5, 272 'gr" 284 ,dn, 143111 15 ,adon, 1 3 5 ,drng, 216 ,awen, 175 ,zn, 143TI 1 l 5 ,a1:t, 1 3 5, 270, 3 1 1 , 3 1 4 'El, 1 3 5 ,1, 1 59TI28 ,lhy" 'Elohim, ,lhn, 1 5 6, 160, 3 1 1 ,lp" ,lpy, 86TIl21, 1 26, 276 ,amah, 261TI51 mh, 275 ,intil, 222 ,ph, 275 ardab, 70£, 78, 8 1 , 82TI90, 8 3 ,r1:t, 95 ,asam, 1 1 3 ,asmah, aSmdt, 1 58, 175£ '·serah, 179 ,srm, 1 1 0 ,ty, 270 bb" bbh, 95TIl73 bY, 40 bynbn, 267 b[yrb zlk, 36TI33 byt prs" 98 Bmrsry, 267 bacal, 1 3 5 becel degel, 3 5 be,el te,em, 46, 5611108 be,el qiryah, 3 5 belt smm rmm, 165TI46 bql,, 84 bar bayta" 230, 3 1 2

gw,, 2 3 1 gwmdyt, 88nI32 gulgul, 134TI67 gilgill, 1 34TI67 gmydh, 88 gmyrh, 88nI32 grh, 1 90, 192TI15 griw, gryw, griwa" gryb, g, 70ff grs, 343 gt, 262 db1:t, db/Jn, 87, I I I degel, 29ff, 80, 200, 202, 265, 279, 300, 3 1 5, et passim dagan, 1 79 dillilcin, 86, 276 drg', 97 dSY, 9 5TIl73 hida" 202, 234 he�al, 109£ hn, 1 26 hnbg, 2 1 6 hnd ( y ) z, 244TIl 9 hngyt, 2 1 6 hnpn, 284 hPt/JPb, 44 hirao, 202, 234 wst, 98TIl85 zbd, 145, 1 50 zega/J, I I I zbn, 86TI l 2 1 zuz, 6 2 , 66, 271, 305£ zlw', 93nI63 /Jdt, 9 lTII45 1:tzy, 275 1:tat,at, 1 1 3 1:ttbt, 268

T:ttyb, 89TIl34 1:tayla" 29, 30TI9, 5 5 1:tylyhh, 1 52 1:teleg, 1 1 1 1:tlk, 70TI48 1:tlm, 275 1:tallur, 58, 62, 67ff, 3 3 8ff, et passim 1:tmn, 168 1:tpn, 1:twpn, 1:tpnn, 1:t, 70TI48, 71 1:tepe�, 1 2 5 1:tapirah, 86TI l 1 9 1:tsn, 3 1 8 1:t�n, 91TIl45 [1:tsblnh, 1 26 t,m, 55TIl05, 274 ten, 1 52£ yd, 89nI 34, 268 yhb, 270, 274, 277 Yhh �b)t, 109 y/;ltnh, 275 yr/;lh, I05TI5 kbd, 14 111104 kagog, 1 7 1 kbl, 288nI 9 kbT>, 141TIl04 kudurri, 1 49 khn, 201 kl, 52TI90 klby>, 288TIl9 kmr, 1 8 2, 201 knth )rdb, k), 82TI91 kntn, 8 3 kp, kpn, 78TI75, 93 ksp, 305 karsh, 62ff, et passim ketubbah, 222 ktn ( h ) , 267

3 96

INDEX O F FOREIGN WORDS

lbnh, lbnb, 1 1 3, 292U27 lbs, 88 lbt, 269, 274 lQn ( h ) , 109, 200£, 202U7, 214, 230£, 294£ lmh, I 2,6 lqQ, 1 2.6, 270 mdbQ, 168 medinah, 43 mwm,h, 1 52 mQr, 1 2.6 maQtun, 134U68 mig, 2,2 2,u67, 244 mlw, 2,70 mly, 2,69, 270Ul3, 274 mlk" 44U62, 9 5 mmzgn,, 1 8 2 mny sym tern, 55UI05 mns, 269 mnt, 52,U90 msgd" 109, 1 54£ medr, 88TI 1 3 3 Mi$rayim, 4 2 mqdr, 88Ul33 mrZQ, marzeaQ, 179ff mirQaq, 203UlO, 2 5 5U42 ms,n, 91Ul45 miSkan, 107 mt,, 268 ngd" nagoda" niig/d, 52U93, 201 ngr', 201U4 ndn, 149 Npn,, 88 npq, 343 nprt, 2,47U2 1 npsk[y], 1 2.6 n$l, 189, 242Ul5 [nq]mn, [n]qmy', 1 56, 316 nSQt, 88 ntn, 34U28, 145, 1 50

edh, eegah, 210U38 cdr, medr, 88TI133 cidri, 147 eolah, 1 1 1 elwh, 1 1 1 'enat, 179 cenet, 179 cntt, 1 79 eqb, 1 50 erb, 79, 270 erbn, 270TI14 erwbh, 1 2.7, 1 3 2, 2,77 erpt, 1 69 erqy, l 2.6 castarot, 1 79 t&t, 1 79 peQah, 23, 1 3 0 PQW>, 42,U55, 290U24 p!:twb, 42, PQT'>, 290U24 pig, 97 PIQ, 277 PS srt, 2 3 1 pSQ', pas!:ta" 1 3 1 £ paqld, poqid, p'qidin, 54, 201 prypt, 2, 3 1 prks, 91Ul45 prmndrY', 58Ul 14 p "ras, p, 7 1 £, 1 53, 270, 274, 277 prs, 58 p ( ? ) rtkY', 47 prtrk, zy ,lhy" 44u62 ptp" 54TI100, 72, 272 $be, 89Ul34 $bty, 275 $dyq, 3 1 8 $dqh, 1 1 5 $ur, 1 1 7 $r(y) p, 305

seah, 71£, 8 3 sbl, 2,69-71 sOgan, 48, 2,05U22 Sky" 1 3 1 sukkot, 5 2 spr, sopar, 203TI1 0, 222, 269

qab, 72, 1 5 3, 276 qbl, 54UlOO, 1 52, 190, 192,Ul 5 qdm, 54UlOO qtyn, 2,75 qyqywn, 92 qmQ, 1 3 2 qnQnty, 284 qT>, 31�

ebd, 1 2.6, 1 3 1, 1 82, 270, 3 1 3, 3 1 6 ebwr, zy yb, 86TI121

rb, 1 8 3 rab Qaylib, 44 rbnwt, 1 82

rbo, 305 Tbb, 98 TQq, 2,03TI 1 0 rkb, 1 69 Rkb,l, l69 Tm, 1 50 rmy, 81U89 rsy, 95 TI 1 73, 98 rsh, TSy, 1 53, 190, 192TI1 5 rasae, 1 57 sg,, 1 59u28 Satan, 157 8>, 34n28, 70U48, 82U91 8>l, 3 1 1 , 3 1 6 8>r, 1 3 2 sbh, ywm 8bh, 1 2,6 sbyt, 88 sbt, 88TI 1 32 sbt" 88TI 1 32 sbqn, 262 Swq, 9 5 sezilJ, 149 SQt, s!:twt, 88Ul33 skn, sa�an, 107 sll;!, 52,U90, 27 6, 3 1 2, 343 slk, 142Ul09 81m, 52,n90, 1 59U28, 165, 2,69, 275£, 3 1 1 8me, 145 §nt" 89 sntt, 267 snn, 9 1Ul45 sprt, 267 scm, S, 71 shekel, 62ff, 305ff, 3 3 8ff, et passim SUT, 2,84 8Tb, 147 flo, 222,U67 tdn, 149 t!:tyt, 98Ul85 typt, typty" 46, 50 tkl, 1 26 tmw>nty, 285, 309 tmy/), 285U l 6, 308 tamig, 1 14u26 tm[s>], 93 tnh, tn" 1 3 2, 274, 276 tqbt/h, 267 tqm, tqTTl>, 71, 92,£, 149 trb$, tTb�, twTb$, 9 511 1 73 , 98m85

INDEX OF FOREIGN WORDS trw�, 471172 try, 98 trk[yn], 262 SUMERIAN

e.gal, 109 e.kur, 109 AKKADIAN

bel dini, 1 57 dagalu, 30UlO ekurru, 109 E LT}.MES mar-za-i, 1 80 gammidatu, 88Ul 32 kaspu murruqu, 305 kaspu pe�u, 305 lalJlJinu, 200f LU paqdu, 54Ul02 LU pat-ip-ra-a-su, 53£ mala, 270nI 3 miir-bW, 2301189 mulugu, 22 21167 niigiru, 521193 nudunnum, 2 1 7, 2221167 paqudu, paqdu, paqqiidu, 54Ul02 Paturisi, 42 salJiitu, 8 8nI 33 seriktum, 2221167, 22911 85, 244 sirku, 2221167 terlJatum, 207, 2091136, :2201161 , 22 11165 uzubbtim, 2091136 PERSIAN

"adranga, 79, 216 azdakara, 52 «anaka, 67 drafsh, 30 frasaka, 53£ frataraka, 421154, 44£, 47ff, 53, 58, 60, 2 5 5, 284 "framanadara, 58Ul 14

"framanakara, 46, 5611 1 08, 58 frestaka, 521193 gausa-ka, 50 "haftaxuwapiita, 44 hamarakara, iimarkar, 46, 58, 5911 1 1 9 "ham-baga, 2 1 6 "ham-gai8a, 2 1 6 * hampana, 284 patifriis, 54nI 00 patifriisfl, 53, 54UlOO tai/il, 501183 * tayupata, 501183 *thahya-pati, 501183 ti-pati, 501183 ELAMITE

sarama, saramana, sara-, 59nI 18

EGYPTIAN

lmy-r c3 G3SWt rsyt, 4 5 ,

v

Imy-r smc, 45 c3mw, 1 5 cfnt, 74 wtb, 306 bt/boti, 83 P3 ts, 451163 P3 rmt nty bks, 251199 pcb, 282 Ptrs, 42 Ma, 28 my· t, 285, 309 ms�, 74 nbt pt, 1 6 5 n�, 92 nkt.w n slJm.t, 2221167 ntr, 284f, 309 rmt n I:f.r, 1 5 rmt n Iswr, 1 5 hp, 22 hin, 821190 bt rm-e-f-mn, 87Ul29 G3C, 342 Gftb, 1 5 5Ul 6

39 7

1]yt, 9 5U l 73 sryt, 30 Sttyw, 1 5 sby, 1 5 511 1 1 sm, 342 snt, 89 �bt. 268117 � n�, 284, 309 k3k3 , 92 kdt, 83 kite, 68, 741164, 76f, 89, 283, 306f, 3 38ff tgm, 92nI 59, 93Ul60 deben, 68, 741164 GREEK

baris, 1 1 7, 300 birta, 1 1 7 capitM, 6 5Ul 8 choenix, 24, 7 1 11 54, 8 1 ennomion, 87nI29 erinys, 3 1 6 keryx, 521193 kiki, 92 kleroi, 521190, 300 kroton, 92 kyllestis, 8 3 lesonis, 2 3 , 283 machimoi, 28 misthos, 731159 modios, 711150 olyra, 8 3 protarches, 441162 schoeni, 3 7 semeia, 30n I 2 semeion, 301112 sitos, 731159 strategos, 2901124 zythos, 82, 1 3 3 LATIN

manipulus, 30Ul2 praetor, 441162

UNKNOWN

[ ' ]n[ ' ] rw, 2611104 ,ndrw, 2611104

I N D E X O F P R I M ARY S O U R C E S

A. BIBLICAL SOURCES

Old Testament GENESIS

1-107 1 : 1-2 :4a-1 2 2 6 : 1 7-97 8 : 20-9 : 1-1 14 9 : 4-87 9 : 20ff-3 1 0 : 6-3 1 2 : lOff-3 1 2 : 1 1ff-3 1 2 : 1 7-260ll50 1 4 : 1 6-267 1 4 : 19-1 39 14:22-107 1 5 : 1 5-1 8 5 1 6-3 1 7 : 1 1-2 51 21-3 2 2 : 1 6ff-1 1 4 24 :3-107 24: 7-107 24 : 59£-267 2 5 : 34-84 2 6 : 1 £-3 27-260 27: 36-141 29 : 3 3-145 30: 20-141, 145 3 1 : 1 1ff-1 7 5 3 2 : 29-142 3 3 : 20-168 34 : 1 5£-2 5 1 3 5 : 7-168 37ff-3 37:34-186 3 8 : 1 1-224 3 9 : 6ff-3 43 : 3 2-6ll 1 1 45 :9-273

47: 3-87 48-3 48 : 1 6-175 50: 1ff-185 50 : 25£-1 8 5 50: 10-184 EXODUS

3 :7£-107 1 2-281 1 2 : 1ff-1 23 1 2 : 1-1 3 : 10-1 23 1 2 : 5-280 1 2 : 1 5-1 2 5, 3 1 3 1 2 : 1 6-3 1 3 1 2 : 1 8-31 3 1 2 : 19-3 1 3 1 2 : 19£-3 1 3 1 2 : 24ff-1 23 1 2 : 38-4, 1 2 5 1 2 :43ff-1 2 5 1 2 :44-2 51 1 2 :48-2 51 1 3 : 19-1 8 5 1 5 : 2-105ll4 1 5 : 1 1-1 3 7 1 5 : 20-260 16: 5ff-126 1 6 : 21ff-1 22 1 6 : 29-1 28 1 7 : 6-105ll4 1 7 : 10ff-1491l1 3 3 17: 1 5-168 1 9 : 1 1-107 20 :7-1 51 20 : 8-1 1-1 22 20 : 8-12-122 20 : 1 2-261 20 : 14-1 51

20 : 1 9-107 20 : 1 9ff-1 1 5 20: 21-1 1 5 2 1 : 6-220 22:6£-1 51 22 :8-1 51 22:9£-1 51 2 2 : 20-4 2 2 : 2Iff-1 57 22 :24ff-1 57 23 :7-3 1 8 23 : 1 2-122 2 3 : 1 3-1 58 23 : 14ff- 1 2 3 23 : 1 5b-1 1 3 2 3 : 1 7-1 1 3 24-1 1 1 24: 10-107 24: 14-1491l133 24 : 1 6-107 2 5 : 8£-107 2 5 : 22-107 27:1ff-1 1 1 29 : 38ff- 1 1 3 29 :40-1 1 3 30: 1ff-l 1 1 , 1 1 3 30: 24-64 30: 34ff-1 1 3 31 : 2-1 491l 1 3 3 3 1 : 1 2ff-1 22 3 1 : 1 3-1 22, 2 5 1 3 1 : 1 4-126 3 1 : 17-2 51 3 3 : 1 7-137 34: 1 1ff-248 34 : 1 3ff-1 78 34 : 1 8-1 23 34: 20b-1 1 3 34:21-122

34:23-1 23 34:23£-1 1 3 3 5 : 1 ff-122 3 5 : 2-126 3 5 : 3-122 40 : 3 5-107 40 :36ff-l07 LEVITICUS

1-1 1 1 2 : 1-1 1 3ll25 2 : 1 5-1 1 3ll25 3-1 1 1 4 : 27ff-1 14 4-5-1 1 3 6 : 8-1 1 3ll25 7 : 1ff-1 14 7 : 1 1 ff-1 1 1 9-1 1 3 9 : 2 2ff-1 14 10: lff-1 1 3ll25 1 5 : 3 1-3 13 1 7 : 1ff-87 1 7 : l Off-87 18-3, 249 1 8 : 25-2 50 1 8 : 28£-2 50 1 9 : 3-1 22 19: 20-206 1 9 : 30-1 22 20 : l Off-249 20:22-250 21 :7-343ll24 21 : 14-343ll24 2 2 : 1 3-224, 343ll 24 2 3 : 2£-1 22 2 3 : 5ff-1 23 2 3 : 7£-3 1 3

INDEX OF P RIMARY SOURCES 2 3 : 1 5f-162, 3 1 2 24: 5ff-12 2 2 4 : l Off-4 2 5-271 2 5 : 14-271 2 5 : 1 7-271 2 5 : 3 5ff-4, 271 2 5 : 39ff-27 1 2 5 : 5 5-220 2 6 : 2-122

