An Introduction to Ancient Iranian Religion: Readings from the Avesta and Achaemenid Inscriptions (Minnesota Publications in the Humanities, V. 2)

An Introduction to Ancient Iranian Religion Readings from the Avesta and Achaemenid Inscriptions

To Kees W. Bolle

Minnesota Publications in the Humanities, Volume Two A series of books published with the financial assistance of the Graduate School and the College of Liberal Arts of the University of Minnesota.

AN INTRODUCTION TO ANCIENT IRANIAN RELIGION Readings from the Avesta and Achaemenid Inscriptions Translated and Edited by WILLIAM W. MALANDRA

UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA PRESS Minneapolis

Copyright © 1983 by the University of Minnesota. All rights reserved. Published by the University of Minnesota Press, 2037 University Avenue Southeast, Minneapolis, MN 55414 Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Avesta. Selections. English An introduction to ancient Iranian religion. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Iran—Religion—Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. Zoroastrianism—Addresses, essays, lectures. I. Malandra, William W. II. Title. BL1515.2.E53 1983 295'.82 82-21784 ISBN 0-8166-1114-9 ISBN 0-8166-1115-7 (pbk.) The preparation of this volume was made possible in part by a grant from the Translations Program of the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency. The University of Minnesota is an equal-opportunity educator and employer.

Preface

A

lthough there are several good handbooks on Zoroastrianism in

English as well as others in French and German, there is little in the way of primary textual material easily available to the nonspecialist. The present work is designed especially to provide a selection of texts from the most ancient period of Iran's recorded religious history, presented in a modern English translation. While it can hardly be the role of this anthology to provide an account of the Zoroastrian religion in great depth and detail, an outline of the religion in its historical, cultural, and spiritual setting is given by way of introduction, and the various selections are accompanied by sufficient commentary of a general nature as to provide students with a basic orientation as they make their way through the often difficult material. Thus, the book is intended not simply as a reader, a bare collection of texts, but also as an introduction to the more ancient forms of Zoroastrianism. The study of Zoroastrianism is an unusually complicated undertaking, however, owing to a variety of factors, which are discussed in the Introduction. Students who encounter Zoroastrianism for the first time will inevitably find the going rough unless they have some previous acquaintance with the methods of the history of religions and also some knowledge of ancient Indian religion of the Vedic period. In keeping with the purpose of the present work, I have tried to operate with a minimum of presuppositions, yet inevitably I have been forced to assume a certain level of sophistication on the part of the reader; otherwise the work would have far exceeded reasonable bounds. I have included some Gathic material as well as excerpts from the Achaemenid inscriptions, yet most of the reading selections are taken from the Younger Avesta, mainly from the Yashts. My choice of texts was governed by two considerations. First, I wanted to present a wide enough variety to give an idea of the range of texts contained in the Avesta. Second, I wanted to present texts that I consider to be important and at the same time the most interesting. If a disproportionately large V

vi I Preface amount of space is given to the Yashts, it is because they are, generally speaking, the most interesting texts and because they contain within themselves much of the variety found in the Avesta as a whole. Conversely, if a disproportionately small amount of space has been allotted to Zarathushtra's own compositions, the Gathas, it is because of two factors. One is that they are already available in two modern English translations by Duchesne-Guillemin and Insler (see Bibliography); the other is that the Gathas are perhaps the most obscure and ambiguous compositions of all oriental religious literature. Almost every Gathic passage is capable of multiple interpretations, and in many cases the words defy comprehension. To appreciate the magnitude of the problem, one need only compare the numerous translations that already exist. So widely do they often differ from one another on many passages that one could be skeptical that they all translate the same original text! Not wishing to present the reader with many uncertain translations, I have chosen a few Gathas and Gathic stanzas whose interpretation is as clear as could be hoped for under the circumstances and which contain important ideas expressed in Zarathushtra's own individual style. Because the anthology is deliberately limited to texts in Old Iranian languages, two important sources for the study of Zoroastrianism have been excluded. These are the notices by classical (Latin and Greek) authors on "Persian" religion and the wealth of material contained in the Pahlavi books. While it is true that many Pahlavi works are or purport to be translations of lost Avestan originals, the recensions in which they are known to us date from the ninth century A.D. For this reason, they must be used with extreme care as evidence for the earlier forms of the religion. Their inclusion here would have necessitated long and highly technical discussions inappropriate to the aims of the present work. In regard to the classical sources, since they are accounts of Iranian religion rather than translations of texts, they, too, are inappropriate to a source book based on original texts. Nevertheless, as the reader will discover, limited use of both Pahlavi and classical sources is made in the course of the Introduction and the various commentaries to the reading selections. A final note is in order concerning my transliteration of Iranian and Old Indian words. In the case of Old Indian, I follow the generally adopted system of transliteration. The transliteration of Old Iranian words is another matter. In the scientific literature one finds various systems in use for Old Persian and Avestan. For Old Persian, I have generally followed the system established by W. Hinz in his Neue Wege im Altpersischen, with the exception that v is replaced by my w. For Avestan, I have generally followed the system of Chr. Bartholomae in his Altiranisches Worterbuch, with the following important exceptions: v = w, w = v.

Preface I vii These changes are in the spirit of K. Hoffman's system (Festgabe deutscher Iranisten zur 2500 Jahrfeier Irans [Stuttgart, 1971], pp. 64-73), though I avoid his cumbersome representation of w by uu and y by // (like Bartholomae, I do not distinguish initial and medial w and y). By representing the bilabial semivowel with w, I wish to emphasize that it is not a fricative. The drawback to this is, of course, that many familiar names like Vdta, Var&hraghna, etc., become Wata, Wardthraghna, etc. Established words in English like Pahlavi are retained as such rather than Pahlawi. A key to transliteration and pronunciation is provided on p. ix. Several notes to the reader are necessary to facilitate the use of the anthology. Since it is intended for the nonspecialist who cannot read the texts in the original Avestan and Old Persian, no philological apparatus is included. Furthermore, the Introduction and the individual commentaries have been written primarily for those not intimately acquainted with the field of the history of Iranian religion. As a consequence, numerous controversial issues have been glossed over, and reference to various personalities has been kept to a minimum. I have attempted throughout to present a sober picture of the religion and to avoid extravagant theories that have not gained acceptance. Nevertheless, opinions divergent from my own are noted wherever necessary. The reader who wishes to pursue any topic in greater depth will find references in the bibliographies to the most pertinent literature. Many terms, minor deities, historical figures and dynasties, texts, technical terms, and the like are listed in the Glossary for easy reference. In addition, the index should be consulted for cross references and location of topics. I would like to thank my colleague, Prof. Bruce Lincoln, for his comments on an earlier draft of the manuscript, and also to express my gratitude to Prof. Richard N. Frye and Dr. Firoze M. Kotwal, who offered many constructive suggestions on the improvement of the text. Partial assistance in writing was given in the form of a Summer Research Grant by the Regents of the University of Minnesota and by the National Endowment for the Humanities. Finally and above all, I must thank my wife, Geri Hockfield, for help in the preparation of the manuscript and for her many valuable comments during the course of its writing.

Abbreviations and Symbols Abbreviations Ace Aog Av Celt DB DNa DPd DSf Elam Fr Ger Goth IE Ilr Ir Lat Lith MPers

Accadian Aogsmadaeca (a late Av text) Avestan Celtic Darius, Behistan Darius, Naqsh-i Rustam a Darius, Persepolis d Darius, Susaf Elamite French German Gothic Indo-European Indo-Iranian Iranian Latin Lithuanian Middle Persian

NHG NPers Ny OChSl OInd Olrish OPers Phi RV Skt Ved Vend XPc XPh Y YAv Yt

New High German New Persian Nyayishn (part of the Avesta) Old Church Slavonic Old Indian Old Irish Old Persian Pahlavi Rgveda Sanskrit Vedic Vendidad Xerxes, Persepolis c Xerxes, Persepolis h Yasna Young Avestan Yasht

Symbols [ ] ( ) *

in the translations indicate a gloss or interpolation. in the translations indicate additions by the translator to clarify the meaning. indicates a reconstructed word.

Vlll

Key to Transliteration and Pronunciation The simple vowels a, e, i, o, u are pronounced approximately as in German; the macron (") indicates that the vowel is metrically long. The two combinations ae and ao are diphthongs, pronounced approximately as in Engl b/te and out respectively. With the exception of the letters listed below, all other letters are pronounced as in English. Note: In order to make Avestan names and words less formidable, the following deviations from the standard transliterations are employed: 7 = gh, 0 = th, 8 = dh, s = sh, z = zh; g, rj = ng; £ = v; xw = xw; t = t Old Persian is pronounced approximately like Avestan with the exception of 9 = Engl s.

d a a x xw gh

macron (indicates a long vowel: a, e, etc.) Engl bwt (capitalized as 3) Engl saw Fr enfant Ger ac/i x with w immediately following voiced x

ngh c th dh w sh zh

ng-h Engl church Engl thing Engl that Dutch water (a bilabial semivowel, similar to Engl v but not a fricative) Engl show Frje

The following letters are found in Sanskrit and reconstructed IndoEuropean words: u IE: labial semivowel r IE and Skt: a vowel, in Skt usually pronounced as ri g IE: a voiced unaspirated palatal stop h Skt: an aspirate, approximately Engl h m Skt: indicates nasalization n, n Skt: palatal and cerebral nasals, approximately Engl n s, s Skt: palatal and cerebral sibilants, approximately Engl sh t Skt: an unvoiced, unaspirated cerebral stop, approximately Engl t

IX

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Contents Preface v Abbreviations and Symbols... viii Key to Transliteration and Pronunciation Introduction 3

ix

Reading Selections 1. Zarathushtra 35 The Cow's Lament (Y. 29) 35 Yasna 29 38 The Two Spirits (Y. 30.3-6; Y. 45.2) 39 Yasna 30.3-6 40 Yasna 45.2 40 Zarathushtra Questions Ahura Mazda (Y. 44) Yasna 44 42 2. Ahura Mazda 44 Inscriptions of Darius I 48 Ahura Mazda (Ohrmazd) Yasht (Yt. 1) 3. Mithra 55 Mithra (Mihr) Yasht (Yt. 10) 59 4. Rashnu 76 Rashnu (Rashn) Yasht (Yt. 12)

51

79

5. Wsrgthraghna 80 Warothraghna (Wahram) Yasht (Yt. 14) 6. Xwaranah 88 Xwarsnah (Zamyad) Yasht (Yt. 19) xi

41

82 89

xii I Contents 7. Wayu 97 Wayu (Ram) Yasht (Yt. 15)

98

8. The Frawashis 102 Frawashi (Frawardm) Yasht (Yt. 13)

105

9. Aradwl Sura Anahita 117 Arsdwl Sura Anahita (Aban) Yasht (Yt. 5) 10. Ashi 130 Ashi (Ard) Yasht (Yt. 17) 131 11. Sraosha 135 Sraosha (Srosh) Yasht (Y. 57) 12. Tishtrya 140 Tishtrya (Tishtar) Yasht (Yt. 8) 13. Haoma 150 Haoma (Horn) Yasht (Y. 9, 10, 11) 14. Atar 159 Yasna 62 160

120

137 143 151

15. Purity and Pollution 162 Vendidad 5.1-44 164 Vendidad 7.1-4, 9-15, 23-27 168 Vendidad 7.53-58 169 Vendidad 9 170 Vendidad 16 173 16. Yima 175 Vendidad 2 178 17. Miscellanea: Sacred Prayers 182 (Yenghe hatam; Yatha ahu wairyo; Asham wohu; Ny. 1.16) Notes Glossary

184 186

Bibliography Index

189 192

An Introduction to Ancient Iranian Religion Readings from the Avesta and Achaemenid Inscriptions

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Introduction

B

efore the Buddha, before Christ and Muhammad, in a remote area of Iran a unique individual emerged from the anonymity of his traditional tribal culture to preach a new gospel, one that was destined to become the foundation of Iranian spirituality for more than a millennium. Like the Buddha, Christ, and Muhammad, he had the vision of transforming his inherited religion into a new faith. His name was Zarathushtra (Zoroaster in the West), and the religious vision to which he gave expression is known as Zoroastrianism, a religion whose roots go back to the beginning of the second millennium B.C. It is still practiced today by perhaps a hundred thousand people, living mostly in India and in smaller numbers in Iran. In antiquity it was one of the dominant religions of the world. Its influence can be seen in Judaism (and Christianity), in Manichaeism and other forms of gnosticism, in Northern (Mahdyana) Buddhism, and in Islam. Although its influence in the world came to an end during the seventh century A.D. with the Arab conquest of Iran and the subsequent centuries of repression and persecution under Islam, a small core of the faithful steadfastly has maintained its traditions and preserved a small corpus of its sacred texts down to the present. Despite its venerable age and its important place within the history of world religions, Zoroastrianism remains little known to all but a small number of philologists and historians of religions. A student of classics might recall encountering a reference to a Persian Magus named Zoroaster, who lived six thousand years before Plato; or a student in a world religions course might remember something about the fire worshippers of ancient Iran. In the nineteenth century, the name of Iran's great prophet became widely known thanks to Friedrich Nietzsche's famous philosophic tract Also Sprach Zarathustra. But in any case almost nothing of substance concerning Zarathushtra or the complex religious situation of ancient Iran has made its way into our intellectual culture. In fact, what few ideas people do entertain about these matters are either superficial generalizations, as 3

4 I Introduction in the case of the beliefs about fire worship, or wanton distortions, as in the case of Nietzsche's figure. Any religion built upon a foundation so solid as to endure for three millennia through periods of prosperity and deprivation alike is certainly initially worthy of more than passing notice. For those who heed the call, the rewards are great, for in Zoroastrianism one encounters, often in confusing complexity, the historical records of a religion that not only dominated the spiritual life of the Iranian people for centuries, but also affected other religions in crucial ways. Zoroastrianism is the name most usually applied to the religious complex of ancient Iran. The term should be used in a more restricted sense, however, since not all ancient Iranian religion was Zoroastrian. To be precise, it is necessary to distinguish between a number of religious phases, one of which will be characterized as Zoroastrian. The most ancient phase to be discussed encompasses a religion that goes back well into the third millennium B.C., to a time when the related Indo-Aryans and Iranians still composed a single group. This Indo-Iranian religion is a hypothetical reconstruction, based primarily on the texts of the Iranian Avesta and the Indian Rgveda. In the course of time the Indo-Iranians divided; one group, the Indo-Aryans, migrated to India and parts of the Near East, the other, the Iranians, settled throughout the Iranian plateau. The religion of these Iranians is known as Old Iranian. It too must be reconstructed, again primarily on the basis of the Avesta and to a lesser degree on that of the Achaemenid inscriptions, notices in classical authors, and diverse other scraps of evidence. The reformed religion of the prophet is termed Zarathushtrianism. After the prophet's death, his religion underwent a period of change, the final outcome of which was a national religion made up of Zarathushtrianism and many elements of the Old Iranian religion that were reintroduced, contrary to the original reform. This final, rather eclectic religion, which is the source of almost the entire Avesta, is Zoroastrianism} The religion incidently referred to in the Achaemenid inscriptions is the subject of controversy, since it cannot be proved whether or not the "Great Kings," Darius and Xerxes, were influenced by Zarathushtra. It may be easiest simply to leave the question open by calling their religion Old Persian.

Indo-Iranian Religion A religion never has an absolute beginning. When one speaks of the 'beginnings" of Hinduism or Christianity or Zoroastrianism, one may

Introduction I 5 have in mind the date of a founder such as Jesus or Zarathushtra; or one may be referring to the oldest texts of the religion, such as the Rgveda in the case of Hinduism. Yet these "beginnings" are really no more than points in history that owe their existence to events still farther in the past. Unfortunately, the historical documents go back only so far. The limitations imposed on one's knowledge of a particular tradition by the very limitations of the evidence force one to accept arbitrary dates for the beginnings of these ancient traditions. That one's sources may be five hundred or a thousand years earlier than another's is of no consequence, since—no matter where the cutoff date may lie—the sources themselves presuppose an already long and complex tradition. As the readings in this anthology suggest, the most ancient documents of Old Iranian religion are already as complex and confusing as one could wish. Sometimes the oldest sources do present an absolute limit beyond which one cannot penetrate. Often, however, one can push back the limits of texts through the process of comparative historical reconstruction. Ancient cultures did not exist in isolation, but were either related generically to or influenced by contact with other cultures. Study of the documents of such related traditions can often greatly augment one's knowledge of the culture that one is studying. Let me offer two examples to illustrate the point. (1) Old Iranian possesses a word, Av* daewa, OPers *daiwa meaning 'demon' or 'false or hostile god'. Other terms used by related peoples include OInd deva 'heavenly; god'; Lat deus 'god'; Olr dia 'god'; and ONorse tivar 'gods'. The differences in meaning between the Iranian terms and their counterparts in other languages suggest that, in the course of Iranian religious history, certain changes have taken place in ideology that have led to a demonization of the gods. I shall return to this problem shortly; for now one need only note that one can safely reconstruct a history of daewa/daiwa, at least to the extent that one knows that the word originally meant 'god', not 'demon'. (2) The myth of Yima and his wara (see sect. 15) contains, among other themes, a "Noah's ark" motif. Since this myth seems to be of Semitic origin, one can postulate an Iranian borrowing from Near Eastern cultures. Throughout the present work, I shall make extensive use of the comparative method. While the method is immensely useful, in fact indispensable, it must be kept in mind that its limitation is that it presents hypothetical reconstructions. Sometimes these reconstructions rest on very solid ground, as in the case of daewa/daiwa; more often than not they are less secure. The geographical name Iran (older Eran) derives from an ancient ex*Avestan. Abbreviations for linguistic sources are given on p. viii.

6 I Introduction pression found in the Avesta by which the Iranians designated their own territory, airyana waejah, meaning 'expanse, territory of the Aryas'. Who were these Aryas or Aryans? Culturally and linguistically they were the close relatives of another group of people who also called themselves Aryas, now called Indo-Aryans in contradistinction to the Iranians. The two groups of Aryans, Indo-Iranians, were related again linguistically and culturally to the extensive family of Indo-Europeans, which includes most of the language groups of Europe as well as such ancient Asian groups as Hittites and Tocharians. Although much controversy surrounds the location of the original homeland of the Indo-Europeans, it is fairly certain that the Indo-Iranians lived in the steppes of what is now Soviet Central Asia, north of the Caspian and Aral seas. At some point in the third millennium B.C., there occurred a split in the group that resulted in the division between Indo-Aryans and Iranians. Around 1500 B.C., both groups began to move down out of the steppes into various areas of ancient civilizations, as part of a broader movement of Indo-European peoples. Although the precise migratory routes have not yet been conclusively demonstrated, it is known that the Indo-Aryans finally settled both in the northwestern part of India (the Punjab) and in Anatolia; the Iranians settled in Iran, that is, in a geographical area that included modern Iran, Afghanistan, and parts of Soviet Central Asia, especially the area bounded by the Oxus and Yaxartes rivers. The study of the linguistic remains of the Iranians and Indo-Aryans reveals that while there are easily identified general characteristics that define the two groups, within each group there were numerous dialect differences, as noted above. For example, the language of the Old Persian inscriptions (a southwestern dialect) is quite different from that of the Avesta (a northeastern dialect), and, in turn, Avestan itself is represented by two dialects. These linguistic facts are important to the historian of religions in that they show clearly that Indo-Iranian religion developed in a situation of cultural diversity. That is, although major cultural, linguistic, and religious traits were held in common by the various tribes, there were many points of difference. Thus, as one approaches Indo-Iranian religion, one may be dealing with phenomena as diverse as, say, Dutch Calvinism and Italian Catholicism, both of which fall under the general rubric of Christianity. If one does not push the generalization too far, it is safe to say that religion reflects society, both its social institutions and its economic way of life. Since this is certainly true of Indo-Iranian religion, some appreciation of the material and social foundations of the culture is essential to an understanding of the religion. The Indo-Iranians were nomadic or seminomadic pastoralists who herded a variety of animals, including goats and

Introduction I 7 sheep, but whose economic foundation was cattle. Like modern Nilotic tribes in East Africa, the ancient Aryans depended in manifold ways upon the cow.2 It provided milk and milk by-products, meat, leather; its urine was used as a purifying agent; its dung fueled the fire; it could pull carts or plows. A man's wealth was measured not in money, but in cows. It is not surprising, then, that the Cow occupies a central position in the religion. Dependence on cattle and other grazing stock means a life of wandering in search of fresh pasture land. Usually the pastoralist life is divided into two yearly phases. In winter when forage is scarce, when snow and cold impede movement, communities, often a single extended family or a small group of such families remain in fixed winter quarters. Once the snows have melted and grass begins to grow, a cycle of migrations begins. Peoples living in mountainous areas follow a regular route of migration from valleys and lowlands into progressively higher altitudes until late summer when they begin the descent to the winter stations. No less than agriculturalists, pastoral peoples depend on unfailing sources of water for their animals as well as an adequate spring melt and occasional summer rains to ensure an abundance of grass. The importance of water is a common motif in Indo-Iranian mythology. Another important aspect of pastoral nomadism is warfare—that is, warfare not in terms of large, wellorganized armies, but specifically in the form of cattle rustling. Many of the gods and heroes of myth and legend represent the ideal Aryan warrior who is able to smash the defenses of his opponents and liberate their cattle. As people of the steppes, the Aryans made special use of horse and chariot in combat, a skill that made them superior to the sedentary agriculturalists, whom they were destined to conquer in their invasions of India and Iran. There is some controversy over the structure of Indo-European and Indo-Iranian society.3 It is certainly the case that the society was patriarchal. In matters of religion, women, with a few exceptions, played a minor role. The basic unit was the extended family, and a group of families formed a unit known as a *wik (Av wis, OInd vis). A larger grouping of families formed a tribe, known in Avestan as a zantu and called by various names in Old Indian. The Iranians recognized an even broader category called a dahyu 'people, country', which seems to have originally included all related tribes, but later simply meant 'a province and/or its people'. Some scholars especially Dumezil, believe that Indo-European society generally was tripartite in structure, composed of commoners, warriors, and priests. Although it is true that a tripartite structure can be demonstrated conclusively for Celtic, Iranian, and Indo-Aryan societies for historical periods, it is not at all certain that a primitive tripartition can be safely reconstructed for Indo-European or even Indo-Iranian society,

8 I Introduction mainly because there is no consistent terminology in the various languages for the supposed classes. In Avestan a word for 'priest', athrawan, became the generalized term for any priest, although in western Iran there was what Herodotus calls a tribe of Median priests, the Magi (OPers magu). In India, brdhmana 'brahmin' is a new formation on an older term, brahman 'one who has to do with brahman (sacred power inherent in prayers, spells)', again a once specific term generalized to include the entire class of specialists in the sacred. Members of the warrior class in Iran were called rathaeshta 'who stands in the chariot', while in India they are either rajanya 'kingly, noble' or ksatriya 'one who exercises rulership; noble man'. The third estate is designated as wastryo.fshuyant 'husbandman, farmer' in Avestan; in Indie the term is vaisya 'commoner'. This situation, which is actually far more complex than I have indicated here, is better explained in terms of independent evolution than of common origin. The roots of such independent evolution can be found in certain functions that must necessarily have existed, that is, economic pursuits, governance, fighting, and specialization in the sacred. But there is no reason to assume that each function was the sole domain of three discrete hereditary social classes. The pater familias, for example, could easily have exercised all three functions. If specialization occurred, it could have been based on skill and/or vocation. The sociological problem has a direct bearing on one's understanding of the religion of the Indo-Iranians, since those who believe in the tripartition of society also believe in a tripartition of the pantheon and of many religious motifs as a projection of human society. Although I must reject this particular application of sociological analysis to religion, I shall often rely, in what follows, on the basic premise that religious structures often do represent a projection of societal realities and ideals. At a time when "structuralism" in a variety of forms is enjoying wide currency in religious studies, however, it is important not to lose sight of historical change as a determining factor in the formation of a religion. Religions tend to be conservative. Especially during periods of rapid historical change, religion will lag behind the rest of society, often to present an anachronistic view of things. Because of this inertia, which can carry archaic ideas into an altered present, one must proceed with caution in the matter of sociological reconstructions. There is a fallacious assumption implicit in many attempted reconstructions of Indo-Iranian religion and society that the reconstructed period was somehow pristine, that is, not subject to the same problems of historical flux that influence all documented history. The science of religion has undergone many changes since its serious beginnings in the nineteenth century. These hermeneutical changes have

