An Account of Corsica, the Journal of a Tour to That Island; and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli

An Account of Corsica, The Journal of a Tour to That Island, and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli.

JAMES BOSWELL

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS


james boswell  An Account of Corsica, The Journal of a Tour to That Island, and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli.

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james boswell



An Account of Corsica, The Journal of a Tour to That Island, and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli. Edited with Introduction and Notes by

James T. Boulton and T. O. McLoughlin

1 2006

3

Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further Oxford University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam

Copyright © 2006 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Published by Oxford University Press, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 www.oup.com Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Boswell, James, 1740–1795. An account of Corsica, the journal of a tour to that island; and memoirs of Pascal Paoli / James Boswell ; edited with introduction and notes by James T. Boulton and T. O. McLoughlin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13 978-0-19-516583-8 ISBN 0-19-516583-7 1. Corsica (France)—Description and travel—Early works to 1800. 2. Boswell, James, 1740–1795—Travel—France—Corsica. 3. Paoli, Pasquale, 1725–1807. 4. Authors, Scottish— 18th century—Diaries. 5. Statesmen—France—Corsica—Biography. I. Boulton, James T. II. McLoughlin, T. O. III. Title. DC611.C811B75 2005 914.4'990434—dc22

2004054791

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper


PREFACE 

Your History is like other histories, but your Journal is in a very high degree curious and delightful . . . Your History was copied from books; your Journal rose out of your own experience and observation. Samuel Johnson wrote thus to Boswell on 9 September 1769 after the publication of the third edition of An Account of Corsica, the Journal of a Tour to that Island, and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli. His verdict, echoed with approval by virtually every writer on Boswell since it was first delivered, is tendentious, accurate about the ‘Journal’ but unjust to the ‘Account.’ It was not universally shared. The first edition of Corsica in February 1768 was sold out in six weeks and the second (also of 3,500 copies) in a year. Prominent reviewers were generous in their praise. However, the Johnsonian view ensured that the book was neglected for over two centuries despite its author having become known as ‘Corsica Boswell’ across Europe (it was translated into Dutch, German, Italian, and French within a year of publication). Neglected, that is, as a whole work; the ‘Journal’ has been extracted and published by itself on several occasions; but, with a single exception, the book has not been published in extenso since 1769. The exception is the edition in French by Jean Viviès in 1992. The present is the first complete reprint of Corsica in English and the first critical edition in any language. The text follows that of the third edition of Corsica corrected where necessary by reference to the first or second editions. It has not been feasible to reproduce the minutely detailed, fold-out map of the island drawn in Edinburgh by Thomas Phinn; this is replaced by a

preface simpler version showing the principal places to which Boswell draws attention. The Corsican State Papers appear here in an English translation; Boswell published them in Italian only, despite a memorandum in his manuscript that they could be ‘given in English with the Italian on the opposite side.’


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 

T

HE editors thank the following persons for assistance of diverse kinds all freely offered: Patrick Baird, Andrew Boulton, John Bourne, Linda Bree, Harry Buglass, John W. Cairns, Peter Cook, Adrian Dover, Geoff Dowling, Howard Erskine-Hill, Michel Fuchs, Vincent Giroud, Alan Hill, Helen Hills, Jean-Marie Maguin, Anne Marie Menta, Jaime Peart, Carol Pompa, Claude Rawson, Taran Schlindler, Gerry Slowey, George Stanley, Gordon Turbull, E. Whitlock, Helen Wilcox, Pamela Williams, Alan Young, Timothy Young. We are grateful to Kay Baldwin for translating into English the Corsican State Papers, included by Boswell in their original Italian, and to Desmond Costa for assistance with Boswell’s quotations from classical literature. Gratitude is also owed to the British Academy for the research grant that made sustained work on the edition possible; to Christine Penney, Martin Killeen, and their colleagues in the Heslop (Rare Book) Room, University of Birmingham’s Library, for their unfailing help and advice; to the staff of the Bibliothèque Méjanes, Aix en Provence, the Bibliothèque Municipale, Montpellier, and the National Library of Scotland for their generous assistance; and to Elissa Morris and her colleagues at Oxford University Press, New York, who made negotiations about the book both pleasant and fruitful. We acknowledge permission to reproduce the painting of Boswell as an armed Corsican chief from the National Portrait Gallery, London. To reproduce a page from Boswell’s manuscript of the ‘Account of Corsica’ in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University Library, we acknowledge permission from Gordon Turnbull, general editor, and the Editorial Committee of the Yale Boswell Editions.

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CONTENTS 

Illustrations xi Cue-titles xiii Boswell: A Chronology, 1740–1795 xv Introduction xvii

—‘MY LITTLE MONUMENT TO LIBERTY’— An Account of Corsica 3 Appendix Containing Corsican State Papers 143

The Journal of a Tour to Corsica 159 Addenda I: Extracts from the London Chronicle 1766–1767 221 II: Reception: Selected Comments and Reviews 227 Textual Apparatus

233

Boswell and Paoli Index 239 Index of Proper Names 243

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ILLUSTRATIONS 

Frontispiece and title-page of the third edition of Corsica 2 Map of Corsica showing the principal places mentioned by Boswell 20 Page 186 of Boswell’s manuscript for the ‘Account of Corsica’ 111 Statue of Pascal Paoli erected near his birthplace at Stretta di Morosaglia 160 Boswell in the dress of an armed Corsican chief 187

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CUE-TITLES 

Here and throughout, the place of publication is London unless otherwise stated. ‘Account’ James Boswell, ‘An Account of Corsica’ [being Part I of Corsica]. Beretti Beretti, Francis, Pascal Paoli et l’image de la Corse au dix-huitième siècle: le témoignage des voyageurs britanniques (Voltaire Foundation), Oxford, 1988. Burnaby Andrew Burnaby, Journal of a Tour to Corsica in the Year 1766, 1804. Corr. Temple i. The Correspondence of James Boswell and William Johnson Temple, ed. Thomas Crawford, Vol. 1, 1756–1777, Edinburgh, 1997. Corsica James Boswell, An Account of Corsica, the Journal of a Tour to that Island, and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli, 3rd edition, 1769. Earlier Years F. A. Pottle, James Boswell, the Earlier Years, 1740–1769, 1966. Gen. Corr. i; ii The General Correspondence of James Boswell, ed. Richard C. Cole, Vol. 1, 1766–1767; Vol. 2, 1768–1769, Edinburgh, 1993; 1997. Goury Goury de Champgrand, Jean-François, Histoire de l’Isle de Corse, Nancy, 1749. Grand Tour Boswell on the Grand Tour: Italy, Corsica and France, 1765–1766, ed. Frank Brady and F. A. Pottle, 1955. xiii

cue-titles Jaussin

JB ‘Journal’ Life Literary Career MS

Private Papers

Summary Viviès

Jaussin, Louis Amand, Mémoires Historiques, Militaires et Politiques, sur les principaux événemens arrivés dans l’isle et royaume de Corse, Lausanne, 1758. James Boswell. James Boswell, ‘The Journal of a Tour to [Corsica], and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli’ [being Part II of Corsica]. Boswell’s Life of Johnson, ed. George Birkbeck Hill, rev. L. F. Powell, Oxford, 1934. F. A. Pottle, The Literary Career of James Boswell, Esq., Oxford, 1929. Boswell’s manuscript entitled ‘An Account of Corsica,’ in the James Boswell Papers, Box 48, folders 1033–34, in the Beinecke Rare Books and Manuscript Library, Yale University Library. The Private Papers of James Boswell from Malahide Castle, ed. Geoffrey Scott and F. A. Pottle, 18 vols., Oxford, 1928–1934. ‘Summary of Materials for the “Journal of a Tour to Corsica,”’ in Private Papers, vii. 239–45. James Boswell: Etat de la Corse, ed. Jean Viviès, Paris, 1992.

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BOSWELL: A CHRONOLOGY, 1740–1795 

29 October 1740 Autumn 1753 Autumn 1759 30 July 1762 15 November 1762 12 April 1763 16 May 1763 August 1763 18 June 1764 11 October 1765 22–28 October 1765 30 November 1765 12 February 1766 c. March 1766 26 July 1766 30 March 1767 18 February 1768 December 1768 May 1769 7 September 1769

Born in Edinburgh Admitted to University of Edinburgh Admitted to University of Glasgow Passed examination in Civil Law Left Edinburgh for London Published Letters between The Honourable Andrew Erskine and James Boswell, Esq. Introduced to Samuel Johnson Went to Utrecht to study law Left Utrecht for tour of Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Corsica, and France Sailed from Leghorn for Cap Corse in Corsica Meetings with Paoli at Sollacarò Arrived in Genoa from Corsica Returned to London In Scotland; started to assemble material for Corsica Began legal career as member of Faculty of Advocates ‘I am now seriously engaged in my Account of Corsica’ Published An Account of Corsica Contributed to and published British Essays in favour of the Brave Corsicans [1769] An Account of Corsica, 3rd edition Appeared as Corsican chief at Shakespeare Jubilee celebrations in Stratford-on-Avon xv

boswell: a chronology, 1740–1795 25 November 1769 October 1777 30 August 1782 1 October 1785 13 February 1786 4 June 1789 16 May 1791 19 May 1795 8 June 1795

Married Margaret Montgomerie First of 70 essays as ‘The Hypochondriak’ in the London Magazine On death of father, Lord Auchinleck, became laird of family estate Published Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides Called to the English bar Death of his wife Published Life of Samuel Johnson Died in London Interred in family vault at Auchinleck

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INTRODUCTION 

My Book has amazing celebrity. Lord Lyttelton Mr Walpole Mrs Macaulay Mr Garrick have all written me noble letters about it. There are two dutch translations going forward . . . Pray tell me how I can send you a copy of the second edition which is already printed.1 Boswell could hardly contain his excitement as he wrote to his friend William Johnson Temple about the success of his book on Corsica. It launched him onto the literary scene to the acclaim of readers in Britain and on the continent. Long before he was known for his writings on Dr. Johnson, he enjoyed a European-wide reputation for his work on Corsica. So striking and sudden a triumph was everything the ambitious young Boswell had hoped for, and yet it is not easily explained. To better appreciate this conundrum, we need to look at what took him to Corsica and how he went about writing the book.


Corsica and Europe  For the young James Boswell to go to Corsica at all is something of a surprise. Born in Edinburgh in 1740, eldest son of a Scottish judge, and educated in the law, he made a couple of youthful attempts to get away from Scotland and, more particularly, from his father. But Corsica was as remote and unknown to 1. Corr. Temple i. 227; 24 March 1768.

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introduction most British travellers as it was to many Europeans. ‘Corsica is as unknown to us as Japan or California,’ wrote one historian.2 At age 25, Boswell had persuaded his father to let him study for a year in Utrecht and then go on the Grand Tour. He spent the first nine months of 1765 in Italy, where he faced a difficult decision. His father expected him back in Scotland, but he was in no hurry. He wondered about prolonging the delights of an affair with ‘my charming Signora’ in Siena, or abandoning her for his secret resolve ‘to make a tour of Corsica.’3 The choice of this last is even more surprising in that Corsica was terra incognita to British travellers. Furthermore, Corsica was a destination that British nationals were expressly discouraged from visiting. In the long wrangle between the Genoese republic and the people of Corsica, the Genoese had asked George III to help them subdue the Corsican ‘rebels’ by giving ‘express orders to all his subjects not to have or hold any correspondence with the said rebels.’ George III, on the advice of the Privy Council, issued a proclamation in 1763 warning that anyone who disobeyed would incur ‘not only his majesty’s high displeasure’ but would be punished.4 That was the political climate in which Boswell landed at Centuri in the north of the island with the particular purpose of meeting the Corsican leader Pascal Paoli. If the visit has an air of bravado, it also reflects a side of Boswell’s wellknown curiosity. He wanted to meet not just the famous Paoli but to see for himself these island people who, since the rebellion of 1729, had found their way into British and European newspapers for their indomitable spirit of resistance to the Genoese and the French. The first history of the island since 1594, Kaltenbach’s Historie van Corsica was published in 1732.5 In the same year the English paper Fog’s Journal published ‘A letter from the people of Corsica to their countrymen, where-ever dispers’d out of the said island.’6 In 1738 was published the anonymous Histoire des Révolutions de l’Islande Corse et de l’Elevation de Théodore I sur le Throne de cet Etat. The first book in English to describe the island and its people, A General Account and Description of the Island of Corsica was published in 1739.7 Interest grew as the island was drawn into European politics by the great powers during the war of Austrian Succession

2. Preface, H. Kaltenbach, Historie van Corsica, translated into English (1733), cited by Beretti 11. 3. JB to Jean Jacques Rousseau, 3 October 1765, Grand Tour 20. 4. Annual Register vi (1763), 213. JB left London to start his European travels on 4 August 1763 and could have heard about the proclamation only in 1764 when he was in Holland. 5. For Anton Pietro Filippini, Historia di Corsica (1594), see Antoine-Marie Graziani, Pascal Paoli, Père de la Patrie Corse (Paris, 2002), pp. 206–7. Also see below p. 61n.20. 6. Fog’s Weekly Journal, no. 185, 20 May 1732. The letter is discussed by Beretti 16–18. 7. Published anonymously, A General Account and Description of the Island of Corsica: including a genuine relation of the late revolutions there . . . 1739.

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introduction in the 1740s. The entry for Corsica in the Encyclopédie in 1751, however, contained only a few lines, a reminder that many had a rather dismissive view of Corsica.8 Boswell’s attitude was decidedly positive. The Corsicans had resisted all comers with a firm sense of independence and national identity. He puts this rhetorical question to his readers: When we thus view the Corsicans gloriously striving for the best rights of humanity, and under the guidance of an illustrious commander and able statesman . . . Can we Britons forbear to admire their bravery, and their wisdom?9 But, as the question implies, not all Boswell’s readers agreed. The royal proclamation of 1763 was but one more example of Britain’s indifference to Corsica’s ‘bravery.’ The British had declined a Corsican request for protection in 1746, and ‘unhappy impressions’ of Corsica had long survived in England.10 Boswell was abashed when a Corsican soldier told him, ‘The English; they were once our friends; but they are so no more.’11 Boswell wanted to see for himself ‘a people actually fighting for liberty, and forming themselves from a poor inconsiderable oppressed nation, into a flourishing and independent state.’12 The strategic location of the island of Corsica, not far from the Italian and French coasts, meant it was always vulnerable to occupation and counteroccupation by foreign interests. The Greeks, the Carthaginians, and the Romans invaded in classical times, then the Vandals in the fifth century. Rome battled with the Byzantine presence in the sixth century until the island was incorporated into Lombardy in the eighth century. The Saracens came and went. In 1091 the Pope put Corsica under the authority of Pisa, but that decision was contested by the Genoese, who had fought their way to control by 1284. But not for long. The kings of Aragon moved to take control of the island, which then experienced two hundred years of strife and confusion. The French invaded in 1553 and returned the island to Genoa in 1559. Their government, suspicious of and inimical to the Corsican people, dominated until the Corsicans rebelled in 1729. As Boswell puts it, ‘Long despised, plundered and oppressed, the Corsicans again revived.’13 They declared themselves independent and the Genoese retreated to the coastal towns. Despite a settlement,

8. Encyclopédie, 1751; Compact edn. 6 vols. (New York, 1969), i. 784. Further on attitudes in Europe to Corsica, see Fernand Ettori, ‘La Corse et l’opinion publique’ in Jean-Jacques Rousseau, et la constitution de corse: la tentation du législateur, thèse d’Etat, Université de Provence, 1976, pp. 64–84. See also Graziani, Pascal Paoli, pp. 207–8. 9. Corsica 135. 10. Corsica 83. 11. Corsica 169. 12. Corsica 161. 13. Corsica 69.

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introduction rebellion broke out again. The Genoese called on the French to assist; they came but then withdrew in 1741.14 During the war of Austrian succession the British and Sardinians intervened briefly in support of the Corsicans. By the time they withdrew at the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the island was a patchwork of authorities—Genoese and French in coastal towns and Corsican ‘rebels’ in control of most of the hinterland. The latter elected Paoli as General of the nation in 1755 and declared Corte the capital. That was the situation at the time of Boswell’s visit. In 1768 Genoa ceded Corsica to France. The French army then invaded in force and put down all Corsican resistance in May 1769. Paoli sought refuge in England.15 Since that defeat, apart from a brief period under British rule (1794–96), Corsica has been governed by France. But the spirit of independence is still evident. The last few decades of the twentieth century witnessed several attempts by Corsican separatists, either by force or negotiation, finally to achieve the independence Boswell thought was imminent in 1765.


‘Liberty’ the Catch-Word of the 1760s  As Linda Colley has noted, the two decades after the defeat of the Jacobites in Scotland at Culloden in 1746 were ‘an intensely creative period in terms of patriotic initiatives and discussion of national identities both in Great Britain and in other parts of Europe.’16 ‘Liberty’ had become a major rallying cry in England during the early 1760s, and Boswell shared in the general enthusiasm. His fascination with Paoli and his Corsican supporters fighting for liberty was more than one of ‘the whims that may seize me’ or ‘the sallies of my luxuriant imagination.’17 He was in London at the close of the Seven Years War when liberty had been a major talking point in coffeehouses and the press, first over the Wilkes affair, then over the American colonies. John Wilkes had openly attacked Lord Bute in his paper North Briton for his part in the Treaty of Paris.18 Wilkes declared himself ‘a firm and intrepid assertor of the rights of his fellow subjects, and of the liberties of Whigs and Englishmen.’19

14. Joseph Foladare argues that as early as 1735 France ‘had developed a plan for the ultimate annexation of Corsica, either by cession or purchase from Genoa’ (Boswell’s Paoli, 1979, p. 43). 15. Among Paoli’s officials who retreated over the mountains to Ajaccio was Carlo Bonaparte, along with his pregnant wife. Their son Napoleon was born shortly afterward. 16. Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation 1707–1837 (Pimlico, 2003), p. 85. 17. Boswell’s London Journal, 1762–1763, ed. Frederick A. Pottle (1950; 1992), p. 39. 18. Wilkes was co-editor with the poet Charles Churchill. 19. North Briton 45, 23 April 1763.

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introduction Boswell so enjoyed the North Briton, which he read ‘with vast relish,’ that he timed his lunch in the city on Saturdays ‘so as to have it fresh from the press.’ Although Johnson would like to have seen Wilkes ‘well ducked’ and thought the idea of liberty no more than an amusement to the people of England to ‘keep off the taedium vitae,’ Boswell admired Wilkes and his stand.20 In his enthusiasm he tried to catch sight of him when Wilkes was taken from the Tower to be formally indicted for libel on George III in the North Briton. Boswell met him shortly afterwards in May 1763.21 Two years later, before setting off to Corsica, Boswell looked him up in Italy: ‘I found the famous Mr. Wilkes in his exile, and despite his sharp attacks on the Scots, we got along very well together.’22 However objectionable Johnson and many others found Wilkes, Boswell regarded him as the living protagonist of British liberty.23 Liberty was also a growing concern as regards the American colonies. Benjamin Franklin came to London in 1764 to argue that the British parliament had no right to tax the colonies so long as they had no representation in Westminster.24 The subsequent furore in and out of Parliament over the introduction of the Stamp Act in 1765 and then over its repeal in 1766 demonstrates how heated and contentious an issue liberty had become in England.25 As Joseph Priestley wrote a few years later, if Britain insisted on its right to tax America, ‘one part of the empire will be the seat of despotism, and all the other subjects will be slaves.’26 The same principle underlay the arguments about Wilkes and applied equally to Corsica’s relation with the Genoese. Paoli was to become a toast for the American colonists.27 Against this background Boswell’s decision to visit Corsica is no surprise. Here was an opportunity to meet and talk with people actually fighting for their independence. The evocation of freedom in the quotation from the Declaration of Arbroath on the title-page of Corsica sets the tone of Boswell’s agenda.

20. London Journal, 9 Feb. 1763, p. 187; 26 March 1763, p. 228; 16 May 1763, p. 261. 21. London Journal, 24 May 1763, p. 266. 22. Grand Tour 5. 23. Cf. David Solkin, Painting for Money: The Visual Arts and the Public Sphere in Eighteenth-Century England (New Haven, 1992), p. 263: ‘The historical importance of the entire Wilkes affair lay far less in the man himself than in the issues raised by his case.’ 24. Franklin was among those to whom a health was drunk at JB’s Corsican Club, 6 April 1768 (Earlier Years 379). 25. JB had called on Pitt the night after the Commons vote in favour of repealing the Act. 26. ‘The Present State of Liberty,’ Joseph Priestley: Political Writings, ed. Peter N. Miller (Cambridge, 1992), p. 142. 27. Beretti 67.

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introduction


The Young Boswell  Boswell’s youthful fascination with liberty has its personal side. When his brother left London to return home to Scotland, Boswell’s response was, ‘He is as fond of being at home as I am of ranging freely at a distance.’28 He aimed to be ‘a man of consequence,’ and that meant being in the public eye. He had the self-drive and confidence to make his mark in the world. Writing a sketch of his life for Rousseau, he records with pride that at thirteen his university professors predicted he would be ‘a very great man’ and asks, ‘Tell me if I can be a worthy Scots laird.’29 That was what his strong-willed and fearsome father Alexander Boswell expected of him. In 1754 his father had been made a Scottish judge and Lord of Session, which meant he became known as Lord Auchinleck. As the eldest son, James was heir to the considerable estate of Auchinleck, and his father was determined to have him educated in the law to prepare him for his responsibilities. He followed an arts curriculum at the University of Edinburgh that included Latin, Greek, logic, and natural philosophy. By October 1758, in his final year, he had started civil law. Not many students bothered to graduate in the modern sense, and no such formal qualification was necessary in Scotland for those wanting to be admitted to the Faculty of Advocates.30 Once away from home and on his own at university in Edinburgh, Boswell began to follow his own inclinations. Friends like John Johnson and older, successful men like Sir David Dalrymple and Lord Somerville prompted him to think of himself as ‘a young man fondly ambitious of being distinguished for his literary talents.’ Respect for his father, ‘one of the ablest and worthiest men in the world,’ now contended with the more liberal desires and ambitions stimulated by the intellectual and social milieu of Edinburgh.31 Serious tensions developed between father and son. Lord Auchinleck strongly disapproved of his son’s fresh projects—to become a writer, to seek a career in the military, to become a Catholic. In his disquiet the father moved Boswell to the University of Glasgow, which had a burgeoning reputation for its staff, notably Adam Smith, and its School of Civil Law.32 In 1760, halfway through his first year, he absconded to London, hoping to

28. London Journal, 8 Feb. 1763, p. 187. 29. ‘Sketch of the Early Life of James Boswell, Written by Himself for Jean Jacques Rousseau, December 1764,’ in Earlier Years 4, 6. 30. Frederick A. Pottle, ‘Boswell’s University Education,’ Johnson, Boswell and their Circle (Oxford, 1965), p. 233. 31. Earlier Years 36. 32. Glasgow had a policy of appointing outstanding scholars to its Law School in order to attract students away from the University of Edinburgh (John W. Cairns, ‘The Origins of the Glasgow Law School: The Professors of Civil Law, 1714–61,’ The Life of the Law: Proceedings of the Tenth British Legal History Conference, Oxford 1991, ed. Peter Birks, 1993, p. 193).

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introduction get a commission in the Guards. It was clear that he was too much of an individualist to fall easily into the conventional expectations of his father, much less the institutional mould of the legal profession. He thought he would be noticed, as a writer perhaps or a public figure, whether his father approved or not. The problem was how. Boswell was also a moody young man and prone to act on a whim. His great swings of emotion between melancholy and elation, between guilt and resolution, between complying with his father’s wishes and taking his own course are well-known. His desire to go to Europe provided just such an instance. At times in London, the idea of a trip to Europe appealed, but then he let it slip. In February 1763 he thought of going to Europe ‘for a year or two’ to study good conduct.33 He had, however, to reckon with his father. The breach between them had reached such a state that on 30 May 1763 his father wrote, after a three-month silence, to say he had so despaired of his son’s reformation that he had thought of selling off the estate, ‘from the principle that it is better to snuff a candle out than leave it to stink in a socket.’34 Boswell relented and agreed to return to his law studies. On 3 June he wrote, ‘I shall perhaps go abroad a year or two,’ and he told John Johnson on 15 June, he had ‘begged’ his father to let him go abroad.35 His new friend Samuel Johnson, informed of the plan, responded, ‘I would go where there are courts and learned men.’36 The disagreement between father and son concluded with a nominal agreement that Boswell would resume his law studies. The payoff was that he would spend a year studying Civil Law in Holland and then tour the German courts.37 Boswell’s request to include Paris was refused, as was his plea to tour Italy. Lord Auchinleck saw no point in ‘strolling through the world to see sights before unseen.’38 After further negotiation, Boswell was allowed four months in Italy. Corsica was not mentioned. On 4 August 1763, Samuel Johnson insisted on accompanying him to Harwich to see him off to Holland, ‘with a manly resolution to improve.’ The winter was to be spent at Utrecht, where he would study Civil Law. Since Scots law is much closer to Roman law than is English law, it was not unusual

33. London Journal, 24 Feb. 1763, p. 201. 34. Earlier Years 109. 35. London Journal, 15 June 1763, p. 279 n. 36. London Journal, 25 June 1763, p. 284. 37. JB passed ‘the private examination in Civil Law’ in Scotland on 30 July 1762. It was on the advice of Lord Hailes, a family friend, who had also studied there, that JB went to Utrecht; Hailes suggested courses JB might follow (John W. Cairns, ‘Legal Study in Utrecht in the Late 1740s: the Education of Sir David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes,’ Summa Eloquentia, Essays in Honour of Margaret Hewett, ed. Rena van den Bergh, Pretoria, 2002, pp. 40, 56, 57, 61). 38. Earlier Years 234.

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introduction to spend time at a Dutch university, as Lord Auchinleck himself had done at Leyden.39 Boswell’s time in Utrecht is often recalled not for what Boswell learned there but for his turbulent relationship with and near marriage to the eligible young Belle de Zuylen. Boswell fell in and out of love with her, decided to marry and then not to marry her. When Corsica was published, Boswell sent her a copy. She was struck by ‘the heroism of that people, the great qualities of their chief, the genius of the author’ and started, but never completed, a translation of it into French.40 Important as that relationship was to Boswell, the year at Utrecht was crucial in another, quite different way. During this year Boswell took unusual pains to keep his resolution to ‘improve.’ The schedule of study he set himself included three hours a day for legal studies, four hours for French, and regular lessons in classical Greek and Latin.41 The classical languages and history, together with the study of Greek and Roman antiquities, were considered essential to the study of civil law.42 Thus, he consolidated knowledge and skills that would serve him well when he came to visit and write about Corsica. His fluency in French, a subject he had studied in Edinburgh, put him at ease with high society in Germany and on his visits to Rousseau and Voltaire.43 He had also learned some Dutch and enough German to converse later with Signor Suzzoni in Corsica.44 His familiarity with classical authors gave him access to those who had written on Corsica, such as Diodorus Siculus and Polybius. His law studies prepared him to think about issues of civil society, the constitution, and government, which he deals with in chapter three of the ‘Account.’ The occasional political comparisons he makes between Corsica and Holland, such as that Paoli’s position ‘much resembles that of the Stadtholder of Holland,’ show him thinking about constitutional developments in Corsica in a wider European context.45 His studies in Utrecht unwittingly provided him with skills that would be invaluable when he got to Corsica.


Boswell and the Grand Tour  Boswell spent a year and more between leaving Utrecht and landing in Corsica. As for so many young gentlemen before him, the Grand Tour entailed a

39. Cairns notes that after the 1740s there had been ‘a dramatic decline’ in the number of foreign students attending Dutch universities (‘Legal Study in Utrecht,’ p. 38). 40. Earlier Years 383. 41. Earlier Years 126; Dr. Johnson advised him to spend an hour a day reading Greek (London Journal, 2 Aug. 1763, p. 332). 42. Cairns, ‘Origins of the Glasgow Law School,’ pp. 156, 178. 43. For his study of French at Edinburgh, see Pottle, ‘Boswell’s University Education,’ pp. 237–38. 44. Corsica 185. 45. Corsica 98.

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introduction leisurely progress through various European countries toward Italy, which, for its wealth of classical culture and Renaissance art, was regarded as the terminus ad quem of this educational journey. With the end of the Seven Years War in 1763, the way was open again for Britons to travel in Europe. Some 40,000 are said to have crossed the channel in 1765.46 Boswell’s itinerary was not unusual, though the people he met were. Few travellers encountered so splendid a range of noteworthy people. His host in Berlin, a city he greatly enjoyed, was president of the city Council. He visited the courts of Brunswick and of Saxony, danced with George III’s sister and with Elizabeth, the future queen of Prussia. It was de rigueur for the serious tourist to call on Rousseau and Voltaire, something Boswell resolved on while still in Utrecht.47 Armed with letters of introduction, he visited both of them. He had five interviews with Rousseau at Moitiers, having read his Nouvelle Héloise and Émile to prepare himself. Boswell wrote four months later to Rousseau asking for a letter of introduction to the Corsicans. Shortly afterward, at Christmas 1764, he visited Voltaire at Ferney near Geneva. In January 1765 he crossed into Italy by the Mount Cenis pass, heading for Turin. The pleasures of the tour for Boswell were not so much the places and their cultural treasures but visits to prominent Europeans. Boswell wanted to be accepted in the highest circles, to meet and be recognised by Europe’s famous personages. Later in the year he would go to Corsica not to see the country but to meet Paoli. This ambition not just to mingle but to converse with the great is part of that curious mixture of social ambition and a desire for self-improvement so singular to Boswell’s character. His journals give ample evidence of his preoccupation with himself, his ongoing self-assessment. A remark like the following from his London Journal in 1763 is typical: ‘I really have still a great degree of imbecility of mind: I am easily persuaded by what other people say, and cannot have a firm enough judgment.’48 His mood shifts from exhilaration at what a fine fellow he is to abject depression that he has failed himself. Shortly after leaving Utrecht he reflected, ‘I am in reality an original character. Let me moderate and cultivate my originality. . . . Let me then be Boswell and render him as fine a fellow as possible.’49 The Grand Tour was to be a journey of selfdiscovery. The nine months in Italy continued that mission and confirmed earlier signs of a charming, flamboyant, young gallant of enormous energy constantly assessing his performance. He told Rousseau in May 1765 of his tour of Italy, ‘I have viewed with enthusiasm classical sites, and the remains of

46. Beretti 34, n. 78. 47. For the range of British visitors to Rousseau and Voltaire, see Beretti 36: Voltaire received over 300 such visitors during his 14 years at Ferney. 48. London Journal, 18 Jan. 1763, p. 151. 49. 20 July 1764, Earlier Years 148.

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introduction the grandeur of the ancient Romans. I have made a thorough study of architecture, statues, and paintings.’ This is followed almost immediately with the reflection, ‘Dare I admit to you that my conduct has not been as virtuous as I expected.’50 What he called his ‘love of the fair-sex’ often had the better of his good resolutions.51 He visited an Irish Augustinian friar in Parma whose ‘awkward coarse manner’ drew him to reflect on his own sensibility. This, he says, ‘is so delicate that I must fairly own it to be weak and unmanly. It prevents me from having a decent and even conduct in the course of ordinary life. I would hope to be more firm as I grow older.’52 Although there is little of this kind of introspective reflection in Corsica, this characteristic is worth noting as indicative not just of Boswell’s sensitivity but of the way he digests his day-to-day experiences, how he slips easily and without notice between outer events and inner reflection. As a prelude to the visit to Corsica, the time in Italy was significant in several respects, some more important than others. Unlike many British travellers, Boswell learned Italian. Soon after arriving, he hired a personal tutor, Abate Dosi, and later in Siena applied himself to the language with even greater determination with the help of Abate Crochi. He spoke only Italian, did written exercises, and spent two hours every morning reading ‘the divine Ariosto.’53 This newly acquired fluency meant that in Corsica he was able not just to converse in Italian but to read and translate the many official documents that provide primary materials for the ‘Account.’ Paoli addressed him at their first meeting in French, then Italian. Only later did Boswell ask him if he understood English.54 Italy also consolidated an aspect of Boswell that emerges more clearly in Corsica than in his other works: his sense of history. He had greatly enjoyed reading Hume’s History before he left on his Tour: ‘it excites noble feelings of every kind.’55 Boswell, like any young educated person in the eighteenth century, came to history through the classics. Although he regretted not having learned much Greek, he could both write and converse proficiently in Latin.56 By the time he left university, he had an acquaintance with most of the major classical authors from Herodotus to Tacitus, which meant a solid grounding

50. JB to Rousseau, 11 May 1765, Grand Tour 85. 51. ‘Memoirs of James Boswell, Esq.’ The European Magazine, June 1791, reprinted Literary Career xxxvii. 52. Grand Tour 118. 53. JB to Rousseau, Grand Tour 14; Earlier Years 211, 239. 54. Corsica 176–77. 55. London Journal, 23 Jan. 1763, p. 173. 56. JB tells Johnson in 1770, ‘I had learnt little Greek, as is so generally the case in Scotland’ (Life of Johnson, ed. R. W. Chapman, intro. Pat Rogers, Oxford, 1980, p. 1036).

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introduction in the literature as well as the history of classical times. Hence, the range of classical references in Corsica. Italy excited Boswell because he could see the archaeological vestiges of that civilisation. His father’s encouragement to learn odes of Horace by heart came to fruition when, ‘on seeing the famous Fons Bandusiae he spouted Horace’s ode on the spot.’57 His journal entry for Thursday, 28 March 1765, reads: We climbed to the Palace again [on the Palatine hill], where the cypresses seem to mourn for the ruin of the grandeur of the Roman emperors. The view from here is magnificent . . . We went to the Capitoline hill. We saw a fragment of the temple of Jupiter Tonans, which was architecturally very handsome. We saw in a church the famous Tullia prison, of which Sallust gives so hideous a picture and where Paul and Silas were imprisoned.58 The excitement is reminiscent of Edward Gibbon’s response to Rome just five months earlier: After a sleepless night I trod with a lofty step the ruins of the Forum; each memorable spot where Romulus stood, or Tully spoke, or Caesar fell . . . and several days of intoxication were lost or enjoyed before I could descend to a cool and minute investigation.59 Both young travellers are overwhelmed by the almost tangible presence of classical history. Such was Boswell’s elation that he and his friend Morison spoke to one another in Latin as they walked among the monuments: ‘We have persisted, and every day we speak with greater facility, so that we have harangued on Roman antiquities in the language of the Romans themselves.’60 Not all English travellers showed such enthusiasm. The French man of letters Charles de Brosses remarked that he knew more than one Englishman ‘who left Rome without meeting anybody but their own countrymen and without knowing where the Colosseum was.’61 Unlike the more casual visitor, Boswell took a delight in visiting the ancient sites, the art galleries, and churches. He had the curiosity to turn the Grand Tour from an excuse to travel into a seriously enjoyable exposure to what remained of the Roman world. His study of antiquities during his law studies at Edinburgh had inculcated an unusually

57. Grand Tour 87, ed. note. 58. Grand Tour 65. 59. Edward Gibbon, Memoirs of My Life, ed. Georges A. Bonnard (1966), p. 134. 60. Grand Tour 65. 61. Cited by Ian McIntyre, Joshua Reynolds, the Life and Times of the First President of the Royal Academy (2003), p. 45.

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introduction broad understanding of classical culture. The focus was not so much on the artefacts themselves as on their more general significance, on ‘the Manners, Customs, Religion, Civil Government, and Military Affairs of the Romans.’62 That approach underlies his analysis of the Corsicans. It comes as no surprise that the ‘Account’ in Corsica includes a chapter on the history of the island and its people. That study can be traced back to his excitement at Adam Smith’s lectures on rhetoric and belles lettres at the University of Glasgow. The newly appointed professor of moral philosophy, who so greatly impressed Boswell, discussed at length the varying techniques and qualities of Greek and Roman historians. In chapter two of the ‘Account’ we find Boswell echoing many of the dicta of Smith on historical writing.63 Its purpose is to entertain and instruct. It should enquire into the causes of events, highlight the actions of men ‘such as have contributed to great revolutions and changes in States and Governments,’ and present individual characters ‘by the narration of the facts and setting them in as interesting a view as he possibly can.’64 Nowhere else in Boswell’s work does he attempt historical writing. What he finds particularly interesting in Italy are places he can associate with individuals in history, like Cicero or Horace. The same is true of his historical chapter in the ‘Account.’ The climax of that is not an event, but the person Paoli. Not that Boswell shows a developed theory of historiography, either in Italy or Corsica. But he has a sense of history as development, even progress, as the result of the commitment of particular individuals, and this view is fundamental to his understanding of Paoli and Corsica. As in so much of Boswell’s writing, his attention turns to the people who made history rather than to events, which, as Smith had warned, could be ‘so dull and so lifeless’ in the telling.65 But it was not just historical or important people who appealed to Boswell’s gregarious nature. His journal in Rome shows with disarming honesty that in a given day he might visit a painter, a prostitute, and a cardinal.66 On his travels he always made a point of contacting people—often Scots—who would be useful to him, be it to show him the local antiquities, or to teach him

62. Pottle argues that these contents probably changed little, although specifically taken from the course of Professor Charles Mackie, who preceded JB’s professor, William Wallace (‘Boswell’s University Education,’ p. 244). 63. Adam Smith, Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, ed. J. C. Bryce (London, 1983); lectures 17–20 deal with historical writing. The Scottish universities, as well as Utrecht, made a point of linking the study of law with that of history (J. W. Cairns, ‘Three unnoticed Scottish editions of Pieter Burman’s Antiquitatum Romanarum brevis descriptio,’ The Bibliotheck: A Journal of Scottish Bibliography, vol. 22, 1997, pp. 22–3). 64. Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, lecture 17, p. 90 and lecture 18, p. 101. 65. Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, lecture 17, p. 96. 66. Grand Tour 53–54.

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introduction Italian, or just to keep him company. People were what kept Boswell going. Dr. Johnson was never far from his thoughts. He notes in the ‘Journal’ that he discussed many of Johnson’s sayings with Paoli, and later, ‘I walked from the convent to Corte, purposely to write a letter to Mr. Samuel Johnson.’67 He was repeatedly depressed by what he called ‘my old state of solitude.’68 Clearly, Boswell needed company, and others found him companionable and an entertaining conversationalist. He liked tennis, played the violin, enjoyed a song, and learned to play the flute on which he was later to entertain the Corsicans.69 Such relaxation, however, does not alter the fact that Boswell was also very conscious of the figure he cut, his image. ‘If I excel in anything,’ he wrote, ‘it is in address and making myself easily agreeable.’70 In Rome he engaged the young Scot George Willison to paint his portrait, a painting that highlights sensuous full lips, eyes askance suggesting self-confidence, even superciliousness, rich dark hair, and a figure, as Boswell admits of himself earlier, ‘rather fat than lean, rather short than tall.’71 He stood about 5’6” and had a somewhat dark complexion. For the portrait, he dresses in the scarlet-laced suit and the green cloak bordered with fox fur he had worn to visit Rousseau. The sombre setting, with Boswell sitting cross-legged on a rock beneath a tree in the cleft of the rock, conveys a spirit of thoughtful composure surrounded by wildness. That was the mood he would like to project on his trip through Corsica. Boswell so enjoyed Italy that he wanted more time there than the four months his father had allowed. He pressed his friend John, Viscount Mountstuart, Lord Bute’s son, to write to Lord Auchinleck to let him stay longer. The extension was given.72 The idea of going to Corsica surfaced, then disappeared, then resurfaced. In May he had asked Rousseau for a letter of recommendation to the Corsicans.73 By July he was thinking of travelling back to France on a route that would take him through Verona, Parma, Florence, and Leghorn, from where he would sail to France.74 In Florence he met John Dick, the British consul at Leghorn, who was to become a friend and assist in collecting materials for Corsica.75 Dick may well have been the decisive prompt for Boswell to go to Corsica.

67. Corsica 196, 207. 68. JB to Rousseau, Grand Tour 13. 69. Earlier Years 238, 258 and Corsica 188. 70. London Journal, 1 July 1763, p. 288. 71. JB to Erskine, 17 Dec. 1761, The Letters between the Honourable Andrew Erskine and James Boswell Esq. (1763), p. 57. 72. Peter Martin, A Life of James Boswell (1999), p. 200. 73. JB to Rousseau, 11 May 1765, Grand Tour 86. Rousseau’s reply is dated 30 May 1765, Grand Tour 121–22. 74. JB to John Johnston, 19 July 1765, Grand Tour 110. 75. Earlier Years 303.

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introduction As usual, Boswell had much else on his mind. His father thought he was already on his way home, whereas he was clearly loitering. In addition, he found himself troubled yet again by venereal disease. Undeterred, he reminded himself in Florence to get a supply of condoms for Siena. Boswell spent over a month there before going to Leghorn in early October. He wrote to his father to explain the delay. Lord Auchinleck was incensed. He thought Boswell was writing from London, but the letter showed otherwise: ‘When I came to open it, I found it was from Siena; and you tell me you were to stay there three weeks or a month, and this in order, as you write, to learn the Italian language.’76 He did have Italian lessons and read Ariosto every day, but he did much else. He told Rousseau that in Siena, I found that people lived there in a completely natural fashion, making love as their inclinations suggested . . . I allowed myself to become all sensation and immediate feeling . . . I did not wish to be more profound than the others. To enjoy was the thing. Intoxicated by that sweet delirium, I gave myself up, without self-reproach and in complete serenity, to the charms of irregular love.77 He became involved with two women, both older than himself, married, and with a family. He left the first, Porzia, as she was slow to succumb to his advances, for the sake of the second, Girolama Picolomini (‘Moma’), who fell deeply in love with him. His departure for Leghorn and Corscia was a necessary escape from an affair that was becoming uncomfortably demanding. His time in Siena sits ironically not only with his dutiful letter to his father but with the warning given him as he sailed from Leghorn to Corsica: ‘If I attempted to debauch any of their women, I might expect instant death.’78 Boswell seems to have taken the threat seriously. At no point in his ‘Journal’ does Boswell admit to so much as a sensual look or a lewd thought about women in Corsica. His abstinence was but temporary. Within a couple of weeks of arriving back on the continent he wrote, ‘saw beautiful lady of first family (nineteen) richly dressed,’ then, ‘deshabilled and hair cut . . . neat one and young.’79 It says much for Boswell’s independence of spirit that he could so decisively turn his back on the importunities of a woman he had grown very fond of and of a father who he knew wanted him home. Corsica was a break from all that. It was also something quite new. The island was not part of the Grand

76. Lord Auchinleck to JB 1 October 1765, Grand Tour 228. 77. JB to Rousseau, Grand Tour 16. 78. Corsica 165. 79. 10 December 1765, Grand Tour 238. JB was disappointed to find Corsican women unattractive, an observation he deleted from his text (see note to ‘countenances,’ Corsica 136).

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introduction Tour; it had been totally ignored by English travellers, yet it was beginning to attract attention for its struggle against the Genoese. In the opening of his ‘Journal’ he writes, I wished for something more than just the common course of what is called the tour of Europe; and Corsica occurred to me as a place which no body else had seen, and where I should find what was to be seen no where else.80 Corsica promised an unusual experience, but that is not to say that Boswell’s Grand Tour had been ‘just the common course.’ He had met, for example, the Duke of Brunswick, the sister of Frederick the Great, Rousseau, Voltaire, and the pope. The tour had been, as Roberts says, ‘a grand tour of famous men.’81 He records with obvious satisfaction that Rousseau ‘kissed me several times, and held me in his arms.’82 Here he was at 25 with a letter of introduction to yet another celebrated personality, Paoli. The difference was that Paoli was more than just another social scalp. He symbolised the fighting spirit of a nation on the brink, as Boswell thought, of achieving its independence. What Boswell did not realise was that his visit would bring him the public and literary fame he had so longed for.


The Attraction of Corsica  One of the compelling reasons for Boswell to visit Corsica was that he wanted to see for himself the native islanders who were fighting for their freedom. Rousseau was perhaps the first to bring him to focus on this singular example in Europe of a people striving for nationhood.83 The energy with which he develops his main theme, ‘these vigorous exertions in the cause of liberty,’ illustrates a sustained intellectual curiosity that belies the image of Boswell as social adventurer.84 There are aspects of Boswell on the Grand Tour that bring him close to Pope’s caricature, ‘The Stews and Palace equally explor’d/Intrigu’d with glory, and with spirit whor’d.’85 But the seriousness of his curiosity about Corsica more than makes up for this. Chapter two, for example, is not so much a history of Corsica as a history of its struggle for liberty. It starts with the earliest accounts of Corsica in classical literature and ends with an encomium on Paoli.

80. Corsica 161. 81. Introduction, The Journal of a Tour to Corsica, ed. S. C. Roberts (Cambridge, 1929), p. ix. 82. Cited by Martin, Life of Boswell, p. 185. 83. See JB to Rousseau, Grand Tour 86. 84. Corsica 95. 85. Pope, The Dunciad, iv. 315–16.

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introduction Boswell moves from the ‘dark and fabulous periods’ to the present, and the reason for this vast span is ‘we love to be led on in a gradual progress, to behold truth emerging from obscurity, like the sun breaking through the clouds.’86 What he calls ‘the fundamental truth’ is that Corsicans have shown themselves consistently determined to fight for their liberty. The narrative is loose and discursive, not infrequently interrupted by inordinate attention to topics that clearly fascinate Boswell, for example, the arrival of the Greek settlers in the seventeenth century, or the flamboyant Theodore who had himself crowned king of Corsica for a short while.87 But the discursiveness keeps returning to the ‘plain and fundamental principle, that the Corsicans are men, and have a right to liberty.’88 This authorial reminder interjects in the story of hostility, centuries old, between the arrogant Genoese and the brave Corsicans, with France interposing itself from time to time. The final pages on Paoli, an authoritative and sagacious figure, able to galvanise the Corsicans to their immanent independence, read like the wished for culmination of a long historical process. Liberty is assured, the idea finds expression in the man. A rough people have reached the point of their transformation into a nation. That is what Boswell wanted to see for himself. His meeting with Paoli would be the culmination of those desires.


Corsica and Travel Literature  Corsica holds an unusual place, both in the corpus of eighteenth-century literature and among Boswell’s own works. The book comprises two texts, the descriptive and objective ‘Account’ and the more personal ‘Journal.’ The ‘Account’ includes the kind of empirical observation expected in an eighteenth-century travel book—an outline of Corsica’s landscapes, history, agriculture, economy, and customs.89 The ‘Journal’ then records Boswell’s journey and experiences on the island, especially his visit to the ‘rebel’ leader Paoli. The first part, a more objective and well-researched overview of the country, lays the ground for the second. The significance of his days spent with Paoli is all the more comprehensible when read in the light of the materials provided in the ‘Account.’ The contents of Corsica give it the look of a travel book, though Boswell avoids what Sterne called that ‘self-consciously solemn and otiosely informative’ tone found in some fashionable travel writers of the day.90

86. Corsica 51–52. 87. Corsica 66–69 and 74–78. 88. Corsica 59. 89. Viviès gives the background to this genre in English Travel Narratives in the Eighteenth Century: Exploring Genres, trans. Claire Davison (Ashgate, 2002), pp. 33–34. 90. Introduction, Laurence Sterne, A Sentimental Journey, ed. Herbert Read (1929), p. xxi.

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introduction By the time Boswell was writing, travel literature had come to occupy a major place in the book trade. Writers like Dampier, Defoe, Swift, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Smollett, and others had tapped a public curiosity that had turned travel writing into a profitable business. Travel accounts were generally of two kinds. Some were a personal record describing the traveller’s encounter with peoples, manners, and customs in foreign countries, usually France or Italy. The traveller’s reflections might well include comments on the weather or culture or manners, but these were not the prime concern. Sterne’s Sentimental Journey (1768) is a gentle parody of this fashionable mode. Later in the century a traveller like Arthur Young uses the journey to analyse the cultural, economic, and social characteristics of peoples and places. In his Tour in Ireland (1780) and later in his Travels in France (1792), by emphasising certain features of the people’s conditions of life, Young conveyed a clear and persuasive political message. Boswell exploited this political potential of the genre in his attempt to boost Corsica and its people to his English readers. In his chosen format, Boswell was attempting something new, to combine the historical, cultural overview with the personal journal. Boswell may have hit on the idea from magazines or annuals like Burke’s Annual Register, which included in one volume both kinds of material but made no links between them. To find the two, separate but informing one another, was unlike anything else in the genre. Corsica was not Boswell’s only attempt at travel writing. Comparisons with his later book, Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides (1785), help clarify the focus and limits of what he achieved in Corsica. The point of that journey was to show Johnson Scotland and cure him of his prejudice against the Scots. They travelled from Edinburgh to the Hebrides and back via Boswell’s home at Auchinleck. Whereas Boswell had come to understand Corsica through and in Paoli, Johnson was ‘the capital object’91 of the Tour to the Hebrides, which thereby gained a homogeneity not found in Corsica; there the two parts are complementary, fused together by Paoli. That difference illustrates another stage in Boswell’s progress toward his great Life of Johnson (1791). In Corsica Paoli is the stimulus and embodiment of his comprehension of Corsica. In the Tour to the Hebrides, Boswell’s interaction with Johnson, ‘that Wonderful Man, whom I venerated and loved while in the world,’ develops and spreads so that Johnson becomes, as it were, ‘a country, or rather an immense, grandiose continent to be discovered . . . and committed to paper.’92 Not surprisingly, the Tour to the Hebrides adds finesse to other characteristics seen in Corsica. This is especially noteworthy in Boswell’s ability to direct

91. Boswell, Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides, ed. L. F. Powell (1958), p. 6. 92. Viviès, English Travel Narratives, p. 48.

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introduction and record a conversation. Inevitably he had honed his skill in opening up issues with Johnson in Scotland to a finer degree than that shown in Corsica with Paoli. He claims in the Tour to the Hebrides, ‘I was . . . fortunate enough frequently to draw him forth to talk, when he would otherwise have been silent. The fountain was at times locked up, till I opened the spring.’93 This role, so famously developed in his Life of Johnson, was rooted in the experience of writing Corsica.


Interplay between the Corsican Texts  Boswell’s meeting with Paoli, so celebrated by the ‘Journal,’ has long distracted readers from thinking about Corsica as comprising two interrelated texts. Pottle summed up the trend when he wrote, ‘The eighteenth-century printings of the Account will probably furnish as many copies of that work as will ever be needed, but the Tour should always be kept in print.’94 The juxtaposition of such different kinds of texts may be one reason why the volume has not been reprinted in its entirety since the third edition in 1769. Another may be that once France had taken control of the island in 1769, British interest in the place and its people subsided. Also, as Belle de Zuylen noted when translating the book into French, parts of the ‘Account,’ ‘which French impatience would have found unmercifully long-winded,’ needed abridging.95 The ‘Journal,’ however, has enjoyed many reprintings, partly because of its more personal and familiar flavour and partly because its portrait of Paoli gives a taste of the biographical skills Boswell was to show in his Life of Dr Johnson. But there was no doubt in Boswell’s mind that the two parts of the book formed an integral whole. He never conceived of publishing the ‘Journal’ separately, and one can see why. The two complement one another: the ‘Journal’ rests on the ‘Account’ in ways that consolidate Boswell’s main themes. This allows him to revisit them, expand on certain aspects, and inject a personal presence in the ‘Journal.’ In addition, the sequence of the texts establishes the presumption that the reader accompanies Boswell on his journey with the same knowledge of Corsica as Boswell had at the time of his visit. For example, Boswell’s opening assertion that these people are ‘so heroick a race of patriots’ is steadily demonstrated in his history of their struggles against the Genoese, the French, the Turks, and others.96 When in the ‘Journal’ he recounts his meeting with the downhearted people of Bastelica, he says he ‘harangued’ them

93. Tour to the Hebrides, pp. 189–90. 94. Earlier Years 362. 95. 2 June 1768, Earlier Years 384. 96. Corsica 25. 97. Corsica 174.

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introduction and ‘expatiated on the bravery of the Corsicans.’97 He and, by this stage, the reader seem to know more of their bravery than they do. The irony is that Boswell came to his extensive knowledge only after he had worked on the book back in Scotland. But the false pretence serves the purpose of enhancing Boswell’s authority as guide, and that is an important part of his intention in the two parts. The same point applies to all three of Boswell’s principal themes in both parts: the character of the Corsicans, their fight for liberty, and their leader Paoli. They are a brave people, but renowned for their vindictiveness.98 He attributes this characteristic in the ‘Account’ to the long absence of legal justice, a problem he praises Paoli for addressing. So when Paoli raises the point in conversation in the ‘Journal,’ the reader is already aware of the issue.99 Boswell praises their morals and respect for women in the ‘Account,’ a point he is cautioned to respect while still sailing to the island.100 His argument in the ‘Account’ that the Corsicans are ‘a people of strong passions, as well as of lively and vigorous minds’ with ‘abilities for any thing,’ lays the ground not just for the rugged open characters we meet in the ‘Journal’ but also for the man who personifies these qualities, Paoli.101 We hear enough in the ‘Account’ about Paoli, his family background, and his leadership qualities to make him a formidable figure before we meet him in person in the ‘Journal.’102 Occasional remarks like ‘Paoli’s care and attention to the good of his country’ consolidate him as the guiding presence.103 Having read in the ‘Account’ how he established the university at Corte and recruited Corsican scholars to staff it,104 we are not surprised to meet in the ‘Journal’ a widely read and philosophical man fluent in several languages. The strongest thread between the two parts of the book is the language of liberty. Boswell calls the book ‘my little monument to liberty.’105 The history of the island reflects ‘vigorous exertions in the cause of liberty.’106 Under Paoli, the Corsicans have reached this final moment in their progress from servitude to freedom. Hence, Boswell’s excitement to see people ‘actually fighting for liberty.’107 Liberty is the underlying theme of the book. 98. The Encyclopédie described them as stirring, vindictive, and bellicose (Encyclopédie, 1751; Compact edn. i. 784). 99. Corsica 89 and 196–97. 100. Corsica 131 and 165. 101. Corsica 130. 102. Corsica 86–87. 103. Corsica 110. 104. Corsica 120–21. 105. Preface, Corsica 12. For a full discussion of this unifying theme see Thomas M. Curley’s essay in New Light on Boswell, ed. Greg Clingham (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 89–103. 106. Corsica 95. 107. Corsica 161.

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introduction The relatively frequent publication of the ‘Journal’ without the ‘Account’ has meant that Boswell’s argument that Corsica was in the final stage of achieving its liberty has been lost. To have both texts available redresses this loss. Several other points also come into clearer focus. For instance, in the ‘Journal’ Boswell plays with the rumour that he was a secret ambassador for the British. But within that text little is said to explain the underlying feelings of Corsicans when, for example, the captain of the guard at Patrimonio tells Boswell, ‘The English; they were once our friends; but they are so no more.’108 Boswell presumes his readers understand this from the ‘Account,’ where he had described Britain’s rejection of Corsica’s plea for protection in 1746.109 When Boswell broaches the subject with Paoli in the ‘Journal,’ he means us to admire Paoli’s ability to rise above this kind of resentment and express his ‘great respect for the British nation.’110 The same interplay of the texts is evident in Boswell’s references to Rousseau. Toward the end of the ‘Journal,’ Boswell tries to clarify the disputed issue of whether Rousseau had been invited to Corsica to help formulate a constitution. Boswell makes it clear that Signor Buttafoco did invite him, but Rousseau complained of difficulties and never came.111 However, this information acts as a frame to an extended description of Rousseau’s strong admiration for the Corsicans. Those remarks complement Boswell’s mention in the ‘Account’ of Rousseau’s condemnation of France’s treatment of Corsica112 and of his praise for the islanders’ strong character.113 The ongoing references to Rousseau reflect Boswell’s indebtedness to him as a major source of his enthusiasm for the Corsicans. The ‘Account’ is a necessary forerunner in many other respects. For example, Boswell mentions certain people who appear again later in the ‘Journal.’ Some are introduced in the ‘Account’ as important figures, such as the French commander in Corsica, M. de Marboeuf, or prominent patriots like Nicholas Rivarola and Signor Barbaggi.114 When Boswell then meets them in the ‘Journal,’ the reader is all the more impressed at his familiarity with the central figures both among the Corsicans and the French. Places too are described in the ‘Account’ and then revisited in the ‘Journal,’ notably the Corsicans’ capital Corte. Although Boswell says he stopped there on his way to Paoli ‘to see every thing about the capital of Corsica,’ he gives no description of the place. Instead, he dwells on the people he met and an issue that fascinated him,

108. Corsica 169. 109. Corsica 84. 110. Corsica 189. 111. Corsica 208–11. 112. Corsica 92. 113. Corsica 130. 114. For de Marboeuf, see Corsica 43, 93, 207, 214–15; for Rivarola, 72, 169; for Barbaggi, 105, 169.

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introduction the appointment of a hangman.115 The point is that in the ‘Account’ he had already included several pages describing the physical place, the rocky incline, the ‘almost impassable mountains,’ and the castle.116 Minor details too, like the Corsican muskets mentioned in the ‘Journal,’ make better sense when read in conjunction with Boswell’s earlier remarks in the ‘Account.’ The reader of the ‘Journal’ may be surprised to hear of soldiers resting on their muskets conversing with Boswell in the convent at Bastelica.117 But Boswell had made it clear in the ‘Account’ that guns were part of the culture: the Corsicans were excellent marksmen and ‘every Corsican has a musket put into his hand, as soon as he is able to carry it.’118 That point needs no second remark.


Idealising the Corsicans  This interplay of texts is a reminder of Boswell’s overall intention, which was to encourage sympathy for the Corsican people. Ignorance and prejudice had long worked against them and, if Lord Holland’s remarks in 1768 are any indication, continued to do so. He called the Corsicans ‘the vilest inhabitants of one of the vilest islands in the world.’119 Boswell admits in the ‘Journal’ that he too had a jaundiced view. He expected to meet a rude and wild people. Ironically for the reader, such prejudice has already been put to rest in the ‘Account.’ Instead, he met a people who, like Paoli, lived ‘in the times of antiquity.’120 One of the most telling of his techniques in the ‘Journal’ is to suggest Corsica was the opposite of what he expected. From the early pages Boswell traces within himself the unfolding contrast between ignorant suspicion about the Corsicans and his surprise and delight at finding the opposite. What Martin calls ‘a dream made up largely of clichés’ gradually ‘solidified into a cause.’121 He had been told they were people of extremes, armed and dangerous. When he suddenly encountered country peasants, he immediately saw them as ‘so many assassins.’122 Boswell does more than assure his readers that the image is not correct. These initial anxieties in the ‘Journal’ are gradually brought into line with what the reader knows from the ‘Account.’ Boswell metamorphoses the Corsicans and at the same time makes the revelation of 115. Corsica 171–72. 116. Corsica 37–39. 117. Corsica 174. 118. Corsica 110. 119. Cited in Earlier Years 395. See Otto Trevelyan’s response to the book in Addenda II below. 120. Corsica 195. 121. Martin, Life of Boswell, p. 204. 122. Corsica 166.

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introduction their character look as if the transformation is happening within his innocent admiring self. The initial image is displaced by its opposite. At Bastelica, on his way over the mountains to Paoli, he met ‘a stately spirited race of people . . . I liked to see their natural frankness and ease.’123 Dangerous brigands turn into ‘brave islanders,’ fighters for liberty. Boswell’s adjectives pile on the praise. ‘Brave’ becomes the key word, ‘the brave Corsicans,’ ‘the brave islanders.’124 ‘Brave’ implies courage in the righteous cause against unequal odds, as explained in the ‘Account.’ And that is the new-found character of these ‘plain’ and ‘honest’ people.125 They are people of ‘solid, good sense’; Paoli is surrounded by men of ‘sense and abilities.’126 Even if their dancing is ‘truly savage,’ they live an idyllic pastoral existence, reminiscent of Horace, eating chestnuts off the trees and quenching their thirst in mountain brooks.127 There is hardly a villain among them. This idealisation has a touch of Romantic primitivism about it. Rousseau, as Boswell notes, had written, ‘The valour and the constancy with which that brave people hath recovered and defended its liberty, would well deserve that some wise man should teach them how to preserve it.’128 Boswell is to be envied, said the Scots Magazine with some irony, that he saw liberty ‘to greater advantage than any British subject, perhaps, ever can view the same in futuro.’129 Recent critics have argued that Corsica was a ‘Plutarchan revelation’ to Boswell, implying a conscious attempt to present Paoli and Corsica in the spirit of Plutarch. Plutarch argues that the genesis of his Lives is the principle that ‘the beauty of goodness has an attractive power . . . it forms our manners, and influences our desires.’130 That aesthetic informs Boswell’s idealisation. He hoped Corsica would generate just such a moral response by Britain toward Corsica, in particular the rescinding of the Proclamation of 1763. Not that Boswell thought he was overstating the virtues of the Corsicans. He tells Edmond Malone at the start of his Tour to the Hebrides, ‘In every narrative, whether historical or biographical, authenticity is of the utmost consequence.’131 In Corsica this ‘authenticity’ concerns Boswell’s moral admiration

123. Corsica 174. 124. See also Corsica 189, 210. Corsicans were frequently referred to as ‘brave’ in the General Account and Description of the Island of Corsica (Beretti 24 and n. 52). 125. Corsica 185. 126. Corsica 185. 127. Corsica 173. 128. Corsica 209. 129. Scots Magazine, Feb. 1768, p. 90. 130. Plutarch, Plutarch’s Lives, from the Original Greek with Notes, Critical, Historical, and Chronological and a New Life of Plutarch, trans. John Langhorne and William Langhorne, 6 vols. (1770), cited by Stanley Brodwin, ‘ “Old Plutarch at Auchinleck”, Boswell’s Muse of Corsica,’ Philological Quarterly, 62.1 (1983), 74; see also Beretti 206. 131. Tour to the Hebrides, p. xi.

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introduction for the people of Corsica. The aesthetic of ‘goodness’ implies telling the truth. The encomiums may give colour to or even cloud historical reality, but they serve the higher purpose of acclaiming the people’s struggle for independence.


Sources and Their Use  Boswell’s enthusiasm is evident also in the thoroughness with which he researched the book. He wrote with some pride, ‘in comparison of the very little that has been hitherto known concerning that island, this book may be said to contain a great deal.’132 The preface is a vignette of the young scholar sitting down in his father’s substantial library at Auchinleck, organising his resources, books to hand, notes taken on the journey, his journal, and the documents he had collected on the way. He immediately wrote to friends for further materials and ‘in the mean time directed my studies to such books as might furnish me with any thing relative to the subject.’133 While preparing to write Corsica, Boswell began to develop the research skills that would serve him so well in the Life of Johnson. He solicited materials from well-placed correspondents like John Dick, Richard Edwards, and Rev. Andrew Burnaby, all serving at the consulate in Leghorn. The publisher Edward Dilly and the bookseller Thomas Davies acquired printed material for him in London. Later he would give his text to friends that it might be ‘improved by their corrections.’134 Within the young, sometimes affected, and boisterous Boswell was a serious and meticulous researcher. Boswell’s sources are remarkably varied and comprehensive for his day. He had started collecting materials while still on the island. Signor Morelli, a lawyer he dined with in Bastia, ‘made me presents of books and antiques, and of every other curiosity relating to Corsica.’135 Boswell collected anything that might be relevant, whatever its political sympathies. Important sources were two histories of Corsica, written by men who had served in the French army in Corsica between 1738 and 1742, Goury de Champgrand and Jaussin.136 Although Boswell criticises Jaussin as a Genoese sympathiser who ‘does not seem to have felt one spark of true liberty,’ he made frequent use of his text, as well as of the documents and letters included in his book.137 On earlier times he

Preface, Corsica 10. Preface, Corsica 10. Preface, Corsica 13. Corsica 213. Jean-Francois Goury de Champgrand, Histoire de l’Isle de Corse, Nancy, 1749, and Louis-Amand Jaussin, Mémoires historiques, militaires et politiques, Lausanne, 1758. 137. Corsica 81–82.

132. 133. 134. 135. 136.

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introduction used Petrus Cyrnaeus, a priest of the fifteenth century. Cyrnaeus’ proCorsican sentiments, like ‘All Corsicans are free, and live by their own laws,’ matched Boswell’s sentiments.138 But what he usually wanted from his sources was basic information rather than interpretation of events. Some he does not mention by name, and he clearly scanned more than he admits. A remark like ‘historians are not agreed’ points to conflicting accounts from a variety of authors.139 He prefers to register the dispute and pass on, rather than get involved. He knew what he wanted to write about: Corsica’s progress toward sovereignty. Although Boswell sometimes works very closely with a source, he deftly assimilates the material into his own design. Burnaby, whom he copies rather than adapts, is the exception. A major source like Goury is the norm; he may well have given Boswell the idea of the first part of the book, the ‘Account.’ Goury’s Histoire was the most recent and comprehensive work on Corsica and its people. Jaussin dwelt more on military history and the events during his stay on the island from 1738 to 1741. Goury provided French readers with the kind of overview Boswell wanted to give his English readers. Although Boswell includes many of the same topics covered by Goury, his use of the Histoire is selective and varied from neat summaries to direct translations of particular sentences. He follows the general ordering of material in Goury, but selectively and without the same extended detail. The same is true of his use of Jaussin. If Goury’s Histoire is the genesis of the ‘Account,’ Boswell remains his own master. He resorts to the particulars of a paragraph or a sentence from time to time yet is happy within a single paragraph to break away into his own perceptions or to blend Goury with other sources. Goury, for example, deals at some length with issues like vengeance among Corsicans, the role of women, the Corsicans’ reputation for indolence, their funeral rituals, and the Greek community in Corsica. Boswell addresses these same topics, but as the notes to this edition indicate, he is selective and a master of summary. He can turn two or three pages of Goury into a lucid short paragraph that encapsulates the essentials. Boswell’s strategy is to support his argument with as much primary material as he can find. He includes primary source materials gleaned from friends and people of influence, as well as from printed sources like Jaussin. His history of the colony of Greeks in Corsica, for example, is built on documents sent by John Dick and Paoli, as well as what he read in Goury.140 He prints primary

138. Corsica 125. 139. Corsica 57. An example of a possible source that goes unmentioned is the anonymous Histoire des Révolutions de l’Islande Corse et de l’Elevation de Théodore I sur le Throne de cet Etat, La Haie, 1738. It covers many of the events mentioned by JB and in much greater detail. 140. Corsica 66–69.

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introduction source material, as with Paoli’s statements, proclamations, letters, and the six official documents at the end of the ‘Account.’ These allow readers, as it were, to listen to Corsicans for themselves. For all his enthusiasm, Boswell tries to bring the reader as close as he can to the minds and feelings of the Corsican people. He includes ‘popular harangues,’ tracts, manifestos, poems, letters.141 These are supplemented by his own ‘pretty large collection of remarks, which I had committed to writing, while I was in the island.’142 These included conversations such as that with ‘a very sensible Corsican’ who tells him that the Corsican signors had so tyrannised the peasants that if the Genoese had withdrawn, the peasants would nevertheless have arisen against their feudal lords. Such was their hatred of slavery.143 Where he can, Boswell keeps close to the voice of the people. In the ‘Journal’ this becomes the voice of Paoli. The wide ranging classical references add another dimension to the argument. These, he hopes, are not ‘an ostentatious display of learning’ but will add ‘dignity to Corsica.’144 By citing Strabo on Corsica’s geography and Diodorus on the character of the people, Boswell makes the point that the island has been a matter of discussion since earliest times, and, as Livy shows, ‘they were continually attempting to get free.’145 By comparing Corsicans with the Germans as described by Tacitus, Boswell places their character in the wider European framework. Like Tacitus’ Germans, they do not ‘laugh at vice,’ are upstanding, if indolent, but the Corsicans are not as given to heavy drinking.146 The ploy serves to rescue them from being regarded as beyond the European pale. His manner of quoting from authorities is sometimes puzzling. As he indicates, he had some sources in front of him as he wrote. He will quote accurately but make silent adjustments. For example, with ‘Pride: a Poem’ he presents the passage as a seamless whole, but in fact omits 42 lines without indicating where the breaks occur.147 On another occasion he seems to have Molesworth in front of him, but the quotation shows surprising deviations from the original.148 He gives an inaccurate quotation from Montesquieu, yet his translation follows the original closely.149 Such variations suggest Boswell worked at speed. By and large an accurate scholar, he was occasionally impatient to move on.

141. Corsica 110, 112–13, 126–28, 129. 142. Preface, Corsica 10. 143. Corsica 101. 144. Preface, Corsica 14. 145. Corsica 55. 146. Corsica 131–32. 147. Corsica 135–36. 148. Corsica 22. 149. Corsica 132.

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introduction His ongoing desire to add ‘dignity’ to Corsica is particularly evident in the references to classical poets like Homer, Horace, and Virgil. Joseph Addison had set a trend in his Remarks on Several Parts of Italy by providing quotations from the Roman poets for places the traveller might visit. Boswell does something different. He draws on the great classical poets, so respected and familiar to his readers, to impart a new level of significance to the unknown Corsica. Corsica’s landscape, he says, brings to mind Homer’s description of the beauty and abundance of Ithaca, which ‘in general may be well applied to Corsica.’150 When he likens the Corsican mountains covered with arbutus trees to ‘the country which Virgil describes as the seat of rural felicity,’ he again presents Corsica as a fitting subject for the greatest of classical writers.151 A quotation from Horace, to capture his sense of pleasure as he and his guides drank from a mountain stream, places the experience in the context of antiquity.152 The interplay between past and present, local and universal is no less evident in passages on Paoli. Their discussion on Epicureans and Stoics prompted Boswell to think of Paoli in the light of Cato and a passage from Lucan. He then gives Rowe’s translation, ending with the lines, To think he was not for himself design’d, But born to be of use to all mankind.153 Paoli thus acquires universal standing, linked with Roman history and literature and England’s translation of that. Paoli and this ‘brave and resolute nation,’ far from being ‘rebels,’ or a people and country remote and dangerous, are integral to the best of Europe’s historical and imaginative traditions.154 Boswell is at times a punctilious scholar, correcting previous authors like Sir James Steuart and Smollett, and, as we shall see, critical of how he presents his material. He is also curiously generous in his use of sources he admires. Burnaby is a case in point. Burnaby, who had visited the island in 1766, sent Boswell the manuscript of his journal, allowing Boswell ‘to make what use I pleased’ of it. Boswell remarks, ‘I have freely interwoven it into my work.’155 What this means often is that, as the notes to this edition show, he simply copied out extracts from Burnaby. This occurs for the most part in chapter one and chapter three, where Burnaby provides details Boswell had missed, for example, the description of the gulf of San Fiorenzo, or an historical

150. Corsica 49–50. 151. Corsica 45. 152. Corsica 173. 153. Corsica 180–81. 154. Introduction, Corsica 24. 155. Preface, Corsica 11; Burnaby published his Journal of a Tour to Corsica in 1801.

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introduction anecdote about the village Tomino, or comments on the white wines of Capo Corso.156 In chapter two he repeats comments by Burnaby about Paoli and his reforms because ‘I found [them] set in a clearer light.’157 The only substantial use of Burnaby in the ‘Journal’ also concerns Paoli, but this time Boswell does not simply copy. He reworks a long passage in Burnaby dealing with the contentious issue of Paoli’s relation with Rousseau. Although the substance of Burnaby’s argument is unchallenged, Boswell contrives to shift its focus. Burnaby had argued that Paoli thought the Corsicans were not ready for radical legal reforms, much less to have a stranger legislate for them. It was not so much ideas on reform that Paoli sought from Rousseau as the support of his pen in recording the brave history of the Corsican people.158 In Boswell’s reformulation, Paoli’s ‘wisdom’ is given increased prominence, thus providing a counterweight to Boswell’s undoubted admiration for Rousseau’s ‘shining talents.’ Boswell adds the telling comment that if ‘the genius of Rousseau’ had been applied to the history, ‘it would have been one of the noblest monuments of modern times.’159 What Boswell takes from Burnaby here is the perception that the relation between the two men he so admired was over. Perhaps Boswell is hinting that his Corsica plays the part that Paoli had first thought belonged to Rousseau. The letter from Paoli, thanking Boswell for his work, corroborates Boswell’s hopes for his own reputation: the Corsican people, says Paoli, ‘with an enthusiasm of gratitude, will unite their applause with that of undeceived Europe.’160


Boswell’s Paoli—Construction and Self-construction  Given that the highlight and in many ways the point of Boswell’s tour was his visit to Paoli in Sollacarò, it is not surprising that he took care to create an image of Paoli that justified the journey. He achieves much of this in the pages of the ‘Journal’ covering his week with Paoli, but there is much else in Corsica to indicate that those passages are but the climax of a larger narrative process. The first mention of Paoli is in the preface, ‘the illustrious General of the Corsicans,’ and the tone of the remark resonates throughout the book.161 Although further references are sparsely scattered until the ‘Journal,’ they

156. Corsica 31, 33, 35, 115. 157. Corsica 89; Preface, Corsica 11. 158. See pp. 210–11 n. below; further on this affair, see Ettori, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, thèse d’Etat, Université de Provence, 1976. 159. Corsica 211. 160. Preface, Corsica 9. 161. Introduction, Corsica 25.

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introduction gradually establish Paoli as a major point of reference. Boswell gradually insinuates him into the text by what people say about him, by reports of his opinions, by similes to classical heroes, by the official view of the council appointing him general of Corsica, ‘a man, whose virtues and abilities, render him every way worthy thereof.’162 Such references are supplemented by Boswell’s own observations. These construct Paoli while at the same time establishing Boswell as the filter through which the reader sees Paoli. This narrative strategy in the ‘Account’ prepares the way for the climactic moment of Boswell’s meeting with Paoli in the ‘Journal.’ The importance of the strategy is implicit in the care Boswell took with the writing. For example, the paragraphs leading up to Paoli’s election by the council as general are prefaced by the remark that this event dates the start of Corsica’s ‘happiness and glory.’163 The ensuing description of his education is laced with the language of adulation—‘noble,’ ‘great powers,’ ‘grand designs,’ ‘so great,’ ‘glorious enterprise,’ concluded by his father’s comment, ‘Your design is a great, and a noble one.’164 Thus, Boswell constructs this champion of liberty as a man of destiny. He arrives at a moment in history, and in the text, when ‘discords and divisions . . . have begun to infect the publick.’165 Paoli’s management of Corsica’s problems ‘succeeded wonderfully.’166 He becomes the driving force for reform of the laws and improvement of culture. No wonder then that Boswell, who had argued with Voltaire, mixed with Europe’s nobility, and kissed the pope’s slipper, found himself suddenly anxious and in awe as he rode up to the house in Sollacarò where Paoli was staying.167 Just as Boswell had sought to meet the famous Dr. Johnson in London and then found himself unusually agitated when the moment came, so it was with meeting Paoli: ‘I almost wished yet to go back without seeing him.’168 This moment of self-doubt is the opening of Boswell’s tactic to dramatise the meeting that the ‘Account’ has been leading up to. Boswell organises his description of what follows to demonstrate that this is but the start of a relationship that will evolve into familiarity, then into friendship, and close in a final phase when he becomes Paoli’s confidant. We read less about what Boswell does in Sollacarò than what Paoli has to say. His ‘remarkable sayings’ display a well-educated, patriotic champion of liberty. Boswell gives several anecdotes

162. Corsica 87. 163. Corsica 85. 164. Corsica 86. 165. Council’s manifesto, Corsica 87. 166. Corsica 101. 167. Corsica 174. 168. Corsica 174. JB first met Johnson on 16 May 1763.

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introduction to reinforce the image of Paoli as the enlightened leader of a brave people. As Paoli tells him, ‘You will find honour, and sense and abilities among these poor men.’169 Boswell is struck by the man’s vivacity of mind, his extraordinary memory, his learning, his conversational ability, an impression that leads easily into the claim that he was ‘similar to the heroes of antiquity.’170 The portrait tallies with the larger project of puffing the Corsicans. We know from the MS that Boswell omitted less attractive details about Paoli in his notes.171 The artistic whole is so constructed as to close with a final sentence of praise coming not from Boswell the traveller but from that respected British statesman William Pitt. Here is the voice of British approval of all that Boswell has argued. Pitt says of Paoli, ‘He is one of those men who are no longer to be found but in the lives of Plutarch.’172 The fashioning of so admirable a picture of Paoli goes hand in hand with another process, notably in the ‘Journal’: Boswell’s projection of himself. Boswell plays a key role while seeming marginal and self-effacing. The principal feature of this is his role in conversation. From his student days, the boisterous young Boswell had enjoyed conversation with the great and famous: conversation, be it with Voltaire or Rousseau, was a meeting of minds on equal terms. On the journey to Sollacarò, he comes across as adventuresome, witty, prepared to argue with and harangue the locals of Bastelica, amused to be mistaken for an English ambassador. This is not the Boswell we find once he reaches Sollacarò. His independent spirit gave way to something more muted in Paoli’s presence. His role was now to observe, to listen, to record, then as they became familiar to prompt Paoli, to draw him out, to provoke him to speak his mind. He makes no secret of the ruse when he says, ‘I threw out many flattering ideas’ and ‘I insensibly got the better of his reserve.’173 He took the liberty of asking ‘a thousand questions with regard to the most minute and private circumstances of his life.’174 By this stage he had established himself as Paoli’s intimate, an equal but not an equal. While seeming to play down his role as but the recorder of the great man’s conversations, he subtly centres himself as the voice narrating Paoli, leading him on, reading him, projecting him as a leader in the classical heroic mould. While Paoli is the worthy champion of the Corsican struggle for liberty, Boswell, like the midwife, brings him to life for the English-speaking world.

169. Corsica 183. 170. Corsica 200. 171. ‘Summary of Materials for the ‘Journal of a Tour to Corsica,’ Private Papers vii. 242. 172. Corsica 219. 173. Corsica 189. 174. Corsica 198.

