An Uncompromising Secessionist: The Civil War of George Knox Miller, Eighth (Wade's) Confederate Cavalry

An Uncompromising Secessionist

An Uncompromising Secessionist The Civil War of George K nox Miller, Eighth (Wade’s) Confederate Cavalry

Edited by Richard M. McMurry

Th e Un i v e r si t y o f A l a ba m a P r e s s Tuscaloosa

Copyright © 2007 The University of Alabama Press Tuscaloosa, Alabama 35487-0380 All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America Typeface: New Baskerville ∞ The paper on which this book is printed meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences-Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48–1984. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Miller, George K nox, 1836–1916. An uncompromising secessionist : the Civil War of George K nox Miller, Eighth (Wade’s) Confederate Cavalry / edited by Richard M. McMurry. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8173-1531-3 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-8173-1531-4 1. Miller, George K nox, 1836–1916—Correspondence. 2. Confederate States of America. Army. Cavalry Regiment, 8th. 3. Soldiers—Alabama—Talladega— Correspondence. 4. Alabama—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Personal narratives. 5. United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Personal narratives, Confederate. 6. Alabama—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Regimental histories. 7. United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Regimental histories. 8. Confederate States of America. Army of Tennessee. 9. United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Cavalry operations. 10. Talladega (Ala.)—Biography. I. McMurry, Richard M. II. Title. E546.5.M55 2006 973.7′468092—dc22 2006013567

For Sarah Elizabeth (Sally) McMurry who made me a grandfather on 2 April 2004 and For Samuel Evans McMurry Who duplicated the feat on 6 April 2006.

Contents

Acknowledgments ix Editor’s Note xi Biographical Sketch xv 1. Prewar: 14 June 1860–11 May 1861 1 2. Early Months at War: 31 May 1861–17 April 1862 30 3. Battles and Marches: 14 June 1862–12 January 1863 71 4. Prison and Retreat: 1 March–16 July 1863 123 5. Home and Sickness: 15 September–6 November 1863 145

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6. “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”: 2 January–23 April 1864 162 7. Cheerfully into Battle: 4 May–30 June 1864 198 8. The Fight for Atlanta: 1 July–5 November 1864 228 9. “This Trying Time”: 10 November 1864–23 February 1865 252 10. Postwar: 1865–1916 273 Index 349

Acknowledgments

Several kind friends helped with this project. Paula and Jim Carson, of Anderson, and Rosalind and Ted Tedards, of Greenville, gladly furnished quarters, rations, and local transportation when I spent time in the South Carolina Upcountry seeking information on K nox Miller’s family. Paula (even if she is a Clemson fan) and Rosalind (like me, a Georgia Tech fan) are esteemed fellow veterans of several Civil War gatherings; Jim and Ted (Clemson and Georgia Tech fans, respectively) are loyal camp followers who, on occasion, accompany their spouses to seminars, symposia, or on visits to Civil War sites—especially if a golf course or baseball stadium is nearby. John White and the staff of the Southern Historical Collection helped with work in Chapel Hill. Hurley E. Badders of the Pendleton District Commission did the same when I visited Pendleton. Gordon Blaker of the Augusta Museum identi¤ed some of Miller’s relatives and acquaintances who lived in the Augusta area during the war. The staffs of the public libraries in Talladega, Alabama; and Anderson, Greenville, and Spartanburg, South Carolina, were very helpful in tracking down information in their holdings, as were the staffers at the Alabama Department of Archives and History, the University of Virginia library, the Radford University library, the Preston Library at the Virginia Military Institute, and the folks in the Emory University library (especially Barbara J. Mann). Tommy Moorehead and K rista Miller of the Jemison Carnegie Heritage Hall in Talladega helped with material in their collection. I am grateful to Heritage Hall for permission to reproduce in this volume several photographs from its collection.

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Old friends Bruce Allardice, Stacy Allen, Cathy Barton, Michael Bradley, Mike Dougan, Bob Driver, Beverly Haddaway, Bobby (Slim) K rick, Jim Minor, Mike Parrish, George Rable, Larry Reaume, John Y. Simon, Budge Weidman, and Jane Yates helped identify people mentioned in the documents and ¤nd other useful information. To my brother, Scott, go many thanks for reading some two dozen letters in the Miller Papers that are written in German. Finally, special appreciation to three of K nox Miller’s relatives—Varley Miller Simons, whom I chanced to meet on a steamboat in June 1999 and who provided copies of several documents and photographs, offered encouragement, and helped in many other ways; William Miller of Earlton, Florida, who helped identify many of the people mentioned in these pages; and Ray Bassett of Ocala, Florida, who provided photographs.

Editor’s Note

These letters are not those of a typical Civil War soldier. K nox Miller was—as his writings demonstrate—a well-educated young man. Readers will be struck by his vocabulary. On occasion he employed words rarely found in the writings of his fellow soldiers. Few Americans of the Civil War era would use such words as “paragon,” “misanthrope,” “apostrophizing,” “importunate,” “dissimulate,” “plethoric,” “crystalline,” “propitious,” “asperities,” and “stoical.” Most likely only very few Civil War cavalrymen ever wrote of their “shabrack,” although they all used one. (It is a saddle cloth used by light cavalry.) As did many well-educated, nineteenth-century Southerners, Miller often—especially early in the correspondence—employed British spellings for such words as “labour,” “honour,” and “programme.” He was almost certainly unique in comparing his commander, Brig. Gen.(later Maj. Gen.) Joseph Wheeler, to Charles XII, the Swedish monarch and military commander (1682–1718). In his ¤rst letter to Celestine, called “Cellie” by family and friends and eventually also by K nox, Miller expressed the hope that she would “be not hasty to judge me and my nature by my manner of writing, which I feel is at times too cold and stiff.” One of his best friends, he pointed out, had fallen “for a time” into such an error. In truth, K nox’s letters to Cellie soon lost whatever elements of coldness and stiffness they may once have had as his relationship with his cousin evolved and deepened— or, as he put it in May 1863, “what was . . . concealed under the bud of friendship . . . bloomed into love.” Unfortunately, Celestine’s side of the correspondence is missing. At one time Miller wrote that he had saved all her letters and at another he informed her that he had destroyed them to keep them from falling into

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enemy hands. Whatever ones he saved (probably at least the prewar letters) seem to have been lost or destroyed over the years. On the surface, at least, Miller seems to have subscribed to most traditional nineteenth-century views of men and women, husbands and wives, and the relationship that should exist between them. Without Celestine’s letters, however, we should be most leery in attempting to draw any hard and fast conclusions about what currently fashionable historians call “gender relations” in general and those between K nox and Cellie in particular. Miller’s letters do, rather, give us many valuable insights into the life, heart, mind, and attitudes of an intelligent, educated, young, mid-nineteenth-century white Southerner, his hopes, ambitions, and fears, as well as his role as a cavalry line of¤cer in the all-important western theater.1 Most of Miller’s handwriting is legible, and his word choice, spelling, punctuation, and grammar usually fall well within the parameters of what was then considered correct English. On a few occasions, however, he slipped, making grammatical errors (such as verb-subject disagreements) and sometimes misspelling or repeating words because, as he once noted, he seldom had the “heart to go back & make corrections.” When the misspelling or grammatical error does not cause confusion, I have retained his original usage; otherwise I have corrected the word without noting the change. For example, Miller often divided what are now treated as single words—“any thing,” “every thing,” “battle ¤eld,” and so on; in such cases, I have retained his original spelling. I have also silently removed repetitious words. In a few cases where the handwriting is indecipherable I made my best guess, placing a question mark in brackets immediately after my guess as to the word or words. In two or three of the letters heavy folds have completely obliterated a line or two of handwriting, which I have noted. In cases where Miller seems unintentionally to have omitted a word or words, I have inserted in brackets what I think he intended to put there followed by a question mark. On several occasions I have added a word or words in brackets to clarify the sentence. Such bracketed inserts do not include a question mark. On two occasions, unfortunately, Miller, or somebody else, deliberately blotted out several lines of text so that not a word can now be read. Often it is impossible to determine when Miller intended to use a

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capital letter, and some of his punctuation marks are unclear. In all such cases, none of them important, I have made the best guess I could. I have silently added punctuation such as commas and periods when they aid the reader in making sense of the text. Miller frequently wrote long passages without breaking them into paragraphs, and I have added paragraph breaks when appropriate. I have silently corrected Miller’s unusual spelling of contractions to the modern version (e.g., “can’t,” “haven’t,” “don’t”). Miller almost always placed the period at the end of a quotation outside the quotation marks; I have silently reversed the order (“x.” instead of “x”.). I have also removed the inside addresses that Miller often put at the beginning or end of a letter. In many letters Miller wrote about people to whom he referred only by ¤rst name, middle name, or nickname. Identifying such individuals now would be extremely dif¤cult in most cases, impossible in some, and in no instance worth the time it would take to do so. Likewise, relatives and friends to whom Miller made only passing reference in his letters are not identi¤ed. In cases where identi¤cation of people is important or where it seems clear to whom he was referring, I have ventured a guess in the notes as to the identity of the person. I have chosen not to burden readers with citations for notes that simply refer them to or remind them of fairly well-known events. To aid the reader in locating cross-references, the heading for notes includes the date or other identifying element for the relevant letter or document. Notes following a letter or document relate to that material as well as to the introductory text that precedes it. This book includes all K nox Miller’s known papers except the following: 1. untitled twenty-one-page account of the life of John Miller, printer, and Miller’s autobiographical “Memoranda” (see n1 to the biographical sketch) 2. four legal documents in the Alabama Department of Archives and History (ADAH) in Montgomery 3. miscellaneous routine papers such as a statement by Miller certifying that the horse of Pvt. E. T. Dye, appraised at twelve hundred dollars, had been killed in action 18 May 1864 near K ingston, Georgia, and a “Register of Men Discharged,” October 1861–August 1862, both in the Miller Papers at Chapel Hill (scores of such docu-

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ments can be found in the National Archives in the compiled service records of men who served in Miller’s company, and others are in private collections) 4. Miller’s supporting statements, signatures, or both on legal papers relating to pension applications from veterans in Alabama veterans’ pension ¤les, ADAH (see, for example, the application of James H. Harmon) 5. a few routine letters (1904–8) between Miller and Thomas M. Owen, regarding a history of the 8th Confederate Cavalry Regiment, in regiment’s ¤le, ADAH; Miller’s seventy-page history of the 8th Confederate Cavalry Regiment, in regiment’s ¤le, ADAH, which mostly repeats material from Miller’s postwar writings in this book and includes long quotations from his wartime letters 6. approximately two dozen postwar letters in German in the Miller Papers that have nothing to do with George K nox Miller’s Civil War career

Not e 1. George K nox Miller, hereafter GK M, seems to ¤t the pattern analyzed in Stephen W. Berry, All That Makes a Man: Love and Ambition in the Civil War South (New York, 2003). GK M’s letters are “a sort of incubator of romantic interest,” in which “shyness and reserve could be peeled back layer by careful layer” (Berry, 90–91). We read of his hope that Celestine would correct his behavior and that he could make himself worthy of her (Berry, 61, 95, 182, 184). See especially GK M’s letters of 28–29 Nov. 1862, and 13 and 24 May 1863. GK M, however, differed from many of Berry’s subjects. For one thing, he was younger than most of them and had not completed his schooling. For another, he did not have their background in the classics. Thus GK M seems not to have completely imbibed the general outlook on life held by those in Berry’s sample and had not experienced their prewar frustrations. As the con®ict went on GK M lost much of his naïveté and came to see the war in a more realistic light. Postwar he was clearly what Berry calls “a good man” as his society de¤ned the term. GK M’s letters also allow us to compare his wartime experience with that of his fellow University of Virginia Law School alumnus and Confederate cavalry captain John Preston Sheffey (1837–1905). See Sheffey, Soldier of Southwestern Virginia: The Civil War Letters of Captain John Preston Sheffey, edited by James I. Robertson Jr. (Baton Rouge, 2004).

Biographical Sketch

George K nox Miller, who penned most of the documents in this collection, was born 30 December 1836 in a “double log cabin” in Talladega, Alabama. Local lore has it that K nox, as family and friends called him— no doubt to differentiate him from his father, George—was the ¤rst white child born in that community.1 The earliest of K nox Miller’s paternal ancestors to live in the new world was John Miller, printer, of London, who arrived in South Carolina in January 1783. This ¤rst John Miller was, so his great-grandson inferred almost 150 years later, “of respectable, considerate, well-to-do parantage.” K nox Miller based this assessment on his great-grandfather’s writings, which, he thought, demonstrated that his ancestor had received “a fair education as he grew to man’s estate.” By 1760 John Miller and his partner, Henry Sampson Woodfall, were the publishers of two London newspapers. Woodfall edited the Daily Advertiser, a morning journal; Miller served as managing editor of the partners’ other newspaper, the Evening Post. In the early 1760s John Wilkes, another journalist, launched a vitriolic attack on the government in his newspaper, the North Briton, berating the royal ministers for what he considered their many failures. He even dared to criticize K ing George III himself. (“The insane bigot, Georgious Tertius Rex” and “daft old George, the Third, by the grace of a Dutch mis-alliance, king of Great Britain, etc.,” was how George K nox Miller later referred to the monarch whose of¤cials persecuted both Wilkes and his own great-grandfather.) When Wilkes won election to the House of Commons, the government engineered his prosecution for libel and succeeded in getting him expelled. Outlawed, Wilkes ®ed to France, but he

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soon returned and won a new election to Parliament. Once again the government managed to deny him the post to which he had been elected and persuaded the Commons to seat his defeated opponent in his place. The government’s long crusade against Wilkes aroused great indignation and even touched off serious riots. As this tumultuous story played itself out, Woodfall’s Daily Advertiser began publishing a series of letters signed “Junius.” Miller’s Evening Post also printed some of these writings. “Junius” excoriated the government for its persecution of Wilkes.2 The K ing’s of¤cials soon struck back, bringing charges of criminal libel against Woodfall, Miller, and John Almon whose bookstore had sold copies of a pamphlet containing some of the “Junius Letters.” The jurors in Miller’s trial, ignoring instructions from the presiding judge to determine only if the defendant had published the letters and not to concern themselves with whether the documents were, in fact, libelous, pronounced him not guilty. In 1771 Miller again fell afoul of the authorities when he and several other printers began to publish the debates of the House of Commons. Efforts to bring Miller before the House failed when street mobs blocked attempts to arrest him and the City of London interposed on his behalf. Eventually, the Commons dropped the matter, and the affair became part of the long struggle for freedom of the press. As these events unfolded, tensions between the British government and thirteen of its North American colonies led, in 1775, to the war that resulted eight years later in the independence of the United States. Not surprisingly, John Miller sympathized with the rebelling colonists. The government found his views obnoxious, and sometime around 1780 he left his wife and children in England and ®ed to France.3 In 1782 Miller crossed the Atlantic to North America. Not long after the war ended, South Carolina delegates to the U.S. Congress prevailed upon him to accept the post of state printer and sent him to Charleston where his wife and six of his children joined him in November 1783. The following August, John Miller secured a state land grant to 640 acres in the Pendleton District in the Upcountry—the higher elevations in the westernmost part of the state. (Until 1868 South Carolina was divided into judicial districts rather than counties.) Miller and his family settled on this land in 1786 or 1787. In the middle of the next decade he began publishing Miller’s Weekly Messenger, a newspaper soon renamed the Pendleton Weekly Messenger, which he edited until his death in 1809. His son, also named John Miller, edited the paper until he died in 1822.

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The ¤rst John Miller and his wife, Elizabeth, are buried at the Old Stone Church in Pendleton.4 This Presbyterian house of worship stands on a 16.75-acre tract of land donated by the ¤rst John Miller in 1787 for the building and cemetery.5 Over the decades many of John Miller’s descendants and relatives by marriage were also buried there. In 1791 Miller’s son John, then twenty-one, married Jane Grey (or Gray) born in Charleston 22 February 1772. The couple had thirteen children, of whom six sons and all ¤ve daughters lived beyond infancy. One of the sons, George, was born near Pendleton on 28 March 1802.6 On 3 March 1825 George Miller married Cynthia Tennant Hamilton. Cynthia Hamilton was from a prominent Upcountry family. Her paternal grandparents, David (ca. 1725–ca. Oct. 1801) and Jane (or Jean) Wallace (?–1815) Hamilton and their four oldest children had emigrated from Scotland to Pennsylvania in 1757 or 1758. In the early 1770s the family, as did so many eighteenth-century immigrants, followed the Great Philadelphia Wagon Road (now Interstate 81) south through the Great Valley, eventually settling in York District, South Carolina. David served with the American forces in the War for Independence, as did at least one of his sons, Thomas (4 July 1759–2 May 1853), the latter with Francis Marion, the “Swamp Fox.” On 25 December 1782 Thomas married Anne (or Ann) Kennedy (1761–24 or 25 March 1836). Thomas’s bride had herself won a reputation as a heroic American patriot during the struggle for independence. Just before the Battle of Cowpens (17 January 1781), she had acted as a courier, carrying messages to Brig. Gen. Daniel Morgan. Local reports also credited her with knocking a Tory off the porch of her house when he was trying to rob her and burn the dwelling. The man’s amused comrades—so the story goes—prevented him from shooting so gallant a woman. Eleven of Thomas and Anne Kennedy’s twelve children survived infancy. They named their tenth child, born 27 March 1802—one day before her husband-to-be—Cynthia Tennant Hamilton. Susannah Story Miller, the ¤rst child of George and Cynthia, was born in the Pendleton District 28 February 1826, died there 14 February 1827, and is buried with many of her ancestors at the Old Stone Church. The next two daughters—Mary Elizabeth (28 April 1828) and Matilda Walker (8 August 1830)—were also born in Pendleton. By the time the couple’s fourth child, Myra Lewis, came along on 10 April 1833, George and Cynthia Miller resided in Benton (now Calhoun) County, Alabama.7

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Soon the family relocated to nearby Talladega, county seat of Talladega County, and there Cynthia gave birth to her last two children—George K nox (30 December 1836) and Cynthia Rutilia Isbell (or Isbel) (29 July 1843). George and Cynthia Miller supported their brood (a relatively small group by their families’ standards) by operating a dry goods store. In the 1830s and early 1840s, as Talladega grew, they prospered enough to purchase several lots in the thriving town as well as about a dozen slaves and to enroll their older daughters in the local Presbyterian Collegiate Institute. Presbyterians themselves, they raised their children in that faith. The elder George Miller, however, “turned Methodist” sometime in the 1840s or 1850s after Cynthia’s death. As did almost all nineteenthcentury white adult American males, George Miller served in his community’s militia company. In 1836 he and his unit helped capture some local Indians and deport them to what is now Oklahoma. In his early years K nox suffered from a malady he later described as “almost weekly spells of what was then termed sick headache[s].” These af®ictions usually lasted about forty-eight hours, and they proved serious enough to keep him out of school for several years. Not until 1844 did he begin school, and that work ended after a single term when his parents moved the family (including the slaves) to Memphis, Tennessee. There the elder George Miller worked as the pilot and captain of a steam-powered ferry that served migrants crossing the Mississippi River en route to Arkansas and Texas. Cynthia Hamilton Miller died 22 June 1846, and her grieving family buried her in Memphis’s Winchester Cemetery. On 7 April 1847 George Miller married Rachel Biggs, a widow. The relationship did not last. Rachel soon left Memphis and her new family to return to her home in the rural area of “either . . . North Mississippi or not far from Memphis, in West Tennessee.” Her stepson K nox believed that she did not like her stepchildren. A short time after the second Mrs. Miller moved out, her husband “took the ‘emigration fever’”—a malady that, his son noted many years later, often af®icted him—sold all but three of his slaves, and moved to El Dorado, Union County, Arkansas.8 Miller, his children, and his slaves reached their new home in February 1849. George Miller had brought with him enough money to purchase a “comfortable residence with two or three acres of ground.” Soon he began adding to his wealth by buying and selling town lots.

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As the older Miller children grew into adulthood, the family changed. On 24 October 1849 (or 1848) Mary Elizabeth, the oldest surviving daughter, married William Robert Cowser, then the county sheriff. Eventually the couple moved to Bryan, Texas, where Mary Elizabeth died 7 May 1883. On 20 December 1849 Myra Lewis, the next oldest daughter, wed K ing D. Stevens (or Stephens). She and her husband also moved to Bryan, where she died 11 January 1852. The third Miller daughter, Matilda Walker, had married Joseph Tagg in Memphis late in 1848, possibly before her father and the rest of the family left for Arkansas. She and her husband (a native of England reared in Ohio) made their home in Memphis, where he owned a small painting ¤rm. Matilda died 30 October 1856 in a sanitarium in Cleveland, Ohio. Her body was brought back to Memphis and buried beside that of her mother in Winchester Cemetery.9 Before her death, Matilda and her husband had played an important role in K nox’s life, and Joseph Tagg would continue to do so up to the beginning of the Civil War. As his older sisters married and moved out to live with their own families, K nox Miller grew big enough to become a real help with his father’s garden and chickens and to do other chores around the family home. From time to time, he attended some of the local schools for brief periods. While he lived in El Dorado, K nox had some ®eeting exposure to the kind of vigilante justice that often erupted in frontier communities. In his thirteenth year the boy found himself caught up in a mob that administered a severe punishment to a citizen named Gaylor—a tailor who, in a ¤t of drunkenness, had whipped his wife and severely dis¤gured his sister-in-law “by smashing a tumbler on her features.” As a youth, K nox was required to administer only one blow to the miscreant. Sixty-¤ve years later, the then-retired judge recalled that “ ‘the medicine had the happiest effect.’ Gaylor became a very sober man, but the face of his beautiful sister-in-law was marred by that terrible scar.” A few months after the mob whipped Gaylor, K nox witnessed the public execution of two slaves who had murdered their owner’s wife. Betrayed by another slave, the men confessed to the crime and were hanged. The elder George Miller served on the jury that convicted them. Late in 1849 K nox Miller’s life shifted into a new channel, and that change was to have profound consequences for him. Matilda and Joseph Tagg, his sister and brother-in-law, invited him to live with them in Memphis. George Miller—probably hoping that his son would ¤nd life with

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his sister’s family more stable than that in a motherless home in Arkansas—gave his approval, and sometime that winter K nox made the journey on horseback and by steamboat, accompanying two men, doubtless family friends. For the next seven years K nox lived with his sister and her family and functioned as what he later called “a boy of all work.” In addition to handling his share of household chores, he labored for several years as an apprentice in Joseph Tagg’s painting business—work that involved hanging wallpaper and glazing windows in addition to painting signs and buildings. K nox’s uncle Charles Miller, his wife, Rebecca, and their six children also lived in Memphis. Charles was K nox’s father’s brother; Rebecca, his mother’s sister. Thus, the young boy, thirteen when he returned to Tennessee, had several relatives in his new home. Doubtless he also renewed friendships dating from his earlier sojourn in Memphis, and he made new acquaintances. Among his friends was future Confederate general Preston Smith who was to die at Chickamauga in September 1863 and whom, K nox recorded in a letter written that month, he had known during his years in Memphis. As K nox grew older, his “sick headaches” became less frequent and less severe. His regular schedule and the more healthful life he enjoyed in Memphis led to an improvement in his overall well-being. The city, too, prospered in the early 1850s. The many new houses and other buildings meant steady work for Tagg, and K nox had many painting jobs to keep him busy in spring, summer, and fall. When winter weather temporarily limited the work opportunities for a painter’s apprentice, Joseph and Matilda decided that young K nox should devote several months to school. The boy came under the tutelage of a teacher named Bell. This worthy proved to be “a great talker” and an instructor who discussed “all subjects—anatomy, physiology, history, geography, and much of everything else we boys knew nothing about.” Sixty years later K nox declared that “I learned a little about more things from him than [from] any teacher that ever called me to books.” The warm weather that returned with the spring of 1851 drew K nox away from Bell’s school and back to his brother-in-law’s painting business. For the remainder of his teens, the youth usually attended school no more than three months a year. However, he soon began his real education with an extensive program of reading. K nox’s father, George, and his youngest daughter, Cynthia Rutilia

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Isbell, then usually called “Rutilia” (later K nox referred to her as “Cynthia”), moved from El Dorado to Memphis in 1851 but soon returned to the Pendleton, South Carolina, area with the two remaining slaves (one had died in Arkansas). There, in June 1852, George Miller wed Susan H. M. DuPree (1802–1869), a friend from his earlier days in the community. (George Miller’s second wife, Rachel, had died in April 1850.) Not long after the wedding, the couple, along with Rutilia and probably the slaves, moved to Talladega. As K nox grew into his mid- and late teens, he developed “a considerable appetite for reading,” especially for works of history. Perhaps this taste evolved from his family’s Presbyterian faith with its emphasis on education. K nox himself believed that exposure to Bell, his teacher in Memphis, had been the catalyst. Whatever its origin, a great desire to read took possession of him, and each winter when some itinerant booksellers passed through Memphis, he made purchases with some of the money he had saved. He acquired works by Shakespeare, Livy, Tacitus, Gibbon, Hume, and other classical authors. Some of these treasured volumes remained in his library for six decades. In the mid-1850s (he thought “about 1854”) K nox developed a great love for the theater when he saw a performance of Romeo and Juliet. Soon “the stage-struck lad” and a group of friends organized a “ ‘stag’ Thespian Society” and undertook their own productions of various dramatic works. They staged many of these performances in the cellar of Joseph Tagg’s paint shop or, on occasion, at some local school or hired room. The hall of the Cadets of Temperance, to which K nox and several of his fellow thespians belonged, often served as the site for some of the troupe’s more ambitious productions. K nox played Hamlet, Iago, Brutus, Hotspur, Macbeth, and other roles. Some of the players, K nox sadly recalled in old age, died in Confederate military service.10 In the latter half of the decade, K nox confessed years later, he also began to develop an interest in some of the girls who attended Saint Agnes Academy, a local school operated by the Catholic church. He and one of the young ladies surreptitiously exchanged messages by leaving notes in a knothole in a designated fence post (the twenty-seventh post from the northwest corner of the schoolyard). K nox also became aware of “several charming girls” at the Sabbath school he, his sister, and brother-in-law attended. “Many a puppy love ®irtation was carried on,” especially with “Valsey G., I’ll call her . . . in whom the sun rose and set

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so far as I could see or conceive,” he wrote not long before his death in 1916.11 As K nox approached his twentieth birthday, his “great desire was to go to school.” But his father did not then have the resources to pay K nox’s tuition. The boy, therefore, had no choice but to continue working for his brother-in-law. His apprenticeship ¤nally completed, K nox agreed to work for Tagg’s painting ¤rm for three more years in return for board, clothing, and “a little spending money.” At the end of that period, Tagg would pay him seven hundred dollars in cash. For the next three years K nox toiled away, continuing to buy and read books and “still ‘longing’ for a school house which I never in three years, visited except to work on it.” Matilda Walker Miller Tagg died in the fall of 1856, and early in the following year her brother left Memphis to join his father and his family in Talladega, traveling by rail via Chattanooga to Rome, Georgia, thence by stage. Soon after reaching his father’s home, he enrolled in the local Baptist Male College. Richard Philip Latham, who held a master’s degree from the University of Virginia, served as the school’s head faculty member; Gustavus Adolphus Woodward (Prof. Dolph), as his principal assistant.12 K nox attended the one-hundred-student school through the 1857–58 academic year. “A mere beginner in almost everything except reading,” K nox launched his formal studies “almost at the bottom rung” in mathematics and Latin. Fortunately his teachers, especially Woodward, quickly realized the extent and quality of the background their new pupil had acquired through his reading. Seeing that he had both a ¤rm educational foundation and a great desire to learn, they pushed him ahead and offered him much encouragement in his work. At the end of the school year, Latham wrote that his student “has made progress in his studies, extraordinary for rapidity and thoroughness. . . . He has studied the Latin, Mathematics, and English studies. In these last he is no ordinary scholar for one of his age.” 13 K nox also found time in Talladega to indulge his theatrical interests. He even wrote a play entitled “Dissipation; or the Bowl and the Game” and staged at least one performance of the work in July 1858. The text is apparently no longer extant, but judging from the title, the comments of one who read it, and those of another who witnessed a performance, the drama was probably a temperance play designed to teach the lessons of abstinence and moderation.14

Biographical Sketch / xxiii

After a year at the school, K nox considered teaching. Some time in the summer of 1858, however, he made a ¤nancial arrangement (details unknown) with Joseph Tagg who still owed him several hundred dollars for his last three years’ work with the painting ¤rm in Memphis. The money would allow the ambitious youth to get “some college experience at least.” Given the in®uence of his Talladega teachers Latham and Woodward, there was only one school that he wanted to attend—the University of Virginia. (Woodward entered the university the same year K nox did.) Upon enrolling that fall, K nox listed Joseph Tagg as his reference and Memphis as his home. That year K nox registered for courses in the School of History and Literature, “Junior Latin,” and “Junior French and Spanish.” With his relatively weak classical background, the new student realized early on that he would have something of a struggle at the university. Consequently he spent long hours at his studies. K nox developed the habit of taking “elaborate notes” at lectures and then transcribing and expanding them in notebooks for study.15 Such hard work carried him through the year, and in June 1859 he was one of only half a dozen (out of about 150) boys who had done well enough on the ¤nal examinations to receive a diploma in the School of History and Literature. “The fruits of my purchase and reading of historical works while a ‘cub’ painter [in Memphis] had not only blossomed but was now [also] bearing some fruit. The examination covered a wide ¤eld, and ten hours without cessation and some forty pages of closely written foolscap, had produced a most gratifying result to me,” K nox proudly wrote many years later. Newly minted diploma in hand, K nox returned to Memphis that summer, hoping to raise suf¤cient funds for another year at the university. After that, he hoped he could teach for a few years while saving money and preparing himself through study for more schooling that would lead to a career in law or medicine. He went back to painting for Joseph Tagg and even managed the of¤ce for several weeks while Tagg and his new wife made an extended trip to the North. Tagg proved most supportive of K nox’s hopes for further schooling. After some discussion, he agreed, K nox wrote, “to foot the expense for one more term for me at college.” “I was,” he added, “the most elated youngster in Tennessee at [the] bright prospects that a somewhat sanguine temperament conjured up.” In the late summer–early fall K nox paid a brief visit to his father, youngest sister, and stepmother in Talladega. Then, in October, he returned to the University of Virginia for what he anticipated would be

xxiv / Biographical Sketch

his ¤nal year of formal college work. He enrolled that year in the School of Mental and Moral Philosophy (rhetoric, elements of criticism, belles lettres) and also took courses in political economy, Anglo-Saxon, and senior French and Spanish. Another year’s hard work resulted, in June 1860, in his receiving a diploma with a certi¤cate of distinction in the adjunct course in political economy. During the school year, he also won election to the Jefferson Literary and Debating Society, a prestigious association known as “the Jeff.” Such organizations, common at nineteenthcentury American colleges, encouraged their student members to study and debate various issues. In the late antebellum years such clubs often staged formal arguments over whether a state had the constitutional right to secede from the Union.16 During the 1859–60 school term K nox met two of his fellow students who were to be instrumental in bringing great changes to his life. His roommate that year—the two shared quarters at a boarding house between the university and Charlottesville—was English Hopkins. Youngest of the three sons of Gen. William Hopkins of Hopkins’s Turn Out (now Hopkins), near Columbia, South Carolina, English, so K nox recalled in old age, was “a noble fellow.” Possessed of a “bright” mind, he, nevertheless, was of “plethoric habit.” School lessons came easily to him, but he, like his older brothers who had dropped out of the university the year before, took little serious interest in academic studies. Young Hopkins enjoyed good food, and his father’s great wealth enabled him to indulge in many a late supper. Having become very fond of his roommate and knowing that K nox could not afford such gourmet feasts, Hopkins usually ordered more food than even he could consume. He then insisted that K nox share the repast. In letters to his family, Hopkins praised K nox to such an extent (“lauded ‘Miller’ above his deserts,” K nox remembered) that the old general invited his son’s roommate to visit the Hopkins’s home that summer on his way back to Alabama. At the very end of the school term K nox made the acquaintance of another student who, like English Hopkins, was to play a crucial role in his life. David Hamilton (Hamp) Russell of Anderson District, South Carolina, a cousin whom K nox had never met, also attended the university. When the two ¤nally got together, Russell insisted that his cousin K nox stop by to visit his family en route to his own home in Talladega.17 Leaving Charlottesville and the university at the end of the school term, K nox traveled south with his roommate to visit for “a while” with the

Biographical Sketch / xxv

Hopkins family. General Hopkins—a militia brigadier general in the 1840s—and other members of the household extended a warm welcome to K nox, and the old general himself quickly grew very fond of the young Alabamian whose ambition, great desire to learn, and outlook on life contrasted so starkly with the happy-go-lucky, lackadaisical attitude of his own sons. His boys, Hopkins lamented, had disappointed his hopes and expectations. K nox spent about two weeks at his roommate’s home. One evening, as he and General Hopkins sat talking, the latter announced that he did not want to see his visitor terminate his formal education. Therefore, he said, he would provide funds “to any reasonable extent” so K nox could return to school that fall—“without any condition except that I would not be extravagant, but prove myself a man and worthy of his con¤dence.” Overwhelmed by this turn of events, K nox thanked his generous host “again and again.” He would be able to return to Charlottesville in the fall to begin the study of law.18 When the grateful and exultant K nox left Hopkins’s Turn Out, he journeyed to Williamston in the Anderson District in the Upcountry to visit Hamilton Russell and other relatives from both sides of his family. A few days after K nox’s arrival, he and “Hamp” rode over to pay a visit (“a pop call”) to their relatives in the family of Maj. Thomas H. McCann, who lived in the nearby community of Equality where the major operated a general store. On this visit K nox ¤rst met his second cousin Celestine, one of the six daughters of the major and his wife, Narcissa Walker McCann.19 K nox was smitten (“considerably impressed,” he later admitted) at his ¤rst sight of the twenty-one-year-old Celestine (born 29 September 1839).20 Not long before his death in 1916, he recalled her hazel eyes and “delicately turned dark silken eyebrows” and recollected that “her step was quick and [her] carriage easy.” He also remembered that “her whole appearance, including the muslin dress, so becoming, so gracefully ¤tting as the customs and fashions of the time then required, the cordiality and easy grace with which she received me were photographed on [my] memory so distinctly that the picture has ever since been with [me] and still abides a part of my cousin’s being.” 21 Celestine had been dead about nine years when K nox wrote these words. We do not know how long K nox’s visit to the Russells lasted. (It is at this point that his autobiographical “Memoranda” ends.) We do know that while there he managed to see and talk with Celestine at church,

xxvi / Biographical Sketch

during visits to other relatives (“some aunts, many cousins, near and far removed, both male and female”), and on other occasions.22 The obvious mutual attraction between K nox and his cousin drew the attention of others and set the gossip mills in motion. When he left for Alabama, he and Celestine had come to an understanding that they would, as he wrote two or three months later, “interchange . . . such thoughts as it is good young friends should.” 23 K nox probably spent the rest of the summer in Talladega or perhaps visiting other relatives and friends. In September, not long before leaving home to return to the university, he wrote the ¤rst of his known letters to Celestine.

Not e s 1. Detailed citations for family information would be of interest only to very few readers while burdening and boring the rest. I have not provided them in the biographical sketch. Almost all personal information about GK M in the antebellum years is from the autobiographical “Memoranda” he was writing at the time of his death 12 Nov. 1916 or from miscellaneous material in his papers now in the Southern Historical Collection at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. GK M’s great-grandson William Miller furnished much of the information on other family members. I have corrected without so indicating several typographical errors in quotations from typed copies of the “Memoranda” and from an untitled sketch of GK M’s great-grandfather John Miller (latter document written by GK M, ca. 1915) in my possession. It seems likely that these errors are those of the typist, not of GK M, whose manuscript letters contain few such mistakes. I have not seen the originals of these documents. GK M died before completing his autobiography beyond the early summer of 1860, but his letters soon begin to ¤ll in the gap. Several of them add details to the story of his prewar life, that of his family, and that of his early courtship of Celestine McCann. More information on the Millers and their Russell, Hamilton, and McCann kith and kin is in Richard Newman Brackett, ed., The Old Stone Church, Oconee County, South Carolina (Pendleton, 1972; orig. pub. 1905), 30–39; Mrs. F[lorence] McW[horter] Miller, Miller and Calhoun Miller (n.p., n.d., [1927]); Matthew McHugh and Celena Russell Smith McHugh, eds., Celena (Lena) Jane Russell Smith, Her Ancestors, Descendants, and Collateral Kinsmen (Columbia, 1974); Virginia Alexander, Colleen Morse Elliott, and Betty White, comps., Pendleton District and Anderson County, S.C., Wills, Estates, Inventories, Tax Returns, and Census Records (n.p., 1890); and the “Miller File.” Copies of all these works are in the library of the Pendleton District Historical and Recreational Commission, Pendleton, S.C.

Biographical Sketch / xxvii 2. Some family members believed that Miller wrote the “Junius Letters.” Philip Francis was probably the author. These incidents are covered in most standard works on English history. See, for example, Dorothy Marshall, Eighteenth-Century England (New York, 1962), 348–52 and 410–12. 3. The Millers had seven children, probably all born before John’s ®ight to France. 4. Born in London 11 July 1746, Elizabeth was the daughter of Charles Say, a prominent printer and publisher. 5. Technically, it seems, the land was granted by two of John Miller’s sons after their father’s death, but they acted in compliance with the old printer’s wishes. Brackett, Old Stone Church, 25–29; Louise Ayer Vandiver, Traditions and History of Anderson County (Atlanta, 1928), 32. 6. Northern Alabama: Historical and Biographical Illustrated (Birmingham, Ala., 1888), 456, and some miscellaneous records in GK M’s papers list Charleston as his place of birth. 7. The Millers lived in Georgia brie®y before moving to Alabama. 8. See GK M’s autobiographical “Memoranda” and his 23 Apr. 1864 letter. 9. The cemetery was later vandalized to such an extent that city authorities moved all the bodies they could ¤nd and identify to other burial grounds and made the area a public park. Apparently the remains of Cynthia Miller and Matilda Tagg were left in the park. Personal communication, Varley Miller Simons, 2002. 10. See also GK M’s 14 Nov. 1861 letter. 11. See also GK M’s 15 Sept. 1863 letter. 12. Latham (1825–29 Apr. 1862) was from Culpeper County, Va. He attended the university 1847–49. University alumni records indicate that he served as a lieutenant of engineers (possibly in state rather than Confederate service) until his death at Culpeper Court House. John Lipscomb Johnson, The University Memorial: Biographical Sketches of Alumni of the University of Virginia Who Fell in the Confederate War (Baltimore, 1871), 110–13. Woodward (1837–?) hailed from Talladega and attended the University of Virginia in the 1858–59 school year. I have found no record of his serving in the Civil War. Postwar, he taught in the Classical School in Winnsboro, S.C., and served as superintendent of public schools in Selma and Montgomery, Ala. University of Virginia records indicate he held an LL.D. from the University of Alabama and died in Selma. The Alumni Of¤ce of the University of Alabama has not answered correspondence regarding his work at that school. 13. Latham, unaddressed letter of recommendation, 23 June 1858, Miller Papers. 14. Fannie R. McAlpine to GK M, 30 July 1858; Wm. T. Gibson to GK M, 2 Aug. 1858, Miller Papers. 15. He may not have followed this practice at the beginning of his time at

xxviii / Biographical Sketch the university. Two of these notebooks (one for an 1859 class in political economy; the other an 1860 law course) are in the museum at the Jemison Carnegie Heritage Hall in Talladega, Ala. 16. Philip Alexander Bruce, History of the University of Virginia, 1819–1919 (New York, 1921), 3:170–78, 261–65; and Charles Coleman Wall Jr., “Students and Student Life at the University of Virginia,” Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1978, 133–40, 145–47. 17. William English Hopkins attended the university 1858–60, served in the Confederate army, and farmed in South Carolina after the war. His brothers James and David were at the university 1857–59. Laura Jervey Hopkins, Lower Richland Planters: Hopkins, Adams, Weston, and Related Families of South Carolina (Columbia, 1976), 22, 25, 32–35, 193–96; John Hammond Moore, Columbia and Richland County: A South Carolina Community, 1740–1990 (Columbia, 1993), 162, 170, 183, 210, 264, 310; and John Amasa May and Joan Reynolds Faunt, South Carolina Secedes (Columbia, 1960), 160–61. “Hamp” Russell (4 Jan. 1841–9 Nov. 1915), son of Thomas H. and Martha Jane Hamilton Russell, attended the university 1858–60. A merchant after the war, he died in Oxford, Ind. 18. In nineteenth-century South Carolina wealthy men sometimes sponsored promising boys, paying their way through college. The careers of aspiring politician George McDuf¤e and future theologian James Henley Thornwell were helped along by such benefactors. The practice was not completely dead in the twentieth century. Margaret Mitchell, upset at learning from her maid that there were then not many black physicians in Atlanta, anonymously used some of her royalties from Gone with the Wind to fund medical school for a number of promising black students on condition that they practice medicine in the city. On the sons of planters, see Stephen W. Berry, All That Makes a Man: Love and Ambition in the Civil War South (New York, 2003), 31–33. 19. Celestine’s paternal grandmother, Jane ( Jean) Hamilton McCann, was one of GK M’s great-aunts on his mother’s side. There were other connections between the two as well. 20. See also GK M’s 2–5 Nov. 1862 letter. Celestine had a twin sister, Rosaline. 21. See GK M’s 21 Dec. 1862; 7 Jan., 13 and 29 May 1863; and 10 Apr. 1864 letters. 22. See GK M’s 28–29 Nov. 1862 letter. 23. See GK M’s 8 Sept. and 6 Nov. 1860 letters.

An Uncompromising Secessionist

1 Prewar 14 June 1860–11 May 1861

Seven of the letters in this chapter were written by George K nox Miller in 1860 or 1861 during his last months as a law student, all but one of them from Charlottesville, while he attended the University of Virginia. They shed light on Southern college student life in those last antebellum months and on the attitudes of an intelligent young white Southerner on the eve of secession and war.1 The ¤rst letter is included because of its description of Little Rock and the incident that took place there during the 1860 presidential campaign. The omitted sections of this letter deal with personal matters and relate to several individuals who cannot now be identi¤ed. The remaining three documents are from the pen of K nox Miller’s patron, Gen. William Hopkins, a member of the South Carolina Secession Convention.

14 June 1860 Little Rock, June 14th, 1860 Dear Friend, . . . Our little city is making a stride towards improvement—Soon we will have a telegraph to Memphis—the Rail Road will be put in operation as soon as they can get the Iron [rails] up the [Arkansas?] river— The gass company are getting on very fast—and it is thought we will have our city lighting with gass by July—Some ¤fty new buildings went up in the last three months—and a great many more [are] building.2 Politics run very high at present—political speaches—political parties

2 / Prewar

and political Barbacue’s are the order of the day—even the ladies [are] struck with a political mania, and you hear very little save politics in the fashionable circles; I am just as fond of reading politics as any one, but I do not like studying it to the exclusion of every thing that is good and holy and even banishing good nature from our midst—We have now Presidential, Gubernatorial, Congressional, & Legislative candidates on the “stump” as it is called. A few evenings since a Douglass elector came here to speak—the hall was crowded—but no sooner did he make his appearance than the crowd pelted him with marbels—hissing all the time until he gave up in dispair. I have not heard where he went from here.3 . . . Flora Linde’s husband ( Judge Rector) is one of our candidates for Governor and bids very fair to be elected—Flora is canvassing the state with him.4 I believe I have said all I can say of interest for this time—so hoping that fate may throw us together some time and with many kind wishes for your welfare, I will hasten to subscribe myself your sincere and affectionate friend Ella PS I had almost forgotten to give my name. As for my given name some call me Ellen [illegible] and almost all children, my proper cognomem is Elmire E. K imber. . . . 5

Notes for 14 June 1860 1. GK M’s autobiographical “Memoranda” relates events of student life that he did not mention in his letters. 2. The telegraph line, which had been under construction for months, was completed 8 Mar. 1861. The Memphis & Little Rock Railroad was completed from Little Rock east to De Vall’s Bluff on the White River and from Memphis (actually from Hope¤eld, Ark., since no bridge then spanned the Mississippi River at Memphis) west to Madison, Ark., on the Saint Francis River in 1862. The gap was not closed until after the war. The city got gas lighting in the spring of 1860, but this June 1860 letter indicates that some problems may have arisen with the system. John Gould Fletcher, Arkansas (Chapel Hill, 1947), 134, 142– 43; Leo E. Huff, “The Memphis and Little Rock Railroad during the Civil War,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 23 (1964): 260–70; and Michael B. Dougan, Confederate Arkansas: The People and Politics of a Frontier State in Wartime (University, Ala., 1982), 29–31. 3. Sen. Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois was the 1860 presidential candidate of the Northern (national) Democrats. His proposal to allow settlers in each

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 3 Federal territory to determine the status of slavery therein proved unpopular with Southern whites who demanded recognition of their right to take slaves into any territory and to have the institution protected there by the federal government. I have been unable to verify the report about the speaker. 4. In 1860 Judge Henry M. Rector of the Arkansas Supreme Court resigned his judicial post and led a revolt against the state’s dominant political faction. He won election as governor. He married Ernestine Flora Linde in 1860. Dougan, Confederate Arkansas, chapter 2; James M. Woods, Rebellion and Realignment: Arkansas’s Road to Secession (Fayetteville, 1987), 82–89. 5. I have been unable to identify the writer. She was obviously a friend of GK M from the time he lived in Arkansas or a friend who moved to Little Rock after having met GK M elsewhere.

8 September 1860 Talladega, Sept. 8th, 1860 Dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: I need not repeat, what I remember of having told you before, that nothing gives me so much pleasure and proves so bene¤cial as an open and frank correspondence with those whom I am priviliged to call “friends.” And I fancy that I have reason to congratulate myself in being allowed to interchange with you such thoughts as it is good young friends should. Much more do I have cause for feeling happy when I consider that the privlige was granted under peculiar circumstances, that I had asked it when I might have been thought bold, for we had known each other personally but for a short time; besides I was a comparative stranger and as such ought to have been very cautious, lest I should (unwittingly) err. But, my dear friend, do not think from this that I would accuse you of indiscretion in granting my request—no; no; the case was different with you, and boldness would be the last thing for me to charge you with. No: I believe that I acted from the promptings of my better nature and would not presume to doubt but that you did the same. And now in commencing, I will not, as poets do, invoke the protection and assistance of any celestial power, feeling con¤dent all will go well if your approving smile is lent[?], if you, the most important of the terrestrials concerned, will but say “God Speed!” But in the out-set permit me to warn you against an error into which one of my best friends fell for a time, that is, be not hasty to judge me & my nature by my manner of writing, which I feel is at times too cold and stiff but which I hope to lay

4 / Prewar

at the door of Inexperience. It would make me feel truly sad to be classed with those falling in the circle of the “Hyfaluting.” Let us correspond freely, candidly, and without unwanted reserve— the way in which I always try to feel and act, especially with my lady friends; for if I have any thing to disguise, the men would be the last to know, the last to ¤nd my con¤dence—I never had but one male con¤dent & he proved unworthy, but several of the other sex have proven themselves true to the trust. Yes, Miss Cellie, with your permission we will ever be friends and as such I beg of you to trust me as one in the fullest extent, for it is thus that I can best prove to you that I am worthy of your friendship—treat me as a brother, notice all my little foibles and, by your advice, correct them for I am still and always expect to be, a scholar, or rather pupil. No matter what the subject speak whatever your heart prompts without fear of being mis-understood; for my own nature leads me to look at the bright side of every thing, and to put a good construction when a bad might as easily be substituted. My motto is: “Evil to him who evil thinks.” 1 While on this subject, I am reminded of the day we were at Carmel and had a little conversation about an apple.2 I believe you made a remark at the time which I was afterwards sorry to learn had caused you some uneasiness. How could you, my dear friend, think for a moment that I could or would think you “bold”? We were together talking as friends and you very properly spoke what was ¤rst in your mind and which I liked because I knew that it came frankly—I would not [have] had it otherwise—No, no: you’re not bold—there’s a wide difference between boldness & frankness. Having got so far in my letter, you have doubtless concluded that I have reached home (provided you ever think of me), and am well and doing well. The ¤rst is certainly true, for it is now nearly two [?—may be written over another word, probably “three”] weeks since I ¤nished my vacation wanderings and, I fear, many of its not often expensive[?] enjoyments. I left the old Palmetto State with no little regret and feel my loss the more the longer I am away. I enjoyed myself as well as the nature of the case would admit after having [seen?] you and many other friends and going to Pendleton, [S.C.,] which I soon left knowing that loved ones at home were anxiously awaiting my return. From Columbia I had very pleasant company to Atlanta, Ga., in the person of a young lady from my own neighbourhood together with her father, mother, and a young female relation from N. Carolina. At At-

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 5

lanta we parted, they taking the upper, I the lower route for home.3 I went to Montgomery and saw the sights at the capital, the greatest among which were H. V. Johnson, candidate for Vice President; and the State House.4 Sunday evening and night I had one of the most delightful of steamboat trips from Montgomery to Selma. I was all alone save[?] thoughts of you, that would accompany me, and my cigar. No one would have enjoyed the ¤ne evening, the moonlight, and steamboat travel more than yourself. On Monday evening, a week after I left good old Slab Town5 I had the pleasure of embracing my dear little sister [Rutilia], my father & [step]mother—It was a happy reunion after a year’s absence, and was rendered more happy by the welcome smiles and greeting hands of many a friend. But intermingled with their smiles, the masks of anxiety and solicitude showed that all was not well, and I soon learned that great excitement prevailed originating from the discovery of a hideous plot on the part of the negroes to murder the white population—numbers [of Negroes] had been & were being arrested and put in prison, and the whole country [county? countryside?] was under arms. Since my arrival the excitement has still continued amid trials, examinations, lynchings, and, in one instance, hanging by the mob. I have been standing guard almost every night, and doing other service almost every day since my arrival, and at present feel pretty well wore out and will have to stop altogether.6 Under these circumstances you can easily judge why I have remained silent so long. I have written but one hasty letter & that to Cousin Hamilton Russell,7 of which perhaps he has probably informed you before this time. I have been in no ladies company since reaching home except [that of] some next-door neighbours. One young lady has become very much enraged at me about some little matter of several years ago, and I’m expecting to get a sound lecturing or a killing challenge—I’ll tell you all about it some day. My “Souvenir” is almost as fragrant as ever and is carefully secured, occupying the ¤rst position among my treasures.8 Many of my friends are trying to persuade me not to return to Va., but I tell them that I have marked out and pursued my own course heretofore, and hope to do so successfully in the future. I could write all night, but would not be so cruel as to tax your patience with the reading of so many lines with such little substance—and

6 / Prewar

will close. Give my best respects and kindest regards doubled three times over to all whom you may think proper, for Slab-town is to me a unit[?] in one respect. Do please favor me soon with a kind word—be sure & write just as you think, and I’ll be more than pleased, and in the meantime and hereafter consider me. Your most sincere & devoted friend, Geo. K. Miller P.S. I shall start for the University the last week in September.

Notes for 8 September 1860 1. Slightly modi¤ed from Shakespeare’s Merry Wives of Windsor, 5.5.73. The quotation was also the motto of the Order of the Garter established in 1349 by K ing Edward III and as such is discussed in the writings of Sir Walter Scott (Essay on Chivalry) and David Hume (History of England). GK M could have gotten it from any of these sources, but Shakespeare seems the most likely. 2. Carmel was a Presbyterian church near the McCann home in Equality, S.C. Several of GK M’s relatives are buried there. In his autobiographical “Memoranda,” GK M recorded that he attended services there during his 1860 visit and that during “dinner on the ground[s]” he offered Celestine a peach he had peeled for her. He was thus enabled to escort her into the afternoon service and to sit in the McCann family pew. “Services ended, I escorted Miss Cellie to the family carriage, handed her in. She, in the course of conversation, had mentioned the visit we were going to give the Andersons, and I told her how delighted I would be to meet her there.” GK M made no mention of an apple in this account. 3. The upper route ran from Atlanta to Rome, Ga., by rail, and probably from there to Blue Mountain (now Anniston), Ala., by stage, thence to Talladega by rail. Since GK M’s 1857 trip the railroad from Selma, via Talladega, to Blue Mountain had been completed. The travelers, however, could have gone from Rome down the Coosa River by steamboat to some landing, thence by stage to Talladega. GK M’s lower route led by rail from Atlanta to Montgomery, then by boat to Selma, thence by rail to Talladega. 4. Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, the vice presidential candidate on the Northern (national) Democratic ticket, gave a two-hour speech in Montgomery on the night of 25 Aug. Montgomery Weekly Advertiser, 29 Aug., 5 Sept. 1860; Montgomery Daily Mail, 27 Aug. 1860. 5. Slab Town, or Slabtown, was a name sometimes used for Equality, S.C. The name derived from an early traveler’s remark when he saw the large quantity of slabs (boards) turned out by a sawmill there. A post of¤ce in the area ¤rst called “Slabtown” later took the name “Equality,” supposedly because the citizens were said to be equal in wealth and status. McHugh and McHugh, Celena Jane Russell Smith, 170. See the map in Harvey S. Teal and Robert J. Stets,

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 7 South Carolina Postal History and Illustrated Catalog of Postmarks, 1760–1860 (Lake Oswego, Ore., 1989), 54. 6. What distinction GK M drew between “lynchings” and “hanging by the mob” is unknown. Slave plots and rumors of slave plots ®ared across the South on many occasions, especially in the months leading up to secession. Local whites organized vigilante committees and employed guards and patrols to forestall such outbreaks. One white believed to have been aiding the plot was lynched by a mob that dragged him from the local jail. Virginia B. Chappelle, “Reconstruction in Talladega County,” master’s thesis, Samford University, 1975, 67–68. Chappelle, whose thesis is really a history of the county, cites the Talladega Alabama Reporter, 30 Aug. 1860; and Aug. 1860 entries in the journal of James Mallory. Mallory’s journal, “Fear God and Walk Humbly”: The Agricultural Journal of James Mallory, 1843–1877, edited by Grady McWhiney, Warner O. Moore, and Robert F. Pace (Tuscaloosa, 1997), 274–75, covers these events. See also Talladega Alabama Reporter, 27 Sept. 1860; William L. Barney, The Secessionist Impulse: Alabama and Mississippi in 1860 (Princeton, 1974), 172–73, 179; Samuel Barron, The Lone Star Defenders: A Chronicle of the Third Texas Cavalry Regiment in the Civil War (Washington, D.C., 1983; orig. pub. 1908), 16–17; and Winthrop D. Jordan, Tumult and Silence at Second Creek: An Inquiry into a Civil War Slave Conspiracy (Baton Rouge, 1993). 7. See biographical sketch. 8. Pressed ®owers, obviously given to GK M by Celestine. He carried what was probably the same “Souvenir” in his pocket Testament through at least the Battle of Shiloh. See GK M’s 11 Oct. 1860; 17 Apr. 1862; and 30 Sept. 1863 letters.

11 October 1860 University, Oct 11th, ’60 My Dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: A few days ago while suffering from a fever, contracted by exposure in travelling, a kind friend brought me your expected and much desired letter. And believe me, it was a consoling waif, coming as it did from so prized a quarter. A few days before, I had arrived, once more, at the scene of my former associations, rendered ever hallowed in memory by the congenial spirits with whom I had once there mingled as friends & companions in mutual goodwill and mutual aspirations. But many, very many old and familiar faces refused to cheer me with their welcome, for we had been separated, each to enter upon the battle of life in some other capacity. Still, there were some cordial greetings and a well-wish in coming labours. As usual, after bidding farewell to all at home, I could not but feel

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sad, even when I remembered the happy vacation that I had passed; and yet there was a consoling thought mingled with my sadness, for I hoped that the time had been spent for my own good—I hoped that I had made some friends on my “homeward path[?]”; and I do love to make friends. It has been one of the principal of my aims, as also one of the chief sources of what happiness has fallen to my lot. It was pleasant then, & yet painful when you told me that regrets had been expressed at the shortness of my visit—it was pleasant to be the object & painful to be the cause of a regret.1 I trust that I may ever prove myself worthy of such kind regards, and for yours especially, since I believe they are pure—thus let us be friends for eternity. But to revert[?] to your letter—It was so kind and sisterly that it really did my heart good. But I am going, like most brothers, [to be] a little authoritation and tell you please [do] not say any thing about “incompetency,” just so it is not “unwillingness” and I will be more than pleased—delighted and think that I have gained much. A few thoughts from your “retired[?] & monotonous [world?]” will be more interesting than if you were tracing the world over and giving me a whole ledger of facts; and as for ®ights of imagination, I always preferred a book that told a natural tale—gems are not always found in “glittering palaces,” nor does the mind need gorgious imagery to clothe its purest & holiest thoughts. Tell Julius to cry “woe” no more.2 I remember well when I was escort, ran errands, &c—they were the happiest days of my life, and it is only now that they are gone that I can truly appreciate what a sister’s affection is, for next to a mother’s love there is nothing on earth so pure. But, as my good “chum” & I were just now saying, a brother’s nature doesn’t allow him [ Julius] fully to appreciate it.3 But now that I am to be your adopted brother, you must take a sister’s privilege & counsels & direct[?], & if on my part I should in any manner transgress, in the goodness of your heart, forgive me. I, as all brothers, need a sister’s care & advice. I thank you for your commendation, & if striving can make good your judgment, it shall not be wanting. You’ve no idea of the in®uence of such a word of cheer from a female friend— But what’s the use saying so? Fair smiles are the object of men’s aspirations not much more, if we except those few who from very expansion of souls aim high. It is about as easy to write “Excelsior” [higher] on our banners when we enter the tented ¤eld of life. You didn’t tell me that you had been sick—perhaps you thought I would not be much concerned, but I heard it some time since and was concerned; and though you said nothing of it, your letter was all the

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more warmly received from being an indication that you [were] at least well enough to write. I get very few letters now and at times feel quite lonesome, but I have some choice ®ower seed, & I’m going to try & experiment & see if they’ll grow during the winter if I keep them in nice ®ower pots and in my study—I love ®owers very much. My “souvenir” is still as fragrant as if newly blown. I prize it very much for the giver’s sake.4 But speaking of ®owers, has Miss Kate returned to Charleston yet? I haven’t heard a word about any of the young ladies except Miss Nora & Miss Essie[?]. Some one told me that Miss Nora’s brave knight had been so inconsiderate as to get jealous of so humble a person as myself—Why bless his dear soul. I thought he had got far beyond the place where there was any room for jealousy. As I haven’t room to particularize, I will just send my kindest regards by you to all, but be sure & retain the best share Most sincerely, G. K. Miller I am looking for an answer.

Notes for 11 October 1860 1. This sentence may mean that GK M had visited the Anderson District en route back to the university. It seems unlikely that in Sept. or Oct. anyone would have commented on the shortness of his visit at the end of the previous school term. Some of the comments in his 6 Nov. 1860 letter about the gentleman in Columbia may also refer to such a visit. 2. Celestine’s brother Robert Julius Walker McCann (1845–71). See also n2 to 4 May 1864 letter. 3. The “chum” was GK M’s fellow student and roommate, James Crook from Jacksonville, Ala. (born in Alexandria, Ala. 1838), who attended the university 1859–60. Crook, GK M noted in his autobiographical “Memoranda,” persuaded him to chew tobacco—a habit he continued for the rest of his life. GK M’s 8 Sept. 1860 letter shows that he smoked before the 1860–61 school year when he used a pipe. See his 6 Nov. 1860 and 9 Jan. 1864 letters and Thomas McAdory Owen, History of Alabama and Dictionary of Alabama Biography (Chicago, 1921), 3:428–29. 4. See n8 to 8 Sept. 1860 letter.

6 November 1860 Univ. of Va., Nov. 6 My dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: Thanks, many thanks for your kind letter, which was all the more acceptable for having been an object of pleasant expectation. I would

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not rightfully complain of your procrastination in these days when all correspondents seem so negligent. All I could do was to “suffer & be still”;1 for you know it is very rude in the gentleman to complain and of course I wouldn’t be rude to you, even if my nature prompted me. How sorry I was to learn that you had again been ill! I believe you told me you were never seriously sick, and I was hoping that you never would [be]; but how few are allowed to escape the many ills of life. I trust that before this you have fully recovered and enjoyed many of those pleasant rides; but remember that you must not take another such Mazeppan ride as you once did; if you do I shall be very apt to lose my most precious correspondent, and, I trust, an unequalled friend.2 I received a letter from Cousin Hamilton Russell about two weeks ago and of all the doleful tales you ever heard, his was the saddest. He had turned half misanthrope—did not care for any one—never expected to take to him self a “better half” (Don’t be astonished to hear that young men sometimes think & speak of such things); and any number of other desperate nonsense. But now see what a little word of cheer can do. I wrote to him basting him good for his gloomy mood, & by way of incident told him what a dear, sweet little treasure Miss Gussie Anderson is—asked him if he could meet her glance and still be misanthropic, and much more after the same fashion. Two or three days ago I received another very prompt letter, and O’ye little stars & huge planets! What a change! He had a good opinion of every body—talked of moonlight; love and ®owers, but above all of what a noble soul Miss Gussie is. Now if he would fall in love with Miss G. sure enough am I to blame? if blame can be attached to any one. I’m sure he thinks Miss Gussie is a paragon, though he thinks I don’t know it. We’ll not let him know any better. I’m seriously opposed to falling into the blues, and I think the above case shows plainly that there is but little use to do so, provided always there are no good causes existing.3 I expect you have come to the conclusion that I am never serious enough to feel blue, else I would not write such an amount of nonsense. This is one of my many foibles that I’m [hoping] to have you correct; for I’m going to con¤de in you. I have already done so to some extent. Don’t you remember the night we had that pleasant prominade? Indeed it was very pleasant.4 I expected afterwards that you thought me extremly con¤ding, and so I was when I told you my little follies—but foolish as they were you are my only con¤dent—for you alone know them. But I’ll

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 11

not trouble you with follies—these you could not now count after they are over & gone; but my foibles are greater in number & not so easily corrected, still I have learned many lessons from a female friend. Maj. Russell had better be careful how he charges you with sel¤shness,5 for he gets a bushel of kind regards &c. from me every week, and you are more than welcome to appropriate them all to yourself if you think proper. When I sent them by you, I was not considerate enough to know that you could not deal them out all around. You ought to have kept those questioners in blissful ignorance, for it is delightful to see them bestir themselves to ¤nd out the projects of the young folks, and stolen kisses are always sweetest, so say the initiated. I’m going to send my respects by a different route. I did not escape a questioning myself, but looked surprised and let them question on. I met a gentleman in Columbia, [S.C.,] and almost his ¤rst words were “are you and Miss Cellie corresponding, making love, engaged, or anything of that kind?” Why, said I, what in the world could have put such notions into your head? Are you crazy? He replied that he had heard of something of the kind. I told him it was something altogether new to me & I knew it would be equally so to you, and that he must be careful not to credit such reports too soon, nor to give them any currency whatever until he had them from better authority than that meddlesome body “they say.”—As Major Jones in his famous courtship says, “Folks will talk.” 6 I have read “Beulah” since I saw you. I was interested but not pleased— The characters seemed to me to be for the most part unnatural, and still there is a fascination about them—especially Beulah herself—that compels us to admire while we condemn.7 That album that you were so kind as to accept, I forwarded to you several days ago. I sent it to cousin Hamilton [Russell], who kindly promised to remit[?] or carry it to you. I was delayed before reaching Columbia, and while there vexed about losing some of my baggage, else I would have sent it to you from there. I had it reserved for you a long time— much longer, perhaps, than you would think. You must make all allowances both for the delay & for the poor gift itself.8 “Please do not criticize my letters”—why bless your soul I would not for the world even if I felt myself competent, and as it’s you, I’ll not think hard of the request. But now I know you’ll be equally lenient towards me, will you not? Make all allowances—I write hurridly & consequently badly, seldom having the heart to go back & make corrections. But we

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are not literary characters trying to display our talents at composition, but two good, sociable, free thinking, free speaking friends. You must tell me also if my letters are too long & tire your patience—it is the best way I can converse, & I am liable to indulge it too far. I expect you have already found that I am free spoken, and my letters may sometimes be most—too much—so, but you know how to construe what I say. I had some evergreens to send you in this letter, but some of my meddlesome friends took them out of my writing case while I was at lecture & so I’ll have to postpone it. I had taken a trip to Monticello on purpose to get them for you.9 My worthy[?] “chum” is a young gentleman from Alabama by the name of Crook—a[s] good [a] soul as one will ¤nd in many a day, tall, lively, tolerably good looking, of a very sociable disposition, with a rare budget of jokes & many quaint sayings. His parents & most of his relations are from Spartanburg & Greenville, So. Ca. We live together as happy as two singing birds, have our own pleasure in social chats after our studies are attended to and our pipes called into use—He is a great admirer of the ladies, and loves a Georgia Miss to distraction—as far as possible there is a sympathy between us, & could the objects of our many conversations eves-drop a little, they would think us the most devoted creatures in the world. But I am trespassing on your patience & will close. Give my love, kindest regards & best respects to—yourself & believe me, Yours sincerely G. K. Miller (Of course you must write soon.)

Notes for 6 November 1860 1. This expression, which GK M used in one form or another on several occasions, seems to have originated in The Daughters of England (London, 1845), a popular book of etiquette and advice by Sarah Ellis Stickney. A married woman’s “highest duty,” Stickney wrote, is “so often to suffer and be still.” See Martha Vicinus, ed., Women in the Victorian Age (Bloomington, 1972), x, 271–72, 274, and 288. I doubt that GK M had read Stickney’s book. Probably someone took the phrase and applied it as a general maxim and GK M picked it up—after it passed through many other minds and mouths. See GK M’s 7 Dec. 1862, 29 May 1863, and 10 Apr. 1864 letters. 2. “Mazeppa,” an 1819 poem by Lord Byron, revolved around the story of a Polish man who was tied to the back of a wild horse. The context of GK M’s

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 13 remark seems to indicate that Celestine had once had some experience with an out-of-control horse. In the poem, Mazeppa relates the history of his adventures to K ing Charles XII of Sweden. See n10 to GK M’s 7 Jan. 1863 letter. 3. In his autobiographical “Memoranda” GK M indicated that during his 1860 visit immediately after leaving the Hopkins place, he learned that his cousin “Hamp” was in love with Celestine’s sister Anna Maria. (“I divined at once that there was an unusual glow on the fair cheeks of my Russell cousin” when Anna entered the room, wrote GK M.) Apparently Anna had now fallen in love with someone else and Hamp went through a brief bout of depression until GK M suggested that he see “Miss Gussie.” See GK M’s 24 Nov. 1860 and 7 Jan. 1863 letters. On 14 Dec. 1865 Hamp married Frances E. Smith. Anna married John M. Glenn on 3 Oct. 1871. 4. See GK M’s 28–29 Nov. 1862 letter. The promenade as a feature of rural Southern courtship sometimes lingered into the twentieth century. See Jimmy Carter, An Hour before Daylight: Memories of a Rural Boyhood (New York, 2001), 226–28. 5. Thomas H. Russell, father of David Hamilton (Hamp) Russell and husband of GK M’s ¤rst cousin Martha Jane Hamilton Russell. 6. GK M refers to Major Jones’s Courtship (1843), Major Jones’s Chronicles of Pineville (1843), and Major Jones’s Sketches of Travel (1848), all works by the Southern humorist William Tappan Thompson. 7. GK M refers to Beulah (1859), a popular novel by Augusta Jane Evans. 8. GK M’s “album” seems to have been one of the student “autograph albums”—the equivalent of a school yearbook—in which his schoolmates wrote good wishes and signatures. In his autobiographical “Memoranda” GK M wrote of “writing in albums” as a part of the good-byes exchanged with fellow students before he left Charlottesville after the 1859–60 school year. See his 24 Jan. 1861 letter and Ervin L. Jordan Jr., Charlottesville and the University of Virginia in the Civil War (Lynchburg, 1988), 8. 9. Monticello was Thomas Jefferson’s home near Charlottesville.

24 November 1860 Univ: Nov 24th/60 My dear friend [Celestine McCann]: Having just ended the labours of another six days I shall indulge myself in my chief of pleasures, namely writing to my dear friends; and as none have stronger claims than yourself, the most pleasant duty will ¤rst be attended to. And do not for once think in saying so I would be so presumptious as even to attempt ®attery—not so, for if I thought you in the least susceptible of ®attery you would not be my ¤rst friend, and I

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would scorn myself to think that, for a moment, I could be betrayed into the commission of so unbecoming an act. But what am I talking about? We have long since agreed on that point. Your kind letter greeted me on the 21st, and my worthy chum [Crook], who is a close observer, says that he can easily tell when I’ve heard from So. Carolina by my cheerfulness, just as tho’ I was not always cheerful; but this is only one of his means resorted to of teazing me—I’ll fully retaliate. I shall not be hasty to think you partial, for I would not be so exacting as to ask a sacri¤ce of prior and greater claims: and as Edward possesses such I will not be urgent, tho’ to have his duly attended to would not, perhaps, give him greater pleasure than I would feel to see that I was worthy of such consideration. I have just returned from a meeting of the literary society, of which I am a member, where (tho’ in my opinion wrongfully), the all absorbing political question of the day was hotly debated.1 And altho’ the question is much talked of & debated here around the ¤re-side and, indeed, every where else, still the storm has not yet begun to sweep over Va., but men seem to be breathlessly awaiting some new development. Every line of news from So. Ca. is read with the greatest avidity, & all eyes seem turned upon the Palmetto State. As you truly say, “our country presents a gloomy aspect,” but I hope and believe she will come forth thoroughly regenerated. I am an uncompromising secessionist, and feel truly proud that I am a South Carolinian in everything but nativity. I, too, hope she will be the ¤rst to secede, for I believe it is a post of honour justly due her. I am happy to think that I have a friend, a lady too, who is a secessionist in principle, but when there is a just cause it will always be consecrated by woman’s smiles—the Nancy Hearts [sic] are not all dead yet.2 If So. Ca. secedes and an attempt is made to coerce, I shall be there in two days, and shall claim the post of your champion—if there are not others of a special nature, then I claim to be ¤rst.—I will certainly come. Most all the Carolina & Alabama students have donned the blue cockade. I was offered one, but when I found that it had been made by special order in a Northern city, I declined. If I were near enough for you to make me one, how gladly would I wear it.3 But perhaps you are already weary of this theme & we’ll turn to something of less weighty matter. You were not at all too inquisitive, for you know I’m to be very con¤ding. “Pepper Pod,” my spicy correspondent, like a good sensible soul, has taken to herself a . . . “[illegible] half.” Yes she has committed mat-

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rimony, & may heaven’s most choice blessings be showered down upon her. She was a good soul, & is yet I hope, for she spoke like a true woman. She is now Mrs. Howard. We were never in love (I’ll con¤de again), but for the sake of romance began an anonymous correspondence which led to a warm friendship. And so you have been indulging in that once famous rural sport of going to singing school? How I envy . . . [illegible] his position that day, & had I been there there might have been some more “tremulous[?] excitement,” & other stolen glances as of old; but unfortunately I am away up here in this second edition of the Arctic regions with the wind sighing around the house & everything frozen hard out doors, altho’ the Moon is forth in all his splendour. If it were not too cold I might go out & draw a little inspiration, but it would be too cold to send, in fact it would freeze before it could be used. While I am writing I hear some fellow going by, who I would suppose, from the noise, had been drawing inspiration from the neck of a bottle, which by the way many youths will do.4 And Miss Nora is gone? Alas for earthly hopes! Really I didn’t think she was in earnest. This has set me all a-tremble and all now needed is one more marriage in the blessed limits of Slab-Town [Celestine’s?], & my prospects in life are gone! All my hope is that I may not be so humbled. I may say, so distressed. I am free from challenges as far as that quarter is concerned, that’s our consolation. But all seriously, I bespeak for Miss Nora & her liege lord an unruf®ed life; for tho’ not well acquainted with Miss Nora I esteemed her much even on such brief acquaintance—nothing more. I learned a few days before I received your letter of the burning of Williamston. It was truly a sad affair, made still more so by having its origin in a man’s heart. Tusten would have been the last man whom I would have suspected of such a crime.5 I received a letter from Hamilton the other day, & it was one continued eulogy of Miss Gussie. He raised her, in his imagination, from this poor vile sphere & placed her among the dei¤ed ones of the upper world—she was charming, heavenly, celestial, etc., etc. A cupid! cupid! What a wonderful boy! To the blind lover you could make hideousness a paragon! But don’t imagine while I’m apostrophizing Cupid that I would associate Miss Gussie with hideousness—that would be too base, & a challenge would certainly be the result.6 My worthy chum is now wrapt in the arms of Morpheus, or in plain

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English sleeping soundly. He would like to have a proxy but fears that it would expedite matters too much & he might be tempted[?] to leave college before ¤nishing his education. From which I take it for granted that he has advanced pretty far into the meshes of love. As for being my proxy that’s a puzzler, I fear if I were to entrust the matter to you I might become neglectful myself & success would not attend me, & if you failed there would be no other recourse—I would be at my wit’s end. It’s hard to decide under the circumstances whether to engage your services or not.7 It is now one o’clock a.m. & high time I am following suit to chum, and tho’ it is very pleasant to write, which I feel like doing for an hour yet, still I expect you’ll be tired reading before you get thro’ so I will close by enclosing my love, if you’ll accept it & the assurance of being your affectionate friend. G. K. Miller

Notes for 24 November 1860 1. The Jefferson Literary and Debating Society. In late 1860 this group and the similar Washington Society debated whether Abraham Lincoln’s election constituted suf¤cient cause for the Southern states to secede. They decided in the af¤rmative. Bruce, History of University of Virginia, 3:170–78, 261–65; Wall, “Students and Student Life,” 133–47. 2. During the War for Independence ¤ve Tories stopped at the home of Nancy Hart in Wilkes County, Ga., and ordered her to cook a meal for them. The angry Hart, so the story went, shot two of the Tories to death and held the other three prisoner until her husband and other Patriots arrived and hanged them. Elizabeth F. Ellet, The Women of the American Revolution (New York, 1850), 2:227–33. GK M’s autobiographical “Memoranda” shows that he was familiar with this work. 3. The “blue cockade of secession” (“a blue rosette with a star in the center”) worn, usually on the hat, as a symbol of support for Southern independence, was very popular across the South on the eve of war. See, for example, Thomasville (Ga.) Southern Enterprise, 14 Nov. 1860; Thomaston (Ga.) Upson Pilot, 27 Oct. 1860; New Orleans Commercial Bulletin, 14 Jan. 1861; and Karl H. Grismer, Tampa: A History of the City of Tampa and the Tampa Bay Region of Florida (Saint Petersburg, 1950), 137. Celestine soon took the hint, made a cockade, and sent it to GK M. See GK M’s 13 Dec. 1860 letter. On GK M’s promise to “claim the post of your champion” see n3 to the introduction to chapter 2. 4. Drinking was common among the students. See Bruce, History of Univer-

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 17 sity of Virginia, 3:163; Wall, “Students and Student Life,” 76–79; and GK M’s 24 Feb. 1861 letter. 5. About 2:00 a.m., 8 Nov. 1860, the “mammoth hotel” in Williamston, S.C., about ten miles southeast of Equality, built to lure guests to the local medicinal waters, burst into ®ames. Under a court order, the owners had tried unsuccessfully to sell it on the seventh. The ¤re destroyed the hotel and soon spread to nearby buildings. H. T. Tusten was one of three partners who owned the hotel. Many believed he had started the ¤re. Vandiver, Traditions and History, 206; [Gene Wellborn], A Town Springs Forth: The Story of Williamston, South Carolina (Bountiful, Utah, 2000), 15; Anderson (S.C.) Intelligencer, 8 Nov. 1860. 6. See GK M’s 6 Nov. 1860 letter. 7. See GK M’s 13 Dec. 1860 letter.

13 December 1860 Univ. Decr 13, 1860 My Dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: Am I not a most importunate correspondent to be ever knocking at the door of your indulgence. But then I am interested and fearing lest secession would stop the mail-boy, I cannot refrain from having one more word or two before you take your ¤nal leave to sail on Southern Seas. If there were no other cause, that beautiful cockade so kindly sent from your own hands would immediately set me to scribbling;1 and if I feel and talk a little bombastic, don’t mind it for chum [Crook] says, in his usual familiar way, that it has made me the greatest fool he ever saw. What a compliment! They are envious—these ill favoured chums, & because his Georgia girl is in for Union, he, forsooth, must be a submissionist. Never mind. I’ll look down on him with all imaginable contempt [even] if he is six feet-two.2 Well, my present came all safe & nicely stowed away just as you must have started it. I immediately drew forth my bachelor’s work box—don’t be astonished we keep such things, & if [you] could but see mine ¤lled with needles, thread, & a promiscuous collection of little curiosities & souvenirs, I’ve no doubt you would wonder exceedingly. Well, I drew forth my work-box & having with some trouble threaded a small needle, I sew’d the cockade on to my hat having the side turned up “a la militaire.” Next thing was to sally forth & see how well I could navigate. As there was a small travelling Theatre in Charlottesville that night, I went with a friend to see Macbeth played, & walking into the crowded house you

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must know I felt huge. Several wanted me to divide it [the cockade] with them when they heard it was all the way from So. Carolina & from one of its fair daughters; but no; I couldn’t think of such a thing. One was so much interested that he asked if the lady had a sweetheart. Told him I couldn’t answer such unexpected questions, whereupon he asked me to give you to him. This was impertinent & I left him. The idea of giving you away when I had no right, & even if I had, I would have seen him hung ¤rst—give you away indeed! Poor chum has been sick for a week with the tooth ache—they are front teeth, & he thinks if they were pulled out he would lose all hopes of getting married next summer. Sad, isn’t it? And so we are very gallant young gentlemen. Chum’s sick, & I’ll answer for myself. Gallant? Why, certainly? Would it not be most ungallant to give a lady the least trouble in the world? Certainly; we were too considerate to think of such a thing, when we know a proxy’s task is sometimes quite dif¤cult. Besides Chum is so far gone that there would be no room[?] whatever for a proxy to exercise any in®uence. His love is so closely knit that proxy’s pen could not ¤nd crevice to enter, certainly you would not have him accept services both troublesome to you & useless to him.3 So much for chum’s defence—but did you ever see a poor mortal that could defend himself half so well as others. All I can say is that I too did not wish to give trouble for mine was the very opposite of chum’s case. I was on the verge of despair, thinking that even should an angel intervene, still it would be of no avail—I had no cause to hope then, nor have I yet; and now since my want of gallantry has given offence can there be any remedy? If I thought any hope remained I would try it. At any rate I will come like an humble penitent and cry you mercy—look gently on my past offenses & forgive if I am wrong. If your wrath & offended self can be at all paci¤ed let it be done speedily. Withold not your hand now that my distress is so deep, but forgiving, take the of¤ce so rudely witheld. Be my proxy if your wounded dignity forbids it not. I doubt exceedingly of my capacity but perhaps your potent[?] hand might save me yet—be my proxy, will you & waft a tender missive to the object of my affections—tell her my sad condition, offer her everything, heart, soul—all—anything to come to terms—I’ll surrender at discretion—give up all. What more can I do? If she prove in®exible, then farewell world.4 But you may think yourself fully avenged and it was done so adroitly—

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 19

you are quite a tactician. I’ll leave you to guess wherein it consists. Although at my expense I glory in you for it. How are you going to spend Christmas—I expect it will pass with me as the last two have, just as any other day—no home pleasures, no home folks, nothing to do but study, do nothing, read or follow suit after so many & get drunk. If the latter should happen you would never hear from me again, nor no one else.5 I’ll have to try & behave myself like I should, & in a gentlemanly manner hail the coming of the new year. But of all things else I would rather see you & have one good jolly laugh—it would make me feel better for a long time. But as that cannot be I send you a hearty greeting from the cold mountains of Old Virginia, trusting that the breeze that is soon to waft you from the Shores of the United States may be ever propitious & bear you to a more congenial clime. Give me joyful greetings how goes the voyage—write soon & be sure & forgive our want of gallantry—I’m concerned to know that I’m forgiven. A farewell for the present—ever remembering that I am most sincerely Your particular Friend G. K. Miller Excuse all mistakes, etc.

Notes for 13 December 1860 1. See n3 to GK M’s 24 Nov. 1860 letter. 2. Confederate army records show GK M’s height as ¤ve feet, ¤ve inches. Union prisoner of war records describe him as ¤ve feet, six and one half inches tall and record that he had gray eyes, dark hair, and a dark complexion. 3. See GK M’s 24 Nov. 1860 letter. 4. See GK M’s 24 Nov. 1860 letter. GK M obviously wanted Celestine to inquire as to the object of his attention so that he could “employ” her as a “proxy” to herself. 5. See GK M’s 24 Feb. 1861 letter.

16 December 1860 Richland, So. Ca., December 16th, 1860 My Dear Sir [K nox Miller]. Yours dated the 6th inst. [not found] is at hand. Enclosed you will ¤nd a draft on New York for one hundred and twenty-¤ve dollars, for

20 / Prewar

which I had to pay three per cent premium. Exchange on New York is higher now than it has been for a long time, and it is expected to go even higher. South Carolina will go out of the Union, certain, be the consequences what they may. Our [Secession] Convention meets tomorrow and I think in less than twenty-four hours we will secede. There is a rumor that commissioners will come from Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, and Tennessee to persuade So. Ca. to delay her action in order to obtain a redress of grievances in the Union. We will treat them as Virginia treated the South Carolina Commissioners at Richmond last winter, feed and liquor them well and send them back without even deigning a reply in any other way than by our acts. What a piece of folly on the part of these States to send us such Messengers!1 Georgia, Florida, Alabama, and Mississippi will go out too without doubt, to be followed in a very short time by Louisiana, Arkansas, & Texas. If the border [slave] States do not choose to go with us, they will be left to the tender mercies of the Abolitionists. They will have at last to ®y to us for protection, or be swallowed up by that voracious Monster “Abolition.” The Small pox is prevailing in Columbia at this time, and there is great alarm about it. The Legislature it is thought will adjourn to Charleston to avoid it. The convention will stand their ground I hope and will not be frightened out of their propriety by Small pox, the Devil, or any thing else.2 I am a member of the Convention. The boys are well and send their respects to you. Yours Truly— Wm. Hopkins3 [Envelope endorsed by Miller:] From my friend & benefactor Gen. Wm. Hopkins of Richland So. Ca.—a member of the Carolina convention of 1860.

Notes for 16 December 1860 1. In the winter of 1859–60 South Carolina legislators, alarmed at abolitionist threats to white supremacy but anxious to avoid isolating their state in opposition to the federal government, attempted to unify the South to safeguard slavery. As part of this effort, the legislature dispatched Christopher G. Memminger—later Confederate secretary of the treasury—to Virginia to persuade the Old Dominion to lead a cooperative effort by the slave states. Virginia authorities received Memminger courteously, listened to his speech, doubtless fed and liquored him well, and eventually decided to take no action. Rejection of this uni¤ed approach to the abolitionist menace convinced rabid secessionists

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 21 that South Carolina should act alone to force other slave states to choose between following her lead or siding with the opponents of slavery. Ollinger Crenshaw, “Christopher G. Memminger’s Mission to Virginia, 1860,” Journal of Southern History 7 (1942): 334–50; Steven A. Channing, Crisis of Fear: Secession in South Carolina (New York, 1970), 94–127. 2. Smallpox forced the convention to move to Charleston, and there on 20 Dec. the delegates adopted an ordinance of secession. 3. On Hopkins and his sons see the biographical sketch and the notes to Hopkins’s 11 Apr. 1861 letter.

24 January 1861 Univ. of Va. Jan 24, 61 My Dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: It is now sixteen days since your letter was written, and here am I that pretend to be a friend & devoted correspondent just setting about acknowledging its receipt after it has been lying beside me two weeks. Am I not very naughty? Say yes so that I can have the pleasure of vindicating myself. But “a friend should bear a friend’s in¤rmities,” and you must make all due allowance for mine.1 I have had a good (?) old-fashioned spell of sickness—not a slight ailing, but a genuine go-to-bed, stay-there, put-it-out attack of pneumonia; brought on by poddling around thro’ the mud & snow Christmas times. I have been giving an account of my imprudence ever since. I have made out to write one letter home & one to Hamilton [“Hamp” Russell], but was so unwell at the time that I don’t remember what I wrote. I can now truly appreciate being sick [far away?] from home with no one to care for me. I received a letter from “Pepper Pod” the other day, with a “Mrs. Howard” substituted for her spicy “nom de plume.” It was an answer to one which I had written just before she renounced “single-blessedness,” bidding me a fond & affectionate farewell, calling down heaven’s most bounteous blessings on my head & protesting eternal friendship.2 It was a whole-souled letter and coming as it did from a true & generous hearted woman, you may imagine that it was not-at-all unacceptable—in a word I felt better immediately: for I thought with all caviling as to this being a miserable world, yet there are bright spots around which we may linger & thus pass on refreshed & happy. What a glorious prospect we have for a Southern Confederacy—from

22 / Prewar

N. Carolina to the yellow waters of the Mississippi one solod [solid] & unbroken phalanx of Southern hosts to meet the enemy. I doubt whether there is a soul that can fully realize the mighty change wrought since the moon last ¤lled her horn. I could give you a hearty shake of the hand over our disenthrallment. My own Magnolia state is alive with marshalled hosts, & my own friends & townsmen have gone to Mobile & Pensacola.3 But times are distressing—Even here in the old Dominion want & misery give every thing a sad & gloomy aspect. Not a day passes but some poor wretch knocks at my door for alms; add to this an unusually severe winter and the heart almost sickens at the prospect before us. Va. is growing warmer by degrees. A Convention is called, & delegates are entering for a hot ¤ght.4 One of our noblest Professors & as truehearted a Southerner as ever had a pulse has resigned his chair in the University & entered [the election] as a delegate for the Convention. I refer to Prof. Holcombe, one of my own Professors in the Law Department.5 While I write he is holding forth to a large audience in Charlottesville. I, unfortunately, dared not venture out in the deep snow & so will not have the opportunity of hearing him, still I am well acquainted with his eloquence, having heard it so often in the lecture room. His resignation has somewhat broken into our arrangements as to studies, but we are willing to make the sacri¤ce in consideration of the man & the importance of the occasion. I was very much astonished to hear that your company had become irksome, when of late he has been accustomed to write to me of the very pleasant times he spent when he visited you.6 If it is so, I’ll not thank him for professing one thing & practicing another to me. But I hope he may prove himself guiltless. What, get tired of your company! If he has, I shall put-down his capacity for appreciation at a very low standard & predict that he will repent it the longest day he lives. I’ll say nothing to him about it at present but wait & see if he will really dissimulate. He told me not long since that some rumors were going the rounds among busybodies that you & himself were engaged, and this may be the cause of his acting so. I am very glad to know [of ?] the arrival of my album as I began to fear that my promise would be broken, which I certainly would have regretted.7 I am still happier to know that it was in the least a cause of grati¤cation, especially when I found that it was so poor an expression of the donor’s esteem; but as it was a souvenir of my dear “alma mater” I chose to deposit it in the hands of my ¤rst friend. Tell those to whom

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 23

you have offered it not to be back ward, for when analyzed it will be found gilt & proper—nothing more. I had somewhat more Christmas than I anticipated. I went to a conversation(?) party & found a lady acquaintance of one of my old chums of whom I had often heard him speak—I had a very pleasant conversation with her which just about made up my “Merry Christmas,” and I could not but compliment myself on having any pleasure at all. And so they want you to curtail your political investigations one half ? Don’t do any thing of the kind for I certainly think it a great privilige that should be enjoyed by the ladies to their hearts’ content—indeed I think the ladies as a general thing read of & learn too little of what is going on in the world around them—They should be up to the times equally with the men.8 I am a great lover of such reading & miss my daily paper with its telegraphic news, almost as I do my dinner. Your pity for my supposed exhausted patience[?] came about ten pages too soon, but I’ll take the hint so opportunely given & not weary your [eyes?] longer[?], ¤rst bidding you a kind good night promising to remember you in my dreams. Yours most truly G. K. Miller

Notes for 24 January 1861 1. The quotation is from Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, 4.3.86. 2. See GK M’s 24 Nov. 1860 letter. 3. Alabama troops, including Talladega companies, seized the forts at the mouth of Mobile Bay and went to aid Florida, Georgia, and Mississippi forces facing the Federals in Fort Pickens near Pensacola, Fla. 4. Early in 1861 a newly elected state convention voted to keep Virginia in the Union—a decision that GK M lamented in his 24 Feb. 1861 letter. The convention reaf¤rmed this decision in early April. Not until mid-April when Lincoln called for troops to use against the seceded states of the Deep South did the Old Dominion declare herself out of the Union. 5. James P. Holcombe, a well-known pamphleteer in defense of slavery and states’ rights, taught law at the university 1851–61. He resigned 26 Jan. 1861 to become a candidate for the state convention. Later he served in the state Secession Convention, one term in the Confederate House of Representatives (1862– 64), and as a Confederate commissioner in Canada (1864). Bruce (History of University of Virginia, 3:47–48, 71–73) called him “the most ardent and eloquent advocate of Secession in the Faculty.” 6. “He” may refer to Edward (see 24 Nov. 1860 letter) or, perhaps, John

24 / Prewar Miller, Celestine’s “old ®ame,” as her sister Rosaline called him in a Mar. 1870 letter in GK M’s papers. 7. See 6 Nov. 1860 letter. 8. Although denied the vote, many white Southern women followed and in®uenced politics. Elizabeth R. Varon, We Mean to Be Counted: White Women and Politics in Antebellum Virginia (Chapel Hill, 1998).

24 February 1861 Univ: Feb 24, 1861 My very Dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: Your letter of the 14th was the most acceptable substitute for a Valentine that I ever remember to have received; and it would be well, in my opinion, if the example were generally imitated, for a good friendly letter is much more acceptable and in¤nitely more sensible than the scores of love sick ditties fringed with gilt and encased a la mode in fancy work, or the miserable caricatures that periodically ®ood the land and cost so much guessing or plaintive replies & sharp retorts. As I am not so fortunate as to have a lady-love of course none of the affectionate (?) kind has reached me, and I return many thanks to all others for saving a laugh at my expense by not sending me any of the laughable sort. But poor chum [Crook], as sober a soul as ever lived, did not escape so well, but received a striking picture of a student on a Christmas spree. I’m not sure but that I was somewhat intoxicated with laughing, but this was certainly the nearest I came to giving reality to what you began “to wonder if it could be possible.” No, indeed I had no idea of bucking[?] that condition where the forfeit was so great; and besides if I had done so would I not have put at stake whatever con¤dence you may have placed in your friend?1 Some years ago I promised a young lady, who now sleeps peacefully in a distant Churchyard, that I would never be guilty of such an act; and don’t you think that if I were to prove so recreant now, her spirit would come & upbraid me for my want of manliness? I am sure it would for temptation now comes but with it the thought of her.2 I shall always think the in®uence of a good woman worth more in such matters than all the temperance lectures & tee-total societies in Christendom; but I am sorry to say that this in®uence does not seem to be at work here this session as usual, there being more dissipation than common though even now it is but little compared with the number of

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 25

young men with scarcely any restraint thrown around them except the teachings they have imbibed around the family altar or the promptings of their own sense of honour. I have two young friends, both lately most cruelly “crossed in love”— one bears it like a Trojan, but protesting that no con¤dence can be placed in woman; the other has taken to hard drinking and will leave for home shortly. Both are wrong but will not be reasoned with. The students here have indeed become infected with the war mania and are enjoying its “pomp & circumstance” without any of the sad realities.3 Two large companies have been organized & of¤cered by graduates of the different military schools, and a ¤ner set of soldiers I never saw without [unless] it was the regiment of Kentuckians led by the unfortunate young Clay to the Mexican war.4 But I have time & again refused to join, being unwilling that it should ever be said that Lincon was ruler over me, which he would be were I to join a company of Virginia militia.5 But as you advise me, I shall nerve [?] myself to strike for our dear South and under the government that has been so happily instituted. Have you read any of the speeches of Abraham the ¤rst [Lincoln]? They are undoubtedly the richest specimens of Hoosierism that could be started [stated?]—bad English, without sense or point, abounding in western slang & even vulgarisms—the greatest dolt of a back-woods school might have cause to blush at such effusions. I think we have cause to rejoice that such an abomination was never submitted to by Southerners who boast respectability much less culture. I am afraid that Virginia has lost the blood of Patrick Henry or else it now courses in degenerate veins.6 How do you like our new President & Vice President? I think the selections judicious—an iron will in Jeff. Davis with due conservatism in Alex. Stephens. All hail to the chiefs!7 I am not “tired [of] living any more” but have fully recovered and am now able to appreciate life all the better, and taking all together I am as happy as a lark could be without a mate.8 I passed one of my intermediate examinations last Thursday and will have three more shortly besides four more at the end of the session. I am not offering for graduation in the law class as it is almost an impossibility to graduate in one session, and so there will be no honours for me this year which will end my college course. But college honours are not often the forerunners of honours in life, but the case is oftener otherwise, so that there is a bright future before me yet, and only wants due energy to be realized.

26 / Prewar

I suppose before this you have made your debut on the “stump” and a fellow[?] feeling if nothing else, makes me anxious to hear of your complete success, of which I have no doubt. What would you think if I were to tell you that while you perhaps were addressing your audience of chairs that I was doing the like to my chum. I too made my “maiden speech” in Virginia two weeks ago last night and will perhaps make another effort in a week or so.9 One of our celebrations came off on the 22d—grand affair as usual but as I did not know a lady in the house of course I didn’t enjoy myself.10 In your letter before the last you asked me if I had made any good resolutions for the new year. I can’t say that I did but had formed one some time before which the year will call into requisition. It is of vast importance to me and form[s?] the turning point in life. Should I succeed I expect nothing but happiness, if not, then time alone must solve the riddle. Guess what it is? (if you can).11 I could write a week but must stop. Accept all my love, & if there be more than you want, divide it out among our mutual friends; & so a kind good bye, Geo K. Miller Write soon.

Notes for 24 February 1861 1. Celestine must have inquired if GK M had been drunk or drinking over the holidays. GK M wrote in his autobiographical “Memoranda” that on one occasion during the celebrations after the 1859–60 academic year he “had at least kept a clear head, if the pledges of boyhood had been forgotten.” 2. Probably a reference to his sister Matilda Walker Miller Tagg who, with her husband Joseph, played such an important role in GK M’s life. As a youth GK M had been a member of the Cadets of Temperance and had authored what seems to have been a temperance play. (See the biographical sketch.) In his autobiographical “Memoranda,” GK M noted that Joseph and Matilda “were strict church members” who attended the “Cumberland [Presbyterian] Sabbath School” and who only with reluctance had allowed him to attend the theater in Memphis in the 1850s. 3. Shakespeare’s Othello, 3.3.54. 4. University students organized the “Sons of Liberty” (Capt. James T. Tosh’s Company) in 1860 and the “Southern Guard” (Capt. Edward S. Hutter’s Company) early in 1861. Tosh, Hutter, and several others associated with the units were alumni of the Virginia Military Institute attending the university to complete their undergraduate work or to study law or medicine. Bruce, History of University of Virginia, 3:256–67; Wall, “Students and Student Life,” 282–83;

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 27 Richard M. McMurry, Virginia Military Institute Alumni in the Civil War: In Bello Praesidium (Lynchburg, 1999), 54, 150, and 217; Jordan, Charlottesville and the University of Virginia, 24. See also n1 to William Hopkins’s 11 May 1861 letter. Henry Clay Jr., son of the Kentucky statesman, served as lieutenant colonel of the 2d Ky. Inf. Regt. in the Mexican War and was killed in the Battle of Buena Vista 22–23 Feb. 1847. Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (New York, 1991), 680–81, 684–85. GK M doubtless saw the regiment in Memphis on its way to or from Mexico while he and his family lived there. 5. So long as Virginia stayed in the Union, her militia would remain subject to a call into Federal service and thus come under Lincoln’s authority after he became president on 4 Mar. As indicated in the 31 May 1861 letter, GK M may eventually have joined one of the student companies. 6. Patrick Henry, a ¤rebrand public speaker, frequently urged Americans to resist British tyranny in the years before the War for Independence. GK M implies that Virginia’s refusal to secede indicated that she had lost the will to resist oppression. See his 24 Jan. 1861 letter. 7. Jefferson Davis of Mississippi and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, elected president and vice president, respectively, of the newly organized Confederacy 9 Feb. Since his home state of Alabama had declared herself out of the Union on 11 Jan. and joined the Confederacy a few weeks later, GK M could write of “our” new president and vice president. 8. The quotation is probably a reference to a comment by Celestine about GK M’s outlook on life during his recent illness. See his 24 Jan. 1861 letter. 9. GK M’s meaning is not clear, but he may have referred to practice orations by Celestine and himself. His autobiographical “Memoranda” shows that he spoke before the Jefferson Literary and Debating Society in the 1859–60 school year to nominate a classmate for an honor. 10. George Washington’s birthday was celebrated on 22 Feb. 11. My guess is that GK M had decided to visit Celestine in 1861, declare his love for her, and propose. See his 24 May 1863 letter.

11 April 1861 Richland, So Ca, April 11th, 1861 Dear Sir [K nox Miller], Absence from home has prevented me from sending the money you wrote to my Son English for. The ¤rst time I go to Columbia I will send you a check on New York for one hundred dollars. Jimmy left home yesterday for Charleston to join the Army.1 A large ®eet of war vessels are now lying off the Charleston bar, and our Governor has been noti¤ed that fort Sumter would be provisioned and reinforced at all hazards.2 Of course whenever the attempt is made a

28 / Prewar

bloody ¤ght will ensue. English is now in Charleston, he went down with Jimmy. Since they left I have had a notice for English to go down with his company tomorrow.3 He will be obliged to return home in order to get his clothes, and such other things as he will stand in need of. Before this reaches you, the Telegraph, in all likelihood, will convey to our friends in Virginia news of great importance.4 Thank God, there is but one voice in So. Ca. We will resist to the death. Our enemies may lay waste our State, and destroy our property, but they will be as far from subjugating us as ever. My health is not good. I have a disease of the heart that may kill me at any moment.5 I write in haste, so you must excuse this short letter. Yours truly Wm. Hopkins

Notes for 11 April 1861 1. James Hopkins’s service record covers his 1862–65 service with Co. K, 4th S.C. Cav. I ¤nd no con¤rmation of his having been in the Confederate army in 1861. He was probably with a militia unit in state rather than Confederate service. 2. On 7 Apr. messengers from Washington informed Gov. Francis W. Pickens that Lincoln intended to send supplies to the U.S. Army garrison in Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor. If state authorities did not try to block the effort, Lincoln’s message concluded, no reinforcements would be sent to the small garrison. South Carolina and Confederate of¤cials regarded the effort as an attempt to coerce the seceded states to abandon their quest for independence. 3. English Hopkins’s only service record covers his time in the 9th S.C. Inf., 10 Aug.–12 Oct. 1861, when he was discharged for reasons of health. One “E. Hopkins” appears on the early 1864 rolls of Co. K, 4th S.C. Cav. when his name was dropped. As is the case with his brother James, it seems that any Apr. 1861 service he rendered was with a state unit. 4. At 4:30 the next morning Confederates began bombarding Fort Sumter, thereby initiating the war. 5. Hopkins lived until 7 Nov. 1863. He is buried in the family cemetery at Hopkins, S.C.