NUMBERS 1 : 1 4-144 2-29 2 : 3 3-202 3 : 5ff-202 6: 22ff-1 1 4 6 : 24-1 39 7 : 1 3-1 1 3 7 : 2 5-1 1 3 7 : 42-144 7 : 47-144 9 : 1ff-1 23, 1 3 3 9 : 6ff-3 1 3 9 : 1 3-1 2 5 10-29 1 0 : 1 1 f-l07 1 0 : 20-1 44 10: 3 3 ff-107 1 0 : 3 5-107 1 1 : 5-86 1 1 : 2 5-141 1 1 : 26f-1 36n83 1 2 : I f-260 1 5 : 3 2ff-1 22, 1 26 1 6 : 1 6ff-1 1 3n2 S 20 : 1 4ff-249 24: 1 7ff- 1 4 2 5 : 1f-178 2 5 : 1ff-1 8 3 2 7 : 6ff-2 57 28 : 1ff-1 1 3 28 :9f-1 2 2 2 8 : 1 6f-3 1 3 28 : 1 6ff-1 23 28 : 1 8-3 1 3 28 : 2 5-3 1 3 3 0 : 5f-1 43 3 0 : 1 O-343n24

5 : 1 2-1 5-1 2 2 5 : 1 2-16-1 2 2 5 : 1 6-26 1 5 : 20-1 5 1 7 : 1 ff-248 7 : 1 3-179 1 2-1 3 , 1 24 1 5-271 1 5 : 7ff-1 57 1 5 : 10-271 1 6-124 1 6 : I f-1 3 1n61 1 6 : 5£-1 24 1 6 : 9-1 3 1 1161 1 6 : 9f-1 6 2, 3 1 2 1 6 : 1 6-1 1 3 1 7 : 1 6-1 2 2 1 : 1 8ff-261 2 2 : 1 ff-2 71 2 2 : 19-343n24 2 2 : 29-343ll24 2 3 : 4ff-248 2 3 : 8£-4, 249 2 3 : 1 9ff-271 2 3 : 20-271 24: 1-343ll24 2 4 : 1 ff-247, 261 24 : 2-343n24 24 : l Off-77 2 4 : 1 4f-1 57, 3 1 6 2 5 : 1 3-64 2 5 : 1 5f-64 2 6 : 14-184 2 8 : 4- 1 79 28 : 1 8-179 28 : 3 6f--'1 1 5 28 : 5 1 - 1 79 28 :64-1 1 5 3 1 : 1 1-1 1 3 3 2 : 6-1 3 6 3 3 : 1 6-107

JOSHUA 5 : 1 0f-1 2 3 1 5 : 59-178 1 9 : 38-1 78 21 : 1 8-178 2 2-1 1 5 2 3 :7-1 58

DEUTERONOMY

JUDGES

4: 1 5ff-1 1 5 4 : 19-176 4 : 27£-1 1 5 5 : 1 1-1 5 1

1 : 33-1 78 2 : 1 3- 1 77 3 : 7-1 77 3 : 3 1-178

4-260 4 : 4-260nso 6 : 1 9ff-1 1 3 6 : 24-1 38, 1 68 8 : 3 2-1 8 5 1 0 : 6f-l77 1 3 : 1 5ff-1 1 3 1 6 : 3 1-1 8 5 1 7 : 1 ff-260

I SAMUEL

1 : 9ff-1 5 8 1 : l Of-146 1 : 1 1-145 1 : 19-1 4 5 2 : 1-146 2 : 1-1 0-- 1 46 2 : 5-146 2 : 2 5-139 2 : 30-141 3 : 3-109 4 : 4-107 5 : 2-1 1 0 7 : 4-177 9 : 1 2f-87 9: 22ff-87 9 : 24-87 1 2 : 1 0-- 1 77 1 4 : 3-1 36n82 1 4 : 3 2ff-87 1 4 : 3 3ff-87 1 7 :45-107 1 7 : 46-149nI 32 24 : 1 9-149n I 32 2 5-260 2 5 : Iff-184nI 38 2 5 : 36-184n I 38 2 5 :42-26111S4 2 6 : 8-149n I 3 2 2 6 : 1 9-1 1 5 2 7 : 1 £-1 1 5 2 8 : 3ff-1 84 3 1 : 1 0-- 1 1 0, 1 78 3 1 : 1 3-1 86

II

SAMUEL

1 : 1 2-186 1 : 26-267 2 : 3 2-1 8 5 3 : 3 1-1 86 6 : 2-107 6 : 1 8-1 1 4 6 : 20ff-260 1 0 : 6ff-1 6 1 2 : 20--92

399

1 4 : 2-1 86 1 4 : 1 1 -1 58 1 4 : 26-64 1 7 : 23-1 8 5 1 7 : 27£-84 1 7 : 27ff-87 1 8 : 28-1 49nI 32 1 9 : 36-1 8 5 1 9 : 38-1 8 5 2 1 : 1 2ff-1 8 5 22 : 7-107 2 2 : 10£-107 2 2 : 29-1 3 8 2 3 : 34-16 2 3 : 3 6-16

I KINGS 2 : 26-178 3 : 1-6, 109 4 : 8-149n I 3 3 6 : 2-1 1 0 6 : 1 1-1 3-107 6 : 1 5ff-l 1 1 6 : 3 6-1 1 1 7 : 1 3f-249 8 : 3 I f-1 5 1, 1 5 5 8 : 48f-1 2 1 8 : 54-1 5 5, 1 58 8 : 54ff-1 1 4 8 : 57-1 38 8 : 62-1 5 5 8 : 64-1 1 1 8 : 64b-l 1 1 9 : 1 5f-6 9 : 2 5-1 2 3 1 1 -7 1 1 : 1-1 0-- 249 1 1 : 5ff-1 76, 1 78 1 2 : 26ff-175 1 3 : 1 ff-1 7 5 1 3 : 6-1 3 8 1 3 : 30ff-1 1 3 1 4 : 1 1-288n I 9 1 4 : 2 5f-7 1 5 : 1 3-177 1 5 : 1 8ff-1 6 1 6 : 4-288n I 9 1 6 : 3 3-177£ 1 6 : 3 4-105ns 1 8 : 19-178 2 1 : 1-109 2 1 : 2 3 £-288nI9

: 11 "

': il'iI,�

I'!! ! �, I

Ii i

i:!i

III' �I " I,j ; !

I

4 : 1-79

I

r

I" ,

Iii " I

li, 1

I' iI 'I Ii ,' I!rI ii '

,, ,

,

"

i

I:

!i"

i: '

,

!: ; )1:

i i,

r "I

I '

,

I I KINGS

I

:'i!1 "I I

'I I' ,

400

INDEX OF P R I MARY SOURCES

4: 8ff-260 4 : 2 2f-1 22 5 : 1 5ff-1 1 5 6 : 2 5-72 7 : 1-71050, 81085 7 : 6-7 7 : 1 6-71n50, 81085 7 : 1 8-71050, 81085 8 : 1ff-224, 260 9 : 10-288nl9 9 : 30-9 1 9 : 36-288nl9 10: 1 8ff-1 78 1 1 : 1ff-260 1 1 : 5££-1 22 1 2 : 17-1 14 1 3 :7-1 2 1 7 : 1 ff-7 17 :4f-7 1 7 : 24-16, 1 8 1 7 : 24££-176 1 7 : 28££-17 2 1 7 : 30-171 1 7 : 30f-16 1 7 : 3 1-17If 1 7 :41-172 1 8 :4-124 1 8 : 1 3ff-7 1 8 : 23-1 3 1 8 : 26-16. 57n 1 1 o 19 :9-7 19 : 1 5-107 1 9 : 3 5ff-7 21 : 1-1 19 21 : 3-124 2 1 : 3f-176 21 : 3ff-1 3n49 21 : 5ff-1 19 21 :7-178 2 1 : 10-1 6-1 1 9 22-1 3 2 2 : 1 4ff-260 2 3-1 3 23 :4-119 2 3 : 4ff-1 2 1 23 : 5-1 76• 201 2 3 : 6f-178 2 3 : 8-1 21 2 3 : 1 2-176 2 3 : 1 3-178 23 :21ff-1 24 2 3 : 29f-l0 2 3 : 3 1 ff-l0

2 3 : 34-1 3 24: 1-10 24: 8ff-l 0 2 5 : 27ff-172 ISAIAH

1 : 1 1 f-1 1 3 f 1 : 1 1 ff-1 14 1 : 1 3-1 22 3 : 16ff-9 1 4 : 1-260n50 7 : 1-144 7 : 4f-144 7 : 9-144 8 : 3-200 8 : 6-144 8 : 1 8-107 8 : 19f-1 84 1 1 : 1 1-8, 1 6 1 2 : 2-105n4 1 3-23-14 1 8-13, 1 19n38 1 8 : 2-7 1 9 : 1 6ff-1 19 19: 19-1 1 8 20-1 3 26:4-105n4 3 0 : 1 ff-7, 1 3 30 : 1 6-1 3 3 1 : 1ff-7. 1 3 3 1 : 1 5-184 3 6 : 8-1 3 36 :9-1 3 36 : 1 1-16 38: 1 1-105n4 44: 1-204nl5 44: 5-204nl 5 4 5 : 22-145 46: 3-271 48 : 1-1 58 49 : 1 2-14 50: 1-79, 247. 343n24 56:6f-2 51 56:6££-1 26£ 56:7-1 58 5 8 : 1 3f-1 25 63 : 1 6-1 36 6 5 : 20-1 8 5nl42 65 : 2 5-185nl42 JEREMIAH

1 : 1-178 2 : 1 8-1 1 3 : 1-343n24

3 : 8-247, 343n24 4 : 2-1 5 8 4 : 30-91 5 : 7-1 5 8 6 : 20-1 1 3n24 7 : 1 6££-176 7 : 2 lff-1 1 4 9 :7-88nl33 1 1 : 20-1 57 1 2 : 1-3 1 8 1 2 : 1 6-1 58 1 6 : 1 ff-180 1 6 : 5-1 80nl22, 1 8 1 , 1 86nl47 1 6 : 7-181 1 6 : 8-1 81 1 6 : 1 3-1 1 5 1 7 : 19ff-1 22 1 9 : 14-20: 2-201 20 : 1 2-1 57 22: 10££-10 24:6-1 39 24:8-14 26: 20ff- 1 3 26 : 2 2- 1 3 27-28-1 1 29 : 7-1 1 6 3 1 : 1 5-184 3 2 : 1££-2 1 3 3 2 : 10-63, 198 3 3 : 1 1-145 34: 1 5-220 3 7 : 5££-14 41-1 3 42-1 3 43-1 3 43 : 5ff-14 43 : 8ff-14 43 : 8-44 :30-42 44: 1-14 44: 1 5-176 44: 1 5ff-l 76£ 44 : 1 7£-177 44 : 26-177 44: 27-14 44: 30-14 46-51-14 46 : 1 3ff-14 46 : 2 1-14 47 : 1-10 48 : 1 3-175 5 1 : 59-1 1 EZEKIEL

1-108 4 : 1 3-1 1 5

7: 1 1b-242nl4 8-10-176nl 1 1 8-1 1-108 8 : 1 6-176 1 1 : 1 6- 1 1 6 11 : 22f-l08 1 6 : 1 4-1 36n83 16: 30-270nl2 1 7-8n25 20 : 1 2-1 22, 251 2 0 : 1 3-1 24 20 : 16-124 20 : 20-1 22 20: 21-1 24 20: 24-1 24 2 2 : 8-1 24 22:26-1 24 23 : 38-124 23 :40-91 2 5-32-14 29-32-14 29: 10-14 30 :6-14 38f-14 40 :6ff- 1 1 0 40 :19££-1 10 40 : 24££-1 10 40 : 28££-1 1 of 40: 3 2££-1 1 0f 40 : 3 5ff-1 1 0£ 40-44-1 1 5 4 3 : 7-108 43 : 1 3££-1 1 1 44 :22-343024 44 : 24-1 24 4 5 :20f-1 24 HOSEA

2:4-206. 342 2 : 1 3-1 22 4:8-1 14 4 : 1 2ff-1 7 5 4 : 1 5-1 7 5 6 : 6-1 1 4 8 : 5f-176 9 : 3ff-1 1 5 1 0 : 5-1 7 5. 201 1 2 : 5f-175 1 4 : 1-176 14:6-1 38 JOEL

2 : 1 8-143 4 : 1 7-107 4 : 2 1-107

INDEX O F PRIMARY S O URCES AMOS

1 : 3-2 :3-14 3 : 14-17 5 4:4-175 5 :5-1 75 5 : 5f-17 5 5 : 21ff-1 l 4, 175 6 : 1 ff-1 80 6 : 7-18 6Ul47 7 : lOf- 175 7 : 1 7-1 1 5 8 : 5-1 22 8 : 14-1 58, 1 7 5 J ONAH

1 :9-107 2 : 5-1 2 1 2 : 8-12 1 3 :9-143 4:6-92 MICAH

2 :9-136n83 7 : 7-143, 145 NAHUM-I 4 HABAKKUK

3 : 7-7Ul 8 ZEPHANIAH

1 :4-201 1 : 5-1 58, 1 76 1 : 1 O-86nl l S 3 : 8-145 HAGGAI-lO B

2 : 1 8£-1 1 5

ZECHARIAH

1-8-108 2 : 14£-108 3 : 1-1 57 6 : 1 0-1 17 7 : 2-17°, 1 76nl l o, 327 8 : 2£-108 9 : 1 5-1 1 3

MALACHI- l O B ,

250

1 :6ff-1 1 5 2 : 1 0ff-249 2 : 1 3-1 58 2 : 1 6-343n24 3 : 10-1 1 5 PSALMS

4 : 2-1 38 5 : 4-1 45 7 :9-1 37 1 2 :7-306n8 1 4 : 2-121 1 4 : 7-121 1 8 :7-107 1 8 : l Of-l07 1 8 : 29-1 3 8 20 : 3-1 2 1 20:7-121 26: 1-1 39 27:1-137 27: 5-14° 27:7-140 27: 14-145 30: 1ff-141 3 2 : 7-138 37:7-145 3 7 : 1 7-141 37:40-142 40 : 17-143 42 : 3-1 1 3 44-147 44: 5- 1 3 6, 147 44:8-147 44 : 1 2-147 44 : 27-142, 147 5 5 : 2-141 5 5 : 23-1 39 57:6-144 60-147 60 :6-147 60 :7-147 60 : 1 3-147 61 :4-1 37 62 : 1 3-140 68 : 5-105n4, 169 68 : 19-105n4 71 :2-142 71 : 5- 1 3 7 73 :26-138 74-147 74: 2-1°7 74 : 3-147 74 :7£-147 74 : 1 2-147

74 : 1 4-147 74 : 19-147 74 :22-147 76: 3-1 21 76:9-1 21 77: 1 2-105n4 79-147 79 : 1-147 79 : 8-147 79 :9-147 80-147 80 : 2-1 21, 147 80 : 1 5-1 21, 1 44, 147 8 3-147 8 5-147 8 5 : 2-147 8 5 : 8-147 8 5 : 10-147 8 5 : 1 3-147 86:17-140 89 :9-10 5n4 90-147 90: 10-1 8 5 90 : 1 3-147 9° : 1 5-147 92: 5-142 94:7-105n4 94 : 1 2-105n4 102: 19-105n4 1°4: 1-142 105 : 1 8-288nI9 106:4-139 107 : 1 9£-1 43 108-1 47 108:6-147 108:7-147 108 : 1 3-147 109-1 57 1 1 5 : 17f-1 05n4 1 1 8 : 5-105n4 1 1 8 : 14-105n4 1 1 8 : 17ff-105n4 1 1 8 : 2 5-144 122 :4-105n4 126-147 1 26: 1-147 1 29-147 1 3 0 : 3-105n4 1 3 5 : 3 £-105n4 1 3 5 : 21-1°7 1 3 6: 26-107 1 3 7-1 1 6, 147 1 3 7 :7-147 1 3 8 : 6-1 37 1 3 8 :8-142 148 : 1 3-137

401

1 49 :8-28811I9 1 50 :6-105n4 PROVERBS

1 : 8-261 2 : 1 7-261 3 : 6-144 5 : 1ff-261 8 : 21-3 18 1 2 :4-261 1 6 : 1 1-64 1 7 : 1 5-3 18 1 8 : 5-318 1 8 : 1 7-3 18 1 8 : 22-261 1 9 : 14-261 2 7:27-87 30 : 1 -1 34n7° 31 : l Off-260 31 : 16-260 3 1 : 24-260 J OB

1 :6ff-1 57 1 : 21-141 2 : 1 1-1 36n83 4 2 : 1 4-91 SONG OF SONGS

1 : 3-92 4 :9ff-267 8 :6-1 3 8 RUTH

1 : l ff-249 1 : 8-224 3 : 3-92 4 : 3-224 4:9-224 4 : 1 3ff-249 4 : 1 5ff-236 ECCLESIASTES

(Koheleth )

2 : 7-230n89 5 : 1 8-138 9 : 2- 1 5 1 ESTHER

1-49 1 : 1-20n76, 43 1 : 1 3ff-46

"

I

I: !