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Strategies of Writing and Rewriting  Boswell’s use of his sources provides an insight into but one aspect of how he went about writing Corsica. The book evolved in a quite different way from any other of his works. His intention at first was to write ‘only a view of the present state of Corsica, together with Memoirs of its illustrious General.’175 But he realised, perhaps while still on the island recovering from malaria, that Paoli and his cause required something more extensive, more public, more polemical. Once back in Auchinleck in March 1766, he began work on the ‘Account.’ He wondered what shape it should take and asked his friend Temple in May whether Thomas Gray would advise on the form he should adopt: ‘Shall I make it a continued Narration? Or Memoirs? Or Letters?’176 He told Sir Alexander Dick in October, ‘I hope to make it a tolerable book.’177 By March 1767, he could tell Temple he was ‘seriously engaged’ in writing: ‘I shall have it finished by June.’178 Charles Dilly agreed in August to publish and gave Boswell 100 guineas for the copyright. Not until November 1767, when he gave the last pages of the manuscript to the printer, could the printer finish the proofs.179 The book was published in February 1768 and sold at six shillings a bound copy.180 The gestation of Corsica was unusually complicated. The manuscript for the ‘Account’ and five folio pages of notes from his journal give an insight on how he proceeded. The MS of the ‘Account’ contains much more than the text. Each of the 229 pages of manuscript has a wide margin cluttered frequently with notes and reminders of what to add. Some pages are crossed through as rejected. Single words and phrases are written over. Here is Boswell at work. His reworking of the manuscript of the ‘Account’ indicates that much of the revision involved deleting passages that amplified a point without adding anything significant to the argument. He has a discriminating eye for superfluous detail. For example, he removed an extended discussion on the tarantula.181 He deleted a long passage on Paoli’s thoughts on the relation between the Corsicans’ temper and their diet. That was but an extension of a point already made that Paoli had ‘a masterly knowledge of human nature.’182 Anything demeaning of the Corsicans is removed, such as likening Corsican

175. Preface, Corsica 10. 176. Corr. Temple i. 150, 17 May 1766. 177. Literary Career 60. 178. Corr. Temple i. 182, 30 March 1767. 179. Earlier Years 337–39. There is mention of ‘the copy of the proofs [of Corsica] at Yale’ in Corr. Temple i. 207 n. 12. This copy has not been traced. 180. Literary Career 54, 62. 181. Corsica 44 n. 182. Corsica 89–90 and n.

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introduction guerrilla tactics to those of American Indians, ‘sculking in woods and behind rocks,’ and his unflattering description of Corsican women.183 Prudence dictates that he leave out his own experience of drinking Tokay in Holland, especially since the original texts suggests he participated in heavy drinking sessions.184 The guiding principle to revision was to remove unnecessary or personal detail and, where appropriate, prefer the general to the particular. ‘A French Gentleman’ is preferred to Marbouef, ‘the best authority’ to General Paoli. Revision of phrasing is captured in his substitution by one word, ‘prisonhouse,’ of a long sentence in the MS about ‘wretches in perpetual fetters.’185 Boswell is ever sensitive to excess. Of the Corsican harangue that ends the ‘Account,’ he asks himself, ‘Is it not too diffuse and tedious?’186 His self-questioning reflects his sound literary judgement. A feature of the manuscript and a sign perhaps of the speed at which Boswell worked are the reminders in the margin of material to be included later. Notes like ‘Here the Feudal Signors’ or ‘N.B. Get from De Leyre Rousseau’s Expression and insert it here’ show Boswell alert and determined not to permit any lapse of memory or material to cause disruption or thematic disjunction.187 The required passages are added later. The most substantial is a panegyric on Corsican bravery.188 Corrections and improvements went on to the last moment, even at the stage of the printer’s proofs. He told Temple he greatly enjoyed reading these over breakfast.189 But he also sent some to Temple and asked him to write his observations not on the proofs but on a separate sheet of paper.190 The relatively few instances when he shifted a passage from one place to another in the manuscript suggest he had a remarkably clear idea of how he meant to proceed. Certain moments in the ‘Account’ gave him difficulty, such as the first substantial mention of Paoli, along with his comments on religious communities on the island. The section of the manuscript following what he calls ‘a remarkable event in the annals of Corsica,’ the election of Paoli as general, causes him to reorganise and rewrite. Clearly he was anxious to get the flow and order of ideas right.191 He again had difficulty when he came to explain why there were no convents in Corsica. He argues that what looked like a religious problem was in fact a political issue. He had difficulties with phrasing,

183. Corsica 113 n., 136 n. 184. Corsica 116 n. 185. Corsica 31 n., 23 n. 186. Corsica 142 n. 187. Corsica 92 n. 188. Corsica 63 n. 189. Corr. Temple i. 206; 9 September 1767. 190. Corr. Temple i. 206; 9 September 1767. 191. MS pp. 132, 136–37; Corsica 85–86 and nn.

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introduction thought he should curtail his remarks, and then scraped out what he had written so vigorously as to make it illegible.192 The final text belies this strong emotion, evidence again that self-restraint, economy of words, and clarity of argument were paramount. Occasionally this watchfulness on excess failed him, as when he rewrites a passage from Burnaby about the custom of mourning a dead man. In both accounts the widow is the central figure, but Boswell adds almost bestial violence to the scene: ‘the women fall upon the widow, and beat and tear her in a most miserable manner.’193 He seems more impressed by the ‘undoubted authority’ he cites, perhaps Paoli, than by Burnaby’s less dramatic version. Rewriting the ‘Journal’ presented different problems. Boswell now had to recast the day-to-day record he had kept on the island into a form that combined the insights of a personal observer with the thematic concerns raised in the ‘Account.’ This required a major adaptation from his accustomed use of his journals. Reflecting on why he liked to keep a journal, he told Erskine: It will give me a habit of application and improve me in expression; and knowing that I am to record my transactions will make me more careful to do well. Or if I should go wrong, it will assist me in resolutions of doing better.194 That was the practised routine Boswell took to Corsica. He was ever the acute observer of manners and men, as his notes and verbatim records of conversations show. The desire to ‘mark the anecdotes and the stories that I hear, the instructive or amusing conversations that I am present at’ is maintained.195 But now the purposes are different. His remark early on that he will not tire his readers with details of what happened every day signals the shift in focus: ‘It will be much more agreeable to them, to have a free and continued account of what I saw or heard, most worthy of observation.’196 He wanted, for instance, to convey the sense that he spent much longer than the bare week he had with Paoli. So dates and precise times are suppressed for phrases like ‘for some time,’ ‘when I came to,’ ‘One day.’197 The change gives him the freedom to reorganise material in the original journal and highlight points from his notes. The reworking meant contracting parts, enlarging others, suppressing conversations, or introducing new material to suit his larger purpose.198 Besides, he 192. MS p. 186; Corsica 109 and n. 193. Burnaby 22; Corsica 133. 194. Boswell’s London Journal, 1762–1763, ed. Frederick A. Pottle (1950; 1992), p. 39. 195. Boswell’s London Journal, p. 39. 196. Corsica 168. 197. Corsica 168, 169, 188. 198. He leaves out of the ‘Journal,’ for example, his discussion with Paoli on the feudal signors as too sensitive an issue (Private Papers viii. 244, n. 1).

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introduction had a different reader in mind. Instead of thinking of individual readers like Erskine or Dr. Johnson, he was now writing for the British public. Although he remains the guiding voice, he is there not as the focus of analysis but as the medium through which the reader is introduced to Corsica and Paoli. Hence, certain features of his previous journals are much less prominent, the selfscrutiny, attention to his own manners and appearance, the record of his mood swings. There is no sign of the Boswell of London who visited the hairdresser nearly every day and liked to use shoe wipes. Rather, we have Boswell as Corsican explorer and guide. Boswell’s notes were crucial to this rewriting. We have only five folio pages of these covering but a section of the final, published version. He used key sentences to prompt his memory and creativity. The note ‘His talking of art of war and Elephants’ is the trigger to remind him of a conversation with Paoli on 27 October. This generated over a page of detailed discussion in the final version. A couple of words in a note were enough to bring Dr. Johnson’s remarks vividly to mind: ‘Tell the milk bull & count spoons in english.’199 The several instances of this process point up Boswell’s striking ability to revivify and comment on a conversation held several months earlier. But not every conversation is enlarged upon. The notes suggest that the tyrannical behaviour of the feudal signors came up in conversation with Paoli but was transferred back to the ‘Account’ to be included ‘where Signor Casa Bianca explains Government.’200 Bianca becomes ‘a very sensible Corsican,’ and we hear nothing of Paoli’s views on a topic harmful to Boswell’s image of the Corsicans. This last point is a further instance of the complementary relation between the ‘Journal’ and the ‘Account.’ In the rewriting of the ‘Journal,’ Boswell presents his tour of the island as a personal witness to the Corsican people, and particularly Paoli, as faithful to the long and admirable struggle for freedom described in the ‘Account.’


Advice on the Final Version  Boswell’s discriminating eye for the particulars of writing, the choice of words, and the arrangement of his material is clearly evident in his preparation of the final copy for Corsica. The finished version was the result of considerable and careful scrutiny by others whom he made a point of thanking in the preface. The old family friend Lord Hailes read the whole book and responded with

199. ‘Materials for the Tour,’ p. 243, and Corsica 196 and n. 200. ‘Materials for the Tour,’ p. 244, and Corsica 102.

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introduction seven folio pages of comments and suggestions.201 Boswell passed the MS or parts of it to several others, like Temple, Dick, and Christopher Wyvill, the last of whom ‘was so good as to come and sit a whole afternoon with me.’202 Temple read the ‘Journal’ six pages at a time, marked his suggestions, and forwarded the pages to Wyvill. But as always there is another side to Boswell. While admitting that an author should welcome criticism, ‘I look upon a man as unworthy to write, who has not force of mind to determine for himself.’203 The trait is evident in much of what he did, from his writing of Corsica to his relationship with his father. Generous to his helpers, tactful and courteous to all who had contributed, Boswell remained his own man.


Publicity and Reception  Some months before Boswell sat down to write Corsica, he began a campaign in the press to puff Corsica and his visit there. What is breathtaking is the sheer inventive nerve he shows in going about this task. While still making his way back to England, he started compiling a number of short anonymous pieces, which he sent to the editor of the London Chronicle. These were published separately and started to appear on 7 January 1766. The reports are headed, quite erroneously, as coming from a range of places—Rome, Florence, Genoa, Leghorn, and Turin—to give the impression that Boswell’s trip to Corsica was the talking point of authorities and readers alike on the Continent: ‘I used to keep the newspapers constantly warm with paragraphs about the brave islanders.’204 The thrust of these passages is that Boswell had been where Englishmen have only talked of going. One passage ends, ‘People in this part of the world are curious to know what will really be the consequence of Mr. Boswell’s tour of Corsica.’205 The answer was the book and the acclaim Boswell so enjoyed. Corsica sold 3,500 copies in the first few months. A second edition was hurried off the press only six weeks after the first edition. Boswell says that ‘the success of this book has exceeded my warmest hopes.’206 Unauthorised editions were printed in Dublin. Boswell visited Ireland with his bride-to-be

201. Corr. Temple i. 189; 22 June 1767. See, for example, Corsica 84; Earlier Years, 339, and ‘Materials for the Tour,’ p. 245, n. 2. 202. Corr. Temple i. 121, 123. 203. Preface, Corsica 13. 204. Cited by Beretti, p. 66. 205. London Chronicle, 9 January 1766 in Grand Tour 340; samples of JB’s pieces on Corsica for the London Chronicle are to be found in Addenda I below. JB’s papers include his notes on what passages were ‘fact’ and what ‘inventions’ (James Boswell, Etat de la Corse, ed. Jean Viviès, Paris, 1992, p. 28). 206. Preface, Corsica 18.

l

introduction Margaret Montgomerie in the summer of 1769 and took every opportunity to promote the cause of the Corsicans and his book.207 Corsica found a sympathetic market in America and Paoli ‘became the hero of the American patriots.’208 Translations followed in Dutch, French, German, and Italian. The book was admired by a range of political and literary figures such as the Duke of Bedford, David Hume, and John Wesley. Benjamin Franklin did not find it difficult to draw political analogies between the Corsicans and the American colonists on the subject of liberty.209 What is striking about the reception is the universal praise for Boswell’s Paoli. If there is some criticism of Boswell the writer—the unnecessary ‘compliments to his friends,’ his ‘inaccuracies in language,’ his antiquated spelling, and his ‘Scottish peculiarties’—there is only admiration for his portrait of Paoli.210 The reviewer in The Critical Review remarks, Upon the whole, our author has, in the person of Paoli, realized all the ideas which the most vigorous imagination could form of a chief, a patriot, and a legislator, embellished with the ornaments of an understanding cultivated by polite literature.211 Readers would buy the book to learn about Paoli and Corsica. Lord Hailes had told Boswell as much while he was writing, ‘Remember that he [Paoli] is the chief figure, he must come forward; the others, even yourself, must keep back.’212 One French translator made the point more crudely by simply omitting passages that did not concern Paoli or Corsica. Boswell was furious.213 One lesser consequence of the book was that Boswell sparked a train of visitors to the island and to Paoli. Virtually unknown to Britons in 1765, Paoli had become by 1769 a person to be included on the Grand Tour. Travellers to

207. See Richard C. Cole, ‘James Boswell and the Irish Press, 1767–1795,’ Bulletin of the New York Public Library (1969), 73; 581–88. 208. Dorothy Carrington, Granite Island: A Portrait of Corsica (1984), p. 274. See also Graziani, who notes that a ship, a tavern, and six places in the United States were named after Paoli (Pascal Paoli, p. 216). 209. Further on this, see Beretti 129 and Graziani, Pascal Paoli, p. 216. For Franklin, see Public Advertiser 17 Jan. 1769, and Benjamin Franklin’s Letters to the Press 1758–1775, ed. Verner W. Crane (Chapel Hill, 1950), p. 160. 210. William Guthrie in The Critical Review 25: 172–81 (March 1768); Ralph Griffiths in The Monthly Review, 39: 43–52, 142–51 (July–August 1768); see Addenda II below: ‘Reception: selected comments and reviews.’ Further on JB’s Scottish sensibility, see Viviès, ‘James Boswell and Scotland in An Account of Corsica,’ Transactions of the 8th International Congress of the Enlightenment (Oxford, 1992), 1651–53. 211. The Critical Review 25: 172–81 (March 1768). 212. Cited in Beretti 118. 213. ‘J’ai cru que je devais omettre ce que M. BOSWELL en dit dans une relation où I’on ne cherchera que ce qui intéresse Paoli et la Corse. J’en ai usé de meme dans quelques autres endroits de ce Journal qui m’ont paru ne contenir que des choses étrangères au sujet,’ cited in Beretti 127.

li

introduction Corsica included Boswell’s personal friends like Burnaby; John Symonds, who was to succeed Thomas Gray as professor of history at Cambridge; John Stewart, a secret agent for the British government; Henry Benbridge, the American portrait painter; and Lord Pembroke, accompanied by Boswell’s friend, Viscount Mounstuart.214 Boswell thought Corsica would achieve independence within a few years of his visit. In that, he was wrong. But Corsica continues to be pertinent in the arguments it raises about national sovereignty. The events of 1769 marked the beginning of the almost unbroken control of the island by France that continues into the twenty-first century. Boswell’s arguments still prompt questions about the legitimacy of the French presence. Corsica was an attempt to restore pride and respect to the image of the Corsican people as a nation. In that respect, Boswell was an early campaigner for the nation state. The debates and conflict that marked events like the American war of independence, the dismantling of the British and French empires, and the independence of Algeria had at their heart a similar argument. Not surprisingly, the case of Corsica remains problematic for successive French governments. France’s governor on the island, M. Claude Erignac, was shot dead in the street in Ajaccio in 1998. Corsican nationalists, charged with the murder, argued at their trial that they had nothing against him as an individual but shot him as the symbol of France.215

214. For these and other visitors to Paoli, see Beretti 76–116; Graziani, Pascal Paoli, p. 214. JB had encouraged John Symonds to visit the island and then asked Symonds to lend him the manuscript of his impressions, ‘Remarks on the Present State of the Island of Corsica written upon the Spot, 1767.’ They came too late to be useful for his Corsica. 215. Midi Libre, 5 June 2003, p. 22: ‘Ce n’était pas Claude Erignac qui était visé, c’était le symbole de I’Etat.’

lii


‘My little  monument t o l i b e r t y’

an account of corsica

The following symbols are used in annotation: MS P l

JB’s manuscript entitled ‘An Account of Corsica’ in the James Boswell Papers, Box 48, folders 1033–34, Beinecke Library, Yale Deletion in MS New paragraph Line break

JB’s original footnotes are shown in italics, editors’ in roman; editorial additions to his notes are indicated by asterisks. Frontispiece: the portrait Henry Benbridge (1743–1812), American, was in Italy 1764–69; from there, between June and August 1768, he went to Corsica to paint Paoli; he came to London in December 1769 and returned permanently to America in 1770 (Gen. Corr. ii. 73–74 nn. 3, 4). Sir John Dick, then at Leghorn (see p. 11 n. 11) was the link-man; it was he who, c. 30 June 1768, forwarded JB’s letter to Paoli (presumably requesting that the portrait be undertaken) and had the portrait in his possession in August 1768 (Ibid, ii. 73, 97). The painting was exhibited in London, c. 12–24 May 1769 (Ibid, ii. 139 n. 6); the engraving was added to Corsica in the 3rd edn. title-page Non enim . . . A. D. 1320 ‘Truly it is not on account of glory, or wealth or honour that we are fighting, but solely for that freedom which a virtuous man will sacrifice only with his life,’ Litera Comitum et Baronum Scotiae ad Papam (1320). Often referred to as the ‘Declaration of Arbroath,’ this letter from the Scottish nobility to the Pope asserted the independence of Scotland and rejected the domination of England. title-page Edward and Charles Dilly Edward (1732–79) and Charles (1739–1807), London booksellers and publishers. On 28 July 1767, Edward Dilly accepted JB’s proposal that Corsica should be published; he agreed to pay JB 100 guineas for the copyright; and, as his letters show, he took a keen, personal interest in the book. He contributed to British Essays in Favour of the Brave Corsicans (1769), a collection published by the two brothers. The first edition of Corsica was printed in Glasgow by the renowned Robert (1707–76) and Andrew (1712–75) Foulis (Gen. Corr. i. 187).

4

a let ter from the right honourable george lord ly t telton 1 to james boswell, esq.




London, Feb. 21, 1768. S I R, THINK myself greatly obliged to you, and desire you to accept my most grateful thanks, for the valuable present you have done me the honour to make me, of your Account of Corsica, which has given me the pleasure of being more perfectly acquainted with the greatest character of this age. I had gained some knowledge of it, before I saw your book, from the letters of another English gentleman on that subject; but you have added many curious and interesting particulars, which I have read with much delight and admiration. If I were a few years younger, I would go in pilgrimage to Corsica (as you have done) to visit this living image of ancient virtue, and to venerate in the mind of pascal paoli2 the spirit of timoleon and

I

1. Lyttleton George Lyttleton (1709–73), 1st Baron Lyttleton, was elevated to the peerage in 1756 after service in the Commons for over 20 years. A miscellaneous writer, he published poetry, political and religious tracts, history, and letters. His interest in Corsica was clearly known to JB, who, with an eye to the main chance, sent him a copy of the 1st edn of his book in mid-February 1768; Lyttleton assured JB that as soon as he had read ‘the work he will Write to you his Opinion of it’ (Gen. Corr. ii. 23); he conveyed the ‘Opinion’ in his letter of 21 February and permitted JB to add it to the 3rd edn of Corsica (May 1769). The source of the ‘letters of another English gentleman’ that had stimulated Lyttleton’s interest is not known: ‘possibly John Symonds’s Osservazioni d’un viaggiatore inglese, 1768, or perhaps unreported correspondence with John Dick or Andrew Burnaby’ (Gen. Corr. ii. 30 n. 3). 2. Pascal Paoli Pasquale Paoli (1725–1807), born at Stretta di Morosaglia; ‘General of the Nation.’ His father, Hyancinthe (Giacinto) (1690–1764), was prominent in the Corsicans’ rebellion of 1735

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an account of corsica epaminondas.3 But I must now be content with seeing him in your description, the vivacity of which shews, that your heart is inflamed with the same generous passion which glows so brightly in his. I wish with you that our government had shewn more respect for Corsican liberty, and think it disgraces our nation that we do not live in good friendship with a brave people engaged in the noblest of all contests, a contest against tyranny, and who have never given us any cause of complaint. Besides sympathy of sentiment, which is a natural bond of union, we ought in policy to shew as much regard for them, as the Genoese, their oppressors, have shewn for the French, in our late wars with that nation. Believe me with sincere regard and esteem, Sir, Your most obedient And obliged humble servant, LYTTELTON.

against Genoese rule; three years later, defeated by the intervention of French forces, he went into exile with his son, in Naples. In 1741 Pascal joined the Corsican regiment. Following renewed Corsican rebellion in 1752 against Genoese oppression, he was invited by the island’s supreme council in 1755 to become their generalissimo. He achieved considerable military success against the Genoese (as well as introducing constitutional, judicial, and educational reforms); he established a partly independent Corsica, with Genoa continuing to hold the large coastal cities; but, eventually, Genoa with French aid defeated Paoli at Ponte Nuovo, 8 May 1769. He went into exile in England, arriving in London in September, a few months after the publication of the 3rd edn of Corsica. See Antoine-Marie Graziani, Pascal Paoli: Père de la patrie Corse (Paris, 2002). 3. Timoleon and Epaminondas Timoleon (d., c. 336 bc), Greek general and statesman; his implacable opposition to tyranny led him to vote for the death of his brother Timophanes who aimed at absolute power in Corinth. Epaminondas (d. 362 bc), Theban general and statesman, defeated the Spartans at Leuctra (371 bc), thus destroying Spartan supremacy in Greece; a man of undisputed integrity.

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dedication to pascal paoli general of the corsicans.




S I R, EDICATIONS are for most part the offerings of interested servility, or the effusions of partial zeal; enumerating the virtues of men in whom no virtues can be found, or predicting greatness to those who afterwards pass their days in unambitious indolence, and die leaving no memorial of their existence, but a dedication, in which all their merit is confessedly future, and which time has turned into a silent reproach. He who has any experience of mankind, will be cautious to whom he dedicates. Publickly to bestow praise on merit of which the publick is not sensible, or to raise flattering expectations which are never fulfilled, must sink the character of an authour, and make him appear a cringing parasite, or a fond enthusiast. I am under no apprehensions of that nature, when I inscribe this book to Pascal Paoli. Your virtues, Sir, are universally acknowledged; they dignify the pages which I venture to present to you; and it is my singular felicity, that my book is the voucher of its dedication. In thus addressing you, my intention is not to attempt your panegyrick. That may in some measure be collected from my imperfect labours. But I wish to express to the world, the admiration and gratitude with which you have inspired me. This, Sir, is all the return that I can make for the many favours which you have deigned to confer upon me. I intreat you to receive it as a testimony of my disposition. I regret that I have neither power nor interest to enable me to render any essential service to you and to the brave Corsicans. I can only

D

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an account of corsica assure you of the most fervent wishes of a private gentleman. I have the honour to be, with all respect and affection, SIR, Your ever devoted, Obliged humble servant, JAMES BOSWELL. Auchinleck, Ayrshire, 29 October, 1767.

8

preface.




N

O apology shall be made for presenting the world with an Account of Corsica. It has been for some time expected from me; and I own that the ardour of publick curiosity has both encouraged and intimidated me. On my return from visiting Corsica, I found people wherever I went, desirous to hear what I could tell them concerning that island and its inhabitants. Unwilling to repeat my tale to every company, I thought it best to promise a book which should speak for me. But I would not take upon me to do this, till I consulted with the General of the nation. I therefore informed him of my design. His answer is perhaps too flattering for me to publish: but I must beg leave to give it as the licence and sanction of this work. Paoli was pleased to write to me thus: ‘Non può esser piu generoso il di lei disegno di pubblicar colle stampe le osservazioni che ha fatte sopra la Corsica. Ella ne ha veduto la fisica situazione, ha potuto esaminare i costumi degli abitanti, e veder dentro le massime del loro governo, di cui conosce la costituzione. Questi popoli con entusiasmo di gratitudine uniranno il loro applauso a quello dell’ Europa disingannata. Nothing can be more generous than your design to publish the observations which you have made upon Corsica. You have seen its natural situation, you have been able to study the manners of its inhabitants, and to see intimately the maxims of their government, of which you know the constitution. This people with an enthusiasm of gratitude, will unite their applause with that of undeceived Europe.’4 4. Paoli . . . Europe’ On 4 March 1767 JB told his friend William Johnson Temple: ‘I had sometime ago a letter of 16 pages from General Paoli’ (Corr. Temple i. 167). Paoli’s letter has not survived.

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an account of corsica My first intention was to give only a view of the present state of Corsica, together with Memoirs of its illustrious General. But by the advice of some learned friends, whose judgement I respect, I enlarged my plan, and fixed on that of the execution of which the publick is now to judge. I had before me two French books expressly written on Corsica. The one ‘Histoire de l’Isle de Corse, par M.G.D.C.’ printed at Nancy in 1749. The other ‘Memoires Historiques &c. par M. Jaussin Ancien Apoticaire Major;’ printed at Lausanne in 1758.5 From both of those books I derived many useful materials. The last of them contains a full and scientifick detail of the natural history of the island, as also many letters, manifestoes and other papers: and both of them contain a variety of particulars with regard to the operations of the French in Corsica. I had also before me a pretty large collection of remarks, which I had committed to writing, while I was in the island. But I still found my materials deficient in many respects. I therefore applied to my friends abroad; and in the mean time directed my studies to such books as might furnish me with any thing relative to the subject. I am thus enabled to lay before the world such An Account of Corsica, as I flatter myself will give some satisfaction; for, in comparison of the very little that has been hitherto known concerning that island, this book may be said to contain a great deal. It is indeed amazing that an island so considerable, and in which such noble things have been doing, should be so imperfectly known. Even the succession of Chiefs has been unperceived; and because we have read of Paoli being at the head of the Corsicans many years back, and Paoli still appears at their head, the command has been supposed all this time in the person of the same man. Hence all our newspapers have confounded the gallant Pascal Paoli in the vigour of manhood, with the venerable chief his deceased Father Giacinto Paoli.6 Nay the same errour has found its way into the page of the historian; for Dr. Smollet when mentioning Paoli at the siege of Furiani a few years ago, says he was then past fourscore.7

5. Histoire . . . 1758 Jean-François Goury de Champgrand, Histoire de l’Isle de Corse (Nancy, 1749), hereafter Goury . . . Louis-Amand Jaussin (d. 1767), Mémoires historiques, militaires et politiques, sur les principaux événemens arrivés dans l’Isle de Corse, (Laussane, 1758) hereafter Jaussin. Goury and Jaussin were two of JB’s principal sources; both were officers in the French army in Corsica under de Maillebois 1739–41. 6. Giacinto Paoli See above n. 2. 7. Smollett . . . fourscore In his Continuation of the Complete History of England (1760–65), xvi. 381–82, Tobias Smollett (1721–71) confused Pascal Paoli with his father. Writing of the siege of Bastia—not Furiani—in 1764 Smollett referred to ‘their aged chief, Paoli’ aged ‘eighty years’; Pascal Paoli was 39. Writing to Smollett, 14 March 1768, JB assured him that he had not the slightest intention of giving personal offence but merely wanted to illustrate ‘how very obscure the Corsicans have hitherto been’ (Gen. Corr. ii. 36). JB also remarked that the Corsican oath which Smollett had printed as if genuine (Continuation . . . England, xvi. 384–85 n.) was in fact spurious; this is tactfully pointed out, p. 85 below.

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preface I would in the first place return my most humble thanks to Pascal Paoli, for the various communications with which he has been pleased to favour me; and as I have related his remarkable sayings, I declare upon honour, that I have neither added nor diminished; nay so scrupulous have I been, that I would not make the smallest variation even when my friends thought it would be an improvement. I know with how much pleasure we read what is perfectly authentick. Count Rivarola8 was so good as to return me full and distinct answers to a variety of queries which I sent him with regard to many particulars concerning Corsica. I am much indebted to him for this, and particularly so, from the obliging manner in which he did it. The reverend Mr. Burnaby, chaplain to the British factory at Leghorn, made a tour to Corsica in 1766, at the same time with the honourable and reverend Mr. Hervey now bishop of Cloyne.9 Mr. Burnaby was absent from Leghorn when I was there, so I had not the pleasure of being personally known to him. But he with great politeness of his own accord, sent me a copy of the Journal which he made of what he observed in Corsica. I had the satisfaction to find that we agreed in every thing which both of us had considered. But I found in his Journal, observations on several things which I had omitted; and several things which I had remarked, I found set in a clearer light. As Mr. Burnaby was so obliging as to allow me to make what use I pleased of his Journal, I have freely interwoven it into my work.10 I acknowledge my obligations to my esteemed friend Sir John Dick, Bart.11 his Britannick Majesty’s Consul at Leghorn, to Signor Gian Quilico

8. Rivarola Though Corsican by birth, Count Antonio Rivarola (1719–95), was the Sardinian chargé d’affaires to the court of Tuscany; he lived in Leghorn; an ardent supporter of Paoli (see pp. 73, 164). 9. Hervey . . . Cloyne Frederick Augustus Hervey (1730–1803), became Bishop of Cloyne on 2 February 1767; on 18 February 1768 he was translated to the bishopric of Derry. Eccentric, but actively engaged in public works (fostering agriculture, searching for coal, etc.) and politics (supporting the act to relieve Catholics from the oath of supremacy, etc.). In 1779 became fourth Earl of Bristol. (See p. 38 n. 31). 10. Burnaby . . . the Journal . . . my work In 1804 Andrew Burnaby (1734?–1812) published his Journal of a Tour to Corsica, in the Year 1766. His preface confirms JB’s statement: that he loaned JB a copy of his Journal (in manuscript) ‘with full permission to make whatever use of it he might think proper.’ He adds: ‘the Author is truly sensible of its inferiority in almost every respect, to the account given of the Island of Corsica by Mr. Boswell.’ John Dick sent the Journal to JB, 24 October 1766 (Gen. Corr. i. 76). 11. Sir John Dick, Bart. In the 1st and 2nd edns JB refers to ‘John Dick Esquire’; he took pride in Dick’s elevation since he had been actively involved in securing for his friend (in April 1768) the baronetcy of Braid (see Gen. Corr. i. xxxvi–vii). They first met in Florence, August 1765; their friendship originated in a shared concern for Corsica and was lifelong. Dick (1720–1804) was the British consul in Leghorn, 1754–76; he keenly supported the Corsican struggle despite the political neutrality required by his appointment and the ban in 1763 forbidding British subjects from giving encouragement to the Corsican ‘rebels’ (see p. 116 n. 40). He told JB, 30 May 1766: ‘I own it would give me a real pleasure to be of the least use to these brave people’ (Gen. Corr. i. 31).

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an account of corsica Casa Bianca,12 to the learned Greek physician Signor Stefanopoli,13 to Colonel Buttafoco,14 and to the Abbé Rostini.15 These gentlemen have all contributed their aid in erecting my little monument to liberty. I am also to thank an ingenious gentleman who has favoured me with the translations of Seneca’s Epigrams. I made application for this favour, in the London Chronicle; and to the honour of literature, I found her votaries very liberal. Several translations were sent, of which I took the liberty to prefer those which had the signature of Patricius, and which were improved by another ingenious correspondent under the signature of Plebeius. By a subsequent application I begged that Patricius would let me know to whom I was obliged for what I considered as a great ornament to my book. He has complied with my request; and I beg leave in this publick manner, to acknowledge that I am indebted for those translations to Thomas Day Esquire,16 of Berkshire, a gentleman whose situation in life is genteel,17 and his fortune affluent. I must add that although his verses have not only the fire of youth, but the maturity and correctness of age, Mr. Day is no more than nineteen. Nor can I omit to express my sense of the candour and politeness with which Sir James Steuart received the remark which I have ventured to make in opposition to a passage concerning the Corsicans, in his Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy.18

12. Gian Quilico Casa Bianca (1711–83) Member of the Corsican Supreme Council, 1762–63. See also p. 185. 13. Stefanopoli A friend of Paoli; wrote one of the accounts of the Greek colony mentioned by JB (p. 66n. 32). Giovanni Stefanopoli, himself a Greek refugee living in Sartene, is credited by JB with introducing inoculation into Corsica (see p. 69). 14. Colonel Buttafoco Matteo Buttafoco (fl. 1731–94), colonel of the French Royal-Corse Regiment, having read the encomium on the Corsicans in Le Contrat Social, invited Rousseau to visit the island ‘and be that wise man who should illuminate their minds’ (see p. 209). JB met Buttafoco during his tour of Corsica, held him in very high regard but, in the 3rd edn of Corsica, denounced his treachery in having made common cause with the French. See JB’s footnote, p. 163; for the text of the note deleted in the 3rd edn see Textual Apparatus for p. 208:22. 15. Rostini L’Abbé Carlo Rostini (1710–73), chaplain to the French Royal-Corse Regiment, 1742–62; he later transferred his allegiance and became Paoli’s treasurer. A noted Corsican antiquary; translated Petrus Cyrnaeus (see p. 122) into Italian. Mémoires de Rostini (Bastia, 1882). 16. Thomas Day Thomas Day (1748–89), b. near Wargrave, Berkshire. At 16 entered Corpus Christi College, Oxford, where he ‘lived sparingly, drank water, and studied philosophy, but left without a degree’ (DNB). Published the novel-like discussion of Rousseauesque educational principles, The History of Sandford and Merton (1783–89). For the background to his translation of Seneca’s Epigrams (pp. 28–29) and JB’s campaign to achieve advance publicity for Corsica, see Addenda I below. 17. genteel i.e., polished, refined. 18. Sir James . . . Oeconomy Sir James Steuart (1714–80)—he later assumed the surname Denham— studied law at the University of Edinburgh; a member of the Faculty of Advocates, 1735; published his Enquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy in 1767. JB told Temple, 22 September 1767: ‘I have received a most polite Letter from Sir James Steuart, in answer to one which I wrote to him with regard to a passage in his Political Oeconomy which is injurious to the Corsicans. I shall settle that matter in

12

preface I have submitted my book to the revisal of several gentlemen who honour me with their regard, and I am sensible how much it is improved by their corrections. It is therefore my duty to return thanks to the reverend Mr. Wyvill19 rectour of Black Notely in Essex, and to my old and most intimate friend the reverend Mr. Temple20 rectour of Mamhead in Devonshire. I am also obliged to My Lord Monboddo for many judicious remarks, which his thorough acquaintance with ancient learning enabled him to make. But I am principally indebted to the indulgence and friendly attention of My Lord Hailes, who under the name of Sir David Dalrymplea, has been long known to the world as an able Antiquarian, and an elegant and humourous Essayist; to whom the world has no fault but that he does not give them more of his own writings, when they value them so highly. I would however have it understood, that although I received the corrections of my friends with deference, I have not always agreed with them. An authour should be glad to hear every candid remark. But I look upon a man as unworthy to write, who has not force of mind to determine for himself. I mention this, that the judgement of the friends I have named may not be considered as connected with every passage in this book. Writing a book I have found to be like building a house. A man forms a plan, and collects materials. He thinks he has enough to raise a large and stately edifice; but after he has arranged, compacted and polished, his work turns out to be a very small performance. The authour however like the builder, knows how much labour his work has cost him; and therefore estimates it at a much higher rate than other people think it deserves. a

It is the custom in Scotland to give the Judges of the Court of Session the title of Lords by the names of their estates. Thus Mr. Burnett is Lord Monboddo, and Sir David Dalrymple is Lord Hailes.*

my Book in terms very respectful to Sir James’ (Corr. Temple i. 208). For the passage from Steuart that ‘placed the Corsicans in rather an unfavourable light’ and JB’s response to it, see pp. 140–41. 19. Wyvill Rev. Christopher Wyvill (1740–1822), a fellow student with JB at the University of Edinburgh in 1757; rector of Black Notley, 1766. He was one of the friends who helped JB with the revision of Corsica; JB described him as ‘an admirable Critic’ (Corr. Temple i. 200). Later he played a notable part in the movement for parliamentary reform. 20. Temple Rev. William Johnson Temple (1739–96), intimate friend of JB (and Wyvill) at Edinburgh University and a law student with JB in London (Temple figures prominently in JB’s London Journal ). Graduated LL.B., Cambridge, 1765; rector of Mamhead, September 1766. His ‘character’ of Thomas Gray, written in a letter to JB (Corr. Temple i. 297), was inserted by Johnson into his ‘Life of Gray’, in the Lives of the Poets (1779–81). * James Burnett (1714–99), Lord Monboddo; wrote Of the Origin and Progress of Language, 6 vols, Edinburgh, 1773–92. See 125 n. . . . Sir David Dalrymple (1726–92), styled Lord Hailes, a colleague of JB’s father and one of JB’s oldest friends. A trusted reader of Corsica; several of his notes survive on JB’s manuscript of the ‘Account.’ His robust advice is seen in his answer to JB’s query whether he should call Paoli ‘Signor’ or ‘General’: see JB’s note p. 86. He considered Hailes ‘as a Critick . . . one of the ablest and most severe’ that he knew (Gen. Corr. ii. 72).

13

an account of corsica I have endeavoured to avoid an ostentatious display of learning. By the idle and the frivolous indeed, any appearance of learning is called pedantry. But as I do not write for such readers, I pay no regard to their censures. Those by whom I wish to be judged, will I hope, approve of my adding dignity to Corsica, by shewing its consideration among the ancients, and will not be displeased to find my page sometimes embellished with a seasonable quotation from the Classicks. The translations are ascribed to their proper authours. What are not so ascribed are my own. It may be necessary to say something in defence of my orthography. Of late it has become the fashion to render our language more neat and trim by leaving out k after c, and u in the last syllable of words which used to end in our. The illustrious Mr. Samuel Johnson, who has alone executed in England what was the task of whole academies in other countries,21 has been careful in his Dictionary to preserve the k as a mark of Saxon original. He has for most part too, been careful to preserve the u, but he has also omitted it in several words. I have retained the k, and have taken upon me to follow a general rule with regard to words ending in our. Wherever a word originally Latin has been transmitted to us through the medium of the French, I have written it with the characteristical u. An attention to this may appear trivial. But I own I am one of those who are curious in the formation of language in its various modes; and therefore wish that the affinity of English with other tongues may not be forgotten. If this work should at any future period be reprinted, I hope that care will be taken of my orthography. He who publishes a book, affecting not to be an authour, and professing an indifference for literary fame, may possibly impose upon many people such an idea of his consequence as he wishes may be received. For my part, I should be proud to be known as an authour; and I have an ardent ambition for literary fame; for of all possessions I should imagine literary fame to be the most valuable. A man who has been able to furnish a book which has been approved by the world, has established himself as a respectable character in distant society, without any danger of having that character lessened by the observation of his weaknesses. To preserve an uniform dignity among those who see us every day, is hardly possible; and to aim at it, must put us under the fetters of a perpetual restraint. The authour of an approved book may allow his natural disposition an easy play, and yet indulge the pride of superiour genius when he considers that by those who know him only as an authour, he never ceases to be respected. Such an authour when in his hours of gloom and discontent, may have

21. Johnson . . . countries In the Preface to his Dictionary of the English Language (1755), Johnson (1709–84) contrasts his own case, labouring ‘in this gloom of solitude’, with the Italian academicians and their ‘aggregated knowledge and co-operating diligence’, and the French with the ‘fifty years . . . spent upon their work.’

14

preface the consolation to think that his writings are at that very time giving pleasure to numbers; and such an authour may cherish the hope of being remembered after death, which has been a great object to the noblest minds in all ages.22 Whether I may merit any portion of literary fame, the publick will judge. Whatever my ambition may be, I trust that my confidence is not too great, nor my hopes too sanguine.

22. He who [14:23] . . . ages JB republished this paragraph in the London Chronicle, 9 September 1769.

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preface




To the Third Edition.

I

NOW beg leave to present the world with a more correct edition of my Account of Corsica. I return my sincere thanks to those who have taken the trouble to point out several faults, with a spirit of candid criticism. I hope they will not be offended that in one or two places I have preserved my own reading, contrary to their opinion; as I never would own that I am wrong, till I am convinced that it is so. My orthography I have sufficiently explained; and although some pleasantry has been shewn, I have not met with one argument against it.

In justice to Mr. Burnaby, I must observe, that the erroneous translation of a passage in Livy, which is corrected in this edition, page 39,23 was mine; it being no part of his Journal, in which the original text only was quoted. In comparing the former editions with this, it will appear that my first translation renders the meaning of Livy, but does not convey the turn of expression, as I hope I have now done. While I have a proper sense of my obligations to those who have treated me with candour, I do not forget that there have been others who have chosen to treat me in an illiberal manner. The resentment of some has evidently arisen from the grateful admiration which I have expressed of Mr. Samuel Johnson. Over such, it is a triumph to me, to assure them, that I never cease

23. erroneous . . . 39 For the uncorrected translation see Textual Apparatus.

17

an account of corsica to think of Mr. Johnson, with the same warmth of affection, and the same dignity of veneration. The resentment of others it is more difficult to explain. For what should make men attack one who never offended them, who has done his best to entertain them, and who is engaged in the most generous cause? But I am told by those who have gone before me in literature, that the attacks of such should rather flatter me, than give me displeasure. To those who have imagined themselves very witty in sneering at me for being a Christian,24 I would recommend the serious study of Theology, and I hope they will attain to the same comfort that I have, in the belief of a Revelation by which a saviour is proclamed to the world, and “life and immortality are clearly brought to light.”25 I am now to return thanks to My Lord Lyttelton, for being so good as to allow me to enrich my book with one of his Lordship’s letters to me. I was indeed most anxious that it should be published; as it contains an eulogium on Pascal Paoli, equal to any thing that I have found in the writings of antiquity. Nor can I deny that I was very desirous to shew the world that this worthy and respectable Nobleman, to whom genius, learning and virtue owe so much, can amidst all his literary honours be pleased with what I have been able to write. May I be permitted to say that the success of this book has exceeded my warmest hopes. When I first ventured to send it into the world, I fairly owned an ardent desire for literary fame. I have obtained my desire: and whatever clouds may overcast my days, I can now walk here among the rocks and woods of my ancestors, with an agreeable consciousness that I have done something worthy. Auchinleck, Ayrshire,26 29 October, 1768.

24. others [17:16] . . . illiberal . . . Christian One such was John Wilkes (1727–97), the radical politician. He attacked JB in the Political Register, March–April 1768: ‘That primitive christian, that admirer of every thing opposite and contradictory, of Pascal Paoli, the true hero of liberty in his own country, and of the pensioner Samuel Johnson, the old arch-enemy of it in our’s, whom he wishes to bring together, for the fun, I suppose, of seeing them quarrel’ (Corr. Temple. i. 239 n. 17). See also p. 131 n. 73. 25. “life . . . light” II Timothy i. 10: ‘our Saviour Jesus Christ, who . . . hath brought life and immortality to light through the gospel.’ 26. ancestors . . . Ayrshire The Auchinleck estate was conferred by royal grant on JB’s ancestor, Thomas Boswell, in 1504; it was extensive: 600 people acknowledged JB as overlord when he became laird on the death of his father (C. B. Tinker, Young Boswell, 1922, pp. 7–8). His father, Alexander Boswell (1717–82), took the title of Lord Auchinleck when he was elevated to the judicial bench as a lord of session.

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contents.




A Letter from the Right Honourable George Lord Lyttelton to James Boswell, Esq; 5 Introduction.

21

c h a p. i . Of the Situation, Extent, Air, Soil, and Productions, of Corsica.

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c h a p. i i . A concise View of the Revolutions which Corsica has undergone from the earliest times. 51 c h a p. i i i . The present State of Corsica, with respect to Government, Religion, Arms, Commerce, Learning, the Genius and Character of its Inhabitants. 95 Appendix, containing Corsican State Papers.

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The Journal of a Tour to Corsica; and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli.

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159

An Account of Corsica.




INTRODUCTION.

L

IBERTY is so natural, and so dear to mankind, whether as individuals, or as members of society, that it is indispensibly necessary to our happiness. Every thing great and worthy ariseth from it. Liberty gives health to the mind, and enables us to enjoy the full exercise of our faculties. He who is in chains cannot move either easily or gracefully; nothing elegant or noble can be expected from those, whose spirits are subdued by tyranny, and whose powers are cramped by restraint. There are, indeed, who from the darkest prejudice, or most corrupt venality, would endeavour to reason mankind out of their original and genuine feelings, and persuade them to substitute artificial sentiment in place of that which is implanted by god and Nature.1 They would maintain, that slavery will from habit become easy, and, that mankind are truly better, when under confinement and subjection to the arbitrary will of a few. Such doctrine as this, could never have gained any ground, had it been addressed to calm reason alone. Its partisans therefore have found it necessary to address themselves to the imagination and passions; to call in the aid of enthusiasm2 and superstition; in some countries to instill a strange love and attachment to their sovereigns; and in others to propagate certain mystical notions, which the mind of man is wonderfully ready to receive, of a divine right

1. There are . . . Nature The same idea occurs in the anonymous A General account and description of Corsica (2nd edn, 1739), p. 8. See Beretti 24 n. 50. 2. enthusiasm i.e. ‘a vain confidence of divine favour or communication’ ( Johnson’s Dictionary).

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an account of corsica to rule; as if their sovereigns had descended from heaven. This last idea has been cherished for ages, from the ‘Cara Deûm soboles,3 The beloved offspring of the Gods,’ among the Romans, to those various elevated and endearing epithets, which modern nations have thought proper to bestow upon their sovereigns. But whatever sophisms may be devised in favour of slavery, patience under it, can never be any thing but ‘the effect of a sickly constitution, which creates a laziness and despondency, that puts men beyond hopes and fears: mortifying ambition, and other active qualities, which freedom begets; and instead of them, affording only a dull kind of pleasure, of being careless and insensible.b There is no doubt, but by entering into society, mankind voluntarily give up a part of their natural rights, and bind themselves to the obedience of laws, calculated for the general good.4 But, we must distinguish between authority, and oppression; between laws, and capricious dictates; and keeping the original intention of government ever in view, we should take care that no more restraint be laid upon natural liberty, than what the necessities of society require. Perhaps the limits between the power of government, and the liberty of the people, should not be too strictly marked out. Men of taste reckon that picture hard, where the outlines are so strong, as to be clearly seen. They admire a piece of painting, where the colours are delicately blended, and the tints, which point out every particular object, are softened into each other, by an insensible gradation.5 So in a virtuous state, there should be such a mutual confidence between the government and the people, that the rights of each should not be expressly defined. But flagrant injustice, on one side or other, is not to be concealed; and, without question, it is the privilege of the side that is injured, to vindicate itself. b

My lord Molesworth’s Account of Denmark, p. 69.*

3. Cara Deûm soboles Virgil, Eclogues, iv. 49. 4. There is . . . good Cf. Locke, Two Treatises of Government (1690), II. vii. 94, viii. 95–97. 5. Men . . . gradation JB here may reveal the influence of Edmund Burke’s Philosophical Enquiry into . . . the Sublime and Beautiful (1757), especially part III, sections 15–17; there Burke discusses the contributions to the creation of beauty made by ‘Gradual Variation’, ‘Delicacy,’ and ‘Colour’. * An Account of Denmark as it was in the year 1692 (1694), p. 75, by Robert, Viscount Molesworth (1656–1725): ‘Slavery, like a sickly Constitution, grows in time so habitual, that it seems no Burden nor Disease; it creates a kind of laziness, and idle despondency, which puts men beyond hopes and fears: it mortifies Ambition, Emulation, and other troublesome, as well as active qualities, which Liberty and Freedom beget; and instead of them affords only . . . insensible’. In MS (p. 3), following the quotation from Molesworth, JB deleted the following:

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introduction I have been led into these reflections from a consideration of the arguments by which ingenious men in the refinement of politicks have endeavoured to amuse mankind, and turn away their attention from the plain and simple notions of liberty. Liberty is indeed the parent of felicity, of every noble virtue, and even of every art and science. Whatever vain attempts have been made to raise the generous plants under an oppressive climate, have only shewn more evidently the value of freedom. It is therefore no wonder that the world has at all times been roused at the mention of liberty; and that we read with admiration and a virtuous enthusiasm, the gallant achievements of those who have distinguished themselves in the glorious cause, and the history of states who were animated with the principle of freedom, and made it the basis of their constitution. Should any one transmit to posterity the annals of an enslaved nation, we should sleep over whole ages of the humbling detail. Every thing would be so poor, so tame, and so abject, that one might as well peruse the records of a prison-house.6 But we have a manly satisfaction in reading the history of the ancient Romans; even abstracting from their connections and their broils with other states. Their internal progress alone affords ample matter of speculation to a judicious and spirited observer of human nature. We love to trace the various springs of their conduct, and of their advancement in civilization. We contemplate with pleasure the ferments between the patricians and plebeians, the strong exertions of rude7 genius, the vigorous exercises and hardy virtues of men uncontrouled by timid subjection. They who entertain an extravagant veneration for antiquity, would make us believe, that the divine fire of liberty has been long ago exhausted, and that any appearances of it which are to be found in modern times, are but feeble and dim. They would make us believe that the world is grown old, that the strength of human nature is decayed, and that we are no more to expect those noble powers which dignified men in former ages. But the truth is, that human nature is the same at all times, and appears in different lights merely from a difference of circumstances. In the language of the schoolmen, the substance is fixed, the accidents only vary.8 Rome has yet the seven hills on which the conquerors of the world dwelt, and these are

6. prison-house This single word in MS (p. 6) replaced the deleted passage: 7. rude i.e., uncultured, undeveloped. 8. schoolmen . . . vary The terms ‘substance’ and ‘accidents’ were used by mediaeval scholastics, especially in the debate on transubstantiation, to distinguish between the essence, that which is unchanging, and the unessential material qualities or attributes.

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an account of corsica inhabited by Romans. Athens still occupies the space from whence philosophy and genius diffused a radiance to all the nations around, and is possessed by Athenians. But neither of these people now retain any resemblance of their illustrious ancestors; this is entirely owing to the course of political events, which has produced a total change in their manners. That the spirit of liberty has flourished in modern times, we may appeal to the histories of the Swiss, and of the Dutch; and the boldest proofs of it are to be found in the annals of our own country. But a most distinguished example of it actually exists in the island of Corsica. There, a brave and resolute nation, has now for upwards of six and thirty years, maintained a constant struggle against the oppression of the republick of Genoa. These valiant islanders were for a long time looked upon as an inconsiderable band of malecontents, as a disorderly troop of rebels, who would speedily be compelled to resume those chains which they had frowardly9 shaken off. They have however continued steady to their purpose. Providence has favoured them; and Europe now turns her eyes upon them, and with astonishment sees them on the eve of emancipating themselves for ever from a foreign yoke, and becoming a free and independent people. Libertas quae sera tamen respexit— Respexit tamen et longo post tempore venit. Virg. Eclog. I. When a long age of vent’rous toil was past, Celestial freedom blest their isle at last.10 The smallness of the Corsican state does not render it less an object of admiration. On the contrary, we ought to admire it the more. The ingenious11 Mr. Humec hath shewn us, that Rhodes, Thebes, and many of the famous ancient states were not so numerous as the people of Corsica now are. If the ten thousand Greeks have gained immortal honour, because they were opposed to c

Essay on the populousness of ancient nations.*

9. frowardly i.e., perversely. 10. Libertas . . . last Virgil Eclogues, i. 27, 29 [‘ . . . respexit inertem . . . ’; ‘Freedom, who, though late, had regard for me . . . nevertheless she did look at me and came after a long time’]. According to JB’s preface, p. 14, in common with other unattributed translations, this was his own; in MS (p. 9) ‘When many a year’ becomes in print ‘When a long age.’ 11. ingenious i.e., talented, highly intelligent. * David Hume (1711–76) included it in his Essays Moral and Political (1741–42). He calculates that Rhodes had only 6,000 citizens able to bear arms, that the number in Thebes was no greater, and that the total population of Thebes was not more than 36,000. See Selected Essays, ed. Stephen Copley and Andrew Edgar (Oxford, 1996), pp. 259, 280.

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introduction the armies of the Persian monarch,12 Shall not the Corsicans be found deserving of glory, who have set themselves against a republick, which has been aided at different times by the power of France, and by that of the empire of Germany? The Corsicans have been obliged to shew particular force of spirit. The Swiss and the Dutch were both assisted by powerful nations in the recovery of their liberties: but during the long and bloody war which Corsica has carried on, the Powers of Europe, who might be supposed friendly to her, have stood aloof, and she has single and unsupported, weathered the storm, and arrived at the degree of consequence which she now holds. To give an account of this island, is what I am now to attempt. The attempt is surely laudable; and I am persuaded that my readers will grant me every indulgence, when they consider how favourable is the subject. They will consider that I am the first Briton who has had the curiosity to visit Corsica, and to receive such information as to enable him to form a just idea of it; and they will readily make allowance for the enthusiasm of one who has been among the brave islanders, when their patriotick virtue is at its height, and who has felt as it were a communication of their spirit. The plan which I have prescribed to myself is, to give a Geographical and Physical description of the island, that my readers may be made acquainted with the country which in these latter days has produced so heroick a race of patriots. To exhibit a concise view of the Revolutions it has undergone from the earliest times, which will prepare the mind, and throw light on the sequel. To shew the Present State of Corsica; and to subjoin my Journal of a Tour to that island, in which I relate a variety of anecdotes, and treasure up many memoirs of the illustrious General of the Corsicans—Memorabilia Paoli. I do most sincerely declare, that I feel myself inferiour to the task. But I hope the sketch which I give, will be of some immediate service, and will induce others to execute a more perfect plan. I shall be happy if I contribute in a certain degree to give the world a just idea of Corsica, and to interest the generous in its favour; and I would adopt for this work a simple and beautiful inscription on the front of the Palazzo Tolomei at Siena, Quod potui feci; faciant meliora potentes. I’ve done my best; let abler men do more.

12. ten thousand . . . monarch JB alludes to the Greek mercenary force (including Xenophon, who recorded the expedition in his Anabasis) under Cyrus II who aspired unsuccessfully to the Persian throne (401–399 bc).

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CHAPTER I.




Of the Situation, Extent, Air, Soil, and Productions, of Corsica .

C

ORSICA is an island of the Mediterranean sea, situated between the 41 and 43 degree of north latitude, and between the 8 and 10 degree of east longitude, reckoning from London. It hath on the north the Ligurian sea, and gulf of Genoa. On the east, the Tuscan sea; on the south, a strait of ten miles which separates it from Sardinia; and on the west the Mediterranean. It is about 100 miles south of Genoa, and 80 south-west of Leghorn, from whence it can plainly be seen when the weather is clear. It is 150 miles in length, and from 40 to 50 in breadth, being broadest about the middle. It is reckoned 322 miles in circumference;1 but an exact measurement round it would extend to 500 miles, as it is edged with many promontories, and with a variety of bays. Pliny the elder hath given us a short, but very accurate account of the geography of Corsica; ‘In Ligustico mari est Corsica quam Graeci Cyrnon appellavere, sed Thusco proprior, a septentrione in meridiem projecta, longa passuum CL millia, lata majore ex parte L, circuitu CCCXXII, civitates habet XXXIII et colonias Marianam a Mario deductam, Aleriam a dictatore Sylla.d ‘In the Ligurian sea, but nearer to Tuscany than to Liguria, is Corsica, which the Greeks called Cyrnus. It extendeth from north to south, and is about 150 d

Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 6.*

1. 150 miles . . . circumference JB adopts Pliny’s measurements and disregards Burnaby (24), who gives the length as 140 miles, the breadth as 70 (the actual dimensions are 108 miles by 50 miles approx.). * Pliny, Historia Naturalis, III. vi. (‘. . . sed Tusco propior . . . CL milia . . . ex parte quinquaginta, circuitu CCCXXV m . . . habet XXXII . . . dictatore Sulla).’ The same quotation occurs in Goury 2.

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an account of corsica miles in length, for the most part 50 in breadth, and 322 in circumference. It hath 33 states and two colonies, Mariana founded by Marius, and Aleria founded by the dictator Sylla.’ Of these 33 states, not above five or six can now be traced; and the colonies are only to be marked by their ruins.2 But the usual fidelity of Pliny is to be credited in this account. Pomponius Melae describes the situation of Corsica, as does Ptolemy.f Seneca the philosopher hath left us two most horrid pictures of Corsica, very false indeed, but executed with uncommon strength of fancy and expression. Stoick as he was, of a grave and severe demeanour, he did not escape the Emperour’s jealousy, but being accused as one of the many gallants with whom the profligate Julia had been guilty of adultery, he was banished to Corsica, where he remained for seven years; and where in the province of Capo Corso they still shew an old ruin called ‘Il torre di Seneca, Seneca’s Tower.’ Here he composed his books De Consolatione to Polybius, and to his mother Helvia, with several other works;3 and here he indulged his fretted imagination in the following epigrams.4 I. Corsica Phocaeo tellus habitata colono, Corsica quae Graio nomine Cyrnus eras: Corsica Sardinia brevior, porrectior Ilva: Corsica piscosis pervia fluminibus: Corsica terribilis quum primum incanduit aestas; Saevior, ostendit quum ferus ora canis: Parce relegatis, hoc est, jam parce sepultis, Vivorum cineri sit tua terra levis.5 O sea-girt Corsica! whose rude domains, First own’d, the culture of Phocaean swains; Cyrnus, since thus the Greeks thy isle express, Greater than Ilva, than Sardinia less; e

Pomp. Mel. lib. ii. cap. 7.*

f

Ptol. Geog. lib. iii. cap. 2.**

2. Of these . . . ruins Translated from Goury 3–4. 3. Seneca . . . works Banished to Corsica by emperor Claudius in 41, Seneca returned to Rome in 49. During his banishment he wrote Ad Helviam and Ad Polybium; no other works were certainly written in that period. Ad Helviam contains a particularly disparaging picture of Corsica: see 6:5 (which JB quotes below, pp. 167–68), 7:8. The tower to which JB refers is of mediaeval origin. 4. epigrams MS (p. 14) reads: ‘Here the Epigrams with the English Translation to be inserted.’ (See also Addenda I.) (Scholars now doubt Seneca’s authorship of the epigrams.) 5. Corsica . . . levis See Anthologia Latina (Amsterdam, 1964), 236, 1–8. * Pomponius Mela, De Chorographia, II. 122–23. ** Ptolemy, Cosmographia, III. ii.

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chapter i O Corsica! whose winding rivers feed, Unnumber’d as their sands, the finny breed: O Corsica! whose raging heats dismay, When first returning summer pours her ray; Yet fiercer plagues thy scorching shores dispense, When Sirius sheds his baneful influence: Spare, spare the banish’d! spare, since such his doom, A wretch, who living, seeks in thee a tomb! Light lay thy earth, in pity to his pains, Light lay thy earth upon his sad remains. Day II. Barbara praeruptis inclusa est Corsica saxis; Horrida, desertis undique vasta locis. Non poma autumnus, segetes non educat aestas; Canaque Palladio munere bruma caret; Umbrarum nullo ver est laetabile foetu, Nullaque in infausto nascitur herba solo: Non panis, non haustus aquae, non ultimus ignis, Hic solo haec duo sunt, exsul, et exsilium.6 O! Corsica, whom rocks terrific bound, Where nature spreads her wildest desarts round, In vain revolving seasons cheer thy soil, Nor rip’ning fruits, nor waving harvests smile: Nor blooms the olive mid the winter drear; The votive olive to Minerva dear. See, spring returning, spreads her milder reign! Yet shoots no herb, no verdure clothes the plain. No cooling springs to quench the traveller’s thirst From thy parch’d hills in grateful murmurs burst; Nor, hapless isle! thy barren shores around, Is wholesome food, fair Ceres’ bounty, found. Nor ev’n the last sad gift, the wretched claim, The pile funereal, and the sacred flame. Nought here, alas! surrounding seas enclose, Nought but an exile, and an exile’s woes.7 Day

6. Barbara . . . exsilium Anthologia Latina, 237, 1–8 [‘ . . . caret;/Imbriferum nullo . . . Hic sola . . .’]. 7. O sea-girt . . . woes See p. 12 n. 16.

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an account of corsica He hath also vented his spleen against the place of his exile, in the same extravagant manner, in his books De Consolatione. But we must consider, that notwithstanding all the boasted firmness of Seneca, his mind was then clouded with melancholy, and every object around him appeared in rueful colours. Corsica is, in reality, a most agreeable island. It had from the ancient Greeks the name of K·ÏÏȘË, Callista, on account of its beauty; and we may believe it was held in considerable estimation, since Callimachus places it next to his favourite Delus,
δ  πιθεν Φοινισσα µετ  χνια Kυrνος πηδει ου κ νοτ —Callim. Hymn. in Del. 1. 19.

Next in the rank, Phoenician Cyrnus came, A fruitful isle, of no ignoble name.8 It is charmingly situated in the Mediterranean, from whence continual breezes fan and cool it in summer, and the surrounding body of water keeps it warm in winter, so that it is one of the most temperate countries in that quarter of Europe. Its air is fresh and healthful, except in one or two places, which are moist, and where the air, especially in summer, is suffocating and sickly; but in general, the Corsicans breathe a pure atmosphere, which is also keen enough to brace their fibres more than one would expect under so warm a sun. Corsica has indeed been pretty generally represented as unwholesome, which, I suppose, has been owing to the bad report given of it by the Romans, who established their colonies at Aleria and Mariana, which from their damp situation, occasioned a great death among the inhabitants, and accordingly these colonies soon went to ruin. But all the interiour parts of the Island have very good air.9 Corsica is remarkably well furnished with good harbours, so that we may apply to it what Florus says of the Campania, ‘Nihil hospitalius mari.g Nothing more hospitable to the sea.’ It has on the north Centuri. On the west San Fiorenzo, Isola Rossa, Calvi, Ajaccio. On the South it has Bonifaccio. And on the east Porto Vecchio, Bastia, and Macinajo. Of each of these I shall give some account. Centuri,10 though at present but a small harbour, may be greatly enlarged, as its situation is very convenient. g

Flor. Lib. i. Cap. 16.*

8. name ‘Hymn to Delos,’ II. 19–20. In JB’s translation (MS p. 14) ‘In order next’ is deleted and replaced by ‘Next in the rank.’ 9. good air For similar comments see Goury 10–11. 10. Centuri Where JB landed on his visit to Corsica. * Lucius Annaeus Florus, Epitomae de Tito Livio Bellorum Omnium Annorum DCC, I. xi.

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chapter i San Fiorenzo is an extensive gulf. It runs about fifteen miles up into the country, and is about five miles across, and many fathom deep. The gulf itself hath often a violent surge, being exposed to the westerly winds; but there are several creeks and bays, particularly on the south side of it, which are quite secure.11 There is a bay under the tower of Fornali, about two miles from San Fiorenzo, which is highly esteemed, and where vessels of considerable burden may be safely stationed.12 Isola Rossa is but a little harbour; but has a considerable depth of water, and is defended by a small island against the westerly winds. They talk of erecting a mole to lock it in on every quarter. It is at present one of the principal ports for Commerce in the possession of the Corsicans.13 Calvih is a large and excellent harbour. Cluverius calls it ‘Celeberrimus insulae portusi, The most famous port of this island.’ The only objection I ever heard made to it, was by a French Gentleman,14 who told me, that the bottom of it was full of sharp rocks, which were apt to cut the cables of ships which entered it: and he instanced one of the transports, which had landed some of the French troops in the year 1764.15 He however was under a mistake; for I have been at pains to enquire very particularly concerning this, and am informed from the best authority,16 that there is nothing to fear from rocks at Calvi, and that the French transport which suffered a little there, happened to be run foul of, by some of the rest, which was the occasion of any damage it sustained. h

Postlethwayt, in his translation of Savary’s Dictionary of Trade and Commerce, has a most absurd observation concerning Calvi: ‘Its inhabitants,’ says he, ‘are called Calves.’ Who told him this? What connection is there between the English word Calves and the Italian word Calvi? Perhaps he intended it as wit. If so, how clumsy are the jests of this Lexicographer! * i Cluver. Corsic. Antiq.**

11. San Firenzo . . . secure Cf. Burnaby 30: ‘the gulf of San Firenzo. It runs about 15 miles up into the country, and is about five miles across. The water is many fathom deep. The gulf itself is exposed to the westerly winds; but there are several little bays, particularly on the southern side of it, quite secure.’ 12. a bay . . . stationed Cf. Burnaby 29. (‘vessels . . . burden’: i.e., large merchant-ships.) 13. Isola . . . Corsicans Cf. Burnaby 28–29. 14. a French Gentleman In MS (p. 14a) JB identified this ‘Gentleman’ as the Comte de Marboeuf (Louis Charles René, comte de Marboeuf [1712–86], commander of French forces in Corsica). See pp. 93, 211–15. 15. year 1764 After the second Treaty of Compiègne, August 1764, when France assured Genoa she would occupy Calvi and other ports for 4 years. 16. the best authority In MS (p. 14b) these words in the margin replace the deleted name of ‘General Paoli.’ * Malachy Postlethwayt, The Universal Dictionary of Trade and Commerce (2nd edn, 1757), i. 573. ** Philippi Cluverii, Introductionibus Geographiam, tam Veterem quam Novam (Amsterdam, 1661), III. xlii. 188.

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an account of corsica Ajaccio is a wide and commodious harbour, with a good mole, and perfectly safe. It wants only to have a small rock in front of the mole removed, which might be done at no great charge. Corsica hath also in this quarter several smaller havens, which are useful for the reception of little vessels. Bonifaccio is an useful harbour, much frequented since the oldest times, and very fit for trade. Bastia is not a port of the first consideration, as ships of war cannot enter it. But it hath a mole for the convenience of small vessels, for which it is very well fitted. The islands of Gorgona, Capraja, and Ilva, or the Elbe, are placed at no great distance in the sea which rolls between the east coast of Corsica and Tuscany, with the Pope’s dominions; so that small vessels can never be at a loss for protection, should any sudden storm come upon them, as they can run into any of these islands. Macinajo is not one of the principal harbours in Corsica, though it is very safe and commodious for vessels of a light construction. I mention Macinajo, because it was from thence that the expedition set sail against Capraja, as will be afterwards seen.17 Diodorus Siculus celebrates Corsica for the excellency of its harbours: αυτη δ
νησος επrοσrµιστος ουσα kλλιστον χει λιµνα τ!ν νοµαζµενον Συrαkσιονj, ‘The island being of very easy access, has a most beautiful port, called the Syracusian.’ This, which was anciently called the Syracusian, has now the name of Porto Vecchio; of which it is proper to take particular notice. Porto Vecchio is a spacious haven, capable of containing a very large fleet. It is five miles long, above a mile and a half broad, has a great depth of water, and a good bottom, and being landlocked on every side, is well sheltered from storms. I may add, that nature has placed a high and rocky mountain like a stately column to point it out at a great distance. In short, Porto Vecchio may vie with the most distinguished harbours in Europe. The only objection to it, is the badness of its air, occasioned by the marshy grounds which lie in its neighbourhood. But this disadvantage may be remedied, as has been done at Leghorn. ‘The country about Leghorn was formerly a vile morass or rather quagmire, the noxious steams of which rendered the air unwholesome; but by the skill and pains of an Englishman, Sir Robert Dudley, son to Queen Elizabeth’s potent favourite the Earl of Leicester, the j

Diodor. Sicul. lib. v.*

17. as will . . . seen See p. 139–140. * The Library of History of Diodorus of Sicily, V. xiii. 3.

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chapter i soil was rendered habitable, the air much less unwholesome, and the port improved, so as to become the best in Italy.’k From this account of the harbours of Corsica, it will appear of how great consequence an alliance with this island might be to any of the maritime powers of Europe. For, a fleet stationed there might command the navigation of Genoa, Tuscany, and the ecclesiastical state, that between Spain and Naples, and a good share of that to the Levant; not to mention its influence over that of Sardinia. And it may be material to observe, that vessels stationed in the ports of Corsica might be formidable to France, as the western side of the island is directly opposite to the extensive coast of Provence, on which a descent might be made with cruisers in a very short time.18 The northern point of Corsica, called Capo Corso,l is about 30 miles long, very mountainous and rocky, but covered with vines and olives.19 There are, in several parts of the island, but particularly in Capo Corso, a great many ancient towers, built about three or four hundred years ago, to defend the inhabitants against the incursions of the Turks and other pirates. There is there a little village called Tomino, strong by situation. The Genoese have made several attacks upon it during the late troubles, but were never able to carry it. The inhabitants are very deservedly proud of this. They shew, with particular triumph, a shell which the enemy threw into their village, to oblige them to surrender. They have placed it in a niche on the outside of their church, to serve as a memorial of their deliverance, and to inspire them with greater zeal and devotion when they go to divine worship.20 k l

Present State of Europe, p. 411.* There is a place in Guinea, which has also the name of Capo Corso: I know not from what. Cluver. Geog. p. 537.**

18. From . . . time Virtually the whole of this paragraph is written in the margin of MS, p. 17. JB was probably responding to a conversation he had with William Pitt on 22 February 1766, during which Pitt said: ‘Mr. Boswell, I own it appears strange that an Island of so great consequence to the navigation in the Mediterranean should be neglected. How are their harbours?’ (Private Papers, vii. 81). Having devoted several pages to the harbours of Corsica, JB here observes on their strategic importance to a maritime power (and summarises his general point at the end of the chapter: ‘It hath a number of good harbours,’ p. 49. 19. The northern . . . olives Cf. Burnaby 2: ‘This part of the island, which for about 30 miles is called Cape Corse, is high and mountainous, but produces considerable quantities of oil and wine.’ 20. little village . . . worship Cf. Burnaby 1–2: ‘a village called Tomino . . . is advantageously situated, and was repeatedly attacked by the Genoese, during the late troubles, without success. The inhabitants show with particular triumph a shell, which the enemy threw into it, in order to force them to surrender. They have placed it in a niche on the outside of their church, to serve as a memorial of their deliverance, and to inspire them with greater devotion when they enter that place of divine worship.’ * The Present State of Europe, 5th edn, 1757, p. 411 (‘. . . Leicester, and himself created Duke of Northumberland by the Emperor, the Soil . . .’). Sir Robert Dudley (1574–1649) settled in Florence; employed by Ferdinand II, Duke of Tuscany, he drained the morass between Pisa and the sea, thus establishing the prosperity of Leghorn. ** Philippi Cluverii, Introductionibus in Universam Geographiam, VI. ix. 312.

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an account of corsica From Tomino east to Bastia, is about 26 miles of a country much diversified with hills, and abounding in springs. On the coast are a number of poor fishing towns, and a little up the country, there are several villages or hamlets prettily situated. Bastia has of a long time been reckoned the capital of Corsica.21 It was here that the Genoese held the seat of their sovereign power: and indeed Bastia is still the largest town in the island. It has a stately appearance from the sea, being built on the declivity of a hill; though upon entering the town, one is a good deal disappointed; for the houses are in general ill built, and the streets narrow, and from the situation of the town, are necessarily very steep. There are however several pretty good buildings here. It hath a castle, which commands the town and harbour, which, though but a sorry fortification at present, is capable of being made a place of considerable strength, as it hath a range of hills behind it, on which little redoubts might be erected; and with these, and a few substantial outworks towards the sea, it might stand a pretty long siege. The castle is properly on a separate territory, called terra nuova, the New Land, as is also the cathedral of Bastia, which has nothing very remarkable. It belongs to the bishoprick of Mariana. The church of St. John in this city, by no means an inelegant building, belongs to the Jesuits, who have here a college. Their garden is finely situated, large, and well laid out. This they owe in a great measure to the French, who have been stationed in Corsica at different times. From them the inhabitants have learned much of what they know of the arts and conveniences of life. There is here a convent of Lazarists or missionaries, a vast and magnificent house, almost overhanging the sea. The convent of the Franciscans, and that of the Capuchins, are situated on the rising grounds behind Bastia. The last stands in a beautiful exposure, and has really a very pretty front.22 From Bastia south to beyond Aleria, is one continued plain, between 50 and 60 miles in length, proper for raising all sorts of grain, as well as for pasturage. I say nothing of the ruins of Mariana and Aleria, the two Roman colonies which stood on this plain; for as Corsica was much disregarded by the Romans, they did not think it worthy of having any of their taste and magnificence employed in it: so there are no vestiges of ancient grandeur. As however, even the dregs of the Romans could not be without some skill in the arts, several antiques, such as rings, and seals with engravings on precious stones have been found here, and sometimes pretty good ones. The ruins of an old town called Nicea, said to be built by the Etruscans, are still to be seen on this plain, but without any thing remarkable.

21. Bastia . . . Corsica True for the Genoese and French; for Paoli ‘Corte is properly its capital’ (p. 37). 22. front In his description JB keeps close to details in Jaussin i. 31.

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chapter i Beyond Aleria the country rises into small hills, proper for vines, olives, mulberry trees, and many of them for corn. It is traversed by some ridges of mountains, upon which, not far from Porto Vecchio, are great numbers of very fine oaks, the best being to be found here, and at Campoloro. A rich waved country with some few interruptions, reaches along the east and south coasts to Bonifaccio, which is a pretty considerable town, well inhabited, and strongly fortified; and from thence is continued to the plain of Ajaccio.23 Ajaccio is the prettiest town in Corsica. It hath many very handsome streets, and beautiful walks; a citadel, and a palace for the Genoese governour. The inhabitants of this town are the genteelest people in the island, having had a good deal of intercourse with the French. In Ajaccio are the remains of a colony of Greeks settled in Corsica, of which colony a particular account shall be given in the next chapter. From the plain of Ajaccio, after passing some more ridges, you advance along the west shore to the provinces of Balagna and Nebbio, which are very rich, and afford an agreeable prospect, particularly Balagna, which may be called the garden of Corsica, being highly favoured by nature, and having also had in a superiour degree the advantages of cultivation. You next arrive at San Fiorenzo, which is but an inconsiderable place, and of no great strength. About a quarter of a mile to the southward of the town, are some low marshy grounds, which make San Fiorenzo so sickly, that few people choose to inhabit it, and the garrison there must be changed every month.24 On the northern shore of the gulf, are two or three villages, of which the principal is Nonza. This is properly the key of Capo Corso; because from the cape into the interiour parts of the island on the western side, there is only one pass, and that leads through this place. Nonza is a little village, on a high rock, on the extreme pinnacle of which, some hundred fathoms above the gulf, and directly perpendicular, stands a tower or small fortress, which commands the avenue to it. Nonza is literally what Cicero calls Ithaca, ‘In asperrimis faxulis

23. Beyond . . . Ajaccio Cf. Burnaby 19: ‘Beyond Aleria, the country rises into small hills, . . . [it] produces wine, oil, grain, and mulberry trees . . . it is intersected by some ridges of mountains, upon some of which, not far from Porto Vecchio, are great quantities of fine oaks, the best being to be found here and at Campo Loro; the same rich broken country, with some few interruptions, reaches along the southern and western coasts to Bonifacio . . . and from thence to the plain of Ajaccio.’ At the end of his paragraph, JB’s MS (p. 20) carries an instruction: ‘N. B. Describe Ajaccio more particularly.’ 24. San Firenzo . . . month Cf. Burnaby 29: ‘San Firenzo . . . seems an inconsiderable town, and of no great strength. To the southward of the town, about a quarter of a mile from it, are some low marshy grounds, which render the place extremely sickly. The French have a garrison here, which they are obliged to relieve on this account every month.’

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an account of corsica tanquam nidulum affixam,m Stuck on the rudest cliffs like a little nest.’ After this, the cape begins, which finishes at Ersa. I have thus reviewed the Corsican harbours, and travelled round the skirts of the country, along its shores. Diodorus Siculus describes Corsica as an extensive island, very mountainous, abounding in large forests, and watered with many rivulets:
δ $λη νησος ευµεÁθης ουσα πολλν της χ%rας rεινν χει, πεπυkασµνην δrυµοις συνεχσι kα& ποταµοις διαrrεοµνην µιkrοις.n Indeed the interiour parts of the island are in general mountainous, though interspersed with fruitful valleys; but have a peculiar grand appearance, and inspire one with the genius of the place; with that undaunted and inflexible spirit, which will not bow to oppression. As Homer says of Ithaca: τrηχει  , 'λλ 'γαθ kουrοτrφος

Odyss. lib. ix. 1. 27. Strong are her sons, tho’ rocky are her shores. Pope.25 The great division of Corsica, is into the di qua, and the di la dei monti, The country on this side, and the country on the other side of the mountains; reckoning from Bastia. By the mountains is understood, that great range of them which rises beyond Aleria, and stretches across the island, intersecting it however by no means equally; for, the country di qua is a third more than that di la. Another old division of this island was, to suppose a line drawn from Porto Vecchio, to the gulf of San Fiorenzo; and the division upon the east, was called banda di dentro, The side within; and that on the west, was called banda di euori, The side without. I never could learn the meaning of this division farther, than that, I suppose, those who inhabited Bastia and the plain of Aleria, looked upon themselves as the most civilized; and so were for calling those on the opposite side of the island to them ‘forrestieri, foreigners.’ The next division is into provinces, of which there are nine; for although a great part of this country long went under the denomination of ‘feudos, m

Cic. De Orat. lib. i. cap. 44.*

n

Diodor. Sicul. lib. v.**

25. Homer . . . Pope Homer, Odyssey, ix. 27 [‘a rugged island, but a good nurse of young men’]. Alexander Pope, Odyssey of Homer, ix. 28. The two quotations are written in the margin of MS (p. 43) with the instruction: ‘N. B. This to be inserted in p. 21.’ The instruction was obeyed. * De Oratore, I. xliv. 199. ** The Library of History, V. xiii. 5.

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chapter i feus,’ and is still called so in the maps, the jurisdiction of the signors is now gradually wearing out, and will soon be sunk into the general power of the state. Another division of Corsica is into pieves. A Pieve is properly an ecclesiastical appointment, containing a certain number of parishes, over which is placed a pievano, who superintends the priests, and draws a certain part of the tithes. But this division is as much used for civil affairs, as for those of the church. There are large tracts of uninhabited land in Corsica, mostly covered with woods; to some parts of which the peasants resort in summer to feed their cattle, and to gather chestnuts, making little sheds for themselves to lie under. There is hardly such a thing as a detached farm-house to be seen in the island, like what are scattered every where over Great Britain; for, the Corsicans gather together in little villages, which they call by corruption ‘paeses, countries.’ I remember when I was first told in Corsica, that I should travel a great many miles ‘Senza veder un paese, Without seeing a country,’ I could not conceive what they meant. The Corsicans are in greater safety, and have more society with each other by thus living in villages; which is much the custom in the cantons of Switzerland, and some parts of Germany; as it was anciently among all nations. The Corsican villages are frequently built upon the very summits of their mountains, on craggy cliffs of so stupendous a height, that the houses can hardly be distinguished during the day; but at night, when the shepherds kindle their fires, the reflection of such a variety of lights, makes these aerial villages have a most picturesque and pleasing appearance.26 In the center of the island stands Corte, which is properly its capital, and will undoubtedly be one day a city of eminence. Here is the General’s palace; and here is the supreme seat of justice, where the executive power constantly resides, and where the legislature is annually assembled; and here also is the university,27 which in time may become a distinguished seat of learning, though I must not allow my enthusiasm to indulge itself in too eager hopes of seeing Corsica an Athens, as well as a Thebes. Corte is situated part at the foot, and part on the declivity of a rock, in a plain surrounded with prodigious high mountains, and at the conflux of two rivers, the Tavignano and Restonica. It hath a great deal of rich country about it, and a wonderful natural strength, being hemmed in by almost impassable mountains and narrow defiles, which may be defended with a handful of men, against very large armies.

26. at night . . . appearance Cf. Burnaby 8. 27. university Opened in January 1765 (see Appendix VI); JB visited it in October 1765.