11 May 1861 Richland, So. Ca., May 11th, 1861 Dear Sir [K nox Miller], Not having heard a word from you for some time, I fear you have not rec[eive]d the draft on New York, for one hundred dollars, which I re-

14 June 1860–11 May 1861 / 29

quested Mr. J. A. Crawford, President, Commercial Bank, Columbia, So. Ca., to send you. It should have been sent [to] you sooner, but absence from home prevented. There is no such thing as purchasing New York drafts here at this time. I would have been relieved of a good deal of anxiety, if you had acknowledged the reception of the draft aluded to. Jimmy is still in the army, and is stationed on Morris Island near Charleston. English is at home at present, but is subject to orders at any moment. Please write to us and let us know where you are and what you are doing. I see from the news papers that the exercises of the University have been suspended, and several military Companies have been organized from the Students.1 Write me and let me know what you intend doing these troublesome times. I will always be happy to hear from you, and am sorry to say you have not written oftener. If you return home soon, be sure to give us a call on your way. Yours Truly, Wm. Hopkins [forwarded to Talladega, Ala.] [This last notation was probably a postwar endorsement by Miller. The brackets are in the original.]

Note for 11 May 1861 1. In addition to the two companies named in the 24 Feb. 1861 letter, university students organized at least one more that spring (the “Jefferson Davis Volunteers,” Capt. A. T. Bledsoe). Wm. G. Wheeler to Jefferson Davis, 14 June 1861, Letters Received by the Confederate Secretary of War, National Archives (cited hereafter as National Archives, LRSW); Bruce, History of University of Virginia, 3:280–81. Hopkins, or the newspaper, erred regarding suspension of exercises. The session closed with graduation ceremonies on 6 July.

2 Early Months at War 31 May 1861–17 April 1862

On 19 April 1861, two days after a state convention meeting in Richmond declared the Old Dominion out of the Union, George K nox Miller left Charlottesville and the University of Virginia to return to Talladega, Alabama, to enter Confederate military service.1 Anxious to reach home as quickly as possible, he traveled directly southwest—through East Tennessee—rather than repeating his roundabout 1860 journey through the Carolinas and Georgia. For that reason he did not visit Celestine in 1861.2 In Talladega, as all across the newly organized Confederacy, citizens feverishly went about the business of preparing for war. Longdormant militia companies came to life and drilled daily in the streets or on the courthouse square in anticipation of being called to active duty in the state’s defense. Meanwhile, young men, eager to rush off to war, ®ocked to join elite, highly trained “volunteer companies” that locally prominent men organized (technically as a part of the militia) to be available for immediate service. Three years earlier South Carolina–born Andrew W. Bowie, a prosperous (twenty-three slaves, 380 acres of land), locally respected attorney and a Mexican War veteran, thirty-six in 1858, had organized in Talladega and had been elected captain of “an amateur cavalry company [formed] for the purpose of drilling, military discipline, [and] perfecting the members in the arts of horsemanship and the various feats of the tournament.” The company required each of its horsemen to provide his own mount and uniform. The members named their club the Mountain Rangers.3 Soon after John Brown’s October 1859 raid on Harpers Ferry,

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 31

Virginia (now West Virginia), the Alabama Legislature, alarmed at Brown’s effort to stir up a major slave rebellion, authorized formation of the Alabama Volunteer Corps (AVC)—an elite eightthousand-man military force. The units comprising the AVC would be better prepared than were their comrades in the traditional militia companies and would hold themselves ready to respond immediately should the governor call upon them to defend the state against invasion or rebellion. The Mountain Rangers became part of the Volunteer Corps.4 No known record shows when K nox Miller joined the Mountain Rangers. His letters of 31 May 1861 (with its endorsement) and of 7 January 1863 imply that he enlisted in the company prior to its entering Confederate—as opposed to state—service. He may even have joined in 1858, 1859, or 1860 while at his father’s home between sessions at the University of Virginia.5 Alabama did not call the Mountain Rangers into active service immediately after her secession. Through the state’s chief executive the company offered itself to the Confederate government. When Miller reached Talladega late in April 1861, it seems from his letters, problems—the nature of which cannot now be ascertained— had arisen about the company’s entering active service at either the state or the national level. Many of the Rangers, fearing that they might not get into the war at all, therefore withdrew from their company and joined other local units. Miller af¤liated with a company that styled itself the Talladega Davis Blues. Within a short time, the problems that had bedeviled the Mountain Rangers had been resolved, and in July the unit was ordered to active duty as part of Alabama’s quota of troops for the Confederacy. Miller then rejoined his old company. He soon received an appointment as corporal, and Captain Bowie chose him as “secretary” of the unit. Owing probably to his education and legal training Miller, meanwhile, found himself assisting in the many administrative tasks involved in raising and organizing troops and mustering them into active service He also managed to pass the bar examination and wrote Celestine that, in addition, he spent part of his time drilling some of the new soldiers, thus implying that he had had experience in some sort of organized military unit—possibly one of the stu-

32 / Early Months at War

dent companies at the University of Virginia during the 1860–61 school term or during earlier service as a member of the Rangers or some other militia unit.

31 May 1861 [Undated endorsement by Miller:] Letter from Talladega May 31st, 1861—writer at home getting ready for the war, &c., &c. Address Talladega, Ala. Talladega, May 31st, 1861 My Dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: This long, long time I have waited with all the patience at my command, anxiously expecting a kind and gentle word from you, but my expectations have been again and again disappointed for not a line has come from Cellie. It has been some two months, or perhaps more, since I wrote an answer [not found] to the letter last received. Now can it be that this letter failed to reach you? I must think so, but strange to say it never occurred to me until a few days since. I was thinking that the disturbed and troubled state of the times had perhaps given you duties to perform that were more imperative than those of answering correspondents. I knew that our Southern ladies were busily engaged in preparing husbands, brothers, relations, and the soldiery generally for the ¤eld, and was willing to forego the pleasure of receiving letters if time could be so much better employed than in writing them. But I will take it for granted that my last did not reach you or, what is very probable, an answer to it from you failed to ¤nd its way to me as there was great irregularity in the mails about the time of Va’s secession. At all events, let the cause be what it may, I have taken the liberty of writing this and am only sorry that I did not do so sooner, as I would not have you think for the world that I would be guilty of treating so good and dear a friend as you have been so shamefully. Since last I heard from you it seems as tho’ a total revolution had taken place in nature, so many, rapid, and stirring have been the events. The taking of Sumpter,6 the secession of Virginia and the wild display of enthusiasm that followed, the wheeling into the Southern line of three other gallant states,7 the mustering of the opposing hosts, and at last the invasion of Virginia’s soil,8 all seem like something that might “adorn a tale” but are only credible as realities. In the meantime I too have changed scene[s]. I was at the University when the expedition was sent

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 33

to take Harper’s Ferry but was sick in bed at the time and could not go with my fellow students.9 As the excitement made it next to an impossibility to study, and as I expected my services would be needed in the ranks, I determined on going home. I intended to go thro’ Carolina but the nature of the case would not permit it, and I took the Western route. I reached home something more than a month ago since while I have been engaged in going to different parts of the country [county?] mustering in volunteers, rendezvousing them at different places, drilling and aiding in drilling others.10 This daily routine of labour to which I was entirely unaccustomed generally found me pretty well worn out at night, but still I managed to do some little studying and was admitted to the Bar day before yesterday, after standing a trying examination in open court before Judge Martin.11 I was so fortunate as to receive one of the ¤nest compliments that could have been given from the Judge and several others from the examining lawyers. Considering the short time I had studied the Law, and the many disadvantages that I had to contend with, I fully appreciated the compliments passed[?] upon my examination. I am a member of the Talladega Davis Blues composed of thoroughbred gentlemen and commanded by the Hon. J. J. Woodward, as noble and gallant a son as ever South Carolina produced. Our company will vote to-morrow to go for the wars, and the companies from this and two adjoining counties will immediately form a regiment which will constitute the 9th Alabamians.12 We have no idea yet where we will be ordered but if the invasion is general there will be plenty of ¤ghting somewhere. It is a pretty serious undertaking with many of us to enlist for the war; especially those who like myself have parents getting old and who will soon depend upon their sons to take care of and protect them in the winter of life. I am perfectly willing to sacri¤ce myself if needs be and all that I have thus far striven for, but I hate to leave my parents to the care of others in their old age. I received a letter the other day from Cousin Hamilton [Russell]—it had been to Va. and thence here—he had just gone to Columbia[, S.C.]. I feel as tho’ I could write a small book to you this morning but will not weary you with reading so much. If you think me guilty of any negligence, your generous heart I hope will forgive me when I tell you that such was not intended. Give my best respects, if you feel like it, to all the good folks. Write soon very soon for I am so anxious to hear from you,

34 / Early Months at War

and until I do I will promise to remain as ever.—In all sincerity G. K. Miller [Added above the words “noble and gallant a son as ever South” at top of last page of letter and written later—possibly postwar] as I failed so often to get received that I joined the “Blues” but before they were mustered in my Co. was rec’d and I left the “Blues” GK M.

Notes for 31 May 1861 1. GK M to Victor C. Miller, 23 Oct. 1911, Miller, Miller and Calhoun Miller, 83. 2. See GK M’s 31 May 1861 and 24 May 1863 letters. 3. Some accounts, including GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter, date organization of the Rangers in 1859. In that year the unit became part of the Alabama Volunteer Corps. See the brief, unpublished, untitled history of Co. A, 8th Confederate Cavalry Regiment by J. L. Stockdale in regimental ¤le, ADAH. Many antebellum white Southerners, caught up in the romanticism of the time and place, thought of their society as similar to that of medieval England. As part of this “cult of chivalry,” they sometimes staged “tournaments” modeled on those described in the novels of Sir Walter Scott. “Southern youths, clad as knights, tilted with lances at suspended rings while Southern belles waved their handkerchiefs,” wrote Clement Eaton (A History of the Old South [New York, 1966], 444). GK M’s 24 Nov. 1860 letter (with its mention of “liege lord,” and “claim the post of your champion”) indicates that he had at least a touch of such romanticism, as does his use of such words as “Southron” in several of his letters, for example, those of 7 Jan. and 14 June 1862. 4. Once the company became part of the AVC, the state provided sabers and revolvers for the men. 5. Perhaps GK M enlisted during the time he served with the slave patrols in 1860 when Talladega County whites were alarmed about a possible slave uprising. See GK M’s 8 Sept. 1860 letter. 6. Confederates ¤red upon and captured Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, S.C., 12–13 Apr., an attack that marked the beginning of the war. “Sumpter” was (and is) a common misspelling. 7. Once the war began, Arkansas, North Carolina, and Tennessee, along with Virginia, chose to secede rather than furnish troops to use against the Confederacy. 8. On 24 May, the day after Virginia voters approved secession, Union forces moved across the Potomac River from Washington, D.C., and occupied several points in northern Virginia. 9. When Virginia seceded, the governor ordered state troops to seize Harpers Ferry at the mouth of the Shenandoah River and the site of an important Federal armory. Student companies from the university joined the expedition

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 35 (19–22 Apr.). This passage implies that GK M was a member of one of the companies. Bruce, History of University of Virginia, 3:275–82; Wall, “Students and Student Life,” 282; Jordan, Charlottesville and University of Virginia, 24–26. 10. This passage and the 10 June 1861 letter imply that GK M had some position in the local military establishment more than a mere member. He would have been legally, at least, a member of the militia, and his law school training would have made him a logical choice to perform administrative duties mustering troops into service and processing the paperwork. He did similar work for the unit later. Statements in his 7 Jan. 1863 letter imply that he was at this time a member of the Alabama Volunteer Corps. See the introduction to this letter and his 14–15 Nov. 1861 and 14 June 1862 letters. 11. James Benson Martin, elected judge of the Tenth [Alabama] Judicial Circuit Court 1 May 1860 and brigadier general of the Sixteenth Brigade, Alabama Militia, 6 May 1861, entered Confederate service as a lieutenant colonel of the 10th Ala. Inf. and was killed in action 20 Dec. 1861 at Dranesville, Va. Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 21 Mar., 9 May 1860; 8 May, 25 Dec. 1861. 12. The Talladega Davis Blues, commanded by John Jefferson Woodward, a prominent lawyer, became Company E of the 10th Ala. Inf. Regt. Woodward in a 7 June 1861 letter to Secretary of War L. P. Walker, called the unit the “Talladega True Blues” and reported that it then had 125 “effective gallant men” for one year’s service (National Archives, LRSW). Woodward, born in Pickens District, S.C., in Oct. 1808, had served in the Alabama Legislature. He entered Confederate service with his company and became colonel of the regiment early in 1862. He was killed in action 27 June 1862 at Gaines’s Mill in Virginia. The 9th Ala. also served in Virginia. GK M appears never to have been a member of either regiment after it formally entered Confederate service. On the night of 26 May 1861 the captains of several Talladega area companies met and decided to offer their services to the state as a regiment rather than by individual companies. J. L. M. Curry to L. P. Walker, 27 May 1861, National Archives, LRSW. It was probably to this proposal that GK M referred in this letter and that of 10 June 1861. See also William B. McClellan to L. P. Walker, 17 June 1861, National Archives, LRSW.

10 June 1861 Talladega, June 10—1861 My Dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: Again I am more than happy to send you greetings, and being dictated by an unusual ®ow of spirit may I not hope and bespeak for them a kind, a cordial welcome? Until I read your most generous—if I may so speak—letter of June 3d, in all truth I will say that, I had been grievously

36 / Early Months at War

troubled with the “blues,” as my letter of the 31st [May] doubtless indicated. Indeed I began to feel quite lonesome even in this wide and busy world. A recent separation from a wide circle of friends, a sudden interruption of correspondence, and the coming into a place [Talladega] of which, tho’ called home, I knew comparatively little, and in which I was in some manner a stranger—all this taken together was really depressing. Add to this the thought that I had perhaps enjoyed for the last time the pleasure of receiving a kind word from you, my last fair correspondent, and then imagine how it was natural that I should feel. But with all this let me entreat you not to think that the ¤rst “bad feeling” ever found an unguarded entrance through which to creep into my heart. No, my dear friend, not one bad feeling towards you—I thought myself unfortunate, not mis-used or illy treated. But I must confess that that resistless and not unpleasant “won’t you?” would have given a pleasure in being complied with, overbalancing the pain of transgression had it come from other than so dear a friend. Unlike you I do come as a penitent and trust from the heart to receive your forgiveness for having caused you a sad feeling. Considering that a young man has often to pass over tender ground don’t you think that I had cause to apprehend ceremony[?] But let the past be past, and out of what has come and gone let good spring. Let us hereafter not call it “professed friendship” but from my own heart I will name it “unchanging” which I’ve not the least doubt your own [heart] will re-echo. As you will perceive, I am still in Talladega, where I have been labouring with all my energies for the glorious cause in which we are engaged. I have been seriously engaged, sometimes in preparing men to enter the service, then in supplying their wants after they had taken the ¤eld. My last labour has been in connection with the formation of a regiment from this and the adjoining counties. The different companies forming it are now being mustered into the service for the war, and the whole body will in all probability move to Virginia or Tennessee next week. But I shall not be with them in the ¤eld at ¤rst. I was well pleased with the company forming at home, but in order to form a large company part of another organization was joined to ours. The new-comers are commanded by a half mad desparado—dissipated, reckless and without any quali¤cations to command whatever.1 Several others and myself refused to go under such a man, and will be left out of our ¤rst company, which we have zealously strived to organize and perfect. But another company will be immediately formed in which I will be enrolled. Many

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 37

friends advise me not to go, but it is impossible to do any thing at home, and besides when a Southern home is threatened the spirit of resistance is irrepressable. Next week our county will have four full companies in the ¤eld. We have a ladies aid society supplying the soldiers with comfortable clothing & the many necessaries of the occasion. All men, rich & poor, are coming up generously and paying the amount of their taxes extra for the bene¤t of the soldiery and their families. This, tho’ the same as paying a double tax, is done voluntarily and in all cases with the greatest cheerfulness.2 Once a week every place of business in our village is closed for an hour and all hands [“people,” in a postwar copy] with one accord repair to one of the churches to offer up or sanction prayer to the God of Nations and of battles to preserve our country and shield our armies. The 13th will be strictly observed in our midst, and what could be more proper than to look to him in our distress who “heareth the young mans cry”—A God fearing people will never be delivered over to their enemies.3 But perhaps I am trespassing upon your time, and with a few more words will close. No more formality, my very dear friend, between us— we’ll not count letters. I will write when I can, and when I do not I shall nevertheless think of you, as I am in the habit of doing many times daily. Write to me often and direct to Talladega until I tell you different. Your wishes and sympathies shall prove a morning’s dew to refresh & gladden my heart—and your welcomed prayers trusty armour. May God be my shield and your kind protector and preserver. For the present adieu in all sincerity of heart. Geo. K. Miller

Notes for 10 June 1861 1. I have been unable to identify the unit or the desparado, but see the McClellan letter cited in n7 to GK M’s 31 May 1861 letter. 2. On the community’s system to raise funds to assist the families of its soldiers, see Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 17 and 24 Apr.; 1, 8, and 15 May; 12 June; 10 July; and 11 Sept. 1861. Each citizen’s share was based on his state and county tax, hence GK M’s reference to “a double tax.” Poorer citizens and men in, or going into, military service were exempt. See also U.S. War Department, comp., The War of the Rebellion: Of¤cial Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D.C., 1880–1901), ser. 1, vol. 37, pt. 3, 763–65. Hereafter this work is cited as OR, with all references to volumes in series 1 unless other-

38 / Early Months at War wise noted. Citations will be volume number, OR, part number if necessary, and page. This citation, for example, would be 37OR3, 763–65. 3. The Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 22 May 1861, reported that businessmen of the town had agreed to close at 9:00 a.m. every Thursday so they and their employees could attend “Union prayer meetings.” On 23 May, President Davis had proclaimed 13 June a day of fasting and prayer. See also the Watchtower, 12 June 1861.

Through June and into July the Rangers repeatedly offered their services to the Confederacy.1 In early July word came that the government had accepted their offer, and orders soon followed for them to proceed to West Point, Georgia. The Rangers formally enrolled on 15 July but did not depart Talladega for another two weeks. By the time they left, the War Department in Richmond had changed their orders to direct them to Decatur, Alabama, from which point they were to proceed to Corinth, Mississippi. The Rangers, one hundred strong, reached Decatur at 2:00 p.m., 4 August. There they learned that no proper of¤cer was available at Corinth to muster them into Confederate service, the drinking water at Corinth was bad, supplies there scarce, and the location very unhealthful. Faced with these problems, the company of¤cers agreed to go into camp at Decatur and report their plight to both the War Department in Richmond and to Maj. Gen. Leonidas Polk in Memphis, Tennessee, commander of Confederate forces in the area. The Rangers then settled down at Decatur and spent much of their time drilling. After about a week, Lt. John S. Lanier, an acting assistant adjutant general on Polk’s staff, arrived and on 13 August formally mustered the company into Confederate service for one year.2 Miller’s records show that when mustered in he was a corporal with a horse valued at $172.00 (for which he had signed a personal note) and equipment (saddle, etc.) at $28.00. The muster roll describes him as ¤ve feet, ¤ve inches tall and weighing 135 pounds. He wore size 6 shoes and a size 73 hat. Soon after mustering in the company received orders to move by rail via Iuka, Mississippi, to Corinth and thence northwest to Union City, Tennessee. The following document is from the Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 9 October 1861.

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 39

26 September 1861 Camp Obion,3 Hickman Co., Ky. Sept. 26, ’61. At a special meeting of the Talladega Mountain Rangers, held at their camps, this 26th Sept., the following preamble and resolutions were presented and unanimously adopted by the company. Whereas, in consideration of the many acts of kindness and liberality shown towards our company by the citizens of Decatur[, Ala.,] and vicinity, during our stay among them, therefore be it, Resolved, 1st.—That as individuals and as a company, the heart-felt thanks and best wishes of the Mountain Rangers be extended to the citizens of Decatur and vicinity, for their kind attentions, and their many and untiring exertions to add to our comfort and to supply our wants. Resolved, 2nd.—That we hold ourselves under lasting obligations to the citizens of Decatur for the care and attention extended to those of us who were so unfortunate as to be stricken down with disease while in their midst. Resolved 3d.—That a vote of thanks be extended especially to the Rev. Mr. Scaggs and family for the particular consideration manifested towards the sick members of our company, each and every member of which will cherish in a soldier’s heart a rememberance of such unexpected kindness from [a] stranger[’s] hands.4 J. L. Stockdale, } J. A. Winbourn } Geo. K. Miller, } Committee. A. W. Duucan [sic],} G. A. Williams }5 On motion, the Secretary was instructed to transmit a copy of the above resolutions to Rev. Mr. Scaggs, and also a copy to the Talladega papers for publication.6

Notes for 26 September 1861 1. See Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 19 June 1861; and A. W. Bowie (17 June) and J. L. Stockdale (4 July) 1861 to the War Department in Telegrams Received by the Confederate Secretary of War, 1861–65, micro¤lm in National Archives. 2. “J. L. S[tockdale].” sent a report of the company’s plight and a complete

40 / Early Months at War muster roll, dated 8 Aug., to the Talladega Democratic Watchtower, which published them on 21 Aug. The roll for the muster-in date, 13 Aug., shows the company then to have comprised 1 captain, 3 lieutenants, 4 sergeants, 4 corporals, and 88 privates. GK M is listed as the company’s second-ranking corporal. 3. Camp Obion was a temporary Confederate post on the Obion River (GK M called it “Bayou Obion”), six miles northeast of Columbus, Ky. 4. I have been unable to identify Scaggs. W. H. Scaggs (or Skaggs) served as secretary of the Young Men’s Benevolent Association of Talladega (Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 11 Sept. 1861), but the reference to a “stranger[’s] hands” makes it unlikely that he was the person referred to. Finch P. Scruggs served as a Methodist Episcopal Church minister in nearby Winston County. 5. First Lt. John L. Stockdale served as surgeon with the company until 20 June 1862 when he was promoted to captain and transferred to duty as commissary of¤cer on the staff of Brig. Gen. W. N. R. Beall. Promoted to major, he was captured at Port Hudson, La., in July 1863 and remained a prisoner until 24 June 1865. Postwar he authored several short works on the history of Talladega. Third Sgt. John A. Winbourn, a native of Tennessee and a lawyer, served with the company until discharged in Nov. for medical reasons (the paperwork is dated Dec.). See GK M’s 14–15 Nov. 1861 letter. GK M was elected sergeant to ¤ll the vacancy created by Winbourn’s discharge. Winbourn’s name does not appear in records of the 8th Confed. Cav. but is on a company roll in GK M’s Papers. A. Wilmer Duncan was slightly wounded at Shiloh. A “Register of Men Discharged” in GK M’s Papers shows that he left the company at an unspeci¤ed date after securing a substitute. Williams’s record shows him as farrier for the company until his discharge 13 (or 15) Aug. 1862 at the expiration of a year’s service. 6. Miller was the secretary. See his pay and muster records, his 14–15 Nov. 1861 and 14 June 1862 letters, and the undated resolutions from the Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 16 Oct. 1861. The Talladega Democratic Watchtower and the Talladega Alabama Reporter were the town’s papers. No extant 1861 copies of the Reporter are known.

On 2 September, after about a week at Corinth, the Mountain Rangers moved by rail to Union City, Tennessee, some 110 miles to the northwest. There the Rangers joined the cavalry company of Capt. Jefferson Falkner from Chambers County, Alabama, forming an ad hoc battalion. As senior of¤cer (his company had been mustered into service on 3 August), Falkner commanded the combined force. The two companies served together for the remainder of the war.1

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 41

On the morning of 4 September, Falkner’s two mounted units constituted the advance guard of the Confederate force that Maj. Gen. Leonidas Polk sent into Kentucky to occupy the town of Columbus.2 There, on 7 September, Polk undertook a major reorganization of his force. The two Alabama companies were combined with six Tennessee companies to form a battalion of cavalry. The Alabamians did not long serve with the unit, however.3 On 8 October Miller wrote Celestine, giving details of the incursion into and the early weeks of the occupation of southwestern Kentucky.

8 October 1861 Camp Obion Hickman Co., Ky., Oct. 8 My Dear Friend [Celestine McCann], The scene has materially changed from my guard-tent at I-u-ka[, Miss.] from which I last addressed you [letter not found]. I have paid a ®ying visit to many strange places, seen many, to me, strange sights, and been much more thoroughly introduced to the trials, hardships, and excitement of “glorious war” (?). I believe I stated in my last that we had just received marching orders for Union city, Tenn. At any rate we did and left next morning after I wrote, for that place. We reached Corinth, Miss., that day but failing to get transportation on to U. C. we were compelled to remain one week. We again took up our march [by rail] on 2d Sept and arrived safely at our destination (pro tem [temporarily]) the same day, a distance from Corinth of 110 miles. On our arrival we cleared off a camp ground and were again preparing for a stay of some weeks at least but were destined to be somewhat disappointed, for the second night about 12:20 o’clock a messenger from Gen. Polk came post haste asking if we could be ready to march in two hours—our captain answered ready, and in 20 minutes we were in our saddles and formed in line. We were then ordered to sleep the remainder of the night on our arms and to keep our horses saddled. At day-light we were again in the saddle with canteens ¤lled and our blankets strapped behind us. At sunrise we proceeded to head quarters and in a few minutes were on the march as the vanguard of the army of Occupation of Kentucky. We took up the line of the Mobile and Ohio R.R. and marched that day thro’ suffocating dust and under a burning

42 / Early Months at War

sun without a morsel to eat as time had not been allowed us to cook. Detachments were left at all the bridges along the road so as to keep the [rail]road open for the trains—for the infantry and artillery to pass up to Columbus[, Ky.]. After posting a suf¤cient guard at all the posts requiring it, I was sent on with the remainder of the company to Columbus. We halted outside of the town near a private house the proprietor of which furnished us a pasture for our horses, killed a fat beef, and his wife and a nice, pretty dear young lass worked till nearly midnight in the kitchen cooking us bread. We had no shelter for the night except for 6 or 8 of our sick men, and the rest of us worn out after the day’s march threw ourselves down on the grass and slept as soundly as if in “downy beds.” I awoke at day light next morning with a terrible pain in my side, got up, and found that I had been sleeping on a great big apple. Next morning we entered the town just in time to see the Yankee gun boats steaming away up the river after letting ®y several bomb-shells at a crowd of unarmed citizens. In 12 hours we had as many thousand troops in the town, and [artillery] batteries rising at every available point. Two days after was Sunday and I was sitting under a tree reading when I heard ¤ring from up the river and in another moment the bombs came whistling over the town. The gun-boats had come down and ¤red a few rounds to wake up our batteries, but failing left for Cairo[, Ill.,] 20 miles away.4 We remained three days in Columbus on short rations, and it was more than a week before we had any shelter, as our tents had been left at U. City. I was then sent off on a scout up the river, remained two days, and came back just in time to be sent off 12 miles to guard a bridge on one of the most important approaches to the town. Here I remained for another week with nothing for a shelter but swamp trees, but fared well in the eating line as the citizens around were very kind and supplied us with an abundance. During this week and the week previous I had never slept more than four hours a night. Our 12 men at the bridge were recalled to Columbus, and the whole company with two other cavalry companies and one piece of artillery were then sent to Bayou Obion six miles from Columbus to act as picket guard on that quarter,5 and from that post I am now addressing you. I went to Columbus the other day in company with the Captain [Bowie] & 1st Lieut. [Stockdale] and while there the gun-boats came down again to within three miles and opened ¤re. We went upon a high bluff where there was a strong battery to make observations, and we were

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 43

well repaid the trouble of climbing. For an hour and a half a brisk cannonade was kept up on both sides. We could distinctly see the ®ash of the Yankee guns and follow with the eye the bombs and round shot in their course. Some would fall in the river far short of the mark then burst and throw up immense volumes of water, others would burst high in the air and send forth spiral clouds of beautiful white smoke. Some passed hissing over our heads and one fell within 80 feet of where we were sitting on our horses, bursted and threw dust and trash all around us. Fortunately “no body was hurt” on our side although crowds exposed themselves, anxious to see the display. We have something of this kind every few days. Our army here numbers somewhere near 30 thousand, composed mostly of Tennesseans & Mississippians.6 We have at our head Gen. A. S. Johnson [sic], the long looked for military chieftain who has been the subject of so much remark and anxiety.7 Generals Pillow, Polk, and Cheatham are also here with their commands.8 Gen. Hardee arrived here [Columbus] day before yesterday from Missouri and left with his entire force for the interior of Kentucky to-day.9 We are expecting every day to make an advance on Paducah 80 miles above us where there is a strong federal force, and when we do you may expect a big ¤ght.10 Camp life agrees with me ¤nely. I never enjoyed better health nor never stood so many hardships. I mess with Capt. B[owie] and two of the Lieutenants.11 We have a servant [slave] to do our cooking and attend to our horses ourselves. At present and for the last two weeks the cook has been sick, and I was installed chief of the culinary department. I had never cooked before except occasionally on a camp-hunt, and all hands predicted evil of my cooking, but I took the palm, beating by their own confession our regular [cook]. You ought to see what nice biscuits I make, how ¤nely I can smother a steak or cook an egg, and when it comes to batter cakes I have found my forte. But you may think from the above recital that I am putting down a little more than soldiers usually get—not so—mounted men have many privileges and foraging is one. We can visit the farm houses in the country and buy an abundance of milk, eggs, chickens, butter, &c. and fare like kings at but little expense. We draw plenty of coffee, rice, beef, meal, ®our, &c., and altogether we live about as well or better than at home. Unfortunately our company has been seriously visited with sickness, and about half of our men are now down with chills, fevers, &c. None has yet

44 / Early Months at War

died, and the sick are improving since the cool nights have set in. I have not been sick an hour since leaving home, and have never felt more contented. My horse Don Pedro is fat and too full of mischief to live. He is completely spoilt with petting and if he fails to get his share cuts up all kinds of antics. It is curious what strong attachments are formed between us and our brute mounts—our horses are the second[?] object of care and soon begin to occupy part of the space usually devoted to something of a more human[?] nature.12 I was very sorry to hear that cousin Hamilton was on the sick list and compelled to be away from his regiment. I would have written to him long since but did not know where to direct a letter.13 Two privates have been discharged from our company for permanent sickness and 2d Lieut. Taul has resigned and gone home.14 The worst portion of camp life to me is that I have such little time to read and nothing to read if I had more time. I had read most of our little library thro’ before starting, and having ¤nished the rest, I long many times for some of my books. When we have any spare time there are but few opportunities for amusement. We sometimes play a social game of whist—but you must not tell any one that I now[?] indulge in cards. I promised Maj. Russell that I would not.15 Around the camp ¤re we often have some good songs, there being several ¤ne musicians among us. Time[?], paper, and your patience failing I will stop. Before you hear from me again expect some stirring news from Ky., and until then accept the kindest regards and best love of your affectionate friend G. K. Miller [Written as a postscript at top of last page] Address me as before with this change “Union City, Ten., or Columbus, Ky.”

Notes for 8 October 1861 1. See n11 to GK M’s 14–15 Nov. 1861 letter. 2. Maj. Gen. (later Lt. Gen.) Leonidas Polk of Louisiana commanded Department Number 2—the left bank of the Mississippi River from the northern boundary of Louisiana as far upriver as Confederate authority extended. At the time, Kentucky had adopted a policy of “neutrality” in the sectional con®ict. Polk was then preparing to violate the state’s neutrality—and President Davis’s orders—by seizing Columbus in southwestern Kentucky where, he thought, Confederate artillery on the riverside bluffs would enable the Rebels to block navigation of the Mississippi by Union vessels.

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 45 3. See 3OR, 699; and John Berrien Lindsley, ed., Military Annals of Tennessee: Confederate (Wilmington, N.C., 1995), 2:635. 4. Sunday was 8 Sept. GK M seems to have lost a day in his account, or, perhaps, he did not count the ¤rst night after arriving in Union City as the ¤rst of the nights there or meant the second night after clearing off the camp area there since that activity would most likely have been done the day after their arrival, that is 3 Sept. As GK M notes later in this letter, such minor engagements as he describes here occurred frequently as Federal boats probed downriver and occasionally shelled the Confederate positions along the bank. No of¤cial records exist for many (perhaps most) of these actions. See, for example, 3OR, 167–69. 5. One of these units was Falkner’s company from Chambers Co., Ala. The other was probably Capt. J. W. Cole’s company from East Feliciana Parish, La. (Louisiana Mounted Rangers). 6. On 30 Sept. Polk reported his “aggregate present” at Columbus as 12,441. 3OR, 712. 7. In 1861 many, including President Davis, regarded Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston as the foremost military man to resign from the U.S. Army and join the Confederacy. In California when the war began, Johnston made his way east to join the Rebels—a trip followed by the press. He received a command embracing Confederate forces from the Appalachian Mountains west to Arkansas and Missouri. Johnston took position at Bowling Green, Ky. 8. Brig. Gen. Gideon J. Pillow commanded some of the Rebel troops at Columbus. Polk’s command passed under Johnston’s authority; Polk remained at Columbus. Brig. Gen. (later Maj. Gen.) Benjamin Franklin Cheatham would later command a division and then a corps in the western Confederate army. 9. Maj. Gen. (later Lt. Gen.) William J. Hardee had commanded some of the Confederate troops in Arkansas and Missouri and was then transferred to the post at Bowling Green, Ky. 10. The Yankees had seized Paducah, Ky., at the mouth of the Tennessee River soon after Polk occupied Columbus. Possession of Paducah gave them control of the lower Tennessee River. The Rebels never made a serious attack on the town. The air line distance from Columbus to Paducah is about thirty-¤ve miles, but perhaps GK M was thinking of river miles (up the Mississippi and the Ohio to the Tennessee). 11. Probably Stockdale and John S. McElderry (see n5 to 7 Jan. 1862 letter) or Newton B. DeArman. 12. See Michael J. Martin, “Ordnance: Many a Union Cavalryman Had Cause to Echo a Dying Trooper’s Last Wish—‘Take Care of My Horse,’” America’s Civil War 13, no. 4 (Sept. 2000): 12, 72–74. A Union trooper noted that the care of horses was “the ¤rst essential of a cavalryman,” adding that “a cavalryman, if he is worthy the name, becomes attached to the animal that shares his dangers and

46 / Early Months at War privations, . . . and he will risk much and labor hard to secure comfort for his inseparable equine companion.” William B. Sipes, The Saber Regiment: History of the 7th Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteer Cavalry, 1861–1865 (Huntington, W.Va., 2000; orig. pub. 1906), 8, 118–19. 13. “Hamp” Russell enlisted 14 Apr. 1861 in Anderson, S.C., as a private in Co. B, 4th S.C. Inf. Regt. The July–Dec. 1861 rolls show him absent sick and for part of that time in the General Hospital in Culpeper, Va. Discharged 30 Apr. 1862 at the expiration of his enlistment, he reenlisted for the war 10 May 1862 in the Colleton District as a private in Co. F, 1st S.C. Cav. Regt. He spent much of his 1862–65 service detailed to the Signal Corps. 14. A “Register of Men Discharged” and a company muster roll, both in GK M’s papers, show Pvt. Tipton Bradford, one of GK M’s fellow University of Virginia alumni and a single, twenty-year-old lawyer at his 1861 enlistment, discharged for disability 15 Sept. 1861; and Pvt. Samuel Byars, a single, twenty-¤veyear-old farmer at his enlistment, discharged for disability 1 Oct. 1861. Both hailed from Talladega. (Bradford is in some records as “Dradford”; Byars as “Bias”; some records show other dates or ages.) On Taul see the following undated document from the 16 Oct. 1861 Watchtower. 15. “Hamp” Russell’s father, Thomas H. Russell. See GK M’s 14–15 Nov. 1861 letter.

The following appeared in the Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 16 October 1861.

Undated Document A meeting of the Talladega Mountain Rangers having been called to take into consideration the resignation of Lieut. Micah Taul,1 Captain A. W. Bowie[, commanding,] set forth the object of the meeting in a few appropriate remarks, and on motion of Lieut. J. L. Stockdale, a committee of ¤ve was appointed to draft resolution[s] expressive of the sense of the meeting. The committee having retired a few moments, reported the following preamble and resolutions which were unanimously adopted: Whereas, through the effect of continued ill health, we have been deprived of our beloved of¤cer and congenial fellow soldier, Lieut. Micah Taul, therefore be it Resolved 1st,—That in his withdrawal from our company, we, as of¤cers feel and deeply deplore the loss of a true hearted soldier, a warm friend and zealous advocate of the interests and welfare of the Mountain Rangers. Resolved 2nd, That in his resignation, our army has lost an accom-

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 47

plished of¤cer, who had brought to the “tented ¤eld” a willing arm and a chivalrous soul, to do battle in defence of those principles which he had so strenuously maintained in the relation of a private citizen. Resolved 3d, That we deeply sympathize with him in his bodily af®ictions, and send with him our prayers for his speedy restoration to health and vigor. Resolved 4th, That we will ever cherish his association with us as a period unmarred by a single incident, of an unpleasant nature; and that in his departure from us, he has the best wishes and a “God speed” of each and every member of the Mountain Rangers. J. L. Stockdale, } J. A. Winbourn, } G. K. Miller, } Committee. A. W. Duncan, } G. A. Williams, } On motion of Lieut. N. B. DeArsman [sic],2 the secretary was instructed to transmit a copy of the above resolutions to Lieut. Taul, and also one to each of the Talladega papers for publication. Geo. K. Miller, Sect’y.

Notes for Undated Document 1. A native of Tennessee, twenty-eight-year-old 2d Lt. Micah Taul Jr. entered Confederate service with the company at Decatur 13 Aug. 1861. He went on sick leave 31 Aug. and resigned 15 Sept. 1861. He held minor posts in the state government both prior to and after the war. Some records show other ages and dates. 2. Twenty-six in 1861, 3d Lt. Newton B. DeArman entered Confederate service with the company at Decatur, Ala., 13 Aug. 1861. He was a native of Calhoun County, Ala., and a resident of Oxford. See n6 to GKM’s letter of 8 Sept. 1862. Almost all the men in the company who entered service 13 Aug. 1861 had, in fact, been members of the unit for some time. Records of their Confederate service commence with the date they of¤cially mustered into the Rebel army.

On 24 October Polk reorganized his enlarged force into four “divisions.” The Fourth Division came under the command of its senior colonel John S. Bowen. The division included two brigades (four regiments) of infantry—Bowen’s own, commanded by Col. John D. Martin, and that of Col. D. W. C. Bonham. Two artillery batteries—those of Capts. W. O. Williams (Tennessee) and Daniel

48 / Early Months at War

Beltzhoover (Louisiana)—also served in the division. Three cavalry companies completed the roster of Bowen’s units. The Louisiana Mounted Rangers, commanded by Capt. Jonathan ( John in some records) Warren Cole, joined the companies of Falkner and Bowie to constitute the division’s mounted arm. Cole, as senior, commanded the horsemen who formed “an unorganized Battalion of ‘Louisiana & Alabama’ Cavalry” known as Cole’s Battalion.1 In a postwar endorsement Miller noted that the following letter gives an account “with perhaps some exaggerations” of the Battle of Belmont, Missouri, fought 7 November 1861 on the right bank of the Mississippi River opposite Columbus, Kentucky.

14–15 November 1861 Camp Beauregard2 Near Feliciana, Ky., Nov: 14, 1861 My Dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: Your welcome letter was received on the evening of the 8th and read with more pleasure than any I ever remember of being the recipient. It had been a long, long time since a word of greeting had reached me from any quarter, and at the time a word from the quiet retreat of Equality[, S.C.,] was daily looked for and inquired after. I was wearied both in body and mind; and under the circumstances, what could be more cheering than a long, kind, and what was better, admonitory letter from you. On the fourth, ¤fth & sixth, besides my usual amount of duty, I had been hard at work early and late making pay-rolls with duplicates, correcting and making out monthly reports, besides several elaborate muster rolls. On the ¤rst we had marched 28 miles to a position south East of Columbus, and were there attached to a Brigade [of¤cially a “division”] under the command of Senior Colonel Jno. S. Bowen of the 1st Missouri Regiment.3 After changing position I had been very busy in arranging camp, establishing guard lines, &c. On the morning of the 7th at about 8 o’clock a heavy cannonade was heard in the direction of Columbus,4 & as our position constituted the extreme right of our army in and around Columbus, our Gen.5 apprehended a ®ank movement against our post. At 20 minutes past Eleven he dispatched an aid[e] to our Camp asking for a well-mounted and trusty noncommissioned of¤cer and three privates to proceed immedi-

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 49

ately to Columbus if necessary and ascertain the nature of the enemy’s movement. Capt. Bowie selected me for the post and told me to choose my companions, which I did, and we were in the saddle and at head quarters awaiting orders in ten minutes. Col. Bowen gave me instructions, and off we dashed towards Columbus. A hard ride of 18 miles brought us to Clinton, the County Seat of Hickman Co, [Ky,] where I was ordered to leave two of my men as a relief on my return. I stopped long enough to get a drink of water, and again struck a gallop which was scarcely broken until reaching Columbus, a distance of 12 more miles. On arriving there I found a desperate battle raging on the Missouri side of the Miss. [River] and immediately opposite the city. Above the town, some six miles there is a sudden bend in the river, and under cover of this, six steam-boats escorted by two gun-boats had landed 10 regiments, or over 7000 Linconites on the Missouri side, and while the Gun Boats came down and engaged the batteries at Columbus the land force made a detour and came upon the rear of some two regiments that we had posted opposite the town on the Missouri side. As soon as the movement of the enemy was ascertained, Gen. Pillow had carried over two additional regiments, when about 8 o’clock the whole force of the enemy attacked them under cover of thick woods while our men were exposed on open ground. For half an hour our brave boys withstood the ¤re and resisted the charges of an overwhelming force, and at last when not a round of ammunition remained they were ordered to retreat and take shelter under the river bank. The Yankees exulting in what they considered a speedy and complete victory followed up the retreat, rushed shouting into a regimental camp, waving the “stars & Stripes.” They set the camp on ¤re & cut the throats of our poor sick fellows who were unable to help themselves, and seized a battery that could not be worked [by the Confederates] for want of ammunition, and turned it with a battery of their own against our Steam boats that were carrying over reinforcements and ammunition. Our boys could not bear this, and the 11th La. [Infantry Regiment] charged them with the cold steel [bayonets], retook the captured battery, and about the same time our heavy guns on this side turned loose upon them, and they began to fall back. The gallant Gen. Cheatham had succeeded in landing part of his Brigade and with the 154th Tennessee [Infantry Regiment] turned the enemy’s right and soon had them in full retreat towards their boats.6 The tide was now turned and the enemy at

50 / Early Months at War

a full run had his ranks levelled every few hundred yards by our hotly pursuing column. In getting on board their boats they were crowded in dense masses and our muskets and ri®es piled the decks with the dead. Two pilots were killed and three wounded before one of the boats could leave her moorings, even tho’ during the whole time the Gun boats poured into the woods around and above our men a dreadful storm of Shot, shell & canister; large trees being severed and falling at every discharge. The victory was ours but gained at a severe cost—95 killed, over 200 wounded and about a hundred missing. Over 300 of the enemy were killed on the ¤eld and in the retreat besides those killed on the boats which the [Federal] of¤cers who came to bury the dead reported as quite a large number—100 or more.7 Having got what information I could at Columbus, I started back to report, but had gone but a short distance when I ascertained that a large force was advancing on us from the Kentucky side & threatening our position at Camp Beauregard.8 My poor horse was suffering severely, it being a warm day, but my information was important, and I put him to his speed reaching Clinton about 6 o’clock and wrote my commander a short note and sent my relief post haste with it to Camp. I was very weak from the exertion put forth and rested two hours; then started for camp. I was very much afraid that the enemy’s scouting parties who were not far off would overhaul my messenger, and many of the citizens urged me to stay all night at Clinton, assuring me that I would be intercepted, but I resolved to reach Camp that night or make a faithful trial at least. I had three excellent repeaters [revolvers] and my sabre, and preparing for any emergency pushed on to camp which I reached in safety before 12 p.m., having been absent about 12 hours and rode 60 miles [in] about 82 [hours]. I found our camp, composed of four regiments, a battalion of infantry, a battery of Artillery, and three companies of cavalry drawn up in proper position to receive the enemy, my messenger having got thro’ safe. The enemy ¤nding us prepared, retreated hastily towards Paducaha [sic].9 While at Columbus and while the battle was still raging I beheld sights that my boyhood’s vivid imagination never conjured up even when reading of the sanguinary con®icts of the Greeks, or the armies of Napoleon sweeping like a besom of destruction over the fair ¤elds of Europe. Steamers were constantly landing from the Missouri shore crowded with the wounded and dying of our own noble Southrons, and prisoners belonging to their oppressors’ ranks. Litters and ambulances were moving

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 51

to and fro bearing the wounded to different places of charity there to be subjected to the surgeon’s knife or soothed by gentle hands in the dying hour. I was exceedingly hungry from my hard ride and was invited by a fellow soldier into a house to share his meal. The room was divided into two apartments by hanging blankets on a cord across the middle. In one of those apartments I sat down to dinner while in the other was crowded 20 or more men wounded, some having arms or legs amputated others being cared for as their wounds required. But few groans were uttered. Along the streets could be seen many slightly wounded, showing their wounds and hastily telling over their adventures in the still continuing ¤ght. I saw about 100 prisoners, one a Col. of Artillery.10 Some of them were wounded. They were generally large robust men, well clothed and ¤nely armed. Hundreds of trophies were being shown to crowds of anxious lookers on. Strange to say all this did not affect me in the least. I noticed from what I saw and the reports since given that most of our killed were noble sons of Ireland—dying like heroes in defence of their adopted land.11 Among the killed and wounded I had Several friends and old school mates from Memphis. On Sunday, 10th, our force at Camp Beauregard advanced 18 miles to the town of May¤eld, the movement being intended to cut off a body of some 2000 Linconites that had issued from Paducah and were committing many depredations on private property. I was sent ahead of the army on a scout with 24 men all under the command of Capt. Falkner, of Ala.12 We left camp at 4 in the evening and galloped nearly all the way to May¤eld keeping ahead of the [railroad] cars that were slowly bringing up the infantry and artillery. We reached there just at night fall, and soon 3000 men could be seen bivouacking on an open ¤eld near the town. We had been there but a few moments when the long roll was sounded and all men were in battle array, a report having reached camp that a large force was advancing upon us. The report proved false, and we laid down upon our arms to be awakened in a few hours by a pelting rain. All of us had come too late owing to a messenger, sent with the order for advancing, having got drunk on the road and remained 24 hours over time. The birds had ®own, and we could do nothing but retrace our steps, the place not supplying enough water for us to remain. A negro spy sent by a Kentucky Tory to report our position and number, was arrested by our pickets and being well ®ogged divulged all he

52 / Early Months at War

knew. Before leaving, our little scouting party was sent out and succeeded in capturing three mules branded U.S. which the Yankees had left some hours before in their haste to ¤nd safety. These we brought back, causing a good laugh throughout our lines. We reached camp Monday night about 10 o’clock, having been in the saddle about 24 hours out of 30[?]. On my return I found that I had been elected 4th Sergeant of the company to ¤ll a vacancy caused by the discharge of Sergt. Jno. A. Winbourn whose reason had been permanently dethroned by continued ill health and grief at the loss of a young wife. Poor fellow, he was my mess-mate and bed-fellow, a high toned gentleman and lawyer of much promise.13 News came to camp a few days since of the battle at Port Royal on the shores of dear old Carolina; but our reverses there caused no feeling of alarm as all feel well assured that the myrmidons are welcome to all of the old former [in the U.S.?] state that they can hold.14 We are looking for a battle here hourly, and none are more willing than we to meet the enemy. Nov. 15. A hard rain-storm caused me to forego writing more last night, and to-day I have been busy working and overseeing a working party from our company. An attack being hourly expected, we have all been busy to-day felling the trees around our position, and of them erecting barricades to stop the approach of Cavalry and artillery. My hands are both well blistered and I am thoroughly tired, but not too much so to forego writing to you. As you supposed, both of your letters addressed to U[nion]. City[, Tenn.,] were duly received, but in truth, I have not had time to answer both, tho’ I sought it, and thought of it more then once every day. Those “occasionals” deserve more thanks than I can express on paper. O, you have no idea how cheering it is to know that there is some one far, far away so interested, so solicitous of the welfare of the amateur[?] soldier. I am always ready to say, bless the hand that penned them, bless the pure heart that dictated. But few of my friends here have been so considerate as yourself. Cellie, (allow me so to address you) I am so thankful to you for your last letter! I have read it several times and each time with increased satisfaction. Your counsel & admonitions awoke memory to the scenes of childhood when I leaned upon a Sainted mother’s knee and received her counsels & advice. I thank you from my heart, and accept with a full determination to follow, the advice so kindly, so sisterly given.

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 53

For your own dear sake, as well as my own good, I will lay aside those “sociables” to which I was somewhat, tho’ not Dovishly attached.15 I don’t remember having indulged [playing cards] before since last I wrote to you, but still the temptation was often overcome only thro’ a sense of duty. As you say, the facinations of such “sociables” are very great, and camp life presents a thousand allurements to decoy us from the paths of rectitude, with perhaps nothing but a sense of honour or the latent memories of early instruction, to combat and successfully resist them. How good in you then, and many others similarly situated, to rein[?] that sense or awaken those memories by timely & wholesome advice. I know full well that the demoralizing effect of camp life is, or should be apparent to you, and it is your own prerogrative to endeavor to overcome those effects; and what heart so hard as to turn a deaf ear to the gentle appeals of those he respects, cherishes and loves? None I trust—if any, they are almost unworthy such consideration. What would I not have given to have been present to receive that earnest request from your own lips—it certainly would have been more forcible but I trust, and time will show, not more effective. I not only take your suggestions in all “kindness” but [also] ask you to be my monitor[?]— tell me without reserve of all the “faults and follies” of which I am guilty. But there are others that I will strive to correct on your suggestion. I’m to have a new hat in a “few days” and as you promised you must send me a tiny Palmetto emblem of some kind to wear on it. I like to battle under that ensign. In this you must pardon me for throwing off all reserve—consider it a head & not a heart fault. Write as often as you can (if that is not asking too much), and long letters—When “news” run out [write] what you think. With thanks for your generous blessin[g] called down upon me, and a prayer that the same and better—as deserving—may be extend[ed] to you I am yours Affectionally K. Miller Address Care Capt A. W. Bowie Camp Beauregard Col. Jno. S. Bowen’s Near Feliciana Division Groves Co, Ky Of course you will excuse &c.

Notes for 14–15 November 1861 1. Confederates of¤cially designated many units by their commanders’ last names. Thus “Cole’s Battalion”—but not “Captain Cole’s battalion”—is a proper

54 / Early Months at War noun and is capitalized accordingly. The division’s Oct. report showed “present for duty”: 141 of¤cers and 2,081 enlisted men in the infantry regiments; 6 of¤cers and 155 enlisted men in the cavalry; and 4 of¤cers and 64 enlisted men in the artillery. 3OR, 723–24, 730; Arthur W. Bergeron Jr., Guide to Louisiana Confederate Military Units, 1861–1865 (Baton Rouge, 1989), 176–77. 2. This post, named for Gen. P. G. T. Beauregard, “hero” of Fort Sumter and of the First Battle of Manassas and later A. S. Johnston’s second in command in the West, stood near May¤eld, Graves County, Ky. It protected the Mobile & Ohio Railroad and the right ®ank of the force at Columbus. After the Confederates abandoned the camp late in Dec. 1861, Federal troops under Brig. Gen. (Later Maj. Gen.) Charles F. Smith, then commanding Union forces in western Kentucky quickly occupied the post. 3. Bowen, a Georgian, an 1853 U.S. Military Academy graduate, and in 1861 an architect in Saint Louis, entered state service with the secessionist forces before organizing the 1st Mo. Inf. Regt. Named brigadier general in Confederate service in Mar. 1862 and major general in May 1863, he died 13 July 1863 from illness contracted during the siege of Vicksburg. Per Polk’s 24 Oct. order, he had been named commander of the Fourth Division of the Columbus area forces and placed in command at Camp Beauregard. 4. The Battle of Belmont, Mo., then under way across the Mississippi from Polk’s base at Columbus. 5. Almost certainly a reference to Col. Bowen. See GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter. 6. The two regiments GK M mentions (the latter a militia unit that kept its antebellum state designation in Confederate service) were among reinforcements sent from Columbus during the battle. 7. Polk reported 105 killed, 419 wounded, 117 missing (total: 641); the Federals, 85 killed, 301 wounded, 99 missing (total: 485). Brig. Gen. (later Lt. Gen.) Ulysses S. Grant, commanding the Union force, reported that he lost only 3 wounded by Confederate ¤re against the steamboats. 3OR, 271, 310. Each side commonly exaggerated, often wildly, the other’s casualties. After the battle Union and Confederate of¤cers met under ®ag of truce to deal with burial of the dead, care of the wounded, and exchange of prisoners. Correspondence concerning these matters is in OR, ser. 2, vol. 1, 510–30. During a social break after one of these conferences a Northern of¤cer is supposed to have offered a toast “To George Washington, the father of our common country”—to which Polk quickly added as he raised his glass, “And the ¤rst rebel.” 8. To distract the Confederates from the expedition against Belmont, Federal forces moved from Paducah toward both Columbus and May¤eld. 3OR, 271–72; 4OR, 346. 9. The infantry regiments were the 10th Ark., 22d and 25th Miss., and 1st Mo.; the cavalry companies those of Cole, Falkner, and Bowie. The artillery was

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 55 probably Williams’s Tenn. battery or the Pettus Flying Artillery, a Mississippi unit under Capt. Alfred Hudson. (Beltzhoover’s battery was then at Columbus/ Belmont.) I have not been able to identify a “battalion” of infantry. GK M may have referred to the 9th Ark., which was, or soon became a part of, Bowen’s command. See 3OR, 723–24. 10. Probably Col. Henry Dougherty, of the 22d Ill. Inf. Regt., commanding a brigade when he was wounded thrice and captured. 3OR, 271, 293. 11. Contrast with GK M’s comments in several later letters about German immigrants ¤ghting for the Union. Southerners usually took a more favorable view of the Irish than they did of the Germans. GK M made no reference to the large number of Irishmen in the Federal ranks. 12. Jefferson Falkner, an elderly lawyer and Methodist minister from Chambers County, entered Confederate service at La Fayette 25 July 1861. His company of Alabama cavalry served in the same battalion, and later regiment, with Bowie’s. See 3OR, 699, and GK M’s manuscript history of the 8th Confederate Cavalry (ADAH), 1. 13. Winbourn received a thirty-day medical furlough 31 Oct. 1861 (last record on ¤le). Some records show 1 Nov. as the date of discharge. The company roster in GK M’s Papers is so mutilated at the place where his name appears that it is impossible to make out more than the words “Discharged for.” 14. On 7 Nov. a Union expedition captured Confederate forts at, and occupied the area around, Port Royal Sound on the South Carolina coast about halfway between Charleston and Savannah. 15. See GK M’s 8 Oct. 1861 letter.

When Miller wrote the following, Bowie’s Mountain Rangers had been combined with Falkner’s and Cole’s companies to form a battalion. As senior of¤cer, Cole assumed command of the new force. Soon, however, his replacement appeared. Maj. (later Col.) Richard Henry Brewer reported and took his place at the head of the unit. For several months the new command bore the designation “Brewer’s Battalion” or “Brewer’s Mounted Rangers.”

7 January 1862 Camp Beauregard Jan. 7—1862 My Dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: A slight indisposition puts it in my power to indulge in what has alway[s] proved a pleasure to me—writing to you. Many have been the opportunities that I have sought of late to write, but the many hardships

56 / Early Months at War

of the winter’s campaign in the West have conspired to prevent us poor soldiers from sending scarcely a word to the “loved ones at home.” When I tell you that I didn’t get more than 24 hours sleep during Christmas week, some idea may be found of the trying duties to be performed and the [lack of] opportunities for corresponding. I do not know what better [way?] I could ¤nd to interest [you?] than to narrate my many adventures of “®ood and ¤eld” since last I wrote,1 but really, I have had so much to do—have been so confused that the whole seems like an incoherent jumble—nothing, or at least but little, being vividly impressed on the mind. Up to Christmas day I had been almost the whole time on the scout, sometimes with a party of 20 or 25, at other times with the whole company trying to trap the scouting parties of the enemy. Christmas day I managed to get into camp and amused myself by making a large plum pudding & baking a turkey, both of which I succeeded in much beyond my expectations, or my experience would warrant. I know you would have laughed heartily to see me with my sleeves up “pitching in” like a centenarian in the culinary department. Nevertheless, I succeeded and we had a merry Christmas dinner—some 25 Southrons participating. Our dinner was scarcely ¤nished when “Orders” came, & 20 of us prepared for a 36 hour’s trip. We had to go some 25 miles & “press” wagons to haul lumber to camp for winter quarters.2 Our road was no road at all but a North easterly direction thro’ swamps and over barrens, to be followed [on?] a dark, dismal December night. We made the trip, but many a countenance was marred by briars & black-jack limbs. We “pressed in” 16 Unionists’ wagons & teams next day & by night had 13 thousand [board?] feet of lumber 10 miles from camp at an accessable place on the Rail Road. While we were out [a] report came to camp that there were 200 Yankees coming down on our party and “orders” came to return immediately to camp—another night’s ride brought us back. On our return we found every thing astir; our whole division excepting the cavalry had been ordered to Bowling Green[, Ky.,] where a great battle was hourly expected. We parted with our commander, Col. Bowen, with much reluctance, but he was not allowed to take us with him. The same day that he left Gen. Alcorn with a brigade of sixty-day Mississippians arrived and took command of the post.3 When we left our lumber on the Rail Road a guard from our company had been sent up to where it was, & the bold Yankees hearing of 15 of our men being that far from camp, posted Gen. Wallace off from Padu-

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 57

cah with 450 or 500 cavalry to capture them, but as good fortune would have it the lumber was brought down & the guard removed some 2 hours before the valiant Gen. arrived.4 A Mr. Pryor came into our camp at dark & reported that the enemy had surrounded his house at 4 o’clock in the evening. Our camp had been moved during the day about a mile to where our winter quarters were under process of erection. All of us were worn out lifting, packing up, &c., &c. I had just ¤nished supper & broken open your letter & was enjoying myself reading it when Lieut. McElderry then in command of the company, came to me to order all the men to saddle up as quietly as possible.5 In half an hour our battalion of cavalry & 100 of Maj. K ing’s mounted men were on the road in pursuit of the enemy.6 It was a bitter, cold night, and the ground being frozen hard our poor horses suffered dreadfully as well as the men. For 30 miles we hurried on sometimes at a full gallop, but the Yankees had got [too?] much the start of us & fearing pursuit had kept it. About an hour before day the head of our column came up to a house where there were three horses hitched. The horses were seized & a rush made for the house, but the riders had heard the noise & ®ed the back way. It proved to be a Yankee lover who had stopped to woo his Dinah while his companions, more considerate, were waiting for a warm breakfast. I don’t know whether the “question” was “popped” or not, but the breakfast was certainly not enjoyed. We took their horses and pushed on, & when within about a mile of a small place called Viola we came upon the enemy’s picket ¤res. We were immediately dismounted and formed in line to ¤ght on foot & there being but one commissioned Of¤cer with the company I was placed in charge of one half. As soon as we dismounted & formed in line the order was given to “double quick,” & down the road we went at a full run. But our guides had been deceived as to the position of the enemy, they being advanced nearly half a mile farther. Our company was then ordered back to horse as quick as possible & of all the scampering to be the ¤rst to mount & get in line that ever was seen—that beat all. I was running my best with my sabre dangling by my side when it tript me up, & I fell sprawling on the hard frozen ground. It was so ridiculous that I could not help laughing at myself altho’ within musket shot of an enemy. However, in a few moments we were in the saddle & with drawn sabres went charging down the road, when all at once we heard the enemy’s bugle sound and immediately after such a clatter of horses feet as beat

58 / Early Months at War

anything in my experience. On we rushed as fast as our already jaded horses could carry us, & soon a turn in the road brought us in view of the rear of the valiant Gen. W’s Yankee column, rushing away at full speed. For four miles we kept up a hot pursuit; but all in vain, the foe was too nimble, his horses being comparatively fresh. We run them up to the picket lines of Paducah—we 250 strong after a march of 35 miles drove the gallant General, with nearly or quite double the number of our own men, up to his own barricades & then quietly withdrew without them ¤ring a gun at us. So much for what like to have been the battle of Viola.7 It took us all that day to regain camp, & you have no idea how bad I felt on reaching it to ¤nd my poor Don P. nearly ruined by the hard ride over frozen ground & without [horse]shoes. But we had scarcely reached camp when news came that the enemy were advancing against us on another road, & up we mounted for another night’s ride which was executed in vain as no enemy was near or had any notion of coming. We returned to camp where we found Gen. Alcorn with his militia (for they were nothing more) preparing to fall back fearing that he was unable to hold the post.8 We were ordered to pack up & prepare to fall back—we did so and were ready to leave when “orders” came for us to unpack, & wait till the valiant militia could get off, & cover the retreat. Maybe we were not mad, considering it a shameful abandonment of an important military position. Well, the militia got off, & “orders” came for us to pack up again & send our baggage 16 miles to the rear. Well, our baggage was packed & got ten miles on the way when “orders” came to have it stopped and brought back—that the cavalry must hold the post—yes, four companies of cavalry & one of those without arms, was to hold a post that three regiments of troops(?) were afraid they could not hold when assisted by the cavalry.9 Well, we again pitched camp & out of four companies had to get picket-guards for four roads, battallion guards for two camps, & guards for the different positions within the post bounds. This kept us nearly all on duty day & night. The day the militia left it was reported to their general that 28000 Federals were within eighteen miles & advancing on us. I had been now three nights in the saddle with scarcely a wink of sleep when our Major [K ing? Brewer?10] called me and asked if I thought I could ride all night on an important but exceedingly dangerous mission. I replied that I had begun to believe that there were few things that a

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 59

soldier couldn’t endure. He then told me that he wished me to advance up the road down which the enemy was coming, patrol it thoroughly, & if possible ascertain the number & position of the enemy. I told him that I would do so to the best of my ability. He asked how many men I wanted—I replied one for company would probably be enough & that more would perhaps make too much noise for the service to be performed. But he disagreed with me & said I must take at least six, so off with six I started for the important(?) service. Well, all that cold January night we rode the May¤eld road, going six miles beyond where the 28000 enemy were reported to be—& not an enemy did we see, & I learned from old Mrs. Reliable that they were actually 10 miles farther off yet & still making distance between us—in number some 500.11 I returned completely exhausted & have been quite unwell ever since—in fact excessive duty has put me off duty for the ¤rst time since leaving home. But I have not told all yet. After I came back from my important(?) service “orders” came for us to move our camp after having worked a month & more to build good stables for our horses. And then to move only a mile & put up stables again. This is terrible in my humble opinion. But we have a new Of¤cer at the head of our battallion one Maj. Brewer, of the old regular [U.S.] army—one of those men who know all set down in the books—stands on punctillioss—wants volunteers to do like regulars—work with the spade & axe more than the sword & bayonet— and who thinks men like us are on an equal footing with the [enlisted career soldier] hirelings they have commanded—men whose souls never echoed to a sentiment nobler than the vilest oath—whose sense of honour never extended farther than having a bright musket & keeping out of the guard house. But this is all between you & me for we soldiers are not allowed to view stripes, gold lace, & a compound of brass & “absurd pomp” [i.e., of¤cers] with critics eyes. I write this merely to let you have an inside view of what, outwardly, appears quite attractive to the eye.12 Well, in short I am still at Camp Beauregard, now a cavalry post under the command of a true Christian Gentleman & old South Carolinian, Lieut. Col. Miller of the Mississippi cavalry.13 Col. Logwood’s Tenn. Battallion of cavalry will be here shortly.14 Christmas Eve our army lost one of its noblest souls in the death of Col Bonum of the 22d Miss. Regtmt., a relation of your own gallant general, and the very embodiment of all that was high-toned and chivalrous.15 But I expect you are wearied with this sort of narrative; if so excuse me. I am by nature con¤ding, and as

60 / Early Months at War

I have no other to whom I would more readily con¤de than you, I am guilty of writing thus to you. How tantalizing you ladies are! “I have a message for you but—” said that’s too bad to keep a poor soul in suspense, & for so long a time too. I have been looking for one of those welcome occasionals ever since with that message. I’ve been trying ever since to guess what it can be. I hope it is something “tender” for you’ve no idea how consoling something of that nature is coming as it would to greet us surrounded by the asperities of life in their most unwelcome form. As I have not had an opportunity of writing, you must tell me in your next where Hamilton R[ussell]. is. I wish to write to him & it may be that he has rejoined his regiment. Tell me how Miss Besie[?] is & how [where?] she is. It does me good to hear of my not old, but new friends in South Carolina, for the most pleasant associations of my life rise up to memory when I think of my visit to your neighbourhood; & I look forward to a future day when I will have it in my power to repeat it.—But I’m indulging in castle building [in air] & when I remember that a few more moments will bring the bugle call for “Lights out,” which will carry me to my pillow (to dream of scouts, picket guard, &c., &c., which will leave anything but so pleasant an impression on my mind). You must write soon, very soon & plenty of occasionals for you don’t know how cheering they are. You must excuse the disjointedness of this letter as you would, I know, if you knew how bad I am feeling at present, & which may in a measure palliate anything tending to gloominess. Write soon, be sure & don’t forget that message, for which I will send the best love of your very dear friend K nox

Notes for 7 January 1862 1. “Flood and ¤eld” is a common phrase, but the fact that GK M put it in quotation marks may indicate that he took it from Byron’s “Mazeppa,” where it appears several times; for example, sec. 2, 3; and sec. 4, 106. 2. Press, to impress; to take private property for military use. 3. On 21 Nov. 1861, in response to the threatening military situation in the Mississippi Valley, the state of Mississippi called out ten thousand troops for emergency sixty days’ service. About half these men, under Brig. Gen. James L. Alcorn, were sent to western Kentucky to bolster Confederate forces there. Posted ¤rst at Columbus, Alcorn’s troops moved to Camp Beauregard when Bowen’s Division left for Bowling Green. Alcorn, as senior of¤cer present, as-

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 61 sumed command at Camp Beauregard. He was an important political ¤gure in Mississippi both before and after the war, serving as governor from 1869 to 1871. The state troops left active service in the late winter of 1861–62. 4. Brig. Gen. (later Maj. Gen.) Lew Wallace. 5. Second Lt. John S. McElderry entered service with the company 15 July 1861 and mustered into Confederate service with it 13 Aug. 1861 at Decatur. See GK M’s 14 June 1862 and 13 May 1864 letters, as well as his 1906 article “Cavalry Fight in Varnell, Ga.” (chap. 10). 6. Almost certainly Maj. Henry Clay K ing, whose 1st Ky. Cav. Battln. was stationed in the area. 7OR, 803. 7. Wallace’s account of the 28–31 Dec., “Expedition to Camp Beauregard and Viola, Ky.,” is in 7OR, 66–68. He con¤rms GK M’s description of the area (“one long stretch of scrub-oak and dense chaparral, broken now and then by a farm or clearing”) and of three of his guides who “were foolish enough, without my knowledge or consent, to sleep outside of my lines on Sunday [29 Dec.] night, and, while barely escaping themselves, lost their horses to the enemy.” He, however, depicts the Federals’ return to Paducah in a somewhat different light. 8. Alcorn called his men “inexperienced shot-gun militia.” 7OR, 813. 9. The force at Camp Beauregard comprised Alcorn’s sixty-day Mississippi troops and the cavalry units that had been a part of Bowen’s command. Alcorn’s Brigade consisted of three regiments of infantry and one company of cavalry, the last commanded by Capt. C. McLawner. The other three units were the companies of Bowie, Coles, and Falkner. McLawner’s Mississippians were the unarmed troopers. Alcorn put his strength as of 31 Dec. at seventeen hundred privates, but he probably meant only his militia units, possibly only his infantry. See 7OR, 783, 790, and 813. 10. On Brewer see n12 this letter. 11. “Reliable”—a term GK M used on several occasions—referred to the “reliable source” or “a reliable gentleman,” the oft-cited source for (often erroneous) reports in the Confederate press. 12. Richard H. Brewer, a Marylander, had graduated twelfth of twenty-seven men in the U.S. Military Academy Class of 1858. After service as a lieutenant in the 1st Dragoon Regt., he resigned 13 May 1861 to offer his services to the Confederate government, from which he received a commission as lieutenant of cavalry in the regular army. He served as Polk’s acting assistant adjutant general and then as a major (provisional army and soon promoted to lieutenant colonel) to command the 2d Battln., Miss. and Ala. Cav. In his postwar account of his unit’s history, GK M praised Brewer for having made the battalion a welldrilled unit. See GK M’s 27 July 1862 and 12 Feb. 1914 letters as well as his “Notes on the 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” 13. John H. Miller, 1st Miss. Cav. Battln., a Presbyterian minister. His unit

62 / Early Months at War reached Camp Beauregard in late Dec. to support Alcorn’s force. 7OR, 808–9, 812–13; Dunbar Rowland, Military History of Mississippi, 1803–1898 (Spartanburg, S.C., 1978), 377–78. 14. Lt. Col. Thomas H. Logwood’s battalion, which became part of the 7th Tenn. Cav. Regt. Lindsley, Military Annals of Tenn., 2:635–36. GK M’s company had earlier (and brie®y) been a part of this unit. 15. D. W. C. Bonham, whose relationship, if any, to former brigadier general and South Carolina governor Milledge L. Bonham is not known. Colonel Bonham had commanded one of the brigades in Bowen’s Division.

Between the time Miller mailed his 7 January letter and the midApril day when he penned the following account of recent events the Confederacy’s military fortunes had undergone a major change. Union forces had won several crucial victories in Kentucky and West Tennessee and compelled the secessionists to abandon those areas and retreat southward to Corinth in northeastern Mississippi. Miller’s unit did not participate in these engagements. Thoroughly alarmed, Confederate authorities concentrated a large army to regain the lost territory. As these reinforcements arrived, the Rebels deployed part of their cavalry, including Brewer’s Battalion, in the area north of Corinth and west of the Tennessee River. Based at Purdy and supported by an infantry division, those horsemen were positioned to cover the northern (left) ®ank of the gathering army at Corinth. During the three months between Miller’s letters, the army’s mounted arm underwent many changes as the consolidation of cavalry units continued. Sometime in March, Captain Cole’s Louisiana company transferred out of the battalion. Brewer received four Mississippi companies that previously had constituted a battalion commanded by Maj. Charles Baskervill.1 With the addition of Baskervill’s men, Brewer’s command became the “2d Mississippi and Alabama Cavalry Battalion.” As major, Baskervill stood second in command to Brewer who had been elevated to lieutenant colonel. The battalion became in March (perhaps earlier) one of four such commands constituting the separate “Unattached” mounted units of what had been Polk’s West Tennessee force based at Columbus.2 For a short while Polk styled his command the “First Grand Division, Army of the Mississippi.” Soon, however, it became known as “Polk’s Corps.”

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 63

In mid-April Miller again found time to bring Celestine up to date.3

15 April 1862 Camp Purdy, Tenn.4 April 15 ’62 My Dear Friend [Celestine McCann]: Doubtless you have come to the conclusion long since this that your correspondent in the West was either killed, taken prisoner, or had died from disease; but I assure you nothing of the kind has happened—on the contrary I am still among the living, but write at present from a sick bed out in the wild woods near the town of Purdy and about six miles from a Yankee army of about 150,000 men. Your last letter was received at Paris, Tenn., so long ago that I cannot remember the date, but we were just on the eve of a long march, & I had no opportunity of answering immediately. Since then I have written you three different letters but being constantly on the march did not ¤nd an opportunity of mailing any of them. So many and varied have been the scenes thro’ which I have passed since I last wrote that I scarcely know where to begin any thing like a lucid narrative. K nowing that if I were to indulge in details it would extend to a small volume, consequently I will have to omit much & give only a slight hint at more. On the 5th of Feb. our own & three other battallions of cavalry were ordered from Camp Beauregard to the assistance of Fort Henry on the Tenn. [River], but before we reached it the gallant Tilghman was forced to surrender.5 We then proceeded southward to Paris, Tenn., to protect that place from the forays of the enemy. While near this place we had several little encounters with the Lincon cavalry. From Paris we were ordered to Columbus[, Ky.,] which we reached about the ¤rst of March, just in time to aid in dismantling the forti¤cations at that place prior to its evacuation; which done, we covered the retreat of our army & burnt the winter quarters of about 25,000 troops as we retired. We then proceeded to “Union city,” Tenn., where we remained several days still covering the retreat of Gen. Polk’s army.6 From U. City we marched thro’ almost impassable swamps to Humbol[d]t, Tenn., and at last fell back to Purdy, Tenn., where the left wing of the “Army of the Mississippi” was stationed.7 While here a small squad of our men had a skirmish with the enemy, killing eight or ten & capturing three.

64 / Early Months at War

On the 4th of April we received orders to prepare three days rations & send home all of our baggage except what we could easily carry upon our horses. Our tents were at the same time taken from us & the night of the 4th was passed without shelter in a pelting rain. On the morning of the 5th the left wing marched out from the camp at Purdy & took a southeasterly direction and at night reached the main body of our forces drawn up in line of battle at Pea Ridge some four miles from the Tenn. River & within two miles of the enemy whose camps extended from Pittsburg landing some two miles to the west & about ¤ve miles up & down the river bank. The night was beautiful and we slept on our arms in the open air.8 At 52 o’clock next morning [6 April] we were awakened by the rattle of musketry immediately in front of where we were bivouacked, & in a few minutes we were in the saddle and marching towards the enemy. At 6 o’clock our artillery opened on the enemy, & by 7 the battle became general all along the lines. On the right the contest was raging, and we could tell by the deafening discharges of heavy & small arms that Bragg was pressing the enemy hotly.9 Before reaching the lines our battallion was halted in a beautiful grove where we could see the smoke rising from [the] contending columns. The scene had a commingling of the sublime & beautiful. A balmy spring morning, the air puri¤ed by recent rains, the sun just rising in all its splendor, the trees with their buds just peeping forth, and the little birds caroling forth their matin[?] hymn. Add to this the “marshalling in arms,” the serried ranks with ®ashing swords & glittering bayonets moving with steady tramp to the ¤eld of carnage. And then to see those ranks where stood many of our noblest sons, the darlings of the family circle, reared to manhood with all of fond parent’s care—to see them, when the stern “Forward!” rang out, lifting their straining eyes to heaven, consecrating their souls to God & presenting their bodies a living sacri¤ce to their country. Such a scene I never before beheld, & with all thought upon the subject, fell far short of realizing it until it was presented face to face.10 Our halt in the grove was short, our battallion being ordered to support one of our [artillery] batteries that was playing on the enemy’s right, we were soon in the midst of the ¤ght and subjected to a perfect storm of grape, canister, bombs, & winged shot. We had been behind our battery but a few minutes when one of my comrades, Corporal Murphree, was shot dead within a few fours of me—his head was almost entirely

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 65

shot away. In about a minute afterwards another man was struck with a grape shot about six feet to the left of me & fell dead with a single groan.11 The enemy’s battery that was making sad havoc with our ranks was soon silenced by our battery and the infantry having dashed forward we soon had the enemy’s advanced camp & were pushing steadily on. Passing over the space where our battery stood & the enemy’s camp, the ground was litterally covered with dead. The camp was a shocking scene—the large & splendid tents were riddled with cannon shot & in them were numbers of dead & dying having been wounded and crawled there for protection. Here we had captured the ¤rst of the enemy’s batteries and a splendid one it was. In this [battery], one of our shots had played sad havoc, having struck a caisson bursting it & killing nine men and six horses. But I will not attempt to describe every scene for it would be impossible. The battle raged now over an extent of at least ¤ve miles, and from one end to the other of this vast line shout after shout from our brave boys told that we were driving the enemy before us. Inch by inch the enemy stubbornly contested the ground, but never for once did they await a charge [by] bayonets, running generally or at least retreating after our men came too close upon them to allow [them] time to load. Position after position and camp after camp was taken, and when night closed in we had driven them from all their camps except one near the river bank where it was under the protecting ¤re of their gun-boats. Seven or eight brigade encampments, ¤ve batteries, and some 5,000 prisoners were the fruits of this hard day’s ¤ght. At length “Our bugle sang truce For the night cloud had lowered And the sentinel stars set their watch in the sky And thousands had sunk on the ground overpowered The weary to sleep & the wounded to die.” O! What a scene was that for a Sabbath eve’s moon to look down upon! Then over a span of miles lay “rider & horse, friend and foe, in one red burial blent.” 12 Our wounded were mostly carried from the ¤eld, but the ground was strewn with the dead of both sides and hundreds of the enemy’s wounded. The enemy had the most beautiful camp that I ever beheld—every thing was neat and orderly—the tents handsome in themselves were beauti-

66 / Early Months at War

fully arranged & supplied with all the conveniences that one could think of. Clothing of the ¤nest quality in abundance was to be found in the Quarter-Masters department, while the “sutler’s” tents & cabins furnished almost any luxury that an epicure might ask for. On these luxuries our soldiers feasted highly, and I assure [you] they were duly appreciated, as many [of the Confederates] had been on short allowance for several days. Some got suits of clothes, others stationery and I am now writing with a yankee pencil on Yankee paper. Daguerrotypes, letters, &c. were in abundance. But I feel too bad to tell you all I saw—I was sent on picket guard at night & had to stand about a quarter of a mile from the enemy’s position & where I could hear their teamsters cursing & swearing during the night. About midnight a heavy rain fell adding to the sufferings of the wounded who made the night hideous with their groans & cries. I could hear and count the arrivals & departures of the Yankee’s [steam]boats during the night & from their number knew that they were either withdrawing or reinforcing heavily. Dawn explained it all for with the light came the sharpshooters all around us and I came very near being cut off & taken prisoner—¤ve minutes more & I would have been a gone case[?] together with 12 men that were with me.13 I had but just rejoined my command when the enemy in overwhelming numbers advanced against our left wing at the same time making a feint against our right. On our left the ¤ght raged furiously until two o’clock in the evening, when the line of battle became changed & our left fell back about a half mile. The ¤ght continued about an hour longer when Beauregard ordered Gen. Bragg to draw off his forces, our men being worn out with the two days ¤ght while the enemy outnumbered us four to one with fresh troops.14 Our army withdrew in good order & at a slow pace, the enemy being too badly crippled to follow even thro’ their own camps. We brought off almost all the artillery that we had captured, numbering some 30 splendid brass [artillery] pieces,15 together with some sixty or seventy wagons & teams—a great many arms—ammunition & camp equipage—we burnt one or two of their camps & would have destroyed all but for the fact that many wounded would have been consumed in the ®ames. Gen A. S. Johnston fell the ¤rst day & also Gen. Gladden, the same who led the Palmetto Regiment in Mexico. Our loss in of¤cers was very severe. The Federal general Prentiss was among the prisoners.16 Such was the great battle of Shiloh fought on the 6th & 7th with no

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 67

de¤nite result. The enemy’s loss was much greater than ours, but altogether it may be considered a drawn battle. We had about 35000 men on the ¤eld while the enemy at no time had less than 75000.17 I passed thro’ the whole of the ¤ght without a scratch. Our company had but one man killed & but two or three slightly wounded—but some half dozen of our horses fell on the ¤eld. I cannot sit up to write more at present. Excuse a pencilled letter as I have no pen & ink—also bad writing for I feel so bad that I cannot write & would not to any one else but you. Direct to me at Corinth, Care Capt. Bowie, Brewer’s Battallion. Write soon for I am nearly dead for a letter from you. Yours ever G. K. Miller

Notes for 15 April 1862 1. Baskervill’s name is usually spelled “Baskerville,” but his signature in his service record seems not to include the “e.” His battalion was also called both the 2d and the 4th Miss. Cav. Battln. It had previously served with the Army of Central Kentucky at Bowling Green and had retreated with that force to Corinth. See Baskervill to Maj. George Williamson, 28 Mar. 1862, in Baskervill’s service record. 2. The others were the battalions of K ing, Miller, and Logwood. See 10OR2, 306; and notes 6, 13, and 14 to 7 Jan. 1862 letter. 3. Reports and correspondence covering the period between GK M’s letters are in 7OR and 10OR. 4. Purdy was (the town has virtually disappeared) some eighteen miles north of Corinth. Confederate forces there protected the Rebel army at Corinth against a Union advance up the left bank of the Tennessee River. Brewer’s Battalion returned to the Purdy area in the weeks after Shiloh. 7OR, 808, 816–17, 829, 897–98, 912; 10OR2, 366–68. 5. The other battalions were those of Logwood, King, and Miller. Fort Henry stood on the right bank of the Tennessee River just south of the KentuckyTennessee border. Union gunboats compelled its commander, Brig. Gen. Lloyd Tilghman, to surrender the post 6 Feb. 6. The fall of Fort Henry on 6 Feb. and of nearby Fort Donelson on the Cumberland River a few days later opened West Tennessee to the Federals and forced the Confederates to evacuate their posts in Kentucky and most of those in West Tennessee lest they be cut off by Yankee troops moving up the two rivers. Polk’s force fell back to a Union City-Dresden-Huntington-Lexington line with his cavalry posted to the north. His report of the evacuation is in 7OR, 437–38. The Confederates soon began to regroup at Corinth while maintaining several

68 / Early Months at War advanced outposts, one at Purdy. Polk reported on 12 Jan. 1862 that he had about 12,800 men “ready for duty” at Columbus, ibid., 829. 7. The Army of the Mississippi (sometimes without the “the”) was the major Confederate force operating in the area between the Appalachian Mountains and the Mississippi River. It was renamed the Army of Tennessee 20 Nov. 1862. Later other Southern forces in the state of Mississippi sometimes bore the designation “Army of (the) Mississippi.” To complicate matters, one of the Federal forces in the area was also designated “the Army of the Mississippi.” 8. Albert Sidney Johnston had formed his reinforced Confederates into an army of some forty-¤ve thousand men and advanced northeast from Corinth to attack the Union army that had moved up the Tennessee River to a point on the left bank just north of the Tennessee-Mississippi border. His attack early on 6 Apr. caught the Federals by surprise. 9. Maj. Gen. (later Gen.) Braxton Bragg commanded a “corps” of the Rebel army at Shiloh. Promoted to full general effective 12 Apr. 1862, he took command of the army in June 1862 and held that post until Dec. 1863. He proved a controversial of¤cer whose inability to get along with many of his subordinates greatly weakened the Confederate war effort. 10. An Iowa soldier also noticed birds chirping that morning. Larry J. Daniel, Shiloh: The Battle that Changed the Civil War (New York, 1997), 231. Brewer’s reports of his battalion’s role at Shiloh are in 10OR1, 461–63; see also 529. The battalion entered the battle on the left ®ank of Polk’s “Corps.” 11. Aaron Murphree (“Murphrie” in some records), twenty-eight at enlistment, had joined GK M’s company 15 July 1861. In battle, cavalrymen operated in groups of four. If the unit fought dismounted, one held the horses. GK M wrote later in this letter that only one of his company was killed at Shiloh. The company’s roll (in GK M’s Papers) shows only Murphree killed in the battle. In an undated report Brewer gave the battalion’s losses as 5 killed, 12 wounded, 2 missing; on 19 Apr. he listed 2 killed, 10 wounded, and 1 missing. 10OR1, 462–63. 12. The ¤rst quotation is from “The Soldier’s Dream” (1804) by Scots poet Thomas Campbell; the second, from Lord Byron’s “Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage,” 3:252. 13. Reinforced during the night, the Yankees counterattacked on 7 Apr. and gradually pushed the Southerners back. See GK M’s description of this night in his 12 Feb. 1914 letter. 14. Beauregard succeeded to command of the army on 6 Apr., when Johnston was killed, and commanded it until mid-June. His decision to halt the attacks late on 6 Apr. generated controversy. As late as 5 Nov. 1864, however, GK M expressed con¤dence in him. In his 12 Feb. 1914 letter, he criticized Beauregard’s 6 Apr. 1862 decision. In so doing, he re®ected an opinion then widespread among white Southerners. See also GK M’s 7 Jan. 1863 letter.

31 May 1861–17 April 1862 / 69 15. Daniel, Shiloh, 306–7, estimates that the Southerners got perhaps four more cannon than they lost as well as thousands of small arms. 16. Mortally wounded 6 Apr., Brig. Gen. Adley H. Gladden of Louisiana, born in South Carolina, had commanded the latter state’s “Palmetto Regiment” in the Mexican War. Brig. Gen. (later Maj. Gen.) Benjamin Prentiss commanded a Union division. His 6 Apr. defense of a key position slowed the Rebel attack, gaining time for other Yankees to organize resistance to the onslaught. 17. On the ¤rst day of the battle the Confederates outnumbered the enemy roughly 45,000 to 42,000. Another Federal division of about 7,500 men was nearby but not engaged. About 18,000 Union reinforcements arrived during the night. Total Confederate casualties numbered 10,699 plus losses in several units that did not submit reports. The Federals suffered 13,047 casualties. Shiloh was, in fact, a major strategic disaster for the Confederates.

In a postwar endorsement Miller called the following document a “continuation or addendum” to the letter of 15 April. It is on separate sheets of paper.

17 April 1862 Friday April 17—621 No opportunity being found to mail my letter I write a few additional lines Not that I have any thing of great interest to add but merely because it affords me a pleasure to write to you, and especially this morning as I feel much better than when I last wrote. Before this reaches you the intelligence of a great battle will probably have anticipated it as the two armies are gradually approximating each other. When it does come off it will either be a great victory or a severe defeat on our side. The enemy comes with overwhelming numbers on whom much is staked.2 If we fail in this, there is yet plenty of ground to ¤ght the invader on. I learn that his foot is already upon the soil of my own state, Huntsville having been occupied.3 News has also come of the surrendering of Fort Pulaski—sad indeed, but not dispiriting.4 You must write to me immediately—a good long letter. Tell me how you progress with your school—but I’ve no doubt you are getting along ¤nely. Without any attempt at ®attery, I think you will make a model “School marm.” I wouldn’t mind taking a few lessons in “shooting” myself. I have heard complaints from several quarters of the Virginia girls but none from Ky. or Tenn.—at least no admonitions have come to me

70 / Early Months at War

from Ala. In the ¤rst place, I suppose, because no one in Ala. had the prerogative of complaining to me, and if they had it would have been better to point in a different direction for the cause of uneasiness—but it may be that the dear cause is so secluded that it would be dif¤cult for the curious or jealous to ¤nd aught of her whereabouts. That sweet souvenir— those pretty violets placed in my pocket testament[—]are preserved & cherished—they passed with me thro’ the trying ordeal of the last great battle—a shielding God protected me & them from all harm even where the Angel of Death tarried most.5 At some future time—if spared by My God—I will tell you much of those two days of bloodshed. Adieu for the present. I will be a good boy for your dear sake K nox

Notes for 17 April 1862 1. In 1862 Friday fell on 18 Apr. 2. After Shiloh the Confederates fell back to Corinth, where many expected another great battle. 3. Federal troops, moving south from Nashville, occupied Huntsville, Ala., 11 Apr., cutting the Memphis & Charleston Railroad, which ran along the Tennessee River across the northern part of the state and was the Confederacy’s only true rail link between Virginia and the Mississippi Valley. Union forces soon wrecked the railroad at other points in North Alabama. 4. Fort Pulaski, on the Georgia coast near Savannah, was bombarded into surrender 10–11 Apr. Its capture virtually closed Savannah as a port. 5. See 8 Sept. 1860 letter.

3 Battles and Marches 14 June 1862–12 January 1863

The climatic battle that K nox Miller and many others expected near Corinth in the late spring of 1862 did not take place. As the massive Union army inched closer to the Confederates, General Beauregard realized that his much smaller force could not hold the town and that if he attempted to do so his army might be destroyed, or trapped and forced to surrender. He, therefore, quietly abandoned the place in late May and withdrew south along the Mobile & Ohio Railroad to Tupelo. When Beauregard decided in mid-June to go on sick leave without receiving permission from Confederate authorities to do so or even notifying them of his intention, Pres. Jefferson Davis removed him from command and promoted Braxton Bragg to full general to take his place. While the bulk of the army remained at Tupelo, Southern horsemen roamed the noman’s-land to the north, scouting, patroling, and on occasion skirmishing with the enemy. Meanwhile, the consolidation of the mounted arm that had begun the previous autumn continued. Most of the cavalry units had ¤rst organized as independent companies and had operated as such for several months after entering the Confederate army. At times two or more of these companies had served as an ad hoc battalion under command of the senior captain or some other of¤cer. During the fall of 1861 and the winter of 1861–62 this type of organization had been formalized to the extent that several battalions—such as Brewer’s—had come into being as of¤cially constituted units. Some of these companies, battalions, or both were assigned as part of a speci¤c infantry brigade; others operated directly under the control of the corps commanders.1

72 / Battles and Marches

This process of consolidating mounted units went on in the period of relative calm after Shiloh. Commanders combined battalions to form regiments, and united regiments to create brigades. In mid-May Brewer’s Battalion—which had combined with Baskervill’s Mississippi horsemen before Shiloh—was joined by Maj. T. S. Beall’s three-company battalion of “Alabama Mounted Men” (also called the “Alabama Mounted Rangers”). Brewer’s Battalion thus became Brewer’s Regiment, or, as it was ¤rst designated, the “2d Mississippi and Alabama Cavalry Regiment.” Capt. William B. Wade became the unit’s lieutenant colonel after Baskervill resigned, probably owing to the effects of a wound received at Shiloh. Then, soon after reaching Tupelo, the new regiment found itself part of a cavalry brigade commanded by Brig. Gen. James R. Chalmers.2 On 14 June, K nox described for Celestine some of what was going on through the early summer in the contested land between the armies in northern Mississippi and western Tennessee. Then came a surprise order—and a few months later most welcome news.

14 June 1862 Camp Golding, Pontotoc Co[unty]., Miss. June 14/62 My dear friend [Celestine McCann]: Long and anxiously have I looked for some kind word from the quiet dells of good old South Carolina, but many stirring events have transpired, marches, battles, bombardments—but not a word from “Cellie Dear.” I wrote once immediately after the battle of Shiloh, but no response, not even an “occasional,” has come to greet and cheer me amid the trials of a terrible campaign. But do not suppose that I am laying any blame at your door—far from it. I have been marched & counter marched, pulled & hauled about from pillar to post so much that it seem[s] almost a miracle to receive a letter under the circumstances. I am now stationed at the outposts of the Army of the Miss. some 15 miles from the main body [at Tupelo] and about 35 from Corinth, which place was evacuated by our forces on the 30th and 31st ult. The Yankees had been making regular advances ever since the battle of Shiloh over a span of 17 or 18 miles, and just as they were ®attering themselves that Beauregard & his army were in their clutches, the latter came up missing, much to Halleck’s surprise & chagrin as all eyes were turned upon him & his magni¤cant Western Army. His conquest was a barren, sickly

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 73

swamp without water and too far from his supplies to venture to keep his army there.3 Our only loss was some seven trains & Locomotives that had to be destroyed owing to the premature burning of some Rail Road bridges.4 It is true we suffered much in falling back owing to scanty supplies of provisions for men & animals, and what was equally as bad, scarcity of water. Several times I have had to ride for 24 & 36 hours without one mouthful of food—hard indeed but nothing like “76.” 5 On the 4th of June our regiment was on picket at a small place in Tishomingo Co. called Blackland, together with the 24th & 18th Ala. [Infantry] Regiments with two pieces of artillery.6 At 4 o’clock in the evening our advanced pickets were driven in, and soon a large force of the enemy was upon us and we had scarcely saddled & mounted our horses when the bullets were whistling around our heads. Our company being at the head of the column was ordered by Gen. Chalmers to charge the enemy on our right who were moving to cut off our retreat.7 With a whoop & yell we dashed forward, when a terrible volley was poured into our front by the enemy’s sharp shooters. Lieut. J. S. McElderry in command of our company was badly wounded by a minnie ball passing thro’ his left arm & into his body. Wils Orr a nice young boy of 18 & a distant relation of J. L. Orr of your state was killed at the head of his company.8 The Yanks broke back thro’ the woods and we after them, the Southern war whoop ringing thro’ the swamp. While in hot pursuit I ran into a nest of Yanks huddled behind trees. I drew a bead on one of them with my pistol and had barely pulled trigger when a scoundrel but a few paces from me behind a tree put up his gun, took a good aim, and ¤red, the ball just missing my left thigh went into the shoulder of “Don Pedro,” who was behaving like a gentleman & soldier. The scoundrel that shot him broke & run when I let drive[?] at his broad back, tho’ I cannot tell whether I hit him or not. My horse still keeping up, I pressed on having collected a small squad to support one of our pieces of artillery. When passing a small ravine the enemy’s artillery opened upon us not more than sixty yards distant. A grape shot struck a tree about four feet in front of me, knocking off a large piece of bark which struck me under the left eye slightly stunning me. Upon recovering I found that my horse was getting weak from loss of blood & led him back about 200 yards, stript him [of saddle and bridle], took off my saber and went and joined one of the infantry regiments. But our artillery having gained a good position, poured in shell & canister so fast that we soon had the enemy in full ®ight, [they] stopping only to cut down the bridge over a deep creek to stop pursuit. We had

74 / Battles and Marches

one killed & 8 or 9 wounded, the enemy carried off his wounded, all but two, leaving ¤ve or six dead on the ¤eld.9 This morning 20 from one company & 16 from another got track of the Yankees & surprised about 60 or 70, killing one, wounding two and taking eight prisoners—all hands have just reached camp covered all over with dust & glory—no one being hurt. Many little trophies were brought in, among others a set of doll rags found in a gallant Michigander’s valise.10 We are in the open air without covering and have been for several weeks, tho’ the weather has generally been very pleasant. Being out [on] such advanced posts & away from [the] rail road we ¤nd it dif¤cult to ¤nd suf¤cient provisions in the country—What would you think if I were to tell you that I saw an Alabamian give a Miss[issippi]. lady ¤ve dollars for nine biscuit? But the country is well nigh exhausted and we cannot expect any thing else but extortion sometimes even among native Southrons. The success of our arms in Virginia under old Stonewall seems to come like a good angel of mercy to strengthen and revive us under the af®iction of so many disasters.11 The grand old Miss. [River] with my old home & play-ground, Memphis, is now in the hands of vandals.12 What do you think of Butler’s proclamation in regard to the ladies of New Orleans? Is it not enough to put a demon in every Southern Soldier’s breast and cause him to deny mercy even to a wounded suppliant.13 We have heard with pain of our severe loss at the battle of the Seven Pines, near Richmond—I had many neighbors, friends & school mates killed & wounded in the terrible two days ¤ght.14 Oh! What an account will be rendered up against someone at the ¤nal settlement above—woe to the man or men against whom the account is entered! I have been amusing myself to day reading over old letters, and feel better for the indulgence. I have been unwell for several days, having caught cold from being exposed in the rain on picket.—I have been doing something tho’ all the time—writing for the company or regiment. The Generals in this department have denied us the privilige, poor as it is, of re-organizing under the Conscript Law, and are appointing of¤cers over us—taking them from where they please.15 Still we are ¤ghting on altho’ under a real dictatorship—a military one at that. I hav[e] no more news at present and am not sure that what I have told you will prove interesting. At any rate you must write soon and a long

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 75

letter to make up for last [lost?] time. Give my love to any one and in such small proportions as it may seem proper to yourself, but be sure to save and retain the largest and best part for yourself. Be sure & write soon to your affect[ionate]. Friend G. K. Miller

Notes for 14 June 1862 1. The Army of the Mississippi was then organized into “corps” and had used that designation at Shiloh for its major constitutent units. These “corps” were, in fact, divisions, and that designation was formally adopted 2 July. 17OR2, 636. “Corps,” two or more divisions, came into of¤cial existence that fall. 2. The Confederate forces at Tupelo comprised two armies—the Army of the Mississippi, Johnston’s force, which had fought the Battle of Shiloh, and the Army of the West, which reached Corinth from the Trans-Mississippi soon after Shiloh. As the cavalry organization evolved, the former army came to have three cavalry brigades; the latter, one. In July circumstances compelled the Rebels to disperse their mounted units. One went to Chattanooga; one, on a far-ranging raid into Tennessee; one, into south-central Mississippi; and Chalmers took post north of Tupelo with his command. This dispersal thwarted an attempt to name a chief of cavalry and unite the horsemen in what would have been a powerful mounted force. On the early attempts to create a viable cavalry force for the army see 10OR2, 363, 370–71, 415, 435, 459, 604; and 17OR2, 610, 616. 3. The main body of Rebels left Corinth during the night of 29–30 May. Maj. Gen. Henry W. Halleck commanded the Union advance on the town. By the time he reached his objective, the Confederates had been able to remove almost all their valuable property. See GK M’s 7 Jan. 1863 letter. 4. Bragg put the number at “six or seven.” 10OR2, 570. 5. In 1776 George Washington’s army suffered a series of reverses before defeating the British in the Battles of Trenton (26 Dec. 1776) and Princeton (3 Jan. 1777). GK M probably intended “76” as a general reference to the hardships endured by an earlier generation of Americans seeking to establish their independence. 6. On the cavalry operations in northeastern Mississippi in the early summer of 1862 see 10OR; 16OR; 17OR; Robert Collins Suhr, “Little Phil Wins His Spurs,” America’s Civil War 13, no. 2 (May 2000): 46–51; and Stephen Z. Starr, The Union Cavalry in the Civil War, vol. 3, The War in the West 1861–1865 (Baton Rouge, 1985), 64–68. 7. Brig. Gen. James R. Chalmers, then commanding some of the cavalry assigned to cover the army’s retreat from Corinth. 8. Pvt. Wilson M. Orr, of GK M’s company, a “schoolboy” when he enlisted

76 / Battles and Marches at sixteen, had been cited for gallantry at Shiloh. James L. Orr was a Democratic politician from Upcountry South Carolina, a Confederate senator, and a postwar governor, representative, judge, and diplomat. It is not known if either of these Orrs was kin to the James A. Orr mentioned in GK M’s 7 Jan. 1863 letter. The Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 11 June 1862, noted, “We regret to learn that in a skirmish near Corinth on the 4th inst., Wilson Orr was killed and Lieut. McElderry severely wounded. They belonged to Capt. Bowie’s Cavalry. Mr. Orr was a young man of unassuming manners and greatly beloved by all who knew him.” McElderry’s wound led him to resign his commission in the belief that he was permanently disabled. He recovered, however, and rejoined the company in Jan. 1863. 9. The Federals reported 2 killed, 8 wounded, 2 missing. 10OR1, 733. The 18th Alabama lost 5 wounded. Supplement to the Of¤cial Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, vol. 13, 498 (hereafter cited as OR Supp.). No other Confederate casualty reports found. 10. The 2d and 3d Mich. cavalry regiments were involved in these clashes. The 4th Mich. Cav., with which GK M was to have several encounters, soon joined Federal forces in the area. 11. Maj. Gen. (later Lt. Gen.) Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson had just concluded a campaign in the Shenandoah Valley in western Virginia during which he befuddled several Union armies and partially disrupted the Yankee spring campaign against Richmond. Like many Confederates across the South, GK M looked for inspiration to the victories won by Rebel forces in the Old Dominion thus offsetting to a large degree the demoralizing impact of virtually constant Confederate defeats elsewhere. 12. Federals occupied Memphis on 6 June after a brief naval battle on the Mississippi River. 13. On 15 May, Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, commanding Union forces occupying New Orleans, issued an order stipulating that any woman who insulted his troops would “be regarded and held liable to be treated as a woman of the town plying her avocation.” The order infuriated Confederates and drew criticism from abroad and even from the North. Beauregard announced to his troops on 19 May that the order had been issued, quoted it, and asked his men if “our mothers, our wives, our daughters, and our sisters [shall] be thus outraged by the ruf¤anly soldiers of the North to whom is given the right to treat at their pleasure the ladies of the South as common harlots?” Answering his own question, Beauregard urged his men to “drive back from our soil those infamous invaders of our homes and disturbers of our family ties.” 10OR2, 531. 14. At Seven Pines (Fair Oaks), fought east of Richmond 31 May–1 June, the Confederates attacked the Unionists. The battle ended with neither side gaining anything of importance. The Rebels lost 6,134 men; the Federals 5,031.

