Antarctica: Exploration, Perception and Metaphor

ANTARCTICA

E.A.Wilson. Iceberg and Birds

E.A.Wilson. Iridescent Clouds North from The Ramp on Cape Evans, 9 August 1911

E.A.Wilson. Paraselena, McMurdo Sound, 10.30 a.m., 20 June 1911

E.A.Wilson. Discovery with Parhelia behind

ANTARCTICA Exploration, perception and metaphor

Paul Simpson-Housley

London and New York

First published 1992 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002. Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge a division of Routledge, Chapman and Hall, Inc. 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 © 1992 Paul Simpson-Housley All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library 0-415-08225-0 (Print Edition) Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Simpson-Housley, Paul. Antarctica: exploration, perception, and metaphor/Paul SimpsonHousley and Scott Polar Research Institute. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 0-415-08225-0 (Print Edition) 1. Antarctic regions—Discovery and exploration. 2. Antarctic regions—Mental maps. 3. Antarctic regions in art. I. Scott Polar Research Institute. II. Title. G877.S56 1992 919.8’904–dc20 91–43903 CIP ISBN 0-203-03602-6 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-20055-1 (Glassbook Format)

To Carol Davison, Carol Dorman, Kelly Donoghue and Pierre Deslauriers

CONTENTS

List of plates List of maps Acknowledgements Introduction

ix xi xiii xv

1 TERRA AUSTRALIS INCOGNITA

1

2 THE SEAMAN’S VIEW

8

3 THE LANDSMAN’S VIEW

18

4 PROBLEMS OF ANTARCTIC NAVIGATION AND PERCEPTION: THE COMPASS, LONGITUDE AND MIRAGES

38

5 A PERCEPTION OF THE IMAGINATION?

51

6 THE ENIGMA OF WILKES LAND

61

7 A LOCAL HABITATION AND A NAME OR AN AIRY NOTHING? THE CASE OF BOUVET ISLAND

69

8 ANTARCTIC SEASCAPES AND LANDSCAPES OF FEAR AND DESOLATION

76

9 AESTHETIC ANTARCTICA

90

10 MYTH, METAPHOR AND POLAR POETRY

99

Select bibliography

121

Index

124

PLATES: EDWARD WILSON’S ART

Iceberg and birds Iridescent clouds north from the ramp on Cape Evans, 9 August 1911 Paraselena, McMurdo Sound, 10.30 a.m., 20 June 1911 Discovery with Parhelia behind

LIST OF MAPS

Antarctica Terra australis incognita

xiv 2

Shackleton’s siege of the South Pole

23

Amundsen at the South Pole

29

Amundsen’s and Scott’s routes to the South Pole

31

The winter journey to Cape Crozier, 1911

33

Morrell’s claimed Antarctic voyage, 1823

52

Mawson’s sailing over Wilkes Land

62

Location of Bouvet Island

70

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the Scott Polar Research Institute, University of Cambridge for use of its facilities and in particular I am grateful for the help of Pat Little, Peter Speak, William Mills and Robert Headland. I would also like to thank York University for my sabbatical leave and Carolyn King and the cartography office at York University for producing the maps.

Antarctica

INTRODUCTION

When Shakespeare affirmed in A Midsummer Night’s Dream that ‘Love looks not with the eyes but with the mind’ (I, i, 234) he unintentionally made a statement that is in some ways akin to modern ideas on perception. If the word ‘love’ were changed to ‘a person’, we have a phrase which encapsulates a fundamental idea on perceptual theory. Perception is a learned process, and not simply a response to a stimulus. People often see in an object what they anticipate rather than what is actually there. It is not so much that seeing is believing but rather that believing is seeing. Memory and experience condition what we see in a stimulus. Our aim is not to negate the importance of the stimulus but simply to place it in perspective: it is important but not necessarily more so than the perceived perceptual filter which evaluates and organizes sensory inputs. Perhaps the philosopher Whitehead (1949) was correct when he affirmed that we are not comparing a given world with given perceptions of it since both are to some extent deduced concepts. It is possible to distinguish between perceptions and attitudes. The former require a specific stimulus and are a response to that stimulus, while the latter do not require a stimulus at the moment under consideration and are general responses to phenomena. Thus, we may say that a seashore dweller has a perception of a particular marine flood when he/she moves temporarily to higher land to avoid the consequences of a flood that is currently taking place. If, however, the individual moves permanently to a home further inland, it is because of an attitude to marine inundation in general. Perceptions and attitudes have cognitive and affective components. We have knowledge about objects, places and people, and we may either like or dislike them. Sometimes the cognitive and affective components clash. We may be aware that coal fires are a pollution hazard yet at the same time we may like their warm colourful glow. Here the term ‘perception’ is used as a generic term, and certainly it will encompass a whole range of environmental, imaginative, and aesthetic attitudes. The term ‘perception’ is chosen because its general meaning is understood, and thus there is no need to create a new term.

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This study involves environmental rather than object perception. Environments have an ambiance which is difficult to define but we still form categories for systematic analysis of its components. Both central and peripheral information reach us from various senses—sight, hearing, touch, sound, smell—and thus the input is multimodal. Individuals are also actors within the environment, and are not detached observers (Ittelson 1973: 1–19). Individuals often misperceive aspects of environments. Hills may be viewed as steeper or less steep than they really are, and in some cases such as the Electric Brae in Ayrshire, Scotland, the slope may appear to be in the opposite direction to that which it is in reality. Much depends on the environmental clues available. If they are unusual, misperceptions are more likely. When the environment itself is strange to the perceiver, such as in high mountains or below the sea surface, misperceptions are more likely. Moonlight on snow confuses mountaineers when they try to estimate distance, for instance. To most explorers, Antarctica was a very strange environment. They responded to it as they saw it but this often conflicted with the actual nature of the environment. There were thus many misperceptions. Studies in environmental perception encompass a wide domain. They include such diverse subject matter as response to natural and technological hazards, behaviour in hospitals and jails, landscape aesthetics, and literary landscape appraisal. Two examples to illustrate their value will suffice here. Studies of environmental hazard help us to understand responses to these traumatic events. When confronted with a threat such as floods, for instance, individuals often make models in their minds to make nature determinate, and thus impose a form of order upon it which gives the threatened individual a sense of security (Kates 1962). For example, if floods are deemed to occur in 50-year cycles, fear of the next one will recede if one has happened recently. Unfortunately many people create simplified models in their minds which do not correspond to the tangible world. Individual decisions, however, are a response to the model rather than to the world as it is scientifically deemed to be. It is thus important to understand the model if we are to comprehend human behaviour and help individuals adapt to their threatened environment. Hopefully we can demonstrate to them that a better response to the hazard is possible. Hazards are a feature of Antarctic environments and are frequently referred to in this book. Literary landscape appraisals enable the essence of sense of place to be understood and, with this purpose in mind, Coleridge’s literary Antarctic is considered in the ultimate chapter of this volume. Places are more than the total of their physical components. They have deeper meanings associated with attitudes and values (Mallory and Simpson-Housley 1987). Novelists and poets enable us to understand the nature of human experience in

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INTRODUCTION

various locations which helps us to explain and predict behaviour (Salter and Lloyd 1976). This volume approaches the evaluation of Antarctica from the perspective of environmental perception. It is diverse and a polyphony of voices is heard. Throughout the focus is on individual views and perceptions. At times they correspond closely to the tangible world. On other occasions misperceptions may result from such causes as mirages or inability to determine longitude. Perceptions of fear and dread occur as do those of beauty. The voices involved in these include those of explorers, artists and poets. Symbolic perceptions are possible for all of them, but in the case of poets they are of prime importance. In a postmodern world we deny nobody their right to speak, and admit no metanarratives. The unifying theme of the volume is how people perceive Antarctica. This helps us understand their reactions and responses, and gives clues to their appraisals and behaviours. Specifically, this book considers explorers’ perceptions of Antarctica up to the time of the death of Robert Falcon Scott in late March 1912. By that time, most of the major feats of Antarctic exploration had been accomplished. Frequent quotations of explorers’ words will enable the reader to obtain the perceiver’s own view. The order will be generally chronological. The first chapter deals with the Terra australis incognita, and its ultimate annihilation, and removal from maps. This mythical continent prevailed for centuries. The following two chapters relate briefly the history of exploration from the point of view of the seaman and the landsman respectively. They are included at this stage to provide a perspective and framework. Chapter 4 addresses the causes of Antarctic environmental misinterpretation. Problems resulting from navigational instruments, difficulties of determining longitude, and the impact of mirages on perceptions and decisions are all considered. Chapter 5, ‘A perception of the imagination’, examines the claims of Benjamin Morrell to have visited high austral waters, and to have discovered New South Greenland. The following chapter considers the enigma of Wilkes Land. Does the land Wilkes charted in 1840 exist? He and his crew certainly claimed they saw it yet others subsequently sailed over it. This is followed by an assessment of the case for the existence of Bouvet and Liverpool Islands. Were they identical? Did a third island, namely Thompson Island at one time partner Liverpool Island in Antarctic seas? Chapters 8 and 9 relate explorers’ views of Antarctica as landscapes and seascapes of fear and desolation, and as aesthetically beautiful regions respectively. The extreme climate created an environment in many ways hostile to humans. Icebergs posed enormous threats yet when reflected in the sea were objects of beauty. The aurora australis similarly impressed the perceiver with their grandeur. The final chapter also takes an aesthetic approach but from a different perspective. It considers the poetry cited and written by Antarctic explorers. Wilson and Shackleton showed considerable talent as poets. Also discussed in detail is Coleridge’s ‘The Rime of the xvii

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Ancient Mariner’, a poem rich in the imagery of Antarctic geography. Coleridge, however, had never visited high austral or boreal regions. His perceptions and images revealed in this poem are derived from his readings of others, in which he was thorough. He certainly focused well on the sensory imagery of explorers. This was utilized to convey personal feelings. The chapter aptly concludes with an assessment of the relevance of ‘The Rime of the Ancient Mariner’ to the life-world of the explorers.

xviii

1

TERRA AUSTRALIS INCOGNITA

In the first volume of The voyage of the Discovery, Captain Robert F.Scott commences by contrasting the vast body of literature that was available on Arctic regions in 1901 with the paucity of such material on Antarctic regions. He attributes this to the relative lengths of their histories of discovery, which for the former dated back to King Alfred’s friend Ohthere’s odyssey, and the Norse exploits in Greenland. Exploration of Antarctic regions commenced much later. Information, however, focused not so much on discoveries as on the idea of the conjectural and mythical southern continent, Terra australis incognita (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:1–2). Since our prime concern is perceptions of Antarctica, discussion of this influential fabrication is essential. The origins of the concept can be traced to the classical Greek World. It conceived of a balance in nature, and this is finely illustrated in the case of Antarctica which was deduced as the southern counterpart of the Arctic. The word Antarctic itself derives from Greek and is composed of the words anti and arktos which mean ‘opposite the bear’, the name for the Arctic regions (Hayes 1928:4). The recognized natural philosopher, Aristotle may have been responsible for the earliest notions of a southern continent. The geographers Eratosthenes, Seleucus, Hipparchus, and ‘Strabo’ contended that the Indian Ocean was enclosed. Strabo’s Geographica may have been particularly important in fermenting this view. However, definitive notions of the idea of Terra australis incognita can be traced to Ptolemy and Ancient Greece. He dogmatically held the notion that the Indian Ocean was enclosed, and conceived that the same may be true of the Atlantic. This led him to speculate that there was a great southern terminal continent. From this time beliefs in its existence continued until dispelled by Captain Cook on his second voyage of 1772–5. In 1515 Johannes Schöner, a Nuremberg astronomer and geographer, constructed a globe on which South America reached its southern extremity in latitudes 40° to 41°S. A narrow strait divided it from Brasilie regio, whose coasts diverged far to the east and west before occupying high austral latitudes. This fictitious southern continent fermented in the minds 1

Terra australis incognita Source: Schöner 1533

2

TERRA AUSTRALIS INCOGNITA

of cartographers. Of considerable surprise, however, is the fact that it still maintained credence following Magellan’s 1520 discovery of a strait which now bears his name, a passage which he designated as 12° south of the southern limits of Schöner’s southern continent. In fact the latter’s enthusiasm was rejuvenated, and Terra australis incognita’s coasts were depicted as encircling the earth, and the island of Tierra del Fuego was considered part of this continent. The mythical continent prospered and landforms were added to its coastline. Some maps displayed great cartographic innovation, and projected a peninsula of Terra australis incognita into the Atlantic Ocean to the south-east of Brazil. In some cases, its northern coast, which had an east-west orientation, reached the parallel of 50°S. (Fricker 1900:16–17). The mythical southern continent demonstrated extraordinary pertinacity and the names of places near to South America were extended to regions far from its shores. Schöner constructed another globe in 1533, and on this creation Brasilie regio embellished the conjectural continent south of the then Madagascar. One audacious cartographer, Oronce Finé, actually designated the continent Terra australis nuper inventa sed non plene examinata (the lately discovered, but not completely explored southern land). The great German geographer and map-projection creator, Gerhard Mercator, continued the legend. Not only did he retain the mythical southern continent: he actually gave it greater precision by including gulfs, outlying islands and cliffs. A particularly deep bay was placed on Terra australis’ imaginary coastline in the latitude of Drake Strait. Ortelius published Typus orbis terrarum in 1570, and the coast of Terra australis nondum cognita encircled the globe well to the north, and in two places was actually north of the Tropic of Capricorn. Subsequent editions of globes and maps continued to include the conjectural continent. It is true that the world map drawn for Hakluyt in 1599 omitted Terra australis incognita because its existence could not be authenticated, but its demise was short, and it was soon to be resurrected. Naturally it continued to plague and stimulate navigators. Ortelius’ map is particularly interesting in that it contained three legends. One notes that one of the southern continent’s regions is designated by some as the Magellanic Region. A second legend refers to its terrain south of the Cape of Good Hope as being called by the Portuguese Psittacorum regio (region of parrots) because of their enormous numbers there. The third key refers to Marco Polo and Varthema for comments on the authenticity of extensive land south of Java (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:2–3). It took a great deal of exploration, and cartography based on observation to lay the ghost of Terra australis. Its existence on maps long after evidence to the contrary demonstrates the power of Bacon’s assertion that it is not truth but opinion which travels the world without a passport. Only after successive explorers demonstrated that its locations were at variance with their tangible observations did it recede to much higher austral latitudes. 3

ANTARCTICA

The history of Antarctic explorers, some of whom helped prove the nonexistence of Terra australis, will now be traced. Amerigo Vespucci made early references to the climate of Antarctic regions, and is credited with sighting South Georgia. He was a pilot for a Portuguese expedition in 1501 which initially surveyed the coast of Brazil. Subsequently they may have sighted South Georgia. Vespucci commented that the terrain viewed had a rocky coast, but was devoid of inhabitants or a port. He remarked that he believed that this was so because of the extreme cold which could not be endured by anyone in his fleet. Although not directly connected with Terra australis, this is a realistic perception. Similarly Ludovico di Varthema makes realistic reference to the climate of Antarctic Regions. He was informed by a Malay captain who took him to Java in 1506 that a region existed to the south of Java in which the duration of the day was limited to four hours, and whose temperature was the world’s coldest (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:3). Eventually, awareness extended from climatic descriptions and vague references to land as exploration moved further into austral regions. The mysterious veil which clouded Terra austrails was, however, slow to be removed. Vasco da Gama circumnavigated the Cape of Good Hope in 1497, but his transit was too far to the north to diminish the cartography of the southern continent. When the Magellan Strait was discovered in 1520 by the navigator whose name it bears, it might have been anticipated that perceptions based on observation would be given higher priority than those formed on speculation and myths. However, as previously noted, ideas regarding the existence of Terra australis were reinvigorated and it was assumed, for instance, that Tierra del Fuego was part of the southern continent. More optimism for accurate cartography should have prevailed when Sir Francis Drake discovered Cape Horn in 1578. He located the extreme cape as 56°S., and declared that beyond there was neither continent nor island, and the union of the Atlantic and Pacific was clearly visible. The source of this information was his chaplain Fletcher’s The World Encompassed. In addition, this cleric provides interesting information on contact with Tierra del Fuegan Indians who were depicted as living in barks. Fricker (1900:19) believes that the description is so clear that it is extremely strange that Drake’s discovery should have been misunderstood for centuries. Instead of correcting the error that the southern continent’s northerly latitudes reached the Straits of Magellan, Drake’s findings confirmed it. Some explanation is required. The English edition of The Famous Voyage of Sir Francis Drake was published in 1599. A variation of it appeared earlier in Theodore de Bry’s compilation, and considerable distortion occurred. The former recorded that from 20 August to 6 September 1578, Drake’s fleet was in the Straits of Magellan. He had ventured north-west when his ship was beset by a 4

TERRA AUSTRALIS INCOGNITA

violent WSW tempest, and driven back to latitude 57°S., a distance of 200 leagues of longitude from the opening of the Straits. Later after hauling east, he encountered islands of Tierra del Fuego at 55°S. Theodore de Bry changed the direction and distance to 200 leagues of latitude to the south. In addition, he assumed leagues meant miles, and as a result Drake was conveyed 13 1/2° of latitude to higher austral regions. Thus Drake had crossed the Antarctic Circle. De Bry also augmented his account by a vivid fabrication which held that Drake stated that the duration of the night was only two hours, and that perpetual daylight would exist at the summer solstice. Adaptations of de Bry’s work exacerbated the situation. They declared that ‘natives’ provided Drake with the data about the length of day, and thus an indigenous population occupied high latitudes. Eager cartographers moved the land of Drake’s discovery to 66° to 67°S., and naturally it was deemed part of the great southern continent. Criticisms from geographers like Clüver and mariners like Hawkins were of no avail (Fricker 1900:20). An interesting anecdote about the ignorance of high austral latitudes is provided by Scott (1905, Vol. 1:4–5). The Spanish service employed Fernandez de Quiros, a Portuguese pilot. King Philip III of Spain ordered him to sail to the southern continent, and convert its inhabitants to Catholicism. The voyage commenced in Callao in 1605, and his track was WSW. When he reached latitude 26°S. he changed his direction to WNW and discovered the largest New Hebridean island. He designated it Australia del Espiritu Santo, considered it to be part of the southern continent, and annexed it with the South Pole included to the Spanish domain. The extent of the southern continent was, however, reduced when the Dutchmen, Schouten and Le Maire established in 1616 that the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans coalesced south of Cape Horn. Even though Drake had evinced the same view 38 years previously, he had been unable to curtail the extent of Terra australis incognita. After sailing through the strait which now bears Le Maire’s name, the coast of Tierra del Fuego was examined, and its southern limit was designated as Cape Hoorn after Schouten’s home town (Fricker 1900:24). Their curtailment of the southern continent was, however, limited to the area south of this cape. Of much more significance was the voyage of Tasman who specifically searched for the southern continent. In 1642 he sailed across the Indian Ocean between latitudes 45° and 49°S., and reached Tasmania and New Zealand’s North Island. This dealt a strong blow to the protagonists of Terra australis incognita since his navigation crossed the area where the continent’s most northerly extension was designated. He thus demonstrated that its latitude could not exceed 50°S. at its northern limit in the Indian Ocean or south of New Holland, the contemporary name for Australia. The diffusion of this information was very slow for Wells published maps in 1660 depicting New Holland as part of the southern continent. 5

ANTARCTICA

The southern continent was in retreat but by no means extinguished. A major eighteenth-century expedition was that of Bouvet de Lozier. He commanded the ship L’Aigle, while Captain Hay was in charge of the Marie. These vessels ventured to high southern latitudes. When his longitude was 17°40’W. he searched for land plotted as Terre de vue or Cap des terres australes. This venture failed, and he concluded that the land was either a small island or an iceberg. Dogmatic opinion still prevailed in Bouvet’s mind, and the explorer himself considered that the size of the icebergs indicated a southern continent of great altitude. Bouvet penetrated farther south and on 1 January 1739 sighted the island which later bore his name, and gave its approximate coordinates as 54°S., 4°20’E. He called the land Cap de la Circoncision, after the appropriate festival in the Church’s calendar. He considered its promontories, however, to be part of the great southern continent. Subsequently he sailed 1500 miles east, in approximately latitude 57°S., but found ice, not the land for which he had hoped. This seemingly fruitless voyage, however, may be deemed a great success. Bouvet had failed to discover the conjectured continent, but had sailed a considerable distance east, south of Tasman’s track. Thus he can be regarded as a pioneer of Antarctic exploration, and his contribution led to a further diminution of Terra australis incognita (Fricker 1900:30–2). Another important venture was undertaken by Marion du Frezne and his consort Crozet. They sailed south from Cape Town on 20 December 1771. Their track was due south. Marion du Frezne failed to find either Cap de la Circoncision or the islands of Dina and Marsween, the latter two now known to be non-existent. On 13 January 1772 he discovered an island he designated as Terre d’Espérance, and considered it part of the great southern continent. Its name reflects his faith in its existence. On 23 January on the same parallel, 46°30’S., he discovered a group of islands, and effected a landing on one he called He de la Prise de Possession. Marion du Frezne then hauled to Tasmania without seeking further confirmation of the assumed southern continent. No doubt he would have been disappointed to have known that he had discovered the Crozet Islands, not the southern continent, but his voyage again forced a retreat by the theorists who supported the mythical continent. A famous exploring expedition led by Yves Joseph de Kerguelen-Tremarec also departed from France in 1771. He was accompanied by scientists, but ironically his discovery retarded rather than advanced the cause of geography. He discovered the large island which now bears his name, and affirmed with pride that at last Terra australis incognita had been found. The ghost of this continent was, however, finally laid to rest by Captain James Cook. On his first voyage in 1768 Cook mapped New Zealand, and the eastern coast of New Holland. His map of New Zealand contained only two significant errors. Stewart Island was plotted as part of the South Island, 6

TERRA AUSTRALIS INCOGNITA

and Banks Peninsula was mapped as an island. He demonstrated, however, that these locations were not connected to the southern continent. Cook’s second voyage which commenced in 1772 will be discussed in more detail elsewhere, but it was of prime importance in destroying the myth of Terra australis. For this voyage Cook’s vessels were the Resolution and the Adventure. He sailed south from Cape Town to 58°S., and at this parallel changed direction, and hauled south-east. His first crossing of the Antarctic Circle occurred on 17 January 1773 at the meridian of 38°E. Ice precluded further progress south, and Cook sailed north-east. His trajectory then took him south of Kerguelen, thus disposing of the concept that it was part of a continent. At the meridian of 95°E. he reached the parallel of 62°S., and continued approximately in this high latitude to longitude 148°W. from where he headed for New Zealand. In November 1773 this great navigator again steered south, reaching the 60th parallel at the meridian at 174°W., where in spite of problems of ice he steered south-east, crossing the Antarctic Circle for the second time at the meridian of 142°W. Here the fatigue of his crew and the danger of ice forced a retreat (Scott 1905, Vol. 1: 7–8). In January 1774 Cook was again to penetrate far to the south, and establish a record for the farthest south: on 30 January 1774 his coordinates were 71°10’S., 106°54’W. (Beaglehole 1961:323). Ice again intervened to restrict Cook’s passage, but although he had ambition to go further south he welcomed the intervention. He conceded that large islands might exist, but firmly rejected the idea of a large southern continent. He wrote that the assertions and conjectures of its protagonists were entirely repudiated (Beaglehole 1961:325). It is not certain what Cook saw in this location. He certainly viewed pack-ice with a continuous sheet of ice beyond which rose in elevation and in which 97 ice-hills were counted. A.G.E.Jones (1982:53) maintains that the nearest peaks, namely Mount Caldwell and Mount Simpson, were out of the range of Captain Cook’s vision. This brave mariner then retreated north and wintered in the Pacific Islands. In November 1774 he voyaged south again and navigated towards Cape Horn between latitudes 50°S. and 60°S., and thus his traverse took him across the Pacific Ocean in a high austral latitude. He surveyed Cape Horn and South Georgia before crossing the Atlantic Ocean between the high parallels of 58° and 60°S. He then returned to the Cape of Good Hope. The importance of this voyage is enormous. It finally disposed of the mythical Terra australis incognita. No longer could cogent arguments be made for a populous and fertile southern continent. Cook had demonstrated that tempestuous seas, ice and snow were the elements of high austral regions and had revealed that this part of the earth was uninhabitable. The processes of attrition had been slowly diminishing the southern continent before Cook’s second voyage. His findings on it were so conclusive that there was no hope of its resurrection. 7

2

THE SEAMAN’S VIEW

The terms ‘the seaman’s view’ and ‘the landsman’s view’ are derived from Sir Halford Mackinder’s Democratic Ideals and Reality in which he assessed the geopolitical implications of the ending of the first World War. Perceptions of Antarctica were naturally derived from several sources and may justifiably be termed multimodal. However, the principal input was from the visual sense, and the prize discoveries relied on the visual. Indeed A.G.E.Jones (1982) raised the issue as to who first saw the Antarctic Continent. Naturally the honour would go to a seaman, and this chapter considers the early nautical expeditions to Antarctic seas from the perspective of seamen themselves. Captain James Cook would certainly be a contender for the first to view the Antarctic Continent. His impact on the final repudiation of Terra australis incognita was considered in the last chapter. Here we commence by taking up the issue as to whether or not Captain James Cook actually saw the southern continent. On 30 January 1774 Cook reached his farthest south. His coordinates were 71°10’S., 106°54’W. At this point he saw 97 ice-hills, and averred that the field of ice rose in height to the south. Could this have been a sighting of the Antarctic Continent? In fairness to Cook it should be emphasized that he made no such claim, and certainly did not adhere to any belief that land had been sighted. His own words tell the story: A little after 4 AM we perceived the Clowds to the South near the horizon to be of an unusual Snow white brightness which denounced our approach to field ice, soon after it was seen from the Mast-head and at 8 o’clock we were close to the edge of it which extended East and West in a streight line far beyond our sight; as appear’d by the brightness of the horizon; in the Situation we were now in just the Southern half of the horizon was enlightned by the Reflected rays of the Ice to a considerable height. The Clowds near the horizon were of a perfect Snow Whiteness and were difficult to be distinguished from the Ice hills whose lofty summits reached the Clowds. The outer or Northern edge of this immence Ice field was compose(d) of loose or broken ice so 8

THE SEAMAN’S VIEW

close packed together that nothing could enter it; about a mile in began the firm ice, in one compact solid boddy and seemed to increase in height as you traced it to the South; In this field we counted Ninety Seven Ice Hills or Mountains, many of them vastly large… Was it not for the Greenland ships fishing yearly among such Ice…I should not have hisitated one moment in declaring it as my opinion that the ice we now see extended in a solid body quite to the Pole. (Beaglehole 1961:321). A key factor as to what was actually seen was the range of visibility. Thurston Peninsula or Island was the nearest landfall located to the south-east of Cook’s farthest south. The peninsula consists of snow covered peaks and large ice-filled inlets. At the coordinates of 71°48’S., 99°08’W. are a group of offshore pinnacles. These peaks could conceivably have been within the range of Cook’s visibility. Mt Caldwell, the westernmost peak with an elevation of 2100 feet could have been seen at sea level from 49 nautical miles. Mt Simpson, located 20 miles to the east, and with an elevation of 3000 feet would have been visible at a distance of 59 nautical miles. An Admiralty chart shows another peak 30 miles further east whose elevation is recorded at 3400 feet, and at sea level this would have been visible at 62 nautical miles. From the mast-heads of the Resolution or Adventure, visibility would have been increased by about 10 miles. At Cook’s farthest south the respective distances of Mt Caldwell, Mt Simpson and the other peak would have been 118, 140 and 170 nautical miles to his south-south-east, and thus out of his range of vision. One must remember, however, that there were difficulties in fixing longitude, and that accurate observations were often precluded. Compass variations, and leeway and currents in unexplored waters created difficulties. On 29/30 January 1774 Cook’s navigator Charles Clerke, (who took observations in addition to James Cook), gave a longitude of 103°05’W. at latitude 70°50’S. Even with this longitude Mt Caldwell, Mt Simpson and the other peak would still have been out of the range of vision at distances of 60, 77 and 100 nautical miles to the south-south-east and south-east respectively (Jones 1982:47–53). Even a mirage which would have caused the land to loom up seems unlikely since a period of cool, clear weather would have been necessary and Cook was denied that. Would it, however, be intoxicated speculation to suggest that from the mast-head at Clerke’s longitude of 103°5’W. Mt Caldwell at a distance of 60 nautical miles might just have been visible? The honour of first sighting the Antarctic Continent goes to Captain Thaddeus Thaddevich Bellingshausen who commanded the Russian Antarctic Expedition of 1819–21, a considerable time after Cook. Headland (1989:115) notes that he sighted two coastal areas, namely Kronprinsesse Märtha Kyst and Prinsesse Ragnhild Kyst but failed to recognize them as land. The first 9

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sighting occurred on 16 January 1820, three days prior to the discovery of Trinity Peninsula by Edward Bransfield. It is somewhat ironical that he should view the Antarctic Continent but not recognize it as such. One reason may have been the great size of the icebergs which convinced Bellingshausen that there was seemingly no limit to their height and area. Debenham (1945, Vol. 1:xix–xx) suggests three other reasons. The first two problems are created by the weather. Although winds from the north helped sailing ships in their tracks south, they also frequently brought thick snowy weather which limited vision. By contrast, winds from the south and east brought clear weather but fended the vessels off the coasts with loose ice. Thirdly, soundings were deceptive. Normally the depth of the continental shelf is about 100 fathoms but off Antarctica, it is nearer 200 fathoms. On two significant occasions, Bellingshausen failed to get soundings, at 100 fathoms on the first instance, and at 200 on the next. Added to these problems is the question as to whether the continental ice should count as land. Most contend that it should. Before we comment on this the remainder of Bellingshausen’s voyage will be reviewed. He departed from Rio de Janeiro in November 1819. He captained the Vostok while the Mirnyi was under the command of his lieutenant Mikhail Petrovic Lazarev. His ships circumnavigated the world from the South Atlantic in an easterly direction in a high southern latitude. He surveyed the south side of South Georgia which complemented Cook’s survey of the north side. His expedition is also credited with the discovery of Peter I Island on 10 January 1821 and Alexander Island on 17 January of the same year. The former was the first land definitely seen south of the Antarctic Circle (Headland 1989:115). Other achievements include a survey of the South Shetland Islands. Bellingshausen attempted to approach the Antarctic Continent on 15 January 1820. Writing on the following day, he commented on encountering icebergs which he likened to white clouds when viewed through falling snow. He added that there was a solid stretch of ice which ran from east to south to west (Debenham 1945, Vol. 1:117). Debenham adds in a footnote that the Russian expedition could not have been more than twenty miles from the coast of Princess Martha Land, and that the ‘solid stretch of ice running from east through south to west’ could have been land ice. If this were the case the land discovered by the Novegia expedition of 1929– 30 was antedated by 110 years (Debenham 1945, Vol. 1:117). As noted, Headland (1989:115) concludes that this was the first discovery of the Antarctic Continent. (The date recorded by Headland indicates a calendar change). On 20 January, Bellingshausen again attempted to approach the continent, and again made no affirmation that land had been sighted. Lazarev referred to continental ice on 18 January, and since what was viewed on 21–2 January was an extension of it, we must conclude that he 10

THE SEAMAN’S VIEW

must have believed that he again saw continental ice on 21 January (Jones 1982:95). In early February 1820 Bellingshausen again sailed south. On 5 February he writes: we observed a great many high flat-topped icebergs, surrounded by small broken ice, in places piled up high. The ice towards the southsouth-west adjoined the high icebergs which were stationary. Its edge was perpendicular and formed into little coves, whilst the surface sloped upwards towards the south to a distance so far that its end was out of sight even from the mast-head. (Debenham 1945, Vol. 1:127–8) In a footnote, Debenham confirmed that he considered this to be the first discovery of the Antarctic Continent (Debenham 1945, Vol. 1:128). On 6 February Bellingshausen reached the parallel of 69°6’24?S. at the meridian of 15°51’45?E. He comments: A mile and a half from there we could see blocks of ice piled one on top of the other. In the farther distance we saw ice-covered mountains similar to those mentioned above and probably forming a continuation of them. (Debenham 1945, Vol. 1:129) In a footnote Debenham comments that there was little doubt that what was seen was the ice-covered land which fringes the continent (Debenham 1945, Vol. 1:129). We think it fair to conclude that if the ice sheet is considered to be part of the continent, the honour of its discovery must go to Bellinghausen, and that 16 January 1820 is a likely date. Jones (1982:75) reports that just three days later at 3 p.m. on 19 January 1820, Trinity Land was sighted behind Tower Island by William Smith and Edward Bransfield. This peninsula which rises to 6000 feet is part of Graham Land and thus part of the Antarctic Continent. The next major voyage of discovery was that conducted by the sealer James Weddell from 1822–4. He commanded the brig Jane (160 tons) while Matthew Brisbane was captain of the cutter Beaufoy (65 tons). The southern coasts of the South Orkney Islands were charted, the task being performed by Brisbane. Weddell himself made a chart of the South Shetland Islands, and the sea which now bears his name. He made a discovery which greatly surprised him. On 14 February 1823 his latitude was 68°28’S. and his longitude 29°43’15?W. Ice-islands were exceedingly numerous (Weddell 1827:33). By 19 February, no ice was visible. On the following day, 20 February 1823, he reached the high southern latitude of 74°15’S. at the 11

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meridian of 34°16’45?W. Captain James Cook’s record had eventually been surpassed. Weddell indicated that he would have liked to have gone further south but was deterred by the lateness of the season, and the dangers of the return journey through a thousand miles of seas strewed with ice islands. Although the sea to the south was clear of field ice, the decision to turn north was made (Weddell 1827:36–40). He commented: If therefore, no land exist to the south of the latitude at which I arrived, viz. seventy-four degrees, and five minutes, or 214 geographical miles farther south than Captain Cook, or any preceding navigator reached, how is it possible that the South Pole should not be more attainable than the North, about which we know there is a good deal of land? (Weddell 1827:41) A much more controversial voyage is that undertaken by the American sealer Benjamin Morrell. His claims occupy Chapter 5 so comments here will be brief. He claimed a voyage to Antarctica in 1822–3. His odyssey included a passage in a high southern latitude from Kerguelen to the South Sandwich Islands where considerable volcanic activity was reported. A second part of his journey included the exploration of the Weddell Sea and then the examination of a coast he called ‘New South Greenland’ which he located at approximately 68°S., 48°W., and north to about 63°S. Like Weddell, Morrell also claimed that the Weddell Sea was ice-free (Morrell 1832:62– 70). John Biscoe ventured into and circumnavigated Antarctic seas in the years 1830–2. He commanded the brig Tula while its consort, the cutter Lively, was entrusted to George Avery, both vessels being owned by Enderby Brothers. They left the Falkland Islands in November 1830 and reached the South Sandwich Islands the following month. Biscoe discovered Enderby Land on 25 February 1831. It was simply designated as appearance of land until confirmed on 28 February 1831 when his location was 65°57’S., 47°20’36?E. Biscoe hoved north to Hobart after encountering serious problems with scurvy and pack-ice. He ventured forth again in October 1831. After visiting Chatham Islands and the Bounty Islands, he continued to discover Adelaide Island on 15 February 1832, and the northern Biscoe Islands. With true patriotic fervour he annexed ‘the mainland’ in the name of King William IV. Graham Land, as it was called, is in fact to the south of Edward Bransfield’s Trinity Land, and is part of the Antarctic Peninsula. For a detailed account of his voyages, I recommend Murray (1901:305–35). In July 1838, John Balleny left London as commander of the schooner Eliza Scott (154 tons) with a consort vessel, the dandy-rigged cutter Sabrina (54 tons), the master of which was Thomas Freeman. Enderby Brothers owned the vessels which were to search high southern latitudes for new 12