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an account of corsica Upon a point of the rock, prominent above the rest, and on every side perpendicular, stands the castle or citadel. It is at the back of the town, and is almost impregnable; there being only one winding passage to climb up to it, and that not capable of admitting more than two persons abreast. Thuanus thus describes it: ‘Curiae arx faxo fere undique praerupto impositao, The castle of Corte placed upon a rock, broken and ragged almost on every side.’ In the year 1554, it was in possession of the French.28,p A Capitaine la Chambre betrayed it, for which he was afterwards hanged at Marseilles. The same historian informs us, that after the Corsicans had thus recovered the citadel of Corte, it stood a siege by the French general de Thermes,29 from August to October, and that it was a scarcity of water, which at last occasioned its surrender. In the plain, on the north of Corte, there is a convent of Capuchins, and on the side of the hill, to the south of the City, there is a convent of Franciscans.30 Here the General lived while his palace was repairing; and here all strangers of respect are lodged. From this convent, one has the best view of the city of Corte. The learned and ingenious Messieurs Hervey and Burnaby,31 when they were at this convent, were greatly struck with the romantick appearance of Corte. ‘We could scarce help fancying ourselves at Lacedemon, or some other ancient Grecian City. Livy speaking of Heraclea, has given a description of it very like Corte: “Sita est Heraclea in radicibus Aetae montis, ipsa in Campo, arcem imminentem loco alto et undique praecipiti habet. Lib. lxxxvi. cap. 22.32 Heraclea is situated at the foot of mount Aeta; itself on a plain, but hanging over it, is a citadel, on a cliff very high and steep on every side.” One would think he was speaking of the very place. At Lacedemon indeed, as appears from Pausanias, there was no Acropolis or citadel, and they only called the highest point or eminence in the city by that name; from o

Thuan. Hist. Tom. I. p. 507.*

p

Ibid.**

28. 1554 . . . French After Henri II’s conquest of almost the entire island. 29. Thermes Paul de la Barthe de Thermes (1482–1562). 30. Franciscans JB’s good relations with the religious communities in Corsica (see pp. 170, 206–7) recall his conversion to Roman Catholicism in 1760; he had since lapsed (Earlier Years, pp. 46–48). 31. Hervey and Burnaby In MS (p. 27) these names are followed by a deleted passage: JB had decided that this information was better placed in his preface: see p. 11 32. Livy . . . cap. 22 Ab Urbe Condita, XXXVI. xxii. 5 [‘ . . . radicibus Oetae . . . ’]. * Jacobus Auguste de Thou, Historia sui Temporis (1733) I. xv. 507. ** The treacherous captain was Junio Cambra.

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chapter i its answering probably the same purpose to them, as the Acropolis did to the other cities of Greece, it being more difficult of access to an enemy, and admitting of an easier defence. §αkεδαιµον*οις δ+ /krπολις µ+ν 0ς 1ψος πεrιφαν+ς 0ξ*σχουσα οk στι, kαθ/ δ £ηβα*οις τε
Kαδµε*α kα&
§rισα Arγε*οις. 5ντων δ+ 0ν τη πλει λφων kα& 7λλων, τ! µλιστα 0ς µετωrον 'νηkον νοµζουσιν 'krπολιν, 0νταυθα Aθηνα ς 8εr!ν πεπο*ηται. Pausan. lib. iii. cap. 17. The Lacedemonians have no citadel built upon a high place, like Cadmaea of the Thebans, or Larissa of the Argives. But as there are in the city many hills, they give the most elevated of them the name of the citadel. Upon this hill is a temple to Minerva.’33 And Livy, speaking of its being besieged by Flaminius, observes nearly the same thing: ‘Altiora loca et difficiliora aditu stationibus armatorum, pro munimento object-is tutabantur. lib. xxxiv. cap. 38.34 The higher places, and those more difficult of access, were defended by detachments of soldiers which served instead of fortifications.’ ‘According to the institution of Lycurgus, the Spartans were not allowed to have any fortifications; but were to rely for their defence upon their own valour. Towards the decline of the Grecian liberty however, they erected walls in the plainer and more open avenues; Locis patentibus plerisque objecerunt murum, says Livy.35 The remainder was still confided to the valour of its citizens. However, notwithstanding this, there was sufficient likeness to form a comparison between Corte and Lacedemon; especially as the Acropolis was built upon; the temple of Minerva being placed there. We could not help imagining, that yonder was the Taygetus, here the Eurotas; and what made the comparison more striking, was the resemblance, we fancied, between Lycurgus and Paoli.’q Corsica is extremely well watered. Its principal lakes, are those of Ino and Crena, about two miles from each other; both situated on the highest mountain in the island, called by the ancients Mons Aureus, and now Gradaccio or Monte Rotondo. It is of an amazing height, and may equal any of the Alps.36 From the top of it there is a most extensive view of all Corsica, q

Mr. Burnaby’s Journal.*

33. Pausanias . . . Minerva Pausanias, Description of Greece, III (Laconia), xvii. 1–2. 34. Livy . . . cap. 38 Ab Urbe Condita, XXXIV. xxxviii. 2 [‘ . . . et difficilia . . .’] [‘The higher ground . . . was defended . . . a fortification.’] See above p. 17, see also Textual Apparatus for JB’s faulty translation in 1st and 2nd edns, corrected in 3rd. 35. Locis . . . Livy Ab Urbe Condita, XXXIV. xxxviii. 2 [‘patentibus planisque obiecerant’]. 36. Monte Rotondo . . . Alps Mt. Rotondo, 2622m, southwest Corte, exceeds the highest summits of central France but not of the Alps (Mt. Blanc, 4800 m). * Burnaby 9–10. (JB provided translations of Pausanias and Livy; Burnaby did not.)

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an account of corsica of the seas and of Sardinia, with distant prospects of Italy and France; while the Mediterranean and many of its little isles are also under the eye. But people seldom go to take this view; for the upper part of the mountain is almost a perpendicular rock, so that a man must climb two miles with the help of his hands and knees; and for the greatest part of the year, this immense mountain is covered with snow. These two lakes of Ino and Crena, are both of considerable extent. In the plain of Aleria, near to Mariana, is a lake called Chiurlina or Biguglia, which is pretty large, and communicates with the sea; and near to Aleria, is a lake called Il Stagno di Diana, which also communicates with the sea; and it is remarkable, that in summer, when the heat of the sun has exhaled part of the water, and the rest of it is absorbed by the sandy bottom, there remains a kind of natural salt, which the Corsicans find very good, and constantly make use of. The rivers of Corsica are, the Golo, a large and beautiful river, which takes its rise from the lake of Ino, traverses several provinces, and after a course of above seventy miles, empties itself into the sea, just by the ancient city of Mariana. The Tavignano, also a considerable river, which takes its rise from the lake of Crena, and after traversing a long tract of rude country, empties itself into the sea, just by the ancient city of Aleria. The Restonica, which, though but a small river, is famous in Corsica, on account of its particular qualities. Its water is clear as chrystal, and most agreeable to drink; so that Seneca certainly never saw the Restonica, otherwise he would never have said, that Corsica had not ‘haustus aquae,37 a draught of water.’ The Restonica is said to be of a mineral nature, and very wholesome. It hath a virtue of whitening every thing. The stones in its channel are like as many pieces of chalk.38 I remember on the road between Rome and Naples, a run39 from a sulphureous spring, which had something of the same quality, only it did not give so very white a tincture as that of the Restonica, which will make iron look almost like silver, and never rust. The Corsicans frequently dip the barrels and locks of their guns in it. There are several other rivers, of which I shall not give a particular description; the Prunella, Fiumorbo, Gravonne, Valinco, Talavo, Liamone; fine poetical names. There are also a great many rivulets, which serve to enrich the country, and keep it constantly fresh. It hath been said, that with proper care and expence, some of the Corsican rivers might be rendered navigable; but this, I think, would be a very idle

37. haustus aquae See Seneca’s epigram, l. 7 (p. 29). 38. It hath . . . chalk Taken from Goury 196. 39. a run i.e., a channel or overflow.

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chapter i project; for their courses are exceedingly rapid, and when there has been a great deal of rain, the torrents which tumble from the mountains often bring down large fragments of rock, which would dash in pieces any vessels that they should encounter.40 There are many mineral springs, both of the hot and cold kind, in different parts of the island, which the inhabitants of the country find to be very efficacious for the cure of most distempers;41 and people of skill, particularly some French physicians have examined them by a chymical analysis, and approved of them. Corsica is extremely well supplied with fish. I never indeed could hear of any other fish in their rivers or fresh water lakes, except trout and eel. These however are found in great plenty, very fat, and of an uncommon size. But the rich treasure of fish for Corsica, is in its sea; for on all its coasts, there is the greatest variety of all the best kinds, and in particular a sort of ton42 or sturgeon, and the small fish called Sardinas, which is of an exquisite taste. And in several places, the Corsicans have beds of oysters, remarkably large; of which they have not only a sufficiency for their own consumption, but export a great many to Italy. From the earliest times, Corsica has been famous for its excellent fish. Juvenal, when satyrising the excessive luxury of the Romans in his time, who brought every delicacy from the greatest distance, says, Mullus erit domini quem misit Corsica. Juv. Sat. v. 1. 92. A precious mullet from the Corsick seas, Nor less the master’s pamper’d taste can please. And since I am talking of the productions of the Corsican sea, I may observe, that they here fish great quantities of coral, of all the three kinds, white, red and black. But I shall say more of this, when I come to the commerce of Corsica. Corsica hath as great a variety of animals as most countries. The horses here, are in general of a very small breed. Procopius in his wars of the Goths, says, they run about in herds, and were little bigger than sheep.r They are, however, remarkably lively, and very hardy; somewhat of the nature of Welch r

Procop. de Bell. Goth. lib. iii. cap. 24.*

40. It . . . encounter This paragraph closely follows Goury 198. 41. distempers i.e., illnesses or diseases. 42. ton i.e., tunny. * Procopius of Caesarea, History of the Wars, VIII. xxix. 39.

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an account of corsica ponies, or of the little horses called shelties, which are found in the highlands and islands of Scotland; though I have seen Corsican horses of a very good size.43 The asses and mules here, are also small, but very strong and wonderfully agile in scrambling along the steep rocky mountains; for there are hardly any made roads in the island. My worthy friend Sir Alexander Dick,44 whose publick spirit in promoting good roads in an approved age, is well known to all his countrymen, observed that this has been no loss to the Corsicans during the time that they have been employed only in defending themselves in a state of natural freedom. Had their country been open and accessible, they had been easily subdued by regular troops. It was in a good measure owing to her rugged hills, that ancient Scotland preserved her independency. The black cattle are larger in proportion than the horses; but the greatest part of the island is not very proper pasture for them; so in general, they do not give much milk, and their beef is lean and tough. There is not so great occasion for milk in Corsica, as they make no butter, oil supplying its place, as in Italy, and most warm countries. They however make a good deal of cheese in some pieves. There are here a vast number of goats, which browse upon the wild hills, and put one in mind of Virgil’s Bucolicks, where mention is so often made of this animal. Sheep are also very plentiful, and have fine feeding; so that their mutton is as sweet and juicy as one could desire, and attones45 for the badness of the beef. The Corsican sheep are generally black, or of a dusky colour; a white sheep being here and there to be met with in a flock, as black ones are amongst our sheep. The wool is coarse and hairy, which the people of the country impute to their sheep being of a mongrel race. They have had thoughts of helping this, by importing a good breed from England or Spain. But I have been told by the breeders of sheep, that the quality of wool is not so much owing to the kind of sheep, as to the nature of their pasture; for those sheep, who bear very rough fleeces when upon one farm, will, when put upon another of a different soil, bear fleeces exceedingly fine. It is very common here, for sheep to have more horns than two: many of them have six. The forests of this island abound in deer. And there is here a curious animal, called a Muffoli. It resembles a stag, but has horns like a ram, and a skin uncommonly hard. It is very wild, and lives on the highest mountains, where it can hardly be approached, it is so nimble. It will jump from rock to rock, at the distance of many feet, and if hard chaced to the extremity of a cliff, from

43. shelties . . . size i.e., Shetland ponies. In MS (p. 33) JB added about the larger horses: ‘in particular one which General Paoli himself rode.’ 44. Sir Alexander Dick Distinguished physician, among the founders of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, Dick (1703–85) was one of JB’s closest friends. He gave JB strong encouragement to publish ‘your account of Corsica and your history of the Hero’ [Paoli], (Gen. Corr. i. 59). 45. attones Obsolete form of ‘atones.’

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chapter i whence it can reach no other, it will throw itself over, and with surprising agility pitch upon its horns, without receiving any hurt. Yet when these créatures are taken young, they are very easily tamed. M. de Marboeuf, the French commander at the time I was in Corsica, had then one of them; and there are now two of them at Shugborough in Staffordshire, the seat of Mr. Anson,46 who has a rich assemblage of what is curious in nature, as well as of what is elegant in art. The Corsican animals in general, appeared wild to strangers. Polybius gives us a reason for it: δοkει γε µν πντ ειναι τ/ ζωα kατ/ τν νησον 7γrια δι/ τοια9την α:τ*αν. ο δ9νανται kατ/ τ/ς νοµ/ς συναkολουθειν ο8 ποιµα*νοντες τοις θrµµασι, δι/ τ! σ9νδενδrον kα& krηµν%δη kα& τrαχει αν ει ναι τν νησον.s ‘All the animals in the island appear to be wild, on this account, that it is so rude and steep, and so thick set with trees, that the shepherds are not able to follow their flocks.’ The wild boar is found here in great plenty. Indeed their swine, which are very numerous, have all a mixture of the wild breed, and being fed on chestnuts, they are agreeable food. The Corsicans are very fond of the diversion of hunting the wild boar, for which there is here a race of dogs, particulary excellent.47 They have smooth hair, and are something between a mastiff, and a strong shepherd’s dog. They are large, and exceedingly fierce; but when once they have taken an attachment, they are very faithful to their master, watch him night and day, and are most undaunted in his defence. Procopiust tells us, that there were in Corsica, apes wonderfully resembling men; and indeed, this island, and all that quarter of Europe before it was well inhabited, must on account of its vicinity to Africa, have swarmed with apes. Of these, however, there are at present no remains; which is a proof, that s

Polyb. hist. lib. xii.*

t

Procop. de Bell. Goth. lib. iii. cap. 24.**

46. Shugborough . . . Anson Thomas Anson (c. 1695–1773), Shugborough Hall, Staffordshire, M.P. for Lichfield, 1747–70; a highly cultivated man and a founder member of the Society of Dilletanti. He kept two Corsican ‘muffoli’ (wild sheep) as part of his ferme ornée. (In a deleted passage in MS (p. 35), JB wrote that Anson kept one muffoli ‘as a Pet and was very fond of, for it was very diverting.’) There is a dispute as to whether the animals were sheep or goats: goats were recorded as having been seen at Shugborough by the distinguished scientist, Sir Joseph Banks (1743–1820) in 1768; and they figure in two late paintings, Corsican Goat’s Head by Thomas Weaver (1774–1848). It is possible that the muffoli with large and elaborate horns had been mistaken for goats. Sir John Dick, who advised Anson on his art collection, was probably the source of JB’s information about Shugborough; he had stayed there in mid-1767, whereas JB and Anson did not meet until 14 April 1772, when they, and Paoli, dined in London with Mrs. Elizabeth Montagu (1720–1800). 47. dogs, particulary excellent See also p. 186 (‘particulary’ is an obsolete Scottish form of ‘particularly,’ which JB used in the 1st and 2nd edns.) * The Histories of Polybius, XII. iv. 1–2. ** History of the Wars, VIII. xxiv. 39.

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an account of corsica different species of animals migrate from one country to another, and when their race wears out in a particular part of the globe, it may be very numerous somewhere else. Certain it is, that in many countries, the race of several animals, well known there in ancient times, is totally extinguished. But I am not inclined to believe that our Creatour allows any of the various creatures which his almighty hand hath formed, to be absolutely annihilated. There are hares enough in Corsica, but no rabbits; though Polybius, when talking of the animals of this island, says there are rabbits, and is very minute as to their form and qualities; saying, that at a distance, one would take them to be little hares, but when they are caught, a great difference is perceived, both in their appearance and taste.48 There are here no wolves, nor any of the larger wild beasts, unless foxes can be reckoned so, which are here indeed extremely large and ravenous. It is said, they not only destroy sheep, but have been known to devour even foals. There is also a variety of birds in Corsica; the eagle, the vulture, woodpidgeon, turtle, thrush, blackbird, and many of the smaller species; and plenty of game, as partridges, woodcocks, snipes, and water-fowl in the lakes. The poor thrushes and blackbirds too, must be reckoned as part of the game, for they are very numerous; and from there being a great quantity of the arbutus fruit in the island, they are exceedingly fat, and are esteemed a particular delicacy. It is barbarous to destroy, for the mere luxury of the table, birds which make such fine musick; surely their melody affords more enjoyment, than what can be had from eating them. They are, however, a very common dish in the southern countries, particularly in France. In general, it may be observed that this island is so privileged by nature, that there is no poisonous animal in it. For although there are some scorpions, their bite carries no venom. The creature in Corsica, which approaches nearest to a poisonous animal is a spider, of an extraordinary size. Its bite will irritate, and inflame to a great degree, and the swelling which it occasions, is very alarming to one unacquainted with it; but it soon goes away, and no bad consequences follow, more than from the stinging of our bees. This spider, has by some been mistaken for the famous tarantula of the kingdom of Naples.49

48. Polybius . . . taste Histories, XII. iii. 10. 49. Naples A passage about the tarantula followed at this point in MS p. 38, but was deleted. It read: ’>>

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chapter i Trees grow remarkably well in Corsica. There is here almost every sort of forest trees, but it is principally adorned with pines of different kinds, oaks, and chestnut trees. All of these are to be found of a great size; some of the pines in particular, are exceedingly lofty, and the chestnut tree grows to a prodigious bigness. There are extensive forests in different places. That of Vico is most remarkable. There is in Corsica, timber sufficient to maintain a very large fleet, and the timber here, is much harder than one would expect in so southern a latitude, owing to the rocky soil of the country, to the perpetual currents of fresh air through its valleys, and to the temperature that proceeds from some of its mountains being half of the year in snow; and this is also one great cause of the salubrity of the climate, in which Corsica has much the advantage of Sardinia.50 The Ilex, or ever-green oak, is very common here, and gives the country a cheerful look even in the depth of winter. The lemon, the orange, the fig and the almond trees, are also frequent. There are, however, few walnut trees, and the apple, pear, plumb and cherry are not remarkably good, which is probably owing to no care being taken of them. Corsica has the pomegranate in great perfection, also the Indian fig and the aloe; which last is said to flower here, as well as in the East. The Corsican mountains are covered with the arbutus or strawberry tree, which gives a rich glowing appearance as far as the eye can reach. Indeed the island is very like the country which Virgil describes as the seat of rural felicity: Glande sues laeti redeunt, dant arbuta sylvae: Et varios ponit foetus autumnus et alte Mitis in apricis coquitur vindemia saxis. Virg. Georg. lib. ii. 1. 520. On fatning mast, the swine well pleas’d, are fed; And every wood with arbutus is red. Benignant autumn smiling on the fields, All various fruits in rich abundance yields; While ev’ry rocky mountain vines displays, Whose grapes are mellow’d by the sun’s warm rays.51

50. Sardinia Following at this point in MS (p. 39) is a passage which, though not explicitly deleted, was not printed: ‘So copious a command of timber is another reason why Corsica cannot fail to obtain a high degree of consequence in the Mediteranean & in order to preserve such an advantage, till a proper opportunity shall offer to make it fully advantageous to the Nation, an ordinance was published on the arrival of troops from france in the Island in the year 1762 by which ordinance it was prohibited to cut timber above a certain size.’ 51. Glande . . . rays Virgil, Georgics, ii. 520–22. The translation was inserted later than MS.

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an account of corsica The mulberry grows well here, and is not so much in danger from blights and thunderstorms as in Italy, and the south of France; so that whenever Corsica enjoys tranquillity, it may have abundance of silk. We must not omit the laurel, to which Corsica has surely a very good claim. The box tree is a very common plant here. In most countries it is dwarfish, and generally used only for hedges; but it grows to a good size in Corsica, and may be reckoned a timber tree. Bochartu has very ingeniously shewn, that the benches of the Tyrian ships, which according to the common translation of Ezekiel, chap. xxvii. ver. 6. are said to have been made of ivory brought out of the isles of Chittim, were most probably made of Corsican box wood. Theophrastus in his history of plants expatiates on the wonderful size of the Corsican trees: to which, he says, the pines of Latium were nothing at all. He also says, the trees were immensely thick here; his expression is very strong: Kα& ολως δ+ πασαν τν νησον δασειαν kα& ωσπεr ;γrιωµνην τ< η =λ< η.v ‘The whole island seemed crouded and savage52 with woods.’ He relates a strange tradition, that the Romans, who were struck with the vastness of these woods, built here a prodigious large ship, which carried no less than fifty sails, but was lost in the ocean.w This authour gives another ancient testimony to the goodness of the climate, soil, and air of the island: K9rνος µ+ν ουν ετε δι/ τν 7νεσιν, ετε kα& τ! δαφος kα& τ!ν 'rα πολ> διαφrει τω  ν 7λλων.x ‘Cory sica therefore, whether in respect of its temperate climate, or in respect of its soil, or of its air, greatly excelleth other countries.’ The different kinds of grain in Corsica, are wheat, barley, rye, and millet; all of which grow extremely well in several parts of the country. There are no oats here, as indeed hardly ever in any of the southern countries. They give their horses and mules barley. The millet is excellent in Corsica, and when mixed with rye, makes a wholesome bread, of which the peasants are very fond. Chestnuts may be reckoned a sort of grain in Corsica; for they answer all the purposes of it. The Corsicans eat them when roasted by way of bread. They even have them ground into flour, and of that they make very good cakes. There is a vast quantity of honey produced in Corsica; for the island has from the earliest times been remarkable for its swarms of bees. When it was u y

Bochart Geog. Sac. pars i. lib. i. cap. 5.* v Theophrast. Hist. lib. v. cap. 9.** I follow Scaliger’s interpretation of νεσις. He translates it Temperies.***

w

Ib.

x

Ib.

52. savage i.e., wild, uncultivated. * Samuel Bochart, Geographia Sacra (Frankfurt, 1674), III. v. 180. Cf. Ezekiel xxvii. 6: the ‘isles of Chittim’ refer to the eastern Mediterranean islands and coastlands, particularly Cyprus. ** Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants (Amsterdam, 1644), V. viii. 2. *** The ‘interpretation’ by Julius Caesar Scaliger appears in Theophrastus, Enquiry, pp. 538–39.

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chapter i subject to the Romans, a tribute was imposed upon it of no less than two hundred thousand pounds of wax yearly.z Indeed the laurel, the almond tree, and the myrtle, in the flowers of which, the bees find so much sweetness, are very common here; and the hills are all covered with wild thyme, and other fragrant herbs. Yet its honey hath always been accounted bitter, by reason of the boxwood and yew, as Diodorusaa and Plinybb observe; which make Virgil’s Lycidas wish Sic tua Cyrnaeas fugiant examina taxos. Virg. Eclog. ix. 30. ———So may thy bees refuse The baneful juices of Cyrnaean yews. Warton.53 and Martial write Audet facundo qui carmina mittere Nervae, Hyblaeis apibus Corsica mella dabit. Martial. lib. ix. Epig. 27.* To tuneful Nerva, who would verses send, May Corsick honey give to Hybla’s bees. Many people think the bitterness which is in the Corsican honey very agreeable. The reason which Pliny assigns for the bitterness of the honey, he also assigns for the excellence of the wax. Having mentioned the Punick, the Pontick, and the Cretan, he says, ‘Post has Corsica (cera) quoniam ex buxo fit habere quandam vim medicaminis putatur.cc After these, the Corsican wax, because it is made from the box tree, is reckoned to have a certain medicinal virtue.’ There are in Corsica, a great many mines of lead, copper, iron, and silver. Near to San Fiorenzo is a very rich silver mine, yielding above the value of 5l. Sterling out of every 100 lib. weight of ore.54 The Corsican iron is remarkably z cc

Liv. lib. xlii. cap. 7.** aa Diodor. Sicul. lib. v. cap. 295.*** Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xvi. cap. 16.*****

bb

Plin. lib. xvi. cap. 16.****

53. Sic . . . Warton Virgil, Eclogues, ix. 30 [‘So you would have your swarms avoid the yews of Corsica’]. The Works of Virgil: Eclogues and Georgics, trans. Joseph Warton (1718), i. 148–49. (In this passage about honey, JB was heavily indebted to Burnaby 18.) 54. Near . . . ore. Cf. Burnaby 19. * Epigrams, ix. 26. ** Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, XLII. vii. 2. Though the demand for 200,000 pounds of wax is recorded by Livy, as the price for peace, no mention is made of its being an annual tribute. *** The Library of History, V. xiv. 3. **** Pliny, Historia Naturalis, xvi. 28. ***** Pliny, Historia Naturalis, xxi. 49.

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an account of corsica good, having a toughness nearly equal to that of the prepared iron of Spain, famous over all the world. It is said that the true Spanish barrels are made of iron which has been worn and beaten for a long time in heads of nails in the shoes of the mules, who travel with a slow and incessant pace along the hard roads. But a very small proportion of the great quantity of Spanish barrels, which are sold in all parts of Europe, can have this advantage. The metal of the Corsican barrels is little inferiour to that of the generality of Spanish ones, and they begin to make them very well. An allusion has been drawn from the iron mines, and the name of Corsica, to the character of its inhabitants. Hieronymus de Marinis, a Genoese, who writes on the dominion and government of the republick, says of this island: ‘Terrae viscera ferri fodinis affluunt, naturae cum ipso Corsicae nomine in uno conspirantis praejudicio, Corsi enim corde sunt ferreo, adeoque ad sicam armaque prono.dd The bowels of the earth abound in mines of iron; nature conspiring, by a sort of prejudice, to form a similarity between the nameee of Corsica and the temper of the people; for the Corsicans have hearts of iron, and are therefore prone to arms and the sword.’ The Marquis D’Argensff applies to Corsica these lines of Crebillon: La nature maratre en ces afreux climats, Produisoit au lieu d’or du fer et des soldats. In that rude isle, instead of golden ore, Nature, to aid the genius of the place, On her high hills the massy iron bore, And bade her sons still rise a hardy race.55 I may add And virtue springing from the iron soil. John Home.56 dd

Graev. Thesaur. Antiq. vol. I. p. 1410.* steel. ff Lettres Juives. let. 55.

ee

Corsica, Cor-sica. Cor, the heart; Sica, a stiletto, heart of

55. The Marquis . . . soldats . . . race Jean Baptiste de Boyer, Marquis d’Argens (1704–71). Lettres Juives, translated into English as The Jewish Spy, includes the French couplet cited by JB, in Letter 55, which is largely devoted to the activities of Theodore, so-called king of Corsica (3rd edn 1766, ii. 105). The source of the lines is identified in a note: ‘Crebillon in Rhadamistus and Zenobia’; a translation follows: ‘Step-Dame Nature in these hideous Climates, / Instead of Gold, Soldiers produc’d and Iron.’ (Crébillon’s original text ran: ‘La Nature . . . Ne produit, au lieu d’or, que du fer . . . ,’ Oeuvres Complètes, 1785, II. ii. 49–50.) 56. And virtue . . . Home John Home, The Siege of Aquileia (1760), Prologue l.12. * Joannes Georgius Graevius, Thesaurus Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italie (1704).

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chapter i There are also mines of allum, and of saltpetre, in several parts of Corsica. There is here a kind of granite, extremely hard, some of it approaching in quality to the oriental granite, which was so famous at Rome, and of which such noble columns are still remaining, said to have been brought from Egypt.57 I fear it would be extravagant to conjecture, that some of these columns may have been the produce of Corsica; for, besides the perfection of the hieroglyphicks, which prove them to have been in Egypt, I question if such large pieces of granite could be raised in Corsica. There is here likewise porphyry, and a great variety of jasper. The magnificent chapel of the grand duke of Tuscany, at Florence, is finished with Corsican jasper, with which its inside is elegantly incrusted, and has a most beautiful appearance.58 On the borders of the lake of Ino, they find pieces of rock crystal, very clear, and with five sides, as if they had been cut by a lapidary. They find some of it too in the mountains of Istria. It is so hard, that it strikes fire; and the Corsicans frequently use it for flint to their fusils. Near to Bastia, there is found a sort of mineral, called by the country people, petra quadrata, because it is always found in little square bits. It has much about the hardness of marble, has a colour like iron-ore, and weighs like lead. The Corsicans ascribe certain mystical virtues to this stone, as appears from an old monkish distich made in its praise:59 Petrae quadratae duro de marmore natae, Innumeras dotes quis numerare potest! Of the square stone of marble grown, The virtues fell, what man can tell! From the description of Corsica, which I have now given, it will appear to be a country of considerable importance. According to Mr. Templeman’s Tables,60 in his New Survey of the Globe, the island contains 2520 square miles. It hath a number of good harbours. Its air is excellent, and its productions rich and various. I shall conclude this chapter with Homer’s description of Ithaca, which, in general, may be well applied to Corsica:

57. granite . . . Egypt Such granite columns were quarried by the Romans in 2nd and 3rd centuries at Cavallo off the southern tip of the island, then shipped to Rome rather than being used in Corsica. 58. magnificent . . . appearance JB spent a fortnight in Florence in August 1765; a visit to the chapel may be assumed among his ‘vigorous and systematic sight-seeing’ (Earlier Years, 237). 59. On the . . . praise In these two paragraphs JB follows Goury 250–51. 60. Templeman’s Tables Thomas Templeman (d. 1729), A New Survey of the Globe, or an accurate Mensuration of all the Empires, kingdoms . . . and islands in the world, 1729.

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an account of corsica ε: δ τ?νδε τε γαιαν 'νε*rεαι. οδ τι λ*ην ο1τω ν%νυµς 0στιν@ σασι δ µιν µλα πολλο*, ;µ+ν $σοι να*ουσι πr!ς ;ω τ ;λιν τε, ;δ 5σσοι µετπισθε ποτ& ζφον ;εrεντα. ; τοι µ+ν τrηχεια kα& οχ 8ππ?λατς 0στιν, οδ+ λ*ην λυπr?, 'τ/r οδ εrεια τ0τυk ται. 0ν µ+ν γr ο8 σιτος 'θσφατος, 0ν δ τε οινος γ*γνεται@ α:ε& δ 5µβrος χει τεθαλυι τ 0rση@ α:γ*βοτος δ 'γαθ kα& βο9βοτος@ στι µ+ν 1λη παντο*η, 0ν δ 'rδµο& 0πηετανο& παrασι. Tως συγ-γενας. Herodot. lib. iv. cap. 147.* d οGτοι 0νµοντο τν Kαλλ*στην kαλεοµνην 0π& γενες, πr&ν H £?rαν 0λθειν 0k §αkεδα*µονος, k τI 'νδrων. ’Eπ& το9τους δ Jν B £?rας λεIν χων 'πο των φυλων στελλε, συνοιk?σων το9τοισι kα& οδαµως 0ξελων ατο>ς 'λλ/ krτα ο:kηιε9µενος. 0πε*τε δ+ kα& ο8 Mιν9αι 0kδrντες 0k της εLrkτης ι ζοντο 0ς τ! TηMγετον, των §αkεδαιµον*ων βουλευοµνων σφας 'πολλ9ναι παrαιτεται B £?rας, $kως µ?τε φνος γνηται, ατς τε Gπεδkετο σφας 0ξξειν 0k της χ%rης. συγχωrησντων δ+ τη < γν%µς Mεµβλιrου 'πογνους πλωσε.******* τη δ+ ν?σω< 0π& του ο:kιστω £?rα
0πωνυµ*η γνετο. Ibid. et cap. 148.**

*

‘This Theras was of the lineage of Cadmus and an uncle on the mother’s side of Aristodemus’ sons Eurysthenes and Procles; and while these boys were yet children he held the royal power of Sparta as regent; but when his nephews grew up and became kings, then Theras could not endure being a subject when he had had a taste of supreme power, and said he would remain no longer in Lacedaemon but sail away to his kinsfolk.’ Herodotus, iv. 147. ** they dwelt in the island Calliste for eight generations before Theras came from Lacedaemon. It was these whom Theras was preparing to join, taking with him a company from the tribes; it was his intention to settle among the people of Calliste, and not to drive them out but to claim them as truly his own people. So when the Minyae escaped from prison and camped on Taÿgetum, and the Lacedaemonians were taking counsel to put them to death, Theras pleaded for their lives, that there might be no killing, promising himself to lead them out of the country. The Lacedaemonians having agreed, Theras sailed with three ships each with thirty oars to join the descendants of Membliarus, taking with him not all the Minyae but only a few . . . As for the island Calliste, it was called Thera after its colonist.’ Herodotus iv. 147–48.

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an account of corsica These Minyae, though but a wandering tribe among the Lacedaemonians, were, in reality, of illustrious descent, being the posterity of the heroick Argonauts.e This account of the first peopling of Corsica, is a very curious piece of ancient history. It is indeed very probable, that the Phenicians, or the Phoceans, were its original inhabitants; seeing they were the first great navigatours in the western part of the world, and sent out colonies to many distant countries. It afterwards got the name of K9rνος, Cyrnus, from the number of its promontories; and Isidorusf relates the manner in which it got the name of Corsica. According to him, Corsa, a Ligurian woman, having often observed a bull swim over to the island, and return much fatter, she had the curiosity to follow him in a little vessel; and so discovered the island, with all its beauty and fertility. Upon which the Ligurians sent thither a colony; and from Corsa, who had made the discovery, they called the island Corsica. This is ludicrous enough; but we may trace what has given rise to so extraordinary a fiction, when we consider, that very probably, a people from the opposite των 0k της Arγους 0πιβατων πα*δων παιδες 0ξελασθντες Gπ! ¶ελασγω  ν τω  ν 0k Brαυrωνος ληισαµνων τ/ς Aθηνα*ων γυναιkας, Gπ! το9των 0ξελασθντες 0k §?µνου οχοντο πλοντες 0ς §αkεδα*µονα, 8ζµενοι δ+ 0ν τω <  TηϋÁτω O πυr 'νkαιον. §αkεδαιµνιοι δ+ :δντες 7γγελον πεµπον πευσµενοι τ*νες τε kα& Bkθεν ε:σ* . οP δ+ τω O 'γγλω O ε:rωτωντι λεγον Qς εησαν µ+ν Mιν9αι, παιδες δ+ ε:εν των 0ν τη <  Arγοι πλεντων
r%ων, πrοσσχντας δ+ το9τους 0ς §ηµνον φυτευσαι σφας. ο8 δ+ §αkεδαιµνιοι 'kηkοτες τ!ν λγον της γενεης των Mινυων, πµψαντες τ! δε9τεrον ε:r%των τ* θλοντες Ckοιν τε 0ς τν χ%rην kα& πυr αθοιεν. οP δ+ φασαν Gπ! ¶ελασγων 0kβληθντες Rkειν 0ς το>ς πατrας . διkαιτατον γ/r ειναι ο=τω τουτο γ*νεσθαι. δεσθαι δ+ ο:kειν Sµα το9τοισι µοιrν τε τιµων µετχοντες kα& της γης 'πολαχντες. §αkεδαιµον*οισι δ+ Uαδε δkεσθαι το>ς Mιν9ας 0π ο8σι θλουσι ατο*. Herodot. lib. iv. cap. 145.* f Isidor. Origin. lib. xiii. cap. 6.** e

*

‘The descendants of the crew of the Argo had been driven out by those Pelasgians who abducted the Athenian women from Brauron; being driven out of Lemnos by these, they sailed to Lacedaemon and there encamped on Taÿgetum and lit a fire. Seeing this, the Lacedaemonians sent a messenger to enquire who they were and where they came from. They told the messenger that they were Minyae, descendants of the heroes who sailed in the Argo, and had put in at Lemnos and there begotten their race. Hearing the account of the lineage of the Minyae, the Lacedaemonians sent a second messenger and asked their purpose in coming into Laconia and lighting a fire. They replied that, being expelled by the Pelasgians, they had come to the land of their fathers as was most just; and as for their purpose, it was that they might live with the people of their fathers, sharing their rights and receiving appropriate land. The Lacedaemonians were pleased to accept the Minyae on the terms they had requested.’ Herodotus iv. 145. ** Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi, Etymologiarum Sive Originum, XIV. vi. 41.

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chapter ii coast of Italy, either the Ligurians, or the Etruscans, have taken possession of Corsica.2 Whatever may be in this conjecture, it is certain, that its next masters were the Carthaginians, who extended their conquests over all the islands of the Mediterranean. Aristotle relates a most extraordinary piece of Punick policy, with respect to Corsica. Finding that it was difficult to keep the inhabitants in subjection, they ordered the whole of the vines and olives in the island to be pulled up, and forbad the Corsicans, under the pain of death, to sow their fields with any kind of grain, so that they might be kept in the most absolute dependance; and, though possessed of a very fertile territory, be obliged to resort to Africa, to seek the bare necessaries of life.3 So early was the cowardly and barbarous policy of a trading republick exercised against this people. Corsica next passed under the dominion of Rome. In the first Punick war, and about the year 493 from the building of the city, Lucius Cornelius Scipio conquered the island,g being opposed by an army of Sardinians and Corsicans, headed by Hanno, a Carthaginian general. It appears however, that the Corsicans could not bear subjection with patience, for they were continually attempting to get free. Of this, we have an instance in the epitome of the twentieth book of Livy. We next find them engaged against M. Pinarius the praetor, who slew 2000 of them, obliged them to give hostages, and took them bound to pay a tribute of 100,000 lib. of wax, every year.h Afterwards C. Cicereius the praetor, was obliged to give them battle, when 1700 of them were killed, and upwards of 1070 taken prisoners, and upon this occasion, their annual tribute was increased to 200,000 lib. weight of wax.i From these instances, we may see that Corsica was formerly much more populous than it is now, and that it hath been able to furnish g

Liv. Epit. lib. xvii. Flor. lib. ii. cap. 2.*

h

Liv. lib. xl. cap. 34.**

i

Ib. lib. xlii. cap. 7.***

2. Corsica Immediately following in MS (p. 52) is the marginal note: ‘Query if Petrus Cyrnaeus & what is taken from Strabo & Diodorus would not be more properly introduced into Part third where I treat of the genius & character of the Corsicans?’ JB transferred MS pp. 52–60 to occupy pp. 122–26 of the printed text. 3. Aristotle . . . life The absence of a reference to the whereabouts of this ‘relation’ is explained by a note in MS (p. 60): ‘N. B. I cannot find the passage in Aristotle. Yet it must be there for it is mentioned in two french Authors. I wish any of my friends could point it out.’ Apparently none could. The story occurs in pseudo-Aristotle, De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus, chap. 100, but it refers to Sardinia, not to Corsica. It appears in Goury 16. * Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, Summary of Bk. XVII; Lucius Annaeus Florus, Epitomae de Tito Livio Bellorum Omnium Annorum DCC Libri II, I. xviii. 15–16.] ‘Punick’ = Carthaginian. ** Livy, Op. cit. XL. xxxiv. 12–13. *** Livy, Op. cit. XLII. vii. 2.

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an account of corsica amazing quantities of honey. We are told by Pliny, that Papyrius Maso first triumphed over the Corsicans, on the Alban mount.j It has already been said, that the Romans founded two colonies in Corsica. The island was, like their other provinces, governed by a praetor. It was also made to serve for a place of exile; and was very proper for what they called ‘Relegatio in insulam,4 banishment to an island.’ But the Romans never had a firm hold of this country, where that spirit of liberty, which tyrants call rebellion, was ever breaking forth. On the irruption of the barbarous nations, Corsica shared the same fate with the other dominions of the ruined empire. It fell a prey to the Goths, who established there the feudal system, as they did in every other country to which their arms penetrated. Some authours say, that Corsica was conquered by Alarick, the first king of the Goths; but according to Procopius, it was conquered by a detachment sent out by Totilas.k From this period, the history of Corsica is for many ages a continued series of wars, ravage and destruction, by a variety of contending powers. We are here very much in the dark, without any sufficient clew to guide us. We find in many authours detached remarks concerning the island; but it is difficult to arrange them in tolerable order, since the dates are almost always uncertain. I shall however give a short view of what seems to have been the progress of events. When the power of the Saracens rose to that height, of which we read with amazement, they drove the Goths from Corsica, and maintained the dominion there for a considerable time.5 It is believed, that they first gave the title of kingdom to Corsica; and, to this day, the coat armorial of the island bears a Moor’s head on its shield.6 There are Moorish coins frequently dug up in Corsica; and near to Ajaccio, are Saracen tombs, which appear to have had some magnificence. They j

Plin. lib. v. cap. 29.*

k

Procop. de Bell. Goth. lib. iii. cap. 24.**

4. Relegatio in insulam Cf. Tacitus, Agricola, XV. v.: ‘relegatum in alia insulam.’ 5. considerable time From the ninth to early eleventh centuries. 6. Moor’s . . . shield Before 1762 the Moor was blindfolded in the armorial crest, signifying slavery; Paoli had the headband transferred from the eyes to the forehead to symbolise the island’s liberation (see the coat-of-arms on the title-page of Corsica). He is reported as saying: ‘The Corsicans want to see well, liberty shall follow the torch of philosophy and we are not scared by the light.’ * Pliny, Naturalis Historiae, XV. xxxviii. 126. Papyrius Maso held his triumph on the Alban Mount in 71 bc. (The misspelling ‘Naso’ reported in the Textual Apparatus, and corrected in this edn, originated in JB’s MS p. 62.) ** History of the Wars, VIII. xxiv. 31–33.

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chapter ii are subterraneous vaults, supported by stone pillars; and in them are found sepulchral urns of an earthen composition, similar to brick.7 It would appear, that the Pope has always had a view towards the annexation of Corsica to his territories; and, that he at different times instigated the kings of Arragon, as well as the sovereigns of France, to make against it, what in the stile of those times was called a holy war; which kind of wars were always calculated to serve the political views of the holy father.8 At last, Corsica was actually conquered by one of the kings of France; some say, by Pepin, and others, by Charles Martel. The Corsicans shew to this day, a fountain, called by the name of Charles, in the pieve of Alesani, and, as they say, on the spot where this gallant prince vanquished the Moors.9 By the kings of France, Corsica was resigned, in a perpetual gift, to the holy see. The Saracens however, from time to time returned; so that the pope had but a very feeble and uncertain sway. The Genoese availing themselves of the distracted state of the island, had very early contrived to settle a colony at Bonifaccio; and emboldened by degrees, they landed troops on other parts of the country, and began to bear a formidable appearance. This could not fail to incense the court of Rome, and to draw down upon them the thunders of the Vatican, from whence the holy father used, in those ages, to fulminate with serious effect against the greatest powers in Europe. Accordingly, the Genoese were excommunicated by pope Gregory the seventh, which made them at that time desist from their project.10 In this fluctuating situation Corsica continued, till one of the popes, but which of them historians are not agreed, sent thither Hugo Colonna, a nobleman of Rome, accompanied by several others of the Roman nobility, with a good force under his command, in order to expel the infidels from the island. When Colonna landed, he was joined by many of the inhabitants, who, during the struggle which had been subsisting so long, and with such violence, had again and again endeavoured to maintain themselves in a state of freedom, and had elected a certain number of chiefs, to whom they gave the title of caporali.11 These caporali gave all the aid in their power to Colonna; and, by their influence over the people, they soon brought together such a body of men, 7. sepulchral . . . brick JB translated Goury’s phrasing here but Goury (252–53) was uncertain whether the tombs were Moorish or Christian. 8. holy father From the time of Charlemagne in the eighth century, the Pope was the titular sovereign of Corsica. 9. Pepin . . . Martel . . . Moors Charles Martel (c. 688–741), son of Pepin of Herstal (d. 714), defeated the Moors at Poitiers in 732. 10. Accordingly . . . project Cf. Jaussin i. 52. 11. caporali Glens, singly or grouped, called ‘piaves’ (see above, p. 37), were ruled by elected Caporali.

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an account of corsica that Colonna was enabled totally to rout the Saracens, and to dispossess them for ever.12 The Moors being rendered desperate by this unexpected blow, were forced to quit the island; but before they went, they burnt all that they possibly could; and to this we must greatly impute the desolation which is yet to be seen in Corsica, and the destruction of their ancient monuments and publick archives. Hugo Colonna settled in Corsica, having obtained from the Pope distinguished honours and extensive grants.13 The family of Colonna is one of the most illustrious, and most ancient in the world. So early as An 1200, mention is made of Pietro Colonna, the eighth of the name. The branch which settled in Corsica, continued long in great splendour, enjoying the noble fief of Istria; but, by the confusions and troubles which the island has been thrown into, by the bloody contests between the Genoese and the patriotick Corsicans, that family hath suffered prodigiously, and its possessions are reduced to a very narrow compass. The present head of the family,14 is a worthy, sensible man, and very zealous in the great cause. I was lodged in his house at Sollacar`o, where I found Pascal Paoli.15 It is probable, that the Corsican counts, marquisses and barons, derive their origin from this period; for I can see no time so proper for their first taking place here. The island remained for some time in tolerable quiet. But partly from the dissensions of different parties among themselves, ever impatient of contradiction, and partly from the repeated attacks of the Genoese, whose hankering after this little kingdom still continued, there were such disorders, and such a defect of good government, that the Pope thought proper to make it over to the Pisans, who were then in great power.16 This grant was upon advantageous terms for the holy father, like the many grants of fiefs which he used to give to various princes, to be held of the see of Rome. A learned Professour of the university of Pisa, has composed a very curious dissertation concerning the ancient dominion of his countrymen over Corsica. It is to be found in the 7th volume of the Essays of the Academy of Cortona.17

12. Colonna . . . ever For a long, sceptical account of the part played by Colonna, see Goury 23–27. 13. Hugo . . . grants Cf. Jaussin i. 48–49. 14. present . . . family Pier Andrea Colonna d’Istria. 15. Pascal Paoli In his MS (p. 68 and on p. 93) JB used the more formal ‘General Paoli.’ 16. Pope . . . power In 1077 Pope Gregory VII handed over the administration of Corsica to Landulf, Bishop-elect of Pisa. 17. Essays . . . Cortona ‘Dissertazione XI: del dominio antico Pisano sulla Corsica, composta da un Professore dell’ Università Pisana Accademico Etrusco, ‘Saggi di Dissertazioni Accademiche publicamente lette nella Nobile Accademia Etrusca dell’ antichissima città di Cortona (Rome, 1758), vii. 173–98 (see Viviès 114 n. 21).

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chapter ii The Pisans, while their republick flourished, and their force was considerable, maintained their authority over Corsica to very good purpose; and, as far as we can gather from different authours, the island enjoyed more repose and tranquillity during this period, than it has ever been known to enjoy. But this calm was of short endurance; for the Genoese, irritated to find themselves now effectually excluded from an island on which they had long set their hearts; and being, over and above, the determined rivals of Pisa, a keen and obstinate war was carried on between these states; at last, the Genoese prevailed, in the famous sea-fight at Malora,18 near the mouth of the Arno; after which, they got entirely the mastery of Pisa, and so were at length enabled to seize upon Corsica, about the beginning of the fourteenth century. Thus were the Corsicans, for the first time, brought under the power of the Genoese; with whom they have since had such struggles for that freedom, which they appear to have at all times attempted to recover. If I have erred in any part of this recital, I am sure it is without any intention. I know some Genoese writers have maintained, that a signor Ademar,19 of their nation, was employed in the first conquest of the island by the kings of France. I confess I do not see sufficient authority for this. But supposing it had been so, Ademar could only be an officer under the French king. We are certain, that the French king made the conquest, because he afterwards made a gift of the island to the pope. But I would not dwell long upon such disquisitions. There are many pieces lately published, both by the Corsicans and the Genoese; in which the authours, with great labour, endeavour to refute each others hypotheses with regard to many ancient facts in the history of Corsica. Here indeed, there is full scope for all parties; since those periods are so obscure, that every writer may fill them up according to the turn of his imagination; just as people who are abroad in a dark night, may with equal keenness, and equal appearance of reason affirm, that they see objects totally different. Let Corsica have been the property of the Phenicians, the Etruscans, the Carthaginians, the Romans, the Goths, the Saracens: let it have been a conquest of France; a gift from that kingdom to the pope; a gift again from the pope to the Pisans, and at length a conquest of Genoa; still we must have recourse to the plain and fundamental principle, that the Corsicans are men, and have a right to liberty; which, if usurped by any power whatever, they have at all times a just title to vindicate.

18. Malora The crushing victory of the Genoese at the battle of Meloria in 1284 put an end to the naval power of Pisa. 19. Ademar JB gives Jaussin’s view on Ademar (governor of Genoa): see Jaussin i. 53–54.

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an account of corsica In reviewing these strange and rapid revolutions, which this island has undergone, we may join with Senecal in reflecting on the mutability of human affairs, and be silent on the changes which happen to individuals, when we contemplate the vicissitudes of a whole nation. The Genoese having obtained the undoubted possession of Corsica, they were eager to enjoy their power, and thought they could not fully enjoy it, but by exercising the most severe dominion. What we have long anxiously desired, acquires in our minds an imaginary and extravagant value; and when we actually become possessed of it, a moderate and reasonable fruition, seems insipid and unsatisfactory to our heightened expectations. We are even, as it were, uncertain if we really have it. And generally, we never rest, till by abusing our powers, we destroy what we esteemed so highly. An individual, who acquires a large fortune, and a state, which acquires an increase of dominion, may be very properly compared. He who gets a large fortune, thinks he cannot shew his command of riches, but by such acts of profusion, as must quickly dissipate them. And a state, which has acquired an increase of dominion, thinks its sovereignty is not sufficiently manifested, but by such acts of arbitrary oppression, as must tend to force its subjects to throw off their allegiance. For however a people may, from indolence, from timidity, or from other motives, submit for a season to a certain degree of tyranny; if it is long continued, and pushed to an exorbitant length, nature will revolt, and the original rights of men will call for redress. The Genoese were the worst nation to whom Corsica could have fallen. The Corsicans were a people, impetuous, violent and brave; who had weathered many a storm; and who could not have been governed, but by a state of which they stood somewhat in awe, and which, by humanity and proper encouragement, might have conciliated their affections. Whereas, the Genoese were a nation of republicans just in the neighbourhood of the islanders; who had long been their enemies; who had made so many cunning, and impotent attempts to seize upon the island, that although, by the unexpected course of events, they were now masters of it, the Corsicans could not look upon them with any respect. And as it has been always remarked that the foreign subjects of a little republick, are much worse used, than those of a great kingdom; they had reason to expect nothing but avowed tyranny from Genoa. Accordingly the Genoese, who were themselves in an unstable, and perilous condition, seeking the protection sometimes of one powerful state, and sometimes of another, did not treat the Corsicans with that gentleness and l

Seneca de consolatione.*

*

Dialogorum Liber XI, Ad Polybium De Consolatione, I. 2.

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chapter ii confidence, which alone could have secured their attachment and obedience, by insensibly leading them to a participation of the culture and felicity of civil life, and accustoming them to consider the Genoese as their fellow subjects, and friends. They took a direct contrary course; and, although they did not use so desperate a measure, as that of the Carthaginians, their oppression was heavy; their system was not to render the Corsicans happier and better, but by keeping them in ignorance, and under the most abject submission, to prevent their endeavouring to get free; while Genoa drained the island of all she could possibly get, choosing rather even to have less advantage by tyranny, than to have a much greater advantage, and risk the consequences of permitting to the inhabitants the blessings of freedom. In this unhappy situation was Corsica. Often did the natives rise in arms; but having no head to direct them, they were immediately quelled. So apprehensive however were the Genoese, that, according to their own historian Filippini20 they burnt 120 of the best villages in Corsica, while 4000 people left the island. What shewed the Genoese policy in the worst light, and could not but be very galling to the Corsicans who remained at home, was, that many of these islanders, who had gone over to the continent, made a distinguished figure in most of the European states, both in learning, and in arms. About An. 1550, Corsica revived under the conduct of a great hero, who arose for the deliverance of his country. This was Sampiero di Bastelica.21 He early discovered extraordinary parts and spirit; and had the advantage of being educated in the house of cardinal Hypolitus de Medicis, the nephew of pope Clement the seventh. He was created colonel of the Corsicans in France, and distinguished himself in almost every one of the great actions of that nation in his time. After the death of Francis the first, he went home to his native country; where he married Vannina, heiress of the house of Ornano, of the most ancient and rich of the Corsican nobility; and from this time, he was generally called Sampiero di Ornano. Being moved with the miserable state of his countrymen, he resolved to procure them relief; and for this, a very favourable opportunity then presented itself.

20. Filippini Antonio Pietro Filippini (1529–c. 1600), author of La Historia di Corsica (1594); Jaussin i. 63 was the source of JB’s knowledge. 21. Sampiero di Bastelica Celebrated Corsican—later known as Sampiero di Corso—Sampiero (1498–1567) fought for the Franco-Turkish alliance against the Genoese; he staged his own rebellion against Genoa in 1564 and controlled the island until his assassination in 1567.

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an account of corsica Here history begins again to open upon us. The clouds of antiquity, and barbarism are dispersed, and we proceed clearly, under the guidance of the illustrious Thuanus.m France had of a long time claimed a right over Genoa; but after the battle of Pavia,22 when the French were forced entirely to abandon Italy, that claim had become of no effect. Henry the second however, having commenced a new war in Italy, against the emperour Charles the fifth, resolved to assert his power in Corsica; Sampiero di Ornano encouraged this disposition, that he might avail himself of it, to free the island from a yoke which galled it so much. He represented to Henry, that as the Genoese had taken part with the emperour, his majesty was debarred from all entrance to Italy by sea; whereas, by putting himself in possession of Corsica, he might have a free passage through the Mediterranean, and might, at the same time, employ that island as a commodious garrison, where troops and warlike stores might be lodged, to be from thence thrown in upon Naples or Tuscany, as the situation of affairs should require.23 An expedition was therefore ordered to Corsica, in the year 1553, under the command of general Paul de Thermes, accompanied by Sampiero di Ornano, Jourdain des Ursins, and several other able commanders. Henry had also the Turks joined with him in this expedition, having prevailed with their fourth Emperour, Solyman, styled the magnificent, to send out a large fleet to the Tuscan sea.n This expedition was powerfully opposed by the Genoese; who had given Corsica in charge to their celebrated bank of St. George.24 The great Andrew Doria,25 though then in his eighty seventh year, bid defiance to age m

Thuan. Hist. lib. xii. cap. 2.*

n

Knowles’s history of the Turks, p. 757.**

22. Pavia On 24 February 1525 at Pavia, the Hapsburg emperor Charles V virtually annihilated the French army under Francis I. 23. and might . . . require Added later than MS. 24. Genoese . . . George See L’Abbé Jerome Richard, Description Historique et Critique de l’Italie (Dijon, 1766), i. 136–37. See also Jaussin i. 59. 25. Andrew Doria Andrea Doria (c. 1466–1560), Genoese admiral and mercenary; he commanded the French fleet that defeated the emperor Charles V; he then supported Charles and established the oligarchy in Genoa, which lasted to the end of the republic in 1797. There was considerable rewriting here, later than MS. MS (p. 79) simply states: ‘Doria came with a considerable force, and the war was carried on with vigour . . . ’ * Thou, Historia sui Temporis, I. xii. 424–47. ** Richard Knolles (1550?–1610), The Generall Historie of the Turkes (1603), pp. 756–57. ‘Henrie the French king . . . so wrought the matter with Solyman, that the more to trouble the emperour, he sent a great fleet in to the Tyrrhenum or Tuscane sea, which in the yeare 1553 and the yeare following, did great harme upon the coasts of CALABRIA, SICILIA, SARDINIA, as also in the islands of ELBA, CORSICA, GERBE, and MAIORCA . . . notably againe repulsed by the people of those countries.’

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chapter ii and infirmities, and, since Corsica was an object of importance to his country, the gallant veteran embarked with all the spirit of his glorious youth, having a formidable armament under his command. The war was carried on with vigour on both sides. At first however, several of the best towns were taken by the French and Turks, particularly Ajaccio, where were a number of merchants, whose riches afforded good pillage to the enemy, and helped to make the enterprise go on with more spirit. The Corsicans joined in the common cause; and the greatest part of the island was once fairly delivered from the tyrant. But the Genoese were so well commanded by the intrepid Doria, and had besides such assistance from Charles the fifth, who sent strong reinforcements both of Spanish and German troops, that the expedition was not entirely effectual. In the course of this war, so many valourous actions were performed, that, fired with the contemplation of them, I am almost tempted to forget the limited bounds of my plan, and of my abilities, and to assume the province of an historian; I hope a Livy, or a Clarendon,26 shall one day arise, and display to succeeding ages, the Corsican bravery, with the lusture which it deserves. The Corsicans were now so violent against the Genoese, that they resolved with one accord, that rather than return under the dominion of the republick, they would throw themselves into the arms of the great Turk. At length however, a treaty was concluded between the Corsicans and Genoese, advantageous and honourable for the former, having for guarantee, his most Christian Majesty. But, as there was an inveterate, and implacable hatred between those two nations, this treaty did not long subsist; and upon Henry’s death, the same oppression as formerly, became flagrant in Corsica.27 Sampiero di Ornano, who had been again for sometime in France, having lost his royal master, went himself to the Ottoman Porte, and earnestly solicited fresh assistance to his unhappy nation. But the face of affairs was changed. The same political views no longer existed; and it must be a miracle indeed, when states are moved by virtuous principles of generosity. This brave man, being unsuccessful at Constantinople, returned to Corsica, where his

26. Clarendon Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon (1609–74). JB would have in mind his True Historical Narrative of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England (1702–4). The panegyric, ‘In the course . . . deserves,’ was added later than MS. 27. a treaty . . . Corsica The Truce of Vaucelles was published in February 1556, guaranteed by Henry II of France (see Frederic J. Baumgartner, Henry II, King of France 1547–1559, Duke University Press, 1988, pp. 175–85). It was followed by the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis on 3 April and by Henry’s death on 10 July (Baumgartner, pp. 221–30, 252).

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an account of corsica presence inspired the islanders with fortitude, and occasioned a very general revolt.28 He carried on his glorious enterprise with considerable effect; and the more so, that, as he had now no foreign assistance, he was not looked upon as very formidable, and the republick made little preparation against him. But he was stopped in his career by the treachery of the Genoese, who had him basely assassinated, by a wretch of the name of Vitolli,o in the year 1567. Thus fell Sampiero di Bastelica di Ornano, a Corsican worthy of being ranked with the most distinguished heroes. He displayed great bravery and fidelity in foreign service; and with unremitting constancy endeavoured to restore the liberties of his country. Thuanus calls him ‘Vir bello impiger et animo invictus,p A man active in war, and of a spirit invincible.’ The shades which were in his private conduct, are to be forgotten in the admiration of his publick virtues.29 His son Alphonso, and his grandson John Baptist,30 both arrived at the dignity of mareschal of France, after which his posterity failed. Alphonso di Ornano, who had been brought up in the court of Henry the second, kept alive the patriotick struggle for a short while; but unable to make head against the republick, he retired from the island and settled in France. The Genoese were thus again put in possession of Corsica. Enraged at what they had suffered from a daring rebellion, as they termed it; and still dreading a new insurrection, they thought only of avenging themselves on the Corsicans; and plunging that people still lower than ever, in ignorance and slavery. Their oppression became now, if possible, worse than before. They were inflamed with hotter resentment, and their tyranny formed itself into something of a regular system. Forgetful of every equitable convention that France had established, they exercised, without controul, the utmost rigours of arbitrary o

Michael Metello, who writes a particular history of the Corsican revolt under Sampiero, gives a different account of his death. He will have him to have been killed from motives of private revenge, by his brother in law, Michael Angelo di Ornano. But, besides the improbability that Vannina, the spouse of Sampiero, had a brother, when it is certain she inherited the family domains; I own, that the assassination, as related by several other authours, appears to me so much of a piece with the oppressions of Genoa, both before and since, that I give it the preference.* p Thuani Hist. lib. xli. cap. 31.**

28. Sampiero . . . revolt The paragraph follows Goury 34. 29. The shades . . . virtues Added later than MS. 30. Alphonso . . . Baptist Alphonso di Ornano (1548–1610) and Giovanni Battista di Ornano (1583–1626). Cf. Jaussin i. 93. * ‘Metello’ was an error for Michele Merello, author of Della Guerra fata da’Francesci’ e de’tumulti suscitatipoi da Sampiero dalla Bastelica nella Corsica (Geneva, 1609). JB’s view was shared by Goury, who says that Sampiero was assassinated by one of his domestics (Goury 37). ** Historia sui Temporis, II. xli. 579.

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chapter ii power. They permitted nothing to be exported from the island, but to Genoa, where, of necessity, the Corsicans were obliged to sell their merchandise at a very low rate; and in years of scarcity, the island was drained of provisions by a sort of legal plunder. For the inhabitants were forced to bring them to Genoa, so that actual famine was often occasioned in Corsica.31 The Genoese did every thing in their power to foment internal dissensions in Corsica, to which the people were naturally too much inclined. These dissensions occasioned the most horrid bloodshed. They reckon that no less than 1700 Corsicans were assassinated in the space of two years. Assassinations were, in the first place, a certain cause of hatred among the Corsicans, and often between the best families, so that they would not unite in any scheme for the general liberty. And in the second place, they could be turned to very good account, either by confiscating the estates of the assassins, or by making the criminals pay heavy compensations to the judge. The judge could wave the pursuit of justice by saying, ‘Non procedatur, Let there be no process;’ which could easily be cloaked under the pretence of some defect in point of form; or could even acquit the deepest offenders from his own will alone, by what was called ‘Ex informata conscientia, The information of his own conscience;’ of which he was not obliged to give any account. It was not till the year 1738, that Genoa made an edict against this most dreadful abuse. M. De Montesquieu thus writes concerning it, with that calm dignity which becomes so great a master: ‘Une république d’Italie tenoit des insulaires sous son obéissance; mais son droit politique et civil a leur égard étoit vicieux. On se souvient de cet acte d’amnistie, qui porte qu’on ne les condamneroit plus à des peines afflictives sur la conscience informée du gouverneur. On a vu souvent des peuples demander des privileges; ici le souverain accorde le droit de toutes les nations.q A republick in Italy held a nation of islanders under her obedience. But her political, and civil constitution among them, was bad. q

Esprit des Loix, edit. Edin. liv. x. cap. 8.*

31. in Corsica. The A passage in MS (p. 83) between these paragraphs was entirely omitted: ‘The Republic contrived it so as to give loans of pretty large sums to people of substance in the Island, & by the artfull manner in which they conducted <matters> these transactions they never failed to bring in both the original Debtors & their Suretys < . . . > for heavy losses & so by degrees got hold of their possessions.’ * Charles Louis de Montesquieu (1689–1755); his De l’Esprit des Lois, 1748. The amnesty, 18 October 1738, declared: ‘We forbid our Governor-general in this said Island [Corsica] to condemn to grievous punishment any person based solely on his own privy information (ex informata conscientia) (X. 8). ‘peines afflictives’ = imprisonment or death.

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an account of corsica We remember that act of amnesty, which bears, that they should no more be condemned to afflictive pains, upon the informed consciencè of the governour. We have often seen people asking privileges. Here, the sovereign is pleased to grant the common right of all nations.’ During this oppression, it was common to condemn multitudes to the galleys, for frivolous offences, that they might purchase their liberty at a high price; and it is hardly possible to conceive greater barbarity, than what these islanders now endured. The Genoese sent to Corsica a commissary general, or governour over the whole island; whose office continued for two years. He was generally a nobleman of desperate fortune, who by shameful extortions, returned home in opulence; and by his interest in the senate, prevented any inquiry being made into his conduct. For although the unhappy Corsicans offered many complaints to the republick, they were instantly stifled; which was not difficult to do, as the Corsicans were considered to be so turbulent and mutinous, that no administration could please them; and as every senatour who was to give his vote, did not know, but by extravagance, he himself might one day be obliged to have recourse to the same expedient. The commissary general had his residence at Bastia. There were also other commissaries at Calvi, Ajaccio and Bonifaccio; and Lieutenants, and inferiour officers, dispersed over the island; who all in their several stations, contributed to rob, and to ruin the country; while they triumphed in a mean security, that as Corsica was overlooked, and, as it were, hid in a corner of Europe, their injurious proceedings were not known to the world. During this period of secret, and cruel oppression, there happened a very curious event, the establishment of a colony of Greeks in Corsica; of which I shall now give an account.32 After Mahomet and his successours had subdued almost the whole of ancient Greece, and Scanderbeg,33 who so gloriously defended his country, was dead; there still remained a few brave souls who inhabited a part of Peloponnesus of old, now the kingdom of Morea. This part was, what is called a branch of the Maina, the very spot where Lacedemon stood. Here, covered by impassable mountains, with only a small entrance, they resisted the Ottoman empire, as Leonidas formerly resisted the millions of Xerxes.

32. account JB may have been prompted to include his account by Goury’s final chapter (274–96) on the Greeks in Corsica. JB used three sources for information: a document sent him by John Dick, ‘Nottizia intorno Allo Stabilimento di una Collonia Grecca nel Regno di Corsica,’ and two sent by Paoli, one of them by Dr. Stefanopoli (see Gen. Corr. i. 70 n. 6, 76 n. 2). Jaussin i. 436-39 provides another discussion of the Greeks. 33. Scanderbeg Georges Kastrioti, named Scandenberg (1403–67).

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chapter ii But when the Turks got possession of the isle of Candia, in 1669, they came by sea, and made a descent upon Maina, penetrated into the heart of the territory, and soon became masters of it; and then, the unfortunate posterity of the Spartans, were reduced to a state, little better than slavery. Exorbitant taxes were imposed upon them; their finest women were forced away to the seraglios; and towers were built in different parts of the country, where troops were garrisoned, to keep them in awe; so that they had no hope of deliverance. Their spirits gradually sunk, and many of them embraced the faith of the Koran.34 Still, however, a spark of the ancient fire was preserved amongst those, who dwelt at Porto Vitilo; who, despairing to see any change in their dejected country, came to the resolution of abandoning it altogether, and of seeking an establishment somewhere else. With this view, they sent to Italy, deputies who had some acquaintance with the different states, and who were intrusted by the community to look out for a convenient settlement, and to conclude the terms of a convention. The Genoese sent them over to Corsica, where they were shewn a tract of ground, belonging to the chamber of the state, on the western side of the island, about three miles from the sea. The deputies were very well pleased with it; and, on their return to Genoa, they entered into an agreement with the republick. They then went home to Greece, and having made a report to their countrymen, the plan was approved of; and, in the month of October, 1676, these ‘Tristes reliquiae Danaûm,35 Sad remains of the Greeks,’ embarked, in all about 1000 souls. The family of Stefanopoli was the most distinguished among them, and conducted the whole enterprise. They arrived at Genoa, in the month of January, 1677, where they remained, till the month of March. The republick paid all the expence of their freight, and afforded them lodging and subsistence, till they were safely landed in Corsica. The conventions entered into, were, that the Genoese granted to the Greeks, the territories of Paomia, Ruvida and Salogna, in perpetual fief. They furnished them with houses, with grain, and with cattle; and engaged to maintain a body of Genoese soldiers to defend them against all insults, for the first years of their residence. They also appointed a Genoese gentleman, with the title of Directour, as judge over them, whose office was to be biennial, so that it should go by rotation, among the Genoese nobility; and they agreed to

34. But when . . . Koran This paragraph follows Goury 277–78. 35. Tristes reliquiae Danaûm Virgil, Aeneid, i. 30, 598, iii. 87 etc. [‘reliquiae Danaum’]. Goury (274) used the same quotation.

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an account of corsica support, at the expence of the republick, a vicar, skilled in the Greek language, who should instruct their children in different studies; and, at the same time, celebrate mass, and preach in the chapel of the directour. On the other hand, the Greeks obliged themselves to cultivate the lands, and with all expedition, to discharge the debts they should incur to the republick, for supplying them with every necessary, in the infancy of their colony. They also obliged themselves, to pay to the republick, a tax of five livres, for every family, besides a tenth of all their productions, and to be ready to serve the republick, either by sea, or land, whenever their service should be required. Thus, was this colony settled. They enjoyed the free exercise of their own rites of religion, according to the Greek church, having brought with them the bishop of Porto Vitilo. They had also brought with them, some religious, of the order of St. Basil, the only order in their church; who established a convent in a wild and romantick valley. But the Genoese did not approve of these fathers; and, in a short time, their convent was shut up. The Greeks found themselves very easy and happy, for a good many years. By their industry and activity, they beautified and enriched their possessions, and built very good houses, doing every thing with a taste, altogether new in Corsica. But their neighbours, the natives of the island, did not live in great harmony with them. Perhaps, in this, envy may have had some share; for their vines and their olives, their herds and their flocks, were, by care and skill, much superiour to those of the Corsicans. But besides, the islanders looked upon the Greeks as auxiliaries of the Genoese, to whom they, from time to time, swore fidelity; and were ever ready to give their assistance. They also knew, that the Greeks were well supplied with arms; and therefore, there were frequent skirmishes between them and the peasants of the province of Vico, of which their territories had formerly made a part; and in the year 1729, when the nation rose against the Genoese, the Greeks were seriously attacked; and many a desperate battle they fought with great bravery. The Genoese formed three regular companies of them, to whom they gave pay; and they were always employed in the most difficult enterprises. In particular, they were detached to attempt taking the castle of Corte from the patriots; on which occasion, they were sorely defeated, and a great number of them were killed. After various struggles, which the plan of this work does not allow me to relate, the Greeks were forced to leave their possessions, and retire to Ajaccio, where they now support themselves tolerably by their labour: and being convinced of the tyranny of the Genoese, wait with impatience for their total expulsion from the island; and hope from the generosity of Paoli and the Corsicans, that protection and encouragement which they deserve. 68

chapter ii This colony has been sober, virtuous and industrious; and if they have acted in a hostile manner against the nation, it was from a good principle; from the fidelity which they owed to the republick that had granted them an asylum; which fidelity they would ever have preserved, had not the republick included them in the general oppression. I must observe of this colony, that it hath had the honour of producing an excellent physician, Signor Giovanni Stefanopoli, the first who hath had the wisdom and the spirit to bring inoculation into practice in Corsica, by which he preserves multitudes of lives; and may therefore be justly reckoned a distinguished benefactor to the state.36 Long despised, plundered and oppressed, the Corsicans again revived in 1729, when the war commenced, which, with some intervals, has continued till now; and after so many changes, misfortunes and struggles, will probably fix on a solid basis the Corsican liberty. It is wonderful to see how great events are produced by little causes. A late authourr hath given us an entertaining selection of such instances, from the histories of different nations. The rise of the Corsicans in 1729, was occasioned by a single paolo, a piece worth about five pence English. A Genoese collector, went to the house of a poor old woman, and demanded this trifling sum, as the money for which she was assessed. Being in extreme penury, she had not wherewithal to satisfy the demand. Upon which, the collector began to abuse her, and to seize some of her furniture. She begged him to have patience, and said, she hoped in a few days to be able to pay him. He persisted in his severity, and the poor woman made a great lamentation. Two or three people hearing the noise, entered the house, took the part of the woman, and exclaimed against the barbarity of the collector. He threatened them with punishment, for having hindered him in the execution of his office. This provoked the villagers, and they drove him away with stones. The Genoese sent troops to support their collector, and the Corsicans assembled in large bodies to defend themselves. The tumult encreased. A spark was sufficient to kindle the generous flame, in a people, who had so often glowed with the enthusiasm of liberty; and in a very short time, the whole island was in motion. The Corsicans immediately rushed upon the capital, which they took almost without resistance; and they would have been masters of the castle of Corte, had they been a little better regulated. They saw it was necessary to put themselves under the direction of certain chiefs. They therefore chose Signor Andrea Ceccaldi, one of the highest r

Monsicur Richer.*

36. Stefanopoli . . . state See p. 12 n. 13. Paoli was probably JB’s source of information. * Adrian Richer, Great Events from Little Causes, 1767.

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an account of corsica nobility in the kingdom, and Signor Luiggi Giafferi, not indeed of the first rank, but who had a number of relations, a spirit,37 warm to a degree of fanaticism, against the republick, and the most steady and undaunted resolution. To these was joined, Signor Domenico Raffalli, a worthy and learned ecclesiastick, as a sort of president of justice, whose wisdom might preserve order in their administration, and whose religion might temper the violence of their measures, by principles of conscience. The Genoese at first endeavoured to overcome the Corsicans by the sole force of the republick; but finding themselves altogether unable for it, while the Corsicans were every day growing stronger, cutting to pieces the poor reinforcements of Genoese troops, and thereby supplying themselves with more arms; the republick was under the necessity of seeking foreign assistance. They applied to the emperour, Charles the sixth, who sent to Corsica, a body of auxiliaries, under the command of general Wachtendonck. These harrassed the island, without being powerful enough to overawe it.38 They had continual rencounters with the Corsicans, who, in one action, killed 1200 of them. The emperour then sent a strong army of Germans, with the prince of Wirtemberg39 at their head. The Corsicans were not in condition to resist such a force. They laid down their arms, upon condition that a treaty should be made between them and the Genoese, having for guarantee the emperour. To this the republick having acceded, the Corsicans consented that their three chiefs, together with Signor Aitelli, a pievano of great influence, should go to Genoa as hostages. These were accordingly conducted thither, dreading no violation of the promise of safety which had been made to them. The Ligurians however, inclined to put them to death; and their minister at Vienna, had almost obtained the emperour’s consent; but the prince of Wirtemberg, who was afterwards killed at the battle of Guastalla, a prince of a brave and gallant spirit, sent an express to the emperour, with a very strong letter, representing how much the honour of Cæsar would suffer, should he consent to the death of those who had surrendered themselves upon the faith of his sacred protection. This was seconded by the generous interposition of the great prince Eugene of Savoy;40 and instructions were sent to Genoa, that the hostages should be released.

37. chose Signor . . . spirit MS (p. 96) shows how JB was prepared to temper some judgments; he wrote: ‘chose Signor Andrea Ceccaldi, one of the highest nobility in the Kingdom and Signor Lewis Giafferi, not indeed of the first rank <nor the deepest understanding> but who had a numerous parentage & a spirit’. (Giafferi is mentioned again, pp. 71, 79, in the company of Paoli’s father. ‘parentage’ = ‘relations,’ a term introduced in the 3rd edn.) 38. Charles . . . it JB follows Goury 47, not Jaussin i. 158–59 and 220. 39. Wirtemberg Eberhard-Ludwig, Duke of Wurtemberg (1676–1733). 40. Eugene of Savoy Franz Eugene, Prince of Savoy (1663–1736).

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chapter ii Giafferi and Aitelli went home to Corsica. Ceccaldi went to Spain, where he died with the rank of colonel; and Raffalli went to Rome, where he remained till he became very old. He then returned to end his days in his native country, where he still lives, regarded with veneration. The treaty which had been formally concluded between the Corsicans and the Genoese, having been broken by the latter, there was a very short suspension of hostilities; and in 1734, the Corsicans rose anew. Giafferi was again elected a general, and got for his collegue Signor Giacinto Paoli, father of the present General. Giacinto Paoli, was a Corsican gentleman of a good family. But his merit distinguished him more than his rank. He was a man of learning, religion and bravery; well qualified to serve his country, either in politicks, or in war. These chiefs were assisted by a variety of presidents of justice, elected one after another. The Genoese had paid very dear for their victory, in their struggles. It was computed, that it had cost them above thirty millions of livres, besides costly presents to the prince of Wirtemberg, and to the other general officers.41 The Marquis d’ Argens very pleasantly applies to the Genoese, the French fable of a gardener, who complained to a gentleman in the neighbourhood, that a hare came every day into his garden, and eat his cabbages; and begged the gentleman would be so good, as drive her out for him. The Gentleman comes with a pack of hounds, and half-a-dozen huntsmen, and does more mischief in five minutes, than the hare could have done in seven years. After a prodigious chace, the hare made her escape through a hole in the wall. Upon which the gentleman congratulated the gardener on getting rid of his enemy, and advised him to stop up the hole.s So the Genoese, after having expended a great deal more upon foreign auxiliaries, than any advantage they can ever derive from Corsica; upon the departure of these auxiliaries, have the mortification to find themselves just as they were. Genoa again tried her force against Corsica; but she only shewed her weakness, and bad politicks. So much fallen was she from that adventurous state, which had formerly extended her influence so far. Genoa indeed, was unhappily administered. They relate, that the city of Savona having rebelled s

Lettres Juiv. lett. 34.*

41. besides . . . officers JB’s MS (p. 100) was originally more specific: ‘besides the other General Officers.’ * The Jewish Spy, i. 253–54 (Letter 34) (see above p. 48 n. 55). The fable was from La Fontaine, Fables IV, iv: ‘The Jardinier et son Seigneur.’

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an account of corsica several times, it was deliberated in the senate, whether they ought not to destroy it altogether. When a witty senator of the Doria family, rose, and said, ‘If that be your intention, gentlemen, you need only send them such another governour, as the two last were; you cannot fall on a better expedient.’42 The Corsicans on this occasion, displayed their resolution afresh, in the cause of liberty. They were well conducted, and had many successful engagements with the Genoese. Their noble enthusiasm always continued, and, notwithstanding many unlucky divisions among themselves, there were still, in different parts of the island, intrepid bands, animated by the example of distinguished leaders. I must here take notice of count Domenico Rivarola.43 His family was a branch of the house of Rossi, at Parma, one of the most ancient and conspicuous of the Italian nobility. His ancestor had left his fief of Rivarola, in the territory of Mantua, on account of the wars between the emperour, and the countess Matilda, and had settled in the Genoese state, where he quitted the name of Rossi, and took that of Rivarola. This family of Rivarola greatly increased. In the fifteenth century, Francis Rivarola was, on account of long services, raised to the dignity of a count Palatine, by the emperour Maximilian; from which period, the title has since been in the family. Several descendants of Rivarola were established in Spain, Sicily, and the dominions of Sardinia, and three were established in Corsica, one in Calvi, one in Ajaccio, and one in Bastia; of which last, count Domenico Rivarola was the representative. This gentleman had the lands of Chiaveri, on the river of Genoa; was considered as a friend of the republick, and was intrusted by her, with the office of commissary in Balagna; a singular honour for a Corsican. He endeavoured, at this time, to make a reasonable accommodation between the Corsicans and Genoese, which having proved ineffectual, he was convinced, that the republick was determined to persevere in tyranny; he therefore embraced the patriotick party, and was ever after, most firm and zealous, in the great cause of liberty. He quitted the island, and went over to Leghorn, that he might be at full liberty to negotiate upon the continent, in behalf of his country. The Genoese immediately confiscated his lands of Chiaveri. He had still the lands of Oletta, in Corsica; to which, he made his family remove from Bastia. But, he had soon a very severe trial of his constancy. For, the same year, his son Antonio, who was studying at the academy of Siena, went home, to

42. expedient In MS (p. 102), following at this point is an incomplete and deleted paragraph about Count de Boisseux and his stratagem of dressing his soldiers in Corsican garb, the substance of which reappears on MS p. 119 (in print on p. 80). 43. Domenico Rivarola Formerly Rossi, Rivarola (1687–1748) was the father of JB’s ‘very good friend’ (p. 73) Antonio Rivarola (see p. 11 n. 8).