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 77 15. See Special Orders 48, Headquarters, Army of [the] Mississippi, 27 June 1862, for one example. Under late 1861–early 1862 legislation, existing military units were to be held on duty at the expiration of their (usually one year) initial term of service. They were, however, to be allowed to “reorganize” for the remainder of their service—which turned out to be for the rest of the war. This process included the privilege of electing new of¤cers and noncommissioned of¤cers. When the Mountain Rangers’ original twelve-month period of service expired in Aug. 1862 (the anniversary of the date the company entered Confederate service), the men did hold an election. See GK M’s 27 July and 8 Sept. 1862 letters.

Miller’s copy of the following document is in the Jemison Carnegie Heritage Hall in Talladega.

27 June 1862 Extract Head Quarters Army [of the] Miss. Tupelo, Miss., June 27, 1862 Special Orders ) No. 48 ) . . . The following appointments are announced by the Gen[era]l Comm[an]d[in]g to take effect to-day. . . . Serg[ean]t G. K. Miller to be Capt[ain] 2nd Miss & Ala Cavly.1 . . . By Command of General Bragg (Signed) Geo. G. Garner A[ssistant] A[djutant] Gen[era]l “Of¤cial” D. H. Poole A[cting] A[ssistant] A[djutant] Gen[era]l To Capt G. K. Miller Thru Brig Genl Chalmers Comm[an]d[in]g Cavalry2

Notes for 27 June 1862 1. GK M’s date of rank as captain was 24 June. 2. See GK M’s 27 July 1862 letter.

78 / Battles and Marches

27 July 1862 Becks’s Springs [near Ashland, Miss.] July 27th, 1862 My dear friend [Celestine McCann], Your kind letter of the 4th inst. came like a good angel to welcome me in my mental solitude, for into such a state I had certainly fallen, not having been cheered by a letter from any source for more than a month. Indeed, I had begun to feel Robinson Crusoe-like even while surrounded by a crowd and living amid the stirring scenes of camp life. But you know there is such a thing as being “alone in a crowd.” All that at one time went to cheer the soldier in the ¤eld, all the jokes, witticisms, & pranks of the “boys” have long since lost their pungency, and the whole matter has been reduced to base living, the usual amount of moving & shifting about together with scouts, ambuscades, skirmishes, &c., &c. The statement that Gen. Chalmers had occupied Bolivar[, Tenn.,] was a mistake growing, perhaps, out of an advance, at that time contemplated, on Boon[e]ville, a station [about twenty-two miles] below Corinth on the Mobile & Ohio R.R. which we were putting in execution while you were writing your letter, for I suppose that we were in the midst of the deadly combat while you were penning those lines to an absent friend, all unconscious of his position. Well, on the 4th we attacked, with some three cavalry regiments, an equal or superior force of Yankee cavalry at Boon[e]ville—the ¤ght lasted some two hours at the end of which we had completely routed the enemy & driven him from the place. We lost four killed & ten wounded out of the brigade, took some 30 or 40 prisoners & killed 40 more according to their own account. Nobody was hurt in my company—I say my company, for you must know that I have had the good or bad fortune—I don’t know which—to be promoted lately. On the 24th of June I was out on picket duty when late in the evening the adjutant of our regiment rode up to communicate the countersign for the night and also to inform me that I had been appointed captain of Captain Bowie’s old company. I was very much surprised & could not credit the news at ¤rst but upon reaching camp next morning found it so. Capt. Bowie had resigned about a month before,1 and our ¤rst Lieut. [Stockdale] had been appointed Commissary of Gen. Beall’s brigade & the 2d Lieut. [McElderry] was on his way home dangerously wounded, leaving us only one Lieutenant [DeArman]. By the usual rules he was captain of the company, but the usual rules have been almost entirely

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 79

laid aside in the west and Gen. Bragg has taken things in his own hands generally, having laid aside the Conscript law in some cases & enforced it in others.2 He has instituted an extremely rigid if not terrible discipline— having some men shot at the stake for stealing a chicken or some roasting ears.3 But still it has all had its good effects—we have a splendid army, ¤nely drilled, & effectively organized. Since Gen Bragg has taken command, our own branch of the service has gained more reputation than it has during the rest of the war,— cavalry having generally been considered a sort of non-combatant, but since the retreat from Corinth it has been continually near the enemy, harrassing him at every opportunity, driving in his pickets, & keeping him in a constant state of alarm—But I’m digressing. Gen. Bragg has seen ¤t to appoint of¤cers to ¤ll vacancies, without respect to the position held by the person whom he appoints, frequently taking men from the ranks & placing them over important commands. I don’t know how he ¤nds the men out, but it seems that he knows every one & his standing. My appointment was well received by the majority of the company, If I may judge from appearances, and I have found no great dif¤culty as yet in pleasing them altho’ we have been placed in some very hard & trying positions since my appointment. In assuming the duties of the of¤ce I asked the kind indulgence & forbearance of the company on account of my age and inexperience in command, and so far they have answered my most sanguine expectations. I have an excellent company of about 90 men all told—many of them are old school mates—boys raised up with me who partake of my cares & sympathies and whom it is pleasant to associate with in the trying scenes that every Southern soldier has to meet & endure. In view of these facts I cannot but feel & duly—I hope—appreciate the great responsibility resting upon me, and feel, at the same time, that I should look to an overruling providence to instruct & guide my inexperienced mind to a proper performance of the duties devolving upon me. Two days after my appointment I was sent in command of my own & another company to Blackland, the scene of our former ¤ght, to reconnoiter the enemy’s position. Having marched all night we reached a good Secessionist’s residence about mile from B. about sunrise [28 June] where I got some information and proceeding cautiously up to the edge of the town saw the enemy’s picket standing near an old church. I gave the order to charge & in we went at full speed, captured one man—the others about ten in number running off & leaving arms &c behind which

80 / Battles and Marches

we took care of. Having gained all the information that I desired, I beat a slow retreat. The enemy’s main body being near at hand we were followed by a large party but we continued to ¤ght as we fell back, keeping up a retreating ¤ght for about eight miles when the enemy left us & [we?] returned[?] [to camp?]. When we began the retreat I gave strict orders to my rear guard not to break ranks or lag behind, but two of them having stopped behind to get some milk were run upon by the Yankees & one of them captured without my being able to assist him—so much for disobedience. It was on the information that I gained from this expedition that Gen. Chalmers resolved to attack the enemy at Boon[e]ville which we did, as before stated, on the 4th with such ¤ne success. This made the 4th or ¤fth time that we had fought in different ways a large body of Michigan cavalry that had been thrown into North Mississippi, and in these various encounters we have succeeded in pretty well cutting to pieces this set of scoundrels.4 I have just returned from Holly Springs,—the most beautiful & re¤ned village in North Miss. The enemy threw a heavy force into this place & it being a strong seat of secession, committed great depredations, carrying off no less than six hundred negroes, mostly grown men. I understand that the enemy is mostly leaving the line of the Memphis & Charleston R. R. & are going to Virginia & Arkansas. We have just heard that Gen. Forest has made a bold dash upon Murfreesboro’, Tenn., with brilliant success & also that Gen Hindman has defeated Curtis in Arkansas5—if so, good for our side, but camps are so full of rumors that news [has] to get very old before we can give any thing credit.—besides we are in the interior of the country 50 or 60 miles from our main army & have scarcely any mail facilities. The authorities are treating some of us very bad—my company has been on the very hardest kind of duty for about a year, & it has been nine months since we received a cent of pay while the rest of the army gets paid off about every two months if they desire it. This comes very hard on us as from the nature of the service we are compelled very often to subsist ourselves it being impossible to keep properly supplied while on the scout & besides we have to go so lightly equipped that we cannot get transportation for a suf¤cient amount of cooking utensils. A small skillet, minus a leg & a[n] iron bucket constitutes the kitchen furniture of my mess,6 composed of seven men. We are also sadly in need of clothing, our exposed service being very hard on dry goods, so much so that

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 81

many of the men have no need of valises, knapsacks, or saddle bags, being fully able to carry all their tacks at once. What is worse than all [is that] our horses are in sad plight since we are in a country where little subsistence can be had, and yet service is expected of us, and we have to go until the poor brutes can move[?] no longer. Stirring events are soon expected in Middle & East Tenn. The signs are that the struggle will have principally to be decided there & in Va. One of my mess-mates took dinner with Gen. Sterling Price at Verona[?], Miss., a few days ago when he [Price] informed him that he intended to take command of our forces in a few days in Middle Tenn; the old hero said that he told the president that he expected to be in Nashville shortly &, with the help of God, in a small town in southern Illinois by the middle of October.7 What an awful tragedy has been enacted before Richmond! How glorious for us, but at what a loss! Eight days of carnage & slaughter. Here was a test of the relative value of freemen [i.e., Confederates] ¤ghting for home & [of] hirelings—their entrenchments even could not keep them from having treacherous legs.8 Gen. Lee has shown himself master of the art of combination if nothing more, & old Stonewall has perhaps shown himself superior to his great namesake when we consider the foe pitted against him.9 Gen Beauregard is I believe at Bladen Springs [, Al.,] having retired from the army.10 His star has been on the wane since the battle of Shiloh—would that Sidney Johnson had lived thro’ the ¤rst day I have no idea that the second would ever have been recorded. On the morning of the ¤rst day Johnson told Breckenridge that if he lived he intended for his horse to drink out of the Tenn. [River] that night & I have no doubt [that he] would have made good his promise had he lived.11 One cannot but think that it was a fatal error to stop the battle when a few more blows would have made complete victory doubly sure—but we cannot always judge such matters rightly.12 We had an election for ¤eld of¤cers [of the regiment] a few days since when our Lieut. Col. Wm. B. Wade was made Colonel to ¤ll the place of Col. Brewer who has resigned.13 I have no doubt but that your “begging” has cheered the heart of many a poor soldier, & I have often wished that our command was so situated as to be able to receive the kind offerings of some fair “beggar” at home.14 Almost every day I have to leave some poor sick “boy” behind to the tender mercies of strangers—perhaps to be taken from a sick bed

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by a ruthless enemy or to wander in a state of convalescence seeking up [looking for] his straying regiment. Sometimes they have no money & the poor soldier has to look to his scantily supplied comrades for assistance. I do not like to say aught against my own people but this cry of extortion should stop until every man examines his own conscience & asks himself if he is not one [extortioner]—and not only men but [also] ladies—I have seen more than I would ever be willing to tell the world of.15 But there are cases & many when patriotism’s strain is pure & uncorrupted; where the hand makes good the utterance of the mouth. I am glad to learn that Hamp. is again able to go into service—If you will tell me his address I will try & write to him.16 And you did think of me when you went to supper? O, you have no idea how I would have enjoyed both the supper & your company had I been there, for on that day I had one dry biscuit to eat & nothing else. As for company, I often long for at least one evening to spend in the social circle—which you know is best when composed of two, provided there is congeniality and reciprocity of feeling, but such pleasures are among the “things that were” or far “in prospective.” I am doing my best to follow your kind admonition & “be a good boy,” and every time I get vexed or out of sorts & do any thing wrong I cannot avoid those kind admonitory words coupled with scenes of pleasures past—& impressions made. Perhaps you never thought or realized what an in®uence a word from a kind heart could have on our actions even at times when one would think no rememberance of such would arise—don’t be astonished when I tell you that two words from a young lady worked an entire change in my nature.17 But I must stop—excuse this disjointed, unconnected letter—I am sitting under a tree, & since I began I think at least twenty [men] have bothered me with some unreasonable request or foolish question. But when I begin to write to you I hardly ever know when to stop it is so pleasant to converse with the absent. Write very soon—I shall not review this—have not time. Goodbye, most truly yours K nox

Notes for 27 July 1862 1. Bowie submitted his resignation 26 May 1862. It was accepted 30 June. His service record does not show the reason, but it was probably bad health. On 2 Apr. the Talladega Democratic Watchtower reported him in Talladega and in bad health. He probably did not participate in the Battle of Shiloh. GK M did not

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 83 mention him in his letters of 15 and 17 Apr. describing that engagement, and in the 12 Feb. 1914 letter GK M wrote that Bowie “returned” to the company in late Apr. He later served as captain, Co. F, Maj. Joseph Barbrier’s (Ala.) Cav. Battln.—a unit for which virtually no records survive. He was paroled in Talladega 16 May 1865. See GK M’s 10 Nov. 1864 letter. 2. See n13 to GK M’s 14 June 1862 letter. 3. This story, in one form or another, was widely circulated at the time and still crops up in writings on Bragg. Col. David Urquhart, Bragg’s aide, wrote that the executed man, in violation of standing orders prohibiting ¤ring weapons in camp, shot at a chicken, missed, and killed another soldier. Grady McWhiney, Braxton Bragg and Confederate Defeat: Field Command (New York, 1969), 259. 4. Records of this constant small-scale warfare are in 10OR, 16OR, 17OR; and Kenneth A. Hafendorfer, They Died by Twos and Tens: The Confederate Cavalry in the Kentucky Campaign of 1862 (Louisville, 1995), chapters 4 and 5. 5. Brig. Gen. (later Lt. Gen.) Nathan Bedford Forrest captured the Union garrison of about 1,050 men and destroyed an estimated $1 million worth of Yankee supplies at Murfreesboro, Tenn., 13 July. Maj. Gen. Thomas C. Hindman commanded Rebel forces in Arkansas. In some minor engagements in June 1862 he compelled Union forces under Maj. Gen. Samuel Curtis to withdraw temporarily from several points to which they had advanced. 6. The skillet he refers to was a spider, a cast iron frying pan ¤xed on a short tripod so that it could be placed over a cooking ¤re. See Gregory A. Coco, The Civil War Infantryman in Camp, on the March, and in Battle (Gettysburg, Pa., 1996), 28. 7. Maj. Gen. Sterling Price, recently returned from a visit to Richmond, commanded Missouri troops serving east of the Mississippi as well as men from other states. Later he served in the Trans-Mississippi. At this time Price was referring to his forthcoming advance into northern Mississippi—a campaign that met with defeat in early Oct. Note that the general was discussing future operations with someone who had no “need to know.” 8. In the Seven Days’ Battle (25 June–1 July) the Confederates attacked and drove away a Union army that had menaced their capital. The Rebels lost twenty thousand men in these engagements; the Federals, sixteen thousand. 9. Gen. Robert E. Lee took command of the main Confederate army in Virginia on 1 June. He concentrated Rebel troops from all over Virginia and along the Atlantic coast to attack the Unionists. His victories, beginning with the Seven Days’ Battle, provided inspiration for many Confederates—including GK M—for the remainder of the war and a large dose of self-respect in the postwar years. See GK M’s (no day) June 1864 letter. GK M compares “Stonewall” Jackson to Andrew Jackson, hero of the War of 1812 and the struggles with the southeastern Indians and seventh president of the United States. The two were not related.

84 / Battles and Marches 10. Beauregard left the army in mid-June to recover his health at a resort near Mobile. President Davis, generally displeased with Beauregard, used the fact that the general did not have permission to leave his post as justi¤cation to remove him from command. Bragg replaced him. When again able for duty, Beauregard commanded the Department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. He did not return to the army in the West until late 1864. As GK M indicated in the 7 Jan. 1863 and 5 Nov. 1864 letters, he retained con¤dence in Beauregard. His view, however, had changed by the time he wrote the 12 Feb. 1914 letter. 11. Brig. Gen. (later Maj. Gen.) John C. Breckinridge, former vice president of the United States, commander of a Rebel corps at Shiloh, and in 1865 Confederate secretary of war. 12. Much controversy arose over Beauregard’s 6 Apr. decision to suspend attacks at Shiloh. Many Rebels believed to their dying day that a continued assault would have destroyed the enemy. See GK M’s 7 Jan. 1863 letter. Beauregard received much criticism for the decision. It is reasonably certain that further attacks would have produced no important results. Daniel, Shiloh, especially 253–56. 13. Wade was from Columbus, Miss. (born in Virginia). Thirty-nine when he entered service as captain of the Mississippi unit that became Co. D of the regiment, he had been a planter and politician (state legislature) and was a Mexican War veteran. Sometime in the spring of 1862 he had been chosen lieutenant colonel of the regiment and had commanded the unit as such. On 17 July 1862 he won election as colonel, but the War Department did not make the formal appointment until 3 Dec. (date of rank 15 June). Although frequently absent for long periods, Wade commanded the regiment for the remainder of the war. See GK M’s 2 Jan. 1864 letter. Falkner became the regiment’s new lieutenant colonel. Typhoid fever forced Brewer to leave the unit. He later served on the staffs of Maj. Gen. W. D. Pender, Lt. Gen. J. C. Pemberton, Lt. Gen. L. Polk, and perhaps others. Pender, Polk, and three other general of¤cers recommended his promotion to brigadier general to command a brigade of cavalry. President Davis considered him for such a post but eventually declined to make the promotion because several of¤cers senior to Brewer also deserved higher grade. In the spring of 1864 Brewer was in Virginia and was ordered to report to Maj. Gen. R. Ransom. Somehow (his service record ceases with the order to report to Ransom) he wound up at the Battle of Piedmont (5 June) where he probably served on the staff of Brig. Gen. W. E. Jones and where he received a mortal wound. He died 25 June. In postwar writings GK M stated that Brewer became a brigadier general, and several other writers have repeated that assertion. Brewer did serve in the staff post of adjutant general for several general of¤cers, and that title seems to have

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 85 led to the confusion about his status. GK M may also have known about some of the recommendations for Brewer’s promotion to brigadier. 14. The context indicates that Celestine had written that she had been involved in efforts to raise funds for the care of hospitalized soldiers and the families of men absent in the army. Such activities were common in both North and South. 15. See, for example, Richard M. McMurry, “Rebels, Extortioners, and Counterfeiters: A Note on Confederate Judaeophobia,” Atlanta Historical Journal 22 (fall– winter 1978): 45–52. 16. See GK M’s 7 Jan. 1862 letter. 17. See GK M’s 14–15 Nov. 1861 letter. GK M and Celestine were working out their romantic relationship in the summer and fall of 1862, and this cryptic reference may well refer to that topic. In this connection see GK M’s 8 Sept., 2–5 Nov., and 28–29 Nov. 1862 letters.

Realizing the poor prospects for a successful summer campaign in northern Mississippi, Bragg soon shifted most of his force to Chattanooga, Tennessee. From that point he marched into Central Kentucky. Most Confederates looked upon the Bluegrass State as one of their own, held in the Union only by Lincoln’s dictatorial grip. The Rebels, therefore, expected to ¤nd sympathy, support, supplies, and recruits as they headed northward. Some of Bragg’s cavalry, including K nox Miller, remained behind for a week or so to screen the movement and to harass the Yankees in northern Mississippi and West Tennessee before marching to join Bragg’s main force en route to Kentucky.1 Miller’s next surviving letter reports on this strategic movement.

8 September 1862 Chattanooga, Tenn. Sept 8—1862 My dear friend [Celestine McCann]: Although fatigued and much worn I cannot forbear taking advantage of the present opportunity to write. You will readily perceive that I have changed locality since I last wrote. I believe I was then on the route from Holly Springs to Tupelo, Miss., but my letter [not found] was scarcely sealed before orders came for us to return to North Miss. It seems that about that time the Yankees had fallen back from the Mem. & Chas.

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R. R. some few miles,2 and our brigade was ordered back to follow them up which we did to Bolivar, Tenn., which place we went around & cut the Rail Road leading from thence North to Jackson, Ten., & Columbus, Ky. We had several little skirmishes & took some 20 or thirty prisoners & burned several thousand bales of cotton which the Yankees had bought & paid for in gold. While in Hay wood County, Tenn., we received orders to proceed to Chattanooga, Tenn., and having done the Yankees all the damage we could, took up the line of march, coming south by way of Aberdeen & Columbus, Miss.3 We remained at the latter place some four days to ¤t up for the march thro’ Ala. Those of my company that were dismounted (some 25 or 30) were sent home by way of Mobile to procure horses.4 I endeavored to get permission to proceed in advance of the Regt. with my whole company but was not allowed [to do so] so I procured leave of absence for as many as possible who left me to go to their homes, nearly all of them being without passable horses & almost destitute of clothing. I was in as bad if not worse condition than any of the boys but would not leave those who could not get off, and with about 15 men I took up the route with the regiment on the morning[?] of the 16th ult. Our route was thro’ Fayette & Walker Counties, Jefferson, St Clair & Cherokee, Ala to Rome, Geo. It was a very severe trip over one continuous line of mountains, rocks & drouth-ridden country. I passed within 30 miles of home but would not go as I knew my stay would be but for a few hours. We remained some three days at Rome, Geo., and reached this place day before yesterday. With the exception of our short stay at Columbus, Miss, & Rome, Geo., I have been riding every day since the 25[th] of June—You may know I am wearied. While at Columbus, Miss., our Regiment re-organized. Our company was some what dissatis¤ed as the boys expected to get at least a furlough at the expiration of their 12 months term of service, but they went into the re-organization and elected of¤cers throughout. Without any solicitation on my part I was elected captain. I trust that I have none of the demagogue in my composition and after being associated with [the] men for a year, I would have scorned to stoop so low as to ask & plead with them for their votes. A Mr. Hardie, a very worthy soldier, offered his name & exerted every means in his power to be elected but his wire-working availed him nothing.5 I never even offered my name at the election. The race for the Lieutenancies was very close & exciting but turned out quite favourably in two cases at least.6 But the

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 87

worthiest young of¤cer in the company was dropped for no other reason but that he had performed his duty and compelled others to do likewise. Thus matters go and always will.7 Nearly all of my company who went home have returned well mounted and with good clothing So that I now have the best mounted company in the regiment & only lack one of having my maximum [authorized] number. I suppose you have heard of the good news from East Tenn and Kentucky.8 Bragg’s whole army has crossed the Tenn. river and is pushing on after Buell’s army which is retreating before us.9 North Alabama is now about clear of the vandals, but the beautiful valley of the Tenn. [River] is almost a barren waste. Our partisans gave them more trouble there than usual, & they took vengeance by burning & plundering every thing in their reach. Whenever one of their men was killed, they immediately burnt the nearest dwelling. In leaving they took negroes of all ages, sexes, & sizes, & not only those but [also] white men, women, & children—whole families with all their effects.10 Sept 10. Yesterday was the busiest day I have passed for a long time. Our regiment was paid off, and as my company has not drawn one cent for over ten[?] months it was quite a dif¤cult matter to make out the payroll and calculations. My company drew some twenty-seven thousand dollars, and this morning all hands are ®ush—¤fteen thousand or more will be sent home to rejoice the hearts of many a poor family struggling against grim poverty. I do not say it boastingly, but I believe the record will show more money sent home by my Company than [by] any other in the Confederacy. Don’t you think it speaks well for their good sense and proper consideration of duty? News has reached us that K irby Smith is in Cincinnati—if so it is glory enough for one day.11 Our whole force is pressing forward, and our regiment will cross the Tenn. [River] this morning or to-morrow to help swell the victorious column. Old Abe had better sell out. We are going on with nothing but two or three tent ®ies to the hundred men and but few cooking utensils expecting of course to supply ourselves from the Yankees. Within the last few days I have received the warmest congratulations [on the company election] not only from friends but [also from some who are] comparativly strangers. This is really cheering and goes far towards lightening the toils and hardships of the ¤eld. It makes me thank my fate that I was born and reared in time to raise an arm in defence of my country.

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And I didn’t say [what] I thought of you as a school “marm” true enough, but don’t think it was intentional. A crowd of business and the accompanying confusion of thought caused me to neglect noticing so interesting a subject—a subject that has given me more pleasure than any thing else in my life for the best friends—If I may use so cold a line— and most congenial spirits that I have ever associated with have been those belonging to that interesting class. I once loved a sweet little school “marm” to distraction as I thought and doubtless did, but bad luck to poor me she loved some one else before I did her.12 No indeed it was not from a want of appreciation that I failed to say what I thought of you as a school mistress—On the contrary I had so identi¤ed you with one of those interesting characters that whenever I thought of you (and believe me that was more than thrice daily) I pictured you in all dignity and—don’t think I presume to ®atter when I say—commanding loveliness, surrounded by a portion of the interesting rising generation, leading them up the hill of knowledge and morality. And you are a disciplinarian? So am I. I like to see system and order— almost as much as [does?] a French writer. The necessary want of this is the most serious objection that I have to cavalry service.13 I was very sorry to hear of the death of Willis Connors[?]—I formed quite a fancy for him—more so than usual on a short acquaintance. He was one of those gay, spirited natures[?] that cannot but please the sanguine. I saw a young lady that took four Yankee horses not long since, forded the Tenn. river and gave them to our gallant partisans—Mollie Pitcher’s spirit is not yet extinct.14 Don’t ask me to make any allowance for your letters—they are so thankfully received that I don’t take time nor have[?] I any disposition to criticise—one question and I will close—could you love a soldier?15 In haste and under a press of business I am Most truly yours K nox Direct to Chattanooga Tenn for the present. Wheeler’s Cavalry brigade, 2d Miss & Ala. Regt. Col. Wm B. Wade.16 K.

Notes for 8 September 1862 1. 17OR2, 642; John P. Dyer, From Shiloh to San Juan: The Life of “Fightin’ Joe” Wheeler (Baton Rouge, 1961), 39–40.

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 89 2. The Memphis & Charleston was the Confederacy’s only true east-west rail line. Union forces captured its western portion in the spring of 1862. When GK M wrote this letter, it served as the line of supply for a Federal army advancing eastward toward Chattanooga. Confederate cavalry was active in the summer and fall of 1862 in northern Mississippi and Alabama in a successful effort to hamper the Yankees’ advance by attacks on the railroad. See nn9 and 10 to this letter. 3. Having attacked the railroads in West Tennessee and northern Mississippi, and burned whatever cotton it could, Wade’s regiment returned (4 Aug.) to Tupelo, whence it soon set off for Columbus en route for Chattanooga. 17OR2, 642, 648–49, and 663; Hafendorfer, Twos and Tens, chapter 6. 4. The men went via Mobile to utilize more rapid rail and steamboat transportation to Talladega. Rebel cavalrymen provided their own mounts. The government paid forty cents a day for use of the horse and compensation if the animals were killed—a short-sighted policy that often resulted in large numbers of men being absent. See Edward G. Longacre, Lee’s Cavalrymen: A History of the Mounted Forces of the Army of Northern Virginia (Mechanicsburg, Pa., 2002), 42–44 for a discussion of the policy. 5. On reorganization and the elections, see n13 to GK M’s 14 June 1862 letter. The approaching mid-August anniversary of the Rangers’ formally entering Confederate service and the Conscript Act extending their service necessitated the reorganization. James W. Hardie, a twenty-nine-year-old farmer, joined the company 19 Nov. 1861 at Camp Beauregard and became a sergeant 1 Jan. 1862. The Talladega Alabama Reporter, 5 June 1862, gave an erroneous report on the company elections—perhaps based on some early returns or wishful thinking. 6. Mark S. Curry, Jasper N. Wade, and Belton O. Nabors—identi¤ed at appropriate places in the notes—won election as lieutenants. 7. William H. Moore, appointed lieutenant 27 June 1862, was not reelected and seems to have been the of¤cer whose defeat GK M regretted. See the 24 May 1863 letter. Curry was to cause GK M trouble in 1864. DeArman also failed to win reelection. His service record contains several fall 1862–early 1863 letters written in an effort to secure for him an appointment in the recruiting(?) service. One of these is endorsed by the secretary of war to appoint him. I have found no record that he ever received such an appointment. 8. A Confederate column advancing into the eastern part of the Bluegrass State in conjunction with Bragg’s army, routed a Federal force at Richmond, Ky., 29–30 August. 9. Maj. Gen. Don Carlos Buell commanded a Union army moving east from Corinth, Miss. The Confederate advance northward from Chattanooga and Rebel attacks on his railroad line of supply (see nn2 and 10 to this letter) compelled him to turn northward to protect Nashville and Louisville.

90 / Battles and Marches 10. Confederate cavalry striking the railroads in Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama slowed the Yankee advance to the east giving Bragg time to reach Chattanooga ahead of Buell’s army. This Rebel success helped persuade many Federals to adopt harsher policies toward the local population. James Record, A Dream Come True: The Story of Madison County and Incidentally of Alabama and the United States (Huntsville, 1970), 131, estimates that when the Yankees evacuated the Huntsville area 31 Aug., they took ¤fteen hundred slaves with them. The Huntsville Advocate declared, “the Lincoln army made a general sweep of negroes, mules, horses, &c., from Decatur[, Ala.,] to Corinth, along the line of the railroad. The army turned to negro stealing on a grand scale. Farms, plantations, &c., were swept entirely bare.” Quoted, n.d., Montgomery Weekly Advertiser, 8 Oct. 1862. Except for a brief comment (20OR2, 442), I have found nothing about local white civilians being compelled to go with the Federals. Doubtless some white anti-Confederate citizens (with whom the area abounded) did leave, and it is possible that the Federals also removed any political prisoners they may have held. On the emerging harsh Union policy regarding civilians in areas that resisted occupation see Mark Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War: Union Military Policy toward Southern Civilians, 1861–1865 (Cambridge, Eng., 1995), especially 35–36, 61– 66, and 98–105; and Stephen D. Engle, Struggle for the Heartland: The Campaign from Fort Henry to Corinth (Lincoln, Neb., 2001), chapter 8. 11. Maj. Gen. (later Gen.) Edmund K irby Smith commanded one of three Rebel columns marching into Kentucky. Although gaining some successes in east-central Kentucky and occupying Frankfort, he did not cross the Ohio. His advance produced panic among Unionists along the Ohio River. 12. See GK M’s 17 Apr. 1862 letter. 13. Lack of discipline in cavalry units was a frequent source of complaint on both sides. 14. On 28 June 1778, during the Battle of Monmouth (N.J.), Mary Ludwig Hays, called “Molly Pitcher” because she supposedly carried water to the soldiers, took her fallen husband’s place as a member of the crew of an American cannon in the ¤ght against the British. 15. See GK M’s letters of 27 July 1862 and 2–5 Nov. 1862. 16. On 18 July Col. (later Maj. Gen.) Joseph Wheeler replaced Chalmers whose health rendered him physically unable to command a cavalry brigade. Most of Wheeler’s Brigade then went to Chattanooga while GK M’s regiment remained in Mississippi for a few weeks. Chalmers received an infantry command (see GK M’s 2–5 Nov. 1862 letter). He later returned to cavalry service. Wheeler was to be GK M’s commander at one level or another for the remainder of the war. At this time, his brigade comprised the 1st and 3d Ala. Cav. regiments, the 6th and 8th Confed. Cav. regiments, and Capt. W. C. Bacot’s (Ala.) Squadron.

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 91

Almost two months elapsed before Miller’s next letter. By that time, he had been to Kentucky with the army and had returned to East Tennessee. The “Kentucky Campaign” of 1862 was both a great strategic defeat and a massive disappointment for the Rebels. Miller’s letter told the tale.

2–5 November 1862 K noxville, Tenn., Nov 2d/62 My dear friend [Celestine McCann]: I am sitting under an old tent ®y, with a sad looking candle (my last piece)—my pocket knife stuck in one side for a candle-stick, several of my mess sitting on their pallets discussing small matters previous to seeking the “soldier’s couch,” while around my quarters “my boys” are congregated in groups, smoking, telling their adventures, and reading their Bibles—those who can, by dim ¤re-lights—. It is a quiet Sabbath night, brought more forcibly to my mind by the recently heard sounds of “the church going bell” as the hallowed music came from the mountain city about two miles off. I am here alone with my company, our brigade being far away on its march to Murfreesboro’.1 How it happens that I am “absent from my command” will appear in the end, provided my candle is long enough for me to tell the story of “my adventures.” When last I wrote I believe I was at Chattanooga. Well, at that place our regiment was paid off, much to the grati¤cation of us all. We left Sept 11th and had a long & toilsome march over the bleak mountains of Tenn.; crossed the Cumberland [River] at Gainsboro’, [Tenn.,] and soon found ourselves in the con¤nes of Kentucky—alas! Poor Kentucky! Having proceeded nearly as far as Glasgow we found stragglers from our army coming back paroled from whom we learned that the enemy were in our front in force and between us and Gen Bragg, who was then about Bardstown.2 Soon we found a train of our wagons loaded with 1100 blbs [of] ®our cut off from the army and in imminent danger of being captured; Getting between them and the Yanks, we made some demonstrations and circulated the report that we were the advance of Breckenridge’s Corps,3 which interested the Yanks so much that we were able to remove the train to a safe place in the rear, when we made a circuit to the East by way of Columbia, Ky., where we remained two or three days repairing

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wagons &c. In making this circuit we had some strange adventures, of which I will tell you at another time. From Columbia we proceeded in the direction of Lebanon where we learned that Bragg was retreating towards Danville, and again found the Yanks between us & our army. We then rode another circuit up the Rolling Fork via Hustonville (where we were in hearing of the terrible battle of Perry ville4) to Danville which we reached on the evening of the 9th Oct. We found our army massing at camp “Dick Robinson” eight miles north of D. while our brigade [Wheeler’s] was covering the retreat of the Left Wing, and ¤ghting the Feds from morning till night, but gradually & stubbornly falling back. Our regiment was held in reserve, and on the night of the 11th while sitting by a small ¤re contemplating the ¤ght that I knew we would be called on to make “on the morrow,” orders came from the Col. [Wade] for me to take my own & two other companies, in all numbering over 200 men, and report as soon as possible to Gen. Bragg at Bryantsville, 11 miles north of D.5 We reached B at day-light next morning and I reported to the Gen. at his Head Qrs. where my command was put on detached service and ordered to report to the Chief Commissary [of the army] who placed between 17 & 1800 of the ¤nest beef cattle under my charge with secret orders to drive them to Cumberland Gap. I thus knew in advance that our army was going to leave Ky. I started on my mission, & after many trials, and much exertion of spirit I have succeeded in bringing the herd thro’ to K noxville & to-day turned them over to the different commands and made out and presented my written report [not found]. Thus you see I have passed thro’ the “Kentucky campaign” without engaging in any of its deadly strife. And altho’ I have not ¤red a shot or had[?] a Charge, I feel that I have served the cause equally as well. What I have exerted myself to secure safely within our own borders, will last a long time to feed our poor hungry boys—Alas! hunger is no uncommon thing with us. I have seen it in some of its most dreadful forms—not felt it myself of late, but in connection with the thousands of poor, half-naked, foot-sore vetrans that have often of late faced it and the enemy at the same time—— Well, my candle did not exactly give out, but went out per force of the wind—Something of a storm came up & I had to forbear. I am now writing at K ingston, 40 miles from K noxville, on my route to join the brigade which has gone to Murfreesboro’.6 I was preparing to leave K.

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the next morning after I began to write & had no opportunity of continuing my letter at daylight next morning. Yesterday I marched 25 miles & to-day about 17, my wagon having broken down just after leaving camp this morning. I am to-night camped on the bank of the Clinch river, one of the most beautiful streams you ever saw—my taper has performed its of¤ce and I am compelled to stop. Nov. 5th. K nowing that after leaving this place I may not be able to write for a long time, I have been up & waiting for day-light some time, but the truth is I have so much to tell you I hardly know what to select that would mostly interest you.—I’ll tell something of Ky. If a house was ever divided against itself here is an example.7 The ¤rst lady that I ever heard declare for the Union was when we had but just crossed the [state] line, & it really sounded very strange, but it soon came to be the rule & not the exception. Passing thro’ Monroe, Metcalfe, & Lincoln counties we were bushwhacked at every de¤le, and that too by old gray headed men just tottering on the brink of this world—armed with the famous Kentucky ri®e—skulking in the mountains and thick wood and blazing away at every poor rebel that passed.8 We found many friends and true ones, who told us how they had prayed for our advent into Ky. & how they had suffered persecution in almost every form, but upon the whole the Kentuckians were not enthusiastic, if so at all it was those who espoused the cause of Abraham [Lincoln]. They [pro-Confederate Kentuckians] wanted some assurance that we were going to hold the state before they would compromise themselves. I am not enough [of a] military genius to give the reasons why Bragg fell back, or whether the move was a proper one—upon the whole I am inclined to think it judicious. But what a pity we could not hold the “dark & bloody ground” [Kentucky]—it is of inestimable value to us—so rich, so plethoric with the necessaries of life—what we now need above all things. I saw more than 2000 blbs of pork destroyed in one little hour for want of wagons to transport it away. Some of our Quarter Masters succeeded in bringing away 350, or 400,000 yards of ¤ne Linsey’s, Jeans, Kerseys, &c., all of which will prove a blessing to our ill-clad men. You are justi¤ed in thinking that I change commanders often—I don’t like this place—in fact I believe it has a bad in®uence on the men, besides leading to many inconveniencies. Our regiment has again changed name—some one having re-baptized it 8th Confederate, making the

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name, I suppose, from the nature[?] of the organization9—I must stop again as it is raining— I commence again but have only a few minutes to write in. Gen. Chalmers is in command of a brigade of infantry in Wither’s Division10—you have perhaps heard of his [Chalmers’s] desperate ¤ght at Munfordville where he stormed the Yankee intrenchments & got his brigade riddled.11 Gen. Bowen recovered from his wound & I think is with Van Dorn, or rather Pemberton.12 As it now stands Our General Wheeler has gained himself considerable reputation in covering the retreat from Kentucky.13 “Nothing but a soldier could win a Southern woman’s love.” I might have known that and should have been more particular as you must have supposed I intended the question.14 I trust that I am a soldier and feel that I need some one to love me. For my own part I have settled my affections on one, and Oh how happy would I be if I had any assurances that it was or could be reciprocated! It would be such a consolation—so cheering in the hour of danger & amid trials & sufferings. Without some one on whom to center the affections I feel that I am wandering in the dark—Besides the soul needs some other soul to con¤de in to communicate its joys & its sorrows to, in short, some one to love. I have felt such an affection for one since—I will not say the ¤rst sight—but not far from it and that one I frankly tell is you and none other. Yes, Cellie, I know not what you have thought or felt, but I have long & silently loved you, but never cared[?] to declare it until better known to yourself—till more congenialty of spirit and feeling could reasonably exist. May I hope for that reciprocity of feeling—a return of that love which comes from my “heart of hearts”? Excuse this uncouth declaration of so tender a feeling, but I am in a hurry and will soon be across the mountains where there will be no opportunity of communicating with you. Write as soon as you can—direct to Murfreesboro’ or better Chattanooga. 8th Confederate, Col. Wade, Wheeler’s brigade. For the present good bye—good angels guard and protect you sleeping & awake. As ever truly K nox

Notes for 2–5 November 1862 1. After the Kentucky Campaign ended in failure the army shifted to the Murfreesboro area in Middle Tennessee.

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 95 2. Under the system of paroles, prisoners were released upon their promise (“parole”) “not to take up arms” again until exchanged. The side that captured them was thus spared the trouble and expense of housing, feeding, and guarding them. GK M’s 13 May 1863 letter shows how the system could sometimes make life easier for prisoners who were temporarily paroled although not allowed to go free. 3. After the evacuation of Corinth, Breckinridge, then a major general, was sent to recapture Baton Rouge, La., occupied by Federals moving up the Mississippi River. Following his unsuccessful 5 Aug. attack there, he and his corps— actually a very small division—were ordered to join Confederate forces in Kentucky where, Rebels hoped, Breckinridge’s personal popularity as a Kentucky politician would draw support to the secessionist cause. En route Breckinridge and his troops were diverted to Middle Tennessee, where Bragg’s army joined them in late November after the retreat from Kentucky. 4. On 8 Oct., at Perry ville in east-central Kentucky, Bragg’s outnumbered army fought Buell’s forces advancing from Louisville. Although his army held its own in the battle, Bragg decided to withdraw his force from the state. The Federals lost about forty-two hundred men; the Confederates, about thirty-four hundred in the engagement. 5. See 16OR2, 931. 6. This certainly means that GK M wrote this part of the letter on 4 Nov. Following his failure in Kentucky, Bragg moved his army to Murfreesboro, thirty miles southeast of Union-occupied Nashville, where he could contest any Yankee advance against Chattanooga. Earlier Wheeler had taken the rest of his brigade to escort the army’s wagon trains to Middle Tennessee. 16OR2, 982–83. 7. Although popularly associated with Lincoln’s famous “house divided” speech, this image is from Mark (3:25), which is doubtless GK M’s reference. 8. The “Kentucky ri®e,” was one of the earliest ri®ed individual shoulder arms in the United States. GK M, however, seems to mean the term as a catch-all for a privately owned shoulder arm of any sort used by civilians who took shots at the invading Confederates. See Hafendorfer, Twos and Tens, 223–24. 9. Regiments with companies from more than one state were designated “Confederate” regiments. See GK M’s 14 Aug. 1906 letter. GK M’s regiment was of¤cially the 8th (Wade’s) Confederate Cavalry Regiment to differentiate it from another unit that by some bureaucratic error received the same number. 10. Maj. Gen. Jones M. Withers. 11. On 14 Sept. at Munfordville, Ky., Chalmers’s Brigade attacked without proper preparation and support and was repulsed with heavy loss. 12. Bowen had been wounded 6 Apr. 1862 at Shiloh. Recovering, he joined Rebel forces in Mississippi that had been commanded by Maj. Gen. Earl Van Dorn and then by Lt. Gen. John C. Pemberton.

96 / Battles and Marches 13. Bragg had appointed Wheeler the army’s “chief of cavalry” 13 Oct. His biographer commented, “He became a coverer of retreats” (Dyer, Wheeler, 35). 14. See GK M’s letters of 8 Sept. 1862 and of 28–29 Nov. 1862.

Miller did not pen his next letter until his detachment had rejoined the regiment in Middle Tennessee. By then, Bragg had most of his army concentrated at Murfreesboro, facing a powerful Union force in Nashville, barely thirty miles to the northwest. The Rebel army occupied a dangerous position—only a short distance from the heavily forti¤ed base of a larger enemy force and at the end of its own tenuous railroad line of supply that snaked back over the mountains to Chattanooga and thence on to K noxville and Atlanta. Bragg threw out his cavalry in a wide arc to cover his front and keep an eye on the Yankees. Joseph Wheeler, a brigadier general since 30 October, remained the army’s “chief of cavalry.” Bragg’s mounted force then consisted of six brigades, two of which (those of Nathan Bedford Forrest and John Hunt Morgan) were on detached service. Brig. Gen. Abraham Buford’s small brigade held the post at Rover, some eighteen miles southwest of Bragg’s main force. Brig. Gen. John Pegram’s brigade took position northeast of Murfreesboro to cover Bragg’s extreme right. Wheeler’s two largest brigades deployed in front of the army. Brig. Gen. John A. Wharton’s horsemen held the Nolensville area some twenty miles to the northwest and protected the army’s left and left center against an enemy advance from that direction. Wheeler’s Brigade deployed along Stewart’s Creek, about ten miles in front of Murfreesboro, to block the direct approach to Bragg’s main position. The brigade comprised three Alabama cavalry regiments (1st, 3d, and 51st Partisan Rangers); Wade’s 8th Confederate Cavalry Regiment; the 1st Tennessee Cavalry Regiment; the Tennessee cavalry battalions of Majs. DeWitt Clinton Douglass and D. W. Holman; and the Arkansas artillery battery of Capt. J. H. Wiggins. K nox Miller fell ill on the march to Murfreesboro and rode part of the way in what in the Army of the Mississippi—redesignated the Army of Tennessee as of 20 November—passed for an ambulance. Soon after he rejoined the 8th Confederate, the regiment moved to the front, leaving the ill Captain behind in charge of the

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unit’s “convalescent camp” at Murfreesboro. Several days later Miller and the convalescents moved up to join the regiment. When he reached the unit on 25 November, he found awaiting him a “heart-setting-at-rest” letter from Celestine. Winter was in the air on 28 November, and snow fell across Middle Tennessee late that afternoon. To K nox Miller, however, the weather, the army’s organization, and just about everything else paled into insigni¤cance as he joyfully sat down to write to Celestine.

28–29 November 1862 Between Murfreesboro’ & Nashville Nov 28th/621 My dear Cellie, Although quite unwell at present—as I have been most of the time since last I wrote—I cannot resist the temptation of indulging my pen once more, for it—or rather my heart—has been wanting to commune with you for three long days past, that time having elapsed since your heart-setting-at-rest—(excuse the term) letter was received. It may have been that suspense added to my bodily af®iction, since “hope deferred maketh the heart sick” and why not the whole physical man? But since seeing that word “reciprocity” need I tell you that my heart is happy in its case and that physical pain, before so heavy, seems now but a pigmie’s burden to bear.2 You will not accuse me of exageration when I tell you it was my ¤rst open and unequiovocal declaration [of love]. Yes, Cellie, it was left me to grow up to full manhood before I found a soul that I thought would prove congenial to my own and I declared, fearing at the same time, lest some more fortunate—but never mind all that—I have heard it as if from your own pure lips that the treasure I coveted was “trustingly, con¤dingly” given—O how happy I feel, Cellie,—words cannot express the fulness of my heart for those cheering words and the precious gift they convey! May heaven make me worthy of that con¤dence and trust, and turn aside the marring[?] breath or chilling wind that might creep in between our loves! I have endeavored from my childhood, when I had a mother’s prayers and counsel to assist me, and then when wending my own way thro’ the world, to make my mind and heart both worthy of woman’s love. How

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far I have succeeded I would not attempt to say, when time alone can tell. Those school-boy adventures some of which I told you of the night when we quietly promenaded on the porch of Mrs. A’s,3 were but the evanescent passions of an hour—the result of attraction to a mind unmatured and a way-ward heart—there was nothing of love there. Speaking from experience I know the difference, And yet does it not seem strange that in the relation of those boyish pranks, a holier and (God grant) a more lasting ¤re should be enkindled? You must not think that I am indulging in romance, but that night as you listened attentively to the relations of my frivolities—I could not help but love, and your own dear self was its object. Now don’t think that I attempt ®attery, for I would never have said I loved you if I thought you susceptible of ®attery. No; your soul is too pure; too elevated to be caught in such a shallow net. I am happy, Cellie, I now have a distinct object in view—to make myself worthy of your affections—that done there remains but one other—no I am wrong, for if I succeed in that it will embrace all others. Yes, it will include every thing. And you have no idea how much your love will strengthen and assist me in pursuing my course. I shall not be alone but have a[n] ear into which I would whisper my joys and sorrows feeling that they will reach a sympathising heart. I will have some one to dream of while I lie on my “pallet of straw”—someone to think of in the hour of strife and carnage until this unholy, and bloody war is over. And should God so will it that I should fall in defence of those rights for which I am battling, I would have some one to breathe a prayer for my soul’s salvation, cherish my memory, let fall a silent tear, and strew sweet ®owers over the sod that covers me. Life without something to love would indeed be but a poor and aimless existence, which will account for the many idols that man has erected and then bowed down to—this will account for ambition, avarice, &c. But there can be no pure and holy love where there can be no reciprocity. Let ours be “Two souls with but a single thought; two hearts that beat as one.” Do you remember when I quoted those beautiful lines before?4 But I may tire you by dwelling too long on one theme—forgive an over®owing heart. If I could only see you and speak what my heart feels instead of writing in the midst of the noise and bustle of a camp, I might weary you even more, but then it would be such a pleasure thus to meet that I don’t know that I would be so considerate of your patience. I would be thrice happy if I could accept your kind invitation and be with you Christmas, but the stern necessities of the times gives but little time for pleasure.

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I have now been in service over sixteen months and never absent a day from my command. My department of the service is always active—if retreating, the cavalry must cover it; if advancing, must reconnoitre and ascertain the enemy’s position, if on a stand, the picket guard and toilsome scout. No time to rest, no moments for idling. Since the 24th of last June I have scarcely been off my horse a day until within the last week, when I was physically unable to mount. I had a tolerable easy time on the march from K noxville, but did not get up with my regiment until it reached Murfreesboro’ before reaching which I was taken sick and rode several days in a rough, jolting wagon. I had been at M. but two days when the Regiment was ordered to the front between the place & [Union-occupied] Nashville. Being unable to perform mounted service, I remained behind in charge of the Convalescent camp much to my regret as all the captains but three & two of the ¤eld of¤cers of the Regt. were under arrest for some offensive petition they had made months before.5 I remained at M. about a week when I was ordered to bring up my [convalescents’] camp to the brigade, where I found your letter awaiting me. To-day I am left in camp, still unable to ride, while the regiment is on picket. Yesterday the Yankees came out in force and drove in our pickets—a heavy cannonading was kept up for several hours with but little if any loss to our side. Gen. Wheeler had a horse shot under him and was slightly wounded himself—one of his staff was dangerously wounded by a grape shot.6 I have made application for thirty days leave of absence but do not know whether it will be granted. I have business at home that needs my presence, & I would like to see [the] old home once more, and if possible I would like to see a quiet little spot in another state, but all is uncertain. We are experiencing some very cold weather rendering a soldier’s life doubly hard when we take into consideration the fact that we are without tents or even tent ®ies. While absent from the regiment with my company, there were some tents & clothing distributed, but this world is so full of sel¤shness that [neither] I nor my company got nothing at all. I sent home a man several days ago for clothing for the Company—all hands being very much in need and but few more than myself. I lost my gloves & all my blankets together with a nice uniform suit coming thro’ from Ky. Some fellow stole them. If his conscience is easy I trust his booty will keep him warm. Speaking of stealing—this war has rendered it a general business from the of¤cer who holds government trust, down to the hungry, naked pri-

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vate. The sin seems to have become almost universal, the rule in fact. The Kentucky campaign greatly demoralized our army, about half of it being stragglers. Depredations were committed equalled only by those of our Yankee brethren. The men considered themselves in an enemy’s country and hence the liberties they took. It is much to be deplored, for the barrier of honor once o’erstepped, the road to rascality is doubly inviting no matter if it does lead over what was once friendly ground. No one is more apt to tread it than a soldier—away from home and its hallowed restraints, the young and even well reared soldier is easily led astray. Speaking of depredations—Yesterday the Yankees drove our pickets thro’ the little village of Lavergne on the Nashville & Chattanooga R. Road, and having gained possession of the town, burnt & destroyed every thing in it leaving scarcely a house standing, even tearing up & burning beds, clothing, buggies, carriages, &c. This done they retreated back behind their forti¤cations in front of Nashville.7 Some one will have to answer for this, and what a record will be presented when man’s ¤nal settlement is made with his Maker! Nov 29th. It began to snow last night and as I had no tent under which to take shelter, was necessarily compelled to desist [writing]. This morning it is bright and clear tho’ cold and windy making it very disagreeable to write, yet my heart feels buoyant and I feel like telling you over and over again how much I love you, but I must not write it all lest I should overwhelm you with protestations and make you think there were more words than feeling. You must write to me very often—must not wait for the “receipt of my last” for you know where love bears sway, a single word—anything from you makes the heart glow. I will try and write once a week if I have the opportunity. For the present good bye. Good angels guard the sleeping and waking hours of my own loved Cellie, and heaven preserve us both for the hour when we can meet and answer heart to heart the feelings of our affections. Good bye, again, good bye K nox

Notes for 28–29 November 1862 1. On 10 Jan. 1863 GK M wrote that he began this letter on 27 Nov. and completed it the following day. He dated the last part of this letter 29 Nov. 2. The quotation is from Proverbs 13:12. See 8 Sept. and 2–5 Nov. 1862 letters. 3. See GK M’s 6 Nov. 1860 letter.

14 June 1862–12 January 1863 / 101 4. This quotation, which GK M used again in his letter of 13 May 1863, is from Ingomar the Barbarian, 1.2, by Friedrich Halm. 5. I have found no details relating to this matter. Probably no formal charges were brought against them. 6. One brief report with a slight reference to other outpost action that day is in 20OR1, 22–23. See also pt. 2, 427. Bragg commented to Wheeler 27 Nov., “you expose yourself too recklessly in affairs of this character” (OR Supp., vol. 20, pt. 1, 19). I have been unable to identify the staff of¤cer. 7. See n6 this letter.

7 December 1862 Stewart’s Creek,1 Tenn. Dec. 7/62 My dear Cellie, More than a week has elapsed since last I wrote, and I am still very unwell and con¤ned to camp while my gallant boys are “in front” on picket skirmishing almost hourly with the enemy. Yesterday I was by a log ¤re nearly all day listening to the heavy boom of the cannon. The day before there was a heavy fall of snow for about 8 or 10 hours covering the ground for several inches and bending the tree-tops around me with the crystaline burden. On the same day there was an advance along our lines, Gen. Cheatham’s Division passing up the pike on which we are encamped from Murfreesboro to Lavergne, 15 miles from Nashville. All that day & night the poor fellows were plodding past—in the snow & ice—a silent march broken only by the rumbling of the heavy guns as they rolled over the hard smooth pike. Yesterday morning the uninitiated were on tip-toe, expecting a general engagement which seemed all the more probable when the artillery opened about 12 o’clock. But it proved to be only an attack of our regiment and another on a large forging [foraging] party of Yankees who have been in the habit of coming out from 4 to 6000 strong almost daily, driving in our pickets and skirmishing while their wagons were in their rear despoiling farms of grain, poultry, meal, &c. Yesterday a stop was put to their proceedings by an attack from our forces just after they had got their usual supply. Several hours ¤ghting resulted in the capture of 57 “Yanks,” 12 ¤ne army wagons, 60 mules, several horses, and the loads which the wagons contained, consisting of corn, turkeys, chickens, &c.2 I have not yet learned whether any of my company were hurt, but pre-

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sume not by no one returning to camp. Co “B” which is in the same squadron with my own had two or three slightly wounded. Lieutenant Nabors was in command of my company, he being the only one of my Lieuts present,3 one being absent on special duty, while the other was in camp with some friends visiting us from home. Our visitors brought a wagon with clothing for several of the “boys,” the handy work of anxious mothers, sisters and, in some instances, sweethearts. Having donned their Alabama “wide cloth” as they call it, they presented quite a tidy, comfortable appearance. How lucky that they got these necessities before the last three days of snow and ice. It is bitter cold, and the suffering endured by the poor picket as he sits on his horse hour after hour, I fear, will never ¤nd a page in history and be known only in the memory of him who “suffers and is still.” But many of them prefer to be on picket to staying in camp. In the former case they often have an opportunity, when not on post, of stepping into a house and getting a good warm meal, and thawing their frozen ¤ngers & toes. In camp there are no comforts, not even covering from the weather, and only half rations of beef and corn meal. I have met with quite a disappointment since last I wrote. I believe I told you that I had applied for a “leave of absence.” Well, I had it approved by the commander of the regiment and of the brigade, but it found no favor farther on and was yesterday returned “Disapproved” by Gens. Wheeler, Hardee, & Bragg.4 Of course I was out Generaled and withdrew defeated. But such matters go by favor, and I have never sought any from those above me, especially when I knew it was obtained at the expense of “boot-licking” as we termed it at school. There have been ten furloughs granted in the Virginia [army] to 2 in the Army of the Mississippi. The cause is obvious. Here we are either preparing for an advance when every man should be at his post or making a retreat when they have to keep them there. This will also account for the terrible “orders” that we have [read to us] at almost every “dress parade” Such as “If any soldier or enrolled man be found one mile from his camp without written permission from his regimental commander, he shall be considered a deserter and sent to the rear in irons.” This is but a specimin, and it all results out of the demoralizing effects of retreat. 5 I had almost concluded, in case my leave of absence was granted, to stop in Christmas morning and see what my Cellie was doing—But that ominous “Disapproved” proved a most effectual settler of all such fond anticipations. Well, if I live and the Yankees don’t disturb me, and the

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boys [don’t] come with “Captain, this” and “Captain, that” too much, I’ll just try and think of you all day and imagine how pleasant it would be, how happy I’d be, could I but realize what I had anticipated in the event of a furlough. Indeed my anticipations brought [me] to misfortune for I was so con¤dent of going home that I didn’t even write for several articles of clothing that were almost indispensable, and to-morrow or next day all the “boys” will have received their new clothes and poor me without any thing new and no prospect of getting any soon. On making search I discovered to my sorrow that one of my gloves that a lady friend presented to me some time since was missing—well, I can put one hand in my pocket and still keep up appearances if I can’t the comfort, and you know your appearances are a wonderful thing with your world. I received a letter from home since I met with my “disappointment” which consoles me very much—a friend writing says that more credit is given me and my company than any of the 20 odd that have left our county—why? because we are always found at our post not trotting home every few days, nor writing woeful letters full of complaint—asking them to send this good thing & that comfort &c. It also stated that your K nox had gained quite a reputation at home as an of¤cer. Now really this is consoling, for I have never been an aspirant for military honors, but suppose that by pursuing the even tenor of my way, have been so fortunate as to please. Now my writing this looks much like self praise, and I never would have done so had it been to any other but your own loved self. But [this praise] coming from the source it did, it could not help but make me feel rewarded for whatever I may have undergone, and whenever my heart is light I’ll not be backward in telling you the cause, knowing as I do to what a trusting, loving heart I am con¤ding. I told you I would write often, and you must not blame me for keeping my word. I am anxiously looking for a line from you. Until you hear again believe my heart as ever Yours, G. K. Miller

Notes for 7 December 1862 1. Stewart’s Creek, about ten miles northwest of Murfreesboro, in effect, served as the line held by Wheeler’s cavalry. 2. Union reports list 1 killed, 2 or 3 wounded, 1 missing, and 8 wagons lost. 20OR1, 34–40. 3. Belton O. (“A.” in some records) Nabors entered service with the com-

104 / Battles and Marches pany 15 July 1861. After serving as corporal and then sergeant, he won election to 2d lieutenant effective 13 Aug. 1862. In May 1863 he was detached as regimental commissary. He was paroled at Hillsboro, N.C., 3 May 1865. 4. Wade may then have been acting brigade commander while Wheeler functioned as chief of cavalry. Hardee commanded the corps with which GK M’s unit was operating. 5. General Orders No. 10, 11 Dec. 1862, read: “Any non-commissioned of¤cer or soldier found 1 mile from his camp without leave in writing, and any of¤cer or soldier who shall be out of his quarters or camp without leave of his superior of¤cer, is liable to trial and punishment, under the Forty-¤rst and Fortysecond Articles of War” (20OR2, 446–47). The cited articles deal, in part in almost the same language, with men absent from their units without permission.

21 December 1862 Camp Nelson, Tenn., Dec 21st/62 My dear Cellie, I have already written two letters since receiving yours of the 12th ult., but accidental causes may have prevented other favors [from] reaching me, and I will not forego the pleasure of writing to you, however unfortunate I may be in [not] getting a kind word from you. Yes it is really a pleasure—a pleasure to the mind and heart[—]to unburden oneself to the dearest object of the affections, and you know full well that it is in accordance with human nature to indulge—sometimes even to excess— in pleasures. I have been looking long and anxiously for a letter from you—have even received it in my dreams and was overjoyed till waking moments proved that it was but a dream. But I have no complaints to make—mails are irregular and uncertain; besides my Cellie may be sick and unable to write, the thought of which pains me much more than the physical suffering which I am myself constantly enduring. I am still quite unwell, having taken severe cold threatening pneumonia, but I feel better this morning and am able to stir about a little. It is a beautiful, bright, bracing Sabbath morning, and the bright sunshine and pure air is enough to make one feel better if nothing else. I am happy to see that Gen. Bragg has by a general order dispensed, as much as possible, with all military duties such as drills, drawing and issuing of commissaries, &c., on the sabbath day.1 This is a wise order and one that should have been issued long since. Men & beasts need the “one day in seven,” and altho military duties often sadly interfere with

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its observance, yet there are times, such as the present with the Army of Tenn., when necessity makes no such calls—The soldier should at least be reminded when the Sabbath comes—but I know from experience that it is otherwise very often. How I would love, this morning, to enter the Sabbath school and meet my interesting class that it pained me so to part with. I always loved to go to Sabbath school—there always seems a quietness—a peaceful calm pervading every thing, that gives a feeling of ease & rest to both body & mind. I, yesterday, saw parson[?] Elliott of Nashville who had just come thro’ the enemy’s lines—he says things look hopeful for us viewed from a Northern point. The great battle just fought on the banks of the Rappahannock, when our brave legions again repulsed the haughty invader, has caused a feeling near akin to despair among the more rabid of the North. They acknowledge a loss of from 18 to 20,000 and say (one of the members from Kansas) that, unless the greatest success attends their arms in the West, all is lost and the chase had better be given up.2 I had the pleasure of seeing the prisoners taken by Jno. H. Morgan at Hartsville—it was a brilliant affair—two regiments of Kentucky infantry, and some three of Morgan’s Cavalry marched 50 miles, crossed the Cumberland river, fought a battle, captured more than their own number of men together with 40 wagons loaded with Q[uarter]. Master’s stores & ¤ve with small arms and two pieces of artillery, recrossed the river bringing away their prisoners and booty in the space of 72 hours and that during a terrible snow storm.3 A few evenings since Maj. Jno. S. Prather of our Regt. went out with a small detachment, slipped into the Yankee lines, and captured their entire reserve picket on the Murfreesboro & Nashville [turn]pike. Six were killed, & about 40 taken prisoners with their ¤ne repeating ri®es, horses, saddles &c. This was quite a brilliant little exploit and has cheered the boys up considerably.4 President Davis & Gen. Joe Johnston have been at Murfreesboro but left about the 16th for Miss., where the tide of war seems ®owing.5 A desperate effort is on foot to reduce Vicksburg—a land and water attack but . . . [illegible] I tell you the land part of the concern will not get there soon.6 Excuse my bad writing this morning—I feel too unwell to write more and will close—. Ah! One request ¤rst. If you do not consider it improper please send me my Cellie’s ambrotype—If you have the one that

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you had when I was in Carolina—the one taken with your hair combed back send it. I like that best—you look best with the hair thus dressed. Send me one to carry near my heart—, to look upon at least once a day.7 No more now, but with the soul’s warmest affection believe me as ever your K nox P.S. Direct your letter to Murfreesboro.

Notes for 21 December 1862 1. See G. O. No. 12, 12 Dec. 1862, 20OR2, 447; see also GK M’s letters of 25 Oct. 1863 and 10 Apr. 1864. 2. Elliott may have been Collins D. Elliott, the Methodist chaplain of the 1st Tenn. Inf. On 13 Dec. at Fredericksburg, Va., Confederate forces defeated a Federal army, in®icting about 12,500 casualties on the Yankees. “One of the members from Kansas” was Congressman Martin F. Conway, who advocated peace on the basis of Confederate independence. His ideas drew comments in the Rebel press for weeks. See, for example, Montgomery Weekly Advertiser, 25 Feb. and 4 Mar. 1863. 3. On 7 Dec. raiders under Col. (later Brig. Gen.) John Hunt Morgan attacked the Federal garrison at Hartsville, Tenn. Morgan’s 2,100 men captured 1,834 prisoners. 4. Prather entered the army 25 July 1861 at La Fayette, Ala. At an unknown date he was elected 2d lieutenant in Falkner’s company, which became Co. B, of the regiment. On 17 May 1862, when a 1st lieutenant, he won election as major (date of rank 15 May). When Lieutenant Colonel Falkner resigned effective 18 Dec. 1862, Prather took his place. He was not formally appointed until he applied to the War Department for the post 10 Jan. 1865. The appointment came 13 Feb. (date of rank 18 Dec. 1862). With Wade absent, Prather commanded the regiment for most of the ¤nal sixteen months of the war and was paroled with the army 3 May 1865 at Hillsboro, N.C. See GK M’s 23 Sept. 1913 letter. 5. Alarmed at the squabbling among his western generals, Davis paid a visit to the army. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, recently named to command Rebel forces in Tennessee and Mississippi, accompanied him. 6. With the return of cool weather the Federals, operating from Memphis, resumed their efforts to capture Vicksburg and reestablish national control of the Mississippi River. That winter several Yankee efforts to take Vicksburg met with failure. 7. See 7 Jan., and 13 and 29 May 1863, and 10 Apr. 1864 letters, as well as the biographical sketch.

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A few days after Miller mailed his 21 December letter the Union army pushed out from Nashville toward Murfreesboro. Bragg’s Rebels met the Yankees, and the two armies fought a battle over New Year’s Day that resulted in yet another Confederate retreat. On 7 January, when Miller next sat down to write his ¤ancée, he was in southern Tennessee. He saved an account of recent military actions for later letters.

7 January 1863 West Mulberry, Lincoln Co[unty,] Tenn Jan 7th/63 My dear Cellie, I was most happy in the receipt of your favor of the 31st ult. day before yesterday. It was a gloomy day, part of the time snowing, part raining, and I had nothing to do but keep close in my tent, where I read your long letter over & over to my heart’s ease and the mind’s in¤nite satisfaction. I almost imagined myself by your dear side holding pleasant converse as true lovers should. But I expect (if all the letters I have written within the last two weeks [none found] found their destination) you are ready to exclaim, hold! enough!1 But such a thing as an absent lover without some little annoyances (and you know what troubles they bring when present) you “surest not look to have.” I have certainly exhausted my supply of camp & army news, so you need not—I warn in advance—be surprised if I have recourse to the usual trite & thread bare themes. There is but one of your letters missing now and the truth is I am surprised, considering the general hubbub consequent upon the late battle and fall-back, that any of your favors have succeeded in reaching me, being, as I am now, in a kind of out-ofthe way place.2 I am on Mulberry creek in a beautiful & fertile valley of old Lincoln County, far famed in the South for a superior article of whiskey that is distilled here in large quantities.3 I saw one farmer & distiller who had made $30,000 in the last four months off of this one article, besides any number of drunkards & miserable families. Our soldiers, brave and patriotic as they are, are, nevertheless, many of them, great fools withal. I have known them to walk ten miles & then pay $10 a quart for the vilest beverage that ever led man to poverty, misery, & crime, and that too when they were only receiving the pitiful sum of $11 per month

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with a large family partially depending upon it for support. If there is little value placed on money any where it is among soldiers.—Here I am ¤bbing already—talking about soldiers &c. when I promised to have nothing to say on the subject. I was very much disappointed at not receiving Cellie’s ambrotype, but of course yield submission to the stern necessities of the times, yet this does not [at] all lessen the pleasure it would give me to look on somebody’s face at least once a day. What would you think were I to tell you that I merely wrote for it to see whether you would be willing for me to keep a picture that I already possess, and which I obtained when you were not thinking of such a thing? I surely have such a one. Now guess when & where I obtained it, and what kind it is.4 I would have given almost any thing to have been one of that merry Christmas party—a bird hunt and a “sociable” to wind up with! What a glorious time I would have had! I am surely surprised at one thing. It was hardly to be expected that the other members of the party would ¤nd any birds—their want of success(?) is not to be wondered at, but not so with you. However, I forgot, I expect Billy’s sport hunting [is?] out of the question with you. How unfortunate you are as an equestrienne! I remember having heard of a previous dismounting affair in which you came out second best. Don’t you think somebody is perhaps too venturesome?5 If I had Billy here, a few scouts, “Yankee hunting,” would thoroughly cure him of his fun. I hope my Sharp Shooting friend & fellow soldier, the little Capt. played the agreeable[?] satisfactorily—I would like to see him & return him thanks for kindly ¤lling the place of an absent friend. He is a true Pythias, but I think he ought to have ridden that mule nevertheless.6 He has good cause to be proud of the “Army of the Potomac,” 7 and I trust that his favorite Generals may be equally deserving of praise hereafter; but like you I never expect to lose my admiration for Beauregard. I am persuaded that he lost much of his reputation by the evacuation of Corinth, and nothing could be more undeserved. That retreat was of as much advantage as the victory of Manassas, in my humble opinion. I was present [at Corinth], & but a few days before had passed all thro’ our army & especially the hospitals. Beauregard’s only blunder, I think, was in not pressing the battle later on the ¤rst day of the Shiloh ¤ght.8 With the little Captain’s permission I would like to compare our own Wheeler with Stewart.9 He [Wheeler] is the very soul of gallantry and

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chivalrous bearing—he is a little bit of a fellow, somewhat smaller than myself and very plain & unpretending,—a sort of Charles XII—restless, energetic and cool under a storm of shells.10 I wish you had told me that joke on Miss Gussie—I know it would do no harm. By the way while I write one of Miss G’s cousins is standing by me. It is James L. Anderson from my county & a worthy member of my company. I don’t suppos[e] she knows him tho’. There is another boy by my side writing who is perhaps also a relation—James A. Orr my pet[?] bugler—A very handsome fellow and as good as he is handsome.11 Do you know whether Hamp has broken a tender silence to Miss G. or not? Not telling tales out of school, but he has expressed some very strong sentiments to me in regard to “raven locks and melting black eyes” as he con¤dentially terms Miss Gussie. I want to know as he often chided me for backwardness(?) But as he said nothing on the subject to me in his last letter, I inferred that he had given over the chase or else had found some “mortal[?] more attractive,” which, con¤dentially, I think would be no easy matter—but—he is yet a boy in such matters— scarcely knowing his own mind two hours at a time. When I was in S. C., one moment it was Cousin Katie—the next—“Raven locks &c.,” but you must not let him know that I told you so—he would never forgive me, and indeed I would not speak so to any one but my dear Cellie.12 I was thinking that Miss Essie would have stepped off the carpet [married?] before this—I forget All the boys are “gone to the wars.” And you would like a sight at “Capt. M. in his regimentals”—Truly, even you might be sadly disappointed. But in the ¤rst place, let me tell you that regimentals in the ¤eld are quite different, as a general thing, from those found on furloughed men & “absent with leave of¤cers.” I have known cases when of¤cers have exchanged a suit that had not made the acquaintance of the laundress for weeks, for a bran[d] new one that cost several months wages—just to appear nice in at home & to cut a dash among the girls—Some seem to think that brass buttons & gold lace cover a multitude of sins with the ladies—and indeed it is often the case that they cover or cloak up a multitude and no question—not with the ladies—who, God bless them, can see into a mill stone as far as any one—but in unquestionable reality[?]. Let me get another sheet of paper, & I will proceed to state on the subject of the regimentals. My company has, really, no complete uniform, nor ever has had since it was an old volunteer, dress-parade, show-off-before-the-girls corps, previous to the war; at which time it had a very gay appearance. You may

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say its uniform at present is plain gray jeans frock coats, with a single row of brass buttons, pants of same color, high boots and black felt hats. Some few of them are dressed a little different from this, but the above is the standard. Now then, for your little Capt. & his regimentals, and to begin with the beginning—A black, rather broad brimmed, felt hat with a double cord of black silk & gold passing twice around the crown with corresponding tassels extending over the brim behind. The above named hat covers a military-cut head of hair, while in the for[e] ground stands out in bold(?) relief an ornament corresponding in name but not in proportion with that of Monseiur DeVeres with an [illegible] crop of whiskers serving as basso relievo [bas-relief] to the whole.13 Next comes a light blue comforter tied a “la negligé” [casually] with ends hanging ad libitum [at pleasure; freely] over a red & black cotton velvet over-shirt. Then a frock coat of ¤ne, light gray jeans [cloth] with bright orange collar and cuffs—a single band of gold lace passing around the cuffs with the three bars of the capt. on the collar completes the lace part. The coat is double breasted, having two rows of buttons—seven in a row together with three smaller ones fastening each cuff and four behind, two at the waist & two at the lower edge of the pockets. All the buttons are marked A. V. C. [Alabama Volunteer Corps] showing my state & corps. Trowsers same color as coat with an orange cord, instead of a stripe, passing down the seam.14 High topped, Hessian boots with a pretty pair of brass spurs and you have your little Capt. in his regimentals—No, I forget—a black patent leather belt with a side holster & “navy six” [revolver] on his right side while from the left hangs a light, nicely carved sabre with brass hilt. Well, there you have him. What do you think of him generally? Maybe you could tell me better if he were to undergo a personal inspection—I have given you a faithful description but to make assurance doubly sure I [would] much rather you were present, or, perhaps, better, I were present for you to verify the matter.—But the very thought has involuntarily brought a sigh. When will so happy an hour be mine? Ever or never? Who can tell but He who knows and judges our inmost thoughts and rules all for good. It may be that “somebody” exposes himself too much, but the question with us is how we can avoid exposure all the time—The fact is it cannot be done in a cavalry camp; especially when we have the amount & kind of duty that is now imposed upon us. A night’s sleep with a shelter or a warm meal at a private house is a perfect God-send. Would you believe

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me if I were to tell you I had never slept in a private house but once since leaving home, nor have I ever taken more than a half dozen meals out of camp[?] I believe and act upon it, that an of¤cer’s place is with his men at all times possible—it ensures discipline and gives them con¤dence in those who are, for the most part arbitrarily, called their superiors. —With the heart’s warmest affection, I am, My dear Cellie, ever your K nox [Written vertically along the left side of last page of letter] I forgot to tell you that I am much better than when I last wrote and hope in a few days to be able to do duty again. [Written upside down in space at top of page three] I like the K nox at the beginning of your last letter—it isn’t half so cold as Capt. M.—Call me K nox all the time, and if possible I’ll run the mercury of my love up at least a degree—But I hardly see how it would be possible considering that I am wholly yours. K.

Notes for 7 January 1863 1. From Shakespeare’s Macbeth, 5.8.34. 2. GK M refers to the Battle of Murfreesboro (Stones River) 31 Dec. 1862–2 Jan. 1863. Although the battle ended in a draw, shortage of supplies and reports of Union reinforcements led Bragg to retreat with his battered army. The 8th Confed. Cav. covered the retreat, ¤ghting on foot. See F. W. Flood, “Captures by Eighth Confederate Cavalry,” Confederate Veteran 13 (1905): 458–59 (cited hereafter as CV). GK M sent an account of the action in his next two letters. 3. The famous Jack Daniel Distillery is only a few miles to the northeast in Moore County. 4. GK M was teasing Celestine. See his letters of 21 Dec. 1862, 13 May 1863, and 10 Apr. 1864 as well as the biographical sketch. 5. See GK M’s 6 Nov. 1860 letter. Billy seems to have been a horse. 6. In Greek mythology, when Pythias was sentenced to death for rebellion against the king of Syracuse, Damon offered his own life as surety that Pythias would return to be executed if temporarily released to conclude his personal business. At the scheduled time Pythias returned to die, and the monarch allowed both to live. 7. The major Confederate army in the Old Dominion, the Army of Northern Virginia, originally bore the designation “Army of the Potomac.” 8. During the night of 29–30 May 1862, Beauregard withdrew from Corinth, Miss. Although skillfully conducted with little loss, the evacuation gave the Yankees control of that vital rail center. Exaggerated Unionist claims and

112 / Battles and Marches howls from Beauregard’s many critics led the general to defend himself in print. See GK M’s 27 July 1862 letter and that of 12 Feb. 1914. At Manassas, Va., 21 July 1861, Confederates routed a Union army in the war’s ¤rst large battle. Beauregard received much praise for the victory. He called the retreat from Corinth “in every respect . . . equivalent to a brilliant victory.” T. Harry Williams, P. G. T. Beauregard: Napoleon in Gray (Baton Rouge, 1955), 153–57. Overcrowded, Corinth had become a very unhealthful place by the time the Rebels left. See also 10OR1, 771–73. 9. Maj. Gen. James E. B. Stuart commanded the principal Confederate cavalry force in Virginia 1862–64. 10. Charles XII (1682–1718), K ing of Sweden and a distinguished, if somewhat eccentric, military commander. GK M’s height was ¤ve feet, ¤ve inches. See n2 to GK M’s 6 Nov. 1860 letter. In several later letters (e.g., 10 July 1863, 1–3 Aug. 1864) GK M expressed an unfavorable opinion of Wheeler, but he changed his mind when he wrote his “Notes on the 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (see chap. 10). 11. Anderson of Talladega, a twenty-one year-old South Carolina–born farmer, joined the company 31 Jan. 1862 at Camp Beauregard, Ky., as a private. Absent, “on scout,” at the surrender, he was paroled 29 May 1865 in Talladega. Orr, an eighteen-year-old musician, enlisted in July 1861. He was paroled at Hillsboro, N.C., 3 May 1865. It is not known if he was related to one or both of the Orrs mentioned in GK M’s 14 June 1862 letter. 12. See GK M’s 6 Nov. 1860 letter. 13. Monseiur DeVeres may refer to Mount Sorel, or, the Heiress of the De Veres (1845) by Anne Marsh-Caldwell, but I have been unable to determine the speci¤c reference. 14. Yellow trim on the uniform traditionally denominated cavalry. In his 10 Jan. 1863 letter, GK M called the cord yellow.

Early in the new year the Confederates took a position centered on Tullahoma to protect Chattanooga against a Federal advance from Middle Tennessee. Wheeler’s Brigade guarded its right (northeastern) ®ank. On 10 January K nox sent Celestine an account of the last month’s military events.

10 January 1863 Manchester, Tenn., Jan 10th/63 My dear Cellie, Yesterday I hardly had time to drop you a line; to-day I feel somewhat better and will write more at length provided I have the strength to sit

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up long enough. I would have written more than a week ago but the sequel will show that it was beyond my power, tho’ the will was good. I received yours of the 18th Dec. on the 1st and from its tone am con¤dent that one of your letters has never reached me—it was an answer to mine of Nov. 27th & [2]8th. I regret it very much for I know it would have given me a world of pleasure. Not that the one received was at all the less welcome, but the loss of the former takes a link from [the] chain. If I believed in “lover’s quarrels” I might stir up a small one this morning, but not being prone by nature to stir up strife, and being constitutionally opposed to “measuring blades” with the ladies I’ll keep cool— But, my dear Cellie, please don’t call me Capt Miller—call me K nox—I like that name much the best. The other has so many unpleasant associations, while the latter sounds like the happy days of yore—freighted with school-boy joys, and home associations. But enough of tri®ing, and now I will endeavor to give a brief history of the war in Middle Tenn., thinking that it will perhaps interest you more than aught else that I can pen in my present condition. I have sketched off a diagram of the localities &c. which may assist you somewhat in viewing the ¤eld. It is necessarily very imperfect especially in the directions & distances, but I had no map and what I have sketched is from personal knowledge of the ground. [Undated postwar note states that the diagram is missing.] I spent a quiet Christmas in our camp at Stewart’s Creek, not choosing to engage in the sports & pastimes resorted to by our of¤cers generally, such as drinking, gambling, horse racing, etc., etc. I felt much better than I had for several days and found pleasure enough in that. The next morning I was still weak but wanted to be with my boys in their duties and accordingly reported for duty. We had a drill in the morning but about 12 o’clock heavy ¤ring in the direction of Lavergne warned us that the enemy was not spending the holidays in festivity at Nashville. The cannonading gradually drew nearer and soon an order came for what of the Brigade that was then in camp to come up to Lavergne in all haste. We were soon in the saddle, and a trot of 5 miles brought us to L. in front of which we found the enemy. I[t] was now 3 o’clock, and the enemy not retiring as usual when merely coming out for forage, we knew pretty well that something more stirring than common was in the wind. Our Regt. was sent forward to the left of the pike to support a portion of the 3d Ala. [Cavalry Regiment, Wheeler’s Brigade] which the enemy

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was pressing pretty vigorously. After going about a mile we dismounted, left our horses under the protection of a hill, and dashed forward as skirmishers. A quarter of a mile brought us upon the enemy well concealed in a cedar thicket. They opened on us at about 150 yards when the order was given to charge, and forward we dashed over two fences and to within 30 yds of the Yanks. Here we had as hot a little brush as one would want on a Dec. day. The Yanks were better posted than we and as it was growing dark had the light in their favor, besides their clothes were so near the color of the cedars behind which they were posted that it was almost impossible to see them; for nearly an hour we fought them, each man to his tree. I was on foot and went a little in advance of our lines to ¤nd better ground for some of the boys who were very much exposed, and just as I knelt at the root of a tree and was drawing a bead upon a big rascal, a minie ball grazed my pantaloons just above the knee. No great damage was done except tearing the yellow cord that I wear on my pants for a stripe. I had bark knocked into my eyes several times but was not hurt in the least. Finding the enemy well supported, we withdrew inch by inch until it grew so dark we could not distinguish one object from another and nothing but the ®ash of the “random gun” told us that the enemy had taken his position for the night, and we could now see in the distance the whole horizon lit up with his innumerable camp ¤res. It took no ghost to tell us that Rosencranz had begun his long expected advance from Nashville, and what con¤rmed it, we could distinctly hear heavy cannonading all day to our left on the Nolensville pike, showing that he was advancing with a heavy column on each road.1 The next day [27 December] being our time in course [rotation] to go on picket, our Regt. returned to camp to prepare rations. We got in about 10 p.m. cooked till 12, laid ourselves down to be thoroughly drenched with rain and called up by the bugle sound at 3. At day-light we started for the ¤eld and had just thrown out pickets when the enemy advanced upon us. I had command of the pickets on the extreme left, and as the enemy advanced, fell back slowly, skirmishing all the way. Our forces on my right and between me and the pike having fallen back faster than I anticipated, thru [threw] me for a time in the rear of a large body of the enemy where I had a full view of the heavy column as it rolled down the pike, infantry, cavalry, & artillery. I saw one whole regiment of

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their cavalry mounted on white horses. I was so close that I could distinctly hear the commands of the different of¤cers. Gradually we fell back, [keeping] paralell with the pike and opposite to our two pieces of artillery, which moved slowly back shelling the advancing enemy at intervals. Stewart’s Creek is a driving[?] stream with very steep banks, and our intention was to cross it at the bridge on the pike, but as we neared that point we found that our artillery had already crossed over & Gen. Wheeler had destroyed the bridge and the enemy’s cannon were then raking the pike. Fortunately we found a narrow pathway leading to a ford about a quarter [of a mile?] above the bridge and barely had time to cross when the enemy was close at our heels. Night came on, and we established a picket line for the night along the south bank of the creek and on the ground where a few hours before our camps had rested, but which had now been removed back nearer to Murfreesboro. A cold drenching rain had been falling all day, and there was another cheerless night before us. My Squadron formed the second relief and was to stand 4 hours, from 11 p.m. to 3 a.m. I was lying on a wet blanket nearly freezing. I was called to go on duty and immediately roused up my wet & sleepy boys. The enemy’s picket line was on the opposite side of the creek and so near to our own that we could hear them in low conversation, and while I was passing along the bank going from one of my posts to the other, one of their pickets ¤red at me not more than 50 yds distant & came very near taking my head off. I told him he had but little to do & moved on.2 Our high position gave a full view of the enemy’s camp, and as far as the eye could reach the whole earth to the North seemed covered with their ¤res, from which arose a noise like that from a swarm of bees. I slipped down to within 50 yards of the bridge & could hear a hundred hammers going, building a portable bridge to replace the one we had burnt. I was certain that morning would bring us hot work, but nothing disturbed the scene except occasional shots from our pickets & the enemy’s sharp shooters. The sun came out [28 December] as genial as on a spring day, and taking advantage of a house near the creek I stood and viewed the Yankee horde as it ¤lled the open woods and ¤elds in front of us. At 11 o’clock my relief came on again, and I posted the boys behind trees & fences where for hours they amused themselves shooting at the Yankee Sharp Shooters on the other side of the creek. One of my boys,

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Jno. C. Duncan, a very jovial fellow singled out a Yankee & they ¤red away at each other for over three hours, and being in speaking distance, abused each other heartily all the time.3 At last John bartered[?] him to stop shooting and exchange [news]papers with him. After considerable parleying it was agreed to on both sides, and in a few minutes an armistice was agreed upon and all ceased ¤ring. John got a paper & went down to the creek, the Yankee did likewise while their whole army came out & looked on. Papers were exchanged & compliments passed. I went down and exchanged papers with several of the Yankees, or rather Federal Kentuckians. They asked many questions about friends & acquaintances in our army and we parted at Sundown. But true to their instincts they took advantage of the armistice to throw some sharp shooters across the creek & drive off our pickets from a hill that commanded the road. But we soon doubled teams on them and sent them back gilpin.4 Another cold dreary night on picket guard & Monday [December] 29th dawned. The sun was already up an hour or more, & all was quiet, and we began to think that the day would be passed as the previous one, but soon we saw a column moving down to the ford where we had crossed. A company was sent down to oppose them when they opened [¤re] upon it with artillery. Our Regt was covered [shielded] by a house & when Col. Wade gave the order to fall back we had to cross an open ¤eld & while doing so they threw a shell into our column, striking a horse & bursting in him without injuring the rider at all. Their whole army then crossed the creek, and we fell back slowly towards Murfreesboro. Gen. Bragg having sent us word not to ¤ght the[m] much but to let them come on.5 We reached our infantry lines about Sun-down and falling behind them crossed Stones river and drew up in line [of] battle not far from Murfreesboro, where we received orders to feed & rest our horses & be prepared to take up the line of march at 12 o’clock. Upon hearing this order I was certain that we were going to evacuate the place, but the case was far otherwise as will appear in the end. But I have already occupied so much space that I cannot ¤nish and will try & write again to-morrow or next day. I was truly sorry to hear of Mr Hall’s death—I found him a nice gentleman, a worthy student and now he has proved himself a pure patriot. I remember having given him the message you speak of with several others, but do not now remember exactly what I told him in reference

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to you. If you remember it, please let me have it as a keep sake of a fallen friend. I am very weak and have already taxed myself too much and will close. I feel like writing a volume but must desist. Thro’ dangers past you have been and in trials present and dangers yet to come you will, my dear Cellie, be the ever present guiding star of your affect[ionate] K nox

Notes for 10 January 1863 1. Maj. Gen. William S. Rosecrans, commanding the Yankee army, marched from Nashville to attack the Rebels, then concentrated about Murfreesboro. The Federals moved on several roads leading southeast from Nashville, bringing on the Battle of Murfreesboro, or Stones River. “Rosencrantz,” a common Confederate misspelling of the name, probably stemmed from the character in Shakespeare’s Hamlet. GK M’s reference to “a ghost” may indicate that he got the spelling from that play. Wheeler’s brief account of the 26–29 Dec. actions is in 20OR1, 958. (See also 962–63; Edwin C. Bearss, “Cavalry Operations in the Battle of Stones River,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 19(1960): 23–53, 110–44; and items from the Montgomery Advertiser, n.d., in Memphis Daily Appeal, 24 Jan., 7 Feb. 1863.) 2. Pickets often did not ¤re at each other, especially at night when doing so would serve no purpose and only make their lives more miserable, thus GK M’s complaint. See his 12 July 1864 letter. 3. Eighteen-year-old Private Duncan joined the company in Talladega 15 July 1861 (he may have been a member before the unit entered service that day). He was on detached duty with Brig. Gen. W. Y. C. Humes early in 1864. All other extant records show him present. See GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter. 4. William Cowper’s poem “John Gilpin’s Ride” narrates the ludicrous adventures of the captain of a train band. GK M implies that the Yankees ®ed in confusion. 5. Bragg had so instructed his advanced cavalry units 27 Dec. 20OR2, 464.

12 January 1863 My dear Cellie, I wrote quite a long letter to you on the 10th giving a somewhat detailed account of the proceedings of the cavalry previous to the great battle of Murfreesboro, which I hope will come safely to hand as this will be but a continuation of the same, and without having received the former what I now intend writing would be something like unintelligible. I

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believe I left off with the night of Dec 29th when we had tolled[?] the Yankees down to Murfreesboro, turned them over to the tender mercies of Gen. Bragg, and retired to the rear to feed and rest—both men & horses. At 12 o’clock on the night of the 29th[–30 December] we were aroused from our stolen slumbers, saddled up, mounted, and in a few minutes were following Gen. Wheeler up the Lebanon Pike at full gallop. It was raining and pitch dark—so dark that half the time you couldn’t see the trooper riding by your side. Proceeding some 5 miles, we crossed to the north side of Stone[s] river, and continuing about two miles we then left the Lebanon Pike and took the one leading to the little village of Jefferson and directly in rear of the Yankee army.1 Day-light found us near that village where [when?] we halted and fed our horses. We were soon in the saddle again and leaving the main road took by-paths, and about 12 o’clock [noon] came up close to the village of Lavergne. Into this we dashed—four or ¤ve regiments of us—at full speed, a few shots were ¤red and we had a large train of over three hundred wagons richly ladened with Quarter Master & Commissary stores completely in our possession together with over three hundred prisoners. The of¤cers went quickly to work paroling the prisoners while the men burnt and destroyed the wagon train. It was a sight that would have made all rebeldom glad to see the mules stampeding, the Yankees running and all those appliances of war—instruments for our subjugation—one mass of ®ames.2 We only tarried an hour at Lavergne, then took a westerly direction and had gone but a mile or two when we heard the Yankees shelling the poor innocent village—thinking, no doubt, that they were making sad havoc in the rebel ranks, but, in Western parlance, they “want thar.” A liberal application of the spur for two hours and down we came like a tornado on the quiet little [village of] Nolensville. It was scarcely more than Lavergne repeated. We found scattering squads of Yankees here & there and some 150 wagons mostly loaded with ammunition & medicines together with several ¤ne ambulances. The latter were preserved, the rest consigned to the ®ames & the Yankees sent on their way rejoicing with “paroles” in their pockets. You could not have made them happier by presenting them a New England homestead. We tarried but a short time at N. but pushed down a rich little valley where we found large numbers of their wagons ¤lled with corn, bed

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clothing, furniture, poultry, eggs, butter, &c., &c, which they had just plundered. We relieved them of their booty, put the prisoners bare back on mules, burnt their wagons and proceeded on. About 450 or 500 wagons & 600 men (prisoners) summed up the achievements of the day— not a man lost on our side. We had an “immense deal” of fun, as a Yankee would say, & had plenty of cheese, crackers, & Yankee coffee for supper that night. That was the 30th—my birth day—quite an adventurous one, wasn’t it? We rested part of that night west of Nolensville, having made a circuit of 60 miles. At day-light next morning [31 December] we were on the left wing of our army in front of Murfreesboro. As I stated in my last I was very weak when I went on duty, and four days of continual riding thru drenching cold rains, completely exhausted me and on [in?] the morning I was so sick that I could not sit on my horse and got one of the boys to carry me back to our wagon train. Thus I was compelled to leave my company in the midst of its gallant career. This I regretted the more in consideration of the fact that there was then but one Commissioned of¤cer present, Belton O. Nabors, our 3d Lieut.—the others being absent sick. On reaching camp I was completely prostrated and . . . [several words obliterated—probably by Miller—at this point in the sentence] found my self compelled to resort to severe treatment. On the 30th the enemy employed himself in taking his position & trying to ascertain our own. Some hard ¤ghting ensued, but nothing decisive was accomplished. On the 31st [December] the enemy made a feint upon our right while he attempted to break our left. From center to left the battle raged the whole day, and night found us masters of the ¤eld with about 4000 prisoners & 25 or 30 pieces of cannon. We drove their right back about 4 miles.3 As before stated our brigade reached our left wing on the morning of the 31st and took part in the brilliant achievements on that part of the ¤eld. On that night the brigade rested on the ¤eld until late and started once more for the [enemy’s] rear. Not being present on this trip & the succeeding one I speak only second handed, but as my boys were in the whole of it I have had, doubtless, faithful accounts. It was pretty much a repetition of the ¤rst trip, but having met with more resistance. Our senior captain McCaa was killed in a charge on one of their wagon trains. He was an excellent man, very benevolent citizen, and good of¤cer. He was from Pickens County, Ala.4

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Gen. Wheeler burnt several [wagon] trains, captured many prisoners and one piece of artillery on this trip. Several men were killed in the Brigade but none in my company. Having again made the circuit of the enemy, Gen. Wheeler again came to the [Confederate] rear [arriving at 2:00 a.m., 2 January 1863], rested a few hours and [at 9:00 o’clock] on the night of the 2d started on his third trip. In this he was not so successful—having run our regiment into an ambush of a brigade of infantry supported by two regiments of cavalry. Our boys charged and drove their cavalry from the ¤eld, but in the charge were cross ¤red upon by about 2000 infantry and altho’ under a perfect storm of bullets, singular to say, not a man in my company was even wounded, and that too when whole platoons of infantry were ¤ring at them not 50 yards distant. One of my boys, a very chivalrous [one]—the same Jno. C. Duncan, in the midst of the hottest of the ¤re, charged upon a Yankee trooper, ordered him to dismount, took his horse & left the Yankee standing there with a gun & pistol in his hand. Up to the night of the 3d victory had perched upon our banner in the ¤ve days ¤ghting that had been going on, but strange to say on that night our immense wagon train was put in motion on the roads to Shelby ville & Manchester, & the morning of the 4th found Gen. Wheeler again covering Bragg’s retreat. I know of but two reasons that could be assigned for this movement. Our troops had been in line of battle for 7 days, more than half of which time it was raining & the other half freezing, consequently they were almost entirely exhausted. Again, it was reported that Rosencrans had been re-inforced by 30,000 fresh troops. Yet other reports say, that Rosencrans was actually 7 miles on his way back to Nashville when Bragg left Murfreesboro. I have no comments to make. I will not blame a general before I know the circumstances & motives under which he acts. My own opinion is that it was in some respects a good move.5 We have not gone far—only some 25 miles. And are preparing for another brush. Part of the 10th & yesterday we were moving our camps from Manchester across to Fayetteville or near there, and I have taken the ¤rst opportunity since reaching here of writing to you again. Gen. Wheeler is again on the move and at this time is probably near Nashville, cutting up Wagon trains. I regret very much that I am unable to be with him, but the fates have so decreed it, & I must abide the decision. Only some

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thirty odd of my company is with him; the others either having their horses killed, run down or are indisposed themselves.6 My company has been in over 25 battles & skirmishes since entering the service, and in all that number but two have been killed & two wounded. I’ll wager any thing that no other company in the service can show such a record. In the charge when our Regt ran into the ambush on the 3d Gen. Wheeler called them veterans on the ¤eld and afterwards remarked that it was the ¤nest charge he ever witnessed. They had to cross an open ¤eld in the face of a murderous ¤re with orders to hold their ¤re until within a few yards of the enemy. After making this charge the boys were necessarily considerably scattered, but many of the strayed ones collected under a Capt. McCann & the next day went within 4 miles of Nashville, burnt a Rail Road Bridge & captured & destroyed a train of [railroad] cars together with a large amount of stores & paroled some dozen prisoners. The Capt. McCann spoken of lives near Nashville and has a company made up in its vicinity. Some of the boys went with him to his house where they found his wife busy paroling Yankees who had come to her house for that purpose—If that wasn’t cool for a lady, I don’t know what is—living, too, within 10 miles of [Union-occupied] Nashville, and behind Rosencrans & his army.7 I feel somewhat better than when last I wrote but am yet very feeble. I have no idea now how or when I will get this letter off but expect an opportunity will be offered shortly. I am very, very anxious to hear from you, and am satis¤ed that a letter from Cellie would go far towards hastening my convalescence. But I must close now—I feel so bad that I can scarcely write an intelligible sentence, much less a sensible one or one that could interest you farther than the trouble of deciphering it. Good bye and good angels guard you Most affectionately Yours K nox

Notes for 12 January 1863 1. Reports of the three Murfreesboro raids (29 Dec. 1862–4 Jan. 1863) are in 20OR1, 958–71. 2. Wheeler reported seven hundred prisoners captured at LaVergne. 3. On 31 Dec. the Confederates attacked the right of the Union line, strik-

122 / Battles and Marches ing before the Yankees could execute their plan to attack the Confederate right. GK M misunderstood Rosecrans’s intention. In his report, which covered the entire battle, Bragg claimed that the Confederates captured “considerably over 6,000 prisoners” and more than thirty pieces of artillery. 20OR1, 669 and 673. 4. Burwell Boykin McCaa had originally commanded Co. B, 4th Miss. Cav. Battln. (Baskervill’s), which became Co. D, 8th Confed. Cav. Regt. He was forty when he entered service at Columbus, Miss., 14 Nov. 1861. On 12 Sept. 1906 A. C. Oxford, who had been a private in McCaa’s company, wrote GK M, “I was immediately by the Side of Capt. McCaa when he was Shot. Sergt. Alfred Atwater [of Co. E, who may have been on duty as a courier] & myself lifted him from his horse—Indian—and I was given four (4) men who assisted me in removing him to a way-side house where he died about 2 oclock the next morning—and while making his box [casket] & digging the grave, we was captured by a company of 40 men. The Captain proved to be a Royal Arch Mason, and upon our (he & I) Masonic obligation contrary as it was to military tactics he permitted me and all my men to go free after concluding the interment, and we escaped to safety.” Letter in GK M Papers. 5. Bragg’s army was exhausted, short of supplies, and suffering from exposure. Casualties had been heavy, and, Wheeler reported erroneously, Rosecrans had received reinforcements. 6. Reports of Wheeler’s 8–14 Jan. raid are in 20OR1, 979–84; pt. 2, 504; and ser. 2, vol. 5, 182–83, 284–85. In his 12 Feb. 1914 letter GK M offered several comments on this raid. 7. Almost certainly Capt. (Maj.?) J. Richard McCann who served in a partisan corps known as McCann’s Cavalry Battalion—a unit about which very little is known. The unit may have been part of Maj. DeWitt Clinton Douglass’s partisan ranger battalion. Tennessee Civil War Centennial Commission, Tennesseans in the Civil War: A Military History of Confederate and Union Units with Available Rosters of Personnel (Nashville, 1964), pt. 1, 40–42 and 44.

4 Prison and Retreat 1 March–16 July 1863

For almost half a year after the retreat from Stones River, the Confederate army remained in its camps near Tullahoma and along the Duck River in Middle Tennessee. During those months Rebel mounted forces clashed repeatedly with Federal horsemen who covered the Yankee positions around Murfreesboro while most of the infantrymen and artillerymen rested in camp.1 Not until late June did the major parts of the opposing armies begin a new campaign. Early in March a letter from K nox’s cousin Edwin M. Miller brought an alarming report to Celestine. We do not know how the news reached Talladega, but it probably came from the same source or from some other member of the Mountain Rangers.

1 March 1863 Outpost Army of Tennessee March 1st, 1863 Miss Cellie McCann, Having become acquainted (through relationship to Capt. G. K. Miller) with the name & handwrite of a correspondent of his in Equality, S. Carolina, and letters having come to him, recently from that place, and no doubt you have been surprised at not receiving replies, I have taken the responsibility to inform you of the reason. K nox (my cousin) was captured near Rover, Redford County, Tennessee, in a skirmish while nobly and gallantly receiving a charge of the

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enemy and rallying his company against an overwhelming force of the enemy. He was wounded by a sabre stroke in the left arm but not seriously.2 Hoping you will pardon this unsought and seemingly uncalled for note, I remain Yours truly E. M. Miller Co (A) 8th Confed Cav3

Notes for 1 March 1863 1. 23OR contains the reports and correspondence regarding these operations. 2. GK M’s wound was in the right elbow. Rover is about thirty-¤ve miles northwest of Shelby ville. GK M’s account of his wounding, capture, and imprisonment is in his 13 May 1863 letter. 3. Edwin M. Miller (1837–1924) had been with the company as a private when it entered Confederate service at Decatur, Ala., 13 Aug. 1861. He became a corporal a year later. In Feb. 1864 he was captured in North Georgia. See GK M’s 15 Mar. and 10 Nov. 1864 letters. In some records (and once by GK M) he is referred to as “Edward.”