Introduction I 9 also affected the interpretation of Indo-Iranian religions. In the last century and the early part of this century, scholars were preoccupied with nature mythology, sharing an orientation to religion founded on the notion that gods and many other aspects of religion represented the naive worship of divinized natural phenomena. I bring this up not as a matter of historical curiosity but to alert the reader to the fact that much of the older literature dealing with Indo-Iranian religion assumes the primacy of nature mythology. Of course, it is true that many divine beings have unmistakable natural bases. As Avestan examples, one might cite Wata and Wayu (two wind gods) or Hwarsxshaeta (the god Sun) or Tishtrya (the star Sirius). Sometimes the deity is as uncomplicated in its manifestations as is the natural phenomenon itself (e.g., Hwarsxshaeta); sometimes the deity displays a complexity that far surpasses that of the phenomenon (e.g., Tishtrya). The real problem arises in respect to those deities who have naturalistic associations, but whose natures are rooted in far different concerns. The god *Mitra (Av Mithra) provides a good example. Many early discussions concerned themselves almost exclusively with the problem of the god's solar nature. In Middle Iranian languages, various reflexes of his name do mean 'sun', (e.g., MPers mihr), and indeed there are some references in the Avesta to his connection with the sun. In the Vedic texts known as Brahmanas one also finds the equation Mitra = Sun. But the word mitra or mithra itself means 'covenant, contract'. Thus, the basic nature of this god is not to be recovered by constructing an intricate theory concerning his identity with the sun, but rather by realizing that he is essentially an ethical deity. A proper understanding of Mitra must begin with the ethical concept. Once this is done, many of the god's aspects can be seen as proceeding from the central concept. In addition to the deities who represent either natural phenomena or the ideals of society, there are always a number of so-called Sondergotter (special gods) who preside over very specific matters (e.g., the deities who rule over the five daily watches). The point to be made here is that there is no one, simple way of understanding either the origin or the basic nature of the various deities. Each case has to be examined on its own merits. The Indo-Iranians, like other peoples, consistently divided the cosmos into three levels: earth, heaven, and the middle space or atmosphere. This tripartition of the cosmos, especially emphasized by the Indo-Aryans, provides the basic orientation of the religion. Since the levels are ordered in ascending grades, they present to the human perspective an order of transcendence. The earth, though extremely holy herself, is the realm of human activity and therefore of immanence. The atmosphere touches the earth, surrounds man, yet extends beyond to the vault of heaven. It is a

10 I Introduction realm of ever-changing aspect, a seeming void traversed by the unpredictable wind, now gentle, now violent, now dry, now bringing clouds and storms. In short, the atmosphere is an arena for the constant activity of awesome and often violent forces. Above the atmosphere is the vault of heaven, and beyond it is heaven itself. Whereas the atmosphere touches man, heaven is wholly beyond the sphere of ordinary human experience. Its very height provides a natural symbol of transcendence. As a result of the tripartition of the cosmos, deities characteristically inhabit one or the other of the cosmic levels. And, characteristically, those who inhabit heaven, the so-called "sky gods," are creators of the cosmos and representatives of the highest ethical principles. They are also masculine. They often remain aloof from the everyday functioning of the cosmos, although in some cases perpetual activity is required of them, as in the case of Mitra, who must be ever on the lookout for breakers of covenants. The deities of the atmosphere, normally masculine, tend to be violent or at least martial in nature. They either perpetually inhabit the atmosphere, like the wind gods (Wata, Wayu), or else they dwell on the mountain (usually the cosmic mountain) and issue forth through the air in their chariots or in one or another of their theriomorphic forms. Storm and war are their chief occupations. The deities of the earth, usually feminine, tend to be connected with fertility, prosperity, and more everyday concerns. Finally, there are deities who by nature occupy all cosmic levels. The god Fire, for example, is the primary means of communication between the human and divine realms. He either conducts the gods to the sacrifice or carries the offerings to the gods. The Heavenly River (known under a variety of names), flowing down from the heights of heaven to the earth, is, especially in Iran, a multivalent goddess who—perhaps because of her itinerary—shows personality traits characteristic of all cosmic levels. In considering the cosmic associations of deities, I should like to emphasize, however, that the categories may be only approximations that can aid one's orientation, for one often finds that the situation presented in the actual texts is too complicated to be amenable to all-too-simplistic schemes. On the subject of cosmology, a few additional remarks are in order, although details will be covered in the introductions to the reading selections. Myths about how the cosmos came to have the form it now has are numerous, especially on the Indo-Aryan side. The multiplicity of explanations shows, if nothing else, that the Indo-Iranians probably possessed no one myth of creation, but were content with a variety of alternatives, without feeling a need for logical consistency. Common creation myths probably included at least the following themes: (1) creation through the dismemberment of a primordial giant, the cosmic man; (2) the incubation

Introduction 111 and hatching of the embryonic world from the cosmic egg; (3) the fashioning of the cosmos by an artisan or carpenter god; (4) creation by a hero who drives or holds apart heaven and earth; (5) creation by a powerful being (d(h)dtar) who literally 'places' (d(h)a-) the cosmos in the void. In Iranian religion (3) and (5) are the prevalent themes, and both feats are attributed to Ahura Mazda or one of his aspects. Although the Indo-Iranians entertained a variety of theories about the origin of the cosmos, they maintained fairly uniform ideas concerning cosmography, i.e., the structure of the cosmos once it had come into being. In addition to its inner tripartition, there is seen to exist a broader duality of ordered being (cosmos) and nonordered being (chaos); cosmos arises, through whatever agency, out of chaos. Further, cosmos is like a fortress surrounded by chaos, normally symbolized as the waters, sometimes as darkness. There also occurs a vertical differentiation in chaos; that is, the waters surrounding the heavens are the source of Truth, whereas those in the nether regions below and around the earth are shrouded in darkness and are the source of the anticosmic principle of Falsehood. This is not as peculiar as it may appear at first glance, since the human attitude toward the primordial, precosmic state naturally manifests itself in ambivalence. The reason is that chaos, pure undifferentiated being, contains the germs of all possibilities, for good as well as for evil. To the mystic who can transcend the finitude of the human condition, pure being is the ultimate beatific goal of oneness beyond all opposites. To the nonmystic, pure being is chaos, a state perceived with all its contradiction as both terrifying and attractive. In mythico-cosmographic terms, such ambivalence finds expression in the vertical differentiation of chaos. I have mentioned that the cosmos was conceived of as a kind of fortress. In the myths, the sky itself, the vault of heaven, is made of stone. The common Iranian word for the sky was as man (NPers asman, Ved asman) a word with the basic meaning of 'stone'. I have also mentioned the lofty height of heaven. The gap separating "this earth" from "yon heaven," as the texts express it, is not unbridgeable. In addition to the intermediary of Fire, there also exists the cosmic mountain arising from earth to heaven, the Mem of the Indians, called the Alburz (Av HaraB3r3zaiti) by the Iranians. This mountain—actually a mountain range in the case of the Alburz—partially mythological, partially homologized with real mountains, provides an important path of communication between cosmic levels, an avenue both of transcendence for man and of immanence for the divine. As such, the cosmic mountain plays an essential role in the system of cosmic hydrology. Although rain does figure in the myths, the primary source of water for the Indo-Iranians was river

12 I Introduction water. Its source was the cosmic ocean or sea, located in heaven. From it flowed a mighty river or rivers down the cosmic mountain to the earth to become various rivers. These flowed into the sea, from which they flowed back, in a manner that is unclear, into the heavenly ocean, so completing the cycle. (See sects. 9, 12. 15, 16.) It is a characteristic of Indo-Iranian cosmography that there is a good deal of confusion between it and actual geography. When reading texts, one is frequently not at all sure whether the text is referring to an actual mountain, river, or sea, or to a mythological one, or to both simultaneously. For example, there are many references in the Avesta to the Wouru.kasha sea. In some places it will appear obvious that it is the cosmic sea; in others, an actual sea (Aral? Caspian?) seems indicated. Sometimes one cannot discern which is meant. Part of this vagueness has to do with the notion of sacred geography itself. Archaic peoples such as the Indo-Iranians made their world a sacred world, one filled with religious meaning, by investing geographic features with mythological content. Thus the highest mountain would not be simply Mount So-and-So, but would be the cosmic mountain itself; rivers and seas were regarded in the same way. In the case of nomadic peoples, geographic nomenclature was not absolute. That is, when a group moved to a new region, the new geographical features were assigned the same associations as the old. One can easily observe this process as the Vedic Aryans progressed from the Punjab into the Doab, where, for example, the Ganges replaced the older Indus (Sindhu) and Sarasvati as the cosmic river. The duality of cosmos and chaos also had a far-reaching influence on the ethical orientation of the Aryans. On the one hand, the dark, terrifying aspect of chaos was viewed as an ever-present source of demonic forces that threatened cosmic order. Night was the special domain of demons who issued forth from the nether regions of darkness beneath the earth. In the Avesta, demonic creatures commonly hide beneath the earth; in a famous Vedic myth, the god Indra casts the anticosmic demon Vrtra down into "long darkness" after having separated the cosmos (sat) from chaos (asat). On the other hand, the concept of cosmos implied the ideal of the real or true. In Vedic, the word used for 'cosmos' is sat, a neuter noun formed on the present participle of the verb 'to be' (as-). Its etymological meaning is 'being', hence 'the real; the cosmos'. Its opposite, asat, is not absolute nonbeing, but rather nonbeing in the sense of 'nonordered being; the unreal; chaos'. Although the duality sat-asat is not attested to directly in Old Iranian religion, it is presupposed by one of the words for 'true; truth', Av haithya, OPers hashya. Both of these correspond to OInd satya 'true; truth', literally, 'that which is related, that which corresponds to the real (sat)'.

Introduction I 13 In addition to this word for 'truth', there existed another, partially synonymous word *rta (OInd rta, Av as ha, OPers (a)rta). The etymology of this word has been the subject of much dispute, but it probably derives from a verb ar- 'to join'. Rta- is a neuter noun basically meaning 'connection'.4 Like satya, rta- implies a "connection" with the real, with the proper or characteristic order of things. As such it has two basic meanings in Indo-Iranian: (1) 'truth'; (2) 'cosmic order'. Rta is perhaps the most important concept in Aryan religion, since it embodies the basic principle by which the entire cosmos, physical as well as ethical, behaves. This highest principle was under the special care of the supreme heavenly deity; in India this was Varuna, in Iran, Ahura Mazda. It was also closely associated with fire and had its seat in the heavenly waters. Because of their link with rta, both fire and water were employed in the solemnizing of oaths and the administration of ordeals. In the course of history, Vedic rta was soon replaced by the concept of dharma, while in Iran its active usage persisted longer; but certainly by the late Achaemenid period, if not much earlier, it too fell into disuse in all but a formulaic way. The concept of rta naturally implies its opposite. Vedic religion, which is not exceptionally dualistic in outlook, made limited explicit use of this opposite principle; Iranian religion, however, which developed an exceptionally dualistic outlook, greatly exploited it. The principle opposing asha was not its simple negation (like Vedic anrta), but druj 'lie, falsehood, deceit'. It is essential to understand from the outset that Iranian religion, especially Zoroastrianism, was founded on the idea of an allinclusive ethical dualism. I shall return to the question of asha-druj shortly in reference to the religion of Zarathushtra. Many religions of the ancient world possessed in their mythologies the idea of generations of gods. The difficult question of the origin of the idea lies beyond the scope of the present work. Let it suffice to observe that Indo-Iranian religion seems also to have embraced this notion, although the details are certainly obscure. Two groups of deities are encountered in the Vedas and in the Avesta. They are the *asuras (OInd asura, Olr ahurd) and the *daiwas or devas. The earliest parts of the Rgveda indicate that the asuras are the older generation, while the devas are upstarts. Although they may show some signs of antagonism, the two groups coexist in a state of alliance against the common enemy, the anticosmic demons, variously called the danavas, dasas, and dasyus. In the latter parts of the Rgveda and especially in the Brahmanas, however, there is a curious development: the asuras as a group (which includes among others Mitra and Varuna!) become the demons, whereas the devas emerge as the true gods. The antagonism between devas and asuras is one of the most common themes of the later Vedic ritual literature, where the two groups

14 I Introduction frequently fight with one another over the sacrifice. The preoccupation of the Vedic ritualists, who composed this literature, with this antagonism indicates that an essential aspect of the distinction between the two groups of deities was the nature of their worship. That is, different forms of worship may have been performed for them. On the Iranian side, the situation is generally reversed. All the texts, much later than the Rgveda, show an absolute dualism between ahura-daewa, so that the ahuric world is aligned with Truth (Asha), while the daewic world is that of the Lie (Druj). Thus, for example, the great Vedic god Indra appears in the Avesta in the demonology of the Vendidad. About the only evidence for the proto-Indo-Iranian state of affairs is the fossilized Avestan phrase 'of gods and men' (daewanam mashyanamca). In parts of Iran, notably Mazandaran and Sogdiana, daewa worship persisted into the Islamic period. As shall become clear in the discussion of Zarathushtra's religion, the reasons for the accommodation of the ahura-daewa opposition to the general dualism are probably ritualistic. There is an often-quoted statement of the Greek historian Herodotus to the effect that the Persians do not erect statues, temples, and altars, and that they consider those who do to be fools, for the reason that their religion is not anthropomorphic like the Greeks'.5 Like so much of Herodotus' information, this observation contains some truth with an admixture of inaccuracy. But the statement is generally valid for all of Aryan religion including the Vedas. The Aryans certainly constructed fire altars, but there was no place in their religion for temples or icons. Major acts of worship of the gods were accomplished through the performance of a sacrifice, which in most cases required an animal victim. The word for such a ceremony, in Avestan yasna, in Old Indian yajna, derives from the common verbal root yaz-lyaj- 'to worship; to sacrifice'. The same verb, incidentally, is at the base of the normal Avestan word for 'god' yazata (lit. 'one worthy of worship or of sacrifice'). Since yaz- usually carries the broader connotation of 'worship', especially with prayer, it is usually translated as such even when sacrifice is involved. To achieve a proper perspective on the nature and meaning of the sacrifice, one must first make the point that in Aryan society hospitality, its proper rites and observances, was a socio-ethical institution of primary importance. Now, the fundamental concept of Aryan worship is that one invites the desired deities as highly honored guests to a meal in their honor.6 A meal for an honored guest required more than the simple provision of food. It was necessary to welcome the guest, to offer him refreshment after his long journey, to provide him a soft seat, to entertain him with poetry and music, and, of course, to provide him with a fitting meal. Finally, hospitality itself was viewed as a kind of gift and, in addition, an

Introduction I 15 exchange of gifts would normally have taken place between host and guest. If properly treated, a guest was under a particular obligation to return the host's favor through a gift. It is clear, then, that the goal of the sacrifice was the reception of the deity's gift, the entire ceremony implying a quid pro quo arrangement often summarized by the Latin phrase do ut des 'I give in order that you may give'. Although it is true that, outwardly, the sacrifice took the form of the rites of hospitality, which involved the exchange of gifts, one should not get the impression that the ceremony was viewed simply in terms of an everyday business transaction. It was also a time when the gods came down to earth and stayed among men, an occasion for men to sit in the presence of the gods. To lose sight of this important spiritual dimension is to reduce the very focal point of the religion to a crass material exchange. If one looks at the Avestan and Rgvedic literature from this perspective, one quickly notices that much of it is in the form either of invocations or invitations to the various deities or of laudatory poetry sung for and about the divine guest. One also observes that the host-worshipper's request for the obligatory gift of the god's boon is seldom omitted. It is important to keep in mind that Indo-Iranian hymns were composed not with a human audience in mind, but a divine one. The hymns that praise the gods by rehearsing their attributes and their mythological exploits are often extremely confusing to modern readers. Almost never do they relate a myth in narrative style. Rather they present, in kaleidoscopic fashion, only isolated details or highlights of the mythology. Frustrating as it is to the reader who would wish a clear narrative, the poets of the Avesta and the Rgveda saw no reason to tell the story; after all, the gods knew their own mythologies! The poets' goal was to allude to matters already known to all, but to phrase them in new and artistically creative ways that would please the divine guest. The central deity of the sacrifice was the Fire (see sect. 14). He functioned as messenger between human and divine spheres. He carried the invitations to the gods and either returned with them to the sacrifice or, on occasion, conveyed the sacrifice to them. He was, in all cases, the intermediary step in the offering of the victim in that the victim could not be offered raw. Before the altar the sacrificer had to prepare a seat of soft grass for the god(s). This is the barssman of the Avesta, the barhis of the Vedas (cf. Av barszish 'cushion'). In addition to the flesh or fat offering, the god was also given an invigorating drink to quench his thirst and revive his spirits. This was the famous mixed drink of milk and *sauma (Av haoma, OInd soma), discussed in detail in sect. 13. Although, as I believe, the yajna/yasna was originally a fairly simple ceremony, which any duly instructed household head could perform, in

16 I Introduction time its performance became increasingly elaborate, especially in respect to the preparation of the sauma, until the ceremony became the exclusive domain of religious specialists, an evolution that largely contributed to the establishment of priesthoods in the respective societies.

Zarathushtrianism It is partially against the religious background summarized in the preceding section that the figure of Zarathushtra must be seen. No prophet has ever emerged from a cultural or ideological vacuum. A prophet's creativity, his ability to communicate a new revelation, rests on his familiarity with his tradition and on his skill in interpreting that tradition. When one studies the religious teachings of Zarathushtra, one's ability to understand his often obscure pronouncements will depend on one's appreciation of his background. Unfortunately, many of the facts concerning Zarathushtra's historical circumstances and his teachings are shrouded in obscurity. The full Sasanid Avesta apparently contained legends about his life and some of these are recounted in the Pahlavi Denkard. Little credence can be given these accounts, however, since they belong to the genre of wonder-literature. Only a few hard facts can be retrieved from the Avesta, especially from Zarathushtra's own Gathas ('Songs'). A tentative biography may be given as follows. Zarathushtra spoke an archaic language, which, on the basis of comparative Iranian linguistics, can be assigned to the northeastern language groups exclusive of those farthest east on the Indo-Iranian frontier and those north of the Oxus. Although this narrows down his geographic sphere of activity somewhat, it still leaves rather a vast area of his life open to speculation. As I have already had occasion to mention, his dates are a matter for widely divergent opinion. One eminent scholar believes that Zarathushtra was a Stone Age man living among nomadic Iranian tribes in northern Central Asia some time between 1700 and 1500 B.C., at a time before they had migrated south to Iran proper7; another equally eminent scholar held, with equal conviction, that Zarathushtra was active in the quite civilized state of Chorasmia at the beginning of the sixth century B.C., at a time just preceding the formation of the Persian empire under Cyrus the Great (559-529 B.C.).8 Obviously, one's assessment of Zarathushtra and the nature of his religious ideas will differ significantly, depending on where and when one places his life. And, if there is room for such widely incongruous opinions on the subject, one may well wonder

Introduction I 17 whether despair is the only alternative! The principal reason for posing the early date for the prophet is the very archaic appearance of the Gathas in terms of both language and cultural reference. In linguistics, archaism does not necessarily imply greater antiquity, however, since for a variety of reasons languages and dialects do not undergo change at a uniform pace. Glottochronology is thus a very insecure science. For example, since religions are conservative, changing only very slowly, religious or priestly language tends to be archaic. An obvious example of this general tendency is the continuing influence of "King James" English in Protestant Christianity throughout the English-speaking world. Zarathushtra, who was certainly trained as a priest, probably chose an archaic, hieratic form of his language in preference to the vernacular. A corollary to the use of archaic language is often the retention of an anachronistic cultural frame of reference. Taking Christianity again as an example, it continues to use the pastoral imagery of the Bible even in an age of urban industrial civilization. To cite another example, the imagery of the Indian Upanisads is pastoral, yet it is known that these texts were composed in the days of the early city-states of the Doab. If, then, Zarathushtra's Gathas are archaic, it may simply be the case that he was wont to employ archaic forms of speech and imagery. In favor of the late date for Zarathushtra is the Zoroastrian (Sasanid) tradition that places him 258 years before Alexander, that is, probably at the time of the defeat of Darius III in 331 B.C. Although the traditional date should not be accepted without question, especially when most other traditions of the prophet are so historically worthless, this date, unlike the extravagant Greek notion that Zoroaster lived six thousand years before Plato, is clearly not the product of a fanciful mythologization; furthermore, it makes a good deal of sense in terms of the course of Iranian history in the sixth century. Therefore, I uphold the later date, in consequence of which I shall interpret Zarathushtra's teachings and the evolution of Zoroastrianism with reference to that date. Zarathushtra was probably trained to be a priest. He refers to himself as a zaotar (cf. Ved hotar), the principal priest to officiate in the sacrifice (yasna), while the later tradition of the Young Avesta calls him an athrawan 'priest'. He also refers to himself as a mathran 'one who composes or recites sacred utterances' (mathra [Ved mantra}}. Some of the mathras that he produced, the Gathas or Songs, display a traditional IndoEuropean style of sacred composition the mastery of which required much training. His priestly profession was probably not thrust upon him by heredity; he evidently chose it, since his name and those of his father and a sole recorded ancestor would hardly qualify as priestly names. His father's name was Pourushaspa, his ancestor Haecat.aspa, each contain-

18 I Introduction ing the word aspa 'horse'. His own name contains the word for 'camel', ushtra. In addition, the word aspa is also contained in the names of Zarathushtra's royal patron Wishtaspa and of his son-in-law Jamaspa, while the word ushtra appears in his father-in-law's name Frashaoshtra. Zarathushtra's family name was Spitama (lit. 'who has brilliant (aggressive) strength'). Despite the obscurity of their content, the Gathas bear unmistakable witness to the passionately personal relationship felt by Zarathushtra with his god Ahura Mazda. The Gathas usually find Zarathushtra in intense dialogue with him. It was, no doubt, partially his religious zeal, partially his visionary intellect, partially his drive to proselytize, which raised Zarathushtra from the anonymity of all his predecessors to a place in history as the prophet of what was destined to become the state religion of Iran and one of the most influential religions of the ancient world. It appears that his initial efforts at spreading the word and winning support for his views in his homeland were met with stiff opposition and ultimately failure. In one obscure stanza (Y. 46.1), Zarathushtra seems to be questioning where he might go as a result of his being rejected or even made an outcast by the community. In any case, he often complains of his weakness and his lack of cattle and men (Y. 46.2). When the Soul of the Cow (gSush urwari) is told by Ahura Mazda that her protector is to be Zarathushtra, she complains bitterly about the latter's weakness (Y. 29.8-9). His principal enemies were men whom he identifies as kawis and karapans. The latter, whose name means 'mumbler', were priests of some sort. The case of the kawis is not so clear. Since a common word for a Vedic poet-seer is kavi, it would appear that the Iranian kawi was also a poet-seer. Matters are complicated, however, by the fact that kawi was also a princely title in eastern Iran, or at least in the house of Zarathushtra's eventual patron, Wishtaspa. Zarathushtra attaches no pejorative connotation to the title kawi when it is applied to him. Kawi is, moreover, the name of a partially legendary dynasty (whose members will be encountered in the reading selections) the last member of which was Wishtaspa. The reason for his being the last of the line is, incidentally, that Cyrus the Great probably brought it to an end in the course of his eastern campaigns. It remains a matter of conjecture whether the kawis to whom Zarathushtra refers are religious opponents or hostile princes or both at once. Be that as it may, Zarathushtra eventually found a patron, the kawi Wishtaspa, who not only espoused the new faith but protected it and helped propagate it by force of arms. Beyond these few facts little more can be said about the prophet's life. Obviously, his religion prospered greatly once royal patronage had been secured, so much so that we may assume that much of northeastern Iran soon confessed, on a superficial