THE SEAMAN’S VIEW

land, whaling and sealing grounds. It is not surprising that a vessel as small as the Sabrina perished with all hands on 24 March 1839 in a gale. The Balleny Islands were discovered on 9 February 1839 and on 12 February Balleny describes the first land south of the Antarctic Circle: At 4 p.m. abreast of the small island; the eastern island now at a different bearing appeared a large one; latitude by account 66°22', longitude 163°49’E. At 6 p.m. went on shore in the cutter’s boat, at the only place likely to afford a landing, but when we got close with the boat it proved only the drawback of the sea, leaving a beach of only 3 or 4 feet at most. Captain Freeman jumped out and got a few stones… There is no landing or beach on this land…but for the bare rocks where the icebergs had broken from…we plainly perceived smoke arising from the mountain tops. (Murray 1901:340) On 3 March 1839, the appearance of land was reported east of what now is termed the Sabrina Coast (Murray 1901:343; Headland 1989:147). The United States Exploring Expedition of 1838–42 was under the command of Captain Charles Wilkes whose ship was the Vincennes. Other vessels involved in this exploration were the Peacock, the Porpoise, the Sea Gull, the Flying Fish, and the Relief. For part of its duration, the expedition was in Antarctic waters, and the mapping of Wilkes Land while there became subject to considerable censure and scepticism. In fact, at his court martial Wilkes was accused of immorally mapping non-existent land. This subject occupies Chapter 6, and thus our comments here will be brief. In February 1839 the squadron bifurcated at Tierra del Fuego, one group sailing southwest to locations off the Thurston Peninsula which was not observed, while the other group visited the South Shetland Islands where vulcanicity was observed on Bridgeman Island (Headland 1989:149). The expedition then conducted work in the tranquil Pacific Ocean. In January 1840 the coast of Wilkes Land was explored, and landfalls and appearances of land were mapped. It is this subject which will be addressed in detail in Chapter 6. A French naval expedition of 1837–40 was led by Jules-Sebastien-César Dumont D’Urville whose ship was L’Astrolabe. The consort vessel, La Zélée was commanded by Charles Hector Jacquinot. They circumnavigated the world, and the South Orkney Islands, South Shetland Islands, the northwest coast of Trinity Peninsula, Orleans Channel and Joinville Island formed an impressive array of Antarctic locations which they visited. Adélie Land was discovered on 20 January 1840, and a landing was effected on a lofty islet off its coast on the following day. Possession was taken in the name of France, not only of this islet, but also of the adjacent coast whose ice precluded their landing. It was affirmed that such claims had historically been the custom of the English. Dumont D’Urville added 13

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that the title was incontestable, that none had been dispossessed, and thus it would never rise up against France. A libation was deemed necessary and the contents of a fine bottle of Bordeaux were used to toast France (Murray 1901:448). The Clarie Coast was discovered on 30 January 1840, perhaps only a few hours after its discovery by Wilkes (Murray 1901:460). Surprisingly, Dumont D’Urville’s ships met with Wilkes’s expedition, and both seem to have misunderstood the other’s intentions. Wilkes desired to speak and exchange compliments with the French expedition. He claimed that when he was within musket range of L’Astrolabe, instead of reciprocity being evinced, he saw sail-making, and thus he continued on his way. He did not anticipate such a cold repulse from the French Commander (Murray 1901: 415). Dumont D’Urville claimed his crew were happy when the American brig appeared. Since the Vincennes was travelling rapidly he gave the order to board the main tack in order that L’Astrolabe might remain longer alongside. He was amazed that the American brig moved speedily to the south (Murray 1901:458). A most important expedition was that led by James Clark Ross which spanned the years 1839–43. This British voyage of discovery left the Thames on 25 September 1839. Ross himself commanded the Erebus, and Francis Crozier, the Terror. Both were strengthened sailing ships. The expedition had the scientific objective of systematic observations of the earth’s magnetic field, and also sought to reach the South Magnetic Pole. When Ross arrived in Van Diemen’s Land, he was incensed that both the Americans and the French had forestalled him in the attempt to make a direct route to the South Magnetic Pole along the 146°E. meridian. Thus Ross chose to make his attempt between the meridians of 170° and 180°E. At this point a great indentation is found in the Antarctic Continent. Ross was frustrated when he reached within about 250 miles of its location. At this point a towering mountain range rose 12,000 feet in front of him, and Ross designated it the Admiralty Range. At this time, they were within five or six miles of Cape Adare, so-called after Ross’s friend, Viscount Adare, the Member of Parliament for Glamorganshire. Ross charted the coastline of his newly discovered lands. He took possession of them on 12 January 1841 on Possession Island, and on 27 January 1841 on Franklin Island. The former is located at 71°56’S., 171°7’E., while the latter is situated in 76°8’S. and 168°12’E. Naturally the new lands were called Victoria Land (Ross 1969, Vol. 1:189, 214–15). On 28 January Ross discovered a feature of great geological importance and interest. He saw a mountain which he considered to be 12,400 feet high emitting smoke in great profusion. He named this volcano Mount Erebus. An extinct volcano, a little to its east estimated to be 10,900 feet high was named Mount Terror (Ross 1969, Vol. 1:216–17). On the same day Ross designated a mountain chain as the Parry Mountains. Here he charted 14

THE SEAMAN’S VIEW

a mirage. The mountains do not exist in the location he mapped them, at a distance of 25 miles. It is likely that what he saw was a range including Mount Markham and Mount Hamilton at a distance of just under 300 miles loomed up by a superior mirage. Ross had been misled before by appearances of land. On his first Arctic voyage he charted the Croker Mountains across Lancaster Sound. Parry, his second-in-command, was certain these mountains didn’t exist but was overruled. In 1819 Parry sailed over these ‘Croker Mountains’. Sadly for Parry, the mountains called after him were an illusion also. It is somewhat ironic that later in this voyage Ross would sail over Wilkes Land and discredit its existence: Wilkes too may have mapped a superior mirage, but that is the subject of Chapter 6. Ross also encountered the great Ice Barrier which now bears his name. He comments: But this extraordinary barrier of ice, of probably more than a thousand feet in thickness, crushes the undulations of the waves, and disregards their violence: it is a mighty and wonderful object, far beyond anything we could have thought or conceived. (Ross 1969, Vol. 1:228) On 2 February 1841 he reached his farthest south. His latitude was 78°4’S. (Ross 1969, Vol. 1:232). Ross’s achievements were considerable. He circumnavigated the Antarctic Continent, charted approximately 900 kilometres of Victoria Land, a new coastline, discovered Mount Erebus, Ross Island and Ross Ice Shelf, and viewed Joinville Island. In addition he mapped the east coast which he annexed for Britain at Cockburn Island on 6 January 1843 (Headland 1989: 151). Perhaps one can forgive his errors and accusations when confused by superior mirages. The intention here is not to record every voyage to Antarctic seas but to consider the major explorations. The choice is necessarily subjective. After Ross, there was something of a hiatus in Antarctic exploration. Perhaps the credit for its restoration belongs to George Neumayer, director of the German Naval Observatory. He believed that Antarctic exploration was necessary for terrestro-magnetism, maritime meteorology, and for a complete knowledge of the earth’s physiography (Fricker 1900:120). His efforts were for long unproductive but in the southern hemisphere’s summer of 1873 and 1874 the Challenger (Captain Nares) had a celebrated voyage, and garnered much scientific knowledge. It spent relatively little time in high austral regions. It approached Wilkes’s Termination Land without sighting it. However, knowledge of temperatures, salinity, marine life, and particularly icebergs was greatly enhanced. A detailed study of icebergs including such features as their form, equilibrium, formation, weathering, stratification,

15

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and cleavage is provided by Moseley, a naturalist on the voyage (Moseley 1892: 201–21). The inspiration for the Dundee Antarctic Expedition of 1892–3 was whaling. Ruthless methods had decimated their numbers. The Balaena mysticetus, right whale, Greenland whale or bowhead was of enormous value because of its prized jawbone. It was sometimess worth £3,000 (Murdoch 1894:23). Ross had reported whales resembling the Greenland or bowhead whale in Erebus and Terror Gulf where they were present in great numbers. As a result four ships—the Balaena, the Active, the Diana and the Polar Star—left Dundee in September 1892 to confirm whether or not these valuable prizes existed. Burn Murdoch, the artist, embarked on the Balaena which was under the command of Captain Fairweather. Their specified aim of sighting the Greenland or bowhead whale ended in failure. Not one was seen (Murdoch 1894:357). They visited Joinville Island and Louis-Philippe Land. Perhaps their main achievement was their verification of Ross’s chart of the southern part of Joinville Island, and in addition the channel separating it from the mainland. Also the coastlines of Erebus and Terror Gulf were mapped with greater precision than by Ross. Fricker (1900:124) expressed doubts as to the value of whaling expeditions as voyages of exploration. The sea-ice situation seemed favourable on this journey, but its main purpose precluded land investigation. On 26 September 1894 the Norwegian steam whaler Antarctic left Melbourne on a southern journey. C.Egeberg Borchgrevink embarked as a common sailor. Icebergs were sighted at the beginning of November, and a vast mass of ice was sighted on 6 November. However, on the same day the ship’s screw was found to be out of order, and the vessel thus returned to Port Chalmers, New Zealand. A fresh start commenced from Stewart Island on 28 November, and pack-ice was reached on 7 December. Cape Adare was sighted on 16 January 1895. Two days later a landing was made on Possession Island, and a lichen was discovered, this being the southernmost plant yet known. On 22 January, when the coordinates were 74°S., 171°15’E., the farthest south was reached at the southern tip of Coulman Island. Due to the fact that no whales were seen, the captain headed north, and sighted Cape Adare on the following day. A party landed there on 24 January 1895. It was claimed that this was the first landing on the Antarctic Continent, and Borchgrevink was one of the party (Bull 1896:180–1). Headland, however, designates it as at least the fourth landing on the continent, and the second on Victoria Land (Headland 1989:216). Borchgrevink observed the same lichen as seen on Possession Island, and collected rock specimens. Subsequently the vessel hoved north and reached Melbourne on 4 March (Fricker 1900:131). The voyage of the Belgica of 1898–9 concludes the section on the seaman’s view. This Belgian Antarctic expedition was under the command of Captain Adrien Victor de Gerlache de Gomery. His own energy and enthusiasm 16

THE SEAMAN’S VIEW

were responsible for this expedition, which left Antwerp in late August 1897. They spent time in Tierra del Fuego and departed from Staten Island on 13 January 1898. They saw the South Shetlands a week later and there they experienced a tragedy when a crew member, Wienecke, drowned in a tempest. They crossed the Bransfield Strait and viewed the Palmer Archipelago. Subsequently they coasted along the western border of Graham Land to Adelaide Island and thence to Alexander Island. On 4 March 1898 the Belgica was beset by pack-ice and for twelve months it drifted south of Peter I Island. During the long Antarctic night Lieutenant Danco died. Melancholy moods set in while they were trapped but scientific work continued. Darkness enhanced the morose feelings. They were freed from the pack-ice on 14 March 1899 after drifting from 85°W. to 103°W. between 70°S. and 72°S. They were thus the first men to winter south of the Antarctic Circle. Perhaps the last seaman’s view should be a dark one. Cook, surgeon and anthropologist of the expedition, writes The grayness of the first days of the night has given way to a souldespairing darkness, broken only at noon by a feeble yellow haze on the northern sky. I can think of nothing more disheartening, more destructive to human energy, than this dense, unbroken blackness of the long polar night. (Cook 1900:295)

17

3

THE LANDSMAN’S VIEW

The criterion for classifying an explorer as a landsman is a substantial duration of time spent on the Antarctic Continent. The term ‘substantial’ is somewhat arbitrary, but most would concede that Carsten Borchgrevink’s British Antarctic Expedition of 1898–1900 deserves the accolade of being the first group to spend a significant time on the continent. They built their hut at Cape Adare, and this testifies to the fact that they intended a considerable stay. Carsten Borchgrevink was born in 1864 in Oslo, then called Christiania. In 1888 he moved to Australia, and worked for the governments of Queensland and New South Wales on survey teams. As mentioned in the previous chapter he was a crewman on the Antarctic. Captain Kristensen employed him as a seaman, seal-shooter, and skin curer. Initially the vessel sailed from Melbourne on 26 September 1894, but was compelled to return to Port Chalmers, New Zealand because of screw trouble. It ventured south again on 28 November. Borchgrevink’s drive and desire for primacy is illustrated by his claim to have landed on the peninsula at Cape Adare in 1894 (Borchgrevink 1901:4). However, the date is inaccurate: the landing actually took place on 24 January 1895. Presumably Borchgrevink’s designation of 1894 is simply an error. What is certain, however, is that he claimed to be the first man ashore on the Antarctic Continent. In a magazine article he writes: I do not know whether it was the desire to catch the jelly-fish or from a strong desire to be the first man to put foot in this terra incognita, but as soon as the order was given to stop pulling the oars, I jumped over the side of the boat. I thus killed two birds with one stone, being the first man on shore, and relieving the boat of my weight, thus enabling her to approach land near enough to allow the captain to jump ashore dry-shod. (Borchgrevink 1896:441) In his volume on the cruise of the Antarctic, Bull (1896) does not specify who was the first ashore, but Captain Kristensen disputes Borchgrevink’s 18

THE LANDSMAN’S VIEW

claim. A.H.F. von Tunzleman claimed primacy for such a feat. At the time he was a boy of 17, but he maintained throughout his life that it was he who jumped ashore to steady the boat (Evans and Jones 1975:223). In any case, the whole issue demonstrates Borchgrevink’s extreme motivation for personal achievement. Borchgrevink’s thirst for adventure continued. After meeting Sir George Newnes in London in 1896, he persuaded him to provide funds for a major expedition, the aim of which was to attempt to reach the South Pole, and to fix the position of the Magnetic South Pole. Newnes released funds for the venture in 1898. Borchgrevink’s plans were ambitious. In addition to the above, he aimed to make pendulum observations, collect biological specimens, and to record meteorological observations. His boat, the Southern Cross, departed from the Thames on 23 August 1898. En route south he spent two weeks in Hobart where livestock was taken on board. The Southern Cross set off from Adventure Bay on 19 December 1898. Robertson Bay and Cape Adare were reached on 17 February 1899. Borchgrevink’s party considered the proposed site looked so inhospitable that they should send farewells immediately, but here he constructed his huts and called the site Camp Ridley after his mother (Borchgrevink 1901: 84). Borchgrevink wintered until the weather permitted exploration of Robertson Bay. On 2 February 1900 he departed from Cape Adare on board the Southern Cross. His voyage took him to Possession Island, Cape Crozier, and the Ross Barrier which he discovered had receded significantly since Ross’s time. Then came his second controversial claim. On 16 February 1900, a point on the Barrier was reached at the approximate location of the Bay of Whales where a break appeared. He records that they entered a natural harbour at latitude 78°34’S., longitude 195°50’E. (Borchgrevink 1901:278–9). This meridian may cause the reader a little confusion. A constant watch for icemovements was maintained while the ship was there. He then writes of an event which may have taken place on 17 February: At a low place we moored the Southern Cross to the ice sheets by ropes and an ice-anchor. Here I effected a landing with sledges, dogs, instruments and provisions, and while I left the sledge in charge of Captain Jensen with the rest of the Expedition, I myself, accompanied by Lieut. Colbeck and Savio, proceeded southwards, reaching 78°50', the farthest south ever reached by man. (Borchgrevink 1901:279) An excellent review and assessment of this claim, and of other aspects of Borchgrevink’s career is provided by Evans and Jones (1975:221–35). Colbeck gave 78°34’37?S., 164°32’45?W. as the Southern Cross’s location at its farthest south. The party including Borchgrevink, Colbeck and Savio were away from the Southern Cross for five hours. However, they had no sledge-meter 19

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and thus 78°50’S. is an estimate. On 19 February Fougner, Evans, Bernacchi and Johanson were away from the ship for eight hours. Their first objective was a group of Weddell seals, but they continued beyond and covered an estimated distance of over 10 miles. Their estimate of their farthest south was between 78°45’S. and 78°50’S. Could they possibly have travelled further in eight hours than Borchgrevink in five? Borchgrevink, for his part, did not refer to this latter journey either in his book or before the Royal Geographical Society (Evans and Jones 1975:229). It is perhaps a sad trait of Borchgrevink’s character that he made no reference to the achievements of others, and it is certainly almost impossible to assess which of the two groups achieved the farthest south. Borchgrevink returned home, and did not receive the credit he deserved. His scientific specimens had suffered in transit, and he had not reached the South Magnetic Pole, but he did good pioneer work and had wintered on the Antarctic Continent. The first extensive land exploration was achieved by the British National Antarctic Expedition of 1901–04 led by Captain Robert Falcon Scott. Since many aspects of this expedition are discussed in other chapters comments here will be somewhat terse. Scott’s ship was the Discovery, and he referred to it as ‘the first vessel ever built in England for scientific exploration’ (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:43). Since the ship was actually built on the River Tay by the Dundee Shipbuilding Company (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:49) a Scottish Nationalist could be forgiven for being somewhat perturbed at Scott’s claim for the genesis of the ship. The specific aims of the expedition were first to study the nature, extent and condition of South Polar Lands within the area covered by the expedition, and second to conduct a magnetic survey south of 40°S., plus research into meteorological, oceanographic, geological, biological and physical aspects of the continent (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:81). The Discovery departed from London on 31 July 1901. Provisions were added to the ship, which utilized both steam and sails, in New Zealand and it departed from Port Chalmers on 24 December 1901. They steamed and sailed to Robertson Bay, and landed at Cape Adare where they found the Southern Cross expedition hut in good condition. Plentiful provisions were found there, and Scott considered that these could well be an asset to future explorers. A record of their achievements was left in a tin cylinder on a post at Cape Crozier on 22 January 1902. They steamed along the edge of the Ross Barrier, and failed to see the Parry Mountains. Later, they knew for certain that this range did not exist at the location assigned to it by Ross. Scott also became the first aeronaut in Antarctic regions. He acknowledged that he perhaps selfishly chose the honour of the ascent for himself (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:198). The flight was made in a tethered hydrogen balloon which reached a height of about 800 feet. Scott had anticipated that the Barrier surface would be a level plain, but he observed a series of long undulations running east and west. Later Shackleton ascended and took photographs (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:199–200). 20

THE LANDSMAN’S VIEW

On 9 February 1902 winter quarters were selected on a sheltered bay on the south side of Hut Point. Huts were subsequently erected on the shore, and names were later given to prominent landmarks. These included Observation Hill, Cape Armitage, Crater Hill, and the most conspicuous landmark, Castle Rock, which is precipitous and reaches a height of 1350 feet (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:219–20). The party were to suffer the death of Vince who slipped through a precipice to his death in the sea. The tragedy is discussed in Chapter 8, but it made March 1902 a black period in the history of their expedition. The party spent the winter on board ship. Scott decided the temperature would be considerably higher than in the hut in which provisions were stored. Pastimes and debates made the long dark night easier. On 2 November 1902, Scott commenced on a southern journey which was to create a record. The party comprised Scott, Shackleton, and Wilson. Initially the dogs performed well, but within a short period of time Scott commented that they became dispirited with the monotony of a march over snow (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:12). His lack of faith in dogs ultimately cost him dearly. On 15 November 1902 Scott found the dogs did not pull well. Thus the party’s aspirations could be served only by their own extreme efforts. They had, however, already ventured farther south than any other human being (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:23). By 27 November the dogs shambled and were branded as lazy. They were apparently deaf to any allurement or encouragement (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:33). Towards the end of their journey the men looked up what they called a broad inlet, beyond which was a mountain range which culminated in the summit of Mount Markham, estimated to be 10,000 feet high. On 30 December 1902 they reached their southerly limit, and by observation gave its latitude as between 82°16’S. and 82°17’S. They felt disappointment when considering what might have been, and over the condition of the dogs, but elated that they had travelled farther south than any other sledging party. Lack of provisions necessary to take them further from a major depot, and the condition of their dogs made their decision to return inevitable (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:79–80). On the way home Shackleton had an attack of breathlessness and became very ill, but he survived and lived to launch a major expedition of his own. The party arrived back at their base on 3 February 1903. For 93 days they had plodded over an ice-field, and had covered a distance of 960 statute miles (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:125). They had explored South Victoria Land. The second sledging season which commenced in September 1903 also extended the land exploration of Antarctica. Scott’s party, which included Evans and Lashly, set out to find a new road to the Ferrar Glacier, and placed a depot on it to supply a later and greater effort over the ice cap. In this they succeeded. On 11 October, the preparations for Scott’s Western Party were complete. After an easy journey, they encountered problems with sledge runners, and were forced to return. A fresh start was made on 21

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26 October, and they ascended the Ferrar Glacier, and achieved the polar plateau. On 30 November, Scott, Evans and Lashly reached the limit of their journey to the west. They were fatigued and overawed with the immensity of the vast plain. It was dreary and awfully desolate. The scene was the same one they had seen for many days, and this paid tribute to the plateau’s immensity. Even the sastrugi* irritated Scott’s nerves. He writes: We see only a few miles of ruffled snow bounded by a vague, wavy horizon, but we know that beyond that horizon are hundreds and even thousands of miles which can offer no change to the weary eye, while on the vast expanse that one’s mind conceives one knows there is neither tree nor shrub, nor any living thing, nor even inanimate rock— nothing but this terrible limitless expanse of snow…and we, little human insects, have started to crawl over this awful desert, and are now bent on crawling back again. Could anything be more terrible than this silent windswept immensity when one thinks such thoughts. (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:264–5) However, the gloom of the landscape didn’t defeat them. They had succeeded in venturing into the interior of Victoria Land. On Christmas Eve they saw the Discovery, and were welcomed back. They returned to civilization with good spirits, and on 1 April 1904 were positioned off Lyttelton Harbour in New Zealand. The British Antarctic Expedition of 1907–9 led by Ernest Shackleton had several notable causes for celebration. In the autumn of 1908 they successfully climbed Mount Erebus, and made a survey of its craters. Then after wintering in McMurdo Sound at Cape Royds, just 20 miles to the north of Scott’s Discovery headquarters, there were three successful sledging trips in the summer of 1908–9. One reached the South Magnetic Pole, another surveyed mountain ranges located to the west of McMurdo Sound, and the third, a southern journey, sledged to within 1°37' of the South Pole, approximately only 180 kilometres from that desired goal. Shackleton considered that there were three reasons why people ventured into the world’s void spaces, namely love of adventure, scientific knowledge, and the mysterious fascination of the unknown. In his case the attraction was a combination of all three (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:1). His boat was the Nimrod. She was small, old, and even when powered by steam her maximum speed scarcely exceeded six knots. Her assets were that she was strongly built, and could certainly face rough passages from ice (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:16). Shackleton took with him ponies from Manchuria, and a car which he thought might be of use on the hard surface of the ice barrier. The vehicle was a new 12–15 horse-power Arrol-Johnston. It had an air* Wavelike irregularities on the surface of hard polar snow, caused by winds.

22

Shackleton’s siege of the South Pole

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cooled four-cylinder engine which had been specially designed (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:22–3). Dogs were purchased from a breeder in Stewart Island, New Zealand, but like Scott, Shackleton had little faith in them. The Nimrod cast off from Lyttelton, New Zealand on 1 January 1908. A consort vessel, the Koonya, towed the Nimrod to save coal for a distance of 1510 miles before returning north, but by that time had achieved the record of being the first steel ship to cross the Antarctic Circle. The Nimrod then steamed along the Barrier before a landing was made at Cape Royds on Ross Island. The conquest of Mount Erebus commenced on 5 March 1908. The team experienced splendid views on its ascent, examined interesting craters, photographed a fumarole which resembled a lion, and calculated its summit to be 13,370 feet. At the start of their depot-laying journey, the car proved successful. It moved with a full complement of men and towed sledges at about six miles per hour, its journey being from Cape Royds to Inaccessible Island. Its return journey to the hut took only 20 minutes (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1: 241). The southern journey commenced on 29 October 1908. They soon experienced thick weather, and thick crusty snow on the Barrier. They found sledging particularly difficult in bad light. No shadows were cast on the surface which then appeared uniform to the eye which in fact it was not. Several times they stepped into small depressions. On the evening of 20 November their coordinates were 82°18’30?S., 168°E. They had thus penetrated farther than Captain Scott’s farthest south at 82°16’30?S. (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:296). By 1 December, only one pony was left. Ahead of them was the Beardmore Glacier, and naturally they encountered falls, bruises, crevasses, and chasms. On several occasions they thought they had reached the plateau only to be frustrated by further ridges. On 27 December Shackleton comments: If a great snow plain, rising every seven miles in a steep ridge, can be called a plateau, then we are on it at last, with an altitude above the sea of 9820 ft. (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:337) By 4 January 1909 they realized the end was in sight. They were short of food, a blizzard blew from the south, and 47°F. of frost was recorded, and thus they anticipated a maximum of three days further sledging to the south (Shackleton 1909:343). On 8 January an elevation of 11,600 feet was attained. The last day outwards was 9 January 1909. Shackleton writes: We have shot our bolt, and the tale is latitude 88°23' South, longitude 162° East. The wind eased down at 1 a.m., and at 2 a.m. we were up and had breakfast. At 4 a.m. we started South, with the Queen’s Union 24

THE LANDSMAN’S VIEW

Jack, a brass cylinder containing stamps and documents to place at the furthest south point, camera, glasses and compass. At 9 a.m. we were in 88°23' South, half running and half walking over a surface much hardened by the recent blizzard. It was strange for us to go along without the nightmare of a sledge dragging behind us. We hoisted her Majesty’s flag and the other Union Jack afterwards, and took possession of the plateau in the name of his Majesty. (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:347–8) By 1 March they were back on board the Nimrod with their friends. Although it failed to reach the South Pole, Shackleton’s expedition was hailed as a success. A record farthest south had been achieved. Also another party from the same expedition had reached the South Magnetic Pole on 16 January 1909. Mawson calculated its mean position to be 72°25’S., 155°16’E. (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 2:180). The Nimrod steamed away from Antarctica with the expedition members safely aboard and anchored at the mouth of Lord’s River on Stewart Island, New Zealand on 22 March. Song-birds, trees and luxuriant vegetation greeted them. The most successful explorer of his time was Roald Amundsen. He achieved what others aspired to. The first men to reach the South Pole were Hanssen, Wisting, Hassel, Bjaaland and Amundsen. They attained their goal on 14 December 1911. Amundsen had supreme faith in his abilities. Previously he had the double objectives of making the North-west Passage and the Magnetic North Pole on the Gjoa’s expedition. He achieved both. Yet his victory over the South Pole was somewhat paradoxical. His principal aim was to mount a North Polar expedition, but he had difficulties in collecting equipment. To raise the money for this expedition, which he had been denied at home, he ventured south. Perhaps to some extent he was also pre-empted in the northern ambition by reports of success by Cook and Peary. Thus he deliberately misled the Norwegians and the rest of the world about his intentions. The last Scott’s party had heard of Amundsen was that the Fram, Nansen’s old ship, was being equipped for Arctic exploration. This feint worked and once at sea Amundsen informed his men that they were going south instead of north. When he reached Madeira, he sent Scott a telegram which stated ‘Madeira. Am going South. AMUNDSEN.’ The message was clear. Amundsen intended to reach the South Pole before Scott (Cherry-Garrard 1923, Vol. 1:41–2). This great explorer experienced no heroic departure. Huntford (1983: 279–80) related Amundsen’s dread when he wrote his apologia to Nansen, typed in his cabin on the Fram, and subsequently despatched from Madeira. The text is included in Huntford’s book. Amundsen requested that harsh judgements on his conduct be avoided, and hoped that his coming work would be adequate atonement. What motivated this explorer? I contend that much of the answer is provided by Fridtjof Nansen: 25

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Why? On account of the great geographical discoveries, the important scientific results? Oh no; that will come later, for the few specialists. This is something all can understand. A victory of human mind and human strength over the dominion and powers of Nature; a deed that lifts us above the grey monotony of daily life; a view over shining plains with lofty mountains against the cold blue sky, and lands covered by ice sheets of inconceivable extent; a vision of long vanished glacial times; the triumph of living over the stiffened realm of death. There is a ring of steeled purposeful human will—through icy frosts, snowstorms and death. (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 1:xxix–xxx) The Fram ventured from Christiania on 3 June 1910. Her first call was Bandefjord, the home of Amundsen, where she was destined to collected the assembled winter home which stood in his garden. At midnight on 6 June the Fram left Christiania Fjord (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 1:93–4). They arrived at the Barrier on 14 January 1911, and they established Framheim sufficiently far inland to avoid its being carried into the Pacific. Depots were established, one at 80°S., and then came the long winter. Typical of Amundsen, he exuded a feeling of contentment during this time. He dismissed the idea of winter as a period of storms and discontent; he affirmed that when he stayed on the snow hill, and viewed the kitchen light from Framheim, an enormous feeling of well-being came upon him (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 1:259). He was not, however, free from errors of judgement. Like a Roman general, he was mortal. The Norwegian explorer was determined to reach the Pole before Scott, and when on 7 September 1911 the temperature rose to –7.6°F., he resolved to go south. His journey commenced the following day. On 11 September, the temperature fell to –67.9°F. On the following day the wind was adverse, and the temperature –61.6°F. The conditions were too harsh for the dogs. They thus sledged to the depot at 80°S., deposited gear, and started their return to Framheim. With great understatement, Amundsen described the temperature as cool when it remained at –68.8°F (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 1:386). When it reached –40°F., it was almost summer. They returned home with frost-bitten heels and decided to make new arrangements. The plan was to advance to the Pole with a party of five; this would be speedier and the depots would supply them better (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 1:379–90). The polar party of Hanssen, Hassel, Wisting, Bjaaland and Amundsen left Framheim on 19 October 1911. For their run to the South Pole they started with four sledges which were pulled by 13 dogs each. They took only sufficient supplies to enable them to reach their depot at 80°S., where more were waiting. The party was fortunate to miss a black abyss on day one but they covered 17 miles, and the unfit dogs were then set free. In the first four days the group sledged 90 miles. The depot at 80°S. was located 26

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and they departed from it on 25 October. En route to 90°S. they built beacons, a total of 150 in all which demanded 9000 blocks of snow: the first was located at 80°23’S. Initially they planned to erect beacons at every thirteenth or fifteenth kilometre, but at 81°S. this intention was reduced to every nine kilometres, and again further reduced to every five kilometres at 82°S. This was the location of the last depot, and it became policy to lay a new one at every degree of latitude (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:1–28). Specific details of Amundsen’s dangers at the Devil’s Ballroom are provided in Chapter 8. Comments on the next stage of his adventure will therefore be brief. Amundsen’s route through the mountains took him up the Axel Heiberg Glacier. It looked steep but the weather was unbelievably warm. Amundsen naturally complained about it: One would never have thought that we were between 85° and 86°S.; the heat was positively disagreeable, and although lightly clad, we sweated as if we were running races in the tropics. (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 1:49) They found the surface of the glacier so rough under Mount Fridtjof Nansen that hopes of crossing the ice field were dashed as far as that direction was concerned. A reconnaissance showed that the mountain side was negotiable under Mount Don Pedro Christopherson, and their trajectory took them on this route and thus they arrived above the chaotic part of the Axel Heiberg Glacier. The party continued between Mounts Ole Engelstad and Fridtjof Nansen. Later they faced problems with sastrugi. A feast was held at the Butcher’s Shop, where dog cutlets made mouths water. Its latitude was fixed at 85°36’S., and the weather regaled them in the form of a blizzard. Their valour and bravery were demonstrated here because on the fifth day the group left while the blizzard still blew ferociously. It was more depressing to remain where they were. Major problems faced them on the Devil’s Glacier where chasms and crevasses were hidden by thin layers of snow. In this labyrinth one step forward meant ten to the side. One is reminded of D.H. Lawrence’s description of the cactus plants in St Mawr when he mentioned spines the devil had conceived in his ecstasy. The party’s worst experience, however, came at the Devil’s Ballroom. This was a dangerous double floor of ice. Below the upper crust at a distance of two to three feet was a second thin layer of ice. Bjaaland was fortunate in avoiding slipping through both layers and luckily the formation did not extend very far (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:41–106). They reached the plateau on 4 December, at latitude 87°S., their elevation was 10,100 feet. They advanced in heavy gales and were frequently impeded by sastrugi. When the men passed Shackleton’s farthest south in latitude 88°23’S. Amundsen was in tears. He commented ‘Sir Ernest Shackleton’s name will always be written in the annals of Antarctic exploration in letters of fire’ 27

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(Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:114). Their last depot was at 88°25’S. of which Amundsen, with characteristic understatement, defined the weather as resembling summer with a temperature of –0.4°F. (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2: 107–115). On 14 December at 3 p.m. the sledge-meters showed 90°S. Amundsen’s comments at this stage are fascinating: The goal was reached, the journey ended. I cannot say…that the objective of my life was attained. That would be romancing too bare facedly. I had better be honest and admit straight out that I have never known any man be placed in such a diametrically opposite position to the goal of his desires as I was at that moment…the North Pole itself …had attracted me from childhood, and here I was at the South Pole. Can anything more topsy-turvy be imagined. (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:121) Amundsen called the plain King Haakon VII’s Plateau. They considered themselves at the Pole but knew they were not at the exact spot, and were also aware that their claim to have reached their goal would have been disregarded if based on dead reckoning. With the instruments at their disposal, the Norwegians decided to ascertain its position as nearly as possible. Solar observations were thus taken, and at midnight a latitude of 89°56’S. was obtained. For further satisfaction it was decided to encircle the Pole at a radius of 12 1/2 miles. To achieve this, three men were to go out in different directions. One was to continue on the course they had been steering, and the other two at right angles to it. There was never an intention to walk in a circle at the radius suggested. That would have been both time-consuming and dangerous. The men chosen were Wisting, Hassel and Bjaaland. Their task was certainly not free from danger. The tent, Polheim, was but a small feature on a vast plain. Good weather prevailed for the commencement of their task but that could easily change. They left the tent at 2.30 a.m. on 15 December. Hanssen and Amundsen took further readings. This proved to be a necessity since the first observation rather than giving a larger reading from midnight, gave a smaller one. Thus they had deviated from their assumed meridian. Luckily the weather held and permitted observations every hour, and they were able to determine with relative certainty their latitude and direction of meridian. Polheim was located at 89°54’30?S. When the three travellers returned, they could be informed that their encircling had included the South Pole. The party determined, however, to advance for 5 1/2 miles to get as close to their determined position for the Pole as possible. This was achieved on 16 December and the five reached their assigned destination at 11 a.m. Again observations were taken for a period of 24 hours (the times of day were taken from the meridian of Framheim, but they had in fact crossed the International Date Line). The observations, completed at noon on 17 December, revealed that the party was not at the absolute Pole, but they were as close as could be expected with their instruments. Even so, to 28