I

402

INDEX O F P R I MARY SO URCES

1 : 22-57 2 :7-2 52 2 : 1 1-280 3 : 3ff-5 1TI86 3 : 8-280 3 :9-53ll97 4 : 3-146 4 : 1 6-146 8 : 2-280 8 : l Off-51 TI86 9 : 20ff-130 9 : 3 2-1 30 10: lff-280 DANIEL

1 :6£-1 3 5ll73 1 : 7-252 1-6-279 2 : 1 8-108ll12 2 : 1 9-108ll12 2 : 28-108ll12 2 : 3 7-108ll1 2 2 :44-108ll12 2:46-1 5 5 3 : 2-50 3 : 2f-52ll93 3 :4-52ll93 3 : 5fF-1 55 3 : 1 0ff-1 55 3 : 14f-1 55 3 : 18-1 5 5 3 : 28-1 5 5 3 : 3 1-1 59ll28 5 : 2-202ll7 5 : 2 3-108ll 12 5 : 2 5-72ll57 6 : 1 1-1 21 6: 26-1 59ll28 10:2£-186 EZRA

1 : 1-52 1 : 2-108ll 1 2 1 :2£-1 20 1-2-19 2: 1-43 2 : 2-140ll1 00, 2901124 2 :9-148ll128 2 : 1 6-141ll106 2: z3-1 78 Z :40-1 3 5ll73 2 :42-141TI 1 06 3 : 9-1 3 5ll73 4:1fF-1 20

4 : 2-251 4:7-23-57 4:8-51 4: 8fF-51ll87 4: 9-46, 48, 52ll93 4:9£-5 1 ll87 4 : 1 1-3 1 1 f 4: 14-86ll1 21, 3 1 2 4 : 1 7-46, 48,3 1 2 4 : 1 7f-:-3 1 2 4 : 1 8-57 4 : 1 9-5 5ll105 4 : 2 1-5 5 4:23-48, 5 1 5 : 1f-1 1 5 5 : 3-46, 5 5ll105 5 : 3fF-1 20 5 : 3-6 : 1 3-54 5 : 6-46, 3 1 2 5 : 8-43, I I I 5 : 9-5511105 5 : 1 1-107 5 : 1 2-107, 108ll12 5 : 1 3-5511105 5 : 1 7-5511105, 60 5 : 1 7-6 : 1 2-Z2 6: 1-60 6: 1fF-IZ0 6 : 2-43 6 : 3-55ll105 6:4-1 1 1 6 : 6-46, 3 1 Z 6: 8-55ll105 6:9-1 1 1 6 : 9f-l08ll1 2, 1 1 4 6: 1 1-5 5ll105 6: 1 2-5511105 6 : 1 3-46, 3 1 2 6 : 14-1 1 5, 3 1 4 6 : 1 5fF-1 2 5 6:19fF-1 3 3 6 : zo-3 1 3 7 : 1-148 7 : 2-1 36ll82 7 : 1 Z-108, 280, 312 7 : 1 3-5 511105 7 : 1 4-46, 3 1 Z 7: 1 5,.--1 08 7: z0-60 7: Z1-5511105, 60, 1081112 7: 22-8611121 7: 23-108ll12 7 : 25-1 30, 280 7 : 2 5f-49 8 : Z-13 5ll73,

14811129 8 : 5-1 3 5ll73 8 : 8-13 5ll73 8 :9-1 3 5ll73 8 : 1 3- 1 3 5ll73 8 : 14-14811128 8 : 1 6-13 5ll73, 14811129 8 : 1 8-147 8 : 3 3-148111 29 9 : Z-249 9 : 1 1-249 9 : 1 2-250 1 0 : 2-1 3 5ll73 1 0 : 6-1 3 5ll73 1 0 : 1 5-1 3 5ll73, 137 10: 18-13 5ll73 10: 18-44-249ll27 1 0 : Z I -1 3 5ll73 1 0 : Z2-1 3 5ll73, 14811129 10: 23-1 3 5ll73, 148 1 0 : 24-1 3 5ll73 1 0 : 2 5-1 37 1 0 : 26-1 3 5ll73 10:27-1 3 5ll73, 148 1 0 : z 8-14811128 1 0 : 30-14811 129 1 O : 3 1-1 3 5ll73, 14811129 1 0 : 3 z-14811129 1 0 : 3 3-13 5ll73, 1 48ll1 28, nI29 1 0 : 34-14811 1 2 9 1O : 3 5-1 7ll63 1 0 : 36-1 3 5ll73 1 0 : 3 7-1 48ll128 10 :40---1 48111 28 10 :41-1 3 5ll73 1 0 :4Z-14811129 10 :43-1 3 5ll73, 1 47, 148111 28 NEHEMIAH

1 : 1-145 1 : 1fF-130 1 :4f-1 081112 1 : 1 1 ff-280 2 : 4-108ll12 2 : 19-1 16 2 : 20---1 08ll12 3 : 1-1 3 5ll73 3 : 3-86111 1 5

3 :4-1 47 3 : 8-1 34, 1 3 5ll73 3 :9-149111 33 3 : zO£-1 3 51173 3 : 2 5-148nI28 3 : 31-134 3 : 33ff-1 1 6 5 : 1 fF-79 , 271 6 : 1 ff-1 1 6 6 : 10-1 3 5ll73, 147 6: 14-z60 6: 17fF-1 1 6 7 :2-43, 130 7 : 6-43 7 : 7-14011100, Z90ll24 7 : Z1-14111106 7 : z 7-1 78 7 :43-1 3 5ll73 7 : 45-1 41ll106 8 : 4-1 3 5ll73 8 : 7-327 8 : 1 5-53 9-1 0--- 1 3 2 9 : 1fF-147 9 :4£-144 10:7-13 5ll73 1 0 : 1 3-147 1 0 : 1 8-141ll106 1 0 : 2 1-178 1 0 : 2Z-13 5ll73 1 0 : 3 2-1 2 5, 1 3 z 1 1 :9-1 3 5ll73 1 1 : 1 1-Z01 1 1 : 1 3-1 3 5ll73, 147, 14811128 1 1 : 14-1 3 5ll73 1 1 : 1 7-148 1 l : z4-1 3 5ll73 1 2 : 1 5-14811128 l Z : 20-14811128 l Z : z z-290 l Z : 36-1 3 5ll 73, 148nI28 l z :41-1 3 5ll73 1 3 :4-1 3 5ll73 1 3 :4fF-1 16 1 3 : 7-1 3 5ll73 1 3 : 1 3-61nI24 1 3 : 1 5-1 27 1 3 : 1 5fF-I Z5 1 3 : 16-86ll1 l 5 1 3 : 1 6fF-1 3 2 1 3 :z3-26-249ll2 7 1 3 : z3f-z 50 13 :z 6f-249 1 3 : z8-1 1 6, 290

INDEX I CHRONICLES

II CHRONICLES

3 : 24-289 5 : 1 4-1 4911 1 3 3 7:8-178 8 : 24-1 78 24: 20-144 26: 24-201

6 : 2 2f-1 5 5 8 : 1 2f-1 2 3 1 2 : 3-7111 8 1 4 : 7ff-7111 8 1 5 : 1O-71118 1 5 : 16-177 1 6 : 1 ff-1 6 2 3 : 4ff-1 22 29-1 2 3

OF

PRIMARY S O U RCES

30-1 23 30: 1f-1 24 30 : 3-1 3 3 30: 1 5-124 30 : 1 5ff-1 3 3 30 : 1 6ff-3 1 3 31 :1f-124 3 3 : 1ff-1 1 9 33 : 3-124 3 3 : lOff-12 1

40 3

3 3 : 1 1ff-1 2 34-1 3 3 5-1 3 , 1 24 3 5 : 20ff-l 0 3 6 : 1ff-1o 36:4-1 3 36: 9ff-1o 3 6 : 1 3-1 56111 7 3 6 : 2 3-1081112

Aprocrypha 4 : 1 7-184 1 0 : 1 1-108ll12 1 0 : 1 2-108ll12

8 : 7-224f 1 1 : 1 7-108111 2 1 6 : 24-1 84

1 MACCABEES 2 :41-1 28 7 : 5ff-1 1 8

TOBIT-2 5 1

JUDITH

SIRACH (Ben Sira)

5 : 8-108ll1 2 6 : 1 9-1081112 8 : 6-1 26

2 2 : 4-2 2 5 2 2 : 1 2-184 3 5 : 1 1-1 14

2 MACCABEES

l : q -279 1 : 22-279 3 : 7ff-224

ESDRAS

1 Esdras 7 : 5125

1 : lff-1 30 8 : 26-1 26 1 4 : 3ff-1 1 8

Pseudepigrapha ARISTEAS

1 3-8, 1 1f, 19

New Testament MATTHEW

5 : 1 5-7 11115 2 3 : 16-1 56 2 3 : 1 8-1 56 B . NORTHWEST SEMITIC TEXTS

Aramaic AI ME-GIRON, TEXTES ARAME­ ENS D'EGYPTE

5 : 4-29ll5 5 : 7f-29ll5 10v:4-29ll5 87-82

87a : 8-82ll91 87a : 1 1-82ll91 87a : 1 3-8311100 87a : 1 4-82ll91 , 84 87b :4-82ll91 87b : 1 5-82ll91 87b : 19-82ll91 97-3 3 3

99-93 100-3 3 3 104-3 3 3 1 1 0-170, 330, 332 1 1 1b-3 30

AI ME-GIRON, OS­

(ASAE 26 [1926], 23ff) TRACA

49624-90, 140ll98, 201, 2771134

404

I NDEX O F PRIMARY S OURCE S

49624: 2-109lll 3 49624 : 3-1 06115 4962 5-721156

BARRAKIB INSCRIPTIONS 1 : 2 2-1 691172 2 : 5-1 691172 3 : 7ff-1691172

BAUER AND MEISSNER PAPYRUS

-1 96ff

1-27 4£-27 5-721157 1 7-1 3711 88

BODLEIAN OSTRACON ( Sayee, PSBA 3 3 [1911], 1 83 ff) -72n56, 1 3 1 , 1 36n82, 276 BRESCIANI AND KAMIL 1-1 291155, 2 6 5 1 : 1-33, 1 3 71 1 88, 165, 265 1 : 2-1 59, 269 1 : 2£-268 1 : 3-2 5 1 1 : 3£-276 1 : 3ff-270 1 : 4-269 1 : 5-72, 2 5 1 , 3 1 2 1 : 7-33 1 :8£-72, 274 1 : 9-79 1 : 1 0-2 5 1 1 : 1 1-13 5117°, 2 5 1 , 269 1 : 1 1 f-269, 3 1 2 1 : 1 2-274 1 : 1 2£-269 1 : 1 4-1 3 71188, 148lll 3 1 , 1 661153, 2 50, 265f 1-4-34, 264

1-5-265 1-6-1 8, 2 6 5 1-7-3 1 4 2-1291155, 265 2 : 1 -33, 1 3711 8 8, 1 6 5, 2 5 1 , 265, 268119 2 : 2-1 59, 1 661153, 268 2 : 2f-276 2 : 3-'2 64, 269 2 : 3f-269 2 :4-1 3 51170 2 : 4f-268119 2 :4ff-268 2 : 5-2 5 1 , 2 6 5 2 : 5f-265f 2 : 6-67, 1 661153, 27111 1 5 2 : 6ff-3 1 2 2 : 7-2 5 1 2 : 10-268 2 : 1 1 -90, 1 3 51170 2 : 1 1 f-93 2 : 1 1ff-268 2 : 1 2- 3 3 2 : 1 3-93 2 : 1 3f-267 2 : 14ff-l O l , 268 2 : 1 6-268 2 : 1 6£-269 2 : 1 7-2 5 1 , 269, 312 2 : 1 8-1 3 71188, 1 48111 3 1 , 2 50£ 3-265 3 : 1 -3 3, 48, 1 3 71188, 1 6 5, 265 3 : I f-I 59, 268 3 : 2-26 5f, 269 3 : 3-26 5, 269 3 : 4-270 3 : 5-1 3 71188, 265, 269 3 : 5ff-3 1 2 3 :6-I48ll l 3 1 , 250 3 : 7-267 3 : 7f-90, 267 3 : 9-84, 2 5 1 3 :9£-1 0 1 , 268 3 : 1 0-90, 93, 265 3 : 1 0£-268 3 : 1 2-9 3, 267, 269 3 : 1 3-269, 3 1 2

3 : 14-1 371188, 148111 3 1 , 2 50, 265 3-5-1291155 4-26 5 4 : 1-33, 1 6 5, 1 77 4 : I f-265 4 : 2-1 59, 1 661153, 268 4 : 3-165, 1 77, 2 5 1 , 269, 3 3 ° 4 : 4f-90 4:4ff-267 4 : 5-268117 4 : 7-93, 267 4 : 7f-269 4 : 8-1 371188 4 : 8f-269 4 : 9-3 30 4 : 9£-268 4 : 1 0-1 2 51148, 1 2 7, 14911 1 32, 265 4 : l Off-269 4 : 1 1-25° 4 : 1 1 f-148ll l 3 I , 250 4 : 1 2- 3 1 2 4: 1 2f-269 4 : 1 3-1 661153 4 : 1 3£-2 65 4 : 1 3 ff-266 4 : 1 4-265 4 : 1 5-148ll l 3 I , 1 661153 , 2 50 4-6-2 6 5 4-7-265 5-34, 264£ 5 : 1-1 371188 , 1 661153, 2 5 1 , 267 5 : 1 £-1 59, 268 5 : 2ff-267, 269 5 : 5f-148lll 3 1 , 2 50, 3 3 0 5 : 7ff-269 5 :9-269, 3 1 2 5 : 1 O-148ll l 3 I , 1 6611 5 3, 2 50£ 6-264£ 6 : 1-2 5 1 , 261, 273 6 : 1 £-1 59, 268 6 : 2-269 6 : 3-1 661153, 265, 268119 6 : 3ff-268

6 : 7-1 3 71188, 269 6 : 8-2 5 1 6: 8f-265f, 269, 276 6 : 9f-268 6 : 1 0-269, 3 1 2 6 : 1 1-267, 27 3 7-1 291155, 264£ 7 : 1-1 59, 269, 312 7 : 2-2 5 1 7 : 2f-2 69 7 : 2ff-269 7 : 3-2 5 1 7 : 4-2 69, 3 1 2 8-26 5 8 : I f-1 59, 26 8 8 : 8- 1 661153 8 : 8ff-269 8 : 1 1 -276 8 : 14f-269

CAIRO OSTRACA

(see also Aim eGiron )

3 5468 3-1 79lll 1 7 3 5468c-327

CAMBRIDGE OS-

(Cowley, JRAS [1929], 107ff) -88, 145 TRACON

CLERMONTGANNEAU OSTRACA 14-1 52113 14 C011veX : l 106115, 1 52113 1 6-90, 2 5 1 , 276£ 1 6 C011cave : 2-86 1 6 c011vex :41 3 61182 16 c011vex : 5-84 20-1 52113 20 COl1cave : 31 06115 41-1 52113 41 cOl1vex : 51 06115, 1 5 2113 44-1 26, 277, 2891120

)