Introduction I 19 level, the prophet's religion. How profound the reform he instituted was will be discussed in the following section. Any discussion of Zarathushtrianism must also begin with the concept of the supreme deity, Ahura Mazda (see also sect. 2). As we shall see, there is a substantial body of evidence to show that a deity very much like Ahura Mazda was part of the Indo-Iranian religious tradition. He was a supreme creator who was especially concerned with 'Truth' (rta, asha), that is, the moral and physical order, and who could become an object of intense personal relationship on the part of his worshipper. This inherited deity, the Wise Lord (the literal meaning of Ahura Mazda), far from being a god of monotheistic devotion, stood at the head of a numerous pantheon. Furthermore, he belonged to the class of gods known as asura (Ir ahura) 'lord'. While it is altogether unlikely that Zarathushtra invented the name Ahura Mazda, it would seem that he articulated a theology that elevated Ahura Mazda to a status even more exclusive than the one he traditionally enjoyed. It is a status that falls short of absolute monotheism, yet may be rightly called "qualified" monotheism, in that Zarathushtra recognizes a plurality of "Wise Lords" (Y. 30.9, 31.4) as well as the so-called Entities or aspects of Ahura Mazda's personality. In the previous section I had occasion to mention the Indo-Iranian pantheon and the distinction between 'truth' (rta) and 'falsehood' (Ilr drugh, draughd). In the religion of Zarathushtra, these latent dualisms have become articulated into a dualism that sees the world as a battleground where the two ethical forces and their representatives contend. It is probable that strong dualist tendencies were present in Old Iranian religion before Zarathushtra, yet it was his genius to give a solid theological foundation to them. The dualism of Zarathushtra, in contradistinction to that of the Younger Avesta and of orthodox Zoroastrianism of the Sasanid period, is not absolute: that is, the opposing forces of Truth and Falsehood are not primordial. They came into being, it would seem, as emanations or creations of Ahura Mazda. As we shall soon learn, Ahura Mazda is surrounded by a group of beings, or 'Entities' (hatdm) as they are called, who appear to be emanations of aspects of his own personality. Drawing upon an ancient Indo-European myth of the Twins in whom life and death originate, Zarathushtra elaborated his own variant whereby Ahura Mazda had created two Spirits as twin brothers (ySma), Spanta Mainyu and Angra Mainyu, who were distinguished in mind, word, and deed, the former as very good and the latter as bad (Y. 30.3). Together they established life and death. Although their very natures differed in every respect (Y. 45.2), the crucial distinction between the two lay in their exercise of choice, that is, free will. As Zarathushtra puts it, "Of the two Spirits, the

20 I Introduction follower of the Lie chose the worst actions, the most beneficent (Spirit chose) Truth" (Y. 30.5). This original exercise of free will, even before the creation of the material world, remains paradigmatic for man. This is the very essence of Zarathushtrianism. Man is endowed with free will and must choose between Truth and Falsehood; his salvation or perdition rests solely on his choice. Furthermore, it is important to understand that the proper choice necessarily implies commitment to the Zoroastrian trilogy of "good thought, good speech, and good action." One who has chosen the life of Truth (Asha) is an ashawan 'righteous (man)' (lit. 'Truth-possessor'); while one who has chosen the Lie (Druj) is a drugwant (lit. 'Lie-possessor'). Spanta Mainyu, the Beneficent Spirit, belongs also to the group of Entities, which, in the post-Gathic literature, are called the Amasha Spdntas or Beneficent Immortals. Before discussing them individually, a clarification of the word spsnta is in order. Spanta is a technical religious term. Although its etymology has been much debated, it seems most probable that it is cognate with words in other Indo-European languages that mean 'holy'. Nevertheless, the Zoroastrian tradition shows that, irrespective of its etymology, spanta (as well as its other Avestan cognates) implies the notions of 'increase, increment, bounty, beneficence'. True to the Aryan heritage, Zoroastrianism has always been a lifeaffirming religion; it is worldly in outlook, seeing in a prospering world the triumph of good over evil. Scholars have tended to see as a model for Zarathushtra's creation of the Amasha Spsntas surrounding Ahura Mazda a group of Vedic deities, the Adityas, who surround, but also include, Varuna. Some even see in them thinly disguised sublimations of the traditional deities supposedly •outlawed by Zarathushtra. The comparison with the Adityas is at best vague and imprecise, however, while the sublimation theory is simply wrong. Rather than juggle deities around and assign them new, abstract names, Zarathushtra seems to have developed a complicated theology of Ahura Mazda's aspects on the basis of key concepts of Old Iranian intellectual culture. This becomes clear when we look at the names of these aspects. In addition to Spanta Mainyu, they are: Asha = Truth, Wohu Manah = Good Mind, Xshathra = Dominion, Armaiti = Devotion, Haurwatat = Wholeness, and Amsrdtat = Life. Another dualism that is prominent in Zarathushtra's thought and maintains its importance throughout the history of Zoroastrianism, is that between matter and spirit. We must emphasize the point here that, unlike most gnostic systems, which equate matter with evil and spirit with good, Zoroastrianism has never known such a dualism. The material world is the creation of Ahura Mazda or of his creative aspect Spsnta Mainyu. As

Introduction I 21 such it was originally good. Unfortunately, however, it also contains demons (daewas) and noxious creatures (xrafstras), which are the creation of the Evil Spirit, Angra Mainyu. In human terms, evil is always a product of will, never of nature. Not only was Zarathushtra a religious thinker and poet, but also a ritualist through and through. It will be remembered that he was a priest (zaotar) by profession. As in matters of theology, so in ritual, Zarathushtra instituted a reform of older practices. Precisely what these reforms were is again the subject of much disagreement among scholars, owing, as always, to the obscurity of the Gathas. There is general agreement on two points. One is that Zarathushtra emphasized in the extreme the differences in ritual accorded the daewas and the ahuras. As already noted, in the later Vedic literature of the Brahmanas, the devas (gods) and the asuras (demons) are in a state of perpetual strife over the sacrifice (yajna). From Zarathushtra's point of view the daewas were the demons. To worship them, to perform sacrifices appropriate to them, was to promote the Lie and all it represented. The Gathas never state specifically who the daewas are. The Younger Avesta is quite vague on the subject, since its demonology embraces mostly abstract entities (Pollution, Stupor, and the like), some monsters, and three figures who correspond to Vedic devas, namely, Indra, Ndnghaithya (corresponding to the twin Nasatyas), and Saurwa (= Ved Sarva, a form oiRudra-Siva). One can only guess that the daewas included certain members of the traditional pantheon plus demonic beings in general. If Old Iranian worship included the inherited class of daiwas we can easily understand the resistance that Zarathushtra's reforms encountered. The second point on which there is agreement is that what he objected to in particular was the violent manner in which the daewa worshippers sacrificed animals, especially cattle. It must be understood that he did not oppose animal sacrifice; Zoroastrianism, except under pressure from Hinduism and Hinduized Parsis, has always countenanced animal sacrifice. In Zarathushtra's eyes, the cow was a sacred animal, and in his religion the Soul of the Cow (Gdush Urwan; see Yasna 29) was the prototype of all ahuric animal creation. The extreme sense of sacredness attaching to the cow made it necessarily the object of solicitous care, but did not exempt it from sacrifice. Much controversy surrounds Zarathushtra's attitude toward the drink haoma (see sect. 13). In a somewhat unclear passage, he condemns "the piss of this drunkenness" in connection with the karapans and misrule. Many have assumed that this cannot possibly refer to anything other than haoma. In favor of the argument is the fact that haoma, or rather soma, was particularly important to Vedic Indra, a deva duly demonized in the Vendidad. Against it is the entire history of Zoroastrianism, in which the

22 / Introduction central ritual, the yasna, is essentially a haoma sacrifice. How could it be possible for followers of Zarathushtra's teachings unashamedly to espouse a practice that their prophet so roundly condemned? Clearly, they did not. The proper conclusion to make is that "the piss of this drunkenness" must refer to something else. The conflict between the two principles, Truth and the Lie, was manifest on a number of levels. It had its origin in the myth of the Twins. As a result of the choices made by these two Spirits, their respective creations came into conflict. On one level, the conflict is the struggle between daewas and ahuras over the ritual. On another level, the mundane level, the conflict manifests itself in human choice; in concrete reality, the choice is made empirically. That is to say, one can observe from people's behavior which side they are on. Nothing is more natural than to number one's enemies among the demonic creatures, those who have chosen the Lie or were created by the Evil Spirit. Zarathushtra judged his personal enemies in this manner, but, more importantly, he also saw the cosmic conflict in sociopolitical terms. On the one hand, Zarathushtra championed the cause of peaceful, ordered pastoralist life. On the other hand, such life was constantly threatened by barbarous nomadic peoples led by the demon Wrath (Aeshmd) who raided and plundered the settled folk. This conflict, which has plagued Iran throughout its history, was to become more fully articulated as that between Iran and Turan, that is, between civilized man and the northern barbarians. A final element of Zarathushtra's religion was eschatology. It is difficult to judge on the basis of the Gathas just how far he had developed his ideas on the subject, yet it appears that he had already formulated at least the germinal concept of "last things." Later Zoroastrianism was to formulate an eschatological system in which Judaic messianism probably found its original inspiration. Zarathushtra was a realist in the sense that he focused on the here-and-now. He often refers to the rewards of the righteous and of the iniquitous in terms of immediate signs. His belief in the power of Ahura Mazda was such that he did not envisage a perpetual situation in which the wicked prospered while the righteous suffered. He did have a concept, though, of savior figures, whom he called Saoshyants and among whom he numbers himself. The Saoshyants were clearly seen as promoters of the good religion of Ahura Mazda, who were to lead the community of the faithful to immanent victory over the forces of the Lie. He also believed in a second or future life in which the rewards not realized in life would be obtained after the day of judgment. The final judgment of the departed souls took place at the Bridge of Judgment (Cinwato parstu). Those who cross safely, because of their good deeds, proceed to their reward in heaven. The others, however, fall into darkness where men wail

Introduction I 23 and gnash their teeth, or, in Zarathushtra's words, into "a long life of darkness, bad food, (and)) lamentation" (Y. 31.20). The Zarathushtrian community must well have expected the "marvelous" (fsrashd) transformation of existence to be accomplished soon. When this did not happen and the world continued in its sinful ways, a theological reassessment must have taken place. Instead of an immanent establishment of Ahura Mazda's dominion on earth, Zoroastrians came to expect the fulfillment of their religion at the end of time: a novel concept in itself. A theory of world ages was developed accompanied by a doctrine of successive Saoshyants (born of Zarathushtra's miraculously preserved semen), culminating in the final Saoshyant, who would appear at the end of history in the final triumph of Ahura Mazda over the Evil Spirit.

Zoroastrianism Apart from the translations of Achaemenid inscriptions and the Gathas, the present anthology draws almost exclusively upon the texts of Zoroastrianism, that is, the eclectic religion that evolved in Iran after Zarathushtra's reform of Old Iranian religion. Since much of this material is analyzed in the introductions to the individual selections, my remarks here can be brief. Nevertheless, a certain overview will be necessary for an understanding of subsequent discussions and of the texts themselves. There are a number of problems concerning the nature of postZarathushtrian religion. By far the most complex problem is the process by which a reform movement in northeastern Iran became the basis for a pan-Iranian religion under the later Achaemenids. Chronologically, our point of departure is not so much the death of the prophet as the supposed fall of eastern Iran, including Wishtaspa's realm, to Cyrus the Great (559-529 B.C.) around the middle of the sixth century B.C. Once all of Iran had been united under a powerful central authority, conditions for easy communication throughout the empire were established in order to facilitate the administration of so vast a territory. The new channels of communication also made travel easier. This in turn led to the possibility of increased cultural exchange. The Persian army itself was composed of contingents from throughout the empire. Merchants and craftsmen were drawn to the capital from as far away as Ionia and India. There can be little doubt that zealous followers of Zarathushtra seized the opportunity to spread the "good religion" throughout the empire, and, it would not be overly rash to surmise that, just as Zarathushtra had seen his religion prosper under royal patronage, so his followers must have sought the

24 I Introduction favor of the new royal house. Unfortunately, this is all speculation, for there is not one shred of evidence to indicate what really happened. The hypothesis that Zarathushtrian missionaries were at work in the empire and that they particularly sought Achaemenid patronage appears to gain some substance when we examine the religious ideas of the Achaemenid kings, beginning with Darius I (522-486 B.C.). Although there is disagreement among scholars as to whether or not Darius was a convert to Zarathushtrianism, we can at least affirm that the ideas he propounds in the course of his inscriptions are remarkably close to those of Zarathushtra. Although he grudgingly mentions "the other gods (baga) who are," he is otherwise devoted solely to the worship of Ahuramazda, often in intensely personal terms. He repeatedly singles out the Lie (draugd) as the cause of evil, especially of social and political chaos. However, he nowhere mentions Truth (arta), nor the daiwas nor the Amasha Spantas nor Zarathushtra. If he were a convert, would he not be likely to include these matters among his religious concerns? Although an oblique reference to daiwa worship may be implied in Darius' statement that "the Scythians were unruly and did not worship Ahuramazda," it is only his heir Xerxes (486-465 B.C.) who condemns their worship in his famous Daiwadana inscription (see sect. 2). The main question here, to which there is no definitive answer, is whether Ahura Mazda was the creation of Zarathushtra or already a pan-Iranian deity. By the time of Artaxerxes II (404-359 B.C.), it seems that the eclectic Zoroastrian religion (not Zarathushtrianism) has been accepted as the official religion of the empire. Again, there is no conclusive evidence for this; Artaxerxes mentions Mithra and Anahita in his inscriptions, however, and is said to have encouraged the worship of the latter through her images, which he sent throughout the empire. It is also possible that a calendar reform was instituted during his reign, which substituted the names of Zoroastrian deities for the older month names. Furthermore, during his reign the Greeks first became aware of Zoroaster. Closely linked to the question of missionary activities in western Iran is that of the position of the Magi. According to a notice in Herodotus,9 they were a tribe of Median priests whose presence seems to have been required at all religious ceremonies, where they recited what the Greek historian calls "theogonies," no doubt Yasht-like hymns. Because of a magian plot to wrest the kingship from Darius, these powerful priests fell into extreme disfavor at the beginning of the latter's reign. The weakened status of the Magi may well have given Zoroastrians an easy foothold in the western part of the Persian empire. Nevertheless, the Magi never ceased to exert their influence, and their fame spread far and wide in the ancient world. Even Zoroaster himself was considered a Magus by the

Introduction I 25 Greeks. Another of the many unresolved questions is the role the Magi played in the formation of Zoroastrianism as manifested in the Younger Avesta. Positive evidence of their influence is almost nil, however. In the first place, they are mentioned only once (Y. 65.7) in what appears to be a later interpolation in an already tardive text. Secondly, with few exceptions (see the commentaries to Aradwi Sura Anahita and to Tishtrya, sects. 9 and 12), the Younger Avesta is exclusively eastern Iranian in language and content. Even a casuistic text like the Vendidad, which is often ascribed to Magian composers, contains not a single reference to the Magi or to western Iran, though the Hellenistic Greek system of measurement is used. On the other hand, the composition of the Younger Avesta is such that one cannot escape the conclusion, I believe, that it is mostly the redaction of older materials by people who poorly understood the language of the original. If, as is commonly thought, the oldest redaction took place some time during the fifth century B.C., what better candidates are there for this work than the Magi, whose language was quite different from Avestan? Despite their obscurity, the Gathas bear the unmistakable mark of a well-conceived system of thought. Just the opposite is true of the Younger Avesta. Whatever it has gained in lucidity, it has lost in coherence. It is openly eclectic. The Old Iranian religion that Zarathushtra sought to reform appears thinly disguised as the religion of the prophet. Everywhere one encounters the clumsy device of introducing non-Zarathushtrian materials as revelations made to Zarathushtra by Ahura Mazda. A typical example is the opening stanza of the Yasht to Mithra where "Ahura Mazda said to Zarathushtra . . . " What he said, namely that he created Mithra equal to himself, would have been an outrage to Zarathushtra. The entire remainder of the hymn is a collection of material about Mithra which largely ignores Zarathushtra and Ahura Mazda. How is one to explain this perplexing about-face? I offer the following explanation, which, it must be understood, is necessarily conjecture. In order to reckon with the fact that eastern Iranian religion throughly dominated Zoroastrianism, we must assume that before its full impact had been felt in the West, Zarathushtrianism had already made a grand accommodation with the old religion to the extent that most of the deities, together with their hymns, were accepted into the religion, all nominally subordinate to Ahura Mazda. The reason for the large-scale compromise of Zarathushtra's teaching was probably one of political and religious necessity. The policy of the Achaemenids on religious diversity was one of tolerance, as, for example, in their treatment of Jews. Under these conditions the Zarathushtrian movement must have soon come to terms with the reality that the way to growth and power was

26 I Introduction not uncompromising antagonism, but accommodation. Once the gods of the old religion were sanctioned, people would have been far more receptive to Zarathushtrian doctrines, which did not outrage traditional piety. After having consolidated their position in the East, especially in Seistan, and bringing with them a sizable mass of texts in the sacred Avestan language, the Zoroastrians moved to the West, i.e., Media and Persis. As they gained royal favor, the Magi, out of an instinct for survival, converted, and in time they became a dominant force. Since Zoroastrianism already possessed a sacred language, Median and Old Persian had to be abandoned and the Avestan scriptures learned. Evidently, Avestan was never well understood and fell into disuse in its new geographical setting. This accounts for the patchwork nature of many of the Yashts and other texts, as well as the terribly inept handling of the language in texts such as the Vendidad, which must have been substantially composed in Arsacid times. Before passing on to the texts themselves, I shall outline briefly the nature of the literary sources for old Iranian religion and then consider in some detail the problems of textual criticism.

Old Iranian Religious Literature There are two indigenous sources for Old Iranian religion. The most important is the Zoroastrian canon known as the Avesta. Its content is entirely religious. The other source is the corpus of Achaemenid inscriptions in the Old Persian language. As royal inscriptions, their purpose is largely political and propagandistic, yet most of these inscriptions make at least some reference to religious matters, while some treat of religion in considerable detail. The present work includes materials from both. In addition, there are many Zoroastrian works in a Middle Persian dialect called Book-Pahlavi that purport to be translations of lost Avestan texts. Translations of these translations are not included here for the reason that most of them appear to be quite late works reflecting a period of religious history belonging to the Arsacid and the Sasanid periods; of those that seem to preserve ancient materials, the absence of the original texts has served as a deterrent for inclusion. According to Zoroastrian texts written in the ninth century A.D., well after the advent of Islam, but at a time when the religious community still enjoyed some strength, the canon, called Avesta 'traditional, authoritative text', consisted of an immense corpus containing twenty-one divisions (Nasks). The summary of the Nasks given in the ninth-century Denkard shows that the Sasanid Avesta contained a wide variety of texts

Introduction I 27 covering such categories as the original Songs (Gathas) of Zarathushtra, liturgies, and a host of priestly instructions and materials, extensive treatises on scholastic learning and law, and miscellaneous material including the Yashts. Because of the vicissitudes suffered by Zoroastrians in Iran, as well as by those who found refuge in India during the succeeding centuries, the once glorious Sasanid Avesta was lost. All that remains of it today is a fragment containing texts primarily of importance to ritual. Despite the fact that the Avesta became only a ritual prayer book, it contains a surprising wealth of ancient literary material, as well as much that has little to recommend it to either students of religion or of literature. Since the present anthology contains only those selections from the Avesta known as the Yasna, the Yashts, and the Vendidad, we shall limit our discussion to these. As its name implies, the Yasna (Worship) contains the texts recited during the performances of the yasna. It is made up of some seventy-two sections of diverse style, origin, and content. Many of them are little more than long invocation lists; others, like those to Horn and Srosh, are really Yashts, which found their place in the Yasna due to ritual considerations, and still others contain spells. By far the most important are a group of the seventeen Gathas, which, except for one (Yasna 53), were composed by Zarathushtra himself. These have been discussed already in reference to the religion of Zarathushtra. The Yashts are a collection of twenty-one hymns to various deities. Some preserve very ancient specimens of Old Iranian religious literature while others are recent compilations of little religious value and certainly no literary merit. They have been discussed in greater detail in respect to Zoroastrianism. The Vendidad, a work composed in faulty Avestan and of almost no literary merit is nonetheless an invaluable source of information about numerous matters of religious law, rituals, geography, and myth. Beyond the heterogeneity of its content lies the problem of the variety of language used in the composition of the Avesta. Two dialects, Gathic and Young Avestan, can be distinguished. Of these, Gathic is in a number of ways the more archaic. Young Avestan itself shows varying historical levels. The so-called great Yashts, for instance, provide frequent examples of what one might call good Avestan, while the minor Yashts (e.g., Yasht 1) and texts like the Vendidad exemplify a degenerate state of the language, a dead, poorly understood ecclesiastical language. In certain cases like that of the Nirangistan (a ritual text), the language (aided by corrupt manuscript tradition) has often degenerated to the point of being unintelligible. Young Avestan texts, no matter how archaic much of their content may be, have not escaped the clumsy hand of latter-day redactors.

Textual Criticism The primary source material for all the great world religions is textual. To be sure, texts can often be supplemented with relevant archaeological remains, works of art, and the like, but in every instance the real data of the religion resides in its texts. Texts vary a great deal, not only from religious tradition to religious tradition, but also within one and the same tradition. A large number of factors may contribute to the variety and heterogeneity of a religion's textual tradition. Obvious examples are: (1) a text may contain many historical layers representing centuries of compilation; (2) different parts of a text may have been composed by different people with different opinions, interests, and stylistic modes of expression; (3) the subject matter itself usually dictates changes in style: e.g., a prophetic section of text will be radically different from a legalistic one, an apocalyptic work will differ from a theological tract, etc.; (4) the intended audience will also call for different subjects and styles; that is, a god will hardly be interested in hearing the same things that a prospective convert or a backslider will want to hear. Before one can begin to read a text intelligently, one must be able to place the text in a proper context, to discern its historical position, its authorship, its intention, and so on. The most frequent errors made in the field of comparative religion are those born of an imperfect appreciation of the problems of textual criticism. Texts cannot simply be read and compared indiscriminately. One's knowledge of ancient languages is different from that of modern ones, in that one has, in most cases, no live informants, native speakers, whom one can question regarding the meaning of words or syntactic structures. If the corpus of extant literature is vast enough, the texts themselves can become their own informants. When a literature is rather narrowly circumscribed, however, one can be confronted with all sorts of words and peculiarities of syntax that have no convenient source of elucidation. Another vexing problem is that most texts, with the exception of rock-cut inscriptions, cuneiform tablets, and the like, have endured a long history of transmission from generation to generation, usually in the form of manuscript copies, sometimes even in an oral tradition. As the history of transmission lengthens, the opportunity for error naturally increases. Often a philologist will be confronted with many manuscripts of a single text, all of which may differ significantly from one another. The point to be understood here is that a religious text is a fragile document whose literal interpretation itself may be difficult.