27 March 1863 Outpost Army of Tennessee March 27th, 1863 Miss Celestine McCann, I received your note several days ago but owing to hard duty connected with picketing have not had until now, an opportunity of answering it. I am very glad, indeed, that you received my note in the same spirit with which it was sent; since writing I received a note from Capt. Miller [not found] telling me to inform you of his capture. You ask for a fuller account of Capt. Miller’s Capture. It happened thus; About the 1st of February [31 January] the Camp of the 8th Confederate (reduced by hard service & many engagements to less than 200 effective men) was assailed by an overwhelming force of the enemy consisting of 2 Brigades of Cav., 1 of Inf., & a battery of Light Artillery. The Regiment being mounted and drawn up in line of battle were pouring

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a heavy ¤re into 3 or 4 Regiments of the enemy’s Cav. thrown in front, when it was discovered that two regiments of Cav on each ®ank were closing in behind us, immediately a hurried retreat began, perceiving this the enemy’s Cavalry in front (followed at a distance by their Infantry) charged with drawn sabres into the rear of our Column. Capt. Millers company being thrown in the rear, the enemy ran right into the Company, Capt. Miller, a brave of¤cer and true soldier, deemed it unbecoming in him to leave the road and make his escape, together with some other of¤cers and men, endeavored with his sabre to stem the advancing column of the enemy until the main body could escape [and] was overwhelmed by numbers, surrounded, and Captured. We hear since I wrote before from privates captured at the same time and returned paroled that Capt. Miller was not wounded at all [or] if wounded it must be very slight; from the same source we learn that Capt. Miller was in good health, although rather low spirited as was natural, he had I believe at the time of his capture entirely recovered his health although somewhat weakened.1 Capt. Miller together with other of¤cers captured at the same time were treated by the enemy as gentlemen and allowed the liberty of the streets at Nashville, and also [at] Louisville. When the privates above mentioned left them, he had plenty of Confederate money with him if it will be of any service to him in his lonesome and dreary con¤nement at Camp Chase to where he was sent.2 I believe that I have given you all the information we possess concerning Captain Miller, and while no doubt it grieves you (as it does his comrades) that Capt. Miller is now pining in a Northern dungeon, far away from home and friends, we should be consoled by the thought that he is in “the land of the living” and at the appointed time (in the future) will return to his friends at home, and once more assume command of his gallant Rangers who longing[ly] wait for his return Yours truly E. M. Miller

Notes for 27 March 1863 1. GK M’s account of his wounding, capture, and imprisonment is in his 13 May 1863 letter. 2. In his 13 May 1863 letter GK M gave a less rosy account of his treatment. Camp Chase, four miles west of Columbus, Ohio, was built to house political

126 / Prison and Retreat prisoners and converted into a facility for captured Rebel of¤cers although enlisted prisoners were occasionally held there. Living conditions in the camp were not too bad during the short time GK M spent there. Lonnie R. Speer, Portals to Hell: Military Prisons of the Civil War (Mechanicsburg, Pa., 1997), 46–47, 137–38, and passim.

K nox Miller spent thirteen weeks and two days as a prisoner of war. Upon his exchange, he was unable to procure even a short leave of absence to visit Celestine in South Carolina or his father and stepmother in Talladega. He, therefore, hastened to Middle Tennessee to rejoin his company. During Miller’s imprisonment, the army’s cavalry force had grown. A 10 May strength report shows that Wheeler then commanded a cavalry “corps” of 676 of¤cers and 8,501 enlisted men. By 10 June, Wheeler’s command numbered 782 of¤cers and 9,322 enlisted men. The force had been divided into three divisions commanded by Brig. Gens. John A. Wharton, William T. Martin, and John H. Morgan. Morgan’s Division, however, was on detached service and was soon permanently away from the corps. The 8th Confederate Cavalry Regiment was then serving in Col. James Hagan’s First Brigade of Martin’s Division. The army also had another cavalry corps commanded ¤rst by Maj. Gen. Earl Van Dorn and then by Brig. Gen. Nathan B. Forrest.1 A change had also taken place in the regiment. While Miller was away Bragg had detached Wade for service with the Conscript Bureau, the Commissary Department, or both (the records are not clear), and the colonel had been posted to duty in Columbus, Mississippi. He seems to have remained there for several months. While Wade was away Prather—then acting lieutenant colonel— commanded the regiment. We do not know why Bragg selected Wade for this assignment. There is some evidence that Wade visited Richmond in April 1863, and he may have requested such duty then, perhaps for reasons of health or to get away from Wheeler whom he disliked. By late summer, however, Wade was back with the regiment.2 Miller reached his command on 12 May, and on the following day he wrote a long letter giving his ¤ancée an account of his capture and captivity.

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13 May 1863 In front of Shelby ville, Tenn. May 13th, 1863 My dear Cellie, I wrote to you from Chattanooga a few days since [letter not found] and promised to write again in a day or two which promise I have now for the ¤rst time an opportunity of ful¤lling. Yesterday I had the pleasure of meeting my noble boys, and if you ever witnessed a happy meeting, that was one—the meeting of the prodigal and his father couldn’t have been half so interesting or affecting3—some of them embraced me with tears in their eyes, and there was a good lusty shout went up on all sides. After this rejoicing was over in a measure, Cousin Edward brought me a packet that bore evident marks of having come from S.C.4 I unceremoniously broke ranks—told the boys to hold on for particulars [of his captivity] and seizing that much coveted package betook myself to a quiet shady spot in the woods and there grati¤ed my heart with a perusal of its contents. And, my dearest Cellie, heart cannot tell and my pen is too feeble to give utterance to my hearts emotions as I read those lines telling[?] of the anxiety, [and] solicitude, you experienced in regard to my fate, and those tokens of a heart that in every word told me it was mine. Oh, I am so happy! Yes, Cellie, dangers & perils, the gloom of war and its “sad desolation,” far from diminishing or even detracting from rather give intensity to that happiness felt only by “two souls with but a single thought, two hearts that beat as one.” You tell me, my dear Cellie, to counsel[?] you and “reason you into right” if wrong, but really I fear it [is] impossible—Who has a ¤ner discrimination than the ladies? And, many to the contrary notwithstanding, I am fully convinced that none can reason better when the heart is right. It is I who must receive counsel; I am more exposed to error & temptation, and have more to throw reason off its balance—I will look to you as the guide and monitor—That “quarrel” was like the mimic scene in Hamlet, “’twas but in jest.” 5 I see by your letter of Feb 4th that the ambrotype matter somewhat puzzled you, and so I meant it should. If I remember aright I called it an “impression” but led you to infer that it was an “ambrotype.” I truly have none taken by artist’s hands or ingenuity, the only one I have being that which was impressed upon my heart & memory by a full view of

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your countenance the night of our surprise party [summer of 1860]. At the time I was standing on the piazza talking to Miss Essie[?] when I saw you sitting “pensive and alone” in the room—That is the only “ambrotype” I have, my dear Cellie, so you must postpone that “rasping” inde¤nitely.6 Inform[?] that young lady that I have found J. C. D[uncan]. free of any such encumbrance—in its legal signi¤cancation—as a mortgage [marriage?] but unfortunately his eyes are not black but hazel—John is the life of the company and withall a nice young man—He says he had a sweetheart, but she has fallen in love with a Conscript, which he says is indirectly an impeachment of his good judgment—no discredit to the lady whatever. Unfortunately, Cellie, your letter exacting a promise “not to report for ten days &c.” came too late for me to take the matter into consideration. A few days after my last letter before capture, I served[?] with the wagon train up to the out-post in front of Shelby ville, and altho’ very weak and feeble I was distressed to see one of my Lieutenants [probably Nabors] doing all the duty and accordingly on the 30th of Jan. I went up to our picket lines at Rover. I remained there that night, and next day was on a board of commissioners convened to determine the question of military seniority between two Captains. While on this duty ¤ring was heard in front, and we immediately saddled up our horses, mounted and moved out upon the turnpike. We had scarcely done so when our pickets came dashing in closely followed by a brigade of Yankee Cavalry. My company was ordered to the front to engage the enemy, but he appearing in very heavy force the Lt. Col. [Prather] wheeled the column about and began to retreat to more advantageous ground. This threw my company in the rear. The head of our column not moving off brisk enough, the Yankees came down on us at full speed, when to make matters worse several buggies & wagons met us in the road & blocked our passage. I wheeled part of my company & gave the enemy a shot, but it was too late to stop the charge of a whole brigade. Being unable to move forward on account of the buggies, I drew my pistol and sent its contents into the Yankee ranks as fast as possible. When just as I was extending my arm to ¤re the sixth time, a stalwart Yankee made a cut at my head with his saber; but missing his mark struck me on the right elbow knocking the pistol out of my hand and completely paralyzing my arm. Being surrounded with half a dozen shooting & cutting at me, resistance was useless so I immediately dismounted, one of

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the enemy at the same time getting down & taking my pistol from the ground—They then pressed forward after the retreating column, when I took advantage of the excitement, drew out my ¤ne sword & broke it under my foot— While standing here unarmed those rushing by shot at me several times but I escaped unhurt, my only wound being a cut on the muscle of the arm which was not at all serious. They killed one & captured several of our Regiment among them six of¤cers beside myself.—After capturing us they proceeded to steal & destroy every thing in the houses along the road, taking every piece of meat a poor old widow lady had for her winter’s supply. We were carried six miles to Eagleville where their infantry had camped for the night. Here the of¤cers were put on parole of honor to report next morning, by which means we were enabled to get a little supper—7 Next day, Feb 1st being Sunday, Early in the morning we started under a heavy guard for Murfreesboro which we reached late in the day having travelled 19 miles behind several ambulances ¤lled with wounded Yankees. On reaching M. we were paraded in front of the Court House, & after waiting till a good crowd of Yankees could view us we were taken inside and examined for arms & Yankee clothing—all of which was taken if found. They then marched us off to jail into which they crowded us so thick that there was not room to lie down, while the ®oors were covered with the most loathsome ¤lth and dirt. We had passed all day without any thing to eat, and into this [room] we were crowded with deserters & the vilest characters from their own army where we spent a supperless & sleepless night. Next morning we were taken out without having eaten a thing, again paraded in front of the Court House where we stood in mud shoe-mouth deep until 12 o’clock when we were crowded into wagons and with a heavy guard of infantry & cavalry started to Nashville. A heavy snow storm set in which continued for 12 or 14 hours. We reached Nashville at 10 o’clock that night when we were again kept standing in the cold until some were so benumbed that they were unable to walk. We were then crowded into ¤lthy rooms without one spark of ¤re, and spent another hungry, sleepless night. Next day we were paraded around the streets of Nashville and at last put into the 3d story of the market House where there were about 100 of our wounded taken at Murfreesboro. Here the crowd was so dense that the poor wounded fellows were actually crushed & jounced by the

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well [unwounded men]. At one o’clock we got some bread & raw bacon, the ¤rst that we had had since the night of our capture. Large stalwart men were scarcely able to stand from sheer hunger & fatigue. The ladies of Nashville did all in their power to give us something to eat, but the brutes would not let them come near us except under a special pass from Gen. Mitchell which but two or three succeeded in obtaining.8 We remained in Nashville some six days when we were put 60 into a box car & sent to Louisville. Here we were searched & our pocket knives and money taken and then ushered into the prison ¤lled with ¤lth & vermin. Here we were marched thro’ a narrow passage where sat a dirty negro with a tray of meat on one side and bread on the other. He would take a piece of bread in one hand & meat in the other [and] give it to each one as he passed with a peremptory order to “shove on.” Shoving on, we went into a muddy yard or pen & there stood & ate our allowance after which we were marched back. Luckily we did not remain here long but started the same night for Camp Chase, Columbus, Ohio. On leaving they refunded our money but kept our pocket knives. They only took the of¤cers to Camp C., and we had a very good trip up there thanks to a sympathising R. R. conductor who managed to slip us some cigars, cakes, &c. We arrived at Camp C. the evening of the 9th where we passed another strict and insulting search.9 I had learned a lesson & hid my money in my boot. Into this prison we were ushered with a fair prospect to remain for the war. We were put in rooms 16 [feet] by 18 [feet] with from 18 to 24 men in the room. Here we prepared for a long siege, bought us pocket knives, ¤les, &c. from the sutler & commenced making [for sale] rings, breast pins & other little trinkets out of Gutta parcha [gutta-percha]. I soon became quite an expert in the business and made several nice pieces of jewelry. We were allowed abolition [news]papers which we got every morning. We were furnished with plenty of good rations here & had stoves to cook on. Here I found between 2 & 8 hundred of¤cers taken at Arkansas Post and with them Gen. Churchill.10 Besides there were of¤cers from almost every state in the Confederacy. Here I met several old school mates. We were treated most shamefully and cursed & abused by the of¤cers & guards. On leaving here (Apr 10th) we were marched out between ¤les of soldiers while the of¤cers stood bye with their hirelings and stripped our clothing from our backs, taking our under clothes, tooth brushes, combs, towels, soap, handerchiefs, blankets, over coats, in fact every thing that they possibly [could] take without leaving us nude. They then took our

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trunks[?] & ri®ed them of every thing in them even to our bibles & [New] testaments. They took from me a ¤ne shall [shawl] that had been made a present by a S. Carolina school-mate together with a ¤ne blanket. They even took a ¤ne work of ¤ction out of my hand. Thus stripped we were marched 4 miles to Columbus where we took the [railroad] cars & proceeded Eastward, via Pittsburg, Harrisburg, & Philadelphia where we took a boat [on the Delaware River] and went down 30 miles to Ft. Delaware [arriving 12 April]. Here we were crowded into tents without ¤re and [with] but one blanket to the man in the midst of rain & bitter cold. We were fed on Sour bread & spoilt beef until we all became either sick or emaciated[?]. I was prostrated nearly two weeks and nothing but the greatest care taken of myself prevented me from dying. One Lieut from our Regt. Died here from nothing but exposure and malpractice[?].11 The prison was infected with small pox & numbers took it & died—in fact we could not pass to our meals without coming in contact with it. Here we remained till Apr 25[?]12 when we shipped on board the steamer State of Maine and proceeded down the bay & doubling Capes Henlopein & Charles anchored in Hampton Roads [, Va.,] on the evening of the 30th.13 On the evening of the 1st [May] we started up Jas. River and laid at City Point [now Hopewell, Va.,] till the 4th when we landed amid cheer after cheer & reached Petersburg the same knight. Such is a hasty outline of three[?] months in Yankee land.14 I have omitted many things of interest but which I will try & tell you hereafter. Thanks to a kind Providence I am spared to again see my brave boys and again have the pleasure of writing to my dear Cellie. Oh, what would I have given for one letter, one single line from you while sad & lonely—while “sick & in prison”! I thought about you by day and you were still present in my dreams—my guardian angel, my heart’s idol— my dearest Cellie. Tis not true that “absence conquers love,” when the affection is true, it only intensi¤es by seperation. I must, I cannot but believe that those prayers offered up for me have found acceptance at a throne of mercy, and this belief gave me strength & courage in suffering and patience to bear the insults & vituperation heaped upon me by a set of dastardly hirelings. The Yankee troops who had seen service in the ¤eld treated me as well as I expected, and those who treated us worse were the 88th Ohio who enlisted on condition that they were to guard two prisons in Ohio and never to leave the state except when it was invaded & then they were to make for the Canada side.—At least so we told them.15 At Camp C. they had gray headed men,

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boys, & even some ladies from Nashville—all crowded up here[?] [as prisoners] to die of contagious & other diseases. When the day of reckoning comes there will be a terrible account rendered up against some one! I have seen the letter you wrote to cousin Edward [Edwin], and am very glad he wrote. I have also received the beautiful service[?] cape[?] you sent me and altho’ the season is past for its use, you know that your K nox appreciates it none the less. There seems to have been some ®owers sent with it but they are ground to powder, yet the perfume “hangs round it still.” I am not going to wait for answer but write to my heart’s full content to make up for lost time. Write very, very often to your K nox—for every line is but an inspiring draught to purify & elevate my heart. Poor Country, what a calamity you have witnessed in the fall of our brave Jackson!16 Write immediately to one who expects to ever remain with the heart’s fullest devotion your K nox.

Notes for 13 May 1863 1. 23OR2, 650, 709, 829, 873, and 943. 2. See documents in Wade’s service record and Memphis Daily Appeal, 31 Mar. 1863. 3. Luke 15:11–32. 4. See n2 to E. M. Miller’s 1 Mar. 1863 letter. 5. Shakespeare’s Hamlet, 3.2. 6. See the biographical sketch and GK M’s letters of 21 Dec. 1862 and 7 Jan. 1863 and of 10 Apr. 1864. 7. Reports of the affair at Rover are in 23OR1, 24–30. The Federal commander reported the captured of¤cers as “1 major, 3 captains, and a proportion of lieutenants.” GK M’s regiment lost thirty-nine men captured, three of them from his company. 8. Brig. Gen. Robert B. Mitchell, commanding the post at Nashville. 9. GK M’s service record indicates that he reached Camp Chase 10 Feb. 10. Brig. Gen. Thomas J. Churchill, captured along with some forty-eight hundred Rebel troops at Arkansas Post on the Arkansas River when that position fell to Union forces 11 Jan. 1863. Exchanged, Churchill served in the TransMississippi until the end of the war. 11. 2d Lt. W. V. Walls, Co. H, entered service at Daviston, Ala., 30 Jan. 1862. Captured at Rover, he went with GK M and others to Camp Chase, thence to Fort Delaware. Slated for parole and exchange, he was admitted to the prison hospital and died there 21 Apr. 1863 of what was listed as typhoid fever. 12. GK M’s service record shows he left Fort Delaware 29 Apr. 13. Henlopen is on the south side of the mouth of Delaware Bay; Cape Charles, on the north side of the entrance to Chesapeake Bay. 14. See GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter.

1 March–16 July 1863 / 133 15. Two Federal regiments bore the designation “88th Ohio,” one a threemonth unit organized in June 1862. Some of its companies, formed into a battalion to extend for three years, became the nucleus of the second, which was not organized until the summer of 1863. Both spent most of their service as guards at Camp Chase. 16. Lt. Gen. Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson died near Fredericksburg, Va., 10 May, after having been wounded a week earlier in the Battle of Chancellorsville. See GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter.

24 May 1863 Reserve Camp near Shelby ville, Tenn. May 24th/63 My dear Cellie, For two or three days at least I have been looking anxiously for a letter from you and the irregular mails have received more than one blessing [cursing] at my hands, for I can attribute the want to no other cause. I wrote from Chattanooga on or about the 10th and felt con¤dent that I would get an answer within twelve days at fartherest1—O, you have no idea how I long to hear from you once more! A hundred perusals [of a letter] would not abate the interest felt in every line. I have read those [letters] written during my absence until I can almost repeat them “verbatim,” and yet I can still read and each time ¤nd something that should, if possible, endear you all the more. Six months ago, Cellie, and I fancied that I was getting along bravely, that I was uncommonly blessed in having so good, so prompt & truehearted a friend for correspondent, but now that what was then concealed under the bud of friendship has bloomed into love, it seems as tho’ the past were almost wasted time. But re®ection says “not so”—each moment of that time, I am convinced, was well spent and all for the better. Time for re®ection, opportunity for studying ourselves and each other, that too often neglected secret of happy love,—was in our case afforded [us]. Some are quick to say that so desired an object cannot be attained by correspondence, but I think quite different. I have often been deceived in persons with whom I was associated, but never in the character of a single one with whom I have corresponded. Had not war come upon us I had intended to visit you again in the summer of ’61, when in all probability you would have heard something con¤dential from somebody, but as Providence ruled it otherwise, and taking into consideration the dangers of the ¤eld and the chances for

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my losing my life on it, I thought for a long time it were best not [to] broach the subject, lest in case of disappointment my soul should be clouded with “fond regret,” or, if the auspices were favorable, that exposure and constant proximity to danger and death, should cause uneasiness to a loving heart. You see, my dear Cellie, the sequel proved the sel¤shness of love,—and what true love is not sel¤sh? I crossed the lover’s Rubicon,2 and since that time my whole existence seems centered in two objects,—you, and the making myself worthy of you. So far as the latter is concerned, I am but poor erring humanity and cannot judge, as to the former, how I would love to look into your pure beaming eye and tell you what I think, feel—unburden my very “heart of hearts,” and show you that there “my Cellie” reigned supreme! My poor pen is but a laggard, and ®atly refuses to perform the task I assign it whenever an opportunity is afforded for me to put it to work. I believe I wrote just a week ago to-day [letter not found unless he refers to that of 13 May], and this makes the fourth letter written within two weeks; yet it seems to me as if I had scarcely re-introduced myself after my “Rip Van Winkle” nap of three months among the—what shall I call them?3 Those same fellows, one of whom said to me one day, “vat for you ¤ght mit Siegel? & preak up der pest government vat never vas?” 4 I have not yet gone on duty altho’ exchanged. I have been put to great trouble to ¤nd a horse, such a commodity being very scarce, all that can be spared from the [farm] ¤elds being bought [brought?] up for our large cavalry force or consumed by the demand for artillery draught animals. I have succeeded at last in obtaining one, but am in almost as bad a predicament as ever for want of a saddle—such an article is scarcely to be had for love or money. One of my pet-boys has been taken from me having been elected to a lieutenancy in the 25th Ala. Inft. I part with him as tho’ he were a brother at the same time rejoicing to see him get a better position.5 About one half of my company is now on special detail—some at Gen Martin’s head quarters as clerks &c6—others at different places, and altho’ it weakens my company, it is a compliment to its intelligence—Several of the boys have just come in with a dozen questions to ask so I will have to cut my letter short—i.e. short for me. Write to me very soon—tell me a heap of pretty things—write a long letter and you will cause a perfect halo of happiness to encircle the heart of your loving K nox.

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Notes for 24 May 1863 1. His letter of the tenth not found. Probably the lost letter referred to at the beginning of GK M’s 13 May 1863 letter. 2. See GK M’s hint about his intentions in his 24 Feb. 1861 letter. In 49 b.c. Julius Caesar, having been ordered by the Roman Senate to keep his army north of the Rubicon River, the boundary between Italy and Gaul (France), de¤ed the government and marched south, inaugurating a civil war that eventually gave him control of Rome and the empire. To “cross the Rubicon” is to take a bold and irrevocable action, often in de¤ance of authority or propriety. See GK M’s ¤rst letter of 1 Jan. 1865 in which he returns to the analogy in writing of his marriage. 3. In his short story “Rip Van Winkle” (published in The Sketch Book, 1819) Washington Irving related the story of a man who awakened after sleeping for twenty years. 4. Maj. Gen. Franz Sigel commanded Federal troops in Missouri, Virginia, and West Virginia. Confederates (along with many Northerners and present-day professional southerners) often maintained that foreign-born Union soldiers— especially German immigrants (“Dutch,” “Deutsche”) could barely speak English. “I goes to ¤ght mit Sigel” became a popular song. 5. William H. Moore, seventeen when he entered Confederate service with the Rangers at Decatur, Ala., 13 Aug. 1861, was wounded at Shiloh and then promoted to sergeant in which grade he served until 22 June 1862 when appointed 2d Lt. Not reelected at the Aug. 1862 reorganization, he was transferred by election to a second lieutenancy in the 25th Ala. Inf. Regt. in late May 1863. See GK M’s comments in his 7 Aug. 1864 letter. 6. Brig. Gen. (later Maj. Gen.) William T. Martin commanded the division of cavalry to which the 8th Confederate regiment was assigned.

Postwar endorsement by Miller notes that the following letter deals with “bad news from home & bad news of illness of my lady love.”

29 May 1863 Reserve Camp near Shelby ville, Tenn. May 29th/63 My dear Cellie: I received a letter a few moments since, the ¤rst tidings [I have] had since my return, and from its tenor it seems that you had received my ¤rst, the answer to which I have not been so fortunate as to receive. I

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regret this very much, as a line from you[r] last causes a vacuum that cannot be ¤lled. What distresses me more is to learn that my dear Cellie is ill, the news of which adds a treble weight to my soul, already bowed down with grief caused by the receipt of a dispatch night before last stating that my father was very ill and past all hope of recovery.1 I had received a letter the day before stating that he was dangerously sick with pneumonia and soon came the dispatch calling me home immediately. Now, as bad news and misfortune never come alone, the news of my Cellie’s illness comes to add to the sorrows of my almost broken heart. What distresses me more is the thought that stern military rules will not permit me to be present at the bedside of my dying parent, whose sole conversation while rational is concerning his soldier boy; and his greatest desire and wish being to see and bless me before leaving this vale of tears. O, what a relief it would be to me, on whom he has doted from my infancy, to receive that benediction and close those eyes after death had performed his work; but such not being possible I can but “suffer and be still.” While I write, news of victories in the South west come[s] and recalls my heart from private grief to the innumerable sorrows of my country; and upon re®ection I think consolation may be drawn from both.2 My father has passed his three score [years], two [score] of which have been spent in the profession and exercise of the doctrines of Christianity. This is indeed a consolation as it is also an example. In regard to our country’s af®ictions, I have never yet despaired for a moment believing that we are but going thro’ the ¤ery ordeal of regeneration necessary to humble our pride and in a measure cure “man of his inhumanity to man.” I trust, my dear Cellie, that you are not despairing of our ultimate success, altho’ it seems, as you think, that we had engaged in an almost interminable struggle—. You do not know how anxiously I have looked for a letter from you for two weeks, and then to receive one that was more of a sequel to a former and lost one! I do not know how long you have been sick, how long suffered; and knowing that letters that bear unwelcome news generally put the best aspect possible on the case, my greatest consolation is to know that you were able to pen a line with your own hand. God grant that my dear Cellie may be speedily restored to health and vigor! Cellie, if I caused you to do wrong in regard to the ambrotype, forgive it as an error of the head and not the heart; but I trust that it did not have so unintentional an effect. I suppose there was a little mischief in

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me and [it] had no other means to get out. I know you will forgive me if I have done wrong, and will always remind me of other derelictions.3 I think I remember having heard Mr. Pegg’s name called but do not recollect the man himself—in fact as usual I made comparatively few acquaintances—scarcely ever having gone out of my own mess while in prison. I think there need be no fears about our forces evacuating Charleston and Savannah—Charleston is the keystone of the Confederate arch and after the labor and skill employed I have no idea it will be abandoned except in the direst extremity.4 My dear Cellie, I shall look with an anxious heart for a letter from you, fearing that your condition may become worse—if it should, please get someone to drop me a line. If my father does not survive I will be compelled to go home to take care of Ma, who will be left all alone and without any one to assist or look after her welfare. Do not exert yourself too much to write lest in attempting to give me pleasure you should add to my sorrow at the thought of your present condition. With my hearts best love I am as ever your loving K nox.

Notes for 29 May 1863 1. GK M’s father recovered and lived until 23 Aug. 1873. 2. GK M probably refers to the repulse of the ¤rst direct Union assaults on Vicksburg (19 and 22 May) or to rumors of other Rebel victories (which would prove false). 3. See the biographical sketch and letters of 21 Dec. 1862; 7 Jan. and 13 May 1863; and 10 Apr. 1864. 4. Federals began major attacks on Charleston (but not Savannah) in the spring of 1863 and kept them up until almost the end of the war. The Confederates held both cities until Union armies approaching on the land side compelled the Rebels to evacuate them in the winter of 1864–65.

7 June 1863 On the Front, 10 [miles] from Shelby ville June 7th/63 My dear Cellie: Your kind, long, and most gratifying letter of the 27th ult. was received and perused with pleasure on the evening of the 4th. I had been

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out all day skirmishing with the enemy, and having rode about sixty miles was very tired—in fact almost completely broke down, not being in the best health imaginable and rather unused to such trying exercise from my long absence from duty. But when at night I returned safe and unscathed to camp, there to ¤nd so kind a greeting from you, much of my weariness was unfelt or unheeded during the time occupied in reading and re-reading those dear pages from you. You have no idea how I appreciate letters of that character, especially when it comes from one I love. It bore the character of a good winter-evening’s conversation— when the day’s work is over and we gather around the hearth stone to recount the adventures of the day. I liked it because it was a picture of every-day life—detailing the thoughts, emotions, and pleasures of domestic interest. There was perhaps a time when such [a] thing would have lacked interest to many, but now I dare say, there are none situated as I am who do not like any and every thing that recalls home—peace and happiness. In fact I have come to look upon any thing domestic as some thing of the nature of the golden apples of the Hesperides— the Eldorado of my hopes.1 Time was when I had quite a disposition to rove—I wanted to see all the world if possible, but some of the sad realities of life have cured me of this as well as of another foolish whim that once was my besetting sin. Since writing my last I have heard more favorable news from home— having received a letter of the same date as your last stating that my dear Father was better, and that hopes were entertained of his ultimate recovery—O, what a weight this news lifted from my breast! and close upon this news came your letter stating that you were well again. I had dreamed that you were dead and that your last words concerning me seemed to indicate that I was dead also. For several days I could not erase the thought from my mind, altho’ I generally interpret dreams by contraries—if I can say that I interpret them at all. In this state of mind, you can better imagine than I [can] describe the buoyancy of my feelings on the receipt of intelligence from quarters where my nearest[?] and dearest interests lie. I am going to make no more apologies for writing often but write on whenever the spirit moves me and the occasion is propitious. What made you think that soldiers never preserved letters? It is just the contrary. I know several that have lost almost every thing else and still preserve those. What would you think if I were to tell you that I have

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all yours except one, and that I regret the loss of very much? I take them in their order and read them over at least once a month. All those, the fruits[?] of our ¤rst correspondence, I have carefully stowed away at home. I believe I have almost every one that I have ever received from the young ladies and know of no book where I can ¤nd more instruction[?] in the same number of pages.2 The news from Vicksburg is still cheering while every eye in the Confederacy is turning to the sanguinary struggle, and every breath seems suspended on the hazard of that most important die.3 We have had some ¤ghting here within the last few days—heavy reconnoitering parties having advanced along our lines to “feel” the enemy and his positions. Our army here is in excellent health & spirits and if the occasion comes will give a good account of itself. I have no idea that there will be a general engagement here until the fate of Vicksburg is determined—after that, stirring events may be looked for. It is generally supposed that Rosecrans is reinforcing Grant, at the same time fortifying strongly at Murfreesboro in order to hold his position should Bragg attack him.4 I have bought me a nice horse which I call “Bobby Trot” and am again in the saddle and doing duty tho’ my health is only middling good. We had a pretty hard ¤ght on the 4th with the loss of a gallant young Lieutenant from Co “G” killed,5 together with one or two men wounded, but none from my company. Last night we had an alarm, and I was up a greater part of the night consequently feel wretched—drowsy to-day, but I will make no apologies but close by sending to my dear Cellie the very best love and affection—K nox.

Notes for 7 June 1863 1. In Greek mythology the Hesperides were nymphs who guarded the golden apples given to the goddess Hera by Gaea (Earth) when she wed Zeus. As one of twelve labors, punishment for killing his wife and children, Hercules had to steal them. Eldorado (the gilded) was a legendary kingdom of great wealth, supposedly somewhere in South America and long sought by European explorers. The apples and Eldorado thus represented something of great value that was dif¤cult if not impossible to attain. 2. Celestine’s letters have not been located and may not still be extant. On 5–6 July 1864, GK M wrote that he usually destroyed his ¤ancée’s letters to prevent their falling into enemy hands. Here he obviously meant that he read Celestine’s letters that he had at home in Talladega. See his 30 Sept. 1863 letter. 3. The Rebels at Vicksburg held out, and their comrades in central Missis-

140 / Prison and Retreat sippi were attempting (unsuccessfully, as it turned out) to organize an army to relieve the town. 4. Rosecrans spent almost six months at Murfreesboro fortifying and accumulating supplies for the advance he began in late June. He did not send reinforcements to Maj. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant at Vicksburg, although reinforcements from Kentucky went to Mississippi. 5. Second Lt. William E. Mayo, mortally wounded 4 June, died two days later at Midland, Tenn., about eighteen miles north of Shelby ville.

Miller penned his next surviving letter on 10 July 1863, from Dade County in northwestern Georgia. By that time Bragg’s army had been maneuvered out of its Middle Tennessee position and south of the Tennessee River.

10 July 1863 Trenton, Dade Co. Geo1 July 10th/63 My dear Cellie: I have been quite unwell for two days, and just now I was lying in the shade taking a short nap when I had one of the sweetest dreams in the world, and all about you. I thought I was at home when I met you—and Oh! Such a warm cordial reception. How disappointed I was to awake and ¤nd it all a dream. I resolved to write immediately knowing that my Cellie would be uneasy about me upon hearing of the movements that had taken place in this department within the last two weeks.2 Since writing my last (on the 21st I believe [if so, letter not found]) our adventures and trials would ¤ll a volume, but I have not the physical strength to play narrator to the full extent. The day after writing our division was relieved by Gen. Wharton,3 and we fell back some four miles to our reserve camp—passed the night there and next morning started towards Columbia[, Tenn.]. We had gone but about eight miles when we were recalled to assist Gen. Wharton against the Yankees who had attacked his lines in force that morning. A run of 4 miles brought us within hearing of the bullets, and after a round or two night came on, and we proceeded on our course, Gen. Wheeler supposing that it was nothing more than a foraging part[y] of Yankees. That night it commenced raining and continued every day for two long weeks.

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The object of our expedition (I think) was to make a raid [on Yankee boats] on the Cumberland [River] & then fall back below Columbia & recruit & re-organize the whole command. But a great disappointment awaited us. On the 24[th] we were at Spring Hill, the scene of Van Dorn’s victory,4 but next morning we were retracing our steps under orders to fall back to Shelby ville which we reached about the middle of the day June 27th. We had rested about an hour after ¤ve days constant marching when our forces in front on the Murfreesboro’ pike were driven pell mell back upon the breast works in front of the town and we were ordered out to meet the enemy. But in what a condition! I am sick at heart to think about it. Four days incessant rain had rendered our arms useless & destroyed almost all of our cartridges.5 We dismounted and took position in the trenches intended for our infantry. The enemy threw a heavy column upon our left wing composed of the 51st Ala. Partisan Rangers. This regt. fought and maintained its ground as long as it could ¤re a gun and until its Major & some 40 men were captured.6 The enemy seeing his advantage pushed on rapidly when our whole command fell back in column on the pike & began retreating towards Shelby ville. The Yankees now charged our rear, seeing which our Regt. formed line on the right of the pike, but had scarcely done so when the rear of our column came rushing thro’ braking our ranks with the pursuing enemy close upon its heels. Not 50 guns would ¤re, & our stand was ineffectual and our retreat now became a rout, and for two miles we were pushed at headlong speed thro’ cedar roughs & over fences by a cloud of Yankee cavalry & mount[ed] infantry. My company having stood after most of the line was broken, suffered severely in men & horses. The wildest confusion now prevailed. A party of the enemy got between me and town, & as I rode up to them they ¤red several times not ten feet from me. I attempted to ¤re at one fellow, but my pistol snapped. I however scared him a little and taking advantage of the moment dashed thro’ them unharmed & made my way To Shelby ville where I rallied the few remaining men of my company and again formed line of battle. Gen. Wheeler placed his artillery on the [town] square and opened on the Yankees, but it was of no avail. Then heavy columns rushed into the town and captured three pieces of the artillery and drove our shattered ranks towards the bridge over Duck River. Here our most serious

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disaster occurred. The mass of men and horses all rushed for the bridge, & nine were trampled under foot & killed. I came very near being killed myself having an ankle badly sprained & [my] horse being at one time lifted entirely off the ground by the throng. Many plunged into the stream. Some were drowned, others shot by the enemy while swimming in the river. Gens. Wheeler & Martin both narrowly escaped, being among the last to swim the river, The latter losing his sword & pistol. Ten of my best & bravest boys are among the missing, & I have no knowledge whether they are killed, wounded or captured. Altogether it was the greatest Cavalry disaster of the war, and I can attribute it to nothing but bad management. Gen. [Wheeler] was not himself at all. Had it been properly managed even with our wet guns & the limited amount of ammunition, we could have made a successful retreat from a place that it was impossible for us to hold.7 Our infantry had left Shelby ville that morning for Tullahoma, which place we also reached on the 28th just in good time to cover the retreat of our army from there. On the retreat we had two hard ¤ghts one at a ford on Elk river & another at or near Winchester in both of which our boys fought to retrieve the loss of Shelby ville.8 Our army crossed Tenn. river on the 4th and 5th [ July,] and our division is now at Trenton in Little Will’s valley some 20 miles south west of Chattanooga. Both men & horses have suffered terribly on this retreat from hunger & constant marching. Our wagons are towards Decatur, Ala., and I have not had a change of clothing for nearly three weeks and present about as “seedy” [an] appearance as you could imagine. Our army is considerably depressed at the news of the fate of Vicksburg but ¤nds some consolation in Lee’s victory in Penn.9 Upon hearing of the fall of our great Stronghold [Vicksburg] I felt myself as tho’ I would never live to see peace. Our division is so badly cut up that I fear it will be some weeks before we can be of any service to the country. Our cavalry has been shamfully treated[?] and yet has had to do almost all of Gen Braggs ¤ghting. We get refused arms & accoutremonts [those rejected by other units], the poorest rations and have unceasing duties to perform. I am very much disgusted with it and would like to get in some other army. We may possibly go to Miss., but it will be some weeks ¤rst. Direct [mail] to Chattanooga. Don’t fail to write often whether I do or not, knowing as you must that while alive, you will have the best love and affection of your K nox

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[Written upside down at top of last page] Please excuse this in pencil—I could not get a pen until a few moments ago & I did not have time to wait. I will write again shortly.

Notes for 10 July 1863 1. After retreating across the Tennessee River, Bragg assigned Wheeler’s cavalry to picket the river from Chattanooga downstream to Decatur, Ala. Martin’s Division established headquarters at Trenton, Ga. S.O. 53 (19 July 1863) and S.O. 65 (24 Aug. 1863), Wheeler’s Cav. Corps, Joseph Wheeler Papers, ADAH. 2. The Tullahoma Campaign, 23 June–3 July, in which the Confederates were maneuvered out of Middle Tennessee and south of the Tennessee River. Constant skirmishing but no great battles marked these operations. Reports of the campaign are in 23OR (see especially 902, 923, 925–26, 943, and 953); and OR Supp., vol. 23, pt. 1. 3. Brig. Gen. (later Maj. Gen) John A. Wharton commanded a division in Wheeler’s Corps. In 1864–65 he served in the Trans-Mississippi. 4. On 4–5 Mar. 1863 Van Dorn defeated a small Federal force at Thompson’s Station, just north of Spring Hill, capturing more than twelve hundred Yankees. GK M makes no mention of the fact that two months later (and two months before he wrote this letter) a local doctor, George Peters, shot Van Dorn to death at Spring Hill because the general was carrying on an affair with Mrs. Peters. 5. Most Civil War cartridges were made of paper. 6. Maj. James Dye, of Talladega, was held at Johnson’s Island, prisoner of war camp in Ohio until exchanged 18 Mar. He signed a parole in Talladega 17 May 1865. 7. Wheeler was trying to hold open an escape route for other Confederates who, unknown to him, got away by a ford. The 8th Confed. Cav. lost seventy-¤ve men captured, twelve of them from GK M’s company. See Laurence D. Schiller, “Two Tales of Tennessee: The Ups and Downs of Cavalry Command,” North and South 4, no. 4 (Apr. 2001): 78–86; Dyer, Wheeler, 83–85; GK M’s “Notes on the 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10) for his postwar view of this episode; and Sipes, 7th Pa. Cav., 62–72, for a Yankee view. 8. Wheeler’s brief reports are in 23OR1, 615–17. 9. Vicksburg surrendered 4 July. Many Confederates interpreted initial reports from the Battle of Gettysburg (1–3 July) as indicating a great victory for the Rebels in Pennsylvania.

The following is one of four known company record of events reports signed by GK M.1

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16 July 1863 (Record of Events) Trenton, Georgia, July 16, 1863 Up to June 23, the Company was on out post duty at Middleton, Tenn., furnishing each day an average of 10 men for Picket duty & scouts, performing fully one-sixth of the duty of nine Companies. On the 23rd June was relieved & proceeded with the Regt. to Spring Hill, Tenn., thence back to Shelby ville, Tenn., which was reached on the 27th June. On the same date were there attacked by the Enemy when ten of the Company were either killed, wounded, or captured.2 After this the Company took an active part in Covering the retreat of Gen. Bragg’s army. The discipline of the Company is good, but its ef¤ciency is but medium by reason of the quality of its arms and want of instruction, having been in the service since July 15, 1861, during which time it has not had more than one month drill. G. K. Miller, Capt., Com[mandin]g Compy.

Notes for 16 July 1863 1. These four documents are printed in OR Supp. (this one in 73:291), with silent editorial changes that in some cases alter the meaning. For example, this record of events is dated as above. The editors of the Supp. head it “Stationed at Rome, Georgia, October 31, 1861–August 31, 1862.” In some of the others the editors give a speci¤c date where GK M wrote “On or about” in front of the date. The originals are with the regiment’s compiled service records. 2. See n7 to the 10 July 1863 letter.

5 Home and Sickness 15 September–6 November 1863

In the late summer of 1863 the poor health that had dogged K nox Miller for several months became so bad that he received a welcome, if unorthodox, leave to go home to recuperate. As with many soldiers in many wars, he found the home visit a mixed blessing.

15 September 1863 Talladega, Ala., Sept 15th, 63 My dearest Cellie: I have just passed one of the most disagreeable months of my life; day after day and hour after hour have I awaited and anxiously looked for tidings from you, only to greet another day and pass another hour with my anticipations unrealized and my hopes unful¤lled. Time and again have I written, and line after line dispatched [no letters found written after that of 10 July 1863], but no word from my Cellie yet. Heaven grant that you may not be on the bed of pain! O! Cellie, Cellie my fears make my heart bleed. I trust that the fault (if there be any) is with the mails or grows out of the condition of our country. It is true that I have been situated in one of the most out-of-the-way places in the Confederacy at this time, yet still we had mails every week by way of Gadsden[, Ala.,] & Chattanooga, and it does seem that if you had been well and able to write that at least one letter would have reached me. But, again, my letter telling you of our change of position might not have reached you, and some cause may have prevented those subsequently written from going through [none found]. But conjecturing the causes has not relieved my heart of its burden nor my anxiety in regard to your welfare.

146 / Home and Sickness

We went on the line of the Tenn. River to picket during the last week in July, and I believe I had been there but a few days when I last heard from you.1 From that time until the 5th inst. we continued on the river having a comparatively ¤ne time with the exception of sickness which prevailed to an uncommon extent in the form of chills & fever. About the middle of last month I was taken quite sick myself and con¤ned to bed for several days but still continued in command of the Squadron and attended to the business as best I could. Fortunately I met with or rather made some of the most substantial friends and during my illness was as well cared for as if I had been in my father’s house. I had partially recovered from my ¤rst attack when my disease assumed the form of chills, under which I have been laboring ever since. On the 5th our Regt. was relieved and ordered to report at Army Head Q[u]arters. I was left behind for two or three days to settle up some accounts contracted by the Government and a week ago to-day started from the neighborhood of Decatur[, Ala.,] to join the command which had crossed over the mountain and gone in the direction of Rome, Geo. But I was having chills every other day and being quite weak could not travel fast. I overtook the Regt. near Gadsden in Cherokee County [, Ala.,] and being unable to go farther at that time and being in a country where I could not procure medical aid, Col. Wade gave me permission to come home if I could get a conveyance and there remain until able to do service.2 I arrived at home yesterday after an absence of two years, one month and a half. I am very much debilitated but hope soon to be able to join my command again. If my permission [from Wade] was such as possibly to allow it, as soon as able I would pay you a visit, but it is not and besides it is a time when the country needs every man that can possibly raise an arm to help raise it from its fast sinking condition. Perhaps the greatest battle of the war will come off in a few days between Chattanooga and Rome, Georgia, and on which the fate of the Confederacy more properly depends than [on] any that has heretofore been fought.3 If we fail I expect that my own home will be wrested from me, and would not be surprised if my own Cellie did not soon have the vandals at her door to rob and insult her. Every foot of Tennessee has been lost and terrible will be the blood shed to wrest it back again. I am astonished, to see the numbers of men at home enjoying ease and comfort when their destiny as freemen or slaves is trembling in the balance. It does seem as tho’ all who are not already in the army should

15 September–6 November 1863 / 147

hasten to the relief of the country; but the almighty dollar presents a more alluring object than the golden ®eece did to the elder[?] Greeks.4 If the destroyer could fall directly upon them and them alone I would welcome a visit from him but alas! they are among those who generally make good their escape. The name of Charleston should be a watchword for every Southern heart and the example of her brave defenders imitated by all. How nobly have they withstood and so far repelled the haughty invader. But . . . [illegible; then(?)] the distress—it is terrible to think of—her thousands of citizens driven from their homes to such protection and . . . [illegible; mercy(?)] charity from friends and strangers.5 I expect ere this that you have had your hands full with refugees. My own county is ¤lled with them. I yesterday met my ¤rst sweetheart—a refugee from Memphis. We have each passed thro’ a variety of scenes since we sported together two happy children.6 I am quite weak yet and crowds of friends constantly calling on me renders it impossible for me to write as much as I would desire. You must take the will for the deed. Write to me as soon as you receive this. I will remain at home only about two weeks, I think, and want to get an answer to this & at least one more before leaving. Trusting in my very “heart of hearts” that you are well I am as ever your most affectionate K nox

Notes for 15 September 1863 1. On 21 July Prather and the 8th Confed. Cav. were reported on their way to establish a line of pickets along the Tennessee River from Gunter’s Landing downstream to Decatur. 23OR2, 923. See also S.O. 53 (19 July), and 67 (30 Aug.), Wheeler’s Cavalry Corps, Wheeler Papers. 2. After service in Mississippi, Wade returned to the regiment at an unknown date. At times during the late summer and fall he commanded the brigade. He did not leave the regiment permanently until early 1864. On the regiment’s movements in late Aug. and early Sept. see Wheeler to “Col.,” 20 Aug. and 3 Sept. 1863, Wheeler Papers, ADAH, and GK M’s 30 Sept. 1863 letter. 3. Bragg’s Rebels had been forced back into northwestern Georgia 7–8 Sept. 4. In Greek mythology the golden ®eece was the valuable wool of a ®ying ram. It became the object of a long and eventually successful quest by Jason and the Argonauts. 5. Charleston came under more or less continuous attack beginning in July 1863. In Aug. and Sept. bitter ¤ghting raged on Morris Island at the southern

148 / Home and Sickness entrance to Charleston Harbor. Although the Confederates lost some ground, they retained possession of the city. In late Aug. the Federals began a bombardment of Charleston that was to last for 587 days—until events elsewhere forced the Southerners to withdraw from the coast. See GK M’s 23 Feb. 1865 letter. 6. “Valsey G.”? See biographical sketch.

30 September 1863 Talladega, Sept 30th, 1863 My dear Cellie: About ten minutes ago I was relieved from a state of semi-despondency by the receipt of your kind favor of the 24th inst. Without being able to read my very heart you have no idea how cheerless I began to feel. The thought that you were ill seemed to haunt me day and night and took from the reunion with and society of friends and relations much of its wonted pleasure. Each mail brought only disappointment, for I was con¤dent that if you were able to write I would get an answer within a week at least. But I ¤nd that I was mistaken and that the mails are much more tardy than a lover’s imagination. I have been at home this is the 17th day and as yet have enjoyed but little society—not that it was wanting, on the contrary I have been most welcomed and visited by “troops of friends,” but the ¤rst six or eight days I was turned over to the tender mercies of the doctor whose potions made me feel something like the negro who “wish he was dead.” Thanks, however, to his skill, I have almost entirely recovered—in fact feel exceedingly well, especially within the last half hour, tho I’ll not give his science credit for it all. I have been much disappointed in almost every thing since reaching home and at times almost regret that I ever returned before the close of the war. From a generous-hearted, patriotic, self-sacri¤cing people whom I left over two years ago and for whom I have been striving to do battle ever since, I ¤nd the majority of the people cold, spineless, apathetic,—a set of demoralized extortioners, ready and willing to drink the very life blood of the widow and rush on when their souls and purses should be open to nourish and protect it.1 The cause of our reverses and the clouds which over-hang us as a nation and people here[?] ¤nd a plain solution. I believe now and ever have that God has our cause under his special care and keeping; and that these calamities have befallen us because the people have turned

15 September–6 November 1863 / 149

aside from Him and set themselves up other gods.2 Still I am happy even yet to ¤nd many family altars where the ¤re of patriotism still burns and sacri¤ces are still made with open hands and pure hearts. The great battle that has just been so gallantly fought and won by our Southern chivalry seems to have lifted a terrible weight from the public mind, and the whole country seems to breathe free for a time at least. Of our ¤nal triumph in that quarter I have not the least doubt provided we can keep the contending forces as near equal as they were in the late con®ict.3 I have never doubted Gen. Bragg’s ability to contend with Rosencranz if there was the slightest hope of success in giving battle. This I thought was clearly demonstrated at Murfreesboro where the chances for success were slim indeed. I have been able to hear but little from my Regiment since the battle. It was engaged but as far as heard from no casualties occurred in my company. Since the battle it has assisted in capturing a large wagon train together with some three hundred prisoners. Wheeler’s cavalry seem to have a penchant for Yankee trains.4 That is the ¤rst of the general engagements had by our army in which I have not taken some part, and it somewhat touches my pride to think that I was at home in safety & comparative ease while my comrades were passing thro’ the bloody ordeal. Still I cannot help but hope that it was for the best. Ever since the battle I have felt as tho’ I certainly would have been killed had I been there. In my opinion the greatest struggle in that quarter is yet in the future, and I may yet have to take a hand and bear part of the burden as I expect to start for the command early next week, perhaps Monday the 5th prox. Gen. Preston Smith who was killed in this battle was an old friend of mine from Memphis, and Gen. Deshler, also killed, was a fellow prisoner in Yankee land and an intimate acquaintance.5 He was one of the noblest of the noble. Besides these I had many intimate friends among the killed and wounded—even some relations. The disappointment you speak of, Cellie, was mine too, even to bitterness. It was my fondest anticipation to consummate a reunion with friends at home by a visit to your dear and oft wished-for presence. I had looked forward to that day with longing and delight. But alas! how uncertain are all our cherished objects—what a slight wind overturns our prettiest air castles. The leave of absence was given wholly because I was unable to ride and totally unable to do service. Col. Wade said, “Captain, I have no authority to grant this, but no man is better able to judge of

150 / Home and Sickness

your merits or considers more rightly the services you have rendered the cause than I do—I therefore will take all the responsibility on my shoulders, knowing that you will return to your post whenever you are able to do so.” Under these circumstances the leave of absence was granted, and I would not for the world disappoint the Colonel in any respect.6 You will see from this, My dear Cellie, what the barrier was between me and my anticipations—it was nothing less than my integrity. Of course, as you plainly say, my Cellie would not have me tarnish that. I trust that your anticipated visit to Atlanta may be realized—if for no other reason a sel¤sh one—viz., that we may be closer together.7 But this is not the only one—I am con¤dent that it will be a pleasure to you and whatever contributes to that end is no less a one to me—even so much do I love you, how much more, I could better tell you if I were by your side—but surely more than I do [love] Quinine, between which and myself I have not been able to discover the least af¤nity. Do you remember a Souvenier Rose you gave me the last time we were at Church together? On my return home I found it Carefully pressed in an envelope among my letters—a sweet memento of departed joys with some of its fragrance “clinging round it still.” 8 The sweetest, saddest pleasure enjoyed since reaching home was in perusing the letters of better days and happier times. Day before yesterday I ventured out of town some four miles and enjoyed a pleasant day gathering chesnuts with a party of some 20 young ladies and gentlemen. I managed to get nearly all the young ladies’ ¤ngers full of . . . [illegible] and was satis¤ed. I have not received Hamp’s letter—expect it is at Gadsden and will go by there to look after stray . . . [illegible]. I will hardly stay here long enough to get an answer from you, and do not know exactly where to tell you to direct your next. I suppose Chattanooga would be the best place, taking care to mention the command [in the address]. I will write again before I leave and may by that time be able to tell you the exact point. Until then believe me as ever Your most affectionate K nox Excuse blots &c. I write with an original pen—a gray goose quill.

Notes for 30 September 1863 1. On the conditions that produced discontent among Alabama civilians see Malcolm C. McMillan, The Disintegration of a Confederate State: Three Governors

15 September–6 November 1863 / 151 and the Alabama Home Front, 1861–1865 (Macon, Ga., 1986), especially 43–51 and 59–64; H. E. Sterkx, Partners in Rebellion: Alabama Women and the Civil War (Rutherford, N.J., 1970), especially 142–47 and 187–94; and Chappelle, “Reconstruction in Talladega County,” 78–82. 2. See Exodus 20:3 and Exodus 32. 3. The Battle of Chickamauga, fought in northwestern Georgia 19–20 Sept. 1863. Reinforced from Mississippi, East Tennessee, and Virginia, Bragg’s army outnumbered the Federals about sixty-four thousand to ¤fty-eight thousand, turned on them, defeated them, and drove them back to Chattanooga. 4. Wheeler’s reports of the battle and its aftermath are in 30OR2, 519–23, and 722–25. 5. Smith, commanding a brigade, was killed 19 Sept. Brig. Gen. James Deshler, captured at Arkansas Post in Jan. 1863 and exchanged the following June, commanded an infantry brigade when he was killed 20 Sept. See GK M’s 13 May 1863 letter. 6. See GK M’s 15 Sept. 1863 letter. 7. Indeed they were! See GK M’s 2 Jan. 1864 letter. 8. See GK M’s 8 Sept. 1860 letter.

16–17 October 1863 A halt near Lebanon, DeKalb Co. Ala. Oct. 16th, 1863 My dearest Cellie, I take advantage of a halt (for I don’t know how long) to send greeting from the “tented (?) ¤eld” once more. According to promise I left home and all its endearing charms on Thursday, one week ago yesterday—indeed I found it much more trying to leave the last time than I did the ¤rst—then I was just entering on a soldier’s novitiate, this time I had tasted of its bitter realities and had a pretty good idea of what was in store for me. Still a calm reconciliation to the stern duties before me repressed effectually the fountains of the heart, and I bade all a long & sad “good bye” with as dry an eye as you ever saw. Now don’t think that I have been trying to play Roman [i.e., stoic] and ignore the natural sensibilities of poor humanity—far from it—on more than one occasion I have experienced a grief too deep for tears. So it was on this. After ¤ve days pretty hard riding with sundry mis-directions, I came up with my Regt. some 15 miles west of Chattanooga near Trenton, Geo. The Regt. had been left behind on picket duty by Gen. Wheeler when he crossed the river on his raid in the enemy’s rear.1 It was then thrown

152 / Home and Sickness

with the 7th Ala. & 9th Ky [cavalry regiments] forming a temporary brigade under the command of Col. Dillon, one of Gen. Bragg’s Staff.2 The whole of this command has been picketing the Tenn. River from Point Lookout to Caperton’s Ferry some 40 miles below. When I reached the Regt. my company was some 15 miles off on the mountains overlooking Bridgeport[, Ala.,] watching the Yankee host stretched out before them. Next morning I was assigned a certain duty in the Regt. and before completing it, we were ordered to march. The Col. [Wade] told me that my Co. would be relieved that evening & so I went with the Regt. as it was going in an opposite direction to that of my Co. Next morning one of my men came in and reported that to the best of his knowledge & belief the whole company except himself were captured. You may well imagine how bad I felt, especially when the probabilities were all in favor of a con¤rmation of the news. This man and one other had been sent off from the company on a scout, and when they returned late in the evening to where they left the company, they rode up on a heavy line of Yankee infantry who poured a volley into them as they wheeled their horses to run. The woods being thick he was seperated from his companion before they ceased ¤ring at them, and night coming on he made the best of his way back to camp & reported. However, later in the day another courier came in and reported all the company safe except three, one of the scouts and two men who were on advanced post and who were probably surrrounded & captured owing to the failure of the signal gun to ¤re. The Yankees had come up in too strong force for Lt. Curry, & he had fallen back. This accounted for the whole affair, and I breathed much more freely, altho’ I was no little depressed by the thought that three good and true men were either killed, wounded, or doomed to undergo the ignominious treatment once experienced by myself.3 Yesterday we marched 25 miles & to-day only 12. Where we are going I have no idea, and am inclined to believe that no one else does.4 There is a large number of our Regt. absent sick and some few present in the same condition—generally chills and fever and intermittent fever, mostly contracted while on the river during the month of August. After reaching the Regt. I received one letter from you directed to me at Gadsden and also the one from Cousin Hamp. directed [forwarded] by you. Your letter altho’ old was not the less acceptable, and that of Hamp was a happy reminder of the scenes of other days. He writes in a very cheerful mood.

15 September–6 November 1863 / 153

Oct 17th: I could not resist the call to supper yesterday evening as I had not eaten since early in the morning and consequently could not ¤nish my letter. I learned last night that Gen. Wheeler had crossed to this side of the river. He succeeded in destroying some 6 or 7 hundred wagons, a large amount of commissary stores at McMinnville, and Shelby ville, captured & paroled about 2,000 prisoners but lost quite a number of good men. I do not know what is going on about Chattanooga as I have not seen a [news]paper since leaving home. What the next move on the ensanguined chess board will be, God & those in command only know. Our cavalry acquitted itself with great credit in the late ¤ght [Chickamauga], having been mostly dismounted and led to the charge in regular infantry style. The only complaint is that Gen. Wheeler did not push his advantage and capture hundreds of wagons that were almost within his clutch and with but an insigni¤cant force guarding them. Gen. Martin begged him to let him push on with his division, but it was of no avail. You must write to me very soon and let me know when you will start for Atlanta, and after you get there write and let me know to whose care I shall direct your letters. With every assurance of the best love and affection I am My dear Cellie, as ever Your K nox Direct to Chattanooga

Notes for 16–17 October 1863 1. Wheeler’s 29 Sept.–9 Oct. raid carried him into Tennessee and western Alabama. Although Wheeler in®icted some damage on the Union supply line, he also wrecked his own command. Wheeler’s report is in 30OR2, 722–25. See also Montgomery Weekly Advertiser, 21 Oct. 1863; Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 4 Nov. 1863; Dyer, Wheeler, 98–107; and Thomas Lawrence Connelly, Autumn of Glory: The Army of Tennessee, 1862–1865 (Baton Rouge, 1971), 269–70. 2. On 11 Sept., Edward Dillon received a temporary promotion to colonel and orders to report to Bragg for cavalry duty. On 2 May 1864 he became colonel of the 2d Miss. Cav. Regt. He was paroled at Columbus, Miss., 16 May 1865. 3. Lt. Mark S. Curry had joined GK M’s company in Talladega on 15 July 1861 as a twenty-one-year-old sergeant. He became a lieutenant 13 Aug. 1862. J. T. DeArman, W. T. Holcombe, and R. J. Martin of GK M’s company were captured 13 Oct. near Bridgeport, Ala. 4. The regiment was moving to guard the Tennessee River above Chattanooga.

154 / Home and Sickness

25 October 1863 Trenton, Geo, Oct. 25/63 My dear Cellie: Doubtless ere this you have received a letter from me written since my arrival at the command as I have written two [only one found], the last from camp near Lebanon. Since the date of my last we have countermarched, and this morning I ¤nd myself within four miles of Trenton, Geo., of all places the one I wished to see less. Just picture to yourself a high range of mountains on each side, almost within speaking distance and a miserable, sterile valley between, poor in its palmiest days, but now a barren waste from the ravages of two armies; and you have some idea of our local position. How long we will remain here I have no idea, but from the scarcity of subsistence both for man and horse I predict that our stay will be necessarily limited. We are almost isolated, there being no regular mail facilities and two ranges of mountains to cross in order to have communication with our main army or friends at home and elsewhere. For the last two weeks I have been so much exposed to drenching rains that I have contracted a very severe cold, from the effects of which I am almost bed sick, but knowing that exercise is bene¤cial, I still keep up and doing. We have to drill this morning, which goes much against the grain especially when I consider that it is the Sabbath day. But Sabbaths are not known in the army at least in the cavalry. However, you are probably well aware ere this that the present war has but little of the Christian spirit connected with it.1 As to news from the army, you are in all probability much better posted than myself. Rumor tells of a great victory having been gained in Virginia by Gen. Lee and [of] another by some of our Generals west of the Mississippi; but of course I cannot vouch for the correctness of either report, and can only hope for their truth.2 Our army is still lying in front of Chattanooga, while the enemy are being strongly re-inforced, one division (Sherman’s) of Grants [army] and one corps of Meade’s army having come to their assistance. I suppose we have had a counter balancing force brought up, but will not state it as a certainty.3 Of course you have heard of President Davis’ visit to our army—some of the of¤cers and men of our command had the pleasure of seeing and conversing with the head and chief of our Confederacy. There was no noisy enthusiasm manifested on his arrival, but a silent admiration and con¤dence felt, more potent than all the huzzas of the ¤ckle multitude. Our army was much cheered by his presence and felt that in their trials

15 September–6 November 1863 / 155

and suffering they were not forgotten or neglected.4 I have conversed with some of the Virginia army now with us and was highly pleased with the compliments they bestowed on our army. They gave our western cavalry particularly the praise, and spoke in rather disparaging terms of the cavalry with their army in the east. The reason I suppose of the credit given our cavalry was from the fact that a large portion of it was dismounted for the time being [at Chickamauga] and fought side by side with the [infantry] veterans on foot.5 I understand that there will shortly be a thorough re-organization of all our cavalry, and General Stephen D. Lee will probably be in command of the whole. Gen. Forrest, I hear, has certainly resigned, and Gen. Wharton is endeavoring to get transferred to the Trans-Mississippi Department.6 My company has been recruited to the maximum of the very best material, and if I had those with me who are prisoners, [I] am con¤dent that I would have the best mounted company in the division. What is better than all [is that] the men are in good spirits and improving in every respect, especially in morals [morale?; “morals” seems more likely in this context]. Gambling is now the exception when it was once the rule. On the Sabbath they are as quiet as if at their own houses, and all games and sports are laid aside for Bibles and Testaments. Drill is ordered and I must close. Please excuse the stains on this paper—my own paper was not available[?], and this was the best I could borrow. Write soon and send me a bushel of love to make up for the long time that I have been without a letter and as ever believe me yours Most affectionalty K nox

Notes for 25 October 1863 1. See GK M’s 21 Dec. 1862 letter. 2. Only maneuvering—no great battles and no great victories—had taken place in Virginia and in the Trans-Mississippi in recent weeks. 3. After Chickamauga the federal government rushed reinforcements to the Chattanooga area from Virginia and Mississippi. Two small corps came from the Army of the Potomac commanded by Maj. Gen. George G. Meade; Maj. Gen. William T. Sherman brought troops from the Yankee army in Mississippi that had been commanded by Maj. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant. The Confederates made no “counterbalancing” movements and soon sent a large portion of their army off on an unsuccessful campaign against K noxville, which had been seized by Union forces advancing from eastern Kentucky.

156 / Home and Sickness 4. After Chickamauga, the generals in the Army of Tennessee failed to follow up on their victory and soon resumed their bitter, internecine squabbling. Davis visited the army 9–14 Oct. in an unsuccessful effort to deal with the problem. 5. Troops from the “Virginia army” had been sent to reinforce Bragg prior to the Battle of Chickamauga. These were the men sent against K noxville; they returned to Virginia in 1864. By the fall of 1863 Confederate cavalry in the west often functioned more as mounted infantry, riding to battle and then ¤ghting on foot rather than as traditional cavalrymen who fought mounted. 6. While the cavalry soon underwent reorganization, Major General (later Lieutenant General) Lee took command of Rebel mounted forces in Mississippi. He came to the Army of Tennessee in late July 1864 to command an infantry corps. Forrest, unable to get along with Bragg or Wheeler, soon received a transfer to Mississippi. Wharton was reassigned to the Trans-Mississippi in Feb. 1864.

As a result of the cavalry’s “thorough re-organization” to which Miller referred in the preceding letter, he and the 8th Confederate Regiment found themselves in a new command structure. Wheeler remained at the head of the Cavalry Corps, now organized into four divisions commanded by Wharton, Martin, and Brig. Gens. Frank C. Armstrong and John H. Kelly. Kelly’s Division comprised two brigades, the First (Confederate) Brigade consisting of the 1st, 3d, 8th, and 10th Confederate regiments, and the Second Brigade made up of the 2d, 3d, and 9th Kentucky regiments and three small Tennessee units. Prather, as senior of¤cer with the regiment, commanded the 8th Confederate. Colonel Wade was then acting commander of the brigade.1 Bragg had sent a large part of his force against K noxville. Wheeler, with the divisions of Martin and Armstrong, accompanied the expedition. Kelly’s Division took position at Cleveland, Tennessee, to protect the right ®ank of Bragg’s army. The division was en route to its new post when Miller found time to write the following letter.

6 November 1863 On the march, Near Dalton, Geo. Nov. 6th, 1863 My dear Cellie: I take advantage of a pine knot ¤re and the prospect of getting to mail a letter to-morrow, to write a few lines. We left Trenton, Geo., at early

15 September–6 November 1863 / 157

dawn on the morning of the 4th and have since been on the march, rendered very tiresome by reason of the bad condition of the roads and the rough mountainous country over which our route laid. We are on our way to join Gen. Martin who is rendezvousing his Division at Spring Place near Dalton—at least some 14 miles to the North East.2 I suppose this place has been chosen on account of forage. It is thought that we will remain at this place a short time to procure equipments &c. preparatory to making another grand raid in some direction. When this may take place I cannot say as in military affairs every thing is so uncertain. I feel at present as tho’ I were almost in speaking distance of My dear Cellie, and have a great desire to see Atlanta once more, yet cannot expect that it will be grati¤ed at present. I had a very late Yankee [news]paper that I intended sending you but some “busy-body” has transported it to parts unknown. There was nothing of special interest in it. Rosecrans has been removed and at last accounts was in Cincinnati making speeches to his Dutch [German—that is, “Deutsch”] brethren. Grant is now in command of the whole western Department and arrived in person at Chattanooga on the 25th ult.3 “Fighting Joe” is also there commanding an army corps.4 I hear only rumors of new movements on foot, as for their reality I cannot vouch and therefore will not repeat them. I write this supposing that you are still in Atlanta and hope it may reach you before you leave for home. If you write within the next ¤ve days direct to Spring Place or Dalton, if you have no opportunity to do so within that time, direct to Chattanooga. It is now twelve o’clock and I am very much fatigued after a days march so you will please accept this poor apology of a letter for what it is worth—or if you please set it down as an “occasional,” and so hoping that your dreams for this night and hereafter may be pleasant, I close by bidding you a sweet “Good Night” and with all assurances That I am as ever Your affectionate K nox

Notes for 6 November 1863 1. Wheeler to Col. George W. Brent, 6 Nov. 1863, and S.O. 89, Wheeler’s Cavalry Corps, 2 Nov. 1863, Wheeler Papers. No brigade commander is listed on the 31 Oct. return, but Wade is so designated on that for 20 Nov. (31OR2, 663, and 31OR3, 618–19). Documents in the service record of William M. Allen of GK M’s company also show that Wade commanded the brigade for at least part of the fall.

158 / Home and Sickness 2. Martin, in fact, was near K noxville. Kelly’s Division was merely moving to the right of the army to picket the Tennessee River from Chattanooga upstream to the mouth of the Hiwassee River. 3. Never popular with the political authorities, owing largely to his arrogance and his tendency to argue, Rosecrans was relieved from command 19 Oct. 1863. Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas replaced him at the head of the Yankee army in Chattanooga. Grant, then in command of virtually all Union forces in Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia, reached Chattanooga late on 23 Oct. 4. Two corps of the reinforcements sent to the Federals at Chattanooga— about twenty-three thousand men—under Maj. Gen. Joseph (Fighting Joe) Hooker came from Virginia.

George Miller, ca. 1863, courtesy of the Miller family.

Celestine Miller, ca. 1863, courtesy of the Miller family.

George Miller, ca. 1890s, courtesy of the Miller family.

Celestine Miller, ca. 1890s, courtesy of the Miller family.

Courthouse in Talladega where Miller sat as judge. Courtesy of the Talladega Heritage Commission.

Confederate monument that Miller dedicated in 1893. He and Celestine are buried just beyond and to the left of the monument. Courtesy of the Talladega Heritage Commission.

6 “The Lull That Precedes the Storm” 2 January–23 April 1864 The two months that elapsed between Miller’s 6 November letter and the next extant documents—those of 2 January 1864 (both of which he misdated “1863”)—witnessed great changes in the fortunes of the Army of Tennessee and in Miller’s personal life. The 8th Confederate Cavalry was ordered out of Tennessee because in late November the army suffered a crushing defeat at Chattanooga and ®ed south to Dalton in northwestern Georgia. There the demoralized men went into winter quarters to await the spring 1864 campaign. As of early December Miller’s brigade was posted north of Dalton, at Varnell Station on the East Tennessee & Georgia Railroad, guarding the army’s right ®ank.1 The following is one of four known company record of events reports signed by GK M.2

2 January 1864 (Record of Events) Jan. 2, 1863 [sic] At date of last muster [not found] the Company was in Lookout Valley picketing the Tenn. River. On or about the 6th of Nov. the Company with the Regt. was ordered to Dalton, Geo., where we were thrown into the 1st Brigade [of] Kelly’s Div. and ordered to the Tenn. River, north of Cleveland, Tenn. and remained on the picket lines nine[?] miles. On or about the 25th of Nov. when the Brig. was ordered to Charleston, Tenn., and thence to Cleveland, Tenn., where we engaged the enemy on the 26th completely routing him. From thence we were ordered [back] to Dalton and established a picket line in front of the Army. On the 27th

2 January–23 April 1864 / 163

Dec. we accompanied the expedition under Gen. Wheeler to Charleston, Tenn., and was there engaged [on 28 December,] losing one man.3 G. K. Miller, Capt.

Notes for 2 January 1864 (Record of Events) 1. 31OR3, 771, 780–81, 802. 2. See n1 to 16 July 1863 (Record of Events). This document is printed in OR Supp., 73:291–92. 3. On the Charleston ¤ght, see n3 to GMK’s 2 Jan. 1864 letter.

We do not know what role George K nox Miller played in the late November engagements at Chattanooga or if even he took part in them. By the beginning of the new year he had other things on his mind. The winter of 1863–64 proved unusually severe across the South and brought military operations in North Georgia to a virtual standstill. Occasional skirmishes ®ared in the no-man’s-land between the Confederates at Dalton and the Yankees in and around Chattanooga, but for almost ¤ve months both armies remained in winter quarters. While the men sought what rest they could ¤nd and tried to keep warm, their generals labored to prepare for the operations that all knew would come with the spring. For the soldiers in the ranks and for many of their of¤cers the winter months brought, in addition to a welcome rest, a chance to return home for an all-too-brief visit with family and friends. A day or so before Christmas an exultant K nox Miller began an eight-day furlough. He did not, however, go to Talladega to see his father, stepmother, and sister. Rather, he rode the train south some eighty¤ve miles to Atlanta where Celestine was visiting relatives. We know few details of what transpired during that last week of 1863. K nox and Celestine may have decided sometime earlier that they would wed at the ¤rst opportunity, or they may have determined to do so sometime that week. Some parts of Miller’s 22 January 1864 letter seem to indicate that the latter was the case as does the fact that in his 6 November 1863 letter he wrote that he was then expecting Celestine to return soon to South Carolina. So, too, does his remark in a 23 October 1911 letter: “I obtained a leave of absence for a few days to call on her, and having been engaged for some time, we concluded to join our fortune.” 1

164 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”

Whichever the case, on the last day of 1863—the day after the groom’s twenty-seventh birthday—K nox and Celestine were married at the home of the bride’s aunt, Mrs. James K. Alexander, and on New Year’s Day the recently wed captain was aboard a slow northbound train en route back to the army. When he reached camp he reported to Celestine. His heart must have quickened as he wrote the salutation.

2 January 1864 (Letter) Camp 9 Miles above Dalton, Geo. Jan 2d, 1863 [sic] My darling wife: After a sad good bye I hurried to the Depot and found that I had an hour to wait until the train left. I took advantage of the delay and went to the Telegraph Of¤ce but found that the much desired communication had not arrived2—returned to the Hotel regretting that I had a moment to remain in Atlanta away from your side. I soon went to the train and secured a seat and in the course of another half hour was being slowly transported away from my loved one and out towards the path of hazardous duty. As you may well remember it turned bitter cold during the night and having no ¤re at all in the [railroad] car I passed a sleepless night not closing my eyes during the whole time. We reached Tilton—eight miles from Dalton at daylight, where we remained until 12 o’clock not having wood enough to run the trains through to Dalton. This was anything but cheering considering the temperature, but of course we could do nothing—I am mistaken—we got out and picked up and cut enough wood to feed the [iron] horse and reached Dalton about one [p.m.]. My horse had been waiting there all the morning for me but had just left and my alternative was to try infantry for a while. I found it perhaps more pleasant walking than riding tho’ the roads were very rough and having to face a Northern wind, felt as tho’ I had been safely encased in a refrigerator when I reached camp. There I found a good ¤re but little else to cheer the soul. I soon learned the particulars of Gen. Wheeler’s skillful retreat from the presence of the enemy at Charleston[, Tenn., 28 December]. You remember the report of the expedition in the Atlanta papers. So far from being a skillful retreat it was a most shameful and wanton sacri-

2 January–23 April 1864 / 165

¤ce of men and horses resulting from the imbicility of the “War Child” [Wheeler]. There were 14 killed and wounded in our Brigade and 78 missing in all. Without any reconnoitering party, Wheeler ordered our Brigade to charge into the town telling them “there were but a few straggling Yankees.” Col. Wade did as commanded, when he found himself within 150 yards of three lines of Yankee infantry drawn up, well position[ed] and quietly awaiting the movements of the “War Child.” Here they [men of the brigade] were exposed to a terri¤c ¤re and “little Joe” could not be induced to withdraw them until Col. Wade was shot from his horse and the command thrown into confusion—the result was a most shameful rout. One man from my Co. is among the missing.3 I have been working incessantly since my return making out Pay Rolls and have but partly ¤nished them as yet. It is so cold that the ink freezes on my pen so that I can scarcely write at all. Of course I have to write in the open air. I found Cousin Edwin, Mr. Duncan, and several of the absentees in camp. I have been actually troubled with congratulations since my return. Some of the boys say that all they want is furloughs in order that they may follow suit [i.e., get married]. Nearly every one says “I told you so,” just as the old lady did when her son told her that the cow had eaten the grind stone. I have just learned that Sister Rutelia has been dangerously sick but is fast recovering [Rest of letter missing]

Notes for 2 January 1864 (Letter) 1. To Victor C. Miller in Miller, Miller and Calhoun Miller, 83. 2. Possibly a reply to a request to extend his furlough. 3. Union reports of Wheeler’s 28 Dec. ¤asco at Charleston are in 31OR1, 641–44. Apparently no Rebel of¤cer ¤led a report. A telegram about the raid appeared in the Atlanta Daily Intelligencer, 29 Dec. 1863. Soldiers referred to Wheeler as “Little Joe” and the “War Child.” The latter doubtless because of his youth (he was ten weeks older than GK M), his small size (¤ve feet, ¤ve inches; 120 pounds), and his infantile fondness for engaging in combat (he is reported to have taken part in 127 actions, been wounded three times, and to have had sixteen horses killed under him). Wade and Wheeler did not get along. On 27 Jan. 1865 Wheeler wrote Adjutant and Inspector General Samuel Cooper alleging that Wade had been drunk on duty in Oct. 1863 while commanding the brigade (letter in service record of John S. Prather, 8th Confed. Cav. Regt.; see also GK M’s comment in 12 Feb.

166 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm” 1914 letter). Wade’s Charleston wound resulted in his receiving a furlough, and on 25 May 1864 he was relieved from command of the regiment. Eventually he returned to duty in Columbus, Miss. From that post he caused more trouble for the regiment. See GK M’s 23 Feb. 1865 letter; W. C. Dodson, Campaigns of Wheeler and His Cavalry, 1862–1865 (reprint, Jackson, Tenn., n.d.), 377–79 and 424.

Miller’s postwar label on the following reads: “Part of Letter Written from Tunnel Hill [a few miles northwest of Dalton] just after return to front after marriage—don’t know what became of other part unless it was burned when the Yanks were robbing my wife [in 1865]”. This fragment may have been written prior to the 2 January letter, although afterward seems more likely.

Undated Fragment, ca. January 1864 Another of my Company has just been taken from me and made a Lieutenant in the 25th Regt Ala. Vol.—This is my mess-mate and friend Geo. W. Parsons, the gentleman who shot Lt. Curry.1 Tell Cousin Alice that I have mentioned the object to Mr. McElderry and he is perfectly elated with the idea of having a “buxom lass of sweet sixteen” (?) as a sweet heart but doesn’t know how he will ever be able to rub off his timidity enough to call & introduce himself—I’ll have to bring him down [to Atlanta] myself some of these odd times. Rumor is rife that our Division is going near Talladega to recruit our men and horses, and of course all hands are made elated with the prospect. I cannot say for certain that we will but rest in hopes if I die fasting.2 I found my poor [horse] “Bobby Trot” had been sick during my absence and came very near dying. I feel sorry for the poor fellow but am not situated so at present that I can relieve him from duty. I have been to see Col. Wade who received me with many congratulations and says that he will do all in his power to procure me a leave of absence before long. He thinks I did wrong in not coming back and applying for a longer period for the purpose of marrying.3 I will write to Father [McCann] to-morrow and ask his forgiveness for the seemingly want of respect in taking my Cellie without procuring his consent.4 Yet I cannot feel in my heart but that it will be accorded especially when I know that my darling thinks so. Tell Florence, my little new cousin, that I will write her a letter in a few days—I am much pressed with business at present.

2 January–23 April 1864 / 167

Write to me, Sweet, as soon as you get an opportunity and tell me a heap of pretty things, and with every assurance of my hearts whole love and affection believe me[?] my darling bride Your affectionate K nox My love to Auntie, Mrs. Gordon and Dr. J. F. A[nderson].

Notes for Undated Fragment, ca. January 1864 1. In late Mar. 1863 Private Parsons stood trial for shooting at Curry “on or about” 25 Mar. 1863. One of the bullets hit Curry but seems not to have in®icted a serious wound. Parsons also shot at another member of the regiment who tried to quell the disturbance. For unknown reasons the court acquitted him and he returned to duty. He does not appear in the records of the 25th Ala. Parsons remained a member of the 8th Confed. Cav. Regt. until raiding Federal cavalry captured him in Talladega on 22 Apr. 1865. 2. During the winter the Rebels sent many artillery and cavalry units to rear areas in Georgia and Alabama. There the men and horses could rest, and rations for the men and forage for the animals did not have to be transported to the army on the overburdened railroads. 3. Wade had not yet left on his furlough. 4. See GK M’s 9, 13–14, and 26 Jan. 1864 letters.

9 January 1864 In Camp near Tunnel Hill, Geo. Jan. 9th, 1864 My darling wife: It is bitter cold this morning, and so disagreeable that I can scarcely write, but having just come off drill and there being no business of an urgent nature, I cannot forego the temptation of again holding sweet converse with my darling. Notwithstanding the excessively severe weather which we have been experiencing for more than a week past, and the great exposure we are compelled to undergo, I have been quite well with the exception of [a] severe cold. Indeed when I look around and see the scores of thinly clad beings—some barefooted others without socks or gloves and all with but a scanty supply of blankets—it seems little less than a miracle that half of them are not in the hospital or the grave. I cannot but think that a kind Providence has especially ¤lled them, in this instance, with greater powers of endurance. That our army is not decimated by desertion is a matter of astonishment to me; and I am often

168 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”

led to doubt whether “the times that tried men’s souls” presented, in proportion to numbers, more instances of heroic endurance and fortitude than the present.1 Day before yesterday I received as many as three letters, one of which [I] was certain, from a hasty glance at the superscription, was from you, but it turned out far different—being a whole-souled epistle from my former college mate and “chum” James Crook—now a Lieut. in the 10th Ala. Regt. in Virginia.2 Like numerous others he has “gained as much glory as he can sustain” in infantry and wishes to join the “Butter Milk Rangers [the cavalry].” He says, in his droll way, that “man that is born of woman and joins the Va. army is of few days and short rations.” In regard to the latter, he certainly would not better himself by joining Mr. Johnston’s “Company.” 3 We are living on the coarsest kind of corn bread and the poorest beef that ever a set of hungry mortals attempted to satisfy an appetitie on. Pork or bacon are luxuries of happier times and cannot be had now for love or money. I expect you would laugh if you could happen up and see me preparing a meal—a dodger of bread in one hand and a forked stick with beef on it broiling away with a vengeance. However, it is all in a lifetime and I have no doubt but I’d survive if this were all. As a general thing I believe there is less grumbling than when we were basking in the sunshine of plenty. Gen. Wheeler came up the other day and made a thorough personal inspection of our command—had a kind word for almost every man, and made more fair promises than he or his country, I’m afraid, will ever be able to comply with. At night he sent for the commanders of companies and gave us a regular Mrs. Caudle lecture.4 His advice &c., &c., only con¤rmed me in the opinion I had long since formed of him—a very affable, gentlemanly little fellow but about as well acquainted with practical life as a metaphysician—all theory. You will be better able to form an opinion of him when I tell you that last summer when the creeks in North Ala. did not afford suf¤cient water to run the mills, he proposed to Gen. Martin to make a detail of men and run them by treading the wheels!!!5 The Gen. Promised to try and get us to the rear and give us an opportunity to recruit and drill, but I think it doubtful as there [are] only three brigades of cavalry with the army at present and two have to be on the front all the time. I am expecting some important changes in my Co. before long— Lt. Curry will either get transferred to Charleston or Mobile or will re-

2 January–23 April 1864 / 169

sign, while Lt. Wade will in all probability be promoted to Brigade Commissary. I most heartily approve of the latter as he is an energetic, conscientious man; and the former will meet with my approbation as Lt. Curry, in his present position, is of no use to his country and of no assistance to me, while there are numbers of good men in the Co. who can ¤ll his place with credit to all sides.6 Col. Wade has gone to Columbus, Miss., and taken Mr. McElderry with him, and Gen. Wheeler has given our Brigade a full ®edged Brigadier in the person of Gen. W. Y. C. Humes, formerly chief of artillery on Gen. Wheeler’s staff.7 I know but little about him but surmise that before many months we will have some solid work in wreathing laurels for the child of Fortune [Wheeler]. I have no idea that we will again have the old veteran, Col. Wade, with us as Gen. Wheeler does not like him and will do all in his power to keep him out of Command, and he is two proud to hold a subordinate position.8 Our poor horses are dying up very fast from exposure and improper feeding. Bobby [Miller’s horse] doesn’t look any thing like his former self—I will try and send him to Ala and recruit him in a week or two. Since my return I have had quite a busy time answering letters and writing to different ones generally. I wrote a long letter to Father McCann a day or two since, and did my best to apologize or rather give a satisfactory explanation of my seemingly unwarranted conduct. I trust in my heart that it will prove satisfactory—indeed, I should feel very sad if it were otherwise. I have looked anxiously for an answer to my ¤rst letter or a telegraphic dispatch but thus far have looked in vain. I have written to Hamp also and expect a jolly letter before many days. I received a letter from my brother-in-law, Capt. F[rancis]. M[arion]. Shouse a few days ago who had casually heard that I was married—He was very warm in his congratulations. I reciprocated by giving him mine on his late promotion.9 —Not [Now?] changing the subject, I have been dreaming about you, my darling, almost every night since we took our last adieu. I dreampt last night that I had been captured in East Tenn. and carried to Nashville where I met a friend who told me to feign sickness and get to the hospital which I did and after getting there could look out and see a hotel across the square. I could see you constantly passing to and fro in the hotel but was not allowed to send any communication whatever to let you know where I was. When I awoke it was some time before I could persuade myself that it was not a reality. Perhaps you will think that is talking, or rather writing, more like a lover than a husband [!], but such things are

170 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”

episodes in the dull life of a soldier and naturally make an impression that takes the ¤rst opportunity of making itself known to some one—and in whom can I con¤de—to whom can I breathe[?] my thoughts, better[?] sleeping and waking, other than to my darling treasure[?], my dear wife. My almost every thought, sweet, is of you and your happiness. I can now feel and properly appreciate the loss of your dear presence. I thought at ¤rst that, having enjoyed each others presence so little, it would not be so hard to bear seperation, but I do not think any one could feel it more sensibly. I am looking hourly for a letter from you—do write very soon. I do not know yet whether you have left Atlanta or not, but take it for granted that you have. When you write home send my kindest regards to all the family also to Julius when you address him. Remember me in the kindest manner to Mr. Barr and sister Matt.10 For yourself accept just as much love as a mortal of my station can possibly send—be sure to write very soon and as ever believe me with my heart’s warmest love and affection Your K nox

Notes for 9 January 1864 1. The quotation is from Thomas Paine’s American Crisis (1777), originally published in the Pennsylvania Journal, 1776–77. 2. See GK M’s 11 Oct. 1860 letter. 3. A reference to the Army of Tennessee’s new commander, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston. 4. GK M refers to “Mrs. Caudle’s Curtain Lectures as Suffered by the Late Job Caudle,” a series of humorous articles “edited” by Douglas Jerrold, about a wife’s constant nagging, published originally in the British magazine Punch in the 1840s and issued in book form in 1847. 5. Wheeler’s proposal was not as far-fetched as GK M thought. Slaves in colonial Charleston were used for such a purpose in some of the city’s workhouses. George C. Rogers Jr., Charleston in the Age of the Pinckneys (Columbia, S.C., 1969), 148. See also GK M’s “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10) and his 10 July 1863 and 2 Jan. 1864 letters. 6. Lt. Jasper N. Wade, an original member of the company, was detached as brigade commissary of¤cer by Col. William B. Wade (a kinsman?) 15 Nov. 1863. GK M probably meant a permanent appointment. 7. Brig. Gen. William Y. C. Humes commanded the brigade after serving on Wheeler’s staff.

2 January–23 April 1864 / 171 8. See n3 to GK M’s 2 Jan. 1864 letter. 9. Shouse, husband of GK M’s sister Rutilia Isbell, served in the 31st Ala. Inf. Regt. He held several minor public of¤ces in Talladega after the war. 10. Celestine’s sister Martha (Matt) Jane McCann, married George D. Barr 2 Dec. 1856 and then lived in Augusta, Ga. After the war the Barrs lived in Greenville, S.C. See GK M’s 6 Mar. 1864 letter.

13–14 January 1864 On the march within two miles of Rome, Geo. Time—Midnight Jan. 13 or 14/64 My darling wife: I take an hour from those usually devoted to Morpheus by soldiers, especially after a days march of thirty miles—to send my darling a line. We are on the move again, and of a nature that we have never taken before—we are going to the rear to recruit. No doubt about it now, for we have just ¤nished 50 miles of our journey. Only our Brigade is going at present—the others will follow in a short time. As yet our destination is not certain, but I write to keep my little(?) family posted as to the movements of its, as yet, supposed head. We will either go in the neighborhood of Cedar Bluff, Cherokee Co. Ala. or Some 20 or 30 miles above Talladega on the Tenn. & Ala. Rivers R. R. I think it probable that the latter point will be chosen on account of supplies. Unless disturbed by a Yankee raid or something of the kind, I expect we will remain six weeks or two months. This time will be devoted to recruiting horses, drilling, and disciplining the command generally. But as yet I know so little of our new Brigadier [Humes] that I have no idea of the entire programme that will be adopted. I have been so fortunate as to receive seven letters within the last twenty-four hours among which was yours of the 8th inst.—the ¤rst from my darling wife, and with it the letter from Pa to you and also the clipping from Sister Matt’s of which you asked me to tell you what I thought of them. Well, my darling, I think that it is or will be all well between ourselves and Pa & Ma [McCann]. I think that Pa will only consider his prerogative somewhat infringed, but will forgive us and bless us. Lt. Curry had sent up an application for leave of absence under a general order allowing a leave of absence to one of¤cer in each Company

172 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”

when there were three present for duty.1 I suppose he will be back about the ¤rst week in Feb. when I can get a leave also but not before. I think the Lt. acted very ungenerously towards me in the matter but had no right to expect anything else. If possible I will try and get off sooner. When I do get one [furlough] I will send you a dispatch from home so that you will know it in time. I have met with a series of petty misfortunes since starting—A horse ate my hat up—also my haversack ¤lled with nice biscuit—the ¤rst I had had for sometime. Added to this some mean fellow stole my bridle & I lost my pipe. My darling excuse this as I write lying on the ground before a dim ¤re. Give my best love to all. Hope “some body’s” doing well. Good bye my darling K nox

Note for 13–14 January 1864 1. On the furloughs see 32OR2, 558, 571, 573–74, 592–93, and 697.

22 January 1864 Talladega, Ala. Jan 22d, 1864 My darling wife: I have just reached Talladega after riding two days and over night almost without getting off of my horse—consequently am very much jaded & fatigued—otherwise I am quite well.1 Gen. Humes detailed me on the 17th to go to Talladega & some of the adjoining counties for the purpose of getting recruits for the command. Our command reached Oxford, Ala., some twenty miles above this place on the R. R. day before yesterday where it will remain some time to drill and recruit the horses. After being detailed I went to Gadsden, Ala., to meet the steamboat in order to get my company books & papers together with my clothing which was sent that way without my knowledge. I was very uneasy lest all should be lost or stolen. Reached G. Monday night where I remained two days awaiting the arrival of the boat which broke a [paddle]wheel & consequently did not make time [schedule]. I found all safe much to my astonishment. My detail was for twenty-¤ve days but I did not want it and will report back in ten at least. I can easily ¤ll my own company to the maximum

2 January–23 April 1864 / 173

and am not specially interested in any other. Besides I wish to be with the command just now doing duty so that I can shortly get my leave of absence. Gen. Humes was told the circumstances of our marriage & complimented me by saying that none but a good soldier would have pursued the same course. He says he will do all in his power to get me a leave of absence. I wrote to you from near Rome but did not give any directions as to my address as it was not then settled upon as to what point we would locate[?] at. Only a few hours in town yet I have been overwhelmed with congratulations, well wishes, &c., &c. But you know how cheap talk is. I found all well at home except Ma who has been quite sick for a week but is better to-day. We are in a land of plenty now compared to north Georgia, and I expect we will all do well for a while at least. My Co. is close enough for nearly all to get goodies sent from home every day. I like Gen. H. very much thus far. He is a plain, unassuming gentleman rigid but affable & kind to all. If let alone he will have a splendid Brigade by Spring. When I reached home I had not eaten a bite for 24 hours—you just ought to have seen your “little General.” While I was writing the letter to you from near Rome some light ¤ngered gentleman(?) relieved me of all my blankets. The boys tease me about my little misfortune and attribute it all to my being a married man. My darling, I am actually so sleepy & tired that I cannot write so you will excuse me. Sister [Rutilia] sends her love to Sister Cellie—she will write to you before long. Pa & Ma are both rejoicing with me and send much love to their darling daughter. All were much surprised never having heard a word of it except thro’ the papers until some three days ago when the letter I had written at Atlanta [not found] was received.2 Pa thinks our reasons for getting married at once were excellent. If you write within the next ¤ve days direct to Talladega after that to Oxford, Calhoun Co., Ala., Humes’ Brigade. I will write again to-morrow or next day. My ink has frozen, & I am in a hurry—this accounts for a pencilled letter. I received one from you a day or two since of Nov 18—it had been on a bust I suppose. With all love & affection I am darling your K nox [Upside down, top of page 3] Write very soon my darling. I am so anxious to hear from you. Love to all.

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[Upside down, top of page 4] Ma has just come up[stairs] to send love again to her darling daughter.—She is happy to be able to call[?] you such—begs to be kindly remembered to Mother McCann.

Notes for 22 January 1864 1. The Talladega Alabama Reporter, 28 Jan. 1864, included GK M in a list of soldiers home on “short furloughs.” 2. On 3 Jan. the Atlanta Daily Intelligencer carried the following notice: “Married, on the 31st ult., at the residence of Mrs. Martha Alexander, in this city, by the Rev. Dr. John S. Wilson, Capt. George R. [sic] Miller, of Memphis, Tenn., and Miss Celistiana [sic], daughter of Major McCain [sic], of Anderson District, South Carolina. [Pointing hand] Alabama and South Carolina papers please copy.”

26 January 1864 Talladega, Ala. Jan 26th, 1864 My darling wife: Your dear favor written at Augusta Jan 18th/64 [en route to South Carolina] was welcomed yesterday evening. Fortunately it was directed exactly right to come to me direct, even if it was six long days on the road when it should have come in three at most. I addressed a hasty line or two to you a day or two since [not found unless he refers to letter of 22 January 1864] but do not know that it will reach you before your departure from Georgia. I have been looking with all eyes for a letter from Father McCann for the last six or eight days but so far in vain. I have written him two letters and thought certain that I would have received an answer before now, but [my] changing station has again somewhat frustrated matters and I will have, perhaps, some more writing to do or at least exercise considerable patience and await for letters [forwarded] from Dalton via the “Courier Line.” I too rejoice with you, my loved one, at [my] being off the front at least for a while. I believe that I wrote to you that I had been detailed to go to Talladega to muster up recruits for the command. This fact alone explains why I am here, for had it not been for this I would have been within 20 miles of the place without being able to get there honorably.

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My company, poor boys, are almost within sound of the voices of “loved ones at home” and yet are not allowed to leave camp except on duty. The very strictest discipline is being enforced by Genl. Humes. It is all for the best in the end I have no doubt, but it is exceedingly burdensome to our cavalry men, who, unfortunately, have been going with too loose a rein. However, I learn that both men and horses are getting plenty to eat while their friends can easily visit them or send them any delicacies they may wish. I am getting on ¤nely recruiting, there being more applications for membership in my Company than the law allows me to satisfy.1 As soon as I can make some necessary arrangements at Talladega I will hasten back to my command, as I no longer have any longing desire to remain here, now that the supreme object of my affections is far far away. If you were here, you know, my darling companion, that it would be quite different. I have been quite fortunate in meeting many of my old friends and associates since my arrival here—friends from every branch, and in every department of the service. But I have had to deal more particularly with a class whom a late act of Congress has very much disturbed—men who at the beginning of our troubles were the most rampant, vindictive and blood thirsty—who made eloquent speeches to the masses, calling them to the “tented ¤eld,” to ¤nd glory & liberty, but who soon got sick of seeking the “bubble reputation at the cannon’s mouth” and—hired substitutes. And what for? To do battle for their homes and ¤resides. Now,—thank Goodness—they have to drop their whilehom titles of Col., Maj., Capt., Lieut., &c., &c. and learn to obey. Many of them will now be commanded by those whom they once domineered over. But this is nothing more than an exempli¤cation of the old adage “Let Hercules himself do what he may, the cat will mew, the dog will have his day.” 2 I ¤nd all my good friends around Talladega very much surprised indeed at our marriage—No-body dreamed of such a thing and would hardly believe the papers. Some of the young ladies gave me a general “hauling over the coals.” They thought it very strange, indeed, that I couldn’t make [a] choice from the numerous pretty faces around home, but must go away over into South Carolina to ¤nd a bride—“they really considered it a slight upon their many graces.” I told them that it might all be true, but they must take into consideration the great difference in taste—that I wouldn’t exchange “My Cellie” for all the b[e]auties

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of Alabama—exit K nox with a broomstick not far behind.—but enough of this. I am enjoying the best of health and in a manner luxuriating in the ¤ne Spring like weather with which we are now blessed. Ma has been quite sick but is fast recovering and if my darling was only with me, I believe that I could spend a few day[s] at least of unalloyed happiness— No; that is wrong. The clouds of the future could not be entirely driven away. I am very sorry to learn that Sister Rosa has cause to be distressed in regard to Willie’s wound.3 Hoping, like you, that her fears are magni¤ed, I will not express fully what I do feel. I regret very much that I am so situated that I cannot meet you at Augusta and accompany you home, but such things cannot be helped. Lt. Curry did certainly act ungenerously, but who could expect “good to come out of Nazareth”? Few things would give me more pleasure than to see “Brother Barr” and Sister Matt, but rely on it my darling, that when I once begin my journey to see my loved one, Father, brother, sister, Mother—all will have to come in as an after Consideration. I will direct this to S. C. knowing almost that you will be there by the time it arrives. You must write immediately and let me know whether you get through safely or not. Trusting that this may ¤nd you in the best of health and spirits, I am, in all affection, my darling wife, as ever Your K nox I will come as soon as I possibly can.

Notes for 26 January 1864 1. Service records show some half dozen men recruited for the company in Talladega by GK M early in 1864. There are also several men for whom no speci¤c date of entry into service is recorded. 2. The “bubble” quotation is from Shakespeare’s As You Like It,” 2.7.153; the second, slightly modi¤ed, from Hamlet, 5.1.314. Severe manpower shortages led to the Third Conscription Act, Feb. 1864, lowering the draft age from eighteen to seventeen and raising it from forty-¤ve to ¤fty. Under 1862 and 1863 laws a draftee could hire a man not conscripted to take his place. Several members of the 8th Confed. Cav. Regt. used this provision to escape military service. Although an ancient practice, substitution came to be perceived as a means for the rich to avoid service. The 1864 law provided that those who had furnished substitutes under earlier acts would no longer be exempt from military service. GK M clearly anticipated the new law when he wrote this letter. Perhaps someone

2 January–23 April 1864 / 177 to whom he talked in Talladega had heard how the new law would deal with substitutes. The Talladega Democratic Watchtower, 20 Jan. 1864 (the only extant issue for the month), published a brief item about a proposed “anti-substitute law.” 3. Celestine’s twin sister, Rosaline, married William Alexander Hudson of Greenville County, S.C. The identi¤cation is not certain, but he may have been the W. A. Hudson who served in the Hampton (S.C.) Legion.

At the end of January or early in February, K nox Miller received a most welcome surprise. Will Clarke, one of his Thespian Society friends from their days in Memphis in the 1850s, was then serving at the headquarters of Lt. Gen. William J. Hardee who had temporarily commanded the army in December and who then commanded one of the army’s infantry corps. Seeing an announcement of Miller’s wedding in a newspaper, Clarke sent a congratulatory note which reached Miller after the latter’s return to the regiment at Tunnel Hill. When Clarke learned that Miller had had to leave his new bride almost immediately after the wedding to return to duty, he managed to procure a thirty-day furlough for his old friend. Miller paid a lengthy visit to Celestine in February.1

6 March 1864 Talladega, Mar 6th/64 My darling Cellie: After the usual amount of trouble, trial and vexation of spirit together with considerable weariness of body, I had the good fortune to arrive once more in safety at Talladega about 5 o’clock p.m. to-day. I found all pretty well but Ma, and she much better than when I left, although she has been out of bed for the last two days only. They were looking for me up [northbound on the railroad, up the Coosa River Valley from Selma] yesterday, and I found Pa awaiting my arrival at the Depot, and in some uneasiness of mind, fearing that I had perhaps been one of the victims of a collision that had occurred on the [rail]road the day before. Of course my appearance in good health and spirits was a happy relief. Leaving out of question the natural reluctance with which I left you and the many other dear ones, I had a much more agreeable trip coming than going, being fortunate enough to secure a seat [on the train] all the route and missing no connections until reaching Montgomery. I reached Augusta at day-light Thursday morning [3 March], went to the

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Hotel and removed some of the surplus dust and had scarcely done so when Sergeant Haynes came in and asked if there was a Capt. Miller present—Of course I was, and having made friends with the Sergeant was soon seated in his ambulance and going at a gallop for the Arsenal.2 Mr. Barr and Sister [Martha Jane McCann Barr] were both waiting to give me a most cordial greeting (I got a kiss—sure as life I did) and hearty welcome to the Sand Hills.3 I found all quite well and made myself at home. Mr. B. took me to the Arsenal and introduced me to all its workers and ingenious contrivances—among others Mr. Oliver and Lieut. Smith, both of whom I found to be most kind and agreeable gentlemen.4 I felt especially repaid for my visit to that portion of the [Arsenal] Laboratory where they were making percussion caps—How simple, and yet how ingenious! Returning we met that—to me—ferocious personage Capt. K ing5—He actually looked very well pleased and greeted me most cordially—In fact I liked him very much—a nice sociable gentleman as I had better opportunity to ascertain when he joined us in the parlor shortly afterwards and we indulged in several hours pleasant conversation interspersed with several smokes. Sister gave us—Oh such a nice dinner! of which we partook about three p.m., having waited some time for Mrs. K. who was absent in the city and of the pleasure of whose company we were deprived, she not having returned when I left. Sister and Mr. B. were anxious for me to stay all night but with the time before me I could not consistently do so and accordingly left about 4 p.m., Mr. B. and I walking to town—it having been impossible to secure a conveyance. I barely had time to do my little shopping and reach the [railroad] cars in time when I bid Mr. Barr and Augusta good-bye with no little reluctance. They were all so much disappointed that I did not bring you that I really wished I had. Walter[?] and Brother[?] and Bessie were quite well and I soon made friends with them, especially Bessie when I gave her the apple and cake Ma sent.6 I also had the good pleasure of forming a hasty acquaintance with Cousin Will Alexander having called in for a moment at his place of business.7 I reached Montgomery Friday night [4 March] at 10 where I spent a dull 20[?] or more hours and took passage on the steamer Jeff. Davis Saturday evening. During that night we were detained by heavy fog on the river but reached Selma at 8 this morning when I was lucky enough to ¤nd a train going up on Sunday, the trains having collided the day before thereby causing a special train for to-day.8 I met several old acquaintances on the route and travelled from Atlanta to Selma with Maj.