INDEX OF PRIMARY S O URCES 56-1 52n3 56 concave :71 06n5 70-90, 1 59, 2 7 5 70 : 3-106n5 78-276 1 3 5-276 1 5 2-1 26, 1 5 2n3, 267n7 1 5 2 concave : 1 1 43n1 1 7, 2 50n31 1 5 2 concave : 1 £84 1 5 2 concave: 3106n5 1 52 : concave : 584 1 52 concave : 71 06n5 1 52 convex: 1267-8n7 1 5 7-276 1 67-8 7 1 67 concave: 1 106n6 1 67 concave: 1 £109 1 69-2 5 1, 276 1 69 concave : l1 3 6n82 1 69 concave : 286 1 69 concave :4f86U l 2 1 169 convex: 1-86 1 74-1 52n3 1 74 concave: 2106n5 1 7 5 concave : 2106n6, 109 1 8 5-1 52n3 1 8 5 convex :6106n5 1 8 6-126 1 8 6 concave: I f106n6, 109 1 86 concave: 586 186 convex : 1 £86nI 1 5 204- 1 27 214-1 52n 3, 277 2 1 4 concave : 21 06n5 228-276

2 5 5-277 277-1 59

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM SEMITICARUM 54-328 1 3 7-86, 275 1 54-32n2O 1 54 : 1-1 39n97 1 54 : 2-141, 3 3 0 1 54 :4-166n53 1 54 : 5-1 66n53 1 54 : 7-330 1 54 : 8-14onlO 3, 1 49 U l 3 2 1 6 1-1 5 5 n I 5 1 76-1 5 5U l 5 1 8 5-1 5 5nI 5 1 8 8-1 5 5 nI 5 190-1 5 5Ul 5 2 1 8-1 5 5nI 5 364- 1 4 1 U l 04 2 3 66-1 4 1 U l 04

COWLEY 1-23, 1 9 2n1 7, 19 5n2 2, 196n28, 197, 33 5n3 1 : 1-250n31 1 : 2-1 06n5, 1 34, 1 3 8f, 2 3 5U l , 25 0n3 1 , 2 5 1 1 : 3-44, 47, 48n77 1 : 3 £-52n90 1 : 4-250n31 1 : 6f-52n90 1 : 7-1 90n4, 3 0 5 1 :9-144n 1 2 1 1 : 10-1 3 8, 142n108 1 : 1 1-1 40n99 1-3-196 2-72, 1 92, 3 37 2 : 1 f-144n I 2 1 2 : 2-52n93, 1 3 6, 142n l 1 1 2 : 3-14°nI02, 201 2 : 3 ff-8m87 2 : 4£-84 2 : 4ff-48 2 : 6-32, 3 29 2 : 6f-3 2

2 : 7f-8 m87 2 : 8-3 2, 1 66n54 2 : 1O-32, 1 66n54, 329 2 : 1 1 f-60 2 : 1 2-1 4n53, 60 2 : 1 4-14n53, 60 2 : 1 5-190 2 : 1 5f-6 3n8 2 : 1 6-14n5 3, 60, 72 2 : 19-147, 1 66, 198 2 : 20-1 34, 1 3 6, 165 2 : 2 1-106n5, 1 24n48, 1 2 7, 1 4 1 , 149 U l 3 3 2-3-26, 4 5 3-192, 3 3 7 3 : 2-145n I 2 2 3 : 4-81n87 3 : 5-84 3 : 1 1-60 3 : 1 3-60 3 : 1 7--'-63n8 3 : 1 8-101 3 : 22-198 3 : 2 3f-148 n I 3 1 4 : 5-8 m87 5-26, 3 3 n27, 1 89, 196, 203n10, 2 3 7, 240, 243, 2 58, 3 3 5n3 5 : 1£-239 5 : 2-30, 3 3n26, 1 3 7n89, 1 3 8£, 143 Ul 1 5, 2 3 6n2 5 : 2ff-3 5, 2 3 9 5 : 5-1 39n95 5 : 7-63n7, 190n4, 305 5 : 8-1 8 5 5 : 9-3 5 5 : 1 2-95 5 : 1 2f-l 02 5 : 1 2ff-9 5 5 : 1 3-37, 9 5 5 : 14--95 5 : 1 5-142nl07, 193, 2 3 5n2 5 : 1 5ff-2 39 5 : 16-1 37n8 9, 142 5 : 1 6f-199 5 : 1 6ff-1 48n1 3 1

40 5

5 : 1 7- 3 1 U l 4, 140n1 OO, 144nI 2 1 , 3 1 5 5 : 1 8-1 66n52, n54 5 : 1 9-139n97, 1 44n I 2 1 6-3 3n27, 1 9 2 n I 4, 1 9 3£, 203n10, 2 3 7, 240, 243, 248, 2 58, 3 3 5n3 6 : 1 f-26 6 : 2-94, 148U l 3 1 6 : 2f-239 6 : 2ff-3 5 6 : 3-30, 1 4 3Ul I 5 6 : 4-1 5 3 6 : 4ff-3 5, 1 52 , 240 6 : 5-3 1 5 6 : 5f-48 6 : 6-46 6 : 8-309 6 :9-30, 1 3 8n92, 143nI 1 5 6 : 1 0-30, 37 6 : 1 2ff-240 6 : 14-1 90n6, 2 1 6 6 : 1 4f-63n7 6 : 1 5-66028, 67n30 6 : 1 6f-48, 194 6 : 1 6ff-240 6 : 1 7-144nI 2 1 , 149nI 32 6 : 1 8-140n97, 1 42n 1 1 0, n1 1 1 , 143, 1 44n I 2 1 6 : 1 9-19, 1 48n I 3 1 , 1 66, 199 6: 20-140n1 03, 142 6 : 2 1 -148nI 3 1 7-3 1 n I 4, 1 56, 1 57n2o, 1 74, 1 9 5f, 29 5, 3 1 5 7 : 1 f-194 7 : 2-33n2 5 , 1 36, 143n I l 8 7 : 3-31 7 : 4-3 1 , 3 1 8 8-76, 1 89, 192n I 4, 193, 219, 229, 2 3 1 ,

4 06

I NDEX O F PRIMARY S O URCE S

239£, 243, 248, 2 58, 3 3 5n3 8 : 2-3 0, 1 3 7, 143 n l 1 5, 2 5 0n3 1 8 : 3-98 8 : 4f- 1 1 O 8 : 5-309 8 : 6-143nI I 5 8 : 6f-2 5 6 8 : 7-37, 1 3 8n92, 1 3 9n95, 141ll1O5 8 : 7f-95 8 : 1 1 f-1 89 8 : 1 2-192n1 5 8 : 1 3-48, 5 411100 8 : 1 4-63n7, 66n28, 67n30, 1 89, 190n5 8 : 1 5f-2 1 6 8 : 1 8-189, 24211 1 5 8 : 2o-192ll 1 5 8 : 2 1-63ll7, 66n28, 67ll30, 190115 8 : 2 1£-1 89 8 : 22-189 8 : 2 2ff-189 8 : 23ff-240 8 :24-192ll 1 5 8 : 26-1 92n I 5 8 : 27-166 8:27f-148111 3 1 , 194, 237ll 7 8 : 28-1 66ll52 8 : 29-76, 142ll1 1 1 , 193nI 9 , 2 40 8 : 29f-1 39ll9 5 8 : 30-1 3 7ll9 0, 1 39, 140ll97, 14411 1 2 1 8 : 3 1-76, 1 36, 140ll1 00, 1 43111 1 5, 1931l1 9, 2 36n2, 240 8 : 32-1 39ll9 5, 140ll99, nl03, 14111105, 236ll2, 326 8 : 3 3 -1 3 6, 1 42, 14411 1 2 1 8 : 34-1 43, 14411121

8 : 3 5-143n I I 5 8 : 3 5 £-25 5n42 8 : 3 6-1 37 8-9-26 8-1O-3 3ll27 9-189, 192nI4, 193, 195n22, 231, 239, 242f, 248, 2 5 8, 3 3 5n 3 9 : 2-30, 1 3 8n9 2, 143n1 l 5 9 :2f-3 5 9 : 5-98, 242nI4 9 :7f-226 9 :7ff-244n I 6 9 : 8ff-244 9:9-34 3n24 9 : 10-1 89, 242nI5 9 : 1 3-189 9 : 1 5-63n7, 66n28, 67n30, 1 89, 190115 9 : 1 6-14811 1 3 1 , 1 66, 194, 2 37ll7 9 : 1 7-144n I 2 1 9 : 1 7f-1 39ll95 9 : 18-1 40ll 9 7, 142ll 1 1 1 , 193111 9 9 : 19-1 36, 1 3 7ll90, 140ll1OO, 143nI 1 5 9 : 2o- 1 39ll95, 140ll99, lllO3, 326 9 : 21-1 36, 142, 144nI 2 1 9 : 22-144n 1 2 1 10-27, 76f, 193, 19 5n22 , 196, 205, 245, 2 5 6, 33 7, 3381114, 34011 1 7 1 0 : 2-1 37, 140n97, 142, 2 5 01131 1 0 : 3-1 3 9ll9 5 1 0 : 3f-75 10:4-63n7, 305 1 0 : 5-67 1O: 7ff-20 5 1 0 : 8-77, 140119 7 1 O : 8ff-77, 203 , 339

1 0 :9-70, 101, 217nI4 1 0 : 1O-81n87, 83 1 0 : 1 1-3 1 8 1 0 : 1 1 f-339 1 O : 1 1 ff-1 89 10: 1 2f-3 1 5 10: 1 2ff-77, 20 5 n22 1 0 : 1 3 -48, 270n 1 4, 3 1 8 10: 14-1 8 5 1 0 : 14f-77 1 0 : 1 4ff-340 1 0 : 1 6-140n97 1 0 : 1 7-270n1 4 1 0 : 1 8f-48, 1 89, 340 1 0 : 20-1 40n 1 03 1 0 :2 1-1 34, 144n1 2 1 1 0 : 22-1 34, 142, 193, 2 3 5ll2 1 0 : 23-142 1 0 : 24-1 3 9ll 95, 1401197 1 1-77, 192, 196£, 2 3 5, 264, 3 37, 3 3811 1 4, 340ll 1 6, 111 7 1 1 : 1-134, 2 5 1 1 1 : 2-27, 63ll8, 67, 3 07 1 1 : 2f-68, 7 5 1 1 : 2-6-69 1 1 :4-67 11 :5f- 3 3 8 11 : 6-60, 274 1 1 :6f-3 39 1 1 :7ff-78, 3 3 9 1 1 : 8f-78 1 1 : 1 2-148n1 3 1 , 1 66 1 1 : 1 3-106ll5, 1 3 6, 2 3 511 1 1 1 : 14-14311 1 1 5 1 1 : 1 5- 1 3 6, 1 39119 5 1 2-32, 263 1 2 : 1-1 24ll48, 141, 2 36ll2 1 2 : 2-144ll1 2 1 , 14911 1 33, 2 3 5n2, 2 3 7, 3 3 3 1 2 : 3-1 44ll 1 2 1 , 2 3 5112

1 2 :4-144n I 2 1 , 14 5 n122 12 : 5-1 24n48, 140n 1 0 1 1 2 :6-1 38, 141n105 1 2 : 7-140nIOO, 149n I 32 1 2 : 8-141, 143nI 1 6 1 2 :9-148n I 3 1 , 329 1 2 : 1 1-32 1 3-33ll27, 76, 97, 1 74, 189, 193 , 196, 239, 246, 2 5 8, 3 3 5n3 1 3 : 2-30f, 3 3n26, 143111 1 5 1 3 : 3-19, 76, 1 39n 9 5, 140n97, 141, 148n132, 236112 1 3 :4-244 1 3 : 5 f-76 1 3 :6-3 0 5 1 3 :6f-21 4, 239, 2 58 1 3 : 7-140n97 1 3 : 8f-1 89 1 3 : 1 0-3 5 1 3 : 1 1-190n5, 305 1 3 : 1 3-145, 309 1 3 : 1 3f- 1 1 O 1 3 : 1 4-9 5, 1056ll5, 109, 142ll 1 1 O, 144n I 2 1 1 3 : 1 5-94, 148111 3 1 , 1 6 5, 201 13 : 1 7-140ll1 03, 236ll2 , 237ll7 1 3 : 17f-245 1 3 : 1 8f-1 48111 3 1 , 199 1 3 : 19-14011100 13 : 20-1 39ll9 5, ll97 1 3 : 21-143111 1 5 14-3 3n27, 1 74, 1921114, 193f, 239, 3 3 5n3 1 4 : 1 f-14811 1 3 1 1 4 : 2-40, 1 54, 245

)

INDEX O F PRIMARY S O URCES 14: 2£-3 5 1 4 : 3-30, 48, 194, 245 14:3£-222, 247 14:4ff-1 53 14:7ff-1 92TIlS 1 4 : 1 0-63117, 190114 14: l 1 f-48, 148TIl 3 1 , 1 6611S3, 194 1 4 : 1 2£-1 6611S4 1 5-331127, 74, 89TIl 3S, 1 74, 1 92TIl 7, 19 3£, 1 96, 198113S, 22 21166, 239, 245, 2 57£ 1 5 : 1-2481125 1 5 : 2-3 5 , 40, 148TIl3 I , 1 54, 204, 248 1 5 : 2£-331126, 3 5, 224 1 5 :3-30 1 5 : 3ff-2 52 1 5 :4£-7 5, 3 41 1 5 : 5ff-6 3117 1 5 :7-305 1 5 : 7£-7 5f, 88 1 5 : 7ff-88 1 5 :9-88 TIl 32 1 5 :9£-63117 1 5 :9ff-75 1 5 : 10-88 1 5 : 1 1 £-7 5, 9 1 1 5 : l 1ff-75 1 5 : 1 2-93 1 5 : 1 2£-93 1 5 : 1 3-93 1 5 : 14-67, 7 5, 253 1 5 : 14£-63117 1 5 : 1 5-71 , 341 1 5 : 1 5£-94 1 5 : 1 6-9 1, 9 3 1 5 : 17-1 8 5 1 5 : 1 7ff-2 55£ 1 5 : 20-1 8 5 1 5 : 20ff-2 56 1 5 : 2 1-2 1 1 , 342 1 5 : 22-2101138 1 5 : 22£-2 53 1 5 : 22ff-209 1 5 : 2 3 £-63 1 5 : 24-75, 209 1 5 : 2 5-224, 2 5 2

1 5 : 2 5£-189111 1 5 : 26ff-2 5 3 1 5 : 27-341 1 5 : 2 8£-224, 252 1 5 : 29-1 89TIl 1 5 : 29ff-190117, 229, 2 5 5 1 5 : 3 1 ff-1 90117, 2 54 1 5 : 34ff-63117, 305 1 5 : 3 5£-254 1 5 : 3 7-14011 1 03, 237117 1 5 : 38-1381192, 1 39119S, 14011100, 145, 236112 1 5 : 39-166 1 6-52 1 6 : 2- 3 5 1 6 : 3-47, 3 16 1 6 : 5-47 1 6 : 5b-471173 1 6 : 7-44, 47, 48 1177, 237117 1 6 : 8-47, 3 1 2 16 :8f-47 1 6 : 9-47 16-17-45, 2621158 1 7-51 1 7 : 1-46, 48, 51 1 7 : 1£-1 59 1 7 : 2-3 1 2 1 7 : 2£-521190 1 7 : 3-3 12 1 7 : 5-46, 48, 52 1 7 : 6-46, 51 1 8-1921117, 19 5112 2, 2221166, 252, 257 1 8 : 1-1 37, 2 501131 1 8 : 1-3-343 1 8 : 2-1 40, 2 50113 1 1 8 : 3-109, 1 3 71190, 1 40111 03, 190, 23 6112, 237117, 2421115 1 8 :4-14411 1 2 1 , 1 70, 3 30, 3 3 3 1 8 : 5-1 241148, 14111105, 1 43111 1 6, 145,