Introduction I 29 As one turns to consider the Avesta in particular, one can say at the outset that it presents one of the most opaque texts of all the world's religious literature. This fact is due to its language, mode of composition, and abysmal state of preservation. Like Western Europe or the Indian subcontinent or Southeast Asia today, ancient Iran, encompassing the modern states of Iran proper, Afghanistan, parts of Iraq, Pakistan, and Soviet Central Asia, was an area of cultural unity amid wide diversity. Although the Achaemenid empire, founded by Cyrus the Great, did much to unify the many peoples who, like their Indian relatives, called themselves Aryas, its monarchs were always 'king of kings' (OPers xshayathya xshayathyanam, NPers shahan shah). To the present day, cultural and linguistic regionalism has continued to play a decisive role in Iranian history. For the ancient period with which I am concerned, only three different languages are attested to even though Iranian linguistics indicates a far more complex situation. These languages are: (1) Old Persian, known primarily through the Achaemenid inscriptions, and spoken in the southwestern region of Parsa (Persis); (2) Median, a language spoken in the northwestern region of Mada (Media); and (3) Avestan, the religious language of the Avesta preserved in the two dialects, Gathic and Young Avestan. It is not known for certain just where these dialects were spoken, but it is plain from both their linguistic form and the cultural-geographic references that they were native to eastern Iran, though probably not so far east as the Pamirs and the Hindu Kush. It is impossible to date the Avesta with any degree of accuracy. As mentioned above, the dates for Zarathushtra's life are the subject of heated debate. Some hold that he was a contemporary of the Vedic rsis, which would place him in the second half of the second millennium B.C. Others argue that he was active at the beginning of the sixth century B.C. (see p. 16). Wherever the truth lies, everyone now agrees that he cannot have lived much beyond the first decades of the sixth century, that is, before the rise of the Achaemenid empire. The situation with the Younger Avesta is exceedingly confused in that it contains much material that is very ancient, but in its present form has to be the work of redactors, priests who compiled an often eclectic mixture of inherited traditions, Zoroastrian "theology," and Magian casuistry. Scholars believe that the redactions of the oldest portions of the Younger Avesta took place some time during the last half of the fifth century B.C. In any case, the composition (not redaction) of the older sections, especially the great Yashts, belongs to a time prior to the rise of the Achaemenids. Crucial in all of this is that the Indo-Iranians did not know any script. They were illiterate in the sense that all their rich literature was oral. The first uses of writing in

30 I Introduction both India and Iran were in the areas of commerce and government. The priesthood and literati especially had nothing but scorn for the written word. In the Achaemenid empire, written business was carried out, not in Old Persian, whose cuneiform script was invented only for formal inscriptions, but rather in the Semitic Aramaic language or in Elamite. The first script used for an eastern Iranian language was the Greek alphabet adapted to the Bactrian language of the first or second century A.D. Therefore, one can be absolutely sure that Avestan originally had no script, its literature being passed on orally from generation to generation. The next question is, "When was the Avesta first put into writing?" There is a tradition current in the Pahlavi books of the ninth century A.D. that prior to the "evil rule of Alaksandar the Roman" (i.e., Alexander the Great) the entire Avesta existed, written in gold upon ox hides and kept in the archives at Istaxr. These Alexander burned. Although the Pahlavi books are ambiguous, it seems that a second redaction of the Avesta consisting of a written text only took place as late as the middle of the sixth century A.D. under the patronage of the great Sasanid king Xusrou I. For this a new script was invented, based on the contemporary Pahlavi script. Two points are to be made here. First, the story of the ox hides can be given little historical credence, in that it is an obvious piece of apologetics calculated to show the Muslims that Zoroastrianism was genuinely a Religion of the Book. Secondly, although there is internal evidence to support the idea that some form of the Avesta written in a Semitic script existed prior to the Sasanid text, not a single remnant of this hypothetical text exists. It would be idle to speculate about its antiquity or even its precise form or content. The compilation of the Sasanid Avesta was probably based on both oral traditions and upon whatever written materials there were. After the ninth century, the history of Zoroastrianism is rather sad. An oppressed, albeit tolerated, minority, the Zoroastrian community fell on hard times. During the early part of the tenth century, a group emigrated from Xorasan to the western Indian state of Gujarat, where they became the so-called Parsis. Under conditions of poverty and backwardness, the textual tradition suffered terribly. Manuscripts were lost, and copies were bungled. It was only Western orientalism and the vastly improved social and economic position of the Indian Parsis under the British Raj that saved the Zoroastrian textual tradition from inevitable destruction. The situation today is that, although there are numerous Avestan manuscripts, the earliest goes back only to the fourteenth century. Because of these developments, the Avesta, such as it comes to us today, is a battered fragment of what one can imagine to have existed in, say, the fifth century B.C. In many ways it is a wonder that this great relic

Introduction 131 of Iran's ancient religious heritage has been preserved. One is also in a position to appreciate how difficult it is to interpret such a text. To begin with, one's most basic understanding of the language of the text is often imperfect, owing primarily to the poor manuscript tradition, but also to other problems inherent in the interpretation of ancient texts. Then one is confronted with a host of problems concerning dating, relative chronology, authorship, and authenticity. Somehow weathering this storm of difficulties, however, one may hope to proceed onward to a deeper understanding of its religious and symbolic content.

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Reading Selections

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1. Zarathushtra The Cow's Lament (Yasna 29) Probably the best known and in many ways the most interesting of the Gathas is the so-called "Cow's Lament," (Yasna 29). In the form of dramatic dialogue it expresses the suffering of the Cow at the hands of the forces of the Lie. She cries out to Ahura Mazda and the other Ahuras (i.e., the Amssha Spontas) for an explanation of her wretched condition. In particular, she despairs over her abandonment, her lack of an adequate herdsman for her protection. After some discussion born of indecision, since the Ahuras seem unable to find her a proper protector, Zarathushtra is recognized as the only one fit for the job. The choice of Zarathushtra is less than pleasing to the Cow, who regards him as a weakling. She must make do with Zarathushtra, however, and the Gatha ends with an inconclusive prayer for the granting of power to Zarathushtra. The Gatha is difficult to understand in detail for a variety of reasons. One of the most obvious problems is that the dialogue is so complex that one cannot be sure in many cases who is speaking or, for that matter, who is being spoken to. One must assume that the narrator, who introduces the discourse in sts. 1, 2, 6, and 9, is Zarathushtra himself. It is also clear that in these stanzas the Cow, the Fashioner of the Cow, and Ahura Mazda speak. In regard to the remaining stanzas, matters are not as straightforward. St. 3 is so obscure that almost nothing certain can be said about it, though one might assume that the speaker is Truth (Asha), who is questioned in st. 2. St. 4 could well be a continuation of st. 3, but it makes more sense to see it and st. 5 as issuing from Zarathushtra, who takes up the narration again in st. 7. To the latter is appended a question probably directed to Ahura Mazda. St. 8 is persumably spoken by Good Mind (Wohu Manah). The final two stanzas are again spoken by Zarathushtra. With the help of this outline, one can see that the Gatha takes place in the context of the two supplicants, the Cow and Zarathushtra, on the one hand, and the divine Ahuras, on the other; and, further, 35

36 I Zarathushtra that there is dialogue not only between these two levels of being but also among the Ahuras themselves. The identity of the Fashioner of the Cow (Gsush tashan) is not completely certain. Historically he probably derives from the Indo-Iranian figure of the Artisan, known in the earlier parts of the Rgveda as Tvastr and in the Avesta as Thvorsshtar (see st. 6), while within Zarathushtra's theological system he has been transformed into Spsnta Mainyu, the creative aspect of Ahura Mazda, without ever completely losing his independence. The fact that Zarathushtra almost always (except in Y. 51.7) preserves the traditional nomenclature for this figure, instead of subsuming him completely under the Amasha Spsnta, gives the immediate impression that the "Cow's Lament" is based somehow on inherited tradition, that it is not simply Zarathushtra's creation. That this is the case has been shown by several scholars, most comprehensively, however, by B. Lincoln.10 According to Lincoln, the Indo-Iranians were the unique possessors of a myth of the "Bovine's Lament," which, existing as an elaboration of the more widespread Indo-European myth of the cattle raid, dramatized the conflict between warriors and priests over rightful possession of cattle. In the myth (obviously a priestly creation) the Cow complains to the deities about her mistreatment at the hands of warrior raiding parties. The deities take counsel and subsequently decide to entrust the Cow to a priest, who becomes the legitimate owner of cows and so of their products, essential in the ritual service of the gods. I find myself in agreement with Lincoln as to the origin of the "Bovine's Lament" in the context of the Aryan pastime, cattle raiding; yet I cannot accept the remainder of the reconstruction as involving a class struggle. In the case of the Indian evidence dealing with Vasistha (the priest) and Visvamitra (the warrior), the theme of caste conflict is obvious; yet, appearing as it does in the Rdmdyana epic, could the myth not equally well be an IndoAryan reinterpretation along caste lines? When one turns to the Iranian evidence (including Yt. 10.38, sts. 84-86; see sect. 3), one finds that cattle raiders are indeed active, yet the element of class conflict is inconspicuous. The reason for this is that cattle raiding, though carried on by fighting men, was something that an entire community ultimately participated in and benefitted from. Since there is no evidence that priests formed their own communities independent of warriors, the idea that the Indo-Iranian myth portrayed a situation of warrior groups stealing from unarmed priests who had no other recourse than the gods and their own magic is hard to accept. In fact, if I read Y. 29.9 correctly, the Cow not only despairs at having a priest to look after her, but also anticipates a powerful ruler who will back Zarathushtra, a figure realized in the person of his eventual patron, Wishtaspa.

Zarathushtra I 37 Until recent years there has been general agreement that, along broad lines, the "Lament of the Soul of the Cow" is an allegorical portrayal of the conflict of two ways of life and religion in eastern Iran, and of Zarathushtra's struggle to establish his religious way of life. Zarathushtra, the Soul of the Cow, and the Ahuras represent a peace-loving, sedentary form of agriculture in which animal husbandry played an important role. Pitted against them are the wild, lawless nomads and persistent followers of the old ways, all worshippers of the Daewas. On this level, the conflict is one that recurs at different historical moments throughout Iranian history. The conflict is essentially sociological. On another level, the conflict is seen as not so much sociological as religious, and specifically ritualistic. That is, the daewas who have chosen Falsehood perform violent, orgiastic, and bloody sacrifices, whereas Zarathushtra and the followers of Truth respect the Cow, treating her in a ritually proper manner. Against this more commonplace interpretation, another theory has been gaining currency in recent discussions by S. Insler11 and H.-P. Schmidt,12 namely, that the Cow in the Gathas has little to do with "the cow in the meadow" who is threatened by cattle raiders and cruelly sacrificed by evil priests; rather she is an allegorical figure representing religious vision, the daena. The theory gains some support from the Rgveda, where on occasion the cow (dhenu or gav) is undoubtedly used as a metaphor for poetry or poetic vision (dhi). It also allows one to make sense of some rather recondite Gathic verses. Unlike the Rgveda, however, the Gathas never make the equation gaw = daena (also from the root d(h)i) explicit. Considering the over-all obscurity of these texts, this fact leaves one hesitant to journey further into the unknown. It may well be that, as Schmidt hopes, further research will establish the theory on firmer ground, but for now it should be maintained only as an hypothesis, which should not divert one from trying to understand Zarathushtra's message in more concrete terms. For example, is anything to be gained by searching out a hidden meaning in Ahura Mazda's clear statement in st. 6 that "the Artificer fashioned thee for the husbandman and herdsman"? To sum up, then, one may say that the "Cow's Lament" is based on an ancient mythic theme of the Cow's suffering at the hands of raiders. Zarathushtra has reworked the myth to reflect his perception of the world, a world where the peace-loving followers of Ahura Mazda are pitted against foes who practice cattle raiding. Although the conclusion can be drawn from other Gathic contexts that the daewas required ritual treatment of the Cow, abhorrent to Zarathushtra, this element is not apparent in the "Lament." Further, one must entertain the possibility that for Zarathushtra the theme of the "Cow's Lament" was to be understood on a spiritual as well as this more mundane level. Here the myth has become

38 I Zarathushtra an allegory for the vicissitudes suffered by the righteous man's soul in its quest for the "good vision."

Yasna 29 1. The Soul of the Cow lamented to you: For whom have you determined me? Who fashioned me? Wrath and Violence, Harm, Daring, and Brutality (each) have bound me! I have no other pastor than you— so appear to me with good husbandry! 2. Then the Fashioner of the Cow asked Asha (Truth): Hast thou a ratu* for the Cow such that you are able to give him, together with a herdsman, zeal for fostering the Cow? Whom do you want as a lord for her, who, hostile toward Liars, may repel Wrath? 3. [Obscure.] 4. Mazda is most mindful of the declarations which have been made previously (?) by gods (daewas) and men and those which shall be made afterward (?), (for) he is the decisive Lord. Thus may it be for us as he may will! 5. Thus we both are calling out to the Lord with outstretched hands, my (soul) and the Soul of the pregnant Cow, in order that we may address (?) Mazda with questions. (For, as matters now stand,) there is no possibility of) continuing life for the righteously living husbandman (residing) among Liars. 6. Then Ahura Mazda, knowing, spoke (these) words through his lifebreath (?): Not one (of us) has found an ahu, nor even a ratu in accordance with Truth. So, indeed, the Artificer fashioned thee for the husbandman and the herdsman. 7. Ahura Mazda, in agreement with Asha, fashioned the mathra of (?) (from?) butter and (also) milk for the Cow, he (who) through (his) commandment is beneficial for those who are undernourished (?). Whom dost thou have (for us) through Good Mind, who will give us two to men? 8. Here I have found this one who alone listens to our commandments, Zarathushtra the Spitamid. He wants, O Mazda, to recite hymns of praise for us and Asha, if I should bestow on him sweetness of speech. 9. The Soul of the Cow lamented: Must I suffer a powerless caretaker— the speech of a man without strength—whom I wish to be a powerful ruler? When ever shall he come to exist who can give him a helping hand? *Meanings of untranslated terms are given in the Glossary.

Zarathushtra I 39 10. O Lord, may you (Ahuras) give power and dominion to them, that (dominion?) through Good Mind by which he might grant good living and peace. I, in any case, consider thee, O Mazda, to be the original possessor of this. 11. Where are Asha and Wohu Manah and Xshathra? Now you should accept me, through Asha, O Mazda, for (giving) instruction to the great community (?). O Lord, (come) now to us (here) below on account of our liberality to such as you.

The Two Spirits (Yasna 30.3-6; 45.2) The stanzas in Yasna 30, together with 45.2, allude to the encounter between the two Spirits, the primordial Twins. The mythology of the Twins, as already indicated (Introduction, p. 19), extends back into protoIndo-European religion and is to be found in other variants elsewhere in Iranian myth, especially in the figure of Yama (the Twin). With Zarathushtra the myth has undergone a reinterpretation, which accords well with his general propensity to rework inherited ideas in order to express his own vision of the dualistic cosmological and ethical situation facing mankind. In keeping with the general practice of Indo-Iranian hieratic poetry, Zarathushtra assumes that the myth is already well known to his audience and therefore does not stand in need of any straightforward exposition; rather he is seeking to interpret the myth. The two preceding stanzas are obscure enough to make it impossible to know to whom the poem is addressed, but one can recognize from the verb forms that a group is called upon to listen, whether they be the Ahuras, his own followers, or mankind in general. If I am correct in interpreting the term xwafna (st. 3), the basic meaning of which is 'sleep, dream', as 'vision', then one may conclude that Zarathushtra's inspiration for his reinterpretation of the ancient myth derives from a direct religious experience. One of the initially bewildering features of Zarathushtra's exposition is his use of verbal tenses. This difficulty is rooted in the fact that the Indo-Iranian languages possessed a special verb form, the injunctive, which is reserved for the expression of myth and timeless truths. Whereas one tends to regard all events, whether mythological or not, as taking place in a nonrecurring historical order, archaic man understood mythical events, which took place in mythological time, as being everpresent. To say that the two primordial Spirits chose good and evil "in the beginning" implies that they do so in the present as well. This is not to imply that archaic man had no real notion of past, present, and future; rather, it is a recognition of his awareness of an atemporal dimension that cuts across

40 I Zarathushtra temporality. The problem is that we lack words to express adequately this subtlety of thought. If one translates the injunctive with the past tense, one relegates the action to history; if one uses the present, one excludes that aspect of the action that took place in illo tempore, i.e., in mythological time. In reading the text, therefore, one must understand that the myth of the two Spirits is also a present reality. Furthermore, it is present reality in the sense that the two Spirits now contend with each other not only on an individual level but also in the cosmos. Bearing in mind that Zarathushtra uses abstractions (for example, 'Good Mind' or 'Devotion') to refer to states of mind as well as to divine entities, one comprehends that for him the macrocosmic struggle is simultaneously occurring in the human microcosm. Each one of us recapitulates the cosmic drama, and, as in the case of the two Spirits, man holds the keys to his own destiny in his free exercise of choice between good and evil, between Truth and the Lie.

Yasna 30.3-6 3. Now, these are the two original Spirits who, as Twins, have been perceived (by me?) through a vision. In both thought and speech, (and) in deed, these two are what is good and evil. Between these two, the pious, not the impious, will choose rightly. 4. Furthermore, the two Spirits confronted each other; in the beginning (each) create(d) for himself life and nonlife, so that (?) in the end there will be the worst existence for the Drugwants, but the best Mind for the Righteous. 5. Of these two Spirits, the deceitful (drugwant) chose the worst course of action, (while) the most beneficent Spirit who is clothed in the hardest stones (chose) Truth, (as) also (do) those who believingly propitiate Ahura Mazda. 6. Between these two (Spirits) the daewas did not choose rightly at all since, while they were taking council among themselves, delusion came upon them, so that they chose the worst Mind. Then, all together, they ran to Wrath with which they infect the life of man.

Yasna 45.2 Now I shall proclaim the original two Spirits of existence. About the two, the very beneficent would have spoken thus to the evil one: Neither our minds nor (our) pronouncements nor (our) intellects nor yet (our) choices nor (our) words nor yet (our) deeds, nor (our) visions (daena), nor (our) souls (urwan) are in agreement.

Zarathushtra I 41

Zarathushtra Questions Ahura Mazda (Yasna 44) This Gatha treats a broad range of subjects central to Zarathushtra's religious vision. Although the statements in each stanza are posed in the form of questions addressed to Ahura Mazda, it is clear that to a large measure they are rhetorical, for what Zarathushtra seeks is divine confirmation of his various doctrines. The form of the Gatha is of particular interest in that it illustrates the intimacy and directness of Zarathushtra's relationship with Ahura Mazda, a feature that is present throughout the Gathic corpus. The opening stanza establishes the basis of his questioning. In it Zarathushtra reminds Ahura Mazda of their friendship and thus of the propriety of his persistent demand that he be answered correctly. One may remark parenthetically that reminding a god of friendship is a device found also in the Rgveda on the part of the seer Vasistha in his conversations with Varuna.13 The second stanza is too obscure to be translated with any confidence, though it seems to be concerned with "the basis of the Best Existence" and apparently with the one who will bring it about. Fortunately, sts. 3-5 are as clear as one could wish. Their rhetorical nature is transparent; but any doubts that might linger are dispelled in st. 7, in which Ahura Mazda is recognized "as the Creator of everything," through his creative aspect, Spsnta Mainyu, the Beneficent Spirit. In contrast to sts. 3-7, which deal mostly with questions relating to the creation and ordering of the cosmos, the remainder of the Gatha (sts. 8-20) treats a variety of what can be broadly defined as doctrinal questions. In sts. 9-11, Zarathushtra asks about the daena, the inspired vision that is to form the basis of his community of followers. St. 12 reflects the situation in which Zarathushtra found himself as the prophet of the new faith in confrontation with spokesmen for the old religion. Having already acknowledged himself (in st. 11) as the true prophet, he asks for help in distinguishing followers of the Truth from those who follow the Lie. Some interpreters have seen in this stanza that Zarathushtra is referring to himself as an ashawan (righteous man) vis-a-vis his opponents in debate. This is certainly a plausible explanation, yet one can also imagine a situation in which opponents who can be won over are to be distinguished from those who are fundamentally evil and incorrigeable. Sts. 13-21 continue the theme of Zarathushtra's mission against the Lie and the strategy for dealing with its followers. It is uncertain what is meant in st. 14 by "a great schism," since this is a purely etymological translation of a word which should mean something like 'split'. Perhaps Zarathushtra followed a policy of "divide and conquer." Although st. 15 is not entirely clear, it seems that antagonisms have reached the point of open conflict by re-

42 I Zarathushtra course to arms; in typical fashion (e.g., Yt. 5.20) Zarathushtra asks the deity for victory. In st. 16 Zarathushtra asks for signs that will show who is or are to lead the community. Since the expression W9rdthra(m)-jan 'smasher of resistance' (see sect. 5) is characteristically a warrior epithet, it is likely that this term refers to a warrior patron, as indeed Wishtaspa was. It is probable that the judge (ratu) refers to Zarathushtra himself (cf. Yt. 13.152). St. 17 is quite obscure, though it can be made out that, as in Y. 29.9, Zarathushtra is concerned with the authority of his voice. St. 18 is quite a puzzle, not only because of the obscurity of its final lines but also because of the strange reward it mentions. Some have seen in the horses (aspa) and camel (ushtra) the payment made to a priest for services rendered. Since—if the Veda is any guide in such matters—one would expect cows to be given to a priest, Insler has suggested that this is a veiled allusion to Wishtaspa and Jamaspa (as stallions of their families) and to Frashaoshtra (Frasha-ushtra).14 The last stanza to begin with "this I ask thee . . . ," like the preceding one, is capable of various interpretations; if st. 18 refers to the priest's payment, however, as I believe it does, then st. 19 must also have to do with God's punishment for those who behave deceitfully toward the priest, presumably Zarathushtra himself. Unfortunately, there is no further information to clarify the context of st. 18 and 19. The final stanza (20), while still in the form of a question, is structured differently from the others. Whether it originally formed part of the Gatha or was added later from some other source is impossible to say. Although its interpretation is very insecure, one finds again the theme of the Cow's mistreatment, here at the hands of priests hostile to Zarathushtra. Yasna 44 \. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! Concerning reverence (nomah)—how reverence for ones such as you (is to take place); (and) O Mazda, (how) one such as thee might instruct a dear (friend) such as me, and moreover (how one such as thee might instruct) us through Truth in order to establish dear relationships (?) so that (one such as thee?) might come to us through Good Mind. 2. [Obscure.] 3. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! Who, through the generative act (?), is the original father of Asha? Who established the path(s) of the sun and stars? Who is it through whom the moon (now) waxes, now wanes? Even these, O Mazda, and others, I wish to know. 4. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord!