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chapter ii bring with him his brother Nicholas; and, as they were crossing over to Leghorn, in a little Tuscan vessel, with a British passport, they were taken by the republick, and carried to Genoa, where they were thrown into prison. The republick thought this would certainly prevent count Domenico, the father, from continuing with the patriots. They offered to restore him his possessions, to release his sons, and to make him general of the Corsican troops in their service, if he would return to their side. But he answered with resolution and magnanimity: ‘I miei figliuoli me li daranno a lor dispetto; e tutte le altre offerte le stimo un nulla a paragone del giusto impegno che ho preso e che seguiterò fin che ho vita. My sons they shall be obliged to give me, whether they will or no; and all their other offers I consider as nothing, in comparison of the just enterprise in which I am engaged, and in which I will persevere while I have life.’ Such instances of patriotick spirit deserve to be recorded. The annals of Corsica will furnish many of them. When the Austrian troops entered Genoa, the young counts Rivarola were set at liberty. Count Antonio, the eldest, my very good friend, is a major, in the service of the king of Sardinia, and consul general for that sovereign in Tuscany. Count Nicholas, the other, lives at Oletta in Corsica, but is of so delicate a constitution, that he cannot serve his country as he would wish to do.44 Both the brothers have the spirit of their father. Count Domenico Rivarola45 obtained a regiment in the Sardinian service, and by his influence at Turin, procured such assistance, that he would have been able to free his country, had it not been for the house of Matra in Corsica,46 which stood by the republick, and had interest enough to make a strong party in the island. In the mean time, the Corsican war went on with spirit. Sometimes it was expected, that the king of Spain47 would strike in on one side or other. But that prince did not choose to interfere. Probably he foresaw, that it would involve him in a quarrel with France.

44. delicate . . . to do Another example of JB’s recognising the need to moderate his language. The brother of his ‘very good friend,’ Antonio Rivarola, is described in MS (p. 106) as ‘of so delicate a constitution that he can be of little service to his Country.’ 45. Domenico Rivarola In MS (p. 106) his name is followed by this largely deleted passage: ‘<expected a Regiment in the service of the Emperor and was called to Florence by General Breituily (?) by whom He was desired to wait on Sir Horace Mann the British Envoy. Sir Horace asked him if He would not be satisfied to have> obtained a Regiment in the Sardinian Service, and by his influence . . .’ 46. Matra in Corsica The powerful Matra clan (then led by Emanuele Matra) was a significant force in opposition to Paoli. Antonio ‘Antonuccio’ Matra (brother to Emanuele) led the Genoese troops attacking Aleria in May 1762; he was also prominent in the unsuccessful attempt by the Genoese to re-take Capraja in 1767 (see pp. 139–40). 47. king of Spain Philip V (1683–1746).

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an account of corsica While the Genoese and the Corsicans were thus keenly engaged, and the politicians of Europe were forming various conjectures, a most extraordinary circumstance occurred, to the amazement of every body. This was the appearance of Theodore,48 whose singular story has made so much noise. As many inconsistent reports have been circulated, with regard to this man, I have been at great pains to obtain authentick accounts concerning him, which, I am persuaded, will be very acceptable to my readers.49 Theodore Baron Newhoff, in the county of La Marc in Westphalia, was the personage who aspired to the sovereignty of Corsica. He had his education in the French service. He afterwards went to Spain, where he received some marks of regard from the duke of Riperda and cardinal Alberoni.50 But being of a strange unsettled projecting51 disposition, he quitted Spain, and went and travelled into Italy, England and Holland; ever in search of some new adventure. He at last fixed his attention on Corsica, and formed a scheme of making himself a king. He was a man of abilities and address; and, after having fully informed himself of every thing relating to the island, he went to Tunis, where he fell upon means to procure some money and arms; and then came to Leghorn, from whence he wrote a letter to the Corsican chiefs, Giafferi and Paoli, offering considerable assistance to the nation, if they would elect him as their sovereign. This letter was consigned to count Domenico Rivarola, who acted as Corsican plenipotentiary, in Tuscany; and he gave for answer, that if Theodore brought the assistance he promised to the Corsicans, they would very willingly make him king. Upon this he, without loss of time, set sail and landed at Tavagna in spring, 1736. He was a man of a very stately appearance; and the Turkish dress which he wore, added to the dignity of his mien. He had a few attendants with him. His manners were so engaging, and his offers so plausible, that he was proclaimed king of Corsica, before count Rivarola’s dispatches arrived to inform the chiefs of the terms upon which he had agreed. He brought with him about a thousand zechins52 of Tunis, besides some arms and ammunition, and made magnificent promises of foreign assistance; so that the Corsicans, 48. Theodore Baron Théodore von Neuhoff (?1686–1756), the adventurer who persuaded Corsicans to make him their king in 1736. His monarchy lasted only a few months. He died in England soon after being released from a debtors’ prison. Privately JB regarded him as ‘a rogue, and not a man of courage’ (Gen. Corr. ii. 63). He is alluded to in Smollett’s Adventures of Ferdinand Count Fathom (1753), chap. 39 (Smollett may have visited him in prison) and in Voltaire’s Candide (1759), chap. 26. 49. As many . . . readers Goury (58) expresses similar sentiments at the opening of his chapter on Theodore. In the paragraph that follows JB summarises points in Goury 58–60. 50. duke of Riperda . . . Alberoni Johan Wilhelm Ripperda (1682–1737), Duke of Ripperda, Dutch adventurer and Spanish minister . . . Giulio Alberoni (1664–1752), Spanish first minister 1716–19, made cardinal in 1717. 51. projecting i.e., scheming or inventive. 52. zechins Originally gold coins from Venice.

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chapter ii who were glad of any support, willingly gave into his schemes; and it must be considered, that there could be no great harm in allowing a man the name of king, since they had always the power of restraining his authority. Theodore assumed every mark of royal dignity. He had his guards, and his officers of state. He conferred titles of honour, and he struck money, both of silver and copper. The silver pieces were few in number, and can now hardly be met with. I have one of his copper coins, on one side of it is ‘T. R. (Theodorus Rex) King Theodore,’ with a double branch crossed, and round it this inscription, ‘Pro bono publico Re. Co. (Regni Corsicae) For the public good of the kingdom of Corsica.’53 On the other side, is the value of the piece, ‘cinque soldi, five sous.’ There was such a curiosity over all Europe to have king Theodore’s coins, that his silver pieces were sold at four zechins each; and when the genuine ones were exhausted, imitations of them were made at Naples, and, like the imitations of antiques, were bought up at a high price, and carefully preserved in the cabinets of the virtuosi.54 Theodore immediately blocked up the Genoese fortified towns; and he used to be sometimes at one siege, sometimes at another, standing with a telescope in his hand, as if he spied the assistance which he said he expected. He used also the artifice of making large packets be continually brought to him from the continent, which he gave out to be from the different sovereigns of Europe, acknowledging his authority, and promising to befriend him. The Genoese were not a little confounded with this unexpected adventurer. They published a violent manifesto against Theodore, treating him with great contempt, but at the same time shewing, that they were alarmed at his appearance. Theodore replied, in a manifesto, with all the calmness and dignity of a monarch, expressed his indifference as to the injurious treatment of the republick, and appeared firm in the hopes of victory. The Genoese minister at London, made strong interest against the Corsicans; and on the 24 of June, 1736, her majesty, the queen regent of Great Britain,55 issued out her royal proclamation, prohibiting any of his majesty’s subjects from furnishing provisions or assistance to the malecontents of Corsica. After having been about eight months in Corsica, Theodore perceived, that the people began to cool in their affections towards him, and did not act with the same resolution as before. He therefore wisely determined, to leave 53. Theodore . . . Corsica’ JB made extensive use of information about Theodore’s silver coins in Antonio Rivarola’s letter, 2 May 1767 (Gen. Corr. i. 152–54). The description of the coin came from Goury 70–71. 54. imitations . . . virtuosi JB’s irony was aimed at voguish collectors of supposed rarities ostentatiously displayed in specially designed cabinets. 55. queen . . . Britain Queen Caroline (1683–1737), wife of George II; she acted as regent during several absences of the king. In MS (p. 110) the date of her proclamation is 24 June 1736 but in print 24 July; JB’s MS reading is preferred though the actual date was 16 June (London Gazette, 19 June 1736).

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an account of corsica them for a little, and try his fortune again upon the continent. So, after having laid down a plan of administration, to be observed in his absence, he quitted the island, in the month of November. He went to Holland, and there he was successful enough to get credit to a great extent, from several rich merchants, particularly Jews, who trusted him with cannon, and other warlike stores, to a great value, under the charge of a supercargo.56 With these, he returned to Corsica, in 1739; and, on his arrival, he put to death his supercargo, that he might not have any trouble from demands being made upon him. By this time, as shall be afterwards shewn, the French had become so powerful in the island, that, although Theodore threw in his supply of warlike stores, he did not incline to venture his person, the Genoese having set a high price upon his head. He therefore chose to relinquish his throne, and give up his views of ambition for safety, having furnished a remarkable example, how far a daring and desperate spirit may go. Had Theodore had a little more prudence, and some better fortune, he, and his posterity, might have worn the crown of Corsica, upon the generous title of having delivered the island from oppression. It has often been said,57 that Theodore was secretly supported by some of the European powers. But, from all that I can learn, there is no foundation whatever, for this conjecture. It is, indeed, a rare thing, to find a private gentleman embarking on his own bottom,58 in an enterprise of such a nature. But the truth is, Theodore was a most singular man, and had been so beaten about, by change of fortune, that he had lost the common sentiments of mankind, and viewed things as one who is mad, or drunk, or in a fever. He had nothing to lose, and a great deal to win. His scheme was, to amuse59 the Corsicans with hopes of foreign aid; and, by the force of hope, to carry them foreward. This might have succeeded, in which case, he could very easily have said, that the foreign aid would have come, had there been occasion for it; but they had behaved with such spirit, as to require no help. And, had he been fortunate, it is probable, some of the powers of Europe might have, in reality, stood by him. The Corsicans now, talk differently of king Theodore.60 Some of them, who had most faith in his fine speeches, still extoll him to the skies, to support their own judgment; others, who looked upon him as an impostour, and never 56. He went . . . supercargo Theodore describes the arrangements in a letter to the ‘Rebel Chiefs’ (Jaussin ii. 42). (A supercargo was an agent who superintended a merchant’s business in a foreign country.) 57. often been said See Goury 82. 58. on . . . bottom i.e., independently. 59. amuse i.e., beguile, delude. 60. The Corsicans . . . Theodore Whereas Goury ends his chapter (79–80) on Theodore with reflections on how Corsica changed after Theodore left, JB discusses subsequent opinions about him.

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chapter ii joined heartily in his measures, represent him as a kind of Wat Tyler,61 a king of a rabble; but the most knowing and judicious, and the General himself, consider him in the moderate light in which he has now been represented, and own, that he was of great service in reviving the spirit of the nation, which, after a good many years of constant war, was beginning to droop, but which, Theodore restored, while he rekindled the sacred fire of liberty. They, indeed, are sensible, that his wretched fate has thrown a sort of ridicule on the nation, since their king was confined in a jail at London, which was actually the case of poor Theodore; who, after experiencing the most extraordinary vicissitudes of fortune, chose to end his days in our island of liberty; but was reduced to the wretched state of a prisoner, for debt. Mr. Horace Walpole generously exerted himself for Theodore. He wrote a paper in the World, with great elegance and humour, soliciting a contribution for the monarch in distress, to be paid to Mr. Robert Dodsley,62 bookseller, as lord high treasurer. This brought him a very handsome sum. He was allowed to get out of prison. Mr. Walpole has the original deed, by which Theodore made over the kingdom of Corsica, in security to his creditors. He has also the great seal of the kingdom. Mr. Walpole has told me, that he had the curiosity to see king Theodore, and was accordingly in company with him, at a lady’s of his acquaintance. But whether from dulness, or from pride, he did not open his mouth.63 I suppose he has been so much dejected, and so much hurt by his misfortunes, that he was become sullen and indifferent. He died very soon after he got out of prison, and was buried in St. Anne’s church-yard, Westminster; where a simple, unadorned monument is erected to him, with the following inscription: Near this place, is interred Theodore, king of Corsica; Who died in this parish, Dec. II, 1756, 61. Wat Tyler Leader of the Peasants’ Revolt; executed in 1381. 62. Robert Dodsley Dodsley (1703–64), poet and dramatist as well as one of the most respected publishers of the day. 63. Horace Walpole . . . World . . . mouth Horace Walpole (1717–97) published his paper in World, no. viii, on 22 February 1753 and later his ‘Anecdotes of the Life of Théodore, King of Corsica’ in Fugitive Pieces (Strawberry Hill, 1758). JB’s notes for 22 Jan. 1766 (Private Papers, vii. 60–61) record his meeting with Walpole and were the basis for his account of Walpole’s knowledge of and regard for Théodore. JB sent Walpole a copy of Corsica on 23 February 1768, and told him that he had provided the ‘first incitement to undertake the work which has now made its appearance’ (Gen. Corr. ii. 30). Walpole is acerbic about JB and Corsica in his letter to Gray, 18 February 1768: JB ‘forced himself upon me at Paris in spite of my teeth and my doors, and I see has given a foolish account of all he could pick up from me about King Theodore’ (Walpole’s Correspondence, ed. W. S. Lewis, xiv. 170). (See Gen. Corr. ii. 31 nn. 1–3.)

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an account of corsica Immediately after leaving The king’s bench prison, By the benefit of the act of insolvency: In consequence of which, He registered his kingdom of Corsica For the use of his creditors. The grave, great teacher, to a level brings, Heroes, and beggars, galley-slaves, and kings; But Theodore, this moral learn’d, e’er dead; Fate pour’d its lesson on his living head, Bestow’d a kingdom, and deny’d him bread.64

}

To return to the affairs of the island. The Genoese, eager to repress the rise in 1734, hired some Swiss and Grisons,65 who from being accustomed to such a country at home, might scour the mountains of Corsica. But these soldiers found it no easy matter to scour mountains, where the natives were continually firing upon them, and had numberless ways of escaping. They soon saw that they had made a bad bargain, and that they gave the Genoese too much blood for their money. Genoa had also recourse to the desperate expedient of Marius and Sylla.66 She published an indemnity to all her assassins, and outlaws of every sort, on condition that they should fight for the republìck, in Corsica.67 The robbers and assassins of Genoa, are no inconsiderable proportion of her people. These wretches flocked together, from all quarters, and were formed into twelve companies, who were joined with the Swiss and Grisons. It may well be believed, that venal stipendiaries, and abandoned criminals, could not oppose an army of brave men, who were fighting in the great cause of liberty, and had every thing that was dear to them, at stake. But France, who has ever had an eye to this island, now began to be apprehensive that the Corsicans might entirely throw off the yoke of Genoa, in which case, they would either become a free state, which the powers of

64. inscription: . . . bread Walpole was responsible both for the monument and the inscription. He told Sir Horace Mann, 29 September 1757: ‘I am putting up a stone in St. Ann’s churchyard [Soho] for your old friend King Theodore’; the inscription quoted by JB follows [‘. . . Theodore this lesson learned . . .’]. See Walpole’s Correspondence, ed. W. S. Lewis, xxi. 139–40. 65. Grisons The largest Swiss canton. 66. expedient . . . Sylla Gaius Marius (c. 157–86 bc) granted enfranchisement to the proletarii as a reward for military service; Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138–78 bc) emancipated the slaves of his murdered enemies to serve as his personal bodyguard. 67. indemnity . . . in Corsica The substance of this passage in MS p. 115 was transferred from MS p. 101, where it was virtually obliterated.

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chapter ii Europe would, from a mutual jealousy, protect, or perhaps, would put themselves under the sovereignty of some great nation.68 She resolved then to force them back under the dominion of Genoa; for, by constant negotiations with that republick, France has such an ascendancy, that she may command, when she pleases, whatever belongs to it. A treaty was therefore made at Versailles,69 by which, his most Christian Majesty engaged to reduce the Corsicans to obedience; and it was contrived with such address, as to appear done at the earnest desire of Genoa; though in reality, the republick had too recently experienced the danger of calling in the aid of a great state, to wish for a repetition of the same expedient. In the month of March, 1738, the count de Boisseux70 was sent with a detachment of French troops to Corsica. This general was a good officer, but of no great enterprise. He was attended on this expedition, by M. de Contades,71 since, mareschal of France, who commanded the French army, at the battle of Minden. After several conferences with the chiefs of the Corsicans, Giafferi and Paoli, with whom we may also mention Luca di Ornano, a collateral branch of the great family, which Sampiero di Bastelica formerly represented, M. de Boisseux finding that the Corsicans would not submit to their old oppressours, began his hostilities. The people of Corsica remonstrated to his most Christian Majesty in a very affecting memorial, in which they enumerated at great length their grievances, and as France had formerly afforded them protection, they hoped she would not now compel them to yield to the worst of tyranny.72 To the memorial were subjoined articles of accommodation, which they submitted to the French king. These articles were thought too bold for a people in the situation of the Corsicans; and articles formed by the Genoese were approved by France:73 so that no accommodation could be brought about. Giafferi and Paoli published a spirited manifesto to their countrymen, concluding it with the noble sentiment of Judas Maccabeus: ‘Melius est mori in bello quam videre mala gentis nostrae.t It is better for us to die in battle, than to behold the calamities of our people.’ t

I Maccabees, chap. iii. ver. 59.

68. But France . . . nation The sentence is a free translation of Goury 82. 69. treaty . . . Versailles Signed on 12 July 1737. 70. Boisseux See p. 72 n. 42 and p. 80. 71. Contades Louis Georges Erasme de Contades (1704–95); commander at Minden, 1759. (For much of the correspondence between the protagonists mentioned in this paragraph, see Jaussin ii. 4–324.) 72. memorial, . . . tyranny For the memorial see Jaussin i. 319–38. 73. France The articles are given in Jaussin i. 278–90.

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an account of corsica M. de Boisseux did considerable hurt to the Corsicans; for, although his operations were slow, they were well conducted. He had even recourse to art; for he had a part of his troops drest exactly like the people of the country,74 and, by that device, they destroyed multitudes, and occasioned a strange confusion and dismay among the Corsicans, in so much, that till they came very near parties, who appeared upon the mountains and in the woods, they could not be certain whether they were friends or enemies. Meanwhile, more troops being sent from France, the transports were overtaken with a terrible storm, and some of them wrecked on the Corsican coasts, where the patriots took the soldiers prisoners, and seized their arms. M. de Boisseux did not live to see the success of his operations. He was taken ill, and died at Bastia, in February 1739. The Genoese,75 much elated with the success that the monarchy of France had against the Corsicans, published a long memorial. The beginning of it, is truly pleasant: ‘All the world knows so well, the mildness and love, with which the republick of Genoa governs her people; and above all, with what goodness and affection she hath ever regarded those of Corsica, &c.’u They really intended this should pass in Europe, as a serious truth. Still supported by the goodness of their cause, the Corsicans remained inflexible, nor would they ever have given way, but to such a superiourity of force, as it was impossible for them to withstand. In March, 1739, the French sent to Corsica, the marquis de Maillebois,76 a commander every way fitted for such an expedition, being an officer of great penetration, and uncommon fire. He saw, that the Corsicans had long been trifled with by Genoa, and that even the French had not acted against them with sufficient vigour. He saw, that it was necessary to strike a bold stroke, if he wanted to make any impression on the valiant islanders, so long accustomed to scenes of blood; and since his sovereign had committed to him the charge of conquering this people, he resolved to do it effectually. Every thing therefore, was provided for the enterprise. He had 16 battalions of the best troops of France, besides some arquebusiers, and Bearnois,77 expert in climbing the mountains. u

Jaussin, tom. i. p. 358.*

74. drest . . . country Details of the dress can be found in Jaussin i. 315. 75. The Genoese This paragraph (MS, p. 119) originally opened: 76. Maillebois Jean-Baptiste François Desmarets (1682–1762), Marquis de Maillebois, made Marshal of France in 1741 in recognition of his services in Corsica. 77. arquebusiers, and Bearnois i.e., soldiers armed with (old-fashioned) handguns, and troops from Béarn, a region of southwest France. * Jaussin i. 358–96 gives the memorial in full.

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chapter ii Having formed two great corps, and several small parties, all compleatly furnished with ammunition, and whatever else was necessary, or convenient; he pierced into the innermost parts of the country, while his grenadiers carried heavy cannon across the rudest passes. He cut down the standing corn, the vines, the olives, set fire to the villages, and spread terrour and desolation in every quarter. He hanged numbers of monks, and others, who were keenest in the revolt, and at the same time, published, wherever he went, his terms of capitulation, which had the best chance to be accepted, amidst so general a destruction. Notwithstanding the ungenerous cause, in which they were displayed, one cannot but admire the martial abilities of M. de Maillebois.78 We have seen, that Theodore durst not land. The succours which he left, were not of much avail. Such unprecedented, and terrible slaughter, as now took place, with the dread of still greater vengeance, from so formidable a nation as France, obliged the Corsicans to lay down their arms, at the end of the campaign, 1739, which was indeed a hot one. Of these arms, a thousand were found to have the Genoese mark. The republick demanded to have them restored, a circumstance little to their honour. The generals, Giafferi and Paoli, left the island, and went to Naples; where they were both made colonels, which character, they enjoyed till their death. There were still some few enthusiastick patriots, who skulked in the wildest parts of the island; but these were all reduced before the end of the year 1740, as was also the young baron Newhoff, the nephew of Theodore, who with a small party of desperadoes, had long escaped the utmost diligence of the French commander. He surrendered, on condition, that he and his attendants, should be landed in safety on the continent, which was faithfully performed.79 In this manner was Corsica totally vanquished by France, of which the Genoese were as proud, as if it had been their own atchievement. They gave in proposals to M. de Maillebois, for keeping the island in perpetual quiet. These proposals are preserved by M. Jaussin;v and they are such, as any state should be ashamed of. Amongst many other barbarous schemes, one was, to transport a considerable number of the inhabitants, and make them over to the king of France, to people his distant colonies. Could there be a more harsh, or a more absurd measure, than this? Jaussin is much on the side of Genoa, and through the whole of his two volumes, does not seem to have felt one spark of true v

Jaussin, tom. i. p. 468.

78. Every thing [80:29]. . . Maillebois These two paragraphs closely follow Goury 90–98. 79. He surrendered . . . performed Translated from Goury 111.

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an account of corsica liberty, or at all to have entered into the spirit of what the Corsicans were fighting for; yet when he recites this proposal, he cannot help saying: ‘Il sembloit par là qu’ils auroient été contens d’etre soverains des seuls rochers de Corse sans sujets.w It would thence appear, that the Genoese would have been satisfied to be sovereigns of the bare rocks of Corsica, without subjects.’ France being engaged with more important objects than Corsica, or any thing concerning the Genoese, was no longer at leisure to employ her attention on that island.80 All Europe being now in agitation, she thought proper to recall her troops from Corsica. They accordingly quitted the island, in the end of the year 1741, leaving it in perfect submission and quietness; as was said of the Romans by Galgacus, the ancient Scottish chief, in his famous speech, upon the Grampian mountains: ‘Ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant.x Where they make a desart, they call it peace.’ The French, indeed, knew the Corsicans too well, to believe, that they would submit to Genoa, when left to themselves. The event happened accordingly; for the French were hardly gone, before the Corsicans were again as much in motion as ever. Several of their countrymen, who were settled in different towns in Italy, furnished them with arms; and, as they had formerly done, they took a good many arms from the Genoese. From having been long depressed, like a strong bow recovering its elasticity, they rose with renewed vigour. Man, woman and child, may be said to have engaged; for very young boys took the field; and even some of their women, like those of Sparta, shewed their valour in battle. Many of the religious also carried arms; and, as if actuated by a kind of universal inspiration, every soul was ardent against the tyrant. Gaffori81 and Matra, now obtained the government of Corsica, under the title of Protectours of the kingdom. Gaffori was a man of distinguished talents. His eloquence was most remarkable; and the Corsicans still talk with admiration of his harangues to them. He heard once, that a band of assassins were coming against him. He went out, and met them with a serene dignity, which astonished them. He begged they would only hear him a little; and he gave them so w

Ib. p. 481.

x

Tacit. de vit. Agric. cap. 30.*

80. France . . . island France was engaged in the War of the Austrian Succession. 81. Gaffori Gian Pietro Gaffori (see also JB’s eulogy on p. 85). Gaffori’s eldest son was Francesco (1744–96). * Several details here (though not the Latin quotation) were added later than MS. Galgacus (or Calgacus) ( fl. c. ad 84 ) was the chieftain commanding native tribes when Agricola, the Roman governor of Britain, invaded Caledonia. Tacitus represents Galgacus as delivering a harangue before the battle (which he lost), denouncing the Roman plunderers. Tacitus, De Vita Julii Agricolae, xxx. 5.

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chapter ii pathetick a picture of the distresses of Corsica, and roused their spirits to such a degree against those, who caused the oppression, that the assassins threw themselves at his feet, intreated his forgiveness, and instantly joined his banners. The Genoese being in possession of the castle of Corte, it was besieged with great vigour by the Corsicans, commanded by Gaffori. By a strange want of thought, the nurse, who took care of Gaffori’s eldest son, then an infant, wandered away, at a little distance from the camp. The Genoese perceived it, and making a sudden sally, they got hold of the nurse and the child, and carried them into the castle. The General shewed a decent concern at this unhappy accident, which struck a damp into the whole army. The Genoese thought they could have Gaffori upon their own terms, since they were possessed of so dear a pledge. When he advanced to make some cannon play, they held up his son, directly over that part of the wall, against which his artillery was levelled. The Corsicans stopt, and began to draw back; but Gaffori, with the resolution of a Roman, stood at their head, and ordered them to continue the fire. Luckily, his firmness was not broken by losing his child, who escaped unhurt. I had the pleasure of knowing the young gentleman, who inherits his father’s estate. He related to me himself, from the best authority, this story, which does so much honour to his father. I had it also vouched, by such as had no particular interest in it. Matra, the other general or protectour, was always suspected, as secretly favouring the views of Genoa, and was rather a promoter of division, than a patron of liberty. Indeed, the great misfortune of the Corsicans, was their want of union; which made particular animosities take up their attention, and divert their zeal from the great cause. In 1745, Count Domenico Rivarola, arrived at Bastia, along with some English ships of war. Great Britain had forbidden her subjects to give any assistance to the Corsicans; but, by the changeful schemes of political connexions, she consented to send some ships against the Genoese; not, as if from herself, but, as complying with the request of her ally, the king of Sardinia, who had taken the cause of Corsica much to heart. These ships bombarded Bastia, and San Fiorenzo, both of which they delivered into the hands of the Corsicans. The force of the British men of war, and the great service done by us to their cause, are never forgotten, by the brave islanders. Count Rivarola, was proclaimed Generalissimo of the kingdom. Gaffori and Matra, were not present at this election, and did every thing in their power to oppose it; so that there was nothing but heart-burnings, and miserable dissensions; and the British went away with an idea of this people, as if they had been a parcel of half-barbarians. As our information, with regard to Corsica, has been very imperfect, these unhappy impressions have continued ever since, and have had too much influence in Great Britain. 83

an account of corsica Rivarola, Gaffori and Matra, having at length come to a tolerable agreement, matters went on a little better, though the Genoese soon recovered Bastia and San Fiorenzo. In 1746, the Corsicans sent two envoys, with proposals to the Earl of Bristol, then his Britannick Majesty’s ambassadour, at the court of Turin.82 The intention of these proposals was, that Corsica should put herself entirely under the protection of Great Britain. The envoys waited at Turin, till My Lord Bristol had a return from the ministry at London, signifying their satisfaction at what had been communicated, hoping the Corsicans would preserve the same obliging sentiments; but that it was not then the time to enter into any treaty with them. Count Domenico Rivarola, finding that he could be of most service to his country, when at a distance, returned to Turin, where he constantly improved the benevolent intentions of his Sardinian Majesty towards Corsica. He died with the rank of colonel, in April 1748, and left behind him the character of an honest man, and a gallant patriot. In the same month and year, the British ship, the Nassau, commanded by captain Holcomb,83 together with some transports, carried over to Corsica, two battalions, one of the king of Sardinia’s troops, and one of Austrians, in order to aid the Corsicans; but the general peace being concluded, at Aix la Chapelle,84 no foreign states could any longer interfere, and the Corsicans and Genoese, were again left to themselves. My Lord Hailes has, among his valuable collection of historical manuscripts, two pieces relating to Corsica. The one entitled, ‘Information de l’état dans leqel se trouve presentement la Corfe, & de ce qu’il faudroit pour la delivrer de l’esclavage du gouvernement Genois, traduit de l’Italien,’ is written by Count Domenico Rivarola. The other, is an account of the state of Corsica, in the original Italian; drawn up by one, who appears to have been well acquainted with the subject. Both of these papers set forth, the advantages to be derived to a maritime power, from an alliance with Corsica. They were communicated by M. Carret de Gorregne, the Sardinian minister, to general Wentworth,85 the British ambassadour, at the court of Turin; and, I believe,

82. Earl . . . Turin George William Hervey, 2nd Earl of Bristol (1721–75)—elder brother of Frederick (p. 11 n. 9)—envoy to Turin, 1755–58. 83. Holcomb Essex Holcombe (d. 1770), promoted Captain, 1740 (in Commissioned Sea Officers of the Royal Navy, 1660–1815, n.d., ii. 450). 84. peace . . . Chapelle 18 October 1748. 85. M. Carret . . . Wentworth Leopold del Carreto, Marquis de Gorzegno (d. 1750) . . . General Thomas Wentworth, on a special mission to improve Austro-Sardinian relations and to obtain information on the condition of Austro-Sardinian forces in Italy, arrived Turin, 29 May 1747; he died there on 2 December. (See British Diplomatic Representatives 1689–1789, ed. D. B. Horn, Camden 3rd Series, XLVI, 1932, 124.)

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chapter ii they had considerable influence, in procuring the interposition of Sardinia and Great Britain, in favour of the Corsicans.86 Matra, in the end of the year 1748, went to the service of Piedmont, and left Gaffori sole general of the island. A repetition of the same desperate actions continued, till on the 3d of October, 1753, Gaffori was assassinated by a band of murderers, set on by the republick. At least, it is a fact that some of these wretches have still a miserable pension to support them, in the territory of Genoa. There is a pillar of infamy erected at Corte, on the place, where stood the house of the principal actour in this bloody villany. The house was burnt, and razed from the foundation. The Corsicans, from their family connexions, and violent parties, differ in their accounts of Gaffori. Some of them would have it believed, that he was too much engrossed by selfish views, and in order to promote his own interest, endeavoured to bring about unworthy schemes of reconciliation with Genoa. But, besides the reluctance which every generous mind must feel, to give credit to injurious reports of a hero,87 whose greatness of soul shone forth, in the manner I have related, what I heard of Gaffori from those, in whose judgment and impartiality I could confide, joined with the regard with which he is had in remembrance by the majority of his countrymen, determine me to a persuasion of the reality of his virtues. The administratours of the island had been so well instituted by general Gaffori, that Corsica was able to continue for two years without any chief; while the war was still carried on with various success. The patriots did not however, swear a solemn oath, that, rather than submit to the republick, they would throw themselves into the fire, like the Saguntines88 of old. This oath, which is conceived in terms of strength and violence, not unlike the Corsican stile, but somewhat exaggerated, was circulated over Europe, and generally believed to be genuine. Doctour Smollet, who displays a generous warmth in favour of the Corsicans, was very naturally led to give this oath a place in his history;y but Paoli assures me, that it was a fiction.89 I come now, to a remarkable event in the annals of Corsica, an event, from which the happiness and glory of that island will principally be dated. I mean, the election of Pascal Paoli, to be General of the kingdom. y

Smoll. hist. vol. xvi. p. 384.*

86. My Lord . . . Corsicans This paragraph was added later than MS. 87. a hero Alongside this passage and presumably prompted by a consideration of heroic virtues, JB inserted a marginal instruction to himself (MS, p. 132): ‘N. B. Before relating General Paoli’s Election insert the Account of his descent education &c.’ 88. Saguntines The citizens of Sagunto (formerly Saguntum) in Valencia province, eastern Spain. 89. The patriots . . . fiction Written in the margin of JB’s MS (p. 132). * See p. 10 n. 7

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an account of corsica Pascal Paoli,z was second son to the old chief Giacinto Paoli. He had been educated with great care by his father, who formed his taste for letters, and inspired him with every worthy and noble sentiment. He was born in Corsica, where he remained long enough, to contract a love and attachment to his country, and to feel the oppression under which it groaned. When the patriots were totally crushed by the marquis de Maillebois, his father took young Paoli to Naples, where he had the advantage of attending the academy, got a commission as an officer in that service, and was much about court. Here he lived twelve or thirteen years, cultivating the great powers with which nature had endowed him, and laying the foundation of those grand designs, which he had early formed, for the deliverance of his country. His reputation became so great among the Corsicans, that he received the strongest invitations to come over and take the command.90 He embarked in the glorious enterprise, stimulated by generous ambition, and undismayed by a consideration of the dangers, the cares, and the uncertainty which he was about to encounter. There was something particularly affecting, in his parting from his father; the old man, hoary and gray with years, fell on his neck, and kissed him,91 gave him his blessing, and with a broken feeble voice, encouraged him in the undertaking, on which he was entering: ‘My son,’ said he, I may, possibly, never see you more; but in my mind, I shall ever be present with you. Your design is a great, and a noble one; and I doubt not, but God will bless you in it. The little which remains to me of life, I will allot to your cause, in offering up my prayers and supplications to heaven, for your protection and prosperity.’ Having again embraced him, they parted. Pascal Paoli no sooner appeared in the island, than he attracted the attention of every body. His carriage and deportment prejudiced them in his favour, and his superiour judgment, and patriotick spirit, displayed with all the force z

His name, in Italian, is Pasquale de’ Paoli. I write Pascal, as more agreeable to an English ear. I also avoid giving him any title. I owe this thought to My Lord Hailes. When I asked him, Whether I should call Paoli, Signor, or General? his answer was, ‘Signor is better than General, but plain Pascal is better than either. You do not say, King Alexander, but Alexander of Macedon; no title adds to the dignity of Judas Maccabeus.’

90. I come [85:31] . . . command JB’s MS (pp. 132, 136–37) reveals a considerable amount of re-writing and re-ordering of material here; originally some occurred before and some after the ‘manifesto’; but all was done in accordance with JB’s own instruction quoted above, n. 87. 91. fell . . . kissed him The scene and language recall biblical precedents: see Genesis xxxiii.4 and xlv.14–15; Luke xv.20. For Paoli’s response to the incident see Pascal Paoli: Correspondance: la Prise du Pouvoir, 1749–1756, ed. Antoine-Marie Graziani and Carlo Bitossi (Ajaccio, 2003), pp. 79–83.

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chapter ii of eloquence, charmed their understandings. All this, heightened with condescension,92 affability and modesty, entirely won him their hearts. A way was open for him to the supreme command, and he was called to it by the unanimous voice of his countrymen; upon which occasion, was issued the following manifesto.93 The Supreme, and General Council of the Kingdom of Corsica, to the Beloved people of that Nation. beloved people and countrymen, ‘The discords and divisions, that have begun to infect the publick, as well as private tranquillity of our country, by the revival of ancient, and personal enmities amongst those, who have very little fear of GOD, and are little interested and zealous, for the good of the publick, have obliged our principal chiefs to call us together, to this general Consulta, in order to deliberate on such necessary measures, as may effectually contribute to the establishment of a common union, and to cause the most rigid laws to be put in execution, against such as shall dare to disturb it by their private piques, or unruly dispositions. ‘The most proper and effectual means, to succeed in this our desireable end, are by us seriously thought to be, the electing of one oeconomical,94 political and general chief, of enlightened faculties, to command over this kingdom with full power, except when there shall be occasion to consult upon matters concerning the state, which he cannot treat of, without the concurrence of the people, or their respective representatives. ‘By the general voice is elected for that trust, Pascal Paoli; a man, whose virtues and abilities, render him every way worthy thereof. ‘After so general an election, by the chiefs of the council of war, the deputies of the provinces, and the respective representatives of the parishes assembled, this gentleman was invited, by a letter, to come; and a large committee of the principal members of the assembly, was sent to his house, to desire him to accept of the charge, and to repair

92. condescension i.e., courteous disregard for differences of status. 93. manifesto John Dick writing to JB, 24 October 1766: ‘Amongst my old papers I found the Resolution of the Corsicans on de Paoli’s first arrival amongst them, Copy of which I also send You’ (Gen. Corr. i. 76). JB received a copy of the English translation of the ‘manifesto’; he made some slight verbal changes when printing it in Corsica and omitted the final addendum: ‘NB the abovementioned Pasquale De Paoli is an Officer in the king of Naples’s Service, and is Son of Gacinto De Paoli who at present lives in Naples—he has the Rank of Lieut: Colonel which he Obtained by means of Marshale Maillebois when he sent him from Corsica.’ 94. oeconomical i.e., concerned for the development of material resources.

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an account of corsica hither to be acknowledged as our chief; and to take the solemn oath, to exercise the office, with which he is invested, with the utmost zeal, affection and disinterestedness; and to receive the oath of fidelity and obedience from the commons. ‘Besides having given many reasons against this, he has shewn much reluctance to take upon him so great a charge; but having been informed of our resolutions and determinations, in case of any obstacle or refusal, he was obliged to acquiesce, being necessitated so to do. He was conducted hither last night, and hath plighted and received the oaths above-mentioned. ‘He is to take the government upon himself, assisted by two counsellors of state, and one of the most reputable persons from each province, who shall be changed every month. ‘The third day of August shall be fixed on, for a general circuit, in order to punish the authours of many crimes, particularly murders, committed lately in different parts. This circuit, to be directed by the aforesaid General, with the deputies. The number of armed men, as he shall think fitting. ‘We hope, that these our resolutions and deliberations, will be to the general satisfaction, as it concerns the common good: and we charge all the chiefs and commissaries over the parishes, to co-operate, as far as lies in their power, to promote the publick tranquillity.’ Dated at St. Antonio of the White House, this 15th of July, 1755. Though Paoli had long meditated on the importance of the charge he was to enter upon, its near approach struck him with awe; for his ideas were enlarged, his resolves were magnanimous, and the office appeared more momentous to him, than it could appear to one of more confined views, and more moderate plans. His hesitation and diffidence, when called to the supreme command, was not affected. He balanced the consequences, and he could not but be seriously moved. For he could not divine with certainty, the astonishing influence which his government was to have, on the happiness of his country. But the representations made to him, were so earnest, and, in some measure, so peremptory, that he thought himself bound in duty to accept of the arduous task. When he enquired into the situation of the affairs of Corsica, he found the utmost disorder and confusion. There was no subordination, no discipline, no money, hardly any arms and ammunition; and, what was worse than all, little union among the people. He immediately began to remedy these defects. His persuasion and example, had wonderful force; all ranks exerted themselves, in providing what was necessary for carrying on the war with 88

chapter ii spirit; whereby, in a short time, the Genoese were driven to the remotest corners of the island. Having thus expelled the foe, from the bosom of his country, he had leisure to attend to the civil part of the administration, in which he discovered95 abilities and constancy hardly to be paralleled. He rectified innumerable abuses, which had insinuated themselves, during the late times of trouble and confusion. He, in a manner, new-modelled the government, upon the soundest principles of democratical rule, which was always his favourite idea. The Corsicans having been long denied legal justice, had assumed the right of private revenge, and had been accustomed to assassinate each other upon the most trivial occasions. He found it extremely difficult to break them of this practice, by which it was computed, that the state lost 800 subjects every year. The disease was become so violent, that it seemed almost incurable. However, by seasonable admonition, by representing to them the ruin of this practice to the cause of liberty, at a time when they had occasion for all the assistance they could lend to each other, joined to a strict exercise of criminal justice; he gradually brought them to be convinced, that the power of dispensing punishment belonged to the publick; and that, without a proper submission, and a regular system of administration, they never could make head against an enemy, or, indeed, be properly speaking, a state. So effectual were the measures he took, that a law was passed, making assassination capital, let it be committed on any pretence whatever. The Corsicans are naturally humane; but, like the Italians, and most southern nations, are extremely violent in their tempers. This is certainly the effect of a warm climate, which forms the human frame to an exquisite degree of sensibility. Whatever advantages this sensibility may produce, by cherishing the finer feelings and more exalted affections; it is at the same time productive of some disadvantages, being equally the occasion of impatience, sudden passion, and a spirit of revenge, tending to the disorder of society. Paoli, by his masterly knowledge of human nature, guided the Corsicans to glory, and rendered the impetuosity of their dispositions, and their passion for revenge, subservient to the noble objects of liberty, and of vindicating their country. His wise institutions had so good an effect, that notwithstanding of their frequent losses in action, it was found, that in a few years, the number of inhabitants was increased 16000.96 When97 a proper system of government was formed, and some of the most glaring abuses rectified, Paoli proceeded to improve and civilize the manners of 95. discovered i.e., revealed. 96. rendered . . . 16000 Cf. Burnaby 16. 97. 16000. When Between these paragraphs in his MS (pp. 141–42), JB had written and then deleted a lengthy passage:

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an account of corsica the Corsicans. This was a very delicate task. They had been brought up in anarchy, and their constant virtue had been resistance. It therefore, required the nicest conduct, to make them discern the difference between salutary restraint and tyrannick oppression. He was no monarch, born to rule, and who received a nation as a patrimonial inheritance. It was, therefore, in vain to think of acting with force, like the Czar Peter towards the Russians. It was not, indeed, consistent with his views of forming a free nation; but, had he been inclined to it, he could not have executed such a plan. He was entirely dependant upon the people, elected by them, and answerable to them for his conduct. It was no easy matter to restrain those of whom he held his power. But this, Paoli accomplished. He gradually prepared the Corsicans for the reception of laws,98 by cultivating their minds, and leading them, of their own accord, to desire the enactment of regulations, of which he shewed them the benefit. He established an university at Corte; and he was at great pains to have proper schools, for the instruction of children, in every village of the kingdom. The last step he took was, to induce the Corsicans to apply themselves to agriculture, commerce, and other civil occupations. War had entirely ruined industry in the island. It had given the Corsicans a contempt for the arts of peace; so that they thought nothing worthy of their attention, but arms and military achievements. The great and valourous actions, which many of them had performed, gave them a certain pride, which disdained all meaner and more inglorious occupation. Heroes could not submit to sink down into plain peasants. Their virtue was not so perfect, as that of the ancient Romans, who could return from the triumphs of victory, to follow their ploughs.

> [JB’s reference is to the English translation by Thomas Nugent (1700–72) of the French original by Jean Baptist Dubos (1670–1742), first published anonymously in Paris, 1719.] 98. Paoli proceeded [89:37] . . . laws Cf. Burnaby 14.

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chapter ii From these causes, the country was in danger of being entirely uncultivated, and the people of becoming a lawless and ungovernable rabble of banditti.99 Paoli therefore, set himself seriously to guard against this; and by degrees, brought the Corsicans to look upon labour with less aversion, so as at least to provide themselves sufficiently in food and clothing, and to carry on a little commerce. His administration, in every respect was such, that, from being rent into factions, the nation became firm and united; and had not France again interposed, the Corsican heroes would long before this time have totally driven the Genoese from the island. Feeling its own importance, the Corsican nation resolved to give the Genoese no quarter at sea, which they had hitherto done, out of indulgence to the individuals of the republick; lamenting their unhappy situation, which obliged them to live under a tyrannical government. But finding that the Genoese continually attacked, and made booty of the Corsican vessels, it was thought highly equitable to retaliate; preserving at the same time, all due respect for the other maritime powers.100 To this effect, a manifesto was issued in 1760.aa These firm and rapid advances of the Corsican nation, filled the Genoese with serious concern; and in 1761, they published a manifesto in very mild and insinuating terms, to try if they could allure the Corsicans to a pacifick submission.bb Immediately upon this, a general council was assembled at Vescovato in Casinca, where the strongest resolutions were taken, never to make any agreement with the republick, but on condition of having Corsica secured in its liberties and independency.cc A memorial was also published by the Corsicans, to the sovereigns of Europe,dd calling upon them, by the rights of humanity, to interpose, and give peace to a nation which had done so much for freedom. aa

Appendix No. I.

bb

Appendix No. II.

cc

Appendix No. III.

dd

Appendix No. IV.*

99. The last [90:16]. . . banditti Cf. Burnaby 17: ‘The last step which he took, was to direct their attention to agriculture, commerce, and other civil occupations. War and military operation had intirely destroyed all taste for these things. It had given the Corsicans a contempt for such employments; and they scarcely thought any thing worth pursuing, or attending to, except arms and martial achievements. The great and valorous actions which many of them had performed, gave them also a certain pride, that disdained all meaner and more inglorious occupation. The island was in danger from hence of being intirely uncultivated, and its inhabitants of becoming a lawless and ungovernable rabble of banditti.’ 100. Feeling . . . maritime powers Added later than MS. * A marginal note in MS (p. 145) reads: ‘A <spirited> Memorial was also published by the Corsicans to the Sovereigns of Europe which insert. All these may be given in English with the Italian on the opposite side or subjoined in an Appendix, before the Journal.’ Six appendixes were printed in Italian only; they are included in the present edn in English.

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an account of corsica In these various writings, there is a spirit of eloquence, a feeling, and a resolution, which does honour to the character of this people. But the politicks of Versailles did not favour the Corsican cause; France has been alternately, the scourge and the shield of Genoa. Paoli had well nigh compleatly finished his great scheme of freeing every part of the island from the Genoese, when a treaty was concluded between France and the republick,101 by which the former engaged to send six battalions of troops to garrison the fortified towns in Corsica, for the space of four years. When this treaty was first known in Europe, every noble heart was afflicted; for every body believed, that France was again determined to carry fire and sword into Corsica, and blast the hopes of the brave islanders. M. Rousseau wrote of it, with his usual energy, to his friend and mine, M. De Leyre,102 at Parma; one of the authours of the Encyclopedie, a man who unites with science and genius the most amiable heart and most generous soul: ‘Il faut avouer que vos François, sont un peuple bien servile, bien vendu à la tyrannie, bien cruel, et bien acharné sur les malheureux. S’ils savoient un homme libre à l’autre bout du monde, je crois qu’ils iroient pour le seul plaisir de l’exterminer.103 It must be owned that your countrymen, the French, are a very servile nation, wholly sold to tyranny, exceedingly cruel and relentless in persecuting the unhappy. If they knew of a free man at the other end of the world, I believe they would go thither for the mere pleasure of extirpating him.’ee But it turned out to be a prudent and politick scheme on the part of France. She was owing the Genoese some millions of livres. Her finances were not such as made it very convenient for her to pay. But the French ministers are never at a loss to conclude an advantageous treaty for their monarch. They told the Genoese, ‘We cannot yet let you have your money. But we will send you six battalions of auxiliaries to Corsica, and let that be a sinking fund for the discharge of our debt.’ The Genoese, who recalled with barbarous satisfaction what France had formerly done against the Corsicans, never doubted, that if French soldiers were again in the island, continual skirmishes would ee

It is difficult to give a good translation of a sentence so original and forcible. I am indebted for the above, to a friend who does not choose to have his name mentioned as a translator.

101. treaty . . . republick See p. 31 n. 15 102. De Leyre Alexandre Deleyre (1726–97), French philosophe, disciple of Rousseau and librarian to the Duke of Parma; author of works on Bacon and Montesquieu; one of JB’s correspondents. 103. ‘ Il faut . . . l’exterminer Rousseau to Deleyre, 20 December 1764 (Correspondence complète de Jean Jacques Rousseau, ed. R. A. Leigh, Voltaire Foundation, 1974, XXII, 254). JB had acted on his own aide mémoire: (MS, p. 146): ‘N. B. Get from De Leyre Rousseau’s Expression & insert it here.’

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chapter ii ensue; France would be provoked, and a bloody war would be the consequence, by which the Corsicans would again be reduced to a state of slavery. They were therefore extremely pleased with the scheme. The French, however, took care to engage to act only on the defensive, and to fix the treaty for four years, that they might be sure of having time to sink their debt. They sent the troops as stipulated in the end of the year 1764; and the Count De Marboeuf was appointed commander in chief. M. De Marboeuf104 was an officer of experience and temper; and, no doubt, had his instructions to conduct himself mildly towards the Corsicans. All his duty was, to take care that things should not become worse for Genoa; but, that she should still retain the garrison towns of Bastia, San Fiorenzo, Calvi, Algagliola and Ajaccio. The Corsicans conducted themselves, upon this occasion, with the greatest propriety. A general council was held, and determinationsff published; from which it appears, that they shewed no distrust of the French, who, they trusted, would not begin hostilities against them. But, for greater security, it was provided, that a council of war should be appointed by the government, to be ever vigilant against any infractions of what they supposed France had tacitly promised to them, and was bound by the law of nations to observe; that the French troops should not be allowed to have access to the territories of the nation; that the General should post sufficient guards upon the frontiers; and if any French officer desired a passport, he might grant him it; but should be obliged to give an account, in the first general consulta thereafter, of what passports he had granted; of his motives for granting them; and of every treaty he should have with the French. That, as it was reported, some new proposals of peace with the republick would be offered, they should reject all such, if they did not first grant to the nation, the preliminaries resolved upon in the general council of Casinca. That the General should make a respectful remonstrance, in the name of the nation, to his most Christian Majesty, with regard to the loss it must sustain by the arrival of his troops; by which, the Genoese would be relieved of the great expence of the Corsican war, and the patriots be prevented from continuing their successful enterprises, and totally expelling their enemies from the island. That this remonstrance might be more effectual, his excellency should, at the same time, apply to the powers favourable to Corsica, that they might employ their mediation ff

Appendix No. V.

104. Marboeuf JB’s first description of Marboeuf was deleted (MS p. 148): ‘De Marboeuf <was no Maillebois sent with a determined purpose to root out if possible every invincible patriotic Soul.> See p. 31 n. 14.

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an account of corsica with the French king, in order to preserve to the nation its rights, prerogatives, liberty and independency. And they further ordered, that as every body had, without controul, cut timber in the woods of Corsica, they should be prohibited so to do, without the permission of the government. These determinations were wise and moderate. Without giving umbrage to the French, they secured the patriots from sudden attacks, or insidious wiles. The article relating to the cutting of timber, was essentially requisite to prevent the French from carrying it away to Marseilles and Toulon; which they, probably, would have done, had it not been for this edict, which preserved to the Corsicans a noble supply of wood, to be ready, either for their own service, or for the service of any maritime power, with whom they might make an alliance. The warlike operations of Corsica were now suspended. But Paoli improved the season of tranquillity to the best purpose, in preparing for future schemes of victory, and in giving perfection and stability to the civil constitution of his country; effectuating what ages had not been able to produce, and exhibiting an illustrious instance of what was said of Epaminondas: ‘Unum hominem pluris fuisse quam civitatem.gg That one man has been of more consequence than a whole nation.’

gg

Corn. Nep. vit. Epam. in fin.*

*

Cornelius Nepos, Liber de excellentibus ducibus exterum gentium (Epaminondas), XV. x. 4.

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CHAPTER III.




The Present State of Corsica, with respect to Government, Religion, Arms, Commerce, Learning, the Genius and Character of its Inhabitants.

A

FTER running over the revolutions of an island, which has experienced so many vicissitudes, it will be agreeable to consider the result of these vigorous exertions in the cause of liberty. I shall, therefore, with much pleasure, present my readers with the state of Corsica1 as it now is. The Government of Corsica is, as follows.2 Every paese or village, elects, by majority of votes, a Podestà and other two magistrates, who have the respectable name of ‘Padri del Commune; Fathers of the Community.’ These magistrates are chosen annually. They may be continued in office for several years, at the will of the community; but there must be a new election every year.3 The Podestà, by himself, may determine causes to the value of ten livres; and united with the Padri del Commune, may finally determine causes to the value of thirty livres. The Podestà is the representative of the government, and

1. so many . . . state of Corsica Two examples of JB accepting advice from a critical reader. He originally wrote: ‘as many vicissitudes as any state that we read of ’; the reader wrote in the margin (MS, p. 152): ‘Is it not superfluous to say as any state that we read of—may I not just say has experienced so many vicissitudes?’ The correction was accepted . . . JB first wrote: ‘the picture of Corsica’; the marginal comment was: ‘Is not Picture of Corsica rather a fantastical word—Would not State be better?’ The suggestion was again accepted. 2. The Government . . . follows JB learned much of what follows from Paoli and Gian Quilico Casa Bianca: see p. 185. 3. chosen . . . every year JB’s critical reader asked (MS, p. 152): ‘Is there any redundancy in saying chosen annually & new election every year?’ The marginal query was ignored.

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an account of corsica to him are addressed all the orders of the supreme council. The Padri del Commune superintend the œconomy and police of the village, call the people together, and consult with them on every thing that concerns their interest. In some villages, the inhabitants join with the Podestà and Padri del Commune, twelve honest men, in whom they can confide, and to whom they delegate their power of settling the affairs of the publick. These are called counsellors, and sit as assessors with the three magistrates of the village. The names of these Magistrates, as soon as elected, must be transmitted to the magistrates of the province, who have it in their power to oppose the choice, and order a new election; but this never happens when the people have been unanimous. Sometimes they choose two Podestàs and one Padre del Commune, and sometimes more and sometimes fewer counsellors. These irregularities are permitted, to humour the caprices of different villages in an infant state, and are of no consequence; for the same degree of power remains to each office, whether it be held by a lesser or a greater number; as in the states of Holland, those who send two or three representatives, have but an equal voice with those who send only one. In some of the more considerable towns, the Podestà is not subject to the provincial magistrates, but is considered as having equal authority with them. Once a year, all the inhabitants of each village assemble themselves and choose a Procuratour, to represent them in the general consulta or parliament of the nation, which is held annually in the month of May, at the city of Corte. This procuratour is elected by the majority of the voices. He must have a mandate, attested by a notary publick, which, on his arrival at Corte, he presents to the great chancellor of the kingdom, by whom it is registered. Each procuratour has, from his community, a livre a day, to bear his charges from the time of his setting out till his return home. This allowance is too small, and must soon be increased. Sometimes the procuratours of all the villages, contained in the same pieve, choose from among themselves one who goes as representative of the pieve, which saves some expence to the villages. But this is an abuse, and when matters of any consequence are deliberating, it renders the number of those who are to consult too small. A little expence should be despised, in comparison of having a voice in making the laws, and settling the most serious affairs of the country; and the greater the number of voices, the more does the assembly approach to the idea of a Roman comitia. The general consulta is, indeed, a great and numerous assembly; for, besides the ordinary procuratours, it is usual to call in several of those who have formerly been members of the supreme council, and several of those who have lost their fathers or near relations in the service of their country, that the blood of heroes may be distinguished by publick honours.

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chapter iii The magistrates of each province also send a procuratour to the general consulta; and when all the procuratours are assembled at Corte, in presence of the General and the supreme council of state, it is recommended to the procuratours of each province, to choose two of their number, who, together with the procuratour of their magistrates, may proceed to the election of the president and oratour of the general consulta. The procuratours of each province accordingly choose two of their number by votes viva voce, if they are unanimous; and if not unanimous, by ballot. These two, with the procuratour of the magistrates of each province, come before the supreme council, to whom every one of them gives in a sealed note, containing the name of the person who, he thinks, should be president: these notes are considered by the supreme council, and the three who have most notes inscribed with their names, are put to a ballot; and he who carries two thirds of the votes in his favour, is made president. In the schedule or note, a procuratour may insert the name of his relation, or of one who has been strongly recommended to him; but by ballot, he can freely give his vote for the person whom he thinks most deserving; so that it often happens, that the person among the three, who had the fewest notes for him, will be made president by a great majority. This appears to me another abuse;4 for a procuratour, by inserting in the schedule the name of one of whom he does not approve, runs a risk of having the man whom he thinks most deserving, thrown out altogether. Besides, he ought not to be moved by considerations of connection or of recommendation. The members of the supreme council have also their votes in this ballot for the president. The oratour is chosen exactly in the same manner. The president governs during the sitting of the general consulta. The oratour reads the different papers subjected to deliberation. Propositions from the government are addressed to the president. Those from the people are addressed to the oratour. If a proposition from the government is approved of by a majority of voices, it is immediately passed into a law. But a proposition from the people, though approved of, may be suspended by the government, without assigning their reasons; which, however, they are strictly obliged to do at the next general consulta. This suspending power was greatly agitated in the Corsican parliament; and the people opposed it so much, that it was thought it would not take place. But Paoli, ever ready to enlighten his countrymen, shewed them, that in

4. appears . . . abuse Though printed, these words are struck out in MS (p. 157); JB’s critical reader noted in the margin: ‘shews how improper it is to use any deceit or finesse in these important Proceedings.’

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an account of corsica the present state of affairs, the government may have many designs, not mature enough for being communicated to the publick, but of essential advantage to the nation; so that it is highly proper they should have the privilege of delaying for a while, any proposition which might interfere with these designs. Besides, the supreme council, as the grand procuratours of the nation, and possessed of their greatest confidence, ought to be specially heard; and if they think a proposition important and critical, may well be allowed to put it off, till it shall be fully considered by all the subjects of the state. And this can be attended with no bad consequences; since the people may, at an after period, pass their proposition into a law. The procuratours of each province next assemble themselves, in presence of the president of the general consulta, or a president deputed by him; and each province appoints its representative in the supreme council, for the ensuing year; and one of these is elected into the office of Great Chancellor. The supreme council, for the time being, may remonstrate against this election; and the election of each province must be confirmed by a majority of the other provinces; because these counsellors, with the General of the kingdom, are to form the executive power of the whole nation; the general consulta or legislative power devolving upon them that high commission. The General holds his office for life. He is perpetual president of the supreme council of nine. He votes in all questions; and in case of an equality, he has a casting vote. He is absolute commander of the troops or militia of the island. His office much resembles that of the Stadtholder of Holland. The procuratours of each province also choose the provincial magistrates for the ensuing year. This magistracy is regularly composed of a president, two consultors, an auditour and a chancellor: but the number is varied in different provinces, in the same manner as the magistracy in different villages. The auditour and chancellor have small salaries; and the magistracy have their table kept at the publick expence, with a guard of soldiers in pay. The provincial magistrates can try criminals, and pronounce sentence against them; but a sentence for capital punishment cannot be put in execution, till it is approved by the supreme council. In civil causes, they can determine finally to the extent of fifty livres; in causes exceeding that sum, parties may appeal to the Rota Civile, which is a tribunal consisting of three doctours of laws, chosen by the supreme council, and continued at their pleasure. This tribunal judges according to the civil and canon laws, and according to the particular laws of Corsica. These last were partly formed in old times, and afterwards augmented and improved by the Genoese, who published them under the title of, ‘Statuti Civili et Criminali del Isola di Corsica.’ They are become very scarce. I have a copy of them, a thin folio, printed at Bastia, in 1694. It is a very good little code, and does credit to Genoa. ‘Felix si sic omnia. Happy would it have been had she shewn the same equity in all respects.’ There are also a few 98

chapter iii modern laws. Although the judgment, both of the magistrates of the villages, and of the provincial magistrates, be final to the extent of the values I have mentioned, yet if any person is manifestly aggrieved, he may obtain redress by applying to the supreme council, or to the court of syndicato, another excellent institution, which is conducted in the following manner. In the general consulta, besides the elections of which I have given an account, the procuratours also choose some persons of high credit and respect, as syndicatori. These make a tour through the different provinces, as our judges in Britain go the circuits. They hear complaints against the different magistrates; and if any of them have transgressed their duty, they are properly censured.5 These syndicators are exceedingly beneficial.6 The General himself is for the most part one of them. They save poor people the trouble and expence of going to Corte to lay their grievances before the supreme council. They examine into every thing concerning the provinces, reconcile the people to the wholesome severity of law, encourage industry and every good undertaking, and diffuse a spirit of order and civilization in all corners of the island. Such is the government of Corsica; which exhibits a compleat and well ordered democracy. From the Podestà and Padri del Commune, up to the supreme council, there is a gradual progression of power, flowing from the people, which they can resume, and dispose of at their pleasure, at the end of every year; so that no magistrate or servant of the publick, of whatever degree, will venture, for so short a time, to encroach upon his constituents; knowing that he must soon give an account of his administration; and if he should augment the authority of his office, he is only wreathing a yoke for his own neck,7 as he is immediately to return to the situation of an ordinary subject. Nay, if a magistrate is not totally lost to every manly feeling, he will not even allow himself to rest in supine negligence; but will exert his powers for the good of the country, that he may recommend himself to his fellow citizens, and be honoured with farther marks of their confidence. In the general consulta held in the year 1764, several wise regulations were made with regard to the government, of which I shall give the substance. No propositions made to the general consulta, shall acquire the force of laws, if they be not approved by two thirds of the voices. Propositions approved by one half of the voices, may be proposed in the same session, a second or third time: those which are not approved by one half

5. censured To this point in the paragraph JB closely follows Goury 131. 6. properly . . . beneficial ‘Properly censured’ in another hand in the margin of JB’s MS (p. 161) was preferred to his original, ‘taken proper notice of.’ But ‘exceedingly beneficial’ was retained rather than the marginal suggestion, ‘of great use.’ 7. wreathing . . . neck Cf. Lamentations i. 14: ‘The yoke of my transgressions . . . they are wreathed and come up upon my neck.’

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an account of corsica of the voices, cannot be proposed again, in the same session; but may be brought in, with consent of the government, in some future session. The supreme council of state shall consist of nine counsellors, six of this side, and three of the other side of the mountains, one for each province. Three of them shall reside at Corte, during the first four months; three during the second, and three during the third: that is to say, during each space, there shall be two of this side, and one of the other side of the mountains; and the three in residence shall have the authority of all the nine. But it shall be lawful for the General, to call the whole nine to the residence, whenever he shall think it necessary on account of any important affair. None of the three residing counsellors of state shall be absent from the residence, for any cause whatever, without having first obtained leave in writing, from the General; and this leave shall not be granted for a longer time than eight days, and but upon the weightiest motives. In case of the General’s absence from the residence, at the same time that one of the three counsellors is also absent, all judicial proceedings shall be suspended. No man shall be elected a counsellor of state, who is not above thirty five years of age, and who has not held with approbation, the office of president in a provincial magistracy, or the office of Podestà in some principal town. Notwithstanding which, however, any person of singular merit, who has sustained with approbation, other respectable charges, in the service of his country, though he hath not borne the offices above mentioned, may be elected a counsellor, provided he be of the age prescribed by law. No man shall be appointed to the office of president of a provincial magistracy, who is under thirty years of age, and who has not twice held the office of consultor in the said magistracy, or some other respectable employment in the service of his country; and who has not the proper knowledge necessary for that office. The office of Podestà, in the towns not subject to the provincial magistracy, shall be conferred by the same regulations. The charge of General of the kingdom, being vacated by death, by resignation, or by any other means, the whole of the supreme authority shall then remain in the actual counsellors of state, the eldest of whom shall preside at the council, by which in the space of a month after the vacancy, intimation must be made for a Consulta to be held, for electing a new general. The counsellors of state, the presidents of magistracies, and other officers and judges, shall remain in their respective charges, and have the full exercise of their authority, till they are relieved by their lawful successours. The counsellors of state, the presidents of provincial magistracies; and the Podestàs of the larger towns shall not be re-elected to the same charge, without having been two years out of office, and without producing credentials 100

chapter iii from the supreme syndicators, attesting their good and laudable conduct in the employment which they have exercised. Paoli has succeeded wonderfully in settling the claims of the feudal signors. These signors made several applications to the government, praying for the restitution of their ancient rights. This was a very delicate question. To allow to these signors the ample privileges which they enjoyed of old, would have been to establish independent principalities in Corsica, and must have tended to subvert the enlarged and free constitution, which Paoli had formed, for the permanent felicity of the state. The signors had not been foremost in the glorious war. They had much to lose; and hesitated at taking arms against the republick of Genoa, lest they should forfeit their domains. The peasants, on the contrary, had plunged at once into danger. These had nothing to lose but their lives; and a life of slavery is not to be prized. If they should be successful, they were fired with the hopes of a double deliverance, from the distant tyranny of the republick, and from the more intimate oppression of their feudal lords. This was become so grievous, that a very sensible Corsican owned to me, that supposing the republick had abandoned its pretensions over Corsica, so that the peasants should not have been obliged to rise against the Genoese, they would have risen against the signors. The peasants therefore, would not now consent, to return under the arbitrary power, from which they had freed themselves, in consequence of their bravery. To propose such a measure to them, would have been enough to excite a revolt, to break the nation anew into parties, and give their enemies an opportunity, of again fomenting discord, and hatred, and assassinations; till the Corsicans should themselves do, what all the stratagem and force of Genoa had attempted in vain. On the other hand, the signors were not to be offended, so as to make them become malecontents, and disturb the operations of the government. The motto of the sagacious Hollanders, ‘Frangimur si collidimur,8 We shall go to pieces if we dash against each other,’ should be impressed on the minds of the different orders of men, in every nation; but is doubly important in an infant state. Paoli indulged the signors so far, that they themselves should not be personally amenable before the magistrates of the provinces in which their respective jurisdictions lie. That they should have the power of determining

8. Frangimur si collidimur The motto (supported by the ‘emblem of two pitchers’) prefaces the poetic text of Tuba Pacifica (1664) by George Wither (1588–1667), as a warning to both the Dutch and the British of the consequences of war. Curiously enough, the motto also appeared in the London Chronicle, 7 February 1766, in an item on the same page (128) as one of JB’s anonymous reports about himself and his Corsican visit.

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an account of corsica causes between the peasants upon their fiefs, without being responsible for their sentences, to the provincial magistrates; but that they should be subject to the review of the supreme council, and of the court of syndicato. In this manner, the signors have the flattering distinction of a certain degree of authority, while, in reality, they are discharging the united duties of fathers of the community, Podestàs, and provincial magistrates. And as they are, like them, subject to the cognizance of higher judicatories, they cannot abuse their powers; but while they enjoy a pre-eminence over the other nobles, they just afford the state, at no expence, an additional number of judges to promote civilization among a rude and unpolished people. Thus have the hereditary feudal jurisdictions been moderated in Corsica, by a fortunate concurrence of accident and wisdom; partly by the tumults of a spirited war, partly by the prudent dispositions of an able legislatour. And a system transplanted from the north, by robust Barbarians, into most countries of Europe, where having taken deep root, and spread wide its branches, the utmost violence has been required to extirpate it, has, by a storm salutary to the island, and by skilful management, been brought under command, and even rendered useful in Corsica. When the government shall have arrived at greater maturity, and time shall have abated the ardour of rule, the signors will be disposed to resign a distinction attended with more trouble than advantage.9 In this manner is the Corsican government carried on, and, no doubt, they will be able to render it still more perfect; though as it now is, I look upon it as the best model that hath ever existed in the democratical form. Sparta, indeed, was a nervous constitution; but with reverence to the memory of immortal Lycurgus,10 Sparta was deficient in gentleness and humanity. That total inversion of the human affections, that extinction of every finer feeling, was a situation so forced, and so void of pleasure, that it is not to be envied. We must indeed admire the astonishing influence of their legislatour. But we may be allowed to think that all he obtained by it, was only the preservation of a state; and preservation is nothing, without happiness. Sir James Steuart is of opinion, that, ‘had the Lacedemonians adhered to the principles of their government, and spirit of their constitution, they might have

9. Paoli [101:3] . . . advantage These pages were inserted later according to a marginal instruction (MS, p. 166): ‘Here the Feudal Signors.’ There is a corresponding brief reference among JB’s ‘Materials’ for his Journal: ‘The feudal Signors may be mentioned at the place where S[ign]or Casa Biancha [the ‘very sensible Corsican’, p. 101] explains Government & add his frank confession that if the Corsicans had not attacked Genoese would have attack’d Signors.’ 10. nervous . . . Lycurgus i.e., strong, robust . . . The lawgiver of Sparta, Lycurgus ( fl. 7th cent. bc?) remodelled the constitution and got a promise from the people not to alter his laws until he returned; he went into voluntary exile and, to ensure the promise was kept, never returned.

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chapter iii perhaps subsisted to this very day.’a I believe it might have been so. But, could Lycurgus have changed his Spartans into men of stone, they would have lasted still longer. In the constitution of Corsica, while proper measures are taken for the continuation of the state, individuals have the full enjoyment of all the comforts of life. They are men, as well as citizens; and when once they shall have entirely freed themselves from the Genoese, I cannot imagine a country more happy. Animated with this prospect, Paoli sways the hearts of his countrymen. Their love for him is such, that although the power of the General is properly limited, the power of Paoli knows no bounds. It is high Treason so much as to speak against, or calumniate him; a species of despotism, founded, contrary to the principles of Montesquieu, on the affection of love.11 I shall finish my account of the government of this island, with a very remarkable anecdote. A Corsican who had been formerly in the service of the French king, and had obtained the cross of St. Louis, upon his return to his native country, had entered into some practices which were contrary to the liberty of it. He was also suspected to have a design against the General’s life. Upon this he was sent to prison, from whence, however, after some time, he was, at the intercession of the French general then in the island, set at liberty. Not long after, he was a second time caught in other secret and treasonable practices, and was again sent to prison. His life was again asked, together with his freedom, by the French commander; who being refused this request, desired to know of Paoli what he intended to do with the prisoner? ‘Sir,’ said Paoli, ‘I will tell you. When I shall have perfected the liberty of my country, and shall have fixed it upon that establishment which I think most likely to maintain it; I will then call together the states of the island, and will produce the man. I will shew him that liberty, that form of government, that happiness which he wanted to destroy. After which, I will banish him from the island, for ever.’ Such is the manner of thinking of this illustrious chief. The religion of Corsica is the Roman Catholick faith, in which these islanders are very zealous. Perhaps they have a degree of superstition;12 which is the best extreme. No nation can prosper without piety; for when that fails, a

Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy, book II. chap. 14.*

11. species . . . love Cf. Burnaby 26: ‘Lo! a species of despotism, founded contrary to the principles of Montesquieu, upon love and affection.’ (In De l’Esprit des Lois, III. x, Montesquieu declared that despotism was based on fear: ‘Comme il faut de la vertu dans une république, et dans une monarchie, de l’honneur, il faut de la CRAINTE dans un gouvernement despotique.’) 12. superstition See Jaussin i. 91; JB tones down Jaussin’s remarks. * Sir James Steuart, An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy: being an Essay on the Science of Domestic Policy in Free Nations (1767), i. 250.

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an account of corsica publick spirit and every noble sentiment will decay. The doctrine of looking up to an all-ruling Providence, and that of a future state of rewards and punishments, rendered the Roman people virtuous and great. In proportion as these doctrines were weakened, by the false philosophy of Epicurus, the minds of the Romans were impoverished, and their manly patriotism was succeeded by effeminate selfishness, which quickly brought them to contempt and ruin.13 Although firmly attached to their religion, as the revelation sent from god, the Corsicans preserve in ecclesiastical matters, the same spirit of boldness and freedom, for which they are distinguished in civil affairs. They are sworn enemies to the temporal power of the church. Indeed the late violent differences between the national government and the bishops, has pretty well diminished their prejudices with respect to the persons of the clergy. The Corsican bishops, who are five in number, and suffragans of the archbishop of Pisa, were warmly attached to Genoa; for on Genoa they depended for promotion. They thought fit to preach up the most slavish doctrines of submission, and stigmatized the patriots as rebels. The government desired that they might reside in the territories of the nation, and promised them a guard, to protect them from any insult. But the bishops knew well, that in the territories of the nation, they could not preach the doctrines of tyranny, and therefore refused to reside there. Upon which, the government prohibited the patriots from having any intercourse with the bishops; with which they most readily complied. The Pope,14 sorry to see the Corsicans like sheep without a shepherd, resolved to send them an apostolick Visiter, to officiate in place of the bishops. The Genoese, considering this as in some measure taking part with the malecontents, gave in a long remonstrance to the Pope, setting forth, ‘That they were sensible of the rectitude of the intentions of his holiness, and were

13. The doctrine . . . ruin These sentences replaced the following deleted passage in MS (pp. 169–70): 14. Pope Clement XIII (1693–1769) was pope from 1758. JB had an audience with him on 13 May 1765 (Grand Tour 86–87).

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chapter iii ever ready to shew their unalterable devotion towards the holy see: but they begged leave to say, that no provision he should make against the spiritual evils of Corsica, could be effectual, without the concurrence of the republick.’ The Corsicans, happy to receive such countenance from the church, laughed at this laboured and artful remonstrance. ‘Ecco la statua di Nabucco, il capo d’oro e piedi di creta. Si comincia dal complimento, e si termina nella minaccia. Behold the statue of Nebuchadnezar! the head of gold, and the feet of clay. It begins with a compliment, and ends with a threatening.’ The court of Naples thought proper to interpose, in behalf of Genoa. Cardinal Orsini,15 the Neapolitan minister at the court of Rome, gave also in remonstrances; and some very plodding and heavy Genoese Canon, published a very long Discorso Theologico-Canonico-Politico, full of quotations from innumerable authorities, and no doubt assured himself, that his performance was unanswerable. But the Pope adhered to his resolution, and sent Monsignore Cesare Crescenzio de Angelis, bishop of Segni, as apostolick Visiter over all Corsica. The Corsicans accepted of his mission, with the greatest cordiality and joy. Signor Barbaggi,16 who is married to the niece of Paoli, welcomed him to the island, in a polite oration. He was not only to perform the functions of the bishops, but was to be general of all the Religious in Corsica, appointing under him a provincial vicar. He was a man of so much piety, good sense, and engaging conduct, that the people conceived an universal love and regard for him. The Genoese no longer continued their Ligurian deceit, but threw off the mask. They published a manifesto, prohibiting all their subjects in Corsica, under the heaviest penalties, to comply with the orders of the apostolick Visiter, and offering six thousand Roman crowns, to any person who should bring him prisoner to any of their fortresses. This audacious edict the Pope very gravely annulled, with great solemnity. Some ages ago, he would have performed a more dreadful ceremony. The government of Corsica again, publickly proclaimed their displeasure, at the scandalous temerity of the republick of Genoa, ‘who,’ said they, ‘have sent forth an edict, by which they have not only offended against the respect due to the holy see; but have presumed to meddle in the affairs of this kingdom, which no longer acknowledges them as sovereign. Therefore we declare the said edict, to be destructive of religion, and of the apostolick authority; offensive

15. Cardinal Orsini Domenico Orsini (1719–89), cardinal in 1742, went to Rome as ambassador in 1759. 16. Barbaggi Giuseppe Barbaggi (see p. 169). His ‘polite oration’ on 29 April 1760 was published in Raccolta di Quanto e Stato sin qui pubblicato nelle presenti vertenze fra la corte di Roma et la reppublica di Genova intorno all spedizione di un visitatore apostolico nel regno di Corsica (Campoloro, 1760). (See Viviès 161 n. 12.)