1 4911133, 1 74, 3 30 19-263 1 9 : 2-171163, 1 3 8 1 9 : 3- 1 3 81192, 14411121 1 9 : 4-1391197, 14911133 19: 5-1401197 1 9 : 5£-1 40TIlOI 1 9 : 6-1391197 1 9 : 7-140TIlOO 1 9 : 8-1 241148, 14311 1 1 5 1 9 : 10-14111105 20-3 5, 189, 239, 2 57, 3 3 5113 20: 1-48, 194 20 :2-1 4°1197, 1110 0, 1110 3, 1 6611S2 20: 2ff-3 1 20 :3-1 371189, 143TIl 15, 148TIl 32, 2 54£ 20 :4-45 20 :4£-44, 47, 481177, 3 1 5 20 :4ff-2 5 5 20 : 5-89 20:6-1 3 8, 142TI l08 20 :8-143111 1 5, 148TI l32, 3 1 6 20:9-140111 00, 11103 20 :9ff-2 56 20: 10£-3 5 20 : 1 1-143111 1 5, 1 89 20: 1 2£-142TIl 08 20:1 5-63117, 67113 1, 190115 20 : 1 6-109, 1 3 71190, 14011103, 236112, 237117 20: 1 6£-140TIlOO 20 : 1 7-1 39, 1401197, 142111 08, 111 1 0 20 : 1 8-1391195, 1 4411 1 2 1 , 23 5112 20 : 19-1 40111 00, 111 03, 2 5 51142

407

20 :20-143111 1S, 148111 32, 2 551142 21-29, 53, 1 28ff, 262, 278, 3 1 1 ff 21 : I f-267 21 : 2-3 3, 47, 76, 140, 1 43TIl 1 5, 1 59£ 21 :4-33 2 1 : 7-82 21 :1 I-3 3, 47, 76, 140, 143111 15, 267 22-29, 75, 160ff, 263, 278, 31 9ff 2 2 : 1-33, 341127, 160, 278 22 :2-142111 1 1 22 : 3-1 391195, 1401199, 236112 22 :4-142, 14411121, 23 5112, 237, 250113 1, 333 2 2 :6-14411 1 2 1 , 14811132, 3 29 2 2 : 6-18-32 22 : 7-1 401199, 14411 1 2 1 , 236112 2 2 : 1 I-1 34, 1 371189 2 2 : 1 2-1 4°111 03, 141111 05, 236112 2 2 : 1 3-3 21119, 141 2 2 : 1 5-32111 9, 139 2 2 : 1 6-32TIl 9 2 2 : 1 7-321119 2 2 : 1 8-321119 2 2 : 1 9f-3 2 2 2 : 20-1 391197, 14011100, 1 661153, 23 6112 2 2 : 20-3°-32 2 2 : 2 1-142 2 2 : 22-1 371188, 14211107 2 2 : 23-19, 13 4, 1 36, 14911132 22 :24-1 391197, 143111 1 8 2 2 : 2 5-1 37, 1401197, 14211 1 1 0

4 08

I N D E X O F P R I MARY SOURCES

2 2 : 26-140lll00, 11 1 0 1 , 142 22 : 27-1 4°1197 2 2 : 28-142 2 2 : 29-1401197 2 2 : 29£-1241148 2 2 : 3°-142, 23 5112 2 2 : 3 1-32ll l 8 2 2 : 39-1 391197, 1 4 5111 2 2 2 2 : 4 1-1 391197, 14011101 2 2 : 4 2- 1 4 1 11 1 °5, 1 4311 1 1 5 22 :43-1 4411 1 2 1 2 2 : 44-140lll 03 2 2 :46-1 4011 103 2 2 : 47-1 41111 05, 14411 1 2 1 2 2 : 5 1 -14311 1 I 8 2 2 : 56-1 44111 2 1 2 2 : 57-1 38, 2 3 5nI 2 2 : 58-14011 103 2 2 : 59-1 4311 1 1 8 2 2 : 6 1-1 4411 1 2 1 , 1 49nI 32 22 : 62-14011100, 1 4 111105 2 2 : 63-2 3 6112 22: 64-1 241148, 1 3 71188 22 : 6 5-1 3 71189, 1 3 81192, 2 3 6m 2 2 : 66-1391197 2 2 : 66£-1 391195, 327 2 2 : 67-14011 1 00 2 2 : M-13 81192, 1 4 2, 2 3 6112 22 : 7°-1 3 71190, 14011 1 04 2 2 : 7 1-1 4°111 00, 1 44n I 2 1 2 2 : 72-1 241148, 137 2 2 :7 3-1 381192, 1 4011100, 1 42, 236112 22 :76£-141nI05 2 2 : 7 8£-140111 00, 1 4911 1 3 2 2 2 : 79-1 241148, 1 4911 1 3 3 2 2 : 80-1 39, 144111 2 1

2 2 : 8 1-1 4011 100, 11103, 148lll 32, 2 50113 1 2 2 : 8 2-1 34, 1 401197, 2 501131 2 2 : 83-149ll l 32 , 2 501131 2 2 : 8 4-1 4 1 111°5, 2 501131 22 : 8 5--; 1 391197, 14911 1 3 3 22 : 86-1 38, 2 5 1 2 2 : 8 7-2 501131 2 2 : 88-1 391197, 2 501131 2 2 : 89-1 42111 °7, 143, 2 501131 2 2 :90-1 3 6, 1 44ll l 2 1 , 2 5 1 2 2 : 9 1-1 3 4, 1 371189 2 2 :92-1 37, 1 43, 2 5011 3 1 22 :93-145, 3 2 7 2 2 : 9 5-14011100, 2 501131 2 2 :96-1 34 22 :97-1391197, 143, 2 50113 1 22 :98-1 391195, 14411 1 2 1 , 23 5112 22 :98£-2501131 2 2 :99-1241148 2 2 : 100-1 3 6, 1 4 1 ll l 05, 2 5 1 2 2 : 1 0 1-1 37, 142, 2501131 2 2 : 102-1 38, 140, 2 5011 3 1 2 2 : 1 03-1 38, 143lll 1 7, 2 3 5nI 2 2 : 104-1 3 6, 1 3 8, 144ll l 2 1 , 23 5lll, 2 501131 2 2 : 1 05-1 3 7f, 2 5011 3 1 2 2 : 1 06-1 45, 2 501131 2 2 : 1 07-1 34, 1 391195 2 2 : 1 08-1 4011 100, 1 43lll 15, 149ll l 32 , 1 6 5, 1 77, 2 501131 2 2 : 1 °9- 1 3 7119°, 1401197 22 : 1 10-1 3 5

2 2 : 1 1 1-1 39, 1 4 1 11 1 05, 23 6112 22 : 1 1 2-142, 2 50113 1 22 : 1 1 3-14111105 22 : 1 1 4-14°1199 22 : 1 1 5-141lll05 22 : 1 1 6- 1 391197 2 2 : 1 17-1 39, 2 50113 1 2 2 : 1 18-1 3 6, 1 3 81192 2 2 : 1 19-1 4°11101 2 2 : 1 2of-76 2 2 : 1 2 1-142111 1 1 , 1 4 3111 15 2 2 : 1 26- 1 3 71188, 1 4 3111 14 2 2 : 1 27-14411 1 2 1 22 : 1 28-14011 1°3 22 : 1 29-142 2 2 : 1 30-1 39, 143nI 1 8 2 2 : 1 3 3 f-148n I 3 1 2 2 : 1 3 5-1 241148 23-3 2112 1 , 263 23 : 2-1 371190, 1 4 1 11 1 05 2 3 : 3-1 391194, 149n I 3 3 2 3 :4-1 371189, 1 3 8, 2 3 5lll 23 : 5-14011 1 02 , 14911 1 32 23 :6-1 391197 2 3 : 7-1 4211107, 14911 1 3 2 23 : 8-1 4211108, 14911 1 3 3 2 3 :9-14811 1 3 1 2 3 : 10- 1 3 6, 1 391195 2 3 : 1 1-1 40lll 00 2 3 : 1 2- 1 391195, 1 4911 1 3 3 2 3 : 1 3- 1 3 71188 23 : 14- 1 3 81192, 236112 2 3 : 1 5-1 34, 1 3 91195 24-34, 45, 72, 263 24 : 1 ff-14811 1 3 1 2 4 : 2-1661154 24 : 3-341128, 1 241148, 14011 101

24 : 6-341128 24 :7- 3 41128, 305 24 : 1 1-341128, 1 4 1 11 1 05 2 4 : 1 3-147 24 : 16-3 05 ' 24: 1 7-341128 24 : 1 8b-43 2 4 : 2 6-341128 24: 28-305 24 : 30-305 24 : 3 3-277 24 : 3 6-43 24 : 3 6ff- 5 3 24 : 3 8-7°, 8 1 1187 24: 39-43 24:41-701148 24:4 3-43 2 5- 3 3 112 7 , 1 94, 23 9ff, 2 5 7f, 309, 3 3 5113 2 5 : 1-194 2 5 : 1 f-48 2 5 :2-3 3, 1 3 81192, 144, 237117 2 5 : 2 f-1 43111 1 5 2 5 : 2ff-44, 47, 481177 2 5 : 3-2°4, 2 3 6112, 2 52, 2 54f 2 5 :4-1 43111 1 5 2 5 :4f-309 2 5 : 5-1 391195, 142, 240 2 5 : 5f-l02, 309 2 5 : 6-109, 309 2 5 : 6f-661126, 9 5, 110 2 5 : 8f-2 52 2 5 : 9-143lll 1 5 2 5 : 1 2-14 311 1 1 5, 189 2 5 : 1 3-143n I I5, 244lll6, 2 5 7 2 5 : 1 5-190115 2 5 : 1 6-63117, 671131 2 5 : 1 6f-24411 1 6, 257 2 5 : 1 7-171163, 1 09, 1 3 71190, 1 43111 1 5, 2 3 7117 2 5 : 17f-1 4 3 n I I 5 2 5 : 18-1 371189, 1 3 8, 1 391197, 14011100, 2 3 6112

(

INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES 2 5 : 1 8f-1 42n l l 0, 145 2 5 : 19-1 39, 1 43lll 1 7 , 2 3 6n2 2 5 : 1 9f-1 43nl 1 S 2 5 : 20f-1 43nl l S, 2 5 5n42 2 5 : 21 - 2 5 2 26-37, 262ns8 2 6 : 1-1 30, 3 1 1 f 2 6 : 2-59 2 6 : 4-46, 59, 1 42nl09 2 6 : 4ff-5 8 2 6 : 6-3 1 2 2 6 : 7-59 2 6 : 8-46, 1 42nl o9, 1 48ll l 3 l 2 6 : 8f-46, 5 8 26 : 1 0££-58 2 6 : 2 1-66 2 6 : 22f-57 2 6 : 2 3-5 6, 1 40nl03, 1 66nS3, 280, 282, 290n22 2 6 : 24f-57 2 6 : 26-57 2 6 : 2 8-1 66nS3 27-45, 278, 28 4, 289, 294n29 2 7 : 1-29 27 : 1 f-279 2 7 : 1ff- 1 3 2 2 7 : 3-201 2 7 : 3f-53 27 : 4-44f 2 7 : 6f-36n 3 3 2 7 : 8-36n33, 201 2 7 : 8f-284 27 :9-43, 46, 49, 5 1 , 52n93 27 : 1 0-284 27 : 1 4-201 2 7 : 19-284 2 7 : 2 1 £-284 28-33n2 7, 76, 1 74, 1 89, 1 9 3ff, 203, 2 39, 3 3 5 n3 2 8 : 1-194 2 8 : 2-3 1 , 3 3n26, 204, 2 5 2 2 8 : 2f-256 28 :4f-204lll S, 205

2 8 : 4ff-80, 2 58 2 8 : 5f-204 28 : 8f-192ll l S 2 8 : l Of-190nS, 305 2 8 : 1 1-66 2 8 : 1 2-18 9 2 8 : 1 3-80 2 8 : 1 4-1 66nS2, 1 89, 1 9 3 , 2 3 7n7 28 : 1 5-140lll00, 1 42nl l o, 194 28 : 1 6-1 24n48, 1 3 8n92, 1 3 9n97, 1 40nl 02 , 1 4 1 ll l 0S, 2 3 5lll 2 8 : 1 7-2 5 2 29-3 3n27, 77, 79, 19 5ff, 262ns8, 3 37 29 : 1-141 lllOS, 194, 236n2 29 : 1 f-3 1 , 3 3 n2 6 29 : 2-1 42nl l o, 143lll 1 7, 3 1 5 29 : 3-64 29 : 4-141nl0S 30-109f, 278, 290 30: 1-47, 48n77, 76, 1 4 3n1 1 S, 201, 3 1 1 30 : 1 f-48 3 0 : 1ff-1 59 3 0 : 2- 1 09 3 0 : 3- 1 8 5 3 0 : 4-47, 1 4 3 ll l 1 S, 3 1 2 3 0 : 4ff-2 8 5 3 0 : 5-44f, 201 3 0 : 5f-29n7 3 0 : 5ff-45 3 0 : 7-44, 2 3 7n7, 312 3 0 : 8-29n7 30:9ff-1 1 0 3 0 : 1 0-102 30 : 1 1-289 30 : 1 2-70 3 0 : 1 2f-1 1 3 , 3 1 6 3 0 : 1 3 f-2o 3 0 : 1 3ff-291 3 0 : 1 4- 1 1 0, 1 2 2 3 0 : 1 5-109 30 : 1 5f-146

30 : 1 6-288ll l 9 3 0 : 1 6f-49, 288 30 : 1 8-48, 201 30 : 1 8f-289 3 0 : 1 9 ff-289 3 0 : 20f-186 3 0 : 2 1 f-l 1 1 3 ° : 22-34, 47 3 0 : 2 3-48 3 0 : 2 3 ff-291 3 0 : 24-3 1 2 3 0 : 2 5ff-l l 1 3 ° : 26-1 1 4 3 0 : 2 7f-l09, 1 1 5 3 0 : 28-70n47, 87 3 0 : 29-1 1 6, 1 4 1 , 251, 312 30: 29f-29 1 30-32-293ll29 30-34-262 3 1-1 09f, 278, 290 3 1 : 1-48, 76, 1 43nl l S, 201 , 311 3 1 : 1 f-1 59 3 1 : 2-1°9 3 1 : 2f-1 8 5 3 1 : 3-1 43lll l 5, 312 3 1 :4ff-285 3 1 : 5-44f 3 1 : 5ff-4 5 3 1 : 6-3 1 2 3 1 : 8ff-1 1 0 3 1 :9-102 31 : 1 0-289 3 1 : 1 1-70 3 1 : 1 1 f-1 1 3 3 1 : 1 2f-20 31 : 1 2ff-20, 291 3 1 : 1 3-1 1 0, 1 22 3 1 : 1 4f-1 46 3 1 : 1 5f-49, 288 3 1 : 1 7-48 3 1 : 1 7f-289 3 1 : 19f-1 8 6 3 1 : 1 9ff-289 3 1 : 2 1 -1 1 1 3 1 : 2 2-48 3 1 : 22ff-291 31 : 2 5-1 1 4 3 1 : 2 5ff-1 1 1 3 1 : 26f-l09, 1 1 5 3 1 : 27-70n47, 87 3 1 : 28-25 1 , 3 1 2 3 1 : 2 8f-291

40 9

3 2-278 3 2 : 3-109, I I I 3 2 : 3f-l09 3 3-278, 293 33 : 1-142nl l l , 222 3 3 : 2-1 37n90, 257 3 3 : 2f-1 9 3 3 3 : 3-1 24n48, l40nl O l , 144nl 2 l , 222, 2 3 6n2 3 3 : 4-1 34, 1 44n 1 2 l , 2 1 9, 230, 2 3 5n2 3 3 : 5-141ll l OS , 262ns8 3 3 :6-34 3 3 : 8-109 3 3 : 1 0-87 3 3 : 1 3f-5 3n97 3 3 : 1 4-81n87 34-278, 288 3 4 : 3-1 37, 143n 1 1 7, 1 4 5nl 2 2 , 2 50n3 1 , 2 5 1 3 4 :4-1 34, 1 4 5ll l 2 S, 2 50n31 3 4 : 5-1 4 1 ll l OS, 142nl l l , 1 4 3n1 l 5, 2 1 9, 278 3 5-33n27, 77, 79, 1 9 3 , 1 9 5n22 , 196, 296, 3 3 7 3 5c-81n87 3 5 : 2-33, 1 3 9n97, 1 40nl 00, 3 1 5 3 5 : 3-2 50n31 3 5 : 3 f-64 3 5 : 4f-2 2 2 3 5 : 5-140lll00 3 5 : 1 0-250n3 l 36-262n58 3 6 : 2f-88 3 6 : 3-67 3 6 : 4-67 37-45, 54, 1 60, 262, 278, 282 3 7 : 1 -29, 48, 1 3 7n90, 1 3 8n92, 1 43lll 1 S 3 7 : 1 f-1 59 3 7 : 2-1 59, 276