Amundsen at the South Pole Source: Amundsen 1912:120

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become perhaps even slightly closer to it, Hanssen and Bjaaland journeyed another four miles along the new meridian. Hanssen later made a speech at Polheim, and to their surprise, handed the party cigars (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:121–32). That they bade a happy farewell to Polheim is an understatement. The group returned with one fewer sledge which remained in the ultimate austral regions. Their odyssey was not over, however. They camped in a large filledup crevasse, and were impeded by slippery places and fog. Specimens of rock were also collected from Mount Betty. However, on 25 January 1912 the joy of Framheim greeted them (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:173). By contrast the last expedition of Robert Falcon Scott was a tragedy of classical Greek dimensions. The expedition reached the South Pole, but the priority of being first went to Amundsen. The deaths of Scott, Wilson, Bowers, Oates and Evans ensured that a disaster of immense proportions would touch the hearts of Great Britain. The sadness was enhanced by the fact that the first three were within 11 statute miles of a major food depot. An immense blizzard prevented them from reaching safety. Although Scott possessed the natural appetite of an explorer, and always desired the primacy of being the first to reach the South Pole, his expedition could be claimed to be essentially scientific. Indeed prominent geologists, physicists, biologists and geographers boarded the Terra Nova. Scott always perceived his main aim to be the growth of knowledge. That he was a cultured individual is beyond dispute and the fact that his journals are littered with quotations from poetry bears testimony to this. Perhaps his death is a reminder of the sombre reality that nature is ultimately supreme. A tranquil scene which Scott enjoyed just prior to his departure from New Zealand stands in stark contrast with his view at the South Pole and his last camp. Scott writes: We stayed with the Kinseys at their house ‘Te Han’ at Clifton. The house stands at the edge of the cliff, 400 feet above the sea, and looks far over the Christchurch plains and the long northern beach which limits it; close beneath one is the harbour bar and winding estuary of the two small rivers, the Avon and Waimakariri. Far beyond the plains are the mountains, ever changing their aspect, and yet farther in over this northern sweep of the sea can be seen in clear weather the beautiful snow-capped peaks of the Kaikouras. The scene is wholly enchanting, and such a view from some sheltered sunny corner in a garden which blazes with masses of red and golden flowers tends to feelings of inexpressible satisfaction with all things. (Scott 1913:5) Subsequently Scott journeyed by train to Port Chalmers from where his ship sailed on 29 November 1910. He made his Antarctic winter quarters in 30

Amundsen’s and Scott’s routes to the South Pole

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Cape Evans, which he reached in early January. The location, christened after his second-in-command seemed ideal, protected as it was by small hills. Scott loved this situation and commented: Such weather in such a place comes nearer to satisfying my ideal of perfection than any condition I have ever experienced. The warm glow of the sun with the keen invigorating cold of the air forms a combination which is inexpressibly health-giving and satisfying to me, while the golden light on this wonderful scene of mountain and ice satisfies every claim of scenic magnificence. No words of mine can convey the impressiveness of this wonderful panorama displayed to our eyes. (Scott 1913:91) Quite early in his venture Scott expressed his satisfaction with pony transport. This faith could well have been the mistake which was to be so very costly. (He later found that they sank deeply into the snow). Depot laying to One Ton Camp confirmed his faith in ponies and his lack of it in dogs. Yet he still had reservations. He knew Amundsen was 60 miles nearer to the Pole than he was, and that without ponies Amundsen could commence his assault earlier. The long winter night approached and was passed. Lectures and entertainments helped fill the time. It was during this winter of 1911, however, that a venture of extreme valour took place. One of the most perilous journeys ever undertaken in Antarctic exploration was the winter journey from Cape Evans to Cape Crozier made by Wilson, Bowers, and Cherry-Garrard, three members of Scott’s last expedition. Their aim was to obtain emperor penguin eggs. They endured raging gales, and exceptionally low temperatures in what was virtually constant darkness. Since parts of this valiant endeavour will be related in Chapter 8, comments here will be relatively brief. It was assumed, apparently erroneously, that the emperor penguin is one of the most primitive birds on earth, and that its embryology would recapitulate former lives, and perhaps show a missing link between reptiles and birds. Thus it was important to secure its eggs. The bird incubates its eggs in the middle of the Antarctic winter. A rookery at Cape Crozier was the only known nesting place and it was protected by miles of enormous pressure ridges. It was considered that the birds would lay their eggs in early July, and what Cherry-Garrard (1923, Vol. 1:234) aptly called ‘the weirdest bird’s-nesting expedition’ began shortly after the solstice. They departed from Cape Evans on 27 June 1911 and were not to return until 1 August. The expedition experienced all the problems of camp work in the night multiplied by the effects of gales and exceptionally low temperatures. Their sweat froze in their clothing. Initially they had a heavy load on two ninefoot sledges, and thus each man was pulling about 250 pounds. On the sea ice the sledges moved relatively easily. They reached Hut Point, rounded 32

The winter journey to Cape Crozier, 1911 Source: Cherry-Garrad, 1923

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Cape Armitage, and sledged eastwards. On 28 June they camped about a half mile in from the Barrier edge, and the temperature was –56°F. It took 19 days to travel from Cape Evans to Cape Crozier, and Cherry-Garrard declared that they became callous and would have been happy to die if it could be accomplished without much pain. He suggested a friendly crevasse, or a dose of morphia (Cherry-Garrard 1923, Vol. 1:236–7). Temperatures of –70°F. were far worse in the darkness. Sometimes they would have to strike three to four boxes of matches before they found one dry enough to provide light to read a compass. It never took them fewer than four hours for two men to get into their harnesses, and two were required to help one man get into his. Sweat froze and accumulated on their bodies, and formed ice. They deemed themselves fortunate if it melted while they were in their sleeping bags at night. They had a fortunate escape among the crevasses with Mount Terror above them. Clouds obscured the moon, when suddenly it appeared and revealed a dangerous crevasse just ahead of them covered with a thin lid of ice: they survived (Cherry-Garrard 1923, Vol. 1:244). Subsequently they experienced a temperature of –77.5°F. or 109.5°F. of frost, and later became bewildered in pressure ridges. On 18 June the party heard the emperor penguins, but deemed it impossible to reach the rookery through the pressure. Giant ridges and big knobs of ice were contorted and compressed. Cherry-Garrard (1923, Vol. 1: 267) affirmed that even Job would have lacked the terminology to reproach their Maker. The only approach was to go over the cliff where a snow drift hung. This was the route they took. The emperors were huddled together under the Barrier cliff. Five eggs were secured but two were broken on leaving the rookery (Cherry-Garrard 1923, Vol. 1:265–72). The story of their igloo and tent will be told in Chapter 8. After returning from the rookery, the party moved into an igloo they had constructed, and gear was stored in the tent. In a terrible blizzard the tent disappeared, but amazingly the gear remained at its site. However, they soon became alarmed about the safety of the igloo. Eventually rocks which had been built into their walls fell, and the snow came in. They dived for their sleeping bags, the only defence left. Eventually the storm abated but the three considered themselves dead men without the tent. Seeking for it in the darkness seemed a forlorn task but find the tent they did and they were restored to life (Cherry-Garrard 1923, Vol. 1:272–84). It was an experience that none could forget. Cherry-Garrard (1923, Vol. 1:286) comments shortly after the blizzard: I remember the sastrugi, the view of the knoll, the dim hazy black smudge of the sea far away below: the tiny bits of green canvas that twittered in the wind on the surface of the snow: the cold misery of it all and the weakness which was biting into my heart. 34

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The return journey naturally presented serious hazards but the party reached Cape Evans with three emperor penguin eggs. They spread out when in sight of the hut so that any observer would know that all were safe. When they arrived a voice shouted ‘Good God! here is the Crozier Party’ (CherryGarrard 1923, Vol. 1; 299). No summary can do justice to the valour and traumas of this journey. For a totally fascinating account the reader is referred to the account of Apsley Cherry-Garrard, a participant on the ‘worst journey in the world’ (CherryGarrard 1923, Vol. 1:230–301). Scott’s southern journey commenced in detachments on 1 November 1911. He commented that the unequal speed of the ponies reminded him of a regatta of ships whose speed greatly diverged (Scott 1913:448). His party relied on varied transport. In addition to the ponies Scott had dogs, and motor-sledges, which after an impressive start failed to withstand the rigours of the climate. One Ton Camp was reached, and the party proceeded with the stronger ponies dragging 580 pounds, the remainder 400–odd pounds. It was not long, however, before the first pony was shot, and at the end of the Barrier journey, the remaining ponies were exhausted and also despondent (Scott 1913:447–93). The party proceeed up the Beardmore Glacier. Dogs carried 800 pounds of the weight and men-hauled sledges also became the order of the day. Shortly afterwards, the dogs found pulling in soft snow very difficult. They were consequently released. Scott had no fears for their safe return as there was ample food along the route. Travelling south the party sighted the Adams Marshall and Wild Mountains, and camped at 4500 feet above the Barrier. At this time they were in latitude 84°34’S. Shortly afterwards the first support party returned. Crevasses and fog impeded further progress of the poleward parties, but at Camp 43 at a height of 8000 feet, Upper Glacier Depot was established. Their co-ordinates were 85°7’S., 163°4’E. (Scott 1913:494–512). The summit journey to the Pole was not without incident, and there were problems with sastrugi. On 3 January 1912, Camp 56 was established, and the final support party was ordered back, namely Edward Evans, Lashly and Crean. Scott possibly made a cardinal error by not taking Lashly, possibly the fittest man on the expedition. Scott, Wilson, Bowers, Oates, and Edgar Evans continued towards the Pole. On 9 January they achieved latitude 88°25’S., and thus surpassed Shackleton’s farthest south of 88°23’S. They continued over a difficult surface with bad light. Then the worst happened. Bowers sighted what he thought could have been a cairn but he persuaded himself it was a sastrugus. It transpired to be a black flag tied to a sledge bearer, and nearby were the remains of a camp, sledge tracks, ski tracks, and numerous dog paw marks. Primacy belonged to the Norwegians. The British party reached the Pole on 17 January with a feeling of melancholy disappointment in windy conditions and a temperature of –21°F. As Scott 35

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stated ‘Great God! this is an awful place, and terrible enough for us to have laboured to it without the reward of priority’ (Scott 1913:544). On 18 January they decided after consulting all observations that they were in fact 3 1/2 miles from the Pole, specifically three miles to its right and a mile beyond it, and in that direction Bowers saw a tent. The party reached it and considered it to be 1 1/2 miles from the Pole. Its contents included clothes, navigational instruments, a record of the five Norwegians who reached there, and a letter for Scott to forward to King Haakon. Scott’s party built a cairn which they considered to be within half to three-quarters of a mile from the Pole and designated it Pole Camp. Less than half a mile to the south the party sighted an underrunner of a sledge, and assumed it to mark the location the Norwegians had assigned for 90°S. The British party then carried the Union Jack about three-quarters of a mile to the north, leaving it on a stick to mark the location of the South Pole as near as they could fix it (Scott 1913:514–46). Then came the tragic sledging journey towards home. They soon faced a blizzard, and later lost their tracks among sastrugi. On 4 February Evans fell and was concussed. However the party succeeded in leaving the plateau, but on 11 February more problems awaited them. In bad light they steered the wrong way and entered a massive ice disturbance full of crevasses. The party was in turmoil because of huge chasms and uncertainty of location. On 12 February they saw their night camp of 18 December. Thus they were on the right track, but again lost it and decided to camp. After initial difficulties with falling snow and broken ice the party found a smoother surface on 13 February, and to their great relief sighted their depot with 3 1/2 days’ food in it. Evans continued to decline. He died on 17 February 1912. Wilson considered that he injured his brain in a fall. The expedition still faced major problems in the form of shortage of oil, generally overcast weather and the dreadful condition of Oates’s feet which eventually prevented him from sledge hauling. Once they reached the Barrier temperatures were unexpectedly low. On Wednesday 14 March at midday, the temperature fell to –43°F. In the night of 16 March 1912, Oates, who had shown great bravery and had not complained, made the ultimate sacrifice. He said ’I am just going outside and may be some time’ (Scott 1913:592). He sacrificed his life in a blizzard in order to give the others a chance. On 19 March they were within 15 1/2 miles of One Ton Depot, and possessed two days’ food but hardly sufficient fuel for one day. The temperature was –40°F. By the evening they were only 11 miles from their desired depot, but then came the blizzard. Scott concluded his diary on 29 March 1912: Since the 21st we have had a continuous gale from W.S.W. and S.W. We had fuel to make two cups of tea apiece and bare food for two days on the 20th. Every day we have been ready to start for our depot 11 miles away, but outside the door of the tent it remains a sea of 36

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whirling drift. I do not think we can hope for any better things now. We shall stick it out to the end but we are getting weaker, of course, and the end cannot be far. It seems a pity but I do not think I can write more. R.SCOTT For God’s sake look after our people (Scott 1913:594–5) Scott, Wilson and Bowers were found eight months later. The latter were in their sleeping bags which were closed over their heads. Scott met his death slightly later. His sleeping bag was open, his three notebooks under his shoulders, and his arm across Wilson. His notes and their dead bodies were left to tell their heroic story (Scott 1913:596).

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4

PROBLEMS OF ANTARCTIC NAVIGATION AND PERCEPTION: THE COMPASS, LONGITUDE AND MIRAGES The locational problem for Antarctic explorers is one of life and death. Principal causes of misperceptions of location, misperceptions of landscapes and seascapes, and incorrect attributions to distances and landforms result from many causes, and often impede survival. Instrument problems, particularly those associated with the compass, problems of reliable longitude estimates, and mirages have been significant factors throughout the history of Antarctic exploration. The discussion will begin with the compass, and then move on to longitude and mirages. Close proximity to magnetic south has always rendered magnetic compasses of less than normal value to polar explorers. Rapid changes of the magnetic needle pose difficulties. Occasional quirks, however, lead to amusing anecdotes such as that provided by Scott on his Discovery expedition (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:258). After losing sight of landmarks for a protracted period of days, and steering a straight course as much as possible simply with a small steering dial, Scott noticed the error of the compass, which having passed from east to west, was approaching its maximum of 180°. Accurate calculation was precluded but a good estimate could be obtained by watching the direction in which the sun achieved its greatest altitude. The party were due south of the South Magnetic Pole, and thus the north end of the compass needle was pointing to the geographical South Pole. Scott decided that three of his members should return home, and this compass bearing had practical implications for their leader, Skelton. Scott told him to steer due west by the compass card to achieve his homeward march east. Only on that line and on its equivalent in the northern hemisphere could such a command be given. Scott expressed delight at the group’s being the first to achieve this interesting physical condition in the southern hemisphere. A major compass problem experienced during the second odyssey of Captain Cook was that of deviation. On this voyage, from 1772 to 1775, many compass observations were confusing. For instance, by changing the direction of the ship’s head the compass observation could vary by as 38

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much as 10°, and a difference of 7° could be found within a few miles in the same situation. Also different compasses on the same ship varied as much as 6° in observations. In 1801 Matthew Flinders provided information leading to the correction of deviation. He contended that both south or north of the magnetic equator, stanchions and upright iron constructions in ships became magnetized. Thus a magnetic attraction was exercised on the compass needle. He claimed that by locating the compass near the ship’s taffrail, the close proximity of iron there would neutralize the stern’s magnetic attraction (Hewson 1951:60). Compensating developments took place to correct deviation in the first part of the nineteenth century, and this was rendered increasingly necessary as iron predominated over wood in ship construction. Permanent magnetism in the ship’s soft iron was an additional problem irrespective of the ship’s latitude. The solution was provided by Sir George Airey in the mid-nineteenth century. After various experiments in 1839 Airey advocated permanent steel magnets to compensate for the error resulting from permanent magnetism in ships, while a mass of soft iron on each side of the compass compensated for the induced transient magnetism in vertical ship components. Since 1850 these expedients have been followed in vessels (Hewson 1951:61). Another problem engendered was compass variation. Lines of magnetic force, or magnetic meridians, follow an erratic trajectory instead of running directly between the magnetic poles. Vagaries of terrestrial magnetism influence their trajectories rather than differences in longitude. Their direction also varies with the movement of the magnetic poles, albeit slowly. Awareness of how to compensate for compass variation did not immediately follow discovery. Halley eventually published lines of equal magnetic variation, and today the direction of magnetic meridians and their changes are known. Thus magnetic direction can easily be converted to a true direction (Manual of Seamanship 1952, Vol. 2:598–600). For many years, however, Antarctic explorers had problems with compass bearings and the compass instruments themselves. Scott (1905, Vol. 2: 30) refers to one of these problems on his Discovery expedition. He found that the prismatic compass needle carried a heavy graduated circle which bore heavily on the pivot. The resulting friction impeded accuracy of observation where the earth had a very limited attraction on the needle. As a result, reliance was placed on the small compass attached to the theodolite. Its simple light needle favoured greater accuracy of observation. Occasionally ingenious inventions catered to the local terrain. Scott was the inventor of one such instrument: It will be understood that we carried a compass in our instrument box, but to have held this in one’s hand as one marched would have been quite useless, as it was not until several minutes after it was placed firmly on the snow that the card ceased to swing and indicated 39

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a definite direction; the compass was therefore of little use to us on the march. Knowing this would be so, and expecting to travel out of sight of land, I had prepared a device for steering by the sun, and as this was constantly in use, and can be highly recommended to future expeditions, it deserves a short description. It consisted of a small wooden dial in the centre of which was a shadow-pin. The edge was marked with two circles, one showing the points of the compass and the other a twenty-four hour clock face subdivided to half hours; the relation of these circles involved a consideration of mean latitude and equation of time… The use of the instrument was extremely simple. It was held in the hand in such a position that the shadow of the pin fell on the hour, and when so held the outer circle showed the true north and south, or the true bearing of any object. Thus one could march straight on in any required direction by occasionally consulting one’s watch and more frequently the dial. Whenever the sun was out, therefore, with this instrument we had no difficulty at all in keeping a straight course; and it served yet another practically useful purpose, for when it was put down correctly at night, it gave the time correctly to anyone leaving the tent later on. (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:107–8) The instrument was useless when the sun disappeared. All sorts of shifts and devices were utilized in such conditions to steer a course. Bearings on clouds and rock patches were attempted, and on some occasions, coastline rocky patches provided guides for direction. On days when grey monotonous snow extended from underfoot to the zenith, only the direction of the snow waves acted as a guide (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:108). Official charts also created confusion. Shackleton found that the appearance of the outline at the Ice Barrier and coastline ahead of them did not match the Admiralty Chart: surprise was experienced (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 2:144–5). The principal locational problem for early Antarctic exploration, however, was that of determining longitude. It was naturally important for Antarctic explorers to fix as precisely as possible their latitude and longitude. Finding latitude never posed the same problems as those encountered when attempts were made to determine longitude. Before the Christian epoch, astronomers found with considerable accuracy the maximum declination of the sun at the solstices. Relatively accurate ideas of latitude were obtained by preChristian geographers. For this they compared the ratio of the gnomon’s shadow with its perpendicular height at the solstices. The advent of the astrolabe facilitated fixing the sun’s declination and a location’s latitude on any day of the year. Hewson (1951:106–7) provides a succinct example of 40

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the geometry involved. If a place were found to have solar altitudes of 74°, 26° and 50° for the summer solstice, winter solstice and equinox respectively, then the sun’s declination at the solstices would be 24°N. or 24°S., and the place’s latitude would be 40°N. Tables of solar declinations were composed for mariners from daily observations of the sun at noon once a place’s latitude was fixed. Problems of observation were compounded on rough days at sea, but by the termination of the fifteenth century even on tempestuous days latitude could be calculated within 2° of accuracy, and on calm days to within 1/2°. The definition of longitude was by no means so simple, and early mariners had no means of determining their longitude. Occasionally strange reversals of this situation have occurred, however. The Antarctic navigator, William Smith, provides an example in 1819, when his probable landfall was Williams Point, New South Shetland. He gave his position as latitude 62°17’S., and longitude 60°12’W., at which point the prominent headland was 12 miles distant. His longitude was remarkably accurate but his latitude was miscalculated by as much as 30 miles (Jones 1982:65–6). This example was, however, an exception. Problems of longitude plagued mariners for centuries after latitude had been fixed with general accuracy. An excellent historical discussion of methods of obtaining estimates of longitude is provided by Hewson (1951:223–55). Here a succinct summary of the principal methods will suffice to illustrate progress and difficulties encountered. A major development occurred in the early seventeenth century subsequent to the invention of the telescope. It may well have been Galileo who suggested that eclipses of Jupiter’s four, principal satellites be used to determine longitude. The planes of the satellites’ orbits exhibited an approximate correspondence with Jupiter’s equator, and frequently the satellites were occulted or eclipsed by it in their transit. Tables were prepared providing times of occultations and emersions of the satellites for different places, and a comparison of these times permitted calculations of the differences in meridians between places since the eclipses and emersions respectively occurred simultaneously. The method, however, was not of great use at sea because of the rolling motions of ships. Also inclement weather frequently precluded observations or permitted only imperfect observations. Occultations of planets by the moon were also used by astronomers to ascertain longitude, and for positions on shore good results were obtained, but for maritime navigation this method was still inadequate. In the early eighteenth century fixed stars were added, and this proved a considerable improvement. Their advantage over planetary occultations was that immersions and emersions were momentaneous. However, longitude calculations by occultation of a fixed star by the moon were still to some extent abrogated in stormy seas. 41

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Longitude by lunars or lunar observations became a principal form of attempting to ascertain longitude by eighteenth-century mariners. The moon changes its position relative to the sun and fixed stars in a relatively short time. Thus at any time for a fixed location the angular distance of the moon from conspicuous fixed stars and the sun can be calculated. Tabulation of these angular distances for a place on a specific meridian at various intervals of time became a major asset to navigators. Mariners on any meridian could take bearings to measure the angular distances and longitude could be obtained by interpolation. Various corrections, however, had to be made to these calculations, and the term used for such corrections was clearing the distances. All observations are subject to refraction, and this had to be adjusted. Also astronomical distances are calculated from the centre of the earth, but measurements are taken from the earth’s surface, and thus corrections also had to be made for parallax. The moon is in close proximity to the earth which results in its parallax being greater than its refraction. In the case of the sun or stars, however, the converse is true; refraction exceeds parallax. For celestial bodies other than the moon, therefore, the observed altitude is always greater than the true altitude, whereas the apparent altitude of the moon is less than the true (Hewson 1951:232). The mathematical solutions to calculating lunars and clearing distances comprised half an hour’s work and a page of calculations. One problem was that errors were magnified in the results. Captain Cook had a copy of the Astronomical Ephemeris which provided tables of predicted positions of celestial bodies, and this was of great assistance to him. The corrected observed distance could be compared with true distances at Greenwich at specified times, and by interpolation Greenwich time could be ascertained. When compared with local time, the longitude of the ship could be fixed. Reliance on good clear weather for observations of celestial bodies frequently frustrated navigators. On one of his voyages, Captain Cook was unable to obtain a solar observation for six weeks. Attempts at finding longitude were also made by dead reckoning. In this case the position of the ship was estimated by knowledge of the distance run by the ship obtained from the ship’s log, and by the direction of the compass. Distance calculations were thus dependent on the accuracy of the ship’s logline and sand glass. Log-line errors were not infrequent. Corrections for current and leeway, the lateral movement of the ship, were included in the calculations, but there was no astronomical verification. Hence the term ‘dead reckoning’. The accuracy of this method was often in serious error because of miscalculations of the effect of the currents and the ship’s leeway. Under Antarctic skies, this was often the only way to estimate a ship’s position since mist and cloud frequently precluded observations. Indications of longitude could also be obtained from the Gulf Stream. The contrast in water temperature between the Gulf Stream and the cooler 42

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water on its western margin between it and the United States mainland was striking. Also the dividing line between the two was remarkably constant, and it varied little in longitude. This method, initially suggested by Lieutenant Maury, was thus able to aid navigation in a rather limited sea area. Longitude by chronometer was, however, an enormous improvement. The problem initially was to find a reliable chronometer. On the voyage of the Discovery and the Adventure of 1772–5, Captain James Cook was requested by the Board of Longitude to test three of Mr Arnold’s watches, and one of Mr Kendal’s. Three of them soon proved unreliable. At this stage it is necessary to explain the assets of a chronometer. It was an improvement on watches for measurement of time since it was designed to be accurate in variations of temperature. Chronometers differed from watches by having a compensation balance and a more perfect escapement. The former neutralized the effect of metal expansion and contraction under various temperatures while the latter was an interventionary device which intervened between the motive power of the watch and the regulator. Refinements to chronometers reduced errors. By about 1840 most reputable shipping companies provided chronometers, and mariners whose longitude calculations had erred considerably when taking lunars, found their positions with greater accuracy. The accurate chronometer facilitated comparison of local time with Greenwich time, and thus calculation of longitude became a simple formality. The desire to find a method to determine accurately longitude led to rich rewards being offered. To an individual who succeeded in this venture, Philip III of Spain offered the gratification of 1000 crowns in 1598, and the States of Holland subsequently promised 10,000 florins. In 1714 the British Board of Longitude offered the rewards of £14,000, £15,000 and £20,000 to an individual reliably fixing longitude to 1°, 40' and 30' of a great circle respectively. The importance attributed to fixing meridians can also be gleaned from the information relevant to Cook’s Resolution and Adventure voyage (1772–5) provided in Appendix III of Beaglehole (1961:719–28). It was deemed worthwhile to send an astronomer in each sloop with the intention of rendering the voyage useful to navigation and geography. Mr William Wales and Mr William Baly were assigned to the Resolution and the Adventure respectively. Specific instructions required Mr Wales to take observations of the moon from fixed stars and the sun, which were to be measured by Hadley’s sextants, and the Nautical Almanac was then to be used to calculate longitude. It should be recalled that watches by Kendal and Arnold were taken on the voyage. The chronometers were to be wound up every day, and compared as soon as possible after noon. Their times were to be noted when observations of the sun’s altitude were taken, and longitude computed by comparing the apparent time obtained from solar altitudes with those of the chronometers. In addition instructions demanded the compilation of 43

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records of magnetic dipping, and variation of the compass, and the keeping of a journal with the log worked by dead reckoning. Further instructions were also pertinent to longitude. Differences in the right ascension between the moon and fixed stars were to be observed to facilitate determination of the moon’s parallax in the right ascension in different latitudes, and recording of occultations of planets and fixed stars by the moon and the eclipses of the satellites of Jupiter were also part of the task. These latter measures were, of course, part of the comprehensive package to determine longitude. Naturally navigators sometimes used several methods simultaneously to ascertain longitude, and not infrequently the differences were considerable. On 10 January 1773, Captain Cook, when in latitude 61°58’S., calculated longitude by dead reckoning as 36°7’E., and by chronometer as 35°48’E. (Beaglehole 1961:75). Sometimes clement weather permitted recordings by three methods. On 20 December 1773, Cook, just one day prior to crossing the polar circle for the second time, under clear weather recorded his longitude by chronometer as 148°36’W., by the angular distance of sun and moon as 149°19’W., and by reckoning as 148°43’W. (Beaglehole 1961:307). Also calculation of lunars by different officers often failed to coincide. On the same voyage on Thursday 28 January 1773 in latitude 54°28’S., Mr Wales’s mean of two sets of longitude observations from angular distance between the sun and moon was 50°59’E., while Lieutenant Clerke, Mr Gilbert and Mr Smith produced meridians of 50°11’E., 50°14’E., and 50°50’E. respectively. The last designation concurred exactly with Mr Kendal’s watch. Similarly Captain Bellingshausen on 26 January 1880 while in latitude 65°41’45”S. provides the following table of attempts to fix longitude (Debenham 1945, Vol. 1:123): Self from 90 lunar distances Lieutenant Zavodovski from 65 distances Navigating Officer Paryadin from 75 distances The average longitude from two chronometers From the Mirnyi from 234 distances By chronometer no. 920

4°05’52”E 4°09’40”E 4°06’29”E 4°27’19”E 4°20’48”E 4°43’45”E

The correspondence is relatively good. John Biscoe by contrast recorded major differences in longitude by lunar distance, chronometer, and dead reckoning on his polar expedition on the brig Tula in 1831. While in latitude 67°12’S., his longitude by chronometers was 27°E., by angular distance between sun and moon it was 27°37’30”E., and by dead reckoning, 28°44’E. (Murray 1901:317). Such discrepancies plagued more mariners than Biscoe. Other locational and perceptual problems in Antarctica resulted from quality of light and mirages, which will be considered in the next section of this chapter.

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Very exceptional visibility has been observed in polar regions. This is in part determined by the submergence of the terrain under snow and ice, which results in fewer dust particles or other small bodies suspended in the air. Normally, also, the range of vision is determined by the earth’s rotundity. This applies to a person located on the earth’s surface or on a ship which is elevated slightly above the surface. By contrast, objects at astounding distances have been seen by pilots and passengers of high-flying aircraft. Admiral Byrd’s depot-laying trip of 1929 provides an example. The mountains west of the Beardmore Glacier came within his field of vision whilst he was flying over the Liv Glacier located 185 miles away. Similarly Watkins and D’Aeth, when flying at an elevation of 4000 feet off the East Greenland coast were able to see Cape Dan at a distance of 200 miles (Hobbs 1937: 229). If an observer at the earth’s surface observes phenomena at greater distances than that permitted by the rotundity of the earth, it is as a result of looming or the superior mirage. Rees (1988:193) defines mirages as ‘phenomena in which light is unusually refracted by the earth’s atmosphere, leading to displacement, distortion, inversion or duplication of the unrefracted image’. The simplest and most well-known type of mirage is designated as the inferior mirage. These inferior images are typically found over deserts and hot highways when the normal temperature gradient in which air temperature decreases with height is greatly exaggerated in the layers close to the ground. The light rays from the object deviate with a convex downward curve, and the mirrored image of the sky appears as a pool of water. These can occur in polar regions and the images are seen over short distances. Superior images or superior mirages occur in conditions which meteorologists call temperature inversions. In this instance, instead of the normal lapse of temperature with height, warmer air overlies colder air. Its genesis occurs when cold land or sea surfaces chill the layers of air immediately above them, whilst atmospheric mixing at higher elevations generates warmer air at greater height. In this case the deviation of light rays from object to eye is concave downward. The result is that distant objects loom upwards; the distances at which the phenomena themselves are observed are determined by inversion layer altitudes, and the extremely large temperature differences they represent (Hobbs 1937:231). Objects are seen at great distances when the inversion layer is at a high altitude. Because they exhibit cold surfaces, superior mirages are common in polar regions, and numerous estimates of remoteness of landforms have been false. Distance is frequently underestimated not simply because of the mirage effect but also because of the extreme clarity of polar air. From ships’ reports land has been falsely mapped as a result of the superior image. Its location has been designated as much as 50 miles nearer when based on estimates distorted by clear polar air, but as much as 200 miles too close when compounded by the superior mirage. 45

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Full details of the theory of the mirage phenomena are provided by Greenler (1980). Suffice it here to say that Snell’s law applies, namely that variation of the air’s refractive index with height entirely determines the path a light ray follows. Rees (1988:193) defines the refractive index as ‘the ratio of the speed of light in vacuo to its speed in the material under consideration’. Although humidity and atmospheric pressure contribute in a small way to this, temperature is the main determinant. Rees (1988:193) further states that it is the combination of Snell’s law, and the relationship between the temperature and the refractive index of a gas that results in light rays bending away from warmer air and towards cooler air. Vertical temperature gradients determine the sharpness of the bend. More complicated mirages can occur in conjunction with complicated temperature inversions. Dramatic vertical stretching of images in which the object appears a number of times is known as ‘castles in the air’, or the ‘Fata Morgana’ effect. In Arthurian legend, Arthur’s half-sister Morgan Le Fay inhabited a submarine crystal castle. Another interesting image is termed the ‘Novaya Zemlya’ effect, its nomenclature coming from the terrain of its first observation. When the temperature layers cause the light rays to parallel the earth’s curvature, the sun is viewed where normally it is invisible. Its recognition is easily acknowledged by the observers despite its jumbled appearance against a dark sky. Another effect is designated as the hillingar (Lehn and Schroeder 1979). In this case distant land appears over sea ice or sea, and is clearly recognizable as such in spite of scrambling. Mirages are a common phenomenon in polar exploration. For a detailed discussion on this topin the reader is referred to Rees’s paper in Polar Record (1988:193–8). Suffice it here to quote just a few examples. The Gunnbjørn Skerries comprise mythical islands between Greenland and Iceland. Their perceived existence tempted Erik the Red on a perilous voyage towards Greenland. It transpired that the skerries are in fact longrange mirages of Greenland’s coast seen across the Denmark Strait from the vicinity of north-west Iceland, a distance of approximately 250 kilometres (Lehn and Schroeder 1979). The Parry Mountains were ‘discovered’ by Sir James Clark Ross in 1841, and the estimated distance was 40–50 kilometres. It appears likely that these ‘mountains’ were a mirage of the range of mountains including Mount Hamilton. The distance of this range from the observation point is 440 kilometres. A twentieth-century misperception of considerable magnitude was committed by Amundsen in 1912 when traversing the Ross Ice Shelf. He designated, with reservations, a mountainous land Carman Land, and estimated its location to be 100 kilometres east of his position. Twenty years later Byrd’s expedition found that he had underestimated the distance by 100 kilometres (Gould 1931). The Novaya Zemlya effect has also made its impact on polar exploration. While at latitude 72°S. in 1915, Shackleton saw the sun rise five days early (Shackleton 1920). 46

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Detailed discussion of Morrell’s 1823 discovery of New South Greenland, and the apparent land ‘discovered’ by the American Wilkes in Antarctica in 1840 will follow in Chapters 5 and 6. The former ‘intrepid’ navigator placed the New South Greenland coastline as ranging from 63°S. to 68°S., and gave its longitude as 48°W. He claimed to be within 15 kilometres of the coast, but 700 kilometres separated him from the Antarctic Peninsula. In 1838 Dumont D’Urville discredited part of the discovery by sailing over it. Whether a superior mirage was responsible or whether the ‘land’ was a free creation of Morrell’s inventive mind will be discussed later. At this stage the reader is referred to Gould (1929) for detailed discussion. Wilkes’s ‘claimed’ land was discredited when Ross, Borchgrevink, Scott, Shackleton, and Mawson either sailed over it and/or used other means to prove its nonexistence. Wilkes was accused at his court-martial of immorally mapping land that wasn’t there. Wilkes’s landfalls have now been shown to exist but further south than he supposed by distances of 40 to 50 miles in most areas, but by as much as 200 miles in the easternmost parts. Hobbs (1937:235) attributes Wilkes’s claims as the consequences of a superior mirage. Finally, a fascinating inverted ship image was observed by Scoresby in the Greenland Sea in 1822. For readers interested in this topic, a mathematical reconstructed diagram of the mirage has been produced by Lehn and Rees in Polar Record (1990:181–6). Many instances of misperceptions caused by the bewildering effects of light and mirages are cited by Antarctic explorers. In some cases this precipitated designation of land where none existed. Dumont D’Urville, who commanded a French expedition to Antarctic seas reported a deceptive apparition in January 1840. A black cloud gave the appearance of land before it was dispersed by the sun (Murray 1901:442). On other occasions the effect was extremely aesthetic. W.Burn Murdoch, naturalist on the Dundee Antarctic Expedition of 1892–3 penned the following which ends in a beautiful simile: Later in the evening a mirage strangely affected the appearance of the bergs. Round the horizon they divided into a circle of pale druidical pillars with yellow light shining between them, and seemed to support the canopy of faintly grey sky. Then a soft white fog fell and they disappeared and the ships began calling to one another like partridges in the evening when the mist lies low on the winter field. (Murdoch 1894:318) Scott commented on the effects of refracted light on the Discovery expedition. What were perceived as ranges of southern hills were in fact detached islands surrounded by a relatively level ice sheet (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:211). Illusions leading to misperception of distance can be fraught with considerable danger. A condition termed empty-field myopia sometimes 47

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occurs in white-out conditions which results in the eyes focusing at a relatively short distance. Mountain rescue is impeded in such conditions. Soon after Scott’s landing on the Discovery expedition two members of the company decided to walk round White Island. After they had walked for a duration of several hours, they perceived no appreciable difference in the physical form of the island, and convinced themselves that the task was beyond their capacity. Similarly two officers contemplated the impossible task of a day trip to the summit of Mount Erebus and back. Experience taught them to discount the deceptive close proximity of landforms, and for a while the converse occurred. Mountains were considered more exalted than they were and distances exaggerated. Eventually observations and instruments gave fruition to the conclusion that a sledge march of two miles per hour was good progress on soft snow (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:226–7). Bad light was, however, a serious problem on sledging journeys. When the sky was obliterated by a uniform pall of stratus cloud, direct sunlight was by definition precluded. Even though the amount of light was sufficient, lack of shadows prohibited accurate assessment of what was coming (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:531). A similar account of the adverse effects of bad light is provided by Shackleton. He also referred to the lack of shadows when mist or clouds diffused light. The white surface then appeared to be uniformly level. Sastrugi caused abrupt halts to the sledges, and small depressions were not observed resulting in sudden descents by the explorers (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:271). An optical illusion was reported by Scott, again on the Discovery expedition (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:53). The preconditions were dark and gloomy light in which white snowy surfaces recede, and rocky patches appear suspended in mid-air. One such long flat rock seemed sustained in the air devoid of supports and was designated Mahomet’s Coffin. Subsequent to the weather clearing, it was revealed that the apparent snow around it was closer than the rock. Shackleton (1909, Vol. 1:370) experienced a similar elevated phenomenon when he saw a ship miraged up. A particularly deceptive condition was created in moonlit fog. On their inspiring winter journey to secure emperor penguin eggs, Cherry-Garrard, Bowers and Wilson became lost among mounds, ridges and banks of snow. They were uncertain whether they were among the pressure ridges or at the base of Mount Terror, and thus had no alternative but to wait for the mist to clear (Cherry-Garrard 1923, Vol. 1:255). Not all optical effects presented to land explorers were foreboding. Shackleton (1909, Vol. 2:175) describes a mock sun or parphelion whose genesis lay in floating ice-crystals: ‘It had the form of a wide halo with two mock suns at either extremity of the equator of the halo parallel to the horizon and passing through the real sun.’ Some mirages generated humour. Amundsen concluded on one occasion on looking down into the Bay of Whales that black mobile objects were members of his party in pursuit of 48

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seals, and affirmed delight at their industry. It transpired that it was a mirage and the view comprised Framheim and its tents (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 1: 247). Yet another dangerous effect of bad light may be reported. On his return from the pole to Framheim he vizualized colossal mountains which he was certain he had never seen before. In addition, a perfectly unrecognized mountain ascended from the plain. Relief from uncertainty occurred when Wisting recognized his broken ski by a depot. When previously seen the same mountains appeared much further away. The apparent magical transformation was caused by the effects of illumination (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:152–3). Scott too narrated an incident on his fateful attempted return from the Pole which demonstrates the treachery of shadows. Evans believed he had spotted a depot. The exhilaration was destined to be short lived when the depot was discovered to be a shadow on the ice. Fortunately, the actual depot flag was subsequently seen by Wilson to the party’s inexpressible relief (Scott 1913, Vol. 1:569). In spite of all the tribulations and terror created by problems of navigation and light, one cannot help but admire the tenacity and skills employed by Amundsen and Scott to locate as precisely as possible the exact location of the South Pole. Their instruments precluded perfection. Amundsen was particularly meticulous. If the worse came to the worst he was prepared to make his final approaches to the Pole by dead reckoning, but conceded that the claim could be abrogated if they affirmed its location by such a method (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:112). Accuracy therefore could not be disregarded. At 3 p.m. on 14 December 1911 Amundsen’s sledge-meters indicated arrival at the South Pole, but further observation was demanded. A midnight solar observation was taken and their position calculated to be 89°56’S. Further it was decided to encircle the pole at a radius of 12 1/2 miles. This would not be conducted literally because of time constraints. Three men were sent in three directions, one continuing on the trajectory of the steered course, and the other two at right angles to it. While those traverses took place, Amundsen and Hanssen conducted further observations to confirm their position. This proved to be necessary since the first observation gave a smaller altitude than the midnight one, and revealed that they had deviated from the meridian they assumed they were following. Further altitudes revealed their location to be 89°54’30?S., and when Bjaaland, Hassel and Wisting returned from their marches, they could be legitimately informed that their encircling included the South Pole (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2: 121–9). Scott too made several checks to ascertain the South Pole’s position. On 18 January 1912 it was concluded that they were one mile beyond and three miles to the right of the pole. Subsequent marches closed the gap, and later sights placed them within half to three-quarters of a mile of 90°S. (Scott 1913, Vol. 1:545–6). Full details of the days at the Pole for Amundsen’s 49

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and Scott’s parties have alread been provided. Suffice it to say here that navigational skills, courage, integrity and perseverence resulted in final adjustments which permitted the explorers to reach a position very close to the actual Pole.