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an account of corsica to the majesty of the vicar of Christ; seditious, and contrary to the security and tranquillity of our state, and tending to corrupt our laws and good customs. And we have condemned it to be publickly torn, and burnt, by the hands of the common hangman: and this to prevent such unworthy memorials from Genoa, in time coming.’ This sentence was put in execution, by beat of drum, below the gallows, in the city of Corte, upon the spot where stood the house of the wretch who assassinated Gaffori. It was a most political step in the Corsicans. They recommended themselves to the Pope; they appeared firm, and authoritative; and they put contempt upon their enemies. Having thus got rid of their tyrannical bishops, the Corsicans very wisely began to consider, that, as these dignified churchmen refused to reside and perform the duties of their offices, there was no occasion for sending them considerable sums, to enable them to live in idleness and luxury, when the money might be much better employed. They therefore thought it highly reasonable, that the bishops tithes should go to the publick chamber of the state; and accordingly it was so decreed. A prodigious outcry was raised against this. But the Corsicans defended their conduct with great force and spirit. ‘Hanno usurpate le decime, ed occupati i beni dei vescovi. They have usurped the tithes, and seized upon the goods of the bishops,’ said the Genoese. Replied the Corsicans, ‘Usurpate è mal detto. Noi confesseremo la verità senza corda; perchè qui ambulat simpliciter ambulat confidenter. Il governo ha preso una porzione delle decime, e dei beni de’ vescovi; ed ecco perchè. Primo, perchè ne ha avuta necessita; e questo è un diritto superiore ad ogni altro. Nello stato in cui siamo, per noi non vi è mezzo. O libertà, o schiavitù la più orribile. Per non cadere nella schiavitù, è necessaria la guerra: per sostenere la guerra, è necessaria la truppa; ma per pagarla, non bastando le tasse dei secolari, fu stabilito in una consulta, di prendre un sussidio dagli ecclesiastici; sull’ esempio di S. Pietro, e di tutti i principi. Ma i principi, si dice, non alimentano una truppa ribelle. Una truppa che difende la libertà, la vita, l’onore, e la patria, dalla più iniqua di tutti le oppressioni, è più sacra, venerabile, e pia, di quella di una Crociata. Secondo, perchè appunto per discacciare i Genovesi da questo regno, Benedetto XI. concesse a Giacomo rè di Arragona, per tre anni, le decime. Ora, se il caso è lo stesso, il bisogno maggiore, più pressanti le circonstanze, perchè non sarà lecito adesso quel che fu conceduto allora? Terzo, perchè niuno è più obligato dei nostri vescovi, di contribuire alle spese di questa guerra, da cui, essi soli finora hanno ricavato profitto; ottenendo una sacra mitra, che non avrebber ottenuta, in mille anni di pace. Come? I secolari hanno versato un fiume di sangue, per procurar loro un si bel capitale, ed essi si faranno sentire per participarne qualche frutto; 106

chapter iii tanto più dovendo impiegarsi, per conservare alla nazione lo stesso vantaggio, e procurargliene dei maggiori? Quarto, perchè i nostri vescovi, in vece di farla da pastori e da padri, si portan da nemeci. Han disertato dalle loro diocesi; si son ritirati presso à nemici; hanno loro imprestate gran somme, perchè ci facciano guerra; cela fanno eglino stessi orribilmente, colle armi spirituali, e si sono ostinati a non volersi restituire al suo gregge. Il nostro governo, per obligarli al ritorno, si è servito del ripiego, di cui si valse Assalonne, per ridurre al doverre Gioab. Or se essi sono di Gioab più caparbii, chi li compatirà? chi del nostro governo riprenderà la condottà? Si aggiunga, che i frutti di chi non risiede, di chi non serve l’Altare, e molto più di chi lo tradisce, son devoluti a’ poveri. Ora, chi più povera della nostra truppa, della nostra finanza? ‘Usurped is ill said. We will confess the truth, without disguise; since he who walketh simply, walketh surely. The government hath taken a portion of the tithes, and of the goods of the bishops. And the reasons for it, are these, first, because we are under a necessity to do so, which is a right superiour to every other. In the situation in which we are, there is no medium; or liberty, or the most horrible slavery. Not to fall into slavery, it is necessary for us to make war. To sustain the war it is necessary for us to have troops. And when we found, that the taxes of the seculars were not sufficient to pay the troops, it was decreed in a Consulta, that we should take a subsidy from the ecclesiasticks, after the example of St. Peter, and of all princes. But, say the Genoefe, “Princes do not support a rebel army.” An army which defends their liberty, their life, their honour and their country, from the most unjust of all oppressions, is more sacred, more venerable, more pious than that of a croisade. Secondly, because Benedict the XI. granted the tithes, for three years, to James king of Arragon, on purpose that he might drive the Genoese from this kingdom. And if the case is the same, the necessity still greater, and the circumstances more pressing, shall not what was lawful then, be granted now? Thirdly, because nobody is under a greater obligation to contribute to the expence of this war, than our bishops; as they alone have hitherto derived any profit from it; having obtained the sacred mitre, which they would not have obtained in a thousand years of peace. How? The seculars have shed a river of blood, to procure them so noble a capital, of which they have enjoyed the fruits, and are they not in duty bound, to do every thing to preserve to the patriots, what advantage they have gained, and to aid them in getting more? Fourthly, because our bishops, instead of being grateful, instead of acting like pastours and fathers, have behaved themselves as enemies. They have deserted their dioceses, and retired into the territory of our foes. They have lent large sums of money, to carry on the war: nay they have themselves shewn a dreadful hostility by their spiritual arms, and have obstinately refused to return to their flocks. To oblige them to return, our government hath tried the 107

an account of corsica same remedy which Absalom employed, to bring Joab back to his duty.17 If they are more froward than Joab, who will feel for them? who will find fault with the conduct of our government? To conclude, the tithes of those who do not reside, who do not serve at the altar, and much more of those who betray it, fall to the poor. Now what can be poorer than our troops, than our finances?’18 The tithes in Corsica are, in general, about a twentieth part of every production. The government has at present a pretty good share of them; as it not only takes the revenues of the bishops, but also those of nominal benefices, where there is no care of souls, and all the pensions which the Pope used to grant to foreign ecclesiasticks, out of the rich livings. When the affairs of the island shall be settled, no doubt the government will restore the bishops rents. But application will be made to the Pope, to have the number of bishops increased, in order that the episcopal functions may be better administred, and that the spirit of equality may be more preserved; for the bishops, when in possession of their large revenues, would be like princes in the island. Several of the inhabitants of Corsica, have made a composition with the church, for their tithes; and the descendants of the Caporali, who were of such service to Hugo Colonna, in expelling the Saracens, are, by special privilege, exempted from paying any tithes. This privilege is supposed to have been granted to them, very anciently by the Pope, in whose cause it was, that they shewed their zeal. The clergy of Corsica, in general, are not as yet very learned; as the barbarous policy of Genoa to keep the island in ignorance, and the many years of confusion and war, have prevented the cultivation of letters.19 There are, however, here and there, some priests, who have had an education upon the continent, and are very well instructed, and they are all very pious, and of irreproachable morals.20 There are in Corsica, 65 convents of Mendicant Friars; viz. 34 of Observants, and 14 of Reformed, of the order of St. Francis, and 17 of Capuchins. Every one of these convents, has only a wood for retired walks, a garden and a small vineyard. They depend altogether on the charity of the people. There are two colleges of Jesuits, two convents of Dominicans, five of Servites, and one of Missionaries; all of whom have very good possessions. There are also some lands belonging to other religious orders, particularly to the Carthusians

17. Absalom . . . duty See II Samuel, xiv. 29–33. 18. our finances?’ JB wrote a marginal comment opposite the end of his lengthy quotation (MS, p. 181): ‘All these ecclesiastical commotions have happened since the year 1767 I have the various papers concerning them and a most curious collection they make as may be judged from the specimens of them which I have now given.’ 19. letters i.e., learning, scholarship. 20. irreproachable morals Jaussin (i. 314) gives a much sterner view.

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chapter iii of Pisa, the severe sanctity of whom, must secure them the veneration of every body, and preserve their rights inviolated even in times of the greatest distraction.21 It would be expected, that in this island, the monasteries for women should bear some proportion to the convents for men; yet, in fact, there is not a single nunnery in all Corsica. To account for this, it must be considered that the monastick institution has been frequently perverted to secular purposes; so that the nobility in catholick countries, who are desirous to aggrandize their families, make their daughters take the veil, solely that their portions may be saved for the eldest son. The Genoese, who wanted to keep the Corsicans in continual subjection, devised every method to prevent any of the nobles in the island from becoming considerable. They therefore prohibited monasteries, in order to cut them off from one method of growing richer. Friars they rather encouraged, in order to lessen population, and to leave upon families, a number of unmarried women, than which nothing can be a greater burden, as is sadly experienced in protestant countries.22 Convents should be laid under such restrictions, that what is intended as a solemn religious institution, may not become so common as to lose its effect, and be reckoned a profession for the dull or the indolent. Under proper restrictions, it must be for the advantage of religion, to have a few venerable sanctuaries, for the reception of those, who having done their duty to society, are so much raised above the world, that they would choose entirely to devote the evening of life, to pious contemplation and prayer; not to

21. distraction i.e., disorder or conflict. 22. protestant countries In his MS (pp. 184–85) following this paragraph, JB wrote: ‘It were to be wished that in every country there were a certain number of Religious Houses if it were for nothing else than to afford a decent retreat to such Ladies as either from want of personal attractions or other good qualities, or perhaps from too much delicacy of taste & sensibility of heart have not the good fortune to be married. So these Religious Houses would prove an agreable asylum. Society would be free of many useless & discontented members whose credit might also be saved in appearing to have done that from choice which was really done from necessity. They should not however be allowed to retire too young for those or they* cannot be said to have renounced the world who have never seen it; a proper time should be allowed for them to determine whether they are to take a part in Society.’ [*JB entered a marginal query as to ‘which?’ of the two underlined words was the more appropriate.] In the margin, alongside the early part of this passage, he wrote: ‘N.B. My reflections as to convents to be much abridged.’ After the passage, JB deleted much further reflection so vigorously as to render it illegible; he then added marginally (p. 185): ‘With regard to men I would allow none to retire till well advanced in life unless persons in very particular circumstances for upon every man who is capable of acting there is a primary obligation to do something for the good of Society. When that is discharged He may attend solely to his own concerns, Under such a restriction Convents would not be numerous nor would being a monk be reckoned a Profession as is often the case.’ The published paragraph beginning ‘Convents should be laid . . .’ occurs in the margin of MS, p. 186; i.e., it comes after the paragraph beginning ‘Under proper restrictions’ (MS, p. 185), which follows it in the published text.

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an account of corsica mention those, whose passions have hurried them into offences, for which they sincerely resolve, by a course of abstraction,23 of penitence and of voluntary austerities,b to make expiation to the eternal justice of the DIVINITY. From Paoli’s care and attention to the good of his country, it is probable the number of convents in Corsica will be reduced. The present fathers indeed, are well entitled to a peaceable possession, during their lives; but regulations may be made to prevent many noviciates, especially of very young persons.24 The Corsican clergy, and particularly the monks, have been warmly interested for the patriots. Padre Leonardo,25 a Franciscan, and one of the professours of the university of Corte, hath published a little tract, a ‘Discorso Sacro-Civile,’ teaching that those who fall in battle for their country, are to be considered as martyrs. This discourse hath had great effect. We know what force of mind that doctrine hath given to the Turks and to the Russians. Indeed, that patrotism is a virtue which merits heaven, was held by Cicero: ‘Omnibus qui patriam conservaverint, adjuverint, auxerint, certus est in coelo et definitus locus, ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur.c For those who have preserved, assisted and aggrandized their country, there is a certain and fixed place in heaven, where they are blest with the enjoyment of eternal life.’ The warlike force of Corsica principally consists in a bold and resolute militia: every Corsican has a musket put into his hand, as soon as he is able to carry it; and as there is a constant emulation in shooting, they become excellent marksmen, and will hit with a single bullet a very small mark at a great distance. There is in every village a Capitano d’arme; and in every pieve, a Commissario d’arme, who has the command over all the Capitani d’arme of his district. These officers are chosen by the General, with the approbation of the people. They are ever ready to receive his orders, and to call out such a number of men, as he shall at any time require for the publick service. There are in Corsica, but 500 soldiers who have pay;26 300 for a guard to the General, and 200 to furnish guards for the magistrates of the several provinces, and to garrison a few small forts at particular places in the island. b c

See that majestick teacher of moral and religious wisdom, the Rambler, number 110.* Cic. Somn. Scip.**

23. abstraction i.e., seclusion from worldly affairs. 24. The present . . . persons Cf. Burnaby 24. 25. Padre Leonardo Leonardo Grimaldi da Campoloro (fl. 1764–90), Professor of Philosophy and Mathematics in the University of Corte. 26. in Corsica . . . pay Cf. Burnaby 25. * Johnson’s essay is entitled: ‘Repentance . . . Retirement and abstinence useful to repentance’. ** Cicero, ‘Somnium Scipionis,’ in De Re Publica, VI. xiii. 13 (‘ . . . certum esse in caelo definitum locum . . .’).

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an account of corsica A militia is indeed the true strength of a free nation. Rome had no soldiers in pay till the 347 year after the building of the city; and then they were introduced by the patricians, to ingratiate themselves with the people, at a time when the senate was embarrassed with the great influence of the Tribunes.d Paoli devised a singular and excellent method of promoting bravery among his countrymen. He wrote a circular letter to the priests of every parish in the island, desiring a list to be made out of all those who have fallen in battle for their country. The letter was in these terms. PASQUALE de’ PAOLI Generale del Regno di Corsica. molto reverendo signor rettore, ‘PER rendere al publico nota, la virtù e la pietà di coloro, che hanno sparso il sangue per difendere i diritte e la libertà della patria, e per contradistinguere il loro merito, e farne provare la benigna influenza alle loro famiglie, abbiamo stabilito farne un esatto e compito catalogo, da darsi alle stampe, quale siccome potrà giovare ancora alla storia della nazione. Ella come rettore dovendo più d’ogni altro essere al fatto delle cose della sua parrocchia, si prenderà volentieri l’incommodo di coadiuvarci in questo disegno, e sarà cotenta informandosi dai più vecchi assennati del paese, segnarci i nomi e la famiglia di coloro che vi sono morti, o restati feriti in servizio della patria, dal 1729 a questa parte, notando colla maggior precisione il luogo, il mese e’l anno &c.’ PASCAL PAOLI General of the Kingdom of Corsica. very reverend rectour, ‘TO make known to the publick, the bravery and piety of those, who have shed their blood in defending their rights and the liberty of our country, and to distinguish their merit, and make their families prove its benign influence, we have resolved to make an exact and compleat catalogue of those heroes, and have it printed, so that it may also be of use towards composing a history of our nation. You, Sir, as Rectour, being better acquainted than any body else, with the affairs of d

Liv. lib. iv. cap. 59.*

*

Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, IV. lix. 11.

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chapter iii your own parish, it is expected that you will willingly take the trouble to assist us in this design; and for that purpose you will inform yourself of the oldest and most judicious in the village, and get them to tell you the names and families of such as have been killed or wounded in the service of their country, from 1729 to the present time; and you will mark with the greatest precision, the place, the month and the year, &c.’ The priests have been very regular in making returns in consequence of this letter. No institution was ever better contrived. It might be adopted by every nation, as it would give double courage to soldiers, who would have their fame preserved, and at the same time leave to their relations the valuable legacy of a claim to the kindness of the state. I have often wondered how the love of fame carries the common soldiers of our armies, into the midst of the greatest dangers; when all that they do is hardly known even to their relations, and never heard of in any publick manner. The Corsicans are not yet much trained, as they have been acting chiefly upon the defensive, and carrying on a sort of irregular war.27 But now that they are advancing fast to a total victory over their enemies, a certain degree of discipline becomes necessary. A Corsican is armed with a gun, a pistol and a stiletto.28 He wears a short coat, of a very coarse dark cloth, made in the island, with waistcoat and breeches of the same, or of French or Italian cloth, especially scarlet. He has a cartridge-box or pouch for his ammunition, fixed round his middle, by a belt. Into this pouch his stiletto is stuck; and on the left side of his belt he hangs his pistol. His gun is slung across his shoulder. He wears black leather spatterdashes,29 and a sort of bonnet of black cloth, lined with red freeze, and ornamented on the front, with a piece of some finer stuff neatly sewed about. This bonnet is peculiar to the Corsicans, and is a very ancient piece of dress: it is doubled up on every side, and when let down, is precisely the figure of a helmet, like those we see on Trajan’s pillar.30 The Corsican dress is very convenient for traversing the woods and mountains; and gives a man an active and warlike appearance.

27. irregular war JB’s MS (p. 188) reads: ‘irregular war like that of the Indians in America <sculking in woods & behind rocks.>’ 28. A Corsican . . . stiletto Cf. Burnaby 23. 29. spatterdashes Long gaiters or leggings. 30. Trajan’s pillar The great monument in Rome, 38m high, erected by the emperor Trajan (53–117) to commemorate his two campaigns in Dacia and give a continuous narrative of them in low-relief sculpture.

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an account of corsica The soldiers have no uniform; nor have the Corsicans any drums, trumpets, fifes, or any instrument of warlike musick, except a large Triton shell pierced in the end, with which they make a sound loud enough to be heard at a great distance. The shell would more properly be used at sea. Virgil represents Triton, coerula concha Exterrens freta. Æneid. lib. x. l. 209 Frowning he seems his crooked shell to sound, And at the blast the billows dance around. Dryden.31 Colonel Montgomery32 has told me, that the shell is used in America, particularly in Carolina. Its sound is not shrill, but rather flat like that of a large horn. It has however some resemblance to that of the Roman Lituus. Sir John Cuninghame33 of Caprinton has shewn me a Lituus in his possession, of which mention is made in Blaeu’s Atlas.e It was dug up in an ancient field of battle at Coilsfield in Ayreshire, and served the old barons of Caprinton to call together their followers. As the Corsicans advance in improvement, they will certainly adopt the practice of having warlike instruments of musick, the effects of which have been very great in ancient times, as we are assured by Polybius,34 a judicious and grave historian, a careful observer of human nature, and a man not too much given to credulity. Even in modern armies we find considerable effects produced by them. The Corsicans make a good many guns and pistols, most of which are of excellent workmanship. They also make great quantities of powder; but they e

Blaeu’s Atlas, p. 71. Province de Aire.*

31. coerula . . . Dryden Virgil, Aeneid, x. 209–10 [‘whose shell frightens the dark-blue sea]; Dryden, Aeneid, x. 300–1. Triton, the son of Neptune, was represented as a fish with a human head; by blowing through his shell he made the roaring sound of the ocean. 32. Colonel Montgomery Hon. Archibald Montgomerie (1726–96), later (1769) eleventh Earl of Eglinton; M.P. for Ayrshire, 1761–68. A branch of the Montgomerie family were neighbours of the Boswells in Ayrshire; JB married Margaret Montgomerie in 1769. 33. Lituus . . . Cuninghame A curved wind-instrument used to give signals in war . . . Sir John Cuninghame Bt. (1696–1777), brother of Sir Alexander Dick. 34. Polybius Polybius (c. 204–122 bc), Histories, IV. xx. 1–12. * Johan Blaue, Le Grand Atlas (Amsterdam, 1663, facsimile 1963), VI, xii. 71: ‘On a trouvé . . . un Clarion fort harmonieux fait en forme d’une corne, duquel les Comarches Caprintons, dont la maison est la plus considerable du pays, qu’on appelle vulgairement Coilfield, se servent pour assembler leurs paysants, & leurs ouvriers.’

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chapter iii have as yet no foundery for cannon.35 These they have either taken from their enemies, or purchased from abroad, or fished from the wrecks of vessels lost in their seas. Neither do they yet make their own bullets; they bring them from the continent, or take them from the Genoese, at whose expence they have contrived to carry on the war. A Corsican told me that they did not use a great many bullets, because, said he, ‘Il Corso non tira, se non è sicuro del suo colpo. A Corsican does not fire, if he is not sure of his aim.’ They are certainly designed by nature to be strong at sea, having so many good harbours, and so much excellent timber: but they are not yet sufficiently skilled in the art of shipbuilding; nor have they money sufficient to defray the expence of employing proper artificers. They have however a number of small ships, and some of a tolerable size; and their naval affairs are conducted with great prudence and spirit, by Count Peres,36 who may be stiled High Admiral of Corsica. We have seen how rich Corsica naturally is in many productions; so that there is no question but this island might carry on a pretty extensive commerce, in oil, wine, honey, bees-wax, salt, chestnuts, silk, rosin, boxwood, oak, pine, porphyry, marble of various kinds, lead, iron, copper, silver and coral. At present, commerce is but beginning to flourish among them. They find in their seas considerable quantities of coral, of all the three kinds, red, white and black. The Jews of Leghorn, who have established there a coral manufactory, have a sort of exclusive privilege, from the Corsicans, to this trade; and in return are very serviceable to the nation, by advancing them money, and supplying them with cannon. The Corsicans may make plenty of admirable wines, for their grapes are excellent. They make in Capo Corso two very good white wines; one of them has a great resemblance to Malaga. A deal of it is annually exported to Germany, and sold as such; and some of it is bought up at Leghorn, and carried to England, where it passes equally well for the production of Spain. The other of these white wines is something like Frontignac.37 At Furiani they make a white wine very like Syracuse, not quite so luscious, and upon the whole, preferable to it. Furiani is famous in the Corsican

35. no foundery for cannon In August 1769, after returning to England, JB ordered 30 cannon of varying sizes, with ammunition, costing over £700, to be sent to Paoli (Earlier Years 390; Corr. Temple i. 242). 36. Peres Comte Jean-Baptiste de Pérez, Chevalier of Malta and French expatriate, in charge of Corsican naval affairs from 1760; in 1768 deserted Paoli for the French. 37. Capo Corso . . . Frontignac Cf. Burnaby 2: ‘two sorts of white wine made in this district [Cape Corse], remarkably good. One has so much the taste of Malaga, that considerable quantities of it are annually exported to Germany, and sold for such. The other is something like Frontignan.’

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an account of corsica annals, for a violent siege, where 500 Genoese were repulsed and defeated by 300 Corsicans.38 In some villages, they make a rich sweet wine much resembling Tokay.39 At Vescovato and at Campoloro, they make wine very like Burgundy; and over the whole island there are wines of different sorts. It is indeed wonderful, what a difference a little variation of soil or exposure, even in the same vineyard, will make in the taste of wine. The juice of the Corsican grapes is so generous, that although unskilfully manufactured, it will always please by its natural flavour. I think there might be a wine made in Corsica of a good sound moderate quality, something between Claret and Burgundy, which would be very proper for this country. But the Corsicans have been so harrassed for a number of years, that they have had no leisure to improve themselves in any art or manufacture. I am however assured, that the exportation of oil has amounted in one year to 2,500,000 French livres, and that of chestnuts to 100,000 crowns of the same money. We may expect to see the Corsicans distinguish themselves as a commercial nation. Trade has always flourished most in republican governments, as in Tyre, Sydon and Carthage, in ancient times; Venice, Genoa, Lucca and the United Provinces, in modern times. This is fully illustrated by the great John de Witt, pensioner of Holland,f whose reflections were the result of the soundest sense and a long experience. Nothing has cast a greater damp upon the improvements of Corsica, than the King of Great Britain’s proclamation after the late peace, forbidding his subjects to have any intercourse with that nation.40 What may have been the f

De Witt’s Interest of Holland, part III. chap. 3.*

38. At Furiani . . . Corsicans Cf. Burnaby 5: ‘Furiani, a place famous in the Corsican annals for the repulse and defeat of a large body of Genoese by a handful of Corsicans. The white wine of this place . . . has some resemblance to Syracuse, but is not quite so luscious; and upon the whole is, I think, preferable to it.’ (Furiani had been heavily fortified by Paoli; the failure of Genoese attacks on it in June–July 1763 effectively marked the end of the Genoese invasion.) 39. Tokay This sentence continued in the margin of MS p. 192, but was partly deleted and none of it printed: ‘ . . . Tokay 40. proclamation . . . nation The royal proclamation dated 29 December 1763 stated, with reference to ‘the rebellious faction in the kingdom of Corsica,’ that ‘his majesty’s subjects’ are commanded to ‘forbear to give or furnish aid, assistance, countenance, or succour, by any means whatsoever, to any inhabitants of the island of Corsica, in rebellion against the said most serene republic’ of Genoa (Annual Register for the Year 1763, p. 213). * John de Witt, The Interest and Political Maxims of the Republick of Holland and West-Friesland (1702), p. 420. The Grand Pensionary was First Minister and magistrate of the province of Holland and Zealand in the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands, and president of the provincial legislature. The office attained great distinction when held by Johan de Witt 1653–72.

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chapter iii reasons of state for such a proclamation, I cannot take upon me to say. It does not become me to look behind the veil, and pry into the secrets of government. This much I may venture to assert, that a good correspondence with Corsica would be of no small advantage to the commercial interest of this country, were it only on account of our fish trade and our woollen manufactures; not to mention the various other articles of traffick which would turn out to our mutual profit. I know that if it had not been for this proclamation, the Corsicans would, at the close of the last war, have had several of our stoutest privateers in their service, which would have effectually overawed the Genoese, and given the brave islanders an authority at sea, which could not have failed to make them very respectable. And surely it would be worthy of a people whom the felicity of freedom has rendered generous, to afford their countenance to a race of heroes, who have done so much to secure to themselves the same blessings, especially when our shewing this generosity would greatly coincide with the commercial interests of these kingdoms. It has been said, that it was the Duke de Nivernois,41 who had interest enough with our ministers, to obtain the proclamation in favour of the Genoese.42 Some politicians have exprest their surprise, that Great Britain should have favoured Genoa, which is always attached to the French; and when it is notorious, that without its assistance, the French could not have fitted out that fleet at Toulon, which enabled them to take Minorca; that the Genoese continued building ships for them, during the whole of the last war, and constantly supplied them with seamen: whereas the Corsicans, as lovers of liberty, must naturally have a respect for the British, as indeed is the case. We may hope that other views will prevail in the councils of this nation. A Sovereign possessed of every virtue, who is animated with genuine sentiments of liberty, and who feels the joy of making his own people happy, would naturally wish to extend his beneficence. Agriculture is as yet in a very imperfect state in Corsica. Their instruments of husbandry are ill made; and they do not make the best use of what they have. Their plowing is but scratching the surface of the earth; and they hardly know any thing of the advantages of manure, though they can be at no loss for sufficient quantities of it. This general observation is not incompatible with the

41. Duke de Nivernois Louis-Jules Mazarini, duc de Nivernais (1716–98), French soldier and diplomat; ambassador in London 1762–63. 42. Genoese At this point in MS (p. 194) the following passage was deleted:

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an account of corsica large produce of several parts of the island, where a greater degree of fertility, and some more industry and attention to culture than usual are to be found.43 The supreme council appoints two or more persons in each province, to superintend the cultivation of the lands, and to take the most effectual measures for promoting it; and in particular, to encourage the planting of mulberry trees, as it is certain, that Corsica may be made to produce a great deal of silk.44 As gardening has been almost totally neglected, there is a late ordinance by which every man who possesses a garden, or other enclosure, is obliged to sow every year, pease, beans and all sorts of garden-stuff, and not less than a pound of each, under the penalty of four livres, to be exacted by the Podestà. The supreme council also appoints two consuls, to inspect the kind and the price of the various sorts of merchandise in the island; and to watch over every thing that can tend towards the advancement of commerce. Provisions are not dear in Corsica. Their prices at a medium are as follows. A labouring ox, about 80 livres. A cow, from 20 to 30 livres. A horse of the best quality, from 100 to 140 livres. A mare, from 70 to 80 livres. An ass, from 20 to 25 livres. A sheep, about 4 livres. A partridge, 4 sous. Thrushes and blackbirds, 2 sous each. Beef, 2 sous a pound. Mutton, 2 thirds sous45 a pound. The best fish, 2 sous a pound. Ordinary fish, 1 sou a pound. Wine, 4 sous a flask of 6 lib. wt. The money of Corsica is of the same value as that of Tuscany. Oil is sold in barrels valued from 40 to 50 livres. A barrel contains 20 pints. A pint contains 4 quarts. Wine is sold in barrels of 12 zuchas. The zucha contains 9 large Florence flasks. Grain is sold by the bushel. The bushel contains 12 bacini. The bacino weighs about 20 pounds. The sack or bushel sells at 18 livres. The Corsican pound weight is also the same with that of Tuscany. The government is gradually taking care to establish an uniformity in weights and measures. 43. found For a more detailed assessment, see Jaussin i. 117–23. 44. silk Cf. Jaussin i. 122. 45. Mutton . . . sous In MS (p. 197) this reads ‘Mutton 1 2/3 Sous’.

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chapter iii The wages of a tradesman, or of a day labourer, are a livre a day, and victuals and drink. If a tradesman is particularly ingenious in his profession, he has something more. Reapers have no wages in money; but besides their victuals, each gets a bacino of the grain which he cuts down. The manufactures of Corsica are as yet very rude. I have observed that their wool is exceedingly coarse, and generally black, and that of this they make but a thick heavy cloth. The pure black is the most valuable: when a little white wool is mixed with it, the cloth is not so much esteemed, being of a russet grey, or brown dusky colour. They import all their fine cloth; for besides that there is not a sufficient quantity of wool for the service of the island, the Corsicans have not learned to make any thing else of it, but the coarse cloth I have mentioned. In Sardinia they make coverings for beds and carpets of various colours, besides many different stuffs for clothes. When the Corsicans have more leisure, they will probably imitate their neighbours, in those arts. Indeed over the greatest part of Italy, none but the very peasants wear home-made cloth; and if in some places they make cloth of a finer kind, it is made of foreign wool imported from different countries. A good deal of flax grows in Corsica; and no doubt abundance of it might be raised. I expected to have found there, if not the fine webs of Holland, Ireland and Scotland, at least plenty of good, strong, household linen. But, in reality, the Corsicans are as yet so backward, that they hardly make any linen at all, which occasions a very expensive importation. A Corsican gentleman observed to me, ‘If we had in our kingdom such an institution as the Dublin Society, and a Doctour Samuel Madden46 to give praemiums to those who distinguish themselves in manufactures, as is done in the capital of Ireland, we might soon bring our linen to some perfection as well as other branches.’ The Corsicans have plenty of oil for their lamps, which is the light they generally use. They also make wax candles, and a few tallow ones; for, as I have formerly remarked, their cattle do not yield much fat. There is plenty of leather in the island. Many of the peasants just harden the hides in the air, particularly the wild-boar skins, and have their shoes made of them without being tanned. This they are under no temptation of 46. Dublin . . . Madden Samuel Madden (1686–1765), with Thomas Prior (1682–1751), established the Dublin Society (later the Royal Dublin Society) in 1731, for the improvement of ‘husbandry, manufactures, and other useful arts.’ Madden tried to stimulate agricultural production by the education of farmers and the establishment of agricultural colleges. He raised money ‘for the encouragement of sundry arts, experiments, and several manufactures not yet brought to perfection’ in Ireland. Dr. Johnson declared that Madden’s was ‘a name which Ireland ought to honour’ (‘Life of Addison’ in Samuel Johnson: The Major Works, ed. Donald Greene, Oxford, 1984, pp. 668–69).

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an account of corsica doing, but that of poverty and laziness, for the art of tanning is very well understood in Corsica, and the materials for it are in such abundance, that a great deal of bark is carried over to Italy. The Corsicans have a method of tanning with the leaves of wild laurel, dried in the sun, and beaten into a powder. This gives a sort of a greenish colour to the leather. Certainly various expedients may be used, to serve the purpose of tanning. In the island of St. Kilda, they tan with the tormentil root.g The state of learning in Corsica may well be imagined at a very low ebb, since it was the determined purpose of Genoa to keep the inhabitants of this island in the grossest ignorance; and the confusions and distresses of war have left them no leisure to attend to any kind of study. ‘Inter arma silent leges.47 Laws are silent amidst the din of arms,’ is an old observation; and it may be justly applied to the muses, whom war frightens away from every country. Paoli and the wisest of the nation, with whom he consults, very soon considered, that to bring the people of Corsica to such a state as it might be hoped their freedom would last, and be carried down pure and generous to posterity, it would be necessary to enlarge their minds with the participation of true science,48 and to furnish them with sound and rational principles, by which the constitution might be held together in firmness. Therefore, after long deliberation, it was at last resolved in the year 1764, to establish an university in the city of Corte; upon which occasion a manifestoh was published,49 recalling to the people of Corsica, the barbarous policy of Genoa, in keeping them in ignorance; and informing them of the establishments, which the parental care of the government had formed for their instruction. This manifesto was no vain display of what could not be performed. Paoli had been at the greatest pains to collect the most knowing men in the island; and many learned Corsicans established in foreign states, were disinterested and patriotick enough, to accept of the small emoluments which Corte could afford. They thought themselves amply rewarded, in having an opportunity to contribute to the happiness of their native country, by rescuing it from the Genoese darkness, which was worse than that of the Goths, and enlightening those heroes whose untutored patriotism had shone with such lustre. g h

M‘Aulay’s History of St. Kilda, p. 214.* Appendix, No. VI.

47. ‘Inter . . . leges Cicero, ‘Pro Milone,’ IV. 11. 48. true science i.e., knowledge based in observation and experiment. 49. published A note (MS, p. 201) instructs: ‘Here the Manifesto to be inserted in Latin! or perhaps a Translation.’ The remainder of the paragraph is not in MS. * Kenneth Macaulay (1723–79), The History of St. Kilda (1764; reissued Edinburgh, 1974), p. 214: ‘All the leather of this island . . . is tanned with the tormentil root, and done to great perfection.’

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chapter iii The professours in the university of Corte, are mostly fathers of different religious orders. They are indefatigable in their labours, and the youth of Corsica discover the same keenness of spirit in their studies, which characterises them in arms. There are at Corte, some pretty good halls, where the professours give their lectures. But it cannot be expected that they should as yet have any thing like the regular buildings of a college. The students are boarded in the town. Under the head of learning I must observe, that there is a printing house at Corte, and a bookseller’s shop, both kept by a Luccese,50 a man of some capacity in his business. He has very good types; but he prints nothing more than the publick manifestoes, calendars of feast days, and little practical devotional pieces, as also the Corsican Gazette, which is published by authority, from time to time, just as news are collected; for it contains nothing but the news of the island. It admits no foreign intelligence, nor private anecdotes; so that there will sometimes be an interval of three months during which no news-papers are published. It will be long before the Corsicans arrive at the refinement in conducting a news-paper, of which London affords an unparalled perfection; for, I do believe, an English news-paper51 is the most various and extraordinary composition that mankind ever produced. An English news-paper, while it informs the judicious of what is really doing in Europe, can keep pace with the wildest fancy in feigned adventures, and amuse the most desultory taste with essays on all subjects, and in every stile. There are in Corsica, several treatises of political controversy, said in the title to be printed at Corte: but they are in reality printed at Lucca, or at Leghorn. In some of these treatises, of which I have a pretty numerous collection, the authours, with much care and thought, labour to prove to a demonstration, that the Corsicans must be free. Their writings are a good deal in the stile of the profound tracts for and against the hereditary and indefeasible right of kings, with which all the libraries in this country were filled in the last age. Authorities are heaped upon authorities, to establish the plainest propositions; and as the poet says, they quote the Stagyrite To prove that smoke ascends and snow is white. Mallet.52 50. Luccese i.e., a person from Lucca in Tuscany. 51. English news-paper The general reference replaced the specific mention of the ‘London Chronicle’ in MS (p. 203). 52. Mallet David Mallet (1705?–65), Poetical Works (1805), p. 141: ‘To Mr. Pope. On Verbal Criticism’, ll. 31–32 [‘Hence Plato quoted, or the Stagyrite . . .’]. The ‘Stagyrite’ was Aristotle, born in Stagiros, Macedonia.

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an account of corsica The natural and divine prerogatives of liberty need not the aid of logick, which has been so successfully employed by the advocates for slavery, ‘To darken counsel by words without knowledge.’53 The genius and character of the inhabitants of Corsica deserve to be particularly considered, because some authours in ancient times, and the emissaries of Genoa in modern times, have represented them in the most unfavourable light. In Muratori Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, vol. xxiv. We find ‘Petrus Cyrnaeus de Rebus Corsicis,’ in four books.54 This Petrus was a priest of the diocese of Aleria, in the fifteenth century. His family name was Filice; but he chose to take to himself, the learned designation of Cyrnaeus, from Cyrnus the Greek name of his native island. He was very poor, and sought a livelihood, in different parts of Italy, as a sort of pedagogue, and sojourned long at Venice as a correctour of the press. At last having returned to his mother country, he very piously composed its history, which he brings down to the year 1516. The only manuscript of this little work is in the King of France’s library; and Muratori publishes it in 1738, when, says he, ‘Corsi ferocium atque agrestium hominum genus, et in seditionem facile pronum, serenissimae Genuensium republicae, conversis in rebellionem animis, a multo tempore negotium non leve facessant. The Corsicans a rustick ferocious race of men, and very prone to sedition, having turned their minds to rebellion, have now of a long time given no small trouble to the most serene republick of Genoa.’ And he adds, ‘Qualem Petrus Cyrnaeus gentem suam describit, perpetuis contentionibus ac turbis fluctuantem, talem praesens quoque aetas agnoscit ac sentit.55 Such as Petrus Cyrnaeus describes his nation fluctuating with perpetual contests and tumults, such the present age sees and acknowledges them.’ Petrus stands greatly up for the honour of the island. He insists that a son of Hercules reigned there. Straboi tells us that a son of Hercules settled in Sardinia, which I suppose has given occasion to the same report concerning i

Strabo, lib. v. cap. 225.*

53. ‘ To . . . knowledge’ Job xxxviii. 2. The quotation is followed, in the margin (MS, p. 205), by the instruction: ‘Here comes in Petrus Cyrnaeus.’ The lengthy presentation particularly of Petrus, but also of Strabo and Diodorus, which occupies pp. 122–26, is transferred from MS pp. 52–60; see p. 55 n. 2. The MS account resumes at ‘The Corsicans are . . . ’, p. 126. 54. Muratori . . . books Lodovico Antonio Muratori (1672–1750), Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (1723–51); his collection of documents occupies 31 folio volumes; the writings of Petrus Cyrnaeus (b. 1477) occur in vol. 24. 55. Muratori . . . facessant . . . sentit. Muratori, xxiv. 411 . . . The last word in the first quotation was wrongly printed as ‘facessunt’ instead of ‘facessant’; like the Muratori original, JB’s MS (p. 53) contains the correct spelling; it has been adopted here. * Strabo (?64 bc–?ad 21), Greek historian and geographer; JB quotes from his Geography, V. ii. 7.

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chapter iii Corsica. As Livy says, ‘Datur haec venia antiquitati ut primordia urbium augustiora faciat.j Antiquity is indulged with a privilege of rendering the beginnings of states more august.’ Petrus is a most enthusiastick patriot. He has no patience with Strabo, who notwithstanding the favourable account given of Corsica by Diodorus Siculus, hath chosen to convey the worst idea both of the country and of its inhabitants. Petrus declares, that one principal reason for his writing is, ‘quia Strabonis mendacia vulgata esse video, because I find Strabo’s lies are gone abroad.’ And exclaims with all the fury of a true son of Hercules; ‘Quum totam insulam laceraverit, non expostulemus? non accusemus? non graviter feramus? *** Quod si ego tacerem, nonne parietes domus ubi natus sum, nonne civitas ubi educatus sum exclamarent?56 When he hath torn to pieces the whole island, shall we not expostulate? Shall we not accuse? Shall we not be provoked? *** But if I should be silent, would not the walls of the house where I was born, would not the city where I was educated cry out?’ It is indeed strange to find two such authours as Strabo and Diodorus, differing so widely, and seemingly contradicting each other. Strabo says, L H δ+ K9rνος Gπ! των L Pωµα*ων kαλειται Kοrσ*kα. ο:kειται δ+ φα9λως, τrαχει τε οσα kα& τοις πλε*στοις µrεσι δ9σβατος τελως, Vστε το>ς kατχοντας τ/ 5rη kα& 'π! ληστηr*ων ζωντας 'γrιωτrους ε: ναι θηr*ων. Bπταν γουν Brµ?σωσιν ο8 των L Pωµα*ων στrατηγο*, kα& πrοσπεσντες τοις 0r9µασι πολ> πληθος λωσι των 'νδrαπδων, Brαν στιν 0ν τη <  L P%µς Jνησαµνους 0πιτr*βουσιν, Xστε kα*πεr τ! τυχ!ν kαταβαλουσιν Gπ+r ατων B µως µεταµλειν. Strabo. lib. v. cap. 224.57 ‘But Cyrnus is by the Romans called Corsica. It is ill inhabited, being rugged, and in most places difficult of access; so that those who dwell on the mountains, and live by robberies, are wilder than even wild beasts. Therefore when the Roman generals make irruptions into their country, and falling upon their strong-holds, carry off numbers of these people, and bring them to Rome, it is wonderful to see what wildness and brutality the creatures discover. For, j

Liv. in Proœm.*

56. ‘quia . . . Quum . . . exclamarent? Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xxiv. 414. The first two question marks in the second quotation were invented by JB, as was ‘sum’ in the third. 57. Strabo . . . 224 Geography, V. ii. 7. * Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, preface to Book I (‘. . . ut miscendo humana divinis primordia . . .’; ‘. . . privilege to mingle divine things with human and so to render the beginnings of cities . . .’).

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an account of corsica they either are impatient of life, and lay violent hands on themselves; or if they do live, it is in such a state of stupefaction and insensibility, that those who purchase them for slaves have a very bad bargain, though they pay very little money for them, and sorely regret their happening to fall into their hands.’ So far Strabo. Diodorus on the other hand says, τ/ δ 'νδrποδα τ/ K9rνια διαφrειν δοkει των 7λλων δο9λων ε:ς τ/ς kατ/ τ!ν β*ον χrε*ας, φυσιkης τα9της της :διτητος παrαkολουθο9σης.**** τ/ πr!ς 'λλ?λους βιουσιν 0πιειkως kα& διkα*ως παr/ πντας σχεδ!ν τοDυς 7λλους βαrβrους@**** ν τε ταις 7λλαις ταις 0ν τω O  β*ω O kατ/ µrος ο:kονοµ*αις θαυµαστως πrοτιµωσι τ! διkαιοπrαγειν. Diod. Sicul. lib. v. cap. 225.58 ‘The Corsican slaves seem to differ from all others, in their utility for the offices of life, for which they are fitted by a peculiar gift of nature. **** These islanders live among themselves with a humanity and justice beyond all other barbarians. **** In every part of the oeconomy of life, they shew a remarkable regard to equity.’ Mr. Burnaby thinks these very different accounts may be reconciled, by supposing the authours to speak of the Corsicans, under different points of view; Strabo as of enemies, Diodorus as of friends; and then they will not only be found reconcileable, but will exactly correspond with the character of the Corsicans at present. In war, they are furious as lions. Death is esteemed nothing, nor is any power sufficient to make them yield against their inclination; they become irritated, and will not brook restraint.k Whereas in peace, and in civil life, they are mild and just to the greatest degree, and have all those amiable qualities which Diodorus ascribes to them.59 Where their service is voluntary too, or they are attached to their masters, by kind and gentle treatment, they have the other perfections which he allows them. My Lord Hailes thinks that there is properly no contradiction between these illustrious authours; since Strabo has not thrown any abuse upon the k

What Mr. Burnaby says of the Corsicans puts me in mind of an admirable observation of Sir Thomas Blount: ‘You may stroke the lion into tameness; but you shall sooner hew him into pieces, than beat him into a chain.’ Sir Tho. Pope Blount’s Essays, edit. Lond. 1697, p. 65.*

58. Diodorus . . . 225 The Library of History, V. xiii. 5–xiv. 1. 59. Mr. Burnaby . . . them Cf. Burnaby 27: ‘These very different accounts can only be reconciled by supposing the authors to speak of them under different points of view; Strabo under that of enemies, Diodorus that of friends . . . then they will not only be found to be reconcileable, but will exactly correspond with the character of the Corsicans at present. As enemies, they are as furious as lions . . . Death is esteemed nothing . . . in peace and civil life they are mild and humane to the greatest degree, and have all those amiable qualities which Diodorus ascribes to them.’ * Sir Thomas Pope Blount (1649–97), Essays on Several Subjects (1691; revised edn, 1697), p. 65.

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chapter iii Corsicans in general. He has only talked in strong terms, of the barbarity of such of them, as inhabit the mountains and live by robberies, just as if writing concerning Scotland in former lawless times, he had said, the Highlanders there are a very wild set of men. My Lord Monboddo thinks, there is nothing more required to reconcile these different characters of the Corsican slaves, but to suppose that those which Diodorus had occasion to observe, were well treated, and those which Strabo had occasion to observe, were ill treated. For, good or bad treatment was sufficient to make the Corsicans appear either of the one character, or of the other; as we may see in many barbarous nations at this day. But I shall suppose an universal ferociousness in the Corsicans, and I think it may well be justified, considering the treatment which that brave people have met with from their oppressours. For, it is justly said by the philosopher of Malmsbury, ‘Propter malorum pravitatem, recurrendum etiam bonis est, si se tueri volunt, ad virtutes bellicas, vim et dolum, id est ad ferinam rapacitatem.l By reason of the wicked oppression of the bad, even a good people, must in self-defence, have recourse to the qualities of war, force and fraud, nay to a kind of savage rapacity.’ Petrus Cyrnaeus lays it down as a fixed principle, ‘Universi Corsi liberi sunt, et propriis vivunt legibus.60 All Corsicans are free, and live by their own laws.’ And he gives this noble eulogium to his country, ‘Corsica semper alumna paupertatis, hospes virtutis, misericors erga omnes, quam ascivit a severa disciplina quam usurpat m et paupertatem tuetur et liberalitatem.61 Corsica ever nurtured by poverty, to whom virtue is a welcome guest, compassionate to all, maintains that poverty and generosity which she hath learned from the hardy discipline to which she is inured.’ a friend. The fourth book of Petrus Cyrnaeus is entirely taken up with an account of his own wretched vagabond life, full of strange, whimsical anecdotes.62 He begins it very gravely, ‘Quoniam ad hunc locum perventum est, non alienum l

Hobbes de Cive. Epist. Dedic.* Muratori has it ‘usurpant,’ which will not make sense. The text has certainly been corrupted. I am obliged to a learned friend for correcting it to ‘usurpat.’ ** m

60. Universi . . . legibus Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xxiv. 426. 61. Corsica . . . liberalitatem Ibid, xxiv. 425 [‘. . . quam usurpant et . . .’]. 62. full of . . . anecdotes Added later than MS. * Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), ‘Epistola Dedicatoria,’ De Cive (1641), ed. Howard Warrender (Oxford, 1983), p. 73. (Hobbes was born in Malmesbury, Wiltshire.) ** A marginal remark (MS, p. 59) throws light on JB’s note and the identity of his ‘learned friend’: ‘N. B. I confess I cannot translate this Eulogium of Petrus. Is the latin good? If My Lord Monboddo’s correction is taken put a note to tell that in Muratori the text is corrupted.’

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an account of corsica videtur, de Petri qui haec scripsit, vita et moribus proponere.63 Since we are come thus far, it will not be amiss, to say something of the life and manners of Petrus who writeth this history.’ He gives a very excellent character of himself; and I dare say a very faithful one. But so minute is his narration, that he takes care to inform posterity, that he was very irregular in his method of walking, and that he preferred sweet wine to hard.64 In short he was a man of considerable parts, with a great simplicity and oddity of character. I shall now take leave of honest Petrus; with whom perhaps some of my readers will choose to cultivate a farther acquaintance. The Corsicans are naturally quick and lively, and have a particular turn for eloquence.65 Hieronymus de Marinisn gives them this character: ‘Montes apum examinibus abundant, et lacte ac melle manant: apte etiam ad Corsorum ingenium, qui sub lingua, cum lacte et melle, habent aculeum adeoque foro nati sunt. Their mountains abound in swarms of bees, and flow with milk and honey; like the genius of the Corsicans, who while they have milk and honey under their tongues, have also a sting, and are therefore born for the forum.’ I have in my possession two Corsican discourses, or popular harangues, which afford specimens of their eloquence. The one is entitled ‘La Corsica a suoi Figli, Corsica to her Sons:’ the other ‘La Corsica a suoi Figli Sleali, Corsica to her Disloyal Sons.’ In the first of these harangues, the patriots are thus encouraged to proceed in the glorious cause: ‘Seguitate voi dunque l’esempio dei salvatori della lor patria, e siate sicuri, che la libertà sarà il premio delle vostre fatiche; e che all ombra amena della libertà, racoglierete i soavi frutti di sicurezza, e di pace, di abondanza, e di contentezza; di avanzamento, e di gloria. Frutti, che vi riusceranno tanto più dolci, quanto più lungamente ne siete stati fuor di raggione privati dalla malignità dei vostri oppressori. Follow then the example of the saviours of their country; and be assured that liberty will be the reward of your toils; and that under the pleasing shade of liberty, you will gather the agreeable fruits of security, of peace, of abundance and of contentment, of exaltation and of glory. Fruits which will be the sweeter to you, the longer you have been unreasonably deprived of them, by the malignity of your oppressours.’ n

Graev. Thesaur. Antiq. vol. i. p. 1410.*

63. ‘ Quoniam . . . proponere Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xxiv. 483. 64. hard i.e., harsh or sharp to the taste. 65. for eloquence In MS (p. 205) JB continues: “Petrus Cyrnaeus says of them, ‘In actionibus adeo exercent se ut diceres cum opus est litigare, omnes esse bonos Causidicos. They so exercise themselves in pleading that when there is an opportunity for litigation, you would say they are all good Barristers . . .’ ” * Joannes Georgius Graevius, Thesaurus Antiquitatem et Historiarum Italiae.

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chapter iii In the second of these harangues, such of the nation as shewed any wavering or timidity, are thus roused against the Genoese: ‘Ecco la potenza che si vorrebbe indurvi a temere. Voi l’avete sprezzata, e ne avete trionfato nel tempo della vostra maggior debolezza, nel tempo ch’ eravate sproveduti d’armi, di munizioni, di bastimenti, di porti, di finanze, e di truppa pagata; nel tempo che i vostri capi erano novizii nel governo militare e politico, civile ed economico, e che tutti questi governi riuscivano loro gravi e dispendiosi; nel tempo che i partiti alzavano arditamente la cresta, e da per tutto alla scoperta seminavano la zizania; che la parte oltramontana era dalla cismontana independente e divisa; che dominio della nazione era mal sicuro e mal noto. Ora poi, che con un cambiamento felice, siete proveduti a soprabbondanza, d’armi e munizioni; a sussicienza, di bastimenti e di porti; che avete stabilita la truppa ed i fondi per la sua sussistenza; liberi perciò dagl’incommodi di molte spedizioni, e da i disordini che la truppa collettiva portava seco; che avete instituite le vostre finanze; che i vostri capi si trovano molto meglio istruite; che i governi più non sono dispendiosi; che i partiti sono tutti abbatuti, che il governo nazionale è ubidito da tutt’ i ceti della nazione, è temuto dagli stessi nemici, e ci comincia a riconoscer dagli esteri; che le parti cismontane ed oltramontane son tutte unite sotto a un sol Capo; e sotto ad un Capo (lo dirò ad onta della malignità e dell’ invidia) che per saviezza e antivedimento, per zelo e disinteresse, per coraggio e valore, per rettitudine d’intenzione, di fini, e di massime, non cede ad alcuno de’ più celebri eroi: ora, dissi, in uno stato che per voi non fu mai si forte e si florido, e che vi promette, se sarete nel vostro impegno costanti, una gloria immortale, una indipendenza totale, una perpetua felicita temerete voi della republica la vana, la deplorabile, la meschina potenza? ‘Behold the power which they would have you to fear. You have despised, you have triumphed over it, in the time of your greatest weakness; in the time that you were unprovided with arms, with ammunition, with ships, with harbours, with finances and with troops. At a time when your chiefs were novices in government, whether military or political, and when all these branches of government were heavy and expensive to them. At a time when factions audaciously held high their crests, and in every quarter openly sowed sedition. When the country beyond the mountains was independent, and divided from the country on this side of the mountains; when the dominion of the nation was insecure and little known. And, when by a happy change in affairs, you are abundantly provided with arms and ammunition, and are sufficiently accommodated with ships and harbours; when you have established troops, and funds for their subsistence; when you have regulated your finances, when your chiefs find themselves much better instructed, when government is no longer so expensive; when all the factions are quelled; when the national government is obeyed by all ranks in the kingdom, feared by our very enemies, and 127

an account of corsica beginning to be acknowledged by foreign states: when the countries both on this, and on the other side of the mountains are all united under one chief, and under a chief, (I will say it to the shame of malignity and of envy) who for wisdom and foresight, for zeal and disinterestedness, for courage and valour, for the rectitude of his intentions, views and maxims, does not yield to any of the most famous heroes. Now, I say, when you are in a situation more strong and flourishing than ever, and which, if you are constant in your undertakings, promises you immortal glory, a total independence and a perpetual felicity; shall you be afraid of the vain, the pitiful, the contemptible power of the republick?’66 The language of the Corsicans is remarkably good Italian, tinctured a little with some remains of the dialects of the barbarous nations, and with a few Genoese corruptions, but much purer than in many of the Italian states. Their pronunciation however is somewhat coarse.67 They give in particular a broad sound to the vowel e which displeased me a good deal. That the Corsicans write Italian in a great degree of perfection may be seen from some quotations in the course of this account, as well as from the manifestoes subjoined in the Appendix. The Corsicans have all a turn for the arts. I cannot indeed say that painting has yet flourished among them; but they succeed well in musick and poetry. There are few of them who do not play upon the citra, an old Moorish instrument, which they are pleased to think the ancient cythara.68 It has a sweet and romantick sound, and many of their airs are tender and beautiful. They have not yet produced any large and finished poem. But they have many little pieces exceedingly pretty, most of them on war or on love. Old Giacinto Paoli, father to the present general, has left several sonnets composed with great spirit.69 I have a good many of them; and shall insert one, of which I have attempted a translation. It was composed in praise of his brother-commander General Giafferi, upon occasion of a victory obtained by him over the Genoese, at the siege of Cordone; and while it gives a specimen

66. I have [126:17] . . . republick?’ The preamble and the lengthy Italian quotations with translations are not given in MS. There is, however, a marginal instruction (p. 206); ‘Here as Specimens of the Corsican Eloquence Insert. A suoi Figli Page 4 from Siate sicuri & Figli Sleali Page 27 from Ecco la Potenza to the end of the Section.’ 67. The language . . . coarse Goury makes the same point (193) but adds that the Corsicans pronounced only half their words because they were habitually chewing tobacco. 68. There are . . . cythara Cf. Burnaby 16. The cithara is an ancient Greek stringed instrument with a flat, shallow sound-chest. 69. Old . . . spirit Cf. Burnaby 16. John Dick (successfully) applied to Paoli on JB’s behalf for ‘Specimens of the Corsican Poetry; particularly . . . those of Your Excellencys Father, and the Pater Noster paraphrased against the Genoese’ (Gen. Corr. i. 69).

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chapter iii of the talents of the venerable chief, it at the same time shews his generous satisfaction at the success of another engaged in the same glorious cause. sonetto. A coronar l’Eroe di Cirno invitto, Morte discenda, e se l’inchini il fato; E li sospiri del Ligure sconfitto Diano alla tromba della Fama il fiato. Fatto appena di Golo il bel tragitto, Del nemico espugna forte steccato; Sprezzò perigli; e al disugual conflitto, Virtu prevalse, ov’ ci comparve armato. Cirno lo scelse, e’l suo destin l’arrise; E’l gran litigio a cui l’Europa è attenta Al suo valor, al brando suo, commise. Il brando, ch’anche il destin spaventa, All’ ingrata Liguria il crin recise; E a Cirno il scetro la sua man presenta. sonnet. To crown thy hero, Cyrnus, from the skies Lo Fate with joy inclines, descends fierce death! While vanquish’d Genoa’s despairing sighs Give to Fame’s glorious-sounding trumpet breath. Scarce was the Golo past with courage bright, The pallisadoed hostile fort to storm, Dangers he reck’d not in the unequal fight; Virtue prevail’d when seen in armed form. His country chose him, and celestial Fate Pleas’d to behold the Corsick fire restor’d, The mighty strife on which the nations wait, Entrusted to his valour, to his sword. That sword, at which ev’n Fate recoils with dread, The vaunting tresses cut with vigour brave, From the ingrate Ligurian’s faithless head; Cyrnus, to thee his hand the sceptre gave. They have also many little ballads and madrigals, full of drollery and keen satire against the Genoese; and they have their essays of grave humour, 129

an account of corsica and various allegories respecting themselves and their enemies. They have in particular a curious paraphrase of the Lord’s Prayer, where all the petitions are strangely turned into severe accusations against the Genoese. The character of the Corsicans has been already touched, in the comparison between Strabo and Diodorus Siculus. They are no doubt a people of strong passions, as well as of lively and vigorous minds. These are the materials, of which men are to be formed either good or bad in a superiour degree. I always remember an observation which M. Rousseau made to me, one day, in the Val de Travers, when we were talking of the characters of different nations; said he, ‘J’aime ces caracteres ou il y a de l’etoffe.’70 It was well said. A poor feeble spirit is unable to support the weight of great virtues. It is only where there is strength and fire, that we can hope to form characters of worth and dignity. These islanders have abilities for any thing: but their fortune has been such, that they have been conspicuous only for the hard and resolute qualities. Abandoned by the nations around to the oppression of a tyrannical republick, they have had no opportunity of shewing their genius for learning and the arts, their hospitality, their courteousness, and their other amiable virtues in civilized life. What they have had an opportunity to shew, they have shewn with distinguished glory. The authours of the Encyclopedie say, ‘Les Corses sont remuans, vindicatifs, et belliqueux.71 The Corsicans are tumultuous, vindictive and warlike.’ Their struggles against the tyrant could shew them in no other light. A writer of the highest class thus characterises them: ‘Les Corses sont une poignée d’hommes aussi braves et aussi deliberès que les Anglois. On ne les domptera, je crois, que par la prudence et la bontè. On peut voir par leur exemple, quel courage et quelle vertu, donne aux hommes l’amour de la libertè, et qu’il est dangereux et injuste de l’opprimer.o The Corsicans are a handful of men, as brave and as determined as the English. I believe they will not be o

Essai de Crit. sur le Prince de Machiavel, p. 114.*

70. J’aime . . . l’etoffe’ JB deleted his own translation in MS (p. 210): 71. Encyclopedie . . . belliqueux Encyclopédie ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers (Paris, 1751–72), iv. 279. See Jean Viviès, ‘Boswell, la Corse et l‘Encyclopédie.’ Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century (The Voltaire Foundation, Oxford, 1986), 245, 467–73. * The author of the Essai de Critique was ‘of the highest class’: Frederick II of Prussia; his Examen du Prince de Machiavel [1740] 1741, ed. Voltaire. Alongside the quotation in MS (p. 211) is JB’s remark: ‘N. B. Who writes the Critique on Machiavel? I take the quotation from a Memoire Apologetique in favour of the Corsicans.’ His source was the Mémoire apologétique au sujet de la dernière révolution de l’isle de Corse (Corte, 1760), p. 89 n.; this rare publication has been variously attributed to Bonsiglio Guelfucci (cf. p. 186 n. 46) and to Erasmo Ortierni.

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chapter iii subdued but by prudence and good treatment. We may see by their example, what courage and what virtue the love of liberty gives to men; and how dangerous as well as unjust it is to oppress it.’ The manners of the Corsicans have a great similarity with those of the ancient Germans, as described by Tacitus.72 They have not however the same habit of drinking; for they are extremely temperate. Their morals are strict and chaste to an uncommon degree, owing in part to good principles unhurt by luxury; and partly to the exercise of private revenge against such as violate the honour of their women. This last may to some appear rude and barbarous; but I hold it to be wise and noble. Better occasional murders than frequent adulteries.73 Better cut off a rotten branch now and then, than that the whole of the society should be corrupted. When morals are intimately connected with ideas of honour, and crimes of an alluring nature are not committed with impunity, we may expect that mankind will retain a proper awe, and be kept within the bounds of their duty: and if we have not the frivolous embellishments and transient pleasures of licentious gallantry, we are free from its effeminate disquiets, its feverish passions, its falseness and dissimulation; while honest principles and manly and generous affections are kept in full vigour. They who think duelling necessary to preserve the nice decorum of politeness, ought not to censure private revenge, the rough guardian of that virtue which is the support of every community. What Tacitus says of ancient Germany we may say of Corsica: ‘Nemo illic vitia ridet; nec corrumpere et corrumpi saeculum vocatur.p Nobody there laughs at vice; nor is corrupting and being corrupted called the way of the world.’ The Corsicans like the Germans of old, are extremely indolent. The women do the greatest part of the drudgery work,q as is also the custom among the Scots Highlanders. Yet they are very active in war, like the same Germans, of whom Tacitus says, ‘Mira diversitate naturae cum iidem homines sic ament inertiam et oderint quietem.r By a wonderful variety of nature the same men are p

Tacit. de Mor. Germ.*

q

Ib.**

r

Ib.***

72. Tacitus Germania, XXIII. 73. Better . . . adulteries In his attack on Corsica (see p. 18 n. 24), Wilkes commented on JB’s remark: ‘Surely, Sir, never any but an Italian with the stiletto in his pocket, and a highlander with the dirk by his side, ever talked so lightly of murder. I therefore wonder at such an assertion from a gentleman, a man of humanity, and an Englishman, for so I call him, as he chooses to be our countryman abroad, though not at home’ (Corr. Temple, i. 239 n. 17). * Germania, XIX. 3. ** Germania, XV. 1. *** Germania, XV. 1–2.

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an account of corsica fond of indolence and impatient of rest.’ Notwithstanding all that Paoli has done, the Corsicans are still indolent and averse to labour. Every year 800 or 1000 Sardinians and Luccese are employed as artificers and day-labourers in the island. M. De Montesquieu observes, that all indolent nations are also proud.74 This is indeed the case of the Corsicans, to which, as I have formerly observed, their success in war has contributed. M. De Montesquieu proposes a very good remedy for this: ‘On purroit tourner l’effet contre la cause, et detruire la paresse par l’orgueil. Dans le midi de l’Europe, où les peuples sont si fort frappés par le point d’honneur, il seroit bon de donner des prix aux laboureurs qui auroient portè plus loin leur industrie. Cette pratique a reussi de nos jours en Irlande; elle y a établi une des plus importantes manufactures de toile qui soit en Europe.’s ‘One might turn the effect against the cause, and destroy indolence by pride. In the south of Europe, where the people are so much struck with the point of honour, it would be right to give premiums, to the labourers who have best cultivated their fields, or to artificers who have carried their industry the greatest length. This practice hath succeeded in our days, in Ireland: it hath there established one of the most important linen manufactures in Europe.’ The Corsicans love much to lie round a fire. This practice seems peculiar to rude nations. The Indians in north America do it, and the ancient Germans did it. ‘Totos dies juxta focum atque ignem agunt.t They pass whole days by the fire.’ The Scythians too had this custom. Ipsi in defossis specubus secura sub alta Otia agunt terra, congestaque robora, totasque Advolvere focis ulmos, ignique dedere. Virg. Georg. iii. 1. 376. In caverns deep with oaks uppil’d, they raise, And many a branching elm, the crackling blaze; s

Esprit des Loix, liv. xiv. chap. 9.*

t

Tacit. de Mor. Germ.**

74. Montesquieu . . . proud ‘Les nations paresseuses sont ordinairement orgueilleuses,’ Esprit de Lois, XIV. ix (ed. Robert Derathé, Paris, 1973, i. 253). * ‘ . . . sont si frappés . . . auraient le mieux cultivé leurs champs, ou aux ouvriers qui auraient porté . . . pratique réussira même par tout pays. Elle a servi de nos jours . . . Irlande, à l’établissement d’une . . . ’ JB’s English translation is closer to Montesquieu’s original than is his quotation from the French. ** Germania, XVII. 1.

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chapter iii From cold secure, around the flaming hearth, Waste the long dreary night in social mirth. Warton.75 There have been many very strange customs in Corsica. Diodorus tells us, that after the women were brought to bed, the men immediately took care of the children, laying themselves down as if they were sick, and fondling the infants, so that the mothers had no farther trouble than to give them suck.u So great attention to a woman after she has suffered so much for the good of society, had really something humane in it; though we must smile at such simplicity. We may say that it has never been paralleled by all the complaisance76 of modern gallantry. But this equitable custom is no longer in use. Petrus Cyrnaeus says, that in his time marriage was so much honoured among the Corsicans, that if any young woman was so poor that nobody asked her, the neighbours raised a contribution to help her to a husband.77 Generosity could never be more properly exercised. Epaminondas used to exercise his generosity in that way.v There are some extraordinary customs which still subsist in Corsica. In particular they have several strange ceremonies at the death of their relations. When a man dies, especially if he has been assassinated, his widow with all the married women in the village accompany the corpse to the grave, where after various howlings, and other expressions of sorrow, the women fall upon the widow, and beat and tear her in a most miserable manner. Having thus satisfied their grief and passion, they lead her back again, covered with blood and bruises, to her own habitation. This I had no opportunity of seeing, while I was in the island; but I have it from undoubted authority.78 Having said so much of the genius and character of the Corsicans, I must beg leave to present my readers with a very distinguished Corsican character, that of Signor Clemente de’ Paoli, brother of the General. u

Diod. Sicul. Wesseling. p. 341.*

v

Corn. Nep. in vit. Epam.**

75. Ipsi . . . Warton Virgil, Georgics, iii. 376–78 [‘Themselves, in hidden caves, deep in the ground, they live carefree and at ease, rolling to the hearths heaps of logs, whole elms, and throwing them on the fire’]. Warton’s elaborate version (Works of Virgil, i. 314–15) was added later than MS. 76. complaisance i.e., courtesy, rather self-conscious civility. 77. Petrus . . . husband Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Sriptores, xxiv. 425. 78. When . . . authority Cf. Burnaby 22: ‘When a man dies, especially if he has been assassinated, the widow, with all the married women of the village, accompany the corpse to the grave; where, after various howlings and other expressions of sorrow, they beat and tear themselves in a most unmerciful manner. Having satisfied their grief and passion, they return to their habitations covered with blood and bruises. This the general assured us he had himself been once a spectator of.’ * The Library of History, V. xiv. 2. ** Cornelius Nepos, Liber de excellentibus ducibus exterum gentium (Epaminondas), XV. iii. 5–6.

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an account of corsica This gentleman is the eldest son of the old General Giacinto Paoli. He is about fifty years of age, of a middle size and dark complexion, his eyes are quick and piercing, and he has something in the form of his mouth, which renders his appearance very particular. His understanding is of the first rate; and he has by no means suffered it to lie neglected. He was married, and has an only daughter, the wife of Signor Barbaggi one of the first men in the island. For these many years past, Signor Clemente, being in a state of widowhood, has resided at Rostino, from whence the family of Paoli comes. He lives there in a very retired manner. He is of a Saturnine disposition, and his notions of religion are rather gloomy and severe. He spends his whole time in study, except what he passes at his devotions. These generally take up six or eight hours every day; during all which time he is in church, and before the altar, in a fixed posture, with his hands and eyes lifted up to heaven, with solemn fervour. He prescribes to himself, an abstemious, rigid course of life; as if he had taken the vows of some of the religious orders. He is much with the Franciscans, who have a convent at Rostino. He wears the common coarse dress of the country, and it is difficult to distinguish him from one of the lowest of the people. When he is in company he seldom speaks, and except upon important occasions, never goes into publick, or even to visit his brother at Corte. When danger calls, however, he is the first to appear in the defence of his country. He is then foremost in the ranks, and exposes himself to the hottest action;79 for religious fear is perfectly consistent with the greatest bravery; according to the famous line of the pious Racine, Je crains dieu, cher Abner; et n’ai point d’autre crainte.80 I fear my god; and Him alone I fear. a friend.

79. Signor Clemente [133:28] . . . hottest action Clemente Paoli (1715–93). Cf. Burnaby 6–7: ‘signor Clemente . . . near 50 years of age, is of a middle stature, and dark complexion. His eyes are quick and piercing . . . His understanding is of the first rate; and he has by no means suffered it to lie uncultivated. He lives in a very retired manner, giving up his whole time to study, except what he passes at his devotions. These generally take up some hours every morning. He is very reserved and seldom speaks; and . . . never goes into public; not even to visit his brother in Corte. When his country however requires it, he is the first to appear in the defense of her; he is then foremost in the field, and exposes himself to every sort of danger. In the beginning of an engagement he is generally cool; but after some time especially if he sees any of his party fall . . . he then becomes furious . . . In the council, his authority is not less than in the field . . . He dresses in the ordinary Corsican dress, and it is difficult to distinguish him from the common people.’ 80. Je crains . . . crainte Racine, Athalie, I. i. 64. The quotation and translation were added later than MS.

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chapter iii In the beginning of an engagement, he is generally calm; and will frequently offer up a prayer to heaven, for the person at whom he is going to fire:81 saying he is sorry to be under the necessity of depriving him of life; but that he is an enemy to Corsica, and providence has sent him in his way, in order that he may be prevented from doing any farther mischief; that he hopes god will pardon his crimes, and take him to himself. After he has seen two or three of his countrymen fall at his side, the case alters. His eyes flame with grief and indignation, and he becomes like one furious;82 dealing vengeance every where around him. His authority in the council is not less than his valour in the field. His strength of judgment and extent of knowledge, joined to the singular sanctity of his character, give him great weight in all the publick consultations; and his influence is of considerable service to his brother the General. When we thus view the Corsicans gloriously striving for the best rights of humanity, and under the guidance of an illustrious commander and able statesman, establishing freedom, and forming a virtuous and happy nation, can we be indifferent as to their success? Can we Britons forbear to admire their bravery, and their wisdom? One English Poet hath celebrated Corsica. I know not who he is. But I would thank him for the spirit he hath shewn; and I would beg leave to select a few of his verses. Hail Corsica ! than whose recorded name None e’er stood fairer on the rolls of fame! Rapt at the sound, my soul new ardour fires, Each thought impassions, and each strain inspires. Pity, to injur’d honour that is due, Pleads in my heart, and bids me pity you; For worth like thine, one honest wish receive; ’Tis all the muse, and all the friend can give. Ye who are slaves of pow’r, or drones of peace, Ambition’s tools, or votaries of ease, If not quite abject, nor quite lost to shame, Your hearts can feel one particle of fame, Stand forth; on Corsica reflect, and see Not what you are, but what you ought to be. The general good’s their aim; no slavish awe Marks man from man, but Liberty is Law; No venal senates publick credit drain, 81. a prayer . . . fire Cf. Sir Horace Mann to Walpole, 27 June 1769: ‘Clemente . . . so zealous for the liberty of his country, and so devout, that whenever he took aim at an invader of it, he recommended his soul to God’ (Walpole, Corrspondence, xxiii. 130). 82. furious In Scots Law the term meant insane.

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an account of corsica No king enslav’d by creatures of his reign. Of publick honours merit is the test, And those obtain them who deserve them best. In this vile age, no virtue now rever’d, No godlike patriot prodigy appear’d, ’Till one small spot, (for in th’Almighty’s Book, The smallest spot is never overlook’d) Held forth the wonder to all Europe’s shame, Produc’d the man, and Paoli his name. Go on immortal man! the path pursue Mark’d out by heav’n, and destin’d but for you; Fix your firm hope on this, on this your trust, Your arms must conquer as your cause is just. By heav’n! it makes my life’s best blood run cold, Then glow to madness when thy story’s told; On those vile slaves be heav’n’s choice thunder hurl’d, Who chain’d themselves, would gladly chain a world. Pride, a Poem.83 The Corsicans are in general of small stature, and rather hard-favoured,84 much like the Scots Highlanders; though as we find among these, so we also find among the Corsicans many of a good size, and comely countenances.85 The number of inhabitants in Corsica has not been exactly taken of late, but they may be reckoned 220,000 souls; for, previous to the rise in 1729, there were 40,000 families who payed tax to Genoa, and reckoning five to each family, the inhabitants were then 200,000. Now although it may appear a paradox, it is certain that the number of inhabitants has increased during the war; as will appear from the following considerations. Father Cancellotti a Jesuit missionary, who travelled over Corsica, and informed himself with great exactness, made a computation, that in thirty years

83. Hail Corsica! . . . A POEM Pride: a Poem. Inscribed to John Wilkes. By an Englishman (1766), pp. 9–13. JB declares that he will ‘select . . . verses’ from the poem; he omits 42 lines in the course of his quotation. 84. hard-favoured i.e., of unpleasant appearance, ugly. 85. countenances JB had intended to include here some observations on Corsican women but deleted them; his original remarks (MS, p. 221) were: in some measure owing to their hard/coarse usage. I am sorry to make this observation on the Corsican women but it is a true one. And it was pleasantly enough said by Lord Loudoun that it was a pity such brave fellows as the Corsicans should not have pretty women.’ >> (Loudon was probably John Campbell (1705–82), fourth Earl of Loudon, a near neighbour of the Boswells in Ayrshire.)

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chapter iii of Genoese government, the island lost by assassinations and other causes 28,000 people. Whereas in the thirty seven years of war, the island has not lost above 10,000 people, including those who have fled from the confusions of their country, to follow fortune upon the continent. And therefore this calculation of the number of inhabitants at present, is a just one. The number of Corsicans is however much less than it was in ancient times. It is well observed by an able writer,w ‘That the depopulation of many countries seems to have been first occasioned by the havock the Romans made among the smaller states and cities, before they could fully establish their sovereign power.’ In no state could this cause of depopulation take place, more than in Corsica; for in no state were the natives harder to be subdued. When to the Roman havock we add the reiterated turmoils, which during a course of ages, have shaken this island, we need be at no loss to account why the number of its inhabitants is diminished. Of the 220,000 people computed to be in Corsica, there may be 10,000 in Bastia, and in all 25,000 in the territories of the Genoese; so that I reckon there are about 200,000 of the patriotick nation, and of these Paoli can bring 40,000 armed men into the field. It is therefore by no means probable, that the Genoese should reduce to abject submission so considerable a nation, and a nation of such men; most of whom have been born in the troublous times, and been brought up with sentiments of the most violent hatred against the republick. There is not a Corsican child who can procure a little gun-powder, but he immediately sets fire to it, huzzas at the explosion, and as if he had blown up the enemy, calls out, ‘Ecco i Genovesi. There go the Genoese.’ I believe the wisest and best nobles of Genoa are now of opinion, that the republick should renounce her pretensions of dominion, over a people whom long experience has proved to be unconquerable by the Genoese arms, who have baffled every attempt that the republick has made against them, and who are at last formed into a state that has a solid claim to independency. But the wisest and best of Genoa, like the wisest and best of other states, are over-ruled by the majority; and the republick has hitherto continued to w

Wallace on the Numbers of Mankind, p. 106.*

*

Robert Wallace (1697–1771), A Dissertation on the Numbers of Mankind in ancient and modern times (Edinburgh, 1753; 1809), p. 108 (‘the scarcity of people in latter times seems to be not a little owing to the ruin of the ancient governments by the Roman empire, and the havock . . . power’).

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an account of corsica drain her treasury, and sacrifice her soldiers, in fruitless attempts to recover Corsica. The Abbé Richardx hath given a very just and lively account of this: ‘Le royaume de Corse dont la republique possede quelques places maritimes lui coute prodigieusement; elle n’en retire aucun avantage réel, et elle a toujours à combattre un peuple indiscipliné armé pour la liberté.’ ‘Mais comme les nobles Genois se regardent tous comme solidairement rois de Corse, cette raison qui est tres forte sur leur esprit, les determinera toujours à ne rien epargner pour conserver au moins ce titre. C’est l’objet d’ambition qui les touche le plus. Rien n’est aussi interessant pour eux, que les nouvelles de ce païs; sur tout quand la ballance paroit pancher du coté des rebelles.’y ‘Une dame Genoise fort inquiete de quelques succès qui sembloient annoncer une revolution totale en faveur des insulaires, apprenant que les esperances de la republique se retablissoient, dit dans un transport de joie, “dieu merci nous sommes donc encore un peu reines.” ’ ‘The kingdom of Corsica, of which the republick possesses some maritime strong places, costs her a prodigious expence. She derives no real advantage from it, and she hath always to combate an undisciplined people armed for liberty.’ ‘But as the Genoese nobles look upon themselves to be all joint kings of Corsica, this consideration which is very strong upon their minds, will ever determine them to spare nothing in order to preserve at least the title. It is the point of ambition which touches them the most. Nothing is so interesting to them as the news from that country, especially when the balance seems to lean to the side of the rebels (patriots).’ ‘A Genoese lady who was very uneasy, on account of some successes which seemed to announce a total revolution in favour of the islanders, hearing that the hopes of the republick began to be re-established, cried in a transport of joy, “Thank God then, we are yet somewhat queens.” ’86 x y

Richard Descrip. Hist. et Crit. de l’Ital. tom. I. p. 118.* He should not call those ‘rebelles’ whom he hath before represented as ‘armés pour la liberté.’

86. queens” A marginal note in MS (p. 226) alongside this translation instructs: ‘The taking of Capraja to be here introduced. See paper apart.’ The ‘paper’ is not included in MS; the insertion occupied six printed pages; the account in MS resumes at ‘It is in vain’ on p. 141. * Richard, Description Historique et Critique, i. 118. When he came to translate the French quotation, JB wrote in the margin (and subsequently deleted the remark): ‘ (MS, p. 226). He first rendered it ‘in effect,’ deleted that and substituted ‘joint’. (Abel Boyer’s Royal Dictionary, French and English, first published in 1699, went into several edns before 1767. The word was included in the 1727 and later edns of Boyer.)

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chapter iii While I was employed in writing this Account of Corsica, the brave islanders resolved on striking a bold stroke, and making a conquest of the island of Capraja.87 Capraja or Caprara lies to the east of Corsica, about five and twenty miles off Capo Corso, over against the coast of Tuscany. This island was formerly annexed to the kingdom of Corsica, being a portion of the feudal territory of the noble family of Damari who were deprived of it by the Genoese. Capraja is about fifteen miles in circumference. The whole of it is exceedingly mountainous, and of a dry craggy surface. It is all around so pointed with rocks, that it is inaccessible almost on every quarter, except at one habour, which is a pretty good one, and where numbers of vessels passing the Mediterranean use to take shelter. It hath upwards of 3000 inhabitants, all of whom are assembled in a town at the extremity of the island just above the harbour. The men of Capraja are strong and robust. They all go to sea, and are reckoned the hardiest and most expert sailors in that part of the world. The women employ themselves chiefly in cultivating vines, in which the island is pretty fertile. There is here a strong citadel built on a high rock, so that it commands the town and harbour. It is well furnished with artillery, and the Genoese kept there a garrison. There are also two other towers at the two extremities of the island, built rather in order to descry the Barbary corsairs, than to defend a country so well fortified by nature.z In the month of December 1766, Signor Paul Mattei of Centuri having gone to France to transact some private affairs, in his passage home he went ashore at Capraja, where he was at great pains to inform himself with regard to the situation of their garrison, their harbour and their coasts, the scarcity of provisions, and the little attention with which the island was defended. On his return to Corsica, he proposed to Paoli to make a descent upon Capraja. His proposal was immediately approved, and the conduct of the enterprise was committed to Signor Achilles Murati, commandant at Erbalonga, z

I know Capraja well, for I was driven into it by stress of weather in my return from Corsica. I was detained there six days, and was lodged in a Franciscan convent, where the worthy fathers entertained me very hospitably. I employed my time in writing a minute detail of every thing in the island, which I still have by me, and often amuse myself with it, at a vacant hour.*

87. While . . . Capraja John Dick informed JB, 7 March 1767, that the Corsicans had invaded Capraja on 16 February (Gen. Corr. i. 122); despite repeated efforts by the Genoese to dislodge them, they forced the garrison commander, Baron Oltre, to surrender to Paoli on 29 May (Gen. Corr. i. 127 n. 2). See Peter Adam Thrasher, Pasquale Paoli (1970), pp. 104–10. * JB was there 21–28 November 1765. For a less contented and probably more accurate account, see Grand Tour, 221–22.