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Gen. Cleburne, Army [of] Tenn. the only man in that army who has made much reputation for some time past. He is in the very picture of manhood and an accomplished of¤cer & gentleman. Rumor says he is on his way to the State of Matrimony—too good for a Soldier!!!9 I learned on the road that my command was at its old stand in front of the Army of Tenn.—the dismounted men and unserviceable horses being still at Oxford, Ala.10 If the troops from Miss. are not transferred to Dalton in a few days I’ll consider myself deceived by the signs of the times.11 Warm work will in all probability soon fall to the lot of our army. God grant that our efforts may not be in vain! I intend starting for the front day after to-morrow, but it will require at least four days hard travel to reach there. I found two eight page letters from Hamp awaiting me at home, both of them having been long on the road. He was quite well at last accounts, but you have probably heard from him since they were written. His congratulations could not be warmer if coming from a brother. I also found a letter from you—haven’t opened it yet fearing another taking to task about . . . [Rest of letter missing]

Notes for 6 March 1864 1. From GK M’s autobiographical “Memoranda.” I have not been able to identify Clarke, who may have been an enlisted man detailed to corps headquarters in some capacity. 2. Haynes is unidenti¤ed. 3. Sand Hills, the Summerville community near Augusta, was so named because its higher elevation offered well-to-do citizens some refuge from the summer heat. 4. Adam Oliver was the master armorer at the Augusta Arsenal; Smith is unidenti¤ed. The manufacturing facilities at Augusta supplied Confederate armies with a great proportion of their gunpowder. 5. K ing is unidenti¤ed. 6. The people in this passage are unidenti¤ed. One or more of them may have been slaves. 7. Alexander is listed in the 1865–66 Augusta Directory as a commission merchant. 8. This wreck was the cause of GK M’s father’s anxiety referred to earlier in this letter. 9. Maj. Gen. Patrick R. Cleburne, by far the most competent division commander in the Army of Tennessee if not the Confederacy, had met Susan Tarleton of Mobile the previous January when he served as best man at the wedding

180 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm” of his corps commander, Lt. Gen. William J. Hardee. Miss Tarleton was maid of honor at the ceremony. When Miller met Cleburne on this trip, the general was on his way to Mobile to press his suit. Miss Tarleton accepted his proposal, but Cleburne was killed in the Battle of Franklin (30 Nov. 1864) before the two could wed. 10. On 18 Feb. Humes’s Brigade had been ordered back to Dalton and on 5 Mar. to Tunnel Hill northwest of Dalton. S.O. 25 and S.O. 29, Headquarters, Wheeler’s Cavalry Corps, Wheeler Papers. 11. Some twenty-two thousand Confederate troops from Mississippi and Alabama reinforced the army in Georgia for the 1864 campaign, but not until May.

7 March 1864 Talladega, Mar 7th/64 My darling Cellie: I wrote a letter last night giving a short account of my trip homeward, but as I leave in the morning and another opportunity will not probably present itself for several days, I thought I would drop another line to accompany my ambrotype to its loved destination. My darling one, I never felt so lonely in my life altho’ surrounded by hundreds of kind friends who cordially greet me. Perhaps I should not suffer such a feeling to come over me, but I believe it is one of those over which we have no control. I must at least master it suf¤ciently to prevent its interfering with my duties and obligations to my country and its cause. Many were expecting me to bring you with me to Talladega and wonder at my not doing so, but I am con¤dent that you would be happier in Carolina than here among strangers, and the expectations of friends must give way to your happiness for in yours rests my own. Besides this you are in a place of greater safety from the pollution of the enemy. To-day I attended a meeting of the citizens for the purpose of listening to an address by the Hon. J. L. M. Curry, our ex-member of Congress. His address was chie®y con¤ned to the sustaining of the actions of our Congress and an exposé of its last great measures. He threw great light on the Currency and Tax bills. His reference to the spirit and heroism of our armies and the patience and fortitude of the ladies of Va especially, drew tears from hundreds of eyes. Mr. Curry enters the ranks of his country in a few days and (some say) is coming to my company.1 I was very sorry to ¤nd on reaching home that my horse had not been properly attended to [while Miller was on leave] altho’ it was at

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Lt. Curry’s request that I left him in his care. I will have good company in the person of Mr Gillespy thro’ to my command,2 but as it is now raining hard, [I] fear that I will have bad weather and roads. Ma, Pa, and Sister send much love to you and all the family. For me extend a son and brother’s love and for yourself, thou[?] darling of my heart, I send that heart’s increasing devotion, feeling that it will meet the warmest reception. For the present, my loved one, farewell, with the continued assurance that I am as ever your K nox

Notes for 7 March 1864 1. Jabez L. M. Curry, of Talladega County, a lawyer (once the partner of A. W. Bowie), represented Alabama in the U.S. Congress prior to the war and in the Confederate House of Representatives until his defeat in the 1863 election. He was both a strong Confederate nationalist and a major ¤gure in Rebel budgetary matters—hence the topic of his speech. The Talladega Alabama Reporter, 10 Mar. 1864, noted that his address dealt with the recent tax and currency bills, which he had supported, and criticized him for not discussing the recent Military Bill, which he had opposed. The paper, which had published articles on the currency and tax bills on 25 Feb., gave no details of the talk. A longer and slightly more detailed report appears in the Talladega Democratic Watchtower of 9 Mar. 1864. Curry eventually entered military service but as a staff of¤cer at army and Cavalry Corps headquarters and then as lieutenant colonel of the 5th Ala. Cav. After the war he emerged as a major ¤gure in Southern education. 2. Probably James Gillespy who joined GKM’s company at Camp Beauregard 19 Nov. 1861 and who became the “chief musician” of the regiment in Jan. 1862. He served for a part of the war as company commissary sergeant and was paroled at Hillsboro, N.C., 3 May 1865.

15 March 1864 Out Post, Tunnel Hill, Geo. March 15th, 1864 My darling Cellie: If you have received my last, written from Talladega, in which I stated that I would start for the front on the 8th, you will probably think that I have either been in no great hurry to reach the front or at least in none to write after reaching there. But neither of these conclusions will do. I left T on the morning of the 8th, went 12 miles and stopped at a school house some two hours to muster a school-boy into my company1—went

182 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”

thence to Oxford the same evening where I was detained two days getting my saddle repaired. I left O. on Friday morning [11 March] and after four hard days riding reached the Brigade yesterday at dusk. I found but a small portion of my company present, there being 24 on extra duty, several being still at Oxford in the reserve camp, and quite a number on furlough. I found no Of¤cer in command of my Co.—two being on extra duty and Lt. Curry, I am sorry to say, in arrest with charges of a very grave nature preferred against him—Nothing less than being found asleep with all his picket reserve and that too in the face of the enemy.2 We are encamped in part of the quarters formerly occupied by Gen. Cleburne’s infantry [division] and have a few temporary shelters. We are on the ground where the principal part of the late ¤ght took place, and a few hillocks not far distant mark the place where the enemy’s dead were covered [buried] by our troops. Our regiment was hotly engaged for two days and, I am told, did itself credit, as it has done once since when we were the attacking party—stampeding a regiment of the enemy & running them eight miles.3 In the late advance or reconnaisance of the enemy, I am pained to know, Cousin Edwin was captured. He was with the line of skirmishers and cut off by the enemy’s cavalry. This is the more distressing considering the delicate situation of his family.4 I was grieved upon reading a letter from one of my company—a prisoner which brought the sad tidings that Sergeant Duncan, & private Hawkins of my little troupe were dead—two as gallant spirits as ever fell victims to the harsh treatment of an unprincipled foe. The latter leaves a young and lovely wife with two little ones to mourn his loss, while the former was engaged to one of the most accomplished of Talladega’s daughters. Sergt. P. N. Duncan was the very embodiment of chivalry— was twice wounded at Shelby ville before surrendering, suffered for weeks with the small pox at Fort Delaware, and at last died, I have no doubt, from mistreatment, or rather ill-treatment. The last we heard of him before the announcement of his death, he had recovered from the small pox & was doing well.5 Our regiment has given up its long guns and is now armed with sabres and pistols and I’ve no doubt [it] will have to do the [close-range] ¤ghting for the Brigade. Gen. Martin is on his way here from Longstreet, and I was told yesterday, would come via Ash[e]ville, N.C., & Greenville, S.C. If so you have probably had a dose of the rebel army in or about Slab Town.6 I yesterday witnessed the drill of three Divisions of our army. It was

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grand. I was coming into Dalton and on a high ridge overlooking a plateau or table land on which the troops were performing their evolutions.7 Numbers of bands were playing, and a hundred new banners bearing the Southern Cross were ®uttering in the March wind which together with the ®ash of thousands of bright guns and bayonets in the sunlight, made it imposing even to subliminty. I saw several of my acquaintance in Dalton from whom I learned that the “morale” of our army was not better before the fall of [Fort] Donelson [in February 1862]. The whole “Corps Militaire” seems re-invigorated and enthused, and if the spirit of a soldier be any prognostication of success, victory already hovers over and only awaits an opportunity to perch upon our banners. The Army of Tenn. is bound to be victorious!!! If any thing the Cavalry is less enthusiastic than the Infantry, but this can be accounted for by the fact that they are daily and hourly undergoing hardships.8 We are living pretty hard in camp now, the rations being very small— corn meal and beef with occasionally a little rice & sugar. The ¤rst night that I slept out I caught severe cold from which I have not yet recovered entirely—otherwise I am quite well. My horse got lame on the route and is now scarcely able to go, but I think he will be all right in a day or two. Tell sister Cornie I’ve got a new sweet heart for her—he is disposed to wait two or three years yet—just long enough for her to complete her education and grow a little taller. There are a doz[en?] that want Sister Anna [Maria]. I’ll bring them around & let her choose. Tell Miss Gussie that Cousin Gus & James send much love. Give my love to Ma & Pa—all the dear sisters and Bud. Remember me kindly to any of the relations you may chance to meet. My heart’s best love and a kiss I send to my darling knowing that she will excuse a pencilled letter—my trunk is at Dalton & I don’t like to borrow. Write very soon—all the news—much about yourself, and I will be your delighted K nox

Notes for 15 March 1864 1. I ¤nd no member of the company with this enlistment date, but the recruit could have formally entered service later or could be one of the men whose record does not show a date of enlistment. 2. See GK M’s 4 May 1864 letter. 3. On 23–26 Feb. Union forces probed at Confederate positions north and west of Dalton. Other than giving the Yankees valuable knowledge of the area, the effort produced no result.

184 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm” 4. Edwin Miller was captured 23 Feb. near Tunnel Hill and held at Camp Chase, Ohio, and Fort Delaware, Del., until exchanged 18 Sept. 1864. He then received a forty-day furlough. On 15 May 1865 he was paroled in Talladega. See GK M’s 10 Nov. 1864 letter. 5. Philip N. Duncan joined GK M’s company as a private 15 July 1861. Promoted to sergeant 13 Aug. 1862, he was wounded and captured 27 June 1863 at Shelby ville, Tenn., and held at Camp Chase, Ohio, and Fort Delaware, Del., until exchanged 3 Mar. 1864. Returning to duty, he was paroled 20 May 1865 in Talladega. GK M soon learned that the report of his death was erroneous (see 27 Mar. 1864 letter). David E. Hawkins joined the company 15 July 1861; Lawrence P. Hawkins, enlisted 1 Mar. 1862. Both were captured at Shelby ville, Tenn., 27 June 1863. Exchanged in Mar. 1864, Lawrence was with the (army’s? division’s?) wagon train when the war ended. David was released 14 June 1865. It is not known if they were related or which was reported dead, although David seems the more likely. 6. Lt. Gen. James Longstreet commanded Confederate forces in East Tennessee. Most of the Army of Tennessee’s cavalry, ¤rst under Wheeler, then under Martin, served with him until late spring when it rejoined the army at Dalton. See GK M’s 14 Apr. 1864 letter. 7. The Augusta Daily Constitutionalist, 13 Feb. 1864, noted that the review ground was about one mile southeast of Dalton, where a valley ran north and south and from which the ground rose gradually on either side. GK M’s 27 March and 4 May 1864 letters, however, indicate that the Rebels had another drill ¤eld near Tunnel Hill, a mile or so northwest of Dalton. The latter, I suspect, was for cavalry. Since on this occasion GK M observed infantry drill (“bayonets”), he was probably southeast of the town. 8. See GK M’s comment in the 27 Mar. 1864 letter.

27 March 1864 Tunnel Hill: Ga: Mch. 27th/864 My darling Cellie: The temptation offered by a bright balmy Sabbath evening to indulge in writing, strengthened by a short respite from other duties, I have no doubt, would be dif¤cult to overcome even by those who have less cause for scribbling than myself. But when I assure you that its indulgence proves my second greatest pleasure enjoyed in camp, I’ve no doubt you will freely forgive me for thus making use of a day set apart for other duties, especially when I tell you that I have been a good boy to-day, having made good use of my Bible and indulged in as few inappropriate

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thoughts as possible for us who are so unfortunately situated as to be surrounded by the “terribly wicked.” My sweet Wife, you have no idea how very very anxiously I have been looking and patiently waiting for several days past for tidings from you! Two long weeks have almost crept away since last I was so greeted. Several favors have been received in the meantime but the superscription only said “not yet, not yet.” Day before yesterday I was almost certain the longlooked-for had arrived when one of the boys came walking up saying, “Capt., here’s a letter, read and rejoice.” But ere I had broken the seal I recognized the hand writing of Cousin Alice. It proved a joint letter from Florence and herself in answer to one I had written Florence a few days before. Its perusal furnished me much grati¤cation. Florence had received mine but the day before, but said that she was so much delighted with its reception that she hastened to reply. She gave me several bits of news from Atlanta, among others a word about the grand “Diamond Wedding” between Miss Barerone[?] and Q[uarte]r Master Morgan. She and Alice both gave me a blowing up about passing by [on return to Talladega after leaving Augusta] without even saying good morning. Through Alice I also heard of you—I “looked so handsome in my new uniform” did I? I put it on this morning and felt almost an inch taller since this piece of intelligence reached me. Alice, as I thought at the time of Sister Anna also, was wishing they had an opportunity to give me a good snow-balling. She says Col. Hage still sends regards to “Capt. and “old Mrs. Miller,” and tells me that she has a sweet-heart, also a Capt. Miller, and a Qr. Master. Speaking of snow-balling, I have lately witnessed it on a grand scale, beginning generally at Messes, extending thence to Companies, Regiments, Brigades, Divisions, and Corps. I did not indulge, enjoying myself better as a “looker on in Venice.” 1 Last Thursday [24 March] the Of¤cers of our Regt. present went before the examining board composed of Gens. Kelly & Humes. Some were subjected to a very slight examination while others had to pass a severe ordeal. Capt. Moore and myself were examined orally and had only some two doz. questions put to us each. Others stood written examinations of several hours length. No one that I know of has yet heard the result— perhaps never will.2 I made the acquaintance of Gen. Kelly—a nice prim, boyish looking little fellow, possessing a ¤ne eye and a mouth denoting great decision of character. I like Gen. Humes better the more I see him, but under-

186 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”

stand that we will probably lose him in a few days—He will probably take command of a Tenn. Brigade, formerly under Gen. Wharton. Gen. Allen, the former Col of the 1st Ala. Cav., is spoken of as his successor—a gallant man with whom we have been associated before.3 This evening—the great day for inspections & reviews—we had a grand review of our Brigade. Gens. Wheeler, Kelly, Humes, & Allen with their gay, dashing staffs being the reviewing personages. Unfortunately about half of the different Regiments were off on duty rendering the affair less imposing. This will account for the appearance of my uniform. We were all aroused about three o’clock this morning by an alarm on the picket line. From the hour &c. I concluded that we were going to have a day of blood shed, but it all turned out false and we returned to camp fully satis¤ed. Every thing is unusually quiet in this department at present, but I fear it is only the lull that precedes the storm. I doubt much whether a volunteer army could be much more perfect in its organization than the Army of Tenn. Gen. Johnston seems to have infused a new spirit into the whole mass and out of chaos brought order and beauty. Our men are better clothed than at any previous time, while their food is better than one would have anticipated two months ago.4 We had unusually severe weather during the past week—two heavy snow storms succeeded by very cold rains. I fear the fruit is all killed—all the peach buds and ®owers that I have noticed certainly are. I believe it was in my last letter [of 15 March] that I was lamenting the death of Sergt. Duncan of my Co.—at that time he was in Richmond meeting with a most cordial reception from his Southern brethren—in good health and with an undaunted spirit. Only two of my Co. were sent thro’ the lines [exchanged]. Another mail has just been distributed and not a line from my darling yet! I was con¤dent that I would receive one this evening. I have been suffering no little from [a] cold—was just going to bed the other day when I received the order to appear before the examining board. While at Div. Hd. Qrs I saw Dr. Mulkey the Brigade Surgeon from whom I got some simple medicine that relieved me very much, and I am now almost entirely well.5 Tell Sister I thought of her and the Snow-balling she promised me and would have been happy had I been near enough to take a round. Give my love to Ma, Pa, and all my dear Sisters, not forgetting to bear kind regards to all the dear friends. Darling wife, I earnestly hope that this may ¤nd you perfectly well in body and without aught to trouble your mind. We have just had dress parade, and now the boys are calling me to

2 January–23 April 1864 / 187

supper, and as I am still blessed with a good appetite I must obey the summons—it does not come too often. One line telling me that you are well would be gratifying. My hearts best love and a whole score of kisses are yours if you will accept them from Your most affectionate K nox

Notes for 27 March 1864 1. During the winter bored soldiers sometimes staged snowball battles, involving thousands of men, of¤cers on horseback leading charges, and many other features of a real engagement. The quotation is slightly modi¤ed from Shakespeare’s Measure for Measure, 5.1.317. 2. Brig. Gen. John H. Kelly commanded a division in Wheeler’s Cavalry Corps. He turned twenty-four three days after GK M wrote this letter. For the boards convened to rid the cavalry of “Incompetent and inef¤cient of¤cers,” see Wheeler to George W. Brent, 11 Nov. 1863, Wheeler Papers; and 32OR2, 713. Brig. Gen. William Y. C. Humes commanded the brigade after serving on Wheeler’s staff. Robert J. Moore entered service 25 July 1861 in Chambers County, Ala., as a sergeant. He received promotion to lieutenant 15 Aug. 1862 and was elected captain of Co. B 13 Aug. 1862. He was one of GK M’s fellow prisoners of war captured at Rover 31 Jan. 1863. 3. Col. William Allen had served with the 1st Ala. Cav. Regt. in Martin’s Division. Recovered from a December 1862 wound, he was promoted to brigadier general and assigned to command what had been Humes’s Brigade. On the day GK M wrote this letter, however, Humes was ordered to take command of another brigade and Allen assigned to command the “Confederate Brigade.” S.O. 47, Wheeler’s Cavalry Corps, 27 Mar. 1864, Wheeler Papers. 4. During the winter Johnston and his of¤cers had managed to rebuild the esprit de corps of the army and in so doing infused it with a sense of con¤dence. See also GK M’s 15 Mar. 1864 letter. 5. William A. Mulkey had been surgeon of the 3d Ga. Cav. Regt. and, as senior surgeon, became in the spring of 1864 the brigade’s chief medical of¤cer.

10 April 1864 Tunnel Hill, Georgia April 10th/864 My darling Wife: Many have been the weary hours passed with the thought and hope that the next [mail] would surely bring tidings from my loved one, but

188 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”

disappointment has only added to my anxious expectations which were in the end only to be greeted by renewed disappointment. The last kind word from my darling was under date of March 14th, and where the other kind tokens, which I know you must have sent, can be, is more than my ingenuity can fathom. I sometimes think that you are perhaps sick and unable to write, but then the thought occurs that if such were the case Sister Anna or some other of the loved ones would certainly write and acquaint me with the facts. Mails reach our command daily, and letters from our rear and the south west are received in good time. I have almost concluded at times that some of the of¤cials East of us have put the Army of Tenn. down as a small affair and scarcely worth the trouble of sending a letter to. I have not even the satisfaction of knowing that my own letters reach the desired destination as I have not had intelligence of any of them reaching you since my return to the Army. If there were active operations going on it would not seem at all strange, but when every thing is as quiet and serene as a May morning, no such excuse can be given. Perhaps I will have to account for it as a special misfortune and content myself as best I can. To say the least of it, the matter is exceedingly disagreeable and especially under the circumstances. But, darling, I am well satis¤ed in my own mind that the fault could not possibly be attributed to you, which makes it all the more unpleasant. I am happy to say that amid the multitudinous duties and hardships of camp, I still enjoy tolerably good health—often unwell but not seriously so. I am certainly not as ®eshy as when I left home but can attribute this to several severe attacks of cold and the irregularity of “life on the front.” Nothing in all my experience is at all comparable to the weather we have been experiencing for the last month and a half—rain almost unceasing mingled with frequent snows and numerous hard freezes. Unless a change occurs soon military operations in this quarter will necessarily be postponed for some time yet. I do not remember of passing as quiet a time with an enemy near at hand since being in the service. We have about an alarm per week as a general thing and then it ends. Outside of our duties as pickets we are constantly drilling and passing in review, in fact the latter has been repeated so often within the last few weeks that it has come to be irksome and monotonous, thereby defeating its object. Gen. Wheeler is either becoming vain or likes his cavalry so well that he keeps it almost all the time under his eye. I trust that his love of show may not have the same effect that Gen. Stuart’s did.1

2 January–23 April 1864 / 189

There is a perfect dearth of news or at least of any thing of the kind that I could write which had not already been anticipated by better facilities than the mails. Gen. Forrest has been winning new laurels—How gratifying it would have been to accompany him—The ground and many of the people would have been familiar, besides the éclat attending so brilliant an expedition. I would have feasted on “butter milk” any where between Union City[, Tenn.,] and Paducah[, Ky.], and am satis¤ed that many of the good “secesh” of Western Ky. would have extended a cordial welcome.2 I have not received a letter from home for some time but hear from there every few days—verbally. Two of my Co. direct from Talladega reached the command about two hours since and reported all quite well. Our discipline is the most rigid that I ever knew volunteers to be subjected to—some of it has a good effect—some bad. The routine of camp & ¤eld duty is so great that we can scarcely ¤nd time to eat half rations. You may form some idea of it when I tell you that on this [day], Sunday, when Orders declare that all possible military duty shall be dispatched with, I have been called away to attend to different duties three times since commencing this letter.3 Still, for all this, I do not complain except to you—if I were to do it openly it would engender a base state of feeling among those whom I am called to command. I try and put a good face on every thing and share with private and subalterns the most arduous and disagreeable of¤ces. A lack of this [practice] in the of¤cers generally, is what causes so much dissatisfaction[, this] and the unwarrantable distinction so often and invidiously drawn between Of¤cer and private. I resolved when I was ¤rst assigned to the command of men to require nothing of them that I was not willing to perform myself if the cause of my country could be bene¤tted thereby. Mr. Duncan asked me the other day if I would be so kind as to let him see Mrs Miller’s ambrotype.4 Of course I had no objections considering the character of the applicant—He says, “tell Mrs. M. that he is going to have Capt. arrested under the law suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus for extortion”—getting more than I was entitled to. Another mail has just come in and not a single line from my darling— I suppose I must suffer and be still. But, my sweet wife, it does seem very hard that after the consummation of my greatest hopes the dear boon of an occasional letter should be denied me. My love, do not think that any thing, however, can detract one jot or tittle from the depth and full-

190 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”

ness of my affection. I am certain that my love increases as time passes by, and I am trying hourly to govern my heart and mind that I may be a better man and worthier of my sweet rose. Give much love to all—I will go and attend dress parade—good bye my loved one—write soon— write often, and perhaps I may be fortunate enough to get one letter at last. K nox

Notes for 10 April 1864 1. On 9 June 1863, at Brandy Station, Va., Union cavalry caught Stuart’s mounted forces by surprise. Although eventually driven off, the Federal horsemen humiliated the pompous Stuart who had just staged a series of highly publicized reviews. Many criticized Stuart for the affair, and a desire to redeem his reputation, many concluded, led to Stuart’s conduct during the ensuing Gettysburg campaign when he launched an ill-conceived raid that kept him away from the main body of the Rebel army for several days when he might have provided key information about the Federals. 2. From mid-March to mid-April, Forrest raided into West Tennessee. Two days after GK M wrote this letter Forrest’s men captured Fort Pillow on the Mississippi River about ¤fty miles above Memphis and massacred many of its defending garrison, which included black troops. 3. See GK M’s 21 Dec. 1862 and 25 Oct. 1863 letters. 4. See GK M’s 21 Dec. 1862 and 13 May 1863 letters. Celestine had ¤nally concluded that it would be proper for her husband to have a photograph of herself.

14 April 1864 Tunnel Hill, Georgia April 14th/864 My darling Wife: Your little husband was almost transported yesterday upon receiving that dear letter of yours bearing dates 26th & 31st ult. True, I had received your note with the [religious?] tract[?] of a week later date but then[?] it was not half so satisfactory altho’ it bore intelligence that you were “tolerably well”—“only suffering from a sore throat.” But then, I had not heard from you then for nearly a month, and the brevity of your note caused a want of that deep, heart-felt satisfaction which the eight or ten little pages of yellow paper did [produce]. I was at Hd. Qr. of the

2 January–23 April 1864 / 191

Brigade when it came and thereby prevented the delay letters are sometimes subjected to in their transition from there to the Regiments. I have almost been a “General”—having been in command of the largest part of the Brigade for two days and nights. On the morning of the 11th orders were issued to the Brigade to cook two days rations and be prepared to move at 8[?] a.m. next morning. I had just began to make my preparations when I received a special order to Report at Hd. Qrs. next morning to take command of the camps, Picket lines, and what [part] of the Brigade was left behind. Next morning I arose quite early, went out to look to the welfare of my horse and found him missing. I borrowed another and reported at 7 a.m.—asked Gen. Allen to excuse me from the detail as my Co. would have no Of¤cer with it—but he declined doing so, saying at the same time that he had sent for me because he wished a responsible of¤cer to entrust with the Command— You know “a little ®attery sometimes does well,” and I entered no further objections, especially after hearing the route the expedition was going to take—concluding that but little would be accomplished. The expedition consisting of Allen’s & Humes’ Brigades—Gen. War Baby [Wheeler] in command left at 10 o’clock & I entered upon the duties of my very very elevated posishure[?]—taking quarters in the house occupied by Gen A., ¤rst having reported in propria[?] personae to Gen. Kelly who was left in command of what remained of three[?] Brigades. I spent a very pleasant hour with Gen K.—found him quite agreeable “off duty.” That day a force of Yankees, one or two Regts. of infantry and a small body of cavalry, made some demonstrations on our left ®ank and I did a large business—issuing orders &c., &c., for the rest of the day & night. Yesterday morning a party of Yankees got in the rear and partially surprised one of our Picket posts—killed one poor fellow and captured two others. The great expedition returned at dark yesterday having captured 22 Yankees with one of¤cer and three horses—killed one—no one hurt on our side—one poor horse shot—Our Regiment charged into the Yankee camp just at dawn expecting to ¤nd Col. Brownlow with his Regt. of renegade Tennesseans, but the “bird” had ®own the evening before, and there were only some 24 of the 1st Wisconsin Cav. in the camp all of whom were captured save two or three.1 I am sorry to hear that Gen. Martin’s Command [en route through the Carolinas from East Tennessee to Dalton] left a bad name with you,

192 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”

but it is often impossible to prevent some of the irregularities attending an army.2 Gen. M is a strict disciplinarian & has but little mercy on such offenders. You are quite right about me being liable to become vain if told of the good opinions and ®attering remarks of others—“I look like Gen. M.”— I am “handsomer than Willie”—Ego says I surely must be a beauty—what a pity I’m not so situated as to be properly admired—“sweetness wasted on the desert air” 3—no; I’m mistaken. Am I not here to admire myself ? Alas! my pocket mirror is broken!!! Quite a commotion was created in camp a few days since by the appearance of a personage dressed in pantaloons, top-Boots, a lady’s riding hat, with a nice Talma [cape] thrown carelessly over the shoulder. It proved to be Doctress Mary E. Walker, Assistant Surgeon of McCook’s (Federal) Brigade. She had rode up to one of our pickets, handed him a letter and requested him to mail it, then started to ride off but the faithful trooper promptly halted the Bloomer and told her that Gen. Johnston was the only man that could permit her to return. She was accordingly brought to camp under guard and sent to Dalton. Her story was that she had a letter from a Confederate Prisoner and expecting to meet with some of our scouts while she was practising medicine around the country in front of the federal lines, had promised to give it to them to mail to the lady to whom it was addressed. But report is that this lady [Walker] is strongly suspected of being a spy. This specimen of Yankee lack-modesty conversed quite intelligently—was examined and found well posted in the healing art. She will be sent around by Richmond. She says she is well acquainted with Lucy Stone and others of the pantaloons stripe. I don’t know what her own feelings were, but felt ashamed my self to think that any of the sex would so debase themselves. An of¤cer asked her what she thought of the doctrine of amalgamation and the graceless[?] imp had the affrontery to ask him if he wished to insult her.4 I am pleased to hear that cavalry reinforcements are coming to our army. Gen. Armstrong once had a ¤ne command. Gen Martin’s Div. is down in Ala. near Oxford.5 But I almost forgot to tell you that my pet Bobby Trot was stolen and at present I am a-foot. I have some hopes of recovering him, having attained the strongest kind of evidence against one of Gen. Wheeler’s Escort—in fact some of my Co. saw my horse 20 miles below Dalton next morning after he was missing and recognized him but thought probably I had sold him—they found out the man’s name, where he was going—

2 January–23 April 1864 / 193

when he left camp &c., &c., & his own Capt. says he has no doubt but that he stole him. The fellow had just received a furlough to go home after a horse and having relations in our Regt. was in our camp at dark the night my horse was stolen. I have made application to have him sent after and hope Bobby may yet return. My present situation is anything but agreeable—on the front & dismounted and a good horse cannot be bought for less than 1500 or 2000/$ and none to be had at that.6 I am gradually getting my company together again and can make a very respectable turn out. I have almost envied you & sisters the pleasure of that Rabbit hunt. “Eleven & a possum” and a bad day for sporting. That seems pretty good to me—K nox— Love to all.

Notes for 14 April 1864 1. Lt. Col. James P. Brownlow, commanding the 1st Tenn. (U.S.) Cav. Regt., son of William G. “Parson” Brownlow, an anti-Confederate K noxville editor and prominent political ¤gure in Tennessee. The 1st Wisc. Cav. reported one of¤cer and nineteen men captured near Cleveland, Tenn., 13 Apr. OR Supp., vol. 74, pt. 2, 660. 2. See GK M’s 15 Mar. 1864 letter. 3. Based on lines from Thomas Gray’s Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard (1751). 4. Mary Edwards Walker, a physician, served ¤rst as a volunteer, treating sick and wounded soldiers, then as contract surgeon for the 52d Ohio Inf. Regt. Encountering severe prejudice from the male medical establishment, she won high praise from the soldiers for whom she cared. She was exchanged in Aug. 1864. Col. Edward M. McCook commanded a cavalry division then in the area. Walker’s clothing (long pants under a short skirt) led to GK M’s remark about “the Bloomer”—an item of women’s clothing (Turkish trousers) popularized by Amelia J. Bloomer, an advocate of women’s rights. Lucy Stone was another wellknown advocate of both women’s rights and abolition. In his history of the regiment GK M wrote that Walker “rode, astride, into Wheeler’s picket lines, the ¤rst female any Southern man had ever seen mounted astride a saddle.” Walker’s riding also drew a comment from a reporter: “Yes, sir—I say it—I say she was riding a man’s saddle with—one foot in each stirrup.” Macon (Ga.) Confederate, n.d., quoted in Montgomery Weekly Advertiser, 27 Apr. 1864. The of¤cer referred to the “amalgamation” of the white and black races. Long a major theme in American thought, the idea found widespread use in Northern politics to stir up anger against the racial policies (real and imagined) of the Lincoln administration. In 1864 the word “miscegenation” came into use for the same purpose. David E. Long, The Jewel of Liberty: Abraham Lincoln’s Re-

194 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm” election and the End of Slavery (Mechanicsburg, Pa., 1994), chapter 9; and John G. Waugh, Re-Electing Lincoln: The Battle for the 1864 Presidency (New York, 1997), 317–24. 5. Armstrong’s Division was then under orders to return to the army from East Tennessee. Martin’s Division which had also been in East Tennessee had rejoined the army a few weeks earlier and was posted near K ingston, Ga. 6. See GK M’s 23 Apr. and 20 May 1864 letters.

Most of the following letter is illegible. In an undated postwar endorsement Miller noted, “Original letter so faded that a magnifying glass has been employed in making the attached copy.” What follows is from Miller’s postwar copy checked against and corrected from the original where possible.

23 April 1864 Tunnel Hill, Ga., April 23d/864 My darling wife: Yesterday I wrote a long letter of four full pages and put it in the regimental letter box, but in a few moments afterwards yours of the 15th inst was handed [to] me, and I went to the box and took out the document I had written, not liking the general tenor—[I] being quite unwell when it was written, it naturally partook of my feelings—and thinking that it would perhaps cause you unnecessary uneasiness I recalled it. I was quite unwell yesterday and have been for several days and am anything but well yet, but feel much better this morning. Severe cold resulting in acute pain in the head and chest together with sore eyes, have been the complaints. I have not really been on the sick list and have endeavored to perform all the duties devolving upon me but would not have done so had there been any other of¤cer with my company. I received a letter from Sister [Rutilia] yesterday. All are well at home. Sister says “I wrote to your ‘darling Cellie’ yesterday and when you write again send her much love for me.” I was sorry to learn that Pa had a notion of selling out and moving from Talladega. Unluckily he has always had the “moving fever” and out of some 20 [moves] I don’t remember of a single judicious one having been made. Pa has a good residence in the town with a family of negroes that will in a few years be very valuable— most of them being small children yet, and I would regret very much to see the little patrimony disposed of especially at a time when property is worth but little compared with its usual value. I am sorry to hear of

2 January–23 April 1864 / 195

Pa’s intentions, and besides this little property has been promised me. Pa considers me his guardian, and if I can I will manage to prevent its being disposed of. If I were at home this could be attended to very easily but being away and unable to see to anything personally, of course it is dif¤cult for me to advise properly. In my last I promised to write to brother Julius the next day and would have done so had I not been called off for two days on duty and since then my duties together with my indisposition have prevented the ful¤llment of my promise. This morning part of our Brigade attacked the Enemy’s picket lines, captured between 30 & 40, killed & wounded from 13 to 15 and lost one man killed and two wounded—a good little task to perform before breakfast. We have thereby got double pay for the little raids they have been making lately on our pickets.1 The cavalry is advancing in reputation here—at least where there are few opportunities presented for horse stealing. With a few more successful dashes I think we will have the Yankee cavalry justly appreciating our prowess. We drill almost incessantly under the supervision of Gens. Wheeler, Kelly, & Allen. Gen. Wheeler had some “dummies,” made of old clothes stuffed with straw and stood up like infantry on a line about 100 yds long. Some 60 yards behind these he has a line of men on foot with guns loaded with blank cartridges. We charge over the “dummies” at full speed when the footmen ¤re and run. Very pretty sport for the Generals but dangerous and fatiguing to the men who do the work. Day before yesterday several were unhorsed and seriously bruised while one poor fellow was wounded in the shoulder by a buckshot[?] from one of the blank cartridges. Gen. Wheeler comes around about sunrise almost every morning to see the command grooming their horses. To do this each man leads his horse out in line and currys for one hour—all the of¤cers being present to see that this is properly done. The Kentucky Brig. of Gen. Kelley’s Div. is here now having just come from near Talladega where they relieved almost every body in the country [county?] of their horses.2 Our picket duty is now much lighter than usual. Gen. Wheeler told me yesterday that Armstrong’s Div. was at Resaca, some 15 miles below Dalton on the R. Road. I was really rejoiced to learn that Brooks had escaped from the thieving 11th Texas—for I have no better name to give them—tho’ I would not say so before Lt. Chamland[?]3 I succeeded yesterday in getting a man off to try & catch the thief and

196 / “The Lull That Precedes the Storm”

recover my horse, but am fearful that both thief and horse will escape. I am very anxious to recover my horse before the ¤ght commences as I would feel cheap to be on the dismounted list at so interesting and important a time.4 Gen. Johnston has temporarily ceased furloughing, and from the “signs of the times” the campaign will soon open. I think it quite likely that there will be an Engagement here before there is one in Virginia notwithstanding the “on to Richmond” talk of the Yankee Press—it will require a host to defeat us. When it does come our Regt. will have desperate work to perform as Gen. W[heeler]. calls it the model Regt. of his corps,5 and [it] having been drilled for the charge, I can almost see what is coming. If we had judgment to determine our movements I would be perfectly satis¤ed. When the struggle commences rest assured, darling, that I will telegraph to Pa [McCann], as you direct, if any thing serious should happen and will write every opportunity. If having no desire “to write to anyone else” be sel¤sh and uncharitable in you, your K nox cannot sit in judgment upon you for he is sadly in the same condition—a correspondence that once was a pleasant passtime and delight seems now almost a burden. I too, wish it were not so, but you know and can well appreciate the dif¤culty of struggling against nature. You must have noticed my absent-mindness at times while with you— here it is not perceptible—all the formalities and constraints of life being laid aside, and yet there are times when I ¤nd myself in a semi-state of abstraction. Perhaps my darling is “making hay while the sunshines” and “gadding about” before entering upon the more serious responsibilities of a married life. You are doing just right my sweetest one—just as I wished if I did not tell you so. I think it is better if on no other grounds than that of diversion. Were one to stay at home too much it might lead to too great an indulgence of sad thought, when I wish you to be as cheerful as possible. You are in more than one sense one of the wives of the Revolution—the greatest, most trying, most desperate that ever furnished matter for the Historian’s pen, and I think that a faithful, cheerful and enduring spirit best becomes our precious heroic wives. When I think of the times, the circumstances—all combined how I do love, appreciate, clasp to my breast[?] and purest[?] heart, that dear, devoted being who has willingly, freely resolved to live with me in thought, share my dangers, hardships and my mental suffering! I feel as tho’ a world of love[?] could not more than compensate—and that better world that I

2 January–23 April 1864 / 197

bear within myself shall be all yours. If I thought there were any thing within me that could in the least detract from my love and devotion for my Cellie, I would never rest until it was fully eradicated. I have no doubt but that “the poor soldier’s wife” whom you and sister relieved will bear you in grateful remembrance and teach her children to think of you with gratitude. Tell Sister not to let those “tender Epistles” cause her mind to stray from what is much more important—her studies. I will have her a sweetheart all ready and one that I know will please, but she must get through her education before listening to any of the expressions of over®owing hearts. Tell Sister Anna that Hodge’s Brig. is somewhere in Western Virginia “[im]pressing horses and butter-milk,” and I suppose the Adjutant Gen. is singing “Cheer boys” to the girl that has the most butter and milk to dispose of.6 You must not look at the contents of the “work-box” too much—it might lose some of its attractive features. Give much love to Ma, Pa, and all my sweet sisters. Of course my darling will anticipate and send a letter & a kiss soon to her K nox

Notes for 23 April 1864 1. Reports of these actions are in 32OR1, 678–85. 2. As of 30 Apr. the “Kentucky Brig.” was in Humes’s Division. It comprised three Kentucky regiments, a Kentucky battalion, and two small Tennessee units. 32OR3, 871. The brigade had earlier been in Kelly’s Division (32OR2, 590) and was transferred per S.O. 65, Wheeler’s Cav. Corps, 23 Apr. 1864 (Wheeler Papers). 3. For GK M’s postwar view of the Texas units see the “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10). 4. See GK M’s 14 Apr. and 20 May 1864 letters. 5. As of 30 Apr. the Cavalry Corps consisted of three divisions (commanded by Martin, Humes, and Kelly) and a battalion of artillery under Lt. Col. Felix H. Robertson. 6. Brig. Gen. George B. Hodge commanded a brigade in the East Tennesseesouthwestern Virginia-southeastern Kentucky area.

7 Cheerfully into Battle 4 May–30 June 1864

Less than two weeks after K nox Miller mailed his letter of 23 April the great campaign that he expected got under way. A Union force of about 110,000 men under the command of Maj. Gen. William T. Sherman advanced upon the Confederates at Dalton. The Rebels, who numbered about 55,000 and were soon joined by some 22,000 reinforcements, were strongly forti¤ed about the town. For several days skirmishing ®ared west and north of Dalton. Johnston, however, had neglected to guard or obstruct a crucial gap that pierced the mountains some ¤fteen miles to the southwest. When a column of Yankees marched through that gap on 9 May the Confederate commander had to retreat from Dalton lest he be cut off from his base in Atlanta. This opening gambit set the tone for the ¤rst part of the 1864 campaign in North Georgia. Johnston would fortify a strong position and sit in it until a column of the Federal army swung around one of his ®anks and threatened his railroad line of supply. The Confederates would then retreat ¤fteen or twenty miles and the whole process would be repeated. The campaign proved grueling for the men on both sides. Most of the time Wheeler’s cavalry guarded Johnston’s right ®ank, scouting, picketing, skirmishing, and attempting to fend off parties of Yankee horsemen. Throughout the ordeal Miller made a gallant effort to keep his wife informed.

4 May–30 June 1864 / 199

4 May 1864 Tunnel Hill, Ga., May 4th/64 My darling wife: Day before yesterday I had but half ¤nished reading your letter of the 27th ult. when we were hastily called out to meet the enemy. Upon reaching our drill ground in Sight of Tunnel Hill I was astonished to see the enemy beyond the town drawn up in line of battle. They had driven in Gen. Humes’ pickets and advanced rapidly on the Ringgold Road. I was certain that the great battle was to be fought immediately. Gen. Wheeler retired slowly before them and stationed his forces on the south side of Tunnel Hill. Our infantry were thrown in line of battle and preparations made to give the foe a warm reception. But the Yankees did not advance farther than they were when I ¤rst saw them and contented themselves with shelling the town and ¤ring a few rounds at our advanced lines. In about two hours they retired and every thing was again quiet. K ilpatrick, it seems, was in command as he left a boastful & insulting note to Gen. Wheeler before retiring.1 We are all on the alert expecting a battle at any hour. Gen. Wheeler thinks the enemy will advance in a few days. But darling the dread & excitement of an approaching engagement weigh little upon my mind when I think that you too are in danger. Oh how sad I did feel upon hearing of brother Julius’ ilness and your danger in being exposed to the disease! [Postwar note on letter says Julius had smallpox.] I have felt next to miserable ever since. Have you been vaccinated? It would drive me almost mad to think that you were dangerously ill at this time when permission could not in all probability be obtained [for me] to leave under any circumstances. This would be the only case in which I could for a moment harbor the thought of desertion. But I should not think of such a thing. I will await as patiently as possible further tidings hoping always for the best. If you should be taken ill get Sister to write me a line by every mail & if [the illness is] dangerous telegraph and I will petition Gen. Wheeler for permission to go to Carolina. Perhaps I could prevail upon him to approve. Since brother has left the Citadel I am glad to hear that he has chosen the cavalry branch of the service, knowing that it will suit him much the best.2 I think he will make a trooper of the ¤rst order. Does he join the Hampton[? Legion?] & Tommie’s[?] Company? I would like very much

200 / Cheerfully into Battle

to have him in my company but of course would not advise him to join this army in preference to that of the East. Besides I suppose his Regt. will be kept in Gen. Beauregard’s Dept. which will be much more convenient to home.3 I am still the only of¤cer with my Co. Lt. Curry is released from arrest, but being dismounted is with a battallion of men in like ¤x from the Brigade.4 I have heard nothing from Bobby [horse] yet and am riding at present a borrowed horse. We are having the most singular weather. Yesterday & day before were cold enough for November while to-day is a May-day in every respect. The courier is waiting on me, and I must close. I will write again within two or three days if the enemy allows me an opportunity. Hoping ever that my angel wife may pass thro’ the danger safely and that we may both be spared to meet in happiness once more, I am forced to say good by. K nox

Notes for 4 May 1864 1. Such probes were common as the opening of the campaign approached. Brig. Gen. Hugh Judson K ilpatrick, commanding a division of Northern cavalry, and Wheeler had been friends and rivals since their days at the U.S. Military Academy in the late 1850s. W. H. Davis, “Initiation of the Georgia Campaign,” CV 12 (Feb., 1904): 76. 2. Julius (1845–71) had entered the Citadel for the 1863–64 school term (Citadel records list him as “P. [sic] J. W. McCann”) and had been honorably discharged. Records show that he was in Co. B, of the Battalion of [S.C.] State Cadets. After leaving the school and recovering from smallpox, he joined Co. F, 1st S.C. Cav. Regt., 10 May 1864 in Columbia. (Some records show 7 Mar.) 3. Beauregard then commanded the Department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. 4. See GK M’s 15 Mar. 1864 letter.

13 May 1864 In front of the enemy near Resaca, Ga., May 13th, 1864 My darling Cellie: I write almost in the smoke of battle with death and destruction all around. I sent a message to the telegraph of¤ce for you but the line was impressed by the authorities, & I could not prevail upon the operator to send it. Since last I wrote the skirmish, midnight march and vigils—the terrible charge—all of war’s carnage & havoc have passed in the quick

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succession of a terrible dream. Your letter of May 1st was received Saturday morning [7 May] and read while in line of battle with shells & solid shot hissing & bursting overhead—, but I have no time to enter into details now. Thanks to a kind Providence my life is yet spared tho’ the end has not come yet. We have been ¤ghting almost incessantly for 7 days. Monday [9 May] we had a terrible day—our Brigade with the two that once composed Armstrong’s Div. were on the Cleveland road 5 miles from [north of] Dalton.1 Our Pickets were driven in about 10 o’clock a.m. and our forces immediately summoned to the ¤eld where we found a large force of cavalry & mounted infantry confronting us. Gen. Kelly quickly got into battle order & ordered our Regt. to charge. We did so under a leaden storm from the Yankee cavalry dismounted and well posted in open woods. We drove them before us in gallant style capturing about one hundred prisoners with their arms—but being without a support, the full fruits of our charge were not reaped[?] Our loss was seven. My pet[?] boy E. Ross Riddle was shot thro’ the heart while dashing to the encounter.2 Sergt. Hardie was badly wounded in [the] right arm and one other [man] badly wounded in the side.3 In Co. B also under my command, there was one killed and four or ¤ve wounded. But our most serious loss was Capt. Jno. S. McElderry who was killed dead but a few feet from me, just as he had killed one of the enemy with his repeater [revolver].4 At one time we were in ¤ve steps of the second Yankee line, shooting each other down with repeaters. My Company being on the left of the Regt., was exposed to an en¤lading ¤re all the time. I escaped without a scratch. At the same time that we charged the 8th Texas did likewise and by a combined movement we routed the enemy.5 This ¤ght had scarcely ended when we were sent to Resaca—10 miles below Dalton— the enemy having ®anked our forces.6 Here we have been ever since ¤ghting almost hourly. However I cannot enter into particulars as I am writing in great haste and suspense. Before this reaches you, you will have heard some things that perhaps neither you nor I were expecting at present. At all events affairs do not bear as bright an aspect as they did 24 hours ago—but we have not yet suffered any thing like defeat. In my opinion [we have] only [been] “out generalled.” But, darling, the con®ict is not yet over, and I know not what an hour may bring forth. But be sure of one thing, that if I fall it will be with a full consciousness of having endeavored at least to serve my coun-

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try as best I could. If I survive, I shall always believe that the petitions of a pious wife have been heard and answered. Keep up courage my loved one & I will do likewise. I never went to battle more cheerfully than at present. There is an inward satisfaction never experienced before. Give much love to all—write as before—If any thing happens I will telegraph. Excuse as I write on my knee sitting near the border of the battle ¤eld. Accept the purest and most absolute devotion of him who loves you better than life. A kiss from K nox to his sweet Cellie trusting that it may not be his last and he will close. K nox

Notes for 13 May 1864 1. In the fall of 1863 Armstrong had commanded a cavalry division consisting of the Tennessee Brigade (commanded in May 1864 by Col. George C. Dibrell, then part of Kelly’s Division) and the Texas Brigade (led by Col. Thomas Harrison in May 1864, then part of Humes’s Division). 2. Pvt. Edmond Ross Riddle, seventeen at his July 1861 enlistment, had been absent sick in the hospital early in 1864. 3. May–June and Nov.–Dec. 1864 rolls (only ones on ¤le) show James Hardie hospitalized. He was paroled in Memphis 21 June 1865. 4. See GK M’s article “Cavalry Fight in Varnell, Ga.” (chap. 10), and his 12 Feb. 1914 letter. 5. The 8th Tex. Cav. Regt. was part of Harrison’s Brigade of Humes’s Division. 38OR3, 944–46 and 950. 6. While skirmishing north and west of Dalton distracted Johnston, a ®anking column marched through Snake Creek Gap several miles to the southwest and threatened the railroad that supplied the Rebels. Reinforcements rushed south in time to save the tracks. The danger, however, soon forced Johnston to abandon his position at Dalton and retreat some ¤fteen miles south to Resaca.

A week had passed when Miller next wrote. More ®anking moves by the Yankees and more threats to the Rebels’ railroad line of supply had forced Johnston’s army deeper into Georgia.

20 May 1864 Near Cartersville, Geo. May 20th, 1864 My sweet Cellie: Thanks to a good Providence I am spared to drop another line to my angel wife. I write all covered with dust and begrimed with powder and

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smoke from the ¤eld of battle. For the last ¤fteen days scarcely an hour of day-light has passed that our command has not been under ¤re—covering the retreat of our army from Dalton. Several ¤erce engagements have occurred in nearly all of which I have participated. I wrote several days ago [letter not found unless he refers to that of 13 May], but it is quite doubtful whether or not a letter will reach you—it is impossible to get a telegram thro’ owing to the great confusion and press of business. Fortunately we have had the most beautiful weather for our retreat. To-day that retreat has ceased until the prowess of the two armies is fully contested. Gen. Johnston says that with the help of God and the valor of our army, we will retreat not another step farther.1 This does my heart good, for it has sickened within me at the sight of the devastation & distress along the route. Thousands of families ®eeing from happy homes—their beautiful ¤elds & gardens laid waste. Mothers frantic with fear ®ying with their little ones in their arms—is a sight I never wish to behold again. As we would fall back before the invader we would pass beautiful villas, and in an hour after a dense smoke would tell in striking terms that the ruthless foe was bearing the torch as well as the sword. But perhaps I ought not to dwell too much upon this—If spared I will tell you all hereafter. Frequently lately we have kept so close to the enemy that their batteries would shell us at night while in camp. Until last evening I had not taken the saddle off my horse for ¤ve days. Day before yesterday we had one of the most brilliant engagements of the war. Our brigade was covering the retreat on the main K ingston & Adairsville road when the enemy pressed back a brigade guarding a road to our left and attempted to get in our rear. Gen. Allen ascertaining this took our Regt. & a small detachment of the 3d Confed. & suddenly fell upon the Yankees left ®ank. Our Regt. was leading and coming thro’ thick woods unfortunately received a volley from our own men which threw us into confusion for a moment. We soon rallied and pressing down on the enemy at full charge drove him from his ground when they began a hasty retreat. I collected about 20 scattered men and taking a short cut poured a volley into the scoundrels unexpectedly. This turned retreat into ®ight and for six miles we pursued them and scattered their forces in every direction. The ¤rst prisoner captured told me that he belonged to the 4th Michigan, & this only gave me new vigor. We drove them until our horses were so fatigued that they could not go faster than a walk.2 Along the road where the Yankees stampeded there were piled up horses, saddles, & their villainous riders. Some killed by running against

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trees, others shot down by our pistols. We killed quite a number. I [Miller’s company] captured Maj. Grant a relative of the General, one Capt., one Lt., & some 20 or more privates.3 I am writing on paper taken from them. We captured several horses—some ¤ve Spenser Ri®es— pistols, saddles, &c. I got a ¤ne new Rubber cloth and leggin[g]s and a large blanket. Could have got more but would not stop to plunder. The 4th Michigan was the Regt. that Captured me at Rover, and I tell you that revenge never was sweeter. But I must close. I came down to the wagons last night to get my horse shod and must hasten back this morning. A general engagement will occur in a day or two—perhaps to-morrow. The man I sent after Bobby Trot [the horse] recovered him & returned yesterday. Poor fellow [Bobby Trot] he is much reduced[?].4 Mr. Duncan had a ¤ne horse killed under him in the charge the other day—several others [horses] from my Co. were killed, but fortunately not a man lost. I thought I had seen much of war but the last two weeks experience has been the most trying of any. I can scarcely speak above a whisper. I have had nothing but my over coat to sleep on or under during all this time, but sleeping has been almost out of the question—¤ghting all day & marching during the night. I did not know my powers of endurance before. I have not had a change of clothing since yesterday two weeks. I lost my hat in a charge the other day & you would not know me with the one I have on. I have not heard a word from Cousin Ed since his capture—his wife is much distressed.5 How I wish I had time to write all I wish, but the booming cannon tell me that I must hasten to my Co., no of¤cer present but me. My angel—I must bid you good bye. God bless you sweet one— be of good cheer and hope for the best. I place myself in God’s hand and his disposition will be well. Give much love to all. remember me in your prayers. Farewell sweet one I received your note & the [religious] tracts[?] Good by again. Remember that I love you with all my heart. K nox [Written on back of last page] Excuse this dirty paper—tis the best I can do [Written on back of last page by Celestine] From my darling K nox Re[ceive]d 30th May

Notes for 20 May 1864 1. Near Cassville on 19 May, Johnston attempted to attack the weaker part of Sherman’s force. His effort was frustrated when a small party of Federals

4 May–30 June 1864 / 205 appeared by accident on the Confederate rear and right ®ank. Later that day the Rebels found their position subjected to a devastating ¤re from Northern cannon. When some Yankees got across the Etowah River late on 19 May and threatened the Southern line of supply, Johnston had no option but to resume his retreat. His army fell back across the Etowah. On the morning of 19 May as he prepared to attack the enemy, Johnston issued an order announcing that the retreat had ended and that he would lead the army to battle. As indicated later in this letter, GK M had gone with his brigade to the Confederate left ®ank, some distance from where Johnston anticipated making the ¤ght, and late on 19 May he had gone several miles to the rear to get his horse shod. Therefore, he did not know of the failure of the Confederate plan and the resumption of the retreat when he wrote this letter, or he may have misdated the letter. 2. Wheeler had sent Allen’s Brigade to reinforce the horsemen covering the left ®ank of Johnston’s army. The brigade was there until at least 20 May. 38OR3, 946; Barron, Lone Star Defenders, 194–98. 3. The record of the 4th Mich. Cav. Regt. for 18 May states, “the enemy was encountered in heavy force within one-half mile of K ingston, when we were compelled to fall back, but the enemy came on so ¤ercely and in such overwhelming force that we barely escaped without a greater part being captured as it was. The casualties were three killed, three of¤cers wounded, ten men wounded, ten missing. One of¤cer, Maj. [Horace D.] Grant, was cut off from his command and captured.” OR Supp., 29:818. The major’s relationship, if any, to Lt. Gen. U.S. Grant, then with the Union army in Virginia, is not known. Major Grant was a native of New York and had lived in Illinois before moving to Michigan. Postwar, he lived in Tennessee and Kansas. 4. See 14 Apr. 1864 letter. 5. See 15 Mar. 1864 letter.

Another week, another retreat, and by the date of Miller’s next letter, the hostile armies were some ¤fteen or twenty miles farther south and several miles off to the west of the railroad.

27–29 May 1864 In line of battle near Dallas, Geo: May 27/64 My dear Cellie: I wrote a note [not found] to Cousin Alice on the 23d requesting her to telegraph that I was safe and well. We were just then starting on a raid and had just crossed to the North side of the Etowah River. I expected

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that we would be gone [postwar note indicates that at this point Miller was interrupted by the Battle of Pickett’s Mill; later he again took up his pen.] (May 29) several days but the work to be done was accomplished in much less time, that is, as much [work] as Gen. Wheeler thought prudent to attempt. Having crossed to the Yankee side of the river, on the morning of the 24th we began the march towards Cassville some 17 miles distant. The column consisted of Gens. Martin’s, Humes’ & Kelly’s Divisions with Gen. Williams’ Kentucky Brig.1 Seven Brigades in all numbering about 4000 men. Our Brig. led the Column & the 8th Confed. the Brig. We proceeded very cautiously, expecting every moment to encounter opposition as we could see traces where the enemy had been the day previous. As we neared Cassville the citizens told us that there were plenty of Yankees in town, but still we kept on. Soon we entered some open ¤elds from which we could see the village in the distance, and we were momentarily expecting a volley from a concealed foe, but on we went and none came. At last we reached the out-skirts of the town and throwing forward a few videttes ascertained that there were but two or three poor straggling scoundrels in the place. These were soon overhauled, when we learned that the main force of the enemy had left the evening before and the rear guard about an hour before our arrival. We halted for a moment when some of the videttes came & reported to Gen. Wheeler that there was a large wagon train moving some three-fourths of a mile from town. I was standing close by the war-child [Wheeler] and saw his eye lighten up at the news. The 8th Confed. was called for at once, and away we went in a sweeping gallop, thro’ a cloud of dust across the ¤elds and soon coming in sight of the white-topped wagons gave a battle shout and charged down at head-long speed. Then & there was fun. Drivers cutting loose saddle mules and ®ying to the nearest woods—many on foot seeking the same protection—mules braying and running hither & thither with wagons—some up-set—others colliding with those in front—our scattered column pursuing the fugitives in every direction. I was on a wild young horse, and in dashing thro’ the wagon train after the ®eeing Yankees he ran against a wagon and brought me in full collision very nearly breaking my right leg. I was stunned for a moment but soon recovering pushed on to the left while part of the Regt. went to the right. Having reached the rear of the train, we were greeted by a brisk volley from the enemy in ambush. Not having more than ten men

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with me, I halted and knowing that it was useless [to] attempt to ¤ght with such a force & nothing but pistols & sabres & sent word of the presence of the enemy to Gen. Kelly & ordered the men to make the Yankee drivers mount their mules & drive out the wagons. Some were obstinate but this was quickly overcome by placing the muzzle of a pistol in an interesting proximity to their villainous heads. We soon had them nearly all going to the rear at a gallop. Some of the wagons being broken or the mules run off were burned. I remained back hurrying up & burning wagons until soon there came a column of Yankee cavalry charging at full speed. Having sent all the men but some half doz. from different companies, off with the wagons & prisoners, I had no support and beat a hasty retreat towards town with the Yanks after me whooping & yelling. But I knew my horse would carry me to our main forces if no accident befell me, & I kept on out of range of their sabres—turning every few minutes to give them a parting shot with my pistol. I ran about a quarter [of a mile] when I saw the 8th Texas coming forward and halted to see the charge. It was a grand sight to see them meet & then both lines were enveloped in a cloud of dust. The Yankees fought stubbornly but were driven back when on came the 51st Ala. & letting drive[?] at the rascals sent them routed from the ¤eld.2 We then had some 18 miles to carry our booty before we could get to a bridge over which to carry our wagons. We captured in all about 100 wagons loaded with Of¤cers baggage, tools of all kinds, especially Black smith’s—Corn in sacks and a little of every thing even down to ladies “Batesvilles” & baby clothes plundered from our citizens in mere wantanesess.3 Our boys were loaded down with plunder and consequently somewhat demoralized but we left the ¤eld with our plunder in good order. We marched all the evening and at dark were still six miles from the river—the Yankee mules were the poorest, most miserable looking creatures I ever saw, and their drivers were mostly fresh Yankee conscripts & had not done a day’s service before we fell upon them. At dark it began to rain, and before we reached the river we were greeted by a terrible storm of rain, thunder, & lightning, and it was so dark that you could not see your hands before you. The [wagon] train was compelled to stop, and there we remained all night worn out and drenched with rain. My oil cloth captured a few days before came in good service & kept my body dry. The Yankees were the greatest fools in the world or they would have all escaped as there was no place to

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con¤ne them & [it was] too dark for the guards to see them. Only one or two citizen tories found with them escaped. We brought off some 80 wagons with their teams and one hundred and seventy-three prisoners including three or four commissioned of¤cers.4 Watches, knives, clothing of all kinds & Yankee tricks of every description rewarded the boys for their labor.5 I am sorry to state that much ill feeling has arisen between our Brigade & the Texas Brigade growing out of the incidents of the raid.6 Col. Harrison commanding the Texas Brig. turned loose his men on the trains after we had got them across the river, driving off the guards and taking all that was left. But this was of little consequence if he had not characterized the conduct of our Brig. as cowardly—saying that we ran off & left him to protect the trains with his 8th Texas when the fact was that there were not but about 175 of our Brig. present in the affair and with two men to each wagon and [guards for] the prisoners [it] took every man we had from the ¤eld for that purpose, and there were not 10 of the wagons endangered by the Yankees. Gen. Wheeler & Gen. Kelly both said our conduct was all that could be desired and said we were entitled to the credit. Not a score of our men run, & they did so at the proper time & place. To sum it all up we had as many men killed & wounded with their faces to the enemy as the boasting (but thievish) 8th Texas. When the 8th Texas charged they did it so tamely that Gen. Kelly abused them on the ¤eld & Gen. Wheeler wished for our Regt. saying that it would have done so much better under the same circumstances. But enough of this. We returned with the loss of some 6 killed & wounded out of the whole force. Since then we have been on the right ®ank of our army some 18 miles from [west of] Marietta and have had some terrible ¤ghting. The cavalry is praised by all. In the desperate assault of Howards Corps on our right day before yesterday [Battle of Pickett’s Mill], our Brig. fought side by side with Cleburne’s Div. and lost as many in proportion to numbers as [did] the infantry. I was standing on the lines conversing with one of my old College mates in the 6th Texas when the assault began and never passed thro’ as hot a ¤re.7 Numbers of horses have been killed & wounded in my Co. but none of the men lost since the 19th. We are still on the right ®ank of our army under a shower of shells & minnie balls day & night. Thanks to a merciful God alone, I have not been touched as yet, but there is a storm yet to come. I have written thus

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at length because I had a respite, having been placed in charge of the led horses of the Brigade this morning by Gen. Allen. Their riders are in the breast-works. I began this letter two days ago but was suddenly called to action & of course could not continue. I assorted out at least a peck of letters this morning for the Brigade but found not a single one from my darling, but I cannot complain as I have been cheered every few days since the ¤ghting began by a letter or two from my loved one. I have written several, but it is very uncertain whether or not they ever reach you as we generally have to get some passer by to carry them to the rear & mail them. I could not get[?] to Telegraph & sent a note to cousin Alice requesting her to do so for me. I expect ere this that the Yankees have possession of Talladega as they were not far from there a few days since.8 If they have I expect they have robbed me of the little patrimony that would have been mine. But they have robbed and beggard others and why should I not bear & share part of my country’s losses. If they spare me life & limb and God grants us an honorable independence I have no fears that all will not yet be well. My darling & I can be happy if not children of wealth. But the suffering of my poor old father & mother weighs heaviest upon me. I must close darling. I dream of you often when worn out with toil I sleep with death all around me. You are ever in my dreams, that sweet angel wife that I thought of in days of imagination & childish fancy. I love you with an embodiment of love. Oh, what would I not give for one sweet kiss—one loving embrace! God grant that we may both be spared for each other. Give much love to all. I have not time to particularize. Good bye. God bless my darling cherished[?] wife. Write very soon A kiss & another good bye K nox

Notes for 27–29 May 1864 1. Wheeler reported that his force (as GK M noted in the ¤rst paragraph of this letter) crossed the river on 23 May. 38OR3, 946–47. As of 31 Dec. 1863 the Kentucky Brigade had been a part of Kelly’s Division. It was transferred to Humes’s Division that spring, and Brig. Gen. John S. Williams assigned to command it. See n2 to the 23 Apr. 1864 letter. 2. Wheeler reported that the 2d Tenn. Cav. Regt., of Col. James T. Wheeler’s

210 / Cheerfully into Battle brigade, Humes’s Division, joined the 8th Tex. in the attack. He did not mention the 51st Ala. which was in Martin’s Division. 38OR3, 946–48 and 950. On 2 June the Talladega Alabama Reporter published a letter from “J. W. T.,” dated 24 May, stating that “the 8th Texas and the 8th Confederate did the work.” 3. GK M clearly wrote “Batesvilles.” The context makes it appear that it was an item of women’s clothing—possibly underwear. I have been unable to ascertain what a “Batesville” was, and the gallant efforts of several reenactress friends have proved equally unavailing. The Confederates had a textile manufactory in Batesville, S.C., and the word may have referred to some product produced there. Harold S. Wilson, Confederate Industry: Manufacturers and Quartermasters in the Civil War ( Jackson, Miss., 2002), 262 and 333n68. 4. “Seventy” is written over what appears to be the word “¤fty.” 5. “J. W. T.” (n2 this letter) reported the capture of sixty wagons and teams and two hundred prisoners. One of the wagons, he noted, “had three abandoned women in it and their immense wardrobe.” 6. Col. Thomas Harrison’s Texas Brigade of Humes’s Division comprised the 3d Ark. and the 8th and 11th Texas cavalry regiments. See GK M’s comments on the Texans in his 23 Apr. 1864 letter and his postwar view in “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10). 7. On 27 May, Federals under Maj. Gen. O. O. Howard attacked what the Yankees thought was the right ®ank of the Confederate line. Unfortunately for them, it turned out to be the front of Cleburne’s Division (bad reconnaissance!). The Rebels repulsed the attack with little trouble. Wheeler’s reports of the affair are in 38OR3, 948–49. In his autobiographical “Memoranda” GK M wrote that at the University of Virginia he had “a friend from Texas who was once a Talladega boy.” The “old College mate” was Philip E. Peareson (or Pearson), 2d Lt., Co. D, 6th Tex. Inf., who attended the university in the 1858–59 school year. He moved to Matagorda, Tex., and was a lawyer. 8. GK M must have referred to rumors or to small parties of Federals in North Alabama. Yankee raiders did not reach Talladega until mid-July. See n8 to his 1–3 Aug. 1864 letter.

31 May 1864 In Line of Battle May 31/64 My darling wife: Yesterday I was made happy indeed by the receipt of your two favors of May 23rd & 25th. While I write heavy skirmishing is going on within a few hundred yards of me, and occasionally a stray bullet whistles by,

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but their music is all that I have listened to for 24 days, & I can sleep soundly now without being disturbed by them. The last three days have been consumed in skirmishing & maneuvering for position.1 But it has been none the less wearisome to us poor troopers as we have to skirmish all day & watch all night—often ¤ghting in the dark. Within the last ¤ve days our horses have suffered for want of food suf¤cient. As for ourselves we have fared much better than I expected, generally having a fair supply of bacon & crackers. Just about the time the ¤ght commenced, Lt. Curry received a large box of provisions from home, and he & I being temporarily in the same mess, my haversack has been replenished from the box several times. I am still all alone [no other of¤cers present] with my Co.—not a Lt. present—Lt. Curry absent without leave. To make matters no better I [also] have command of another company. I would not mind it so much if I were perfectly well but have been suffering with diarrhoea for several days past and am quite weak at present. The cause of it is, that being on the skirmish line all the time we cannot have ¤res even to broil our meat & have to eat it raw. Our whole army is very much fatigued but in good spirits—whenever ¤ghting has taken place it has been of the most desperate character. We are distant 35 miles from our wagons, and it is almost impossible to get clean clothes. I have not had but one change in 24 days and having to be on the ground nearly all the time you may know I am a sight. My darling I have written [at] every possible opportunity—sometimes I was too far away from the wagons to have access to my stationery. But this was not generally the case as I usually carry a small supply in my pocket. The greatest dif¤culty was in getting them [letters] mailed often having to send them by some person ten or 20 miles. But my sweet one I have thought of you none the less—in fact my duties & you occupy my almost every thought. I do love my sweet wife Ah beyond words to tell. At times I feel as tho’ all I ask is to be spared to enjoy life with my darling. God alone can so direct it and on [in?] him I have placed my trust, knowing that my tenure is frail and weak. I still have that abiding faith that God will spare us to meet again. I believe that it was his intention that we should be united and trust that he may yet preserve us both for some good purpose. My escape [from harm] thus far seems miraculous. It seems almost impossible for a creature to pass thro’ what I and others have and still be spared. I am still cheerful as to the result but am hor-

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ri¤ed at the sacri¤ce necessary. Be of good cheer my sweetest one. God will work all for the best. One of my Co. that was captured on the 7th has escaped after being concealed & fed nine days by a lady. Several of my Co. have been sent to the hospital very sick from exposure. I am writing on the blank leaf you sent & will enclose it in the envelope. Write often. Give much love to all. Be assured that I am loving you always—A kiss & good bye K nox

Note for 31 May 1864 1. In late May the Yankees began slowly extending eastward from the Pickett’s Mill area to the railroad that supplied them from the north even as it supplied the Confederates from the south. In late May–early June the armies shifted into the area north of Marietta, Georgia.

2 June 1864 In the Field June 2d, 1864 My precious darling: How good you are, dear, to anticipate my wishes by writing often! It is the greatest consolation ever experienced to know there is “some one to love” and who loves me. I have passed thro’ trying scenes before but never with that satisfaction of heart and mind felt of late. The heart swells with gratitude when thought leads me from the perils and dangers that beset on every side to that distant home that holds the being who cherishes and prays for me while waking and has me with her in her dreams. It is doubly bitter to be separated, and nothing but Country and my darling’s honor could reconcile me to it; yet it is gratifying to know that, while standing between those [country and Celestine’s honor] and danger, I am fortunate enough to have a darling, fond wife. I would not be a single man for a world of wealth. Last night after having gone back a short distance from the front to camp, weary and a little hungry, I had sought my hard bed and fallen to sleep when one of the boys awoke me, saying “Capt., here’s another from Equality; will you read it now or shall I keep it till morning?” “Stir up the ¤re, Billie, and I’ll tell you more about it.” It was yours of the 25th & 6th mailed the 27th. After reading carefully I again fell asleep and slept so soundly that I did not hear heavy cannonading a short distance from me on the lines. But night encounters and artillery duels have be-

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come so frequent that we that are not immediately engaged pay but little attention to them. We are on the right wing of the army and have had nothing but heavy skirmishing since the 28th [27 May] when Gen. Cleburne and our cavalry punished Howard’s corps so severely. We have buried between 5 & 700 of the poor deluded wretches that fell in front of our wall of Southern breasts on that day. Our loss was severe especially among Granberry’s gallant Texans.1 Another of the best and bravest of my little troop has laid down his life under somewhat peculiar circumstances. Mr. Thos. A. Caperton was a short time since detailed as a special scout for Col[. Benjamin Jefferson] Hill, Provost Marshal Genl. of the army, and with nine men was sent to Jackson Co., Ala., a short distance below Chattanooga. His family, a most precious wife & three children, lived near Caperton’s Ferry on the Tenn. River. Mr. Caperton took his little party by home to get something to eat, which done they went to the woods near the house and were resting when a party of 22 Federal Cav. hearing of his presence in the neighborhood rode up to his house in search of him. They questioned Mrs C. and then began to abuse her most shamefully. Mr C. hearing it all told his men if they would follow him he would drive them off. He & his party attacked them[?] [and?] drove them off, killing the Lt. commanding, but poor Caperton fell mortally wounded at his own gate and before the eyes of his wife and children. He survived his wound two days. He was one of the most intelligent, brave and upright men I ever saw, and to his family was devotion itself. He has a brother & cousin in my Co., lost a brother at Chickamauga, and has a father old and grey that has suffered the ignominy of a Federal Bastile for several months for the crime of feeding his own sons while scouting in their [the Federals’] lines.2 The two grand armies of the west lie confronting one another some 30 miles from Atlanta, each seemingly waiting for the other to attack. We have advantage in position and I hope will wait longest. Deserters come to us every night. They [the Federals] never make an attack until drugged with whiskey. A few nights since a colonel rode up to our breastworks and commenced giving orders—but was ordered to dismount himself. He was so drunk that he fell reeling from his horse. A Fed. staff of¤cer come up in the same condition the night after.3 Gen. Forrest is reported in their rear, but I am satis¤ed that he is not yet but will soon be heard from.4 Our cause looks any thing but gloomy yet. Our strength as well as the

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enemy’s, I have always thought, lies in concentrated bodies. Had we given up Vicksburg, Tennessee would still have been ours—whereas in dividing our forces we lost both. Our army here has as yet only fought by detachments—nothing like a general engagement having occurred. For the ¤rst time in my life I have seen cavalry entrenching. The horses of all the regiments that have guns [rather than sabres and revolvers] are led a short distance in the rear and the men have built good substantial breast-works.5 We have to-day heavy bodies of infantry close behind us. We are not doing quite as well as usual in the way of rations but can live and ¤ght on what we get. I hear from home every few days verbally—I have written several letters of late but mail arrangements between here & Talladega are somewhat disturbed, & I suppose they do not get my letters. My darling must not tax her powers too much with labor—you will be quite worthy of the Confederacy if you cannot spin [cloth]—you can do many things that those who spin cannot. I am going to send a dozen of the sweetest kisses [in exchange] for my darlings intended suit[?] of Jeans[?]. How I would love to be the bearer of those myself. I am writing at the foot of a tree while the sharp crack of the ri®e on the skirmish line a few hundred yards in front with an occasional bullet whistling thro’ the trees overhead remind me that death is every where. I received a letter from Aunt Eleanor a few days since, and was both amused and entertained. She says that some have accused her of grieving more over her stolen horses than for her kin—but of course this is between you and me. Write often my darling—every two or three days and I will continue to do the same. Never forget to remember me most kindly to all. Tell Sister Anna that I think of her every time Henry or I[?] whistle “Come dearest” and that is often.6 Good by my darling sweet wife, remembering always that I am loving you most dearly [no signature]

Notes for 2 June 1864 1. Brig. Gen. Hiram B. Granbury commanded a Texas brigade in Cleburne’s Division that played a key role in repulsing the Union attack at Pickett’s Mill 27 May. Union casualties in the engagement totaled about sixteen hundred; the Confederates’, about ¤ve hundred. 2. Caperton joined the company at Camp Beauregard 7 Dec. 1861. He served with the brigade commissary in late 1863–early 1864. His record gives both 6 and 10 May as the date of the skirmish and states that he was killed in

4 May–30 June 1864 / 215 action, not mortally wounded. GK M was probably just learning of the event. George and John E. Caperton were also in the company. The latter was captured in June 1863 and died in prison. 3. Men often asserted that the only way enemy soldiers could be made to ¤ght was to get them drunk. 4. Any raid Forrest may then have contemplated was sidetracked when a Union force ventured out from Memphis. Forrest defeated this column at Brice’s Crossroads, Miss., 10 June. See GK M’s 26 June 1864 letter. 5. In late May both armies constructed breastworks on a scale not seen before in the West except in sieges. Fighting dismounted, Rebel cavalrymen, like their infantry comrades, built such works. Richard M. McMurry, Atlanta, 1864: Last Chance for the Confederacy (Lincoln, Neb., 2000), 92–94. 6. “Come Dearest the Daylight Is Gone” was a popular song of the period.

16 June 1864 On the front near Marietta[, Ga.] June 16th, 1864 My darling Wife: Your sweet treasure of the 8th & 10th found me on the battle-¤eld at dark yesterday evening as I was passing around looking at the dead Yankees just about two hundred yards from our camps where I wrote my last letter. Being on the right of our army for two or three days, no enemy had disturbed us altho’ in our immediate front. During all day yesterday there was heav y cannonading down the infantry lines, and about 4 o’clock a furious attack was made upon our pickets, the Yankee cavalry driving them in almost to our camp, but just beyond the camp there runs a deep muddy creek and on this side a high bluff affording a ¤ne position. Part of our Brigade was quickly thrown into position on this bluff and as the Yankees made their appearance in the ¤elds beyond the creek poured a volley into them. The Yankees then brought up artillery and poured in charge after charge of grape & cannister but to no purpose. We gave them a signal repulse, leaving their dead on the ¤eld but carrying away the wounded. Capt. Cooper our Adjt. General was killed and about 12 or 14 in the Brigade, wounded. None of my Regt. were hurt, we being held in reserve. I was too sick to take any part in the engagement, had been quite unwell for two days, but feel better this morning. I felt very glad that my Regt. was not engaged yesterday as I do not want my Company to go into a ¤ght without an of¤cer.1 I believe I forgot to tell you in my last that Lt. Curry returned from

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home about the 5th and the ¤rst night after joining the command shot himself thro’ the calf of the leg. Accident they say, but (inter nos [between us]) I have my opinion about it. He is good for six months at home & away from the bullets.2 We are looking for a general engagement almost hourly, and while I write there is artillery ¤ring all along our lines to the left of us. Our army is still con¤dent of victory when the trial comes. But we have lost one of our best if not greatest Captains. Lt. Gen. L. Polk was killed on the 14th while riding along the lines of Bate’s Division. He was a great man and good Christian.3 Darling, you have no idea how much pleasure it afforded me to read that sweet letter of yours. It was next thing to being in your dear presence. It seemed so home-like and familiar—not, darling, that I would ¤nd fault with others that you write, but there was something about this that was peculiarly interesting. I have thought no little lately about that strawberry . . . [illegible] and have longed to partake with you its fruits. I hadn’t thought of mulberries & rasberries. I’d almost give Bobby [his horse] for a canteen[?] of butter milk & a vegetable dinner. I am so tired of corn bread & strong bacon!!! I can’t even get so much as an onion.4 People are very . . . [illegible] but have been stripped of every thing. I ¤nd most of the citizens about Marietta are from South Carolina. Have very near relations among them but do not know their names even. Not a man goes to Marietta but has something to say about sweet ladies waiting on the hospitals there. If I were to see some of those girls “kissing my likeness” [photograph] I think I could manage to get double “rations” from somebody by threatening to substitute myself for the likeness. Oh what would I give for one of our sweet kisses this morning and for my darling to bathe my brow for it does ache oh so much! My whole system is deranged from exposure to the rains and constant excitement. A day on the front often seems like an age. I expect Cousin Alice has left Atlanta as I have heard nothing from her or the telegram—but it is all right now. If I should get wounded I will have friends to telegraph for me. Does Billy . . . [illegible] propose making Quartermasters of his two Jeff Davis [toy?] soldiers? You must give Cousin . . . [illegible] my cousinly love and a wish that we may be spared to know each other better. Darling must excuse me if I don’t write connectedly this morning. I will write soon again if possible. Give love to all the loved ones at home,

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and [to] those whom you chance to meet. A sweet kiss and a prayer that darling & I may soon meet in joyful happiness Good by loved one K nox

Notes for 16 June 1864 1. GK M refers to Lt. W. H. Cooper, acting brigade adjutant and inspector general. See W. W. Allen to Samuel Cooper, 19 June 1864, in service record of J. H. Field, 8th Confed. Cav. Regt. 2. See also GK M’s 13 Nov. 1864 letter. 3. Polk, commanding an infantry corps, had climbed Pine Mountain to study the terrain in front of the line and was on foot when he was killed by a Yankee cannonball. Most modern historians have a low opinion of his ability as a general. Maj. Gen. W. B. Bate commanded the division then occupying Pine Mountain. 4. See GK M’s letter of 5–6 July 1864.

21 June 1864 On the Front near Marietta, Geo. June 21st, 1864 [Salutation obscured by postwar note; seems to be “My darling wife:”] Our gracious Father in Heaven has spared me thro’ another days desperate ¤ghting, and this morning I take the ¤rst opportunity of hurrying off a few lines to my loved one with what I know will be gratifying intelligence to her and dear loved friends. I am terribly jaded and worn with hard riding and the excitement of battle, but hope to be entirely at myself in a day or two, of which I have no doubt if I can get a little rest, but that is quite a doubtful matter from present indications. Saturday night [18 June] our infantry on the right wing fell back and commenced fortifying some 2 or 3 miles in rear of their position on Pine Mountain, and we were left to hold the same until driven off by the enemy. I was detailed that night to take charge of the skirmish lines of the Brigade and having to go dismounted spent almost the whole night wading creeks and walking thro’ wet plow’d ground. It was very trying, not being accustomed to walking. During the night we were subjected to a heavy shelling and next day until ten or eleven o’clock ran many risks from the Yankee sharp shooters. About the middle of the day the Yankees advanced upon us in heavy force, and we fell back slowly before

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them, subjected all the time to heavy volleys of musketry and incessant shelling. One shell struck and exploded so near me that I was covered with mud and came very near being killed by the fragments.1 Yesterday Gen. Wheeler took three Divisions and passing around to our right and the rear of the Yankee left, soon struck their cavalry. As soon as the skirmishing began our Regt. was called to the front and charged down a road in column of fours and rushed upon the Yankees strongly posted around a Church. My Co. was leading the column, and I was in advance of the company. We were greeted by a terrible volley— the Yankees dismounted and with their seven shooting ri®es made a most stubborn resistance, and in and around that little place of worship we fought for more than an hour. Hundreds of bullets and one shell struck the building, and I noticed afterwards that a Yankee lay dead almost on the threshold.2 At the ¤rst charge not one half of our pistols would ¤re a barrel, and the Yankees being [so] situated that it was impossible to charge with the sabre. We consequently fell back about 100 yds. and a squadron of the 5th Geo. Cav. came rushing down at full sweep when we joined them and again failed to drive the Yankees from their strong-holds. Time and again we charged and stood for minutes within 40 yds of the enemy. During all this time that our little Regt. of little more than a hundred men was standing and being shot down, Gen. W. had thousands in our rear viewing the ¤ght—but no support came, and we had to battle it out. But at last with the assistance of the 3rd Confed. & some of the 5th Geo. dismounted, we moved them, killing quite a number and wounding & capturing some 30 or 40. I captured a good but very poor [in condition] horse, a ¤ne saddle with the riders overcoat, blankets, &c. The rider I suppose abandoned him and made his escape. Sergt. Duncan of my Co. was severely wounded in the right arm, and several of the company were hurt by their horses falling in a terrible mud hole thro’ which we charged. I was more exposed perhaps than in any ¤ght during the campaign—men & of¤cers were killed and wounded around and on all sides of me. Lt. Wallis of Co “K” was killed so near me that when his horse wheeled to run back he came very near throwing me from my horse.3 Night put an end to the ¤ght leaving us masters of the ¤eld, but I don’t think we gained anything by the expedition. Our loss in killed & wounded, tho’ not so great as the enemy’s in numbers, yet when we compare our gallant men with the hirelings it was much greater. Part of Gen. Martin’s command attacked them at another place & Col. Malone of the

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7th Ala. was mortally wounded.4 The force we fought was the 1st & 4th Regulars, 4th Michigan, & 7th Pennsylvania Regts. Cav. A strange fatality seems to throw our Regt. & this Federal Brigade in opposition to each other.5 After the ¤ght yesterday we marched thro’ rain until 1 o’clock before reaching camp. I never have experienced such a rainy time. It has been raining almost incessantly for weeks. And you have no idea of the condition of the roads and ourselves. I received Sissies letter several days since and have been momentarily expecting those promised me by my darling. We have again changed Brigade Commanders. Gen. Allen has taken command of Morgan’s Ala. Brig. in Martin’s Div., & Anderson of the 5th Geo. takes command of our Brigade. I have only seen him two or three times—a West Pointer—long time Adjt. Genl. for Gen. W. H. T. Walker but lately put in command of the 5th Geo. Regt which has been on the coast of Geo., S.C., & Fla. ever since the war commenced, & yesterday was their ¤rst ¤ght. It is a splendid Regt.—over 700 men for duty— nicely uniformed and well armed. Our boys call them “New Issue.” 6 Darling, I never felt more grateful in all my life than I do this morning. When I look back & think of yesterdays engagement it seems almost a miracle that I escaped. “Noon Day” church will be long remembered. Tell Sissie that her letter was very acceptable—that “sweet heart” will not be forgotten nor herself either. Write soon darling—if it be but three[?] words to tell me you are well. I would have written two days since but so much rain has rendered it impossible—we have no shelter under which to write when it is raining, but my sweet “little wife” knows that her K nox will do his best to allay her fears & relieve her dear anxious heart. Make allowances for foolscap—& a pencilled letter crossed.7 A sweet kiss and a kind good bye from your K nox Give my love to all those dear, kind anxious friends whose solicitude in my behalf causes me to cherish them all. Much love to sisters Joe, Anna, Corne [and] my dear Ma and Pa.8

Notes for 21 June 1864 1. After Polk’s death (see preceding letter), the Yankees extended their line to the west and southwest, forcing Johnston back a short distance to the south. Owing to the terrain and the progress of Sherman’s advance the Rebel line made a right-angle turn and so ran from east to west and then north to south.

220 / Cheerfully into Battle Johnston held this new line 15–18 June, but Federal artillery to the north and west subjected it to a heavy en¤lade ¤re. To extract his army from this position, Johnston moved back to a line that ran northeast to southwest along Kennesaw Mountain and then off to the south. After Wheeler’s cavalry fell back to this new line, it took position on the Confederate right ®ank north of Marietta, Georgia. 2. As the war went on, many Federal cavalry units were armed with repeating shoulder weapons (usually carbines). The Spencer Carbine, which could ¤re seven times without reloading, became the best known of these weapons and was probably the type to which GK M refers. 3. John A. Wallis enlisted 1 Mar. 1861 at West Point, Ga., as a private and became a sergeant 17 June 1862. Elected 2d Lt. in the 13 Aug. 1862 reorganization, he was captured along with GK M at Rover, Tenn., 31 Jan. 1863. Like GK M he was held at Camp Chase, Ohio, and on 10 Apr. 1863 sent to Fort Delaware, Del. He and GK M were exchanged 29 Apr. 1863. 4. James C. Malone, commanding the 7th Ala. Cav. (more often, and properly, called 9th Ala. Cav.) was wounded in the engagement at Noonday Creek. In Feb. 1865 he was in the Wayside Hospital in Meridian, Miss. Some records list him as “Jr.” 5. The 4th Mich., 7th Pa., and 4th U.S. cavalry regiments were in the First Brigade, Second Division, Cavalry Corps, Army of the Cumberland, part of Sherman’s “army group.” The 1st U.S. Cav. was in Virginia. 6. Allen had been colonel of the 1st Ala. Cav. Regt. before commanding GK M’s brigade. When Brig. Gen. J. T. Morgan was arrested for drunkenness, Allen took command of his brigade, which included the 1st Ala. Cav. Robert H. Anderson graduated from the U.S. Military Academy in 1857. Following his native Georgia into the Confederacy, he served along the South Atlantic Coast, including brie®y on the staff of Brig. Gen. (later Maj. Gen.) W. H. T. Walker. Appointed colonel 20 Jan. 1863, Anderson took command of the 5th Ga. Cav. on 13 Feb. and brought his regiment to the Army of Tennessee in the summer of 1864. Promoted to brigadier general 26 July 1864, he was soon wounded. See GK M’s 1–3 Aug. 1864 letter. 7. Part of the letter is written perpendicular to and over the rest (i.e., “crossed”). 8. Celestine’s sisters, Josephine Elvira, Anna Maria, and Augusta Cornelia.

26 June 1864 On the Front, June 26th, 1864 My darling Wife: More than a week—yes one of those very, very long weeks—has “dragged its slow length along” without one cheering word from my dar-

4 May–30 June 1864 / 221

ling! O, how heavy has this time passed to me—It really seems an age! I wrote some four days since I believe—at least just after our engagement of the 20th, and have examined mail after mail since then feeling quite certain that each one had something from darling for me. But I suppose the mails are wrong again—I had begun to have a high opinion of the institution, but fear that I shall change materially if it does not [have letter from Celestine]. Sissies letter told me that my loved one would write very soon and then comes the disappointment.1 We have not been engaged or exposed very much for the last ¤ve days—had our camp shelled out on the 23d but nobody was hurt—only a few wagons—Qr. Masters “et id omne genus” [and everything of the kind] a little frightened. This little resting spell has given me another opportunity of having some clothes washed—the second [opportunity] since the campaign opened on the 7th ult. and it has had the effect of changing my feelings as well as appearance very materially. The boys would often, while I was all covered with mud and browned with exposure, tell me that Mrs. M—— would not know me and if she did would not own [admit to] her little husband. But I would have been willing for all that to have tested the truth of their assertions. There has been some very hard ¤ghting but generally on the left of our lines. The skirmishing is kept up incessantly and many of our best men and of¤cers have fallen. We have some magin¤cent scenes at night, when our batteries on Kennesaw & Lost mountains open on the enemy. Our cavalry lines connect immediately with Polk’s Corps now commanded by Gen. Loring.2 One of my Co. just from home tells me that Gen. Forrest was to have passed thro’ Talladega last Thursday—but his movements are probably kept dark. I have been over almost every foot of the ground near Guntown, Miss., where he gained his last victory.3 I wish very often that I was with Gen. Hampton in Va.—it would be delightful to chase Sheridan and other numerous raiders who have been playing “hop scotch” around Richmond.4 I have less use for the “War Child” [Wheeler] every day—Scarcely any of his of¤cers like him—a few pets of his own creation excepted.5 I received a long letter from Mr. Shouse this morning—tells me that Pa & Ma are both feeble. He was with his Company in all the encounters from Dalton down to New Hope Church, when he was taken very sick & sent to Montgomery and nursed by his Lt. Col. Arrington’s family until able to travel when he succeeded in reaching home. He heard thro’ your letters of the interest expressed in his welfare and asks me to remember

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him kindly to you—expressing his gratitude for your kind wishes & the rem[em]brance of him in your prayers.6 It has been very quiet all this Sabbath morning, but as I write the heavy boom of artillery comes up the lines from [word(s) omitted?—the left?] towards the centre. No rest in the army—the work of death ceases not for the shades of evening nor the bright sunshine of God’s appointed day. What an account will some one have to render up at the great ¤nal settlement! If I thought it would even partly rest upon my shoulders how miserable I would be! I am not to say [day?] well darling. My whole system is slightly deranged but still, while able I will try to ¤ll the post of duty trusting that God will look over and protect me. I am satis¤ed that his hand alone has shielded me thus far. Col. Prather remarked yesterday that I was the luckiest man next to himself in the Regt. I asked him if he did not have a praying wife—Yes—“Then I think we can both attribute our escape to their prayers.” Some of my friends have just called to see me, & I must be brief. Give much love to Ma & Pa and all my sweet sisters—extend to all good friends my kindest regards [circle here, about one inch diameter, with the words “a kiss” written in it] good bye darling—a sweet good bye—I will write within the next two days Affect[ionately] K nox

Notes for 26 June 1864 1. See GK M’s 21 June 1864 letter. 2. Maj. Gen. W. W. Loring succeeded to corps command after Polk’s death and reverted to division command in July when Lt. Gen. A. P. Stewart took his place. At this time Loring’s Corps held Kennesaw Mountain. Wheeler’s cavalry extended the line east-northeast from the “Big Kennesaw” end of the mountain (in fact, a ridge). Lost Mountain is west-southwest of Kennesaw and probably could not be seen from GK M’s position. The Confederates had abandoned it several days earlier. 3. On 10 June 1864, at Brice’s Crossroads near Guntown, Miss., Forrest defeated a force of Union raiders. GK M spent time in the area a year earlier and may have visited the region in the prewar years. Forrest did not visit Talladega in June 1864, although rumors that he would might have been circulating there. 4. Maj. Gen. (later Lt. Gen.) Wade Hampton commanded the cavalry forces of the major Confederate army in Virginia. Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan led the cavalry of the principal Union army in the Old Dominion. Hampton defeated Sheridan at Trevilian Station 11–12 June 1864.

4 May–30 June 1864 / 223 5. See GK M’s postwar comments in “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10). 6. Shouse, GK M’s brother-in-law, mustered into Co. E, 31st Ala. Inf., at Talladega, 16 Apr. 1862, at the age of twenty-three. He served as 2d Lt. and at an unknown date received an appointment as captain. Bad health often kept him away from his unit. GK M refers to Lt. Col. Thomas M. Arrington of the 31st Ala. The Talladega Alabama Reporter, 2 June 1864, printed a 24 May letter from the 31st Ala., signed by some three dozen members of the regiment, and written in response to “an erroneous and malicious falsehood” to the effect that Shouse had deserted. Shouse, the signers stated, was a brave and loyal soldier and “he is always at his post when his physical ability will permit.” Shouse lived until 1911.

28 June 1864 On the Front near Marietta June 28th, 1864 My darling Cellie: Night before last I was out in command of the skirmishers from our Brigade, and as I walked around in the trenches all alone, was thinking of you—dreaming perhaps of me—was wondering why I had not received one of those treasured letters that my darling has been so good as to forward often to her absent husband. I did not think for once that what I then so earnestly desired was awaiting me in camp. I had left camp at 4 p.m., and your dear little letter reached there an hour after. This was yours of the 21st, and from its contents I suppose one or more of yours has been lost. This last came in ¤ve days and brought the ¤rst intelligence of Sister Rosas indisposition at which I was much pained for my sweet wifes sisters are very dear to me—in fact darling the love I bear your whole family is pure and deep, and whatever gives pain to that dear household ¤nds an echoing cord in my own heart. I earnestly hope that Rosa’s may be light and of short duration. It is pleasant to know that her Willie is by her side. Yesterday was one of great activity with the Yankee army. I was relieved from the skirmish line at 7 a.m. and had not gone a half mile when the Yankees ran up a six-gun battery in front of the position I had just left and began a furious cannonade. Even when I found my Regt. and while sitting down to my broiled beef, cold corn bread & water, shells fell all around me, killing a wagoner near by also one of the 9th Ten. of our Div.1 The quarters of Gens. Wheeler & Kelly were riddled with shells. Our batteries opened on the intruder and all day a duel was kept up.

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This was a mere demonstration on the right [of the Confederate line] while the heavy cannonading far away to the left gave token that a hot contest was going on in front of our infantry lines. This morning tells the tale. The Yankees in 7 lines attacked Cheatham & Cleburne, and our boys waiting until the enemy were [with]in a few yards of them poured in volley after volley that sent them back with reeling & shattered ranks— leaving 1000 of the mercenaries on the ¤eld together with about 500 prisoners in our hands.2 The weather is terribly hot, and one of my Co. fell with sun stroke this morning while on inspection, but timely restorations being at hand, is now up and doing well. To-day all seems quiet along our part of the lines but with occasional heavy cannonading to the left. Hardships & long exposure have rendered our army, or at least a large portion, too reckless, and many of our best men have paid with life or limb for their temerity. It is really sinful thus to expose3 [rest of letter missing; but see the following letter]

Notes for 28 June 1864 1. The 9th Tenn. Cav. Regt. was in Col. G. C. Dibrell’s “Tennessee Brigade,” Kelly’s Division. 2. Early on 27 June the Federals assaulted the Confederates on and south of Kennesaw Mountain. The Rebels repulsed attacks on their center and leftcenter with little trouble, but to the south, along Olley’s Creek, the Yankees gained a position from which they soon were able to force Johnston to abandon his strong line and resume his retreat. Union losses in the attacks totaled about twenty-¤ve hundred; Rebel casualties, some one thousand. Wheeler’s cavalry on the Confederate right only skirmished during the engagement. 3. Boredom sometimes led men to climb up on the works and dare the enemy to ¤re.

The following fragment is written on different paper from the preceding, but the context—assuming that Miller meant that life was “one of Gods gifts”—indicates that it is the conclusion to the above letter. Reference to “the 4th prox” dates this document to late June 1864.

Late June 1864, Fragment one of Gods gifts, but it really looks as tho’ man can become hardened to any situation. As yet I have seen but little of our new Brig. commander,

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Col. R. H. Anderson, but report is favorable. The only thing I object to is that our Confederate (I begin to hate the name) Brigade should be made as it were the hobby [horse?] on which aspiring of¤cers ride into position [for promotion]. The record shows that the number of killed in our Regt. is greater than in all the Brig. besides, while our wounded will now[?] outnumber that of the smallest Regt. Mr. McElderry says that from what he knew of Lt. Smith he was quite a gentlemanly young[?] fellow & from the hospitality he received at the hands of Col. McE. I am sure he must have been well satis¤ed with his stay in Talladega.1 I have an idea of going to Decatur, Ga., in a day or two where we have a recruiting camp for our broken down horses,2 and if I do go, will try & pass by Atlanta & see Cousin Alice. If wounded I will do my best to ¤nd Dr. Alexander. I like him very much. I believe my darling told me in one or two of her letters to let her know if I wanted any thing. Don’t think, love, that I intentionally omitted to say any thing in reply. I was so well satis¤ed with my condition when compared with many others around me that I never could think of it while writing. Really, darling, I do not know that I particularly stand in need of any thing that you could supply me with. When we get settled once more if ever perhaps I may ¤nd something for darling to do for me. I have ¤tted myself out from old Abe’s Quarter Master lately. I have a ¤ne sabre & nice morrocco belt, splendid cavalry saddle, two new blankets etc., etc. I had a beautiful shabrack [saddlecloth] & gum cloth that I intended to present to brother Julius,3 but some covetous[?] rascal relieved me of them one night. I have not captured any thing good to eat yet. The Yanks are living as scanty[?] as ourselves—no sutlers are with their army. We have been in the dark for several days past in regard to operations in Va, and many feel quite uneasy on the subject. As for myself con¤dence in Gen. Lee & the army under him is unshaken.4 If Sherman expects to take dinner in the Trout House [hotel in Atlanta] on the 4th prox. he had better be stirring. There are 20 miles of breast works, the Chattahoochee River[, and] Gen Johnston & his army that have to be walked over before reaching the Gate City. Tell Sissie and Cousin Ella that I wouldn’t [have] thought it of them— Having compositions written for them. They’ll never make Norton’s Browning’s or . . . [illegible] unless they spin[?] up.