Zarathushtra I 43 Who supports the earth below and (keeps) the heavens (above) from falling down? Who (supports) the waters and plants? Who yokes the two steeds to the wind and clouds? Who, O Mazda, is the Creator of Good Mind? 5. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! What artificer created days and nights? What artificer created sleep and wakefulness? Who is it through whom dawn, midday, and evening (come to pass), reminding the religious (man) of his duty? 6. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! (Tell me) whether the things I shall proclaim are true: Devotion (Armaiti) establishes Truth firmly through (good) actions . . . [obscure]. For whom didst thou fashion the pregnant Cow who produces felicity? 7. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! Who fashioned honored Devotion together with Dominion? Who made by means of his soul (?) a son respectful of his father? Through these (questions?) I am serving thee, O Mazda, recognizing (thee) as the Creator of everything by means of Spanta Mainyu. 8. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! —In order that I may keep in mind thy instructions, O Mazda, and the words which I have exchanged with Good Mind and (the words?) which are to be correctly acquired through Truth concerning (?) life, to what goods shall my soul proceed in the future (?)? 9. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! How am I to perfect my Vision (daena) which the master of a rich (?) estate would proclaim by his lofty authority—one such as thee, possessing much wealth, O Mazda, sitting in (thy) seat with Truth and Good Mind? 10. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! (Tell me about) that Vision which is the best of those which exist, which in the company of Truth promotes my people, (which) through the words and action of Devotion—my insight—desiring (thy) possessions, correctly shall see thee, O Mazda. 11. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! How is Devotion to disperse among those to whom thy Vision shall be told, O Mazda? I have been overwhelmingly acknowledged by them as thy original (follower): (therefore) lookest thou upon all others with enmity of spirit!

44 I Zarathushtra 12. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! (Among those) with whom I shall debate: who is righteous (ashawan) or who is deceitful (drugwant)? Which of the two: is (this one) evil or is that one evil? The deceitful one who keeps (?) me from (?) thy bounty— is not that one (evil)? This one is not considered to be evil. 13. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! How are we to drive the Lie away from us (and) onto those who, filled with disobedience, do not strive for association with Truth nor take pleasure in the counsel of Good Mind? 14. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! How may I deliver the Lie into the hands of Truth in order to destroy it through the mathras of thy teaching, to create a great schism (?) among the liars and to bring torments and evils upon them, O Mazda? 15. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! If thou, together with Truth, art capable of protecting this (?)—when the two hostile (?) armies come together—by means of those commands which thou desirest to keep secure, to which of these two, to whom wilt thou give victory? 16. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! Who is (one who can) smash resistance in order to protect, by means of thy teaching, those who exist? Let signs be given me. O Healer of Life, promise us a Judge (ratu)! So may Obedience go to him through Good Mind, to him, whomever it may be whom thou wishest! 17. [Obscure.] 18. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! How may I win this reward: ten mares with a stallion and a camel so that . . . [obscure]. 19. This I ask thee, speak to me truly, O Lord! What shall be the immediate punishment in this (case) for him who will not give the reward to him who has won it, who . . . (?) I know what will be his final (reward)! 20. Have the daewas, O Mazda, ever been good rulers?—so I ask it—. [Text very uncertain.]

2. Ahura Mazda Ahura Mazda is the supreme being of Zoroastrianism. In the Gathas and in the Achaemenid inscriptions, especially those of Darius the Great, he is

Ahum Mazda I 45 described to us in terms that show that he was experienced both as the supreme creator of the universe, the mighty lord who ultimately controls the destiny of all, and as a personal deity of those who worship him. This latter experience of intimacy, of a close and intensely personal relationship with God, is unique in Old Iranian religion and is nowhere encountered in Vedic religion save in the Vasistha hymns to Varuna. In surprising contrast to the Ahura Mazda of Zarathushtra and Darius, the Ahura Mazda of the Younger Avesta is only a pathetic shadow of the noble Wise Lord. It is not that he has been demoted, relegated to an inferior position in the pantheon in the manner suffered by Varuna in the Indian tradition. He still retains his honored status; yet he has been sapped of all personality. The possible reasons for this situation are complex and require some background. The problem of the origin of Ahura Mazda has long been a point of controversy among scholars. As I have already noted in the Introduction, many Iranian gods have their counterparts in the Vedic pantheon. Such correspondences exist under two forms: either two deities share a common name or they share common and unmistakable characteristics. Discussions about the origins and identities of Indo-Iranian deities have usually been confused, because the participants have been unable to agree on what might constitute identity. Also, in discussions, the historicist fallacy has frequently been applied, namely, that by tracing the history of a deity back to some irreducible point one has necessarily arrived at an essential understanding of the deity. While one should never undervalue the historical explanation, neither should one view it as exclusive or sufficient in itself. Since the name 'Ahura Mazda' does not occur outside Iran, one can safely say, on one level, that he is a creation of the Iranian spirit. When one discovers the meaning of the name and examines the constellation of religious ideas surrounding Ahura Mazda, however, one is immediately forced to draw comparisons with the great Vedic deity Varuna. Ahura Mazda means 'Wise Lord'. In Avestan the name consists of two separately declined words, which, especially in the Gathas, need not appear contiguously. Old Persian, representing a linguistically younger development, has the two words coalesced into one ('urmzd'/ahuramazdd/). The one exception is found in an inscription of Xerxes (XPc 10) in which the independently declined ahurahya mazddha Curhy mzd'h) is an archaism perhaps under the influence of Avestan usage. This manner of addressing the supreme being as 'the wise lord' is encountered also in the Veda where king Varuna is invoked as the 'wise lord' (asura praceta(h), RV 1.24.14) and elsewhere is referred to as 'the all-knowing lord' (asuro visvdveda(h), RV 8.42.1). Although these epithets are by no means unique

46 I Ahura Mazda to Varuna, as mazda is in Ahura Mazda, the concept of a "wise, allknowing lord" must have been common to Indo-Aryans and Iranians. Just as Ahura Mazda has no exact Vedic counterpart whose name would be *Asura Medhd, so Varuna has no exact Iranian counterpart *Wouruna. Since Varuna is a god of such manifest importance in the Veda, however, it is difficult to imagine that he does not have a long history extending back well into the proto-Indo-Iranian period. The search for the "lost" wise lord Varuna in Iranian religion leads one promptly to Ahura Mazda, for a number of reasons perhaps more compelling than the epithets just discussed. In the first place, both supreme deities are intimately connected with one of the most basic Indo-Iranian religious concepts, Truth (Ved rta, Av asha, OPers (a)rta). (See Introduction, p. 13.) Secondly, both are surrounded by a group of deities, who, though not identical, bear certain resemblances to one another. They are the Avestan Amasha Spsntas and the Vedic Adityas. Thirdly—a point that is frequently overlooked—it is only Ahura Mazda and Varuna who are the object of intense personal religious experience. To be sure, other deities may be approached in Vedic or Avestan hymns with terms of endearment by the supplicants; yet the language is the formal language of hieratic poetry, lacking the unmistakable stamp of direct experience. Fourthly, both are creators. Against the case for the identification of Ahura Mazda with Varuna, it has been argued that the points of similarity between them are deceptive, that both deities may be innovations of their respective traditions, and that the only true Indo-Iranian deity of this type is a shadowy figure called simply Ahura or Asura in the Avesta and Rgveda respectively.15 Although the problem may never be resolved to everyone's satisfaction, a partial solution may lie in the recognition of a semantic obstacle. For those who insist upon an identity of names alone, clearly there is no ground for comparison. Also, for those for whom shared essential characteristics, in the absence of a shared name, are sufficient grounds to claim identity, the identification of Ahura Mazda and Varuna will fail owing to some essential differences (see sects. 3 and 4). What one must come to realize as important from the comparative point of view is that certain culturally shared concepts have become associated with the supreme deity in both societies. To understand these together with the differences is the necessary task of the comparativist. Returning to purely Avestan developments, one has observed that the nobility of Zarathushtra's and Darius' experience has suffered a debasement in the Younger Avesta. Generally, when Ahura Mazda appears it is in a dialogue with Zarathushtra in which his role is no more than to give

Ahura Mazda I 47 authority to either a religious practice or to a piece of non-Zarathushtrian literature. The Avestan Yasht to Ahura Mazda, given on pp. 51-55, is a recent work that can claim no antiquity. Its faulty language and its motley content, with its overriding concern for the magic of spells, show clearly there was no Old Iranian, that is, pre-Zarathushtrian, Yasht tradition that included Ahura Mazda. In fact, the author of this Yasht is quite at a loss to know what to say about him. The explanation for this is to be found in the nature of Ahura Mazda and in the degeneration of the Zarathushtrian religious vision. The "Wise Lord" is basically an abstract form of deity. In the absence of any vigorous flesh-and-blood mythology, such a god can be realized only in the fullness of religious experience. Where the occasion for such experience is wanting, a god like Ahura Mazda cannot help but lose meaning, until, as in this Yasht, he is understood only in terms of formulae like "most beneficent Spirit, Creator of the material world, righteous." Ahura Mazda was, then, what the phenomenology of religion calls a deus otiosus, a god who, because of his transcendence, is irrelevant to everyday religious concerns. Such gods are supplanted by more immanent deities active in the affairs of men. This process is manifest in the religion of the Younger Avesta with the reinstatement of the traditional gods. It is also seen in the course of the Achaemenid inscriptions, in which at first Darius and his son Xerxes only occasionally refer to 'the gods' or the 'gods of the royal house', but later, with Artaxerxes II and III, the goddess Anahita (see sect. 10) and the great god Mithra (see sect. 3) are invoked together with Ahuramazda. The Achaemenid inscriptions are a unique source of information about Old Iranian religion in that they can be dated and assigned to historical personalities. They must be taken with a certain amount of caution when used in reference to the Avesta, however. They belong to the language and culture of southwestern Iran; the Avesta belongs to the eastern parts of Iran (see Introduction). The propagandistic intent of the royal inscriptions differs from that of the priestly authors of the Avesta. In spite of these precautions, however, the two sources are wonderfully complimentary. Beyond the amount of space devoted to the role of Ahuramazda, one finds in particular prominence the concern with the Lie (drauga, Av druj), the very essence of moral, social, and political chaos. The king, Ahuramazda's chosen representative on earth, is a speaker of truth who maintains the just moral order within society while protecting society from rebellion brought about by followers of the Lie. Finally, in Xerxes' Daiwadana inscription, we encounter the fundamental antagonism between the gods (OPers baga, Av ahura, yazata, bagha) and the antigods or demons (OPers daiwa, Av daewa).

48 I Ahura Mazda

Inscriptions of Darius I (521-486 B.C.) Rule by divine authority (DB I. 11-16) Darius the king says: By the will of Ahuramazda I am king. Ahuramazda delivered the kingship to me. Darius the king says: These are the countries which came to me. By the will of Ahuramazda I have become king over them: Persis, . . . (There follows a list of satrapies.) Darius the king says: These are the countries which came to me. By the will of Ahuramazda they became my subjects, they bore me tribute. Day and night they did what I told them. Darius the king says: Among these countries, whatever man was loyal I treated well, (but) whomever was unruly I punished well By the will of Ahuramazda these countries behaved according to my law. They did as I told them. Darius the king says: Ahuramazda delivered this kingship to me. Ahuramazda bore me aid until I had secured this empire. By the will of Ahuramazda I hold this empire. Summary of his campaigns; religious and moral admonitions (DB IV. 2-67) Darius the king says: This is what I did by the will of Ahuramazda in the same year after I became king. I fought XIX battles. By the will of Ahuramazda I won them. And I captured IX kings. One named Gaumata was a Magus. He lied. Thus he said, "I am Bardiya, the son of Cyrus." He made Persis rebellious. (There follows the list of the kings who lied and made their countries rebellious. They were Agina the Elamite; Nidintu-Bel the Babylonian, the false Nebuchadrezzar son of Nabonitas; Martya the Persian, the false Immanish; Fraw(a)rti the Mede, the false Xshathrita descendant of Cyaxares; Cigataxma the Sagartian, a false descendant of Cyaxares; Frada the Margian; Wahyazdata the Persian, another false Bardiya; Arxa the Armenian, another false Nebuchadrezzar.) Darius the king says: I captured these IX kings in these battles. Darius the king says: These are the countries which became rebellious. The Lie made them rebellious, because these (kings) lied to the people. Afterward Ahuramazda placed them in my hands. I dealt with them at my pleasure. Darius the king says: You, whoever you are who shall be king afterward, guard yourself diligently from the Lie. Punish well that man who shall be a liar, if you should think, "My country shall be secure." Darius the king says: This is what I did. By the will of Ahuramazda I did it

Ahura Mazda I 49 in one and the same year. You, whoever you are who shall afterward read this inscription which I made, may it convince you. Do not think that this is a lie. Darius the king says: O Ahuramazda, I swear this oath, that this is true; it is not a lie; I did this in one and the same year. Darius the king says: By the will of Ahuramazda there is also much else that I have done, (but) that is not written down in this inscription. It is not written down lest what I have done seem too much to him who should read this inscription afterward (and) it not convince him and he think it a lie. Darius the king says: The former kings, as long as they were (kings), did not do what I did by the will of Ahuramazda in one and the same year. Darius the king says: Now let this convince you. Thus tell the people what I have done; do not conceal it! If you do not conceal this proclamation (and) tell it to the people, may Ahuramazda be a friend to you and may your family be numerous and may you live long! Darius the king says: If you should conceal this proclamation (and) not tell it to the people, may Ahuramazda smite you and may you have no family! Darius the king says: This is what I did; in one and the same year I did it by the will of Ahuramazda. Ahuramazda bore me aid, (as did) also the other gods who exist. Darius the king says: Ahuramazda bore me aid, (as did) also the other gods who exist, for the reason that I was not unruly, I was not a liar, I was not an evildoer, neither I nor my family transgressed. I did not deal crookedly with either the weak or the strong. I treated him well who cooperated with my house; I punished him well who (sought) to destroy (it). Victory for Darius through the worship of Ahuramazda (DB V.20-36) Darius the king says: Afterward I went off to Scythia with the army, after the Scythians who wear pointed hat(s). These Scythians fled from me. When I came up to the (Oxus) river, I then crossed over it with the whole army. Afterward I smote the Scythians greatly. I captured one of them. He was brought bound to me. Then I made another (their) chief according to my pleasure. Afterward the country became mine. Darius the king says: Those Scythians were unruly and did not worship Ahuramazda. I worshipped Ahuramazda. By the will of Ahuramazda I dealt with them as I pleased. Darius the king says: He who worships Ahuramazda will be blessed both (while) living and (when) dead.

50 I Ahum Mazda Prayer to Ahuramazda (DPd 1-24) Ahuramazda, the great, who is the greatest of the gods, He created Darius the king; He delivered the kingship to him. By the will of Ahuramazda Darius is king. Darius the king says: This country, Persis, which Ahuramazda delivered to me, which is beautiful, with good horses and men, by the will of Ahuramazda and of me Darius the king, does not fear another (country). Darius the king says: May Ahuramazda bear me aid together with the gods of (the royal) house! And may Ahuramazda protect this country from a hostile army, from famine, from the Lie. Let not a hostile army, nor famine, nor the Lie come to this country. I pray (to) Ahuramazda together with the gods of (the royal) house for this blessing. May Ahuramazda together with the gods of (the royal) house bestow this blessing on me. Ahuramazda chose Darius (DSfS-22) Darius the king says: Ahuramazda who is the greatest of the gods created me. He made me king. He delivered the empire to me which is great with good horses and men. By the will of Ahuramazda Wishtaspa my father and Arshama my grandfather both were living when Ahuramazda made me king over this earth. Such was Ahuramazda's pleasure that of the entire earth he chose me, a man. He made me king over the entire earth. I worshipped Ahuramazda, (and) Ahuramazda bore me aid. He made successful for me what I commanded to be done. All that I did was by the will of Ahuramazda. (DNa 1-12, 30-35, 47-60) A great god is Ahuramazda who created this earth, who created yonder heaven, who created man, who created happiness for man, who made Darius king, one king over many, one commander over many. I am Darius the great king, king of kings, king of countries containing all peoples, king of this great earth, extensive as it is. Darius the king says: After Ahuramazda saw this earth in turmoil he delivered it to me; he made me king; I am king by the will of Ahuramazda. Darius the king says: All this that was done, I did by the will of Ahuramazda. Ahuramazda bore me aid until I did what was to be done. May Ahuramazda protect me from evil and my house and my country! I pray (to) Ahuramazda for this. May Ahuramazda grant it to me! O man, let not that which is Ahuramazda's command seem evil to you! Do not stray from the straight path! do not be antagonistic!

Ahura Mazda I 51 Xerxes' Daiwadana inscription (XPh 13-16, 28-56) Xerxes the king says: By the will of Ahuramazda these are the countries over which I was king. (There follows a satrapy list.) Xerxes the king says: When I became king there was (one country), among these which are written above, (which) revolted. Then Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of Ahuramazda I smote that country and set it in its (proper) place. And among these countries was (one) where formerly the daiwas were worshipped. Then by the will of Ahuramazda I destroyed that daiwa-temple. And I decreed, "Let the daiwas not be worshipped!" There where formerly the daiwas were worshipped, I worshipped Ahuramazda at the barssman (?) in accordance with Truth (?). And there was another (matter) which had been done badly. I made it good. All that I did 1 did by the will of Ahuramazda. Ahuramazda bore me aid until I had done what was to be done. You, whoever you are who (shall live) afterward, if you think, "May I be happy while living and may I be blessed when dead," behave according to that law which Ahuramazda established, worship Ahuramazda at the barasman in accordance with Truth (?). The man who behaves according to that law which Ahuramazda established and worships Ahuramazda at the barasman in accordance with Truth (?), he becomes happy while living and (is) blessed when dead.

Ahura Mazda (Ohrmazd) Yasht (Yasht 1) 1. Zarathushtra asked Ahura Mazda: O Ahura Mazda, most beneficent Spirit, Creator of the material world, righteous! What (aspect) of the Holy Word is most powerful? What is most defensive (?) (victorious)? What is most glorious? What is bravest? 2. what is (the best slayer in victory)? What is most curative? What best overcomes the hostility of daewas and (evil) men? Of all of material existence, what most affects (?) the mind? Of all of material existence, what best cleanses the spirit? 3. Then Ahura Mazda said: Our name [i.e., Amasha Spantas], O Spitamid Zarathushtra, is what is most powerful of the Holy Word, that (name is) most victorious, that (name is) most glorious, most brave, 4. most victorious, most curative, that (name) best overcomes the hostility of daewas and (evil) men, that (name) out of all of material existence most affects the mind, that (name) out of all of material existence best cleanses the spirit. 5. Then Zarathushtra said: Declare to me, O righteous Ahura Mazda, that name of yours which is the greatest and the most beautiful and the

52 / Ahum Mazda bravest and the most victorious and the most curative and the best at overcoming the hostility of daewas and (evil) men), 6. so that I may overcome all daewas and (evil) men, so that I may overcome all sorcerers and witches, so that no one may overcome me, neither a daewa nor yet an (evil) man, neither a sorcerer nor yet a witch. 7. Then Ahura Mazda said: (First) I am called "He Who Is to Be Implored," O righteous Zarathushtra; second, "Shepherd" (?); third, . . . (?); fourth, "Asha Washishta"; fifth, "All the Good Created by Mazda, the Seed of Asha"; sixth, I am "Intelligence"; seventh, "Intelligent"; eighth, I am "Insight"; ninth, "Insightful"; 8. tenth, I am "Beneficence"; eleventh, "Possessing Beneficence"; twelfth, "Lord" (Ahura); thirteenth, "Most Powerful"; fourteenth, this "Unassailable" (?); fifteenth, "Invincible"; sixteenth, "He Who Remembers (People's) Merit"; seventeenth, "All Perceiving"; eighteenth, "Curative"; nineteenth, I am "Creator"; twentieth, I am called "Mazda." 9. You should worship me, O Zarathushtra, by day (and) by night with libations which bear (me) glory (yasah), (and then) I, Ahura Mazda, shall come to aid and support you; good Sraosha the companion of Ashi will come to aid and support you; the waters and the plants and the Frawashis of the Righteous will come to aid and support you. 10. If, O Zarathushtra, you want to overcome those hostilities (of) daewas and men, (of) sorcerers and witches, (of) tyrants, kawis, and karapans, (of) biped scoundrels and biped distorters of Truth and quadruped wolves, 11. and the hostile army with a broad front, with a broad banner, then recite these names during all the days and nights. 12. I am "Protector" and "Creator," I am "Protector" and "Knower," and I am "Spirit" and "Most Beneficent" (or "Most Beneficent Spirit"). I am called "Curative," I am called "Most Curative," I am called "Priest," I am called "Supreme Priest," I am called "Lord," I am called "Wise," I am called "Righteous," I am called "Most Righteous," I am called "Glorious," I am called "Most Glorious," I am called "Seer of Much," I am called "Best Seer of Much," I am called "Far-Seer," I am called "Best Far-Seer," 13. I am called "Watcher," I am called "Pursuer," I am called "Creator," I am called "Guardian," I am called "Protector," I am called "Knower," I am called "Best Knower (?)," I am called "Seeking Dominion," I am called "Seeking Dominion Most," I am called . . . (?), I am called . . . (?).

Ahura Mazda I 53 14. I am called "Without Deceit," I am called "Free From Deceit," I am called "Warder," I am called "Overcoming Hostility," I am called "Immediate Conquest," I am called "All Conquering," I am called "All-Fashioner," I am called "(bestowing) All Felicity," I am called "(bestowing) Much Felicity," I am called "Felicitous." 15. I am called "(Bestowing) Efficacious Profit," I am called "(Bestowing) Efficacious Advantage," I am called "Possessing Profit," I am called "Strong," I am called "Strongest," I am called "Truth," I am called "High," I am called "Ruler," I am called "Highest Ruler," I am called "Intelligent," I am called "Most Intelligent," I am called "FarSeeing"—and those are the names. 16. He who, in this material existence, O Spitamid Zarathushtra, recites these names of mine (?) either by day or at night, 17. (who recites) either standing up or lying down, either lying down or standing up, either girding on his girdle or loosening his girdle, either setting forth from his residence or setting forth from his tribe, or setting forth from his country, [going away to (another) country], 18. O man, not on this day, not on this night will (?) the (weapon?) of one deceived by Wrath, whose mind is of the Lie, hit him, neither will the a/cw, 16 nor the battle-axes (?), nor the knives, nor the maces, nor the (sling) stones hit (him). 19. And these twenty names stand ready as (his) support and fortification against the invisible Lie, the concupiscent, deceiving (Lie) and against the destructive conjuror, against the all-destructive Deceiver (Angra Mainyu), as if a thousand men would watch over one man. 20. [Repeat Y. 44.16 (p. 44).] 21. Homage to the Kawyan Xwaronah, homage to the Aryan homeland. Homage to the Mazda-created Profit, homage to the river Daily a. Homage to the immaculate river Anahita, homage to the entire righteous world. Yathd ahu wairyo . . . [Repeat prayer ten times (p. 183).] Ashsm wohu . . . [Repeat prayer ten times (p. 183).] 22. We worship the Ahuna wairya prayer. We worship the Amosha Spsnta, most beautiful Best Truth. We worship Strength and Prosperity and Power and Victory and Glory and Might. We worship opulent, glorious Ahura Mazda. Yenghe hatam . . . [Repeat prayer (p. 182).] 23. Yathd ahu wairyo . . . [Repeat prayer twice.] I dedicate worship and praise, power and might to opulent, glorious Ahura Mazda.