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5

A PERCEPTION OF THE IMAGINATION?

Achievement motivation has always reached high elevations in Antarctic explorers, and occasionally their desire for fame may exceed their veracity. This is perhaps not unexpected granted the vicissitudes of exploration, the privations and sacrifices made by the explorers and navigators, and expectations of success generated by sponsors and the public. One cannot anticipate perfect man in a perfectly indifferent environment. Sometimes it is difficult to distinguish between truth and fiction. Pilate’s question demanding to know what is truth transcends Scriptural allusion, and has considerable relevance to Antarctic exploration as the following illustration will reveal. A remarkable Antarctic voyage in the Wasp was claimed by American sealer Benjamin Morrell in 1823. In 1832 he published a book entitled A narrative of four voyages to the south sea, north and south Pacific Ocean, Chinese Sea, Ethiopic and southern Atlantic Ocean, Indian and Antarctic Ocean. From the year 1822 to 1831. Comprising critical surveys of coasts and islands, with sailing directions. And an account of some new and valuable discoveries, including the Massacre Islands, where thirteen of the author’s crew were massacred and eaten by cannibals. To which is prefixed a brief sketch of the author’s early life. The entire title is reproduced not merely to be exact but because it may say something about the desired grandeur of its author. Shakespeare himself made a parody of such lengthy titles in A Midsummer Night’s Dream, when the protracted title of the play within the play performed by the artisans included not only the most lamentable comedy of Pyramus and Thisby, but also their most cruel death. Perhaps it is somewhat ironic that Benjamin Morrell cited A Midsummer Night’s Dream in his book when referring to the designation of the Aurora Islands. He commented that the Aurora’s Commander gave these ‘airy nothings, A local habitation and a name’ (Morrell 1832:57). It might be contended that Morrell gave a local habitation and a name to the airy nothing, New South Greenland. Gould (1929:255) provides the reasons why Morrell’s claims confounded geographers. The fact that his track diverged significantly from accepted ideas of Antarctic geography is a prime factor, and secondly, Morrell’s account throws into doubt the veracity of the narrator. Prior to this Morrell had been 51

Morrell’s claimed Antarctic voyage, 1823 Source: Gould, 1929:265

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branded as the biggest liar in the Pacific. His passages on the Wasp make even the term rapid seem an understatement. Morrell’s digression into high southern latitudes may be divided into two parts: namely, his track to the South Sandwich Islands from Kerguelen, and his Weddell Sea exploration which includes his attribution of land to New South Greenland. He gave this ‘land’ coordinates of 63°–68°S., and 48°W. These accounts will be traced using Morrell’s publication and chronology to preclude any accusation of bias. He reported leaving Kerguelen on 11 January 1823, and steered a course south and east. Ten days later he reached latitude 62°27’S., longitude 94°11’E. noting encounters with ice islands of enormous magnitude. On 22 January the pack-ice forced him to haul northward on which course he continued until in latitude 58°42’S., and then steered eastward between this latitude and 60°S ultimately to reach 117°E. The voyage then hauled south. The next section of his passage has been severely criticized, and will be recorded in some detail in deference to Morrell’s case. The following extracts are related by Morrell (1832:65–6): February 1st—From the 11th day of January, when we left the Island of Desolation, to the 31st, we had but one day of fair weather; but we now took the wind fresh from the north-east, with an atmosphere clear and pleasant. By an observation at noon we were in lat.64°52’S., long. 118°27’E. The wind soon freshened to an eleven-knot breeze, and we embraced this opportunity of making to the west; being, however, convinced that the farther we went south beyond lat. 64° the less ice was to be apprehended, we steered a little to the southward until we crossed the Antarctic circle, and were in lat. 69°11’S., long. 48°15’E. In this latitude there was no field-ice, and very few ice islands in sight. We likewise discovered that the winds in this latitude blow three-fourths of the time from the south-east, or the north-east… February 23d—We continued steering to the westward with every necessary caution until 4 P.M., when being in lat.69°42’S., we crossed the meridian of Greenwich, in a fine clear day, and with the wind from S.E. to S.S.W., from which quarter it had blown for the last four days. We now steered for the north and west for Sandwich Land… February 24th—Monday, the 24th of February being calm, we lowered one of our boats, and supplied the vessel with fresh water from the floating ice around her. We likewise tried the current, and found it setting due north, at the rate of about the eighth of a mile in an hour, which is equal to three miles in twenty-four hours. We have tried the current several times between the meridian of Greenwich and one hundred and eighteen degrees east; but always found it setting in the same direction, and with the same velocity…. Lat. 68°12’S., long. 4°17’W.

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February 25th—We continued our course for Sandwich Land, hoping to find among these barren islands some drift-wood, as well as seals. Fuel we were much in want of, not wishing again to cross the antarctic circle without a fresh supply. In this passage we saw in the water many seals, wigs, clap-matches and yearlings—about 300 in all… February 28th—On Friday, the twenty-eighth, the cheering cry of ‘Land, Ho!’ resounded from aloft. This proved to be the Candlemas Isles, the most northerly islands of Sandwich Land; lat. 57°10’S., long. 26°59’W. These two islands are of no great extent, but one of them is of considerable height, both being burning volcanoes; and the most western having burnt down nearly to a level with the sea. We continued examining these islands towards the south, until we arrived at Southern Thule; where, on the north-east side of the westernmost island, we found a good harbour. In this group we saw nine burning volcanoes— fire in abundance but no fuel for the Wasp. Three of these islands had vomited out so much of their entrails, that their surfaces were nearly even with the water. We looked on these islands in vain for wood, at which we were very much in want;…All the islands which constitute Sandwich Land are entirely barren…. The westernmost of the Southern Thule is in lat.59°35’10’S., long.27°42’30’W. Similarly the Weddell Sea section of Morrell’s voyage has been the subject of considerable criticism, and appropriate sections are cited from Morrell’s account (1832:66–70) March 6th—After having examined the islands of Sandwich Land, without discovering a single fur-seal…we again directed our attention towards the antarctic seas. At five P.M. we steered to the south and west… March 10th—We continued standing to the south and west…until Monday, the tenth of March; when…we found ourselves…hemmed in on every side by field-ice. After exerting ourselves, however, for about twenty-four hours, in a thick snow-storm, we made our escape into an open sea, entirely free of ice. This was in lat. 64°21’S., long. 38°51’W. We then took the wind from the west and stood to the south, under double-reefed sails, until Friday the fourteenth, when our latitude was 70°14’S., long. 40°3’W. March 14th—The sea was now entirely free of field-ice, and there were not more than a dozen ice-islands in sight…. I have several times passed within the antarctic circle, on different meridians, and have uniformly found the temperature both of the air and the water to become more and more mild the farther I advance beyond the sixty-fifth degree of south latitude… 54

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I regret extremely that circumstances would not permit me to proceed further south, when I was in lat. 70°14’S., on Friday, the 14th day of March, 1823; as I should then have been able, without the least doubt, to penetrate as far as the eighty-fifth degree of south latitude. But situated as I then was, without fuel, and with not sufficient water to last twenty days, —destitute of the various nautical and mathematical instruments requisite for such an enterprise, and without the aid of such scientific gentlemen as discovery ships should always be supplied with; taking all these things into consideration, I felt myself compelled to abandon…the glorious attempt to make a bold advance directly to the south pole… Had the English navigator Captain Weddell been properly prepared with all the necessary mathematical and nautical apparatus for approaching the south pole there is no doubt that this important discovery would have been accomplished by him in the year 1822, when he proceeded one hundred and eighty-five miles farther south than any other navigator had ever done before him, he having reached the latitude of 74°15’S…. After relinquishing for this season the idea of an attempt to reach the south pole, we tacked about, and stood to the north and west. On Sunday, March 15th, at 2 P.M., land was seen from the masthead, bearing west, distant three leagues. At this time the wind had hauled to the south-west, and at half-past 4 P.M. we were close in with the eastern coast of the body of land which Captain Johnson had given the name of New South Greenland. At six P.M. the wind hauled off the land, when we tacked and stood to the south, along the coast, which runs about south-by-east; our boats being out, and searching for seals, until 9 P.M., when they returned to the schooner. March 16th—On the following morning, Sunday, the 16th, the boats continued their search, the vessel following or keeping abreast of them, about two miles from the land, until the next day, at 4 P.M., when we were in lat. 67°52’S., long. 48°11’W.; at which time we took a fresh breeze from the south,…The coast here tended about S.E. by S., and we thought we could discern some of the mountains of snow, about seventyfive miles to the southward. Under the circumstances before mentioned, being without wood, on a short allowance of water, and the season far advanced, it was judged imprudent to proceed farther south;… March 19th—On Wednesday, the 19th, we were close in with the north cape of New South Greenland; lat. 62°41’S., long. 47°21’W. by dead reckoning, not having an observation for three days; coast tending to the south, and S. by W.… On Wednesday, the 19th of March, at 10 o’clock P.M., we bade adieu to…New South Greenland, and steered for Staten Land… If there be no more land to the south than that with which we are already acquainted, the antarctic seas must be much less obstructed by 55

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ice than is generally supposed and that a clear sea is open for voyages of discovery, even to the south pole. These quotations from Morrell’s narrative provide the reader with Morrell’s original references, and the means to make his/her own assessments of the veracity of his claims. Whether his drift into high southern latitude is primarily lacking in authenticity or whether it reflects actual experience, has aroused considerable comments from protagonists and opponents. Karl Fricker dismisses Morrell’s achievements as fable. He targets failure to provide indications of the track pursued and insufficient chronology as causes for concern. Other criticisms focus on Morrell’s claimed search for fuel on the South Sandwich Islands without any indication of its source, and his subsequent declared intrepid voyage south although it was late in the season. Similarly Fricker had a disinclination to believe that after sailing through pack-ice that Morrell found open sea at 64°21’S., 38°51’W. The claimed sighting of New South Greenland precipitated further adverse comment particularly since Ross sailed over it twenty years later. In addition Fricker viewed Captain Johnson, whom Morrell claimed to have named this land, as mythical. Further condemnation of Morrell was considered affirmed by default when his narrative was withdrawn after Biscoe’s discoveries (Fricker 1900:62–4). Gould (1929:259) believed Fricker overreacted and had his own catalogue of errors that in effect ruled his derogation of Morrell’s claims as unacceptable. Mill (1905:111) was somewhat more benign in his assessment. He certainly believed Morrell made a voyage in high latitudes, near Kerguelen’s meridian toward the Weddell Sea. He further concluded, however, that Morrell’s report is not proven on account of his errors, his mixing of other explorers’ comments and experiences into his narrative, and the lack of supportive comment from contemporary mariners. Gould (1929:259–60) takes an even more favourable perspective, and repudiates Mill’s reservations. He affirms that Morrell’s blunders principally concerned temperature observations, and were mostly reported for the southern section of his voyage, while Morrell generally indicated when he was using other sources. The silence of contemporaries is pre-emptorily dismissed as meaning nothing. Fundamentally Gould perceived nothing intrinsically implausible with Morrell’s description of his passage from Kerguelen to the South Sandwich Islands. His data were scanty but quite consistent with the contemporary state of knowledge. Criticisms of the speed of Morrell’s track are also disavowed by Gould. The 1822–3 season was up to that date the most icefree recorded, and such was confirmed by Weddell. Thus Morrell’s track could have been little impeded. Gould (1929:261) cogently argues for the plausibility of Morrell’s distances between 1 February and 23 February 1823 when he sailed from 118°27’E. to the Greenwich Meridian. The distance according to Morrell’s track was 2750 nautical miles, an average of 56

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approximately 120 nautical miles per day, which with an open sea, and favoured by prevailing winds, gives no adequate cause for doubt. Between 24 and 28 February 1823, Morrell claimed a rapid transit of 900 nautical miles or about 225 nautical miles per day. This gave his detractors more scope for criticism, but even here Gould is not sceptical since this required an average speed of less than ten knots, which he deemed possible under favourable wind conditions for a short period (Gould 1929:261). Similarly Morrell’s narrative describing the geography of the South Sandwich Islands affords little scope for just criticism. Bertrand (1971:139) considered that Morrell’s positions with regard to these islands are quite acceptable and cites Morrell’s stated position of 68°12’S., 4°17’W. as evidence of this. Also his coordinates for Candlemas Island, namely 57°10’S., 26°59’W. correspond well with its actual location, 57°3’S., 26°40’W. Confusion arises, however, since Morrell designated it as the most northerly of the South Sandwich group, a statement contrary to fact. Also he described it as two islands, but then Cook and Bellingshausen committed the same error as a result of its deceptive appearance, and indeed Larsen only determined it to be a single island in 1909. Bertrand (1971:139) considered Morrell’s description of the group’s vulcanicity to be exaggerated, but several islands are in fact volcanic, and several descriptions of icebergs such as those by Wilkes, and Scott’s poetic descriptions of the aurora australis would also justifiably occupy a category designated as exaggerated. The effects of light, fire, and ice in high latitudes create vivid impressions. As the Wasp coasted southwards it searched the South Thule Islands, and for Thule Island itself, the westernmost of this group, Morrell’s coordinates correspond well to the accurate ones. They are 59°35’10”S., 27°42’30”W., and 59°27’S., 27°19’W. respectively, and thus the concurrence is good for the time period. Also a good harbour was described on the north-east of Thule Island, and this has subsequently proven to be accurate. Morrell’s description of his trip further south has generated even greater criticism than his claimed fast passages. Serious doubts have been expressed as to whether Morrell made this voyage of exploration in the Weddell Sea, and his claimed recognition of New South Greenland augments the assertions of his critics. The Weddell Sea is difficult to navigate because of the preponderance of pack-ice. On occasions, however, a large exodus of packice occurs, and the Weddell Sea is then relatively free of ice. It is therefore open to contention that Morrell fortuitously chanced upon one such occasion. Further evidence for this view is provided by Weddell whose brig Jane coasted in the same area approximately a month previously (Weddell 1827:42–3). This noted explorer commented that in latitude 74°S. he had seen few ice islands, and that it could be imagined and anticipated that a clear voyage of discovery could even be made to the South Pole. These words are replicated by Morrell. It has also been suggested that Morrell plagiarized Weddell’s experience since the latter published his book earlier. 57

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The most severe criticisms of all focus on Morrell’s declared New South Greenland, the land named by Captain Johnson during the previous year. Captain Robert Johnson, however, was not the spurious figure claimed by Fricker (1900:64). He had commanded the Wasp formerly when Morrell was first mate. He disappeared when commanding the schooner Henry after departing from New Zealand to explore between the parallels of 60° and 65°S. in 1825. There is, however, no land nearer Morrell’s reported positions. Seven hundred miles separated him from the Antarctic Peninsula. Rees (1988:193–8) has discussed the possibility of the superior mirage being responsible for designations of land based on appearances and misperceptions of distance and, indeed, in this paper Morrell’s case is considered worthy of inclusion. A faulty chronometer has also been suggested to be the cause of the error, but scarcely seems likely given Morrell’s largely accurate locations for the South Sandwich Islands. However, chronometers can fail during the course of a voyage as Captain Cook found to his chagrin. Bertrand (1971:140) queries whether or not Morrell wove into his somewhat bombastic narrative incidents and events experienced with Captain Robert Johnson during the previous year. Gould discusses three plausible theories to explain Morrell’s error. The first contends that the discovery was fictitious, the second that Morrell discovered a short coastline or series of islands, and the third that the east coast of Graham Land was seen (Gould 1929:267–81). These theories will be considered in turn, giving Gould’s incisive assessments. The fictitious theory is summarily dismissed since Gould contends that anyone who has read the book cannot conceivably adhere to this view. Morrell could have no possible motivation for such a course of action. He claimed no shattering discoveries or magnificent exploits, and the Antarctic portion of his narrative comprises only seven pages out of a total of 519. Surely ambition would have given this section prominence if it were important rather than conceal it. Morrell’s style is bombastic and portrays many of the vanities and aspirations of a minor poet. Indeed, Gould compares his style to a backwoods newpaper during Andrew Jackson’s day, and censures his attitudinalizing, moralizing, and patriotic rhetoric. This complements the notion that Morrell would have given more emphasis to New South Greenland in his narrative were it more important to him. Gould does not totally reject the idea that what Morrell saw was a short coastline or group of islands but Gould lacked the benefits of current cartography. In fact, he contends that those who read Morrell’s account without preconceptions would conclude that he sealed along a tract of land from 15 March to 19 March 1823 from about 67°S. to about 62°40’S. (On 19 March he gave the longitude of New South Greenland’s north cape as 47°21’W.) However, given Morrell’s recorded positions, Gould’s sympathy seems misplaced especially if Morrell had a chronometer. It could be contended that as a sealer he would not have carried a chronometer, but 58

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this again seems highly unlikely given the accuracy of some of his other longitudes. Such precision is not likely to have been obtained from lunars and Morrell sometimes indicates when his coordinates were derived from dead reckoning. One can thus conclude that it is highly likely that he had a chronometer, and could not have made errors of this dimension. This would suggest that this theory cannot be substantiated. Similar criticisms apply to the idea that what Morrell sighted was Graham Land in the vicinity of the Foyn Coast. As affirmed, on 19 March 1823, Morrell gave his longitude by dead reckoning as 47°21’W., and noted his lack of observations for three days. From this Gould suggests that we can conclude either that Morrell had a chronometer or was an absolute expert at taking lunars in all conditions and times. In either case he should not have made an error of 14° of longitude during the ten days subsequent to his departure from South Thule whose longitude he declared as 27°42’30”W., which is remarkably accurate. Thus again the theory appears to fall down. Morrell’s voyage from South Thule until he observed a ‘coast’ in approximately latitudes 67–8°S. and longitude about 48°W. offers few problems. There is, however, no coastline which accommodates those coordinates. His mapped coast does, however, correspond to the Foyn, but here the problems are the track and distance from South Thule. The latter is far too great to be plausible. The only option would appear to be to discredit Morrell. Perhaps the redeeming feature could be that the Foyn coast was seen as a superior mirage. One small digression: Bouvet Island and its location will be discussed in detail in Chapter 7, but Morrell did effect a landing there according to his own account. He gave the island’s coordinates as 54°15’S., 6°11’E., which correspond well with its actual coordinates which are centred on 54°26’S., 3°24’E. Unfortunately doubt is cast since he does not report whether he observed the position himself or relied on other sources. Initially Morrell claimed sighting the island on 24 November 1822 when its distance was ESE one league. His vessel was then sheltered among icebergs west of the island. Later Morrell declared that the second mate landed with a group of hunters who secured 80 seal skins. A subsequent boat trip around the island reported that they had utilized the only landing spot, the remainder of the shore comprising precipitous cliffs. A total of 193 seal skins were obtained before the Wasp sailed away from Bouvet Island on 8 December 1822 (Morrell 1832:58–9). In his description of the island’s geology, Morrell referred to its volcanic origin, and part of his description is not only grandiloquent but touches on the spiritual. but the mountain, which rises 300 feet above the level of the sea, is covered with pumice-stone—that spongy, light, crumbling substance, which is generally cast out from the volcanic entrails of burning mountains. Who can declare how many ages have elapsed since the 59

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fires were extinguished which once raged in the bosom of this mountain! —He alone who laid the foundations of the earth. (Morrell 1832:59) Bertrand (1971:135) seems to have no problems with Morrell’s description of his visit to Bouvet Island. It was a difficult island to locate but Morrell’s account is not at variance with fact. Fricker (1900:64), however, alleged that Morrell appropriated his account from Norris, who landed on Bouvet Island in 1825. The reader can decide whether or not to believe Morrell’s narrative, in part or in full. Bertrand (1971) is sympathetic. A damaging aspersion was contained in a letter composed by Jeremiah Reynolds on 10 August 1834 sent to Nathaniel Palmer. One caustic remark was: ‘Morrell who always sees through a glass dimly has described south sea penguin rookeries—but his descriptions have more poetry than truth’ (Reynolds 1834). But then St Paul accused humanity of seeing in part. Reynolds did, however, include Morrell’s discoveries in his A report of in relation to islands, reefs, and shoals in the Pacific Ocean published as House Document 105 of the 23rd Congress, Second Session, 1835. This surely was a compliment. Morrell’s voyage from Kerguelen to the South Sandwich Islands is compatible with the known world. Extreme doubt as to authenticity can be cast on his Weddell Sea exploration and ‘sighting’ of New South Greenland. No such land exists where he located it, and the Foyn Coast is too far distant for Morrell’s track and chronology from South Thule. His book has caused what aptly may be described as a metaphorical tempest. Should we show mercy? Prospero in Shakespeare’s The Tempest concluded his final speech with: ‘As you from crimes would pardon’d be, let your indulgence set me free’. Prospero felt he could be redeemed by prayer. Perhaps Morrell can be redeemed by a superior mirage which enabled him to see the Foyn Coast.

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6

THE ENIGMA OF WILKES LAND

Is Wilkes Land as charted by Rear Admiral Charles Wilkes a land of fable and myth or is it part of the tangible world? This question has precipitated not only debate but also animosity and patriotic fervour. Claimed sailings over land designated by Wilkes naturally affirmed its apparent non-existence, but perhaps as we shall discover, there are extenuating or redeeming factors. Any fair assessment necessitates first some of the details of Wilkes’s narrative. The history of the first United States exploring expedition is narrated in five thick volumes by Wilkes. The expedition’s scientific achievements are embodied in an additional 16 volumes (Tyler 1968:ix). The expedition commenced on 18 August 1838 when the vessels departed from Norfolk. Wilkes himself commanded the Vincennes, William Hudson the Peacock, and Lieutenant Cadwalader Ringgold the Porpoise. Other vessels assigned to the squadron were the Sea Gull, the Flying Fish, and the store ship Relief. The expedition ranged over wide areas of the Atlantic, Indian, and Pacific Oceans in spite of the fact that not all the vessels could be termed seaworthy. It was, however, the second attempt to penetrate beyond Cook’s ‘Ne plus ultra’ in the Antarctic that became and remains the centre of controversy. Four vessels, namely the Vincennes, the Porpoise, the Peacock and the Flying Fish, left Sydney and reached Antarctic seas in December 1839. Due to sail trouble, the Flying Fish fell behind the others on 1 January 1840 while on 3 January the Peacock lost the others as fog and rain restricted visibility. At the coordinates of 64°11’S. and 164°30’E. the Vincennes and the Porpoise were blocked by pack-ice. The Peacock progressed to the Barrier at 160°E., a position it reached by 15 January 1840, and soon afterwards joined the other two vessels. On 17 January the decision was taken for the three vessels to operate independently in order to facilitate more discoveries, and to decrease the likelihood of collision. The unfortunate Flying Fish reached the Barrier on 21 January but failed to make contact with the rest of the squadron during their Antarctic cruise (Tyler 1968:132). Sections of Wilkes’s Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition 1838–42, Volume 2 are reproduced in Murray’s Antarctic Manual. To avoid potential 61

Mawson’s sailing over Wilkes Land Source: Hobbs 1957:238

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accusations of bias this account will be the source of information and thus Wilkes’s own claims will be subject to scrutiny. Wilkes comments: That land does exist within the Antarctic Circle is now confirmed by the united testimony of both French and English navigators. D’Urville, the celebrated French navigator, within a few days after land was seen by the three vessels of our squadron, reports that his boats landed on a small point of rocks, at the place…which appeared accessible to us in Piner’s Bay…this he called Clarie Land, and testifies to his belief of the existence of a vast tract of land, where our view of it has left no doubt of its existence. Ross…penetrated to the latitude of 79°S. in the succeeding years, coasted for some distance along a lofty country connected with our Antarctic continent, and establishes…that we have discovered, not a range of detached islands, but a vast Antarctic continent… Examine the maps and charts published up to that time, and upon them will any traces of such land be found? They will not…none was known or even suspected to exist. We ourselves anticipated no such discovery; the indications of it were received with doubt and hesitation; I myself did not venture to record in my private journal the certainty of land until three days after those best acquainted with its appearance in these high latitudes were assured of the fact; and finally, to remove all possibility of doubt, and to prove conclusively that there was no deception in the case, views of the same land were taken from the vessels in three different positions, with the bearings of its peaks and promontories, by whose intersection their position is nearly as well established as the peaks of any of the islands we surveyed from the sea. All doubt in relation to the reality of our discovery gradually wore away, and towards the close of the cruise of the Vincennes along the icy barrier, the mountains of the Antarctic continent became familiar and of daily appearance, insomuch that the log-book, which is guardedly silent as to the time and date of its being first observed, now speaks throughout of “the land”. (in Murray 1901:360–1) This definitive apologia demonstrates Wilkes’s faith that he sighted land. His narrative proceeds with the specifics of the sightings. Longitude 157°46’E. was reached on 16 January with all three ships in close propinquity. The water, with its olive-green colour, appeared only 40 or 50 fathoms deep, which may have influenced Wilkes’s view of nearby land. However, a sounding of 230 fathoms revealed no bottom. On this day Wilkes affirmed that what appeared to be land was visible from all three ships. He continued that the comparison of observations in conjunction with more definitive 63

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proof of land later confirmed that the appearance was in no way deceptive. Thus 16 January was claimed as the date his squadron discovered land. Passed Midshipmen Eld and Reynolds on the Peacock declared that they saw land from the masthead. The information was conveyed to Captain Hudson who concurred with their decision as did a majority of the ship’s officers. Wilkes specifically named Eld and Reynolds because they subsequently proffered the same view under oath at his court-martial. Lieutenant Commandant Ringgold was confident of seeing an island surrounded by ice. He perceived this when aloft on the Porpoise during the afternoon of 16 January. Conditions were favourable for a sighting, namely fine weather, good horizons and high cloud. On board the Vincennes excitement prevailed on the same day, and sailors proclaimed the close proximity of land. Wilkes sketched what he saw and designated it Ringgold’s Knoll on the chart. On 19 January Wilkes made a firm declaration that land was clearly visible. It was described as being particularly distinct to the south-southeast though somewhat less so to the south-west. From the Vincennes this land was perceived to be of high elevation and experienced seamen confirmed Wilkes’s view that it was indeed terra firma. Fine weather favoured the observations, and the coordinates were 66°20’S. and 154°30’E. On 22 January the Peacock coasted into a bay the Vincennes had discovered closed on the previous day, and again the existence of high land was proclaimed. The Peacock obtained a sounding of 320 fathoms, and slate-coloured mud was brought to the surface. The crew were thrilled since they interpreted this as a vindication of their declared sightings of land. All on board the Peacock were convinced that terra firma had been established as fact (Murray 1901:370–6). Wilkes was certainly convinced that he had discovered a continent. He was thus loathe to terminate the voyage but at 6.30 p.m. on 21 February with the seemingly interminable Barrier stretching ahead as far as could be seen, Wilkes reluctantly decided that little more could be gained. At this point they were at longitude 100°E. He graciously thanked his crew for their conduct, deemed the arduous cruise a success, and hauled for Sydney which was reached on 11 March. After inspecting the logs of both the Peacock and the Vincennes, Wilkes claimed the discovery of land on 19 January 1840. A despatch confirming terra firma in high southern latitudes was conveyed to the Secretary of the United States Navy, and a report affirming the same was published in the Sydney Herald. The above date conflicts with that recorded in Wilkes’s Narrative, namely 16 January (Tyler 1968:149–50). Perhaps 19 January corresponds with a belief of greater certainty in sighting of land. A serious challenge to Wilkes’s cartography and his veracity was made by the British explorer Captain Sir James Clark Ross. Wilkes made the generous gesture of sending details of his squadron’s voyage to Ross who 64

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was in Hobart, from which the latter would presumably derive benefit. Included in the letter were specifics of currents, winds, proximity to the South Magnetic Pole, and more important, a chart of the area traversed plus a copy of the Sydney Herald containing the article proclaiming Wilkes’s discovery of a southern continent. Ross did not acknowledge receipt of this letter which reached him in August 1840 since it was his belief that there was insufficient evidence to justify a claim of discovery of land. Ross’s expedition comprised two ships, the Erebus and the Terror, and in January 1841 they reached the sea which currently bears his name. He also discovered and named the volcanoes Mount Erebus and Mount Terror, obviously named after the two vessels. Next he sailed over an area designated as land by Wilkes. The latter later asserted it to be the Balleny Islands, but strangely failed to name them on his chart. Subsequently Ross found little credibility in any of Wilkes’s designations. Ross describes in some detail his search for supposed land. On 9 March 1841 his coordinates were 64°20’S, 164°20’E., and thus he was close to the location where Wilkes initially claimed he saw land. The British explorer assessed his position to be about 70 miles north of this supposed land, and subsequently he sailed over its assigned position. Searches ranging from 50 to 70 miles to the north, south, east, and west were conducted from this location without success. Ross therefore felt compelled to infer that the land did not exist (Ross 1969, Vol. 1:284–5). Later, he found an able supporter for his view in Captain Aulick of the USS Yorktown whom he met in the Bay of Islands after returning from high southern latitudes. The exchanges then became intemperate. Wilkes felt considerably angered and betrayed by Aulick’s support for Ross’s contention because Aulick was a United States citizen. Subsequently Wilkes was tried by court-martial. He faced serious charges of disobedience to orders, cruelty, and illegal punishment of seamen. He embarked on his expedition with the reputation of a martinet, and returned with one as a malignant villain. In the court-martial he claimed that a faction of officers had formed with the purpose of discrediting him, and he countered that some officers were distinctly lax in their duties. He argued for the primacy of necessity when attacks were made on Pacific Islanders. Among the less serious charges against Wilkes was one of ‘scandalous conduct tending to the destruction of morals’. This was based on his designation of land on 19 January 1840 when such was so doubtful that it was omitted from the ships’ logs. Testimony by Eld and Reynolds, however, indicated that they too had seen land on the same date, and indications of it four days previously. Ultimately Wilkes was found guilty only of illegal punishment of seamen, and his sentence comprised a public reprimand by the Secretary of the Navy (Tyler 1968:381–5). In his narrative of 1847 Ross gave a thorough account of the charges and counter-charges regarding Wilkes Land. This narrative was republished in 65

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1969. Ross strongly condemned Wilkes’s designation of land not only where it was truly determined that it existed, but also where appearances suggested its existence, and thus mapping a coast from 160°E. to 97°E. This, Ross believed, was certainly contrary to accepted navigational practices, and at variance with reliable cartography. Thus Wilkes was censured for designating land based on assumptions rather than proof. Ross considered that the land in question was the mountainous terrain that Lieutenant Ringgold claimed to have seen, and that it certainly was not near the Balleny Islands or land around 164° to 165°E. Wilkes certainly alleged that Ross had run over this latter position, and castigated him for not having consulted the Sydney and Hobart newspapers to ascertain facts about the expedition’s journey, which had he done so, would have led him to have examined in more detail the chart Wilkes had sent him. Then clarification would have occurred. The need or suggestion to consult newspapers does, however, seem redundant given that Ross possessed Wilkes’s original communications. Surely the chart and letter supercede newspapers. Ross further discredited Wilkes when first, he asserted that the land he had sailed over was precisely in the position of Ringgold’s mountains, and second, when he accused Wilkes of having reservations about the existence of these mountains subsequent to his acquaintance with Balleny’s discovery. The mountains were then deleted from Wilkes’s original chart but not from the copy he sent to Ross. Ross also queried how Wilkes could suggest that a navigator of his experience could sail over the five small Balleny Islands and mistake them for a major coastline, especially since Ross’s expedition affirmed these islands’ coordinates to be 66°44’S., 163°11’E., precisely the positions assigned to them by Balleny. Ross insisted that the ‘land’ he sailed over was at least 70 miles from the true position of these islands, and thus considered himself entirely free from counter-charges (Ross 1969, Vol. 1: 286–99). The repudiations of Wilkes’s claims to have discovered land continued for many years after his voyage, and twentieth-century explorers felt compelled to check and comment on his alleged land. Borchgrevink (1901:55–6) expressed interest in the controversy between Ross and Wilkes. On his expedition of 1898–1900 he intentionally took a course to judge for himself Wilkes’s claims, even though he anticipated much ice on the sea route. He concluded that it was the Balleny Islands which Wilkes saw. In March 1904, Scott while on his Discovery expedition made a serious effort to find Wilkes Land. At times excited members of his expedition reported imaginary discoveries of land. On 4 March, Scott contended that land could have been seen at great distances because the horizon was clear, but none was sighted. From his position, 67°23’S., 155°30’E., Eld’s Peak and Ringgold’s Knoll should have been visible if they existed. Since they were not observed, Scott concluded that he had disposed of Wilkes Land (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:391–3). Similarly Shackleton attempted to find Wilkes Land on the British Antarctic Expedition of 1907–9. He referred to it as the so-called Wilkes 66

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Land. On his return from Antarctica he hoped to skirt the Balleny Islands and find this land. The pack-ice was unfortunately so thick that the attempt was abandoned and Shackleton hauled north (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 2:229– 30). Perhaps history would have been more lenient towards Wilkes if he had shown the same caution in his designations as did Amundsen much later. On his return to Framheim from the South Pole Amundsen contented himself by fixing the limits to Carman Land to between 86° and 84°S. The rest he referred to as ‘Appearance of Land’ (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:171). Explorers persisted unabated in their discrediting of Wilkes. For instance, the Australian Mawson stated with pride that in 1914, he sailed over Cape Carr, Wilkes’s landfall whose longitude is 133°E. Are there any mitigating factors for Wilkes? The answer is affirmative. The salvation of his reputation comes in the form of the superior mirage in which distant objects loom up, and when coupled with the clarity of polar atmosphere under certain meteorological conditions, can be seen when very remote (See the more extensive discussion of the superior mirage in Chapter 4). Misperceptions as to distance are therefore not unusual. Other sources of error occur in polar regions. Frequently under snow and ice there is insufficient local character and variation to permit easy identification of landforms. Thus maps have been plotted from false estimates of distance and direction. Suffice it here to say that Wilkes Land, and its principal landforms actually exist with the exception of his Termination Land. This westernmost landfall has been revealed to be an ice feature. Otherwise his land and its features occur but in remoter regions. Generally they are located about 40 or 50 miles further south than Wilkes supposed. Some of his easternmost landfalls in fact lie 200 miles south of his assigned positions; those major underestimates resulting from a high superior mirage. Wilkes’s Cape Hudson is a case in point. It has been demonstrated that this is identical to the elevated glaciated land behind Cape Freshfield which is located in Mawson’s King George Land. This was revealed by comparing Wilkes’s 1840 drawings with ones compiled three-quarters of a century later by Captain J.Stenhouse of the Aurora. The two observations were taken from a nearly identical position and in the same direction. Also, ironically the coast mapped by Wilkes in 1840 closely parallels Mawson’s 1914 map on which he incorrectly renamed Banzara Land (Hobbs 1937:234–7). Tyler, a staunch defender of Wilkes, proclaimed with pride that although Wilkes misjudged the propinquity of land to the edge of the Great Ice Barrier from his first sighting at approximately 165°E. to Disappointment Bay whose longitude is 148°E., from this point to Knox’s High Land, about 105°E., which is a distance exceeding 100 miles, Wilkes’s chart should be praised for its accuracy. This has been verified by mapping conducted in the International Geophysical Year, 1957–8. Tyler adds that the exceptionally clear polar atmosphere made mountains appear closer to Wilkes than they were, and again Tyler confirms 67

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that the eastern section including such landforms as Eld’s Peak, Reynolds Peak and Cape Hudson could have resulted from a superior mirage (Tyler 1968:153). As to which combination of exceptional clarity and superior mirage image occurred we cannot be certain, but Wilkes’s honesty and cartography have been rehabilitated. Perhaps it is an irony of history that misperceptions of distance similar in nature to those made by Wilkes were also errors committed by Mawson and Ross, two of his principal detractors. In 1929–30 Mawson mapped Mac.Robertson Land, and in the following year coasted over 300 miles of this land which he had charted. In 1930–31 ice conditions were better, Mawson got closer to the coast, and Mac.Robertson Land shifted south. Captain Sir James Clark Ross named the Parry Mountains in 1841. He located them on the Ross Barrier east of Ross Island in Antarctica at a distance of around 25 miles. These mountains do not exist at that location. It seems that what he saw as a result of a superior mirage image was the high range of mountains including Mount Markham and Mount Hamilton at a distance of just under 300 miles. In this sense the Parry Mountains have the same genuine existence as Wilkes Land (Hobbs 1937:233–9). Perhaps Bacon was correct in his assertion that if we don’t try new remedies we must expect new evils since time is the greatest innovator.