226 / Cheerfully into Battle

The mail boy is coming and I must close. Give much love to Ma, Pa, and the rest of the family. Extend my warmest sympathy to Sister Rosa in her af®iction. If nothing happens I will try & write to Mr. Barr this evening. I promised him that I would and besides the pleasure of so doing [I] like to ful¤ll promises. My best love to my little family—I’ll send it a dozen kisses and let darling divide them. Write very soon my darling and tell me how Sister Rosa is. I’ll try and take that advice of yours and only trust that I may be successful. A loving and affectionate Good by K nox

Notes for Late June 1864 1. Probably Lt. A. W. Smith, of Co. B, who joined the regiment in Chambers County, Ala., in Apr. 1862 and became a lieutenant at an unknown date after 13 Aug. 1862. He was wounded near Dalton on 9 May 1864. The wound explains his presence in Talladega in June. “Col McE” was probably an older member of the McElderry family who hosted Smith. The lieutenant spent the last half of 1864 on duty in Liberty County, Ga., and was paroled 3 May 1865. 2. The Confederates (probably the Cavalry Corps; possibly the division or the army) maintained a “horse recruiting camp” in Decatur, on the Georgia Railroad about six miles east of Atlanta. 3. Julius had enlisted in the 1st S.C. Cav. Regt. 4. The main armies in Virginia were then maneuvering in the RichmondPetersburg area. The Confederates managed to hold both cities and even detached a large part of their army to operate in the Shenandoah Valley—as GK M soon learned. See his 1 and 12 July 1864 letters.

The following is one of four known company record of events reports signed by GK M. It covers events for May and June 1864, in the ¤eld near Marietta.1

30 June 1864 (Record of Events) At date of last muster Company was with Regt. in front of Dalton, Geo., having two drills daily and picketing an extended front. On the 7th ult. enemy advanced upon Dalton in heavy force, [and was] engaged by the Cavalry at Tunnel Hill. Regt. retired before the advancing enemy [and] fell behind the Infantry lines and then took position ¤ve miles from Dalton on Cleveland Road. Attacked by enemys Cavalry on that road on 9th

4 May–30 June 1864 / 227

and repulsed them after two splendid charges. Regt. being armed with pistols & sabres held in reserve for the charge alone. From the ¤eld were ordered to Resaca, Geo., 14 miles. Marched thither and skirmished in and around R. until the 17th. Covered the retreat from R. of Genl. Johnston’s army retiring on Calhoun road. Near R. several pieces of Artillery being abandoned by infantry[, the company] dismounted and drew them for two miles by hand. On the 18th engaged the enemy near K ingston, Geo., routing & pursuing sabre in hand six miles. 24th ult. crossed to north side of Etowah River, led advance, captured & brought off between 80 & 100 wagons & teams. From that time constantly on the front & right ®ank of the army near[?] New Hope [Church] & Kennisaw. On 20th June took active part in engagement at Noon Day Church, this Company leading two several [severe? separate?] & desperate charges on the enemy in strong position. Regt. losing several Of¤cers & men killed & wounded. G. K. Miller, Capt., Co. “A.”

Note for 30 June 1864 1. See n1 to 16 July 1863 (Record of Events). This document is in OR Supp., 73:292–93.

8 The Fight for Atlanta 1 July–5 November 1864

The rains that held both armies in the mud around Kennesaw Mountain ended in late June. As soon as the roads dried, Sherman renewed his ®anking maneuvers, pushing around the Confederate left and threatening his opponent’s railroad supply line. Within a week the Yankees sent Johnston’s Rebels scurrying across the Chattahoochee River and into the forti¤cations that protected Atlanta. In mid-July President Davis removed Johnston from command of the Confederate force in Georgia and replaced him with Gen. John Bell Hood, one of the army’s corps commanders. Within ten days of assuming command, Hood thrice lashed out at the Yankees as they approached the city. Although these attacks failed to achieve the decisive results for which Hood had hoped and produced heavy losses in the Rebel ranks, they did bring the Federal ®anking movements to at least a temporary halt. At the end of July Sherman sought to force his enemy out of Atlanta by using his cavalry to cut the railroads that brought supplies to the Confederates. In their ¤nest hour Wheeler’s horsemen defeated these efforts and in so doing enabled Hood to hold the city for another month. With Sherman’s mounted force virtually destroyed, Hood then sought to turn the tables by sending Wheeler to wreck the railroad that supplied the Federals. Thus, on 10 August, George K nox Miller and many of the Confederate horsemen rode away from the Atlanta area and back into North Georgia. Much would happen before Miller rejoined the Army of Tennessee.

1 July–5 November 1864 / 229

1 July 1864 Near Marietta, July 1st,1864 My darling Wife: That dull dream of yours must certainly be reversed, for it gives me the greatest pleasure to assure you that your darling is neither a prisoner in Washington nor at all despondent of our righteous cause—that Gen. Johnston’s army instead of being defeated, scattered, or demoralized still presents a de¤ant front to the hosts of Sherman and has foiled that worthy(?) in all his undertakings since crossing the Etowah river.1 On the 27th ult. & 27th of May he [Sherman] saw proper to hurl his drunken mercenaries against our lines and in every instance only left a gory ¤eld and ¤lled his hospitals with the mangled and dying. Now, it would seem, he is calling lustily for reinforcements after sending lying dispatches to Stanton that he had driven Johnston from Lost Mountain [and] Pine Mountain and was pursuing him beyond the Chattahoochee.2 Night before last about one o’clock I was awakened by a terrible roar of musketry and artillery. For awhile it was as heavy and continuous as I ever heard and [I] was certain that a great, desperate night attack had been made. It seems that at one point the lines are very close and the Yankees had formed a column of attack in front of Gen. Cheatham—our skirmishers came in and in the darkness our men supposing that the whole Yankee force was upon them poured in volley after volley. The Yankee column retired, and thinking that our men were charging them in turn kept up a continuous ¤re from behind their works. We had one man killed and ten wounded.3 From the orders and signs of the times I think Genl. Wheeler is preparing for a raid, but I don’t think I will go. Yesterday we got the ¤rst news from Va. that had been received for several days, and I felt quite relieved. How I wish to be with Gen. Hampton after those raiders. The Yankee cavalry here do not leave their infantry and hence we have [had] no running ¤ghts of late. Darling, if possible, I love you all the better for the good advice so lovingly imparted, and you may be sure that I shall follow it, especially since it meets with a most hearty approval. You must never fail to advise when it seems proper. You can think—concentrate your thoughts better than I can surrounded by a company of men—all wanting something done—besides what my superior of¤cers require of me.

230 / The Fight for Atlanta

Many are the invidious comparisons drawn between of¤cers & privates, but experience tells me that the latter see a much better time—No care upon their minds but for themselves, & their arms, & equipments, while the of¤cer has this and in addition the anxiety, the care and responsibility of those under his command. As for the fare—it is all the same. I live on the same—eat out of the same haversack and have nothing better and often not as good as the privates of my Co. With all these perplexities I can well appreciate the counsel and advice of a dear, sweet, kind wife. One of the boys said last night as we were having a social chat preparatory to going to sleep “Captain, I don’t know but it strikes me that you are one of the best suited husbands in the world.” I told him that if he only was well acquainted with my Cellie he would ¤nd what a happy conclusion he had arrived at. Tell Ma that her little boy is, to use a camp phrase, “all right” and happy in the possession of such a mother. Give much love to all the family. A kiss for my darling and an affectionate Good bye. [no signature]

Notes for 1 July 1864 1. While Sherman had not won any great victory, he had maneuvered Johnston several miles farther into Georgia. As GK M wrote this letter, the Yankees were on the march, their columns off to the west, moving south to exploit their success at Olley’s Creek by getting around the left of Johnston’s army to threaten his railroad line of supply (n2 to 28 June 1864 letter). The Rebel commander, expecting such a development, concluded that he had no option but another retreat. During the night of 2–3 July he pulled his army out of the Kennesaw Mountain line and fell back several miles to a position near Smyrna Camp Ground. There on 4 and 5 July the whole ®anking process was repeated, and Johnston retreated to the Chattahoochee River after dark on the ¤fth. Although GK M’s morale remained high, the long retreat was producing signi¤cant demoralization among Rebel troops. Richard M. McMurry, “Confederate Morale in the Atlanta Campaign of 1864,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 54 (1970): 226–43; Larry J. Daniel, Soldiering in the Army of Tennessee: A Portrait of Life in a Confederate Army (Chapel Hill, 1991), 140–47; Steven H. Newton, “Formidable Only in Flight? Casualties, Attrition, and Morale in Georgia,” North & South 3, no. 4 (Apr. 2000): 43–56. 2. Edwin M. Stanton was U.S. secretary of war 1862–68. Sherman’s 1864 dispatches were often ¤lled with boasting, bombast, and erroneous information, but there is no basis for asserting that he lied. He had forced Johnston off Lost and Pine mountains and at the time this letter was written was about to maneuver

1 July–5 November 1864 / 231 him off Kennesaw Mountain, thus in®icting another strategic defeat on the Rebels. Sherman, on several occasions, had prematurely believed that Johnston was retreating across the Chattahoochee and had so reported to Washington. When he realized his error, he quickly corrected his reports. 3. Such nighttime affairs were common when the armies were in close proximity.

5–6 July 1864 South of Chattahoochee [River] 10 m[ile]s [outside] of Atlanta July 5th,1864 My darling Wife: Day before yesterday I was at Decatur on business and mailed you a letter [not found unless he mailed the 1 July letter then].1 Immediately after this I hurried to the front which I had left on Kennesaw Mountain the morning before but after crossing the river, soon saw evident signs that our army was falling back—numerous wagons loaded with household furniture followed by buggies and carriages ¤lled with ®eeing ladies looking sad but resolute. I came up with our command some ¤ve miles south of Marietta and took part in the movements during the latter part of the day. Late that afternoon the enemy’s cavalry came charging down on our skirmishers and ran into an ambuscade prepared for them by the Kentucky Brigade leaving the ground covered with their dead and wounded and about ¤fty horses in our hands.2 Yesterday we had a somewhat quiet day on our part of the lines. This morning at 3 o’clock we again began the retreat and I have just crossed the river under a terrible shelling.3 I have just passed several of our gallant cavalry-men stretched on the amputating table. No casualties in my Regt. Your letter of the 26th & 28th was handed me about one mile the other side of the river. I read it while the shells were ®ying around and putting it hastily in my pocket, unluckily lost it. I would have destroyed [it] immediately as I generally do, but the perusal was so hasty that I wished to look over it again.4 I’m con¤dent it did not fall into Yankee hands as I was near the pontoon bridge and think I lost it while galloping after getting to this side of the river. I regret the loss very much but there’s no use crying over spilt milk. I have been thinking ever since of my darling in low-neck & short

232 / The Fight for Atlanta

sleeves with short hair. I know she must look oh so sweet!!!!! What a ¤ne opportunity for a dashing little cavalry of¤cer to make a raid for kisses! And I expect somebody would surrender at discretion if this little of¤cer, neatly shaved with a green Merino over-shirt—top-boots—rattling sabre and on a proud iron grey steed should come dashing up. Don’t you imagine he would look handsome? That green blouse with cuffs and bosom trimmed with black velvet, buttoned with gilt bell buttons I am certain would make favor. Really, I did not think that you were going to take what I said about onions so seriously. Tell Pa that if I am spared I hope to get my share when I come home. It would be very uncertain whether any thing of the kind would reach me in the present unsettled condition of affairs.5 In retreating thro’ Marietta on the 3d many boxes sent to different persons in the army were left in the express of¤ce, and I’m told our cavalry made sad havoc among them—but better this than for them to fall into the enemy’s hands which would [otherwise] have been the case. My darling must not weep herself to sleep again thinking of my deprivations but be heroic and remember that perhaps I am better able to stand up under those privations than she is under much weeping. I am much better now and enduring the campaign as well as could be expected. I am thankful that my nature is such as to make me look on the bright side of the picture. I am still hopeful and con¤dent. The enemy arrived within 12 miles of the scene of our marriage and the friends we left there, but I do not believe yet that Atlanta will fall and my con¤dence in Genl. Johnston has been strengthened each day of the campaign.6 I have received the letter with Sisters note in it. Mr. Duncan inquired if you have “said anything about his impertinence.” I send you a copy of the Gen. Order No 6—very encouraging to some. It at least does justice to all.7 Getting late and “Whitt Surry” must be fed & groomed—good by for to-night. As I cannot send this off to-day will dream on it to-night & see if I’m inspired with anything worth writing in the morning. July 6th. I was so tired and slept so soundly that no dreams are remembered this morning. I feel quite refreshed and am ready for another day’s hardships but certainly hope that it will not be required. I was awakened just at Dawn by the reverberations of our artillery ¤ring across the river. [I] thought that a general ¤ght had commenced, but soon found that I was mistaken.

1 July–5 November 1864 / 233

I wrote Brother Barr and Sister Matt a long letter the other day—It seems as tho’ I were getting home—so near the [Georgia] Rail Road that I have traveled so often [between Atlanta and Augusta] and under such different circumstances. I’m in about two days travel of my darling but the only advantage is in getting letters sooner and more regularly. I must close to get this off—good by darling. [no signature]

Notes for 5–6 July 1864 1. See n2 to late June 1864 fragment, and GK M’s 7 July 1864 letter. 2. On the 3–4 July skirmishes see David Evans, Sherman’s Horsemen: Union Cavalry Operations in the Atlanta Campaign (Bloomington, 1996), 9–10. 3. The main body of Johnston’s army had not yet crossed the Chattahoochee. It then held a heavily forti¤ed line on the right bank of the river. Johnston sent most of his cavalry across the stream to patrol the river to guard against a Yankee crossing above or below his forti¤cations. 4. In his 7 June 1863 letter, GK M wrote that he saved Celestine’s letters. 5. In his 16 June 1864 letter GK M wrote that he could not “even get so much as an onion.” Celestine had obviously written about sending a package of onions to him. 6. See n1 to the 1 July 1864 letter. 7. G.O. No. 6, Wheeler’s Cavalry Corps, 18 June 1864 (38OR3, 949–51), heaped praise on the corps for its services in the campaign to that date.

7 July 1864 Pace’s Ferry, Chalahoochee [Chattahoochee] River July 7th, 1864 My darling Wife: I’m going to assert without quali¤cation, limitation, fear, or trembling, that I’ve the best, sweetest, dearest wife in the Confederacy! But don’t tell this to any of the worthy “madames” of your acquaintance lest they should set me down as a braggart or else require their “worser[?] halves” to bring me to explanations which I have not time to give, my hands being full of the work given us by our Yankee friends. Who would not call her a sweet, dear wife that would write three letters per week to her little husband—I would, at least and continue to thank the lucky star that gave me such a wife. I’m going to try and write often enough for my darling to get a letter almost every week—then[?] somebody will say I’m good &c., &c. My last letter had scarcely gone out of sight when that

234 / The Fight for Atlanta

missing one of yours of May 6th with Sister’s note and the line or two to Mr. Duncan came to hands. Altho’ somewhat old it was nevertheless very [word omitted—welcome?]. I have had quite a time writing applications for furloughs for the dismounted men—nearly every one’s horse is in a “bad ¤x.” 1 The weather is oppressively hot as you are doubtless aware. I notice more sickness as a consequence, while our poor horses are faring very badly on the pitiful allowance given them. It distresses me to see the noble creatures sinking under the duty. I’d rather starve myself than see my horse share so dreadful a fate—but I suppose it cannot be helped. When Sister returns from N. C. I will answer her note. If you write to her tell her I say she must not entirely forget Mr. Botts if she is travelling. That inference joke on Hamp was decidedly rich. I can imagine his “phnlinks”[?].2 I am almost quite well darling and in good spirits—enjoying myself very much writing to my darling. Good by and a sweet kiss Lovingly your K nox

Notes for 7 July 1864 1. See n4 to 8 Sept. 1862 letter. 2. GK M inserted in parenthesis above “inference” what appears to be “(ant’s).” Doubtless referring to some remark in Celestine’s or “Sister’s” letter.

By the time Miller next wrote, Sherman had forced a crossing of the Chattahoochee several miles upstream, compelling Johnston to move the entire Rebel army across the river. The Confederates deployed along a new line about halfway between the river and Atlanta. Then, for more than a week, quiet reigned along the front between the two armies. Sherman had his engineers busy repairing the railroad north of the river to expedite the arrival of supplies, and he wanted to give his men a brief rest. Several days after the Confederates retreated across the river Miller again took up his pen to write to Celestine. Most of the following letter is from a postwar copy of a now mostly illegible original. It has been checked against the original where possible.

1 July–5 November 1864 / 235

12 July 1864 Camp on the Chattahoochee Near Paces Ferry, Ga. July 12, 1864 My darling Cellie Being considerably revived with the good news from Va and other parts, I am feeling pretty well this morning and if left undisturbed for a while will try and write for my darlings grati¤cation trusting that it may prove something like as acceptable as hers of the 4 & 5th did to me last night tho’ I am not anxious for it to arrive at so unseasonable an hour as to call you from pleasant dreams to read. I was very, very weary and had fallen to sleep when the courier came but did not consider it an annoyance to get up & slip on boots, kindle light, and read. The day & night before I had been in command of the pickets and skirmishers of the brigade on the banks of the [Chattahoochee] river, and, if I except the loss of rest and [the] anxiety naturally felt under such circumstances, had an unusually quiet and pleasant time. The river at Pace’s Ferry is but little more than 100 yards wide and our pickets and the Yankees had agreed upon a truce. Both parties would leave their ri®e-pits and sit on the banks and converse. Some would go in swimming, and the Yankees being hard run for tobacco would propose trades—knives, canteens, money—almost any thing was offered for the “obnoxious weed.” Some of our men would take a plug in the teeth and swim out to the middle of the river where a Yankee would meet him with a knife and a trade was the result. After sundown the Yanks assembled on the bank and began to sing songs—national, humorous, and sentimental. There were some ¤ne singers among them, and it sounded beautiful on the still summer air. Squads of Confederates would return the compliment, and each would praise the performance of the other. It was one of the most impressive scenes I ever witnessed.1 This communication was not on my lines but on those of Gen. Iverson’s Georgia Brigade.2 I had orders and forbid a word being passed. I could not describe my thoughts as I sat upon the bank of that stream—in the heart of my country and watched the movements and familiarity of those hirelings who had followed us leaving a path of desolation, that time will never efface. I thought of our best blood spilled—of devastated homes, our women insulted and ravished, driven from their houses and

236 / The Fight for Atlanta

[made] beggar[s] on the earth. For my life I could not enter into their [the soldiers’] glee and laugh at their jokes. I could not tell you the situation this morning—no more than if I were 100 miles away. From what I can learn I think it quite possible that Atlanta may be given up without an engagement—and appreciating the circumstances have become reconciled to the loss. I would regret very much to leave it to the foe but am satis¤ed that it will not be done unless it is for the best. If we are strong enough to risk a general Engagement the city will not be evacuated, if not it will be evacuated without a struggle and our army saved intact until it can be suf¤ciently reinforced from other points to take the offensive. The moral effect [of losing the city] would probably be greater than the material. Either would be severe but nothing like so bad as to suffer defeat to our army.3 But “Come what may time and the hour runs thro’ the roughest day.” 4 I have become reconciled to almost any thing that does not cause our army to disband—while we can keep that in the ¤eld I have no fears of the result. I believe the good soldiers of our army are almost all becoming stoical and greet all phases of fortune with a complacint air. I don’t remember a time within the last year that I felt more con¤dent of our ¤nal success than at present. The greatest draw-back is the thought of the incessant suffering of our poor country—of the anxiety and heart bleedings of the loved ones at home. But God is certainly with us and “has promised to be with us to the end.” 5 Army [newspaper] correspondents are sensationally howling because our cavalry is not in Sherman’s rear all the time. They don’t remember that the cavalry here composes a corps of the army—that we have more lines of our own communications to protect and keep open than [do] the Yankees and at the same time do duty in the trenches by the side of the infantry, and I’ve no doubt Gen. Johnston will say that its duties and operations have been greater and more arduous than those of any other corps in the army.6 And “it begins to look misty” does it darling? So it has to me for this long, long time when I look at it with the eye of the mind alone, but we should not observe the prospect thus. Don’t you think the eye of faith would be better? I have been faring ¤nely the last week [a row of Xs appears here in the copy] I had some nice biscuit this morning, the ¤rst in a long, long time. I spoke of sending a detail over to you after a spoonful of honey & just a little butter and a cup of butter-milk, but the boys thought it might be

1 July–5 November 1864 / 237

late break fast and we concluded to make out on what we had, with a little bacon sauce. I’m on Mrs. Bryant’s puncheon. I wouldn’t let two such creatures as an old man and a maid trouble me at the same time—either would be a visitation I should think. But I’ve no right to be putting in any complaint & ’twas her own choice I suppose—but good gracious! What a perverted taste. It looks like a—but never mind what it looks like. I wish them a long life and an interesting family of at least nine female Bryants. Hope they wouldn’t think that a visitation. Tell Willie I’m going to be a miller in the full sense of the name. I’ll have good toll[?] on that kiss. I’ll . . . [illegible; heap?] the toll dish some bye and bye myself—Would charge my darling at least a dozen for every one given there in charity. I have not forgotten that promise, my sweet wife, about coming home— We must whip Sherman ¤rst. I’m looking forward to a time in which if results will probably place it in my power to come home oftener after active operations some what cease.7 Don’t know yet that I will get it and will not say what it is now for fear it should not come. I had a long conversation with Col. Anderson yesterday and like him. A very handsome man, Tall and slender, black hair, very long glossy black beard, black eyes—a cousin of Gen. Martin—a strict disciplinarian and a cool determined man—about my age but doubtless more handsome to any one except Mrs. Miller.8 Somebody seems to insinuate that I don’t think my wife pretty. Now I do if I never was considerate Enough to say so. At least I’ll Endorse Willies observation for I know my darling does look pretty with her short hair and short sleeved muslins. I’d give Bobby [horse] for a kiss and a good look this morning. Darling, if writing be any relief to your mind, your little husband will be more than pleased to have you constantly applying the relief. Tell Pa that the ¤rst opportunity I get I will send brother Julius a pistol. I am not certain now whether I can get a Yankee pistol—if not we have some very good ones made at Richmond that shoot as well as the Yankee pistol. I will send one or the other. Please give me in your next the address of Julius & Hamp. Did you hear Julius say whether or not he received a letter from me [letter not found]? A kiss for my sweet wife with assurance that I do love her with all my heart. Good bye. Much love to all—Good bye. K nox

238 / The Fight for Atlanta

Notes for 12 July 1864 1. Such informal truces were common during the campaign. 2. Brig. Gen. Alfred Iverson commanded a cavalry brigade in Martin’s Division. 3. Without knowing it, GK M here commented on one of the great problems of Confederate grand strategy: could the Rebels afford to abandon crucial points to preserve the armies that defended them? From a military point of view this would have been the proper move, but it would have resulted in great—almost certainly fatal—logistical, political, diplomatic, economic, and psychological losses that the secessionists could not afford if they hoped to gain their independence. The 1864 campaign in Georgia, perhaps better than any other operation of the war, revolved around that question. See McMurry, Atlanta. 4. Slightly modi¤ed from Shakespeare’s Macbeth, 1.3.147. 5. See n1 to GK M’s 1 July 1864 letter. 6. Here (as two paragraphs above in this letter) GK M unknowingly touched on grand strategy that high-placed Confederate leaders were debating (see n. 3 this letter). All high-ranking Rebels agreed that it would be wise to use cavalry against the railroads that supplied Union forces in Georgia. Johnston wanted Confederate horsemen in Alabama and Mississippi to abandon those states and strike at the Yankee supply line in Tennessee and Georgia. Confederate authorities—aware of the importance of Mississippi and Alabama as well as that of Georgia—wanted Johnston to use his own cavalry for the work. The result was paralysis. McMurry, Atlanta, 198–203. 7. This passage is printed as GK M wrote it. 8. Anderson was ¤fteen months older than GK M (born 1 Oct. 1835).

15 July 1864 Camp near Pace’s Ferry [on Chattahoochee River], Ga. July 15th,1864 My darling Cellie: This will be my second letter since the receipt of yours of the 5th, but we, good souls, must not stand on etiquette. I write because I like to and because my darling wishes it, knowing that it will furnish relief to her heart and mind. I have nothing of special interest to indite as we have had an unusually quiet time on our part of the lines for several days— scarcely any sharp-shooting even. The Yanks in our front are very peaceable and would be friendly, covering[?] it seems many[?] important movements elsewhere. A raid yesterday attempted to cut the [Atlanta &]

1 July–5 November 1864 / 239

West Point R. R. near Newnan but were met by our cavalry on the “left” and failed in their undertaking.1 Several of my Co start home to-day on furlough of 15 days to get horses. Mr. Duncan among the rest—poor fellow had his horse killed on the 18th of May & has accepted (to him) the very humble position of Company cook ever since. I had sent up ¤ve applications for him but by some mis-hap only the last passed muster.2 We are kept within the limits of 1 mile of our camps now—can’t go farther except on passes from Army Hd. Qrs., and it takes an age to get one thro’ that channel. Here I am [with]in 9 miles of Atlanta and could not get there without a wound or a pass from Genl. Johnston. Thus you see how a few bad men will inconvenience thousands but the wickedness of Mrs. Adam & Husband has put us all on pins.3 Genl. Bragg—veritable old Braxton[—]is with our army now—don’t know what it means unless it is to make a big ¤ght or at least to teach Genl. Johnston how to make nice retreats.4 I received a letter from Sister Cynthia [Rutilia] a day or two since— she was well, but her better half [Shouse] was quite sick. Poor fellow I am sorry to know that he has such a frail constitution. I’m afraid he will die before many years. He cannot stand much hard service, but being a gallant fellow and excellent of¤cer he exerts himself too much perhaps and breaks down every few months.5 I have been suffering with [a] very severe cold for several days but am now improving. Several of the of¤cers of the Regt. leave to-day on short furloughs to procure horses—but some of them have worked an under handed game to procure them [furloughs]. I would stay here always before I would prostitute my of¤cial position in such a manner. But to their shame be it said, there is a great deal of rascality among the of¤cers of our army. Give much love to Pa, Ma, & all the family, and believe darling that I am loving my little wife with all my hearts devotedness. A sweet kiss & good by K nox

Notes for 15 July 1864 1. As part of a raid down the Chattahoochee to cut communications between Atlanta and Alabama, Federal cavalry attempted to cross the river at Moore’s Bridge about thirty-¤ve miles southwest of Atlanta on 14 July. When

240 / The Fight for Atlanta met by a small force of Confederates, Maj. Gen. George Stoneman, commanding the raiding column, lost his nerve, destroyed the bridge, and rejoined the main body of the Union army. 2. See n4 to 8 Sept. 1862 letter and undated, approved voucher to pay Duncan two thousand dollars for the loss of his horse, with appraising endorsement dated 18 Feb. 1865, GK M Papers. 3. See Genesis 3, especially verses 16 and 17. 4. Fed up with Johnston’s inability to halt the Yankees and his stubborn refusal to communicate meaningfully with the government, President Davis had begun to consider removing him from command and had sent Bragg, his military adviser, to report on the situation in Georgia. Bragg’s reports played a role in Davis’s 17 July decision to replace Johnston with Gen. John Bell Hood. 5. See n6 to 26 June 1864 letter.

Five days after Miller wrote the preceding letter, President Davis named Gen. John Bell Hood to replace Johnston as commander of the Army of Tennessee. It proved one of the most controversial decisions Davis made during the war, and Miller had something to say about it in his postwar writings. Hood quickly abandoned Johnston’s passive strategy. On 20 July he launched an attack against part of the Union army along Peachtree Creek north of Atlanta while using most of his cavalry to guard the eastern approaches to the city. Two days later Hood struck again, sending two infantry corps to assault the Yankees a short distance east of Atlanta. During this sortie, Wheeler’s horsemen struck Federal supply wagons at Decatur farther to the east. The 8th Confederate Cavalry (and probably Miller) participated in this attack. On 28 July the Southerners lashed out again, hitting a Federal column west of Atlanta near Ezra Church. Rebel horsemen did not participate in this engagement. These assaults convinced Sherman that he could no longer safely continue simply to march around the ®anks of the Confederate army, and the Yankees quickly constructed a series of forti¤cations along an arc west, north, and east of Atlanta, paralleling the line held by Hood’s troops. Most of Wheeler’s cavalry took position on the Rebel line east of the city. Then, late in July came word that Sherman’s mounted units were threatening the railroad to Macon—the Southerners’ only remaining line of supply. Unless the Yankee cavalry could be driven off, the Rebels could not remain in Atlanta.

1 July–5 November 1864 / 241

On 1 August an exhausted K nox Miller began writing an account of what had transpired over the past few days.

1–3 August 1864 No. 1 for Aug: Bivouac between Newnan & West Point, Geo., August 1st, 1864 My darling Wife: I was scarcely ever more worn and fatigued, but it is said we will remain in camp to-day and knowing that my darling wife has been disappointed in the contents of more than one mail I embrace the very ¤rst opportunity of writing, at the same time feeling almost certain that what I write will be delayed owing to the interruption in our communications.1 If I were to attempt a detailed account of our cavalry operations since my last writing it is ten to one that the order to march to-morrow would ¤nd me with my task but partly completed—therefore I will give but an outline trusting that it will prove interesting as coming from an eye witness. Just after ¤nishing my last letter near Decatur [not found] I was sent some two miles to the wagon train to inspect the horses there. Before completing this business I received orders stating that our Div. was on a forced march to the Left wing of the army and for me to follow next day. I did so and met the Command at East Point 6 miles [southwest] from Atlanta on its way back—having received countermanding orders after marching all night. We marched from East Point some ten miles and went into camp under a heav y rain. About 12 o’clock that night Boots & Saddles were sounded and in a few minutes we were again on the march moving South East from Atlanta. Several miles brought us in the vicinity of Flat Shoals on South River [thirteen miles southeast of Atlanta] when we came upon a very large force of Yankee cavalry—the largest portion being encamped on the East side of the stream. We were soon in battle order and our Brigade leading we drove those on the west side across in confusion and were preparing to push across after [them] when Gen. Wheeler came up and stopped the movement, telling Gen. Kelly that the force was too large for our Div. to handle. After a terrible shelling for an hour or so the Yanks withdrew in the direction of Stone mountain and we encamped for the night near the Shoals where we remained till

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next day [29 July] about 2 p.m. when our Brigade was again put in motion for Jonesboro 18 miles distant & 20 miles south of Atlanta on the Macon [& Western Rail]road.2 11 p.m. brought us to Jonesboro where we learned that a large [enemy] Cav. force had crossed the Cha[t]tahoochee near Campbleton [seventeen miles southwest of Atlanta] and passing around our left wing had cut the Macon [Rail]Road near Jonesboro, burnt a large number of our wagons, and was going towards Fayett[e]ville [about twenty-two miles south of Atlanta] with Gen. Wheeler with Jacksons [Division] & our Brig. & Humes with two [brigades?] close upon their heels.3 Our Brig. pushed on all[?] night &[?] reached Fayett[e]ville early next morning [30 July]—found the raid retreating towards Newnan [about thirty-four miles southwest of Atlanta] and followed on at full speed thro’ a broiling sun. Four miles brought us to where Ross’ Texas Brig. had come up with and charged the enemy.4 Dead & wounded yankees with the usual debris of a battle-ground were scattered all along the road. My squadron being rear guard for the Brig. and the road being ¤lled with stragglers and men with broken down horses, I was necessarily delayed. Our forces drove the enemy on at a rapid rate—so fast that they had no time to damage the people much along the route. The Yankees intended to pass thro’ Newnan, where we have large hospitals, but on nearing the town found a force of infantry ready to receive them and passed around the town. Five miles from N. we had pushed them until they were compelled to halt and give battle.5 Our forces were maneuvered until they almost surrounded the enemy [at Brown’s Mill, southwest of Newnan] when a hot engagement took place, and the Enemy [was] driven at all points until they drew up their prisoners [captured Confederates] and formed themselves preparatory to surrendering, when strange to say Gen. Wheeler—the “Belligirent Baby” called off his forces and allowed the enemy to run off leaving their artillery, over ¤ve hundred prisoners (among them some 40 of our Qr. Masters) and [a] large amount of property taken from our citizens. The Yanks were completely demoralized and run for dear life. Night coming on they pushed forward to the Chattahoochee and crossed part of their forces before day-light. With dawn [31 July] our Brig. was on their heels and charged them to the water’s edge. They rushed into the river in panic—some were drowned—some killed [and] others killed after they reached the opposite shore. They abandoned

1 July–5 November 1864 / 243

hundreds of horses, saddles, arms, and accoutrements of all kinds and after crossing the river even continued their ®ight. We killed, wounded, & captured about 5 or 600 with about 800 or 1000 horses, perhaps more as almost every body is leading a [captured] horse. Aug. 2d. A hard rain put a stop to my writing yesterday, and I add another word or two this morning before taking up the line of march. Our forces were handled miserably. Gen. Ross’ Horses were at one time all in the hands of the enemy. Gen. Humes was a prisoner for a few minutes. Gen. Anderson had been promoted from Col. to Brigadier the day before this ¤ght & was wounded early in the action—®esh wound about the knee. Lt. Col. Byrd [sic] of the 5th Geo. is now commanding [the] Brigade.6 The greatest slaughter I ever saw in front of a cavalry line was in this ¤ght. One hundred & ¤fty dead yankees lay in front of our Brigade after a 20 minutes ¤ght. The led horses of our brigade came very near being captured and were only saved by a charge of our Regt. in which we lost 3 killed & two or three wounded with quite a number of horses killed & wounded. My squadron was not in this charge, not having reached the ¤eld. The casualties on the side of the Confederates were very few.7 The raid was commanded by [Brig.] Genl. [Edward M.] McCook, and if we had had a commanding of¤cer with any brains, not a man of them would have escaped. I would have given any thing for Gen. Kelly to have been in Command. Prisoners are still coming in being scattered thro’ the woods. My Co captured the Regimental standard (a beautiful one) of the 4th Tenn. Renegade Cav.—the same that on the 15th ult. waved over our homes in Talladega. It was part of the same force that had been under Rousseau, but they found their march thro’ Geo. not quite so easy as [that] thro’ Ala.8 We are ordered to move, and I must stop for the present. Aug. 3d—A slow, wearisome march of 17 miles brought us thro’ Newnan yesterday. To-day we are resting and feeding our horses. I suppose we will continue the march for the vicinity of Atlanta to-morrow. I learned in Newnan that we had captured 1000 prisoners, among them 28 of¤cers. Came within an inch of capturing Col. Brownlow who was on Gen. Loring’s [captured] horse—made him leave his horse and swim the river.9 I saw a dispatch yesterday stating that Gen. Stoneman had surrendered to Gen. Iverson. This was a raid on Macon & Andersonville undertaken in conjunction with McCook’s.10 Both have come to naught. The Yankees are better on foot than mounted—All they know about

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riding has been taught them [during the war]. The Yankee cavalry were splendidly equipped and wanted nothing but more bravery to have succeeded. Our Regt. is now splendidly equipped in the way of saddles & bridles— almost every man and of¤cer having ¤tted themselves. The horses captured were very much jaded & worn but with rest and good attention will yet do us much service. I understand that the number will reach some 1800 or 2000. This has been excessively trying on our men and horses. We have not drawn rations but for two days in seven and have lived almost entirely on “roasting ears” [of corn]. For nearly two days I have had nothing else but have “lived and done fairly well considering the drought.” While I write I am 33 miles from Atlanta but can distinctly hear an almost incessant discharge of artillery. I expect a general engagement is in progress.11 I rode down one horse after the raid but got another—not any great thing but will carry me for some time. I was actually uneasy while riding the last one—being light Gray [he] attracted the aim of the Yankee Sharp Shooters. It is supposed that a white horse is shot at at least four times oftener than [one of] any other color. I believe I have written all the war news for the present and having done so by piece-meal, scarcely know what I have written—but my darling will make all allowances. Give much love to Ma, Pa, & all the family. I have recovered from the chills and am doing well—eating every thing edible I can lay hands on—Am very ragged & dirty not having had access to clean clothes for ¤ve weeks—Good bye My dear Cellie K nox

Notes for 1–3 August 1864 1. Federal troops cut the Georgia Railroad east of Atlanta on 18 July, severing GK M’s direct mail route to Celestine. A few days before GK M wrote this letter, Yankee raiders struck the railroads south of Atlanta, attempting to disrupt communication with Macon. This raid did little damage, and the Confederates soon had the trains running again. GK M did not realize how quickly the railroad would resume operation when he wrote this letter to give Celestine some details about his part in defeating the raids. 2. Late in July each commander planned to launch cavalry raids against his opponent’s railroad. For this purpose Kelly’s Division had shifted to the Rebels’ left (western) ®ank near East Point. Meanwhile, on 27 July, Sherman sent a two-

1 July–5 November 1864 / 245 pronged raid (four divisions) to strike the Atlanta-Macon railroad south of the former city. Confederate scouts ¤rst detected the raiders east of Atlanta, and it was to meet that threat that Kelly received orders to reinforce the Southern horsemen on the Rebel right near Flat Shoals. On 27 and 28 July, Wheeler’s men fought a Union detachment at Flat Shoals, forcing it back. Contrary to GK M’s assertion, Wheeler halted pursuit of this force to deal with the greater danger posed by Union horsemen advancing from the west against the railroad to the south. Kelly with one brigade remained at Flat Shoals; Anderson’s Brigade (with GK M’s regiment) started west for Jonesboro with the rest of Wheeler’s force to meet the other Yankee column. 3. Brig. Gen. W. H. Jackson’s cavalry division was part of the reinforcements from Mississippi in May. During the Atlanta campaign it almost always operated on the army’s left ®ank. Having cut the railroad at Lovejoy’s Station twenty miles south of Atlanta, the raiders were moving back toward Fayetteville. Jackson’s Division was approaching Fayetteville from the northwest (from its position on the left ®ank of the army at Atlanta). Wheeler was approaching from the east. The Rebels thus had a good chance to trap the raiding force. As it turned out, many of the Yankees cut their way out. Contrary to GK M’s assertion later in this letter, Wheeler was not to blame for their escape. 4. Brig. Gen. L. S. Ross commanded a brigade of four Texas units in Jackson’s Division. 5. Late on 29 July a train bringing reinforcements (dismounted cavalry, not infantry) from Alabama for the Rebel army at Atlanta reached Newnan. Thinking these were infantrymen, the Yankees detoured around the town to the south. Pursuing Rebels caught up with them after a few miles. 6. Anderson learned of his promotion on the thirtieth; his date of rank was 26 July. Lt. Col. (later Col.) Edward C. Bird commanded the brigade on 30 July, after Anderson was wounded. A few days later, as GK M noted on 7 Aug. 1864, the brigade got a new “permanent” commander who led it until November. 7. David Evans (Sherman’s Horsemen, 279, 283) estimates Yankee losses at about 100 killed and 1,285 captured. There are no reliable data on Confederate casualties, but Evans notes that they were “surprisingly light.” 8. On 15 July, Yankee cavalry, raiding from bases in Tennessee and commanded by Maj. Gen. L. H. Rousseau, reached Talladega. The Federals occupied the town for a few hours, captured and paroled about 150 Confederates (mostly patients in local hospitals), destroyed supplies, and wrecked many buildings in which goods, weapons, and supplies for the Rebel army were produced, repaired, or stored. A week later, Rousseau’s horsemen joined Sherman north of Atlanta. The 4th Tenn. Cav. Regt. (U.S. Volunteers) was part of Rousseau’s force. 9. See GK M’s 14 Apr. 1864 letter. The horse to which GK M referred prob-

246 / The Fight for Atlanta ably belonged to Brig. Gen. Mark Lowrey, commanding a brigade in Cleburne’s Division. Yankees had captured the animal at Fayetteville on 29 July. Evans, Sherman’s Horsemen, 229. 10. Stoneman had taken a mounted force around east of Atlanta as part of this two-pronged raid and was captured at Sunshine Church on 31 July by Rebel forces under Iverson. Andersonville, of¤cially Camp Sumter, a prisoner of war camp ¤fty miles southwest of Macon, held more than forty-¤ve thousand Union soldiers in 1864 (more than twelve thousand of them died). Stoneman had hoped to reach the camp and liberate the prisoners. McCook, another of Sherman’s cavalry division commanders, led the column that tried to reach the railroad from the west. 11. There was then no general engagement at Atlanta. Unable to capture the city by assault or to cut the railroads, Sherman was trying to drive the Rebels out by bombarding the place with heavy artillery.

7 August 1864 Near Covington, Ga. Aug 7th, 1864. My darling Wife: Notwithstanding the rain last night, I was wearied enough to enjoy a good night’s rest and this morning after making out some half doz reports having . . . [one line impossible to read; seems from context to have been that Miller had been ordered to report] to a new ®edged Brigadier in the person of Gen. Rober[t]son.1 I made a draw on my ward-robe and now appear in a clean suit out and out—even boots blacked. Added to this I had biscuit and honey for breakfast, and upon the whole don’t know when I have ever felt better since being in the service that too after a march from 20 miles west of Newnan to the vicinity of Covington [about forty miles east of Atlanta]. I have been perfectly well for several days past having recovered entirely from the chills and have been fortunate enough to get plenty to eat, consequently am ®ourishing. The papers I suppose have told you that the great Yankee raiders Stoneman & McCook have been handsomely thrashed out by Mr. Wheeler’s “critter company,” and as usual are heaping praise on the undeserving. Gen. Iverson did not capture Stoneman by any of his skill or generalship— but more praise is due to Col. Crews of the Geo Brigade and Gen. Allen of the Ala. Brig.2 Gen. Humes & Gen. Ross it seems are the only men

1 July–5 November 1864 / 247

that went after McCook . . . [at this place in the letter about eight and a half lines have been blotted out]. We arrived here yesterday evening, and as yet I do not know what is on the carpet, but the indications are that we are preparing for a rampage— having whipped and cut up the Yankee cavalry. It may be contraband news to be put in a private document, but we are concentrating most of our cavalry in the neighborhood of Covington—which evidently means something.3 Lt. Col. Robinson an artillery of¤cer of considerable reputation in this army has been made Brigadier and in the absence of Gen. Anderson [wounded] has taken command of our Brigade. Many of my Ala. friends & acquaintances have been killed and wounded around Atlanta lately—among them Lt. Wm. H. Moore formerly a member of my Co. and without exception the best young man I ever knew.4 I received a letter from Sister Cynthia [Rutilia] this morning in which she gave me an account of the raid thro’ T[alladega]. nothing else from home of special interest. Talladega is now virtually within the enemy’s lines—there being no force left to protect the country.5 Pa has written to me for advice as to what to do, and I scarcely know what to advise. I have seen so much distress among refugees that I believe it best for him to stay at home and risk the worst. It is beggary almost either way. If the Yankees were to occupy the place I expect they would take my family of negroes—if I were to run them off [i.e., remove the slaves from the area threatened by the Federals] the trouble would probably exceed their value, and I believe I’ll let them stay and, if they choose, go to the Yankees. I would bring Jake, the father of the family, in the army [as a servant] if it were not for separating him from his wife & children. I captured another horse from McCook’s raid and am now pretty well mounted. I now have one horse with me and two off recruiting for the fall & winter campaign. Several of my Co. have just returned from home with fresh horses, and Gen. Kelly said this morning that I had the best mounted troop in the Brigade. I mailed a letter to you Thursday [4 August] at Jonesboro [probably the letter begun 1 August and ¤nished on the third]—but not having heard from my Cellie since the 15th ult. am becoming very anxious. I expect you have wondered what could have become of K nox—so seldom have I written lately—but it has been beyond my power, and you must not become alarmed at any protracted silence for I do not know one week but what I will be in Tenn. or Ky. the next. Give my best respects

248 / The Fight for Atlanta

to all friends—my love to all the family—like wise to the young lady who sent me hers. Write very soon and very often and still believe me as ever most affectionately your K nox

Notes for 7 August 1864 1. Felix H. Robertson spent the ¤rst three years of the war as an artillery of¤cer, the last six months of that period as a lieutenant colonel commanding the artillery of Wheeler’s Cavalry Corps. Promoted to brigadier general 26 July 1864, he took command of the brigade—a post he held until he was wounded 28 Nov. 1864 at Buckhead Creek. See his 10 June 1895 letter. The Confederate Senate refused to con¤rm his appointment as general and—technically—he then (Feb. 1865) reverted to the only grade he held that had been con¤rmed, that of second lieutenant. 2. Charles Constantine Crews, of the 2d Ga. Cav. Regt., commanded Iverson’s Brigade while Iverson commanded an ad hoc division in pursuit of Stoneman. Stoneman personally surrendered to Crews. Allen, former commander of GK M’s brigade, had been reassigned in late June to command an all-Alabama brigade in Martin’s Division. 3. Since so much of Sherman’s cavalry had been wrecked, Hood had decided to try to turn the tables on the Federals by sending Wheeler with a large portion of the Confederate cavalry to destroy Sherman’s railroad line of supply in north Georgia. Hood hoped to force the Yankees to withdraw from the state. See n6 to GK M’s 12 July 1864 letter. Wheeler was concentrating at Covington to prepare for the expedition. The raid got under way 10 Aug. 4. GK M refers to Hood’s three sorties (the Battles of Peachtree Creek [20 July], Atlanta [22 July], and Ezra Church [28 July]). Small clashes frequently ®ared up along the lines near the city. Moore had served with GK M’s company 15 July 1861 to 27 May 1863. He became a lieutenant 27 June 1862 but was not reelected the following August. On 27 May 1863 he was transferred to the 25th Ala. Inf. Regt. (See n5 to GK M’s 24 May 1863 letter.) An Aug. 1864 report shows him absent sick. 5. See n8 to GK M’s 1–3 Aug. 1864 letter.

On 10 August, Wheeler’s cavalry crossed the Chattahoochee at Roswell, about twelve miles above Atlanta, and headed northwest for Sherman’s line of supply. Over the next several days the Rebel horsemen struck at the railroad, in®icting some damage and interrupting the ®ow of supplies to the Yankees at Atlanta. They even captured and brie®y occupied Dalton (14–15 August). Then, instead of returning to the army, Wheeler embarked on

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a quixotic raid into East and Middle Tennessee where he could do no damage to important railroads and where he had no in®uence on events in Georgia. Even worse for the Confederates, Wheeler allowed his force to become divided at the Holston River near K noxville. Part, including George K nox Miller and the 8th Confederate Cavalry, wandered around Middle Tennessee under the command of Brig. Gen. John S. Williams for a brief time and then ricocheted up into southwestern Virginia. There they participated in the Battle of Saltville on 2 October. They then drifted slowly back to Covington, Georgia, east of Atlanta. It seems unlikely that Miller wrote any letters to Celestine between the time he left Covington and the 5 November letter below. If he did, they are not known to have survived. Miller did, however, manage a brief visit with her at Anderson after the raid while en route from Virginia to Georgia with Robertson’s (Anderson’s) Brigade. GK M attached this note to the following: “Letter from Newnan, Ga., Nov. 5, 1864, written after the battle of Saltville, Va., in October from which place Anderson’s & the Ky. Brig. under Col. W. C. P. Breckinridge returned by way of Greenville, S. Ca., down into Ga. to rejoin Wheeler.1 Writer had gone by to see his wife at Equality— & Col. Breckinridge & Staff had seen her later.”

5 November 1864 Newnan, Georgia 8th Confed. Regt. Cav. Nov 5th, 1864 My dear Cellie: Our command arrived at this place a few moments since, and as soon as I could procure paper & pencil I began a line to you. When I last wrote [letter not found] we were in the vicinity of Covington and were assured that the 29th [of October] would be a day of rest, but it proved otherwise for about the middle of the day orders came from Genl. Beauregard for our command to remain[?] on the east side of Atlanta & report[?] to . . . [illegible] Gen. Iverson and accordingly we marched that evening to Rockbridge on Yellow River some 20 miles North East of Covington and established picket lines along that stream.2 On Tuesday [1 November] we received further orders directing us to

250 / The Fight for Atlanta

report to Gen. Wheeler at Gadsden, Ala., as soon as possible.3 I was very disappointed for I wished to stay near Atlanta during the winter feeling con¤dent that our men & horses would fare better, and then you know darling I would be nearer you and could hear from home every few days which would have been an inestimable consolation. Besides, I did not wish to be with the main body of the army knowing that the service would be much more severe; but we have to obey orders, and I do without a murmur, altho’ it is any thing but pleasant to be transferred from Middle Ga. to North Ala. We passed thro’ Jonesboro yesterday, and I saw the battle ¤eld—a terrible sight even after two months have elapsed— the ground in this whole vicinity is covered with graves either of friend or foe, while the village is almost a mass of ruins—every house being more or less riddled with shot & shell.4 I found but two of my Co. at Newnan—Gen. Anderson [recovered from his wound] having furloughed all the remainder that were left behind [when the regiment went on Wheeler’s Raid,] and Co. “A” is now scattered from Palmyra [sic],5 N. York, to Bibb co., Ala. I expect that all those that are with me will get to go by home for a few days as I understand we will pass thro’ Talladega on our route to Gadsden. From what I can learn the main portion of our army is in North Ala. near Decatur and Tuscumbia and[, I] suppose from the movements, that Corinth, Miss., will again be the base of operations, but cannot yet form any thing like a correct opinion.6 Gen. Beauregard is now sitting at the chess board and we have all con¤dence in him. There is some such report as that we will report to Genl. Forrest [in Mississippi] i.e. our Brigade—but [I] don’t know any thing positive.7 I am still in an almost disabled condition from the boil on my leg but am worrying along rather than leave the command and report to a hospital. While around Covington our command fared pretty well—as we got plenty of sweet potatoes at reasonable rates—but since leaving there we have fared indifferently—I have not had a morsel to eat since yesterday morning except a raw sweet potato—but it’s all in the course of a soldier’s life and we will survive it ¤nely—what’s hunger when life & liberty are the stake. The country for 30 miles around Atlanta is desolated, and we could not expect to fare well in passing thro’ it. I will write again in a day or two—direct to Anderson’s Brig. Give much love to all—tell Cousin Jane Russell that I will make all due apologies for not going to see her when I get my next furlough. Write very soon—I received your note by Col. Breckinridge and owe my Cellie a

1 July–5 November 1864 / 251

kiss for that nice scarf—hope to pay it before the winter is over. Looked for “Kentucky” alias John Simmons[?] in the Ky. Brig. to-day, but he had not yet made his appearance—Hope he is doing well8—Will perhaps write to . . . [illegible]. Good bye. Affectionately your K nox

Notes for 5 November 1864 1. William Campbell Preston Breckinridge, commander of the 9th Ky. Cav. Regt., took command of what had been John S. Williams’s brigade when Williams took charge of an ad hoc, two-brigade division after that force separated from Wheeler’s main column. Williams did not accompany the force to Georgia. 2. Beauregard then commanded Confederate forces in South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, and Mississippi, along with some of those in Tennessee. 3. After allowing his force to separate in Tennessee, Wheeler ®ed south to safety in Alabama with the main body under his personal command. He halted at Gadsden. 4. On 31 Aug.–1 Sept. at Jonesboro the Confederates had battled Union forces that had swung around southwest of Atlanta to operate against the AtlantaMacon railroad. Failure to drive off the Yankees forced the Rebels to evacuate Atlanta during the night of 1–2 Sept. 5. GK M’s “Palmyra” is actually Elmira, N.Y., site of an infamous prisoner of war camp. 6. In Oct., Hood marched into northwestern Alabama, hoping to draw Sherman in pursuit and get the Yankees out of Georgia. Corinth, Miss., became the Rebels’ base. Sherman, however, elected to leave Hood to Union forces in Tennessee while he marched across Georgia to the sea. 7. See GK M’s ¤rst 1 Jan. 1865 and his 23 Feb. 1865 letters, and n4 to his “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10) for a discussion of some of the problems caused by this rumor. 8. John Simmons, probably the “agreeable Kentuckian” referred to in GK M’s 15 Nov. 1864 letter, is unidenti¤ed. He may have been Pvt. J. B. Simmons, Co. D, 2d (15th, Woodward’s) Ky. Cav. Regt. What his connection with GK M and Celestine was is not known.

9 “This Trying Time” 10 November 1864–23 February 1865

Late on 8 November George K nox Miller reached Talladega for what proved to be his last wartime visit. By that time the military situation had begun to clarify. Hood’s Army of Tennessee was in northwestern Alabama, preparing to cross the Tennessee River and move north. The Federals meanwhile had divided their force. Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas had gone to Nashville to organize a defense against Hood’s coming thrust into Tennessee. Sherman was en route southward to Atlanta and was planning to destroy much of that city and march across Georgia to the sea. With Hood’s army in northwestern Alabama (and soon to be in Tennessee), Georgia lay almost undefended. Rebel authorities ordered Wheeler and his cavalry from north-central Alabama back to Georgia. There the Confederate horsemen were to oppose Sherman’s force in the hope that they could at least force the Yankees to keep to the main roads and thus limit the damage they did to the state. The following letter carries the postwar endorsement: “Written on detached duty looking after Regt’s baggage &c.”

10 November 1864 Talladega Nov 10th,1864 My darling Wife: Last sunday [6 November] I wrote to you while at Newnan, but before I had completed the letter [I] was ordered to take my Company & two detachments of the 10th Confed. and proceed to this place in advance of the command, there to disband the men until the 14th inst. and my-

10 November 1864–23 February 1865 / 253

self to make provision for the reception of the Brigade at this place. There were so many things to attend to that I did not mail the letter at Newnan but gave it to one of my co. & suppose he did so at Lafayette, Ala. [This was probably the 5 November letter]. I reached home night before last and found all pretty well and was much grati¤ed to know that I had been mis-informed about Pa being dead—on the contrary found him looking better than I had seen him for two years. Upon arriving here I found most of our Corps moving back towards Atlanta and suppose that our three Brigades will be ordered back as Gen. Wheeler passed down on the train Monday—going to Jonesboro’.1 I am glad we are going, for there I will be much nearer you. I have met many old friends who gave me a cordial welcome—found about 30 of my Co. in & around home—some who had been left behind on duty— others who had gone on the raid with Gen. Kelly.2 I will have a ¤ne Co[mpany?—crease in paper] when we leave. Much to my surprise I learn that Cousin Edwin has reached home from Yankeedom—but is paroled & will not be [on duty] with me for some time yet—came out as a convalescent3—He has just come in—is looking very well at present but has seen quite a rough time—endured some of the same treatment once dealt out to me at Bastile Delaware. I have been uneasy for several days about my trunk & clothing—cannot hear any thing of the baggage—Our wagons were taken from us and the baggage stored or shipped on the R. Road—have some hopes of recovering it yet, but very slight—It would be quite a serious loss at this juncture and could not be replaced with 3000$. Contrary to all expectations I found Bobby Trot [his horse] had not improved at all—having had no attention from the person with whom I left him. I gave him to Cousin Edwin to-day. My horse that I left at Eufaula[, Ala.,] became diseased,4 & his keeper traded him for a nice pony which he says will suit me ¤nely and is an excellent saddle horse. I cured[?] “Sherman’s” [captured horse] back but reduced him by hard riding—will give him a furlough shortly and see if it [the hard riding] kills him. I have an invitation to take tea with Capt Bowie to-night but feel so little like visiting that I will not go—expect some Company my self.5 I found a letter here awaiting me from Mr Tagg asking me to come to Memphis—promises me a nice home & a partnership in his business— says he is doing a very large business.6 The letter is written in a kind, brotherly style. Do you think I ought to answer it? All the kind friends here are making many inquiries about you and

254 / “This Trying Time”

your health. Ma is talking about you all the time and has so many kind messages that I cannot ¤nd room for them. Pa & Cynthia [Rutilia] send much love—Mr. Shouse is at Columbus, Ga., in hospital from a stroke of lightening. We hear from him every few days. I have taken severe cold & feel very bad from the effect of it. Give much love to Ma, Pa, Sisters and all—don’t forget to remember me to Rosa & Willie—& Mr H[amilton]. I will write again soon. Good bye Most Affectionately K nox

Notes for 10 November 1864 1. Wheeler was shifting what remained of his corps back to the Atlanta area and endeavoring to hamper the Yankees as they prepared to destroy Atlanta prior to marching across Georgia to Savannah. By 13 Nov. he was at Jonesboro, south of Atlanta. 39OR3, 918. 2. GK M refers to Wheeler’s August–October raid into north Georgia, Tennessee, and northern Alabama. See n4 to GK M’s 13 Nov. 1864 letter. 3. See n4 to GK M’s 15 Mar. 1864 letter. 4. Scanty information in the service records of GK M’s regiment indicates that sometime in July 1864 the Confederates moved their “horse in¤rmary” to Eufaula, Ala. See n2 to GK M’s late June 1864 fragment. 5. After leaving the Mountain Rangers (see GK M’s 27 July 1862 letter), Bowie returned to Talladega. He became captain of Co A, Maj. Joseph Barbiere’s Cavalry Battalion, Local Defense Troops. See Thomas M. Owen to GK M, 28 Feb. 1911, GK M Papers. 6. Joseph Tagg, GK M’s brother-in-law who remained in Memphis, where he was a leader among Unionists in the city. See biographical sketch and 17OR2, 796–70. Letters were frequently smuggled back and forth across the lines.

Some words in the following letter cannot be read in the original. I have taken them from a postwar copy.

13 November 1864 [Upside down at top of ¤rst page] I am improving rapidly. Talladega, Ala. Nov. 13th,1864 My darling Wife, Thinking it best not to go out to Church to-day, I have determined to devote the morning to writing to you and one or two of my friends, the

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claims of the latter having been neglected for some time. It is such a bright, cheerful morning, and I have been thinking how delightful it would be to take my little “better half” and with sisters Anna & Cornie accompany Pa & Ma to the house of worship, but now comes the unwelcome thought that we are separated by many many long miles, and I can only sigh & hope for a better and happier time. To-morrow is the day for the disbanded portion of our Regt. to rendezvous at this place when I expect to meet most of my company.1 In the absence of any orders I suppose we will have to return to the vicinity of Atlanta as all the Corps has gone in that direction. It will be almost impossible for me to accompany the command on its return as I am not able to ride and would be doing myself injustice to start. I can attend to their comfort & welfare while here, and there will be two of my Lieuts. to go with them. I think by the last of the week I can start and arrive at Jonesboro’ nearly as soon as the command, and the service will sustain no loss in the end. My horse will not arrive before the last of the week from Macon Co [Ala.,] and it would be necessary for me to await his arrival as “Sherman” [captured horse] needs rest and recruiting. Sister [Cynthia Rutilia] received letters from Capt. Shouse yesterday and the day before—he is Still in hospital at Columbus, Ga., but cannot get home—is very much dissatis¤ed at being, what he terms, uselessly con¤ned to a hospital when he could recover at home so much sooner. I ¤nd several of my Co. whom I left in [the] Hospital in August [prior to going on the raid into Tennessee and Virginia], at home fully recovered and ready for the ¤eld again. Several recruits have been added to the Co. in my absence and altho’ not strictly lawful, yet it will never be noticed, and as they are young boys who preferred volunteering to being led off as Conscripts, I made no objections feeling con¤dent that they can serve their country about as well with me as any where else. I have learned of the death of at least two more of my little band who were captured at Shelby ville. They perished in a Yankee prison but were not forgotten by their living comrades.2 I am pleased to know that several of my wild boys have lately made profession of religion and joined the church, while one in addition to this, has taken to himself a bride. This county has lately been experiencing some of the sad effects of war and the presence of armies. Wheeler’s cavalry will, I believe, soon have the curses of the whole land heaped upon it—its depredations having become so frequent and high-handed I am almost ashamed to acknowledge my connection with so many out-laws. Hume’s Tenn. & Texas

256 / “This Trying Time”

Brigades encamped in the wealthiest neighborhood last week and spread destruction far & wide, killing all of one planter’s milk cows and all the hogs belonging to several others. If such conduct is not checked, we will soon be subjugated by our own men. The command is scattered to the four winds, and taking advantage of the situation, the men run riot and commit these acts of lawlessness; it is nearly all attributable to want of energy and incompetence on the part of of¤cers.3 I have been told that [there] would be a thorough re-organization of the cavalry during the winter and hope that it is true. Members of my Co. who were present tell me that on the fall of Gen. Kelly at Franklin, Tenn., great demoralization ensued, and that the whole command would have fared badly had it been heavily pressed.4 You remember that I told you that I thought our Lieut. C[urry] shot himself to get home to marry one of the nicest young ladies of the county.5 She told him that she would have no man that would shoot himself much less one who would do so & then tell a lie about it and to consider the engagement forever broken off. She left with her uncle a few days afterwards for Texas. Wasn’t that good[?]. As soon as I get back to the command I intend taking steps to get rid of such a disgraceful nuisance [Curry] and am con¤dent if justice is done that I will succeed. I would be glad if I had news to write in regard to our army, but all avenues are effectively closed. The mist[?] so thick I don’t[?] know; even here we do not know where the army is.6 As I surmised some time since the Mobile & Ohio R. R. has again become the base of operations.7 The [rail]road running by here was the base for a while but every thing has been shipped towards Corinth, Miss. Gen. Beauregard is with the army now, and I at least feel con¤dent yet, but I am grieved to see so many of our people groping along the “Slough of Despond.” 8 I am fearful myself that this part of the country will ere long be occupied by the enemy and the people stripped of their all. If it should happen so, I among the rest will suffer. What negro property I have would certainly go as Pa would not be able to refugee with it and the home [house?] I intend[?] for you temporarily at least would probably share the fate of Aunt Patsy’s in Atlanta [be burned?]. But I am so situated that I cannot make other arrangements and will have to trust to Providence. Ma begs me to send much love “to her daughter” and says she does love you very much. Pa has so many kind messages that I can’t remember[?] them and will just send their embodiment which is fatherly love. Sister has written for herself, and I’ve been trying for an hour to be

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allowed the privilege of seeing what she has written but have concluded that it is some terrible secret that no ears or eyes but yours should have cognizance of and ceased my importunities. I will not remain here long enough to get an answer to this or the previous letter written from this place. Direct to Anderson’s Brigade, Jonesboro’, Ga., not to the Army of Tenn. or it would probably go to Gen. Hood. Tell Sister that Mr. Anderson’s face becomes unusually ruddy and wide[?] at the mention of her name, & Jimmie Cunningham declared that no woman shall ever be his better half unless she is from Anderson.9 Give much love to all for me and believe me Most affectionally Your K nox

Notes for 13 November 1864 1. See GK M’s 10 Nov. 1864 letter. 2. Records show 75 members of the regiment captured at Shelby ville; 12 of them from GK M’s company. Of these, 20 died in prison; 3 from the company. Of the latter group, William B. Best died 21 Oct. 1863 of typhoid fever and George T. Mallard 15 Mar. 1864 of “In®am of lungs,” both at Fort Delaware, Del. Frank J. Lawler had died of typhoid fever at Camp Chase, Ohio, in July 1863. Since GK M wrote of “more” deaths, he probably meant Best and Mallard. 3. See “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10) for GK M’s changed postwar view of the Texans. 4. Kelly was mortally wounded 2 Sept. in a skirmish near Franklin. He died a day or so later (probably 4 Sept.). Not all members of GK M’s company went with the regiment into southwestern Virginia. 5. See also GK M’s 16 June 1864 letter. 6. Hood’s army was then in the Florence-Tuscumbia area of northwestern Alabama. A week later it completed its crossing of the Tennessee River and marched northward into Middle Tennessee. 7. On 27 Oct. the Talladega Alabama Reporter, quoting the Montgomery Mail, n.d., reported that the M&O had been reopened to Corinth, Miss., and that the Memphis & Charleston was operating nearly ¤fty miles east from Corinth to supply Hood’s army, then in northwestern Alabama. 8. In John Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress (1678) the hero, Christian, on his journey from the City of Destruction to the Celestial City, must rise out of the Slough of Despond and pass through several other sites (ordeals) that pose a danger to his soul. 9. Probably James W. Cunningham, nineteen when he joined the company at Talladega 15 July 1861. He became a corporal 13 Aug. 1862 and in late 1863

258 / “This Trying Time” was on duty with the brigade commissary. He was paroled at Greensboro, N.C., 26 Apr. 1865 when his service record shows him present.

15 November 1864 Talladega, Ala. Nov 15th,1864 My dear Cellie: I am not feeling well this morning but thinking that a few lines will prove acceptable concluded to write. I am very, very anxious to hear from you but cannot reasonably expect a letter from you to reach me at this place. I have just returned from the depot, having gone down to see Col. Prather & Lt. Yonge, Aid de Camp to Gen. Anderson, off.1 They came up last night to look after the disbanded portion of the Brigade, but concluded to leave the whole matter in my hands and returned this morning. Owing to a mistake in the date of a dispatch my Co. did not leave this morning but will get off to-morrow. I will send Lt. Wade in command & follow myself about the 21st inst. I had a pretty fair turn-out of the Co. yesterday, all coming dressed up in their winter jeans. Sergt. Duncan brought up what remained of the Co. baggage from Selma yesterday. My trunk had been opened, my nice Co. records taken together with two pr shoes & several other articles. The thief was in such a hurry that he did not ¤nd a watch and my blue uniform coat. About half of the boys’ saddle bags & their contents are missing. For all this I cannot but think we are lucky to get any thing. I shall leave my trunk at home and carry my bag & baggage on my horse hereafter. Oh! darling I received such a nice present yesterday! What do you think it was? Six yards of the nicest light grey jeans [cloth]—a beautiful imitation of “Cadet grey”—from a widow too—think of that[—]you[r] “better half” of a roving soldier—getting presents from “widders” in your absence, but don’t get uneasy; the kind widow was sweet sixteen at least ¤fty years ago. The kind donor was Mrs Curry, Lt. C’s mother. You ought to have seen what a patriotic note of thanks I sent in return. Ma is engaged to-day in dying my overcoat—it will be a very pretty black. I think I will have my new suit cut out but not made up till Spring as the color will suit better for summer’s wear. I procured a very good round-a-bout [jacket] from the Qr. Master which corresponds exactly with my pants.

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It seems that Old Abe is re-elected and there is some probability of another four years war—isn’t it horrible to think of ? The northern vote is but a rati¤cation of all his former acts and means for carrying on the war, and we cannot expect any thing better for the future. If God is on our side we will triumph nevertheless, but the future presents a gloomy picture for the homes and ¤re-sides of the South.2 We have heard that Rome, Ga., has been burnt and evacuated—the Yankees going towards Chattanooga,3 but we hear so many things that I hardly credit any news unless it is subscribed [signed] R. E. Lee or J. B. Hood. The last named Genl. . . . [illegible] has his movements & whereabouts so securely guarded that we are in blissful(?) ignorance of both.4 All the family are enjoying good health, and all send much love to my darling. Remember me most kindly to all—direct as per last letter. Will write again before I leave. Hoping that I may be with you before many months elapse, I am most affectionately and devotedly Your K nox [Written upside down at top of last page] What has become of the agreeable Kentuckian?5

Notes for 15 November 1864 1. First Lt. Philip Yonge, Co. A, 5th Ga. Cav. Regt., detailed 18 June 1864 as an aide to the brigade commander, then Col. R. H. Anderson. Yonge was paroled at Hillsboro, N.C., 3 May 1865. 2. In Nov., Northern voters returned Lincoln to of¤ce, ratifying his policies of abolition and unconditional preservation of the Union. Many Rebels had hoped that a Democratic victory would have led to a cease ¤re and de facto Confederate independence. Not realizing how close their cause was to ¤nal defeat, many Confederates reacted as GK M did and expected to carry on the war until at least the 1868 election in the Northern states. 3. The Federals occupied Rome in May 1864 after driving the Confederates out of northwestern Georgia. They began evacuating the town during the ¤rst week of November. Most of the destruction occurred during the night of 10–11 Nov. Sherman was sending his sick and wounded to Chattanooga and moving most of his other troops to Atlanta whence, a few days later, he set out for Savannah on the March to the Sea. Roger Aycock, All Roads to Rome (Roswell, Ga., 1981), 115; 39OR3, 729–30 and 740; Wade Banister Gassman, “A History of Rome and Floyd County, Georgia in the Civil War,” master’s thesis, Emory University, 1966, 121–23.

260 / “This Trying Time” 4. Hood had moved to the Florence-Tuscumbia area in northwestern Alabama, where high water in the Tennessee River and the need to await Forrest’s cavalry, then en route to reinforce him, delayed his move into Middle Tennessee. 5. See GK M’s 5 Nov. 1864 letter.

20 November 1864 Talladega, Ala. Nov. 20th,1864. My darling wife: Your K nox has been a good boy to-day having just returned from hearing a long and excellent sermon on the Parable of the three servants to whom the Lord of the household entrusted his talents.1 For several days past I have scarcely been able to get about at all and have almost concluded that my af®ictions were equal, in number at least, to those of Job; but will not bring my patience in comparison with his.2 Since I wrote from Social Circle[, Ga.] [letter not found], I have not been entirely rid of a boil at any one time and rode from there [to] here in constant misery; but earnestly hoping that they [boils] are done with me, I have made arrangements to leave for Georgia day after to-morrow. From what I can learn there will be plenty of work for me there, news having reached here that Sherman was at Grif¤n, destroying with ¤re and sword as he advanced.3 Mr. Shouse arrived at home from the Hospital to-day and says there is much excitement in Geo. We have reports that Gen. Hood has defeated Thomas in Middle Tenn, but every thing is kept in the dark so that we do not know what is going on. I think myself that the move in Geo. [Sherman’s] is a feint to draw part of Hood’s army back.4 Mr. Shouse is looking in better health than I ever saw him but has no use of one leg and but little of one arm, consequently is on crutches. I am going to try and persuade him to get “retired” [from active service]—by that means he can be of bene¤t to his family and if he ever recovers entirely will have his rank to return to the service with. As it is, he can be of no possible bene¤t to the cause, but merely a burden to be dragged from one hospital to another. The only tidings that I have had from you since the note sent by Col. Breckinridge was Sister’s letter from you of the 7th inst. which had been ten days on the road.—I was so glad to hear that you were well! Scarcely a month has passed since I left home and yet it seems much longer.5 This

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is caused perhaps by my being quietly here for nearly two weeks—the time passes much slower than when engaged in the busy ¤eld. Talladega has but few attractions for me without you, and I would have been off long since if I could possibly have rode. Almost everyone complains at me for not bringing you, but I tell them that I have left that part of the campaign to your generalship and they must bide their time—I know you would be warmly received and welcomed. We were all pained at the intelligence of Aunt Lettie’s death, but found consolation in the thought that she had gone to receive the crown of rightousness. We have received a letter also from Cousin Annie Baker in answer to one Mr. Shouse had written relative to Uncle Charlie Miller’s’death6—it is probable that she will visit Talladega during the winter. I almost shudder at the thought of the coming winter’s campaign but would much prefer being in Georgia altho’ the probabilities are that it will be more active there than in Tenn. I don’t suppose that our Brig. was engaged in opposing the advance of the enemy to Grif¤n[, Ga.,] as the best portion of it had not been collected together. The 11th Texas occupied Rome, Ga., at last accounts. I will have three or four of my Co. to accompany me back to the front but fear that I will have to ride “Sherman” [captured horse] as my horse has not yet arrived. Mr. Shouse asks to be most kindly remembered. Pa and Ma send best love to their darling daughter. Give much love to all for your little soldier, and be assured that he is hourly thinking of you with all the devotion and affection of his breast. Good by, darling K nox

Notes for 20 November 1864 1. See Matthew 25: 14–30. 2. See Job, especially 2:7. 3. In mid-Nov. one wing of Sherman’s army marched southward, threatening but bypassing Grif¤n (thirty-¤ve miles south of Atlanta) as it veered east toward Macon. Wheeler and about ten thousand Rebel troops rushed to defend Macon, which the Yankees also bypassed as they went on to Milledgeville. 4. Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas commanded Union forces defending Tennessee. As of this date, Hood and his army were near Florence, Ala. (northwestern corner of the state), and Thomas was concentrating his forces near Nashville. In the Battle of Nashville (15–16 Dec. 1864) Thomas routed Hood’s army.

262 / “This Trying Time” 5. A reference to GK M’s visit to Celestine in South Carolina while en route to Georgia after Wheeler’s raid into Tennessee and Virginia. 6. GK M’s uncle Charles Miller had come through the lines from Unionoccupied Memphis to visit relatives in Talladega. He died 2 Sept. 1864 and is buried in Talladega.

In late November, when it became clear that Sherman’s troops were not going to attack Macon, Wheeler moved his cavalry eastward to get in front of the Yankees. He hoped to protect Augusta, obstruct roads, and remove or destroy food so that the Federals could not obtain rations from the countryside. The Union horsemen, meanwhile, shifted to the left ®ank of Sherman’s column, threatening Augusta even as the main Yankee force headed southeast for Savannah. Over several days in late November and early December small clashes ®ared up southwest of Augusta.1 By midDecember Miller’s regiment had joined the forces defending Savannah. We do not know precisely when Miller got away from Talladega or when he rejoined his company in Georgia. (He was with the regiment by late November. See his 23 February 1865 letter.) By the time he next wrote to Celestine (1 January 1865), the Federals had occupied Savannah, and most of the Confederates had retreated into South Carolina. The following is one of four known company record of events reports signed by GK M.2

31 December 1864 (Record of Events.) At date of last muster the Co. with the Regt. to which it belongs was on the right wing of the Army of Tenn. at Kennesaw Mt., Geo., daily engaged on the skirmish lines. On the 22d July took part in the attack on Decatur, Ga., and on 31st July engaged a raiding party of the enemy under Gen. McCook near Newnan, Ga. 10th of Aug. accompanied the Corps on the raid into Tenn. under Gen. Wheeler. Engaged at Dalton [on] the 14th Aug. Again at Cleveland, Tenn., on the 16th Aug. Separated from the Corps and under command of Gen. Williams hotly engaged near Murfreesboro, Tenn. On the 4th Sept. under that Of¤cer retreated thro East Tenn., into South Western Va., where on the 2d Oct. took part in the action at Saltville, Va. Marching thence back into East

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Tenn., thro’ Western North & South Carolina to Covington, Ga., having made an incessant march of about 2500 miles from Aug. 10th to Nov. 1. Under command [of] Lt. Col. Jno. S. Prather Engaged the rear of Sherman’s army at Statesboro, Ga., Dec. 4th. Entered Savannah, Ga., on the 9th Dec. and retreated thence on the 20th, since which time has been engaged picketing on Savannah River in Beaufort Dist., So. Ca. G. K. Miller, Capt., Comdg. Company [A]

Notes for 31 December 1864 1. See F. H. Robertson’s 10 June 1895 letter and GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter. 2. See n1 to 16 July 1863 (Record of Events). The edited version of this document is in OR Supp. vol. 73, pt. 2, 293.

In a postwar endorsement Miller called the following letter “A genuine Camp ¤re love letter.”

1 January 1865 (First Letter) South of Hardeeville, S.C. Jan. 1st,18651 My darling Wife: A happy “new year” to my darling with the sel¤sh wish that I may live to extend many such greetings and you to receive and reciprocate them. I can scarcely realize the dawn of another year as you will perceive by looking at the date of this—¤rst writing Decr—correcting and at last ending with ’64 instead of ’65. But for all of my weakness and forgetfulness it [1865] has actually made its appearance, bright as a summer morn but with “a nipping and an eager air.” 2 I shivered the old year out and the new in, on my “pallet of straw” by a blazing log ¤re in the open air. Oh, it was bitter cold, but at the same time I was far more comfortable than during the same time 12 months before.3 Many old thoughts were revived and the same feelings of a year previous recognized and hailed. In some respects I was less happy, in others I felt a joy and contentment never before so fully experienced, for the reason, perhaps, that never before had the same thought been devoted [word(s) omitted?]. A year before my country’s cause looked brighter—her armies were much larger and her people more united for the accomplishment of the

264 / “This Trying Time”

great end in view. Thousands of miles of our fair land, now charred and lying in ruins under the invader’s torch, was then smiling in the beauty of its loveliness, and family groups, now houseless, scattered and beggared, were then assembled in comparative happiness around those altars whose ruins now serve only to mark the path and tell of the horrors of war. O! how my heart bleeds for our poor country! Her cause looks gloomy indeed, and hearts are failing daily and hourly. May the hand of a just God soon dispel “the winter of our discontent” and send us the bright summer of hope, life and happiness!4 I frankly acknowledge that I trimble for the denouement of the great tragedy, and fear that we are approaching that point when according to holy writ destruction will inevitably follow—a house divided against itself.5 It is too true that the “life[?] juice” is fast stealing its way into and crossing thro’ the natural gates of our body politic. A deadly letharg[y][?] seems to be stealing over our people from which no danger however near, no appeal however stirring, no interest, ties dearer than life, death, destruction, annihilation can awaken them. If this increase or even continue we are certainly lost, and the epitaph of “Ruined by itself” will ere long be all that is left of the Confederate States. God grant that it may never be written! But pray do not think that I have become weak kneed—far from it. As long as my country has a shrine there my heart and arms—if needs be my life[—]will be consecrated to its service. But to succeed, my life for it, there must be a general sacri¤ce. This may be wearisome, unpleasant to you, but remember that you are the only one to whom I would con¤de all my thoughts and being, I trust[?], of a con¤ding nature— bear with me as it is a pleasing consolation to know that I have found a being so worthy of all love and con¤dence. This was the last among a crowd of happy waking dreams that I indulged in last night previous to falling asleep. How I would like to tell you all my thoughts as I sat musing by the camp ¤re when all was still around me save the deep healthy [heavy?] breathing of a half dozen stalwart sun-burnt warriors as they slept amidst their arms and equipments ready at the bugle’s call for momentary service. Before stirring[?] they had bid me “good night” wishing me the enjoyment of many anniversaries of a “happy wedding.” These words awakened the memory and brought back the emotions and many of the feelings of the almost buried year. That happy respite from the toils and labors of war that I had so much enjoyed during my eight days spent with the one I so dearly loved surrounded by those dear

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kind relations and friends in Atlanta. Those were indeed happy hours, so different from any thing previously experienced that often since it has seemed to return in the semblance of a dream; and yet there was nothing thrillingly romantic occurred in those eight days if we take romance in its common acceptation; but life is nothing more than a romance or rather a grand epic, while this to me was the happy—the interesting episode as I suppose it is to all who pass the same Rubicon [i.e., marriage]. And truly it is a Rubicon—by some crossed heedlessly and without consideration thinking that over beyond, all will be joy, unclouded skies and an empire of happiness without further effort or thought. Others like Caesar pause on the brink and having duly weighed the consequences take the step with judgment; and like him after crossing, maintain a careful watch and as they go quietly, overcome the obstacles, and smooth the asperities that beset the way till at last they eternally secure a world of happiness and love. This, darling, you know was our resolve before we launched our unpretending[?] selves on the sea of matrimony.6 But why dwell upon this? A year has passed and at its close ¤nds us one in thought, word, and deed—one for time and eternity—living for each other and in each other. A kind and merciful Providence has smiled upon our young love thus far and preserved us from danger and death. I thought of this last night, and a feeling of thankfulness and gratitude came over me never before experienced, and I humbly thanked my Maker and before him renewed those solemn vows I had a year before made to love, cherish, and protect her whom I imagined was at that moment renewing her vows of love and affection. It may have been all imagination, but so strongly was I impressed that every feature of my darling wife was distinctly seen and I could almost hear the accents of her gentle voice—that voice as it sounded to me on the day when I led my loved Cellie trembling to the altar. I was happy in my love, and what more could I ask as I was con¤dent that all that I cherished was fully reciprocated. Then let us still love on darling, hoping and trusting for happier days in which to enjoy this cup of affection together. A wise Providence has separated us during nearly all of our ¤rst marital year, and it may seem good to Him to yet continue that separation, but let us bear the burden cheerfully, remembering that He worketh all things for good. Truly it is a trying ordeal—intensi¤ed by the depths of devotion, and if bravely passed, with submission and [without?] unnecessary repining[?], we will be entitled to more consideration at the shirne of His[?] vision[?]. Besides, we must remember that we are not

266 / “This Trying Time”

alone; on the contrary many hearts are torn asunder in the ®esh. We should take consolation from this When we will meet again I cannot tell—as there is but little hope in this trying time of obtaining a leave of indulgence, especially from our Regt. Since so many of them have done wrong and gone off without proper authority that the good must necessarily suffer for the deeds of the evil.7 If opportunity offers, rest assured that I will come as I am now suffering from “Nostalgia” which you know is beyond the reach of medical skill and ¤nds a palliative only in the charms and endearments of the home circle. I wrote to you on the 27th ult. [letter not found], telling you to direct to Hardeeville, Beaufort [District,] So. Ca. Write very soon, as I am all anxiety to hear from my darling sweet wife as it has now been about eight weeks since I saw a line from you. Oh, how happy would I be if I could only have the pleasure of asking in proporier personar [in person] one (hundred) sweet kisses this morning—but sour grapes! Once more a happy New Year to my darling wife! Good by—much love—a sweet kiss—and an affectionate kind good bye Lovingly Your K nox

Notes for 1 January 1865 (First Letter) 1. Both this and the next letter bear the date 1 Jan. 1865. My guess is that this one was written ¤rst. 2. From Shakespeare’s Hamlet, 1.2.2. 3. See GK M’s 2 Jan. 1864 letter describing his New Year’s train ride from Atlanta to Dalton. 4. The quotation is from Shakespeare’s King Richard the Third, 1.1.1. 5. Mark 3:25. See n7 to GK M’s 2–5 Nov. 1862 letter. 6. See GK M’s 24 May 1863 letter for his ¤rst use of the analogy “crossing the Rubicon” in his relationship with Celestine. 7. See next letter and GK M’s “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10).

1 January 1865 (Second Letter) Near Hardeeville, So. Ca. Jan. 1st,18651 My dear Cellie: I have nothing of special interest to communicate this morning except that its New Year’s day here too. A very bright cold day that makes our

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poor pickets ¤ngers ache as they stand on the bank of the Savannah [River] facing the sea breeze. The Yanks are busy on the other side of the river making pontoons I suppose. We are looking for them to move towards Augusta or Charleston daily. Almost every family has left Beaufort Dist and well they may for when the enemy does come they will be shown no mercy.2 I spent a dull Christmas—not an egg nog nor even a “smile” of something stronger—however I am none the worse for that. Yesterday & day before I was quite unwell owing I suppose to the miserable water we have to drink. We are as usual living scantily—Hard tack & beef with plenty of rice—but being by itself it is dry eating. There is quite a stir got up in our Regt. about going to Gen. Forrest,3 Gen. Wheeler as I supposed being unwilling to let us off while about half the men are gone already. Our Brigade is the only one on duty in the corps on this side of the river. Two on the other side, while some ¤ve or six are up in the edge of Barnwell [District] recruiting.4 Our horses are dying already from the effects of eating rice and nothing else. To-day I found good quarters for my company in an overseers house—and we are doing ¤nely at present. I am sorry to hear that Gen. Hood has been driven out of Tenn.5 Truly it is a dark hour. Give my best love to dear Pa and Ma. Tell sister Anna that my next letter will be to her. Love also to Sissie. I hoped to meet Julius but learn that his Regt is still on James Island. Good bye—write soon—Remember me to all the friends & relations. Affectionally, Your K nox

Notes for 1 January 1865 (Second Letter) 1. See n1 to preceding letter. 2. Sherman had occupied Savannah in time to present the city to President Lincoln as a Christmas present. The need to rest and resupply his men, along with unfavorable weather and high water in the Savannah River, forced the Yankees to remain there for more than a month. When Sherman began his march into South Carolina, he feinted at Charleston and Augusta but marched for Columbia. 3. See GK M’s 23 Feb. 1865 letter and n4 to “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10). 4. As of 2 Jan. 1865, Wheeler’s cavalry comprised three divisions (Iverson, Humes, Allen) and three separate brigades. Two of those brigades were soon consolidated; the third was broken up and the regiments reassigned. 47OR2, 980. 5. At the Battle of Nashville (15–16 Dec. 1864) Union forces routed Hood’s army. The Confederates ®ed south and late in the year crossed the Tennessee

268 / “This Trying Time” River and moved to Corinth, Miss., whence most of them were subsequently ordered to join Southern forces in the Carolinas.

10 January 1865 Robertsville, Beaufort Dist. Jan 10th,1864 [sic] My darling Wife: I will not attempt to tell the extent of my anxiety for the last two months—it would be impossible—not a word—not a line from my Cellie in all this long, long time. I have written once at least each week and when possible oftener—have waited—watched, made all inquiries, but all to no purpose—the mail[s,] travellers—no one could tell me of you— whether well or sick—in good spirits or desponding. I have been in [South] Carolina about eighteen days and [I] felt certain that when I crossed the border and got between you and Sherman’s army that I would hear from you almost daily—But my hopes thus far have been sadly disappointed, while uneasiness of mind and anxiety has only increased. I do hope that you have not been equally disappointed, nor suffered alike in mind—probably not if our poor postal arrangements could bring any relief, for out of so many letters that I have written surely some one of the poor missives reached the intended destination. Unfortunately for me I have been engaged in many and long wanderings, consequently could not expect to be favored [receive mail]—not at least until I reached the main body of the command when I was certain of at least enjoying an hour’s mental repast. Situated as we are down here in the extreme South East corner of the State—with a rail-road not far distant but bearing no mails. While he[?] [here, we had?] dispatches from Gen. Sherman to the Commander of Confed. forces in So. Ca. and desired an answer. Again I had to put my wits to work—knowing that an answer could not possibly come from Gen. Anderson that day as he was on a part of the lines where it [Sherman’s message] could not possibly reach him before night. He [Sherman’s messenger, Capt. J. C. Audenried] concluded to give me the dispatches and await an answer at Hardeeville[, S.C.,] until next morning. I received the dispatches together with a bundle of letters and some news papers. The Yankees seemed quite talkative, but I had little or nothing to say out side of business, and [I] dismissed them. Gen. Anderson was well pleased with the part I have played. Yesterday a ®ag [of truce]

10 November 1864–23 February 1865 / 269

was sent down bearing responsive dispatches. The whole business was relative to some 200 citizens who wished to leave Savannah.1 To-day I am in command of the Regt., and an of¤cer is going to Augusta[, Ga.,] to buy tobacco for the Brigade of¤cers [giving] me an opportunity of writing with a prospect of the letter reaching home. We will move in a day or two to Barnwell Dist. near Lawtonville to which place I desire you to direct a letter as soon as possible. This is No. 3 for Jan. 1865. I wrote to Sister Anna on the 4th [letter not found]. If I had time I would write to brother Barr to-day, but business prevents my so doing. If I had time I would write much more, but time is precious. The “agreeable Kentuckian” came to see me some weeks since but I was absent.2 Do write soon for I am quite unhappy—Give much love [to] all and with every assurance of my heart’s increasing devotion I am darling Your K nox

Notes for 10 January 1865 1. The correspondence is in 47OR2, 19, 24, and 29. The citizens were taken by ship to Charleston. 2. See GK M’s 5 Nov. 1864 letter and n8 to that letter.

23 February 1865 Chester C[ourt] H[ouse] [, S.C.] Feb 23rd, 1865 My darling wife: I write a hurried note to say that I’m still spared and tolerably well. I have written several letters but could ¤nd no opportunity of mailing [them]. We had a heavy cavalry engagement at Aiken[, S.C.] on the 11th when we gave K ilpatrick a good drubbing. I had four men and six horses wounded out of thirteen that I carried into the ¤ght—no men killed. I escaped without a scratch. We charged the enemy in the streets and routed him four miles.1 At this time Sherman’s main army was pushing rapidly on Columbia, and we had forced marches and some hard ¤ghting to enter that place ahead of him. When we reached there, trains had stopped running, and ever since we have been retreating and ¤ghting. God only knows what is to become of the country unless this body of the enemy is defeated.

270 / “This Trying Time”

[Lt. Gen. Stephen D.] Lee’s Corps—a mere handfull—was all the infantry at Columbia to oppose them, and they acted shamefully. No one seems to be resisting the invader except the untiring Wheeler—and his men get credit for nothing but being thieves. The Kentucky & Texas Brigades sacked the stores in Columbia, but I believe nearly all agree that it was a good thing. I do not.2 I have heard a most horrible account of the conduct of Sherman’s men on entering the city. One corps got drunk and ¤red the city—not even warning the women and children—numbers of women were violated and the city all save the suburbs laid in ashes. Sherman had to order out another corps to stop the outrages of his men. I trust for humanity’s sake that all this may not be true.3 I have been looking for Black’s Regt—[it] was at Monks Corner[, S.C.,] at last accounts.4 I suppose Sister A[nna] & Mr. & Mrs Barr are in Augusta—was near them but ¤ghting all the time and could not communicate with them.5 The distress thro the country surpasses anything in modern times— The enemy has come unexpectedly to all [Confederate civilians]. They have no time to get away or save any thing. Gen. Beauregard has ordered every thing in the way of subsistence to be burned and all the [live]stock driven off. It is said that we will make a stand at Charlotte, N.C., but Sherman need not go there, & I don’t believe he will. Charleston I suppose has been evacuated.6 My darling wife, I am so distressed about you—I fear the enemy may make a raid into Anderson [District]. If they do I will not be far off. Forty-nine of our Regt deserted last night. I suppose they intend going to Col Wade. Some went from every Co save mine, ought I not to feel proud of my troopers? I do—No braver or better men ever wielded a hand[?].7 I think it very doubtful whether this ever reaches you. If it does I trust that it will ¤nd my little world well and bearing up with a brave spirit. I cannot say when I will be home. I hope that God will so dispose it that the day may not be far distant. Give love to Pa, Ma, & all the family. Be of good cheer and always hope for the best and with the heart’s best affection I will be while life lasts Your K nox

10 November 1864–23 February 1865 / 271

Notes for 23 February 1865 1. Believing that K ilpatrick’s advance on Aiken, S.C., foreshadowed an attempt to reach Augusta, Wheeler attacked him in the town. Note that GK M’s company’s strength was only fourteen of¤cers and men—counting GK M. See Tom Elmore, “Head to Head,” Civil War Times Illustrated 40, no. 7 (Feb. 2002): 44–55; and GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter. 2. Lee’s Corps of the Army of Tennessee had joined Rebel forces in the Carolinas after Hood’s Tennessee Campaign. For GK M’s changed postwar view of the Texas horsemen see “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10). 3. See n62 to GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter. John G. Barrett (Sherman’s March through the Carolinas [Chapel Hill, 1956], 85–86) states that only a “very few” white women were raped in Columbia but that “a large number . . . suffered indignities.” Most of those raped were black women. Marion Brunson Lucas (Sherman and the Burning of Columbia [College Station, Tex., 1976], 108) writes, “there were no reported cases of rape or murder.” 4. Col. John L. Black commanded the 1st S.C. Cav. Regt. in which Celestine’s brother Julius served. 5. A reference to engagements with the Yankee cavalry southwest of Augusta (near Waynesboro, Ga.) in late November. See Felix H. Robertson’s 10 June 1895 letter. 6. GK M was correct on both counts. Sherman swung to the east of Charlotte, heading for the coastal area to meet reinforcements and supplies. His inland thrust to Columbia forced the Confederates to evacuate Charleston during the night of 17–18 Feb. lest their force there be cut off and trapped. 7. See GK M’s “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (chap. 10). See also R. H. Anderson to Samuel Cooper, 24 Dec. 1864, in service record of John S. Prather, 8th Confed. Cav. Regt. and the other documents with this letter (especially Hardee’s 26 Jan. 1865 note, apparently intended as an endorsement to Anderson’s letter).

Miller’s 23 February 1865 letter is the last he is known to have written during the war. Two months after he penned that message the 8th Confederate Cavalry Regiment, along with the rest of the Rebel forces in the Carolinas, capitulated. The surrender terms provided that the Southerners would be paroled and released to go to their homes. That was done 3 May at Hillsboro, North Carolina. Miller’s name is on the list of parolees, but at that time he was absent, on duty with the army’s wagon train. Unlike many of his comrades who hailed from the Deep South

272 / “This Trying Time”

or the Trans-Mississippi and who faced a long journey home, K nox Miller had to travel only a short distance to rejoin his family. Celestine was still at her parents’ home in Equality, and Miller made his way there. Although he had no way to know it as he traveled to the Upcountry, he then had slightly more than half a century to live.

10 Postwar 1865–1916

For the ¤rst eleven months after the war K nox and Celestine Miller lived with her parents in Equality. Miller helped Major McCann with his farm, and the proceeds from the sale of some cotton that the major had managed to save ¤nanced the resumption of the family mercantile business. Miller’s future, however, lay in Alabama, and in May 1866 he and Celestine moved to Talladega. The town would be their home for the remainder of their lives. The 1 August 1866 Talladega Democratic Watchtower carried a brief notice announcing that “G. K. Miller, Attorney at Law, . . . will Practice in the Courts of Talladega and the adjoining counties,” with “Special attention given to collecting [debts].” Although he came fairly soon to attain local prominence in his profession, Miller probably did not get much done that ¤rst month of his legal career because on the day after this notice appeared Celestine gave birth to the couple’s ¤rst child. Over the ensuing decades K nox Miller ¤lled the role of a respectable, late nineteenth-century, upper-middle-class, white Southern urban professional. His life came to revolve around his family, his profession, and his community. The Millers had ¤ve children. Rosa (1866–1953) was followed by Jessie (1869–1962), Hampton K nox (1871–1948), Celestine McCann (1873–1929), and Zemulah Walker (1878–1936). As the years went on, K nox ¤lled several local government of¤ces: register in chancery, county judge of probate, mayor, and judge of the city court. He retired from this last post in September 1911. Meanwhile, he also edited the local newspaper, Our Mountain

274 / Postwar

Home, and served in various local civic, religious (Presbyterian), and eleemosynary organizations. Like many Southerners who had served in the Rebel ranks during the war, Miller also became involved with a larger community— the Confederate veterans organizations. As early as 1871 he was asked to deliver the annual “Memorial Day” address in Talladega. From time to time he served as an of¤cer in the Talladega camp of the United Confederate Veterans (UCV) after that organization came into existence in the 1890s, and on several occasions he attended national reunions of the UCV. The following item appeared in the Talladega Reporter, 3 May 1871.

3 May 1871 “Memorial Day” Quite a large concourse of people were out on Wednesday evening last [26 April], to participate in the annual decoration of the Soldiers graves. The memorial address delivered by Capt. Miller was highly complimented by all who heard it. Rare and beautiful ®owers were scattered by fair hands upon the resting places of loved ones. Handsome wreaths and fragrant bouquets placed upon the graves of the unknown. The memories which these scenes awaken touch the heart, and cause unbidden tears to ®ow from eyes unused to weep.1

Note for 3 May 1871 1. The Talladega Reporter of 26 Apr. is missing. Doubtless it contained details as to where the ceremony was to be held. Most white Southerners eventually accepted 26 Apr., the anniversary of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston’s 1865 surrender, as Confederate Memorial Day, although some former Confederate States adopted other dates. No details of GK M’s 1871 address are known.

The following article appeared in the Talladega Our Mountain Home, 10 May 1893.

26 April 1893 Judge G. K. Miller’s Address, April 26, 1893, Giving a History of Memorial Observances in Talladega.

1865–1916 / 275

Following is the address delivered by Judge Miller at the cemetery on the 26th ult., after the oration of Judge Bishop.1 Its historical facts alone make it well worth preserving: Ladies of the Talladega Memorial Association, Comrades, and FellowCitizens: Twenty-six years ago, under the in®uence of April sunshine and showers, the trees around us had assumed their mantle of green, the birds were caroling in the branches, the buds of renewing nature were putting forth, and the air was redolent with the perfume of ®owers, just as we ¤nd them today. But at that time there was great sorrow, there was heaviness of heart, there was a feeling of dread and anxious inquiry all over our Southland. From our own good county of Talladega in the years just passed there had gone forth, under the promptings of patriotism and duty, not less than twenty-six companies of our noblest manhood. More than half of [the men in] these had not and never would return—they were ¤lling known and unknown graves on battle-¤elds from Gettysburg to Port Hudson, [La.,] in prison cemeteries at Johnson’s Island, [Oh.,] Camps Morton[, Ind.,] and Chase, [Ohio,] at Elmira, [N.Y.,] Point Lookout[, Md.,] and Fort Delaware[, Del.]; there was scarcely a household unstricken. Hence there was deep and abiding sorrow. It is true that two years had elapsed since the gaunt, war-worn, powder-begrimed remnant of the army of Northern Virginia had gathered around the incomparable Lee, and with tears trickling down their manly cheeks listened to the farewell address of their leader. It is true that two years had passed since the ranks of the army of Tennessee, rendered shadowy by the attrition of carnage, had called down blessings on the devoted head of Joseph Eggleston Johnston as they turned from the ¤eld of strife to seek the ashes of destroyed homes. It is true that two years had rolled by since Edmund K irby Smith, the Christian hero, who but yesterday was consigned to his native dust, had surrendered all that remained of his trans-Mississippi battalions. It is no less true that during all of these two years not an arm had been raised nor a shot ¤red in opposition to the government of the victors; yet there was heaviness of heart, there was deep anxiety all over our Southland.2 The President of the United States was being impeached for high crimes committed in of¤ce.3 The reconstruction acts had become law and the lately seceded States had been placed under military rule and divided into military depart-

276 / Postwar

ments, with a commander for each, whose orders supplanted all law, and from whose judgments there was no appeal.4 One of these commanders had forbidden the reinterment, with civic rites and ceremonies, of the remains of as distinguished an American soldier as Albert Sydney [Sidney] Johnston and the erection of monuments to commemorate the virtues of those who had fought for the cause that was lost.5 Is it wonder that there was uneasiness under such circumstances and with such surroundings? Is it wonder that neighbor asked neighbor, What next? It was under these conditions that a club, composed of such noble young survivors of the wounds and bruises of war as James F. Shanklin, Thomas S. Plowman, George W. Parsons, Henry E. Shelley, G. A. Joiner, Nash Truss, John Swan, J. W. Vandiver, and others, was formed in the town of Talladega and was known as [the] “R.W.R.” Club. It was spoken of as a glee club, but the surroundings cast some doubt on that feature; and while it had its social feature and had no offensive object, yet it was whispered around that if anyone should presume to encroach on the privileges of a well-ordered society the club would know the reason why.6 About the 1st of April, 1867, Mrs. Williams of Columbus, Ga., had suggested to her Southern sisters that in their poverty and af®iction it would be an appropriate and unobjectionable tribute to the South’s dead heroes to set apart a day and honor their memories by a ®oral offering at their graves.7 In our local cemetery at this time there were buried more than a hundred Confederates, but few of whose last resting places were marked, save by the little mounds of earth, and these overgrown with weeds and briers. The ravages of war had destroyed the record of their names, the commands to which they belonged, and date of death.8 The “R.W.R.” Club took the matter in hand, had the grounds neatly cared for, and at the head and foot of each grave placed a substantial painted board, with name inscribed when known on each headboard and the cabalistic “R.W.R.” on each footboard. They did what they could, though not what they would have done. Having accomplished this much, in the Watchtower of April 17, 1867, appeared the following call: To the Ladies of Talladega More worthy representatives having failed to come forward, the members of the “R.W.R.” Club have decided to celebrate Friday,

1865–1916 / 277

the 26th of April (the day set apart throughout the South for the purpose), by decorating the graves of the Confederate dead in our cemetery. Dear to all, trebly dear, should be this almost last privilege left us. Now that this world has forgotten or ceased to honor their devoted heroism, it more than ever behooves us to show our appreciation of their sufferings and sacri¤ces. Nothing should prevent this, our most sacred duty. If aught can render uneasy the lowly and unmarked resting places of the noble hearts whose last throbs were for the “Lost Cause,” it must be the neglect of their graves. “Dulce mori pro patria” [it is sweet to die for one’s country] has long been sung, but how doubly sweet when the dead heroes can look down from the patriot’s home in Heaven and see the little space of earth allotted to them tenderly and lovingly cared for by the friends from whom they are separated. We invite all to meet us at the Methodist church on the evening of the 26th, at 4 o’clock—bringing with them ®owers—where the procession will be formed and march thence to the cemetery and devote an hour in beautifying the graves of our fallen comrades. Jas. F. Shanklin, Thos. S. Plowman, Geo. W. Parsons, Committee. Our people, with one accord, responded to this call, assembled at the appointed hour at the Methodist church, formed a quiet procession, and proceeded to the cemetery, where a short address was delivered by Rev. J. J. D. Renfroe, late chaplain of the 10th Alabama infantry,9 followed by services of song, and then the graves were “covered over with beautiful ®owers.” Thus [Confederate] Memorial Day at Talladega was inaugurated. On the 26th of April, 1868, the day was again duly observed, with an address by Rev. A. B. McCorkle, still under the auspices of the “R.W.R.” Club.10 In 1869 a call was made through the local papers signed, “The Young Ladies of Talladega,” for an observance of Memorial Day. No record can be found showing who these young ladies were, but we of a former generation could probably name most of them. The call did not go un-

278 / Postwar

heeded, and the day was ¤ttingly observed, the Rev. C. A. K ing, of the Methodist church, delivering the address.11 Permit me here to digress in this historical mention to say that after the ladies took charge of the observance of this beautiful, touching custom no records were kept, and perhaps properly so. It became entirely a labor of love and tender memory: love makes no records, keeps no minutes. The melody that arose from gentle lips and tender hearts, the perfume of sweet ®owers that was borne away upon the evening zephyrs, the tear that was dropped upon heroic dust at each recurring springtime, all told the story. But the local press, that faithful chronicler of each community’s little world, comes to my assistance, and I gather these facts: Sometime between the 26th of April, 1869, and April 1, 1870, the Ladies’ Memorial Association [of Talladega] was organized, with Mrs. J. Morgan Smith as president; Miss Pauline McAlpine, vice president; Miss Annie Elston, secretary, and Miss Rosa K nox, treasurer. Early in April of 1870 a call was made for the observance of the ceremonies and the 10th of May designated as the proper time, the lateness of the season and the fact that many of the [Southern memorial] associations had adopted that day being the reasons assigned. The 10th of May was duly observed that year, and the speaker for the occasion being Rev. A.D. McVoy, principal of the Peabody school, at Talladega.12 In 1871 there was a return to the 26th day of April as the more appropriate time, since which there has been no change. Your present historian had the honor of being named as the speaker for this occasion. [Using information from the newspaper, Miller presented a long, yearby-year catalog of the ladies who served as of¤cers of the Memorial Association and of the men who delivered the addresses. Those who can be identi¤ed came from respectable, upper-middle-class families. The speakers included ministers (all Protestant), educators, local politicians, and professionals (editors, lawyers). Several of the speakers were, like Miller, Confederate veterans. The ladies were the wives and daughters of such men.] . . . The history of the association would be incomplete were I to cease here. From its organization it has been looking forward to this auspicious day, when it could present to the memory of the loved and lost a substantial testimonial of high regard for heroism displayed, hardships and suffering endured, and love for them as kindred and countrymen.