410

INDEX

3 7 : 3-54 37 :4-53 3 7 : 5�54 3 7 : 6-43, 5411 1 02 , 55 3 7 : 9-47 3 7 : 1 0-90, 9 3 3 7 : 1 1-53, 14811 1 3 1 , 2701112 3 7 : I l f-691143 3 7 : 1 7-48, 1 3 71190, 1 43111 1 5 , 3 1 4 38-257, 262, 278 3 8 : 1-48, 1 3 8, 1 4 1 11 1 05, 14311.1 1 5, 11 1 1 8, 201 3 8 : 2-1371190, 1 59 3 8 : 2f-43, 109, 1 59 3 8 : 3-44, 28811 1 9, 312 3 8 : 3f-4 1, 2901122 3 8 : 4-1 301157, 1 4011103 3 8 : 5-109 3 8 : 7f-280 3 8 : 8-1 301157 3 8 : 1 0-2901122 , 312 3 8 : 10f-14011 1 0 3 3 8 : 1 2-109,

1 3 71190, 1 3 8 1192,

1 43111 15 , 201 , 314 39-160, 273 3 9 : 1-1 34, 14411 1 2 1 , 1 59, 2 50113 1 , 273 3 9 : I f-48 3 9 : 2-48, 1 3 6, 140ll1 00, 143111 1 4 , 2 5 1 3 9 : 3-1 39, 1 401197, 1 42, 2 501131 3 9 : 4-1 43111 16 39 : 5-3 14 39-42-1 291155, 2621158, 272 40-273

OF

P R I M ARY S OURCES

4 0 : 1-109, 1 3 4, 142111 07, 1 59, 267, 273, 276 40 : 2-47, 273 40 : 3-3 1 2 40 :4-1 3 71190 40 : 5-47, 109, 14211107, 1 43111 1 6, 267, 314 41-273, 274 41 : 1-1 59, 273, 276 41 :4-141, 27011 1 2 4 1 : 5-3 1 2 41 : 7-274 41 :9-267, 3 1 4 42-4 5, 273 4 2 : 1-14411 1 2 1 , 1 59, 267, 273 4 2 : 2-47 4 2 : 4-305 4 2 : 5-77, 1 391195, 2701114 4 2 : 6-1 4511122 4 2 : 7-47, 273 4 2 : 8-330 4 2 : 8 ff-90, 273 4 2 : 1 1-47 42 : 1 3-90 42 : 1 5-2 73, 3 1 4 43-195ll22, 1 9 51l24, 2 7 1 f, 33 5113 43 : I f-'-1 4211 1 1 1 4 3 : 2-149 11 1 3 3 , 251

43 : 3-6 3117, 67

43 : 6-190 43 : 7-60 43 : 8-14ll53, 72 4 3 : 10-60 4 3 : 1 1-14211 1 1 1 43 : 1 2-142 43 : 1 3-142 11 1 1 1, 251 44-1 54f, 1 9 51122, 317 44 : 1-1 391197, 14011100 44 : 2-! 40ll97, 1 4 1 ll 1 0 5 44: 3-109 44 : 5-1 48111 3 1 , 1 4911132 44 : 7-14911 1 32 44 : 8-31 7

45-86, 1 5 3 4 5 : 2-3 31126, 1 3 71189 4 5 : 3-3 1 6 4 5 : 8-72, 8 11187 4 5 : 9-140111 03, 194, 2 3 7117 46-1 89, 1 96f, 2 1 9 4 6 : 2-1 38, 1 4911 1 3 2 46 : 6-3 5 46 : 9-1 36, 2 5 1 4 6 : 1 0-63117 46: 1 1 - 1 4 511122 46 : 1 2-1 391195 46 : 1 3-142, 14411 1 2 1 46 : 1 4-14211 1 1 0 46 : 1 6-14511 1 2 2 4 7 : 2-48 4 7 : 7�48 48 : 1-1 3 91195 48 : 3-1 3 71189 49-33 7118 49 : 1-1 34, 1 38 , 141 49 : 2-8 1 50: 6-14011100 5 1-32, 2 6 31159 5 1 : 6-321123 52-32112 1 , 2631159 52 :9-143ll1 1 6 5 2 : 1 0-1 391195 52 : 1 2-14°11 1 0 1 5 2 : 1 3-1 40ll99 5 2 : 1 4-1 39, 1 43111 1 5 52 : 1 5-1 391195, 141 5 2 : 1 6-1401197, 143111 1 5 5 2 : 1 6f-1 4311 1 1 5 5 2 : 1 7-1 3 8 53-3 2112 1 , 263 5 3 : 1-2411105 53 : 2-1 3 5, 1 49111 3 3 5 3 : 2ff-14811 1 3 1 5 3 : 3-1 24ll48, 1 34 5 3 : 6-3 3 2 53 :9-1 7 3 , 3 3 2 54: 3-1 66ll53 5 4 : 1 0-1 661153 54 : 1 1- 3 1 2 54 : 1 3-1 661153 54 : 1 4-44

54 : 1 5-1661153 5 5 : 3-1 391195 5 5 : 7-330 5 5 : 8-91 56-160 56: 1-1 59 56 : 3-139, 149111 33 56:4-141111 05, 14211 1 1 0, 1 43111 1 7 5 7 : 2-276 58 : 3-1 241148, 1 2 7 59-19, 170, 194 61 : 2-1 241148, 1 4011102 61 : 1 1-14011100, 11103, 14211108 61-63-22 62,1-14011102 62,1 :4-1 4211 1 08 63 : 2f-72 63 : 3-1 391195 63 :4-1401197, 2 501131 63 : 6-1 4311 1 1 4 63 : 8-1 391195 6 3 :9-521193, 1 42ll 1 08, 201 63 : 1 0-72, 1 3 91197, 14011100 63 : 1 2-521193 , 72, 14211108 6 3 : 1 4-72 64,1 8-8 1 ll87 65,2-142ll 1 10,

1 43 11 1 1 5

65,3-14111105 65,1 5-147, 16 6 65,1 8-1 4511122 66,4-8 11187 66,8-1 4011103, 141 66,10-143111 1 5 67,3-1 34, 2 501131, 251 67,1 1-14411 1 2 1 68-1 9 5 68,1-1 3 7, 3 2 7 68,2-1 391195 68,4-1 94 68,8-1 37, 1 39, 2 50113 1 , 267 68,9-1 4 1 11 1 05 68, 10-143111 1 4 68, 1 1 rev.-4 3

(

INDEX O F PRIMARY SOURCES 70-57 70: 1-48 70 : 2-1 59 80 : 5- 3 5 8 1-305 A�IQAR

-2 52n37

Iff-279 46ff-270 5 1 £-270 52--'--2 70111 3 81-2421l15 83-202117 97-143 1111 5 1 3 2-1431l 1 1 5 1 57-1 4 31l1 1 5 2 1 6-1431l1 1 5

DALIYEH PAPYRI

( Cross, BA 26 [ 1963],. 1 10ff) -1 1 6n3 1 , 1 4711127 Epigraphes arameens

5 : 9-481177 6-541l102 6 : 2-54, 72 6 : 3ff-7 1 , 8 1 1189 6 : 4ff-72 6 : 6-56£ 7-2 87 7 : 1 *-55 7 : 1-287 7 : 4£-48 7 : 9-3 1 6 7 : 10-56£ 8-58, 287 8 : 1 £-287 8 :4-287 8 : 6-56£ 8-1 1-481177 9-59 9 : 1-72 9 : 3-56£ 1 0-55, 5 8 1 0 : 1-230 1 0 : 1£-48 1 0 : 5-56£ 1 1- 5 5 , 5 8 1 2-29 5 1 2 :6-3 1 6 1 2 :8-3 1 6 1 3 : 1- 1 59

DELAPORTE,

3 8-141ll106 53-14111106

DRIVER

1 : 1-1 59, 3 1 2 1 : 2-54 2 : 1 *-230 2 : 1-1 59 2 : 2£-54£ 3 : 1 *-230 3 : 1-1 59 3 : 3-48 3 : 5-48 3 : 7-48u77 4-55, 58, 287 4 : 2-48 4 : 3-3 1 6 4 : 4-56£ 5-2611 1 04, 287 5 : 1 *"-230 5 : 1 -1 59 5 : 6-287 5 : 7-481177

KRAELING 1-27, 3 5, 1 9 21l1 4, 1l 1 5, 193£, 20311 1 0, 23 31193, 240, 3 3 5113 1 : 2-1 371188, 40 11 1 0 3, 142111 08, 200 1 : 2ff-202 1 : 3-305 1 :4-1 921l15 1 : 5-305 1 : 5£-48, 54111 00 1 : 5ff-202 1 : 7-2031l1O 1 :7£-3 0 5 1 : 8-1 90114, 1 9 211 1 5 1 : 8£-202 1 : l off-1481l 1 3 1 , 203 1 : 1 1- 1 661152 1 : 1 2- 1 3 71188 1 : 1 3- 1 3 71189, 143111 1 5, 1 6 6 1 : 1 4-147

1

1-4-196ll28 2-331127, 76, 1 74, 1 9 21l1 7, 193£, 1981135, 2 1 91155, 2221166, 23 31193, 234, 245, 2 57 2 : 2-331126, 1401197, 1l103, 1 4211108, 200 2 : 2£-205 2 : 3--'-30, 2 5 1 2 : 3£-206 2 : 4£-7 5 2 :4ff-207 2 : 5-67, 9 1 , 2071130 2 : 5£-7 1 , 92, 2071130 2 : 6-93 2 : 6£-207 2 : 6ff-30 5 2 : 7-67 2 : 7ff-208, 2 1 0 2 : 8-75, 2071130, 341 2 : 10-75, 2071130, 305 2 : 1 0£-342 2 : 10ff-2 1 1 2 : 1 1£-1 8 5 2 : 1 2-342 �j : 1 2£-342 2 : 1 3-1 401197, 142111 07, 24211 1 5 2 : 1 3 £-207 2 : 1 3-1 3b-190 2 : 1 3b-190U7 2: 1 4-14011 1 03, 2 3 7117, 242 1l 1 5, 305 2 : 1 5- 1 3 71189, 14011100, 1 4 1 1l 1 05, 14211 1 1 1 2 : 1 6-207, 305 3-1 06115, 1 89, 19 3£, 2 1 3 , 2 1 5, 2 1 9 , 234, 248, 3 3 5113 3 : 2-3 1 , 34£, 9 5, 148111 3 1 3 : 3-14011103, 14211108 3 : 3-1 1-214 3 : 4-2 1 3 3 : 4£-97

41 1

3 : 4ff-2 1 4 3 : 5-1 0 1 £ 3 : 6-63117, 67, 7 5, 245, 305 3 : 7-309 3 : 7ff-284 3 : 8-34, 66112 8, 9 5, 308£ 3 : 8ff-l l 0 3 : 9-60, 109 3 : 1 0-66ll2 8, 9 5 3 : 1 1 £-2 1 7 3 : 1 2£-1 89 3 : 1 2ff-2 1 6 3 : 1 5-67, 190116 3 : 1 5£-671130 3 : 1 6.,-66u28 3 : 1 8-67, 19 0116 3 : 19ff-2 1 6 3 : 2 1 £-2 57 3 : 22-2 1 4 3 : 2 2ff-2 1 4 3 : 2 2a-761165 3 : 22b-14011100, 214 3 : 23-2 14 3 : 23a-761165 3 : 23b-199 3 : 23b-24-199 3 : 23£-1481l 1 3 1 3 : 2 5-2 1 3 4-,1 89, 2 1 3, 2 1 8, 2 34, 3 3 511 3 4 : 1-14011103, 2 1 71152 4 : 2-1 421l 1 08 4 : 3-98, 3 1 3 4 : 4£-2 1 7 4 : 6-98, 3 1 3 4 : 7ff-2 17 4 : 8-97£, 1 0 1 £ 4 : 9-309 4 : 10-109 4 : 1 0£-,-66u28, 9 5 4 : 1 1-286 4 : 14£-190 4 : 1 5-63117, 67113 1 , 1 90114 4 : 1 6-190 4 : 1 6ff-2 1 2 4 : 1 7£-1 8 5 4 : 1 7ff-1 8 5, 2 1 7, 2 26, 2 3 3 4 : 1 8-142111 07, 143111 14, 194, 208, 2 5011 3 1 4 : 19-2 1 7

'I

I'

i'l

ii

Ii

!: I�

Ii

i)i : I

II

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41 2

INDEX OF P R I MARY S OURCES

4 : 20--1 89, 2421115 4 : 20f--190 4 : 21--142111°7, 1 90115 4 : 2 1 f--63117 4 : 2 2-1°9, 1 27119°, 237117 4 : 2 2ff-2 1 9 4 : 23-1 3 71189, 1 4211 1 1 1 4 : 24-14411 1 2 1 , 199, 2 3 5112 5-331127, 76, 1 921ll 7, 193, 1 981135, 2 1 3, 219, 2 34, 306 5 : 2--3 1 , 2 3 ;, 2 3 6112 5: 2f-1401197, 204n I 5 5 : 3-204 5 : 4-1 06115, 14311 1 1 4 5 : 4ff-2 20 ; : 6ff-194 5 : 7-1 06115, 203 5 : 7£-- 190117 5 : 8--63117, 30; 5 : 9ff-106115 5 : 1 1 -271 5 : 1 1 ff-2 2 1 5 : 1 2-1391195, 2 3 6112 5 : 1 3ff-190117, 2 2 1 5 : 14--1 391195 5 : 1 4£-3 0 5 5 : 1 5--63117 5 : 1 6-- 1401197, 1 48lll 3 1 , 194 5 : 1 7-1 37, 1 39, 141, 199 5 : 1 8-1401197 6-1 89, 194, 2 1 3 , 2 2 5 , 2 261178, 2 27, 234, 3 3 5113 6 : £rag. b-142nI07 6 : 2-1 06115, 14011103, 143nI 1 4 6 : 4-1 0 1 6 : 5-97, 98lll 85, 309

6 : 10ff--2 2 6 6 : 1 3--97 6: 14ff--2 2 6 6 : 1 5--189, 2421115 6 : 1 7-190115 6 : 1 8-226 7-3 31127, 74, 76, 1 9 21ll 7, 1981135, 2 2 21166, 234, 2 52, 257, 3 0 5 7 : 1-1 241148, 140lll 03, 194, 2 1 71152 7 : I f-3 1, 33, 3 5 7 : 1 ff-2 1 3, 222 7 : 2-331126, 1 3 91195, 1 401197 7 : 3-14 3111 1 4 7 : 4£-75, 341 7 : 6--67 7 : 6ff-75 , 88 7 :7--88n I 3 2 , 30; 7 : 8--88 7 : 9--88nI 32, 30; 7 : 1 0-89 7 : 10-1 2-7; 7 : 1 0ff-89 7 : 1 3--91 7 : 1 3ff-75 7 : 1 4-67, 9 3 7 : 1 4£-67 7 : 1 5-9 3 7 : 1 5£-7 5, 2 1 3 7 : 1 5ff-2 22£ 7 : 1 6--67 7 : 1 6£--63117 7 : 1 7-66112 8, 67, 94, 305 7 : 1 7£-94 7 : 1 8-93 7 : 1 9-93f 7: 20-9 1 £ 7 : 20£-71, 92£ 7 : 2 1 ff-209, 2 2 3 7 : 22-341 7 : 23-67, 2 2 3 7 : 24-224, 2 5 2 7 : 24£-2 23 7 : 2 5-341 7 : 2 6--6 3, 7 5, 209, 3431124 7 : 26£-223