54 I Ahura Mazda Asham wohu . . . [Repeat prayer.] 24. O Zarathushtra, you should forever protect the amicable man against the inimical enemy. Do not let the friend go for a beating! Do not abandon that law-abiding man to ill treatment, to disenfranchisement (at the hands of his) oppressors, (that) man who will offer the greatest sacrifice (but who) will demand (?) least of us, the Amasha Spantas, for (his) sacrifice. 25. Wohu Manah is here in my house, O Zarathushtra, Asha Wahishta is here in my house, O Zarathushtra. Xshathra is here in my house, O Zarathushtra. Sponta Armaiti is here in my house, O Zarathushtra. Haurwatat and Amaratat, [both of whom are the reward of the righteous (people) who are going to the life beyond.] (are) here in my house. 26. This I know and understand, O righteous Zarathushtra, through my intelligence and understanding, how the first existence was and how the last existence will be. 27. A thousand cures! Ten thousand cures! [Come to my aid, O Mazda, (and that of ?) well-built, handsome Strength, Ahura-created Warathraghna, and conquering Superiority and Spsnta Armaiti,] And through Spsnta Armaiti destroy their hostility, cover their ears, bind their hands together, smash their jaws, bind the binder (?). 28. Will the righteous man, O Mazda, conquer a liar? (Will) the righteous man conquer the Lie? (Will) the righteous man conquer a liar? We worship Ahura Mazda's understanding for the maintenance of the Holy Word. We worship Ahura Mazda's intelligence for the retention of the Holy Word. We worship Ahura Mazda's speech for the proclamation of the Holy Word. We worship that mountain Ushi.dam, Ushi.darana, 17 by day (and) by night with libations which bring (it) glory. 29. Then Zarathushtra said, "May she (Armaiti) put you, a scoundrel, in the ground!" By the eyes of Spanta Armaiti the scoundrel was cast down. 30. A thousand cures! Ten thousand cures! We worship the frawashi of the righteous man who is called Asmo.x wan want. Then as a believer (?) I shall worship imploringly (the frawashis) of the other righteous (men). By the (propitiation) of the strong Mazda-created Gaoksranal We worship the strong Mazda-created Gaokarsna.

Mithra I 55 31. [Repeat st. 28 from "We worship Ahura Mazda's understanding . . ."to the end.] Asham wohu. [Repeat six times: st. 30 from "We worship the frawashi. . ."to the end; st. 28 from "We worship Ahura Mazda's understanding . . ."to the end.] Asham wohu. 32. We worship the creatrix Spanta Armaiti . . . ( ? ) . Therefore, we should make him, the greatest of all, Ahura Mazda, the ahu and ratu for the killing of lying Angra Mainyu, for the killing of Wrath with the bloody club, for the killing of the daewas from Mazandaran, and (for the killing) of all the lying daewas from Warana, for the promotion of opulent, glorious Ahura Mazda, for the promotion of the Amssha Spantas, for the promotion of the opulent, glorious star Tishtrya, for the promotion of the righteous man, for the promotion of all the righteous creations of Spanta Mainyu.

3. Mithra Next to Ahura Mazda, Mithra is the greatest god of the old Iranian pantheon. The opening stanza of his Yasht states that Ahura Mazda created Mithra equal to himself in respect to his worship. It is a Zoroastrian device to legitimize the worship of a god who, to judge by the richness of his Yasht, must have been the equal of Ahura Mazda in nonZarathushtrian circles. The absence of Mithra from the Gathas, contrasted with his prominence in the Younger Avesta, led some scholars, H. S. Nyberg18 and his students, to espouse the belief that Eastern Iran had been the scene of lively sectarian struggles between "communities" of people who were devoted to either Mithra or Ahura Mazda or perhaps to other deities as well. In the previous selection I noted the exclusivity of Mazda worship on the part of Darius and Xerxes and the later inclusion of Mithra under Artaxerxes II and III. Despite the fact that Mazdaism seems to have demanded a near monotheistic allegiance to Ahura Mazda, it is hard to imagine that sectarianism was rampant among the generality of "pagan" Iranians. Pan-Iranian sectarianism existed, rather, in the schism between daewa and ahura worshippers (see Introduction, p. 13). If one lets oneself be guided, in part, by the testimony of the Rgveda, one shall not be surprised to find Mithra on equal footing with Ahura Mazda, for, in the Rgveda, Mitra is the almost constant companion of Varuna, whose affinity to Ahura Mazda has already been discussed. In fact, the

56 I Mithra two are so intimately related that they are rendered indistinguishable when, as so frequently happens, they are invoked together as an indissoluble pair (dvandvd), mitrdvarund. In the Younger Avesta, Mithra also enters into this dual (dvandva) relationship with other deities, such as Ahura, Rashnu, and Thvorashtar. Mithra's connections with Vedic deities and his relationships with Iranian deities will be discussed; for now, one should simply observe that, for the Indo-Iranians and probably the Indo-Europeans in general, divine supremacy was a shared honor. The most basic point of departure for understanding the Indo-Iranian god *Mitra- is the meaning of the name. In Indo-Iranian, the word *mitrahad two meanings: (1) 'covenant, contract, treaty'; (2) 'friendship'. Although meaning (2), I believe, can easily be derived from meaning (1), H.-P. Schmidt has recently made a strong case for a basic meaning 'alliance', which, he feels, better explains the two.19 In Old Indian, meaning (2) rapidly underwent a semantic shift to 'friend'; as a result, it was once widely held—and is still held today among a small minority—that Vedic Mitra was the 'Friend'. Because Vedic Mitra is constantly eclipsed by Varuna, there is no internal evidence that might persuade one that Mitra meant anything but the god Friend. When one takes cognizance of the Iranian evidence, however, one cannot doubt that the Indo-Iranian deity was indeed the god Covenant. It is probable that, by the end of the Rgvedic period (c. 900 B.C.), meaning (1) had fallen into disuse, to be replaced by meaing (2); yet the existence in the oldest strata of the Mahabhdrata of the compounds mitradruh (Av mithra.drug) 'covenantbreaking, treacherous', and mitradroha 'the breaking of a covenant' show that the Indo-Aryans knew meaning (1). It is clear, then, that Mithra's nature is rooted in an ethical concept, the sanctity of agreements among people. Accordingly, his complex personality should be explained with reference to this fundamental aspect. I have already mentioned that, divorced from Varuna, Mitra is a somewhat pale figure in the Rgveda, having just one hymn solely his. His only distinguishing trait is that "he puts people in their proper places"; that is to say, by guaranteeing the inviolability of covenants, contracts, agreements, treaties, and the like, he maintains lawful stability among people. With Varuna he presides over Truth (rta), yet, unlike Varuna whose concern is Truth in all its many facets, Mitra's function is singular. Both he and Varuna are called rdjan. This word has unfortunately been translated when applied to Mitra and Varuna according to its secondary meaning 'king' (cf. Lat rex, Olrish ri, Goth reiks), whereas emphasis should be placed on the primary meaning 'judge'. In a manner analogous to the ancient Israelite 'judge' who developed into a king, IE reg was primarily a judge and only secondarily a king; or, to put it differently, the primary

Mithra I 57 function of a king was to judge (see sect. 4). Although in the Avesta Mithra's function as judge is implicit, this function being explicitly carried out by Rashnu, in the Pahlavi literature his only function is chief judge of the dead along with Rashnu and Sraosha. Thus it would seem that in the Indo-Iranian conception of the divine order, which, one may suppose, was at least paradigmatic for the human order, the god Covenant must act in concert with another god whose role is that of judge in the broadest sense. In India it was Varuna; in Iran, Rashnu. The colorless picture drawn of Vedic Mitra stands in marked contrast to that of Avestan Mithra. The latter is portrayed as a mighty warrior, who, sallying forth to battle in his chariot laden with weapons, wields his mace to smash the heads of covenant violators. In the Vedas, not only Mitra, but Varuna, too, is amazingly deficient in martial qualities. Indeed, the royal aspect of force resides in the great warrior god Indra (whose name appears as a daewa in the Avesta). The contrast between him and Varuna is nowhere better seen than in RV 4.42. What is striking is that Vedic Indra and Avestan Mithra so closely resemble each other in martial demeanor. Two general explanations of this have been given. One appeals to changes in the pantheon as a result of the Zarathushtrian reform. According to this view, when Indra was banished by Zarathushtra, a serious ideological vacuum was created. To fill the vacuum, his martial characteristics were simply transferred to an acceptable deity, Mithra. To such reasoning it has been objected that, although Indra and Mithra do resemble each other closely, there is no license to make Mithra heir to Indra's confiscated property. Mithra's acquisition of martial traits can just as well have arisen out of his need to be able to enforce his judgments. It may be noted that both approaches assume that Mithra's warlike aspect is secondary. In any case, I think it is wrong to see in Mithra a thinly disguised Indra. It is safer to say that both gods exhibit ideals of the Aryan warrior, which, in the Vedas, never attached themselves to Mitra, while in the Avesta they appear as part of Mithra's makeup. A possible explanation of the similarity between Mithra and Indra may reside in the god of aggressive combat Warathraghna (see sect. 5). Another aspect that Mithra shares with Indra, though far less prominently, is his role in replenishing the earth's water supply. Although the subject of hydrology is taken up in detail below (see sects. 9 and 12), one must observe that neither Mithra nor Rgvedic Indra should be seen specifically as rain gods. They are both primarily concerned with the release of river water, that is, with the seasonal melt of mountain snows and the runoff of vernal mountain rains. Mithra's ability to fill the rivers and lakes involves him in agriculture (st. 61) and by extension may explain his ability to grant sons and noble offspring.

58 I Mithra Mithra's standing epithet is wouru.gaoyaoiti (lit. 'possessing wide pasture land'). In the translation I have perpetuated the usual rendering, 'Mithra of wide pastures'. If the meaning of 'wide pastures' is not understood, however, much idle speculation about Mithra's involvement in cattle raising can result. As Benveniste showed, Av gaoyaoiti and Ved gdvyuti designate not simply pasture land, but a secure domain under the protection of a deity, "«« lieu d'asyl."20 In the Yasna Haptanghaiti (Y. 42.2) and in the Sraosha Yasht (Yt. 57.2), dual deities are worshipped under the names of the Protector and the Artisan (payu thvorshtara). Gershevitch21 has brilliantly proved that the Protector is Mithra, and that the Artisan is Ahura Mazda's creative aspect, Spanta Mainyu. In Yt. 10.54 he is protector and guardian of all creatures. The designation 'protector' fits well his standing epithet, and together they offer sufficient explanation for his concern for the well-being of house and home (sts. 4, 30, 38) and the prosperity of the material world (st. 103). A final problem that must be addressed is Mithra as a solar deity. If the Avesta contained the only information about Mithra that existed, the problem would be insignificant. In Middle Persian, Parthian, and Sogdian, however, and on Kushan coins, various reflexes of the Old Iranian name mean 'sun'. In the Zoroastrian tradition, Av Hwaraxshaeta, Phi xwarshed is the normal word for the sun. Why, then, if the Iranians had a perfectly good word and deity for the sun, did they make the transfer to Mithra? Gershevitch has argued that Avestan Mithra is associated especially with the first light in the morning, an association which, in conjunction with his need to patrol the earth incessantly in search of covenant breakers, paved the way for his being associated completely with the diurnal course of the sun and with the sun itself. Moreover, there are other factors that may have contributed to his eventual identification with the sun. As overseer of covenants Mithra was concerned with good government, and in such a capacity he is often responsible for a peculiar fiery power, called xwarsnah 'glory, fortune' (see sect. 6), which accompanies legitimate authority. Further, the sacred element over which covenential oaths were sworn was, in Iran, fire. In Sasanid Iran, one of the sacred fires was the burzen-mihr. The homology of fire and sun is ancient and universal, so that Mithra's early connection with the former inevitably led to his association with the latter. Although it lies beyond the scope of this anthology, I should point out that not only did Mithra, like other Iranian gods, play several roles in Manichaeism, but a derivative form of his cult also spread throughout the Greco-Roman world, even as far as Great Britain, where it became the religion of Mithras, which enjoyed its greatest prominence among the Roman legions.

Mithra I 59 Mithra (Mihr) Yasht (Yasht 10) I 1. Ahura Mazda said to Zarathushtra the Spitamid: When I created Mithra of wide pastures, I made him, O Spitamid, as worthy of worship and praise as myself, Ahura Mazda. 2. The knave who is false to a treaty, O Spitamid, destroys the whole country to the (same) extent as even one hundred kayadhas smiting the righteous (man). Do not break a covenant, O Spitamid, neither (the one) which you might conclude with a drugwant nor (one) with an ashawan belonging to the Good Religion, for the contract applies to both of you, to drugwant and to ashawan. 3. Mithra of wide pastures gives possession of swift horses to those who are not false to a covenant. Fire (Atar), (the son) of Ahura Mazda, gives the straightest path to those who are not false to a covenant. The good, strong, beneficent Frawashis of the Righteous give noble progeny to those who are not false to a covenant. 4. Because of his rayi and glory, I shall audibly worship Mithra of wide pastures with libations. We worship Mithra of wide pastures, who bestows peaceful and comfortable dwellings on the Iranian countries. 5. May he come hither to us in order to help (us). May he come hither to us for spaciousness. May he come hither to us to support (us). May he come hither to us to (grant us) mercy. May he come hither to us to cure (us of disease). May he come hither to us so that we are able to defeat our enemies. May he come hither to us to (grant us) a good life. May he come hither to us to grant us possession of Truth. (May) strong, unshakable, undeceivable Mithra of wide pastures, who is worthy of worship and praise, (come hither) for the sake of the whole material world. 6. With libations I shall worship the powerful god, strong Mithra, strongest in the (world of) creatures; I shall pay homage to him with praise and reverence; with libations I shall audibly worship him, Mithra of wide pastures. We worship Mithra of wide pastures with haoma (mixed) with milk . . . [Continue with Ny. 1.16 (p. 183)]. II 7. We worship Mithra of wide pastures, whose speech is correct, who is eloquent (in verbal contests), who has a thousand ears, is well built, has ten thousand eyes, is tall, has a wide outlook, is strong, sleepless, (ever) waking, 8. whom the rulers descending upon the battlefield worship (as they advance) against the bloodthirsty enemy armies, against those drawn up in battle lines between the two warring countries.

60 I Mithra 9. Whichever of the two (countries? rulers?) can worship him first, believingly, with understanding thought from a trusting mind—to that one, Mithra of wide pastures turns; at the same time, the victorious Winds (also turn to that one), at the same time Damoish Upamana (turns). [Repeat sts. 4-6.] Ill 10. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7]; 11. whom the Warriors worship at (i.e., bending down close to) the manes of (their) horses, requesting strength for their teams, health for themselves, much watchfulness against enemies, the ability to retaliate against foes, the ability to overcome unfriendly, hostile opponents at a blow. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] IV 12. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7]; 13. who is the first supernatural god to rise across the Kara (mountain range), in front of the immortal swift-horsed sun, who is the first to seize the beautiful mountain peaks adorned with gold; from there he, the most mighty, surveys the whole land inhabited by Iranians, 14. where gallant rulers preside over many (offerings of) refreshments (to the gods), where high mountains rich in pasture lands and water provide fodder for cattle, where there exist deep lakes with wide expanses of water, where wide irrigation waters rush with eddies toward Parutian Ishkata, 2 2 Haraiwan Margu, 23 Sogdian Gawa, 24 and Chorasmia.25 15. Strong Mithra surveys (the continents) Arazahi, Sawahl, Fradadhafshu, Widadhafshu, Wouru.bargshtl, Wouru.jaroshtl, and that splendid continent Xwaniratha, (the land of) village settlement and (of) healthy village habitation; 16. (Mithra) the supernatural god who drives over (throughout?) all the continents bestowing xwaranah, the supernatural god who drives over (throughout?) all the continents bestowing power. He secures victoriousness for those who, instructed (in religious matters), knowing Truth, worship him with libations. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] V 17. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], who is deceived by no one, neither by the head of the house (ruling over) the house, nor by the village head (ruling over) the village, nor by the tribal head (ruling over) the tribe, nor by the head of the country (ruling over) the country.

Mithra I 61 18. If, indeed, the head of the house (ruling over) the house, or the village head (ruling over) the village, or the tribal head (ruling over) the tribe, or the head of the country (ruling over) the country is deceitful toward him, Mithra, angered (at) having been treated with enmity, (comes) forth (and) smashes the house and the village and the tribe and the country, and the heads of the houses (ruling over) the houses, and the village heads (ruling over) the villages, and the tribal heads (ruling over) the tribes, and the heads of the countries (ruling over) the countries and the councils of premiers of the countries. 19. Mithra, angry (at) having been treated with enmity, will sally forth from (?) that direction in which, of the (possible) directions, the breaker of a covenant is least on guard in his mind. 20. Even the horses of the breakers of a covenant become loath to be mounted; running they do not get away, being ridden they do not take (their rider) forward, drawing (the chariot) they do not persevere (make progress). Back flies the spear which the covenant-breaker throws, in spite of (?) the evil spells which the covenant-breaker performs. 21. Even when his throw is a good one, even when he hits the body, even then they (?) do not hurt him (the opponent) in spite of (?) the evil spells which the covenant-breaker performs. The wind carries (away) the spear which the covenant-breaker throws, in spite of (?) the evil spells which the covenant-breaker performs. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] VI 22. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], who (when) undeceived removes a man from anxiety, removes (him) from danger. 23. May you, O Mithra, undeceived (by us), remove us from anxiety, from anxieties. You induce fear for their own person(s) in men who are false to a covenant in this manner: (when) angered you are able to remove the power in their arms, the strength in their legs, the light of their eyes, the hearing of their ears. 24. (An enemy) does not hit with blades (?) of well-sharpened spear(s) or of far-flying arrow(s) him to whom Mithra comes with foreknowing thought to help, (Mithra) who, strong, having ten thousand spies, undeceivable, knows all. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] VII 25. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], the profound, powerful Lord (Ahura), granting profit, eloquent (in verbal contests), pleased with (hymns of) praise, lofty, very skillful, tanu.mathra, the strongarmed warrior,

62 I Mithra 26. the smasher of the daewas' heads, the especially evil punisher of guilty men who are false to a covenant, the suppressor of witches, who when not deceived leads the country to superior strength, who when not deceived leads the country to superior valor, 27. who carries away the straightest (paths) of the defiant country, obscures (its) xwarsnah, removes (its) victoriousness; he harries them defenseless; he, strong, all-knowing, undeceivable, having ten thousand spies, deals out ten thousand blows. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] VIII 28. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], who makes firm the pillars of the high-built house, (who) makes strong the gateposts. Then he gives herds of cattle and teams of men to the house in which he is propitiated; he destroys the others in which he is treated with enmity. 29. You, O Mithra, are evil and best toward the countries. You, O Mithra, are evil and best toward men. You, O Mithra, rule over the peace and strife of the countries. 30. You provide the great houses with bustling women (and) fast chariots, with spread-out rugs (and) laid-down piles of cushions. You provide with spread-out rugs (and) laid-down piles of cushions the highbuilt house of the righteous (man) who, bearing libations, worships you at the proper time with words, with worship in which (your) name is mentioned. 31. O strong Mithra, I shall worship you at the proper time with words, with worship in which (your) name is mentioned, with libations. O strongest Mithra, I shall worship you at the proper time with words, with worship in which (your) name is mentioned, with libations. O undeceivable Mithra, I shall worship you at the proper time with words, with worship in which (your) name is mentioned, with libations. 32. O Mithra, may you listen to our worship; O Mithra, may you be satisfied with our worship, may you sit at our worship. Come to our libations, come to them (which) have been offered, collect them for consumption, deposit them in Paradise. 33. O strong (Mithra), by an agreement of given promises give us this boon which we ask of you: wealth, strength and victoriousness, wellbeing and possession of Truth, good reputation and peace of soul, intelligence, increment and knowledge, and Ahura-created Victoriousness, and Best Truth's conquering superiority, and the ability to interpret the Spsnta Mathra,

Mithra I 63 34. so that we, being in good spirits, cheerful, joyful, optimistic, may conquer all opponents; so that we, being in good spirits, cheerful, joyful, optimistic, may conquer all enemies; so that we, being in good spirits, cheerful, joyful, optimistic, may conquer. . . . May we overcome all the hostilities of daewas and men, of sorcerers and witches, of tyrants, kawis and karapans [Repeat sts. 4-6.] IX 35. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], the avenger of (unpaid) debts, the levier of armies, whose perception is thousandfold (and who) rules as an all-knowing ruler; 36. who sets the battle in motion, who takes his stand in battle, who, taking his stand in battle, smashes the battle lines. All the flanks of the battle-tossed lines are in confusion, the center of the bloodthirsty army is quaking. 37. He will be able to bring upon them terror and fear. He hurls away the heads of the men false to the covenant; off fly the heads of the men false to the covenant. 38. He destroys the crumbling dwellings, the uninhabitable abodes, in which dwell the drugwants false to the covenant who smite the truly righteous (men). The Cow, accustomed to pastures, [who is in the clutches of men false to the covenant], pulls (their wagon) along the dusty road of captivity, dragged forward as their draft animal. Tears are flowing in a stream along (her) face. 39. Even their eagle-feathered arrows, propelled by the bowstring, flying from a well-drawn bow, strike no wounds, since Mithra of wide pastures, angered (at) having been treated with enmity, is hostile (at) not having been acknowledged. Even their pointed, well-sharpened spears with long shafts, flying from (their) arms, strike no wounds, since Mithra of wide pastures, angered (at) having been treated with enmity, is hostile (at) not having been acknowledged. Even their sling stones, flying from (their) arms, strike no wounds, since Mithra of wide pastures, angered (at) having been treated with enmity, is hostile (at) not having been acknowledged. 40. Even their well-drawn daggers, which have been brought down upon the heads of men, strike no wounds, since Mithra of wide pastures, angered (at) having been treated with enmity, is hostile (at) not having been acknowledged.

64 I Mithra Even their well-wielded maces, which have been brought down on the heads of men, strike no wounds, since Mithra of wide pastures, angered (at) having been treated with enmity, is hostile (at) not having been acknowledged. 41. Mithra frightens (them) hither, Rashnu frightens (them) back, Sraosha the companion of Ashi chases (them) together from all directions toward their protective gods. (But) these desert the battle lines, since Mithra of wide pastures, angered (at) having been treated with enmity, is hostile (at) not having been acknowledged. 42. Thus they say to Mithra of wide pastures: Alack! Mithra of wide pastures! These swift horses are taking us before (you,) Mithra; these strong-armed ones, O Mithra, are destroying us with (their) dagger(s). 43. Thereupon Mithra of wide pastures knocks them down with one hundred blows for (every) fifty blows, and with one thousand blows for (evrey) hundred blows, and with ten thousand blows for (every) thousand blows, and with countless blows for (every) ten thousand blows, since Mithra of wide pastures is angered (at) having been treated with enmity. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] X 44. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], whose abode broad as the earth is set in the material world, unrestricted in size, shining, reaching widely abroad, 45. who has eight servants. On every height, in every watch post sit Mithra's spies, espying (him who is) false to a covenant; they are watching those, they are remembering those who are the first to be false to a covenant, and they are guarding the paths of those whom the drugwants, who are false to the covenant and smite the truly righteous (men), seek. 46. Helping, protecting, protecting behind, protecting in front, Mithra of wide pastures, as an undeceivable spy watching all around, comes forth for him for whom Mithra comes with understanding thought to help, (Mithra) who has ten thousand spies, (who) is strong, all-knowing, undeceivable. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XI 47. We worship Mithra of wide pastures . . . [continue with st. 7], notorious in his anger. (His) broad-hooved (horses) drive against the bloodthirsty enemy armies, against those drawn up in battle lines between the two warring countries.