1865–1916 / 279

For this they have labored at all times and under many adverse circumstances, but with a persistency characteristic of womanly nobility and in a manner becoming the mothers, wives, daughters, and sisters of a volunteer soldiery, ¤ghting for principle, without pay, bounty, pension,13 or the hope thereof, for which the annals of time will be searched in vain for a parallel. These mothers and wives of this association have not only labored themselves, but have [also] carried their enthusiasm and example into the rising generation and have taught it to carry forward the work. About the year 1889 a concert given under the direction of Mrs. S. H. Henderson, together with a dramatic entertainment promoted and made successful by Messrs. W. J. Huston and F. H. Otts,14 secured $125, which was placed in [a] bank as a nucleus for a monument fund. In 1890 the proceeds of a supper given under the auspices of the association added $250 more and with the substantial subscriptions obtained under the in®uence of the local press, aided by a kind letter and by a substantial contribution from M. Quad, of the Detroit Free Press,15 and the assistance of citizens and comrades, brought the total up to more than $1200, and this beautiful and imposing monument that now stands before you is the result. You will see from the brief outline given that Memorial Day has been observed twenty-seven consecutive times, including this day. You will see that during all these years the association has had but four presidents, four secretaries, and two treasurers, and that the present president was, if I may so speak, a charter member. The association was exceedingly happy in having Mrs. J. Morgan Smith for its president at its organization, for we all know her splendid accomplishments, her ¤ne executive ability, and the zeal with which she wrought when her heart was enlisted in the work—the wife of a gallant Confederate soldier, the sister of a volunteer private trooper, who, from Belmont to Bentonville, wielded a sabre. “Than which a better never did Itself sustain upon a soldier’s thigh.” 16 She was equal to the occasion and ¤lled it. Her successors—Mrs. [W. H.] Burr from 1877 to 1886, Mrs. Crowder for one year, and Mrs. McAfee for seven years—have caused the work not only to survive but [also] to grow to this happy fruition under their zeal and energy.

280 / Postwar

Ladies of the association, one and all, and with tender rememberance of those of your number who have passed to a heavenly reward, on behalf of the silver-haired veterans of Talladega county and wherever found, on behalf of our associates, who, in known and unknown graves, are “tenting on the old campground,” I tender heartfelt thanks for this shaft and the statue of the typical Confederate private surmounting it, which it now becomes my pleasant duty, at your bidding, to unveil. Comrades of the advance guard, you whose spirits are now gathered on the shore beyond, under the bright skies that looked down in wonder on your valor, on the sod for which you struggled and died, I now lift the veil from the memorial shaft. “Esto perpetua” [be thou eternal].

Notes for 26 April 1893 1. John Webster Bishop graduated from the University of Alabama in 1854 and practiced law in Talladega. During the war he served with Co. F, 51st Ala. Partisan Rangers. Some records show him a sergeant, but he seems only to have been detailed as of 1 May 1863 as acting orderly sergeant. Postwar he served as mayor of Talladega, succeeding GK M when the latter became judge of the probate court; in the state legislature; and (1893–97) as judge of the city court. Owen, Alabama, 4:155. 2. GK M refers to the “Farewell Order” (G. O. No. 9, Army of Northern Virginia, 10 Apr. 1865) issued the day after Lee surrendered at Appomattox Court House, Va. Johnston surrendered the Army of Tennessee near Durham Station, N.C., 26 Apr. 1865. Confederates in the Trans-Mississippi surrendered 25 May 1865, although Smith himself did not sign the formal terms until 2 June. Smith had served on the faculty of Sewanee, the University of the South after the war. He died 28 Mar. 1893—hence GK M’s reference to “but yesterday.” This speech, not surprisingly, re®ects the white South’s view of Reconstruction. Former Confederates thought of themselves as an oppressed people, living under the corrupt, tyrannical rule of their conquerors and former slaves. Most modern historians reject this interpretation of the period and point out that from the end of the war Southern whites sought by every means (legal, extralegal, and illegal) to restore white rule over the South. Corruption in Southern state government was not, of course, unique to the years immediately after the Civil War. 3. Pres. Andrew Johnson clashed with the Radical wing of the Republican Party in the immediate postwar years. Johnson, a Democrat and a Southern Unionist during the war, wanted to restore the former Confederate states to a normal status as soon as possible and not punish most of those who had supported Southern independence. Such a policy would have led to immediate domination of the South by white, pro-Confederate Democrats. The Radicals

1865–1916 / 281 wished to use the opportunity presented by the Union victory to impose racial equality on the South and thereby strengthen the Republicans. Angered by Johnson’s unsuccessful efforts to block their scheme, the Radicals impeached him in Feb. 1868. The Senate tried him and in May acquitted him. 4. The Radicals passed several “Reconstruction Acts.” GK M refers speci¤cally to that of 2 Mar. 1867. 5. After Johnston died at Shiloh 6 Apr. 1862, his body was buried in New Orleans. It was moved to Texas in Jan. 1867. When it reached Galveston on 1 Feb., Federal authorities forbade a funeral procession there lest it turn into a pro-Confederate ceremony. Johnston was buried the following day in the Texas State Cemetery in Austin. 6. I have been unable to learn anything about the R.W.R. Club. GK M’s comments at least imply that it assumed a police function in addition to offering its members the opportunity to sing and to care for the Confederate graves in Talladega. It may have been one of the regulator, or vigilante, organizations created in an effort to control former slaves in the postwar years. Many of these groups evolved into the Ku K lux K lan and similar terrorist societies. The K lan was very active in the Talladega area in the late 1860s and the 1870s. See Chappelle, “Reconstruction,” 131–34; Albert Burton Moore, History of Alabama (Tuscaloosa, 1951), 483–84; and Walter L. Fleming, Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama (New York, 1905), 657, 660–67. I have not been able to identify “James F. Shanklin.” “J. T. Shanklin” was a late nineteenth-century Talladega lawyer. Plowman was a banker involved with cotton mills, a building and loan company, and politics (U.S. House of Representatives 1897–99). Shelley is unidenti¤ed. George A. Joiner was a journalist, writer, and in 1895 an alderman involved in local real estate development. Truss was probably from the family that operated Truss Ferry on the Coosa River near Talladega. Swan is unidenti¤ed. Jehu Wellington Vandiver was a lawyer, editor, author, judge, and mayor of Talladega. 7. In 1866 Mary Ann Howard (Mrs. Charles J.) Williams was elected secretary of the Ladies’ Memorial Association of Columbus, Ga. As early as Mar. 1866, she had begun working to have white women across the South memorialize the Confederate dead. See Etta Blanchard Worsley, Columbus on the Chattahoochee (Columbus, Ga., 1951), 307; and History of the Confederated Memorial Associations of the South (New Orleans, 1904). 8. Most of these men had died in local hospitals during the war. 9. John Jefferson DeYampert Renfroe became chaplain of the 10th Ala. Inf. Regt. 3 Oct. 1862. He resigned 29 Oct. 1864. He served as pastor of the First Baptist Church in Talladega 1858–60 and 1864–88. Owen, Alabama, 4:1424–27; Jemison, Talladega, 233. 10. Alexander B. McCorkle was pastor (1845–71) of the First Presbyterian Church of Talladega.

282 / Postwar 11. I have found no additional information on K ing. 12. Kate Duncan married J. Morgan Smith, a lawyer, in 1863. The couple moved to Birmingham in 1888 and became active in civic affairs there. See GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter. Rosa K nox was probably the daughter of James C. K nox, a prominent medical doctor who moved to Talladega from Georgia in 1835. I have found no information on the others mentioned in this paragraph. 13. Alabama eventually paid pensions to her Confederate veterans, and as of 1923 all the state’s surviving veterans and the widows of deceased veterans were eligible. “Surviving Confederate Pensioners,” Alabama Historical Quarterly 2, no. 2 (summer 1940): 208–16. GK M probably meant that the men had taken up the ¤ght when there was no provision for a pension. 14. I have been unable to locate information on Huston and Otts. 15. “M. Quad” was a pseudonym used by the journalist Charles Bertrand Lewis who wrote several works about the war (such as Field, Fort, and Fleet) as well as humorous sketches (The Lime Kiln Club [1887], and others) featuring what The Cambridge History of English and American Literature (edited by William Peter¤eld Trent, New York, 1921, 17:12) called “Negro dialect and certain broad aspects of darky pretentiousness.” 16. From Shakespeare’s Othello, 5.2.261.

The following document is typed, double-spaced, on ten pages of letterhead stationery from “Robertson & Davis, Attorneys-atLaw, Rooms 29, 30, 31, Provident Building.” The letterhead also gives the full names of the partners: Felix H. Robertson and John W. Davis.

10 June 1895 Waco, Texas, June 10th, 1895 A. K. Miller, Esq., Talladega, Ala. My Dear Major:1 I have received your kind letter of June 6th [not found], this day, and it gives me great satisfaction I assure you. The crowd at Houston was so great that it was impossible for us to meet again, much to my disappointment. I brought my daughter up from Galveston; and one of the pleasures I had promised her was a meeting with you as one of the men who was present at my marriage with her mother.2 Yes, the name of the lady was Miss Sallie Davis. We were married at a place known as the Old Taylor Homestead, on Falling Water Creek,

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about 11 miles west of Sparta[, Tenn.]. As you remember correctly, your regiment did march back with me, and stood guard while we were married. We left the next morning [12 September 1864] about daylight, and rejoined our command upon the mountain.3 From there we marched out through Hen Valley, to the Iron Furnace on Nollichuckee, in East Tennessee, where we shod horses and rested up our men. I remember while we were there, a courier came from the front, telling us that General Vaughn had been attacked, or was in danger of being attacked.4 Gen. Williams had gone back to Wytheville, Va.,5 and when I received the message, I hurriedly marched my command to the front, and shall not soon forget my chagrin when I reported to Gen. Vaughn, and found him at church with a number of ladies, and no evidence whatever of the enemy in his front. I suppose he merely wanted to increase his command, and sent me an unfounded report which he, himself, did not really believe. I felt very keenly disappointed, for I felt that both men and horses needed the rest, which Gen. Vaughn’s messenger had so needless[l]y broken. I returned with the command to our former station, and rested until we got news of Burbridge’s advance on Saltville. I have always thought that Burbridge should have been captured or destroyed.6 As you remember, after the ¤ght at Saltville, Gen. Williams was placed under arrest, and a court-martial was ordered to try him.7 That left me in command of the division; and orders soon came to report to Gen. Wheeler at Atlanta. You doubtless remember the long march through Ash[e]ville[, N.C.,] and Athens, Georgia, about to the vicinity of Atlanta, where I met Gen. Robt. H. Anderson, and turned over to him the command of the division, and I proceeded immediately to report to Gen. Wheeler.8 By this time, Sherman had begun his march from Atlanta to the sea. I found Gen. Wheeler at Macon, and was by him, assigned to duty as his chief of staff, and gave the next few days to the most arduous labor in collecting our scattered divisions, in order to envelop Sherman’s advance with our Cavalry, in the hope of restricting his ravage to the smallest possible compass. As my duties in this direction were accomplished, I reported just at the time when K ilpatrick, with his Cavalry, left the protection of Sherman’s Infantry and started for Augusta, Georgia. Wheeler soon discovered the movement, and bent all his great energies immediately upon K ilpatrick, and at night-fall of the ¤rst day [27 November], we drove him out of the village of Waynesboro. So sharp had been our advance

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that K ilpatrick despaired of reaching Augusta, and here made a sharp turn to the right [south], with a view of again sheltering himself from Wheeler’s Cavalry, behind Sherman’s infantry.9 During the night at Waynesboro Wheeler directed me to take command of the advance guard, and force K ilpatrick to a ¤ght. From daylight [28 November], we crowded K ilpatrick, and at Buckhead Creek, forced him to a halt and to form line of battle across the road, which line I promptly charged with such soldiers as I could assemble from the skirmish line; we broke the line, and went with it through the swamp of Buckhead Creek, pell mell. As I rode into the column, with my revolver in hand, I looked for some insigna of rank, with the purpose of bestowing my attention upon the highest [Union] of¤cer then present. K ilpatrick passed within ¤ve feet of me, but had his back to me, was wearing a blouse, with no insigna of rank w[h]atever—, exposed to view. I did not shoot him, but turned my attention to a lieutenant, who seemed to be in command. I ¤red at him with, I supposed, fatal effect. I spurred my horse and passed him, but in a little while he came whipping by me, and when I gave attention to him again, he called out that he had surrendered, but continued to whip his horse, in the vain hope to ride by me. I stuck my pistol in his face, felt the muzzle touch something, and ¤red. He did not fall off as I expected, but I leaned over and pushed him off his horse, into the water. I then continued to ¤re, until I had emptied my pistol, and then drew my sabre, and began some sabre practice. Although my sabre had been well ground [sharpened] a few days before, the long gallop had dulled its edge against the mettle scabbard; and I found it impossible to force the point through the Yankee jackets while the wearers were travelling the same direction in which I rode. I then endeavored to thrust the sabre into the exposed part of the neck, and I succeeded very well, in that way, in doing some execution. As soon as I would ¤nish disposing, with my sabre, of one man, I would spur my horse forward and reach another. This process had continued a little while, but unfortunately, my sabre strokes made no noise, and some Yankee on my left gathered suf¤cient presence of mind to shoot me. The bullet struck me in the left elbow, and carried away pieces from two bones, and left me useless for further ¤ghting. When I felt the shot, I raised myself in my stirrups for the purpose of cutting down the man who had shot me, and delivered with my full force a swinging blow on the head of my adversary. So great was the force of my blow that my stirrup leather broke, and I was about to fall

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to the ground; but caught, with my right heel, on the cantel of my saddle, and succeeded in regaining my upright position. By this time my horse was in full gallop, carrying me along with my ®eeing enemies, my left hand useless and my sabre in my right hand; but by taking the reins of my bridle in my teeth, I was enabled to get a fresh hold with my right hand, bring my horse to a stop, and as soon as the rush of fugitives had passed by, I turned and rode to the rear. I had gone but a short distance when I met Gen. Wheeler and our main body; and as I met them, I beheld standing on the ground in the center of the road, a man, terribly besmattered with water & sand, in Yankee uniform, with blood trickling down over his face. That man immediately pointed to me and said, “There is the man who shot me.” It proved to be the ¤rst Lieutenant, whom I had supposed I had shot in the face but a few moments before. I supposed of course, that he was fatally wounded; but here I found him standing upright, and apparently not much hurt, but the blood trickling over his face, and his clothing covered with sand and water. I seems that when I stuck my pistol in his face, he leaned his head back, and at the time my pistol ¤red, the muzzle was resting on his cheek bone; and the bullet, as it past out, cut about half its depth in his eyebrow, without doing him any further harm. Since the war, that man lived for a year or two in Texas, and I had from him two letters, in which he spoke very pleasantly of the incident, and acknowledged, as the hunters say, that “he was my meat.” At the time he wrote, he lived in Jack County, Texas. I believe he now lives in Colorado. His name is W. C. Adams.10 [Last sentence written by hand.] K ilpatrick had formed a strong line on the south side of Buckhead creek—, and I left Gen. Wheeler, with my comrades, to give the requisite attention to K ilpatrick, while I went to the nearest farm-house to have my wounds dressed. As I rode back to the farm-house, I met Dr. Frank Lynch,11 who was Wheeler’s surgeon, and most of the other surgeons of the Corps, all of whom I well knew. These gentlemen carefully examined my wound, and the opinion of the majority was, that my arm should be amputated. Dr. Frank Lynch, however, took a more cheerful view, and thought it might be saved. When they reported their disagreement to me, I promptly decided in favor of Lynch’s opinion, and in a very few minutes, he had performed the necessary operation, and I was put to bed in that hospitable Georgia home, to rally from the shock of the wound and the operation. The next morning a big fellow named Pue, who you may remember

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as the Lieutenant in charge of the piece of artillery that did us such good service, in our K ilpatrick ¤ght on the Triune road near Murphresborough—, (when we rode through the 2d Ky. regiment), put me in a buggy and took me back to Waynesboro.12 There I was put in a [railroad] car, and carried to Augusta, which place I reached at night, and went immediately to a hotel. The next morning, as soon as I was enrolled in a hospital, a glorious Georgia woman, Mrs. William Eve, sent her carriage and took me to her house, where she continued to nurse me until I suf¤ciently recovered to travel.13 The morning after I found myself quartered at Mrs. Eve’s, I started Silas Bradford to middle Tennessee, to bring out my wife.14 I may say that at the time I married, it was understood between my wife and myself, that she should go to Nashville, and from that point, come out by ®ag of truce, through the Yankee lines. About the time I was married, however, the policy was changed, and when my wife applied for permission to go through the lines under ®ag of truce, it was denied her. Hood’s advance seemed to offer me an opportunity to get her out without asking leave of any Yankee general; and under that idea I sent Bradford after her. Before Bradford, however, could accomplish his purpose, Hood had been defeated, and the Yankee lines again reestablished. From that time on, the Confederacy was reeling under such fast falling blows, that it was impossible to fore-see the course of events, or make, intelligent arrangements, even if the Yankees had been willing to permit my wife to come south. While my wound healed very rapidly under the tender nursing I received, the end of the bone which had been carried away, had not been so united to the ®esh that I could endure much motion in a carriage, and [I] was not able to ride horseback for several months. But this rapidly improved, and at the time Wilson’s raid reached Macon, Ga.,15 I was able to ride horseback without much discomfort, by strapping my arm to my body, so as to prevent violent motion. At Macon, Gen. Howell Cobb was in command;16 and hearing of Wilson’s advance, he halted me and all other cavalry soldiers, and endeavored, by picketing the roads, to delay Wilson’s advance on Macon. I was placed in command of a detachment of Cavalry on one of the roads, and went with a ®ag of truce from Gen. Cobb to Gen. Wilson, giving him information of the convention between Gen. Johnson [ Johnston] and Gen. Sherman.17 Wilson’s troops refused to respect the ®ag of truce, and drove us before them and occupied Macon. The next morning I went to Gen. Wilson’s head-quarters,

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where I found myself in the presence of a classmate at West Point, and Wilsons adjutant-general was a man whom I had known at West Point, though [he had been] in the class above mine. They treated me with every politeness and consideration, and in view of the fact that I had been captured under a ®ag of truce, they gave me a pass to leave the lines of the United States forces, and to take with me my horse, my baggage, and my servant.18 I then started to Texas, and got as far as Macon, Mississippi; but at that place I met some men of the Terry Rangers on whom I could rely,19 and their report that the condition of the Mississippi [River] was such that I did not care to attempt its passage at that time. So I returned to Oglethorpe, Georgia, to the residence of Sam Hall, (afterwards Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia).20 By that time communication was suf¤ciently open, and I was enabled to send for my wife to join me there, which she did, reaching me on the 3d day of August, 1865. At Oglethorpe we spent a few weeks most pleasantly; but my heart longed for Texas; and bidding my kind friends good-bye, my wife and I started for Texas. After several delays, none, however, particularly unpleasant, we reached my father’s home in Washington county[, Texas,] on the 1st day of December, 1865.21 In June of the following year, my ¤rst child, a daughter, was born to us; and in gratitude for the kind attention which I had received at Augusta, Georgia, I named the newcomer for Mrs. William Eve. My wife bore me ¤ve children, and died in 1889. She was to me all that a wife should be, and left, at her death, a wide circle of friends who sincerely admired and loved her. Two of her children died before she did, leaving me one son and two daughters. My ¤rst daughter died when four years old. My second daughter is now married, as is my son, and each has one child. The daughter whom I hoped to introduce to you at Houston, is my youngest child by my ¤rst wife. In November, 1892, I married again, and now have a happy home, blest by a good wife and another son, almost two years old.22 When I look back on our experience in the army, I am glad to say that I have, to a great extent, lost the memory of the things that were most disagreeable in that life; and I often recall, with increased pulse and ¤lling eyes, incidents of unsel¤shness and heroism that we were accustomed to see every day in that service. And notwithstanding all the bitterness that still comes when I think of our defeat, I rejoice and am glad that I was a member of that noble band.

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I have found the harassing annoyance of reconstruction more exasperating and worrying than all the service, exposure, and danger of actual war; and I believe that my experience in peace, since the war, has required from me a higher order of courage, than any trial that was put upon me in actual war. I have endeavored, and I think with reasonable success, to keep my heart young and full of faith in my fellow men; and while my success in a worldly way has not been such, perhaps, as I should have made it, I can say that my life has been blessed with a great many friends, with a happy home, and a reasonable share of worldly goods. As I told you at Houston, I know of four of your old regiment living in this county; two brothers named Gilliam, one named W. P. Jeans and one named Monroe M. Smith.23 I told Jeans about you, and he remembers you with pleasure. The ¤rst time I see the others I will tell them about you. It would be to me a great pleasure to have you visit me in Waco, and I hope that I may look forward to that pleasure. If you can come, make my house your home, and I will take great pleasure in contributing all in my power to make your visit pleasant. I wish you would give my kind regards to all your [probably intended “our”] old soldier friends, wherever you may meet them. And give my love to your children, and assure them that they can always command my best services. Si Bradford, I am afraid, is dead. The last I heard from him he was at Tucson, Arizona. That has been 27 or 28 years ago. If you ever ¤nd any men who belonged to my old battery, I wish you would ask them to write to me.24 Asking your pardon for boring you with this long letter, necessarily so ¤lled with myself, I subscribe myself, Your friend and old comrade, (Dictated) Felix H. Robertson

Notes for 10 June 1895 1. On several occasions after the war, people referred to GK M as “Major” (for example, Brewer, Alabama, 692). I have found no record that he ever held that grade in the Confederate army, although he may have acted as such from time to time. The title probably re®ects the common practice of conferring upon veterans the title of a higher military grade than they had held during the con®ict. 2. The United Confederate Veterans held its 1895 reunion in Houston 22–

1865–1916 / 289 24 May. CV 3 (1899): 162–72 (no mention of GK M). On the wedding see “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (this chap.). 3. Robertson’s obituary (CV 36 [1928]: 365–66) gives the bride’s name as “Sarah Davis.” 4. Brig. Gen. John C. Vaughn then commanded the Department of Western Virginia and East Tennessee. 5. Williams then commanded the fragment of Wheeler’s force that had separated from the main body in Tennessee. He had taken his men into southwestern Virginia. 6. Brig. Gen. Stephen G. Burbridge had commanded the District of Kentucky and in Oct. 1864, had led a Federal column into southwestern Virginia to wreck the crucial saltworks at Saltville and to destroy the railroad. Robertson’s professed concern for his exhausted men and horses is ironic in view of what he had required them to do the night of his wedding. See GK M’s “Notes on the 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (this chap.). 7. Wheeler ordered Williams tried for failure to rejoin the main body of Rebel cavalry in Tennessee. On 7 Apr. 1865 Maj. Joseph B. Cummings, of Gen. J. E. Johnston’s staff, wrote Wheeler that Johnston did not think it wise to put Williams on trial and that Johnston wanted the charges withdrawn. No trial took place (letter in Wheeler Papers, ADAH). See also Guild, 4th Tenn., 104. On Saltville see GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter. 8. Wheeler was then attempting to assemble a mounted force to protect Georgia while the Army of Tennessee marched into Alabama. Any orders Robertson received soon after the Saltville ¤ght certainly did not designate Federally occupied Atlanta as the rendezvous point. Robertson’s column reached Love-joy’s, south of Atlanta, on 31 Oct. Anderson, recovered from his July 1864 wound, then resumed command of his troops. CV 39 (1931): 341; and GK M’s 10 Nov. 1864 letter. Robertson, doubtless, was glad to leave Virginia. Confederate authorities wanted to try him on charges of allowing (if not ordering) a massacre of captured Yankees at Saltville. Robertson ignored orders to return to Virginia to stand trial. In the Buckhead Creek ¤ght that he describes in this letter, he again sanctioned the murder of prisoners. 9. To protect Augusta’s crucial industrial facilities, Wheeler fought K ilpatrick over a period of several days in what came to be called the Battle of Waynesboro. Reinforced by infantry, K ilpatrick returned 1–3 Dec., brie®y occupied Waynesboro, and destroyed the railroad there before rejoining the main army. The Yankees made no serious effort to capture Augusta. 10. William C. Adams of the 2d Ky. (U.S.) Cav. Regt. See 44OR. 377–78. 11. Lynch, surgeon of the 1st Ala. Cav. Regt., became medical director of Wheeler’s Cavalry Corps at an unknown date. He received a parole 26 Apr. 1865. 12. Samuel J. Pue served ¤rst as a private in Co. C, 1st Ala. Inf. On 21 Dec.

290 / Postwar 1861 he transferred to Capt. Stounton H. Dent’s Florida Battery at Pensacola, Fla. (see nn14 and 24 this letter). His only records show him with the unit through Aug. 1862. His late 1864 status is unknown. In Sept. 1864, after Williams’s ad hoc division separated from Wheeler’s main column, it endeavored to rejoin. Following Wheeler to the Triune Road area near Murfreesboro, Tenn., Williams’s force was attacked by Federals. Pue, commanding the column’s artillery, played an important role in defeating the attack. See Robertson’s undated (ca. 1922) letter, CV 30 (1922): 334–35. 13. Philoclea E. (Mrs William J.) Eve, whose residence stood at 79 Broad Street, was a widow. She and her husband, who died 10 Mar. 1863, also owned Goodale Plantation, a few miles downriver from Augusta. 14. Bradford enlisted in Mar. 1861 in Co. D, 1st Ala. Inf. He transferred, 21 Dec. 1861, to Capt. Stounton H. Dent’s Florida Artillery Battery commanded by then captain Robertson. Bradford was promoted to sergeant in early 1862. Wounded at Shiloh, he became a 2d Lt. in Co. G, 25th Ala. Inf. 6 May 1862. In or after July 1863 he was promoted to captain. He resigned either late that year or early in 1864. What his late 1864 connection with Robertson was is not known. 15. Maj. Gen. James H. Wilson led a force of Yankee cavalry into Central Alabama in Mar. 1865. After capturing the great munitions-industrial complex at Selma, he turned east. His raid ended at Macon on 20 Apr. 16. After representing Georgia in the Confederate Congress and serving in the Rebel army in Virginia, Maj. Gen. Howell Cobb held administrative commands in Florida and at Atlanta. In Feb. 1864 he took charge of the recently created Georgia Reserve force, headquartered in Macon. As the ranking Confederate of¤cer present, he commanded that post until he surrendered to Wilson 20 Apr. 1865. 17. See nn76 and 77 to GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter. 18. Robertson had been in the U.S. Military Academy, Class of June 1861. The academy also had a Class of May 1861 (the difference stemmed from the change from a ¤ve-year curriculum [May 1861] to a four-year course [ June 1861]). Robertson’s classmate was Capt. Henry Erastus Noyes, of Massachusetts, Wilson’s acting assistant inspector general. Wilson’s assistant adjutant general was Maj. Eugene Beauharnais Beaumont of Pennsylvania, Class of May 1861. Robertson probably also knew Capt. Elias Brown Carling (Class of 1859), from Maryland, who served as Wilson’s quartermaster. See 49OR1, 443. 19. “Terry’s Texas Rangers” was a name often applied to the 8th Tex. Cav. Regt. (part of Harrison’s Brigade). Col. Benjamin Franklin Terry had been the unit’s ¤rst commander. 20. Samuel Hall played a prominent role in legal affairs in middle Georgia. He lived outside Oglethorpe from 1853 to 1867. In 1841 he graduated from

1865–1916 / 291 what is now the University of Georgia and in 1861 served as “secession commissioner” from Georgia to North Carolina (he had brie®y attended the University of North Carolina and his wife hailed from Wilmington, N.C.). Later he served as one of the land appraisers for the Andersonville National Cemetery. In 1882 he won election as an associate justice of the Georgia Supreme Court and served as such until his death. He never held the post of chief justice. 21. Robertson’s father, Jerome Bonaparte Robertson, a Confederate brigadier general, served in the Army of Northern Virginia (1861–64) and commanded the reserve troops of Texas (1864–65). 22. Robertson’s second wife was Lizzie Dwyer, of Brenham, Tex. 23. There is no “Gilliam” or “Jeans” in the service records of the 8th Confed. Cav. There are, however, two “Gilhams” (both in Co. D and both of whom enlisted in Columbus, Miss.) and four “Gillams” (all of whom enlisted in Chambers County, Ala., in either Co. B or Co. D). Robertson may have confused GK M’s regiment and been referring to Charles and William Gilliam, both of whom served in Co. G, 3d Confed. Cav., which was in the Confederate Brigade with GK M’s regiment. There was also a “James Gilliam” who served in Co. F of the 3d Confed. Cav. “Jeans” was probably W. P. Jeans, who served in Co. C, 10th Confed. Cav., another regiment in the same brigade with the 3d and 8th Confed. Cav. regiments. There was no Monroe M. Smith in the 8th Confed. Cav., and I have been unable to identify any man to whom Robertson may have been referring. 24. Prior to serving with the Cavalry Corps artillery, Robertson had been captain of an Alabama/Florida battery sometimes called Robertson’s Battery but more properly known as Capt. Stounton H. Dent’s Company Alabama (or Florida) Artillery.

As the years went by, Miller, like many aging veterans, found his memories turning often to his days as a soldier in the Confederate army. Veterans’ reunions and the old soldiers’ published memoirs helped to kindle such thoughts. So, too, did the columns that appeared in many Southern newspapers on a regular basis in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, usually with such titles as “Veterans’ Stories,” “Confederate Column,” or—as in the case of the Montgomery Advertiser—the “United Daughters of the Confederacy” column. Material in such articles often prompted other veterans to take up their pens and write to refute, or support, or expand, or correct some published account. Miller in this way became an unof¤cial historian of the 8th Confederate Cavalry Regiment. While he never produced a full-scale history of the unit, he

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did pen several documents that shed light on its wartime service and on the history of the war in the West. These works overlap to a great extent, and all are clearly based on his wartime letters. Those that follow present a more or less complete history of the regiment with a minimum of repetition.

12 August 1906 (from the Montgomery Advertiser) Permit me to say that I was one of the young men of Alabama that early in 1861 left college halls and studies to respond to Alabama’s call on her sons to arms. I was a member of a cavalry company organized as a part of the State troops in 1859,1 and the company’s services were tendered to the Governor very early in 1861. These services were declined by the State as there was practically no enemy on her border and the cavalry arm of the State Guard was not needed. Upon the organization of the Confederate Government, even that government was slow in organizing a cavalry force as it was an expensive arm to maintain, and the President, as commander-in-chief, seemed to have determined on a defensive policy, in pursuing which it was thought that cavalry was not so highly essential. From these causes the company in which I was an enlisted man was not accepted until about the middle of July, 1861. But on the 29th day of July we were on the march from Talladega to Decatur, Ala., when we were ordered to rendezvous and report to General Leonidas Polk, then at Memphis, Tenn. We were mustered into the service of the Confederate States at Decatur, Ala., on the 13th of August and shortly afterwards went to Iuka, Ms., and then to Corinth and thence to Union City[, Tenn.,] and with Captain Jefferson Franklin’s [Falkner’s] company from Chambers county and Captain Coles’s company from East Feliciana Parish, La., were formed into a battalion under Major Richard Brewer and led the advance of Polk’s army into Kentucky. But I am going too much into particulars in answering your letter.2 At all events we were with Polk’s corps and took an active part in the two days battle of Shiloh, assisted in covering the retreat, were then formed into a regiment composed of seven companies from Alabama and three from Mississippi, and for a while it was called the 1st [2d] Mississippi and Alabama Regiment of cavalry. After Shiloh and up to

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about the middle of July, 1862, [we] were operating under General James R. Chalmers, who commanded all of the cavalry of the army of Tupelo. On the 19th day of July 1862, Colonel Joseph Wheeler was placed in command of all the cavalry then with General Bragg’s army, consisting of about a small brigade and from thence on until the surrender of Johnston’s army in North Carolina in 1865 my regiment (renamed 8th Confederate, because made up of troops from different States), was with and composed a part of “Wheeler’s Cavalry.” 3 My Dear Mrs. Jones, I have given you these outline facts merely to let you know where I was and what opportunities I had to preserve a few reminiscences of those years of [trial] and the ensanguined ¤elds traversed while doing battle in eight of the Confederate States.4 Of course this is not written for publication, but before long I will endeavor to send you an episode or two from the tablets of memory. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Geo. K nox Miller.

Notes for 12 August 1906 1. See n3 for 31 May 1861. 2. See the next letter. 3. In July 1862 Wheeler commanded Chalmers’s old cavalry force. He did not become chief of the army’s cavalry until 13 Oct. See 16OR2, 939, 940, and n2 for 14 June 1862. 4. GK M was counting Kentucky as a Confederate state.

14 August 1906 (from the Montgomery Advertiser, 26 August 1906) Talladega, Ala., Aug. 14, 1906. Mrs. Harvey E. Jones Spring Hill, Ala. Dear Madam.—In partial ful¤llment of my promise, I enclose [for] you my personal recollections of the Cavalry battle near Varnell’s Station, Ga.1 It was one of the hundreds of Wheeler’s Cavalry’s engagements that distinguished that superb corps-d’Armee, and especially notable for the results achieved by men[?] ¤ghting against tremendous odds. In reading an article from Mrs. Northington in Sunday’s Advertiser of August 5, inst., I regret to see that she has fallen into the common error of supposing that the regiments designated “Confederate” had no

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connection with the volunteers, and implying that they were a form of “regulars” raised by the Confederate government, whereas the facts are just the contrary. Instead of the men and of¤cers composing the “Confederate” regiment “having no connection with the volunteers” they composed the very creme de la creme of the volunteer cavalry. I will tell you why. The best of the volunteer cavalry were received and mustered into the service of the Confederate States, one or two companies at a time and hurried to the front, where they were grouped ¤rst into battalions, and when there were not enough companies or battalions from one State to form a regiment, companies and battalions were taken from another State and joined with them, thus forming a regiment. For a while the regiment thus formed was called by the name of the States contributing the troops—for instance, the 1st [2d] Mississippi and Alabama Regiment. Later on, and on the re-organization of Bragg’s army after Perryville and the retreat from Kentucky, the regiments thus formed were designated by the government at Richmond “Confederate” and were numbered 1st, 2nd, 3rd, etc. Confederate. The company to which I belonged was organized two years before the civil war and offered its services to the State immediately after Alabama seceded and before the Confederate States were formed.2 Its services were not then needed, but in July 1861, its services were called for, and the company with Captain Jefferson Falkner’s company from Chambers County, immediately went to the front and was joined in West Tennessee by Captain Cole’s company from Louisiana and formed Brewer’s battalion, and as such fought through both days at Shiloh and until Corinth was evacuated about the 10th [actually, 29–30] of May, 1862, when to this battalion was added Baskerville’s battalion composed of three companies from Mississippi, and one from Pickens County, Alabama, and Bell’s battalion of four companies from East Alabama and (eliminating Cole’s company of Louisianians which went into another regiment) formed the 1st [2d] Mississippi and Alabama regiment of cavalry, W. B. Wade, Colonel; Jefferson Falkner, Lieutenant Colonel; and John B. Prother [Prather], Major. All of these companies so forming the regiment were among the ¤rst of the volunteers from their respective States. These “Confederate” regiments of cavalry were scattered around in different brigades and so served throughout the war. In 1864–5 the brigade in which the 1st [2d] Mississippi and Alabama, then known as the

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“8th Confederate” operated, was composed of the 3rd, 8th and 10th Confederate regiments and 5th Georgia. The 3rd and 10th Confederate regiments were each composed of Alabama and Georgia volunteers, and never failed to give a good account of themselves when hard ¤ghting was to be done.3 The last two years of the war—64–5—the 8th Confederate was armed with pistols and sabres only and was kept for the charge mounted, while the other regiments of the brigade were armed with sabres and En¤eld ri®es and carbines captured from the enemy and did much of their ¤ghting on foot. When dismounted no infantry ever fought better or with more steadiness than these regiments with guns, and especially the 10th Confederate when commanded by Major Rudulph of Alabama or Captain Vason of Georgia.4 Pardon me for thus elaborating this matter, but the idea should never prevail that the “Confederate” regiments had no connection with the volunteers. They were volunteers par excellence, and were men giving life and all as a sacri¤ce on the altar of righteousness, long before conscription was seriously thought of and from Belmont to Bentonville they were ever at the front, when not carrying destruction to the foe far in his rear with their cherished Joe Wheeler in his daring raids.5 Respectfully your humble servant, George K nox Miller

Notes for 14 August 1906 1. See the next document. 2. See n3 for 31 May 1861. 3. The 3d Confed. (also called 11th Confed.) included a Tennessee company. The 12th Confed. Cav. Regt. also served with the brigade in 1863–64. 4. John B. Rudulph (Rudolph in some records) entered service 7 Apr. 1862 as captain, Co. D. Appointed major 29 Dec. 1861, he was paroled 15 June 1865 at Selma, Ala. Capt. (later Col.) William J. Vason entered service with Co. I at Macon, Ga., 24 July 1862. On 17 May 1865 he was paroled at Albany, Ga. 5. After the war GK M changed his opinion of Wheeler, whom he had criticized harshly during the con®ict. See his 10 July 1863 and 2 Jan. 1864 letters, as well as his comments in “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (this chap.).

The following article also appeared in the 26 August 1906 Montgomery Advertiser. A manuscript copy, in the Miller papers, differs from the published version in numerous unimportant ways.

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Cavalry Fight in Varnell, Ga. About the 5th day of May, 1864, Sherman, with over 100,000 men of all arms, assembled at Chattanooga and Ringgold, Ga., began his forward movement against Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, whose army of about 42,000 of all arms was stationed at Dalton, Ga., covered by Wheeler’s cavalry, mostly at Tunnel Hill and in the gaps of Taylor’s Ridge west and northwest of Rocky Face Ridge.1 From the 5th to the 10th Sherman’s host gradually bore down upon Wheeler with every inch of ground strongly contested by the attenuated and widely extended line of Confederate troopers. The main body of Federals having by that time reached Rocky Face, held by Stevensons’s division,2 hard and persistent infantry and artillery ¤ghting ensued. In the meantime Sherman had detached McPherson’s corps and sent it by way of Lafayette to the southwest of Dalton, which breaking through Snake Creek gap in Taylor’s [Rocky Face] Ridge, was ¤ghting its way, opposed only by our cavalry and a small force of infantry, towards Resaca, south of Dalton, and on Johnston’s line of communication.3 On the 11th of May our forces at Rocky Face were hard pressed by Sherman’s infantry and artillery while a Federal cavalry force of 5,000 was pressing southward on the road leading from Red Clay to Dalton in an effort to envelop Johnston’s forces in and [above] [i.e., north of] Dalton. General Wheeler had detached a large portion of his cavalry to oppose McPherson’s ®anking movement, and with the remainder had moved out on the night of the 10th on the Red Clay road and had taken position to the northeast of Rocky Face near Varnell Station,4 his left keeping in touch with our infantry holding that portion, with the Georgia Brigade of Kelly’s Division some two miles in advance of his main force, acting as a skirmish line against the 5,000 Federal cavalry, slowly but steadily moving south on the Red Clay road.5 What was known as the “Texas Brigade,” composed of the 8th and 11th Texas, 3rd Arkansas, and probably the 4th Tennessee, and Allen’s brigade of Kelly’s Division, composed of the 3rd, 8th and 10th Confederate and one other regiment not now remembered,6 were resting by the roadside about a mile in rear of our skirmish line holding [our] horses and ready to mount. The day was growing apace and the sound of ¤ring at Rocky Face and on our skirmish line became a roar of battle, when from towards the skirmish line, General Wheeler and staff came dashing down the road towards where we were standing to horse. Orders were

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hurriedly passed down the column to mount, and a staff of¤cer riding down from where General Wheeler had reined up, directed Col. John S. Prather commanding our (the 8th Confederate) Regiment, to move up the road at a gallop. As we passed by, General Wheeler directed the Texas brigade to follow the 8th Confederate at the same pace. We were in column of fours and Wheeler and staff dashed off in a canter at our head. The mile or more to the skirmish line was swept over in a few minutes. Arriving near a cottage on the left of the road, we found our skirmish line extending across and to the right and left of the road: that portion on the right in the edge of a wood with a half mile or more of open ¤eld in its front, ¤lled with line after line of blue-coated Federal cavalry; that portion on the left of the road was in open [woods], the line of skirmishers endeavoring to hold a ridge that extended westward from and at right angles with the road, while half way up the ridge in their front was a heavy line of dismounted Federal skirmishers, at the foot of the ridge a still heavier line of dismounted Federals, and at the top of the next ridge, back of these, still another line, and back of all, the held horses of the enemy. By proper order, Colonel Prather rapidly put us in line to the front on the left of the road, and as we cleared the road, the Texas brigade, pistols in hand and in column of fours, swept up the road charging in column; simultaneously, the 8th Confederate, pistols in hand, passed through our dismounted skirmishers and charged down the ridge with a wild yell, rode over the ¤rst line of Federals, then, ¤ring at close quarters, dashed on to the second line and crushed it, killing some, wounding others, and capturing nearly all of the second line. The quick charge, the brief ¤ght with pistols against both pistols and guns, the capture of prisoners, the casualties in our own ranks and the whirlwind of battle, broke the splendid alignment with which we threw ourselves upon the enemy, and the line became ragged and, for the time being, disorganized. My squadron (Companies A and B) was near the left of the line of the charge, with Company H, Captain John S. McElderry, on the right of Company A. In the charge over [the] enemy’s second line at the foot of the ridge, Private Edmund Ross Riddle of my company fell dead from his horse. Orderly Sergeant James W. Hardie of the same company was grievously wounded, some three others of the same company were wounded, and several horses were also wounded.

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About the time that Riddle fell, I glanced to the right and saw, near the top of the next ridge, Sergeant Thompson of Company “H,” wounded and unable to manage his horse which had carried him close to the enemy’s line on the top of the ridge, just then his horse was shot and sank down, with the wounded sergeant still astride, but wounded and helpless; a Federal of¤cer trotted out from his line and rising in his stirrups at each stroke, was splitting the head of the wounded Thompson with his sabre.7 The writer still had a shot or two in his navy six [shooter] and ¤red at the cowardly fellow, but as he was some forty yards to his right front, my shot evidently went wild, but Captain McElderry, who was rallying his company, seeing the dastardly action, dashed forward and shot the coward from his horse; three or more of the Federals on foot came out to their of¤cers’ assistance and one of these shot Captain McElderry, who fell dead from his horse. The Federals in our front then broke into a run and about this time General Kelly, sabre in hand, came dashing up in front of our rallying lines, ordered what few of my squadron that had lined up to make a left oblique wheel and to charge the enemy to our left, then unbroken and greeting us with a hot en¤lading ¤re. Up the ridge like a whirlwind, in a charge of sabres, Companies A and B went, but before reaching them the enemy broke and ®ed in wild disorder through the woods. Following them in their ®ight brought us to the main road again and a view of the open ¤elds. Here a scene was presented that caused the pulse to throb and the heart-beats to quicken. It was exhilarating beyond compare. Over that open ¤eld in wild disorder, hats dropping, canteens ®opping, of¤cers yelling, steeds dropping their riders, and every man for himself and a place of safety, madly rushed, scrambled or hobbled, struggled and roared more than 2,500 defeated, demoralized Federal cavalry, while behind them, with pistols, sabre, or carbine in hand, and yelling like Comanches with their long hair ®owing out behind, their nimble ¤ngers pulling the triggers of their trusty six shooters, went the indomitable, if not incomparable Texans and Arkansans, not more than 800 in numbers but every man a host. After pursuing the Federals until they found shelter behind their infantry and artillery, General Wheeler had recall sounded and we fell back to the line where we had ¤rst struck them, and unmolested held the ¤eld until nightfall. There on the line where the 8th Confederate had struck its blow, within a few rods of each other, lay cold in death, Sergeant Thompson, shot twice through the body and with his skull split in three places by a poltroon’s sabre; near him lay his captain, John B.

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McElderry, close by was 18-year-old E. R. Riddle, and near these were several dead Federals, and grouped close by was my gallant Orderly Sergeant James W. Hardie, badly but not fatally wounded, and a number of others with slight wounds, while close by around the cottage between 100 and 200 unwounded Federal prisoners with a Colonel among the rest.8 Within a few feet of where Ross Riddle lay cold with a bullet wound centrally in his breast, was the still form of a stalwart, red haired German, with a wounded German comrade lying close by so recently from the father land that he could neither speak nor understand but few words of English. Here was a group of ¤gures on a battle¤eld presenting food for thought. Capt John S. McElderry entered the service as Third Lieutenant of my company in July 1861, from Talladega County (A. W. Bowie being then captain). His grandfather had fought for right and liberty with Greene at Guilford C. H. [Court House];9 his father came from Tennessee with Jackson as a soldier in 1813, and fought the Indians at Tal[l]adega, Emulclefou, and Horse Shoe [Bend] and in the early 30’s had moved to and made his home in beautiful Chinnabee Valley in Talladega County, where he became a large landed proprietor, the friend of Chief Chinnabee, who was the friend of Jackson, and on his broad domain, under a monument erected by his friend and benefactor, now repose the ashes of this noble red man.10 Here, in this entrancing valley, John S. McElderry, under the care of his distinguished father and mother, and as one of a family of highly gifted brothers and sisters was reared, a typical Southern gentleman. He was a member of Capt. A. W. Bowie’s Mountain Rangers, organized as State troops in 1859,11 and which, on the breaking out of hostilities, offered its services to the Confederate States. He was second in command of the company at Shiloh, and under orders from General Beauregard, rode through a tempest of shot and shell to deliver to General Bragg the order to withdraw his lines on the last evening of that sanguinary con®ict.12 Lieutenant McElderry was desperately wounded while leading his company at Blackland, Ms., on the 4th of June 1862,13 and resigned his commission under the impression that he was permanently disabled. Upon recovering, however, from his injuries, he returned to the regiment and was at once elected Captain of Company “H,” [composed] of men from Tallapoosa and Randolph Counties. Tall, slender, agile, used to ride to hounds, he graced the back of his noble steed Logan, a Pal-

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ladin, indeed. Of warm-hearted, generous impulses, tender and considerate for the men who had unanimously chosen him to lead them, the sound of battle brought the ®ash of courage to his eye, his good right hand to the hilt of a sabre on whose bright blade no tarnish could come while its master’s pulse still throbbed; as intrepid as Lonnes, with the dash of Murat and the bravery of Ney,14 as with ®ashing blade he led his men in that brilliant charge on his last May morning on earth, he was a K night par excellence of a K nightly race. His ashes repose by those of his soldier father on ancestral sod under Alabama skies in Chinnabee’s beautiful valley. Comrade and friend, the showers of forty-two Mays have nourished the blossoms that adorn thy mound, may not one drop tears there still? Sergeant Hardie was one of ¤ve noble brothers then “wearing the gray” and was of a sturdy and highly re¤ned Scotch family that had emigrated to Alabama from Caledonia’s hills in the early forties and established a typical Southern home on the broad acres of “Thornhill” by the banks of Talladega Creek. He survived his wounds, but was disabled from further military service, and lived many years to adorn the social and commercial life of our Capital City and his maimed, but honored, form reposes in Montgomery’s “silent city.” Edmund Ross Riddle, the gallant boy trooper, was the eldest son of S. S. Riddle, one of Talladega’s pioneers, who came to the county from Pennsylvania about the time the Indians were removed, and who was one, if not the ¤rst, to erect and successfully operate an iron forge in the State. Young Riddle was a model soldier and bore himself, through many battles, with all the coolness and courage of one of Wellington’s grenadiers.15 We buried him in his soldier’s blanket for shroud and cof¤n in the garden of the cottage near which he fell. The stalwart German in blue who lay dead beside him on the ¤eld, and whose wounded comrade who told in broken English who he was, may possibly have had ancestry among the men who wore the big shakos and surrendered to Washington at Trenton in 1777.16 The ¤ght on the Red Clay Road that day, made by not exceeding 1,000 of Wheeler’s cavalry, protected Johnston’s right ®ank and enabled him during that night and the next day to retire his infantry, artillery and supplies from Dalton to Resaca intact, whither we followed him, slowly covering the movement and contesting with the enemy all the way. Geo. K nox Miller Talladega, Aug. 14, 1906.

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Notes for Cavalry Fight in Varnell, Ga. 1. Confederate myths of the Atlanta campaign have the Rebels hopelessly outnumbered. Even Johnston, however, never claimed to have fewer than 40,000 men. In fact, he had about 55,000 in his army when the campaign opened and was soon joined by another 20,000 to 25,000. See McMurry, Atlanta, 194–96. 2. Maj. Gen. C. L. Stevenson commanded a division defending the area north of Dalton—although not on Rocky Face Ridge. 3. Maj. Gen. James B. McPherson commanded one of the three armies (not corps) comprising Sherman’s force. His ®anking march through Snake Creek Gap in Rocky Face Ridge southwest of Dalton, a pass Johnston had left unguarded and even unobserved, positioned him to cut the Confederates’ rail line to Atlanta. After passing through the gap, McPherson skirmished with Confederates west of Resaca. Believing his force too weak to push ahead, McPherson fell back to the gap where the remainder of Sherman’s force soon joined him. The Yankees then moved east into the Resaca area where the battle of that name took place 13–15 May. 4. GK M misdated this skirmish. As he recorded in his 13 May 1864 letter, it took place on Monday, 9 May. Wheeler’s report is in 38OR3, 944. 5. GK M’s memory played him false. As of 30 Apr. 1864, Kelly’s Division comprised two brigades—Allen’s Confederate Brigade (3d, 8th, 10th, and 12th Confed. Cav. regiments) and Col. G. G. Dibrell’s Tennessee Brigade (4th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th Tenn. Cav. regiments). Iverson’s Georgia Brigade (1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, and 6th Ga. Cav. regiments) was part of Martin’s Division, then posted along the Oostanaula River southwest of Dalton. 38OR3, 642. 6. Col. Thomas Harrison’s Texas Brigade was then assigned to Humes’s Division. The 4th Tenn. Cav. Regt. was in Col. J. T. Wheeler’s brigade as of 30 Apr. 1864. The 30 June report shows it as part of Harrison’s Brigade. If GK M was correct, the regiment was reassigned in early May. The other regiment was the 12th Confed. Cav. 7. Pvt. B. Thompson, of Co. B, was the man to whom GK M refers. He enlisted 25 July 1861 in Chambers County, Ala. His record reads, “Died on the 13 of May [from wounds] received from the enemy on the 9 of May/64.” I believe that some clerk or copyist omitted the words “from wounds.” In his 13 May 1864 letter GK M described only the deaths of McElderry and Riddle. 8. The of¤cer was almost certainly Col. Oscar H. La Grange, commanding a brigade of Yankee cavalry. 9. On 15 Mar. 1781 at Guilford Court House, N.C., American troops commanded by Gen. Nathaniel Greene fought a battle against a British force. Although the British won a tactical victory, their heavy losses convinced them to give up most of North Carolina and to move into Virginia—to Yorktown. 10. Talladega (9 Nov. 1813), Emulclefou, or Emuckfau, Creek (22 Jan. 1814),

302 / Postwar and Horseshoe Bend (27 Mar. 1814) were battles fought by U.S. forces under Andrew Jackson against Indians in what is now Alabama during the War of 1812. Chinnabee, a Creek chief in the Talladega area, allied himself and his followers with Jackson. 11. See n3 for 31 May 1861. 12. McElderry must have been the “Lieutenant McKelvey” referred to as the bearer of this message in Brig. Gen. S. A. M. Woods’s report (10OR1, 594–95). The only “McKelvey” in the 8th Confed. Cav. was Pvt. John H. McKelvey, Co. H, who enlisted in Daviston, Ala. The retreat began at 3:00 p.m. All the Rebel infantry was away by 5:00 p.m., leaving only a rear guard to block the Federal pursuit. The Yankees made no serious attempt to follow the Confederates. 13. See GK M’s 14 June 1862 letter. 14. Lonnes was Jean Lannes, Duke of Montebello and Prince of Sievers (1769– 1809), one of the emperor Napoleon’s best generals. Joachim Murat (1771– 1815) and Michel Ney (1769–1815) were also two of Napoleon’s leading generals. Murat was also Napoleon’s brother-in-law. Both were executed after Napoleon’s defeat at Waterloo. 15. In 1843 Samuel Stuart Riddle and two of his brothers purchased Maria Forge (established 1836), the county’s ¤rst forge. Originally from New York, they lived in Pennsylvania before moving to Talladega. Jemison, Talladega, 209–10. Arthur Wesley, First Duke of Wellington (ca. 1 May 1769–14 Sept. 1852) was a British general, political ¤gure, and diplomat. He is best known as commander of the armies in western Europe that played a key role in the ¤nal defeat of Napoleon, especially at the 1815 Battle of Waterloo. 16. GK M has his dates incorrect. On 26 Dec. 1776, at Trenton, N.J., American troops under George Washington defeated and captured a British force. On 3 Jan. 1777 at Princeton, N.J., the Americans duplicated the feat. Many of the “British” soldiers were, in fact, German mercenaries. A shako is a tall hat sometimes worn by soldiers.

Early in the morning of 23 January 1907 Celestine, who had been seriously ill for several weeks, died. K nox was beside Cellie’s bed at her death as were all the couple’s children. She was buried in the city cemetery. Some time in 1911 K nox Miller suffered a stroke that hampered his ability to write. He, nevertheless, produced two more documents that shed light on his own wartime experiences as well as on the history of the regiment. The following document is from the Alabama Department of Archives and History, which holds both the original in Miller’s hand and typed copies.

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23 September 1913 Copies made for Beall’s Battalion, Brewer’s, & 8th Confed. Cavalry Regt.1 [written at top of p. 1, not in Miller’s hand] Talladega, Ala. Sept. 23d, 1913 My Dear Doctor Owen,2 Montgomery, Ala. Please excuse my delay in replying to yours of 15th inst. [not found] as I have been under the necessity of making some inquiries myself before making answer. Bowie’s Company A & Jefferson Falkners Company B with Capt Cole’s Co. C from East Feliciana parish, Louisiana, formed the battalion commanded by Maj. Richard H. Brewer, a Marylander and of¤cer of the U.S. Army who came with Gen A. S. Johnston and took command of our battalion soon after we occupied Columbus, Ky.3 At the close or during the battle of Shiloh this battalion was joined [with] Baskerville’s battalion composed of Capt. McCaa’s company from Pickens Co, Ala., and four companies from Columbus, Ms. Some few weeks after [the] Shiloh battle Cole’s Louisiana company was detached & placed with some other organization.4 While Bragg was moving his infantry & artillery from Mississippi to Chattanooga on his way to operations in Kentucky, he left a curtain of cavalry close to Corinth, Ms., under (¤rst Chalmers & then) Wheeler. About the time that Wheeler took command of the cavalry ( July 17/62) Maj. Solan Beall or Bell with three Companies from Ala. known as Bell’s battalion was attached to the troops comprising Brewer’s and Baskerville’s two battalions. Brewer himself was promoted & sent to Va. leaving Baskerville in Command. When Bell or Beal joined us Wade was made Colonel, Capt. Rev. Jefferson Falkner of Co. B Lieut. Col., & John S. Prather, a Lieut. in Falkner’s Co., Major. This left out Lieut. Col. Baskerville & Major Beall. Capt. Bowie of Co. A had resigned, & I [was] appointed Captain and Lieut. Moore soon became Capt. of Co. B. Major Bell or Beal was from Chambers Co. or Opelika[, Ala.,] I think, but he was with us so short a time that I really did not make his acquaintance. He left us when he ceased to be Major and I lost track of him & his career afterwards. Col. John S. Prather of Atlanta, Ga., being from the same county in Ala., could perhaps give [a] full account of him.5 The three (3) companies of Beall’s Bat. became H, I & K of the 8th

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Confederate Regt. Cav. Co. H was made up of volunteers from Randolph & Tallapoosa counties, and its ¤rst Captain was [blank space in letter] Thompson, a gallant old gentleman who persisted in calling himself “Roundhead Thompson,” 6 he was slightly wounded & captured in Febry. 1863 at Rover, 10 miles above Shelby ville, Tenn., when Col. Prather made a gallant but unfortunate stand with less than 200 men against a charge of Gen. [then colonel Robert H.] Minty’s Federal Cav. Brigade composed of the 3rd Kentucky, 4th Michigan, 4th Regulars & 7th Pennsylvania, backed by a Division of Federal Inf. & a battery of Artillery.7 Captain Moore and this scribe shared the same fate in that ¤ght. After our exchange in May following, Capt. Thompson resigned, & Co. H was commanded by a Lieutenant for some months until the next winter when my former Lieut. John S. McElderry, recovered from wounds, returned, and was about to enlist as a private in my company when the men of Co. H chose him for captain. He was leading Co. H in a desperate charge on two lines of dismounted cavalry on the Dalton & Red Clay road May 11th [9] 1864 when he was killed. But as the victory was with us his body was brought home & rests at McElderry station by the side of his gallant father who fought with Jackson at Talladega Nov. 9th, 1813.8 Co. H. after McElderry’s death elected the equally gallant Lieut. Matthews of one of our Ms. companies as its captain. He was killed a few miles from Columbia, S.C., but we drove [off] the enemy, secured his body & buried it in the public cemetery of Columbia while Sherman was shelling the [city] and my company was the burial escort. This ¤ne company was then commanded by some Lieutenant until we surrendered April 26th, 1865, at the front between Greensboro & Chapel Hill, N.C.9 Co. “I” was originally commanded by Capt. John Wright until [the] resignation of Lieut. Col. Falkner. Then Wright was made Major and Lieut. [blank in document] Lindsay [Lindsey] of that co. became Capt. Lindsay was captured on some of our raids into Tenn. & held. After his capture the Co. was commanded by Lieut. Wallace [2d Lt. John A. Wallis] who was killed at Noonday Church above Marietta, Ga., while we were ¤ghting our old acquaintance Minty’s brigade. This was in June 1864.10 Co. K. 8 Confed. Cav. was ¤rst commanded by Capt. Solon Bell or Beall, I think until his promotion to Major. It was made up in Chambers & adjoining counties. Captain Francis Pinckard of Chambers county who died from disease. Henry Holmes was then its captain & survived the war, but I do not remember his presence at the surrender.11 My Dear Doctor, I hope I have not wearied you by writing too much.

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Excuse pencil as my sabre hand does not permit the lighter touch of a pen & there is no one handy for dictation. Yours very truly, G. K. Miller

Notes for 23 September 1913 1. The archives maintains a ¤le for each Alabama unit. Since the letter relates to all listed units, a copy has been placed in the ¤le of each. 2. Thomas McAdory Owen, founder of the Alabama Department of Archives and History and author of numerous works on the state’s past, most notably the four-volume History of Alabama and Dictionary of Alabama Biography (Chicago, 1921) which I cite several times in this book. 3. On Johnston, see n7 to GK M’s 8 Oct. 1861 letter. 4. See the introduction to GK M’s 15 Apr. 1862 letter. 5. Beall appears not to have been in the service after leaving the unit. After the war Prather returned to his native Georgia and worked as a newspaperman until his death 12 Mar. 1920. 6. John Thompson entered service at Daviston, Ala., 30 Jan. 1862. After capture and exchange, he resigned 13 June 1863. He was then ¤fty-four. 7. Minty, of the 4th Mich. Cav., then commanded a two-brigade force (the second comprised the 4th U.S., and the 2d and 3d [U.S.] Tenn. cav. regiments) of 1,328 men. GK M had the 4th U.S. in the wrong brigade. 8. See n10 to GK M’s 1906 article “Cavalry Fight in Varnell, Ga.,” (this chap.). 9. Joseph A. Matthews enlisted at Columbus, Miss., 1 May 1862, and won election as second lieutenant 20 Apr. 1863. By late that fall he was a ¤rst lieutenant and acting regimental adjutant. On 20 May 1864 he was promoted to captain to succeed McElderry. I have been unable to identify the lieutenant who commanded after Matthews’s death. 10. John T. Wright entered Confederate service at Cusseta, Ala., 5 Feb. 1862, as captain of the unit that became Co. I. He won promotion to major effective 18 Dec. 1862. See GK M’s comments in his “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (this chap.). Thomas D. Lindsey enlisted 5 Feb. 1862, at Cusseta, Ala., as 1st Sgt. in what became Co. I. He was promoted to second lieutenant 22 Jun. 1862. The 31 Dec. 1864 roll shows him as captain, absent on detached service. His record contains no evidence that he was ever captured. He was paroled 3 May 1865 at Hillsborough, N.C. 11. F. A. Pinckard entered service at West Point, Ga., as captain of what became Co. K of the regiment. He died 13 May 1862 probably in Corinth, Miss. Holmes entered service 1 Mar. 1861 at West Point, Ga., with what became Co. K. He was then probably a second lieutenant. At the 13 Aug. 1862 reorganization

306 / Postwar he won election as captain. A board of of¤cers later found his knowledge of cavalry tactics limited, and in Dec. 1863 he was detailed as brigade inspector.

It is not known if Miller sent the following letter to the addressee. This may be a draft or a copy. The document reads as if Miller was responding to a request from Mrs. Smith for information about the wartime service of her (recently?) deceased brother John Cullen Duncan, whom GMK usually refers to in the letter as John Cullen or John C.

12 February 1914 Talladega, Ala., Feb. 12th, 1914 Mrs. Kate D. Smith,1 Birmingham, Ala. My dear Mrs. Smith, Your very kind letter of the 7th inst. [not found] was received some days since, and I have been “screwing my courage to the sticking point” of attempting to give even a brief outline of the high esteem in which I held your gallant brother, the intrepid soldier and knightly trooper, John Cullen Duncan.2 But although writing under most adverse circumstances by reason of partial paralysis of my pen and sabre hand, nothing could give me greater pleasure in the evening of this earthly existence than bearing witness to the soldiery bearing and most high esteem in which I ever held, both in war and peace, a comrade in arms and most dear and faithful friend. In the spring of 1859 there was organized at Talladega, Ala., a cavalry company of State troops called “Mountain Rangers.” Andrew W. Bowie, lawyer, veteran of the Mexican war, as a member of Hays’ Texas Rangers, was elected Captain;3 Dr. John L. Stockdale, 1st Lieutenant; Micah Taul, 2nd Lieutenant, and John S. McElderry, 3rd Lieutenant, with the noncommissioned of¤cers made up largely of the sons of planters of the county. The company was uniformed in blue after the U.S. army regulations, except that buttons were marked with the letter “A” for Alabama. The company had monthly meetings, drills and marches. The arms were Colt’s Navy pistols, sabres, belts, and cartridge boxes for pistol ammunition. These arms were furnished the State by the general [i.e., federal]

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government. The company met monthly for drill and sabre and pistol practice. Upon the secession of the State in February 1861 the services of the Company were at the disposition of the State,4 but were not called for, and as soon as they [i.e., the state] joined the Confederacy, the services of the Company with its arms and equipments, were tendered the Confederacy. But the general [Confederate] government was slow in organizing the more expensive cavalry force. The result was that more than half the members of the Rangers joined infantry companies that left the county, notably the Talladega Artillery, Capt. Philander Morgan, and the Talladega Ri®es, Capt. J. H. Johnson, which were sent to Mobile and Pensacola. These companies were later brought back and soon were reorganized, the ¤rst named under Capt. Chas. M. Shell[e]y, which joined the 5th Alabama Infantry and the latter, under Capt. John J. Woodward, and Capt. [ John C.] Mc Kenzie’s Company, made up in the south-western part of the county, were put in the 10th Alabama Infantry.5 The Rangers were kept drilling and later in July were accepted and ordered to march to Decatur, Ala. The Company left Talladega July 30th [29] 1861, reaching Decatur in three days but was not mustered in until the 13th of August 1861 by Lieut. J. S. Lanier, of Gen. Leonidas Polk’s Staff, who came to Decatur for that purpose from Iuka, Ms. When mustered in the Company numbered 100 men, rank and ¤le. Before leaving Talladega several men from Shelby, Bibb, and Calhoun counties had joined the company and three or four ¤ne recruits were added in Morgan County. The company had enlisted for three years or the war, but the mustering of¤cer said his orders were to muster us in for one year, and so we were.6 From Iuka we were sent by rail to Union City, Tenn., near the Kentucky line where we camped for a few days until Gen. Polk’s army could be assembled for the invasion (?) of Kentucky. The Mountain Rangers led the advance into Kentucky with Capt. Jefferson Falkner’s cavalry company from Chambers County. It seems that this company had been mustered into service a few days before the Rangers, though the latter company had been ¤rst accepted but not mustered in for a full half month after being accepted. At all events Capt. Falkner was the ranking Captain for a few weeks after reaching Columbus. We were soon joined by a company under Capt. Cole from East Feliciana Parish, La., and the three companies formed into a battalion under command of Maj.

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Richard H. Brewer of Maryland, who had come with Gen. A. S. Johnston from the U.S. Army in Utah.7 Few of the Volunteer of¤cers or men liked him, but being a West Pointer it proved a good appointment for us as he was a strict disciplinarian and soon made his battalion about as well drilled in Hardees’ [Hardee’s] cavalry tactics as regulars, and [put?] the of¤cers and men under ¤ne discipline.8 We drilled by day and scouted or stood picket by night. It was a training that served a good purpose in the nearly four years experience awaiting us, of waging war in eight of the Southern [i.e., Confederate] states, counting Kentucky, as one. The battalion was soon sent to Camp Beauregard, some twenty miles east of Columbus and near Clinton, Ky. While here I, as corporal with one man (and I think it was John Cullen) was sent with dispatches from Gen. Bowen to Gen. Polk on hearing the ¤rst roar of artillery at Belmont on the 7th of October [November] 1861. Two good horses were nearly killed, but we reached Columbus in time to see the enemy driven back on the opposite side of the river and the persuit of Grant’s forces back to their transports and gunboats above the bend in the river. For the ¤rst time we saw the dead and wounded brought from the battle ¤eld. We also saw a hospital in which the wounded were being treated, arms and legs amputated and thrown in heaps. It was gruesome war—we didn’t linger. The gunboats still continued to throw shells at us in Columbus, but we had the “Lady Polk” a longer range and heavier gun than any they were using and the gunboats kept at a discreet distance.9 This was our initiation into the more serious aspect of the great drama, though we had had several brisk skirmishes with scouting parties before, in one of which John Cullen had shown great gallantry by leading a small squad in a charge, putting superior numbers to ®ight, and pursuing them several miles. We remained in Western Kentucky until Fort Henry on the Tennessee and Fort Donelson on the Cumberland fell and were in hearing of both engagements, with the Tennessee river separating us from both. We had built winter quarters at Camp Beauregard and by frequent scouting and numerous forays, had kept the enemy, holding Paducah, closely cooped up. The disasters of Forts Henry and Donelson compelled Gen. Johnston to fall back from Bowling Green to Nashville and Gen. Polk prepared to evacuate Columbus, Ky., and retire to Jackson, Tenn. Our battalion was left at Columbus after the withdrawal of the infantry, artillery, and stores. We worked hard for several days in dismantling the forti¤cations and camps and then followed the army to Jackson and

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Humbolt, Tenn. The rains and snows rendered this march most trying, and as most of the wagons had been taken from us, we had to bid farewell to our tents, camp chests, and much extra clothing. After this the cavalry enjoyed “tenting on the old camp ground” but few times in the succeeding three years. The heavens were our canopy and mother earth our occasional resting place.10 From Jackson and Humbolt we in March retired to Purdy, Tenn., facing Lew Wallace on the west bank of the Tennessee some ¤fteen or twenty miles [about ¤ve] down the river from Pittsburg landing, where Grant’s main force had landed and encamped around Shiloh Church. Here we had several skirmishes with Lew Wallace’s richly attired and well armed cavalry. We had some wounded but none killed or captured though sometimes we did have to make spirited retreats with hats held in the teeth. The Yanks had long-ranged repeating carbines while we had only pistols and sabres. On the 4th of April, Polk’s forces were ordered to break camp and move, but did not move until the 5th and this accounts for Shiloh not having been begun on the morning of April 5th instead of the 6th, as fully one third of our forces were under Polk. We reached near to Shiloh about dark on the 5th and passed that night without ¤res and in line holding our horses by the bridles as we slept or tried to sleep.11 At break of day, we were mounted and soon was heard the crack of ri®es and muskets to our right front. Just then an order came for a detail of a Lieutenant and twenty men from Co. A of Brewer’s Battalion. The detail was hastily made and ordered to some of¤cer for instructions. Lieut. Micah Taul had broken down in health and resigned, and Sergeant N. B. De Arman had been elected as 3rd Lieutenant, while Lieut. John S. McElderry had moved up a peg. De Arman was put on this detail. The men [were] detailed alphabetically. Some exchanged with others lower down in the list, some offering money for exchange so as to stay with the main body and go through the battle. Will Moore couldn’t get an exchange and dropped on the ground weeping. Mark McElderry paid some man a good big bill to take his place on the detail.12 This detail was sent scouting in the direction of Lew Wallace’s forces down the river and didn’t ¤nd Lew and Lew didn’t ¤nd Grant in time to wipe the Rebels (?) off the earth.13 I am not certain, but think that John Cullen got an exchange and passed through both days of the battle then [going] on. This [the detail] left the company with two of¤cers and about sixty men. As we were moving forward in line, a shell some 2-2 feet long from

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a gunboat fell just a few yards in front of our line, but failed to explode. Thanks! One of our batteries now came up behind us at a gallop as we ascended a hill. We made the proper disposition to let it pass and followed it and formed line about 100 feet behind on the crest of the ridge to support it in case it was charged [by the Federals]. Our battery was soon in a ¤erce duel with a Federal battery some 300 yards off on the next ridge in our front. Our cavalry was in comparatively open ground with thick woods and undergrowth between it and our battery, we being on higher ground than our battery, the grape shot thrown at our battery would hit the ground and ricochet, plowing through our ranks or whistling about our heads. Poor Aaron Murphree of our company had most of his head shot off and fell from his horse dead. Some horses were killed or wounded. Some Mississippi [companies] and one Alabama company (Baskerville’s battalion) had joined us on the ¤eld and both battalions [were] placed under Maj. Brewer. Some other men in our battalion were killed and some wounded. This artillery duel lasted half an hour, we all the time sitting still on our horses; one man at one of the guns had all the ®esh torn off his right arm and hand by the premature discharge of the load which he was ra[m]ming down the gun owing to the failure of the man at the breech to properly stop [the] vent at the touch-hole.14 The tall, handsome fellow thus mangled grasped the wounded arm near the shoulder with the left hand to stop the ®ow of blood and gritting his teeth walked through our line to the rear. Soon a great explosion occured in the Yanke[e] battery and our battery limbered up and [dashed] off down the hill in the direction of the enemy’s line, we following close behind. At the foot of the hill, a number of our wounded infantry were gathered and among them stood Capt. Ben. F. Sawyer of our county who had made up a company, clothed and armed it at his own expense, and had his company enrolled in Blythe’s Mississippi regiment. He was bleeding profusely from a wounded arm, but recognizing the Mountain Rangers took off his hat and waved us a hearty cheer.15 On reaching the ridge on which the Federal battery had operated we found the ground strewn with dead men and wounded horses, and several pieces of artillery, fragments of caissons and limbers. A Federal caisson had [been] exploded by our battery and the shot and shells intended to work destruction in our ranks had proven a petard to “hoist” the engineers who handled it. Following close to our battery with infantry to the right of us, infantry

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and artillery to the left of us, we pressed forward through the many rows of tents, commissary tents, bake ovens from the odor of tons of baking bread, tents ¤lled with more tons of ginger bread and more tents of clothing and other supplies which the thrifty sutlers had provided to “put money in thy pocket, Iago.” 16 The enemy would rally every few hundred yards and attempt to check our advance, sometimes with sending against[?] us two or more [counter]charges. Our advance was slow but steady and continuous. The weird “Rebel yell” continued to swell along the lines as the havoc proceeded. As the day grew apace, we could see, through the open woods to our right, a large body of men in blue being marched to our rear under guard. It was the bulk of Gen. Prentiss’ brigade [division—actually a motley force of men scraped together to oppose the Rebel advance] that had been captured and which was sent to Talladega to be corraled in the Baptist College, where so many of [our] former comrades had had our young ideas taught how to shoot. [To “teach the young ideas how to shoot” was a common expression at the time.] These youths were now shooting leaden missels from the Tennessee to the Potomac. Early in the afternoon while we were still pressing forward the word was whispered along the line that our accomplished and gallant leader, Gen. A. S. Johnston, had been killed and that Beauregard was in command. We all felt then and soon knew that he “should have died hereafter.” The battle still roared along the whole line with our lines slowly advancing. Between four and ¤ve o’clock, there came a lull in the continuous rattle of small arms and the booming of our artillery. The inspiring spirit [ Johnston] that had planned and projected the gray lines for complete victory had taken its ®ight to realms beyond. The new guiding hand [Beauregard] was enfeebled with illness and deemed the victory won, though even Bragg was loth to stop his enthusiastic and highmettled corps. The fatal stop came while nearly two hours of good day-light remained for a ¤nal coup-de-guerre. Oh, for a Stonewall Jackson to deliver the ¤nishing stroke!17 Just as the lines of Polk’s corps were being halted, Maj. Brewer, commanding his own and Baskerville’s battalion of cavalry, was ordered from the support of the battery, passed with his troopers through Col. Mouton’s Crescent City regiment of heroic Louisianians, to charge a skirmish line between Shiloh church and Owl Creek, two creole youths were lying asleep on the ground with one hand on the musket [and] the other arm folded over guitars which had been carried on their backs during

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the many ¤erce charges of the day. This regiment covered itself with glory and suffered terribly in the next day’s battle and I have often wondered if either of those two handsome, unbearded lads survived. Their calm, handsome, slumbering faces have more than once appeared in my own dreams in the more than half a century that has passed.18 We were soon charging the Federal skirmishe[r]s driving them back into the swamps of Owl Creek [on the northwestern side, the left of the advancing Confederate line, of the battle¤eld] in which we lost some horses and had several men wounded in our battalion of seven companies, and one of¤cer of a Mississippi company badly wounded. As night came on, a detail of some ten or ¤fteen men was made for picket duty on Owl Creek, and I was placed in charge. The men were largely taken from the Misissippi companies [of Baskervill’s command] and were utter strangers to me. Rain began to fall, and the darkness was intense. We could plainly hear the voices of men in the enemy’s lines beyond the creek and swamps. Wagons were rumbling on the side of the enemy until late in the night, which we interpreted to be the retreat of the enemy, not knowing that it was Buel[l]’s army coming from Nashville to save the day for Grant. All during the night the Federal gunboats were throwing shells at short intervals into their [the Yankees’ old] camp, now occupied by our men. As we peered into the thick darkness that shrouded Owl Creek and the forest that lined its sides beneath the bluff on which we were keeping watch, the sound of wagons being driven, the braying of mules, and the shouting of teamsters led those of us on picket, to believe that the enemy was getting away to the north [east] side of the river, and that the morning would show only the gunboats and the river between us and the enemy. About 2 o’clock, but few sounds came from the direction of the enemy, save the ¤ring of shells from the gunboats, which circled over and fell into the camps we had captured. In the swamps below we could hear the groans of the Federal wounded and calls for help. We had orders to keep our places with a sharp watch to the front. The proverbial battle-rain was slowly falling and the darkness became intense.19 Soon a jack-o-lantern arose out of the ooze and swamp bordering Owl Creek, followed by others and went dancing about among the trees and undergrowth. In connection with groans and appeals for help from the wounded Federals in the swamp, the situation was more than gruesome.

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Some of the guardsmen became “rattled” and insisted that the Yanks were slipping [up?] on us with lanterns. I told them that the idea was absurd, but tried in a quiet tone to explain to them what it was. Some would not believe and wanted to fall back. It became necessary to use very plain and peremptory orders to the effect that the ¤rst man that left his post would be ¤red on by his friends. The joke of the charge of the “jack-o-lanter[n]s” furnished fun, in the camps of the regiment in subsequent campaigns.20 At the dawning of the 7th, all conjectures as to what had become of Grant’s defeated army were put at rest by a band, not a half mile in our front, after a roll of drums, sounding forth with clearest notes “The Starspangled Banner,” followed by skirmish ¤ring to our right. Our picket post was found to be nearly the extreme left of the Confederate front. We soon had orders to return to our command and a line of infantry skirmishers was thrown forward as we retired. The second day of the battle, with the Federal reinforcement by Buel[l] with a fresh army nearly as large as that with which we had contended the day before, was on, and continued the whole day within the [old] camps of the enemy, where we had contended the day before. Gen. (Bull) Nelson who led the ¤rst division of Buel[l]’s army to arrive on the ¤eld late in the evening of the ¤rst day, in his of¤cial report, states that when he reached the ¤eld late in the afternoon, he found a confused mob of men crowding the banks crying, “ ‘we are whipped! we are whipped! we are cut to pieces!’ and I asked my commanding of¤cer to allow me to turn my own guns on the cowardly rascals.” 21 Our own army in addition to the losses in killed and wounded was suffering from the demoralizing effects incident to the pillage of the camp stored with what were luxuries to our men. And yet, that same battle-scarred little army fought all that day against odds and fresh troops, and at sunset withdrew unpursued out of the camps we had captured the morning before, with virtually no loss in prisoners except some of the wounded. Lieut. McElderry of my company carried the order from Gen. Beauregard to the last command hotly engaged, to retire. Our cavalry remained in the captured camp until nightfall, though Forrest[’s] and Wirt Adams[’s] cavalry on the ¤eld to our right had to charge and drive back the only Federal cavalry that we saw during the entire battle.22 We camped within a mile of the ¤eld that night, feeding on stores captured from the enemy. During the second day of the battle Brewer’s

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battalion was kept close to one of our ¤eld batteries, but suffered few casualties except in loss of men by wounds and in killed and wounded horses. About 10 a. m. of this day, either Terrell’s or Mendenhall’s Federal battery supported by infantry was doing considerable havoc in our lines and it became necessary to station one of our batteries on a hill in open view of the enemy.23 Our battalion was ordered to cross a wooded rivulet and charge the Federal battery. We started but found the rivulet so boggy that many of the horses mired down and their riders [had] to scramble out. Those that succeeded in crossing were formed and led by Col. Brewer up the hill in a gallop. A Federal battery limbered up and ran back some two or three hundred yards. A Federal line of infantry took its place and volleyed at us, but over shot us. The Federal battery, or at least one of its guns, got in position and opened. We had accomplished our purpose and beat a hasty retreat with the loss of some hats with plum[e]s in them. Our battery was now in position behind us and was pouring grape and shells into the enemy over our heads. The only reason why the infantry did not send a lot of us to our long home is the fact that in shooting down-hill most soldiers in pulling the trigger of an army gun, are apt to elevate the gun’s muzzel. Company A had no more killed in the second day of the battle, though some were slightly wounded and some horses were lost. Two ¤ne young men of the company, Billie Jemison, son of Samuel Jemison, and John Jones, brother of Benton Jones, contracted pneumonia and died shortly after the battle.24 The Federal government sent Halleck i[t]s oldest of¤cer in rank to supercede Grant, and he began at once to move on our army, at Corinth by gradual approaches, throwing up elaborate lines of breastworks every few miles, consuming some twenty or more days in his advance of twenty miles. On the 1st [29–30] of May, Beauregard withdrew his army from Corinth and turned over the command to Bragg.25 Our battalion under Brewer was sent scouting back to Purdy and while out, John Cullen had a chance to engage in his favorite sport of making a sudden dash on videttes. After this scout, we were sent to the neighborhood of Boliver, Tenn., and surrounding country under so-called “Game Cock Chalmer[s]” of Mississippi, with other bodies of cavalry, to worry the Yanks and destroy cotton of which our friends, the enemy, stood in much need. This raid was made by Gen. Chalmers with about 1000 men, and after about a week’s absence, Chalmers returned, and we were engaged in scouting and picket duty in the direction of the Alabama line. About the

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¤rst of June, we were stationed at a village called Blackland, in Tishomingo County, Mississippi. Here on the 4th of June 1862 we were attacked by a heavy force of cavalry and mounted infantry, and in a charge at the head of the company, Lieut. John S. McElderry was severely wounded and Wilson M. Orr of Company A was killed, and the writer’s horse was shot in a second charge, but we drove the enemy, killed some and captured a few of them. We held the ¤eld, and I with other comrades buried Wilson Orr in the hamlet cemetery. John Cullen was conspiciously present in both of these charges. Capt. Bowie returned to the company the latter part of April and resigned and left for home about the ¤rst of May. Lieut. Stockdale had been promoted to Major and Assistant Chief of Subsistence and sent to Gen. Beall at Port Hudson[, La.]. Lieut. McElderry’s wounds were so severe that he resigned, leaving Lieut. De Arman as the only commissioned of¤cer with the company. About this time, Capt. Cole’s Louisiana company was taken from us, and Beall’s battalion of three companies of Alabamians, raised in Randolph, Tallapoosa, Coosa, and Chambers counties, Alabama, were added making ten companies and a full regiment, three [actually, four] from Mississippi, being C, E, F, and G. Those from Alabama being A, B, D, H, I, and K.26 Wm. B. Wade of Columbus, Ms., was appointed Colonel. Jefferson Falkner, Capt. of Co. B, was made Lieut. Col. and Lieut. John S. Prather, also of Co. B, was made Major. Solon Bell who had brought up three companies was left out of the ¤eld of¤cers and returned to Alabama. Soon after taking command of the regiment, Col. Wade made an excursion to capture a Federal outpost in which Lieut. De Arman failed in some way to come up with part of the company at the proper time or place to suit Wade’s notion, which caused friction between them, and Wade being of imperious temperment, had no use for Lieut. De Arman. The regiment for a time was known as the 2nd Mississippi and Alabama Cavalry, but about the last of July was designated the 8th Confederate Cavalry—a very unfortunate if not meaningless designation—being so called because composed of troops (volunteers) from two or more states. Bragg took command of the “Army of Tennessee” and was actively engaged in preparations for a forward movement into Kentucky, while Gen. Halleck was fortifying at Corinth.27 Our cavalry was kept on the go day and night, making demonstrations against the Enemy. A short time after the Blackland ¤ght an order came for Seargent G. K. Miller and James F. Morris of Co. A to report at regimental headquarters where

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we were handed orders from Gen. Bragg appointing me Captain and Morris a lieutenant of Co. A, 2nd Ms. & Ala. Cavalry. I was surprised and am still ignorant as to why we should have been so appointed, as neither of us were applicants. Hon. J. L. M. Curry, our Congressman, was at Gen. Bragg’s quarters about this time and may have recommended us. But I had only a slight acquaintence with him, and had no thought of asking for that or any other military position. Taking command of the company, I soon received orders to take my own and Co. B and proceed to “feel” the enemy now at Blackland. We proceeded cautiously, John Cullen and one other man being the advance guard. These two dashed upon the enemy’s videt[te]s, and John came riding back with Sergeant Garver of the 4th Michigan Cavalry behind him on his horse. A heavy force of the enemy was camped close by. John with his prisoner was sent back to [the] camps. The enemy in force came out and followed us several miles, we stopping to ¤ght every few hundred yards, but the enemy was armed with Colt’s repeating ri®es and we with shot guns that only “carried” about 100 yards. John C. made a friend of his prisoner and a closer friend of his army pistol. This was our introduction to the 4th Michigan Cavalry, a regiment that it was our fortune to meet on more than a hundred ¤elds, and the same regiment that captured Mr. Davis, our President.28 Gen. Joseph Wheeler, who had fought [commanded] an Alabama infantry regiment with great skill during the two days at Shiloh, was, about the 17th of July 1862, designated to the command of the cavalry with the Army of Tennessee with the 8th Confederate Cavalry, 1st Ala. Cavalry, Col. Clanton, and some other bodies as a nucleus.29 Wheeler at once got busy, and we again went raiding into West Tennessee as far north as Jackson, ¤ghting daily and almost hourly with the enemy and destroying cotton. This was a most trying service as we had to move by day and night through drenching rains. We had many sharp encounters. During this time Bragg was withdrawing his army from North Mississippi to Chattanooga and K noxville. Most of Wheeler’s forces were left as a curtain in front of Halleck at Corinth. Our regiment was left on outpost until all the army had left us. On the 13th of August the year for which Co. “A” had been mustered in Expired, and some few of the men over conscript age and two or three of the boys under age were allowed to withdraw. We didn’t lose more than a half dozen men while recruits had been gained in suf¤cient numbers to keep the ranks well ¤lled.

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On the 13th of August, there was an election ordered and held. The writer was elected Captain by a decided majority, Mark Shipp Curry, 1st Lieut.; Jasper N. Wade, a Decatur recruit, 2nd Lieut.[;] and Belton O. Nabors, of Shelby County, 3rd Lieut. This left Lieut Morris out, and he became a sergeant. A gallant and true soldier. I appointed James W. Hardie, 1st Sergeant. Col. Wade was slow in joining Bragg, having delayed too long at Chattanooga to obtain pay for his men. We drew about a years pay, and many of us sent money home to parents. Following Bragg, we reached the neighborhood of Glasgow, Ky., where I was sent on a scout into that town. As luck would have it, John Cullen, Geo. Parsons, and Sergeant Dye were the advance guard and in passing over a hill came close upon three Federal cavalrymen sitting their horses and passing their canteens of newly made whisky.30 They dashed for the trio and captured two, one getting away by the superior ®eetness of his horse. We passed on and joined the army at Danville, Ky., and found Bragg preparing to fall back. While in Danville, an order came for a captain and 200 men to report at army headquarters near Camp Dick Robinson[, Ky.]. Companies A, B, & C, with the writer in command comprised the detail. We reached Gen. Bragg about midnight and were then ordered to report for duty to the Chief Commissary [of the army] who directed me to take charge of two herds of beef cattle, comprising 2000 head of the ¤nest that could be gathered in the blue grass region. From cavaliers to herdsmen was a jarring comedown. But we started with the fat cattle; the army trains ¤rst overtook us. The cattle were so fat they moved slowly. The immense trains scattered the cattle, then came the hungry columns of troops and they proceeded to “kill and eat” as Peter was ordered to do.31 Six hundred of these [cattle] were turned over at K noxville, Tenn., to Bragg’s Commissary. Soon we were on the march for Murfreesboro, Tenn., and took post on Stewart’s Creek near Lavergne. The remainder of the fall was taken up with scouting, picketing, and numerous forays and raids. This continued until late December when Rosecrans began his forward movement. We fell back to Stewart’s Creek, where we skirmished until late in the afternoon with John Cullen on the skirmish line. After shooting at each other, John and a Kentucky Yank began calling each other hard names, then, more peacefully inclined, they proposed to exchange [news]papers, and a truce was agreed upon. They exchanged papers, and then the truce was called off and skirmishing continued until darkness ended

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[the ¤ghting]. Night coming on, the enemy’s camp ¤res were lighted showing the host of northmen in our front. The next morning the enemy opened on our thin line of cavalrymen, and Gen. Bragg ordered Wheeler to fall back behind the infantry. The three days’ battle of Murfreesboro was on. After feeding our horses and resting a few hours, we were roused up and were soon on the road to the rear of the Federal army. Passing around our own right ®ank, we followed the Lebanon and Murfreesboro road, then went west until we struck La Vergue [Lavergne] on the Nashville and Murfreesboro pike, down which the main body of the enemy had passed. We found the road for several miles ¤lled with Federal wagons which we proceeded to destroy, killing the mules and burning the wagons. Many teamsters and stragglers were captured and paroled. The Federal cavalry encountered were charged and dispersed. Several hundred wagons with stores were destroyed. Then we passed on, west to Nolenville, where the same operations were carried out, except that we captured and drove off, many loaded wagons. We returned at night to the left wing of our army and rested part of the night among the dead on the ¤eld where our army had defeated and hurled back the enemy during the day. After midnight, we started on another raid on the enemy’s rear, over much of the course pursued on the previous day. The enemy’s cavalry were much more in evidence this day, and we had several severe encounters in one of which Capt. McCaa of Co. D was killed and was buried by comrade Oxford [now] of Camp Hardee[, United Confederate Veterans,] and other members of his company. The day’s raid was a repetition in great measure of [that of] the previous day. This scribe, having been weakened by sickness before the battle, found himself so weakened by continuous raiding and with but a few hours sleep in about ¤ve days of almost continuous riding, remained at Murfreesboro in bivouac the third day and took no part in the third day’s raid by Wheeler and such of his men and horses as were able to follow him. When Bragg fell back from Murfreesboro, we covered his retreat by almost continuous skirmishing. When the Federal advance ceased, Wheeler’s and Wharton’s cavalry were thrown some eight or ten miles in front of Bragg’s main army in a long thin line of outposts, extending many miles east and west, with no infantry supports and with only a few pieces of artillery at Wheeler’s headquarters. Our regiment was stationed on the Shelby ville pike at the hamlet called Rover, some eight or ten miles north of Shelby ville. About

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the latter part of January, the enemy made a strong demonstration along our entire front. Against Rover there was Gen. Dodge with a division of infantry and Minty’s brigade, composed of the 4th Regulars, 4th Michigan, 3rd Kentucky, and 7th Pennsylvania cavalry.32 We had about 100 men at Rover, the remainder of the regiment being posted on roads to our right and left or off on scouting parties. The enemy were well posted as to our position and numbers, being guided by men of Stoke’s Federal regiment of Tennessee [cavalry] recruited in that vicinity.33 They were formed ready for a charge in column with a battalion of ®ankers in line on either side of the pike when discovered by our pickets. Our men were encamped in a small grove by the side of the pike. At the ¤rst alarm, we mounted and were marched to the pike and advanced towards the enemy up the pike with high stakeand-rider cedar fences on both sides. Co. A led our little column. The four full regiments of the enemy charged down upon us at full gallop. We attempted to charge them but were soon in great measure overwhelmed, and a number of our men received [saber] cuts. The writer after exhausting his revolver was struck on the sabre arm and surrounded. Capt. Moore of Co. B and Capt. Thompson (Round Head he called himself ) of Co. H and some ¤fteen men nearly all wounded, were captured. John Cullen was either on scout duty or made good his escape. While coming off the late campaign in Kentucky, I had written a proposal, while sitting on an inverted camp kettle [letter not found, unless he refers to that of 2–5 Nov. 1862], to my South Carolina sweetheart. John Cullen now volunteered to inform her of my capture and between John and my cousin, Edwin M. Miller, she was kept posted, as far as they could, in reference to my imprisonment. I think one or more of John’s notes to [her] have been preserved. [They are not with Miller’s papers and may no longer be extant.] About the 1st of May [while] this “rebel” with many others, was lying on a vessel under the guns of Fortress Monroe, [Va.,] awaiting exchange and listening to the roar of cannon up the Rappahannock [River], where the battle of Chancellorsville was in progress, another lively incident was taking place on that long extended cavalry curtain in front of Bragg’s army above Shelby ville. The spring had opened, and the clover ¤elds in rear of the cavalry curtain was the chief source of food supply for Wheeler’s cavalry mounts. Details were made at nightfall to lead a large part of the horses back to graze during the night. Most of the men would remain at the bivouac and await the return of the horses early in the

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morning. The enemy were evidently well posted as to the conditions along our lines and distributed columns of cavalry on all the roads bisecting our lines. Just at break of day about the ¤rst week in May, this attack was made along many miles of our front. Most of the horses of our regiment were in the pastures. John C.’s horse was in camp, but the attack was so sudden that no time was allowed to saddle up[—]in fact as the night was warm, John C’s personal habiloments, consisted of a shirt only. He did have time to buckle on his sabre and pistol. Mounting his horse, with shirt and arms as the sum total of his adornments, with bare limbs and pedal extremities, he sallied forth, for a retreat of one or two hundred yards. Here he and others more, but none less attired, rallied. The Federal charge into the Confederate bivouac became broken and their lines more or less disorganized. Our very light horse troopers then charged the enemy, and it became their turn to run with our lighthorse in hot pursuit. Soon John C., who had followed close on the heels of the enemy, came riding back with a Yankee behind him, and was greeted with a shout. While lying at Fortree [Fort] Monroe and listening to the booming guns up the Rappahommoc [Rappahannock River], I asked the Union of¤cer having us in charge, what it meant. He said that a big battle was on up at Chancellor’s and above Fredricksburg, between Fighting Joe Hooker and Bob Lee. “How is it going?” I asked. “Oh, Hooker is giving Lee H——,” said he. The next morning a number of Federal of¤cials came on board making rolls of some prisoners that had been taken aboard after leaving Delaware Bay. I saw the Captain, to whom I had spoken the night before and with whom I became acquainted at Fort Delaware, [and asked] if he had any news from the battle up the river. “None at all,” said he. “But, Captain,” said I, “news has come to me.” “What is your news?” said he. “Well my news is that Bob Lee is giving Fighting Joe H——”. “How did you get your news?” said he. “From the countenances of these of¤cers and your own, I replied.” “Well,” said he, “you may be right We have no good news, except that your General Stonewall Jackson is badly wounded.” When landed at City Point [now Hopewell, Va.,] I applied for leave of absence to go to South Carolina, but was met with the information that a battle was expected at any time in Tennessee and every man was ordered to the front. On reaching the command I found 2nd Lieut. Wade in command of the company, Lieut. Curry and private Geo. W. Parsons had engaged in a personal dif¤culty which resulted in a slight

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pistol shot wound to 1st Lieut. Curry and the wounding of Sergt. James F. Morris, a peace maker. There had been a court martial in which Gov. Parsons appeared as Counsel for his son and I think also Hon. J. L. M. Curry, half brother of Lieut. M. S. Curry. The Lieutenant had been found guilty and publicly reprimanded in general orders. Private Parsons was exonerated.34 The 8th Confederate, under Col. Wade, had been doing some notable service under Wheeler during Jan., Feb., and March and had made Wheeler a Major General by capturing the Federal gunboat Slidell and three steamboats near the mouth of Harpeth Creek on the Cumberland. Wheeler’s men were gazetted as “horse marines.” The fact is that had Wheeler’s orders been strictly obeyed, the gunboat and two of the steamers would not have been captured. Just after capturing the ¤rst steamboat [13 January] a courier from Wheeler arrived ordering Wade to join him several miles off. While making preparations to burn this transport, two more [boats] from Nashville hove in sight and Wade waited for them to come within reach of our one iron six-pounder and small arms before hailing. These [boats] he captured and was loading, one having the wounded and prisoners taken placed on board and the boat under bond when a second courier with orders to join him [Wheeler] arrived. Then the Slidell came steaming down the river shelling the banks for Rebels. As she drew near, Wade had ordered his men to the bluff and to await orders concealed from view. Wade, pistol in hand, stood on the bow of one of the captured transports [and] waited until she [Slidell] was in hailing distance when he ordered her to “round to and surrender or he would blow her out of the water.” She replied with a shot. Wade waived to his men and ordered them to ¤re. Our six-pounder put a shell in the Slidell and the small arms rained small missels upon her. The Federals ¤red their cannon but could not elevate them so as to reach the men on the bluff. She closed her port holes, hauled down her ®ag, and came to shore and surrendered. Two days after the papers south were ¤lled with ®aming notices of “Wheeler and his horse marines.” The brilliant capture of [transports] and a Gunboat by Wheeler and His Horse Marines, etc., etc. Wheeler was at once made Major General. Before Wade got through burning two transports and the gunboat, one of Wheeler’s staff came with peremptory orders for Wade to join Gen. Wheeler some miles off.35 The suffering of our men on this expedition of freezing weather was rarely ever experienced. In one case a private whose shoe soles were worn

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out had his feet frozen to his iron stirrups and could not dismount until warm cloths had been applied. Gen. Wheeler got his Major-General’s wreath and fully deserved it, but Col. Wm. B. Wade of the 8th Confederate Cavalry, captured the transports and gunboat in disobedience of orders from Wheeler, if Wade sometimes did get “too deep in his cups.” 36 Unfortunately for the cause there were others that did not make successes out of indulgence in the cup that did more than cheer. Joe Wheeler never did to his great and everlasting glory. John C. Duncan bore a conspicuous part in this expedition. After my return from prison in May the Cavalry was very active scouting, raiding, and “feeling the enemy.” For more than a week preceding the 24th of June we were going day and night without rest under continuous rains. The horses and men were badly fagged and much of our ammunition was rained on [and] our cartridge boxes were soaked. In attempting to withstand Stanley’s 8000 mounted men advancing on Shelby ville, Gen. Wheeler made the mistake of making a stand in the edge of the town and on the north side of Duck river instead of crossing to the southside and contesting the Federal crossing. Not one gun in ten would ¤re. The Federals simply rode over us. I lost 11 splendid troopers from Co. A, and we had to literally cut our way out of the host that came down upon us. They did not venture to cross the bridge in pursuit and a few men were rallied and by ¤ring across the stream enabled many who had to swim their horses above and below the bridge to get out of the cul de sac.37 [In July] the 8th Confederate was sent from Chattanooga to picket on the Tennessee river, my squadron being on the left at Triana, McClesky’s, and two other ferries. While here, and a few weeks before the troops were withdrawn for the Chickamauga campaign, the writer was stricken with malarial fever and ordered to Talladega for Medical treatment as there were no Doctors or Medicine on Sand Mountain [along the Tennessee River southwest of Chattanooga]. The 8th Confederate was actively engaged in the battle of Chickamauga, and among the tombs at Cloud Springs on that ¤eld is one to one of the regiment right among those of the Federal dead.38 John Cullen Duncan was an active participant in this stirring campaign. When this battle was over Wheeler crossed the Tenn. river above Chattanooga on a raid in the enemy’s rear and some of the men were on detail with him but the bulk of the regiment was kept on picket duty with the army in front of Chattanooga. I rejoined the regiment here after an absence of three [or] four

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weeks. Wheeler then started on a raid into East Tenn. On this expedition we charged in[to] Charleston, Tenn., where we defeated and drove a large Federal Cavalry force capturing their camps and a good supply of provisions which [the] ladies of the town had been compelled to cook during the night for our friends the enemy. [Lt.] Col. [Miles M.] Slaughter of the 10th Confederate Cavalry was badly wounded in this ¤ght. We had a sharp ¤ght at Mary ville, Tenn.39 Late in November Bragg had been defeated and driven from Missionary Ridge [near Chattanooga], and had fallen back across Taylor’s Ridge [into Georgia], and Wheeler and his tired raiders were recalled [from East Tennessee] in hot haste to serve as eyes and ears for an army that Joseph E. Johnston should have been commanding ever since his recovery from wounds received at Seven Pines [31 May 1862], and would no doubt have done so had not Mr. Davis and his Mississippians repulsed Ampudia’s charge at Buena Vista. [The] Result was that Davis was impressed with the idea that he was a super military leader and got peeved because Johnston disobeyed his orders, in June 1861, and refused to be surrounded at Harpers Ferry. Although Johnston had done the very thing that made the victory at First Manassas possible, yet Davis never forgave Joseph E. Johnston. Hardee was now [late 1863] in command of what was left of the Army of Tenn. and Bragg was close to the bosom, in Richmond, of his chaperone, the President.40 Hardee put Wheeler with his troopers in front of the fag ends of the once glorious Army of Tenn. [and] refused, l[i]ke the sensible and accomplished soldier that he was, to assume command and the President was compelled to call Johnston to take command. In a few weeks new life was shown, and infantry, cavalry, and artillery was regenerated and re-organized. Between picket duty, frequent brushes with the enemy’s cavalry, scouting, and drilling, the cavalry was put to the test but much improved. This was an exceedingly hard winter, and when men and horses were exercised to the bent. Gen. Johnston soon had taken the remnants of the splendid army that Bragg was unable to effectively inspire or handle and moulded it into one of the best ¤ghting machines the world has ever seen. The slow, orderly retreat from Dalton to Atlanta, covering the period from May 1st to July 17th, 1863 [1864] has not a parallel in history unless it be the contemporary campaign of Gen. Lee from the Rapidon to Petersburg.41 Johnston with a single line of railroad with a sparcely settled country for supplies and an army not at any time exceeding 38000 men of

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all arms facing and ¤ghting at Dalton,42 Resaca, K ingston, New Hope Church, Lost Mountain, Ken[n]esaw, Big Shutey [Shanty, now Kennesaw, Ga.], Noonday Creek, and at many other places of ¤erce combat, retarding and hurling back the serried ranks of more than double his numbers, without loss of trains, or the con¤dence of the superb little army that Johnston’s genius and inspiring presence had made a campaign of over 70 days, which even the genius of Sherman had estimated would not occupy more than 40 days, ¤nd nothing superior in all the annals of all the wars.43 Wheeler and his cavalry had an active part covering the front and protecting [the] ®anks in all this superb campaign. We fought at Tunnel Hill, at the gap west [north] of Dalton with [when?] the 8th Confederate charging in line and the Texas brigade in column charged and hurled back in disgraceful rout 5000 of the enemy’s best equipped cavalry, capturing nearly 200 of the enemy. The gallant Capt. John S. McElder[r]y gave up his life in this charge, and I lost from Co. A the splendid boy trooper Edmon [Edmund] Ross Riddle, with orderly Sergt. Jas. W. Hardie permanently wounded, with several other men wounded. My own horse was wounded but survived. We buried Riddle and Sergeant Baker Thompson of Co. B on the ¤eld and Capt. McElder[r]y’s body was brought home and now rests at the old McElderry home, close by Indian chief Chinnabee at McElderry Station in this county.44 Near K ingston [18 May], the Federal Cavalry to the West of the railroad was pressing heavily on Ferguson’s cavalry brigade. Gen. Wheeler sent the 8th Confederate under Lieut. Col. John S. Prather to Ferguson’s assistance. We approached the right ®ank of Ferguson’s battle line on a steep and densely wooded hill and were ¤red on by our own men but without serious casualty. We threw the regiment into lines and charged the enemy’s left ®ank, doubling it back on its center. This movement brought confusion in the enemy’s line, and they began a retreat which our impetuous charge changed into a rout. We captured Major Grant and some 25 men of the 4th Michigan and avenged our defeat and my capture at Rover.45 At Noon day Church we again struck the 4th Michigan and in fact all of Col. Minty’s brigade and after a stubborn ¤ght held the ¤eld but lost Lieut. Wallace [Wallis] and several men of the 8th Confederate, and my gallant Philio Duncan was again wounded. The 5th Georgia, that had just joined us from the coast here received its baptism of blood, made a gallant charge and lost several men. Col. [Robert H.] Anderson of Sa-

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vannah commanding this regiment now took command of our brigade. Gen. W. W. Allen of Montgomery, Ala., was our Division [brigade] Commander.46 Col. Wade had left us and gone to Mississippi swearing that he would no longer serve under Wheeler, and a small number of the Mississippians in our regiment had followed him.47 Gen. Kelly commanded the Division. At Pumpkin Vine Creek [Pickett’s Mill, 27 May] Howard’s Corps was thrown against our Cavalry composing the right of the line. We had some hard ¤ghting and would have been crushed but were relieved by Cleburn[e]’s superb division. Having failed to turn Johnston’s left at New Hope [in late May], Sherman formed his lines in front of Ken[n]esaw Mountain [in early June], and Wheeler’s cavalry was put behind breast works, forming the right of our lines. During the ¤rst week in July we fell back across the Chattahoochee, our brigade bringing up the rear and was shelled while crossing on the pontoon bridge. Davis removed Johnston just as he had made his plans and dispositions for battle with Sherman. Gloom at once was manifest in every portion of our army.48 Hood took command and the work of attrition began at once. Sherman’s 12000 cavalry were divided into three raiding parties of about 4000 each, and were all started to raid in Hood’s rear. Kelly met one east of Stone Mountain, and after some hard ¤ghting we [drove] them back to refuge behind Sherman’s infantry. Stoneman led another part around our right and made a dash for Macon. Wheeler sent Iverson after Stoneman, resulting in the capture of the latter and his raiders. Wh[e]eler then took Kelly’s division and other troops and hotly pursued McCook who had destroyed some of Hood’s wagon trains. We struck McCook near Jonesboro, pursued him in the direction of Newman [Newnan], compelled him to ¤ght at Storey’s farm near Newman and captured 1000 of his force and drove the remainder across the Chattahoochee. Harder service than we performed during these raids was never performed. Men dropped from saddles exhausted, while our horses reeled under us from hunger and incessant hard riding. Early in August Hood sent Wheeler with all of his cavalry except one small brigade to Sherman’s rear to destroy the railroads by which Sherman’s army was supplied. We struck and destroyed the rail[road] at several places, even taking and holding Dalton for one night and part of two days. We then went [north]east, destroying railways up to the vicinity of K noxville. Gen. John (Cerro Gordo) Williams in Command of [the]

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Kentucky brigade and our brigade now commanded by Gen. Feliz Robinson [Felix Robertson], became detached from Wheeler, who had crossed the Tenn. River while we were making a diversion toward Strawberry Plains. Heavy rains had swollen Clinch River, and we could not cross until we had gone up stream many miles. The enemy in force got between us and Wheeler, and we had a sharp ¤ght near Cornersville.49 Williams with the two brigades [his own Kentucky Brigade and Robertson’s] [then] took the back track into East Tenn. We had reached near Green[e]ville, Tenn., when we obtained intelligence that Gen. Burbridge (the unspeakable) was moving with a large force from Eastern Kentucky on our saltworks at Saltville, Va. We made forced marches and reached the salt works at midnight. The enemy had encamped some two miles away. With Williams[’s] two brigades and one battalion of home guards we fought the battle on or about the 1st [2nd] of October 1864. The battle lasted all day, and the enemy was repulsed at every point. The Federals had one brigade of negro cavalry in the battle. The next day we pursued the ®eeing enemy, capturing their artillery, two beautiful little brass mountain howitzers.50 Burbridge had sallied forth from Kentucky with his black-and-tan and speckled brigades, making boasts about “salting” his horses in the enemy’s country. On his return with “hack feathers” more prominent than plumes, a waiter at one of the Kentucky hotels insulted him by placing one more salt cellar than was necessary by his dinner plate. He ®ew into a rage and had to be restrained from shooting the waiter. I always look back on the drubbing we gave this brutal braggart with peculiar pleasure. Snow fell on us as we made our way back via Asheville, N.C., to the vicinity of Atlanta. I got leave to press on in advance of the column and obtained a change of clothing, the ¤rst enjoyed since about the 6th of August, and to pay a short call on Mrs. Miller in Anderson Co., So. Carolina. I caught up with the command in North Georgia and we proceeded to Gadsden[, Ala.,] following Hood on his march to Franklin[, Tenn.] and the butchery there enacted by Hood. At Gadsden, Wheeler with his cavalry was turned back to follow Sherman on his march to the sea.51 Wheeler had called “Cerro Gordo” Williams to a court of inquiry for having separated from him in Tenn. on the raid. It resulted in Williams being withdrawn from command of the Division.52 But Williams saved the Salt Works, the principal source for a salt supply for the confederacy.