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an account of corsica and Signor John Baptist Ristori, commandant at Furiani, who on the evening of the 16th of February 1767, set sail from the port of Macinajo, accompanied by Signor Mattei and several gallant young gentlemen of the principal families in the provinces of Capo Corso and Nebbio, who chose to go as volunteers. They had also a few Capraese to serve as guides. They landed on Capraja that night. The Corsican commanders signified to the Capraese, that they were come with no hostile intentions against them; but only to expel from their country, the Genoese, that the inhabitants of Capraja might participate the happy fruits of liberty, in common with their ancient friends the Corsicans: and therefore they hoped that instead of meeting with opposition, they would be received with cordiality. Upon this, a number of the inhabitants immediately joined them, and they laid siege to the citadel. The Genoese were piqued to the greatest degree, to find that those islanders, whom they gave out to be a set of rebels under the awe of a French guard, were boldly sallying forth, and wresting from them the sovereignty of another island in the Mediterranean; an event which could not fail to blaze abroad over Europe, and equally contribute to the glory of the Corsicans and to the disgrace of the republick. They therefore spared no expence or care to defeat the enterprise. They sent out a considerable armament under the command of Signor Augustino Pinello, a man of tried activity and valour, and an actual senatour of Genoa. They also sent colonel Antonio Matra, with a body of chosen men, who by the assistance of a Capraese galley-slave effectuated a landing, at a place neglected by the Corsicans as inaccessible. While Matra attacked the Corsicans by land, Signor Pinello attacked them from the sea, on two different quarters; so that they had a very hot and difficult action to maintain. Notwithstanding all which, Pinello was beaten off, and Matra’s detachment was totally routed. I could wish to relate the various particulars of this expedition. I have materials sufficient for it; but the plan of my work does not permit me. The citadel of Capraja surrendered on the 29th of May. The Corsicans have by this conquest added considerably to their dominion. They have acquired an increase of most useful people; and they are in a condition to prevent, or at least render extremely difficult, the communication between Genoa and her garrisons in Corsica. Sir James Steuart hath placed the Corsicans in rather an unfavourable light. His words are, ‘The Corsicans have exported, that is, sold the best part of their island to Genoa; and now, after having spent the price in wearing damask and velvet, they want to bring it back, by confiscating the property of

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chapter iii the Genoese, who have both paid for the island, and drawn back the price of it, by the balance of their trade against these islanders.’aa With this respectable writer’s permission, it was not a balance of trade, but a balance of bad fortune, which subjected Corsica to the Genoese; and the greatest part, if not all the property of the nobles of the republick in that island, was acquired only by force or by fraud. The expensiveness of the Corsicans in wearing damask and velvet, is merely ideal. Corsica is perhaps the only country upon the face of the globe, where luxury has never once been introduced. The Genoese cannot pretend to have made themselves masters of Corsica, by commercial superiority; for those republicans have been supplied from that fertile island, with a great many of the necessaries of life, which their own narrow dominions could not furnish in sufficient quantities. I have thought myself called upon to rectify this mistake in a book which may afford many important lessons to free nations, and among the rest to the brave Corsicans themselves. It is in vain for the Genoese to pretend any longer that the Corsicans are to be looked upon as rebels. It is nobly opposed by a Corsican writer; with whose words I shall conclude my Account of Corsica.88 ‘Rebelli! come non hanno vergogna di dar a noi questo titolo? a noi che facciamo la guerra con tanto spirito di lenità e di dolcezza, che non altro si studia che risparmiare il sangue, i beni, e l’ onore de’ nostri concittadini? a noi che non cercando se non di liberare la patria della più iniqua di tutte le cattività, altro titolo non conviene che quello di salvatori. E poichè lode a dio dator d’ogni bene, abbiamo già conseguito l’ intento; poichè abbiamo già formato in sequela un governo sovrano libero, independente, assoluto, padrone della vita e della morte di tante migliaja di sudditi, che lo riconoscono, ed ubidiscono con fedeltà e con prestezza. Avendo stabilito successivamente rota e tribunali; giudici e magistrati; ministri ed esecutori di giustizia; secreterie e cancellerie; aperte stamperie; composte leggi e statuti; truppe e finanze; poichè sotto al nostra dominio abbiamo torri e presidi; castelli e carceri; armi e cannoni; porti e bastimenti, poichè assolviamo e condanniamo per via di processi e sentenze; imponiamo tasse e contribuzioni; improntiamo i nostri aa

Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy. Book II. Chap. 29.*

88. whose words . . . Corsica In MS (p. 226) JB first wrote and then deleted: ; interlinearly he substituted: ‘whose Eloquence will furnish a very proper peroration to this Account of his Country’; but except for replacing ‘this Island’ by ‘Corsica,’ the first was preferred in print. * Steuart, Inquiry, i. 419. See above p. 12 n. 18, pp. 102–3.

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an account of corsica sigilli; sventoliamo le nostre bandiere; concediamo tratte e licenze; creiamo notari; intimiamo guerre; formiamo assedi; capitoliamo rese ed armistizi; contrassegni tutti di sovranità, e di dominio? come posson più appellarci gente privata?bb ‘Rebels! are they not ashamed to give to us that title? to us, who make war with such a spirit of lenity and mildness, that our only study is to spare the blood, the effects and the honour of our fellow-citizens? to us, who seek for nothing but to free our country from the most iniquitous of all captivities, and therefore well deserve the title of saviours. And thanks to god the giver of all good, we have now obtained our purpose: for we have now formed a government sovereign, free and independent, with the power of life and death over so many thousand subjects, who acknowledge it, and obey it with fidelity and with alacrity. We have now successively established a rota and tribunals, judges and magistrates, administratours and executers of justice. We have secretaries offices,89 and publick archives; open printing-houses, laws and statutes, troops and finances. We have moreover under our dominion towers and garrisons, castles and prisons, arms and cannon, harbours and shipping. Besides, we absolve and condemn in the regular form of processes and sentences; we impose taxes and contributions, we adhibit our seals, we display our colours, we declare wars, we form sieges, we capitulate for truces and cessations of arms. Are not all these the marks of sovereignty and dominion? How then can they any longer call us a private band?’90 bb

Manifest. di Gen. Colle Rispost. di un Cors. p. 23.*

89. secretaries offices A marginal note (MS, p. 228) reads: ‘I dont know how to translate Secreterie’; JB therefore left a blank space in his translation. For ‘e cancellerie’ he wrote and then deleted ‘.’ An unknown hand added the version that appeared in print: ‘secretary’s offices & public Archives.’ 90. adhibit . . . cessations of arms . . . band? Marginal notes (MS, p. 229) read: ‘N. B. I know not improntiamo . . . N. B. I know not armistizi.’ The unknown hand inserted in the gaps left by JB: ‘set to (or adhibit)’ . . . ‘cessation of arms.’ JB was also defeated by ‘sventoliamo le nostre bandiere,’ which he hesitantly rendered ‘We spread our Sails’; the anonymous reader wrote in the margin: ‘we display our colours,’ the version that was printed. Inexplicable is the omission in print of JB’s correct translations in MS: ‘We grant treaties and licences. We create Notaries.’ The friend queried JB’s final words, ‘a private band’—‘ought it not to be treat us as individuals’—but was ignored. In MS (p. 229) this is followed by JB’s note: ‘This Harangue is bold & spirited. But is it not too diffuse and tedious? Might it not be abridged and many of the particulars be well left out? Or should it stand in it’s original Corsican form?’ The unknown reader replied: ‘it ought to stand in its original form.’ * ‘Manifesto della Serenissima Republica di Genova con la riposte di un Corso’ in Raccolta di Quanto e Stato sin qui publicato nelle presenti vetenze fra la corte di Roma et la republica di Genova intorno alla spedizone di un visatotre apostolico nel regno di Corsica, p. 23.

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No. I page 91.  MANIFESTO Of the General And Supreme Council of State Of the Kingdom of Corsica The justice of our war against the republic of Genoa is as well known to the world as the necessity which has induced us to take up arms to free ourselves from the most dishonourable and insufferable tyranny of the unjust occupiers of our island and enemies of our liberty. Despite the moderation with which we have always conducted ourselves in this just and admirable endeavour, the Lords of Genoa, becoming more and more filled with pride and, to our cost, growing every day more bold, make it our indispensible duty to change our conduct in their regard, manifesting to the public our motives and reasons, so that everyone may be persuaded of the rectitude of our determination and of that impartiality which forms the character of our nation. During the thirty years in which we have waged the present war to drive the republic of Genoa completely from our island, we have never in any way attempted to disturb the maritime trade of subjects of that dominion, sympathising rather with the unfortunate situation that obliges them to live under a government which, with its present constitution, cannot be other than tyrannical. But now we see the obstinacy and efficiency with which the aforesaid republic strives to blockade and debar every trade route of our own nation, seizing with their warships in Corsica not only any ships they meet sailing under our flag, but with growing boldness even burning and insulting those of the other most respectable nations of Europe, which for reasons of trade come to berth and sail from ports and landing stages belonging to our island. And finally we see that our leniency and dignity are in no way reciprocated by the Genoese subjects, and that they even incite their prince to deprive us of the benefit of trade with any other power, flattering themselves by this means to make our country entirely surrender to them the monopoly of the goods with which those garrisons which we ourselves keep blockaded are obliged to supply themselves. Therefore, to look after our own interests, to remove obstacles and protect our trade and to demonstrate our resentment towards those who, with 145

appendix containing corsican state papers impunity until now and so much to our detriment, insult us, availing ourselves of a right which is ours because it is inseparable from that liberty which heaven has granted to our valour, we have decided to concede the power to any of our subjects who so wish to arm Corsican ships against our enemy the Genoese and their flag, and to hoist our standard after having obtained passports and appropriate instructions from us. This power, in like manner and form, we also willingly accord to any foreigner who wishes to serve against this same enemy of ours and its flag, paying them and assuring them of those privileges which in similar circumstances we are accustomed to afford to our soldiers. Compelled by such pressing motives and sound reasons to wage war also by sea against the republic our enemy, we nevertheless protest our wish to use the greatest possible respect and regard towards all the princes of Europe, and our wish to observe and respect the laws and customs established and permitted by maritime war even against the Genoese when they, with their usual irresponsible and inhuman behaviour, do not oblige us to do so. Casinca, 20 May 1760.


No. II page 91.  DOGE GOVERNORS And Procurators Of the Republic of Genoa In our determination to give to our people of Corsica the most indubitable and authentic token of our paternal affection, and of the sincere desire we feel to see them happy and at peace, and having received the petitions of a large part of the population, we have decided to send to that kingdom of ours a most excellent deputation possessed with all the appropriate powers and authorised in the name of our most serene republic efficiently to promote and guarantee the means for that stable pacification which has been for so long the object of our deepest concern. We therefore notify our people, by means of those here present, that we shall restore them all, without exception, to the grace and favour of our aforementioned republic with a general pardon for all that may have happened in occasion of some error: furthermore we assure them of our unfailing disposition to ensure their peace and happiness by means of all those gracious concessions, which will not only confirm and explain those made previously, especially those that were accorded in the time of our most illustrious Pietro 146

appendix containing corsican state papers Maria Giustiniano, but also our firm intentions to concede to the Corsican nation even greater distinction, to establish an upright and invariable administration of civil and criminal justice, to encourage and expand trade and so with the gift of peace procure for the said nation every other possible advantage. To this most just end, the aforementioned most excellent deputation will employ their utmost care and consideration; and we therefore invite not only the most eminent subjects but any other private citizen, to contribute for their part with that same affection, commitment and good faith that, for our part and that of the most excellent deputation, will be brought to it procuring likewise the most willing general cooperation of all parishes and provinces whereby, with the greatest solicitude, accord and unanimity, it will be possible to perfect a work which is of the greatest interest and importance to our subject peoples. In the light of the above, we expressly forbid all those who hold dear our graciousness to cause any damage to the person or goods of any of our subject peoples; and, as we promise, the work and the zeal of everyone will be employed efficiently for an objective that so interests the republic and the true good of the kingdom, and we will therefore recognise the merit of those who with the greatest activity and commitment contribute most to promote and establish it. Dated in the Royal Palace in Genoa, 9 May 1761. Domenico MARIA TATIS, Secretary of State.


No. III page 91.  The resolution of the Council held by the Corsicans in Casinca, on the occasion of the Deputation sent to Corsica by the Genoese. THE GENERAL AND THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF STATE OF THE KINGDOM OF CORSICA The Republic of Genoa, aware that its own forces are insufficient, not only to subject us to their abhorred dominion, but also to sustain any prolonged resistance against the forces that ensure our unity and our invincible attachment to the liberty we have for some time enjoyed here, persists in trying, though without success, to impose their rule upon us and to gain support from some of the great powers of Europe. Finding themselves disappointed in this design, and knowing full well that everyone regards it an act of humanity to give peace for once to our nation, they are much afraid that at the future peace congress, considering both the 147

appendix containing corsican state papers justice of our cause combined with our solemn determination, and the incompatibility of their government with the character of our people, the princes of Europe, so as to leave no single spark of war in the bosom of Italy, will make them desist from the pretensions demonstrated towards our kingdom which have no other end than to fill it with misery and horror. In this state of affairs, compelled by their dominating passion for slaughter and revenge, they believed that they could best oppose our enterprises by using promises of vast wealth and offers of military rank as enticements to enlist cowards and mercenaries exiled from their homeland for the enormity of their crimes, and then smuggle them in here to foment rebellion and disunity so that, leaving us preoccupied and distracted by civil war, it would be easier for them to spread their lies in the Courts and in the peace congress. And they have so enthusiastically embraced this strategy, that at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, as soon as ministers of the powers turned their attention to the affairs of Corsica, they astutely dispelled any anxieties with the assertion that they would shortly have quelled any trouble in this kingdom. With the same industry they are now diverting the attention of the cabinet ministers with assurances by their envoys and with manifestos impudently proclaiming that they have finally found the means to restore order in Corsica, and to that end, at the request of a majority of the population and its leaders, have despatched a commission of their subjects entrusted by the senate with ample powers to gain both the confidence and the agreement of the parishes in concluding a treaty of peace at the city of Bastia. Beloved compatriots, for whom we as ministers have constantly devoted the greatest solicitude and our untiring attention to the preservation of internal peace, and to subverting the plans and foiling the attempts of the enemy against our liberty, having penetrated the plans of the Republic of Genoa, we believed we could no longer delay summoning the usual annual council, an expedient most efficiently employed during thirty and more years of war to crush the pride and confound the tactics of the Genoese. The council was summoned, and all that have a voice and authority in public affairs were notified, and it was held, in full accordance with the rules and attended by all the national representatives, in the convent of S. Francesco in the parish of Casinca during the feast of pentecost. It foresaw the serious threat posed by our enemy’s campaign, and made every effort to ensure it came to nothing. D. Filippo Grimaldi, the leader of the brigands and malefactors brought from Genoa to Bastia for the purpose with intelligence provided by Martinetti, landed with a fleet of ships in Fiumorbo, and established himself in Sardo, whence with threats and flattery, and with the intention of raising a regiment from the community, he succeeded in frightening the good citizens and gaining the cooperation of many, in a plan to interrupt the council which we were holding elsewhere, and thus to deprive us of the most favourable circumstances for warning our people and enlisting their

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appendix containing corsican state papers zeal and generosity in our common cause. The swift anticipation of this first attempt by our adversary, and the speed with which all that community took up arms for the defence of their liberty is now as familiar to you as the defeat of those traitors to our country and the Genoese troops. The Council, with the most desirable unanimity of sentiments and the most mature consideration of the facts, continued its sessions during which it took the decisions listed below which, because they concern everyone and so that they may be observed in their entirety, it is our wish and command that they should be read, published and copies affixed in the usual places, according to custom; if circumstances change, we reserve the right to make appropriate amendments for the information and satisfaction of our beloved people. I. It is hereby decreed that a manifesto will be issued which will challenge those of the Republic of Genoa, protesting in the same that at no time will we be prepared to listen to any proposals for agreement with the Genoese if these fail to take as their starting point the recognition of our liberty, the independence of our government or fail to concede to the latter those few strongholds which they presently maintain in the kingdom. When these conditions are agreed and enacted, the nation of Corsica and its government will take the most appropriate and courteous measures to respect the dignity and the interests of the republic of Genoa. II. In the more probable circumstances that the Genoese, blinded with pride, were not prepared to agree to these conditions for peace, in order to put ourselves in the best position to wage war vigorously and successfully in accordance with the plans set out for the current year, we discussed and unanimously approved a resolution for a special tax to be levied. In virtue of this resolution, anyone in the kingdom possessing property, goods or a profitable business must pay a single contribution of one lira per thousand of the value of the said possessions. To exact this payment, the general superintendents, or other senior officials of the Council, will travel round with full instructions during the coming month of August. III. In order to expedite matters efficiently and to be as well placed as possible to protect the internal peace of the kingdom, it was agreed and established that the supreme government will set up residence in the city of Corte, and that it will be transferred there in the coming month of June, with permission for the Lord General to withdraw whenever he judges it appropriate either for

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appendix containing corsican state papers the execution of the plans laid out in the campaign for war in that year or in order to confront the enemy and oppose any attack. In that case he will take personal control and command of the armies, of the garrison of fortresses, towers and outposts and all other matters relating to the war; all remaining public duties will be the responsibility of the supreme Council with its usual supreme authority. IV. Responding to the desire of true lovers of liberty, who in all matters would wish to have equal influence and ardently solicit the abolition of every single remnant of their ancient servitude: in addition, so as to enjoy the same rewards that other states derive from such liberty, it was decided that copper and silver coins bearing the arms of the kingdom should be minted in appropriate quantities to meet present needs within the kingdom. The said money may not be refused by anyone, and in this form alone the Council and tribunals will receive payments, duties, taxes ordinary and extraordinary, as well as fines etc. For the major convenience of the people in all provinces, and possibly in all parishes as well, a person will be appointed to whom all public payments may be made and who will be available to exchange foreign currency for the currency of the realm and likewise to sell foreign currency for the purpose of trade and other uses outside the state. V. And further to endorse the independence of our tribunals, and to supplement in part the expense of their maintenance, it was resolved that the supreme government should consider stamping a certain quantity of paper with the national coat of arms, to be consigned to chief finance officers with the responsibility to distribute it proportionately among parishes, so that it may be purchased for two soldi and eight denari a sheet by anyone who needs it. From the moment this specially stamped paper is distributed to the parishes and formally announced in a circular, no instrument or public document will be accepted or considered as having any worth by our tribunals unless it is written upon this paper. VI. And with the object of making real and manifest our just resentment against Don Filippo Grimaldi, the chief and leader of the lawless ruffians and emissaries, whose evil inclinations in his youth brought him to the galleys, and the frequency of whose enormous crimes against our country was the means by which he rose to the rank of colonel of the republic of Genoa, whose full confidence he now enjoys, it is ordered that a straw effigy of Don Filippo Grimaldi be constructed, to be publicly hanged from the gallows by the ministry of 150

appendix containing corsican state papers justice, until such time that he comes into our power when the same punishment may be effected against his own person. VII. And given the present emergency, it is agreed that with the greatest urgency the commissioners, army captains, and other public officials of our country be empowered to arrest and bring to justice all suspicious persons or those holding seditious meetings, as well as to observe the movements and intercept the emissaries of the Genoese in their respective districts and parishes, and against anyone found contravening their authority to bring the full force of the laws established by the congress of Saint Peter. VIII. Appropriate measures will be taken for maintaining order in the administration of justice, and for the open management of public finances, so that we may scrupulously fulfil the duties of those offices entrusted to us, as well as ensure by careful supervision that others carry out their orders and responsibilities with the greatest possible diligence and precision. Finally, beloved compatriots, we scarcely deem it necessary to exhort you to unite your constancy to our solicitude, since at the last memorable meeting of our Council your zeal for your country was so manifestly displayed, both in the number and enthusiasm of those in agreement with our resolution to bring down and punish that unworthy rebel Martinetti, having made sufficiently clear your determination to defend and maintain our liberty; we are filled with appreciation and gratitude for your loyalty and courage and all Europe will be persuaded of our indissoluble unity, by means of which we will secure our happiness, and ever increase the glory of our nation. Vescovato, 24 May 1761. Giuseppe MARIA MASSESI, Lord Chancellor.


No. IV page 91.  MEMORANDUM TO THE SOVEREIGNS OF EUROPE The republic of Genoa should not complain if the people of Corsica have not heeded the flattering generalisations about ensuring their peace and happiness contained in the edict of 9th May, purposely circulated widely by the 151

appendix containing corsican state papers Corsicans themselves. Anyone recently informed of the circumstances presaging this edict, will be forced to admit either that the republic had no-one equal to the task of changing the mind of the Corsicans, or that its object was altogether different from that of making them peaceful and contented. The clandestine embarcation of various ruffians previously banished from Corsica; the internal sedition stirred up in several parts of the country, the compulsion of several Corsican officials working for the Genoese to go about encouraging mutiny; the failure to make any gains in the kingdom except among the least educated persons, are these the means best adapted to ensure peace and tranquillity for the Corsicans or rather to excite bloodshed and the horror of civil war amongst them? The terms offered by the republic are not dissimilar to those that inspired her government in the past, which was hated by the Corsicans as much as the condescension with which every sovereign has regarded their affairs. Never again will a nation subject itself to such terms since it recognises in the republic the humiliation of its entire kingdom and the degradation of its people; it would rather settle for honourable death than bow its head in slavery. There is no doubt that the courage of the Corsicans could falter at the violence and force that may come to the aid of the republic, but not so much that the Genoese will obtain their purpose, because the hearts of the former will not sacrifice the natural liberty which is their birthright and, instead of diminishing, the antipathy which will forever divide the two nations will greatly increase. And it is hard to believe that any sovereign wishes continuously to maintain an army in Corsica to support the rights of a republic which, except through invasion, has no title that it can oppose to those of any of the other powers of Europe, whether it be the empire through its links with Tuscany, or France, in which it was incorporated in the past, or Spain through the kings of Aragon, or the Papal States of which it was once a tributary. In the meanwhile, however, neither is there reason to doubt that present rulers, at whose thrones the just complaints of the Corsican people have already arrived, would wish to neglect that right of humanity which can instil in their noble minds the idea of giving peace once and for all to Corsica, allowing her to enjoy the liberty to which she has always shown such attachment and for which she has so constantly sustained such a disastrous war, either by putting her under the protection of a prince who would treat her like a daughter and oversee the constitution of her government without arousing the least jealousy in the other states, or by adopting some other expedient no less consistent with the natural inclinations of her people which, with due allowance for their privileges, would be even less opposed to the political ends and expectations of interested powers.

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No. V page 93.  DECISIONS TAKEN IN THE COUNCIL OF THE CHIEF GOVERNORS OF THE KINGDOM Held in Corte, on the 23, 24 and 25 of October Of the present year, 1764 Since news is continuously arriving from all quarters, it seems that there can be no doubt of the imminent arrival in Corsica of French troops; we can even read in the newspapers precise details about the numbers of these troops, the places they will occupy in Corsica, the time they will stay and various other information concerning this expedition. The government was therefore persuaded of the indispensable necessity of calling a special meeting of all subjects who have acted as councillors of state in the supreme government, from provincial presidents to parish commissioners, and all the other heads of office in the country, with the object of consulting everyone on the decisions to be taken with regard to this event which so deeply concerns our nation. And although there is reason to believe that the intentions of His Most Christian Majesty in sending this expedition are not towards outright war with a nation which has always prided itself upon the most sincere and humble attachment to the crown of France, and for which in other times it merited the special protection of his glorious predecessors; since the French troops, however, are destined to arm and protect the garrisons that the Genoese currently retain in Corsica, the Corsican people cannot regard them as other than auxiliary troops of the republic, especially when attention is paid to all the articles of the treaty recently concluded with the same republic relative to this expedition. For this reason, in order to use all possible precautions and take the most appropriate measures to protect public security, the resolutions contained in the following articles were passed unanimously. First. A war cabinet will be formed composed of subjects from all provinces, to be nominated by the supreme government, which will be entrusted to enforce the exact, and rigorous observance of article 34 of the last general council, regarding the prohibition of any sort of trade with enemy garrisons, as much as regards the access of nationals to these garrisons, as the garrison troops to national goods depots, with the object of guaranteeing the people against the anxiety of probable shortages similar to those of the previous year; also to maintain and increase internal trade in national depots and provide at the same time for sufficiency of public funds. The said cabinet will be given full authority to punish without mercy any offenders. 153

appendix containing corsican state papers Second. Although it may possibly be true that the French troops destined for Corsica are not about to embark upon anything prejudicial to the laws of the country, nor to repeat the assaults committed on other occasions with manifest abuse of the confidence and good faith of the Corsican people, like the unexpected attacks on the marshland and highlands, and the surrender of Castello di Sanfiorenzo into the hands of the enemy; nevertheless as a maximum precaution they will be totally forbidden access to the towns on any pretext. It will therefore be the duty of His Excellency the Lord General to arm the frontier posts, and to enforce the jurisdiction and the dominion of the nation over the territory of those garrisons confiscated on behalf of the public council, as has been the practice until now. The supreme government will be able however to issue a passport to any French officer who requests it, with the obligation to report to the first general council to be held the reasons for the request and concession of such a passport, and the numbers granted to the French. Third. In the event of any rumour that there might be a proposal of peace or accommodation with the republic, this must be absolutely rejected unless there are first accorded and enforced the conditions proposed in the general council at Casinca in the year 1761. Fourth. His Excellency the Lord General is entrusted to make in the name of the country a strong but respectful protest to His Most Christian Majesty at the damage to the said nation by the mission in Corsica of his troops at a time when the Corsicans, profiting from the extreme weakness of their enemy, were on the point of expelling them entirely from their island. They are thus denied the route to further progress and advantage against the republic, which by this means is relieved of the very great expense involved in remaining in Corsica and is in a stronger position to continue the war against this country. At the same he should draw His Majesty’s attention to the grave wrong to the nation committed some years ago when he handed over to the Genoese the important town of Sanfiorenzo where the Corsicans maintained troops for its protection, and he should request appropriate compensation. Fifth. And in order that this protest may have maximum effect, it will be the further duty of the Lord General to send it to the powerful protectors and friends of the nation, begging them to help by mediating on our behalf with His Most Christian Majesty, and by continuing to provide their patronage to our nation, for the conservation of its rights, and its prerogative of liberty and independence. Sixth. Having come to the notice of the supreme government that citizens indifferently permit themselves to devastate the public woodlands erecting buildings as they please from any sort of wood, in future they will be strictly forbidden from erecting any further buildings and cutting down any 154

appendix containing corsican state papers sort of trees in the said woodlands if they have not previously obtained permission in writing from the supreme government itself. Giuseppe MARIA MASSESI, Lord Chancellor.


No. VI page 120.  GENERAL AND SUPREME COUNCIL OF STATE OF THE KINGDOM OF CORSICA, TO OUR BELOVED PEOPLE Among the ceaseless flow of serious problems which the government of the people brings with it, one of our most pressing concerns has been to provide the youth of our kingdom with the public means to enable them to gain instruction in the divine and human sciences with the aim of equipping them for the greater service of God and their country. Among the most barbarous and detestable policies with which the Genoese government controls this country, worst of all is its invariable insistence on maintaining it in a state of uncultured ignorance. Whereas the sciences flourished and were held in esteem among our neighbouring countries and, by the generosity of the princes of Italy, some of our countrymen were even privileged to enhance with their high reputation for learning some of the most respected chairs in the universities of Rome, Pisa and Padova, we in Corsica were forced to see the most sublime and original geniuses with which in great numbers nature has always endowed our land, either languish without culture and waste themselves in obscurity and tedium, or travel at great expense overseas to seek in the cities of Europe the chance to cultivate their talents which they were denied in their own country. Providence, however, which in so many ways has always manifested the most indubitable signs of its benevolence towards us, has largely dissipated the cloud of obscurity that hung so injuriously over us, and we are about to show the world that Corsica is not the barbarous place that the Genoese, the enemy of learning and science, would have people believe. The object of this edict, therefore, is to notify our beloved people that the University we have been planning for some time, but which was delayed until now by the unfortunate events of recent years, will open on the third day of January next, here in the city of Corte, the place chosen as the most suitable 155

appendix containing corsican state papers in the country, at the last meeting of the general council in May. This project, so applauded and so keenly anticipated by our people, unfortunately will not at first have all the refinements it will eventually acquire with time (like many things with small beginnings which grow rapidly if sustained with justice and zeal), but it will suffice for now to have those departments most consistent with the needs of our people. To this effect we have appointed the best qualified and respected professors, who besides being the most deserving of the nation’s praise on many other grounds, will now, neither from a love of money nor to satisfy their vanity, but compelled by a sincere and pure desire for the public good, willingly employ their best abilities to instruct in the most desirable manner our young people, teaching daily in the schools of the university courses in the following disciplines and sciences: I. Dogmatic and Scholastic Theology. The principles of religion, and the doctrine of the Catholic Church will be briefly and soundly explained and the professor will provide a weekly class in Ecclesiastical History. II. Moral Theology. The principles and fundamental rules of Christian morality will be studied, and one day a week there will be a discussion of a practical example relevant to the subject matter being taught. III. Civil and Canonical Institutions. The origin and true spirit of the laws will be explained for the best use of the same. IV. Ethics. The most useful of sciences for learning the customary rules of good conduct and for justly performing the various duties of civil society. It will include in addition the study of Natural and Human Rights. V. Philosophy. The most influential ideas of modern philosophical systems. The professor will also teach the principles of Mathematics. VI. Rhetoric. VII. Civil and Criminal Practice. This will be taught in our own language. The timetable for the different courses will be organised so that those who wish to do so may take part in various classes on the same day, and professors

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appendix containing corsican state papers will teach in such a way that an average knowledge of Latin will suffice for an understanding of the subject matter which you wish to study. We therefore invite all the young students in our country, both clerical and secular, to profit from the valuable opportunity which we are offering them; and above all we hope that with increasing enthusiasm and in greater numbers, young members of the most respectable and able families will choose to enjoy the education which is the object of our special concern. We have made a special effort to ensure that appropriate courses are available to supply them with the knowledge necessary to enable them to undertake the duties of councillors of state, presidents, auditors and consultants to the jurisdictions and provinces, as well as the other important posts of our nation, to which they will have a special right to aspire, though they must demonstrate their commitment to achieving distinction in their studies and prove themselves able to sustain their role with dignity: furthermore, finding themselves in the proximity of the supreme government, and close to His Excellency The Lord General, they will also be well placed to demonstrate their worth and ability in the opportunities that will present themselves for service to their country. And to encourage their emulation and better promote and protect public education, following the example of all wise governments, we will take the most efficient measures to ensure that for civil and ecclesiastical appointments in our kingdom priority will always be given to those who have successfully completed or are currently taking courses provided by our own university. And because we are gravely disturbed to see every year large numbers of ecclesiastics leaving our kingdom to travel to the mainland to pursue their studies, now that this pretext is no longer valid we wish them to know that in future we will no longer issue passports for the mainland. Finally appropriate measures will be taken to provide young students with suitable facilities in this city at a minimum expense with regard to both lodgings and maintenance, and we are applying ourselves to finding the best means to supplement in some way the subsistence of the poorest students. And so that our edict is brought to the notice of everyone, we wish copies to be sent to the Mayors of all major cities in the country, ordering them to publish it and display it in all the usual places. Dated in Corte, 25 November 1764. Giuseppe MARIA MASSESI, Lord Chancellor.

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the JOURNAL of a TOUR to CORSICA; and MEMOIRS of PASCAL PAOLI. Olim meminisse juvabit.1 Virg.

1. Olim meminisse juvabit Virgil, Aeneid, i. 203. [‘Some day it will be a pleasure to recall.’] ‘Meminisse’ was misspelt ‘memenisse’ in 3rd edn.

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The Journal of a Tour to Corsica.

H

AVING resolved to pass some years abroad, for my instruction and entertainment, I conceived a design of visiting the island of Corsica. I wished for something more than just the common course of what is called the tour of Europe; and Corsica occurred to me as a place which no body else had seen, and where I should find what was to be seen no where else, a people actually fighting for liberty, and forming themselves from a poor inconsiderable oppressed nation, into a flourishing and independent state.2 When I got into Switzerland, I went to see M. Rousseau. He was then living in romantick retirement, from whence, perhaps, it had been better for him never to have descended. While he was at a distance, his singular eloquence filled our minds with high ideas of the wild philosopher. When he came into the walks of men, we know alas! how much these ideas suffered. He entertained me very courteously; for I was recommended to him by my honoured friend the Earl Marischal,3 with whom I had the happiness of travelling through a part of Germany. I had heard that M. Rousseau had some correspondence with the Corsicans, and had been desired to assist them in forming their laws. I told him my scheme of going to visit them, after I had compleated my tour of Italy; and I insisted that he should give me a letter of

2. people . . . state Cf. ‘A Spirit worthy of such a People, who took up Arms in Defence of their Liberties,’ General account and description of Corsica, p. 18, cited in Beretti 23. 3. Earl Marischal George Keith (?1693–1778), ninth Earl Marischal of Scotland; distinguished courtier, confidential adviser to Frederick the Great, and Prussian Ambassador to France and Spain; he and JB travelled together from Utrecht to Berlin, 18 June–2 July 1764.

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the journal of a tour to corsica introduction. He immediately agreed to do so, whenever I should acquaint him of my time of going thither; for he saw that my enthusiasm for the brave islanders was as warm as his own. I accordingly wrote to him from Rome, in April 1765, that I had fixed the month of September for my Corsican expedition,4 and therefore begged of him to send me the letter of introduction, which if he refused, I should certainly go without it, and probably be hanged as a spy. So let him answer for the consequences. The wild philosopher was a man of his word; and on my arrival at Florence in August, I received the following letter: A MONSIEUR, MONSIEUR BOSWELL, &c. A Motiers, le 30 May, 1765. ‘LA crise orageuse ou je me trouve, Monsieur, depuis votre depart d’ icì, m’a oté le tems de repondre à votre premiére lettre, et me laisse à peine celui de repondre en peu de mots à la seconde. Pour m’en tenir à ce qui presse pour le moment, savoir la recommendation que vous desirez en Corse; puisque vous avez le desir de visiter ces braves insulaires, vous pourrez vous informer à Bastia, de M. Buttafoco capitaine au Regiment Royal Italien; il a sa maison à Vescovado, ou il se tient assez souvent. C’est un très-galant homme, qui a des connoissances et de l’esprit; il suffira de lui montrer cette lettre, et je suis sur qu’il vous recevra bien, et contribuera à vous faire voir l’isle et ses habitants avec satisfaction. Si vous ne trouvez pas M. Buttafoco, et que vous vouliez aller tout droit à M. Pascal de Paoli general de la nation, vous pouvez egalement lui montrer cette lettre, et je suis sur, connoissant la noblesse de son caractére, que vous serez très-content de son accueil: vous pourrez lui dire même que vous étes aimé de My lord Mareschal d’Ecosse, et que My lord Mareschal est un des plus zelés partizans de la nation Corse. Au reste vous n’avez besoin d’autre recommendation près de ces Messieurs que votre propre mérite, la nation Corse etant naturellement si accueillante et si hospitaliére, que tous les etrangers y sont bien venus et caressés.

4. April 1765 . . . expedition The letter was dated 11 Mai 1765 and September was not mentioned in it (Correspondence complète de Jean Jacques Rousseau, ed. R. A. Leigh, XXV. 270–71). A detail in Rousseau’s reply (XXV. 347–48) illustrates JB’s fidelity to his sources: Rousseau misspelt Vescovato as ‘Vescovado’; JB retained the error despite correctly spelling the name elsewhere; this edn follows him.

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the journal of a tour to corsica * * * * * * Bons et heureux voyages, santé, gaieté et promt retour. Je vous embrasse, Monsieur, de tout mon coeur’ J. J. Rousseau. TO MR. BOSWELL, &c. Motiers, the 30 May, 1765. ‘THE stormy crisis5 in which I have found myself, since your departure from this, has not allowed me any leisure to answer your first letter, and hardly allows me leisure to reply in a few words to your second. To confine myself to what is immediately pressing, the recommendation which you ask for Corsica; since you have a desire to visit those brave islanders, you may inquire at Bastia for M. Buttafoco,a captain of the Royal Italian Regiment; his house is at Vescovado, where he resides pretty often. He is a very worthy man, and has both knowledge and genius; it will be sufficient to shew him this letter, and I am sure he will receive you well, and will contribute to let you see the island and its inhabitants with satisfaction. If you do not find M. Buttafoco, and will go directly to M. Pascal Paoli General of the nation, you may in the same manner shew him this letter, and as I know the nobleness of his character, I am sure you will be very well pleased at your reception. You may even tell him that you are liked by My Lord Marischal of Scotland, and that My Lord Marischal is one of the most zealous partisans of the Corsican nation. You need no other recommendation to these gentlemen but your own merit, the Corsicans being naturally so courteous and hospitable, that all strangers who come among them, are made welcome and caressed. * * * * * * I wish you agreeable and fortunate travels, health, gaiety, and a speedy return. I embrace you, Sir, with all my heart’ John James Rousseau. a This man’s plausibility imposed upon M. Rousseau and me. But he has shewn himself to be mean and treacherous; having betrayed Casinca to the French; for which his memory will ever be infamous. They who are possessed of the former editions of this book, are intreated to erase what I have said of him, first edit. pages 360 and 361, and second edit. pages 362 and 363.

5. The stormy crisis Rousseau had recently been criticised by Protestant ministers in Geneva and scurrilously attacked by Voltaire in an anonymous pamphlet, Sentiment des citoyens (Geneva, [1764]). (Four months after the letter his house in Motières was attacked and he took refuge near Berne.)

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the journal of a tour to corsica Furnished with these credentials, I was impatient to be with the illustrious Chief. The charms of sweet Siena detained me longer than they should have done. I required the hardy air of Corsica to brace me, after the delights of Tuscany. I recollect with astonishment how little the real state of Corsica was known, even by those who had good access to know it. An officer of rank in the British navy,6 who had been in several ports of the island, told me that I run the risk of my life in going among these barbarians; for, that his surgeon’s mate went ashore to take the diversion of shooting, and every moment was alarmed by some of the natives, who started from the bushes with loaded guns, and if he had not been protected by Corsican guides, would have certainly blown out his brains. Nay at Leghorn, which is within a day’s sailing of Corsica, and has a constant intercourse with it, I found people who dissuaded me from going thither, because it might be dangerous. I was however under no apprehension in going to Corsica, Count Rivarola the Sardinian consul,7 who is himself a Corsican, assuring me that the island was then in a very civilized state; and besides, that in the rudest times no Corsican would ever attack a stranger. The Count was so good as to give me most obliging letters to many people in the island. I had now been in several foreign countries. I had found that I was able to accommodate myself to my fellowcreatures of different languages and sentiments. I did not fear that it would be a difficult task for me to make myself easy with the plain and generous Corsicans. The only danger I saw was, that I might be taken by some of the Barbary corsairs, and have a tryal of slavery among the Turks at Algiers. I spoke of it to commodore Harrison,8 who commanded the British squadron in the Mediterranean, and was then lying with his ship the Centurion, in the bay of Leghorn. He assured me, that if the Turks did take me, they should not keep me long; but in order to prevent it, he was so good as to grant me a very ample and particular passport; and as it could be of no use if I did not meet the corsairs, he said very pleasantly when he gave it me, ‘I hope, Sir, it shall be of no use to you.’ Before I left Leghorn, I could observe, that my tour was looked upon by the Italian politicians in a very serious light, as if truly I had a commission

6. navy Hon. Keith Stewart (1739–95, sixth son of Alexander Stewart, sixth Earl of Galloway), lieutenant in 1759, captain 1762, vice-admiral 1794 (The Commissioned Sea Officers of the Royal Navy, 1660–1815 n.d., iii. 878). MP for Wigtownshire, 1768–84. 7. Count . . . consul For Rivarola see p. 11 n. 8. Correspondence in the State Archives in Turin shows that he informed the king of Sardinia about every detail of JB’s itinerary. 8. commodore Harrison Thomas Harrison (d. 1768), commodore in 1756, captain 1757 (The Commissioned Sea Officers of the Royal Navy, 1660–1815, ii. 412). The passport he provided for JB is reproduced in facsimile in Private Papers, vii. 4.

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the journal of a tour to corsica from my Court, to negotiate a treaty with the Corsicans. The more I disclaimed any such thing, the more they persevered in affirming it; and I was considered as a very close9 young man. I therefore just allowed them to make a minister of me, till time should undeceive them. I sailed from Leghorn in a Tuscan vessel, which was going over to Capo Corso for wine. I preferred this to a vessel going to Bastia, because as I did not know how the French general was affected towards the Corsicans, I was afraid that he might not permit me to go forward to Paoli. I therefore resolved to land on the territories of the nation, and after I had been with the illustrious Chief, to pay my respects to the French if I should find it safe. Though from Leghorn to Corsica, is usually but one day’s sailing, there was so dead a calm that it took us two days. The first day was the most tedious. However there were two or three Corsicans aboard, and one of them played on the citra, which amused me a good deal. At sunset all the people in the ship sung the Ave Maria, with great devotion and some melody. It was pleasing to enter into the spirit of their religion, and hear them offering up their evening orisons.10 The second day we became better acquainted, and more lively and cheerful. The worthy Corsicans thought it was proper to give a moral lesson to a young traveller just come from Italy. They told me that in their country I should be treated with the greatest hospitality; but if I attempted to debauch any of their women, I might expect instant death. I employed myself several hours in rowing, which gave me great spirits. I relished fully my approach to the island, which had acquired an unusual grandeur in my imagination. As long as I can remember any thing, I have heard of ‘The malecontents of Corsica, with Paoli at their head.’ It was a curious thought that I was just going to see them. About seven o’clock at night, we landed safely in the harbour of Centuri. I learnt that Signor Giaccomini of this place, to whom I was recommended by Count Rivarola, was just dead. He had made a handsome fortune in the East Indies; and having had a remarkable warmth in the cause of liberty during his whole life, he shewed it in the strongest manner in his last will. He bequeathed a considerable sum of money, and some pieces of ordnance, to the nation. He also left it in charge to his heir, to live in Corsica, and be firm in the patriotick interest; and if ever the island should again be reduced under the power of the Genoese, he ordered him to retire with all his effects to Leghorn. Upon these conditions only, could his heir enjoy his estate.

9. close i.e., secretive. 10. Though from . . . orisons See Grand Tour, 159n.

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the journal of a tour to corsica I was directed to the house of Signor Giaccomini’s cousin, Signor Antonio Antonetti at Morsiglia, about a mile up the country. The prospect of the mountains covered with vines and olives, was extremely agreeable; and the odour of the myrtle and other aromatick shrubs and flowers that grew all around me, was very refreshing. As I walked along, I often saw Corsican peasants come suddenly out from the covert; and as they were all armed, I saw how the frightened imagination of the surgeon’s mate had raised up so many assassins. Even the man who carried my baggage was armed, and had I been timorous might have alarmed me. But he and I were very good company to each other. As it grew dusky, I repeated to myself these lines from a fine passage in Ariosto: E pur per selve oscure e calli obliqui Insieme van, senza sospetto aversi. Ariost. Canto I. Together through dark woods and winding ways They walk, nor on their hearts suspicion preys.11 I delivered Signor Antonetti the letter for his deceased cousin. He read it, and received me with unaffected cordiality, making an apology for my frugal entertainment, but assuring me of a hearty welcome. His true kindly hospitality was also shewn in taking care of my servant,12 an honest Swiss, who loved to eat and drink well. I had formed a strange notion that I should see every thing in Corsica totally different from what I had seen in any other country. I was therefore much surprised to find Signor Antonetti’s house quite an Italian one, with very good furniture, prints, and copies of some of the famous pictures. In particular, I was struck to find here a small copy from Raphael, of St. Michael and the Dragon. There was no necessity for its being well done. To see the thing at all was what surprised me. Signor Antonetti gave me an excellent light repast, and a very good bed. He spoke with great strength of the patriotick cause, and with great veneration of the General. I was quite easy, and liked much the opening of my Corsican tour. The next day, being Sunday, it rained very hard; and I must observe that the Corsicans with all their resolution, are afraid of bad weather, to a degree of effeminacy. I got indeed a droll but a just enough account of this, from one of

11. Ariosto: . . . preys Orlando Furioso, I. xxii. 5–6. 12. servant ‘I had engaged at The Hague a servant, his name Jacob Hänni, a Bernois, who spoke French and German’ (Boswell in Holland 1763–1764, ed. Frederick A. Pottle, 1952, p. 266). Hänni made the entire Grand Tour with JB; he was loyal but frank about his master’s defects.

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the journal of a tour to corsica them: ‘Sir, said he, if you were as poor as a Corsican, and had but one coat, so as that after being wet, you could not put on dry cloaths, you would be afraid too.’ Signor Antonetti would not allow me to set out while it rained, for, said he, ‘Quando si trova fuori, patienza; ma di andare fuori è cattivo. If a man finds himself abroad,13 there is no help for it. But to go deliberately out, is too much.’ When the day grew a little better, I accompanied Signor Antonetti and his family, to hear mass in the parish church, a very pretty little building, about half a quarter of a mile off. Signor Antonetti’s parish priest was to preach to us, at which I was much pleased, being very curious to hear a Corsican sermon. Our priest did very well. His text was in the Psalms: ‘Descendunt ad infernum viventes.14 They go down alive into the pit.’ After endeavouring to move our passions with a description of the horrours of hell, he told us, Saint Catharine of Siena wished to be laid on the mouth of this dreadful pit, that she might stop it up, so as no more unhappy souls should fall into it. I confess, my brethren, I have not the zeal of holy Saint Catharine. But I do what I can; I warn you how to avoid it.’ He then gave us some good practical advice, and concluded. The weather being now cleared up, I took leave of the worthy gentleman to whom I had been a guest. He gave me a letter to Signor Damiano Tomasi, Padre del Commune at Pino, the next village. I got a man with an ass to carry my baggage. But such a road I never saw. It was absolutely scrambling along the face of a rock over-hanging the sea, upon a path sometimes not above a foot broad. I thought the ass rather retarded me; so I prevailed with the man, to take my portmanteau and other things on his back. Had I formed my opinion of Corsica from what I saw this morning, I might have been in as bad humour with it, as Seneca was, whose reflections in prose are not inferiour to his epigrams: ‘Quid tam nudum inveniri potest, quid tam abruptum undique quam hoc saxum? quid ad copias, respicienti jejunius? quid ad homines immansuetius? quid ad ipsum loci situm horridius? Plures tamen hîc peregrini quam cives consistunt? usque eo ergo commutatio ipsa locorum gravis non est, ut hic quoque locus a patria quosdam abduxerit.b What can be found so bare, what so rugged all around as this rock? what more barren of provisions? what more rude as to its inhabitants? what in the very b

Seneca de Consolatione.*

13. abroad i.e., out of doors. 14. His text . . . viventes Vulgate Latin version of Psalms lv. 15. * Seneca, Ad Helviam, vi. 5–6 (‘ . . . situm horribilius . . . ’). See p. 28 n. 3.

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the journal of a tour to corsica situation of the place more horrible? what in climate more intemperate? yet there are more foreigners than natives here. So far then is a change of place from being disagreeable, that even this place hath brought some people away from their country.’ At Pino I was surprised to find myself met by some brisk young fellows drest like English sailors, and speaking English tolerably well. They had been often with cargoes of wine at Leghorn, where they had picked up what they knew of our language, and taken clothes in part of payment for some of their merchandise. I was cordially entertained at Signor Tomasi’s. Throughout all Corsica, except in garrison towns, there is hardly an inn. I met with a single one, about eight miles from Corte. Before I was accustomed to the Corsican hospitality, I sometimes forgot myself, and imagining I was in a publick house, called for what I wanted, with the tone which one uses in calling to the waiters at a tavern. I did so at Pino, asking for a variety of things at once; when Signora Tomasi perceiving my mistake, looked in my face and smiled, saying with much calmness and good nature, ‘Una cosa dopo un altra, Signore. One thing after another, Sir.’ In writing this Journal, I shall not tire my readers, with relating the occurrences of each particular day. It will be much more agreeable to them, to have a free and continued account of what I saw or heard, most worthy of observation. For some time, I had very curious travelling, mostly on foot, and attended by a couple of stout women, who carried my baggage upon their heads. Every time that I prepared to set out from a village, I could not help laughing, to see the good people eager to have my equipage in order, and roaring out, ‘Le Donne, Le Donne. The Women, The Women.’ I had full leisure and the best opportunities to observe every thing, in my progress through the island. I was lodged sometimes in private houses, sometimes in convents, being always well recommended from place to place. The first convent in which I lay, was at Canari. It appeared a little odd at first. But I soon learnt to repair to my dormitory as naturally as if I had been a friar for seven years. The convents were small decent buildings, suited to the sober ideas of their pious inhabitants. The religious who devoutly endeavour to ‘walk with God,’15 are often treated with raillery, by those whom pleasure or business prevents from thinking of future and more exalted objects. A little experience of the serenity and peace of mind to be found in convents, would be of use to temper the fire of men of the world.

15. ‘walk with GOD’ Cf. ‘walk humbly with thy God,’ Micah vi. 8.

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the journal of a tour to corsica At Patrimonio I found the seat of a provincial magistracy. The chief judge was there, and entertained me very well. Upon my arrival, the captain of the guard came out, and demanded who I was? I replied ‘Inglese, English.’ He looked at me seriously, and then said in a tone between regret and upbraiding, ‘Inglese, c’erana i nostri amici; ma non le sono più. The English; they were once our friends; but they are so no more.’16 I felt for my country, and was abashed before this honest soldier. At Oletta I visited Count Nicholas Rivarola, brother to my friend at Leghorn. He received me with great kindness, and did every thing in his power to make me easy. I found here a Corsican who thought better of the British, than the captain of the guard at Patrimonio. He talked of our bombarding San Fiorenzo, in favour of the patriots, and willingly gave me his horse for the afternoon, which he said he would not have done to a man of any other nation.17 When I came to Morato,18 I had the pleasure of being made acquainted with Signor Barbaggi, who is married to the niece of Paoli. I found him to be a sensible intelligent well-bred man. The mint of Corsica was in his house. I got specimens of their different kinds of money in silver and copper, and was told that they hoped in a year or two to strike some gold coins.19 Signor Barbaggi’s house was repairing, so I was lodged in the convent. But in the morning returned to breakfast, and had chocolate; and at dinner we had no less than twelve well-drest dishes, served on Dresden china, with a desert, different sorts of wine, and a liqueur, all the produce of Corsica. Signor Barbaggi was frequently repeating to me, that the Corsicans inhabited a rude uncultivated country, and that they lived like Spartans. I begged leave to ask him in what country he could shew me greater luxury than I had seen in his house; and I said I should certainly tell wherever I went, what tables the Corsicans kept, notwithstanding their pretensions to poverty and temperance. A good deal of pleasantry passed upon this. His lady was a genteel woman, and appeared to be agreeable, though very reserved. From Morato to Corte, I travelled through a wild mountainous rocky country, diversified with some large valleys. I got little beasts for me and my

16. The English . . . more The British withdrew support after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748. 17. Count . . . nation Count Domenico Rivarola accompanied the English during the bombardment of Bastia and San Fiorenzo in 1745, which enabled the Corsican patriots to take those towns from the Genoese. The partiality of Domenico’s son, Nicholas, toward the English is therefore not surprising. 18. Morato JB arrived on Murato on 15 October 1765. 19. I got . . . coins JB habitually collected local coinage: ‘Wherever I am, I make a collection of the silver specie struck the year in which I have been in the country’ (Boswell on the Grand Tour: Germany and Switzerland, ed. Frederick A. Pottle, 1953, p. 143).

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the journal of a tour to corsica servant, sometimes horses, but oftner mules or asses. We had no bridles, but cords fixed round their necks, with which we managed them as well as we could. At Corte I waited upon the supreme council, to one of whom, Signor Boccociampe, I had a letter from Signor Barbaggi. I was very politely received, and was conducted to the Franciscan convent, where I got the apartment of Paoli, who was then some days journey beyond the mountains, holding a court of syndicato20 at a village called Sollacaro. As the General resided for some time in this convent, the fathers made a better appearance than any I saw in the island. I was principally attended by the Priour, a resolute divine, who had formerly been in the army, and by Padre Giulio, a man of much address, who still favours me with his correspondence. These fathers have a good vineyard and an excellent garden. They have between 30 and 40 bee-hives in long wooden cases or trunks of trees, with a covering of the bark of the cork tree. When they want honey, they burn a little juniper-wood, the smoak of which makes the bees retire. They then take an iron instrument with a sharp-edged crook at one end of it, and bring out the greatest part of the honey-comb, leaving only a little for the bees, who work the case full again. By taking the honey in this way, they never kill a bee. They seemed much at their ease, living in peace and plenty. I often joked with them on the text which is applied to their order: ‘Nihil habentes et omnia possidentes,21 Having nothing, and yet possessing all things.’ I went to the choir22 with them. The service was conducted with propriety, and Padre Giulio played on the organ. On the great altar of their church is a tabernacle carved in wood by a Religious. It is a piece of exquisite workmanship. A Genoese gentleman offered to give them one in silver for it; but they would not make the exchange. These fathers have no library worth mentioning; but their convent is large and well built. I looked about with great attention, to see if I could find any inscriptions; but the only one I found was upon a certain useful edifice: Sine necessitate huc non intrate, Quia necessaria sumus.23

20. court of syndicato The sindicatori were circuit judges. 21. ‘Nihil . . . possidentes Vulgate Latin version of II Corinthians vi. 10. 22. choir i.e., that part of the church—usually separated from the rest of the bulding by a screen— which would normally be for members of the religious community only. 23. Sine . . . sumus ‘Do not enter without necessity, for we are the necessary.’ JB’s friend and adviser, the eminent physician Sir John Pringle (1707–82), was critical about the inclusion of this quotation: ‘I . . . Wished you had not mentioned the Privy; it is one of the few indelicacies of your work, and it was the greater indelicacy, as there was no Spirit in the inscription’ (Gen. Corr. ii. 25).

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the journal of a tour to corsica A studied, rhiming, Latin conceit marked upon such a place was truly ludicrous. I chose to stop a while at Corte, to repose myself after my fatigues, and to see every thing about the capital of Corsica. The morning after my arrival here, three French deserters desired to speak with me. The foolish fellows had taken it into their heads, that I was come to raise recruits for Scotland, and so they begged to have the honour of going along with me; I suppose with intention to have the honour of running off from me, as they had done from their own regiments. I received many civilities at Corte from Signor Boccociampe, and from Signor Massesi24 the Great Chancellor, whose son Signor Luigi a young gentleman of much vivacity, and natural politeness, was so good as to attend me constantly as my conductour. I used to call him my governour. I liked him much, for as he had never been out of the island, his ideas were entirely Corsican. Such of the members of the supreme council as were in residence during my stay at Corte, I found to be solid and sagacious, men of penetration and ability, well calculated to assist the General in forming his political plans, and in turning to the best advantage, the violence and enterprises of the people. The university was not then sitting, so I could only see the rooms, which were shewn me by the Abbé Valentini, procuratour of the university. The professours were all absent except one Capuchin father whom I visited at his convent. It is a tolerable building, with a pretty large collection of books. There is in the church here a tabernacle carved in wood, in the manner of that at the Franciscans, but much inferiour to it. I went up to the castle of Corte. The commandant very civilly shewed me every part of it. As I wished to see all things in Corsica, I desired to see even the unhappy criminals.25 There were then three in the castle; a man for the murder of his wife; a married lady who had hired one of her servants to strangle a woman of whom she was jealous; and the servant who had actually perpetrated this barbarous action. They were brought out from their cells, that I might talk with them. The murderer of his wife had a stupid hardened appearance, and told me he did it at the instigation of the devil. The servant was a poor despicable wretch. He had at first accused his mistress, but was afterwards prevailed with to deny his accusation, upon which he was put to the torture, by having lighted matches held between his fingers. This made him return to what he had formerly said, so as to be a strong evidence against his mistress. His hands were so miserably scorched, that he was a piteous object. I 24. Signor Massesi Giuseppe Maria Massesi (1716–91). 25. I desired . . . criminals JB was fascinated by the demeanour of criminals condemned to death and in his youth had developed a morbid curiosity about public hangings; more than once he interviewed the former and attended the latter. See Earlier Years, pp. 17–18, 111–12, 354–55, 371–72, 434.

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the journal of a tour to corsica asked him why he had committed such a crime, he said, ‘Perche era senza spirito, Because I was without understanding.’ The lady seemed of a bold and resolute spirit. She spoke to me with great firmness, and denied her guilt, saying with a contemptuous smile, as she pointed to her servant, ‘They can force that creature to say what they please.’ The hangman of Corsica was a great curiosity. Being held in the utmost detestation, he durst not live like another inhabitant of the island. He was obliged to take refuge in the castle, and there he was kept in a little corner turret, where he had just room for a miserable bed, and a little bit of fire to dress such victuals for himself as were sufficient to keep him alive; for nobody would have any intercourse with him, but all turned their backs upon him. I went up and looked at him. And a more dirty rueful spectacle I never beheld. He seemed sensible of his situation, and held down his head like an abhorred outcast. It was a long time before they could get a hangman in Corsica, so that the punishment of the gallows was hardly known, all their criminals being shot. At last this creature whom I saw, who is a Sicilian, came with a message to Paoli. The General who has a wonderful talent for physiognomy, on seeing the man, said immediately to some of the people about him, ‘Ecco il boia, Behold our hangman.’ He gave orders to ask the man if he would accept of the office, and his answer was, ‘My grandfather was a hangman, my father was a hangman. I have been a hangman myself, and am willing to continue so.’ He was therefore immediately put into office, and the ignominious death dispensed by his hands, hath had more effect than twenty executions by fire arms. It is remarkable that no Corsican would upon any account consent to be hangman. Not the greatest criminals, who might have had their lives upon that condition. Even the wretch, who for a paultry hire, had strangled a woman, would rather submit to death, than do the same action, as the executioner of the law. When I had seen every thing about Corte, I prepared for my journey over the mountains, that I might be with Paoli. The night before I set out, I recollected that I had forgotten to get a passport,26 which, in the present situation of Corsica, is still a necessary precaution. After supper therefore the Priour walked with me to Corte, to the house of the Great Chancellor, who ordered the passport to be made out immediately, and while his secretary was writing it, entertained me by reading to me some of the minutes of the general consulta. When the passport was finished, and ready to have the seal put to it, I was much pleased with a beautiful, simple incident. The Chancellor desired

26. passport The passport was issued to JB on 18 October 1765; it is reproduced in facsimile in Grand Tour facing p. 168.

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the journal of a tour to corsica a little boy who was playing in the room by us, to run to his mother, and bring the great seal of the kingdom. I thought myself sitting in the house of a Cincinnatus.27 Next morning I set out in very good order, having excellent mules, and active clever Corsican guides. The worthy fathers of the convent who treated me in the kindest manner while I was their guest, would also give me some provisions for my journey; so they put up a gourd of their best wine, and some delicious pomegranates. My Corsican guides appeared so hearty, that I often got down and walked along with them, doing just what I saw them do. When we grew hungry, we threw stones among the thick branches of the chestnut trees which overshadowed us, and in that manner we brought down a shower of chestnuts with which we filled our pockets, and went on eating them with great relish; and when this made us thirsty, we lay down by the side of the first brook, put our mouths to the stream, and drank sufficiently. It was just being for a little while, one of the ‘prisca gens mortalium,28 the primitive race of men,’ who ran about in the woods eating acorns and drinking water. While I stopped to refresh my mules at a little village, the inhabitants came crouding about me as an ambassadour going to their General. When they were informed of my country, a strong black fellow among them said, ‘Inglese! sono barbari; non credono in Dio grande. English! they are barbarians; they don’t believe in the great God.’ I told him, Excuse me, Sir. We do believe in God, and in Jesus Christ too. ‘Um, said he, e nel Papa? and in the Pope?’ No. ‘E perche? And why?’ This was a puzzling question in these circumstances; for there was a great audience to the controversy. I thought I would try a method of my own, and very gravely replied, ‘Perche siamo troppo lontani. Because we are too far off.’ A very new argument against the universal infallibility of the Pope. It took however; for my opponent mused a while, and then said, ‘Troppo lontani! La Sicilia è tanto lontana che l’Inghilterra; e in Sicilia si credono nel Papa. Too far off! Why Sicily is as far off as England. Yet in Sicily they believe in the Pope. O, said I, noi siamo dieci volte più lontani che la Sicilia! We are ten times farther off than Sicily. Aha!’ said he; and seemed quite satisfied. In this manner I got off very well. I question much whether any of the learned reasonings of our protestant divines would have had so good an effect. My journey over the mountains was very entertaining. I past some immense ridges and vast woods. I was in great health and spirits, and fully able to enter into the ideas of the brave rude men whom I found in all quarters. 27. Cincinnatus Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus, an ideal of integrity and humility during the Roman republic. In 458 bc he was called from ploughing his land to save the Roman army; having done that and held the command for 16 days, he renounced power and resumed ploughing. 28. ‘prisca gens mortalium Horace, Epodes, II. 2.

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the journal of a tour to corsica At Bastelica where there is a stately spirited race of people, I had a large company to attend me in the convent. I liked to see their natural frankness and ease; for why should men be afraid of their own species? They just came in making an easy bow, placed themselves round the room where I was sitting, rested themselves on their muskets, and immediately entered into conversation with me. They talked very feelingly of the miseries that their country had endured, and complained that they were still but in a state of poverty. I happened at that time to have an unusual flow of spirits; and as one who finds himself amongst utter strangers in a distant country, has no timidity, I harangued the men of Bastelica wìth great fluency. I expatiated on the bravery of the Corsicans, by which they had purchased liberty, the most valuable of all possessions, and rendered themselves glorious over all Europe. Their poverty, I told them, might be remedied by a proper cultivation of their island, and by engaging a little in commerce. But I bid them remember, that they were much happier in their present state than in a state of refinement and vice; and that therefore they should beware of luxury. What I said had the good fortune to touch them, and several of them repeated the same sentiments much better than I could do. They all expressed their strong attachment to Paoli, and called out in one voice that they were all at his command. I could with pleasure, have passed a long time here. At Ornano I saw the ruins of the seat where the great Sampiero had his residence. They were a pretty droll society of monks in the convent at Ornano. When I told them that I was an Englishman, ‘Aye, aye, said one of them, as was well observed by a reverend bishop, when talking of your pretended reformation, Angli olim angeli nunc diaboli.29 The English formerly angels now devils.’ I looked upon this as an honest effusion of spiritual zeal. The fathers took good care of me in temporals.30 When I at last came within sight of Sollacarò, where Paoli was, I could not help being under considerable anxiety. My ideas of him had been greatly heightened by the conversations I had held with all sorts of people in the island, they having represented him to me as something above humanity. I had the strongest desire to see so exalted a character; but I feared that I should be unable to give a proper account why I had presumed to trouble him with a visit, and that I should sink to nothing before him. I almost wished yet to go back without seeing him. These workings of sensibility employed my mind till I rode through the village, and came up to the house where he was lodged. Leaving my servant with my guides, I past through the guards, and was met by some of the General’s people, who conducted me into an antichamber, where

29. Angli . . . diaboli Cf. Gregory I’s remark: ‘Non Angli sed Angeli.’ 30. in temporals i.e., in matters secular and physical.

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the journal of a tour to corsica were several gentlemen in waiting. Signor Boccociampe had notified my arrival, and I was shewn into Paoli’s room. I found him alone, and was struck with his appearance. He is tall, strong, and well made; of a fair complexion, a sensible, free, and open countenance, and a manly, and noble carriage. He was then in his fortieth year. He was drest in green and gold. He used to wear the common Corsican habit, but on the arrival of the French, he thought a little external elegance might be of use, to make the government appear in a more respectable light. He asked me what were my commands for him. I presented him a letter from count Rivarola, and when he had read it, I shewed him my letter from Rousseau. He was polite, but very reserved. I had stood in the presence of many a prince, but I never had such a trial as in the presence of Paoli. I have already said, that he is a great physiognomist. In consequence of his being in continual danger from treachery and assassination, he has formed a habit of studiously observing every new face. For ten minutes we walked backwards and forwards through the room, hardly saying a word, while he looked at me, with a stedfast, keen and penetrating eye, as if he searched my very soul.31 This interview was for a while very severe upon me. I was much relieved when his reserve wore off, and he began to speak more. I then ventured to address him with this compliment to the Corsicans: ‘Sir, I am upon my travels, and have lately visited Rome. I am come from seeing the ruins of one brave and free people: I now see the rise of another.’ He received my compliment very graciously; but observed that the Corsicans had no chance of being like the Romans, a great conquering nation, who should extend its empire over half the globe. Their situation, and the modern political systems, rendered this impossible. But, said he, Corsica may be a very happy country. He expressed a high admiration of M. Rousseau, whom Signor Buttafoco had invited to Corsica, to aid the nation in forming its laws. It seems M. de Voltaire had reported, in his rallying manner, that the invitation was merely a trick which he had put upon Rousseau. Paoli told me that when he understood this, he himself wrote to Rousseau, enforcing the invitation. Of this affair I shall give a full account in an after part of my Journal.32

31. soul In a letter, 15 October 1782, Fanny Burney reported Paoli’s account of his first meeting with JB: ‘He came to my country, and he fetched me some letter of recommending him, but I was of the belief he might be an impostor, and I supposed in my minte he was an espy; for I look away from him, and in a moment I look to him again and I behold his tablets. Oh! he was to the work of writing down all I say! Indeed I was very angry. But I soon discover he was no impostor and no espy, and I only find I was myself the monster he had come to discern. Oh, [Boswell] is a very good man; I love him indeed; so cheerful! so gay! so pleasant! but at the first, oh! I was indeed angry’ (The Diary and Letters of Madame D’Arblay, 1854, ii. 125). 32. full account . . . Journal See pp. 208–10.

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the journal of a tour to corsica Some of the nobles who attended him, came into the room, and in a little we were told that dinner was served up. The General did me the honour to place me next him. He had a table of fifteen or sixteen covers, having always a good many of the principal men of the island with him. He had an Italian cook who had been long in France; but he chose to have a few plain substantial dishes, avoiding every kind of luxury, and drinking no foreign wine. I felt myself under some constraint in such a circle of heroes. The General talked a great deal on history and on literature. I soon perceived that he was a fine classical scholar, that his mind was enriched with a variety of knowledge, and that his conversation at meals was instructive and entertaining. Before dinner he had spoken French. He now spoke Italian, in which he is very eloquent. We retired to another room to drink coffee. My timidity wore off. I no longer anxiously thought of myself; my whole attention was employed in listening to the illustrious commander of a nation. He recommended me to the care of the Abbé Rostini, who had lived many years in France. Signor Colonna, the lord of the manor here, being from home, his house was assigned for me to live in. I was left by myself till near supper time, when I returned to the General, whose conversation improved upon me, as did the society of those about him, with whom I gradually formed an acquaintance. Every day I felt myself happier. Particular marks of attention were shewn me as a subject of Great Britain, the report of which went over to Italy, and confirmed the conjectures that I was really an envoy. In the morning I had my chocolate served up upon a silver salver adorned with the arms of Corsica. I dined and supped constantly with the General. I was visited by all the nobility, and whenever I chose to make a little tour, I was attended by a party of guards. I begged of the General not to treat me with so much ceremony; but he insisted upon it. One day when I rode out, I was mounted on Paoli’s own horse, with rich furniture of crimson velvet, with broad gold lace, and had my guards marching along with me. I allowed myself to indulge a momentary pride in this parade, as I was curious to experience what could really be the pleasure of state and distinction with which mankind are so strangely intoxicated. When I returned to the continent after all this greatness, I used to joke with my acquaintance, and tell them that I could not bear to live with them, for they did not treat me with a proper respect. My time passed here in the most agreeable manner. I enjoyed a sort of luxury of noble sentiment. Paoli became more affable with me. I made myself known to him. I forgot the great distance between us, and had every day some hours of private conversation with him. 176

the journal of a tour to corsica From my first setting out on this tour, I wrote down every night what I had observed during the day, throwing together a great deal, that I might afterwards make a selection at leisure. Of these particulars, the most valuable to my readers, as well as to myself, must surely be the memoirs and remarkable sayings of Paoli, which I am proud to record. Talking of the Corsican war, ‘Sir, said he, if the event prove happy, we shall be called great defenders of liberty. If the event shall prove unhappy, we shall be called unfortunate rebels.’ The French objected to him that the Corsican nation had no regular troops. We would not have them, said Paoli. We should then have the bravery of this and the other regiment. At present every single man is as a regiment himself. Should the Corsicans be formed into regular troops, we should lose that personal bravery which has produced such actions among us, as in another country would have rendered famous even a Marischal. I asked him how he could possibly have a soul so superiour to interest. ‘It is not superiour, said he; my interest is to gain a name. I know well that he who does good to his country will gain that: and I expect it. Yet could I render this people happy, I would be content to be forgotten. I have an unspeakable pride, “Una superbia indicibile.” The approbation of my own heart is enough.’ He said he would have great pleasure in seeing the world, and enjoying the society of the learned and the accomplished in every country. I asked him how with these dispositions, he could bear to be confined to an island yet in a rude uncivilized state; and instead of participating Attick evenings, ‘noctes coen-aeque Deûm,’33 be in a continual course of care and of danger. He replied in one line of Virgil: Vincet amor patriae laudumque immensa cupido.34 This uttered with the fine open Italian pronunciation, and the graceful dignity of his manner, was very noble. I wished to have a statue of him taken at that moment. I asked him if he understood English. He immediately began and spoke it, which he did tolerably well. When at Naples, he had known several Irish gentlemen who were officers in that service. Having a great facility in acquiring languages, he learnt English from them. But as he had been now ten years without ever speaking it, he spoke very slow. One could see that he was possessed of

33. ‘noctes . . . Deûm’ Horace, Satires, II. vi. 65 (‘the nights and banquets of the gods’). 34. Vincet . . . cupido. Virgil, Aeneid, vi. 823 (‘Love of the native land will prevail and the immeasurable desire for praise’).

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the journal of a tour to corsica the words, but for want of what I may call mechanical practice, he had a difficulty in expressing himself. I was diverted with his English library. It consisted of Some broken volumes of the Spectatour and Tatler. Pope’s Essay on Man. Gulliver’s Travels. A History of France, in old English. And Barclay’s Apology for the Quakers. I promised to send him some English books.c He convinced me how well he understood our language; for I took the liberty to shew him a Memorial which I had drawn up on the advantages to Great Britain from an alliance with Corsica, and he translated this memorial into Italian with the greatest facility. He has since given me more proofs of his knowledge of our tongue by his answers to the letters which I have had the honour to write to him in English, and in particular by a very judicious and ingenious criticism on some of Swift’s works. He was well acquainted with the history of Britain. He had read many of the parliamentary debates, and had even seen a number of the North Briton.35 He shewed a considerable knowledge of this country, and often introduced anecdotes and drew comparisons and allusions from Britain. He said his great object was to form the Corsicans in such a manner that they might have a firm constitution, and might be able to subsist without him. ‘Our state, said he, is young, and still requires the leading strings. I am desirous that the Corsicans should be taught to walk of themselves. Therefore when they come to me to ask whom they should choose for their Padre del Commune, or other Magistrate, I tell them, You know better than I do, the able and honest men among your neighbours. Consider the consequence of your choice, not only to yourselves in particular, but to the island in general. In this manner I accustom them to feel their own importance as members of the state.’ c

I have sent him the Works of Harrington, of Sidney, of Addison, of Trenchard, of Gordon, and of other writers in favour of liberty. I have also sent him some of our best books of morality and entertainment, in particular the Works of Mr. Samuel Johnson, with a compleat set of the Spectatour, Tatler and Guardian; and to the University of Corte, I have sent a few of the Greek and Roman Classicks, of the beautiful editions of the Messieurs Foulis at Glasgow.*

35. North Briton The weekly radical journal founded in 1762 by John Wilkes with the satirist Charles Churchill (1731–64). Wilkes’s attacks on the government, culminating in an article on the speech from the throne in no. 45, led to his prosecution for libel and the suppression of the paper. * For the complete list see Gen. Corr. i. 238–39. (‘Barclay’s Apology’ was An Apology for the True Christian Divinity (1678) by Robert Barclay (1648–90).)

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the journal of a tour to corsica After representing the severe and melancholy state of oppression under which Corsica had so long groaned, he said, ‘We are now to our country like the prophet Elishah stretched over the dead child of the Shunamite, eye to eye, nose to nose, mouth to mouth.36 It begins to recover warmth, and to revive. I hope it shall yet regain full health and vigour.’ I said that things would make a rapid progress, and that we should soon see all the arts and sciences flourish in Corsica. ‘Patience, Sir, said he. If you saw a man who had fought a hard battle, who was much wounded, who was beaten to the ground, and who with difficulty could lift himself up, it would not be reasonable to ask him to get his hair well drest, and to put on embroidered clothes. Corsica has fought a hard battle, has been much wounded, has been beaten to the ground, and with difficulty can lift herself up. The arts and sciences are like dress and ornament. You cannot expect them from us for some time. But come back twenty or thirty years hence, and we’ll shew you arts and sciences, and concerts and assemblies, and fine ladies, and we’ll make you fall in love among us, Sir.’ He smiled a good deal, when I told him that I was much surprised to find him so amiable, accomplished, and polite; for although I knew I was to see a great man, I expected to find a rude character, an Attila king of the Goths, or a Luitprand king of the Lombards.37 I observed that although he had often a placid smile upon his countenance, he hardly ever laughed. Whether loud laughter in general society be a sign of weakness or rusticity, I cannot say; but I have remarked that real great men, and men of finished behaviour, seldom fall into it. The variety, and I may say versatility, of the mind of this great man is amazing. One day when I came to pay my respects to him before dinner, I found him in much agitation, with a circle of his nobles around him, and a Corsican standing before him like a criminal before his judge. Paoli immediately turned to me, ‘I am glad you are come, Sir. You protestants talk much against our doctrine of transubstantiation. Behold here the miracle of transubstantiation, a Corsican transubstantiated into a Genoese. That unworthy man who now stands before me is a Corsican, who has been long a lieutenant under the Genoese, in Capo Corso. Andrew Doria and all their greatest heroes could not be more violent for the republick than he has been, and all against his country.’ Then turning to the man, ‘Sir, said he, Corsica makes it a rule to pardon the most unworthy of her children, when they surrender themselves, even

36. Elisha . . . mouth The climactic point in the account of the revival of the Shunammite woman’s child by Elisha: II Kings iv. 34. 37. Attila . . . Lombards Attila (d. 453) took command of the Huns in 434 and proved a ruthless leader against the Roman empire; his only defeat was when he tried to invade Gaul in 451; . . . Liutprand, probably the greatest of the Lombard kings, reigned 712–44 (see Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury, 1911, v. 283).

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the journal of a tour to corsica when they are forced to do so, as is your case. You have now escaped. But take care. I shall have a strict eye upon you; and if ever you make the least attempt to return to your traiterous practices, you know I can be avenged of you.’ He spoke this with the fierceness of a lion, and from the awful darkness of his brow, one could see that his thoughts of vengeance were terrible. Yet when it was over, he all at once resumed his usual appearance, called out ‘andiamo, come along;’ went to dinner, and was as cheerful and gay as if nothing had happened. His notions of morality are high and refined, such as become the Father of a nation. Were he a libertine, his influence would soon vanish; for men will never trust the important concerns of society to one they know will do what is hurtful to society for his own pleasures. He told me that his father had brought him up with great strictness, and that he had very seldom deviated from the paths of virtue. That this was not from a defect of feeling and passion, but that his mind being filled with important objects, his passions were employed in more noble pursuits than those of licentious pleasure. I saw from Paoli’s example the great art of preserving young men of spirit from the contagion of vice, in which there is often a species of sentiment, ingenuity and enterprise nearly allied to virtuous qualities. Shew a young man that there is more real spirit in virtue than in vice, and you have a surer hold of him, during his years of impetuosity and passion, than by convincing his judgment of all the rectitude of ethicks. One day at dinner, he gave us the principal arguments for the being and attributes of God. To hear these arguments repeated with graceful energy by the illustrious Paoli in the midst of his heroick nobles, was admirable. I never felt my mind more elevated. I took occasion to mention the king of Prussia’s infidel writings, and in particular his epistle to Marischal Keith.38 Paoli who often talks with admiration of the greatness of that monarch, instead of uttering any direct censure of what he saw to be wrong in so distinguished a hero, paused a little, and then said with a grave and most expressive look, ‘C’est une belle consolation pour un vieux general mourant, “En peu de tems vous ne serez plus.” It is fine consolation for an old general when dying, “In a little while you shall be no more.” ’ He observed that the Epicurean philosophy had produced but one exalted character, whereas Stoicism had been the seminary of great men. What he now said put me in mind of these noble lines of Lucan: Hi mores, haec duri immota Catonis Secta fuit, servare modum finemque tenere,

38. Keith See ‘A Milord Maréchal, Sur la mort de son frère’ (December 1758), in (Œuvres Posthumes de Fréderic II (Amsterdam, 1789), vii. 234–42.

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the journal of a tour to corsica Naturamque sequi, patriaeque impendere vitam, Nec sibi sed toti genitum se credere mundo. Lucan. Pharsal. lib. ii. l. 380. These were the stricter manners of the man, And this the stubborn course in which they ran; The golden mean unchanging to pursue, Constant to keep the purpos’d end in view; Religiously to follow nature’s laws, And die with pleasure in his country’s cause. To think he was not for himself design’d, But born to be of use to all mankind. Rowe.39 When he was asked if he would quit the island of which he had undertaken the protection, supposing a foreign power should create him a Marischal, and make him governour of a province; he replied, ‘I hope they will believe I am more honest, or more ambitious; for, said he, to accept of the highest offices under a foreign power would be to serve.’ ‘To have been a colonel, a general or a marischal, said he, would have been sufficient for my table, for my taste in dress, for the beauty whom my rank would have entitled me to attend. But it would not have been sufficient for this spirit, for this imagination.’ Putting his hand upon his bosom. He reasoned one day in the midst of his nobles whether the commander of a nation should be married or not. ‘If he is married, said he, there is a risk that he may be distracted by private affairs, and swayed too much by a concern for his family. If he is unmarried, there is a risk that not having the tender attachments of a wife and children, he may sacrifice all to his own ambition.’ When I said he ought to marry and have a son to succeed him, ‘Sir, said he, what security can I have that my son will think and act as I do? What sort of a son had Cicero, and what had Marcus Aurelius?’40 He said to me one day when we were alone, ‘I never will marry. I have not the conjugal virtues. Nothing would tempt me to marry, but a woman

39. Hi mores . . . Rowe Lucan, Pharsalia, ii. 380–83 [‘These were the manners, this was the habitual way of life of the uncompromising Cato; to observe moderation and hold fast to his aim; to follow nature and to lay down his life for his country; and not to believe himself born merely for his own interests but for the whole world’]. This was Lucan’s characterisation of Cato as the sole representative of the Stoic ideal of the wise man . . . Lucan’s Pharsalia. Translated into English Verse by Nicholas Rowe (1718), p. 65, ll. 591–98. 40. Cicero . . . Aurelius Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 bc), orator and philosopher; his son by the same name (b. 65 bc), though idle when young, had considerable administrative ability (he governed Syria and was proconsul of Asia) . . . Commodus was an unworthy successor to his illustrious father, Emperor Marcus Aurelius (121–80).

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the journal of a tour to corsica who should bring me an immense dowry, with which I might assist my country.’ But he spoke much in praise of marriage, as an institution which the experience of ages had found to be the best calculated for the happiness of individuals, and for the good of society. Had he been a private gentleman, he probably would have married, and I am sure would have made as good a husband and father as he does a supreme magistrate and a general. But his arduous and critical situation would not allow him to enjoy domestic felicity. He is wedded to his country, and the Corsicans are his children. He often talked to me of marriage, told me licentious pleasures were delusive and transient, that I should never be truly happy till I was married, and that he hoped to have a letter from me soon after my return home, acquainting him that I had followed his advice, and was convinced from experience, that he was in the right.41 With such an engaging condescention did this great man behave to me. If I could but paint his manner, all my readers would be charmed with him. He has a mind fitted for philosophical speculations as well as for affairs of state. One evening at supper, he entertained us for some time with some curious reveries and conjectures as to the nature of the intelligence of beasts, with regard to which, he observed human knowledge was as yet very imperfect. He in particular seemed fond of inquiring into the language of the brute creation. He observed that beasts fully communicate their ideas to each other, and that some of them, such as dogs, can form several articulate sounds. In different ages there have been people who pretended to understand the language of birds and beasts. ‘Perhaps, said Paoli, in a thousand years we may know this as well as we know things which appeared much more difficult to be known.’ I have often since this conversation, indulged myself in such reveries. If it were not liable to ridicule, I would say that an acquaintance with the language of beasts would be a most agreeable acquisition to man, as it would enlarge the circle of his social intercourse. On my return to Britain, I was disappointed to find nothing upon this subject in Doctour Gregory’s Comparative View of the State and Faculties of Man with those of the Animal World, which was then just published.42 My disappointment however was in a good measure made up, by a picture of society, drawn by that ingenious and worthy authour, which may be well applied to the Corsicans: ‘There is a certain period in the progress of society in which mankind appear to the greatest advantage. In this period, they have the bodily powers, and all the animal functions remaining in full vigour. They are bold,

41. right Paoli witnessed JB’s marriage contract, 31 October 1769. 42. published Published in 1765 by John Gregory (1724–73).