Mithra I 65 48. Then, when Mithra drives forth against the bloodthirsty enemy armies, against those drawn up in battle lines between the two warring countries, then he ties the hands of the men false to the covenant behind (their backs), he clouds their vision, he deafens their ears. He (the man false to the covenant) cannot stand firm, he has no endurance [these countries, these opponents] since Mithra of wide pastures has been treated badly. XII 49. We worship Mithra . . . [repeat st. 7], 50. for whom he who is the creator, Ahura Mazda, fashioned a dwelling on top of shining lofty Kara which has many spurs, where there is no night nor darkness, no cold nor hot wind, no illness causing much death, no defilement caused by the daewas; nor do mists issue forth from lofty HaraitI; 51. which (dwelling) all the Beneficent Immortals built in harmony with the sun, believingly, with understanding thought from a trusting mind, (for him) who surveys the entire material world from lofty HaraitI. 52. Then when the evil-doing treacherous person sallies forth with a fast step, Mithra of wide pastures harnesses (his) fast chariot, (as does) both strong Sraosha the companion of Ashi and charming Nairyo.sangha. (Mithra) slays him (so that he is) slain either in the battle line or on the attack. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XIII 53. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], who regularly complains to Ahura Mazda with outstretched hands, saying: 54. I am the beneficent protector of all creatures, I am the beneficent guardian of all creatures, yet men do not worship me with worship in which (my) name is mentioned, as other gods are worshipped with worship in which (their) names are mentioned. 55. If, indeed, men would worship me with worship in which (my) name is mentioned, as other gods are worshipped with worship in which (their) names are mentioned, I would go forth to the truthful men for the duration of a definite period, (for the duration) of a definite (period) of my own radiant immortal life I would go unto (truthful men). 56. The righteous (man) bearing libations worships you at the proper time with words, with worship in which (your) name is mentioned. O strong Mithra, I shall worship you . . . [Continue with st. 31.] 57-59. [Repeat sts. 32-34.]

66 I Mithra XIV 60. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], whose reputation is good, whose (physical) appearance is good, whose renown is good, who grants boons according to his pleasure, who grants asylum according to his pleasure . . . (?), who, strong, having ten thousand spies, undeceivable, knows all. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XV 61. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], (who, as) a spy, stands erect, watchful, brave, eloquent, who fills the waters, who listens to the call (of men), who lets the water fall, who allows the plants to grow, who has jurisdiction over boundaries, is eloquent, clever, undeceivable, who has manifold perception, who was created by the Creator, 62. who gives neither power nor strength to any man false to a covenant, who gives neither fortune (xwarsnah) nor reward to any man false to a covenant. 63. (When) enraged you are able to remove the power in their arms . . . [continue with sts. 23-24.] [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XVI 64. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], in whose soul . . . [obscure], 65. who is swift among the swift, loyal among the loyal, brave among the brave, eloquent among the eloquent; who grants . . . ( ? ) . . . , fat, herds, dominion, sons, life, well-being, (and) possession of Truth, 66. who is accompanied by good Ashi, and Parandi (driving) a swift chariot and strong manly Valor and the strong Kawyan Xwaranah and the strong autonymous Firmament and the strong Damoish Upamana and the strong Frawashis of the Righteous and him who is the Unifier (?) of the many righteous (men) who worship Mazda.

XVII 67. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], who drives forth in (his) high-wheeled chariot, built by (Spsnta) Mainyu, from the continent of Arazahi to the shining continent Xwaniratha, accompanied by timely Energy (?), and by the Mazda-created Xwaranah, and by the Ahura-created Victoriousness, 68. whose chariot good, tall Ashi guides; for whose (chariot) the Mazdean Religion prepared the paths for easy travel, which (chariot) is

Mithra I 67 pulled by supernatural, white, radiant, shining (?), wise, shadowless steeds which issue forth from the supernatural realm whenever Damoish Upamana gets it off to a good start, (and) which all the supernatural daewas as well as the concupiscent drugwants fear, (crying out): 69. May we not here encounter the bludgeoning of the enraged Lord (Ahura) whose thousand blows encounter (his) enemy, he who, strong, having ten thousand spies, undeceivable, knows all. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XVIII 70. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], in front of whom Ahura-created Warathraghna drives in the form of a ferocious wild boar with sharp teeth, with sharp tusks, a boar that kills at one blow, unapproachable (when) angered, whose face (bristles) are speckled, swift, having metal hind feet, metal forefeet, metal tendons, a metal tail (and) metal jaws; 71. who, overtaking (his) opponent(s), overcome by passion together with manly valor, strikes down (his) opponents with a toss (of his head). He does not think that he has struck anyone; it does not seem (to him) that he is striking anyone, until he smashes the vertebrae, which are the pillars of life, the spring of vitality. 72. who cuts everything up; all at once he mixes together on the ground the bones, hair, brains, and blood of the men who are false to a covenant. XIX 73. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], who regularly, with outstretched hand, joyfully raises (his) voice, saying: Righteous Ahura Mazda, most beneficent Spirit, Creator of the material world! 74. [Repeat st. 55.] 75. May we be guardians of your dwelling places; (but) may we not be deserters of the dwelling places, neither of the house, nor of the settlement, nor of the tribe, nor of the country; nor (may we be deserters of that) of ours which strong-armed (Mithra) shall guard from the enemies. 76. You destroy the enmities of the enemies, (you destroy the enmities) of the inimical. Destroy the slayers of the righteous! You have good horses and a good charioteer; you are the strong helper when invoked. 77. I shall invoke you for help (May he come to us for help) with an abundant sacrifice and a good sacrifice of libations, with an abundant offering and a good offering of libations, so that through you we may

68 I Mithra inhabit with a long (period of) habitation a welcome habitat fit to inhabit. 78. You protect those countries which strive to treat Mithra of wide pastures well. You destroy those (countries) which are defiant. I shall invoke you for help. May he come to us for help, powerful, unshakable Mithra, the insightful Lord of the countries who is worthy of worship and praise. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XX 79. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], who, as ajudge, gives a dwelling place (to him) for whom Rashnu has furnished a . . . (?) for long succession (of descendants). 80. You are the protector of the dwelling place, the defender of those who reject the Lie; you are the protector of the community, the guardian of those who reject the Lie. Through you (that community), indeed, obtains the best succession (of descendants) and Ahura-created Victoriousness, in which men false to the covenant lie (defeated), having been smitten previously at the divinatory trial. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXI 81. [Repeat st. 79.] 82. who has one thousand perceptions. Ahura Mazda gave (him) ten thousand eyes so that he might look out. Thus, with these eyes and these perceptions, he espies the covenant-breaker and the one false to the covenant. Thus, with these eyes and these perceptions, Mithra is undeceivable, (he) who, strong, having ten thousand spies, undeceivable, knows all. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXII 83. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], whom the leader of the community regularly invokes with outstretched hands for help, 84. whom the village head regularly invokes with outstretched hands for help, whom the head of the house regularly invokes with outstretched hands for help, whom she—who, afflicted by the (pain) of her swelling (udder), longs for her milkmaid—regularly invokes with outstretched hands for help, whom the pauper, who follows the doctrine of Truth (but) is deprived of his rights, regularly also invokes with outstretched hands for help; 85. whose lamenting voice reaches up to the Lights (of heaven), (who)

Mithra I 69 goes all around this earth (and) extends out into the seven continents, (as) also when he raises his voice reverently, (and) also when the Cow, 86. (she) who, being led away captive, with outstretched hands, yearning for the herd, regularly invokes (Mithra) for help, (thus), "When will Mithra of wide pastures, the hero, driving from behind, make us reach the herd, when will he turn us who are being driven to the abode of the Lie, to the path of Truth?" 87. Then Mithra of wide pastures comes to help him by whom he has been propitiated; but Mithra of wide pastures destroys the house, village, clan, country and empire of him by whom he has been treated with enmity. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXIII 88. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], whom Haoma, rich in rays, curative, beautiful, majestic, yellow-eyed, worshipped on the highest peak of lofty HaraitI [which (peak) is called Hukairya by name]; the untainted (Haoma worshipped) the untainted (Mithra) with untainted barasman, with an untainted libation, with untainted words; 89. (Haoma) whom righteous Ahura Mazda installed as the promptly sacrificing, loud-chanting zaotar. The promptly sacrificing, loudchanting zaotar performs the worship with a loud voice, as Ahura Mazda's zaotar, as the Amasha Spantas' zaotar. (His) voice reaches up to the (heavenly) Lights, goes all around this earth (and) will extend out into all the seven continents, 90. (Haoma) who, as the first hdwanan, placed the star-spangled, supernaturally fashioned haoma (plants) on lofty HaraitI; whose (?) well-built body Ahura Mazda glorified, the Amssha Spantas glorified; whom, from afar, the swift-horsed Sun causes to perceive reverence. 91. Reverence to Mithra of wide pastures, who has a thousand ears, ten thousand eyes! You are worthy of worship (and) praise! May you (always) be worthy of worship (and) praise! Hail to the man who regularly will worship you, (he who has) kindling wood in his hand, barasman in his hand, milk in his hand, pestle and mortar in his hand, with washed hands, with washed pestle and mortar, with the barasman spread out, with haoma (plants) elevated, with the Ahuna wairya being recited! 92. Righteous Ahura Mazda confessed this religion (daena), as did Wohu Manah, as did Asha Wahishta, as did Xshathra Wairya, as did Spsnta Armaiti, as did Haurwatat and Amarstat; out of desire for it the Amssha Spsntas professed it, beneficent Mazda gave it jurisdiction

70 I Mithra over living beings—(the Amssha Spantas and Ahura Mazda) who consider you the ahu and ratu in the (world of) creatures, (who) purify the Best (Religion) for the creatures. 93. Now then, in both lives, in both our lives, O Mithra of wide pastures, the material existence and that which is spiritual protect us from the drugwant Death, from the drugwant Wrath, from the drugwant armies who raise the bloody banner, from the deceptions of Wrath, which treacherous Wrath perpetrates with daewa-created (Asto.)Widhatu. 94. Now then, you, O Mithra of wide pastures, give strength to our teams, health to ourselves, much watchfulness against enemies, the ability to retaliate against foes, the ability to overcome unfriendly, hostile opponents at a blow. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXIV 95. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], who, broad as the earth, goes along after sunset, (who) sweeps both edges of this broad, round earth whose limits are far apart; (who) surveys all that which is between earth and heaven, 96. (who) grasps in both hands the mace with a hundred knobs, with a hundred blades, a feller of men as it swings forward, cast in strong golden bronze, the strongest of weapons, the most victorious of weapons, 97. of which the very deadly Angra Mainyu is terrified, of which treacherous Wrath, whose body is forfeited, is terrified, of which longhanded Bushyasta is terrified, of which all the supernatural daewas and also the concupiscent drugwants are terrified. 98. (They all say:) May we not encounter the bludgeoning of the enraged Mithra of wide pastures; may you, enraged, not slay us, O Mithra of wide pastures! (We worship Mithra), the mightiest of gods, the bravest of gods, the fastest of gods, the swiftest of gods, the most victorious of gods. Mithra of wide pastures comes forth on this earth. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXV 99. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], of whom all the supernatural daewas and also the concupiscent drugwants are terrified. Mithra of wide pastures, lord of the countries, drives along the southern edge of this broad, round earth whose limits are far apart. 100. On his right side drives good Sraosha the companion of Ashi; on his

Mithra I 71 left side drives tall Rashnu, the powerful; on all sides of him drive the waters and the plants and the Frawashis of the Righteous. 101. He is able to keep them supplied with eagle-feathered arrows. Then, when driving, he arrives there where the countries are hostile to Mithra; it is he who first strikes his club down on horse and man; at once he completely frightens both of them, horse and man. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXVI 102. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], who has white horses (and) spears with sharp points and long shafts, the far-shooting archer, the warrior manifesting his youthful strength, 103. whom Ahura Mazda appointed as guardian and supervisor over the prosperity of the whole world; who, as guardian and supervisor over the prosperity of the whole world, who, without falling asleep, watchfully, protects Mazda's creatures, who, without falling asleep, watchfully, guards Mazda's creatures. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXVII 104. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], whose very long arms reach out to catch those who speak falsely. Even if (he who speaks falsely) is at the eastern river, he is caught. Even if he is at the western (river), he is struck down. Whether at the source of the Rangha or in the middle of this earth, 105. Mithra lays hold even of him, reaching around (him) with both arms. The ill-fated (person), having strayed from the straightest (path), is unhappy in spirit. "So," thinks the ill-fated (person), "guileless (?) Mithra does not see all this evil-doing, not all (of it which is) for the sake of deception." 106. But I think in (my) mind: No man in existence on earth (can) think evil thoughts to as great an extent as supernatural Mithra thinks good thoughts; no man in existence on earth (can) speak evil words to as great an extent as supernatural Mithra speaks good words; no man in existence on earth (can) commit evil deeds to as great an extent as Mithra performs good deeds. 107. No man in existence on earth is endowed with greater natural intelligence than the natural intelligence with which supernatural Mithra is endowed; no man in existence on earth (can) hear with his ears as much as supernatural Mithra, who has listening ears (and) a thousand perceptions. He sees all those who lie. Powerful Mithra

72 / Mithra comes forth, strong in dominion he drives, with a beautiful far-shining glance he looks (around) with his eyes, (saying): 108. Who will worship me? Who will deceive (me)? Who thinks that I am to be worshipped with good worship, who with bad worship? To whom shall I be able to allot insight and xwaranah, to whom bodily health? To whom shall I be able to allot property that affords much comfort? For whom shall I raise noble progeny hereafter? 109. To what (man whose) mind is not thinking (about it), shall I give a powerful realm, beautifully strong with a numerous army . . . [obscure]. 110. To whom shall I be able to allot sickness and death, to whom poverty that brings misery? Whose noble progeny shall I slay with one blow? 111. From what (man whose) mind is not thinking (about it) shall I carry away (his) powerful realm beautifully strong with a numerous army . . . [obscure]. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXVIII 112. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], whose spear (?) is of silver, whose armor (?) is of gold, driving with whip, the powerful, swift, broad-shouldered warrior. Brilliant are Mithra's courses as he comes to that country where he is treated well. Wide are (their) valleys for (protected) pasturage (so that) now their own cattle and men go about freely. 113. Then may he come to help us. O exalted Mithra and Ahura, when the whip cracks and the horses neigh, the whips lash, the bowstrings twang (?) (and) the sharp arrows dart (?), then the evil sons of those who have offered viscid libations, having been struck, will go down writhing. 114. [Repeat st. 74.] XXIX 115. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], 0 Mithra of wide pastures, (you) the religious chief, the Nmany a, the Wisya, the Zantuma, the Dahyuma, the Zarathushtrdtsma\ 116. Twentyfold is the contract between two friends shouldering (mutual) obligations, thirtyfold between two fellow citizens, fortyfold between two partners, fiftyfold between husband and wife, sixtyfold between two fellow students, seventyfold between disciple and teacher, eightyfold between son-in-law and father-in-law, ninetyfold between two brothers,

Mithra I 73 117. one hundredfold between father and son, one thousandfold between two countries; ten thousandfold is the contract of the Mazdean Religion: thereby follow days of strength, thus these will be (days) of victory. 118. I shall come by the worship of the lowly (and) the exalted. Just as yonder sun comes forth and drives on across high Kara, so, even I, O Spitama, shall come by the worship of the lowly (and) the exalted to spoil the mischief of lying Angra Mainyu. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXX 119. We worship Mithra of wide pastures . . . [continue with st. 7], Worship Mithra, O Spitama; proclaim (him) to (your) disciples. May the Mazdeans worship you with small and large cattle, with flying birds [those which fly as winged (birds)]. 120. [Obscure.] 121. Zarathushtra asked him: O Ahura Mazda, how should a righteous man drink a purified libation, in order that Mithra of wide pastures, whom he worships, may be propitiated, not treated with hostility? 122. Then Ahura Mazda said: Let them wash their bodies for three days and three nights; let them undergo as expiation thirty lashes (of the whip) for the worship and praise of Mithra of wide pastures. Let them wash their bodies for two days and two nights; let them undergo as expiation twenty lashes (of the whip) for the worship and praise of Mithra of wide pastures. Let no one drink these libations who is not versed in the Staota Yesnya (and) the Wispe Ratawo. XXXI 123. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], whom Ahura Mazda worshipped in the shining Paradise. 124. With outstretched arms for nondestruction, from shining Paradise, Mithra of wide pastures drives forth his beautiful, all-adorned, fastdriving smoothly running chariot. 125. Four immortal, all white horses, who live on spiritual food, pull this chariot; the forehooves are shod with gold, the hind hooves with silver; all are harnessed to the yoke, as well as to the yoke pin(s) and yoke strap(s). (The yoke) is connected to a solid, well-made shaft by means of a metal hook. 126. On his right side drives Rashnu, the most just, the most beneficent, the tallest; and on his left drives righteous Razishta Cista, bearing libations; [she wears white garments,] the likeness of the Mazdean Religion.

74 I Mithra 127. Brave Damoish Upamana drives along in the form of a ferocious wild boar with sharp teeth, with sharp tusks; a boar that kills at one blow; unapproachable (when) angered; whose face (bristles) are speckled; swift, dexterous, nimble; in front of him drives blazing Fire who is the strong Kawyan Xwaronah. 128. There in the chariot of Mithra of wide pastures are a thousand well-made bowstrings [that is, bowstrings made of deer sinew]. They fly from the supernatural realm, they fall from the supernatural realm onto the heads of the daewas. 129-131. (A repetitious list of the weapons in Mithra's chariot, namely, one thousand arrows, spears, battle axes, daggers, and clubs.) 132. There in the chariot of Mithra of wide pastures is (his) beautiful, easily wielded mace with a hundred knobs, with a hundred blades, a feller of men as it swings forward, cast in strong golden bronze, the strongest of weapons, the most victorious of weapons. It flies from the supernatural realm, it falls from the supernatural realm onto the heads of the daewas. 133. Thereupon, it (the mace) smashes (the heads) of the daewas; thereupon, they (clubs, knives, etc.) smash down (on the heads) of the men false to the covenant. Mithra of wide pastures drives forth across Arazahl (and) Sawahl, across Fradadhafshu (and) WIdadhafshu, across Wouru.barashtl (and) Wouru-jarashti, across this splendid continent Xwaniratha. 134. The very deadly Angra Mainyu becomes truly terrified; treacherous Wrath whose body is forfeited becomes truly terrified; long-handed Bushyasta becomes truly terrified; all the supernatural daewas and also the concupiscent drugwants become truly terrified. 135. [Repeat st. 98.] XXXII 136. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], for whom white coursers, yoked to his one-wheeled golden chariot, will pull . . . ( ? ) when he brings his libations to his abode. 137. Hail to the authoritative man—thus said Ahura Mazda—O righteous Zarathushtra, for whom a righteous zaotar . . . ( ? ) . . . learned, who is tanu.mathra, shall worship with the litany of Mithra at the spread-out barasman. Straightway, Mithra visits the authoritative man's dwelling, if as a result of his (the man's) favor (shown to the priest), it (the litany) is in accordance with the prescription for thinking. 138. Woe to the authoritative man—thus said Ahura Mazda—O righteous Zarathushtra, for whom a zaotar who is not a righteous man, not

Mithra I 75 learned, not tanu.mathra, (shall) worship standing behind the barasman and spreading the barssman fully, and offering a long hymn of worship. 139. He who is contemptuous of Mazda, contemptuous of the other Amssha Spsntas, contemptuous of Mithra of wide pastures, contemptuous of the Law and the Judge (Rashnu) and world-promoting, worldincreasing Justice, does not propitiate Ahura Mazda, nor the other Amasha Spantas, nor Mithra of wide pastures. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXXIII 140. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7]. I shall worship Mithra, O Spitama, the good, brave, supernatural, foremost, very merciful, unchangeable, whose home is on high, the powerful, brave warrior. 141. Valiant, armed with a finely made weapon, wakeful in the darkness, undeceivable—he is the most powerful of the most powerful, he is the bravest of the bravest, he is the very smartest of the gods. Valiant, attended by xwarsnah, he has a thousand ears, ten thousand eyes, he who, strong, having ten thousand spies, undeceivable, knows all. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] XXXIV 142. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], the well-created, greatest god, who in the morning (re)creates the many forms, the creatures of Spanta Mainyu, as he illumines himself, like the Moon, with his own light. 143. whose face blazes like (that) of the star Tishtrya; whose chariot, O Spitama, the undeceiving (Ashi?) first guides as ... (?). (Mithra) who, strong, having ten thousand spies, undeceivable, knows all. [Repeat sts. 4-6.] 144. We worship Mithra . . . [continue with st. 7], we worship Mithra who is in front of (?) the country, we worship Mithra who is inside the country, we worship Mithra who is at the country, we worship Mithra who is above the country, we worship Mithra who is around the country, we worship Mithra who is behind (?) the country. 145. We worship the exalted Righteous who (ensure) freedom from danger, Ahura and Mithra, as well as the Stars, the Moon, and the Sun. At the barasman we worship Mithra, the Lord of all countries. [Repeats sts. 4-6.]