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Wheeler’s raid delayed trains supplying Sherman’s army for a few days only. The salt works supplied the inner portion of the Confederacy [i.e., the part away from the coast] until about the date of Lee’s surrender. Hood sent Wheeler off on this raid leaving the Army of Tenn. to be butchered at Jonesboro and later on [at] Franklin and Nashville.53 In all the stirring scenes and exhaustive marches which have just been touched upon, John Cullen like the true cavalier had borne a conspicuous part and had several times been recommended for promotion. But many of the cavalry of¤cers who were not “panting for a ¤ght” could get up some excuse for a furlough or a detail, and vacancies were few.54 For about two years the 8th confederate was commanded by the intrepid John S. Prother [Prather], Lieut. Colonel. The Major was kept on scouting duty.55 Wheeler was detached from Hood’s army at Gadsden, as Hood was on his march into Tenn. Sherman had left Hood to be cared for by Thomas, the Rock of Chickamauga,56 and Wheeler and his men [were] sent to keep Sherman’s army closed up and to make as narrow as possible the swath of plunder, pillage, and rapine that was to mark his ruthless march through southeast Georgia and later on, the Vandallic besom of fully 20 miles in width that the smoke of burning homesteads, towns, hamlets, and cities that traced the march through South Carolina. A succession of “Job’s comforters” [boils] resulting from exposure to the elements and hard riding rendered me hors du combat for a week in Alabama, and before I reached Wheeler the 8th confederate had been detac[h]ed to precede and harass Osterhaus’ Corps on Sherman’s right wing.57 I caught up with the remainder of the division between Dublin[, Ga.,] and Savannah, and was with Gen. Wheeler in the hard ¤ghting he had to do to prevent a federal raid on Augusta. Reaching the Savannah river, Sherman took possession of Savannah and Gen. Hardie [Hardee] with his small force evacuated the city and fell back into South Carolina [on the night of 20–21 December]. Most of Wheeler’s cavalry encamped at or near Hardieville [Hardeeville, S.C.] while we did picket duty and scout duty and subsisted on rice, yams, and peanuts. About the 6th of February 1865 Sherman crossed the Savannah and began that march through South Carolina which for ¤endish vindictiveness has no parallel since the days of Genghis Kahn and Togrel Beg. Sherman is reported to have said “War is hell,” and he ought to know.58 The garrison at Fort Pulaski had been withdrawn, and Gen. Beaure-

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gard soon after ordered the garrisons at [Forts] Moultrie and Sumter to be withdrawn and fell back under Gen. Hardie [Hardee] in the direction of Columbia [, S.C.] and Wilmington, N.C.59 Wheeler kept in Sherman’s front and on his ®ank. When at Blacksville[, S.C.,] Sherman detached Gen. Judson K ilpatrick with a large portion of his cavalry to capture Augusta. Wheeler had most of his men in front of the main body of the enemy, but being apprised of K ilpatrick’s movement, assembled most of his men, made a night march crossing two rivers by fording, and reached Aiken, S.C., before day [11 February]. He [Wheeler] formed his line in the shape of a V with the town inside. He sent a small regiment to reconnoiter with instructions to resist the enemy sharply until near the town, and then to retreat through the town rapidly. The 8th confederate was on the left in column of fours headed [facing] towards the main street of the town. The “decoy” regiment soon came back at a gallop, passed by the head of our column closely pursued [by] the federals charging in column. When our men had passed, without waiting for orders, this scribe ordered a charge and every squadron dashed at the federal column in column of platoons using pistols only at close quarters. The federals bunched up [and] then began to give way with us in pursuit. At the ¤rst impact, company A had several men wounded and the writer lost a hat that had cost him $60.00 not long before in Rome, Ga. As we were pushing the enemy back, orders were sent to me to join the regiment with my squadron on a parallel street to the left of the one on which we had made the dash. Taking my squadron by a cross street, I soon reached Col. Prother [Prather] who said “Captain, you are harder to pull off than a bull dog, I had to send three couriers before I could get you.” I replied that only one had reached me and thanked him for the compliment. The other parts of our cavalry were now closing in on the enemy, and they [the Federals] began to give way rapidly. Our whole regiment soon charged and took the lead in the hot pursuit. A federal soldier droppted his hat and I ran my sabre in it [to pick it up] and put it on. The hat came down nearly to my shoulders. After a pursuit of some three miles we came to a small sedge ¤eld on the far side of which there were entrenchments thrown up and where the enemy had encamped the previous night. I waived a halt to my squadron now moving as skirmishers. The last regiment of the enemy was just entering these intrenchments.

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John Cullen asked me to let him dash forward and get one more shot. I told him he would do no good and more than likely get killed by sharp shooters behind the breast works. He insisted, and I told him to go ahead. Putting spurs to his horse he charged forward to within a few yeards of the enemy’s column [then] de¤ling into the entrenchments. He discharged his pistol and about that moment his horse fell to his knees, but arose at once, and trooper and horse came back at an uncertain gait. On reaching me, John said “well, Captain, they got me.” The bullet had passed between the horses’ ears splitting the scalp and causing both ears to drop and then had taken the gallant rider in the shoulder and disabling him. I directed John to get to the rear and try and ¤nd a surgeon. I saw John no more until long after the surrender. Our wounded were carried to [the] hospital at Augusta. Here Henry [H.] Weatherly died and was buried. Brave noble young man.60 About the time that Sherman began his movement from Savannah, Weatherly received a furlough of 30 days, his horse having given out. He had the offer of a good horse in exchange for the furlough and consulted me about making the trade. The clouds were lowering over Dixie’s political and military skies, and I declined to advise him. He was not certain that he could procure a horse as he was of limited means. He made the trade and was mortally wounded within a week thereafter. I do not remember what became of his horse. John Cullen’s horse remained with the command I think and was delivered to him after the surrender, of this I am not certain, John was furloughed home from the hospital. After K ilpatrick’s defeat and failure to take Augusta from the east, he rejoined Sherman, and Wheeler again faced Sherman before he reached Columbia, S.C. Before we fell back to Columbia, Wheeler did much hard ¤ghting. While nearing Columbia, Capt. Matthews of Ms., who had served as our Adjutant and had been chosen as Captain of Co. H in place of Capt. McElderry, was killed while riding at the head of the brigade with Gen. Anderson. Company A charged and drove back the enemy and we carried the dead captain’s body with us into Columbia, and Co. A buried him in the [Elmwood] cemetery on the banks of the Congaree [River]. The funeral escort rode into the cemetery, but the enemy’s batteries across the Congaree which were then shelling South Carolina’s beautiful capitol [capital?], turned their guns on us in the cemetery and I ordered the men to dismount and lead their horses out of the enemy’s view. As the city was being evacuated our brigade was thrown out as a rear guard to drive out the rabble and plunderers under

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orders from Gen. Wheeler. Gen. Hampton with a few men from Butler’s cavalry were also engaged in this work.61 Wheeler’s and Butler’s men were all withdrawn before nightfall, and the city was not ¤red until the Federals had been in possession many hours. Wheeler’s men were some miles north of the city in bivouac when the heavens were lit up by the burning city at least 8 hours after all Confederate troops had been withdrawn.62 From the time that Sherman touched South Carolina until he reached North Carolina, his course of pillage and burning could be plainly seen for many miles as the smoke from burning homes, hamlets, villages, towns, and cities arose by day and the glare of these burnings illumined the wintry sky by night. Oh! Attila. Oh! Alaria! How civilized if not Christianized were you! Genseric you were a gentleman!63 When near Win[n]sboro my horse, a borrowed one, had to be given up. I saw Gen. Wheeler and explained my condition. He directed me to get a voucher from my quarter-master and impress a horse from some farm. I did so and explained to the lady of the house that the enemy would soon get the horse and gave her a voucher for $2000.00. She parted with “Selim” with many regrets and told me that the horse’s master was a brave soldier in Lee’s army and that she hoped I would not disgrace the horse. Before the day closed the enemy no doubt had compelled her to give up her jewelry and left her without food for self and children and perhaps without a roof [or?] tree to cover them. With daily ¤ghting we crossed into North Carolina [ca. 2–4 March]. When near Fayetteville we attacked K ilpatrick’s command [and] released several hundred prisoners, mostly boys that had broken down in the long retreat from garrisons in South Carolina. We ran Gen. Judson K ilpatrick out of his quarters en dishabille [and] captured his stallion and a good bunch of prisoners. I had several bullet holes put in my clothes and sabre struck [by a bullet] and turned on its hangers:64 left John J. Wilson wounded in the federal camp and had private Newsome mortally wounded, who died a few days later in the hospital at Fayetteville [, N.C.]. John Wilson was not desperately wounded and made his escape a few days after with his own and one of the enemy’s horses. He ¤nished his recuperation in Alabama with plow animals suf¤cient to make a corn crop.65 We fought the enemy in the edge of Fayetteville [11 March] when Gen. Anderson was wounded, and some colonel commanded the bri-

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gade until the surrender.66 We did some ¤ghting at Averysboro [15–16 March], and on the ¤rst day of the battle of Bentonville [19 March] my squadron with Shannon’s scouts charged a column of infantry and artillery passing on a road running through dense woods.67 The enemy was too strong for us. My gallant steed, Selim, was on his hind feet when I checked him in the charge, and when his fore feet were lowered a stream of blood gushed from throat and nostrils. He began to whirl round, and in dismounting my weight was thrown on the side of my left foot. I went limping to the rear, mounted a stump, and was taken out [on horseback] behind some comrade. The enemy advanced far enough to strip my horse of saddle and poncho and the only frying pan in the 8th Confederate Cavalry Regiment. I borrowed a horse from Alva Hardie of Shannon’s scouts, and rode him in the next days hot battle of Bentonville where I saw Gen. Pettus black with pine smoke, with sword in right [hand] and a plug of tobacco and bridle in left hand lead a charge as brilliantly executed as any ¤eld of the war had witnessed.68 Joseph Eg[gl]elstone Johnston was in command, thanks to Robert E. Lee, the superb.69 Our division was dismounted and placed in breast works as far as they extended to our left.70 There was still a space between us and the river [Mill Creek] held by a thin line of north Carolina cavalry. Pretty soon our immediate front and the cavalry line to our left was charged by Mower’s Federal Division [21 March]. We resisted and repulsed those in our front but the cavalry lines to our left were driven back.71 The 8th and 11th Texas Cavalry and [the] 3rd Ark. [Cavalry] and 4th Tenn. Cavalry held in reserve charged, the enemy in front while my squadron re-mounted and struck the enemy that had passed beyond our left in ®ank. Mower’s men seemed to be Germans, as some of the prisoners could not speak a word of English. Cummins’ Georgia brigade of infantry was also brought to the support of our weak left.72 Gen. Hardee’s son made a charge with the 8th Texas by permission of his father and was killed.73 The enemy came very near gaining the only bridge behind the army, as it was formed in [a] semi-circle with each ®ank resting on the river. The enemy pressed no further, and Gen. Johnston withdrew his army in the direction of Smith¤eld where it rested until Sherman moved north from Goldsboro. We slowly retreated around Raleigh and that city was surrendered [13 April] by the civil authorities. Just past [west of] the city, we on our road

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[Hillsboro Road] had a sharp brush [13 April] with the Federal cavalry that seemed disposed to hurry our retreat. We turned on them and sent them seeking shelter.74 While our division was resting on the top of a ridge with open ¤elds between us and the enemy, the Federal cavalry arranged another charge. Wheeler sent Iverson’s Georgia brigade to meet them with a counter charge. As they passed I recognized my classmate Major Tench of Georgia, a former classmate at the University [of Virginia], who had a pistol duel at the University with John Peter Brown another friend and classmate. Tench was engaged in making the last charge made by Wheeler’s cavalry. Tench was a ¤ne fellow but was peculiarly marked by having a large bunch of ver[y] white hair forming a decided contrast to a ¤ne crop of brown hair worn long as was the fashion of those days. I hope Tench survived that charge. I know John Peter Brown was a survivor as he married Miss Reid of Anderson, So. Carolina.75 Albert W. Plowman and I were sitting [on] our horses near Gen. W. W. Allen and his staff, watching the Georgians make the charge. A shell from a Yankee gun dropped and burst a few yards from us, pelting us with a shower of dirt. Al spoke up and said “K nox, they think we are Generals or Staff of¤cers, lets get in a less exposed position.” This was the last cannon shot ¤red at Johnston’s army, as negotiations for surrender began next day.76 It was near nightfall, and we retired towards Chapel Hill and camped. As we were retiring we met two soldiers who said that Lee had surrendered. Some of the men insisted that they had deserted but they exhibited paroles. There was then several days of waiting while ®ags of truce passed through our lines, and later on the surrender took place.77 I and several of my Company had lost our horses. I gathered these dismounted men and sought our wagons. Our regimental [brigade] commissary was an of¤cer of the 5th Georgia [Cavalry] Regiment.78 I found one six-mule team and told this of¤cer that these dismounted men wanted the six mules on which to ride to Alabama. He replied that he had orders from Gen. Anderson to drive his teams to Savannah. I told him that Gen. Anderson was not in command as he had been wounded and left behind more than a month before. This somewhat puzzled him. He then said we would h[a]ve to take them by force. The dismounted men with me then took charge of the mules while I stood by with hand on pistol holster. The Lieutenant saw that his bluff was called and retired. We got the mules and made our way towards home.

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My wife was at her father’s. I got a ¤ne large mule; thin in ®esh, but she was able to help make a crop that year on Major McCann’s place at Equality, So. Carolina, where I joined my wife and worked the balance of 1865. I worked at most anything my hands found to do. I rented some stock and hauled two wagon loads of cotton to Augusta, and as the Federal garri[s]ons pillaging cotton from the farmers, carried two wagons loaded with my father-in-law’s cotton, saved during the war, to Orangeburg[, S.C.,] and there shipped it by rail to Charleston. Maj. McCann met me at Orangeburg and went with the cotton, sold it at 50¢ per pound and bought a stock of goods and shipped them to Equality and [re]opened his store.79 In January 1866 I drove my mule Judy in [and?] a new buggy to Talladega, sold them, returned to So. Carolina by rail and river, bought two mules and renewed an old wagon stocked with several hams, a feather bed, and [my] wife and I reached Talladega about May 1st, 1866. I sold mules and wagon to Gen. Shelley who was then about to build the Lewis & McElderry, Dr. J. C[?]. K nox and Isbell stores on east side of public square. One more incident and I will have done. As I related, John Cullen was wounded at Aiken, S.C., Feb. 11th, 1865. He reached home and was about recovered of his wounds when Wilson’s Federal raiders came into Alabama. Wilson detached Gen. Croxton to the [iron] furnace and other public works in Calhoun and Talladega Counties.80 As this force of Cavalry approached Talladega, coming in on the Jackson trace road from the north, John C. and a few convalescent ¤ghters went out east street beyond the railway station to meet the invader. John found that the Federals numbered about 500 to each one of his “warriors bold.” A running ¤ght south to the public square ensued. Reaching the square, John turned East at the Isbell corner closely followed by a single Federal of¤cer. Just in front of the Presbyterian Church, the Federal gained John’s side, but John knocked him off his horse and a few yards beyond John’s horse stumbled and John fell off. Just then the horse of the Federal that John had dismounted came trotting up and John mounted it and overtaking his own horse made his escape without a wound and plus a good horse. In all respects save one, John was as ¤ne a trooper as ever drew blade to my knowledge. He did not like to feed and curry his horse, and the only time I ever had cause to reprimand him was on this account. He was the soul of honor and a well-spring of good humor and jollity. A good and graceful rider, he bore himself as a palladin in battle, and a genial gentleman at all times. When[e]ver we had opportunity to have

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a quiet restful night by blazing camp¤res, he was ready to gather the half dozen or more singers and John would lead in the good old songs of other days. I boasted of many young men of unimpeached morality in my beloved 100[-man company], but none stood the most trying tests of the trying times better than he. I will not say “peace to his ashes” for his translated spirit is now enjoying that rest that remains to the people of God.

Notes for 12 February 1914 1. Mrs. J. Morgan Smith, formerly of Talladega. See GK M’s speech of 26 Apr. 1893. 2. The quotation is from Shakespeare’s Macbeth, 1.7.60. 3. See n3 for 31 May 1861. Bowie served in Col. Jack Hays’s 1st Regt., Tex. Mounted Volunteers in the Mexican War. 4. Alabama declared herself out of the Union 11 Jan. 1861. 5. Capt. (later Brig. Gen.) Charles M. Shelley of Talladega commanded a company of the 5th Ala. Inf. Regt. until early 1862 when he organized and took command of the 30th Ala. Inf. He and his new unit then served with Rebel forces in Tennessee, Mississippi, Georgia, and the Carolinas. In Sept. 1864 he was promoted to brigadier general. He engaged in the construction business in Talladega both before and after the war. On Woodward see n12 to the 31 May 1861 letter. Capt. Joseph Henry Johnson founded the Talladega Institute for the Deaf, Dumb, and Blind. The Talladega Artillery became Co. E, 5th Ala. Inf. McKenzie resigned 20 Dec. 1862 for reasons of health. He may have served subsequently as a captain in Col. James H. Stuart’s (or Stewart’s) battalion of Alabama cavalry, a reserve unit. 6. It was this muster-in date that necessitated the summer 1862 company and regimental elections that GK M described in his 8 Sept. 1862 letter (see n5 to that letter). 7. Johnston had come from California, but prior to his assignment to the West Coast he had commanded troops sent to maintain Federal authority over what became the state of Utah. See n7 to GK M’s 8 Oct. 1861 letter. For GK M’s wartime view of Brewer see his 7 Jan. and 27 July 1862 letters. 8. Better known for his Ri®e and Light Infantry Tactics (1855), Hardee also produced a manual, Cavalry Tactics (1855), a revision of the U.S. Army’s 1841 manual. When he was on the faculty of the U.S. Military Academy in the late 1850s, Hardee taught cavalry tactics. Cadet Joseph Wheeler made the lowest grade in the class. See Nathaniel Cheairs Hughes Jr., General William J. Hardee: Old Reliable (Baton Rouge, 1987), 44–45; and GK M’s “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (this chap.).

1865–1916 / 335 9. GK M took at least two men with him. See his 14–15 Nov. 1861 letter. “Lady Polk,” one of the Confederacy’s largest guns, blew up on 11 Nov. during a ¤ring demonstration, killing or injuring several nearby Rebels (Polk himself among the latter). 10. “Tenting Tonight on the Old Campground” was a popular wartime song. 11. The Confederates began the march from Corinth to Shiloh late on 3 Apr. Confusion and bad roads delayed their progress and forced Johnston to postpone the attack until 6 Apr. 12. Marcus McElderry, a twenty-three-year-old, unmarried merchant from Talladega, mustered in with the company at Decatur 13 Aug. 1861. He distinguished himself in several engagements and spent much (probably all) of the last year of the war as a clerk at brigade headquarters. He was paroled at Hillsboro, N.C., 3 May 1865. His relationship to John S. McElderry, if any, is unknown. 13. Wallace’s division was posted at Crump’s Landing, about ¤ve miles downriver (north) from Pittsburg Landing. Confusion in marching to reinforce the main Yankee force kept the division out of the day’s battle. It did participate in the action of 7 Apr. 14. The man at the touchhole had not kept it covered (usually done by placing the thumb—protected by a leather thimble—over the hole). Oxygen thus reached the embers remaining in the tube from the last discharge causing a premature explosion of the powder being loaded for the next shot. 15. Col. Andrew K. Blythe’s Mississippi regiment, originally Blythe’s (1st) Miss. Battln., was part of Cheatham’s Division, Polk’s (I) Corps at Shiloh. The unit evolved into the 44th Miss. Regt., and Sawyer’s company became Co. I of that regiment. Many Confederates who could not get into service from their own states entered the army from a neighboring state and were credited to the latter. 16. A saying based on Shakespeare’s Othello, 1.3.345. 17. See GK M’s 15 Apr. 1862 and 7 Jan. 1863 letters. Beauregard noted that “I was greatly prostrated and suffering from the prolonged sickness with which I had been af®icted since early in February.” 10OR1, 387. 18. GK M confused matters here. Col. (later Brig. Gen.) J. J. A. A. Mouton entered Confederate service in 1861 and became colonel of the 18th La. Inf. Regt. The Crescent Regiment (a militia unit that retained its antebellum designation) entered Confederate service in March 1862 for ninety days and at Shiloh was commanded by Col. M. L. Smith. When the battle opened on 6 Apr. the regiment was on the left of the Confederate line (10OR1, 410), and that, doubtless, was where GK M encountered it. After the regiment disbanded in June, most of the men went into the 18th La. Inf. After the Crescent Regiment was reorganized it served in Mouton’s Brigade. That fact probably accounts for GK M’s misunderstanding.

336 / Postwar 19. Many Civil War soldiers, noting that it often rained the night after a large battle, concluded that the battle—especially the ¤ring of artillery—caused the precipitation. Civilian “rainmakers” often tried to produce the same result by ¤ring a blast or two from a cannon. 20. GK M and his men saw spontaneous combustions of marsh gas arising from decomposing organic matter. These phosphorescent lights are also called will-o-the-wisp, friar’s lantern, and, more formally, ignis fatuus. 21. Brig. Gen. (later Maj. Gen.) William (Bull) Nelson commanded the Fourth Division of Buell’s Army of the Ohio which reached Pittsburg Landing at 5:00 p.m. on 6 Apr. to reinforce Grant. GK M had read Nelson’s 10 Apr. 1862 report of the battle, probably in 10OR1, 323–24. GK M’s quotation is not exact. GK M’s history of the 8th Confed. Cav. (in the regimental ¤le ADAH) shows that he had consulted the OR. 22. Col. (later Brig. Gen.) William Wirt Adams commanded the 1st Miss. Cav. (“Wirt Adams’s Regiment”) at Shiloh. At that time the Union cavalry was attached, usually by battalions or even by companies, to infantry divisions. Larry Daniel (Shiloh, 322) puts Confederate casualties in the battle at 1,728 killed; 9,012 wounded; and 959 missing, for a total of 10,699. These ¤gures do not include losses in the cavalry and in one infantry regiment. 23. Capt. (later Brig. Gen.) W. R. Terrill commanded Battery H, 5th U.S. Art. at Shiloh. Both he and his brother James (a Confederate general) were killed in the war. Capt. (later Col.) John Mendenhall commanded Battery H/M, 4th U.S. Art. at Shiloh. He remained in the army after the war and died in 1892. Both units were active near the famous “Bloody Pond” on 7 Apr. (See the map in Daniel, Shiloh, 270.) GK M had been reading histories, reports of the battle, or both (Terrill’s is in 10OR1, 321–23; Mendenhall’s in ibid., 373–75). 24. Jemison died of typhoid fever in LaGrange, Tenn., 29 (or 20) Apr. 1862; Jones of the same disease 18 Apr. in Corinth. Both were privates in the company and unmarried. Jemison was eighteen when mustered into Confederate service 13 Aug. 1861 at Decatur, Ala.; Jones, seventeen. 25. See the introductory material and n3 to GK M’s 14 June 1862 letter. 26. Co. D was one of the Mississippi units added to the regiment, but most of its members seem to have been from Pickens County, Ala., on the border between the two states. See n15 to this letter. Co. F was originally an infantry company and did not join the regiment until early 1863. 27. Bragg’s force bore the designation “Army of the Mississippi” (sometimes without the “the”) until Nov. 1862 when it took the name by which it would become famous—the “Army of Tennessee.” 28. GK M’s memory played him false. The captured Yankee was Pvt. Martin C. Garver (he had been a corporal but had been reduced to private in Dec. 1861), Co. A, 3d Mich. Cav. Regt. Garver proved exceptionally unlucky. In ad-

1865–1916 / 337 dition to being reduced to private and captured, he was, after his exchange, mortally wounded by a Union provost guard near Senatobia, Miss., in June 1863. He died at La Grange, Tenn., 2 Aug, 1863. The 4th Mich. Cav. along with other troops captured Jefferson Davis and his party near Irwinville, Ga., 10 May 1865. 29. Col. (later Brig. Gen.) J. H. Clanton took command of the 1st Ala. Cav. Regt. in Nov. 1861. He spent most of the war leading small forces in Alabama, Mississippi, and West Florida. Wheeler’s initial cavalry command was only what had been Chalmers’s Brigade. He became commander of all the army’s cavalry several months later. 30. Elisha T. Dye was with the company when it entered Confederate service at Decatur 13 Aug. 1861. He served as ¤rst sergeant until 4 Feb. 1864 when he returned to the ranks at his own request. He was paroled with the company at Hillsboro, N.C., 3 May 1865. 31. Acts 10:13. See also GK M’s 2–5 Nov. 1862 letter. 32. Brig. Gen. G. M. Dodge then commanded the District of Corinth (Miss.). GK M confused him with Brig. Gen. J. C. Davis, commanding a division of Federal troops in the Rover area. 33. Col. William B. Stokes commanded the 5th Tenn. (U.S.) Cav. Regt. 34. Curry’s 22 Apr. 1863 trial resulted in conviction and suspension from rank and command; Parson’s, in acquittal. Jack A. Bunch, Roster of Courts-Martial in the Confederate States Armies (Shippensburg, Pa., 2001), 85, 267. Lewis Eliphalet Parsons, a native of New York, was a lawyer in Talladega and a former state legislator. In June 1865 Pres. Andrew Johnson appointed him provisional governor of Alabama. He held the of¤ce until December when he was elected to the U.S. Senate. Radical Republicans in that body denied him the seat. 35. 20OR1, 979–82; OR, ser. 2, vol. 5, 182–83 and 284–85. Jan. 1863 issues of the Chattanooga Daily Rebel carried several articles about this incident. GK M missed this raid (8–14 Jan.) owing to exhaustion. Wheeler’s appointment as major general aroused considerable criticism, and the Confederate Senate did not con¤rm it until early Feb. 1864. 36. See n3 to GK M’s 2 Jan. 1864 letter. 37. Maj. Gen. D. S. Stanley commanded the Cavalry Corps of the Union army advancing on the Rebels. As of May 1863 he reported 332 of¤cers and 4,629 men present. His 10 Aug. report shows 564 of¤cers and 9,409 enlisted men (23OR2, 379,607). See GK M’s 10 July 1863 letter and “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (this chap.). 38. Cloud Springs is just north of the Chickamauga National Battle¤eld Park, off U.S. Highway 27. After the 19–20 Sept. 1863 battle it was the site of a major hospital. 39. GK M runs together two engagements. The ¤ght at Mary ville took place 14 Nov. as Wheeler’s cavalry marched northeast to join Rebel forces in the

338 / Postwar K noxville area. GK M did not take part in that battle. The Charleston ¤ght occurred 27 Dec. while GK M was in Atlanta for his wedding. See his comments in the 2 Jan. 1864 letter. 40. Here GK M shows the in®uence of the white South’s post-1865 view of the war. At the 23 Feb. 1847 Battle of Buena Vista, Davis, commanding the 1st Miss. Ri®es, played an important role in repulsing Mexican troops under Gen. Pedro de Ampudia. Capt. Braxton Bragg’s artillery took part in the engagement. Many later assumed that this incident played a crucial role in leading Davis to regard himself as a great military commander and in making Davis and Bragg close personal allies. In June 1861 when Johnston commanded Confederate forces at Harpers Ferry, Va. (now W.Va.), he wished to abandon the town lest his troops be surrounded and trapped. Although he had clear authority to make the decision, he wanted the government to assume responsibility for it. This minor matter annoyed some government bureaucrats, but the general disobeyed no orders. Some weeks after evacuating Harpers Ferry, Johnston’s troops moved by rail to help win the victory at First Manassas on 21 July 1861. In December 1863, after Bragg left the Army of Tennessee, Hardee, the senior of¤cer present, took command but made it clear that he did not want the post on a permanent basis. After some hesitation, Davis named Johnston to the command. Bragg soon received an assignment as adviser to the president and went to his new duties in Richmond. See McMurry, Atlanta, 5–11. 41. In these paragraphs GK M repeats the orthodox Lost Cause view of the Atlanta campaign. In truth, Johnston’s retreat—while in and of itself fairly skillfully conducted—was a logistical, strategic, and political disaster for the Confederacy. See McMurry, Atlanta; Albert Castel, Decision in the West: The Atlanta Campaign of 1864 (Lawrence, Kans., 1992); and Stephen Davis, Atlanta Will Fall: Sherman, Joe Johnston, and the Yankee Heavy Battalions (Wilmington, Del., 2001). 42. On the number of Confederate soldiers, see n1 to “Cavalry Fight in Varnell, Ga.,” (this chap.). 43. This “sentence” is printed as GK M wrote it. In fact, Sherman had very little dif¤culty maneuvering Johnston out of one strong position after another. His major problems came from the rain and from his own unwillingness to exploit several excellent opportunities that Johnston’s mistakes gave him. See McMurry, Atlanta. 44. See n10 to GK M’s “Cavalry Fight in Varnell, Ga.,” (this chap.). 45. See GK M’s 20 May 1864 letter. Brig. Gen. Samuel W. Ferguson commanded a brigade of cavalry in Jackson’s Division. 46. Allen commanded GK M’s brigade in Kelly’s Division until June, when he was reassigned to command a brigade in Martin’s Division. 47. See GK M’s 23 Feb. 1865 letter. 48. Postwar, many white Southerners convinced themselves that Johnston’s

1865–1916 / 339 July 1864 removal from command of the army had come just as he was about to halt his long retreat through North Georgia and smite Sherman. Therefore, they thought it had been a great disaster for the Confederacy. Most modern historians doubt that Johnston had any serious plan to ¤ght for the city (as, indeed, did GK M at the time; see his 12 July 1864 letter, and McMurry, Atlanta). On the matter of Rebel morale, see n1 to GK M’s 1 July 1864 letter. 49. Williams was following Wheeler, hoping to rejoin the main column. He camped at Cornersville 5–6 Sept. Realizing that he could not overtake Wheeler, he then turned back to try to escape from Tennessee on his own. 50. The Rebel victory at Saltville saved the vital saltworks there for the Confederacy (salt was necessary to preserve food) but is better known for the massacre of captured Federals—black and white (many of them wounded)—after Burbridge retreated. Robertson’s Brigade seems to have played a major role in this atrocity. Maj. Gen. John C. Breckinridge, commanding the Confederate forces, sought without success to bring Robertson to trial for the outrage. William C. Davis, Breckinridge: Statesman, Soldier, Symbol (Baton Rouge, 1974), 457–61. GK M makes no mention of the murders—nor did Robertson in his 10 June 1895 letter. 51. While GK M and his comrades were raiding in Tennessee and ¤ghting at Saltville, Va., Wheeler ®ed with the rest of his cavalry into Alabama and thence moved (in obedience to orders) back to Georgia to oppose Sherman who had returned to Atlanta, destroyed much of that city, and in mid-November begun his march across Georgia to Savannah. GK M rejoined Wheeler in time to take part in some of this effort. 52. See n8 to Robertson’s 10 June 1895 letter. 53. On Jonesboro see n4 to GK M’s 5 Nov. 1864 letter. The Battle of Franklin took place in Middle Tennessee on 30 Nov. One of the Confederate myths of the Atlanta campaign held that Hood sent his army into virtually suicidal attacks in a desperate effort to gain a victory. While the Rebels suffered heavy losses in Hood’s four battles around Atlanta and at Franklin, only the last can be regarded as suicidal. There a frustrated Hood attacked a very strong Union position. At Jonesboro, Ga., Hardee, commanding Confederates on the ¤eld, made piecemeal attacks, and he and his of¤cers allowed many of the assaulting troops to veer off out of the battle. Hood was then in Atlanta, twenty miles away. At Nashville (15–16 Dec.) Hood’s army was attacked and suffered a crushing defeat. 54. Duncan could receive a promotion only if a vacancy existed in the unit in the grades above him. Furloughed or detailed of¤cers did not become casualties and hence there would be no vacancy into which he could be promoted. 55. “The Major” was John T. Wright, formerly captain of Co. I, whose few 1864 records show him absent in command of small detachments. See “Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav.” (this chap.). 56. In Oct. 1864, when Sherman decided not to pursue Hood across north-

340 / Postwar ern Alabama, he detached Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas to meet any Confederate thrust north of the Tennessee River. At Chickamauga, 20 Sept. 1863, after much of the Union army had ®ed, Thomas and his command held out until dark, thus earning him the sobriquet “Rock of Chickamauga.” It was Thomas who routed Hood’s army at Nashville. 57. Maj. Gen. Peter G. Osterhaus commanded the X V Corps of Sherman’s force during the March to the Sea. 58. Many of Sherman’s veterans regarded South Carolina, with good reason, as the instigator of the war and determined to make the state pay for her acts. Genghis (or Chingis) Kahn (ca. 1167–1227), a Mongol ruler whose armies conquered much of China and central Asia, was often condemned as a ruthless destroyer. In fact, that facet of his conquests (as was the case with Sherman) seems to have been an early attempt at psychological warfare. Togrel (or Togrul) Beg (993–1063), a fearsome Turkish leader, was most noted for the 1055 capture of Baghdad. 59. GK M confused forts. As he noted in his 17 Apr. 1862 letter, Union forces captured Fort Pulaski at the mouth of the Savannah River in Apr. 1862. Here he probably meant Fort Jackson, between Fort Pulaski and Savannah, headquarters of the Savannah defenses. Or he may have meant the evacuation of Savannah during the night of 20–21 Dec. 1864. The Rebels left Columbia 16–17 Feb. 1865. Forts Moultrie and Sumter and the rest of the Charleston defenses were abandoned during the night of 17–18 Feb. 1865. Wilmington fell to Yankee forces 22 Feb. The garrisons of the three coastal cities joined the army the Rebels were assembling to oppose Sherman. Beauregard, then Confederate commander in the Carolinas, was attempting to unite these forces. He was soon superseded by Joseph E. Johnston. 60. Weatherly, a twenty-year-old farmer from Fife Post Of¤ce, Talladega County, had joined the company at Decatur, Al, in 1861. Extant records show him present with the company except in 1864 when he was on duty with the commissary department. 61. In Jan. 1865, in response to the threat posed by Sherman (and possibly also to clear the way for the promotion of other of¤cers in Virginia), Hampton was ordered to take command of Rebel cavalry in his native South Carolina. Maj. Gen. Matthew C. Butler, also a South Carolinian, commanded a division of cavalry transferred from Virginia to oppose Sherman’s northward march through the Carolinas. 62. As the Rebels prepared to leave Columbia, Beauregard and Hampton— in conformity with Confederate law, policy, and standing orders—directed that the cotton in the capital be taken beyond the city limits and destroyed. The Southerners, however, lacked the transportation to move the cotton, so they piled it in the streets, intending to ignite it there. At the last minute Hampton (or Beauregard) changed his mind and ordered that the cotton not be burned,

1865–1916 / 341 but it seems very unlikely that his revised instructions reached all the troops before they began to leave the city. When the Federals entered Columbia on the morning of 17 Feb. 1865, they found the streets full of cotton, some of which almost certainly had been ignited by the departing Rebels (perhaps by stragglers). From that moment on a combination of smoldering ¤res, high winds, alcohol (the Confederates had neglected to destroy large quantities of liquor before departing), stragglers, civilian looters, escaped prisoners of war, and soldiers from Sherman’s army harboring a hatred for South Carolina produced a blaze that destroyed much of the city. Postwar white Southerners added “the burning of Columbia” to the long list of barbaric acts—real and (mostly) imagined—for which they held Sherman responsible. “It was the fault of no one person or single group of persons, though there were those who were not blameless in the series of events which transpired,” wrote Lucas in Sherman and the Burning of Columbia (163). See also Tom Elmore, “The Burning of Columbia, South Carolina, February 17, 1865,” Blue and Gray 21, no. 2 (winter 2004): 6–27. 63. Attila, Alaric, and Genseric (or Gaiseric) were Germanic chieftains (Hun, Visigoth, and Vandal, respectively) whose followers ravaged parts of western Europe in the fourth and ¤fth centuries. 64. Attacking K ilpatrick’s unguarded camp at dawn, 10 Mar. 1865, Rebel cavalry achieved a complete surprise in what became known as the Battle of Monroe’s Cross Roads. K ilpatrick, clad only in “night clothes,” bolted from his bed in a nearby house, abandoned the “lovely lady” who was there with him, and ®ed. Union infantry, camped nearby, soon arrived to save the Yankee horsemen. Two of K ilpatrick’s stallions fell into Confederate hands. See Barrett, Sherman’s March, 126–30; and Mark L. Bradley, This Astounding Close: The Road to Bennett Place (Chapel Hill, 2000), 14–15. 65. Twenty at enlistment, Private Wilson had been a member of the company since its ¤rst service. He was absent because of illness much of late 1864. All other extant records show him present. R. D. Newsom (as the name is spelled in his service record) had joined the company at Talladega 1 Nov. 1864. His only record shows him present on the Nov.–Dec. 1864 roll. A manuscript roll in GK M’s papers shows the “e” in his name and indicates that he was a native of Georgia and a forty-four-year-old farmer at enlistment. 66. Anderson was wounded near Fayetteville, but all records I have found show him commanding the brigade until the surrender. My guess is that GK M is correct (he states the same fact again below). Confederate army administration, never very good, became especially bad in the war’s last months. If a colonel did command the brigade in its last weeks, he was probably Bird of the 5th Ga. 67. Capt. Alex (as the name appears in the records) M. Shannon commanded a company of Wheeler’s scouts. Before taking charge of the scouts, he had commanded Co. C, 8th Tex. Cav. Regt. 68. Hardie entered Confederate service with the company at Decatur, Ala.,

342 / Postwar 13 Aug. 1861. All extant rolls show him present, but he had been detailed to the scouts by Mar. 1865. Brig. Gen. Edmund W. Pettus commanded an infantry brigade in Stevenson’s Division, Lee’s Corps. This incident took place 19 Mar. 1865, for on that day Pettus received a wound in his right leg. 69. In Feb. 1865, under a recently enacted law, President Davis named Lee general-in-chief of all Confederate armies. At Lee’s request, Davis assigned Johnston, who had been “awaiting orders” since being relieved of command before Atlanta the previous July, to command the forces opposing Sherman’s advance northward through the Carolinas. 70. Brig. Gen. William W. Allen then commanded a division of three brigades: Anderson’s Confederate Brigade, Crews’s Georgia Brigade, and an Alabama brigade under Col. David T. Blakey. 71. The routed cavalry on the Confederate left comprised the brigade under Brig. Gen. Thomas M. Logan—the 1st, 4th, 5th, and 6th South Carolina regiments and the 19th S.C. Battln. Maj. Gen. Joseph A. Mower, commanding a X V II Corps division, attacked the left of the Rebel line. Some Confederates put up a stout resistance, but only Sherman’s decision not to follow up on Mower’s success kept him from cutting Johnston’s only line of retreat across the ®ooded Mill Creek. 72. Brig. Gen. Alfred Cummings had received a disabling wound at Jonesboro 31 Aug. 1864. At Bentonville his brigade comprised four Georgia units, each consisting of the consolidated remnants of several regiments. Col. Robert J. Henderson, of the 42d Ga., then commanded the brigade. 73. Hardee’s sixteen-year-old-son, “Willie” Hardee Jr., took a mortal wound in the charge at Bentonville. He died 23 or 24 Mar. in Hillsboro, where he was buried. 74. In fact, the Yankee horsemen drove the Confederate cavalry several miles to the west. 75. John Walter Tench, from Coweta County, Ga., had been at the University of Virginia 1858–59. He served as major of the 1st Ga. Cav. Regt. during the war. He represented his county in the Georgia Legislature (1865–66) before moving to Union County, S.C., where he was a planter. Brown, from Anderson District, S.C., was also at the university for the 1858–59 session. Postwar he farmed in Townville, S.C. His wife was Julia Reed. 76. On 14 Apr., Johnston wrote Sherman proposing a suspension of hostilities to allow the authorities to negotiate an end to the war. The message touched off a series of notes and meetings that continued until the surrender. 77. Johnston and Sherman ¤rst negotiated a comprehensive scheme involving political and civil as well as military questions. Federal authorities rejected this agreement, and the generals then concluded a simple surrender of the forces under Johnston’s command on 26 Apr. 78. I have been unable to identify this of¤cer.

1865–1916 / 343 79. On the summer of 1865 “atmosphere of plunder” involving cotton that could be purchased at seven cents a pound in the South and sold in New York at a higher price see Wilson, Confederate Industry, 239–41. 80. On 30 Mar., as Wilson’s column moved into Central Alabama (see n15 to Robertson’s 10 June 1895 letter), Wilson detached a brigade under Brig, Gen. John T. Croxton to wreck military installations at Tuscaloosa. That done, Croxton moved east to rejoin the main column. After destroying the iron foundry at Mount Pinson thirty miles northwest of Talladega, the Yankees routed a small force of Confederates and occupied GK M’s hometown 22 Apr. After destroying much of military value, Croxton rode on, wrecking the iron furnace at Oxford twenty miles northeast of Talladega en route to rejoining Wilson at Macon, Ga.

Internal evidence indicates that Miller penned the following document as a commentary on his wartime letters. He may well have intended it for his daughter Rosa Miller (Mrs. Samuel Earl) Greene of Birmingham. It was she who, in 1942, donated her father’s letters to the Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav. When the “Mountain Rangers”—Co. A.—left Talladega July 29th 1861 we were armed with sabres and pistols only—Colt’s “Navy Sixes” and some “Adams” double-action six shooters and a most admirable weapon. The Commissioned and noncommissioned of¤cers carried two pistols each—the privates one each. These sabres & sabre belts, pistols & holsters were arms previously given the Company by the State. Late in the fall of 1862 [1861] Maj. Richard H. Brewer—a Marylander—graduate of West Point & Lieut. in one of the Dragoon Regts.—having been with Gen. A. S. Johnston in Utah looking after the Morman’s,1 was assigned to Gen. Polk at Columbus, Ky., and was placed in Command of the Companies of Capt. A. W. Bowie, Capt. Jefferson Faulkner (from Chambers Co.[, Ala.,]) and Capt. Cole of East Feliciana Parish, La., and operated with this Battalion in Connection with a few Regts. of infantry & a battery of Artillery on Polk’s right, being Stationed at Camp Beauregard some 18 miles south east from Columbus & near the village of Feliciana on the railroad leading up to Paducah, Ky. For a time after Polk occupied Columbus the two ¤rst named companies were guarding bridges over Obion Creek and Bayou Deshea in the

344 / Postwar

rear of Polk’s army—but when formed into a battalion [they] went with Gen. John S. Bowen’s forces and operated west of the Tenn [River] until after the fall of Fort Henry & the Donelson disaster. Maj. Brewer was a strict disciplinarian, and his battalion was carried thro’ almost incessant drills in the double-rank formation theretofore in vogue in the old [i.e., regular U.S.] army. After Wheeler took command he changed to the single-rank formation using, I think, at ¤rst McCook’s tactics until the publication of his own tactics at a later date, but the fact is that after Shiloh, and until our return to the front on Stewart’s Creek above Murfreesboro’ [November, 1862] very little drilling was done from [i.e., owing to] the very nature of our continuous active service. From this it will be seen that companies A & B of what afterward formed the 1st squadron of the 8th Confederate had exceptional advantages over much of our cavalry in the way of drill and discipline.2 While at Tunnel Hill[, Ga.,] in the winter of ’63–4, you will see from one of my letters that Wheeler drilled all of his cavalry pretty thoroughly, but many of our cavalry of¤cers were “sorry” material.3 The Major of my own Regt [ John T. Wright] never could learn tactics and could not move his Regt. from “lines” to the front, ®ank, or rear by a proper order. The consequence was that being a fearless daredevil sort of man and a good woodsman, he was studiously kept scouting or on some kind of detached service and never left in command of the Regt [while it was in action]. Col. Wade was in command of the Brigade much of the time until the “Charleston Races”—Decr. 28th, 1863—where he was wounded [and] then left for Ms. and through his efforts to have his regiment transferred to that Department wrought demoralization in the ranks of the [8th Confederate] Regt. He even had gathered up some few of my company— convalescents from hospitals or furloughed men—to join him, but none of my company left the “front” to go to him. The 49 “deserters” spoken of in one of my letters while we were ¤ghting Sherman in So. Co. were not strictly deserters but the men (and some of¤cers) [who] left in obedience to the unauthorized orders issued to Col. Wade by Gen. Dick Taylor.4 You will notice in reading the letters I am sending you that no mention is made of several important operations in which the 8th Confed. took part. Some of my letters were actually burned despite the “blessed Maid [Celestine].” I was captured about the last day of Jany or 1st of Febry 1863 and remained as prisoner until May when I was exchanged at City

1865–1916 / 345

Point[, Va.]—was lying on a vessel at Fortress Monroe all night and heard the roar up the Rappahanno[c]k of the battle of Chancellor’s ville. I did not write an account to my wife of the last raid—operations in north Georgia, Tenn., & Va., but when we left Saltville we came out by way of Ash[e]ville, N.C., Greenville So. Co., and through Anderson Co, So. Co., where I tarried about three days with one of the “best they make” [Celestine] and then hurried on and overtook my command before reaching Jonesboro,’ Ga. Col. W. C. P. Breckenridge [Breckinridge] commanding the Kentucky Brig., came to my father-in-law’s house, and he & staff were there entertained for the night & he saw my wife. This will account for his bringing me a “comforter.” 5 Of course I told my wife all my [ad]ventures by “®ood & ¤eld” while on the great raid into Tenn—Wheeler’s last.6 And it truly was the most trying ordeal of my nearly 2 months continuous raiding and ¤ghting that a command ever went through & survived. While in East Tenn. we were bushwhacked by the East Tenn. loyalists at almost every opportunity & often had to keep out ®ankers for miles. Some of our men—especially those of the 5th Georgia Regt were killed or captured.7 Much of the country was sterile, and it was almost a ¤ght among the men at times over a patch [i.e., ¤eld] of roasting ears [of corn]. I remember on one occasion securing about 15 “nubbins” [of corn] for self and horse—¤rst gave him ten & took ¤ve for my own empty stomach—then took two of his ten for myself and tried to even up the score and my conscience by the more or less plausible reasoning that “he got 8 ears and the shucks of all 15.” There was an interesting episode in this march of “Cerro Gordo’s” [ John S. Williams’s] Division back through East Tenn.8 After we had crossed the Cumberland Mountains and made a most trying days march, we had barely got unsaddled & roasted our corn when the 8th Confed. was ordered to “saddle up” & mount, and off on several hours night ride we went with Gen. Roberson [Robertson] at our head. At last we drew up at a good substantial farm house—the name of the owner not now remembered—pickets were thrown out and all around & we were allowed to dismount & “stand to horse.” After a long wait word came out to us that Gen. Robinson [Robertson] had just been married to the daughter of the gentleman of the house—we remained until near daylight when the “groom” came out, mounted his “¤ery little mule,” put himself at our head, and off to the Division we went. All the sleep we

346 / Postwar

got that night was while in “attendance” on the nuptials. The General’s bride joined him late in the war—probably when he was recovering from his wound (at Augusta) received in one of the Waynesboro battles. Those tired and sleepy troopers had no lamps much less oil to put in them but they made the scene more or less lurid with vigorous “damns[?]”!!!9 You will notice in my letters that occasionally by way of “K ick[?]” I throw a pebble at the “War Child [Wheeler]” in criticism, but this was natural coming from a subaltern who of course did not know the “whys & wherefores” of what was done or attempted. For instance—After the ¤ght at Shelby ville [27 June 1863] it appeared to me that it was so unnecessary in our then wet and almost helpless condition that I almost wished that Wheeler should be removed—but when it was given out that he fought north of & in the town in a vain effort to afford Forrest a bridge to cross on—this put an entirely different aspect on the whole affair. It was palpable to any man of gumption that we could have made an effective stand even in our wretched condition on the south bank of the river as we had opportunity either to destroy the bridge or to train our artillery on it so as to prevent the enemy crossing.10 Later on I learned to better appreciate Gen. Wheeler, and his last campaign lifted him to the pinnacle, especially after the gross injustice of promoting Hampton his junior, and injecting him [Hampton] in as a shadow over the death grapple in North Carolina.11 You will also note that I have thrown a few uncomplimentary “bricks” at the 8th and 11th Texas [Cavalry regiments]. In view of the fact that there grew up a sharp rivalry between my Regt. and the 8th Texas after the Cassville raid12—the words then written and those indicted later on should be “in the deep bosom of the ocean buried” 13—those men were absolutely cut off from home and the opportunity to get any thing from their loved ones. Our Govt. either could not & certainly did not supply them with any thing, and they were absolutely compelled to feed and clothe themselves off the country in which they were daily doing battle—and they held on to the last, being found making one of the most brilliant cavalry charges of the war and by so doing against infantry at Bentonville most materially aided in preserving the integrity of Johnston’s (the grand old Hero!) army. If “Richmond” [i.e., Jefferson Davis’s government] had been created sane and the volunteers who answered the call to arms had not had their energies fritted away in a foolish defensive war, and all had done as well their parts as the 8th & 11th Texas— the [Confederate] “banner” would now be ®oating high in the breeze.14

1865–1916 / 347

Peace to the ashes of those gallant Texans who have passed to the great beyond.

Notes for Notes on 8th Confederate Regt. Cav. 1. See n7 to GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter. 2. GK M seems to have confused one of the numerous Union of¤cers named McCook with George B. McClellan, whose Regulations and Instructions for the Field Service of the United States Cavalry in Time of War (Philadelphia, 1861) may be the work to which he refers. Wheeler’s Revised System of Cavalry Tactics for the Use of the Cavalry and Mounted Infantry, C.S.A. (Mobile, 1863) became the manual of the mounted arm of the Army of Tennessee and some other Rebel cavalry commands. In addition to the single-rank formation, Wheeler’s work stressed the use of cavalry as mounted infantry rather than in its traditional role of combat on horseback. Dyer, Wheeler, 80–81. GK M’s 7 Jan. 1862 letter gives his contemporary opinion. 3. See GK M’s 27 Mar. and 10 Apr. 1864 letters. 4. See n3 to GK M’s 2 Jan. 1864 letter and the 23 Feb. 1865 and 12 Feb. 1914 letters. Lt. Gen. Richard Taylor then commanded the Department of Alabama, Mississippi, and East Louisiana and brie®y, after Hood was relieved from its command 23 Jan. 1865, the Army of Tennessee. I have found no evidence that Taylor issued such orders, although his subordinate, Forrest, might well have done so. See also 49OR1, 433, 970, 992–93, 1027, 1033, 1050, 1122, and 1127–28; and Dodson, Campaigns of Wheeler, 377, 379, and 424. Thirty men from the regiment (none from GK M’s company) were with Wade in Mississippi at the end of the war, and another 152 (none from GK M’s company) probably were. Wade commanded one of Forrest’s cavalry brigades in 1865. 5. GK M probably refers to the “nice scarf” mentioned in his 5 Nov. 1864 letter. 6. See n1 to GK M’s 7 Jan. 1862 letter. 7. A few brief references to the 5th Ga. Cav.’s ordeals in East Tennessee can be found in James T. Lambright’s 1910 recollections in Timothy Daiss, In the Saddle: Exploits of the 5th Georgia Cavalry during the Civil War (Atglen, Pa., 1999), 23–25. 8. During the Mexican War Battle of Cerro Gordo (17–18 Apr. 1847) Williams distinguished himself commanding the 4th Ky. Regt. and picked up the nickname “Cerro Gordo,” which followed him into the Confederate army. See Robertson’s 10 June 1895 letter. 9. See Robertson’s 10 June 1895 letter. 10. See GK M’s 10 July 1863; 2 Jan. 1864; 9 Jan., 26 June, 1–3 Aug., and 13 Nov. 1864 letters. 11. See n61 to GK M’s 12 Feb. 1914 letter. Confederate authorities had a

348 / Postwar much less favorable view of Wheeler. Beauregard, for example, recommended Hampton’s promotion to lieutenant general to command Rebel cavalry in the Carolinas in 1865, noting that Wheeler outranked Hampton as major general but that Wheeler “cannot properly control and direct successfully so large a corps of cavalry” (47OR2, 1165). See also GK M’s comments on Wheeler’s cavalry in his 13 Nov. 1864 letter. Wheeler’s date of rank as major general was 20 Jan. 1863, but his appointment met with much criticism and was not con¤rmed until 4 Feb. 1864. Hampton held a major general’s grade as of 3 Aug. 1863 (con¤rmed 25 Jan. 1864). The conduct of Wheeler’s men toward Georgia civilians late in 1864 caused many to complain to the authorities. J. T. Stephens, a lawyer, advertised his services to ¤le suit against the Confederate government to gain compensation for the “robberies and plunderings” committed against citizens by Wheeler’s horsemen. His fee was to be one-fourth of whatever amount he collected. Advertisement in Forsyth (Ga.) Educational Journal, n.d., quoted in Macon Journal and Messenger, 4 Jan. 1865. Beyond any question, the records of the two generals justi¤ed the decision to place Hampton in command of Wheeler. 12. See GK M’s 23 Apr. (especially), 27–29 May, and 13 Nov. 1864; and 3 Feb. 1865 letters. 13. GK M was still quoting his beloved Shakespeare, King Richard the Third, 1.1.4. 14. Once again, GK M exempli¤es the postwar white South’s belief in several mutually exclusive myths about the war. Here, in the space of two sentences, he praises Joseph E. Johnston, arguably the Confederacy’s greatest advocate of a defensive strategy, and condemns that strategy.

In the late summer or fall of 1916 K nox Miller’s health began to fail. Through September and October, however, he was able on occasion to get about town. By early November it was obvious that his death was not far off, and his out-of-town children hastened back to Talladega to be with him. The end came at 7:00 p.m. on Sunday, 12 November, in his home on North Street. The next day the courthouse, where he had sat as judge, was draped in mourning. The funeral took place in the Presbyterian church that afternoon, and afterward his body was taken a few blocks south to the cemetery and buried beside that of his “Dear Cellie.” 1 The Confederate monument that he had dedicated and unveiled on Memorial Day twenty-three years earlier stands only a few feet from his grave.

Note 1. Talladega Reporter, 18 Nov. 1916.

Index

Adams, William C., 284–85 Adams, William Wirt, 313 Aiken, SC, engagement at, 269, 328–29 Alabama Troops Artillery, Talladega Art, 307 Cavalry: 1st, 90n16, 96, 186, 220n6, 289n11, 316 3d, 90n16, 96, 114 5th, 181n1 7th, 152, 219–20 9th, 219–20 51st Partisan Rangers, 96, 141, 207, 280n1 Bacot’s Squadron, 90n16 Barbrier’s Battalion, 82n1 Beall’s Battalion, Alabama Mounted Men, 72 Mountain Rangers. See Confederate Troops, Cavalry, 8th (Wade’s) Stuart’s Battalion 334n5 Infantry: 1st, 289n12, 290n14 5th, 307 9th, 33 10th, 35n12, 168, 277, 307 18th, 73, 76n9 24th, 73 25th, 134, 248n4, 290n14

31st, 171n9, 223n6 Talladega Davis Blues, 31, 33 Talladega Ri®es, 307 Alabama Volunteer Corps, 31, 34n3, 109–10 Alaria, 330 Alcorn, James L., 56, 58 Alexander, Mrs. James K., 164, 174n2 Alexander, Will, 178 Allen, William Wirt, 186, 191, 195, 203, 209, 219, 248n2, 325, 332, 342n70 Almon, John, xvi Ampudia, Pedro de, 323 Anderson, Gussie, 10, 15, 109, 183 Anderson, James L., 109, 257 Anderson, Robert H., 219, 224–25, 237, 243, 247, 250, 259n1, 267, 283, 324–25, 329, 330, 332 Arkansas Post, 130 Arkansas Troops: 10th Infantry, 54n9; 9th Infantry, 55n9; Wiggins’s Artillery Battery, 96; 3d Cavalry, 210n6, 296, 298, 331 Armstrong, Frank C., 156, 192, 202n1 Arrington, Thomas M., 223n6 Atlanta, GA, Battle of, 240; campaign, 323–25; operations near, 228, 234, 238–39, 240, 241–46 Attila, 330

350 / Index Atwater, Alfred, 122n4 Audenried, J. C., 268 Augusta, GA, Arsenal, 178 Averysboro, NC, Battle of, 331 Baptist Male College (Talladega, AL), xxii Barr, George D., 170, 176, 178, 226, 233, 269, 270 Barr, Martha (Matt) Jane McCann, 170, 171, 176, 178, 233, 270 Baskervill(e), Charles, 62, 72, 303 Bate, William B., 216 Beall (Bell), Solan (Solon), 303, 304, 315 Beall, W. N. R., 40n5, 315 Beaumont, Eugene Beauharnais, 290n18 Beauregard, Pierre G. T., 66, 71, 72, 76n13, 81, 84n12, 108, 200n3, 249, 250, 256, 270, 299, 311, 313, 314, 327–28, 340n62, 348n11 Beauregard, Camp, 54n2, 63, 308, 343 Beg, Togrel, 327 Bell (Miller’s teacher), xx, xxi Belmont, MO, Battle of, 48–50, 308 Beltzhoover, Daniel, 47–48 Bentonville, NC, Battle of, 331, 346 Berry, Stephen W., xivn1 Bert, William B., 257n2 Bible, Miller cites, 239, 317 Bird, Edward C., 243, 341n66 Bishop, John Webster, 275 Black, John L., 271n4 Blackland, MS, skirmish at 73–74, 79– 80, 315, 316 Blakey, David T., 342n70 Bloomer, Amelia J., 193n4 Bonham, D. W. C., 47, 59 Bonham, Millidge, 62 Booneville, MS, Skirmish at, 78, 80 Bowen, John S., 47, 48, 56, 94, 308 Bowie, Andrew W., 30, 31, 41–43, 46, 49, 78, 181n1, 253, 303, 306, 315 Bradford, Silas, 286, 288, 291 Bradford, Tipton, 46n14

Bragg, Braxton, 60, 64, 71, 79, 84n10, 85, 91–93, 96n13, 96, 101n6, 102, 104, 111n2, 116, 118, 120, 122n3, 126, 139, 143n1, 149, 156, 239, 303, 311, 314–18, 323 Brandy Station, VA, Battle of, 190n1 Breckinridge, John C., 81, 95n3, 339n50 Breckinridge, W. C. P., 249, 250, 260, 345 Brewer, Richard Henry, 58, 59, 62, 81, 84n13, 292, 303, 307–08, 309, 311, 314, 343, 344 Brown, John Peter, 332 Brownlow, James P., 191, 243 Brownlow, William G. (“Parson”), 193n1 Brown’s Mill, GA, Battle of, 242–43 Buckhead Creek, GA, engagement at, 284–85, 289n8 Buell, Don Carlos, 89n9, 312, 313 Buena Vista, Mexico, Battle of, 323 Buford, Abraham, 96 Bunyan, John, quoted by Miller, 256 Burbridge, Stephen G., 283, 326 Burr, Mrs. W. H., 279 Butler, Benjamin F., 74 Butler, Matthew C., 340n61 Byars, Samuel, 46n14 Caesar, Julius, 135n2, 265 Caperton, George, 215n2 Caperton, John E., 215n2 Caperton, Thomas A., 213 Carling, Elias, 290n18 Carmel, SC, Church, 4 Campbell, Thomas, quoted by Miller, 65 Carolinas Campaign, 269–70, 327–32 Cassville, GA, affair at, 203 Chalmers, James R., 73, 78, 80, 90n16, 94, 293, 303, 314 Chancellorsville, VA, Battle of, 319–20 Charles XII (of Sweden), xi, 13n2, 109 Charleston, SC, 137, 147, 270 Charleston, TN, 162–65, 323 Charlotte, NC, 270

Index / 351 Chase, Camp, OH, 125, 130–31 Cheatham, Benjamin Franklin, 43, 49, 224, 229 Chickamauga, GA, Battle of, 149, 153, 155, 322, 340n56 Chinnabee, 299, 324 Churchill, Thomas J., 130 Cincinnati, OH, 87 Clanton, J. H., 316 Clarke, Will, 177 Clay, Henry, Jr., 25 Cleburne, Patrick R., 178–79, 213, 224 Cleveland, TN, 162; action at, 262 Cobb, Howell, 286 Cole, J. W., 45n5, 48, 307 Columbia, SC, 270, 304, 329–30, 340n59 Columbus, KY, 42–43, 44n2, 63, 334 Columbus, MS, 86 Confederate Troops, 293–95 Cavalry: 1st, 156 3d, 156, 203, 218, 291n23, 295, 301n5 6th, 90n16 8th (Wade’s), xiv, 30–31, 34, 38, 41, 47n2, 54n9, 61n12, 62, 72, 74–75, 79, 84, 86, 87, 89n3, 90n16, 92, 93–94, 96– 97, 99, 106n4, 120, 121, 124, 126, 143n7, 144, 146, 147n1, 149, 151, 152, 156, 162–63, 182, 191, 196, 201, 203–08, 215, 218, 225, 240, 243, 244, 255, 262–63, 266, 270, 271, 291–92, 292–93, 294, 295, 297, 301n5 10th, 156, 252, 291n23, 295, 301n5, 337 12th, 295n3, 301nn5–6 Conscript law, 74, 79, 175 Conway, Martin F., 106n2 Cooper, W. H., 217 Corinth, MS, 38, 62, 67n6, 70n2, 71– 73, 75n2, 108, 250, 256, 268n5, 303, 314, 315

Cowpens, SC, Battle of (1781), xvii Cowper, William, cited by Miller, 116 Cowser, Mary Elizabeth Miller, xvii, xix Cowser, William Robert, xix Crawford, J. A., 29 Crews, Charles Constantine, 246 Crook, James, 9n3, 12, 14–18, 24, 26, 168 Crowder, Mrs., 279 Croxton, John T., 333 Cummings, Alfred, 342n72 Cummings, Joseph B., 289n7 Cunningham, “Jimmie” ( James W?), 257 Curry, Mrs., 258 Curry, Jabez L. M., 180, 316, 321 Curry, Mark Shipp, 89nn6–7, 152, 166, 168–69, 171–72, 176, 181, 182, 200, 211, 215–16, 256, 317, 320–21 Curtis, Samuel, 80 Dalton, GA, 162; action near, 201, 226– 27, 262 Davis, Jefferson, 25, 44n2, 45n7, 71, 84n10, 84n13, 105, 154–55, 228, 240, 316, 323, 325, 342n69, 346 Davis, Jefferson C., 337n32 Davis, John W., 282 DeArman, J. T., 153n3 DeArman, Newton B., 45n11, 47, 78, 89n7, 309, 315 Decatur, AL, 39 Decatur, GA, 225; Battle of, 240, 262 Delaware, Fort, 131, 253 Deshler, James, 149 Dibrell, George C., 202n1 Dillon, Edward, 152 Dodge, Grenville M., 319 Donelson, Fort, TN, 67n6 Dougherty, Henry, 55n10 Douglas, Stephen A., 2–3 Duncan, A. Wilmer, 39, 47 Duncan, John C., 116, 120, 128, 165, 189, 204, 232, 234, 239, 306–43 Duncan, Philip N., 182, 186, 218, 258, 324

352 / Index Dye, Elisha T., xiv, 317 Dye, James, 143n6 Eagleville, TN, 129 Elliott, Parson, 105 Elston, Annie, 278 Etowah Raid, 205–08 Eufaula, AL, 253 Evans, Augusta Jane, 13n7 Eve, Mrs. William (Philoclea E.), 286 Ezra Church, GA, Battle of, 240 Falkner, Jefferson, 40–41, 51, 106b4, 294, 303, 304, 307, 315 Fayetteville, NC, action near, 330 Ferguson, Samuel W., 324 Forrest, Nathan Bedford, 80, 96, 126, 155, 189, 213, 221, 250, 267, 313, 346, 347n4 Francis, Philip, xxviin2 Franklin, TN, Battle of, 180n9, 327 Fredericksburg, VA, Battle of, 105 Friendly ¤re, 203 Garver, Martin C., 316 Gaylor, xix Genghis Kahn, 327 Genseric, 330 George III (of England), xv Georgia Troops, 331, 332 Cavalry: 1st, 301n5, 342n75 2d, 301n5 3d, 187n5, 301n5 4th, 301n5 5th, 218, 295, 324, 332, 345 6th, 301n5 Gettysburg, PA, Battle of, 143n9 Gibbon, Edward, xxi Gillespy, James, 181 Gilliam, 288 Gladden, Adley H., 66 Glenn, Anna Maria McCann, 13n3, 183, 188, 197, 219, 255, 267, 269, 270 Golding, MS, Camp, 72

Gordon George (Lord Byron), cited by Miller, 10, 65 Granbury, Hiram B., 214n1 Grant, Horace D., 204, 324 Grant, Ulysses S., 54n7, 139, 154, 157, 205n3, 309, 312, 314 Greek mythology, cited by Miller, 138, 147 Greene, Nathaniel, 299 Greene, Rosa Miller (Mrs. Samuel Earl), 343 Hagan, James, 126 Hall, Mr., 116 Hall, Sam, 287 Halleck, Henry W., 72, 314, 315 Halm, Friedrich, quoted by Miller, 98, 127 Hamilton, Ann(e) Kennedy, xvii Hamilton, David, xvii Hamilton, Jane ( Jean), xvii Hamilton, Thomas, xvii Hampton, Wade, 221, 229, 330, 340n62, 346 Hardee, William J., 43, 102, 104n4, 177, 180n9, 308, 323, 327, 328, 331 Hardee, William J., Jr., 331 Hardie, Alva, 331 Hardie, James, 201 Hardie, James W., 86, 297, 299, 300, 317, 324 Harmon, James H. xiv Harpers Ferry, VA (now W V), 32–33 Harrison, Thomas, 201n1, 208 Hart, Nancy, 4 Hartsville Raid, 105 Hawkins, David E., 182 Hawkins, Lawrence P., 182 Haynes, 178 Hays, Jack, 334n3 Health of troops, 46, 112n8, 139, 146, 152, 167, 234 Henderson, Robert J., 342n72 Henderson, Mrs. S. H., 279 Henry, Fort, TN, 63 Henry, Patrick, 25

Index / 353 Hill, Benjamin J., 213, 226 Hindman, Thomas C., 80, 103 Hodge, George B., 197n6 Holcomb, James P., 22 Holcombe, W. T., 153n3 Holly Springs, MS, 80 Holmes, Henry 304 Hood, John Bell, 228, 240, 248n3, 251n6, 259, 260, 267, 325, 326, 327 Hooker, Joseph, 158n4, 320 Hopkins, David, xxviiin17 Hopkins, James, xxviiin17, 27–29 Hopkins, William, xxiv, xxv, 18, 19–21, 27–29 Hopkins, William, English xxiv, 27–29 Horses, 81, 86, 87, 89n4, 134, 171, 169, 193, 195, 208, 211, 234, 239, 243, 244, 267 Howard, Mrs. (“Pepper Pot”), 14–15, 21 Howard, Oliver O., 210n7, 213 Hudson, Alfred, 55n9 Hudson, William Alexander, 176, 197n5, 223, 254 Hume, David, xxi Humes, William Y. C., 169, 171–73, 175, 185–86, 242, 243, 246 Huntsville, AL, 69, 90n10 Huston, W. J., 279 Immigrants, 51, 139, 299, 331 Impressment, 56, 330 Irving, Washington, cited by Miller, 135n3 Iverson, Alfred, 238n2, 243, 248n2, 249, 325 Jackson, Andrew, 83n9, 299, 304 Jackson, Fort, GA, 340n59 Jackson, Thomas J., 74, 81, 132, 320 Jeans, W. P., 288 Jemison, Billie, 314 Jemison, Samuel, 314 Jerrold, Douglas, cited by Miller, 168 Johnson, Andrew, 280n3, 337n34 Johnson, Herschel V., 5 Johnson, Joseph Henry, 307

Johnston, Albert S., 43n66, 68n8, 81, 276, 308, 311, 335n11, 343 Johnston, Joseph E., 105, 168, 186, 198, 202n6, 203, 219n1, 220, 224n2, 225, 228, 230, 233n3, 234, 236, 239, 240, 275, 289n7, 296, 323, 325, 331, 340n59, 346 Joiner, G. A., 276 Jones, Benton, 314 Jones, Mrs. Harvey E., 293 Jones, John, 314 Jones, William E., 84n13 Jonesboro, GA, Battle of 250, 339n53 “Junius Letters,” xvi Kelly, John H., 156, 185, 186, 191, 195, 197n5, 201, 207, 208, 223, 241, 243, 247, 253, 256, 298, 325 Kennesaw Mountain, GA, 220n1, 221, 229; Battle of 223–24 Kentucky, 93, 209n1, 293n4, 307; neutrality of 44n2; 1862 campaign in 85, 91–96, 100, 317 Kentucky ri®e, 93 Kentucky Troops, 105, 231, 270 Confederate Cavalry: 1st Battalion, 61n6 2d, 156 3d, 156 9th, 151, 156 K ing’s Battalion, 67nn2–5 Federal, 116 3d Cavalry, 304, 319 K ilpatrick, Hugh Judson, 199, 269, 283–84, 328, 329, 330 K imber, Elmira E., 2 K ing, Capt., 178 K ing, C. A., 278 K ing, Henry Clay, 61n6 K nox, James C., 282n12 K nox, Rosa, 278 Ku K lux K lan, 281n6 Ladies Memorial Association: Columbus, GA, 281n7; Talladega, AL, 275, 277, 278

354 / Index LaGrange, Oscar H., 301n8 Lanier, John S., 38, 307 Lannes, Jean, 300, 302n14 Latham, Richard Philip, xxii, xxiii Lavergne, TN, actions near, 100, 113– 14, 118, 318 Lawler, Frank J., 257n2 Lee, Robert E., 81, 225, 259, 275, 320, 331 Lee, Stephen D., 155 Lewis, Charles Bertrand, 282n15 Lincoln, Abraham, 25, 28n2, 259, 267n2 Lindsey, Thomas D., 304 Little Rock, AR, 1–2 Livy, xxi Logan, Thomas M., 342n71 Logwood, Thomas H., 62n14 Longstreet, James, 182 Loring, William W., 221 Louisiana Troops Artillery, Beltzhoover’s Battery, 47– 48, 55n9 Cavalry, Louisiana Mounted Rangers, 45n5, 48, 54n9, 62 Infantry: 11th, 49 18th, 335n18 Cewscent Regiment, 311–12 Louisville, KY, Miller prisoner in, 130 Lynch, Frank, 285 Macon, GA, 285, 286 Mallard, George T., 257n2 Malone, James C., 218–19 Manassas, VA, First Battle of 108, 323 March to the Sea, 260–62, 283–84, 326, 327 Marion, Francis, xvii Marsh-Caldwell, Anne, 112n13 Martin, James Benson, 33 Martin, John D., 47 Martin, R. J., 153n3 Martin, William T., 126, 134, 142, 153, 156, 157, 168, 182, 192, 197n5, 237

Matthews, Joseph A., 304, 329 Mary ville, TN, ¤ght at, 337 May¤eld, KY, 51 Mayo, William E., 140n5 McAfee, Mrs., 279 McAlpine, Pauline, 278 McCaa, Burwell B., 119, 318 McCann, Augusta Cornelia, 183, 219, 255 McCann, ( J. Richard?), 121 McCann, Jane ( Jean) Hamilton, xxviiin19 McCann, Josephine Elvira, 219 McCann, Narcissa Walker, xxv, 171, 174, 183, 186, 197, 219, 222, 226, 230, 239, 244, 254, 255, 267 McCann, Robert Julius Walker, 8, 170, 195, 199, 225, 237, 267, 271n4 McCann, Rosaline, xxviiin20, 176, 223, 226, 254 McCann, Thomas, xxv, 166, 169, 171, 174, 174n2, 183, 186, 196, 197, 219, 222, 226, 232, 237, 239, 244, 254, 255, 267, 273, 333 McClellan, Georgia B., 347n2 McCook, Edward M., 193n4, 243, 246, 325 McCorkle, Alexander B., 277 McElderry, John S., 45n11, 57, 73, 78, 201, 297, 298–300, 304, 306, 309, 313, 315, 324, 335n12 McElderry, Marcus, 166, 169, 225, 309 McDuf¤e, George, xxviiin18 McKelvey, John H., 302n12 McKenzie, John C., 307 McLawner, C., 61n9 McPherson, James B., 296 McVoy, A.D., 278 Meade, George G., 154 Memminger, Christopher G., 20n Memorial Day, Confederate, 274–82 Memphis & Charleston Railroad, 80, 85–86, 257n7 Memphis, TN, 74 Mendenhall, John, 314

Index / 355 Michigan Troops Cavalry, 80 2d, 76n10 3d, 76n10, 336n28 4th, 76n10, 203–04, 219, 304, 316, 319, 324 Miller, Celestine McCann, 272, 326, 344, 345; courtship of (see under Miller, George K nox), death of, 302; description of, 106; grave of, 161; health of, 136, 138; marriage of, 163–64, 174n2; photograph of, 159, 160 Miller, Celestine McCann (daughter), 273 Miller, Charles, 65 Miller, Cynthia Tennant Hamilton, xvii–xviii, 9 Miller, Edwin M., 108, 120, 123–24, 127, 132, 165, 182, 204, 253, 319 Miller, Elizabeth, xvii Miller, George, xvii, xviii, xix–xx, xxi, xxiii, 5, 136, 138, 173, 177, 181, 194–95, 221, 253, 254, 256, 261 Miller, George K nox bar exam, 31, 33 Belmont, MO, Battle of, 48–51 birth, xv, xviii capture of, 128–29, 319–20 childhood, xix, xx children of, 273 cook, 43, 56 courtship of Celestine, xxv–xxvi, 3– 5, 8, 10, 11–12, 14, 16, 18–19, 21–22, 24, 26, 33, 35–37, 48, 52–53, 59, 70, 75, 82, 88, 94, 97–98, 100, 105–08, 110, 111, 113, 117, 127–28, 133–34, 136– 37, 138–39, 150, 169–70, 189– 90, 196–97, 209–11, 229, 265 death of, 348 description of, 17, 38 education of, xi, xviii, xix–xxiii, 25 elected captain, 86 elected sergeant, 40n4, 52

Miller, George K nox (continued) examining board, 185 family of, xv–xxvi grave of, 161 health of, xviii, xx, 7, 21, 25, 32– 33, 58–60, 63, 67, 69, 74, 96, 99, 101, 131, 138, 140, 145, 146, 148, 154, 167, 172, 176, 183, 186, 188, 194, 211, 215, 216, 222, 239, 244, 250, 255, 258, 260, 302, 318, 322, 327 herdsman, 92 historian, 291–92 horses of, 44, 58, 73, 139, 166, 169, 180–81, 191, 192–93, 195–96, 200, 204, 206, 232, 244, 247, 254, 261, 315, 330, 331, 345 joins Mountain Rangers, 31 joins Talladega Davis Blues, 33 law practice, 273 looks to Virginia, 74, 225, 229, 235 “Major,” 282 male-female relations, xivn1 marriage of, 163–64, 174n2 Memorial Day address: 1871, 274; 1893, 274–82 morale of, 203 photograph of, 159, 160 plays cards, 44, 53 postwar career, 273–74 promotion, 76–79, 315–16 raises troops, 33, 36 reading of, xxi, xxii, 16n2, 44 recruits troops, 172–73, 174–75 regimental committee, 39, 47 religion of, 274 romantic interests, xxi–xxii, 10, 14–15 romanticism, 14 secession, 14, 21–22, 27n6 slaves, 247 strategy, comments on 213–14 theater, xxi, xxii, 17 temperance, xxi, 19 24–25 uniform of, 53 University of Virginia, xxiii

356 / Index work, xx, xxii wound of, 128–29 writing of, xi–xiv, 31 Miller, Hampton K nox, 273 Miller, Jane Grey (Gray), xvii Miller, Jessie, 273 Miller, John, printer, xv–xvii Miller, John (son of the printer), xvi, xvii Miller, John (Celestine’s “old ®ame”), 23n6 Miller, John H., 59 Miller, Rachel Biggs, xviii, xxi Miller, Rebecca Hamilton, xx Miller, Rosa, 273 Miller, Susan H. M. DuPree, xxi, xxiii, 5, 137, 173, 174, 176, 177, 181, 221, 254, 256, 258, 261 Miller, Susannah Story, xvii Miller, Zemulah Walker, 273 Miller’s Weekly Messenger, xvi Minty, Robert H., 304 Mississippi, Army of the, 62, 75, 75n1, 75n2 Mississippi Troops Artillery: Pettus Flying Artillery, 55n9 Cavalry: 1st, 336n22 1st Battalion, 61n13, 62, 67n5 2d Battalion, 67n1 4th Battalion, 67n1 Baskervill(e)’s Battalion, 62, 122n4 Miller’s Battalion, 67n2 Infantry: 22d, 54n9, 59 25th, 54n9 Blythe’s Regiment (44th), 310 Militia, 56, 61n9 Missouri Troops, 1st Infantry, 54nn3–9 Mitchell, Margaret, xxviiin18 Mitchell, Robert B., 130 Mobile & Ohio Railroad, 43, 71, 256 Monroe’s Cross Roads, NC, Battle of, 330

Moore, Robert J., 185, 304, 319 Moore, William H., 89n7, 135n5, 247, 309 Morale of troops, 139, 142, 155, 183, 186, 211, 229, 230n1, 232, 236, 323, 325 Morgan, Daniel, xvii Morgan, John Hunt, 96, 105, 126 Morgan, John T., 220n6 Morgan, Philander, 307 Morris, James F., 315, 317, 321 Moultrie, Fort, SC, 328 Mountain Rangers. See Confederate Troops, 8th (Wade’s) Cavalry Mouton, J. J. A. A., 311 Mower, Joseph, 331 Mulkey, William A., 186 Munfordville, KY, Battle of, 94 Murat, Joachim, 300 Murfreesboro, TN, 91, 96, 97, 117, 129, 139, 286; Battle of, 107, 117– 22, 149, 318; action at 262 Murphree, Aaron, 64, 310 Nabors, Belton O., 89n6, 102, 119, 128, 317 Nashville, TN: Battle of, 261n4, 267n5, 327; Miller prisoner in, 129–30 Negroes, 80, 184–95 “negro spy,” 51–52 Nelson, William, 313 New Orleans, LA, 74 Newsome(e), R. D., 330 Ney, Michel, 300 Nolensville, TN, 118 Noonday Creek, GA, Battle of, 215, 218, 227 Northhington, Mrs., 293 Noyes, Henry Erastus, 290n18 Obion, KY, Camp, 39 Ohio Troops: 52d Infantry, 193n4; 88th Infantry 131 Old Stone Church, xvii Oliver, Adam, 178 Orr, James A., 109

Index / 357 Orr, James L., 73 Orr, Wilson M., 73, 315 Osterhaus, Peter J., 327 Otts, F. H., 279 Owen, Thomas M., xiv, 303 Oxford, A. C., 122n4, 318 Paducah, KY, 45 Paine, Thomas, quoted by Miller, 168 Paris, TN, 63 Parsons, George W., 166, 276, 277, 317, 320–21 Parsons, Lewis Eliphalet, 321 Peachtree Creek, GA, Battle of, 240 Peareson (Pearson), Philip E., 210n7 Pegg, Mr., 127 Pegram, John, 96 Pemberton, John C. 84n13, 94 Pender, William Dorsey, 84n13 Pendelton, SC, Weekly Messenger, xvi Pennsylvania Troops, 7th Cavalry, 219, 394, 319 Perry ville, KY, Battle of, 92 Peters, George, 143n4 Pettus, Edmund W., 331 Pickens, Francis W., 28n2 Picketts Mill, GA, Battle of, 208, 213, 229 Piedmont VA, Battle of, 84n13 Pillow, Gideon G., 43, 49 Pinckard, Francis, 304 Pine Mountain, GA, action at, 217–18 Pitcher, Molly, 88 Plowman, Albert W., 332 Plowman, Thomas S., 276, 277 Polk, Leonidas, 38, 41, 43, 47, 54n7, 62, 84n13, 216, 292, 308, 309, 335n9 Port Royaal, SC, Battle of, 52 Prather, John S., 126, 128, 147n1, 156, 222, 258, 263, 294, 296, 303, 304, 315, 324, 327, 328 Prentiss, Benjamin, 66, 311 Price, Sterling, 81 Pryor, 57 Pue, Samuel J., 285–86

Pulaski, Fort, GA, 69, 327 Purdy, Camp, TN, 63 Purdy, TN, 67n4 Quad, M., 279 Raleigh, NC, 331 Ransom, Robert, 84n13 Reconstruction, Miller’s view of, 275–76 Rector, Ernestine Flora (Linde), 2 Reed, Julia, 342n75 Renfroe, John Jefferson DeYampert, 277 Richmond (KY ), Battle of, 89n8 Riddle, Edmund Ross, 201, 297, 299, 300, 324 Riddle, S. S., 300 Robertson, Felix H., 197n5, 246, 247, 282, 289n8, 290nn14–18, 291n24, 326, 345–46 Robertson, Jerome Bonaparte, 291n21 Robertson, Lizzie Dwyer (Mrs. F. H.), 291n22 Robertson, Sarah (“Sallie”) Davis (Mrs. F. H.), 282, 286, 287 Romanticism, 30, 34n3 Rome, GA, 86, 259, 261 Ross, Lawrence S., 245, 246 Rosecrans, William S., 114, 120, 139, 149, 157, 317 Rousseau, Lovell H., 243 Rudulph, John B., 295 Russell, David Hamilton (“Hamp”), xxiv, xxv, 5, 10, 11, 15, 21, 33, 44, 60, 82, 109, 150, 152, 169, 179, 234, 237 Russell, Martha Jane Hamilton, xxviiin17 Russell, Thomas H., xxviiin17, 11, 44 Rover, TN, 123, 318–19 R. W. R. Club, 276, 277 Saltville, VA, Battle of, 249, 262, 283, 289n8, 326–27 Savannah, GA, 137, 263, 267n2, 327, 340n59

358 / Index Sawyer, Benjamin F., 310 Scaggs (Skaggs), 39 Scaggs, W. H., 40n4 Scruggs, Finch P., 40n4 Seven Days Battle, VA, 81 Seven Pines VA, Battle of, 74, 323 Shakespeare, William, xxi; quoted by Miller, 4, 21, 25, 107, 127, 185, 236, 263, 264, 279, 306, 311, 346 Shanklin, James F., 276, 277 Shannon, Alex M., 331 Sheffey, John Preston, xivn1 Shelby ville, TN, engagement at, 141– 42, 144, 257n2, 322, 346 Shelley, Charles M, 307, 333 Shelley, Henry E., 276 Sheridan, Philip H., 221 Sherman, William T., 154, 198, 225, 228, 230nn1–2, 234, 240, 244n2, 251n6, 252, 260, 267n2, 268, 270, 296, 304, 324, 325, 327, 330, 331, 340n62, 342n71 Shiloh, TN, Battle of, 64–69, 81, 309–14 Shouse, Cynthia Rutila Isbell (Isbel) Miller, xviii, xx–xxi, xxiii, 165, 171n9, 173, 181, 194, 239, 247, 254–57 Shouse, Francis M., 169, 221, 239, 254, 255, 260, 261 Sickness among soldiers, 43–44 Sigel, Franz, 134 Simmons, John ( J. B.?), 251, 259, 269 Slaughter, Miles M., 323 Slavery, xix, 5, 43, 194–95, 247, 256 Slidel1, 321 Smith, A. W., 225 Smith, Edmund K irby, 87, 275 Smith, Francis E., 13n3 Smith, J. Morgan, 282n12 Smith, Lieut., 178 Smith, M. L., 335n18 Smith, Monroe M., 288 Smith, Mrs. J. Morgan (Kate Duncan), 278, 279, 306

Smith, Preston, xx, 149 South Carolina, secession of, 20 South Carolina Troops Cavalry: 1st, 46n13, 200n2, 226n3, 271n4, 342n71 4th, 28nn1–3, 342n71 5th, 342n71 6th, 342n71 19th, Battalion 342n71 Infantry: 4th, 46n13 9th, 28n3 State Cadets, 200n2 Spring Hill, TN, engagement at, 141 Stanley, David S., 322 Stanton, Edwin M., 229 Statesboro, GA, action at, 263 Stephens, Alexander H., 25 Stephens, J. T., 348n11 Stevens (Stephens), Myra Lewis Miller, xvii, xix Stevens (Stephens), K ing D., xix Stevenson, Carter L., 301n2 Stewart, Alexander P., 222n2 Stockdale, John L., 39, 42, 45n11, 46– 47, 78, 306, 315 Stokes, William B., 319 Stone, Lucy, 192 Stoneman, George, 240n1, 243, 246, 325 Stuart, James E. B., 108, 188 Substitutes, 175 Sumter, Fort, SC, 27, 34, 328 Swan, John, 276 Tacitus, xxi Tagg, Joseph, xix–xxiii, 26n2, 253 Tagg, Matilda Walker Miller (Mrs. Joseph), xvii, xix, xxi, xxii, 26n2 Talladega, AL, 148, 161, 209, 242, 333; role in war 36, 37, 102, 245n8, 247, 311 Tarleton, Susan, 179n9 Taul, Micah, Jr., 44, 46–47, 306, 309

Index / 359 Taylor, Richard, 344 Tench, John Walker, 332 Tennessee, Army of, 96 Tennessee River Valley, war in, 87 Tennessee Troops, 255 Artillery, Williams’s Battery, 47, 55n9 Cavalry: 1st, 96 2d, 209n2 4th, 296, 301n5, 331 7th, 62n14 8th, 301n5 9th, 223, 301n5 10th, 301n5 11th, 301n5 Corps, 156 Douglas’s Battalion, 96, 122n7 Holman’s Battalion, 96 Logwood’s Battalion, 59, 67nn2–5 McCann’s Battalion, 122n7 Federal Cavalry: 1st, 193n1 2d, 305n7 3d, 305n7 4th, 243 5th, 319 Infantry, 154th, 49 Terrill, James, 336n23 Terrill, William R., 314 Terry, Benjamin Franklin, 290n18 Texas Troops, 213, 245n4, 255–56, 270, 297, 298; 8th Cavalry, 201, 207, 208, 210n6, 287, 296, 331, 341n67, 346; 11th Cavalry, 195, 210n6, 261, 296, 331, 346; 6th Infantry, 6th 208; Hays’s (1st) Mounted Volunteers (Mexican War), 306 Thomas, George H., 158n3, 252, 260, 327 Thompson, Baker, 298, 324 Thompson, John (“Roundhead”), 304, 319 Thompson, William Tappan, 11

Thornwell, James Henley, xxviiin18 Tilghman, Lloyd, 63 Trenton, GA, 154, 156 Trenton, NJ, Battle of, 300 Tullahoma, TN, Campaign, 143n2 Tunnel Hill, GA, action near, 182, 226 Truss, Nash, 276 Tupelo, MS, 71 Tusten, H. T., 15 Union City, TN, 40, 41, 63 United Confederate Veterans, 274, 288n2 United States Troops: 4th Artillery, 336n23; 5th Artillery, 36n23; 1st Cavalry, 219, 4th Cavalry, 219, 304, 319; 1st Dragoons, 61n12 Urquhart, David, 83n3 Valentines, 24 Vandiver, Jehu Wellington, 276 Van Dorn, Earl, 94, 126, 141 Vaughan, John C., 283 Varnell Station, GA, action at, 296–302 Vason, William J., 295 Vicksburg, MS, 139, 142 Vicksburg, MS, Campaign, 105 Viola (KY ), “Battle” of, 57–58 Virginia, secession of, 32, 34n8 Virginia, University of, xivn1, xxviin12, xxiii, 1, 22, 25, 29, 29n1, 34–35n9 Wade, Jasper N., 89n6, 169, 258, 317, 320 Wade, William B., 146, 149–50, 152, 156, 165, 166, 169, 170n6, 270, 294, 303, 315, 317, 321–22, 325, 344, 347n4 Walker, Mary E., 192 Walker, William H. T., 219 Wallace, Lew, 56–58, 309 Wallis, John A., 218, 304, 324 Walls, W. V., 132n11 War for Independence, Miller’s comparison to, 73

360 / Index Waynesboro, GA, Battle of, 283 Weatherly, Henry H., 329 Wellington, Arthur Wesley, First Duke of, 302n15 West, Army of the, 75n2 Wharton, John A., 96, 126, 128, 140, 155, 156, 186 Wheeler, Joseph, xi, 90n16, 94, 95n6, 96, 102, 104n4, 108–09, 115, 117n1, 118, 120, 121, 126, 140, 141–42, 151, 153, 156, 165, 168, 169, 184n6, 186, 188, 191, 195, 196, 199, 205n2, 206–08, 218, 221, 223, 228, 229, 241–46, 248–50, 252, 253, 261n2, 262, 267, 270, 271n1, 283, 284, 285, 289n8, 293, 295–98, 303, 316, 318, 321–28, 330, 332, 334n8, 344, 346 Wheeler’s August-October, 1864 Raid, 248–49, 251n3, 262–63, 290n12, 325–26, 327, 339n51, 345 Wilkes, John, xv–xvi

Williams, G. A., 39, 47 Williams, John S., 209n1, 249, 251n1, 262, 283, 325–27, 345 Williams, Mary Ann Howard (Mrs. Charles J.), 276 Williams, W. O., 47 Williamston, SC, 15 Wilmington, NC, 328 Wilson, James H., 286–87, 333 Wilson, John J., 330 Wilson, John S., 174n2 Wilson’s Raid, 286–87 Winbourn, John A., 39, 47, 52 Wisconsin Troops: 1st Cavalry, 191 Withers, Jones M., 94 Woodfall, Henry Sampson, xv, xvi Woodward, Gustavus Adolphus, xxii, xxiii Woodward, John Jefferson, 33, 307 Wright, John T., 304, 339n55, 344 Yonge, Philip, 258