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7

A LOCAL HABITATION AND A NAME OR AN AIRY NOTHING?: THE CASE OF BOUVET ISLAND The title of this chapter, with minor modifications, is taken from Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream. The bard considered that the function of poets was to give to airy nothing a local habitation and a name. The same terminology is most apt for a discussion of Bouvet Island. After its initial discovery by Bouvet on 1 January 1739, numerous mariners were unable to locate it, and thus doubt was cast on its existence. Then contention over its nomenclature precipitated variance between Great Britain and Norway before resolution over its ownership was reached. Was Norris’ Liverpool Island synonymous with Bouvet Island? It is proposed to preface this section with a catalogue of sightings and searches, both successful and unsuccessful, for Bouvet Island. This will provide the context for the international dispute. Bouvet captained the ship L’Aigle while her sistership, the Marie was under the command of Captain Hay. On 1 January 1739 land was sighted to the NE by both ships. Bouvet’s coordinates for the land were latitude 54°S. and longitude 4°20’E. An interesting aside reveals that Bouvet gave the Aigle’s longitude as being between 27° and 28°E. of Tenerife. Bouvet de Lozier followed the devotional norm of his time by naming the land after the date in the ecclesiastical calendar, and thus it was designated Cap de la Circoncision. The secrets of the island, however, were hidden from their discoverer, for Bouvet himself regarded the land he had seen as promontories of the great southern continent (Fricker 1900:136). In fact Bouvet Island is part of the Mid-Atlantic Ridge which surfaces elsewhere as Ascension Island, Tristan da Cunha and Gough Island. Dense pack-ice prevented the discoverers from getting closer than 12 nautical miles from Cap de la Circoncision. Fog also precluded clearer identification of its landforms. Even the rival captains of L’Aigle and the Marie admitted to slight discrepancies of the coordinates of its western extremity. Hay judged its position to be 54°6’S. and 4°15’E. while Bouvet determined the latitude to be 54°S. and the longitude, 4°30’E. The latter 69

Location of Bouvet Island Source: Baker 1967:71

THE CASE OF BOUVET ISLAND

described the land as extending ENE from the cape for 24 to 30 nautical miles, while the SE extension was described as being between 18 and 21 nautical miles. The coast was described as steep with small indentations, while the land was affirmed to be generally high with snow on its most elevated parts but somewhat lower to the SE (Fricker 1900:136–7). Bouvet was also deluded by the appearance of Poa flabellata, a tussock grass which gives the appearance of shrubs and bushes, into believing that part of the island was wooded (Fricker 1900:31). Its limited size, and frequent fogs made subsequent attempts to locate Bouvet Island difficult. Marion de Frezne failed on such a venture in 1772. A similar fate awaited Captain Cook. After voyaging from Cape Town in November 1772, Cook followed his orders by attempting to find Bouvet Island, but failed to do so and concluded that it was an ice-mountain. Thus on this second voyage Cook was convinced that it could not be in the longitude assigned to it. Captain Furneaux, after separating from Cook, failed to locate Bouvet Island in an independent search (Anonymous 1928: 538). The rediscovery came with the voyage of two English whaling vessels, namely the Snow Swan led by Captain Lindsay, and the Otter. These ships owned by the Enderby Company sighted land on 6 October 1808. One island was sighted and, indeed, has sometimes been referred to as Lindsay Island. Its location on the graticule they gave as 54°22’S., 4°15’E. (Baker 1967:72). Was Lindsay Island Bouvet Island? Discussion elsewhere in this book has focused on Morrell’s claimed sighting and landing. His odyssey on the Wasp has been subject to much scrutiny. Such doubt has been cast on his account of his voyage that it is imperative that we regard this intrepid navigator’s narrative with a certain degree of scepticism. Morrell designated ‘Bouvettes Island’ as occupying latitude 54°15’S. and longitude 6°11’E., and measured its circumference as 25 miles. Initially Morrell claimed that the island was sighted on 24 November 1822. Later Morrell declared that the second mate landed and 80 seal skins resulted. After a second landing was effected it was concluded that sufficient seals existed to furnish future ventures. The geology of the island was described in inflated rhetoric. Suffice it here to say that the island was designated as volcanic (Morrell 1832:58–9). In 1825, the sealers Sprightly and Lively, under the command of Captain George Norris sighted two islands, which he called Liverpool Island and Thompson Island respectively. A landing was effected on the former but not on the latter. Norris gave the coordinates of Liverpool Island as 54°15’S., 5°E., and affirmed that Thompson Island was located in latitude 53°56’S., and longitude 5°30’E. (Baker 1967:72). Was the former the same as Bouvet Island? In 1843 James Clark Ross made an unsuccessful search for Bouvet Island on his return to the Cape of Good Hope, and Moore, captain of the sealer Pagoda, also failed to locate this island in 1845. Such failures led Fricker 71

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(1900:139) to doubt the continued existence of the island, and specified that it might have disappeared as a result of marine subsidence, or more likely a volcanic eruption. However, Fricker’s pessimistic views could be challenged by the claimed landing on one or other of the islands by Captain Williams of the American schooner Golden West in 1878 and the claimed sighting of one island in 1882 by Captain Church of the Delia Church. In addition, Captain Joseph Fuller of the Francis Allyn declared he had sighted both islands in 1893. He gave the coordinates of ‘Circoncision or Bouvet Island’ as 52°55’S., 4°10’E., while he located Thompson Island simply as north-east of ‘Bouvet’ (Baker 1967:72). Of great interest also is the German deep-sea expedition of the Valdivia commanded by Captain Krech in 1898. He searched in vain for Liverpool and Thompson Islands, and was similarly unsuccessful in his attempt to find Lindsay Island. On 25 November, however, he designated the middle points of an island as 54°26’4?S., and 3°24’2?E., and he called it Bouvet Island after its discoverer. It was considered likely that this island was identical to Liverpool Island and thus subsequently the Valdivia ventured on a considerable fruitless search for Thompson Island. Later, in 1916, the United States magnetic survey ship Carnegie referred to an island as Lindsay Island, and its position corresponded closely with the Valdivia’s coordinates for Bouvet Island. The German vessel Meteor visited Bouvet Island in 1926, but no landing occurred, and again traces of Thompson Island were not to be found. Captain Harald Horntvedt, captain of the Norwegian ship Norvegia succeeded in landing on Bouvetøya on 1 December 1927, and proclaimed it Norwegian territory. He gave the island’s latitude as 54°26’S., and its longitude as 3°24’E. (Anonymous 1928:539). Thus the scene is set for claims and counter-claims for sovereignty by Britain and Norway. Differences in nomenclature and longitude created confusion. This latter factor is very important in that misperceptions of location had a most significant effect in the case for possession of this periAntarctic island. A thorough discussion of the topic is provided in The Geographical Journal (Anonymous 1928:537–46). The article commences with a statement affirming that the Royal Geographical Society had within its possession a pamphlet dated 3 April 1928 entitled ‘The Norvegia Expedition and Bouvet Island’. The document, sent by Consul Bjarne Aagaard of Fredriksvern, Norway, commenced as follows: On 1st December 1927 Bouvet Island, situated in latitude 54°26’S. and long. 3°24’E. was annexed by Norway, Captain Harald Horntvedt, master of the Norvegia equipped by Consul Lars Christensen of Sandfjord, Norway, having on that date hoisted the Norwegian flag on shore and taken formal possession of the island in accordance with authority given by the Norwegian Government on the 31st August 1927. (Anonymous 1928:537) 72

THE CASE OF BOUVET ISLAND

The British Foreign Office countered by affirming that Bouvet Island had been United Kingdom territory since Captain Norris landed there in 1825. Britain further insisted that Norris discovered Thompson Island, and that although its exact situation might be in doubt, its existence was not. The Norwegian Government was thus informed that Britain considered its title to Bouvet Island valid as a result of Captain Norris’ occupation (Anonymous 1928:537). Although this captain used the name Liverpool Island, the British Government remained convinced that it was identical to Bouvet Island. Consul Aagaard did not consider Liverpool Island to be synonymous with Bouvet Island, and asked for publication of Captain Norris’s original log which he presumed to be in the possession of the Admiralty. It seems that Aagaard’s contention was inaccurate, and had its genesis in two passages in Ross’s book, and one in an account by Captain Sachse. The following quotations are directly abstracted from Ross: The log-book of the Sprightly, Captain Norris is now before me… “10th December 1825. The island is in latitude 54°15’S., longitude by chronometer 5°E.; and, as we are now certain it is an island, we name it Liverpool Island…This island which we have named Thompson Island, bears about NNE., fifteen leagues from Liverpool Island; there are also three rocks…the Chimnies, to the S.W., four or five miles from Thompson Island…The island is in latitude 53°56’S., longitude 5°30’E.…16th December, p.m.…at 8 p.m. the boat returned, having hoisted the union jack on the shore…seals are very scarce…it bears evident marks of having been a volcano, as it is nothing less than a complete cinder, with immense veins of lava, which have the appearance of black glass…” (Ross 1969, Vol. 2:371–3). Captain Sachse published a facsimile of Norris’s original journal which had been given to him by the Admiralty. The term facsimile resulted in much confusion and argument. In 1928 all the Admiralty had in their possession were extracts from Norris’s log copied in Enderby’s office, and then communicated to the Admiralty—and, in addition, sketches from the Sprightly’s log which it transpired had also been copied in Enderby’s office. Consul Aagaard obviously assumed that the Admiralty possessed more. The extracts of the log are largely similar to those provided by Ross although not precisely identical. It may be contended that Ross possessed Norris’s original log-book, but certainly the Admiralty did not. The original document, however, no longer exists, and the facsimile was never more than a sheet of extracts. It must be conceded that it is possible to infer from Ross’s account that Norris effected a landing on Thompson Island, but the extracts from the Sprightly’s log leave no doubt that it was Liverpool Island on which Norris hoisted the Union Jack. The principal question at issue, 73

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therefore, is whether Liverpool Island is identical to Bouvet Island. The problem to some degree hinges on longitude. The discordance in latitude between Bouvet and Liverpool Island is only ten minutes but the variance in longitude is 1 1/2°. However, the readings taken by whalers at that time frequently showed divergences of this dimension. The resolution lies in sketches. It is possible to compare Norris’s sketches of Liverpool Island with photographs of Bouvet Island, and sketches made of the latter made by two members of the RRS Discovery. The evidence demonstrates no serious discrepancy between sketches in Norris’s log, and the more recent representations of Bouvet Island. In addition, two specific agreements strengthen the case that Liverpool Island is identical to Bouvet Island. Both Norris and the more recent authorities concur that a landing was only possible in the south-west, and that at a distance of approximately one mile from the southern shore, there is relatively shoal water. Soundings made by Norris and the Valdivia are remarkably similar. Thus the general concurrence of Norris’ records with later representations strongly confirm that Liverpool Island is Bouvet Island. It can be argued, however, that Cap de La Circoncision was in fact Thompson Island. It is even possible, because of the distance, about 45 miles, that Bouvet sighted both the island which now bears his name, and Thompson Island, conceiving them to be one island. Thick fog and ice also impeded Bouvet’s observations and this strengthens the case. It may also be contended that the island Lindsay described was Thompson Island. His position was close to Bouvet Island’s true coordinates, but the description provided by Ross obtained from either the Enderby brothers or the log tallies better with Norris’s small low island rather than with Bouvet Island. Lindsay described the Dalrymple Head, the west point as high and steep but the east point was portrayed as level, low and snow-covered. Bouvet Island, even on its less precipitous eastern side, has a rock- and ice-cliff 400 feet high. Norris’s sketch of Thompson Island agrees fairly well with the depiction of Lindsay’s Island (Anonymous 1928:541–6). Recent searches for Thompson Island, however, have been fruitless, and this discussion will be taken up. It is important to add at this stage that on 19 November 1928 the British Government waived its claim to Bouvet Island in favour of Norway. This seems a little strange when the evidence certainly suggests that Liverpool Island is identical to Bouvet Island, and thus Norris’s patriotic flag-hoisting was in fact on Bouvet Island. Nothing was said about the status of Thompson Island. An interesting discussion about the possible plight of Thompson Island is provided by Baker (1967:72–3). He stresses that the problem has not been solved, but that currently radar-equipped ships have failed to sight the island. Two possible conclusions can be advanced. First, the observations of Norris and Fuller were erroneous, and second, that Thompson Island existed at the time of Norris and Fuller, but has subsequently disappeared. 74

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Norris’s evidence for Thompson Island’s existence is, however, convincing. The log of the Sprightly records it as 15 leagues north-north-east of Liverpool Island, and he includes a sketch of it in addition to one of Liverpool Island. The sketch of the latter is readily recognizable as Bouvetøya, and bears no resemblance to the one of Thompson Island. The Liverpool Island sketch firmly establishes Norris’s veracity, and thus there is little reason to presume that he invented Thompson Island. The detail on the sketch of this island also precludes the probability that it was a mirage or cloud that was mapped. The topography is also deemed as plausible. The predominant feature of its geomorphology was a gentle dome with one major peak in the distance. A narrow strip of land fringed the base of cliffs in the foreground. Baker (1967:73) doubts that Norris could have invented such a view. The evidence favouring Fuller’s sighting of Thompson Island is less substantial. He saw it to the north-east of Bouvet Island, but ice and fog foiled any attempt to land on either. Norris’s case, however, remains strong, and therefore it seems likely that the island existed in 1825, but has subsequently disappeared. The Valdivia firmly established the position of Bouvet Island in 1898, and made a prolonged fruitless search for Thompson Island. If Fuller’s view is given credence, the island must have disappeared between 1893 and 1898. What caused the disappearance? Norris’s sketch shows Thompson Island to have had the restricted dimensions of approximately 2 km by 1 km. The normal processes of erosion could therefore not have denuded the island in the time span available. Another possibility is that the island disappeared as a result of down-faulting associated with Mid-Atlantic Ridge rift structure. The more likely explanation is a major volcanic eruption. Recent volcanic activity has occurred in the region, but there is no evidence of a massive earlier eruption which would have removed the island. Such a cataclysmic eruption could, however, have occurred in the nineteenth century, and not have been recorded because of the island’s isolation. However, if Thompson Island met its doom as a result of a caldera or an explosive eruption, then shoal water should exist at its site. The South African Navy conducted soundings there but failed to locate such a feature. Thus it seems that Norris’s location was inaccurate. This raises again the question of whether the island existed at all. Perhaps the cataclysm did happen but we are unable to find the ruins.

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ANTARCTIC SEASCAPES AND LANDSCAPES OF FEAR AND DESOLATION It is however true that the greatest part of this Southern Continent (supposeing there is one) must lay within the Polar Circile where the Sea is so pestered with ice, that the land is thereby inacessible. The risk one runs in xploreing a coast in these unknown and Icy Seas, is so very great, that I can be bold to say, that no man will ever venture farther than I have done and that the lands which may lie to the South will never be explored. Thick fogs, Snow storms, Intense Cold and every other thing that can render Navigation dangerous one has to encounter and these difficulties are greatly heightned by the inexpressable horrid aspect of the Country, a Country doomed by Nature never once to feel the warmth of the Suns rays, but to lie for ever buried under everlasting snow and ice. The Ports which may be on the Coast are in a manner wholly filled up with frozen snow of a vast thickness, but if any should so far be open as to admit a ship in, it is even dangerous to go in, for she runs a risk of being fixed there for ever, or coming out in an ice island. These islands and floats of ice on the Coast, the great falls of the ice cliffs in the Port, or a heavy snowstorm attended with a sharp frost, would prove equally fatal. After such an explanation as this the reader must not expect to find me much farther to the South. It is however not for want of inclination but other reasons. It would have been rashness in me to have risked all which had been done in the Voyage, in finding out and exploaring a Coast which when done would have answered no end whatever, or been of the least use either to Navigation or Geography or indeed any other Science. (Beaglehole 1961:637–8) These words were penned by Captain James Cook in his journal on 6 February 1775 when commanding the voyage of the Resolution and the Adventure. They portray his conviction that Antarctica was a landscape of desolation and despair, and that the sun with its associations of warmth, light, and life could have little place in such an environment. The landscapes 76

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and seascapes of this high austral region were also perceived as highly perilous, and even seemingly intrepid navigators such as Cook were happy to hove north. Cook also felt no sense of purpose in further exploration of Antarctica at that time, and thus no teleology could have been fulfilled. The aim of this chapter is to examine the fearful and hazardous Antarctic landscapes and seascapes from the perspective of the perceivers, specifically famous explorers. Their views by definition are highly subjective, but there is a general consensus that geophysical events and conditions harmful to human interests are a property of the region. Fear and anxiety are generated in those who venture to visit. Anxiety is a human condition with unpleasant properties, and the individual concerned is conscious of them. It may be conceptualized as a permanent personality trait in which generally stable conditions of tension exist. This may be distinguished from state anxiety which is a response to a particular objective threat, and which is transitory in nature. When the threat is removed or ceases to exist, the anxiety elevation diminishes (Spielberger, Gorsuch and Lushene 1970:3). People who possess high trait anxiety elevations see much in their environment as threatening. Lazarus (1966) argues that anxiety results from a combination of actual objective threat and the internal characteristics of the individual. The Antarctic environment provides plenty of objective threat with its hostile topography and climatic conditions. Those who are prone to considerable tension and anxiety are therenore highly likely to perceive it as a landscape of fear. The objective threat could at times be so enormous that even those not prone to anxiety could view the Antarctic environment as a source of danger, and not infrequently do so. Unconsciously-motivated anxiety-reducing activities are known as defence-mechanisms. Two categories of these are repression and sensitization. Repressing defence mechanisms include denial, repression, and rationalization. These help the individual avoid the threatening consequences of the stimulus concerned. Sensitizing defence mechanisms, by contrast, involve attempts to approach and control the source of the threat. Ruminative worrying, obsessive behaviours, and intellectualization are all sensitizing defence activities (Bell and Byrne 1978:449–85). Often in Antarctica, however, the threatening stimulus is so immense that it overcomes an individual’s defence mechanisms and inspires fear and dread in all. Repressers cannot deny an Antarctic gale, and sensitizers cannot ruminate about crevasses until they are forced into extinction. The natural environment of Antarctica is pervasive and dominant over individual differences in response to its threat. It is constant, cold, and formidable, and cannot be removed. Its extremes of climate and physiography can cause the most intrepid to acknowledge its terrible grandeur. This chapter proceeds by examining examples of environmental hazard experienced by Antarctic marine navigators and land explorers in a generally chronological order. The hazards will not be systematically categorized 77

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since often they act together and overlap. A storm at sea enhances the danger of icebergs while a blizzard on land increases the chances of death in a crevasse. The ‘seaman’s’ view and the ‘landsman’s’ view will be considered in turn (See Chapters 2 and 3). We commence with the seaman’s view. Jones (1982:4–17) provides an interesting account of dangers and problems facing Antarctic mariners. Of these the pack-ice was a particularly dangerous and inhibiting phenomenon. It is comprised of a moving mass of floating ice and icebergs. Its position changes and it prowls much of the high southern latitudes. Ships could easily be trapped and destroyed by it. In a gale its danger is enormous. Another threat was young ice. This forms with the onset of winter and can easily trap ships. A heavy swell is a danger at sea in low latitudes but when combined with ice in high latitudes its danger is greatly enhanced. One of the greatest fears of ships’ masters, however, is posed by icebergs. Many boats have had their fate sealed by them. Similarly vessels can also be wrecked by collision with the Great Ice Barrier, a perpendicular ice-cliff whose elevation is between 150 and 200 feet high. James Clark Ross observed it for 450 miles. The Southern Ocean has been particularly feared by sailors. Large areas of unsheltered ocean with no refuge generate apprehension in many navigators. Between the Cape of Good Hope and Antarctica there is a distance of 2000 miles, and almost the same distance of stormy waters separate New Zealand from the southern continent. Only 600 miles divide Tierra del Fuego from the South Shetlands but this sea area, the Drake Strait, is noted for its ferocious gales. Masters and crews of vessels have feared its dangers for centuries. The weather, in addition, exacerbates difficulties encountered in Antarctic seas. Floe ice and icebergs are dangerous in themselves, but gales, blizzards and fog render them much more so. Winds and squalls exceeding 100 miles per hour are not unusual in these sea areas. Cape Horn Greybeards were sea features also well-known to sailors. They could exceed 2000 feet in length and 100 feet in height. Their speed could exceed 30 miles per hour which was considerably in excess of that of a sailing ship. There was certainly a problem of ships capsizing as a result of them should the helmsman be caught unaware (Jones 1982:14). Added to these natural hazards encountered in Antarctic seas, early navigators had problems with navigational instruments which were often unreliable. Weather made observations difficult, and then there were the problems involved in fixing longitude. This issue, however, has been fully discussed in Chapter 4, and this brief reminder must suffice here. The first illustration comes from the pen of Captain James Cook. On 31 December 1772 he was beset by loose ice and ice islands in latitude 59°58’S., longitude 16°19’E. A gale made the situation more dangerous, and several collisions with ice took place before his ships were free (Beaglehole 1961: 70). 78

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Cook also described the dangers of calms. On Sunday 26 December 1773 in latitude 65°15’S., longitude 134°22’W. the ship drifted slowly among icebergs. It took advantage of every slight wind to avoid contact with them. Cook averred that clear weather saved him from destruction by one of them. He reported that the entire sea was covered with ice and that at least two hundred ice islands were present. Should there have been fog, disaster would have been certain (Beaglehole 1961:310). The dangers of a heavy swell imperilled Bellingshausen on 15 February 1820. His approximate coordinates were 66°53’S., 40°56’E. The heavy swell ran from WSW and united with seas coming from the east. Thick weather and wet snow increased the danger. Bellingshausen described the breakers as appallingly high, and feared collision with an iceberg. In addition, his two vessels lost contact with each other. However, the tempest abated, and to their mutual joy, the Vostok sighted the Mirnyi, the consort vessel (Debenham 1945, Vol. 1:136). Danger from ice in a gale was experienced by Bellingshausen and his crew on 9 March 1820. His last recorded coordinates on 7 March were 58°21’48?S., 97°28’38?E. He writes: At midnight the wind was already so strong that we stood under reefed main topsails and storm staysails. At 2.0 a.m. the storm staysail falls broke; we replaced them by new ones and hoisted the staysail again. At 5.0 a.m. the main topsail and the main and mizzen staysails suddenly split. The position of our ship was such as only those who have experienced it can imagine. Although the topsail was quickly taken in and the staysails lowered, they were none the less of no further use. The fore staysail alone stood. I ordered it to be taken in quickly in order to have least one sail for an emergency. The wind howled and the seas rose to an extraordinary height. Sea and air seemed to mingle and the labouring of the ship drowned all other sounds. We remained now under bare poles at the mercy of the furious gale…there was a cry from the forecastle, “Ice ahead!” This filled us with horror and I saw that we were being driven straight on to one of the masses of ice. Immediately the fore staysail was hoisted and the rudder set hard up. But all this had not the desired result and the ice was already close to us; nothing remained to us but to watch our approach. One mass was carried past under the stern and another lay right amidships. We awaited the shock which seemed bound to follow, when fortunately a huge wave, rising under the vessel, carried the ice some yards away and rushed it passed the quarter gallery to leeward. The ice might have stove in the side or carried away the bulwarks and the masts. At 11.0 a.m. the storm raged as furiously as ever. The crest of one of these enormous waves struck the end of the bowsprit and broke the weather hooks. In these circumstances I was indebted to the energy and resource of Lieutenant-Commander Zavodovski, to whom we 79

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entrusted the task of fitting preventer rigging. The prompt execution of this task enabled us to relieve the strain on the bowsprit and masts. (Debenham 1945, Vol. 1:152) The gale finally diminished and the potential peril ended. Bellingshausen’s vivid account gives us glimpses of the destructive ability of Antarctic seas, and the feelings of those threatened. On Christmas Day 1820, Bellingshausen had a less fortunate experience. His coordinates on the previous day were 60°8’3?S., 142°18’13?W. When sailing through small floating ice a violent shock was experienced. A block of ice had been grazed on the starboard side. The part of the ice above water was of small dimensions, but not so below. Copper under water was torn, and the anchor bed was shattered. A fortunate circumstance saved them from great danger. The anchor stock mitigated the force of the blow when the ship was in a wave trough. Had it occurred when the ship’s bows were raised, the blow would have breached the under-part of the ship with no possibility of repair (Debenham 1945, Vol. 2:399). Even in seemingly safe weather the Antarctic seas were hazardous. James Weddell, who explored Antarctic waters during the years 1822–4, reports a similar fortunate escape from an iceberg. His vessels, the brig Jane and the cutter Beaufoy were sailing near to each other in a perilous situation. A strong wind blew from the south-west and they were surrounded by 40 ice islands, many of which were in motion because of undercurrents. He records the appalling sight of overhanging ice projected over the quarterdeck, and feared that any contact would cause the masts to fall and sink the ships. In this case ice came to the rescue in the form of a large piece of floe ice which interposed itself between the ships and the iceberg, and thus prevented the latter’s contact with the masts (Weddell 1827:124–5). The consequences were more serious for John Biscoe on his voyage south with the brig Tula and the cutter Lively. At 4 p.m. on 4 March 1831 he gave his bearings as 65°42’S., 49°29’E. A fresh gale blew on the following day and the Tula lost sight of the cutter. This unfortunately was not an infrequent occurrence, and naturally increased the chances of fatality should one of the vessels be wrecked. A hurricane force wind developed by midnight and blew incessantly until 8 March. The weather was so thick that scarcely twice the length of the brig could be seen, and the vessel was a mass of ice. The starboard quarter boats, the bulwarks, and the quarter-deck rail stove in, but fortunately the only iceberg which passed close to them made no contact. Several men, however, were hurt, and Biscoe was in a state of considerable apprehension over the possible demise of the cutter (Murray 1901:323–4). The cutter, however, did return safely to Tasmania. On these adventures the potential hazard was increased by the small size of the boats. For example, Captain Weddell’s brig Jane weighed only 160 tons while his cutter, the Beaufoy, was even smaller, specifically 65 tons 80

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(Weddell 1827:1). John Balleny’s boats for his voyage of Antarctic discovery were even more diminutive. The schooner Eliza Scott was 154 tons, and the dandy-rigged cutter Sabrina, 54 tons (Murray 1901:336). One can but marvel that he actually discovered the islands that now bear his name, and Sabrina Land in February and March of 1839 respectively. He also faced considerable hazard; for instance on 4 March he experienced thick weather, heavy snow squalls and was surrounded by ice islands (Murray 1901:343). Charles Wilkes commanded the United States Exploring Expedition of 1838–42. His claimed discovery of Wilkes Land has been discussed in Chapter 6. He faced the wrath of Antarctic seas in the form of icebergs, fog, and gales on several occasions. He provided the following graphic description of a desperate and menacing situation on 28 January 1840: At 8 p.m. it began to blow very hard, with a violent snowstorm, circumscribing our view, and rendering it impossible to see more than two ship’s-lengths ahead. The cold was severe, and every spray that touched the ship was immediately converted into ice. At 9 p.m., the barometer still falling and the gale increasing, we reduced sail to closereefed fore and main-topsails, reefed foresail, and trysails, under which we passed numerous icebergs, some to windward and some to leeward of us. At 10.30 we found ourselves thickly beset with them, and had many narrow escapes; the excitement became intense…We thus passed close along their weather sides, and distinctly heard the roar of the surf dashing against them. We had, from time to time, glimpses of their obscure outline, appearing as though immediately above us… Several of the best men were completely exhausted with cold, fatigue, and excitement, and were sent below. This added to our anxieties, and but little hope remained to me of escaping… All was now still except the distant roar of the wild storm that was raging behind, before, and above us; the sea was in great agitation, and both officers and men were in the highest degree excited. The ship continued her way, and as we proceeded a glimmering of hope arose, for we had accidentally hit upon a clear passage between two large ice islands, which in fine weather we should not dare to have ventured through. The suspense endured while making our way between them was intense, but of short duration, and my spirits rose as I heard the whistling of the gale grow louder and louder before us, as we emerged from the passage. We had escaped an awful death, and were again tempest-tossed (Murray 1901:388–90) Wilkes’s experiences were by no means atypical. The French explorer, Dumont D’Urville witnessed a terrible storm off the Adélie Land coast on 24 January 1840, a gale which roughly corresponds in time with that quoted 81

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from Wilkes. His ship, L’Astrolabe lost sight of its consort La Zélée in a whirlwind of snow, and Dumont D’Urville expressed great anxiety for the latter’s safety. He feared his own ship would be driven into the pack and destroyed. To avoid this, he carried as much mainsail as possible, but it was immediately torn to ribbons as L’Astrolabe floundered in enormous seas. Part of the ship was coated with rime as a result of the intense cold, and snow froze on the ropes. To add to the trauma, the compass ceased to operate accurately, and familiar icebergs served as a guide. At 10 a.m. on 25 January the storm abated, and eventually La Zélée was seen. She had been displaced about eight miles to leeward (Murray 1901:452–5). A different type of ice-hazard afflicted the British explorer James Clark Ross in February 1841. His coordinates were 77°56’S., 190°15’E. The threat came in the form of young ice which formed very rapidly in the space between the Barrier and the pack-ice. Ross had doubts as to whether or not he could extricate himself from the situation. Had he lingered any longer near the Barrier he would certainly have been trapped. A thick fog prevailed and made it difficult for his ships, the Erebus and the Terror, to remain in contact. The young ice through which they ran was in places four inches thick. Icebergs and a gale posed additional threats before Ross found open water and safety (Ross 1969, Vol. 1:237–41). On 7 March 1841 Ross was again in peril when he experienced the terror of heavy swell which forced his vessels to the pack in which 84 large icebergs were counted. Huge masses of pack-ice broke violently against the precipitous edges of the icebergs. Ross then revealed his reliance on God in such a situation. He considered himself under the guidance of a merciful, good, and enduring God who could well interpose to save them. Ross claimed that in such times when human efforts are of no avail Christians could with calm resignation and serenity of mind await whatever God would decree. Indeed, when this was done peace was internalized and the individual strengthened. When the hazard was removed Ross quoted Psalm 40, verses 6 and 7: O Lord our God, how great are the wondrous works Thou has done; like as be also Thy thoughts, which are to us-ward! If I should declare them and speak of them, they should be more than I am able to express. (Ross 1969, Vol. 1:281–3) On 12 March, 1842 another ferocious gale plagued Ross. He had reached latitude 60°20’S., and his last recorded longitude was 163°50’W. He writes: Numerous small pieces of ice were also met with, warning us of the presence of bergs, concealed by the thickly falling snow…a large berg was seen ahead, and quite close to us; the ship was immediately 82