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the journal of a tour to corsica active, steady, ardent in the love of liberty and their native country. Their manners are simple, their social affections warm, and though they are greatly influenced by the ties of blood, yet they are generous and hospitable to strangers. Religion is universally regarded among them, though disguised by a variety of superstitions.’d Paoli was very desirous that I should study the character of the Corsicans. ‘Go among them, said he, the more you talk with them, you will do me the greater pleasure. Forget the meanness of their apparel. Hear their sentiments. You will find honour, and sense and abilities among these poor men.’ His heart grew big when he spoke of his countrymen. His own great qualities appeared to unusual advantage, while he described the virtues of those for whose happiness his whole life was employed. ‘If, said he, I should lead into the field an army of Corsicans against an army double their number, let me speak a few words to the Corsicans, to remind them of the honour of their country and of their brave forefathers, I do not say that they would conquer, but I am sure that not a man of them would give way. The Corsicans, said he, have a steady resolution that would amaze you. I wish you could see one of them die. It is a proverb among the Genoese, “I Corsi meritano la furca e la sanno soffrire. The Corsicans deserve the gallows, and they fear not to meet it.” There is a real compliment to us in this saying.’ He told me, that in Corsica, criminals are put to death four and twenty hours after sentence is pronounced against them. ‘This, said he, may not be over catholick, but it is humane.’ He went on and gave me several instances of the Corsican spirit. ‘A sergeant, said he, who fell in one of our desperate actions, when just a dying, wrote to me thus: “I salute you. Take care of my aged father. In two hours I shall be with the rest who have bravely died for their country.” ’ ‘A Corsican gentleman who had been taken prisoner by the Genoese, was thrown into a dark dungeon, where he was chained to the ground. While he was in this dismal situation, the Genoese sent a message to him, that if he would accept of a commission in their service, he might have it. ‘No, said he. Were I to accept of your offer, it would be with a determined purpose to take the first opportunity of returning to the service of my country. But I will not accept of it. For I would not have my countrymen even suspect that I could be one moment unfaithful.’ And he remained in his dungeon.’ Paoli went on: ‘I defy Rome, Sparta or Thebes to shew me thirty years of such patriotism as Corsica can boast. Though the affection between relations is exceedingly strong in the Corsicans, they will give up their nearest relations for the good of their country, and sacrifice such as have deserted to the Genoese.’ d

Preface to Comparative View, p. 8.

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the journal of a tour to corsica He gave me a noble instance of a Corsican’s feeling and greatness of mind: ‘A criminal, said he, was condemned to die. His nephew came to me with a lady of distinction, that she might solicit his pardon. The nephew’s anxiety made him think that the lady did not speak with sufficient force and earnestness. He therefore advanced, and addressed himself to me: “Sir, is it proper for me to speak?” as if he felt that it was unlawful to make such an application. I bid him go on. “Sir, said he, with the deepest concern, may I beg the life of my uncle? If it is granted, his relations will make a gift to the state of a thousand zechins. We will furnish fifty soldiers in pay during the siege of Furiani. We will agree that my uncle shall be banished, and will engage that he shall never return to the island.” I knew the nephew to be a man of worth, and I answered him. You are acquainted with the circumstances of this case. Such is my confidence in you, that if you will say that giving your uncle a pardon would be just, useful or honourable for Corsica, I promise you it shall be granted. He turned about, burst into tears, and left me, saying, “Non vorrei vendere l’onore della patria per mille zechini. I would not have the honour of our country sold for a thousand zechins.” And his uncle suffered.’ Although the General was one of the constituent members of the court of syndicato, he seldom took his chair. He remained in his own apartment; and if any of those whose suits were determined by the syndicato were not pleased with the sentence, they had an audience of Paoli, who never failed to convince them that justice had been done them. This appeared to me a necessary indulgence in the infancy of government. The Corsicans having been so long in a state of anarchy, could not all at once submit their minds to the regular authority of justice. They would submit implicitly to Paoli, because they love and venerate him. But such a submission is in reality being governed by their passions. They submit to one for whom they have a personal regard. They cannot be said to be perfectly civilized till they submit to the determinations of their magistrates as officers of the state, entrusted with the administration of justice. By convincing them that the magistrates judge with abilities and uprightness, Paoli accustoms the Corsicans to have that salutary confidence in their rulers, which is necessary for securing respect and stability to the government. After having said much in praise of the Corsicans, ‘Come, said he, you shall have a proof of what I tell you. There is a crowd in the next room, waiting for admittance to me. I will call in the first I see, and you shall hear him.’ He who chanced to present himself, was a venerable old man. The General shook him by the hand, and bid him good day, with an easy kindness that gave the aged peasant full encouragement to talk to his Excellency with freedom. Paoli bid him not mind me, but say on. The old man then told him that there had been an unlucky tumult in the village where he lived, and that two 184

the journal of a tour to corsica of his sons were killed. That looking upon this as a heavy misfortune, but without malice on the part of those who deprived him of his sons, he was willing to have allowed it to pass without inquiry. But his wife anxious for revenge, had made an application to have them apprehended and punished. That he gave his Excellency this trouble to intreat that the greatest care might be taken, lest in the heat of enmity among his neighbours, any body should be punished as guilty of the blood of his sons, who was really innocent of it. There was something so generous in this sentiment, while at the same time the old man seemed full of grief for the loss of his children, that it touched my heart in the most sensible manner. Paoli looked at me with complacency and a kind of amiable triumph on the behaviour of the old man, who had a flow of words and a vivacity of gesture which fully justified what Petrus Cyrnaeus hath said of the Corsican eloquence: ‘Diceres omnes esse bonos causidicos.43 You would say they are all good pleaders.’ I found Paoli had reason to wish that I should talk much with his countrymen, as it gave me a higher opinion both of him and of them. Thuanus has justly said, ‘Sunt mobilia Corsorum ingenia.44 The dispositions of the Corsicans are changeable.’ Yet after ten years, their attachment to Paoli is as strong as at the first. Nay, they have an enthusiastick admiration of him. ‘Questo grand’ uomo mandato per Dio a liberare la patria, This great man whom God hath sent to free our country,’ was the manner in which they expressed themselves to me concerning him. Those who attended on Paoli were all men of sense and abilities in their different departments. Some of them had been in foreign service. One of them, Signor Suzzoni, had been long in Germany. He spoke German to me, and recalled to my mind, the happy days which I have past among that plain, honest, brave people, who of all nations in the world, receive strangers with the greatest cordiality. Signor Gian Quilico Casa Bianca, of the most ancient Corsican nobility, was much my friend. He instructed me fully with regard to the Corsican government. He had even the patience to sit by me while I wrote down an account of it, which from conversations with Paoli, I afterwards enlarged and improved. I received many civilities from the Abbé Rostini, a man of literature, and distinguished no less for the excellency of his heart. His saying of Paoli deserves to be remembered: ‘Nous ne craignons pas que notre General nous trompe ni qu’il se laisse tromper,45 We are not afraid that our General will deceive us, nor that he will let himself be deceived.’

43. ‘Diceres . . . causidicos Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xxiv. 425. 44. Thuanus . . . ingenia Thou, Historia sui Temporis, I. xii. 425. 45. ‘Nous ne . . . tromper The Abbé’s remark was recorded among the ‘Materials’ for JB’s ‘Journal of a Tour to Corsica’ (hereafter ‘Materials’) (MS in the Beinecke Library, Yale) from which he constructed his published Journal.

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the journal of a tour to corsica I also received civilities from Father Guelfucci46 of the order of Servites, a man whose talents and virtues, united with a singular decency and sweetness of manners, have raised him to the honourable station of secretary to the General. Indeed all the gentlemen here behaved to me in the most obliging manner. We walked, rode, and went a shooting together. The peasants and soldiers were all frank, open, lively and bold, with a certain roughness of manner which agrees well with their character, and is far from being displeasing. The General gave me an admirable instance of their plain and natural, solid good sense. A young French Marquis, very rich and very vain, came over to Corsica. He had a sovereign contempt for the barbarous inhabitants, and strutted about (andava a passo misurato) with prodigious airs of consequence. The Corsicans beheld him with a smile of ridicule, and said, ‘Let him alone, he is young.’47 The Corsican peasants and soldiers are very fond of baiting cattle with the large mountain dogs. This keeps up a ferocity among them which totally extinguishes fear. I have seen a Corsican in the very heat of a baiting, run in, drive off the dogs, seize the half-frantick animal by the horns, and lead it away. The common people did not seem much given to diversions. I observed some of them in the great hall of the house of Colonna where I was lodged, amusing themselves with playing at a sort of draughts in a very curious manner. They drew upon the floor with chalk, a sufficient number of squares, chalking one all over, and leaving one open, alternately; and instead of black men and white, they had bits of stone and bits of wood. It was an admirable burlesque on gaming. The chief satisfaction of these islanders when not engaged in war or in hunting, seemed to be that of lying at their ease in the open air, recounting tales of the bravery of their countrymen, and singing songs in honour of the Corsicans, and against the Genoese. Even in the night they will continue this pastime in the open air, unless rain forces them to retire into their houses. The ambasciadore Inglese, The English ambassadour, as the good peasants and soldiers used to call me, became a great favourite among them. I got a Corsican dress made, in which I walked about with an air of true satisfaction. The General did me the honour to present me with his own pistols, made in the island, all of Corsican wood and iron, and of excellent workmanship. I

46. Guelfucci Abbé Bonfiglio Guelfucci da Belgodere was later (in 1769) in London with Paoli (Gen. Corr. ii. 253 n. 3). Author of Memorie del padre Bonfiglio Guelfucci (Bastia, 1882). 47. admirable instance . . . young JB’s ‘Materials’ contain the reminder: ‘Add to various instances of the Corsican character their admirable rough sense. When a french Marquis very rich & finely drest went w[i]t[h] great vanity strutting a passo misurato excused him é giovane.’ ‘(andava . . . misurato).’ i.e., ‘he moved at a deliberate pace.’

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the journal of a tour to corsica had every other accoutrement.48 I even got one of the shells which had often sounded the alarm to liberty. I preserve them all with great care. The Corsican peasants and soldiers were quite free and easy with me. Numbers of them used to come and see me of a morning, and just go out and in as they pleased. I did every thing in my power to make them fond of the British, and bid them hope for an alliance with us. They asked me a thousand questions about my country, all which I cheerfully answered as well as I could. One day they would needs hear me play upon my German flute. To have told my honest natural visitants, Really gentlemen I play very ill, and put on such airs as we do in our genteel companies, would have been highly ridiculous. I therefore immediately complied with their request. I gave them one or two Italian airs, and then some of our beautiful old Scots tunes, Gilderoy, the Lass of Patie’s Mill, Corn riggs are Bonny.49 The pathetick simplicity and pastoral gaiety of the Scots musick, will always please those who have the genuine feelings of nature. The Corsicans were charmed with the specimens I gave them, though I may now say that they were very indifferently performed. My good friends insisted also to have an English song from me. I endeavoured to please them in this too, and was very lucky in that which occurred to me. I sung them ‘Hearts of oak are our ships, Hearts of oak are our men.’50 I translated it into Italian for them, and never did I see men so delighted with a song as the Corsicans were with the Hearts of oak. ‘Cuore di quercia, cried they, bravo Inglese.’ It was quite a joyous riot. I fancied myself to be a recruiting sea officer. I fancied all my chorus of Corsicans aboard the British fleet. Paoli talked very highly on preserving the independency of Corsica. ‘We may, said he, have foreign powers for our friends; but they must be Amici fuori di casa, Friends at arm’s length. We may make an alliance, but we will not submit ourselves to the dominion of the greatest nation in Europe. This people who have done so much for liberty, would be hewn in pieces man by man, rather than allow Corsica to be sunk into the territories of another country.

48. Corsican dress . . . accoutrement JB appeared as ‘an Armed Corsican Chief ’ at Shakespeare’s Jubilee in Stratford-on-Avon, September 1769. See the figure on page 187. 49. Gilderoy . . . Bonny ‘Gilderoy’s last Farewel’ in [Thomas D’Urfey (1653–1723)] Wit and Mirth: or Pills to Purge Melancholy (1719), v. 39–41 . . . ‘The Lass of Patie’s [Pettie’s] Mill’ is believed to date from the mid-sixteenth century; first published in Orpheus Caledonias (1725) it was republished in Muses Delight (1754), p. 152 . . . The ancient air ‘Corn rigs are bonie’ was used by Robert Burns (1759–96) for his song ‘It was upon a Lammas night.’ 50. ‘Hearts . . . men’ Song by David Garrick (1717–79), music by William Boyce (1710–79), first published in 1760. In a letter, 8 March 1768, Garrick thanked JB most effusively for the mention of his ‘hurly burly Song’ and warmly congratulated him on Corsica, which is ‘well spoken of Everywhere’ (The Letters of David Garrick, ed. David M. Little and George M. Kahrl, Harvard University Press, 1963, ii. 601).

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the journal of a tour to corsica Some years ago, when a false rumour was spread that I had a design to yield up Corsica to the Emperour, a Corsican came to me, and addressed me in great agitation: “What! shall the blood of so many heroes, who have sacrificed their lives for the freedom of Corsica, serve only to tinge the purple of a foreign prince!” I mentioned to him the scheme of an alliance between Great Britain and Corsica. Paoli with politeness and dignity waved the subject, by saying, ‘The less assistance we have from allies, the greater our glory.’ He seemed hurt by our treatment of his country. He mentioned the severe proclamation at the last peace, in which the brave islanders were called the Rebels of Corsica. He said with a conscious pride and proper feeling, ‘Rebels! I did not expect that from Great Britain.’51 He however shewed his great respect for the British nation, and I could see he wished much to be in friendship with us. When I asked him what I could possibly do in return for all his goodness to me, he replied, ‘Solamente disingannate il suo corte, Only undeceive your court. Tell them what you have seen here. They will be curious to ask you. A man come from Corsica will be like a man come from the Antipodes.’ I expressed such hopes as a man of sensibility would in my situation naturally form. He saw at least one Briton devoted to his cause. I threw out many flattering ideas of future political events, imaged the British and the Corsicans strictly united both in commerce and in war, and described the blunt kindness and admiration with which the hearty, generous common people of England would treat the brave Corsicans. I insensibly got the better of his reserve upon this head. My flow of gay ideas relaxed his severity, and brightened up his humour. ‘Do you remember, said he, the little people in Asia who were in danger of being oppressed by the great king of Assyria, till they addressed themselves to the Romans: and the Romans, with the noble spirit of a great and free nation, stood forth, and would not suffer the great king to destroy the little people, but made an alliance with them?’ He made no observations upon this beautiful piece of history. It was easy to see his allusion to his own nation and ours. When the General related this piece of history to me, I was negligent enough not to ask him what little people he meant. As the story made a strong impression upon me, upon my return to Britain I searched a variety of books to try if I could find it, but in vain. I therefore took the liberty in one of my letters to Paoli, to beg he would let me know it. He told me the little people was the Jews, that the story was related by several ancient authours, but that I

51. He seemed . . . Britain’ See p. 116 n. 40

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the journal of a tour to corsica would find it told with most precision and energy in the eighth chapter of the first book of the Maccabees.52 The first book of the Maccabees, though not received into the Protestant canon, is allowed by all the learned to be an authentic history. I have read Paoli’s favourite story with much satisfaction, and, as in several circumstances, it very well applies to Great Britain and Corsica, is told with great eloquence, and furnishes a fine model for an alliance, I shall make no apology for transcribing the most interesting verses. ‘Now Judas had heard of the fame of the Romans, that they were mighty and valiant men, and such as would lovingly accept all that joined themselves unto them, and make a league of amity with all that came unto them. ‘And that they were men of great valour. It was told him also of their wars and noble acts which they had done amongst the Galatians, and how they had conquered them, and brought them under tribute. ‘And what they had done in the country of Spain, for the winning of the mines of the silver and gold which are there. ‘And that by their policy and patience they had conquered all the place, though it were very far from them. ‘It was told him besides, how they destroyed and brought under their dominion, all other kingdoms and isles that at any time resisted them. ‘But with their friends, and such as relied upon them, they kept amity: and that they had conquered kingdoms both far and near, insomuch as all that heard of their name were afraid of them: ‘Also, that whom they would help to a kingdom, those reign; and whom again they would, they displace: finally, that they were greatly exalted: ‘Moreover, how they had made for themselves a senate-house, wherein three hundred and twenty men sat in council daily, consulting alway for the people, to the end that they might be well ordered. ‘In consideration of these things Judas chose Eupolemus the son of John the son of Accos, and Jason the son of Eleazar; and sent them to Rome, to make a league of amity and confederacy with them. 52. Paoli talked [188:25] . . . Maccabees JB’s ‘Materials’ provided a skeletal framework for these pages: ‘When I asked him if I could possibly do any thing to shew my gratitude for his goodness to me he answered Solamente disingannate il suo Corte. Only undeceive your Court. Then their independence now, & say we have foreign states friends ma fuori di casa / see no [?] allies more glory to us & quote the grand saying Potenza straniera—Then say you talked of alliance <with> between Britain & him. But you saw him hurt by our usage. He mentioned Proclamation—Ribelli—I did not expect that from Great Britain. Had written to Mr. Pitt, no Ansr wished me to know truth—He shunned talking—& with great propriety & dignity & yet shewed his regard for us—When I asked him What do in return for goodness disingannate Corte. Then said Theyll ask you—Theyll be curious—a man come from Corsica will be like a man come from Antipodes—When by the warmth I shewed He was in better humour—He said Dont you remember how the Jews &c—Quote Apocrypha.’

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the journal of a tour to corsica ‘And to intreat them that they would take the yoke from them, for they saw that the kingdom of the Grecians did oppress Israel with servitude. ‘They went therefore to Rome, which was a very great journey, and came into the senate, where they spake, and said, ‘Judas Maccabeus, with his brethren, and the people of the Jews, have sent us unto you, to make a confederacy and peace with you, and that we might be registered your confederates and friends. ‘So that matter pleased the Romans well. ‘And this is the copy of the epistle which the senate wrote back again, in tables of brass, and sent to Jerusalem, that there they might have by them a memorial of peace and confederacy. ‘Good success be to the Romans, and to the people of the Jews, by sea and by land for ever. The sword also, and enemy be far from them. ‘If there come first any war upon the Romans, or any of their confederates, throughout all their dominions, ‘The people of the Jews shall help them, as the time shall be appointed, with all their heart. ‘Neither shall they give any thing unto them that make war upon them, or aid them with victuals, weapons, money or ships, as it hath seemed good unto the Romans, but they shall keep their covenant, without taking any thing therefore. ‘In the same manner also, if war come first upon the nation of the Jews, the Romans shall help them with all their heart, according as the time shall be appointed them. ‘Neither shall victuals be given to them that take part against them, or weapons, or money, or ships, as it hath seemed good to the Romans; but they shall keep their covenants, and that without deceit. ‘According to these articles did the Romans make a covenant with the people of the Jews. ‘Howbeit, if hereafter the one party or the other, shall think meet to add or diminish any thing they may do it at their pleasures, and whatsoever they shall add or take away, shall be ratified. ‘And, as touching the evils that Demetrius doth to the Jews, we have written unto him, saying, Wherefore hast thou made thy yoke heavy upon our friends and confederates, the Jews? ‘If therefore they complain any more against thee, we will do them justice, and fight with thee by sea and by land.’53 I will venture to ask whether the Romans appear, in any one instance of their history, more truly great than they do here.

53. ‘Now Judas [190:9] . . . land I Maccabees 8:1–4, 12–13, 15, 17–32.

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the journal of a tour to corsica Paoli said, ‘If a man would preserve the generous glow of patriotism, he must not reason too much. Mareschal Saxe reasoned; and carried the arms of France into the heart of Germany, his own country.54 I act from sentiment, not from reasonings. ‘Virtuous sentiments and habits, said he, are beyond philosophical reasonings, which are not so strong, and are continually varying. If all the professours in Europe were formed into one society, it would no doubt be a society very respectable, and we should there be entertained with the best moral lessons. Yet I believe I should find more real virtue in a society of good peasants in some little village in the heart of your island. It might be said of these two societies, as was said of Demosthenes and Themistocles, ‘Illius dicta, hujus facta magis valebant,55 The one was powerful in words, but the other in deeds.’ This kind of conversation led me to tell him how much I had suffered from anxious speculations. With a mind naturally inclined to melancholy, and a keen desire of enquiry, I had intensely applied myself to metaphysical researches, and reasoned beyond my depth, on such subjects as it is not given to man to know. I told him I had rendered my mind a camera obscura, that in the very heat of youth I felt the ‘non est tanti,’ the ‘omnia vanitas’56 of one who has exhausted all the sweets of his being, and is weary with dull repetition. I told him that I had almost become for ever incapable of taking a part in active life. ‘All this, said Paoli, is melancholy. I have also studied metaphysicks. I know the arguments for fate and free-will, for the materiality and immateriality of the soul, and even the subtile arguments for and against the existence of matter. Ma lasciamo queste dispute ai oziosi, But let us leave these disputes to the idle. Io tengo sempre fermo un gran pensiero, I hold always firm one great object. I never feel a moment of despondency.’ The contemplation of such a character really existing, was of more service to me than all I had been able to draw from books, from conversation, or from the exertions of my own mind. I had often enough formed the idea of a man continually such, as I could conceive in my best moments. But this idea appeared like the ideas we are taught in the schools to form of things which may exist, but do not; of seas of milk, and ships of amber. But I saw my highest idea realized in Paoli. It was impossible for me, speculate as I pleased, to have a little opinion of human nature in him.

54. Mareschal . . . country Hermann Maurice (1696–1750), Comte de Saxe, when young served under Marlborough and Prince Eugene; later a marshal of France, he was the victorious general at Fontenoy in 1745, which led to the French conquest of Flanders. 55. Illius . . . valebant Unidentified. 56. non . . . vanitas’ ‘It’s not worth it’ . . . ‘All is vanity,’ Ecclesiastes i. 2.

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the journal of a tour to corsica One morning I remember, I came in upon him without ceremony, while he was dressing. I was glad to have an opportunity of seeing him in those teasing moments, when according to the Duke de Rochefoucault, no man is a hero to his valet de chambre.57 That lively nobleman who has a malicious pleasure in endeavouring to divest human nature of its dignity, by exhibiting partial views, and exaggerating faults, would have owned that Paoli was every moment of his life a hero. Paoli told me that from his earliest years, he had in view the important station which he now holds; so that his sentiments must ever have been great. I asked him how one of such elevated thoughts could submit with any degree of patience, to the unmeaning ceremonies and poor discourse of genteel society, which he certainly was obliged to do while an officer at Naples. ‘O, said he, I managed it very easily. Ero connosciuto per una testa singolare, I was known to be a singular man. I talked and joked, and was merry; but I never sat down to play; I went and came as I pleased. The mirth I like is what is easy and unaffected. Je ne puis souffrir long temps les diseurs de bons mots,58 I cannot endure long the sayers of good things.’ How much superiour is this great man’s idea of agreeable conversation to that of professed wits, who are continually straining for smart remarks, and lively repartees. They put themselves to much pain in order to please; and yet please less than if they would just appear as they naturally feel themselves. A company of professed wits has always appeared to me, like a company of artificers employed in some very nice and difficult work, which they are under a necessity of performing. Though calm and fully master of himself, Paoli is animated with an extraordinary degree of vivacity. Except when indisposed or greatly fatigued, he never sits down but at meals. He is perpetually in motion, walking briskly backwards and forwards. Mr. Samuel Johnson, whose comprehensive and vigourous understanding, has by long observation, attained to a perfect knowledge of human nature, when treating of biography, has this reflection: ‘There are many invisible circumstances which, whether we read as enquirers after

57. Duke . . . chambre The remark is attributed to Mme. Corneul (1605–94)—not to La Rochefoucauld (1613–80): ‘Il n’y a point de héros pour son valet de chambre.’ 58. This kind [192:14] . . . mots JB’s ‘Materials’ for these pages read: ‘Say this strain or style of talking led me to tell him how much I had suffered from reasonings—A mind naturally tinctured & cast w[i]t[h] melancholy speculated till all a blank & omnia vanitas—Said he never felt such despondency a moment tengo sempre un gran pensiere—do what you pleased you could not think little of human nature in him never saw this before—formed an idea of it a man just continually as I in best moments. This an idea formerly appeared as metaphysicians make us form idea of Ship of amber & sea of milk by augmenting but was real in him. Went to him morning Hero to Valeta. Told you from infancy great ideas—a Napoli testa singolare—has souffrir long tems diseurs de bons mots.’

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the journal of a tour to corsica natural or moral knowledge; whether we intend to enlarge our science, or encrease our virtue, are more important than publick occurrences, Thus Sallust the great master of nature, has not forgotten in his account of Catiline, to remark, that “his walk was now quick, and again slow,” as an indication of a mind revolving something with violent commotion.’e Ever mindful of the wisdom of the Rambler, I have accustomed myself to mark the small peculiarities of character. Paoli’s being perpetually in motion, nay his being so agitated that, as the same Sallust also says of Catiline, ‘Neque vigiliis, neque quietibus sedari poterat,59 He could not be quieted either by watching or by repose,’ are indications of his being as active and indefatigable as Catiline, but from a very different cause: The conspiratour from schemes of ruin and destruction to Rome; the patriot from schemes of liberty and felicity to Corsica. Paoli told me that the vivacity of his mind was such, that he could not study above ten minutes at a time. ‘La testa mi rompa, My head is like to break, said he. I can never write my lively ideas with my own hand. In writing, they escape from my mind. I call the Abbé Guelfucci, Allons presto, pigliate li pensieri, Come quickly, take my thoughts; and he writes them.’ Paoli has a memory like that of Themistocles;60 for I was assured that he knows the names of almost all the people in the island, their characters, and their connexions. His memory as a man of learning, is no less uncommon. He has the best part of the classicks by heart, and he has a happy talent in applying them with propriety, which is rarely to be found. This talent is not always to be reckoned pedantry. The instances in which Paoli is shewn to display it, are a proof to the contrary. I have heard Paoli recount the revolutions of one of the ancient states, with an energy and a rapidity which shewed him to be master of the subject, to be perfectly acquainted with every spring and movement of the various events. I have heard him give what the French call ‘Une catalogue raisonnée’61 of the most distinguished men in antiquity. His characters of them were concise, nervous and just. I regret that the fire with which he spoke upon such e

Rambler, No. 60.*

59. Sallust . . . poterat JB’s memory betrayed him; Sallust’s words were: ‘neque insomniis neque labore fatigari’ (Bellum Catilinae, xxvii. 2) [‘he succumbed neither to wakefulness nor fatigue’]. 60. He is [193:27] . . . Themistocles JB’s notes for these paragraphs read: ‘His walking. Then Say Mr. S John[son] as mark of great mast[er] of hum[an] Nat[ure] in Sallust & mark below Rambler No. 1[60] &c. Say Neque vigiliis &c., Sallust from what dif[ferent] motives Tell his description of writing Pigliate pensiere—sudo anzi &c . . . His great memory like Themist[ocles].’ 61. ‘Une catalogue raisonnée’ i.e., a classified descriptive catalogue. * ‘inquiries’ in early edns was corrected by Johnson to ‘enquirers’ for the 4th edn, 1756; the corrected spelling is adopted here. The allusion to Sallust is to Bellum Catilinae, xv. 5.

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the journal of a tour to corsica occasions, so dazzled me, that I could not recollect his sayings so as to write them down when I retired from his presence. He just lives in the times of antiquity. He said to me, ‘A young man who would form his mind to glory, must not read modern memoirs; mà Plutarcho, mà Tito Livio; but Plutarch and Titus Livius.’ I have seen him fall into a sort of reverie, and break out into sallies of the grandest and noblest enthusiasm. I recollect two instances of this. ‘What a thought? that thousands owe their happiness to you!’ And throwing himself into an attitude, as if he saw the lofty mountain of fame before him: ‘There is my object! (pointing to the summit), if I fall, I fall at least there (pointing a good way up), magnis tamen excidit ausis.’62 I ventured to reason like a libertine, that I might be confirmed in virtuous principles by so illustrious a Preceptour. I made light of moral feelings. I argued that conscience was vague and uncertain; that there was hardly any vice but what men might be found who have been guilty of it without remorse. ‘But, said he, there is no man who has not a horrour at some vice. Different vices and different virtues have the strongest impression, on different men; Ma il virtù in astratto è il nutrimento dei nostri cuori, But virtue in the abstract, is the food of our hearts.’ Talking of Providence, he said to me with that earnestness with which a man speaks who is anxious to be believed: ‘I tell you on the word of an honest man, it is impossible for me not to be persuaded that God interposes to give freedom to Corsica. A people oppressed like the Corsicans, are certainly worthy of divine assistance. When we were in the most desperate circumstances, I never lost courage, trusting as I did in Providence.’ I ventured to object; But why has not Providence interposed sooner? He replied with a noble, serious and devout air, ‘Because his ways are unsearchable. I adore him for what he hath done, I revere him in what he hath not done.’ I gave Paoli the character of my revered friend Mr. Samuel Johnson. I have often regreted that illustrious men, such as humanity produces a few times in the revolution of many ages, should not see each other;63 and when such arise in the same age, though at the distance of half the globe, I have been astonished how they could forbear to meet.

62. I have [195:6] . . . ausis JB’s ‘Materials’ for this passage read: ‘sometimes—broke into enthusiasm as ?nelle pensee—que des milles doivent leur bonheurs a vous—And pointing as to a mountain there is my object & if I fall—I fall at least there pointing as a good way up magnis tamen excedit.’ The quotation ‘magnis . . . ausis’ is from Ovid’s Metamorphoses, ii. 328 [‘he failed but it was in a great venture’]. 63. I have . . . other In 1769 JB achieved his goal: ‘On the evening of 10 October, I presented Dr. Johnson to General Paoli. I had greatly wished that two men, for whom I had the highest esteem, should meet. They met with a manly ease, mutually conscious of their own abilities, and of the abilities of each other’ (Life, ii. 80).

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the journal of a tour to corsica ‘As steel sharpneth steel, so doth a man the countenance of his friend,’64 says the wise monarch. What an idea may we not form of an interview between such a scholar and philosopher as Mr. Johnson, and such a legislatour and general as Paoli! I repeated to Paoli several of Mr. Johnson’s sayings, so remarkable for strong sense and original humour. I now recollect these two. When I told Mr. Johnson that a certain authour affected in conversation to maintain, that there was no distinction between virtue and vice, he said, ‘Why, Sir, if the fellow does not think as he speaks, he is lying; and I see not what honour he can propose to himself from having the character of a lyar. But if he does really think that there is no distinction between virtue and vice, why, Sir, when he leaves our houses let us count our spoons.’65 Of modern infidels and innovatours, he said, ‘Sir, these are all vain men, and will gratify themselves at any expence. Truth will not afford sufficient food to their vanity; so they have betaken themselves to errour. Truth, Sir, is a cow which will yield such people no more milk; and so they are gone to milk the bull.’66 I felt an elation of mind to see Paoli delighted with the sayings of Mr. Johnson, and to hear him translate them with Italian energy to the Corsican heroes.67 I repeated Mr. Johnson’s sayings as nearly as I could, in his own peculiar forcible language, for which, prejudiced or little criticks have taken upon them to find fault with him. He is above making any answer to them; but I have found a sufficient answer in a general remark in one of his excellent papers: Difference of thoughts will produce difference of language. He that thinks with more extent than another, will want words of larger meaning.’f I hope to be pardoned for this digression, wherein I pay a just tribute of veneration and gratitude to one from whose writings and conversation I have received instructions of which I experience the value in every scene of my life. During Paoli’s administration, there have been few laws made in Corsica. He mentioned one which he has found very efficacious in curbing that f

Idler, No. 70.

64. ‘As steel . . . friend Proverbs xxvii. 17 [‘Iron sharpeneth iron; so a man sharpeneth the countenance . . .’]. 65. ‘Why, Sir, . . . spoons Life, i. 432. That ‘certain authour,’ Johnson’s target on 14 July 1763, was James (‘Ossian’) Macpherson (1736–96). 66. Of modern . . . bull Life, i. 444; the remark (21 July 1763) was directed at ‘Hume and other sceptical innovators.’ 67. I repeated [196:5] . . . heroes JB’s ‘Materials’ read: ‘Then Talk of Mr. Sam[uel] Johns[on] very high . . . Tell the milk bull & count spoons in english. Paoli translated What pleasure to hear strong sense & humour of revered friend so honoured promised him Johns[on]’s works—’

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the journal of a tour to corsica vindictive spirit of the Corsicans, of which I have said a good deal in a former part of this work. There was among the Corsicans a most dreadful species of revenge, called ‘Vendetta trasversa, Collateral revenge,’ which Petrus Cyrnaeus candidly acknowledges. It was this: If a man had received an injury, and could not find a proper opportunity to be revenged on his enemy personally, he revenged himself on one of his enemy’s relations. So barbarous a practice, was the source of innumerable assassinations. Paoli knowing that the point of honour was every thing to the Corsicans, opposed it to the progress of the blackest of crimes, fortified by long habits. He made a law, by which it was provided, that this collateral revenge should not only be punished with death, as ordinary murther, but the memory of the offender should be disgraced for ever by a pillar of infamy. He also had it enacted that the same statute should extend to the violatours of an oath of reconciliation, once made.68 By thus combating a vice so destructive, he has, by a kind of shock of opposite passions, reduced the fiery Corsicans to a state of mildness, and he assured me that they were now all fully sensible of the equity of that law. While I was at Sollacarò, information was received, that the poor wretch who strangled the woman at the instigation of his mistress, had consented to accept of his life, upon condition of becoming hangman. This made a great noise among the Corsicans, who were enraged at the creature, and said their nation was now disgraced. Paoli did not think so. He said to me, ‘I am glad of this. It will be of service. It will contribute to form us to a just subordination. We have as yet too great an equality among us. As we must have Corsican taylours and Corsican shoemakers, we must also have a Corsican hangman.’ I could not help being of a different opinion. The occupations of a taylour and a shoemaker though mean, are not odious. When I afterwards met M. Rousseau in England, and made him a report of my Corsican expedition, he agreed with me in thinking that it would be something noble for the brave islanders, to be able to say that there was not a Corsican but who would rather suffer death, than become a hangman; and he also agreed with me, that it might have a good effect to have always a Genoese for the hangman of Corsica. I must however do the Genoese the justice to observe, that Paoli told me, that even one of them had suffered death in Corsica, rather than consent to become hangman. When I, from a keenness natural enough in a Briton born with an abhorrence at tyranny, talked with violence against the Genoese, Paoli said with a moderation and candour which ought to do him honour even with

68. ‘Vendetta . . . made Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xxiv. 424 . . . In his ‘Materials’ JB wrote: ‘Vendetta trasversa mentioned by Cyrneus Paoli knowing point of honour all to Corsicans made it not only capital as ordinary murther but a Pillar of infamy to be erected. The same ordonnance ag[ains]t him who breaks pace giurata. (This <might> may come in at the place in chapter 2 where He subdues vindictive spirit or tell it here as an Anecdote).’

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the journal of a tour to corsica the republick, ‘It is true the Genoese are our enemies; but let us not forget, that they are the descendants of those worthies, who carried their arms beyond the Hellespont.’69 There is one circumstance in Paoli’s character which I present to my readers with caution, knowing how much it may be ridiculed, in an age when mankind are so fond of incredulity, that they seem to pique themselves in contracting their circle of belief as much as possible. But I consider this infidel rage as but a temporary mode of the human understanding, and am well persuaded that e’er long we shall return to a more calm philosophy. I own I cannot help thinking that though we may boast some improvements in science, and in short, superiour degrees of knowledge in things where our faculties can fully reach, yet we should not assume to ourselves sounder judgements than those of our fathers; I will therefore venture to relate that Paoli has at times extraordinary impressions of distant and future events. The way in which I discovered it, was this. Being very desirous of studying so exalted a character, I so far presumed upon his goodness to me, as to take the liberty of asking him a thousand questions with regard to the most minute and private circumstances of his life. Having asked him one day when some of his nobles were present, whether a mind, so active as his, was not employed even in sleep, and if he used to dream much. Signor Casa Bianca said with an air and tone which implied something of importance, “Si, si sogna, Yes, he dreams.” And upon my asking him to explain his meaning, he told me that the General had often seen in his dreams, what afterwards came to pass. Paoli confirmed this by several instances. Said he, ‘I can give you no clear explanation of it. I only tell you facts. Sometimes I have been mistaken, but in general, these visions have proved true. I cannot say what may be the agency of invisible spirits. They certainly must know more than we do; and there is nothing absurd in supposing that God should permit them to communicate their knowledge to us.’ He went into a most curious and pleasing disquisition, on a subject, which the late ingenious Mr. Baxter has treated in a very philosophical manner, in his Inquiry into the Nature of the Human Soul;70 a book which may be read with as much delight, and surely with more advantage than the works

69. While [197:17] . . . Hellespont JB’s ‘Materials’ reminded him: ‘Mention news arrived that the wretch of a Servant would be Hangman the Corsicans offended—Country disgraced for ever— But Paoli said I am glad &c. I could not help differing from him. Afterwards M. Rousseau when I saw him in England of same opinion He Said it was a fine thing to say of the Nation none a Hangman & it would be a good device to have a Genoese for Hangman. I must however observe Genoese died & Paoli’s generous character.’ The ‘worthies’ to whom JB refers were the Argonauts who, in Greek legend (on board the ship Argo), accompanied Jason on his expedition to recover the Golden Fleece; the Hellespont now called the Dardanelles. 70. Baxter . . . Soul Andrew Baxter (1686–1750); his Enquiry . . . Soul published 1733.

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the journal of a tour to corsica of those who endeavour to destroy our belief. Belief is favourable to the human mind, were it for nothing else but to furnish it entertainment. An infidel I should think, must frequently suffer from ennui. It was perhaps affectation in Socrates to say, that all he had learned to know was that he knew nothing.71 But surely it is a mark of wisdom, to be sensible of the limited extent of human knowledge, to examine with reverence the ways of God, nor presumptuously reject any opinion which has been held by the judicious and the learned, because it has been made a cloak for artifice, or had a variety of fictions raised upon it, by credulity. Old Feltham says, ‘Every dream is not to be counted of; nor yet are all to be cast away with contempt. I would neither be a stoick, superstitious in all; nor yet an epicure, considerate of none.’g And after observing how much the ancients attended to the interpretation of dreams, he adds, ‘Were it not for the power of the Gospel, in crying down the vainsh of men, it would appear a wonder how a science so pleasing to humanity, should fall so quite to ruin.’i The mysterious circumstance in Paoli’s character which I have ventured to relate, is universally believed in Corsica. The inhabitants of that island like the Italians, express themselves much by signs. When I asked one of them, if there had been many instances of the General’s foreseeing future events, he grasped a large bunch of his hair, and replied, ‘Tante, Signore, So many, Sir.’72 It may be said that the General has industriously propagated this opinion, in order that he might have more authority in civilizing a rude and ferocious people, as Lycurgus pretended to have the sanction of the oracle at Delphos, as Numa gave it out that he had frequent interviews with the nymph Egeria, or as Marius73 persuaded the Romans, that he received divine communications from a hind. But I cannot allow myself to suppose that Paoli ever required the aid of pious frauds. Paoli though never familiar, has the most perfect ease of behaviour. This is a mark of a real great character. The distance and reserve which some of our g

Feltham’s Resolves, Cent. I. Resol. 52.

h

He means vanity.

i

Feltham’s Resolves, Cent. I. Resol. 52.*

71. Socrates . . . nothing Socrates concluded that he was the wisest person but only because he alone knew that he knew nothing (Plato, Apology 21–23). 72. Paoli [198:14] . . . Sir JB’s ‘Materials’ read: ‘Then his second sight, and quote Dunc[an] Forbes [1685–1747] as giving credit to it call him The learned Duncan Forbes Presid[ent] of court &c., & Statue in Senate house by his countrymen. say tho a Scotsman you will defend it. say you know not agency of evil spirits. quote Baxter, Numa & Egeria. Corsican w[i]t[h] hair: Avuto tanto visions viz.’ 73. Lycurgus . . . Numa . . . Egeria . . . Marius Cf. p. 102 n. 10 and Plutarch, Lycurgus 5.1.77 ff. . . Numa, probably Numa Pompilius, king of Rome, ?715–673 bc, and the nymph Egeria who advised him . . . Marius Gaius Marius (c. 157–86 bc), Roman general and politician. * Owen Felltham (1602–68), Resolves: Divine, Moral, Political (1623; 10th impression 1677), First Century, Resolve LII, 82, 84.

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the journal of a tour to corsica modern nobility affect, is, because nobility is now little else than a name in comparison of what it was in ancient times. In ancient times, noblemen lived at their country seats, like princes, in hospitable grandeur. They were men of power, and every one of them could bring hundreds of followers into the field. They were then open and affable. Some of our modern nobility are so anxious to preserve an appearance of dignity which they are sensible cannot bear an examination, that they are afraid to let you come near them. Paoli is not so. Those about him come into his apartment at all hours, wake him, help him on with his clothes, are perfectly free from restraint; yet they know their distance, and awed by his real greatness, never lose their respect for him. Though thus easy of access, particular care is taken against such attempts upon the life of the illustrious Chief, as he has good reason to apprehend from the Genoese, who have so often employed assassination merely in a political view, and who would gain so much by assassinating Paoli. A certain number of soldiers are continually on guard upon him; and as still closer guards, he has some faithful Corsican dogs. Of these five or six sleep, some in his chamber, and some at the outside of the chamber-door. He treats them with great kindness, and they are strongly attached to him.74 They are extremely sagacious, and know all his friends and attendants. Were any person to approach the General during the darkness of the night, they would instantly tear him in pieces. Having dogs for his attendants, is another circumstance about Paoli similar to the heroes of antiquity. Homer represents Telemachus so attended: δ9ω k9νες 'rγο& εποντο. Homer. Odyss. lib. ii. l. 11.

Two dogs a faithful guard attend behind. Pope. But the description given of the family of Patroclus applies better to Paoli:  0ννα τω O  γε 7ναkτι τrαπεζηες k9νες ησαν. Homer. Iliad. lib. xxiii. l. 73.

nine large dogs domestick at his board. Pope. 74. Paoli [199:28] . . . him In his ‘Materials’ JB wrote: ‘Paoli’s ease in Behaviour but not familiar This the mark of a real great character I have heard it observed by Mr. Adam Smith that the stiffness, reserve & distance which some of our modern Nobility affect is because nobility without power or talents is in reality little or nothing. Nobles without either of these being sensible of their own insignificancy are afraid to let you come near them Paoli is the reverse of this. Those about him come into his Appartment, wake him help him on with his cloaths are perfectly unconstrained. Yet they know their distance, and, awed by his real greatness never lose their respect for him—. Tho’ thus easy of access care taken to guard ag[ains]t snares—His Dogs. This at[tachment?] grand.’ (Adam Smith (1723–90) was the admired professor of moral philosophy, University of Glasgow, during JB’s period as a student, 1759–60.)

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the journal of a tour to corsica Mr. Pope in his notes on the second book of the Odyssey, is much pleased with dogs being introduced, as it furnishes an agreeable instance of ancient simplicity. He observes that Virgil thought this circumstance worthy of his imitation, in describing old Evander.75 So we read of Syphax general of the Numidians, ‘Syphax interduos canes stans, Scipionem appellavit,j Syphax standing between two dogs called to Scipio.’ Talking of courage, he made a very just distinction between constitutional courage and courage from reflection. ‘Sir Thomas More, said he, would not probably have mounted a breach so well as a sergeant who had never thought of death. But a sergeant would not on a scaffold, have shewn the calm resolution of Sir Thomas More.’ On this subject he told me a very remarkable anecdote, which happened during the last war in Italy. At the siege of Tortona, the commander of the army which lay before the town, ordered Carew an Irish officer in the service of Naples, to advance with a detachment to a particular post. Having given his orders, he whispered to Carew: ‘Sir, I know you to be a gallant man. I have therefore put you upon this duty. I tell you in confidence, it is certain death for you all. I place you there to make the enemy spring a mine below you.’ Carew made a bow to the general, and led on his men in silence to the dreadful post. He there stood with an undaunted countenance, and having called to one of the soldiers for a draught of wine, ‘Here, said he, I drink to all those who bravely fall in battle.’ Fortunately at that instant Tortona capitulated, and Carew escaped. But he had thus a full opportunity of displaying a rare instance of determined intrepidity. It is with pleasure that I record an anecdote so much to the honour of a gentleman of that nation, on which illiberal reflections are too often thrown, by those of whom it little deserves them. Whatever may be the rough jokes of wealthy insolence, or the envious sarcasms of needy jealousy, the Irish have ever been, and will continue to be, highly regarded upon the continent.76 Paoli’s personal authority among the Corsicans struck me much. I have seen a crowd of them with eagerness and impetuosity, endeavouring to approach j

I mention this on the authority of an excellent scholar, and one of our best writers, Mr. Joseph Warton in his notes on the Æneid; for I have not been able to find the passage in Livy which he quotes.*

75. Homer [200:22] . . . Evander Homer Odyssey, ii. 11; Pope, Odyssey, ii. 14 . . . Homer, Iliad, xxiii. 73; Pope, Iliad, xxiii. 213. In his note to Odyssey, ii. 14 Pope cites the Virgilian reference and the line from the Iliad quoted by JB. 76. Talking of [201:7] . . . continent JB’s ‘Materials’ contain two aide-mémoires, both dated 27 October: ‘Two kinds of Courage . . . Story of brave Irishman Carew,’ with the addendum: ‘Say this Nation [the Irish], though illiberally treated by us, high abroad—’ * See Warton’s notes on Aeneid, viii. 461–62 in Works of Virgil, 1753, iii. 422 n.

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the journal of a tour to corsica him, as if they would have burst into his apartment by force. In vain did the guards attempt to restrain them; but when he called to them in a tone of firmness, ‘Non c’è ora ricorso, No audience now,’ they were hushed at once.77 He one afternoon gave us an entertaining dissertation on the ancient art of war. He observed that the ancients allowed of little baggage, which they very properly called ‘impedimenta;’ whereas the modern burden themselves with it to such a degree, that 50,000 of our present soldiers are allowed as much baggage as was formerly thought sufficient for all the armies of the Roman empire. He said it was good for soldiers to be heavy armed, as it renders them proportionably robust; and he remarked that when the Romans lightened their arms, the troops became enfeebled. He made a very curious observation with regard to the towers full of armed men, which we are told were borne on the backs of their elephants. He said it must be a mistake; for if the towers were broad, there would not be room for them on the backs of elephants; for he and a friend who was an able calculatour, had measured a very large elephant at Naples, and made a computation of the space necessary to hold the number of men said to be contained in those towers, and they found that the back of the broadest elephant would not be sufficient, after making the fullest allowance for what might be hung by ballance on either side of the animal. If again the towers were high, they would fall; for he did not think it at all probable, that the Romans had the art of tying on such monstrous machines at a time when they had not learnt the use even of girths to their saddles. He said he did not give too much credit to the figures on Trajan’s pillar, many of which were undoubtedly false. He said it was his opinion, that those towers were only drawn by the elephants; an opinion founded in probability, and free from the difficulties of that which has been commonly received.78 Talking of various schemes of life, fit for a man of spirit and education; I mentioned to him that of being a foreign minister. He said he thought it a very agreeable employment for a man of parts and address, during some years of his life. ‘In that situation, said he, a man will insensibly attain to a greater knowledge of men and manners, and a more perfect acquaintance with the politicks of Europe. He will be promoted according to the returns which he

77. Paoli’s . . . once Reinforcing the point (200:9) that Paoli’s attendants ‘know their distance,’ this incident may have been selected so that JB could glance at one of Paoli’s characteristics without directly contravening the instruction in his ‘Materials’: ‘Before Crowd & Soldiers under arms more distant quite proper (this not for publick view).’ 78. He one [202:5] . . . received A reminder of a conversation dated 27 October, occurs in JB’s ‘Materials’: ‘His talking of art of war & Elephants.’

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the journal of a tour to corsica makes to his court. They must be accurate, distinct, without fire or ornament. He may subjoin his own opinion, but he must do it with great modesty. The ministry at home are proud.’79 He said the greatest happiness was not in glory, but in goodness; and that Penn in his American colony,80 where he had established a people in quiet and contentment, was happier than Alexander the Great after destroying multitudes at the conquest of Thebes.81 He observed that the history of Alexander is obscure and dubious; for his captains who divided his kingdom, were too busy to record his life and actions, and would at any rate wish to render him odious to posterity. Never was I so thoroughly sensible of my own defects as while I was in Corsica. I felt how small were my abilities, and how little I knew. Ambitious to be the companion of Paoli, and to understand a country and a people which roused me so much, I wished to be a Sir James MacDonald.k The last day which I spent with Paoli, appeared of inestimable value. I thought him more than usually great and amiable, when I was upon the eve of parting from him. The night before my departure, a little incident happened which shewed him in a most agreeable light. When the servants were bringing in the desert after supper, one of them chanced to let fall a plate of walnuts. Instead of flying into a passion at what the man could not help, Paoli said with a smile, ‘No matter;’ and turning to me, ‘It is a good sign for you, Sir, Tempus est spargere nuces, It is time to scatter walnuts. It is a matrimonial omen: You must go home to your own country, and marry some fine woman whom you really like. I shall rejoice to hear of it.’ This was a pretty allusion to the Roman ceremony at weddings, of scattering walnuts. So Virgil’s Damon says, k

Sir James MacDonald baronet of the isle of Sky, who at the age of one and twenty, had the learning and abilities of a professour and a statesman, with the accomplishments of a man of the world. Eton and Oxford will ever remember him as one of their greatest ornaments. He was well known to the most distinguished in Europe, but was carried off from all their expectations. He died at Frescati, near Rome, in 1765. Had he lived a little longer, I believe I should have prevailed with him to visit Corsica.*

79. Talking . . . proud’ JB’s ‘Materials’ date this conversation 28 October: ‘Talking of various plans of life, talk’d of that of a Foreign Minister how to behave gains acquaintance with the state of Europe. Ministry at home proud.’ 80. Penn . . . colony William Penn (1644–1718) oversaw the founding of Pennsylvania as a refuge for Quakers and other nonconformists from Europe. Paoli’s remark—‘the greatest happiness . . . goodness’—was dated 25 October in JB’s ‘Materials’ and related to ‘Penn in his American Colony.’ 81. Alexander . . . Thebes Alexander the Great (356–323 bc) conquered Asia Minor, subdued Egypt (332–31) and committed the massacre at Thebes (now Luxor). * JB visited Oxford in April 1763 at the invitation of Sir James Macdonald (1742–66) who was then an undergraduate; though he was well entertained, JB found Oxford very dispiriting.

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the journal of a tour to corsica Mopse novas incide faces: tibi ducitur uxor. Sparge marite nuces: tibi deserit Hesperus Oetam. Virg. Eclog. viii. l.30. Thy bride comes forth! begin the festal rites! The walnuts strew! prepare the nuptial lights! O envied husband, now thy bliss is nigh! Behold for thee bright Hesper mounts the sky! Warton.82 When I again asked Paoli if it was possible for me in any way to shew him my great respect and attachment, he replied, ‘Ricordatevi che Io vi sia amico, e scrivetemi. Remember that I am your friend, and write to me.’ I said I hoped that when he honoured me with a letter, he would write not only as a commander, but as a philosopher and a man of letters. He took me by the hand, and said, ‘As a friend.’ I dare not transcribe from my private notes the feelings which I had at this interview. I should perhaps appear too enthusiastick. I took leave of Paoli with regret and agitation, not without some hopes of seeing him again. From having known intimately so exalted a character, my sentiments of human nature were raised, while, by a sort of contagion, I felt an honest ardour to distinguish myself, and be useful, as far as my situation and abilities would allow; and I was, for the rest of my life, set free from a slavish timidity in the presence of great men, for where shall I find a man greater than Paoli?83 When I set out from Sollacarò, I felt myself a good deal indisposed. The old house of Colonna, like the family of its master, was much decayed; so that both wind and rain found their way into my bed chamber. From this I contracted a severe cold, which ended in a tertian ague.84 There was no help for it. I might well submit to some inconveniences, where I had enjoyed so much happiness. I was accompanied a part of the road by a great swarthy priest, who had never been out of Corsica. He was a very Hercules for strength and resolution.

82. Mopse . . . Warton Virgil, Eclogues, viii. 29–30 [‘Mopsus, cut new wedding-torches; for you they bring the bride. Scatter the nuts, bridegroom: for you the evening star rises above the mountaintops’] . . . Warton, Works of Virgil, i. 134–35. 83. The last [203:15] . . . Paoli JB’s account of the ‘little incident’ and the leave-taking was prepared for in his ‘Materials’: ‘The night before you went doubly amiable shewed his Corsicans He regarded you write me, wife, &c. Incident occurred Tempus est spargere nuces fine pleasantry instead of passion at the Servants. Took a most affect[ionate] leave, Octr. 29–5. Here ends Paoli.’ 84. tertian ague ‘Ague’ was the early term for malaria; ‘tertian’ presumably indicates that the fever came on every other day. JB probably contracted the disease (most likely type P. falciparum) during the sea voyage to Corsica—from the mosquitoes that infested the boat—or even in Leghorn before his departure. See D. W. Purdie and N. Gow, ‘The Maladies of James Boswell, Advocate,’ Journal of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, 32 (2002), 197–98.

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the journal of a tour to corsica He and two other Corsicans took a castle, garrisoned by no less than fifteen Genoese. Indeed the Corsicans have such a contempt for their enemies, that I have heard them say, ‘Basterebbero le donne contra i Genovesi,85 Our women would be enough against the Genoese.’ This priest was a bluff, hearty, roaring fellow, troubled neither with knowledge nor care. He was ever and anon shewing me how stoutly his nag could caper. He always rode some paces before me, and sat in an attitude half turned round, with his hand clapped upon the crupper. Then he would burst out with comical songs about the devil and the Genoese, and I don’t know what all. In short, notwithstanding my feverishness, he kept me laughing whether I would or no. I was returning to Corte; but I varied my road a little from the way I had come, going more upon the low country, and nearer the western shore. At Cauro I had a fine view of Ajaccio and its environs. My ague was some time of forming, so I had frequent intervals of ease, which I employed in observing whatever occurred. I was lodged at Cauro in the house of Signor Peraldi of Ajaccio, who received me with great politeness. I found here another provincial magistracy. Before supper, Signor Peraldi and a young Abbé of Ajaccio entertained me with some airs on the violin. After they had shewn me their taste in fine improved musick, they gave me some original Corsican airs, and at my desire, they brought up four of the guards of the magistracy, and made them shew me a Corsican dance. It was truly savage. They thumped with their heels, sprung upon their toes, brandished their arms, wheeled and leaped with the most violent gesticulations. It gave me the idea of an admirable war dance. During this journey I had very bad weather. I cannot forget the worthy rectour of Cuttoli, whose house afforded me a hospitable retreat, when wet to the skin, and quite overcome by the severity of the storm, which my sickness made me little able to resist. He was directly86 such a venerable hermit as we read of in the old romances. His figure and manner interested me at first sight. I found he was a man well respected in the island, and that the General did him the honour to correspond with him. He gave me a simple collation of eggs, chestnuts and wine, and was very liberal of his ham and other more substantial victuals to my servant. The honest Swiss87 was by this time very well pleased to have his face turned towards the continent. He was heartily tired of seeing foreign parts, and meeting with scanty meals and hard beds, in an island which he could not comprehend the pleasure of visiting. He said to me,

85. Corsicans have . . . Genovesi JB’s ‘Materials’ contain this reminder: ‘Contempt of Corsicans for the Genoese Basterebbe le Donne. mention this when you talked w[i]t[h] them Paoli one day out—’ 86. directly i.e. exactly. 87. honest Swiss See p. 166 n. 12

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the journal of a tour to corsica ‘Si J’etois encore une fois retourné à mon pais parmi ces montagnes de suisse dont monsieur fait tant des plaisanteries, Je verrai qui m’engagera à les quitter. If I were once more at home in my own country, among those mountains of Switzerland, on which you have had so many jokes, I will see who shall prevail with me to quit them.’ The General out of his great politeness, would not allow me to travel without a couple of chosen guards to attend me in case of any accidents. I made them my companions, to relieve the tediousness of my journey. One of them called Ambrosio, was a strange iron-couloured fearless creature. He had been much in war; careless of wounds, he was coolly intent on destroying the enemy. He told me, as a good anecdote, that having been so lucky as to get a view of two Genoese exactly in a line, he took his aim, and shot them both through the head at once. He talked of this, just as one would talk of shooting a couple of crows. I was sure I needed be under no apprehension; but I don’t know how, I desired Ambrosio to march before me, that I might see him. I was upon my guard how I treated him. But as sickness frets one’s temper, I sometimes forgot myself, and called him ‘bestia, block-head;’ and once when he was at a loss which way to go, at a wild woody part of the country, I fell into a passion, and called to him ‘Mi maraviglio che un uomo si bravo può esser si stupido, I am amazed that so brave a man can be so stupid.’ However by afterwards calling him friend, and speaking softly to him, I soon made him forget my ill humour, and we proceeded as before. Paoli had also been so good as to make me a present of one of his dogs, a strong and fierce animal.88 But he was too old to take an attachment to me, and I lost him between Lyons and Paris. The General has promised me a young one, to be a guard at Auchinleck. At Bogognano I came upon the same road I had formerly travelled from Corte, where I arrived safe after all my fatigues. My good fathers of the Franciscan convent, received me like an old acquaintance, and shewed a kind concern at my illness. I sent my respects to the Great Chancellor, who returned me a note, of which I insert a translation as a specimen of the hearty civility to be found among the highest in Corsica. ‘Many congratulations to Mr. Boswell on his return from beyond the mountains, from his servant Massesi, who is at the same time very sorry for his indisposition, which he is persuaded has been occasioned by his severe journey. He however flatters himself, that when Mr. Boswell has reposed himself a little, he will recover his usual health. In the mean time he has taken the liberty to send him a couple of fowls, which he hopes, he will honour with his acceptance, as he will need some refreshment this evening. He wishes him a

88. Paoli . . . animal On JB and the dog, ‘Jachone,’ see Earlier Years 264–65.

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the journal of a tour to corsica good night, as does his little servant Luiggi, who will attend him to-morrow, to discharge his duty.’89 My ague distressed me so much, that I was confined to the convent for several days. I did not, however, find myself weary. I was visited by the Great Chancellor, and several others of the civil magistrates, and by Padre Mariani rectour of the university, a man of learning and abilities, as a proof of which he had been three years at Madrid in the character of secretary to the General of the Franciscans. I remember a very eloquent expression of his, on the state of his country. ‘Corsica, said he, has for many years past, been bleeding at all her veins. They are now closed. But after being so severely exhausted, it will take some time before she can recover perfect strength.’ I was also visited by Padre Leonardo, of whose animating discourse I have made mention in a former part of this book. Indeed I should not have been at a loss though my very reverend fathers had been all my society. I was not in the least looked upon as a heretick. Difference of faith was forgotten in hospitality. I went about the convent as if I had been in my own house; and the fathers without any impropriety of mirth, were yet as cheerful as I could desire. I had two surgeons to attend me at Corte, a Corsican and a Piedmontese; and I got a little Jesuit’s bark90 from the spiceria or apothecary’s shop, of the Capuchin convent. I did not however expect to be effectually cured, till I should get to Bastia. I found it was perfectly safe for me to go thither. There was a kind of truce between the Corsicans and the French. Paoli had held two different amicable conferences with M. de Marboeuf their commander in chief, and was so well with him, that he gave me a letter of recommendation to him. On one of the days that my ague disturbed me least, I walked from the convent to Corte, purposely to write a letter to Mr. Samuel Johnson. I told my revered friend, that from a kind of superstition agreeable in a certain degree to him, as well as to myself, I had, during my travels, written to him from Loca Solennia, places in some measure sacred. That as I had written to him from the Tomb of Melancthon,91 sacred to learning and piety, I now wrote to him from the palace of Pascal Paoli, sacred to wisdom and liberty; knowing that

89. ‘Many[206:33] . . . duty ‘The original of this letter has survived, and is dated 31 October, so Boswell probably left Sollacarò, 90 miles away, on the morning of 29 October’ (Grand Tour, 204 n. 1). For a facsimile of the document see Private Papers. vii. 8; see also vii. 251 and n. 2. 90. Jesuit’s bark i.e. cinchona, a tree whose bark yields quinine. 91. written . . . Melancthon This letter, 30 September 1764, was not sent to Johnson till June 1777; JB felt that it was ‘at once too superstitious and too enthusiastic’; for the text see Life, iii. 122 n. 2. Melanchthon is the Graecised name of Philip Schwartzerd (1497–1560), professor of Greek at the University of Wittenberg, a leading advocate of the Reformation.

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the journal of a tour to corsica however his political principles may have been represented, he had always a generous zeal for the common rights of humanity.92 I gave him a sketch of the great things I had seen in Corsica, and promised him a more ample relation. Mr. Johnson was pleased with what I wrote here; for I received at Paris an answer from him which I keep as valuable charter. ‘When you return, you will return to an unaltered, and I hope, unalterable friend. All that you have to fear from me, is the vexation of disappointing me. No man loves to frustrate expectations which have been formed in his favour, and the pleasure which I promise myself from your journals and remarks, is so great, that perhaps no degree of attention or discernment will be sufficient to afford it. Come home however and take your chance. I long to see you, and to hear you; and hope that we shall not be so long separated again. Come home, and expect such a welcome as is due to him whom a wise and noble curiosity has led where perhaps, no native of this country ever was before.’93 I at length set out for Bastia. I went the first night to Rostino, hoping to have found there Signor Clemente de’ Paoli. But unluckily he had gone upon a visit to his daughter; so that I had not an opportunity of seeing this extraordinary personage, of whom I have given so full an account, for a great part of which I am indebted to Mr. Burnaby. Next day I reached Vescovato, where I was received by Signor Buttafoco, colonel of the Royal Corsicans in the service of France, with whom I past some days.94 As various discourses have been held in Europe, concerning an invitation given to M. Rousseau to come to Corsica; and as that affair was conducted by Signor Buttafoco, who shewed me the whole correspondence95 between him and M. Rousseau, I am enabled to give a distinct account of it.

92. I now . . . humanity The letter dated November 1765 has not survived. JB described it as “full of generous enthusiasm. After giving a sketch of what I had seen and heard in that island, it proceeded thus: ‘I dare to call this a spirited tour. I dare to challenge your approbation’ ” (Life, ii. 3). 93. Mr. Johnson . . . before JB reminded himself in his ‘Materials’: ‘After at Corte youll mention your letter to Johnson & his, Come home, I long &c.’ For the complete text of Johnson’s letter, 14 January 1766, see Life, ii. 3–4. Following the publication of Corsica including this paragraph, and after a period of silence, Johnson wrote (23 March 1768): ‘who would write to men who publish the letters of their friends, without their leave? Yet I write to you in spite of my caution, to tell you that I shall be glad to see you, and that I wish you would empty your head of Corsica, which I think has filled it rather too long’ (Life, ii. 58). JB responded defiantly (26 April 1768): “your dignifying my desire of visiting Corsica with the epithet of ‘a wise and noble curiosity’ are to me more valuable than many of the grants of kings . . . while I live, Corsica and the cause of the brave islanders shall ever employ much of my attention, shall ever interest me in the sincerest manner” (Life, ii. 58–59). 94. Buttafoco . . . days For the eulogy replaced by this terse statement, see Textual Apparatus. 95. whole correspondence Joseph Foladare believes that, for diplomatic reasons, Buttafoco did not show JB the complete correspondence (Boswell’s Paoli, Hamden, Connecticut, 1979, pp. 25–27).

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the journal of a tour to corsica M. Rousseau in his Political Treatise, entitled Du Contract96 Social, has the following observation: ‘Il est encore en Europe un pays capable de législation; c’est l’isle de Corse. La valeur et la constance avec laquelle ce brave peuple a su recouvrer et défendre sa liberté mériteroit bien que quelque homme sage lui apprit à la conserver. J’ai quelque pressentiment qu’un jour cette petite isle etonnera l’Europe.l There is yet one country in Europe, capable of legislation; and that is the island of Corsica. The valour and the constancy with which that brave people hath recovered and defended its liberty, would well deserve that some wise man should teach them how to preserve it. I have some presentiment that one day that little island will astonish Europe.’ Signor Buttafoco, upon this, wrote to M. Rousseau, returning him thanks for the honour he had done to the Corsican nation, and strongly inviting him to come over, and be that wise man who should illuminate their minds.97 I was allowed to take a copy of the wild philosopher’s answer to this invitation; it is written with his usual eloquence. ‘Il est superflu, Monsieur, de chercher à exciter mon zele pour l’entreprise que vous me proposez. Sa seule idée m’eleve l’ame et me transporte. Je croirois la reste de mes jours bien noblement, bien vertueusement et bien heureusement employés. Je croirois meme avoir bien racheté l’inutilité des autres, si je pouvois rendre ce triste reste bon en quelque chose à vos braves compatriotes; si je pouvois concourir par quelque conseil utile aux vûes de votre digne Chef et aux votres; de ce coté la donc soyez sur de moi. Ma vie et mon coeur sont à vous.’98 ‘It is superfluous, Sir, to endeavour to excite my zeal for the undertaking which you propose to me. The very idea of it elevates my soul and transports me. I should esteem the rest of my days very nobly, very virtuously, and very happily employed. I should even think that I well redeemed the inutility of many of my days that are past, if I could render these sad remains of any advantage to your brave countrymen. If by any useful advice, I could concur in the views of your worthy Chief, and in yours. So far then you may be sure of me. My life and my heart are devoted to you.’ Such were the first effusions of Rousseau. Yet before he concluded even this first letter, he made a great many complaints of his adversities and persecutions, and started a variety of difficulties as to the proposed enterprise. l

Du Contract Social. liv. ii. chap. 10.

96. Contract The spelling was legitimate for JB’s time (from Latin ‘contractus’). 97. Buttafoco . . . minds For the letter, 31 August 1764, see Correspondence complète de Rousseau, XXI. 85–88. 98. ‘Il est . . . vous Letter, 22 September 1764, Corespondence, XXI. 173.

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the journal of a tour to corsica The correspondence was kept up for some time, but the enthusiasm of the paradoxical philosopher gradually subsiding, the scheme came to nothing.99 As I have formerly observed, M. de Voltaire thought proper to exercise his pleasantry upon occasion of this proposal, in order to vex the grave Rousseau, whom he never could bear. I remember he used to talk of him with a satyrical smile, and call him, ‘Ce Garçon, That Lad;’ I find this among my notes of M. de Voltaire’s conversations,100 when I was with him at his Chateau de Ferney, where he entertains with the elegance rather of a real prince than of a poetical one. To have Voltaire’s assertion contradicted by a letter under Paoli’s own hand, was no doubt a sufficient satisfaction to Rousseau. From the account which I have attempted to give of the present constitution of Corsica, and of its illustrious Legislator and General, it may well be conceived that the scheme of bringing M. Rousseau into that island, was magnified to an extravagant degree by the reports of the continent. It was said, that Rousseau was to be made no less than a Solon101 by the Corsicans, who were implicitely to receive from him a code of laws. This was by no means the scheme. Paoli was too able a man to submit the legislation of his country to one who was an entire stranger to the people, the manners, and in short to every thing in the island. Nay I know well that Paoli pays more regard to what has been tried by the experience of ages, than to the most beautiful ideal systems. Besides, the Corsicans were not all at once to be moulded at will. They were to be gradually prepared, and by one law laying the foundation for another, a complete fabrick of jurisprudence was to be formed. Paoli’s intention was to grant a generous asylum to Rousseau, to avail himself of the shining talents which appeared in his writings, by consulting with him, and catching the lights of his rich imagination, from many of which he might derive improvements to those plans which his own wisdom had laid down. But what he had principally in view, was to employ the pen of Rousseau in recording the heroick actions of the brave islanders. It is to be regretted that this project did not take place. The father of the present colonel Buttafoco102 made large collections for many years back. These are carefully preserved, and when joined to those made by the Abbé Rostini, would furnish ample

99. The correspondence . . . nothing See letter from Buttafoco, 3 October 1764, and Rousseau’s reply, 15 October, Corespondence, XXI. 212–15, 258–60. 100. my notes . . . conversations The surviving but incomplete notes contain no references to Rousseau. 101. Solon Lawgiver of Athens (c. 638–558 bc) and reformer of the constitution, celebrated for his wisdom. 102. father . . . Buttafoco Antonio Buttafoco (1707–58), author of Journal (1744–56).

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the journal of a tour to corsica materials for a History of Corsica. This, adorned with the genius of Rousseau, would have been one of the noblest monuments of modern times.103 Signor Buttafoco accompanied me to Bastia. It was comfortable to enter a good warm town after my fatigues. We went to the house of Signor Morelli,104 a counsellor at law here, with whom we supped. I was lodged for that night by a friend of Signor Buttafoco, in another part of the town. Next morning I waited on M. de Marboeuf. Signor Buttafoco introduced me to him, and I presented him the letter of recommendation from Paoli. He gave me a most polite reception. The brilliancy of his levee pleased me; it was a scene so different from those which I had been for some time accustomed to see. It was like passing at once from a rude and early age, to a polished modern age; from the mountains of Corsica, to the banks of the Seine. My ague was now become so violent, that it got the better of me altogether. I was obliged to ask the French general’s permission to have a chair set for me in the circle. When M. de Marboeuf was informed of my being ill, he had the goodness to ask me to stay in his house till I should recover; ‘I insist upon it, said he; I have a warm room for you. My servants will get you bouillons,105 and every thing proper for a sick man; and we have an excellent physician.’ I mention all these circumstances to shew the goodness of M. de Marboeuf, to whom I shall ever consider myself as under great obligations. His invitation was given in so kind and cordial a manner, that I willingly accepted of it. I found M. de Marboeuf a worthy open-hearted Frenchman. It is a common and a very just remark, that one of the most agreeable characters in the world is a Frenchman who has served long in the army, and has arrived at that age when the fire of youth is properly tempered. Such a character is gay without levity, and judicious without severity. Such a character was the Count de Marboeuf, of an ancient family in Britanny, where there is more plainness of

103. This was [210:18] . . . times Cf. Burnaby 21–22: ‘I am persuaded that general Paoli had no intention, when he sent an invitation to Monsr Rousseau, to suffer him, an intire stranger to the country, the people, the customs, and almost every thing necessary to be known by a legislator, to form an ideal system of laws, and then impose them upon the people. He was aware of the impropriety of this on several accounts; principally on that of their not being in a state ripe for the reception of any intire code of laws whatsoever. He knew that their manners were to be greatly changed before they could be brought to such a temperament; that they were to be prepared gradually; were to be formed first for one law, then for another: each separate law laying a foundation for some future one, and by these means to be brought imperceptibly to the point he was desirous of. All he proposed from the presence of Rousseau was to avail himself of any hints he might be able to furnish him with; and that he might farther have the use of his pen to describe those many great and heroic actions which have been performed by the Corsicans, and which none but the pen of a Rousseau seems worthy of describing.’ 104. 385:16 Morelli Ignazio Francesco Morelli. 105. buoillons Strong broths.

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the journal of a tour to corsica character than among the other French. He had been Gentilhomme de la Chambre to the worthy King Stanislaus.106 He took a charge of me as if he had been my near relation. He furnished me with books and every thing he could think of to amuse me. While the physician ordered me to be kept very quiet, M. de Marboeuf would allow nobody to go near me, but payed me a friendly visit alone. As I grew better, he gradually encreased my society, bringing with him more and more of his officers; so that I had at last the honour of very large companies in my apartment. The officers were polite agreeable men: some of them had been prisoners in England, during the last war. One of them was a Chevalier de St. Louis, of the name of Douglas, a descendant of the illustrious house of Douglas in Scotland, by a branch settled near to Lyons. This gentleman often came and sat with me. The idea of our being in some sort countrymen, was pleasing to us both. I found here an English woman of Penrith in Cumberland. When the Highlanders marched through that country in the year 1745, she had married a soldier of the French picquets in the very midst of all the confusion and danger, and when she could hardly understand one word he said. Such freaks will love sometimes take. Sic visum Veneri; cui placet impares Formas atque animos sub juga ahenea Saevo mittere cum joco. Horat. lib. I. Od. 33. So Venus wills, whose power controuls The fond affections of our souls; With sportive cruelty she binds Unequal forms, unequal minds. Francis.107 M. de la Chapelle108 was the physician who attended me. He had been several years physician to the army at Minorca, and had now the same office in Corsica. I called him the physician of the isles. He was indeed an excellent one. That gayeté de coeur which the French enjoy, runs through all their professions. I remember the phrase of an English common soldier, who told me,

106. King Stanislaus Stanislas I, king of Poland, 1704–9, 1733–35; he was restored to the throne in 1733 with the help of his son-in-law, Louis XV, but dethroned in 1735 by Augustus III of Saxony. 107. Sic . . . Francis Horace, Odes, I. xxxiii. 10–12 . . . Philip Francis (1708?–73), A Poetical Translation of the Works of Horace (1756), i. 121, ll. 13–16. 108. Chapelle Claude-François Passerat de la Chapelle, author of Recueil des droges simples (Paris, 1753), etc.

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the journal of a tour to corsica ‘that at the battle of Fontenoy, his captain received a shot in the breast, and fell, said the soldier, with his spontoon in his hand, as prettily109 killed as ever I see’d a gentleman.’ The soldier’s phrase might be used in talking of almost every thing which the French do. I may say I was prettily cured by M. de la Chapelle. But I think myself bound to relate a circumstance which shews him and his nation in the genteelest light. Though he attended me with the greatest assiduity, yet, when I was going away, he would not accept of a single Louis d’or.110 ‘No Sir, said he, I am nobly paid by my king. I am physician to his army here. If I can at the same time, be of service to the people of the country, or to any gentleman who may come among us, I am happy. But I must be excused from taking money.’ M. Brion the surgeon major behaved in the same manner. As soon as I had gathered a little strength, I walked about as well as I could; and saw what was to be seen at Bastia. Signor Morelli was remarkably obliging. He made me presents of books and antiques, and of every other curiosity relating to Corsica. I never saw a more generous man. Signor Caraffa,111 a Corsican officer in the service of France, with the order of St. Louis, was also very obliging. Having made a longer stay in Corsica than I intended, my finances were exhausted, and he let me have as much money as I pleased. M. Barlé, secretary to M. de Marboeuf, was also very obliging. In short, I know not how to express my thankfulness to all the good people whom I saw at Bastia. The French seemed to agree very well with the Corsicans. Of old, those islanders were much indebted to the interposition of France, in their favour. But since the days of Sampiero, there have been many variances between them. A singular one happened in the reign of Lewis XIV. The Pope’s Corsican guards in some fit of passion insulted the French ambassadour at Rome. The superb112 monarch resolved to revenge this outrage. But Pope Alexander VII. foreseeing the consequences, agreed to the conditions required by France; which were, that the Corsican guards should be obliged to depart the ecclesiastical state, that the nation should be declared incapable ever to serve the holy see, and, that opposite to their ancient guard-house, should be erected a pyramid inscribed with their disgrace.m m

Corps Diplomatique anno 1664.*

109. prettily i.e., skilfully, cleverly. 110. Louis d’or i.e., a louis, a 20-franc piece. 111. Caraffa Jean-Baptiste de Caraffa (1723–91). 112. superb i.e., proud. * In 1662 the Corsican guards, resentful at being disarmed by the French ambassador, had attacked his wife’s carriage. The incident led to months of diplomatic friction between the Vatican and France, including an appeal to Spain for mediation.

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the journal of a tour to corsica Le Brun,113 whose royal genius could magnify and enrich every circumstance in honour of his sovereign, has given this story as a medaillon on one of the compartments of the great gallery at Versailles. France appears with a stately air, shewing to Rome the design of the pyramid; and Rome, though bearing a shield marked S.P. Q.R.114 receives the design with most submissive humility. I wish that France had never done the Corsicans greater harm than depriving them of the honour of being the pope’s guards. Boisseux and Maillebois115 cannot easily be forgotten; nor can the brave islanders be blamed for complaining that a powerful nation should interpose to retard their obtaining entire possession of their country, and of undisturbed freedom. M. de Marboeuf appeared to conduct himself with the greatest prudence and moderation. He told me that he wished to preserve peace in Corsica. He had entered into a convention with Paoli, mutually to give up such criminals as should fly into each others territories. Formerly not one criminal in a hundred was punished. There was no communication between the Corsicans and the Genoese; and if a criminal could but escape from the one jurisdiction to the other, he was safe. This was very easily done, so that crimes from impunity were very frequent. By this equitable convention, justice has been fully administered. Perhaps indeed the residence of the French in Corsica, has, upon the whole, been an advantage to the patriots. There have been markets twice a week at the frontiers of each garrison-town, where the Corsican peasants have sold all sorts of provisions, and brought in a good many French crowns; which have been melted down into Corsican money. A cessation of arms for a few years has been a breathing time to the nation, to prepare itself for one great effort, which will probably end in the total expulsion of the Genoese. A little leisure has been given for attending to civil improvements, towards which the example of the French has in no small degree contributed. Many of the soldiers were excellent handi-craftsmen, and could instruct the natives in various arts. M. de Marboeuf entertained himself by laying out several elegant pieces of pleasure ground; and such were the humane and amicable dispositions of this respectable officer, that he was at pains to observe what things were most wanted in Corsica, and then imported them from France, in order to shew an example to the inhabitants. He introduced in particular, the culture

113. Le Brun Charles Le Brun (1619–90), painter and designer responsible for most of the paintings and other artefacts commissioned by the French government for three decades under Louis XIV. 114. S.P.Q.R. i.e., Senatus Populusque Romanus (the Senate and People of Rome). 115. Boisseux and Maillebois See p. 72 n. 42 and p. 80 and n. 76. They subdued the Corsicans in the interest of Genoa, 1738–40.