6 : 8-286

7 : 2 7-67, 223 7 : 28-1 8 5, 224 7 : 28ff-2 2 5, 2 56

6 : 1 0-97

7 : 3 0ff-190117, 229

6 : 6--9 5 6 : 7-60, 286

7 : 32--6 3117, 671130, 1 89lll , 305 7 : 3 3--2 241174 7 : 34-1 8 ; 7: 34ff-2 2 5, 2 56 7 : 3 5-2 1 1 , 342 7 : 3 6-- 2 241174 7 : 3 6f--224 7 : 3 7-2 241174 7 : 37ff-224 7 : 39-2 241174 7 :40-2241174 7 : 40£-2 1 3 7 : 40ff--2 1 3, 2 2 2£, 343 7 : 41-1 391195 7 : 42-1°9, 1 3 71190, 190, 237117, 2421115 7 : 42ff-2 2 2 7 :43-1 391195, 1401197, 11 1 0 1 , 1 4 1 , 2 3 6112 7 : 44-14°nIoo, 14211108, 11 1 1 0, 143111 1 5, 1 9 311 1 9 8--77, 1 74, 192nI4, 1 9 3 £, 199, 203 , 2 1 2, 2 3 4, 248 8 : 1-1 2 7, 1 94 8 : 2-1 381192, 1 391195, 1401197 8 : 2£-3 31126, 44, 47 8 : 3-80, 1 43nI 1 5, 205 8 : 4-1 381192, 2 1 2 8 : 7£-1 43 n I 1 5, 19 °117 8 : 8-66£ 8 : 9-1 381192, 16 6 8 : 10-1 241148, 1 2 7, 148111 3 1 , 1 49lll 3 3 , 1 6 6 8 : 1 1-3 1 11 1 3 , 148lll 3 1 , 1661154, 1 7 3 , 3 3 0, 3 3 2 8 : 1 2-3 31127, 3 3 3 9-189, 1 9 3 , 219, 2 26, 228, 2 3 4, 306, 33 5113 9 : 1-1 4°11 1 °3, 1 4411108

9 : 2--143111 14, 229 9 : 3 f--2 2 6 9 :4--97£ 9 : 6-- 1 1 0 9 : 6f--286 9 : 7-97 9 : 8--309 9 : 8ff-284 9 : 9-309 9 : 1 0--97, 286 9 : 1 1-98 9 : 1 2f-97£, 226 9 : 1 3--101£ 9 : 1 4f--9 5, 1 0 2, 226 9 : 1 5--97, 1 02 9 : 1 6£-229 9 : 1 6ff-2 29 9 : 1 7--2 7 1 9 : 1 8ff-1 89, 229 9 : 1 9-48 9 : 20-63117, 190, 30; 9 : 2 1--229 9 : 2 2-140lll 01 9 : 22£-194 9 : 23--23 5112 9 : 2 3 £-230 9 : 24--109, 1 3 81192, 1 3 91195, 1197, 2 30, 2 3 5111 9 : 24f-273 9 : 2 5-1 37119°, 1401197, 14211107, 14311 1 1 5, 11 1 1 6, 111 18 9 : 2 6-1 241148, 1 49111 32, 230 9-12-1981135 10-189, 193, 2 1 9 , 2 2 6, 2 2 8, 234, 306, 3 3 5113 1 0 : 1--14°11 1 °3, 1 4 211 1 08 1 0 : 2--97£, 1 0 1 , 14 3111 1 4 1 0 : 2£-97, 2 3 0 1 0 : 3-9 5lll 73, 97f, 102, 309 1 0 : 3f-102, 284 1 0 : 4-60, 1 0 2 1 0 : 4£-9 5 1 0 : 5-309 1 O : 5f-286 1 0 : 6-95, 98, 286

INDEX OF P RIMARY SOURCES 1 0 : 7-2 2 2, 226, 230 1 0 : 8-1 24ll48, 1 40ll97, ll 1 03, 1 4 8111 32 1 0 : 9f-2 2 2, 2 26, 230 1 0 :9ff-230 1 0 : 1 0-1 89£, 2421115 1 0 : 1 0f-30 5 1 0 : 1 1-63ll7 1 0 : 1 2f-48, 1 89 1 0 : 1 3-230 1 0 : 1 4-63ll7 1 O : 1 5f-230 1 0 : 1 7-140ll101, 1 94 1 O : 1 8-1 38n92, 140nl oo, 1 42n1 10, 2 30, 2 3 5lll 1 0 : 19-1 3 7n90, 1 3 9, 140nl OO, n l O l , 230, 2 3 6n2 1 0 : 20-1 24n48, 1 4 2nl 1 1 , 1 43111 1 5, 1 49111 3 2 , 2 30 1 0 : 2 1 -106n5 1 1 -33ll27, 77, 1921ll4, 1 93£, 1 96f, 2 3 3£, 248, 3 3 7, 3 3 8ll l 4, 340111 7 1 1 : 1-1 40ll97, fl103, 194, 2 2 5 1 1 : 1 f-3 1 , 34£ 11 : 2-148n 1 3 1 , 1 66n52, 3 1 5 1 1 : 3-83 1 1 : 3 £-71 1 1 : 3ff-72, 78, 8 3 1 1 : 4-60, 82£, 3 3 8 1 1 : 5ff-78, 3 37 1 1 : 6-14, 60, 190, 305 1 1 : 7-339 1 1 : 8-1 8 5 1 1 :8ff-79, 340 11 : 1 0-270n14 1 1 : l Off-203 1 1 : 1 1 -78, 1 0 1 , 233 11 : 1 2-170, 194, 332

1 1 : 1 2ff-2 3 3 11 : 1 3-1 3940ll97, 1 4011100 1 1 : 14-140ll100, 1 49lll 32, 230 1 1 : 1 5-140ll97, 225 11 : 2 0-1 24ll 48 1 2-33ll27, 1 89, 1 9 3 , 1 96, 219, 2 3 2 , 2 3 3ll92, 2 3 4, 306, 3°9, 3 3 5113 1 2 : 1 f-1 40lll 03, 295 1 2 : 2-19, 109, 1 24ll48, 1 40n97, 149n1 32, 200, 231 1 2 : 2f-3 1 , 3 3 1 2 : 3-80, 1 66n52, 203, 3 1 5 1 2 : 4-148ll l 3 1 , 213, 233 1 2 : 5-64, 7 5, 245 1 2 :6-2 3 3 1 2 : 8-2 26ll78 1 2 : 9-2 3 1 , 309 1 2 : 1 1-149ll1 32, 225, 2 3 1 1 2 : 1 2-97f 1 2 : 1 2f-97, 2 3 1 1 2 : 1 2ff-75 1 2 : 1 3 -98, 1 0 I f, 310 1 2 : 14-64, 75, 245 1 2 : 1 6-226n78 1 2 : 1 7-309 1 2 : 1 7f-2 3 1 1 2 : 1 8-109, 143n l 1 4 1 2 : 1 8£-295 1 2 : 1 9-66n26, 9 5, 286 1 2 : 19f-1 4811 1 3 1 1 2 : 20-39, 9 5, 286, 3 1 7 1 2 : 2 1-66n26, 95, 98, 1 0 2, 3 1 0 1 2 : 2 1 f-l02 1 2 : 22ff-2 3 1 1 2 : 24-2 3 1 1 2 : 28-48 1 2 : 30-631170, 1901l6, 305 1 2 : 3 1-2 1 3

1 2 : 3 I f-214 1 2 : 3 2-1 40ll 1 0 1 , 194, 2 3 1 1 2 : 3 3-23 1ll90 1 2 : 34-1 3 7ll90, 1 3 8ll92, 1 40ll100, 2 30, 2 3 5ll l 1 3-1 29ll 5 5 , 288lll 9, 296 1 3 : 1-1 34, 14 3111 1 7 1 3 : 5-140ll l00 1 3 : 6-138, 140ll103 1 3 : 7-288ll l 9 1 3 :9-139n 95, 314 1 4 : 2-3 1 , 3 3 1 5-225, 234 1 5 : 1-1 43ll l 1 4 1 6-234 1 7-234

LACHISH INCENSE ALTAR-

292n2 7

)VI:UNICH OSTRA-

(Lidzbarski, Ephemeris III, 21f) 898 convex: 1143111 1 3

CON

NEIRAB INSCRIPTION 1 : 9-167n61

PADUA PAPYRI

(E. Bresciani, RSO 3 5 [1960], l 1 ff) 1-42, 272 1 : 1-1091113, 1 59 1 : lff-273 1 :2f-1 59 1 : 3-274 1 : 6f-2 73 1 : 8ff-90 I :X+I-267

41 3

1 :x+2ff-273 1 :X+ 3-270ll l 2 1-3-272 2-272 2 : 3-1 66ll53 3-272 3 :fragm. a-267 PANAMMUWA IN-

SCRIPTIONS 1 : 2 f-167ll6 1 , 1 691172 1 : 1 1 -1 67ll61 , 1 691172 1 : 1 6-1 68ll67 1 : 1 8-167ll61, 1 69n72 1 : 2 1-1 68ll67 2 : 2 2-1 67ll61 , 1 69n72

SACHAU 63, 1-276f 65,2-276 69,6-1 48ll l 3 1 69, 1 4-1 48ll l 3 1 69,1 5-148lll 3 1 71 ,6-148ll l 3 1 7 1 , 8-1 48ll l 3 1 7 1 ,9-148ll l 3 1 71,1 1-148n1 31 72,19-14811 1 3 1 7 3 , 1 0-148111 31 7 3 , 1 4-148111 31 78,2-1 3 6ll82 79,2-32 pl. 63, 1-87f, 1 3 2, 1 3 81192 63,2 COllveX : 2140nl02 6 3 , 5 : 5-1 371188 64,2-1 3 1 6 5,2 concave: If -1 59m8 66,2a : l1 3 71188 66,2a : 414011 1 0 1 66,2b : 21 3 71188 66, 3 : 314411 1 2 1 67, 2 : 2f1 3 71188 69,7-14211109

r

Ii I i,'I I! II

I'! "

i

I'

'I

III ii Ii i

I

I! ;

41 4

INDEX O F PRIMARY S OURCES

7 1 , 1 2-144U 1 2 l 7 1 , 1 31 4411l 2 l , 1 8 ,

SAQQARAH PAPYRUS-I0, 5 7ll 1 1 O ,

1 591128

SAQQARAH FUNERARY STELA1 7°

SAYCE AND COWLEY M-204 Mb : 3-203 M couvex : 3f-277 N-276 N couCave : l 1 3 6u8z N : 2-86 P-87

SFIRE INSCRIPTION

IA : 6-3 1 0D 1 5 IA : 8f-1 67U60 IC : 2 5-1 68u67 IIB : 7-1 68u67

SYENE SANDSTONE STELA-48ll77 TOBIAH INSCRIP-

SFIRE TABLET1 69f, 3 2 8

TIONS1 1 71134 ZAKIR INSCRIP-

SHEIKH FADL INSCRIPTIONS-

TION B : 24-1 67U6l

1 6-1 7

IA : I -1 66u55

Hebrew ARAD OSTRACA29, 3 3 ll2 7, 105, 1 5 9m8 GIBEON JAR HAN­ DLES1 4 511 1 2 3

LACHISH OSTRACA -3 3ll27 1 : 1-142 2 : 2-10 5UZ 2 : ,-1 05U2 3-13U5Z 3 : 3-105UZ 3 : 9-10 ,UZ

4 : 1-10 ,UZ 5 : 1-10 5UZ 5 : 7f-1 0 SUZ 6 : 1-1 0 SUZ

SAMARIA OSTRACA -1 7ll63, 1 4 511 1 2 3

6 : 1 2- 1 0 SUZ 8 : 1-10 5UZ 9 : 1-1 0 5UZ 1 2 : 3- 1 0 5nZ

Moabite MESHA STELA 1 8-10S

Nabatean OBODAS INSCRIP­ TION-1 81 AVDAT INSCRIPTIONS

PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS -1 82 TESSERAE-1 82f

-1 8 1 f

Phoenician KILAMUWA IN­ SCRIPTION

ESHMUNAZAR IN­ SCRIPTION

1 6-168u7°

1 8- 1 7 1 U9Z

KILAMUWA

PIRAEUS INSCRIP­

SHEATH 4ff-1 69U7Z

TION-1 8 1

RAMSES I I COLOS­ SUS INSCRIP­ TIONS-9 SAQQARAH LET­ TER-1 59ll33

SLOUSCHZ,

Thesaurus

9-1 1-23 6n4

I NDEX OF PRIM ARY S O URCES

41 5

Punic MARSEILLES

VOTIVE INSCRIP­

TARIFF

TION

1 6-1 8 1

2-1 7 1 n93

Syriac AI,J IQAR

A 2 : 1 0-184

Ugaritic C. H . GORDON

Ugaritic Text­ book 49 : I I : 1 2- 1 7 1 n90 51-167 51 : I II : I l-169 7 6 : II : 1 5ff1 71 n90 76 : II I : 8ff1 7 1n90 77:47ff-2 22n67 1 2 2 : 1-1 80n 1 2 1 1 2 2 : 5-1 80n I 2 1

1 2 7 : 56-1 71 2032-1 80111 2 1 cnt I V : 8 3 f1 7 1 n90 cnt pls. ix-x-167 cnt pl. x: IV:41 80 11 1 2 2

1 5 .70-1 8011 1 1 9 1 5.88 :4-180n 1 l 8 1 5 ·88 : 6-180n1 l 8 1 6 .1 57 : 51 8on1 l 9

C . F.-A. SCHAEF­ FER,

C . F.-A. SCHAEF­ FER, Le palais royale d' Uga­ rit, III

PRU IV

1 8 .01-1 80111 2 0

1 4 . 1 6 : 3-18011 1 2 0 24.258 : 1 5, 1 8011 1 2 2

VIROLLEAUD,

Les

nouveaux textes 2-1 6 5n46

RS

8. 208 ( Akkadian ) -206n24

C. POST-BIBLICAL JEWISH SOURCES

Josephus AG. APION l .I 4, 73ff-6, 2 8 1 1 . 22, 1 90ff-128 1 . 22, 209ff�128 L26, 22Sff-6 1 . 2 6-3 1 , 227ff281 I I . 5, 49- 1 2 0 1 1 . 5 , 49ff­ I l 8n36

LIFE 75, 41 5-262nS6

JEWISH WAR 1 . 1 . 1 , 3 3-I l 8n36, n37

1 .9 .4, 1 90ff1 1 8n36

XI.8 .4, 324-1 1 7 Xl,8 .5, 33 9-1 2 8

I I . 1 9 . 2 , 5 1 7- 1 2 8

XII.4, 1 54ff-I l 7

I I l ,4.2, 64-673211 1 7

XII.9·7, 3 87f1 1 8n36

VI I . I 0 .2-3, 420ff -1 l 8n36

XII.9.7, 3881 1 8n37

VII . I 0 · 3, 427f­ I l 8n37

XII I . 3 . 1 , 62ff­ Il8

VII . I 0 . 3 , 430III

XIII.P-3, 62ff­ I l 8n36 XII I . p , 63, I l 8n37

ANT. Xl,7.1-2, 290n24

297ff-

X1.7.2, 302ff-I l 6 Xl,8.2, 3 I l-1 20 Xl,8 .4, 3 23ff-1 20

XIII . p , 65ff1 20n42 XIII . 3 . 1 , 671 1 8n37, 1 20 XII I . 8 ·4, 249ff1 28

XI I I . I 0 .4, 2S4ff­ l 1 Sn36 XIII .I 0A, 2 S 5l 1 S n37 XIV.4.2-3, 63ff1 28 XIV. S.l, 1 27ff1 1 8n36 XIV. I 0 . 1 2, 225ff -128 XIV.I 0.20, 2 4 1 ff -2 S1 XV·7 · 1 o, 2 59262ns6 XVl,6.2, 1 6 3126 XVI II.q, 1 3 6262ns6 XX. I 0 . 3 , 2 3 6l 1 Sn36, n37

4 16

I NDEX O F P RIMARY S O URCES Dead Sea DEED OF SALE

(Milik, RB, 61 [1954], 1 82ff)

-198

Murabbaat 1 8 : 1 9-245n20 1 9 : 26-245n20 21 : 2 1-245n20 24C : 19-245n20

24D : 20-245n20 30: 3 2-245n20 42-1 5 5 n l 1

4 2 : 2-1 3 4n67 4 2 : 10-245n20 43 : 2-1 34n67

44: 1-1 34n67 5 1 : 1-1 34n67 1 1 5 : 3 f-1 34n67

Qumran l QIsaa_14nS4 lQPS 1 2 7-106n9 l QM 3 : 6-29 lQM 4 : 1 0-29 1 QpMic-106n9

1 QpHab. 6 : 1 4106n9 l QpHab. 1 0 : 7106n9

1 QpHab. 1 0 : 141 06n9 l QpHab. 1 1 : 1 0106n9

1 QpZeph-106n9 4QLXX Levb106 11 QPsa-1 06n9

Mishnah TERUMOTH 8 : 6-86n1 l 9

MAASEROTH 1 : 4-86n l I 9

6 : 4-128, 288nl9 7 : 2-1 2 2

PESAHIM 1 : 4-132 3 : 1-82, 1 33, 3 1 3

KETUBOTH

SANHEDRIN

1 :2-25 3 1 :4-2 53 2 : 9-156 4 : 1 0-244nl 6

7: 6-1 58

NEDARIM 1 : 1-1 5 6

SHABBATH

YEBAMOT

BABA BATHRA

6 : 2-1 28

7 : 1-222

1 0 : 1-198

Tosefta KETUBOTH

NEDARIM

4 : 1 3-207nl 3

4 : 3-86n1 l 9

MENAHOTH 1 3 : 10-121 KRITHUTH 1 : 7-1 56

INDEX O F PRIMARY SOURCES

41 7

Babylonian Talmud SHABBATH

MEGILLAH

NEDARIM

1 9a-1 2.8 49b-1 2 2 70a-1 22.