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hauled to the wind on the port tack, with the expectation of being able to weather it; but just at this moment the Terror was observed running down upon us; and as it was impossible for her to clear both the berg and the Erebus, collision was inevitable…our bowsprit, fore topmast and other smaller spars were carried away; and the ships hanging together, entangled by their rigging, and dashing against each other with fearful violence, were falling down upon the weatherface of the lofty berg under our lee, against which the waves were breaking and foaming to near the summit of its perpendicular cliffs. Sometimes she rose high above us, almost exposing her keel to view, and again descended as we in our turn rose to the top of the wave threatening to bury her beneath us, whilst the crashing of the breaking upperworks and boats increased the horror of the scene. Providentially they gradually forged passed each other and separated, and we had the gratification of seeing her clear the end of the berg, and of feeling that she was safe. (Ross 1969, Vol. 2:217–18) Repairs were necessary to both boats, especially the Erebus whose wrecked spars had to be removed, and as much rigging as possible saved. The Terror lost only three small spars, and thus suffered little damage. Ross praised the alacrity and bravery of his men in the situation (Ross 1969, Vol. 2:218–20). Steamships much later were subject to such hazards. The Challenger was encumbered by dangers in southern ice in February and March 1874. On 28 February Captain Nares sighted 40 icebergs at noon. The problem occurred when snow and a gale developed. They attempted to shelter in the lee of icebergs, and for this they had to steam with considerable power to keep pace (Moseley 1892:218). The section on the seaman’s view concludes with a much more protracted hazard. The voyage of the Belgica took place in the years 1898–9. This Belgian Antarctic expedition’s members were rendered helpless in a sea of ice which they entered in late February 1898. On 4 March of that year, they were forced to admit that they couldn’t extricate themselves. Their coordinates on that date were 71°22’S., 84°55’W. (Cook 1900:198). They drifted with the floe for 13 months until 14 March 1899 when their coordinates were 70°45’S., and 103°W. These figures reveal a considerable drift (Cook 1900:xiii). Seventy days of continuous darkness produced a melancholy mood in the officers and crew. Cook writes: The curtain of blackness which has fallen over the outer world of icy desolation has also descended upon the inner world of our souls. Around the tables, in the laboratory, and in the forecastle men are sitting about sad and dejected, lost in dreams. (Cook 1900:282) 83

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The darkness grows daily a little deeper and the night soaks hourly a little more colour from our blood. Our gait is now careless, the step non-elastic, the foothold uncertain. (Cook 1900:319) It was not simply the power of the pack which could usher and push them where it wished, nor even the uncertainty of their fate which made them so remorseful. As the above citations demonstrate, the depressing duration of the night took a heavier toll on their spirits and reduced their ability to cope with the hazardous situation. Thirteen months in the pack added its weight to their gloom in a seascape of fear. The hazards facing the landsman to some extent replicate those facing the seaman. Both face blizzards and extreme cold. Bad light and fog can also be a peril to both. The landsman is, however, spared the trauma of icebergs, but it is replaced by other natural hazards, including sastrugi, avalanches, dangerous slopes of ice, and the most frightening of all, the crevasse. These chasms in the ice not only impede transport but have claimed the lives of many explorers. Often they are made more dangerous by bad light or a thin snow cover which conceal their presence. Perhaps they are to the landsman what the iceberg is to the seaman. Again the categories of natural hazard overlap. The limited vision in a snow storm augments the danger of the crevasse, for instance. Therefore a general chronological approach to hazards facing the landsman will be adopted rather than one based on a taxonomy of specific hazard categories. Expression will also be given to the polyphony of the explorers’ voices. The British Antarctic Expedition of 1898–1900 was commanded by Carsten Borchgrevink, who had claimed the first landing on the Antarctic Continent. This courageous explorer made a winter sledge journey. On the evening of 28 July 1899, a hazard arrived in the form of a blizzard which forced his party into sleeping bags inside their tent for three days. The temperature was –40°F. The members took turns to stand on all fours to prevent the pressure of snow from smothering them. Apart from frost-bite, however, there were no adverse effects! (Borchgrevink 1901:159–60). Robert Falcon Scott commanded the British Discovery Expedition of 1901– 4. In March 1902 an accident of dire consequences afflicted his party and it was the combined result of a blizzard and a dangerous ice slope. The disaster befell a group who had been sent to Cape Crozier. In the blizzard all sense of direction was lost. A party of five descended a steep slope which was extremely slippery. They supposed their direction to be towards that of the ship. They proceeded for about 500 yards in whirling snow when a precipice was seen by their leader, Wild. The sea could be seen through the precipice in the wreathing snow. The leader called for a halt, but Vince, who was wearing fur boots, slipped past the leader and disappeared. His death must have been rapid (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:242–3). 84

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Scott himself, along with his companions Barne and Shackleton, was to experience a hazardous blizzard on his spring southern reconnaissance journey which commenced on 17 September 1902. Wind and low temperatures led to a rather exhausted party that evening. Insufficient snow was put on the skirting of the tent, and the party was unaware of the violent gale which developed during the night. Scott, to his amazement, woke up in blinding snow outside the tent, and was initially puzzled as to what had happened. In an extraordinary way he had rolled outside into the snow. He re-entered but by this time snow had covered the sleeping bags and was whirling freely within the tent. Any attempt to secure it would have been dangerous and futile. The skirting was grasped with frozen fingers, and pulled back inside. The men half-held and half-grasped it in an attempt to preserve their lives. The storm sapped their energies. The slippery canvas would elude their grasp, and they would suffer immense pain when retrieving it. Frost-bitten fingers were an inevitable consequence. Attempts to collect provisions resulted in faces white with frost-bite. It was 6 p.m. on 18 September before the tent was sufficiently secured, and it was not until 3 a.m. on the next morning that they were able to consume a meal of pemmican and cocoa. The decision to return to the ship was a simple one (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:520–3). On 24 September 1902 the party set out again. Barne, whose fingers were severely frost-bitten, was replaced by Feather, the boatswain (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:525). On 29 September the light deteriorated to such an extent that an early camp was necessitated. Nothing could be seen underfoot. This dangerous condition results when uniform stratus clouds cover the sky. Light is thus diffused and there are no rays to cast shadows. Such conditions have been a constant source of trouble to polar explorers (Scott 1905, Vol. 1: 530–1). Scott had thus experienced two hazards in a short time-period. The second sledging season also brought potential imperilment to Scott who hoped to penetrate far into the interior. On returning from their farthest south in December 1903 the danger came in the form of a crevasse. Evans and Scott fell into one of these chasms but Lashly mercifully didn’t follow them. With considerable effort they managed to extricate themselves. Scott was simply dangling from his trace before he found a projection on the blue walls of the crevasse to which he could attach his steel-shod foot. Both he and Evans had to climb out unaided (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:282–5). Sir Ernest Shackleton, commander of the British Antarctic Expedition of 1907–9, also experienced the danger of crevasses on his southern journey on which he attained the then farthest south, specifically 88°23’S., a feat he accomplished on 9 January 1909. On his way there at latitude 83°28’S., Shackleton crossed several crevasses. They varied between 10 and 20 feet across, and were filled with snow except at the sides where gaps of about 2 feet existed. Suddenly there appeared a chasm 300 feet deep and 80 feet 85

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wide, which necessitated a detour to a location where it was filled with snow (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:307). Later, on the same journey, Shackleton described what he considered to be the worst possible surface. On 12 December 1908 his party encountered blue ice with sharp edges, punctuated by crevasses and chasms. The ice had numerous ridges and gullies (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:321). Then just two days before he achieved his farthest south, he was beset by an enormous blizzard on 7 January 1909. The storm was accompanied by temperatures of 70°F. of frost, and its wind speeds reached 90 miles per hour. It confined them to their tent until the morning of the 9th when Shackleton was to achieve his record (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:346–7). Ice, exceptionally low temperatures, blizzards and crevasses tormented Cherry-Garrard, Bowers and Wilson on their winter journey to gather emperor penguin eggs at Cape Crozier. They commenced their odyssey on 27 June 1911 from Hut Point and returned on 1 August. They endured enormous pain to secure eggs for scientific research. Dr Wilson believed that the embryos in these eggs would enlighten the world as to the origin and history of birds. He considered the emperor penguin to be very primitive. The incubation occurs on sea ice in the cold dark Antarctic winter, hence the necessity for this heroic and horrendous journey. Such were the hardship and pain endured that CherryGarrard considered crevasses friendly if they would end the torment. He writes: I for one had come to that point of suffering at which I did not really care if only I could die without much pain. They talk of the heroism of dying—they know little—it would be so easy to die, a dose of morphia, a friendly crevasse, and blissful sleep. The trouble is to go on. (Cherry-Garrard 1923:237) The hazards facing these winter explorers were exacerbated by the darkness. Problems such as retracing tracks if necessary or reading the compass were enormous. Several boxes of matches could be consumed simply to obtain one compass reading. Then there were problems of finding the cooker, the primus, and the food (Cherry-Garrard 1923:237). The party also had a remarkable escape from death in a crevasse: We were quite lost in the darkness, and only knew that we were running downhill, the sledge almost catching our heels. There had been no light all day, clouds obscured the moon, we had not seen her since yesterday. And quite suddenly a little patch of clear sky drifted, as it were, over her face, and she showed us three paces ahead a great crevasse with just a shining icy lid not much thicker than glass. We should all have walked into it, and the sledge would certainly have followed us down. After that I felt we had a chance of pulling through: God could not be so cruel as to have saved us just to prolong our agony. (Cherry-Garrard 1923:244) 86

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It is worth mentioning that on this journey there was not any significant difference between day and night. The nights were somewhat colder but constant darkness prevailed. The freezing environment mercilessly plagued them. During a night when the temperature reached –75.8°F., Cherry-Garrard concurred with Dante who placed circles of ice below circles of fire (CherryGarrard 1923:249). He made a similar analogy after a climb among the pressure ridges. They slid down slopes, and tumbled in and out of crevasses, and eventually reached rock rather than ice cliffs. These towered 800 feet above them. Cherry-Garrard (1923:267) comments: The tumult of pressure which climbed against them showed no order here. Four hundred miles of moving ice behind it had just tossed and twisted those giant ridges until Job himself would have lacked words to reproach their maker. The worst which befell the group, however, was an enormous blizzard. On 21 July they built an igloo. Soft snow was packed into hollows between firm snow blocks. Provisions were stored in the tent pitched outside the igloo. Their estimated location was between 800 and 900 feet up the slopes of Mount Terror. A feeling of comfort and serenity prevailed. The tent was secured by rocks and well dug in, while they deemed the igloo to be a safe haven because of its thick walls of snow and rock. They retired into the igloo. From a tranquil situation, a storm rose in ten minutes, and the tent disappeared. Amazingly all they had stored there apart from pieces of the cooker remained scattered at its former site. The hysterical winds continued and alarm was expressed for the safety of the igloo. The situation became more desperate. Eventually the walls caved in upon them, whirling drift entered, and the men’s only refuge was their sleeping bags. Songs and hymns were sung to boost morale. They survived the blizzard but considered themselves dead without the tent. They conceived that they had no chance of finding it, but find it they did, and lived to tell the tale. It was as though life had been taken away from them and then given back (Cherry-Garrard 1923: 274–84). On his initial attempt to reach the South Pole, Amundsen was forced to retreat to Framheim. Not even this great explorer could vanquish the severe temperatures of September 1911. On the 11th, the thermometer showed a reading of –67.9°F., and on the 12th –61.6°F., and the wind was directly against their passage. It was too much for the dogs and frost was attacking the men’s bodies. The decision was thus made to deposit provisions in a depot, and then to return (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 1:383–4). Amundsen’s successful run to the pole and back commenced on 19 October 1911. Even on the first day’s march as the weather became thicker they narrowly missed death in a groaning black abyss which appeared suddenly on the surface. Again on 21 October, there were problems with 87

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crevasses; Bjaaland’s sledge and 13 dogs had to be rescued after sinking into one of these chasms. Later on their march, at latitude 86°21’S., problems with crevasses were experienced since they were covered with a thin layer of snow and thus posed great danger (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:3, 6–7, 81). Whilst not a major hazard, it is worth noting that sastrugi, wind blown snow waves, created difficulties for Amundsen as he made his way to the top of the mountains to gain the polar plateau (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:61). However, a really serious danger awaited them. After passing the Devil’s Glacier, an extension of the Axel Heiberg Glacier, Amundsen’s party came across a dangerous double floor of ice which they named the Devil’s Ballroom. He writes: The first sign that the surface was more treacherous than it appeared to be was when Hanssen’s leading dogs went right through the apparently solid floor. They remained hanging by their harness and were easily pulled up again. When we looked through the hole they had made in the crust, it did not give us the impression of being very dangerous, as, 2 or 3 feet below the outer crust, there lay another surface which appeared to consist of pulverized ice. We assumed that this lower surface was the solid one, and that therefore there was no danger in falling through the upper one. But Bjaaland was able to tell us a different story. He had, in fact, fallen through the outer crust, and was well on his way through the inner one as well when he got hold of a loop of rope on his sledge and saved himself in the nick of time. Time after time the dogs now fell through, and time after time the men went in. The effect of the open space between the two crusts was that the ground under our feet sounded unpleasantly hollow as we went over it. The drivers whipped up their dogs as much as they could, and with shouts and brisk encouragement they went rapidly over this treacherous floor. Fortunately this curious formation was not of great extent, and we soon began to observe a change for the better as we came up the ridge. (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:105) This was possibly the worst hazard encountered by Amundsen on his polar venture. Robert Falcon Scott faced similar perils on his last expedition but his ending was tragic. Crevasses were a problem on several occasions. In February 1911 a disaster almost occurred when Scott’s party inadvertently were crossing the bridge of a crevasse. The sledge remained on it but the dogs fell in and were held by their harness. Scott considered it miraculous that the sledge and men didn’t follow the dogs into the chasm. Eleven of thirteen dogs were eventually recovered (Scott 1913:180). On 25 December, on his actual route to the South Pole, one of Scott’s party, Lashly, fell in a 88

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crevasse and nearly dragged his crew with him. He was pulled to the surface with an alpine rope from a chasm 50 feet deep and 8 feet wide. Also on their ill-fated return from the Pole on 11 February 1912, the party misperceived their direction and ended up in an area of irregular crevasses which gave way to enormous chasms. Scott declared it to be the worst ice mess he had ever experienced (Scott 1913:519, 567). Severe temperatures on the Barrier and a prolonged blizzard eventually sealed the fate of Scott’s party. In 82°S. on the Barrier day temperatures were about –30°F. with a head wind working against their progress and physical comfort. At night the temperatures regularly dipped to –47°F. (Scott 1913: 606). On Thursday 29 March 1912, Scott made the last entry in his diary. They had had a continuous gale since 21 March from west-south-west and southwest. Fuel and food were desperately low on 20 March when all they had of the former was sufficient for two cups of tea each and of the latter a supply for two days. They were prepared each day to start for their depot eleven miles away which had a large food supply but were prevented from doing so by the whirling drift of the snow. The end had arrived (Scott 1913:594–5). Perhaps it is fitting that Scott should write the epilogue to this chapter on the Antarctic as a landscape of fear. When he reached the South Pole, his words were revealing: Great God! this is an awful place and terrible enough for us to have laboured to it without the reward of priority. (Scott 1913:544)

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True beauty is often experienced when it is unexpected and frequently defies strict definition. Frequently we must enjoy the ecstatic contemplation of it for a limited period for it may be impossible to sustain. Robert Burns in his humorous poem ‘Tam O’Shanter’, likened the transitory nature of such pleasures to the lovely form of rainbows vanishing in a storm or the aurora borealis flitting before their location could be indicated. In addition the contemplation of beauty involves an ambiance which is difficult to define. Thus if photographers try to photograph or painters try to paint the beautiful object of perception, they may do so in vain. Much beauty in Antarctica is of a fleeting nature whether it be the refraction of light on ice or the sudden appearance of the aurora australis. Often the perception of beauty occurs in moments of relaxation, but it can also be experienced in periods of adversity. On the winter journey to Cape Crozier to secure emperor penguin eggs, Wilson, Bowers and Cherry-Garrard experienced blizzards, temperatures as low as –77.5°F., and suffered enormous pain. However, on a day when the temperature fell to –49°F., Apsley Cherry-Garrard was able to write: I think it was upon this day that a wonderful glow stretched over the Barrier edge from Cape Crozier: at the base it was the most vivid crimson it is possible to imagine, shading upwards through every shade of red to light green, and so into a deep blue sky. It is the most vivid red I have ever seen in the sky. (Cherry-Garrard 1923, Vol. 1:291) No absolute taxonomy will be imposed in this chapter. Often the categories overlap or combine; for instance beautiful colours result when the sun shines on ice. However, the following general order will be adhered to in the chapter: the aurora australis, the effects of the sun and moon, impressive mountains and their associated valley glaciers, and the beauty of atmospheric phenomena and mirages. A few examples of each will suffice, and each category will follow a general chronological order. Since individual perceptions are being recorded, individual voices will be heard. No chapter 90

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on Antarctic aesthetics would be complete without reference to Edward Wilson’s art, and thus a discussion on this provides a fitting conclusion. The aurora australis with its colours and dazzling light impressed many Antarctic explorers. Bellingshausen in March 1820, not only perceived the beauty of the phenomenon, but on one occasion affirmed its light saved his ship from the peril of an iceberg. He writes: the southern aurora showed in all its magnificence and brightness …The whole vault of the heavens except 12° or 15° from the horizon was covered with bands of rainbow colour which, with the rapidity of lightning, traversed the sky in sinuous lines from south to north, shading off from colour to colour. This spectacle, surpassing all description, aroused in us the greatest wonder and saved us, it may be, from misfortune. When the snowclouds had cleared and the sea was lit up by the aurora, we observed that we were passing close to a huge iceberg to leeward: we considered ourselves fortunate not to have run into it. (Debenham 1945, Vol. 1:148) After experiencing gales, snow-squalls and the perils of ice islands, the American explorer Charles Wilkes described a splendid and novel appearance of the aurora australis on 22 February 1840: Black clouds were passing rapidly over the sky; an orange glow of light seemed to cover the heavens, emanating from a point over which flitted rays of the prismatic colours directed towards the horizon, lighting up both edges of the clouds and throwing them into bold relief. The rays seemed to dart simultaneously towards the horizon, on reaching which they would seem to be gathered, as if by magic, towards the centre and slowly vanish, to reappear again and fold up. (Murray 1901:431) An impressive aurora australis was observed by the British explorer James Clark Ross on 27 March 1841: At 9.15 p.m. it…appeared W.N.W. and E.S.E. in concentric arches of diffused light, with apparently a rapid internal motion, like a current passing through and lighting up thin mist. The centres of these concentric arches first became visible in the S.S.W. at an altitude of 30°, rising in succession slowly to the zenith, and then declining in the N.N.E. to an altitude of 50° at 9.50,…At 9.53 a bright diffused light suddenly appeared from behind a dark cloud, and two or three minutes afterwards pink and green colours of considerable intensity were seen amongst it…and before 10 o’clock bright streamers darted upward from the cloud to the zenith, forming coronae, and exhibiting bright flashes of all the prismatic colours, green and red being the more 91

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frequent and conspicuous: this Aurora had much motion, darting and quivering about the sky in rapid flights, and in every direction. (Ross 1969, Vol. 1:314) Colour and movement impressed the beholders. Scott made auroral notes in his account of what was to be his last expedition. He described the auroral light as palish green which suddenly sprang to life with reddish flushes. He conceived that the charm of the aurora was derived from its power of suggestion. Form, movement and colour led Scott to speculate on portents and mystic signs emanating from the gods. His imagination led him to suggest that mighty powers from perhaps Mars had surrounded the earth with this golden script, and dwellers on our world were unable to decipher its meaning (Scott 1913:283–4). The frequency with which the aurora australis was recorded by Antarctic explorers in terms of awe and wonder bears testimony to its impact. They saw intrinsic beauty in the phenomenon. Mariners and explorers are very conscious of celestial bodies, and of these the sun and moon were the most conspicuous. In January 1840, Charles Wilkes saw the sun and moon appear above the horizon at the same time. Both created beauty with their light. The nearly full moon tinged the clouds with silvery light while icebergs and the distant continent displayed the golden rays of the sun (Murray 1901:374). The sun on the horizon impressed Ross on 22 January 1841. Its effects on colour created what this British explorer described as the most beautiful night his crew had experienced in those high latitudes. The sky at the zenith was intense indigo blue (Ross 1969, Vol. 1:207). The Belgica voyage of 1898–9 saw its members wintering through the Antarctic night. It is therefore not surprising that the sun with its illumination was perceived as the source of life. Frederick Cook, surgeon and anthropologist of this Belgian Antarctic expedition, writes: A few minutes past eleven a wave of light spread over the vast expanse of the cold heavens, and then a gleam of fire burst through a large purple cloud on the horizon northward. The lonely spread of lifeless ice assumed a face of rose, and soon after, the entire northern sky was streaked with warm bands of carmine. (Cook 1900:343) A similar thrill at the return of the sun was evinced by Captain Scott in 1902 on his Discovery expedition. Its members too had endured the Antarctic night, and Scott wrote of the sun’s punctual return: Over all the magnificent view, the sunlight spreads with gorgeous effect after its long absence; a soft pink envelops the western ranges, a brilliant red gold covers the northern sky; to the north also each crystal of snow 92

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sparkles with reflected light. The sky shows every gradation of light and shade; little flakes of golden sunlit cloud float against the pale blue heaven, and seem to hover in the middle heights, whilst far above them a feathery white cirrus shades to grey on its unlit sides. (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:397) Scott also perceived beauty in the effects of moonlight during Antarctic winter. His description of this phenomenon on 1 August 1902 urged him to reflect on spells and enchantment in a way reminiscent of his auroral speculations: There can be few scenes more beautiful than that which is about us on a calm moonlight night. During the noon hours the silver rays are lost, and the moon itself is changed to a deep orange yellow in the diffused twilight cast by the gleaming crimson band to the north; but as the red glow slowly travels around and is lost behind the western hills, our white world is left alone with the moon and the stars. The cold, white light falls on the colder, whiter snow against which the dark rock and intricate outline of the ship stand out in blackest contrast. Each sharp peak and every object about us casts a deep shadow, and is clearly outlined against the sky, but beyond our immediate surroundings is fairyland. The eye travels on and on over the gleaming plain till it meets the misty white horizon, and above and beyond, the soft, silvery outlines of the mountains. Did one not know them of old, it would sometimes be difficult to think them real, so deep a spell of enchantment seems to rest on the scene. And indeed it is not a spell that rests on man alone, for it is on such night that the dogs lift up their voices and join in a chant which disturbs the most restful sleepers. (Scott 1905, Vol. 1:368–9) Scott thus seemed as absorbed and impressed by the lesser light as by the greater light. On his last expedition in 1911, subsequent to choosing Cape Evans as a winter station, Scott was again enraptured by and eloquent over the effects of the sun. Its warm glow combined with invigorating cold air was viewed as supremely health-giving and satisfying. The aesthetic effects of the sun’s golden rays on mountains and ice produced a magnificent scene. The combination of the panorama and the weather created a situation which was the closest to perfection Scott had experienced (Scott 1913:91). As noted, ice takes on many beautiful forms and colours. One of the oldest models of all, that of the fairy-tale was used by explorers to describe groups of icebergs. Images of alabaster palaces permeate the writings. Morrell, the American explorer, whose claims of Antarctic discoveries have created doubt in the minds of many used the fairy-tale analogy in his description of a vast field of drifting ice in December 1822. His imagination served him well: 93

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All that we have ever read of fairy palaces, and castles with towers of crystal, surmounted by turrets and minarets of the whitest silver, may furnish some idea of the scene of treacherous brilliancy which now surrounded us. The morning sun shone upon them obliquely, and their irregular sides reflected its rays in a variety of gay colours. (Morrell 1832:60)

He was dazzled by their colour and alarmed at their proximity. The wonder of icebergs made powerful initial impressions on those who saw them. The sense of awe diminished, however, as they became familiar sights. The French explorer Dumont D’Urville on 16 January 1840 described an iceberg 400 metres wide and 21 metres high. It had been in the sea for a considerable time for the waves had created caverns in its sides. The crew were immediately attracted to this formidable piece of ice, but those who were accustomed to icebergs soon returned to their normal activities. A dozen men, however, gazed in wonder at the impressive feature much to the amusement of the remainder of the crew. For these twelve, it was their first experience of this wonder of nature, but on subsequent occasions they showed no sign of enchantment (Murray 1901:440). A fairy-tale analogy of bergs was provided by Charles Wilkes in January 1840. He conceded that a verbal description was insufficient to convey their beauty and form to those who had not experienced them. He suggested imagining piles of buildings, winding streets, and ruined alabaster palaces in order to create some impression of them for those who had not had the privilege of seeing them. Even then their splendour and grandeur would not be fully appreciated (Murray 1901:375). Murdoch used the model of the fairy-tale in his vivid description of icebergs. He was an artist on the Dundee Antarctic Expedition of 1892–3. He writes: We are leaving the open water in Erebus and Terror Gulf, threading our way through the loose pack between aisles of many bergs. The water is calm and dark, almost inky, with a lilac shimmer on its surface, and on either side of us the cliffs rise high above our masts, their splintered sides hung with gauzy whisps of vapour that float motionless in the cold, sunny air. The side of the bergs near us are of a transparent leaden colour, dusted with snow. Occasionally we pass the greenyblue clefts in the cliffs, which seem to lead far into the berg to fairy chambers in the white palaces. Above, the sky is of the most delicate lapis-lazuli blue, crossed with soft bands of dull white cloud and flecked with cirri. As the bergs recede into perspective behind us, they take faint rosy, purple tints. (Murdoch 1894:233, 235)

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When ice is viewed in conjunction with mountains in sunny weather, the enchantment is enormous. Bull, author of The Cruise of the ‘Antarctic’, which relates claims for a first landing on the Antarctic Continent, provides the following picture: The pinnacled mountains towering range beyond range in majestic grandeur under a coverlet of matchless white; the glittering and sparkling gold and silver of the sunshine, broken or reflected through the crystals of ice and snow; the sky of clearest blue and deepest gold when the sun is at its lowest; but perhaps more than all, the utter desolation, the awesome, unearthly silence pervading the whole landscape—all this combines to form a scene which is worth many a sacrifice to behold for once. (Bull 1896:176) A similar situation of beauty was perceived by Arçtowski, a member of the Belgica expedition. In January 1898 he writes: Every now and again, a momentary clearing revealed a beautiful picture of mountain peaks, the bases of which were covered, of great glaciers losing themselves in the clouds, or of fantastic icebergs, everything appearing larger than nature because there was no perspective, and the fine pictures themselves were vaguely framed in cloud. (Murray 1901:470) Ernest Shackleton, leader of the British Antarctic Expedition of 1907–9 describes a beautiful sight on Mount Erebus. The view was enjoyed at 4 a.m. The rising sun cast the volcano’s shadow on the cumulus clouds below, and every detail was recognizable (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1: 186). Amundsen also was enraptured by mountains. While on his 1910–12 Norwegian Antarctic Expedition he commented: Mount Nilson—ah! Anything more beautiful, taking it altogether, I have never seen. Peaks of the most varied forms rose high into the air, partly covered with driving clouds. Some were sharp, but most were long and rounded. Here and there one saw bright, shining glaciers plunging wildly down the steep sides, and merging into the underlying ground in fearful confusion. But the most remarkable of all was Mount Helmer Hanssen; its top was as round as the bottom of a bowl, and covered by an extraordinary ice-sheet, which was so broken up and disturbed that the blocks of ice bristled in every direction like the quills of a porcupine. It glittered and burned in the sunlight—a glorious spectacle. There could only be one such mountain in the world, and as a landmark it was priceless. (Amundsen 1912, Vol. 2:87)

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Like the psalmist averred, looking to the hills was a source of strength. They take us out of our frame of reference, and have the awesomeness and permanence of God. Much has been written elsewhere in this volume on mirages, but Murdoch of the Dundee Antarctic Expedition of 1892–3 pens this aesthetic description of how a mirage affected the appearance of icebergs: Round the horizon they divided into a circle of pale druidical pillars with yellow light shining between them, and seemed to support the canopy of faintly grey sky. Then a soft white fog fell and they disappeared, and the ships begin calling to one another like partridges in the evening when the mist lies low on the winter field. (Murdoch 1894:318) Another illustration of aesthetic Antarctica is provided by Scott on his Discovery expedition. Paraselenae and mock suns are striking atmospheric phenomena. Scott comments: We were enveloped in a light, thin stratus cloud of small ice-crystals; it could not have extended to any height, as the sun was only lightly veiled. From these drifting crystals above, the sun’s rays were reflected in such an extraordinary manner that the whole arch of the heavens was traced with circles and lines of brilliant prismatic or white light. The coloured circles of a bright double halo were touched or intersected by one which ran round about us parallel to the horizon; above this, again, a gorgeous prismatic ring encircled the zenith; away from the sun was a white fogbow, with two bright mock suns where it intersected the horizon circle. The whole effect was almost bewildering, and its beauty is far beyond the descriptive powers of my sledging pencil. We have often seen double halos, fog-bows, mock suns, and even indications of other circles, but we have never been privileged to witness a display that approaches in splendour that of today. (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:35–6) This brief sketch of Antarctic aesthetics shows that beauty is perceived and gives pleasure in this desolate region. Ice, celestial bodies, mountains, mirages and other atmospheric phenomena create a fairy-tale world of intense beauty. The polyphony provided here gives the reader a view of their grandeur and majesty. No discussion of Antarctic aesthetics, however, would be complete without reference to the domain of art. For this a discussion of the sketches, paintings and philosophy of Edward Wilson is most illuminating. He was the most impressive artist of the heroic age of Antarctic exploration and an important member of Scott’s Discovery and last expeditions. Wilson was a polymath, a complete 96

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Renaissance man. Like the man with five talents in St Matthew’s gospel, he used his abilities to the full. He was a medical doctor, naturalist and ornithologist of the highest order, a sledger, diarist and artist. His constant enthusiasm and enduring capacity for hard work endeared him to all with whom he made contact. Wilson was also a teleologist. Everything served a grand purpose and was a component of an embracing philosophy. No discordant note permeated it. Art functioned to help science which in turn enhanced faith. The combination of all of his talents was viewed as an expression of a unified intellect which was exemplifed by the Terra Nova expedition in general and by Wilson in particular (Pyne 1986:181). Scott alluded to Edward Wilson’s teleology in his letter to Mrs Wilson in 1912: His eyes have a comfortable blue look of hope and his mind is peaceful with the satisfaction of his faith in regarding himself as part of the great scheme of the Almighty. (Scott 1913:597) Wilson was very much aware of the mechanical nature of the universe. His science revealed this. His faith, however, remained intact and did not recede like Matthew Arnold’s sea of faith in his poem ‘Dover Beach’. He conceived of free will in God’s eyes as giving humans a motivation and willingness to achieve their utmost. Cupitt (1984:269) defined God as ‘the sum of our values, representing to us their ideal unity, their claims upon us and their creative power’. Although Wilson conceived of God as an objective being, this quotation aptly describes his philosophy. Such was the man who produced such beautiful Antarctic art. His paintings depicted the wonders of icebergs, atmospheric phenomena such as irridescent clouds, paraselenae and parhelia. Illustrations of each of these are provided at the beginning of this volume. He portrayed snow and ice in all its sombre grandeur, and paid tremendous tribute to the nuances of light and shade. His sketches revealed attention to minute detail. The colours cast by the sun, the moon and aurorae were displayed in all their splendour. Wilson was fascinated by art during early childhood. His formative years were inspired by the Crippets. This farm which his mother rented was located on a spur on Leckhampton Hill, and provided glorious views of the Severn Valley. The artist in him responded (King 1976:212). Initially his adult motivation for watercolours was artistic, and he emphasized beauty rather than form. Roberts (1967:30) felt this resulted in a Christmas card or calendar style. This phase soon terminated and his emphasis switched to accurate depiction of particular points. Less emphasis was allocated to backgrounds. Later still he combined the two motives. Roberts (1967:31) writes thus: Wilson sketched only what he saw, not what he felt. He never let imagination guide his pencil or brush. While he recoiled with distrust from the 97

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impressionists, he had great admiration for the Japanese artists whose pictures resulted from prolonged and intensive contemplation. He had closely studied the masters in landscape painting of the English and Continental schools, among whom in his estimation Turner was supreme. In sum, he used his art for the advancement and purposes of science, but felt its compelling beauty keenly also. He possessed a remarkable eye for colour which he was able to retain subsequent to the event, and this certainly became an asset in his Antarctic watercolours. They were not manifestations of naive realism but accurate representations of nature. Art could never be conducted in the normal way in the southern continent. His sketches frequently were made with cold fingers. In a short period of time his hands had to be protected by fur mitts. Sometimes he would make sketches from various positions and return to the hut or ship to complete them. One of his fears was that the colours would be distorted since he worked under acetylene and candle-light. These fears were allayed when the works were viewed later (Prendergast 1989:52, 54). Fortunately there survives in the archives of the Scott Polar Research Institute, University of Cambridge, a copy of a lecture delivered by Wilson on 31 May 1911 to members of Scott’s last expedition. It is a 31-page document which reveals some of his ideas on art. He refers to the differences between Antarctic sketching, and the same in more temperate lands. Pencil and chalk were the limited equipment for the former, and even then a completed work could only be finished outside in the summer. He advocated accuracy since the aim in Antarctica was the furtherance of science. He suggested composing pencil drawings in as great a detail as possible within the constraints of low temperatures. Shorthand could be used to recall colour. He added useful tips. Artists mustn’t scribble haphazardly. Every line was important, and gradations and colours must be carefully analyzed. Snow, ice, and distant mountains could not be reproduced quickly, and contemplation was necessary for this to be achieved. Wilson warned against second-guessing nature. To illustrate this he praised an art student on the expedition who drew an iceberg successfully. Since the student had not seen one before he took great care with his work. The same precision, however, did not apply to the protrayal of the waves and sky, and they were drawn as at home. The iceberg was reflected in the waves! The student should have looked carefully to perceive wave and sky in the Antarctic setting. Wilson also stressed the value of the pencil, and indeed affirmed that it was the only thing to use in Antarctica. He recommended H and F pencils to avoid smudging (Wilson 1911). Perhaps it is a fitting testimony to Wilson that even when dying on the tragic descent of the Beardmore Glacier in February 1912, he continued to pursue his art. King (1976:217) rightly concludes that had he survived, these sketches would have been converted to watercolours.