4. Rashnu As with Mithra, so with Rashnu, the starting point for an understanding of his nature is understanding the meaning of his name. It means 'judge' and in its appellative sense is also applied once to Mithra (Yt. 10.79). The name is derived from a verbal base raz- 'to direct, make straight, judge', which also provides Rashnu's standing epithet razishta 'straightest, most just'. The same verb in Indo-European, *reg, was highly productive, yielding, for example, NHG Recht 'law' and Richter 'judge', and in Latin, Celtic, and Old Indian the common word for 'king' (see below). As divine Judge, he seems to have been particularly active in oaths and ordeals. The Avestan word warah covers both meanings (cf. OInd sapatha). At a trial, oaths affirming the veracity of testimony were essential, and, when human criteria failed to establish the truth, divine criteria were employed in the form of ordeals. The one hymn dedicated to Rashnu must be counted among the more recent of the Yashts. The language of the text is often corrupt and confused. St. 8, for example, contains nine or ten words that are sheer gibberish; the silly answer that is given in the initial stanzas to Zarathushtra's question, as well as the formulaic repetition of sts. 9 to the end, point to redactors who understood very little of the Avestan language and who were able to accomplish little more than to pass along, often in garbled form, bits of inherited lore pertaining to Rashnu. Although the Rashnu Yasht is, as it stands, recent, it is only so in terms of redaction. There is much in it that must go back to very old material. A curious aspect of the first two stanzas of the Yasht is that they have nothing to do with Rashnu. Now, one prominent feature of Zoroastrian eclecticism is the legitimizing of non-Zarathushtrian texts by means of some artificial device, usually a statement put in the mouth of Ahura Mazda (e.g., Yt. 10.1). In sts. 1 and 2 it would seem that Ahura Mazda has been substituted for Rashnu, as is certainly the case in sts. 3 and 4, which are reworkings of sts. 5 and 6, where Rashnu occurs in what must be the traditional invocation of the god Judge to preside at an ordeal. St. 3 informs us that the ordeal or the swearing of an oath (warah) was to take place at noon. In keeping with Indo-Iranian ritual practice, a seat of grass or twigs was provided for the divine guest called to the ceremony. The fire, present at most Zoroastrian rituals, represents in this context one of the elements (the other being water) over which oaths were solemnized. Among other expedients, hot oil was a favorite substance for

Rashnu I 77 effecting the ordeal. In addition to the epithets discussed above, Rashnu's other epithets befit the divine Judge who must needs be wise, decisive, supportive of the law-abiding man's case, hard on criminals, and able to observe, even from afar, the activities of men. This latter ability is tediously exploited in sts. 9-37, in which all the important places, both within this world and in the beyond, that Rashnu visits on his rounds, are enumerated with the identical formula. Fortunately, our knowledge of Rashnu is not confined to Yasht 12. There are scattered, though important, references to him elsewhere in the Avesta. He also appears in the Pahlavi books in a somewhat different capacity. Finally, there exist references to him outside the Zoroastrian tradition altogether. To begin with the latter, these references consist of names. The Iranians, like many peoples, often chose personal names that contained the name of a god. Among the Persepolis Fortification Tablets, dated to the end of the reign of Darius I (c. 500 B.C.), at least two such theophoric names appear bearing Rashnu's name: *Rashnuka, *Rashnudata, and a dubious *Rashnubar. Since it is not likely that Zoroastrianism had any effect on the nomenclature in Persis at this time, the inclusion of Rashnu among the hundreds of names contained in the tablets is conclusive proof in itself that Rashnu was a "pagan" preZoroastrian deity, a conclusion already drawn on the basis of the internal evidence of his Yasht. In later Zoroastrianism, Rashnu retains his role of judge, but he is almost exclusively limited to judging the souls of the deceased. He shares responsibility with Mihr (Mithra) and Srosh (Sraosha), assuming a rather subordinate position as simply the weigher of the souls' good and evil deeds. There are indications in the Denkard that, in lost Avestan texts dealing with jurisprudence, Rashnu still retained his older and broader role as judge. The evolution of Rashnu's role from that of judge in general to judge of the dead belongs to a span of history more recent than the Avesta and can be seen as a natural outgrowth of orthodox Zoroastrian theology. Since there is no trace of the later role in the Avesta, it need not concern us here. As noted, the scope of the Rashnu Yasht is extremely narrow. When stripped of the lines that do not pertain to Rashnu, the Yasht tells us little more about the divine Judge than that he was invoked with various epithets, with a given formula and ritual acts at the institution of an ordeal, that at a trial (aratha) he was particularly severe with criminals, and that his sphere of activity was universal. Surprisingly enough, nothing is said about his close connection with Sraosha and, more importantly, with Mithra. The Mithra Yasht (Yasht 10) dramatically portrays Mithra driving in his

78 I Rashnu chariot with Rashnu now at his right (st. 126), now at his left (st. 100). Quite apart from the naturalistic association of Mithra with the movement of the sun, the purpose of Mithra's daily travels is to oversee the covenants between men and the inflicting of punishment wherever covenant infringements have taken place. Since treaties between peoples are among the most important of covenants, Mithra's most convenient method for punishing the treaty breakers is turning the tide of battle against them. This is described in the ninth Kardah of the Yasht, in which (in st. 41) Rashnu plays an active role. Here, and throughout the Zoroastrian tradition, Rashnu has always followed more or less in the shadow of the greater god Mithra. In the Rashnu Yasht, however, the figure of Rashnu gains a measure of independence, as he visits all the parts of the universe, presumably alone. Whether he is alone or in the company of Mithra, Rashnu's function is clearly the overseeing of justice. He both perceives the doings of men and presides as supreme authority at their adjudicatory processes. In matters having to do with relations among men, it would seem that, on the one hand, Mithra's proper jurisdiction was over the whole area of formal covenantal or contractual relations, but not beyond; while, on the other hand, Rashnu had jurisdiction over the more diverse area of criminal law. The distinction is best illustrated by contrasting statements insisting that Mithra will destroy the person false to a covenant and that Rashnu will destroy the thief and bandit^ Although each function is distinct, both contribute to the formation of a total legal structure. That Rashnu is almost always in the company of Mithra is, then, explicable in terms of a fundamental conception of the divine system of justice. Religio-historical developments in Iran dictated that Mithra should eclipse his partner in greatness. As one turns to the Indo-Aryans, one shall see the positions of Mithra and Rashnu reversed. Rashnu is one of the gods of the Iranian pantheon who has no obvious counterpart in the Vedas. The only serious attempt to identify him with an Indian deity was made by Dumezil, who attempted to prove his identity with Visnu.26 The argument, founded on a false etymology for 'Visnu,' has little to recommend it. My own opinion is that a strong case can be made for a qualified identification with another Vedic deity, Varuna, whose name has appeared already in the discussions of Ahura Mazda and Mithra (sects. 2 and 3). The reader will have observed that, on the one hand, Vedic Mitra is nearly always found in a dual (dvandvd) relationship with Varuna and that, on the other hand, Avestan Mithra appears in the dual compounds mithra-ahura and payu-thvorsshtara. He also appears in such a relationship with Rashnu (Yt. 13.3; cf. Yt. 13.47 and the Parthian proper name Rashnumitr). The Vedic counterparts of Ahura and

Rashnu I 79 Thvorashtar are Asura and Tvastar respectively, and it will be clear that the functional counterpart of Rashnu is Varuna, the divine judge (among other aspects) of the Vedic pantheon, who is particularly conspicuous as overseer of oaths and ordeals, as is Rashnu. Varuna is, of course, a vastly more complex figure, and it would be foolish to attempt to see any further resemblance between him and Rashnu than the one aspect put forth here. One sees in the coupling of Mithra-Varuna and Mithra-Rashnu the reflection of the Indo-Iranian ideal of the divine legal structure as encompassing two distinct yet interrelated functions. The contrast between the two functions is inversely represented in Iran and India: in Iran, the aspect of Covenant greatly overshadows that of Judge, whereas in India the aspect of Judge assumes the dominant position. Rashnu Yasht (Yasht 12) 1. Righteous (Zarathushtra) questioned him: O righteous Ahura Mazda! I turn to you, O Ahura Mazda; I ask you about the rule of speech. Speak to me (about this matter), O Wise One! You are undeceivable, having undeceivable intelligence, undeceivable, all-knowing! What (aspect) of the Mathra Spanta is the correct law? What, the law of judicial procedure? What the decision? What solicitous? What wondrous? What perceptive? . . . (?). 2. Then Ahura Mazda said: I shall, indeed, proclaim this to you, O upright, righteous Spitamid. The Mathra Spsnta which has much xwarsnah, that is (what is) of the Mathra Spsnta the correct law, the law of judicial procedure, the decision, the solicitous, the wondrous, the perceptive . . . (?). 3. Then Ahura Mazda said: You should strew a third of the barssman about at midday (with the words), "We invoke, we propitiate" me, who am Ahura Mazda. I call also the . . . ( ? ) to this instituted ordeal, to the fire and the barssman, to the full, overflowing (bowl of water), to the (boiling) ordeal-ghee and the vegetable oil. 4. Then I shall come to you, I who am Ahura Mazda, to this instituted ordeal, to the fire and the barasman, to the full, overflowing (bowl of water), to the (boiling) ordeal-ghee and the vegetable oil, at the same time as the victorious Wind, at the same time as Damoish Upamana, at the same time as the kawyan Xwaranah, at the same time as the Mazdacreated Profit. 5. We invoke, we propitiate Rashnu who is powerful. I call also the . . . (?) to this instituted ordeal, to the fire and the barssman, to the full, overflowing (bowl of water), to the (boiling) ordeal-ghee and the vegetable oil.

80 I Rashnu 6. Then lofty Rashnu who is powerful will come to help you, to this instituted ordeal . . . [continue with st. 5]. 7. O righteous Rashnu! O must just Rashnu! O most beneficent Rashnu! O wisest Rashnu! O most decisive Rashnu! O Rashnu, you who know best from afar! O Rashnu, you who see farthest in(to) die distance! O Rashnu, you who best support the (accuser's) plaint! O Rashnu, you who best smite down the thief! 8. (O Rashnu,) you who when not treated with enmity are the most successful (?), who best smite, best destroy the thief and the bandit at this trial . . . (?). 9. Also when you, righteous Rashnu, are at the continent Arazahi, we invoke, we propitiate Rashnu who is powerful. . . . [Continue with sts. 5-8.]

5. Warathraghna It is immediately clear from the most cursory reading of Yasht 14 that Warathraghna is a god of combat, of physical force. The name itself, which means 'victory', stands in need of further elucidation in order that one may achieve an understanding of the god's basic nature. 'Victory', which is the translation given in the traditional Zoroastrian commentaries, is an accurate yet colorless approximation. The name is a compound consisting of a prior member wardthra and a final member ghna. The element warathra means 'defense, resistance, obstruction'; ghna means 'the smashing, breaking, smiting'. Together they form a neuter noun meaning 'the smashing of resistance', and in its appellative sense warsthraghna is a common word in the Avesta. As a masculine proper name, it designates the deity who represents the power to overcome all obstructions. It must be remembered that the Indo-Iranians were aggressive, life-affirming peoples, who abhorred anything that stood in the way of expansion and productivity. On the cosmic level, this world view was consciously articulated by the Vedic Aryans in the mythic complex of Indra and the serpent of cosmic obstruction Vrtra (Av warathra). The Aryan world view never received such extensive theological treatment in Iran on the level of cosmogony. On the mundane level, however, it was admirably expressed in the person of Wsrsthraghna, who epitomizes the ideal of the Aryan warrior, fiercely aggressive in his ability to smash the defenses of all who stand in his way. At a time when the seminomadic Aryans were pressing into centers of established civilization from the steppes, the god who smashes defenses must have been especially significant. Ancient Iranian monarchies down through the Sasanids never lost

Wsrsthraghna I 81 the ideal of global expansion (though this was limited in fact by practical considerations), and, as a consequence, Wsrsthraghna retained a significant place in the pantheon up to the advent of Islam. To summarize, Wsrsthraghna stands for 'victory' through offensive warfare. Before Benveniste's definitive work on Warathraghna, much of an erroneous nature was written about this deity and its relation to Vedic Indra. Guided by the mistaken assumption that Vedic myth represents a stage earlier than the Iranian, scholars thought that Indra's epithet vrtrahan meant originally 'slayer of (the serpent) Vrtra', and that the absence of the dragon-slayer motif from Warathraghna's mythology proved the degenerate state of the Iranian myth. Since Indra does occur in the Avesta, banished as a daewa, one could assume that what remained of the once glorious Indra had been divided among Mithra, who gained his mace and martial traits, Warsthraghna, who perpetuated his epithet and perhaps his ability to change form, and the hero Thraetaona, slayer of Dahaka the snake (azhi-dahaka; cf. Ved ahi-vrtrd). Now matters are seen to be quite the opposite. The mythological context of the Avesta preserved what must approximate the original Indo-Iranian cast of characters; the Veda contains the innovations. Thus, Wsrothraghna (who actually has no counterpart *Vrtraghna in the Vedas, as the epithet vrtrahan, Av warathrajan is an adjective applied to gods and men alike) must be acknowledged as the original Indo-Iranian deity of war and victory through offensive breaking down of all enemy defenses. The most conspicuous characteristic of Warsthraghna is his ability to manifest himself in a variety of forms both anthropomorphic and theriomorphic. The ten manifestations described in his Yasht call to mind Puranic Visnu's ten avataras and Indra's general ability to change form. In light of the fact that post-Vedic Visnu has borrowed heavily in certain aspects from Vedic Indra, it may well be that the avatara concept ultimately derives from Ilr *Wrtraghna. Be that as it may, the most prominent avatara of Wsrathraghna was the boar, under which form the reader has already seen him ferociously clearing the way in front of Mithra (Yt. 10.70). All the avataras have in common that they portray aggressive force and virility. Of note also is the first avatara, the Wind (Wayu or Wata). Though a god in his own right (see sect. 7), he is frequently mentioned in the Avesta as the Victorious Wind (Wata Warathrajan). In this aspect he is usually accompanied by Conquering Superiority (Wanainti Uparatai) and a curious figure, Damoish Upamana, whom Gershevitch has explained as Warsthraghna's alter ego.27 It is interesting to note that Wanainti, a goddess, appears later on the coins of Huvishka as OANINAO in the form of the Greek goddess of victory, Nike.

82 I Wdrathraghna In accordance with his ability to bestow victory and consequently his importance to those wielding power, Warsthraghna is closely connected with xwarsnah (see sect. 6). He has the unique epithet baro-xwaranah'bearing xwaranah', which means, if one follows the Pahlavi gloss (Vend. 19.37), that he bore it as his battle standard, though the implication is that he bestows the xwaranah upon the victor. In the myth of the flight of xwarsnah after Yima's "fall" (Yt. 19.35, 36, 38), the xwarsnah flees in the form of one of Warathraghna's avataras, the falcon (waraghna), first to Mithra, then to the two heroes Thraetaona and Ksrssaspa. The association of the falcon with Warsthraghna was deeply rooted in popular belief, especially, one may surmise, among warriors, as is shown by the importance attached to falcon amulets. Finally, it will be seen (sect. 12) that the water-bringing god Tishtrya, the star Sirius, assumes three forms shared with Wsrothraghna: the bull, the horse, and the young man.

Wdrsthraghna (Wahram) Yasht (Yasht 14) I 1. We worship Ahura-created Wsrsthraghna. Zarathushtra asked Ahura Mazda: Ahura Mazda, most beneficent Spirit, righteous Creator of the material world, who among the spiritual yazatas is best equipped? Then Ahura Mazda said: "Wsrgthraghna, O Spitamid Zarathushtra." 2. Ahura-created Wsrsthraghna came driving to him first in the form of the bold, beautiful Mazda-created Wind. The good Mazda-created xwaranah he bore, the Mazda-created xwarsnah, curativeness and strength. 3. Then strongest (Warsthraghna said) to him: In strength I am the strongest, in valor I am the most valorous, in xwaranah I am most in possession of xwarsnah, in favor I am most bestowing of favor, in weal I am most bestowing of weal, in curativeness I am most curative. 4. Then I shall overcome hostilities, the hostilities of all enemies, the hostilities of daewas and men, sorcerers and witches, tyrants, kawis, and karapans. 5. On account of his rayi and glory, I shall worship him with audible worship, Ahura-created Warathraghna, with libations. We worship Ahura-created Warsthraghna (with the words): yaish dataish paoiryaish ahurahe (Y. 46.15), with haoma (mixed) with milk. . . . [Continue with Ny. 1.16 (p. 183).]

Wsrsthraghna I 83

II 6. [Repeat st. 1.] 7. Ahura-created Wsrsthraghna came driving to him a second time in the form of a beautiful golden-horned bull on whose horns was mounted well-built, handsome Strength; thus Ahura-created Warathraghna came. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. Ill 8. [Repeat st. 1.] 9. Ahura-created Warathraghna came driving to him a third time in the form of a beautiful white horse with yellow ears (and) a golden bridle, on whose forehead was mounted well-built, handsome Strength; thus Ahura-created Worathraghna came. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. IV 10. [Repeat st. 1.] 11. Ahura-created Warsthraghna came driving to him a fourth time in the form of a rutting camel, . . . (?), attacking (?), bellowing, trampling, having woolly hair which clothes men, 12. who among ejaculating males has the greatest power and the greatest passion, who goes (to mate) among the females [indeed, those females are best protected which a rutting camel protects], (who) has strong, forelegs, fat humps, nictitating (?) eyes, a clever head, is intelligent, tall, (and) powerful, 13. whose (?) far-seeing (glance) shines forth . . . ( ? ) afar through the dark night; who expectorates spittle back upon (his) whitish head; who stays on his good knee(s), on his good leg(s), looking out like an allruling ruler; thus he came. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. V 14. [Repeat st. 1.] 15. Ahura-created Wsrsthraghna came driving to him a fifth time in the form of a ferocious wild boar with sharp teeth, with sharp tusks, a boar that kills at one blow, unapproachable (when) angered, prepared for battle, outflanking (the enemy): thus he came. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. VI 16. [Repeat st. 1.] 17. Ahura-created Wsrsthraghna came driving to him a sixth time in the

84 I Wdrsthraghna form of a regal fifteen-year-old man with clear eyes, with small heels, handsome: thus he came. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. VII 18. [Repeat st. 1.] 19. Ahura-created Wsrsthraghna came driving to him a seventh time in the form of a falcon, seizing from below (with his talons), crushing (?) from above (with his beak), who is the fastest of birds, the swiftest of those that fly forth. 20. He alone among living beings (can) overtake the flight of an arrow, [either he only, or not at all,] even when it flies well shot; who at the first gleam of dawn, pluming himself, flies; at evening seeking (his) evening meal, in the predawn seeking (his) breakfast. 21. He grazes (with his wings) the . . . ( ? ) of the mountain tops, he grazes the peaks of the mountains, he grazes the river valleys, he grazes the treetops (?), listening for the call of the birds: thus he came. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. VIII 22. [Repeat st. 1.] 23. Ahura-created Wsrsthraghna came driving to him an eighth time in the form of a beautiful wild ram with downward-curved horns: thus he came. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. IX 24. [Repeat st. 1.] 25. Ahura-created Warothraghna came driving to him a ninth time in the form of a beautiful sharp-horned . . . ( ? ) goat: thus he came. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. X 26. [Repeat st. 1.] 27. Ahura-created Wsrsthraghna came driving to him a tenth time in the form of a handsome, intelligent, Mazda-created hero. He carried a gold-inlayed, adorned, fully decorated dagger: thus he came. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. XI 28. We worship Ahura-created Wsrathraghna who makes (men) virile (?), who makes (men) strong, who is concerned with a good peace, who provides good ways.

Wsrsthraghna I 85 Righteous Zarathushtra worshipped him, Warsthraghna, for victory in thought, for victory in speech, for victory in act, for victory in declaratory speech, for victory in retort. 29. Ahura-created Wsrothraghna gave him the scrotum's well, the arm's strength, health of the entire body, fatness of the entire body, and that (power of) sight which the aquatic kara2S has who (can) distinguish a hair-thin eddy of the far-shored, thousand-man-deep Rangha (river). On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. XII 30. [Repeat st. 28.] 31. Ahura-created Wsrsthraghna gave him . . . [continue with st. 29], and that (power of) sight which a stallion has who, even on a dark night, starless (?) and cloudy, (can) see a horsehair lying on the ground (and tell) whether it is from the head or the tail. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. XIII 32. [Repeat st. 28.] 33. Ahura-created Warsthraghna gave him . . . [continue with st. 29], and that (power of) sight which the zaranumani vulture29 has who, even from a distance of eight villages, (can) perceive a piece of flesh the size of a fist—even as large as the shimmer of a shimmering needle, even as large as the point of a needle. On account of his rayi . . . XIV 34. We worship Ahura-created Warathraghna. Zarathushtra asked Ahura Mazda: Ahura Mazda, most beneficent Spirit, righteous Creator of the material world! When I am much cursed verbally (or) mentally by hostile men, what is the remedy? 35. Then Ahura Mazda said: Find yourself the feather of a falcon with spread-out feathers, O Spitamid Zarathushtra. With the feather stroke yourself, with the feather countercurse (your) opponent. 36. Whoever carries either a bone of the swift bird or a feather of the swift bird—not even a clever man harms (him) nor drives (him) forth. The feather of the bird of birds brings him much (?) respect, (the feather) possessing much (?) xwaranah maintains support (for him). 37-40. [Obscure.] XV 41. We worship Ahura-created Wsrathraghna. May Warsthraghna surround this house which possesses xwaranah

86 I Wdrathraghna (?) with cattle pens (?), as the great eagle (broods on the nest), as the water-laden clouds envelop (?) the great mountains. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. XVI 42. We worship Ahura-created Wsrsthraghna. Zarathushtra asked Ahura Mazda: Ahura Mazda, most beneficent Spirit, righteous Creator of the material world, where is it that one should invoke Ahura-created Warathraghna by name? where praise (him)? where call (him) down? 43. Then Ahura Mazda said: When two armies should come together, O Spitamid Zarathushtra, . . . (?), 44. you should arrange four feathers on the way. Whichever of the two (armies) shall be first to worship (with the words), "O well-made, wellbuilt Strength, O Ahura-created Warsthraghna!", that one shall be accompanied by victory. 45. I propitiate Strength and Warathraghna, the two protectors, the two defenders, the two guardians. . . . [The remainder is obscure.] 46. O Zarathushtra, do not teach this spell to anyone other than a father or a son or a blood brother or an athrawan student. And these (are) words for you which are strong (and) firm, strong (and) eloquent, strong (and) victorious, strong (and) curative; and these (are) words for you which (can) save even a forfeited head, (can) repel even the arm already unpraised (to strike) a blow. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. XVII 47. We worship Ahura-created Warsthraghna who ranges between the two arrayed battle lines. Together with Mithra and Rashnu, he asks up and down (the battle lines): Who is false to Mithra, who abandons Rashnu? To whom shall I be able to apportion disease and death? 48. Then Ahura Mazda said: If men would worship (with the words), "O Ahura-created Warathraghna!", . . . ( ? ) according to the Truth which is best, there would be no enemy army directed here toward the Aryan countries, nor famine, nor mange (?) nor . . . (?), nor a war chariot, nor an upraised banner. 49. Zarathushtra responded to him: What, in fact, O Ahura Mazda, is the most correct worship and praise of Ahura-created Warathraghna according to the Truth which is best? 50. Then Ahura Mazda said: The Aryan peoples should offer up libations for him; the Aryan peoples should strew barasman for him; the

Wsrsthraghna I 87 Aryan peoples should cook an animal, either a white one or a dark one or whichever color (as long as it is) all of the same color. 51. Let not a knave partake of it, nor a whore, nor an Ashawan who does not recite the Gathas, a destroyer of life opposed to this ahuric Zoroastrian Religion. 52. If a rogue partakes of it, or a whore, or an Ashawan who does not recite the Gathas, a destroyer of life opposed to this ahuric Zoroastrian Religion, (then) Ahura-created Warathraghna goes away with his curative power. 53. Similarly, famines will come to the Aryan countries; similarly, enemy armies will descend upon the Aryan countries; similarly, the Aryan countries will be smitten with one hundred blows for (every) fifty blows, . . . [Continue with Yt. 10.43 (p. 64).] 54. Then Ahura-created Warsthraghna spoke forth thus: O men, the Soul of the cow created by the Creator is not to be worshipped or praised if now the Wyambura daewas30 [daewa-worshipping men] are either letting blood flow or sprinkling (it) forth; 55. if now the Wyambura daewas [daewa-worshipping men] bring to the fire (some) of the plant which is called "juniper" by name (and) the fuel which is called "felt" by name; 56. if now the Wyambura daewas [daewa-worshipping men] break (?) (the ox's) back, . . . ( ? ) (its) midsection, stretch all the limbs out straight; (—they seem to be slay ing (but) do not slay, [they seem to . . . (?) (but) do not . . . (?)] if now the Wyambura daewas [daewaworshipping men] rip off (its) ears and gouge out (its) eyes. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. XXI 57-61. [Omitted.] 62. We worship Ahura-created Wsrathraghna, who destroys the battle lines, who cuts the battle lines, who tramples the battle lines, who throws the battle lines into confusion; Ahura-created Warathraghna completely destroys the battle lines, he completely cuts the battle lines, he completely tramples the battle lines, he completely throws into confusion the battle lines of daewas and men, of sorcerers and witches, of tyrants, kawis, and karapans. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5]. XXII 63. We worship Ahura-created Warathraghna. Then, when Ahura-created Worsthraghna binds behind (their backs)

88 I Wdrdthraghna the hands of the oppressed battle lines, of the allied districts, of the men false to the treaty, (when he) clouds (their) vision (and) deafens (their) ears, he (the man false to the covenant) cannot stand firm, he has no endurance. On account of his rayi . . . [continue with st. 5],

6. Xwaranah I have discussed facets of the exercise of temporal power in several contexts, for example, the political role of Ahuramazda in respect to the Achaemenid kings and the importance of Warsthraghna as an Aryan ideal. But no one religious concept is more central to Iranian notions of the legitimate wielding of political authority than the concept of xwaranah 'glory'. The word is better known in its Median form *farnah. Although the Achaemenid kings did not use it in their inscriptions, it gained currency throughout the Iranian world under their empires, as can be seen by the popularity of the word in numerous proper names and in its occurrence as a loan word in such remote languages as Khotanese (pharrd), Sogdian (prn), and Kushan-Bactrian (