29

5Ia-71nsO

MOi:D KATAN

BABA BATHRA

28b-184

1 5 3a-2 30n8 7

KETUBOTH

MENAHOTH

ERUBIN

a-1 1 6

1 09b-u oa1 1 9n3 9

KIDDUSHIN 7 1 a-1 56

29b-7 1n50

PESAHIM

32a-71n50 42b-8 2

109b- u 8

8b-1 84 69ab-1 84

ABODAH ZARAH

43a-71n50

Palestinian Talmud BERAKOTH

KETUBOTH

III,6a, tOP-184

30b, Chap.

5,

halachah 8261n55

end

31C, Chap . 7, end halachah 626 III 55

Midrash ESTHER RAB. TO 'EST. 1 : 2 , 9-

NUMBERS RAB .

MEKILTA TO EX.

1 0 : 3 -1 84

1 6 : 2 9-1 2 8

SIFRE (NUM.

LEVITICUS RAB .

-1 8 3

5 : 3 -1 84

1 84Dl 38

1 31)

KOHELETH RAB .

7 :4

end-

1 84Dl 38

RUTH RAB. TO

RU. l : 1 7- 1 3 2

Targum Gen. 3 1 : 1 52 2 1 n65

Deut. 1 :3 8-3 1 8

Deut. 3 : 28-3 1 8 Deut. 2 1 : 1 6-318 Deut. 3 1 :7-3 18

D.

Deut. 32 :8-3 1 8 Josh . 1 :6-3 1 8 ZeCh. 2 : 1 2-

1 34n67 Zech . 8 : 1 2-3 1 8 Ps. 1 7 : 8-134n67

ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN SOURCES

Old Babylonian LAWS O F ESH­

M. SCHORR,

NUNA

Urkunden

22-79n80

1-209n36, n37

23-221n62 24-221 n62 2 5-221n6.2

27-221 n6.2 29-221 n6.2 31-206n.24

418

INDEX O F PR I M ARY SOURCES

3 2-2061124 3 3-20611.24 34-2061124 3 5-2061126 77-2061126 214-2061126

CODE OF HAMMURABI 20-1 S 1 111 23-1 S1111 103-1 S 1 11 1 107-1 S1 lll 1 1 3 f-77 1 1 6f-791180

1 20-1 51111 1 3 1-1 51111 1 3 7f-2 221167 1 3 8-39-2091136 14 2-143-2091137 1 6 2-2291185, 244 1 6 3 £-225 1 67-2 541140 1 76-2 1 1 1 80-2291185 206ff-1 S1111 2 27-1 5 1 111 240-1 S 1 11 1

KOHLER AND UNG­ NAD, Hammu­

rabi's Gesetz

1-2201161 1 2-2201161 25-2201161, 2211162 2 7 : 6-2201159 27-30-2201161 29-2 2 1 1162 30-2 21 1162 3 1 -2 201161

249-1 S 1 11 1

149-2201161

266-1 5 1 111

776-2201161

28 1-1 51111

784-2201161

78 5-2201161 , 2 2 1 1162 786-2201161 1089-2201161 , 2 2 1 1162 1090 : 1ff-2201159 1427-2201161 1428-2201161

KOSCHAKER AND UNGNAD,

murabi's Gesetz

Ham­

1428 : 3 ff2201159

Alalakh WISEMAN,

Alalakh Tablets

The

3 2-791180 36-791180

1 8-28-791180 30-791180

47-49-791180 92-2091136

Nuzi

AASOR ( 1 92 8-29 )

SPEISER, 10

PFEIFFER AND SPEISER,

AASOR 1 6 ( 1 93 5-36)

2-2 1 011 3 7 26-2 21 1165, 2 221167

5 5-22 11165

Assyrian MIDDLE ASSYRIAN

KOHLER AND

AS-1 52lll A22-1 S2111 A29-2221167 A56-1 S 2111

As­ syrische Rechts­ urkunden UNGNAD,

LAWS DAVID AND EBE­ LING ZVRW

44 ( 1 929)

1-20911 3 6

5 1-1 571121 5 5-1 S71121 1 79-82-1 571121

Hittite HITTITE LAWS 26a-b-2 101137

3 1 -2061126, 2 1 1 1140 75-1 52111

632-1 5711 2 1 , 1122 650-1 57112 1

Inschrif­ ten Asarhad­ donS-17°

BORGER

,

IV:6-1691179

INDEX

PRIMARY SOURCES

OF

41 9

Old Persian

Old Per­ sian Texts

KENT,

DB-2 1 1178

DPh:6-201176 DSe : 30-201176 DNa :30-201176 DSf:43-201176

Elamite PERSEPOLIS TREASURY TABLETS

3-60111 1 9 9-6011 1 1 9 1 1 :3ff-60111 1 9 1 5-4611 70,

60111 2 3 1 7-60111 1 9 18-461170, 60111 2 3 19 :4-60111 20 20-6011 1 1 9 21-461170 2 1 : ,f-6011120

22-461170, 6011 1 2 3 27-461170, 6011123 27=6-60111 20 3 2 :2f-60n� 20 34: 2f-6011120 3 , : 2f-6011120

43 : 3-60111 20 44-,911 1 1 8 ,6:7-6011120 7,-,9111 1 8 78-,911 1 1 8 1963 :6-,911 1 1 8 1963 : 1 16011120

Neo-Babylonian

Babylonian Expedition

University Museum II/I

EvilMerodach

CLAY,

CLAY,

EVETTS,

IX 2 8 : 14-1 2,1l48 IX 4, : 3-1 2 ,1l48 IX 69 : 2 1-1 2 ,1148 IX 7 5 : 5-329 IX 86a : I-1 2 51148 X 7 : 1 7-12 ,1l48 X 39 : 2-1 2,1l48 X 6 5 : 1 8 U.E.1 2 51148 X 8 , : 1 6-1 2 51148 X 8 , : 16 L.E.1 251148 X 92 :6-1 251148 X 9 7 : 1 6£-54 X 122 :4-329 X 1 30-,411102 X 1 3 1-5411102

1 2 : 1 ,-12 ,1l48 3 2 : 1 7-1 2 ,1l48 144ff-,411102 1 8 5 : 2-1 2 51148 209 : 1 1-1251148 2 1 8 : 3-1 2 51148 222 : 1 1 f L.E.330

28 : 36-329

CONTENAU,

trats

STRASSMAIER,

8 3 : 7-329 89 :9-1681166 89 : 1 4-1 681166

404:4-328

NEO-BABYLONIAN

STRASSMAIER,

10-2 54114° 1 5-2 541140

Nabuchodonosor

Con-

Nabonidus

63 3 : 2-i 68116s 1 1 3 3 : 1-329

7 5 : 7-329 DOUGHERTY,

Nabonidus

1 1 : 28-329 108: 3-329

Cy­ rus and Cam­ byses

TREMAYNE,

STRASSMAIER,

Darius

3 72 : 1 7-329

Pahlevi INSCRIPTION OF SHAPUR I-

70n48, 71ll50f

LAWS

Chal­ daean Chroni­ cles-Io-I I

WISEMAN,

4 20

INDEX OF PRIMARY S O URCES E. EGYPTIAN SOURCES

"THE ADMONI­ TIONS OF IPU­ WER"-4 BOOK OF THE DEAD-641l 1 1 "THE HYMN OF VICTORY OF

MERNEPTAH "

-5

"THE INSTRUC­ TION FOR KING MERIKARE"�4

KAPLONY-HECKEL,

Die demoti­ schan Tempel­ eide

1-1 6--247n23 7-1 5 5 n I 6 2 3 f-1 56n I 6 2 5 : 2-1 5 6n I 6 26--1 56n I 6 3 1 : 2-1 56n I 6 3 2 : 3-1 56n I 6 3 3 : 3-1 56n I 6 34-1 56n I 6 46-1 5 5n1 1 49-51-1 5 5n I l 141-1 56n I 6

LUDDECKENS,

Xgyptische Ehevertrage 2-222n66 2-4-1 8 5n I 43 3 : 8-342

4-22 2n66, 236n3 4 : 7-342 5-1 85nI43, 1 9 2 n I 6, 2 2 2n6s, n66, 2 5 2 6--1 8 5nI43, 2 2 2n66 6 : 2-68 ' 7-1 8 5n I 43, 22 2n66 7 : 3-68 8-74, 1 11 5nI 43, 209n36, 2 1 0n37 8 : 2-69 8 : 3-89 9-1 8 5n I 43 ID--93nI60 1 1 -1 8 5n I 43 1 3-9 3 n I 6o, 1 8 5n I 43 14-93nI 60, 1 8 5nI43 1 4 : 4-2 54n4 ° 1 6--74, 1 8 5n I 43 1 7-9 3 n I 60, 1 3 5n I 43 1 8-74, 209n36 19-21-9 3 n I 60 19-1 85nI43 2 2-209n36 2 2 : 2-342 23-74 24-74 2 5-93n I 60 26-- 74 27-93n160 28-74, 192nI6, 209n36 29-9 3nI 60 3 5-9 3nI60 3 6 : 6--3 42 5 3 : 4-69 I D : I-68 4D: 2-68 5 D : 3f-68 7D : 3f-68 1 2D : 2-68

Choix de textes

MALININE,

2 : 6-79 3-77f, 3 3 7 3 : 5-78 3 : 7-79 4-77, 3 3 7 4 : 2-68, 306 4 : 3f-78 4 : 5ff-78 4 : 6--79 5-77, 3 3 7 5 : 5-68 5 : 5f-306 5 : 6f-78 8-3 3 5n2 8 : 3-259 9-236n3 9 : 6--4 3 1 1 -3 3 5n2 1 2 : 1 1-306 1 7-3 3 5n 2 1 8 : 5-43

MALININE AND PIRENNE,

AHD0 5 ( 1950-5 1 )

1 8-3 3 5n2

19-3 3 5n2 2 5- 3 3 5n2 32-3 3 5n2 3 2 : 7-68, 306 3 3-33 5n2 37-3 3 5n2, 3 3 7n7 3 7 :4-68, 306 38-3 3 5n2, 3 3 7n7

MATTHA,

Dematic Ostraca87111 2 8

P. BERLIN 1 3 57-40

P . LEYDEN 378-3 1 0

P. LOEB 1-23, 2 5, 41, 56 1 : 2-53n96 1 : 4-53n96 1 : 1 3ff-53n96

P. LOUVRE 2443-79

P. RYLANDS 1-3-236n3 3-7-205n2 1 5f-2 36n3 9, 1-23n92 9, 1 : 1-5 : 1 35 3n97 9, 1-5-2 83nI3 9, 5 : 1 4-43 9, 1 2 :9-1 3 : 20-47 9, 1 4 : 1 7ff-8n2S 9, 1 9 : 2 1-2 1 : 2-47 1 1 , 7 : 1 -51 1 1 , 1 6 : 1-1 7 : 1 351 1 7 : 2-51 1 7 : 3-97n I 78 1 7 : 5-51 44 : 5-9 7n I 78 4 5 : 8-97n I 78

P. STRASSBURG 1-97n I 79 1 : 1-98n I 87 4-77

"THE STORY OF SINUHE "-5n6

F . GREEK AND ROMAN SOURCES

AESCHYLUS,

Persae

980-5ln85

ARISTOPHANES,

DIODORUS

73 0ff-64n I 6

1.34·1 1-92 1.67-1 2

Frogs

1-73-29 1.9 5 .1-2 1 9nS4 1.95 .4-23n87 XII1.46.6-287

INDEX OF PR IMARY SOURCES DIOSCORIDES 1 . 3 8-92f

HERODOTUS I. 1 l 4-5 l llB 5 L 1 9 2-64n9, 7 1 11 54 L209-2 37n6 11.28-39 II. 29-2 5, 3 7 II.30-9, 1 2 11. 3 6-2 5 1 II-47-2 5 1 11.77-82£, 86 II.77·4-8 5nIoB II.8 1-89 II.86ff-1 8 5nI4 3 II.86.2-1 85 11 .94-92 II.1 l 2-9 II.1 41-7 II.1 49-24 II.1 5 2ff-9 II.1 57-10 IL1 64ff-29 II.1 7 5-1 5, 40 II1.4ff-21 III.6-85 IIL1 off-19 II1.I 3-24 II1.I4-49 II1.I 9f-20 III.1 9ff-86

III.29-50nB 3 II1. 3 1-49 III.6 2 . 1 -52n 93 III.88-21 II I. 89ff-24 II1.91-24 III.95-62ll2 II1.97-2o, 24, 41 II1.I 28-51 1II.1 28.3-5l nB7 III.1 39-21 IV.166-2 3, 631'19 V.2 5-49 VI.6-28 V1. 57-81 VII. I-2 5 VII.7-2 5f VIL1 1-2 3 7n6 VII.39 . 3 -50nB 3 VII.61-8829n 9 , 3 3 VII.69-2 3 7n6 VII.89-28 VIIm-28 VII. 1 1 9 . 252n 93 VII .1 34- 52n 93 VII.1 87-81 VII. 194-49 VI1.2 24-2 3 7n6 VIII . 1 7-28 VII1.98-5ln86 IX·32-28 IX. 1 l 2-288nI 9

MANETHo-6

III.2 5-20

P. ELEPHANTINE

III. 27ff-2o

1-297£

PHILO OF BYBLOS ILI 6-172

Natural History

PLINY,

II.75, 1 8 3 f36n3 3 V . l o, 59-3 7 IX.6 3, 1 3 789nI 3 4 XV.7, 25-92 XV1 . 3 3 , 818 5n I 07 XVIll. 3 1 , 1 2 384n10 3 XXXVI.8, 633 9n41 �

POLYAENUS VI1. I 1 .7-2 1 VIL28-279

STRABO

XVIl. 1 . 14, 74982 XVILI .48, 8 1 736n 33 , 39 XVII. 1 .49, 8 1 7f37 XVIl.1 . 5 3, 8 1931nI6 XVI I .2 . 5, 82482, 9 3

THEOPHRASTUS,

Historia

42 1

Plantarum

1.3 .5-B 5

THUCYDIDES IV. I 6-81

XENOPHON,

Anabasis

1.2.18-73 n 59 1 . 3 . 1 4-73 n 59 1 . 3 .2 1- 72 1.4.1 5-4 3 1 . 5 .6-65, 73 n 59 1 . 8 .9-28 , 3 3 I I . 1 .7-pn 93 IV.3·4-33 IV.4· 1 8-33 V.6.23 -72 VII.2 ·36-72 VI I . 3 .1O-72, 7 3 n 59 VII . 3 0 1 9-43 VII . 5 ·8-43 VII.6.1-72 VII . 8 . 1 5- 33

XENOPHON,

Cyropaedia

VIII. 2.1 off5 1llB 5 VIII .6.9-43 VIII.6.l Off53n 95 VIII.6.16-51 VIII.6.1 7f5 1 n86