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‘Many years later, as he faced the firing squad, Colonel Aureliano Buendia was to remember that distant afternoon when his father took him to discover ice’ (Marquez 1978:9). This lurid opening to Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s novel Cien años de soledad (One hundred years of solitude) demonstrates the impact of ice on the memory of an equatorial revolutionary, completely divorced from terrain in extreme boreal or austral regions. Such is its power in influencing the memory, its impact may occur when the perceiver is in a state of ecstasy or a state of torpor, in a torrid or a frigid zone. Ice can be appraised as cold, foreboding, with the threat of divine vengeance, or as suffused with light, which enables bright colours to repose in its many cells. It is not therefore surprising that lands of ice and snow inspire poetry or the memory of it. The aim in this chapter is to examine ‘Antarctic’ poetry, and inspired elegant prose in various aspects. While the coverage is not comprehensive, its time span is considerable, specifically from the second voyage of Captain Cook (1772–5) to the death of Captain Scott (1912). Also the range and quality of the literature considered is broad. Initially some of the literature cited and written by Antarctic explorers with reference to their environment is examined. The biographies of Antarctic explorers are replete with citations from poetry of quality. Some explorers themselves felt the creative spirit, and were inspired to compose odes, poems, and prose to portray their experiences of ice and loneliness, two dominant features of their livedworld. This sets the stage and these two phenomena form a unifying element. Next we proceed to the central component which focuses on Coleridge’s poem ‘The Rime of the Ancient Mariner’. There is indisputable evidence that ice and loneliness greatly influenced Coleridge’s masterpiece. We continue by considering the origins, influences, exegeses, and fidelity to the tangible world of these two phenomena in the ‘Rime’. Further, any consideration of Antarctic poetry would be incomplete without the albatross, which figures prominently in Coleridge’s ‘Rime’ and explorers’ experiences. Both poets and explorers desired the omniscience of gods and freedom to soar like an albatross. Perhaps the ice itself drove the latter to a reluctant stoicism. 99

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The final section addresses the relevance of these three foci of the ‘Rime’ to the lived-world of Antarctic explorers. Coleridge’s sensitivity to and awareness of Antarctic environments is revealed in references made by explorers to ice, albatrosses, and the effects of solitude. The prose of explorers often enhanced by personification and beautiful analogies frequently portrayed the effects of these phenomena upon their lives in high austral latitudes, and demonstrate Coleridge’s fidelity to the nature of the region. Thus a sort of Wittgensteinian family resemblance exists between the poet’s depictions, and the explorer’s feelings and experiences. This does not mean identity; rather many feelings and expectations in common. We commence with the popular rather than the literary. Thomas Perry, a seaman on Cook’s epic circumnavigation from 1772 to 1775, composed a poetic song of the voyage entitled ‘The Antarctic Muse’, whose stanzas were well-esteemed by the captain. The four verses quoted here portray how ice and cold impinge on the mariners: Thank God we have ranged the Globe all around And we have likewise the south Continent found But it being too late in the year as they say We could stay there no longer the land to survey So we leave it alone for we give a good reason For the next ship that comes to survey in right season The great fields of Ice among them we were bothered We were forced to alter our course to the Northward So we have done our utmost of any men born To discover a land so far South of Cape Horn So now my brave Boys we no longer will stay For we leave it alone for the next Ship to survey It was when we got into the cold frosty air We were obliged our Mittens and Magdalen Caps to wear, We are out of the cold my brave Boys and perhaps We will put off our Mittens and Magdalen Caps (Beaglehole 1961:870) Whilst not pure poetry, Wilkes’s prose and imagery approach the poetic when sun, moon and ice are used with stimulating effect, as in the following passage written during his US Exploring Expedition of 1838–42: We had a beautiful and unusual sight presented to us this night: the sun and moon both appeared above the horizon at the same time, and each throwing its light abroad. The latter was nearly full. The 100

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former illuminated the icebergs and distant continent with his deep golden rays; while the latter, in the opposite horizon, tinged with silvery light the clouds in its immediate neighbourhood. (Murray 1901:374) The magnificent images stimulated Wilkes’s determination to land, a wish which was not to reach fruition. Frederick Cook, Surgeon and anthropologist of the Belgian Antarctic Expedition of 1898–9, wrote a moving and scholarly account of the voyage of the Belgica among unknown southern seas, and newly discovered lands ‘about the South Pole’. For its period, this is a work of consummate scholarship. His use of metaphor, innuendo, irony, pathetic fallacy, and prosopopoeia define him as an artist as well as a scientist. During the expedition, the Belgica became firmly beset by ice. The ship drifted with the ice for a period of 13 months after attempts to extricate it failed. Appropriately the title of Cook’s volume is Through the first Antarctic night. It is apropos to quote several of Cook’s passages not just because of their internal beauty, and poetic use of ice and polar loneliness, but also because they are strongly reminiscent of Coleridge’s ‘Ancient Mariner’ which forms a prime focus of this chapter. The Ancient Mariner’s ultimate loneliness and despair is mirrored in the following passages when the Belgica was held captive: It is not difficult to read on the faces of my companions their thoughts and their moody dispositions. We are all wandering northward— homeward, with the fugitive sun. The curtain of blackness which has fallen over the outer world of icy desolation has also descended upon the inner world of our souls. Around the tables, in the laboratory, and in the forecastle, men are sitting about sad and dejected, lost in dreams of melancholy. …the persistent storms have so screened the heavens that it has vanished as if by stealth. Now, however, the gloom of night which has so rapidly followed its lengthening shadow, has suddenly impressed upon our passive minds the awful individual loneliness, and the unfathomable solitude of this impenetrable antarctic wilderness. Henceforth, for a period which is a blank in human history, the fair-haired goddess of light will repose beneath the polar star over the more hopeful arctic lands. Her pathway is no longer over familiar hummocks and icebergs and the even spreads of this icy desert under the Southern Cross. Her silvery tresses have swept for the last time this sea of frozen waves; her departing breath has stilled, as by the hand of death, the bosom of this great body of water upon which we have cast our fortunes. (Cook 1900:282–3)

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It is dark! dark! Dark at noon, dark at midnight, dark every hour of the day. And thus we jog along day after day, through the unbroken sameness. (Cook 1900:318–19) The depths of despair and loneliness are redolent of Shakespeare’s Macbeth in his speech which opens with ‘Tomorrow, and tomorrow, and tomorrow’ (Macbeth, V. v. 19). The Ancient Mariner’s affirmation of water everywhere is paralleled by the ubiquitous darkness of the Antarctic night. There is strong sense of pathetic fallacy in these passages from Cook. The despondency of the men’s souls and their inertia is reflected in the cold and gloom of the environment. The reader may draw analogies to the similarities with which King Lear’s desperation was reflected in the landscape or how the bleak moors of Emily Brontë’s Withering Heights paralleled the bleakness of the characters’ lives, or how the ‘low sky’ rained heavily when Tennyson’s Lady of Shalott was cursed. Many of Robert Falcon Scott’s writings are prefaced by quotations from poetry. This applies particularly to the chapters of his two-volume work entitled The voyage of the Discovery. Unfortunately like Jesus’s exposition to the men on the Emmaus Road, full citations are not provided, but certainly Scott’s mind had a magnetic attraction for poetry, and clusters from the poems disseminated on to paper at appropriate environmental and personal occasions. In Volume 1, poets quoted include Longfellow, Shakespeare and Shelley (Scott 1905:43, 254, 292). Appropriately Shelley was writing about ice; although Scott misquoted the first line which should read ‘The cold earth…’: The cold ice slept below, Above the cold sky shone, And all around With a chilling sound From caves of ice and fields of snow The breath of night like death did flow Beneath the sinking moon. (‘Lines: The Cold Earth’) One may opine that this is an appropriate preface to a polar winter. Poets quoted in the second volume include Shakespeare, Kipling, Milton, Shelley, Arnold and Spencer (Scott 1905:1, 126, 204, 266, 306, 353). Similarly references to poetry and literature are prevalent in Volume 1 of Scott’s last expedition. Even his impressions demonstrate his proclivity for poetry which resonated in such phrases as ‘the seductive folds of the sleeping bag’, ‘the blue arch beneath the smoky cloud’, ‘the sun with blurred image peeping shyly through’, ‘the wreathing drift giving pale shadowless light’ (Scott 1913:153). His query as to why history did not relate aurora worshippers 102

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since such a phenomenon would be regarded as manifestations of gods or demons verges on the luminous poetic. He comments ‘To the little silent group which stood at gaze before such enchantment, it seemed profane to return to the mental and physical atmosphere at our house’ (Scott 1913:328). Elsewhere Scott pens the following auroral notes in a very poetic literary style with allusions to the deity: The green ghostly light seems suddenly to spring to life with rosy blushes. There is infinite suggestion in this phenomenon, and in that lies its charm; the suggestion of life, form, colour, and movement never less than evanescent, mysterious—no reality. It is the language of mystic signs and portents—the inspiration of the gods—wholly spiritual—divine signalling. Remindful of superstition, provocative of imagination. Might not the inhabitants of some other world (Mars) controlling mighty forces thus surround our globe with fiery symbols, a golden writing which we have not the key to decipher? (Scott 1913:283–4). The range of literary giants quoted on the flyleaf of fresh manuscripts includes Milton, Goethe, Huxley, Bunyan and Stephenson (Scott 1913:239, 335, 419, 420). Huxley averred that the ultimate teleology for humans was not the obliteration of the chimera of the unknown, but rather the pushing of its boundaries further from our sphere of reference. Perhaps Scott should have heeded this admonition. Professor David’s narrative, the work of a leader on Shackleton’s 1907– 9 expedition, cites Tennyson’s ‘Tithonus’ (Shackleton 1909 Vol. 2:183). The appropriate lines are: Coldly thy rosy shadows bathe me, cold Are all thy lights, and cold my wrinkled feet. Apsley Cherry-Garrard whose superb prose fills the volume The worst journey in the world provides an account of a midwinter journey in search of emperor penguin eggs. Intrepid explorers realized their objective after being subject to the cold and hazards of the Antarctic winter. The winter journey is aptly prefaced by a quotation from Browning’s ‘Andrea del Sarto’: Ah, but a man’s reach should exceed his grasp, Or what’s a heaven for? (Cherry-Garrard 1923:230) He also makes reference to Goethe and Keats (Cherry-Garrard 1923:232, 283) but perhaps his most evocative description refers to Dante. He affirmed that Dante was right in his ordering system when he placed circles of ice 103

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below circles of fire (Cherry-Garrard 1923:249). Perhaps a tour of ice is the ultimate tour of hell. It is an interesting aside to note that both can be treacherous features on earth, and are not entirely confined to the nether domains. Most descriptions of hell refer to harmful features on earth. It has to be conceded that it is easier to read and appreciate poetry than to write it. Reflection is easier than creation. The intuitive faculty, however, was certainly present on Scott’s last expedition. The humorous ‘Ode to Tryggve’ was written for Gran’s 23rd birthday (Huxley 1913:274–5). Of much more serious intent, however, is ‘The Barrier Silence’, written by Edward Wilson, the doctor and artist who perished with Scott on his last venture. Wilson submitted this poem for potential publication in the South Polar Times. Since he desired that it be judged on its literary merits, the editor was presented with a typed rather than handwritten version to preclude recognition. These moving lines perhaps reveal Wilson’s premonition of the trauma to come. The events are presaged in ‘The Barrier Silence’: The silence was deep with a breath like sleep As our sledge runners slid on the snow, But the fate-full fall of our fur-clad feet Struck mute like a silent blow On a questioning ‘Hush?’ as the settling crust Shrank shivering over the floe. And a voice that was thick from a soul that seemed sick Came back from the Barrier; —‘Go! For the secrets hidden are all forbidden Till God means man to know.’ And this was the thought that the silence wrought, As it scorched and froze us through, That we were the men God meant should know The heart of the Barrier snow, By the heat of the sun, and the glow And the glare from the glistening floe, As it scorched and froze us through and through With the bite of the drifting snow. (E.Wilson in Huxley 1913: opp. p. 1) The most prolific Antarctic poet, however, was Ernest Shackleton. His poems initially appeared in various publications including the South Polar Times, the magazine of Captain Scott’s Antarctic expeditions, and Aurora Australis, the equivalent periodical of Shackleton’s British Antarctic Expedition of 1907–9. Others were composed purely for his own personal satisfaction. A collection of seven of his poems was compiled by Margery Fisher, and published in Ralling’s book on Shackleton (Ralling 1983:150–8). Like most poems, they reveal the poet’s inner feelings, and there is considerable 104

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focus on the lure and affection generated by Antarctica. It is doubtful that Shackleton ever anticipated publication of his poetical works in a substantial volume, but fortunately this is the case, and thus we are able, not just to judge his poetry but also to glean much about his character, aspirations, and perceptions of Antarctica. The intensity of feeling for the latter is given greater exposition in his poems than in his prose. Shackleton never demonstrated the vanity and aspirations, so typical of minor poets, to see his verse in prestigious works. His poems, however, are in no sense ponderous and the images are generally clear and not confused. They are, however, somewhat sentimental, and certainly patriotic but then patriotism was a predominant feature of the age in which he lived. ‘A Tale of the Sea’ was found in his family papers and dated February 1895. It is penned in his own handwriting. It depicts the vast force, horror and wildness of the sea, and there is no attempt to create a peaceful scene. The input is multimodal, and smells and sounds contribute as well as sight: And I smelt the Galleys odour Heard curses of sailor men. Heard moaning of bitter salt winds: Shrieking of gathering gales: Wings of wild sea birds rising, Beat the waves like threshers flails. The patriotism so prevalent in England at this period finds vent in the following lines: Where nailed to the rotting flagstaffs: The old white Ensigns flew Badge of our English freedom Over all waters blue. ‘A Tale of the Sea’ is also reminiscent of Coleridge’s ‘Ancient Mariner’. As we shall discover, Shackleton made direct reference to the ‘Ancient Mariner’ on at least two occasions. Both poems use the imagery of icebergs. Shackleton’s lines ‘When the iceberg crunches our timbers, As though they were only laths’ conjures up a similar scene to Coleridge’s ‘ice mast-high’. Also Shackleton lost his ‘creative spirit’, and could not record the tale he wished; a condition not unknown to Coleridge. The former confesses in ‘A Tale of the Sea’: Then they told me a wondrous tale And I strove to write it down But my pen refused its duty: And I lost my chance for renown 105

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The greatest similarity between the two poems, however is the image of spectre-barks on hostile seas. Shackleton’s seas are tempestuous whereas Coleridge’s are becalmed for the sequences concerned, but both threaten the mariners. The spectre-bark of Coleridge’s classic poem appeared but a skeleton of a ship: And straight the Sun was flecked with bars, …As if through a dungeon-grate he peered …Are those her sails that glance in the Sun, Like restless gossameres? Are those her ribs through which the Sun Did peer, as through a grate? The finer discriminations in critical understanding surely reveal a close similarity of the imagery of these lines to the following in ‘A Tale of the Sea’: Then I saw a great long line Of ghostly ships from the North; …With tattered sails, and torn. ‘Fanning Isle’, subtitled ‘A Link in the All-British Cable’ was a poem much loved by Lady Shackleton, and likely to have been written in February 1903 on Shackleton’s voyage on the Oratava across the Pacific to San Francisco. This short poem was presented to a friend from South Australia subsequent to Shackleton’s London arrival in 1903 (Ralling 1983:152). The patriotic rhetoric in the subtitle will not escape the diligent reader. The poem describes the function of a tiny islet as a link for deep-sea cables which facilitated north/south communications. One may again discern a link with Coleridge’s ‘Ancient Mariner’ where poetic imagination displays the importance of all creatures in God’s scheme: He prayeth best, who loveth best All things both great and small; For the dear God who loveth us, He made and loveth all. Shackleton also perceives great value in the small and seemingly insignificant in his verses on ‘Fanning Isle’. A form of anthropocentric geoteleology is revealed as the cables to the islet link mighty nations. The insignificant has a habitation in the mighty plan: So, green isle small and lonely, 106

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I find as I think it o’er That your place in the scheme of nations Shows to me more and more That every deed of Nature Helps to the finished plan, That starts with the lowly worm And will end in the perfect man: That the smallest leads to the greatest, And your worth may now be seen As the pulsing heart of the ocean Goes by your island green. The poem ‘Two Ways’ was published in the Sunday Express on 5 February 1922. Strangely it was not found by Margery Fisher in Lady Shackleton’s collection. The poem seems to have been printed on a manuscript in 1907. The inscription at the end reads ‘E.H.Shackleton, S.S. India, 12.11.07’ (Ralling 1983:153). The ‘two ways’ juxtaposed are those of tropical tranquility, and the frigid austral continent. Much beauty is contained in the verses. Again like Coleridge, Shackleton uses the images of sea and moon, but in the latter case it is a glorious sun rather than the oppressive sun of the ‘Ancient Mariner’. The poem terminates with patriotic fervour, thus showing love of country in an imperial sense to be very much a property of Shackleton’s personality. To suggest that Shackleton’s main motivation for Antarctic adventure was simply a result of inspired patriotism is, however, a form of glib psychologizing, a type of reductive criticism which would deny the more important motive of breaching the unknown, and the ultimate unknown was the South Pole itself. It acted as a lure which could not be resisted. Shackleton, like other explorers, was aware that the odyssey to reach it could easily result in his own death but it was still irresistible. It was so beckoning and enchanting that it acted like ‘La Belle Dame Sans Merci’. The knights knew she would destroy them but were compelled to seek her. Thus the verses of ‘Two Ways’ are tantalizingly suggestive of Shackleton’s motivations for exploration. He rejects the first ‘way’: You may love the calm and peaceful days, And the glorious tropic nights… But all the delight of summer seas, And the sun’s westing gold Are nought to me for I know a sea With a glamour and glory untold. The gloom and cold of the long stern night The work with its strain and stress Hold sterling worth and sheer delight, And these soft bright times hold less. 107

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The appeal of the unknown is then recorded: For all is new on our ice-bound shore Where white peaks dare the stars The desire to reach the ultimate goal is described in patriotic terms: Then by faith unswerving we may attain To the oft wished for distant goal, And at last to our country’s gain Hold with our flag the Southern Pole. ‘To the Great Barrier’ was published in the South Polar Times in August 1902. The signature was NEMO. These perceptive lines may be compared with Wilson’s ‘The Barrier Silence’. The awesome sombre icescape and persistent striving are vividly encapsulated in both poems. Shackleton writes: Mother of mighty icebergs, these Kings of the Southern Seas, Mystery, yet unfathomed, though we’ve paid in full our fees, Eyes strained by ceaseless watching, when the low grey fog doth screen Your walls from our aching vision, and the great grim giants you wean Away from your broad white bosom, where for aeons untold is laid Each yearly tribute of fallen snows, that this wonderful plain has made. We have felt, more than seen, the danger, close ahead of our long jib boom, But a turn of the icy wheel has made for us more sea room. We have sailed from your farthest West, that is bounded by fire and snow, We have pierced to your farthest East, till stopped by the hard, set floe. We have steamed by your wave worn caverns; dim, blue, mysterious halls, We have risen above your surface, we have sounded along your walls. And above that rolling surface we have strained our eyes to see But league upon league of whiteness was all there seemed to be. Ah, what is the secret you’re keeping, to the Southward beyond our ken? This year shall your icy fastness resound with the voices of men? Shall we learn that you have come from the mountains? Shall we call you a frozen sea? Shall we sail to the Northward and leave you, still a secret for ever to be? In both Shackleton’s ‘To the Great Barrier’, and Wilson’s ‘The Barrier Silence’ the sense of the mysterious is pre-eminent. The Great Barrier seemed imbued with the qualities of gods. Its characteristics were mystery, inaccessibility, awesomeness, immovability, eternality and transcendence. It seemed as if it were there in a spiritual as well as in a material sense. This is especially so if by spirtual we mean 108

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what Rudolf Otto, a celebrated philospher of religion, calls our creaturely intuition of ‘the holy’ or ‘numinous’ as ‘wholly other’, as mysterium tremendum et fascinans (Otto 1923: chapters 1–6). The idea of striving to comprehend the secret Barrier is also a common thread running through both poems. The path is full of danger and pain, and it is as though the explorers must undergo a ‘rite of passage’ to conquer the Barrier and its arcane ways. Like ‘La Belle Dame Sans Merci’ beckoned the knights, the Great Barrier beckoned the explorers. In spite of his last line, Shackleton could not have sailed northward in comfort, and left the Great Barrier a secret for ever. ‘L’Envoi’ embodies Shackleton’s feelings brought about by his visits to Antarctica. It was published in the South Polar Times in August 1903 again with the signature NEMO. Prior to its publication, Shackleton had been invalided home (Ralling 1983:155). In this poem Antarctica both repels and attracts the explorer, but the attraction wins the day. The length of the winter night forced explorers into a grim and ominous world, and a longing for the liberation which would come in the form of the sun: Slowly, though touched with glamour, the winter night went by, And we longed to see the sunlight sweep up in the Northern sky Still we wait in this ice fastness till the good sun sets us free… The call of Antarctica, however, is so strong that it cannot fail to be the most wonderful region in the minds of those who have resided there, and it occupies their thoughts, even when in pastoral, temperate homelands: But our hearts will still be faithful to this Southern land of ours, Though we wander in English meadows ’mid the scent of English flowers, When the soft southerly breeze shakes the blossom away from the thorn, And flings from the wild rose cup, the shining gift of the morn; And when the scarlet poppies peep through the golden wheat, As the stronger winds of Autumn march in with heavier feet; And when the fields are snow clad, trees hard in a frosty rime, Our thoughts still wander Southward, we shall think of the grey old time; Again in dreams go back to our fight with the icy floe… We shall dream of the ever increasing gales, the birds in their Northward flight; The magic of twilight colours, the gloom of the long, long night…. And when, in the fading firelight, we turn these pages o’er, We shall think of the times we wrote therein by that far off Southern shore. With regret we shall close the story, yet ever in thought go back,… Though the grip of the frost may be cruel, and relentless its icy hold, Yet it knit our hearts together in that darkness stern and cold. 109

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The allure of Antarctica permeates these lines. It is threatening, demanding and cold but its beauty and attractiveness shine through. The companionship enhanced the appeal. Like the men preventing Jesus from going farther on the Emmaus Road, Antarctica will not let Shackleton go. ‘Midwinter Night’ is the only surviving example of Shackleton’s light verse. It was published under the title ‘Veritas’ in Aurora Australis. In the list of contents, the pseudonym ‘Nemo’ appears, and this corresponds with the name used by Shackleton in the South Polar Times (Ralling 1983:157). The poem makes fun of the antics of men sleeping in the Antarctic winter as the two verses quoted illustrate: And this is the tale the watchman, Awake in the dead of night, Tells of the fourteen sleepers Whose snoring gives him the blight. The revels of Eros and Bacchus Are mingled in some of their dreams, For the songs they gustily gurgle Are allied to bibulous themes. Shackleton used the signature ’Nemo’ for his poem ‘Erebus’ which was also contributed to Aurora Australis. The poem starts with a description of the mountain, and then relates how it was conquered, with great difficulty by men. The theme of constant striving is strongly manifested. A desire to reach its summit provided sufficient motive: there was no hidden rationale. Erebus’ allure would remain with them always. Its permanence is reminiscent of the metaphor for God rendered explicitly in Psalm 125 (v. 1–2): Those who trust in the Lord are like Mount Zion which cannot be moved, The following lines from Erebus illustrate the plot and theme. Keeper of the Southern Gateway, grim, rugged, gloomy, and grand; Warden of these wastes uncharted, as the years sweep on, you stand. At your head the swinging smoke-cloud; at your feet the grinding floes; Racked and seared by the inner fires, gripped close by the outer snows. Proud, unconquered and unyielding, whilst the untold aeons passed, Inviolate through the ages, your ramparts spurning the blast, Till men impelled by a strong desire, broke through your icy bars; Fierce was the fight to gain that height where your stern peak dares the stars. You called your vassals to aid you, and the leaping blizzard rose, 110

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Driving in furious eddies, blinding, stifling cruel snows. … Victors then on your crown they stood… In the Northland, in the years to be, pale Winters first white sign Will turn again their thoughts to thee, and the glamour that is thine. This mélange of poems demonstrates not only Shackleton’s poetic ability, but reveals much of his personality and feelings. He has a love of nature, is patriotic, and strives to conquer the unknown. The allure of the South Pole was enormous, and this was the ultimate chimera he wished to annihilate. It was a wish which would never reach fruition. Attention is now turned to the central component, namely Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s ‘The Rime of the Ancient Mariner’. Ice, albatrosses and loneliness were encountered by maritime and continental Antarctic explorers, and all three are important ingredients of Coleridge’s poem. The sombre description and fidelity to reality of cold and ice are salient features of this poem, the classic of polar imagery: And now there came both mist and snow, And it grew wondrous cold: And ice, mast-high, came floating by, As green as emerald. And through the drifts the snowy clifts Did send a dismal sheen: Nor shapes of men nor beasts we ken— The ice was all between. The ice was here, the ice was there, The ice was all around: It cracke and growled, and roared and howled, Like noises in a swound! The sights, sounds, and oppression of the ice are vividly portrayed. Next there came an albatross, a familiar sight for sailors heading to austral regions: At length did cross an Albatross, Through the fog it came; As if it had been a Christian soul, We hailed it in God’s name. Coleridge reaches the quintessence of poetic excellency in his portrayal of absolute loneliness: Alone, alone, all, all alone, Alone on a wide wide sea! 111

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And never a saint took pity on My soul in agony. Utter solitude is the culmination: O Wedding-Guest! this soul hath been Alone on a wide wide sea: So lonely ’twas, that God himself Scarce seemed there to be. The tale of the Ancient Master will now be related, followed by a discussion of Coleridge’s familial and social antecedents with emphasis on their bearing on the poem’s formulation. His sources of imagery will also be considered. The ‘Rime’ is so well-known that only a brief description of its plot will be provided. An ancient mariner detained a wedding guest who was constrained to hear his tale after being made spell-bound by the mariner’s eye. The narrator told how his ship sailed south in good weather and with favourable winds. The storm drove the ship forward toward the South Pole, and it reached a land of ice devoid of life, until relieved by an albatross. The bird proved to be one of good omen, and it followed the ship north through ice and fog until wantonly killed by the Mariner. The ship became becalmed in a slimy sea. The vessel was followed by a polar spirit and the albatross began to be avenged. Another spectre ship approached, and Death and Life-inDeath played dice for the ship’s crew, and Life-in-Death won the Ancient Mariner. His shipmates died, and the Mariner despised the slimy sea and its creatures while being subject to the curse of the dead men. At last he perceived beauty in the sea creatures, and unconsciously blessed them. The spell was broken, and the ship moved on, carried to the Line by the lonesome spirit from the South Pole. Eventually the Mariner saw his native country. He requested a hermit to shrive him. His penance required him to travel from land to land and to preach love and reverence for all God’s creatures. Samuel Taylor Coleridge was born at Ottery St Mary, Devon in 1772. He was educated at Christ’s Hospital, and Jesus College, Cambridge, where he failed to complete a degree. ‘The Rime of the Ancient Mariner’ was first published in 1799. What were the antecedents of its imagery, particularly those of ice? From an early age Coleridge was haunted by spectres in the dark partly due to the influence of having read in the Arabian Nights the story of a man compelled to find a pure virgin. Other images came from a hill climb in Wales when he was lost on Penmaenmawr. The initial conceptualization of the poem, however, began in the autumn of 1797. It was conceived on a winter walk, and Wordsworth later gave a long account of the expedition. The walk began on 13 November when the sun was just setting over Longstone Hill in south-west England, and preceded over Quantoxhead to Watchet and Dulverton. It was intentionally commenced at 112

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4 p.m. so they could watch the transition from the effects of sunlight to those of moonlight over the sea. The ‘Rime’ was the result (Holmes 1990: 171). Its images wee, however, preternatural, and not rurally idyllic like those of the Quantocks. Most of Coleridge’s images of austral regions were gleaned from boreal expeditions. Space relations in the geographical sense were ignored. He was, however, aware of Captain Cook’s account. Cook’s ships crossed the Antarctic Circle on 17 January 1773, the first voyage to do so. On that day there was hazy weather with snow showers and an ice island. Dark grey albatrosses were also observed. On the 18th, Cook could see nothing but ice to the south (Beaglehole 1961:80–1). Cook had first commented on the danger of ice on 31 December 1772. On Wednesday 24 February 1773 the ice islands were so numerous that between 60 and 70 had been passed between noon and 8 p.m. The danger was compounded by stormy weather. Months later, on 18 December 1773, thick foggy weather with sleet and snow was recorded, and the rigging was cased with ice. On Sunday 30 January 1774, 97 ice-hills were counted (Beaglehole 1961:321). On 27 January 1775 even that intrepid navigator, Captain Cook, conceded he was tired of high southern latitudes where the only things to be found were thick fog and ice (Beaglehole 1961:629). Desolation and hostile elements were Cook’s companions in austral regions. Although he disclaimed literary talent, Cook’s account is worthy of quotation yet again in reduced form: Thick fogs, Snow storms, Intense Cold and every other thing that can render Navigation dangerous one has to encounter and these difficulties are greatly heightened by the enexpressable horrid aspect of the Country, a Country doomed by Nature never once to feel the warmth of the Suns rays, but to lie forever buried under everlasting snow and ice. (Beaglehole 1961:638) These impressions influenced Coleridge but his major images for the ‘Ancient Mariner’ were, derived from sources other than Cook. Although some of his images of ice were indigenous to his fertile mind, his introspection, and personal experiences, most of them were derivative ideas from other sources. When he wrote the ‘Ancient Mariner’, Coleridge had never been abroad, yet he accurately portrayed the splendour of icebergs, and his rendering of their awesome terror is totally authentic. He captures the terrible beauty of the desolation of Antarctic seas. The dream scenes were connected with the preternatural. Coleridge had read the exploits of Mauritius Augustus, Count de Benyowski, which had been translated from French in 1790. This telling narrative involved exile in ‘Kamschatka’, and a journey through sea ice. Coleridge had planned to write a play about Benyowski, but in this venture was forestalled by Kotzebue, whose play presaged Coleridge’s ideas for his Siberian Exiles. The images of ice still clustered in his brain, and formed points of magnetic attraction when 113

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he wrote the ‘Ancient Mariner’ (Lowes 1964:125–6). When Coleridge actually saw ice its appearance and behaviour paralleled what he had read in polar journeys. He saw the mass of transparent ice at the lake at Ratzeburg, observed its mists, the radiant glow of the sun upon it, heard its howls and growls, and was impressed by its intense blood red colour at sunset. Another major influence on Coleridge’s ice imagery came from Gerrit de Veer’s account of William Barents’ last voyage, a narrative in Purchas. The optical spectre of three suns was impressed upon him, as was the vivid charm of ice whose advent was initially mistaken for white swans. As previously stated, the idea for the ‘Ancient Mariner’ was conceived on that walk through the Quantock Hills, on 13 November 1797. On 23 March 1798 the completed ballad was presented to the Wordsworths at Alfoxden. Its composition had been a growth process. Lowes (1964:128–9) affirmed that Coleridge used images from writings of Antarctic and Arctic seas, Spitsbergen, Greenland and Cape Horn, and that the writings spanned three centuries. Hakluyt, Purchas, Harris, Magellan, James, Barents, Blefkins, Shelvocke, Martens and Crantz all contributed to the ice stanzas. A succinct appraisal of Coleridge’s finished product is provided by Lowell (1900:100): He gives us the very quintessence of perception, the clearly crystallized precipitation of all that is most precious in the ferment of impression after the impertinent and obtrusive particulars have evaporated from the memory. It is the pure visual ecstasy disengaged from the confused and confusing material that gave it birth. Lowes (1964:129) affirms that adherence to actuality and the selection of luminous points from confused recollections are the conspicuous characteristics of the poem. A few particulars of these luminous points will now be discussed. Even some of Coleridge’s most telling lines are entirely derived from other sources. Take, for instance And now there came both mist and snow, And it grew wondrous cold And ice, mast high, came floating by, As green as emerald. Frederick Martens wrote ‘The Ice came a floating down apace…and it was very cold’ (Martens 1694). Captain James (Christy 1894, Vol. 2:463) averred that ice was in close proximity and some pieces were ‘as high as our Topmast-head’. Finally Harris commented about ‘ice figures’ that ‘their Diversity of Colours pleases the Sight: for some are like Chrystal, others as blue as Saphires, and others again green as Emeralds’ (Harris 1744, Vol. 2: 381). Coleridge thus not only used the content descriptions of the voyages, but it 114

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seems also their actual words. The evidence for this is indisputable. His skill was his ability to marshal scattered recollections into form, order and clarity (Lowes 1964:131): the crude iterations of styles appropriate to logbooks became poetry. Similarly Coleridge was aware of the ice-blink, and the aerial sheen of snow found refuge in Coleridge’s memory. The works of Martens, Crantz and Cook are pertinent here. The theme of loneliness and desolation so central to the ‘Mariner’, was a property of the minds of sailors on those austral and boreal voyages. A lifeless and desolate landscape replaced the verdant pastures of more temperate climates. The dismal landscape finds vent in Shelvocke’s Voyage (1726: 22): The heavens were perpetually hid from us by gloomy, dismal clouds …One would think it impossible that any living thing could subsist in so rigid a climate…we…had not had the sight of one fish of any kind…nor one sea bird except a disconsolate black Albitross. The discussion of albatrosses will be left until later, but the impact of an early voyage on Coleridge’s mind is seen here. Ice’s influence on Coleridge’s perceptual receptors was multimodal. Its fearful sounds and cracking impressed him at Ratzeburg. The personal experience of cracking, roaring, and howling of ice was also added to Coleridge’s repository by the works of Crantz and Blefkins, and the experiences of Barents. A general concurrence of their portrayals aided the composition of the ‘Rime’. In fact, as already affirmed, its entire genesis included personal experience, introspection and the annals of remote voyages. Perhaps of greatest importance was the cumulative effect of the vicarious voyages on which Coleridge sailed. As Lowes (1964:139) concluded: For years then, the wonders of the ice, as Coleridge read and read, had been printing their sharp-cut, vivid imagery upon the sensitive retina of that amazing inner eye, to be transmitted to the crowded tracts below the levels of conscious mental processes. What the structural conception of the voyage did was first to wake and summon up to consciousness the dormant reminiscences, and then to marshal the chaotic dance of recollected ‘spectra’ into patterns as clean of definition as the trenchant outlines of the ice itself. Although the purpose of the current study is not to provide a literary critique, it seems apropos to give at least fleeting expositions of the ‘Rime’. Holmes (1982:86–7) advances three plausible interpretations, the first of which may be termed biographical. In this case the Mariner is synonymous with Coleridge, and the albatross represents one of his loved ones, for which several candidates have been suggested: Sara Coleridge, Dorothy Wordsworth and Sue Hutchinson could each have held this position. In this context, the 115

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Mariner’s sufferings reflect and express Coleridge’s addiction to opium, and subsequent moral collapse. Like the shooting of the harmless bird, Coleridge’s addiction could have been avoided, and his creative spirit retained. He had destroyed his own eagle. The second interpretation is sacramental and religious. Purgatory follows the destruction of the albatross which is a sin against God and nature, a destruction of the ‘One Life’. Robert Penn Warren (1946) expanded and expounded this concept. He conceived that the ‘One Life’ or sacramental vision is the primary theme of the ‘Rime’ with imagination as a subsidiary theme. The ‘One-Life’ involved the notion of universal harmony and charity. All creation is involved and participates, and the wanton destruction of the albatross destroyed this vision. The Mariner’s eventual recognition of the beauty of the water-snakes and his blessing bestowed upon them resembles St Paul’s Damascus Road experience, as the evangelical moment of conversion with its promise of a greater destiny. After this blessing the angels and the polar spirit guided him home. Thus was satisfied the longing to believe in a benevolent universe, which reacts justly to proper behaviour. The third interpretation is aesthetic. The bounds of convention are severed as the Mariner, personifying the artist, searches for beauty and selfknowledge. As a result, the poem involves a rite of passage, reminiscent of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. Holmes (1982:88–9) also identifies three emphases. First, spatial momentum is central. Navigation changes the geography from polar to tropical. Boundaries are crossed, changing spheres of influence and levels of awareness. In many ways the crossing between spheres reflects the Apocalypse. Transformations take place and the known environment is mixed with the preternatural. A second emphasis involves the qualities of light and colour. Frequently the moon is white, and the sun, red. The moon is benign and brings cool and healing, whilst the sun is menacing and cruel. The malevolent sun produces lurid ghastly light which presages the commination to come. Sun and moon portend symbolic events. Finally, the ‘Rime’ makes full use of supernatural events, part of the old ballad tradition. The ending of the ‘Rime’, however, offers the possibility of reconciliation or redemption. The ‘Rime’ has as its central themes loneliness, remorse, horror, fear, perplexity, longing and anxiety. On long voyages mariners experienced these negative emotions. The entire constellation of these feelings reflect Coleridge’s personal sufferings. He was an orphan at Christ’s Hospital and his piquant sense of isolation precipitated the following lines in ‘Frost at Midnight’ (1798): In the great city, pent ’mid cloisters dim, And saw naught lovely but the sky and stars.

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One of the Mariner’s dominant characteristics is his passivity, a characteristic of Coleridge. The following quotation illustrates the poet’s imaginative wanderings as they are provided in magnificent metaphor ‘I move like night from land to land’. The main protagonist in the ‘Rime’ echoes Coleridge’s personal odyssey. Loneliness and isolation that suffused Coleridge’s emotions are personified in the ‘Rime’. When in Malta, Coleridge like the Mariner longed for home. A scene involving the celestial beauty of sun and moon thrilled Coleridge on that Mediterranean island, but the experience would have been enhanced if it had occurred in England at Grassmere. Why did Coleridge select the albatross? Whalley (1946–7) observed that the albatross was perfectly suited to Coleridge’s intentions. The bird was rare, haunted a remote area, and displayed the qualities of harmlessness and beneficence. It also fitted naturally into an austral voyage, and was the object of superstition by sailors. It was also amenable to rhyming, and thus was exactly what Coleridge desired. When the Mariner killed the pious bird of good omen, a wanton act committed in ignorance, the inexorable retribution of the albatross’s vengeance fell within the domain of a Greek tragedy. Such was Coleridge’s personal life. He initially failed to perceive that opium was destroying his talent. The parable of the talents (St Matthew) or of the pounds (St Luke) have clear admonitions for Coleridge. To cease to develop a talent or to fail to use a pound is to risk loss. We now look to the experiences of Antarctic explorers and observe how Coleridge’s ‘Rime’ is relevant and pertinent to them. Icebergs, ice cliffs, albatrosses and loneliness, salient phenomena and themes in Coleridge’s ‘Ancient Mariner’ were all naturally experienced by early Antarctic explorers. Debenham (1945:xix) notes that the famed Russian explorer, Bellingshausen, pondered as to the origin of icebergs, and that the enormous size of Antarctic icebergs convinced him that there was seemingly no limit to their height and area. Bellingshausen noted in March 1820 that an iceberg rose 408 feet in the air, three times the height of the Vostok’s mast and spars, and that the enormous ice-hill’s height above sea level was the mean height between two cathedral spires, those at Petropavlovsk in St Petersburg and St Michael’s in Hamburg. In December 1820, Bellingshausen recorded that one particular iceberg was six miles long (Debenham 1945:149, 384). Later in the same month his vessel was endangered by fog and icebergs. He also experienced an ice-blink; the glare from icebergs in close proximity permitted enumeration of more distant icebergs (Debenham 1945:391–2, 395). James Weddell’s unfortunate brig Jane struck against an ice island (Weddell 1827:121). Ross also experienced danger from icebergs. Many of Coleridge’s images of ice are encapsulated in the following record of Captain Charles Wilkes, leader of the United States Exploring Expedition of 1838–42. In fact this entry, of 20 January 1840, shows a keen aesthetic sense: 117

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Some of the large bergs were of magnificient dimensions, one third of a mile in length, and from 150 to 200 feet in height, with sides perfectly smooth, as though they had been chiselled. Others again exhibited lofty arches of many-coloured tints, leading into deep caverns open to the swell of the sea, which rushing in, produced loud and distant thunderings. The flight of birds passing in and out of these caverns recalled the recollection of ruined abbeys, castles, and caves, while here and there a bold projecting bluff, crowned with pinnacles and turrets, resembled some Gothic keep. A little farther onwards would be seen a vast fissure, as if some vast force had rent in twain these mighty masses. Every noise on board, even our own voices, reverberated from the massive and pure white walls. These tabular bergs are like masses of beautiful alabaster; a verbal description of them can do little to convey the reality to the imagination of one who has not been among them. If an immense city of ruined alabaster palaces can be imagined, of every shape and tint, and composed of huge piles of buildings grouped together, with long lanes or streets winding irregularly through them, some faint idea may be formed of the grandeur and beauty of the spectacle. The time and circumstances under which we were viewing them, threading our way through these vast bergs, we knew not to what end, left an impression upon me of these icy and desolate regions that can never be forgotten. (Murray 1901:375) The phenomenon of mast-high icebergs, and the metropolitan image were conveyed by the French explorer Dumont D’Urville in his record on 21 January 1840. Referring to icebergs he commented: Their perpendicular walls towered above our masts; they overhung our ships, whose dimensions seemed ridiculously diminutive compared with these enormous masses. The spectacle which presented itself to our gaze was at once grand and terrifying. One could imagine oneself in the narrow streets of a city of giants. (Murray 1901:445) These last two examples vindicate Coleridge’s fidelity to actual conditions. The albatross too was a familiar sight to Antarctic sailors of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Bellingshausen, however, displayed none of the superstitions associated with shooting an albatross. In fact he recorded with pride that Mr Lazarev shot a white albatross on 6 December 1819; and that its wingspan was 10 feet 7 inches, and its weight, 31 pounds (Debenham 1945:81–2). Charles Wilkes reported the shooting of a black albatross on 25 January 1840. Shortly after the death of the bird, the weather became very thick (Murray 1901:413). Perhaps its death 118

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prognosticated evil. A bizarre account of albatross catching is penned by Murdoch, artist on the Dundee Antarctic Expedition of 1892–3. Murdoch himself had twice hooked an albatross on a salmon fly and on a cod hook respectively. On each occasion the victorious albatross escaped after demolishing the hooks. Murdoch conceded defeat but declared that the same bird was hooked in the bill by another sailor later. This unfortunate bird, with a 10 feet wingspan, was dragged through the water like a wet rag and involuntarily brought on board (Murdoch 1894:131–2). Murdoch obviously feared no future retribution. Sir Ernest Shackleton revealed his knowledge of Coleridge and the albatross in a storm en route to Antarctica on his 1907–9 expedition. Some of his company attributed the bad weather to the capture of an albatross. He conceded that seamen considered it a bad omen to kill this bird, but considered that in their case the albatross was killed for scientific investigation, and was devoid of aspects of the wanton slaying by the Ancient Mariner. He continued that the superstitious should seek other explanations for the gale. Subsequently the gale increased in ferocity. (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:52–3). Such an event, however, did not deter Shackleton’s party from enjoying skua gull for dinner on a later occasion! (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1: 91). Loneliness is an emotion that afflicts most human beings at some stage. Much of it may be internally motivated. When compounded by physical isolation, its negative effects multiply. Polar explorers who are exposed to long periods of isolation, have frequently commented on the trenchant negative aspects of their solitude, and in this way they reflect the Ancient Mariner. Relief and extenuation were sometimes provided. Bellingshausen always ensured that feast days were celebrated on his Antarctic voyage, but conceded that these were exceptional days, and that generally recollections of home were prominent in sailors’ minds (Debenham 1945:382). Dumont D’Urville permitted a practical joke when the Antarctic Circle was crossed. This acted to remove the tedium and loneliness (Murray 1901:442–3). Solitude and despair were poignantly expressed by Scott on his Discovery expedition. The following is his impression of the awe-inspiring polar plateau: Here, then, tonight we have reached the end of our tether, and all we have done is to show the immensity of this vast plain. The scene about us is the same as we have seen for many a day, and shall see for many a day to come—a scene so wildly and awfully desolate that it cannot fail to impress one with gloomy thoughts. (Scott 1905, Vol. 2:264) Shackleton experienced similar feelings on the Barrier. Again he quotes Coleridge, this time to express his loneliness. In fact the whole imagery of suns and winds is reminiscent of Coleridge: 119

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The whole place and conditions seem so strange and so unlike anything else in the world in our experience, that one cannot describe them in fitting words. At one moment one thinks of Coleridge’s “Ancient Mariner”: ‘Alone, alone; all, all alone, alone on a wide wide sea’, and then when the mazy clouds spring silently from either hand and drift quickly across our zenith, not followed by any wind, it seems uncanny. There comes a puff of wind from the north, another from the south, and anon from the east or west, seeming to obey no law, acting on erratic impulses. It is as though we were truly at the world’s end, and were bursting in on the birthplace of the clouds and the nesting home of the four winds, and one has a feeling that we mortals are being watched with a jealous eye by the forces of nature. To add to these weird impressions that seem to grow on one in the apparently limitless waste, the sun to-night was surrounded by mock suns and in the zenith was a bow, turning away from the great vertical circle around the sun. These circles and bows were the colour of the rainbow. (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 1:289) His relief was expressed when he reached Stewart Island, New Zealand. After the desolation of rocks, ice, and snow, the gladdening sound of songbirds, green trees, luxuriant growth, running streams, and new faces including girls filled the party’s hearts with joy (Shackleton 1909, Vol. 2: 230–1) Isolation, however, is not synonymous with loneliness. Amundsen (1912, Vol. 1:259) in fact proclaimed positive emotions whilst at Framheim. With the approach of winter he declared a feeling of indescribable comfort and well-being. Scott, however, experienced the despair of isolation at the Pole. He referred to the awful monotony of passed days and opined ‘Great God! This is an awful place’ (Scott 1913:544). His life was to terminate shortly afterwards on the desolate Barrier, perhaps because as Marquez affirmed at the end of Cien años de soledad ‘races condemned to one hundred years of solitude did not have a second opportunity on earth’ (Marquez 1978:336).

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Amundsen, R. (1912) The South Pole, two volumes (translated from the Norwegian by A.G.Chater), London: Murray. Anonymous (1928) ‘Bouvet Island’, The Geographical Journal LXXII: 537–46. Baker, P.E. (1967) ‘Historical and geological notes on Bouvetøya’, British Antarctic Survey Bulletin 13: 71–84. Beaglehole, J.C. (1961) The journals of Captain James Cook on his voyages of discovery: The voyage of the Resolution and Adventure, 1772–5. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bell, P. and Byrne, D. (1978) ‘Repression-sensitization’ in H.London and J.Exner (eds) Dimensions of personality, New York: Wiley, pp. 449–85. Bertrand, K.J. (1971) Americans in Antarctica: 1775–1948, New York: American Geographical Society, pp. 132–43. Borchgrevink, C.E. (1896) ‘The first landing on the Antarctic Continent, being an account of the recent voyage of the whaler “Antarctic” ’, Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, N.S., 29: 432–48. Borchgrevink, C.E. (1901) First on the Antarctic Continent. London: Newnes. Bull, H.J. (1896) The cruise of the ‘Antarctic’ to the South Polar Regions, London: Arnold. Cherry-Garrard, A. (1923) The worst journey in the world: Antarctic 1910–1913, Volume 1, London: Constable. Christy, M. (ed.) (1894) The voyages of Captain Luke Fox of Hull and Captain Thomas James of Bristol in search of a north-west passage in 1631–32, two volumes, London: Hakluyt Society. Cook, F.A. (1900) Through the first Antarctic Night, London: Heinemann. Cupitt, D. (1984) The sea of faith, London: British Broadcasting Corporation. Debenham, F. (ed.) (1945) The voyage of Captain Bellingshausen to the Antarctic seas: 1819–21, Volumes 1 and 2 (translated from the Russian), London: Hakluyt Society. Evans, H.B. and Jones, A.G.E. (1975) ‘A forgotten explorer: Carsten Egeberg Borchgrevink’, Polar Record, 108: 221–35. Fricker, K. (1900) The Antarctic Regions, London, New York: Swan, Sonnenschein, Macmillan. Translated by A.Sonnenschein, Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press. Gould, L.M. (1931) Cold, New York: Brewer, Warren and Putnam. Gould, R.T. (1929) Enigmas, London: Allan. Greenler, R. (1980) Rainbows, halos and glories, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Harris, J. (1774) John Harris, Navigantium atque itinerantium biblioteca, or a complete collection of voyages and travels, revised, two volumes, London.

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INDEX

Aagaard, B. 72–3 Active, The 16 Adams Marshall Mountains 35 Adare, Viscount 14 Adelaide Island 12, 17 Adélie Land 13, 81 Admiralty Chart 40 Admiralty Range 14 Adventure Bay 19 Adventure, The, 7, 9, 43, 76 Airey, Sir. G. 39 Alexander Island 10, 17 Amundsen, R. 25–32, 46, 48–9, 67, 87–8, 95, 120 Antarctic Circle, the 5, 7, 10, 12, 17, 24, 53– 4, 63, 112, 119 Antarctic Ocean 51 Antarctic Peninsula 12, 47, 58, 70 Antarctic regions 1, 4, 20 Antarctic seas xi, 8, 12, 15, 47, 54–5, 61, 78, 80–1, 114; the desolation of 113 Antarctic, the 8–11, 14–16, 18, 20, 63, 84, 89 , 95; exploration of xi, 1, 6, 15, 21, 27, 32, 38, 40, 51, 96; explorers 38–40, 47, 51, 91–2, 99–100, 111, 117; problems of navigation 38–51; problems of perception 38–51; seascapes and landscapes of fear and desolation 76–89 Antarctic, The 18 Antarctica xi, 1, 8, 10, 25, 44, 47, 67–8, 70, 76–8, 96, 98, 104–5, 109–10, 118; aesthetically 90–8; perceptions of 8 Antwerp 16 Arctic regions 1 Arctic seas 114 Arctic, the; exploration of 25 Aristotle 1

Arnold, M. 43, 97, 102 Arrol-Johnston 12–15 horse-power vehicle 22 Artowski, H. 95 Ascension Island 69 Astronomical Ephemeris 42 Atlantic Ocean 1, 3–5, 7, 51, 61 atmospheric phenomena 96; irridescent clouds 97; mock suns 96; paraselenae 96–7; parhelia 97 Aulick, Captain 65 aurora australis xi, 90–1, 104, 110 aurora borealis 90 Aurora Islands 51 Aurora, The 51, 67 Australia 5 Australia del Espiritu Santo 5 avalanches 84 Avery, G. 12 Avon River 30 Axel Heiberg Glacier 27, 31, 88 Bacon, F. 3, 68 Baker, P.E. 70–1, 74–5 Balaena mysticetus, the 15 see also whaling Balaena, The 16 Balleny Islands 12, 65–7 Balleny, J. 12, 66, 81 Baly, W. 43 Bandefjord 26 Banks Peninsula 7 Banzara Land 67 Barents, W. 113–15 Barne, M. 85 Bay of Islands 65 Bay of Whales 19, 48

124

INDEX Beaglehole, J.C. 7, 9, 43–4, 76, 78–9, 100, 113 Beadmore Glacier 24, 31, 35, 45, 98 Beaufoy, The 11, 80 Belgian Antarctic Expedition of 1898–9 16, 83, 101 Belgica, The 16–17, 83, 95 Belgica voyage of 1898–9 92, 101 Bell, P. 77 Bellingshausen, Captain T.T. 9–11, 44, 57, 79–80, 91, 117–19 Benyowski, Count M.A.de 113 Bernacchi, L.C. 20 Bertrand, K.J. 57–8, 60 biological research 20 Biscoe Islands 12 Biscoe, J. 12, 44, 56, 80 Bjaaland, O. 25–8, 30, 49, 88 Blefkins, D. 114–15 Board of Longitude 43 Borchgrevink, C.E. 16, 18–20, 47, 66, 84 Bounty Islands 12 Bouvet Island xi, 7, 59–60; the case of 69–75 Bouvet, L. de 6, 69, 71, 74 Bouvetoya 72, 75 Bowers, H.R. 30–2, 35, 37, 48, 86, 90 Bransfield, E. 10–12 Bransfield Strait 16 Brasilie regio 1, 3 Brazil 3–4 Bridgeman Island 13 Brisbane, M. 11 British Antarctic Expedition of 1839–43 14 British Antarctic Expedition of 1898–1900 18–19, 84 British Antarctic Expedition of 1907–9 22, 67, 85, 95, 103–4, 118 British Discovery Expedition of 1901–4 20, 84, 96, 102, 119 British Foreign Office 73 British Government, the Brontë, E. 102 Browning, R. 103 Bry, T.de 4–5 Buendia, A. 99 Bull, H.J. 16, 18, 95 Bunyan, J. 103 Burns, R. 90 Byrd, Admiral 45–6 Byrne, D. 77

Callao 5 Camp Ridley 19 Candlemas Islands 54, 57 Cap de la Circoncision 6, 69, 74 Cap des terres australes 6 Cape Adare 14, 16, 18–20 Cape Armitage 21, 34 Cape Carr 62, 67 Cape Crozier 19–20, 32–4, 84, 86, 90 Cape Dan 45 Cape Evans 30–5, 93 Cape Freshfield 67 Cape Horn 4–5, 7, 100, 114 Cape Horn Greybeards 78 Cape Hudson 67–8 Cape of Good Hope 3–4, 7, 71, 78 Cape Royds 22, 24 Cape Town 6–7, 71 Carman Land 46, 67 Carnegie, The 72 Castle Rock 21, 33 catholicism 5 celestial bodies 92; aurorae 97; the moon 90, 92, 97; the sun 90, 92, 97 Challenger, The 15, 83 Chatham Islands 12 Cherry-Garrard, A. 25, 32–4, 48, 86–7, 90, 103 Chimnies, the 73 Chinese Sea 51 Christ’s Hospital 112, 116 Christensen, L. 72 Christian epoch, the 40 Christiania 26 Christy, M. 114 chronomoters 43–4, 58–9 see also longitude Church, Captain 72 Clarie Coast 14 Clarie Land 63 cleavage of icebergs 15 Clark, Lieutenant 44 Clerke, C. 9 Clüver, P. 5 Cockburn Island 15 Colbeck, Lieutenant 19 Coleridge, Mrs S. 115 Coleridge, S.T. x–xii, 99–101, 105–7, 111–19 compass, the 38–51, 82, 86; ‘dead reckoning’ 42, 44, 59; deviation of 39; magnetic attraction 39; magnetic dipping 44; magnetic meridians 39;

125

ANTARCTICA magnetic poles 39; permanent magnetism 39; permanent steel magnets 39; soft iron 39; terrestrial magnestism 39; variation of 39, 44 continental ice 10–11 Cook, F. 92, 101–2 Cook, J. 1, 6–12, 17, 25, 38, 42–4, 57–8, 61, 71, 76–9, 83–4, 99–100, 112–14 Coulman Island 16 Crantz, D. 114–15 Crater Hill 21, 33 Crean, T. 35 crevasses 84–9 Croker Mountains 15 Crozet, J.M. 6 Crozet Islands 6 Crozier, F. 14, 35 Cupitt, D. 97 D’Aeth 45 Dalrymple Head 74 Danco, Lieutenant 17 David, T.W.E. 103 Debenham, F. 10–11, 44, 79–80, 91, 117–19 defence mechanisms 77; repression 77; sensitization 77 Delia Church, The 72 Denmark Strait, the 46 Devil’s Ballroom 27, 88 Devil’s Glacier 27, 88 Diana, The 16 Dina Island 6 Disappointment Bay 67 Discovery The 1, 20, 22, 38–9, 43, 47–8, 66, 74, 92, 96 dogs 21, 26, 35, 87–8 see also transportation Drake, Sir F. 4–5 Drake Strait 3, 78 Dumont D’Urville, J.S.C. 13–14, 47, 63, 81– 2, 94, 118–19 Dundee 16 Dundee Antarctic Expedition of 1892–3 15, 47, 94, 96, 118 Dundee Shipbuilding Company 20 earth; the rotundity of 45 see also mirages Eld, Midshipman 64–6 Eld’s Peak 68 Electric Brae, Ayrshire x Eliza Scott, The 12, 81 emperor penguins 32–5, 48, 86; eggs 32, 34–5, 48, 86, 90, 103

Enderby Brothers 12, 71, 74 Enderby Land 12 England 105, 116 environment, the x, 77, 100; misinterpretation of xi; perception of x–xi environmental hazards x, 84, 86; continental ice 10–11; crevasses 84–9; fog 81; gales 81; icebergs xi, 6, 10–11, 13, 15–16, 57, 59, 78–80, 82–4, 91–7, 100–1, 105, 117–18; pack-ice 78, 82; sastrugi, 21, 27, 34–6, 48, 84, 88; studies of x; volcanic activity 12; volcanoes 54; young ice 78, 82 equilibrium of icebergs 15 equinox, the 41 Eratosthenes 1 Erebus Gulf 16, 94 Erebus, The, 14, 65, 82–3 Erik the Red 46 Evans, E. 20–2, 30, 35–6, 49, 85 Evans, H.B. 19–20 exploration of Antarctica xi, 1, 6, 15, 21, 27, 32, 38, 40, 51, 96; the earth’s physiography 15; maritime meteorology 15; terrestro-magnetism 15 exploration of the Arctic 25 Fairweather, Captain 16 Falkland Islands 12 Feather, T.A. 85 Ferrar Glacier 21–2 Finé, O. 3 Fisher, M. 104, 107 Fletcher, F. 4 Flinders, M. 39 Flying Fish, The 13, 61 fog 81 Fog Bay 33 formation of icebergs 15 Fougner 20 Foyn Coast 59–60 Fram, The 25–6 Framheim 26, 28, 30–1, 49, 67, 87, 120 France, 6, 13 Francis Allyn, The 72 Franklin Island 14 Freeman, T. 12–13 French navel expedition of 1837–40 13–14 Frezne, M. du 6, 71 Fricker, K. 3–6, 15–16, 56, 58, 60, 69, 71–2 Fuller, J. 72, 74–5

126

INDEX Furneaux, Captain 71 gales 81 Galileo 41 Gama, V. da 4 Geographica, The 1 Geographical Journal, The 72 geological research 20 Gerlache de Gomery, A.V.de 16 German Naval Observatory 15 Gilbert, J. 44 Gjoa, The 25 Goethe, J.W. 103 Golden West, The 72 Gorsuch, R. 77 Gough Island 69–70 Gould, R.T. 47, 51–2, 56–9 Graham Land 11–12, 16–17, 58–9 Great Britain 15, 30, 69, 72–3 Greek World, the 1 Greenland 1, 9, 46, 114 Greenland Sea 47 Greenler, R. 46 Greenwich Meridian 53, 56 Greenwich time 42–3 Gulf Stream, the 42 Gunnbjørn Skerries 46 Hadley 43 Hakleuyt, R. 3, 114 Halley, E. 39 Hanssen, H. 25–6, 28, 30, 49, 88, 94 Harris, J. 114 Hassel, H.S. 25–6, 28, 49 Hawkins, J. 5 Hay, Captain 6, 69 Hayes, J.G. 1 Headland, R.K. 9–10, 13, 15–16 Hearst Land 52 Henry, The 58 Hewson, J.B. 39–42 high austral latitudes 5, 7, 100 high austral regions 4, 7, 15, 77 high southern latitudes 6, 10, 64–5, 78, 113 Hipparchus 1 Hobart 19 Hobbs, W.H. 45, 47, 62, 67–8 Holmes, R. 112, 115–16 Hornvedt, H. 72 Hudson, W. 61, 64 Huntford, R. 25 Hut Point 21, 32–3, 86

Hutchinson, Mrs S. 115 Huxley, L. 103–4 hydrogen balloon 20 icebergs xi, 6, 10–11, 13, 15–16, 57, 59, 78– 80, 82–4, 91–7, 100–1, 105, 117–18; cleavage of 15; equilibrium of 15; formation of 15; splendour of 113; stratification of 15; weathering of 15 Iceland 46 Inaccessible Island 24 India, The 107 Indian Ocean 1, 5, 51, 61 International Date Line 28 International Geophysical Year 67 inversion layer altitudes 45 see also mirages Island of Dsolation 53 Ittelson, W.H. x Jackson, A. 58 Jacquinot, C.H. 13 James 114 Jane, The 11, 57, 80, 117 Java 3–4 Jensen, Captain 19 Jesus College, Cambridge 112 Johanson 20 Johnson, Captain 55–6, 58 Joinville Island 13, 15–16 Jones, A.G.E. 7–9, 19–20, 41, 78 Jupiter; the satellites of 44 see also longitude Jupiter’s equator 41 Kaikouras, the 30 Kates, R. x Keats, W. 103 Kendal, Mr 43–4 Kerguelen Island 6–7, 12, 53, 56, 60 Kerguelen-Tremarec, Y.J.de 6 King Alfred 1 King Arthur 46 King Edward VII Plateau 23 King George Land 67 King, H.G.R. 97–8 King Haakon VII 36 King Haakon VII’s Plateau 28–9, 31 King Philip III of Spain 5, 43 King William IV 12 Kipling, R. 102 Knox’s High Land 67 Koonya, The 24 Kotzebue, A.F.F. 113

127

ANTARCTICA Krech, Captain 72 Kristensen, Captain 18 Kronprinsesse Mrtha Kyst 9 L’Aigle, The 6, 69 L’Astrolabe, The 13–14, 82 La Zélee, The 13, 82 Lancaster Sound 15 land exploration 4, 20 landsman’s view, the 8, 18–37, 78 Larsen 57 Lashly, W. 21–2, 35, 85 Lawrence, D.H 27 Lazarev, M.P. 10, 118 Lazarus, R. 77 Le Fay, M. 46 Le Maire, J. 5 Lehn, W.H. 46–7 Lindsay, Captain 71, 74 Lindsay Island 71–2, 74 Liv Glacier 45 Lively, The 12, 80 Liverpool Island xi, 69, 71–5 Lloyd, W.J. xi local habitation 69–75 London 12, 20, 106 Longfellow, H. 102 longitude 38–51; chronometers 58–9; clearing the distances 42; lunar observations 42, 59; maritime navigation 41; occultations of planets by the moon 41, 44; parallax of 42, 44; problems of 41; refraction 42; the satellites of Jupiter 44; solar altitudes 43 Lord’s River 25 Louis-Philippe Island 16 Lovely, The 71 Lowell, J.R. 114 Lowes, J.L. 113–15 lunar observations 42, 59 Lushene, R.E. 77 Lyttelton Harbour, New Zealand 22, 24 Mackinder, Sir H. 8 McMurdo Sound 22 MacRobertson Land 68 Madagascar 2–3 Madeira 25 Magellan, F. 3, 114 Magellan Straits, the 4–5 Magellanic Region 3 magnetic equator, the 39

Magnetic North Pole 25 Mahomet’s Coffin 48 Mallory, W. x Malta 116 Manual of Seamanship 39 Marie, The, 69 marine life 15 maritime meteorology 15 maritime navigation 41 Marquez, G.C. 99, 120 Mars 92, 103 Marsween Island 6 Martens, P.M. 114 Massacre Islands 51 Maury, Lieutenant 43 Mawson, D. 25, 47, 62, 67–8 Melbourne 16, 18 Mercator, G. 3 Meteor, The 72 meteorological research 20 Mid-Atlantic Ridge 69–70, 75; the disappearance of Thompson Island 75 Mill, H.R. 56 Milton, J. 102–3 mirages 38–51, 90, 96; the ‘Fata Morgana’ effect 46; the ‘hillingar’ effect 46; inversion layer altitudes 45; the ‘Novaya Zemlya’ effect 46; polar exploration 46; rotundity of the earth 45; superior 14, 45, 47, 58–60, 67–8; temperature inversions 45–6 Mirnyi, The 10, 44, 79 Moore, Captain 71 Morrell, B. xi, 12, 47, 51–4, 56–60, 71, 93–4 Moseley, H.N. 15, 83 Mount Betty 30 Mount Caldwell 7, 9 Mount Don Pedro Christopherson 27 Mount Erebus 14–15, 22, 24, 33, 48, 65, 95 Mount Fridtjof Nansen 27 Mount Hamilton 14, 46, 68 Mount Helmer Hanssen 95 Mount Markham 14, 21, 68 Mount Nilson 95 Mount Ole Engelstad 27 Mount Simpson 7, 9 Mount Terra Nova 33 Mount Terror 14, 33–4, 48, 65, 87 Murdoch, W.G.B. 16, 47, 94, 96, 118 Murray, G. 12–14, 44, 47, 61, 63–4, 80–2, 91–2, 94–5, 101, 118–19

128

INDEX Nansen, F. 25 Nares, Captain 15, 83 Nautical Almanac 43 Neumayer, G. 15 New Holland 5–6 New South Greenland xi, 12, 47, 51–3, 55– 8, 60 New Zealand 6–7, 30, 58, 78 Newnes, Sir G. 19 Nimrod, The 22, 24–5 Norris, G. 60, 69, 71, 73–5 North Island, New Zealand 5 North Pole, the 12, 28 North-west Passage 25 northern hemisphere, the 38 Norvegia, The 72 Norway 69, 72, 74 Norwegian Antartic Expedition of 1910– 12 95 Norwegian Government, the 72–3 Novegia expedition of 1929–30 10 Oates, L.E.G. 30–1, 35–6 Observation Hill 21, 33 oceanographic research 20 One Ton Camp 35 One Ton Depot 31–2, 36 Oratava, The 106 Orleans Channel 13 Ortelius 3 Otter, The 71 Ottery St. Mary, Devon 112 Otto, R. 108 Pacific Islands 7 Pacific Ocean 4–5, 7, 13, 26, 51, 60–1, 106 pack-ice 78, 82 Pagoda, The 71 Palmer Archipelago 16 Palmer, N. 60 Parry 15 Parry Mountains 14, 20, 46, 68 Paryadin, Navigating Officer 44 Peacock, The 13, 61, 64 Peary, R.E. 25 perception ix–x, 90, 114; the environment x–xi; of the imagination 51– 60; theory of ix Perry, T. 100 Peter I Island 10, 17 physiography of the earth 15 Pilate, P. 51

Piner’s Bay 63 Poa flabellata 71 polar atmosphere 67 polar circle, the 44, 76 polar exploration 46 see also mirages polar poetry 99–120 Polar Record 46–7 polar regions 67 Polar Star, The 16 Pole Camp 36 Polheim 28–30 Polo, M. 3 ponies 22, 32, 35 see also transportation Porpoise, The 13, 61, 64 Port Chalmers, New Zealand 16, 18, 20, 30 Portuguese Expedition of 1501 4 Possession Island 6, 14, 16, 19 Potolemy,? 1 Prendergast, J. 98 Princess Martha Land 10 Prinsesse Ragnhild Kyst 9 Psittacorum regio 3 Purchas, S. 114 Pyne, S.J. 97 Quantock Hills 112, 114 Quiros, F.de 5 Ralling, C. 104, 106–7, 109–10 Ratzeburg 113, 115 Rees, W.G. 45–7, 58 Relief, The 13, 61 research; biological 20; geographical 20; meteorological 20; oceanographic 20 Resolution, The 7, 9, 43, 76 Reynolds, J.N. 60 Reynolds, Midshipman 64–5 Reynolds, Peak 68 ‘Rime of the Ancient Mariner, The’ xi–xii, 99–101, 105–7, 111, 113–17, 119 Ringgold, C. 61, 64, 66 Ringgold’s Knoll 64, 66 Rio de Janeiro 10 River Tay 20 Roberts, B.B. 97 Robertson Bay 19–20 Ross Ice Barrier 15, 19–20, 23–4, 26, 31, 33–4, 36, 40, 61, 64, 67–8, 78, 82, 89– 90, 104, 108–9, 119–20 Ross Ice Shelf 15, 46 Ross Island 15, 24, 33, 68

129

ANTARCTICA Ross, J.C. 14–16, 19–20, 46–7, 56, 63–6, 68, 71, 73–4, 78, 82, 91–2, 117 Ross Sea 31, 33 Royal Geographical Society 20, 72 Russian Antarctic Expedition of 1819–21 9 Sabrina Coast 12 Sabrina Land 81 Sabrina, The 12, 81 Sachse, Captain 73 St Luke 117 St Matthew 117 St Michael’s, Hamburg 117 St Paul 116 St Petersburg 117 salinity 15 Salter, C.L. xi San Francisco 106 Sandwich Land 53–4 sastrugi 22, 27, 34–6, 48, 84, 88 Savio, P. 19 Schöner, J. 1–3 Schouten, W.C. 5 Schroeder, J. 46 Scoresby, W. 47 Scott Polar Research Institute, University of Cambridge 98 Scott, Captain R.F. xi. 1, 3–5, 7, 20–2, 24–6, 30–2, 35–40, 47–8, 50, 57, 66, 84–5, 88– 9, 92–3, 96–9, 102–4, 119–20 Sea Gull, The 13, 61 seal skins 59, 71 seaman’s view, the 8–17, 78, 83 Seleucus 1 Shackleton, E.H. xi, 20–5, 27, 35, 40, 46–8, 66–7, 85–6, 95, 103–11, 118–20 Shackleton, Lady 106–7 Shakespeare, W. ix, 51, 60, 69, 102 Shelley, P.B. 102 Shelvocke, G. 114–15 Simpson-Housley, P. x Skelton, R.W. 38 Smith, Mr 44 Smith, W. 11, 41 Snell’s law 46 Snow Swan, The 71 solar attitudes 43 South African Navy 75 South America 1, 3 South Atlantic, the 10 South Georgia 4, 7, 10, 52 South Island, New Zealand 6

South Magnetic Pole, the 14, 19–20, 22, 25, 38, 65 South Orkney Islands 11, 13, 52 South Polar Lands 20 South Polar Times 104, 108–10 South Pole, the 5, 12, 19, 22–3, 25–6, 28– 32, 35–6, 38, 49–50, 55–7, 67, 87–9, 101, 107, 111, 113, 120 South Sandwich Islands 12, 52–3, 56–8, 60 South Shetland Islands 10–11, 13, 16, 52, 78 South Thule 54, 59–60 South Thule Islands 57 South Victoria Land 21 Southern Cross, The 19–20 southern hemisphere, the 38 Southern Ocean 78 Spanish service, the 5 Spencer, H. 102 Spielberger, C.D. 77 Spitzbergen 114 splendour of icebergs, the 113 Sprightly, The 71, 73, 75 Staten Island 16 Staten Land 55 Stenhouse, J. 67 Stephenson, R.L. 103 Stewart Island, New Zealand 6, 16, 24– 5, 120 Strabo 1 Straits of Magellan 4–5 stratification of icebergs 15 summer solstice, the 41 Sunday Express 107 superior mirages 14, 45, 47, 58–60, 67–8 Sydney, Australia 61, 64 Sydney Herald 64–5 Tasman, A.J. 5–6 Tasmania 5–6, 80 telescope; the invention of 41 temperatures 15; inversions 45–6 see also mirages; observations 56 Tenerife 69 Tennyson, A. 102 Terra australis incognita xi, 1–8 Terra Nova, The 30, 97 Terred’Espérance Island 6 Terre de vue 6 terrestro-magnetism 15 Terror Gulf 16, 94 Terror, The 14, 65, 82–3

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INDEX Thames, The 14 Thompson Island xi, 71–5, the disappearance of 75 Thule Island 57 Thurston Island 9 Thurston Peninsula 9, 13 Tierra del Fuego 3–5, 13, 16, 78; indians 4 Tower Island 11 transportation: Arrol-Johnston 12–15; horsepower vehicle 22; dogs 21, 26, 35, 87–8; hydrogen balloon 20; ponies 22, 32, 35 Trinity Land 11–12 Trinity Peninsula 10, 13 Tristan da Cunha 69 Tropic of Capricorn 2–3 Tula, The 12, 44, 80 Tunzleman, A.H.F. von 19 Turner, J. 98 Tyler, D.B. 61, 64–5, 67 United States 43 United States Exploring Expedition of 1838–32 13, 61, 81, 110, 117 Upper Glacier Depot 35 USS Yorktown, The 65 Valdivia, The 72, 75 Van Diemen’s Land 14 Varthema, L. di 3–4 Veer, G.de 113 Vespucci, A. 4 Victoria Land 14–16, 22 Vince 21, 84 Vincennes, The 13–14, 61, 63–4 volcanic activity 12 volcanoes 54 Vostok, The 10, 79, 117

Waimakariri River 30 Wales, W. 43–4 Warren, R.P. 115 Wasp, The 51, 53–4, 57–9, 71 Watkins 45 weathering of icebergs, the 15 Weddell, J. 11–12, 20, 55–7, 80–1, 117 Weddell Sea 11–12, 53–4, 56–7, 60, 70 Wells 5 Whaling 15; the Balaena mysticetus 15; expeditions 16 Whalley, G. 116 White Island 48 Whitehead, A.N. ix Wienecke, C.A. 16 Wild, F. 84 Wild Mountains 35 Wilkes, C. xi, 13–15, 47, 57, 61–8, 81–2, 91–2, 94, 100–1, 117–18 Wilkes Land xi, 13, 15, 81; the enigma of 61–8 Wilkes’s Termination Land 15, 67 Williams, Captain 72 Williams Point, New South Shetland 41 Wilson, E.A. xi, 21, 30–2, 35–7, 48–9, 86, 90, 91, 96–8, 104, 108 Windless Bight 33 winter solstice, the 41 Wisting, O. 25–6, 28, 49 Wordsworth, Mrs D. 115 Wordsworth, W. 112, 114 World War I 8 young ice 78, 82 Zavodovski, Lieutenant 44, 79

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