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the journal of a tour to corsica of potatoes, of which there were none in the island upon his arrival. This root will be of considerable service to the Corsicans, it will make a wholesome variety in their food; and as there will thereby, of consequence, be less home consumption of chestnuts, they will be able to export a greater quantity of them. M. de Marboeuf made merry upon the reports which had been circulated, that I was no less than a minister from the British court. The Avignon gazette brought us one day information, that the English were going to establish Un Bureau de Commerce in Corsica. ‘O Sir, said he, the secret is out. I see now the motive of your destination to these parts. It is you who are to establish this Bureau de Commerce.’116 Idle as these rumours were, it is a fact that, when I was at Genoa, Signor Gherardi, one of their secretaries of state, very seriously told me, ‘Monsieur, vous m’avez fait trembler quoique je ne vous ai jamais vu. Sir, you have made me tremble although I never saw you before.’ And when I smiled and assured him that I was just a simple traveller, he shook his head; but said, he had very authentick information concerning me.117 He then told me with great gravity, ‘That while I travelled in Corsica, I was drest in scarlet and gold; but when I payed my respects to the Supreme Council at Corte, I appeared in a full suit of black.’ These important truths I fairly owned to him, and he seemed to exult over me. I was more and more obliged to M. de Marboeuf. When I was allowed by my physician, to go to his Excellency’s table, where we had always a large company, and every thing in great magnificence, he was so careful of me, that he would not suffer me to eat any thing, or taste a glass of wine, more than was prescribed for me. He used to say, ‘I am here both physician and commander in chief; so you must submit.’ He very politely prest me to make some stay with him, saying, ‘We have taken care of you when sick, I think we have a claim to you for a while, when in health.’ His kindness followed me after I left him. It procured me an agreeable reception from M. Michel,118 the French chargé d’affaires at Genoa; and was the occasion of my being honoured with great civilities at Paris, by M. l’Abbé de Marboeuf Conseiller d’etat, brother of the Count, and possessing similar virtues in private life.119

116. Avignon . . . Commerce On 1 November 1765, p. 355, the Avignon Courrier reported that Britain, France, and Genoa had signed a Commercial Treaty that allowed Britain to establish a commercial agency in Corsica. 117. authentick . . . me Gherardi told JB that he had been under surveillance by Genoese agents while in Corsica (Early Years, 262). JB felt uneasy in Genoa ‘being just arrived from Corsica where I was very intimate with their terrible Ennemy Paoli’ (Gen. Corr. i. 43 n. 2). 118. M. Michel In a note dated 1 December 1765 JB described Michel as ‘a lively, civil little man who insisted on having you to dine, a little neat dinner’ (Private Papers, vii. 14). He dined with Michel also on 3 December (Ibid, vii. 15). 119. l’Abbé . . . life Yves-Alexandre de Marboeuf (1734–99), later archbishop of Lyons.

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the journal of a tour to corsica I quitted Corsica with reluctance, when I thought of the illustrious Paoli. I wrote to him from Bastia, informing him of my illness, which I said, was owing to his having made me a man of so much consequence, that instead of putting me into a snug little room, he had lodged me in the magnificent old palace, where the wind and rain entered. His answer to my first letter is written with so much spirit, that I begged his permission to publish it; which he granted in the genteelest manner, saying, ‘I do not remember the contents of the letter; but I have such a confidence in Mr. Boswell, that I am sure, he would not publish it, if there was any thing in it improper for publick view; so he has my permission.’ I am thus enabled to present my readers with an original letter from Paoli. TO JAMES BOSWELL, Esq; of auchinleck, scotland. stimatissimo signor boswell, RICEVEI la lettera che mi favori da Bastia, e mi consolo assai colla notizia di essersi rimessa in perfetta salute. Buon per lei che cadde in mano di un valente medico! Quando altra volta il disgusto de’ paesi colti, ed ameni lo prendesse, e lo portasse in questa infelice contrada, procurerò che sia alloggiata in camere più calde, e custodite di quelle della casa Colonna in Sollacarò; mà ella ancora dovrà contentarsi di non viaggiare quando la giornata, e la stagione vogliono che si resti in casa per attendere il tempo buono. Io resto ora impaziente per la lettera che ha promesso scrivermi da Genova, dove dubito assai che la delicatezza di quelle dame non le abbia fatto fare qualche giorno di quarantena, per ispurgarsi di ogni anche più leggiero influsso, che possa avere portato seco dell’ aria di questo paese; e molto più, se le fosse venuto il capriccio di far vedere quell’ abito di veluto Corso, e quel berrettone, di cui i Corsi vogliono l’origine dagli elmi antichi, ed i Genovesi lo dicono inventato da quelli, che, rubando alla strada, non vogliano essere conosciuti: come se in tempo del loro governo avessero mai avuta apprensione di castigo i ladri pubblici? Son sicuro però, che ella presso avrà il buon partito con quelle amabili, e delicate persone, insinuando alle medesime, che il cuore delle belle è fatto per la compassione, non per il disprezzo, e per la tirannia; e cosi sarà rientrato facilmente nella lor grazia. Io ritornato in Corte ebbi subito la notizia del secreto sbarco dell’ Abbatucci nelle spiaggie di Solenzara. Tutte le apparenze fanno credere che il medesimo sia venuto con disegni opposti alla publica quiete; pure si è constituito in castello, e protesta ravvedimento. Nel venire per Bocognano si seppe, che un capitano riformato Genovese cercava compagni per 216

the journal of a tour to corsica assassinarmi. Non potè rinvenire e vedendosi scoperto si pose alla macchia, dove è stato ucciso dalle squadriglie che gli tenevano dietro i magistrati delle provincie oltramontane. Queste insidie non sembrano buoni preliminari del nostro accomodamento colla republica di Genova. Io sto passando il sindicato a questa provincia di Nebbio. Verso il 10 dell’ entrante anderò per l’ istesso oggetto in quella del Capocorso, ed il mese di Febrajo facilmente mi trattenerò in Balagna. Ritornerò poi in Corte alla primavera, per prepararmi all’ apertura della consulta generale. In ogni luogo avrò presente la sua amicizia, e sarò desideroso de’ continui suoi riscontri. Frattanto ella mi creda Suo affettuosissimo amico patrimonio, 23 Decembre, 1765.

} PASQUALE de’ PAOLI.120

much esteemed mr. boswell, I Received the letter which you wrote to me from Bastia, and am much comforted by hearing that you are restored to perfect health. It is lucky for you that you fell into the hands of an able physician. When you shall again be seized with a disgust at improved and agreeable countries, and shall return to this ill-fated land, I will take care to have you lodged in warmer and better finished apartments than those of the house of Colonna, at Sollacarò. But you again should be satisfied not to travel when the weather and the season require one to keep within doors, and wait for a fair day. I expect with impatience the letter which you promised to write to me from Genoa, where I much suspect that the delicacy of the ladies will have obliged you to perform some days of quarantine, for purifying you from every the least infection, which you may have carried with you from the air of this country: and still more so, if you have taken the whim to shew that suit of Corsican velvetn and that bonnet of which the Corsicans will have the origin to be from the ancient helmets, whereas the Genoese say it was invented by those who rob on n

By Corsican velvet he means the coarse stuff made in the island, which is all that the Corsicans have in stead of the fine velvet of Genoa.

120. TO JAMES BOSWELL [216:12] . . . PAOLI Permission to publish this letter was given in a letter to Dick, 6 December 1766, in which Paoli wrote: ‘I am thoroughly persuaded of his [JB’s] discretion’ (Summary 254–55).

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the journal of a tour to corsica the highway, in order to disguise themselves; as if during the Genoese government, public robbers needed to fear punishment. I am sure however, that you will have taken the proper method with these amiable and delicate persons, insinuating to them, that the hearts of beauties are formed for compassion, and not for disdain and tyranny: and so you will have been easily restored to their good graces. Immediately on my return to Corte, I received information of the secret landing of Abbatucci,o on the coast of Solenzara. All appearances make us believe, that he is come with designs contrary to the public quiet. He has however surrendered himself a prisoner at the castle, and protests his repentance. As I passed by Bogognano, I learnt that a disbanded Genoese officer was seeking associates to assassinate me. He could not succeed, and finding that he was discovered, he betook himself to the woods; where he has been slain by the party detached by the magistrates of the provinces on the other side of the mountains, in order to intercept him. These ambuscades do not seem to be good preliminaries towards our accommodation with the republick of Genoa. I am now holding the syndicato in this province of Nebbio. About the 10th of next month, I shall go, for the same object, into the province of Capo Corso, and during the month of February, I shall probably fix my residence in Balagna. I shall return to Corte in the spring, to prepare myself for the opening of the General Consulta. Wherever I am, your friendship will be present to my mind, and I shall be desirous to continue a correspondence with you. Meanwhile believe me to be Your most affectionate friend patrimonio 23 December, 1765.

} PASCAL PAOLI.

Can any thing be more condescending,121 and at the same time shew more the firmness of an heroick mind, than this letter? With what a gallant pleasantry does the Corsican Chief talk of his enemies! One would think that the Queens of Genoa should become rival Queens for Paoli. If they saw him, I am sure they would. o

Abbatucci, a Corsican of a very suspicious character.*

121. condescending i.e., gracious. * Giacomo Pietro Abbatucci (1726–1812) first opposed Paoli, then fought with him against the French and finally joined the French army.

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the journal of a tour to corsica I take the liberty to repeat an observation made to me by that illustrious minister, whom Paoli calls the Pericles of Great Britain: ‘It may be said of Paoli, as the Cardinal de Retz said of the great Montrose, “C’est un de ces hommes qu’on ne trouve plus que dans les Vies de Plutarque. He is one of those men who are no longer to be found but in the lives of Plutarch.” ’122 THE END.

122. I take . . . Plutarch The ‘Pericles of Great Britain’ was William Pitt the elder (1708–78), first Earl of Chatham; his view of Paoli—probably conveyed to JB when they met on 22 February 1766— is also quoted in JB’s letter to Temple, 17 May 1766 (Corr. Temple i. 150). For the context in which Cardinal de Retz (1613–79) made his remarks, see Ibid, i. 152 n. 32. (Montrose was James Graham (1612–50), first Marquess and fifth Earl of Montrose.)

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ADDENDA I  Extracts from the London Chronicle, 1766–1767

7 January 1766

To the Printer of the London Chronicle.

The Island of Corsica is now become an important object in Europe; General De Paoli having acted with so much wisdom and spirit, that the brave Corsicans are actually in possession of the whole Island, except for five fortified towns on the sea-coast, which are still under the dominion of the Genoese. The command which Corsica can have of the navigation in the Mediterranean must render those Islanders very considerable now that they have thrown off a foreign yoke, and are at last formed into a nation, having for so many years been so divided into opposite parties, that they were looked upon by foreign powers as so many tribes of Savages, or troops of Banditti. 9 January 1766

‘Extract of a Letter from Rome, Dec. 5, 1765.’

“You have been amused with reports of Britain’s sending an embassy to the island of Corsica. Your News Papers were once very positive that the Duke of York was determined to visit that island, and of late we were assured of Mr. Stanley’s being to go over. I can however inform you for certain, that a British subject has actually been there. About the middle of October Mr. Boswell, a Scots gentleman upon his travels over Europe, sailed from the port of Leghorn for the island of Corsica, with a very ample and particular passport from Commodore Harrison. He landed on Cape Corso, and went above a hundred miles into the territories of the Malecontents, as they were formerly called, but must now have the title of The Nation. He found Signor De Paoli in one of the Provinces on the other side of the great range of mountains which divides the island. He, no doubt, presented to that Chief very sufficient recommendations, for he was received by him with every mark of distinction, was lodged in a palace of the noble family of Colonna, and whenever he chose to make a little tour, was attended by a detachment of guards. He past ten or twelve days with General De Paoli, dined and supped with him constantly, and was every day in private conference with him for some hours. Mr. Boswell gave it out at Leghorn, that he went to Corsica merely for curiosity, but the politicians of Italy think they can see more important reasons for his visiting that island. The Genoese, have been not a little alarmed by it; and having received very early intimation of Mr. Boswell’s having sailed from Leghorn, they procured constant intelligence of his motions during the whole time of his stay in the island, but all the intelligence sent them has only served to throw them into greater perplexity. What appears most difficult to be explained, is Mr. Boswell’s having sailed almost before any body knew of his intention. He carried all the appearance of a gentleman travelling for his amusement, past some time with

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addenda 1 the Count de Marbeuf, Commander in chief of the French troops in Corsica, and afterwards went to Genoa, where he stayed above a week, and seemed free and unconcerned as if he had nothing to do with State Disputes. People in this part of the world are curious to know what will really be the consequence of Mr. Boswell’s tour to Corsica.” 11 January 1766

‘Extract of a letter from Marseilles, 7 December 1765.’

When Mr. Boswell was presented to the General de Paoli, he paid this compliment to the Corsicans: “Sir, I am upon my travels, and have lately visited Rome: I am come from seeing the ruins of one brave and free people: I now see the rise of another.” 13 January 1766

‘Postscript. London.’

Signor Pasquale de Paoli has the title of his Excellency the General of the Kingdom of Corsica; he is absolute commander in the military affairs, and in a civil capacity is head of the supreme council. He is a man of about forty, tall, well made, and of a noble countenance. He speaks his own language remarkably well, and is very much master both of French and English. He is without doubt one of the illustrious men of the present age. When Mr. Boswell took leave of the General de Paoli, his Excellency made him a present of a gun and a pair of pistols of excellent workmanship made in Corsica, and of one of the large mountain dogs so famous in that island for their hunting the wild boar, and for their guarding their master. 16 January 1766

Postscript. London.

Mr. Symonds, Barrister at Law, mentioned in our last, happened to meet with Mr. Boswell at Genoa, and was so much pleased with the account which that Gentleman gave him of the brave Islanders and their illustrious Chief, that he instantly resolved to go and have the satisfaction of seeing them. 23 January 1766

Foreign Intelligence.

Florence, Dec. 16. We think we are now in possession of the true motives for a late expedition into Corsica, which had greatly engaged the attention of some politicians of this place. The story is this: A gentleman who had for some time resided here, all on a sudden went off in a vessel for Corsica; various were the conjectures which followed him, being a person of some distinction; but the conversation on the subject in a little time subsided, and no more was said about it, till very lately from Genoa we had the following account. viz. That the abovementioned gentleman with some of his friends, being sensibly touched with the misfortunes of the young Chevalier Charles Stuart, and impatient at the thoughts of his languishing away the remainder of his days in a tedious and starving obscurity, formed a project of beating the pulse of Signior Paoli, in order, if possible, to procure some kind of establishment of sovereignty for their high-born Prince in that island. Mr. B. we are assured arrived safe in the quarters of the Corsican Chief, and was received and treated by him with great civility and politeness; but whatever intimations or insinuations Mr. B. might hint or drop to the Corsican General with regard to the pretended project, they have not yet transpired, nor perhaps never may; but this is certain, that Mr. B. was sent off under a very honourable and distinguishing escort into the French quarters, where waiting on Mons. Marbeuf, with whom he had a

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addenda 1 short conference, he stay’d a day or two, and from thence made the best of his way to Genoa.—To this remarkable anecdote must be added another, which is told with the greatest assurance at the same time, which is, that the young Chevalier himself had not the least knowledge of, or participation in this notable scheme, but that it was purely the effects of the warm but unauthorised (and as is common in such cases ill-judged) zeal in a few of his banished partizans. 6 February 1766

London. Extract of a letter from Genoa, dated Jan. 2.

“The Sieur Boswell, who has given such inquietude to our rulers by his visit to our enemies in Corsica, upon his return from that expedition was forced, by tempestuous weather, to take refuge in the Island of Capraja. Colonel Matra and Captain Grimaldi found themselves in the same situation; and although they strongly suspected the Scotchman’s attachment to Paoli, they treated him with so great politeness that he accompanied them to this city. These officers who have distinguished themselves so much for the republic, were under great apprehensions of being taken by Paoli’s corsairs. They declare, that during several days conversation with Mr. Boswell, they could not certainly discover whether his motives for having been in Corsica, were of a public or private nature. They could only observe that he had a good many papers, about which he seemed very anxious; and that he avoided talking freely of what he had seen in his singular tours.” 3 January 1767

Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘J. B.’

When Seneca was banished to the Island of Corsica, and had his mind sowered with discontent, he wrote two outrageous Epigrams against the place of his exile. They are preserved in his works, and shew us, that the Stoic, with all his firmness, could fret like ordinary mortals, and by the force of a gloomy imagination could give a rueful picture of one of the finest islands in the world. [The Latin epigrams are then printed in full.] I would take it as a particular favour if any of your poetical Correspondents would give a good English Translation of the above Epigrams. 27 January 1767

Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘J. B.’

[In a long letter J. B. comments (somewhat adversely) on the translation offered by ‘R. D.’ of the Senecan epigrams, ending with a plea to other correspondents:] I am desirous to have these Epigrams translated to my mind, as I am to insert them in a work on which I cannot help setting some value: and I take this method of preparing some of my materials. It is with infinite pleasure that I see any thing relating to Corsica meet with so ready an attention. 7 February 1767

Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘PATRICIUS.’

Your Correspondent J. B. desires a translation of Seneca’s Epigrams, to oblige him, I have attempted the following; which please to insert. [There follow English versions of the epigrams.] 26 March 1767

Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘J. B.’

I am under great obligations to your Correspondents, who have favoured me with no less than four different translations of Seneca’s Epigrams. I have not the least

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addenda 1 guess who any of the Authors are; so I can freely say, that it is purely from a regard to what I think the best, that I prefer the translation of Patricius. I hope the Gentleman will forgive me, if I with much deference make one or two remarks on his translation. [Then follow comments on the detail of the translation and variant readings are offered. The writer declares himself ‘a Scotsman’; he assures Patricius that his versions will ‘go into my account of Corsica’, and concludes:] I greatly wish to see a poem of some consequence on Corsica. The bravery and perseverance of that oppressed nation in the great cause of liberty, well deserves to be celebrated, vate sacro. I am sure a good poem on that subject, would be universally relished in this island. 26 March 1767 For the London Chronicle. Signed ‘B. B.’ A further translation of the epigrams is offered, without comment. 2 May 1767

Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed PATRICIUS.

[He has taken account of J. B.’s criticisms and offers revised versions of his translation of the two epigrams. He concludes:] I submit it to Mr. J. B.’s better judgment, which of these, or whether either of them deserve his approbation. 9 July 1767

Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘J. B.’

PATRICIUS will be kind enough to excuse my being too late in replying to his last favour. To talk of my ‘unavoidable occupations,’ may appear affected. But the truth is, that a moderate share of business seems a heavy load to one who has spent many of his years in a dissipated variety. I was afraid that Patricius had been offended at my criticisms. I was sure that I had proposed them with the deference that became me, and I was sorry to think that a man of very superior genius should be deficient in that liberality of mind which I esteem above all ornamental qualities. I am agreeably relieved from my apprehension. Patricius is not only liberal, but condescending. He does me the honour to talk of my ‘better judgment.’ I am much obliged to him. I have not the least guess who he is. But I hope he and I shall yet drink a generous glass to friendship, to the brave Corsicans, and to their illustrious Chief. Patricius will indulge me with a few remarks on his last translations. [There follow comments on details and JB concludes:] If Patricius will take the trouble to revise what I have now mentioned, I may venture to assure him, that his Translations will be equal to any in our language. My Account of CORSICA is very near finished; and I must tell Patricius, that I have been not a little cheared in the progress of my work, by having the friendly aid of a Gentleman of such shining abilities. 28 July 1767

Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘PLEBEIUS.’

Your correspondent J. B.’s last letter being as yet unanswered by Patricius, who may perhaps by distance in the country be deprived of the sight of it, or declining to offer any thing further, may chuse to leave the correction of his translations to Mr. J. B.’s judgment; permit a by-stander, with deference to your correspondents, to offer a word or two on the subject. [A few observations are then offered particularly on Epigram II.]

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addenda 1 15 August 1767

Letter ‘To the Printer,’ from Edinburgh, August 6, signed JAMES BOSWELL.

As my Account of CORSICA is now ready for the press, I must beg leave once more to address my ingenious frend Patricius, on the subject of Seneca’s Epigrams on that island. I read with pleasure the letter signed Plebeius, in your Chronicle, No. 1655. If I am not mistaken, Patricius has taken a very delicate method to convey to me his sentiments on my last criticism, for I shrewdly suspect that Plebeius is Patricius in disguise. There is a nobleness in his manner, which makes me think I have discovered him; aut Erasmus aut Diabolus. If I am wrong, and have really two correspondents, I hope none of them will be offended. [Comments on details in the epigrams follow. JB concludes:] I have made these observations in the belief that I was making them to the Author of the translations, whose judgment in this matter ought no doubt to be final. I would beg to be favoured by the first opportunity with a letter from Patricius, addressed to me at this city, that I may have his opinion with regard to the particulars I have mentioned; and may have the satisfaction of knowing to whom I am obliged for so great an ornament to my book. I wish also to thank Patricius in my Preface, and to be allowed to put his name to the translations. I therefore hope he will not delay to write to me in his own character. 27 August 1767 Letter ‘To the Printer,’ from Oxford, signed ‘B. M.’ Of all history, that of nations struggling in trying and difficult times in the great cause of freedom is surely the most interesting; and therefore I confess I am very impatient for the publication of An Account of Corsica by Mr. Boswell. It is now a year and a half since all the gazettes in Europe announced the tour made by that gentleman to Corsica and his interviews with the illustrious General Paoli, and it is some time since your paper has told us that a book was preparing for the press in which we might expect to see a full and authentic relation of the affairs of the brave islanders. If it is not improper, I would beg, Sir, that you may insert this, as it may perhaps furnish an additional motive to hasten the publication.

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ADDENDA II  Reception: Selected Comments and Reviews

Thomas Gray to Horace Walpole, 25 February 1768 (Walpole’s Correspondence, ed. W. S. Lewis, 1948, xiv. 174): Mr Boswell’s book I was going to recommend to you, when I received your letter; it has pleased and moved me strangely, all (I mean) that relates to Paoli. He is a man born two thousand years after his time! The pamphlet proves what I have always maintained, that any fool may write a most valuable book by chance, if he will only tell us what he heard and saw with veracity. Of Mr Boswell’s truth I have not the least suspicion, because I am sure he could invent nothing of this kind. The true title of this part of his work is, “A Dialogue between a Green-goose and a Hero.” Scots Magazine, February 1768, pp. 90–94 (reprinted in Critical Review, March 1768, xxv. 172–81): Mr. Boswell was impelled by a noble, but unusual, spirit of curiosity to visit the infant state of liberty among the Corsicans; and he is to be envied that he saw it to greater advantage than any British subject, perhaps, ever can view the same in futuro. He found it in all its native, genuine, charms, before faction could spring from security, luxury from plenty, or corruption from luxury; evils which so soon engender in a settled constitution. The eyes of all the sons, and we may add, daughters, of Freedom, are now fixed upon the plan of government which the illustrious general of the Corsicans shall adopt for his brave countrymen; and they are in hopes it will be as free as human foresight can contrive, from the oversights which the experience of all ages has proved to be so fatal to other free states. Mr. Boswell has prefixed an introduction to his work, [the] great part of which, we think, like those of Sallust, will serve almost for any other literary performance that has Liberty for its object . . . Mr. Boswell seems to have been very imperfectly informed with regard to the famous king Theodore, who was one of the worst men, and most impudent impostors, that history can produce. The remaining part of the Corsican history is well known to every reader of modern magazines and news-papers; excepting the great internal regulations introduced among them by Paoli, of which we find here a curious and excellent account . . . Mr. Boswell gives, we believe, a very just as well as instructive account of the present government of Corsica, which he says exhibits a complete and well-ordered democracy . . . Upon the whole, our author has, in the person of Paoli, realized all the ideas which the most vigorous imagination could form of a chief, a patriot, and a legislator, embellished with the ornaments of an understanding cultivated by polite literature.

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addenda 1i We could have wished Mr. Boswell had been less profuse of his compliments to his friends; the public, perhaps, is not so well acquainted as he is, with their merits, and their observations by no means deserve the encomiums he pays them. His inaccuracies in language, as, notwithstanding of, greatly too little, using the word prejudice instead of prepossess or prepossession, and the like, are such venial slips, that they scarcely deserve to be mentioned, could they not be corrected in the next edition by the slightest dash of a pen. We likewise wish that this writer, in a subsequent edition of his publication, would omit the poetical parts of it, because they reflect no great honour on the authors. Guiseppe Marc’ Antonio Baretti (1719–89), friend and translator of Johnson, in a letter to Boswell, 4 March 1768 (Gen. Corr. ii. 34): Dear Sir, Your book I had already perused . . . I give you joy for it, as you seem desirous of the character of a successful writer . . . it is a delightful book. However I wish you had not asserted, that the assassins make no inconsiderable part of the Genoese nation. Your good sense ought to have told you, that this is an impossibility. The Genoese are as noble a nation as any. Their nobility and gentry are perhaps the very best amongst the Italians, and their inferiour people and peasants the most industrious and cordial in Europe. I have been amongst them several times, and lately full five months; and they have given me reason to be displeased when I see them libelled, especially in favour of the Corsicans, who upon the very face of your book do not appear to be any thing better than bloody-minded savages. I will wave the useless question, whether they are to be considered as rebels or not. If they prove successful (as it is most probable) they will be no rebels: and this will likewise be the case, when your Americans set up for themselves; not to say that it had been likewise the case, if your Scotch had succeeded in their last rebellions. It is with sovereigns and subjects, as with masters and servants. They will mutually complain of haughtiness and tiranny on one side, and of disobedience and stubbornness on the other. As to Paoli and his circle of Heroes, that filled you with awe on your first inspection of them, I believe them to be real Heroes. But all Heroes are hateful in my opinion. I wish there had never been a Hero in the world, as it is a character that cannot be got but by shedding of blood. However, the greatest part of mankind admires Heroes, and perhaps you were in the right when you filled that little Island with such sort of people. Gentleman’s Magazine (April 1768), xxxviii, 172–77: [After c. 5000 words of quotation from Corsica, the reviewer concludes] Besides these most entertaining particulars and many more, the book contains the natural history of the island, a concise view of the revolutions which it has undergone from the earliest times, and a full and accurate description of its present state. Except a few grammatical inaccuracies which may perhaps be errors of the press, and some expressions peculiar to the author’s dialect as a North Briton, the book is well written; it contains much observation and much thought, and every where glows with a spirit of liberty, virtue and religion. Mr Boswell’s character and conduct have certainly been such as have done us honour abroad, and his book cannot fail of giving us pleasure at home.

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addenda 1i Ralph Griffiths in The Monthly Review ( July–August 1768), xxxix, 43–52, 142–51: We have here what, in the eye of many a misinformed English Reader, may look like a prodigy; a North Briton fervently devoted to LIBERTY, and that with a degree of zeal almost romantic. Not a Milton, a Ludlow, or any of the most flaming republicans of Cromwell’s days, could have been a warmer advocate for freedom, than Mr. Boswell appears to be. Inspired by this animating spirit, and excited by a strong enthusiastic desire to behold the MAN who, in these degenerate days of mock patriotism has so firmly stood forth, the uncorrupted and unconquerable champion of his country’s liberties,—our young and gallant author made a special voyage to CORSICA, the scene of those great and glorious deeds which have been atchieved by the truly noble PASCAL PAOLI! But no words can do so much justice to this writer’s ideas of the subject, or can so well explain his motives for visiting the illustrious ITALIAN, as his own . . . The extraordinary solicitude about his orthography will probably make some of his readers smile. For us who have perused his book, we have been not a little edified by the frequent appearance of his learned assemblage of Authours, Priours, Rectours, Professours, Doctours, Directours, Governours, Administratours, Spectatours, Navigatours, Creatours, and Impostours . . . But when Mr. B’s hand was in, it is strange that, in his profounde reveraunce for auncient orthographie, he never thought of restoring the good old e final, as well as the k after c; as in physick, musick, &c. How much better would the title-page of his Booke have looked, if thus wrytten ‘An Accounte of Corsica; the Journale of a Toure to that Islande; and Memoirs of Pascale Paolie. Bye James Boswelle, Esquire?’ But we are still more surprised that a gentleman so curious in his spelling, should have been so careless with respect to grammatical propriety; scarce a page of his work being free from Scottish peculiarities . . . [Two pages of examples follow] we hope that our Author will take in good part these fescue remarks, which proceed from no ill-will to him, as a man, or as a writer. In the first respect we, indeed, esteem him for the amiableness of his private character, of which we have heard frequent mention, from those who are personally acquainted with him: and we really admire him for even the extravagance of his love of liberty, and his extreme regard for the brave Corsicans. As a writer, too, with all his inaccuracies and peculiarities, we are not a little pleased with him. He has a lively, entertaining manner; he has a competent share of Classical learning; and he has acquired a degree of good taste which, when ripened by time, and corrected by experience, may enable him to make a considerable figure in polite literature. John Wesley in The Journal of John Wesley, ed. Nehemiah Curnock [n.d.], v. 292–93: Fri. 11 [November 1768].—I returned to London. The next week . . . at intervals read Mr. Boswell’s Account of Corsica. But what a scene is opened therein! How little did we know of that brave people! How much less were we acquainted with the character of their general, Pascal Paoli; as great a lover of his country as Epaminondas, and as great a general as Hannibal!

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addenda 1i An Epistle to James Boswell, Esq. occasioned by his having transmitted the Moral Writings of Dr. Samuel Johnson, to Pascal Paoli, General of the Corsicans, by W[illiam] K[enrick] Esq. (1768), pp. 1–6, 37–38. Having acquired a kind of friendship for the brave Corsicans, from the perusal of your interesting account of their situation, manners, and principles, I could not fail of being greatly affected by the mistake into which your zeal for the welfare of that heroic people, and the honour of Paoli, their general, seems precipitately to have hurried you. The admiration which pursues celebrity, is indeed so very universal, that I am not surprized a veneration for illustrious names should prevail even to enthusiasm in young and inexperienced minds. Perhaps this veneration is no less amiable in its cause, than exceptionable in its effects. As it is generally corrected by age and observation, it were a pity, therefore to hurt a susceptible and ingenuous mind, by too rudely attempting to eradicate so natural a sentiment, while confined to the breast of the individual. But when a public display of it renders its puerility conspicuous; when the sallies of youth and inexperience are obtruded on the world as the dictates of wisdom and understanding, it becomes a necessary, I will say a friendly task, to make a distinction between the giddy flights of a loose and bewildered fancy, and the sober researches of solid sense and profound penetration . . . I doubt not, Sir, that time and reflection will correct many of those mistaken notions you at present entertain of men and manners in general, as well as of your illustrious friends in particular; I should therefore have spared both you and myself the trouble of this address, had the propagation of such notions been confined to the circle of your personal acquaintance. But when we see them disseminated in printed books throughout Europe; when we see the morals, and consequently the political happiness of a whole nation endangered by your indiscreet and officious endeavours to promote their unnecessary reformation; who can with-hold remonstrance! . . . Yet are you farther pleased to inform us, that diverted with the scanty library of the Corsican general, you have sent him over some English books in favour of Liberty; and some of our best books of Morality, particularly the works of Mr. Samuel Johnson . . . Would to God, Sir, you had left the General’s library as bare as you found it! or that you had timely considered the nature and tendency of the fatal gift you were going to make him! . . . Better, far better it might have been for them, as a nation, that they had risked the contagion of a corporal plague, by the importation of a bale of cotton from Aleppo, than to catch the infection of a sentimental pestilence, by that of a bale of books from the port of London. [After a lengthy attack on Johnson’s moral and political opinions, Kenrick closes with:] And now, Sir, permit me to take my leave; flattering myself that your candour will induce you to lay hold of the earliest opportunity, to transmit a genuine copy of the present epistle to your friend Pascal Paoli, general of the Corsicans. It is indeed but just that he should receive the antidote from the same hand, that incautiously administered the poison.

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addenda 1i Georges Deyverun and Edward Gibbon, Mémoires littéraires de la Grande Bretagne, pour l’an 1768 (1769), pp. 147-48, 163–64. [The review of Corsica, consisting largely of summaries and quotations, occupies pp. 135–67.] Voici le morceau brillant, & celui qui a fait la fortune de l’Ouvrage entier. Un certain air de chevalerie a du intéresser les Dames en faveur de cette expédition. Le feu, la vivacité de la narration, ont amusé ceux qui ne cherchent que l’agrément, & à travers certain brouillard formé par l’enthousiasme, le Philosophe aura entrevu avec satisfaction les traits d’un Grand Homme dans Paoli, tous enfin, auront vu avec plaisir cette forte d’ingénuité qui nous intéresse en faveur de l’Ecrivain, ou qui nous fait rire à ses dépens . . . L’Ouvrage de M. B. est plus propre à exciter la curiosité, qu’à la satisfaire; & malgré tout ce qu’on a écrit, il nous manque encore une Histoire de Corse, & des détails moins suspects & plus approfondis. Anna Barbauld, ‘CORSICA’ [1769], in Poems (1773), pp. 1–3: Hail generous CORSICA! unconquer’d isle! The fort of freedom; that amidst the waves Stands like a rock of adamant, and dares The wildest fury of the beating storm. And are there yet, in this late sickly age (Unkindly to the tow’ring growth of virtue) Such bold exalted spirits? Men whose deeds, To the bright annals of old GREECE oppos’d, Would throw in shades her yet unrival’d name, And dim the lustre of her fairest page. And glows the flame of LIBERTY so strong In this lone speck of earth! this spot obscure, Shaggy with woods, and crust’d o’er with rock, By slaves surrounded, and by slaves oppress’d! What then should BRITONS feel? should they not catch The warm contagion of heroic ardour, And kindle at a fire so like their own? Such were the working thoughts which swell’d the breast Of generous BOSWEL; when with noble aim And views beyond the narrow beaten track By trivial fancy trod, he turn’d his course . . . To animated forms of patriot zeal, Warm in the living majesty of virtue, Elate with fearless spirit, firm, resolv’d, By fortune unsubdued, unaw’d by power. Capel Lofft, The Praises of Poetry. A Poem (1775), p. 6: O Corsica!—and must—I mourn thy cause!— Thou hadst thy Alfred—Clio taught His acts, his image, to her Boswel’s thought—

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addenda 1i The virtuous, the high-breathing page, With Roman eloquence and spirit fraught, Gave to our eyes, the hero, friend, and sage, Paoli—This was He Who first the learned sisters grace obtain’d, To cultivate the worth of a rough gen’rous age; And fix’t their seat beneath thy hardy skies, School of all patriot arts, and virtuous enterprize. George Otto Trevelyan, The Early History of Charles James Fox (1880), pp. 153 and 154 n.: The attention of London society had been attracted to Corsica by a well-timed book of travels; for Boswell, who had been sent abroad to study law, had found his way to Paoli’s head-quarters, and, returning home with plenty to tell, had written what is still by far the best account of the island that ever has been published. How real was the effect produced by Boswell’s narrative upon the opinion of his countrymen may be gathered by the unwilling testimony of those who regretted its influence, and thought little of its author. “Foolish as we are,” wrote Lord Holland, “we cannot be so foolish as to go to war because Mr. Boswell has been in Corsica; and yet, believe me, no better reason can be given for siding with the vile inhabitants of one of the vilest islands in the world, who are not less free than all the rest of their neighbours, and whose island will enable the French to do no more harm than they may do us at any time from Toulon.”

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TEXTUAL APPARATUS 

The third edition (May 1769) of Corsica, extensively revised by Boswell and generally regarded as providing the most satisfactory text, has been chosen as the base-text; readings from it normally appear within square brackets with no symbol. Readings from the two texts with which it has been collated, the first edition (February 1768) and the second (April 1768), follow outside the square bracket, each with its defining symbol. When a reading from either the first or the second editions is preferred to the third, it appears with its source symbol within the square bracket. This is then followed by the reading of the basetext. Information is typically presented in the sequence: third edition, first, second; in the absence of information to the contrary, the reader should presume that a variant occurs in subsequent states in that order. To economise on space, variants in punctuation and capitalisation are excluded. In the third edition pages 217, 269, 370, and 371 are misnumbered 214, 262, 350, and 323 respectively. The following symbols are used editorially: Eds . ~ MS Om. / P 1 2 3

= = = = = = = = =

Editors Substitution for a word when recording a variant Reading adopted from JB’s manuscript Omitted Line break New paragraph first edition second edition third edition (base-text)

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textual apparatus 31:1 gulf] gulph 1 31:2 gulf] gulph 1 31:5 is a bay] is in particular, a bay 1 31:20 any] what 2 32:15 not one 3, 2] none 1 32:22 anciently] antiently 2 32:28 nature has . . . mountain 3, 2] a high and rocky mountain nature has placed 1 34:4 prettily] prettily enough 1 34:18 bishoprick 3, 2] bishopric 1 34:33 As however,] ~ ~ 1 However, as 2 35:10 governour] governor 2 35:25 gulf] gulph 1 35:29 gulf] gulph 1 36:6 forests] forrests 1 36:24 gulf] gulph 1 37:15 first] once 1 37:22 stupendous] stupenduous 1 stupendious 2 38:9 informs 1] inform 3 38:9 recovered] got back 1 39:15 by . . . fortifications.’] by natural strength of situation; being to the soldiers equal to a fortification.’ 1 40:3 mountain 1] monntain 3 41:24 Corsick] Corsic 1 42:5 My worthy friend] Om. 1 42:20 attones] atones 2 (see explanatory note) 42:31 forests] forrests 1 43:1 surprising] surprizing 1 43:18 particulary] particularly 1 (see explanatory note) 44:8 talking 1] talkihg 3 45:2 forest] forrest 1 45:6 forests] forrests 1 45:15 cheerful] chearful 1 45:16 almond] almon 1 46:6 hedges] hegdes 2 46:8 Ezekiel 2] Ezechiel 3 46:30 ground] grinded 1 47:2 almond] almon 1 48:3 beaten] beat 1 48:27 race./I . . . JOHN HOME. 3, 2] race. / JOHN HOME. /I may add / And . . . soil. 1 49:12 crystal] chrystal 1 49:20 old] odd 1

[Half title] Om.] AN/ ACCOUNT/ OF/ CORSICA. /Entered in Stationers Hall according to Act/ of Parliament. 1 AN /ACCOUNT/ OF/ CORSICA. 2 2 PASCAL PAOLI. General of the CORSICANS. ] Om. 1 3:14 THE THIRD EDITION CORRECTED.] Om. 1 THE SECOND EDITION 2 3:17 LONDON: . . . POULTRY.] GLASGOW, /PRINTED BY ROBERT AND ANDREW FOULIS FOR/EDWARD AND CHARLES DILLY IN THE POULTRY, LONDON; 1 LONDON: Printed for EDWARD and CHARLES DILLY in the Poultry. 2 3:18 M DCC LXIX.] MDCCLXVIII. 1 6:15 A LETTER . . . LYTTLETON.] Om. 1 11:22 Sir John Dick, Bart.] John Dick Esquire, 1 12:12 I beg 3, 2] beg 1 18:26 PREFACE To the Third Edition . . . 29 October, 1768.] Om. 1 19:2 A Letter . . . Esq;] Om. 1 Map A Scale of Miles 3, 2] Om. 1 21:3 great and] Om. 1 21:14 as 1] at 3 21:18 propagate 1] propogate 3 22:27 privilege 3, 2] priviledge 1 23:2 politicks] politics 1 23:19 abstracting] abstracted 2 23:22 civilization] greatness 1 24:11 republick] republic 1 25:2 republick] republic 1 25:17 when] while 2 25:17 patriotick] patriotic 1 25:20 island 1] sland 3 25:21 heroick] heroic 1 27:4 gulf] gulph 1 28:1 322 3, 2] 321 1 29:11 DAY.] Om. 1 29:27 clothes] cloaths 2 29:36 DAY.] Om. 1 30:25 have . . . air] are extremely well aired 1

234

textual apparatus 75:29 24 of June MS] 24th of July 3 24 of July 1 (see explanatory note) 76:8 death his] death the 1 76:11 warlike 1] warlke 3 76:15 having furnished] furnishing 1 76:16 Had] for, had 1 77:21 dulness] dullness 1 77:22 much] Om. 2 79:19 oppressours] oppressors 1 79:24 accommodation 2] accomodation 3 80:11 in] on 1 80:19 superiourity] superiority 1 80:30 battalions] battallions 1 82:27 Protectours] protectors 2 83:27 ships 1] shiips 3 83:29 connexions] connections 1 84:2 soon recovered] were not long of recovering 1 were not long in recovering 2 84:19 battalions] battallions 1 85:3 went to] went into 2 85:9 actour] actor 1 85:11 connexions] connections 1 85:28 Doctour] Doctor 1 85:29 was very . . . give] hath given 1 89:10 had been accustomed] been in use 1 used 2 89:11 upon 3, 2] on 1 89:30 of] Om. 2 90:8 executed 3, 2] followed out 1 90:8 entirely 3, 2] intirely 1 90:13 regulations] several regulations 2 90:13 established] founded 2 90:14 he was] was 2 90:20 valourous] valorous 1 91:5 clothing] cloathing 1 91:9 before this time] e’er now 1 92:12 M.] Mr. 1 92:23 was owing] owed 2 92:27 battalions 1] battallions 3 93:3 on] in 1 93:6 Marbeouf 3, 2] Marbeuf 1 93:21 him] Om. 2 93:22 first] next 2 93:22 thereafter] Om. 2 93:28 the name 2] name 3 93:30 expence of the Corsican] expences they had been obliged to lay out upon the Corsican 1

54:6 were its 1] where its 3 55:6 it 1 ] is 3 55:8 forbad 2] forbid 3 55:15 year 493] 493 year 1 56:1 Maso Eds.] Naso 3 56:26 armorial 1] armonial 3 57:3 would appear,] appears 2 57:4 annexation] annexing 2 58:9 An. 1200 2] the 1200 3 58:10 eighth 2] eight 3 58:28 used 3, 2] was in use 1 58:31 7th] VII. 1 59:6 endurance] duration 2 59:8 being, over and above,] being likewise 2 60:30 by the] by by the 2 61:5 direct contrary 1] ~ a contrary 3 61:11 to the] the 2 61:12 inhabitants the] ~ to enjoy the 2 61:15 apprehensive however] apprehensive of a revolt however 2 61:22 An. 1550 2] the 1550 3 62:4 of . . . time] long 2 62:21 fourth] Om. 2 63:17 shall] will 2 63:31 solicited] sollicited 2 65:8 dissensions] dissentions 1 65:17 or could] ~ he could 2 66:26 very curious] curious enough 1 remarkable 2 66:26 event, the] ~, which was the 1 66:31 Peloponnesus of old] the ancient Pelopponesus 2 68:4 cultivate 3, 2] labour 1 68:13 had] Om. 2 68:24 islanders 1] islandders 3 68:31 battle] action 1 70:2 number of relations,] numerous parentage; 1 71:15 their struggles.] the former struggles. 1 71:33 administered] administrated 1 governed 2 72:16 Rivarola MS] Rivalora, 3 73:5 restore him] restore to him 2 74:20 consigned] addressed 2 74:24 set sail] ~ ~, 1 he set sail, 2 74:25 spring, 1736] the spring of 1736 2 75:9 public] publick 1

235

textual apparatus 163:33 This . . . 363.] Om. 1 164:8 risk 3, 2] risque 1 164:31 shall] will 2 165:1 negotiate] negociate 1 165:3 just] Om. 2 165:19 cheerful] chearful 1 165:22 expect] lay my account with 1 165:34 ordnance] ordinance 1 166:35 droll 3, 2] drole 1 166:35 enough] Om. 2 167:2 cloaths 1] cloths 3 167:19 advice] advices 1 168:20 occurrences 1] occurences 3 169:2 entertained 1] entained 3 169:26 could 1] could could 3 170:1 oftner] oftener 1 170:21 with] Om. 1 171:18 enterprises 3, 2] enterprise 1 172:24 hath 3, 2] Om. 1 173:26 lontani] lontano 1 174:3 just] Om. 2 174:22 pretty droll] droll enough 1 droll 2 174:34 yet] Om. 2 176:2 in a little] presently 2 176:12 spoken] conversed in 2 177:3 make a selection] select 2 177:20 of my own 3, 2] my own of 1 177:22 would] should 2 178:26 should] shall 2 179:5 shall] will 2 179:26 came] ~ in 1 180:8 cheerful] chearful 1 180:22 judgment 3, 2] judgement 1 182:8 domestic] domestick 1 182:32 State 1] Sate 3 183:11 virtues 1] vittues 3 184:16 vorrei 1] vorei 3 185:3 inquiry 3, 2] enquiry 1 188:7 cheerfully] chearfully 1 188:21 the Hearts] Hearts 1 188:22 quercia] querco 1 190:4 authentic] authentick 1 190:27 daily] dayly 1 192:16 enquiry] inquiry 1 192:18 camera 1] comera 3 192:35 realized] realised 1 192:36 little] mean 2 193:4 That] The 1

93:31 continuing their] following out their 1 following their 2 95:[i] Government] the Government 2 95:[ii] the Genius] Genius 2 96:5 delegate 3, 2] can delegate 1 96:33 consult too] consult greatly too 1 101:14 to be 1] be be 3 102:7 cognizance 3, 2] rectification 1 103:7 entirely 3, 2] intirely 1 105:10 gave also in] gave in also 2 105:11 some . . . heavy] a plodding heavy 2 107:21 a subsidy 1] subsidy 3 107:27 that he 3, 2] tha the 1 110:2 penitence 1] penitance 3 110:19 warlike 1] warlik 3 112:27 their rights] the rights 1 113:27 freeze] frieze 1 114:26 powder] pouder 1 117:5 woollen] woolen 1 119:22 linen] linnen 1 119:23 linen] linnen 1 119:26 Doctour] Doctor 1 119:28 linen] linnen 1 122:14 correctour] corrector 1 122:17 publishes] published 2 122:20 facessant MS ] facessunt 3 (see explanatory note) 124:11 225] 224 2 124:19 Diodorus 1] Diordorus 3 124:25 their 1] there 3 126:17 or 1] of 3 129:20 hero] heroes 1 130:14 fortune 1] fourtune 3 130:25 les 1] less 3 130:29 determined] determinate 1 135:5 farther 1] father 3 135:16 we] Om. 2 137:24 against] at 1 to 2 138:11 sur] sour 1 139:12 use to] are in use to 1 are used to 2 140:8 expel] expell 1 140:27 Pinello attacked 1] ~ attaked 3 140:36 a condition 2] condition 3 141:4 balance 1] ballance 3 141:23 conviene] convienc 1 159:6 meminisse 1] memenisse 3 162:24 tout] out 1

236

textual apparatus 193:16 souffrir 3, 2] sonffrir 1 193:16 diseurs 1] disieurs 3 193:29 vigourous] vigorous 1 193:31 enquirers Eds.] inquiries 3 enquiries 1 (see explanatory note) 194:2 encrease] increase 1 194:20 connexions] connections 1 197:34 from] with 1 198:11 superiour 3, 2] superior 1 198:19 not 3, 2] Om. 1 202:1 apartment 1] appartment 3 202:7 burden] burthen 1 203:13 little 1] liitle 3 204:16 regret 3, 2] reget 1 206:9 couloured] coloured 1 206:10 coolly] cooly 1 207:4 find myself weary] weary 1 207:18 cheerful] chearful 1 207:24 different] Om. 2 207:32 now 1] new 3 208:22 Buttafoco . . . days. P As] Buttafoco, who proved superior to the character I had conceived of him from the letter of M.

Rousseau. I found in him the incorrupted virtues of the brave islander, with the improvements of the continent. I found him in short, to be a man of principle, abilities and knowledge; and at the same time a man of the world. He is now deservedly raised to the rank of colonel of the Royal Corsicans, in the service of France. P I past some days with Signor Buttafoco, from whose conversation I received so much pleasure, that I in great measure forgot my ague. P As 1 210:13 Legislator] Legislatour 1 210:17 implicitely] implicitly 2 210:24 complete] compleat 1 212:7 encreased] increased 2 214:27 the total] a total 1 215:13 fait trembler 1] faitt rembler 3 218:2 public] publick 1 218:9 public] publick 1 218:12 succeed 1] succced 3 218:27 23 3, 2] 28 1

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BOSWELL AND PAOLI INDEX 

No distinction is made between page references to the text and those to annotation. Boswell, James In Introduction admires Corsicans’ struggle for independence, xxxviii–xxxix ambition to be writer, xxii–xxiii biographical skills, xxxiii–xxxv companionableness, xxviii–xix concern for his image, xxix consequences of book for Paoli and Corsica, li–lii construction of character of Paoli, xliii–xlv curiosity about celebrated personalities but not mere social adventurer, xxxi–xxxii education, xxii–xxiii fascination with ‘Liberty’ and Wilkes, xx–xxi Grand Tour, the, xviii, xxiv–xxxi idealises Corsicans, xxxvii–xxxix knowledge of classics, xxvi–xxvii Liberty is integrating theme of Corsica, xxxv–xxxvi pre-publication campaign to create readership for Corsica, l purpose in visiting Corsica and attitude to it, xvii–xviii, xxi, xxv, xxxi–xxxii reception of book, l–li self-projection, xlv sense of history, xxvi–xxviii sexual abstinence while in Corsica, xxx

skill in languages, xxiv–xxvi, xxx sought advice but remained independent creative writer, xlix–l strategies of writing and revising, xlvi–xlix undertakes research for writing Corsica, xxxix–xliii use of classical literature, xlii uses primary source material, xl–xli In Corsica account of first, tense meeting with Paoli, 175 adapted himself easily to conventual life, 168, 207 addressing Paoli as ‘Signor’ or ‘General,’ question of, 86 admiration and affection for Johnson, 17–18 affectionate letter from Johnson but also rebuke from him, 208 ambitious for literary fame, 14–15 apprehensive about meeting Paoli, 174 assumed to be official British negotiator, 164–65, 176, 215 attends Mass with Corsican host, 167 ‘became a great favourite’ among Corsicans, 186 believes public morality depends on piety, 103–4 ‘Better occasional murders than frequent adulteries,’ 131

239

boswell and paoli index regards English newspaper as most extraordinary publication ever produced, 121 regards reformed Corsican government as complete democracy, ‘the best model that hath ever existed,’ 99, 102 on Religious Houses, 108–10 relished idea of primitivism, 173 return journey, his, 208 reviews of Corsica, 227–32 scrupulous in reporting Paoli’s sayings, 11 sends books to Paoli, 178 sense of own inadequacy while in Corsica, 203 ‘sentiments of human nature were raised’ by acquaintance with Paoli, 204 servant, his, 166 sources of information, 10–12 studies character of Corsicans as Paoli suggested, 183–85 suffered from malaria, 204–5, 207, 211–13 suspects loud laughter a sign of rusticity, 179 tempted to assume rôle of historian but resists, 63 treated with considerable ceremony, 176 uses opportunity to employ narrative as illustration of argument, 69, 103 visits condemned criminals and hangman, 171–72 visits university, 171 Walpole and, 77–78 warned not to ‘debauch’ Corsican women, 165 writing a book like building a house, 13

In Corsica (continued ) cannot imagine a happier country, 103 Christian convictions, 19 confident in accommodating himself to people ‘of different languages and sentiments,’ 164 in Corsican dress at Stratford, 186–88 dedicates Corsica to Paoli, 7–8 denies mere ostentatious display of learning, 14 detests professional wits, 193 differs with Paoli over appointment of hangman, 197 dismayed by official British ban on contacts with Corsican government and consequent support for Genoa, 116–17, 169 ‘enjoyed . . . luxury of noble sentiment,’ 176 ‘ever mindful of the wisdom of the Rambler,’ 194 final day with Paoli, 203–4 first Briton to visit Corsica, 25, 161 first meets Paoli in Sollacarò, 58, 174–75 friendly critics, 13 Garrick congratulates on Corsica, 188 generous solicitude of Marboeuf toward, 211–15 ‘harangued’ Corsicans ‘with great fluency,’ praised fight for liberty but warned against luxury, 174 has full confidence of Paoli, 216 imagined himself ‘a recruiting sea officer,’ 188 impressed by Corsican humility and sense of proportion, 172–73 intentions in Corsica, 7–10, 14, 25 ‘I saw my highest idea realized in Paoli,’ 192 ‘Journal’ to be ‘free and continued account,’ not record of daily events, 168, 177 kindness found in Bastia, 213 left Corsica ‘with reluctance,’ 216 letter from Paoli to, 216–18 on Liberty and Corsican struggle for, 21–25, 59–60, 116–17, 130–31, 135, 141–42, 161 longs to introduce Paoli to Johnson, 195–96 ordered armaments for Paoli, 115 orthography, 14 Paoli urges him to marry, 182, 203 pre-publication campaign by, 221–25 prey to melancholy, 192 pride in citing acquaintance with Rousseau, 130, 161–63 receives copy of ‘manifesto’ concerning Paoli, 87

Paoli, Pascal (Pasquale) account of first meeting with JB, 175 acts from sentiment, not reasonings, 192 admired Frederick II of Prussia, 180 admired Rousseau, 175 advised by supreme council, 171 alludes to Jewish history in Maccabees, 189–91 army of 40,000 available to, 137 appearance, reserve, and general manner, 175 believed ‘the greatest happiness was not in glory, but in goodness,’ 203 benefits from influence of brother Clemente, 135 ceaselessly active, physically and mentally, 193–94 compared to Epaminondas, 94 confused with his father, 10 contents of his library, 178

240

boswell and paoli index mental versatility of, 179 met JB first in Colonna’s house, 58, 174–75 natural conversationalist, 193 never despondent, 192 objectives, 177–78 opposed maintenance of regular troops, 177 personal authority of, 201–2 praised by Rousseau, 163 prodigious memory, 194 provided JB with guards and dog for journey, 206 public belief in his power to foretell events through dreams, 198–99 readily agreed to publication of letter to JB, 216 recognises need for higher education and establishes university, 37, 110, 120, 155–57 reforms systems of justice, government, education, social mores, economy, 88–91, 196–97 rejects marriage for himself, 181–82 ‘remarkable sayings’ of first importance, 177 residence of ‘sacred to wisdom and liberty,’ 207 scholar and linguist, 176–77 settled claims of feudal signors, 101–2 strict morality of, 180 ‘talent for physiognomy,’ 172, 175 trust in divine guidance, 195 unable to cure Corsican indolence, 132 understanding between Marboeuf and, 214 wide knowledge of history and classical writings, 194–95 wise patience of, 179 wished to benefit from Rousseau’s advice and literary skills, 210–11

Paoli, Pascal (Pasquale) (continued ) Corsica dedicated to, 7–8 Corsicans have ‘enthusiastick admiration’ for, 185 deplored British reference to Corsican ‘rebels,’ 189 early career of, 86 ease of manner and natural dignity of, 199–200 election as general, 85 embodies a despotism ‘founded . . . on love,’ 103 encourages JB to study character of Corsicans, 183 eulogised by Lyttleton, 5–6, 18 fascinated by communication between animals, 182 feelings of friendship for JB, 204 focus of attention in JB’s pre-publication campaign and in reviews of Corsica, 221–32 French intervention saved Genoa from total defeat by, 91–4 and the Greek colonists, 68 guard dogs for, 200 holds office for life and is absolute military commander, 98 ‘illustrious General of the Corsicans,’ 25, 149–50, 153–57, 164–65 immense admiration for Corsican patriotism, 183–84 independence of Corsica supremely important to, 188–89 knowledge of English language and history, 178 letter to all Corsican priests from, like, Lycurgus, 112–13 like Lycurgus, 39 likely to reduce the number of convents, 110 manifesto declaring election of, 87–88 Memoirs of, 174–219

241

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INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 

No distinction is made between page references to the text and those to annotation. Antonetti, Antonio, 166 Arbroath, Declaration of, 3–4 Argonauts, 54, 198 Ariosto, xxx, 166 Aristodemus, 53 Aristotle, 55, 121 Arno, River, 59 Ar(r)agon, 57, 152 Asia, 189 Assyria, 189 Athens, 24, 37, 210 Attila, 179 Auchinleck, xxii, xlvi, 8, 18, 206, 216 Auchinleck, Lord. See Boswell, A. Aurelius, Commodus, 181 Aurelius, Marcus, 181 Austria, the Austrians, 73, 84 Avignon, 215 Ayrshire, 114, 136

Abbatucci, Giacomo Pietro, 216, 218 Absalom, 108 Account of Denmark . . . 1692, An, 22 Addison, Joseph, xlii Ademar, 59 Africa, 43 Agenor, 52 Aitelli, Giovanni, 70–71 Aix-la-Chapelle, Peace of, 84, 148, 169 Ajaccio. 30, 32, 35, 56, 63, 66, 68, 72, 93, 205 Alarick, 56 Alban Mount, 56 Alberoni, Giulio, Cardinal, 74 Alesani, 57 Aleppo, 230 Aleria, 28, 30, 34–36, 40, 122 Alexander the Great, of Macedon, 86, 203 Alexander VII, Pope, 213 Alfred, 231 Algagliola, 93 Algiers, 164 Ambrosio, 206 America, 113, 114, 132, 203, 228 Angelis, Cesare Crescenzio de, Bishop, 105 Annual Register, xxxiii Anson, Thomas, 43 Anthologia Latina, 28–29 Antipodes, 189

Balagna, 35, 72, 217–18 Banks, Sir Joseph, 43 Barbaggi, Giuseppe, xxxvi, 105, 134, 169 Barbary, 164 Barbauld, Anna, 231 Barclay, Robert, 178 Baretti, Guiseppe, 228 Barlé, M., 213 Bastelica, xxxvii, 174

243

index of proper names Candia, 67 Capo Corso, xliii, 28, 33, 35, 115, 139, 140, 165, 179, 217, 218 Caporali, 57, 108 Capraja, 32, 139, 223 Caprinton, 114 Capuchins, 34, 38, 108, 171, 207 Caraffa, Jean-Baptiste de, 213 Carew, 201 Carolina, 114 Caroline, Queen, 75 Carreto, Leopold del, Marquis de Gorzegno, 84 Carthage, 116 Carthaginians, 55, 59, 61 Carthusians, 108–9 Casinca, 91, 146, 148, 154, 163 Cateau-Cambrésis, Peace of, 63 Catiline, 194 Cato, xlii, 181 Cauro, 205 Ceccaldi, Andrea, 69, 71 Centuri, xviii, 30, 165 Centurion, The, 164 Champgrand, Jean-François Goury de. See Goury Chapelle, Claude-François Passerat de la, 212–13, 217 Charlemagne, 57 Charles V, 62, 63 Charles VI, 70 Chateau de Ferney, 210 Chiaveri, 72 Chittim, 46 Churchill, Charles, xx, 178 Cicereius, C., 55 Cicero, Marcus Tullius, xxviii, 35–36, 44, 110, 120, 181 Cicero, Marcus Tullius (son), 181 Cincinnatus, 173 Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, 63 Claudius, Emperor, 28 Clement VII, Pope, 61 Clement XIII, Pope, 104 Cluverius (Cluverii, Philippi), 31, 33 Coilsfield, 114 Colonna, Hugo, 57–58, 108 Colonna, Pier Andrea, 58, 176, 186, 204, 216–17, 221 Colonna, Pietro, 58 Compiègne, Treaty of, 31, 92 Constantinople, 63 Contades, Louis Georges-Erasme de, 79 Cordone, 128 ‘Corn rigs are bonie,’ 188

Bastia, xvi, 30, 32, 34, 36, 49, 66, 72, 80, 83, 93, 98, 137, 148, 162–3, 169, 207, 208, 211, 213, 216–17 Baxter, Andrew, 198–99 Benbridge, Henry, lii, 2, 4 Benedict XI, Pope, 107 Bianca, Gian Quilico Casa, xlix, 12, 95, 102, 185, 198 Bible, the: II Corinthians, 170; Ecclesiastes, 192; Ezekiel, 46; Genesis, 86; Job, 122; II Kings, 179; Lamentations, 99; Luke, 86; I Maccabees, 190–91; Micah, 168; Proverbs, 196; Psalms, 167; II Samuel, 108; II Timothy, 18 Blaue, John, 114 Blount, Sir Thomas Pope, 124 Boccociampe, Signor, 170–71, 175 Bochart, Samuel, 77 Bogognano, 216, 218 Boisseux, Comte de, 72, 79–80, 214 Bonifaccio, 30, 32, 35, 57, 66 Boswell, Alexander, Lord Auchinleck, xvii, xxii–xxiv, xxix–xxx, 18 Boswell, Thomas, 18 Boyce, William, 188 Boyer, Abel, 138 Brion, M., 213 Bristol, 4th Earl of. See Hervey, F. A. Bristol, 2nd Earl of. See Hervey, G. W. Britanny, 211 British Essays in Favour of the Brave Corsicans, xv, 4 Biguglia, 40 Burgundy, 116 Burke, Edmund, xxxiii, 22 Burnaby, Andrew, xxxix–xl, xlii–xliii, xlviii, lii, 5, 11, 17; Journal of a Tour to Corsica by, 11, 17, 27, 31, 33, 35, 37, 38, 47, 89, 90, 91, 103, 110, 113, 115–16, 124, 133–34, 208, 211 Burnett, James, later Lord Monboddo, 13, 125 Burney, Fanny, 175 Burns, Robert, 188 Buttafoco, Antonio, 210 Buttafoco, Matteo, xxxvi, 12, 162–63, 175, 208 Cadmus, 52 Callimachus, 30 Callista, 30, 52–53 Calvi, 30–31, 66, 72, 93 Cambridge, 13 Campbell, John, Earl of Loudon, 136 Campoloro, Leonardo Grimaldi da, Padre, 110 Campo Loro, 35, 116 Canari, 168 Cancellotti, Father, 136

244

index of proper names Dudley, Sir Robert, 32–33 D’Urfey, Thomas, 188

Conuel, Mme, 193 Corsa, 54 Corsica, xvii–lii; physical features, 27–50; historical-political survey of, 51–94; present state in government, religion, defence etc, 95–142; State Papers of, 143–57 Corsican Gazette, 121 Corte, xxxvi, 34, 37–38, 68–69, 83, 85, 90, 96–97, 99, 100, 106, 120, 134, 149, 153, 155, 157, 168, 169–72, 205–7, 215–16, 218 Cortona, 58 Crébillon, Claude-Prosper Jolyot de, 48 Crena, Lake, 40 Critical Review, 227–28 Cromwell, Oliver, 229 Cunninghame, Sir John, 114 Cuttoli, 205 Cyrnaeus, Petrus, xl, 12, 122–26, 133, 185, 197 Cyrnus, 27, 54, 129 Cyrus II, 25

Earl/Lord Marischal. See Keith, George Edinburgh, xxii, xxiv, 13 Edwards, Richard, xxxix Egeria, 199 Eleazar, 190 Elisha, 179 Encyclopédie, xix, 92, 130 England, the English, 42, 74, 115, 121, 168, 169, 173, 177, 197, 212 Enquiry into the Nature of the Human Soul, An, 198–99 Epaminondas, 6, 94, 133, 229 Epicurus, 104, 180 Erbalonga, 139 Ersa, 36 Erskine, Andrew, xxix, xlviii–xlix Essai de Critique sur le [Examen du]Prince de Machiavel, 130 Etruscans, 34, 55, 59 Eugene, Franz, Prince of Savoy, 70 Eupolemus, 190 Europa, 52 Eurysthenes, 53 Evander, 201

Dalrymple, Sir David, later Lord Hailes, xxii, xlix, li, 13, 84, 86, 124 Damari, family, 139 Dampier, William, xxxiii D’Argens, Jean Baptiste de Boyer, Marquis de, 48, 71 Davies, Thomas, xxxix Day, Thomas, 12, 29. See also Patricius Defoe, Daniel, xxxiii De l’Esprit des Lois, 65–66, 103 Deleyre, Alexandre, xlvii, 92 Delphos, 199 Demetrius, 191 Demosthenes, 192 De Witt, Johan, 116 Deyverdun, Georges, 231 Dick, Sir Alexander, xlvi, 70, 212 Dick, (Sir) John, xxix, xxxix–xl, xlix, 4, 5, 11, 43, 66, 87, 128, 139, 217 Dilly, Charles, xlvi, 4 Dilly, Edward, xxxix, 4 Diodorus Siculus, xxiv, xli, 32, 36, 47, 55, 122, 123–24, 130, 133 Dissertation on the Numbers of Mankind, A, 137 Dodsley, Robert, 77 Doge of Genoa. See Lomellini, A. Dominicans, 108 Dryden, John, 114 Doria, Andrew, 62–63, 179 Douglas, house of, 212 Dublin Society, 119 Du Bos, Jean Baptist, Abbé, 90 Du Contra[c]t Social, 209

Felltham, Owen, 199 Filippini, Antonio Pietro, xviii, 61 Fiumorbo, 40, 148 Florence, xxix, 11, 49, 162, 222 Florus, Lucius Annaeus, 30, 55 Fog’s Weekly Journal, xviii Fontenoy, 213 Forbes, Duncan, 199 Foulis, Andrew and Robert, 4 Fox, Henry, Lord Holland, xxxvii, 232 France, the French, xxxvi, lii, 25, 33, 44, 46, 59, 61–64, 74, 76, 78–82, 91–94, 117, 165, 211–15 Francis I, 61 Francis, Philip, 212 Franciscans, 34, 38, 134, 170–71, 206, 207 Franklin, Benjamin, li Frederick II, 130, 161 Frescati, 203 Frontignac, 115 Furiani, 10, 115, 140, 184 Gaffori, Francesco, 82–83 Gaffori, Gian Pietro, 82–83, 84–85, 106 Galgacus, 82 Garrick, David, xvii, 188

245

index of proper names Hellespont, 198 Helvia, 28 Henry II, 62, 64 Herbert, Henry, 10th Earl of Pembroke, lii Hercules, 122–23, 204 Herodotus, xxvi, 52–53 Hervey, Frederick Augustus, 4th Earl of Bristol, 11, 38, 84 Hervey, George William, 2nd Earl of Bristol, 84 History of St. Kilda, The, 120 Hobbes, Thomas, 125 Holcomb(e), Essex, Captain, 84 Holland, 74, 76, 96, 98, 101, 116, 119 Holland, Lord Henry. See Fox, Henry Home, Henry, Lord Kames, 90 Home, John, 48 Homer, xlii, 36, 49, 200 Horace, xxviii, xlii, 173, 177, 212 Hume, David, li, 24, 196 Huns, 179

Gaul, 179 General account and description of Corsica, A, xviii, 21 General Historie of the Turkes, The, 62 Gentleman’s Magazine, 228 George III, xviii Germany, the Germans, 25, 37, 63, 70, 115, 131–32, 161, 185, 192 Gherardi, Signor, 215 Giaccomini, Signor, 165–66 Giafferi, Luiggi, 70–71, 74, 79, 81, 128 Gibbon, Edward, xxvii, 179, 231 ‘Gideroy’s last Farewel,’ 188 Giulio, padre, 170 Giustiniana, Pietro Maria, 147 Golo, 40 Gordon, Thomas, 178 Gorregne. See Carreto Goths, 41, 56, 59, 120, 179 Goury de Champgrand, Jean-François, xxxix, 10, 28, 30, 41, 49, 55, 57–58, 64, 66–67, 70, 74, 76, 79, 81, 99, 128 Graevius, Joannes Georgius, 48, 126 Graham, James, Earl of Montrose, 219 Grand Atlas, Le, 114 Gravonne, 40 Gray, Thomas, xlvi, lii, 227 Great Britain, 37, 77, 83–85, 116–17, 176, 178, 189, 190, 219 Great Chancellor, 98, 172–73. See also Massesi, G. M. Great Events from Little Causes, 69 Greece, the Greeks, 24, 27, 30, 35, 39, 66–69, 104 Gregory I, Pope, 174 Gregory VII, Pope, 57–58 Gregory, John, 182 Griffiths, Ralph, 229 Grimaldi, Capt., 223 Grimaldi, Don Filippo, 148, 150 Grisons, 78 Guastalla, battle of, 70 Guelfucci, Bonfiglio da Belgodere, Abbé, 130, 186, 194 Gulliver’s Travels, 178

Idler, The, 196 Iliad, The, 200–1 Ino, 40, 49 Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy, 12, 102–3, 141 Interest of Holland, 116 Ireland, the Irish, 119, 132, 177, 201 Isidorus, 54 Isola Rossa, 30–31 Italy, the Italians, 42, 62, 67, 89, 119, 120, 122, 165, 199, 201, 221, 228 Ithaca, 35–36, 46, 49, 50 Jachone, 206 James. King of Aragon, 107 Jaussin, Louis-Amand, xxxix, 10, 34, 57, 59, 62, 64, 66, 70, 79–81, 103, 108, 118 Jesuits, 108, 217 Jews, 76, 115, 189–91 Joab, 108 Johnson, John, xxii Johnson, Samuel, xvii, xxi, xxiv, xxix, xxxiii–xxxiv, xliv, xlix, 14, 17, 119, 178, 193–94, 195–96, 207–8, 230 Journal of a Tour to Corsica; and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli, 161–219 Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides, xxix Judas Maccabeus, 79, 86, 190–91 Julia, 28 Juvenal, 41

Hague, The, 166 Hailes. See Dalrymple, D. Hänni, Jacob, 166, 205 Hannibal, 220 Hanno, 55 Harrington, James, 178 Harrison, Thomas, Commodore, 164, 221 ‘Hearts of oak . . . ,’ 188

Kames, Lord. See Home, Henry Keith, George, 161, 163, 180

246

index of proper names Maillebois, Jean-Baptiste François Desmarets, Marquis de, 10, 80–81, 86, 214 Malaga, 115 Mallet, David, 121 Malmesbury, 125 Malora. See Meloria Mann, Sir Horace, 73, 78, 135 Mantua, 72 Marboeuf, Louis Charles René, Comte de, xxxvi, 31, 43, 93, 207, 211–15, 222 Marboeuf, Yves-Alexandre de, Abbé, 215 Mariana, 28, 30, 34, 40 Mariani, Padre, 207 Marinis, Hieronymus de, 48, 126 Marius, Gaius, 28, 78 Marius, Marius Gaius, 199 Marseilles, 94, 222 Martel, Charles, 57 Martial, 47 Martinetti, 148, 151 Maso, Papyrius, 56 Massesi, Giuseppe Maria, 151, 155, 157, 171, 206–7 Massesi, Luigi, 171 Matilda, Countess, 72 Matra, Alerio, 82–85, 223 Matra, Antonio (Antonuccio), 73, 140 Matra, Emanuele, 73 Mattei, Paul, 139–40 Maurice, Hermann, Comte de Saxe, 192 Maximilian, Emperor, 72 Mazarini, Louis-Jules, Duc de Nivernais, 117 Medici, Hypolitus de, 61 Melancthon, 207 Meloria, 59 Membleareus, 52 Mendicant Friars, 108 Metello, Michael, 64 Michel, M., 215 Milton, John, 229 Minden, 79 Minorca, 117, 212 Minyae, 53–54 Missionaries, 108 Molesworth, Robert, Lord, xli, 22 Monboddo. See Burnett, J. Montague, Mary Wortley, Lady, xxxiii Montesquieu, Charles Louis de, xli, 65, 92, 103, 132 Montgomerie, Margaret, 114 Montgomery (Montgomerie), Archibald, Colonel, 114 Monthly Review, 229 Montrose, Earl of. See Graham, J.

Kenrick, William, 230 Knolles, Richard, 62 Knowles. See Knolles Koran, 67 Lacedaemon, 38–39, 52–54, 66, 102 Landulf, Bishop, 58 La Fontaine, 71 La Marc, 74 La Rochefoucauld, Duc de, 193 ‘Lass of Patie’s Mill, The,’ 188 Latium, 46 Le Brun, Charles, 214 Leghorn, xxix, 4, 11, 27, 32, 72–73, 74, 115, 121, 164–66, 168–69, 221 Leicester, Earl of, 32–33 Leonardo Grimaldi da Campoloro, Padre, 110, 207 Leonidas, 66 Lewis XIV. See Louis XIV Liarmone, 40 Ligurians, 54–55, 70, 105 Lituus, 114 Liutprand, 179 Livy, xli, 17, 38–39, 47, 51, 55, 63, 112, 123, 195, 201 Locke, John, 22 Lofft, Capel, 231–32 Lombards, 179 Lomellini, Agostino, Doge, 146 London, 27, 77, 84, 121, 222 London Chronicle, The, 121, 221–25 Loudon, Earl of. See Campbell, John Louis XIV, 213 Louis XV, 212 Lucca, the Luccese, 116, 121, 132 Lucan, xlii, 180–81 Ludlow, Edmund, 229 Luiggi, 207 Lycurgus, 39, 102, 199 Lyons, 206, 212 Lyttleton, George, Lord, xvii, 5–6, 18 Macaulay, Catharine, xvii Macaulay, Kenneth, 120 Maccabees, Book of, 79 Macdonald, Sir James, 203 Machiavelli, 130 Macinajo, 30, 32, 140 Macpherson, James (‘Ossian’), 196 Madden Samuel, 119 Madrid, 207 Mahomet, 66 Maina, 66–67

247

index of proper names Papal States, 152 Paris, 206, 208, 215 Parma, 92 ‘Patricius,’ 12, 223–24 Patrimonio, xxxvi, 169, 217–18 Patroclus, 200 Pausanias, 38 Pavia, 62 Peloponnesus, 66 Pembroke, Lord. See Herbert, H. Penn, William, 203 Pennsylvania, 203 Penrith, 212 Pepin of Herstal, 57 Peraldi, Signor, 205 Peres (Pérez), Jean-Baptiste de, Conte, 115 Pericles. See Pitt, William Peter, Czar, 90 Philip V, 73 Phoenicians, 52, 54, 59 Piedmont, 85 Pinarius, 55 Pinello, Augustino, 140 Pino, 127 Pisa, 58–59, 104, 109, 155 Pitt, William, Earl of Chatham, xlv, 33, 117, 190, (Pericles) 219 Plato, 121, 199 Pliny, 27–28, 47, 56 Plutarch, xlv, 195, 199, 219 Podestà, 95, 99–100, 102 Polybius, xxiv, 28, 43–44, 114 Pomponius Mela, 28 Ponte Nuovo, 6 Pope, Alexander, 36, 50, 178, 200–1 Pope, The, 4, 57, 59, 107–8, 173 Porto Vecchio, 30, 32, 35–36 Porto Vitilo, 67–8 Postlethwayt, Malachy, 31 Pride: A Poem, xli, 135–36 Priestley, Joseph, xxi Pringle, Sir John, 170 Prior, Thomas, 119 Procles, 53 Procopius, 41, 43, 56 Procuratour, 96–8 Prunella, 40 pseudo-Aristotle, 55 Ptolemy, 44

Moors, 56–58 Morato. See Murato More, Sir Thomas, 201 Morea, 66 Morelli, Ignazio Francesco, xxxix, 211, 213 Morison, Colin, xxvii Morsiglia, 166 Mountstuart, John Stuart, Lord, xxix, lii Muffoli, 42–43 Murati, Achilles, 139 Murato, 169 Muratori, Lodovico Antonio, 122–23, 125, 133, 185, 197 Naples, 6, 33, 40, 44, 62, 75, 81, 86, 177, 193, 201–2 Naso. See Maso, Papyrius Nassau, The, 8 Nebbio, 35, 140, 217–18 Nebuchadnezzar, 105 Nepos, Cornelius, 94, 133 Neuhoff, Théodore von, Baron, King of Corsica, 48, 74–78, 81, 227 Neuhoff, Baron (nephew), 81 New Survey of the Globe, A, 49 Nicea, 34 Nivernais, Duc de. See Mazarini, L.-J. North Briton, xx, 178 Nonza, 35 Numa, 199 Numidians, 201 Odyssey, The, 36, 50, 200–1 Oletta, 72–73, 169 Oltre, Baron, 139 Ornano, 174 Ornano, Alphonso di, 64 Ornano, John Baptist (Giovanni Battista) di, 64 Ornano, Luca di, 79 Ornano, Michael Angelo di, 64 Ornano, Vannina, 61, 64 Orsini, Domenico, Cardinal, 105 Ortierni, Erasmo, 130 Ottoman, 66 Ovid, 195 Oxford, 203 Padri del Commune, 95, 99 Padua, 155 Paoli, Clemente de, 133–35, 208 Paoli, Hyancinthe (Giacinto), 5, 10, 71, 79, 81, 86, 128, 134 Paomia, 67

Quakers, 203 Racine, Jean, 134 Raffalli, Domenico, 70–71

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index of proper names Sardo, 148 Sartene, 12 Savona, 71 Saxe, Comte de. See Maurice, H. Scaliger, 46 Scanderbeg (Scandenberg), Georges Kastrioti, 66 Scipio, Lucius Cornelius, 55, 201 Scotland, 4, 42, 119, 125, 131, 136, 171, 188, 228 Scythians, 132 Segni, 105 Seine, River, 211 Seneca, 12, 28, 40, 60, 167, 223–25 Servites, 108 Shugborough Hall, 43 Sicily, 72, 172–73 Sidney, Algernon, 178 Siena, xviii, xxvi, xxx, 25, 72, 164 Skye, 203 Smith, Adam, xxviii, 200 Smollett, Tobias, xxxiii, xlii, 10, 74, 85 Socrates, 199 Solenzara, 216, 218 Sollacarò, xliv–xlv, 58, 170, 174, 197, 204, 216–17 Solon, 210 Solyman, Emperor, 62 Somerville, James, Lord, xxii Spain, the Spanish, 33, 42, 48, 63, 71–73, 115, 152 Sparta, the Spartans, 39, 53, 67, 82, 102–3, 169, 183 Spectator, The, 178 Stagyrite. See Aristotle Stanisla(u)s I, King, 212 Stanley, Hans, 221 Stefanopoli, Giovanni, 12, 67, 69 Sterne, Laurence, xxxii–xxxiii Steuart, Sir James, xlii, 12, 102, 140–41 Stewart, John, lii Stewart, Keith, Hon, 164 Stoics/Stoicism, 180, 199, 223 Strabo, xli, 55, 122–25, 130 Stretta di Morosaglia, 5 Stuart, Chevalier (Prince) Charles, 222–23 Sulla, Lucius Cornelius, 28, 78 Suzzoni, Signor, 185 Swift, Jonathan, xxxiii, 178 Switzerland, the Swiss, 24–25, 37, 78, 161 Sydon, 116 Sylla. See Sulla, L. C. Symonds, John, lii, 5, 222 Syndicatori, 99

Rambler, the. See Johnson, Samuel Rambler, The, 110, 194 Raphael, 166 Resolves, 199 Restonica, 37, 40 Retz, de, Cardinal, 219 Rhodes, 24 Richard, Jérôme, Abbé, 138 Richer, Adrian, 69 Riperda (Ripperda), Johan Wilhelm, Duke of, 74 Ristori, John Baptist, 140 Rivarola, Antonio, Count, 11, 72–73, 164–65, 175 Rivarola, Domenico, Count, 72–74, 83–84, 169 Rivarola, Francis, Count, 72 Rivarola, Nicholas, Count, xxxvi, 73, 169 Rochefoucault(d), Duke de, 193 Roman Catholicism, 103 ff Rome, the Romans, xxvii–xxviii, 23, 30, 40–41, 46–47, 49, 55–56, 59, 82, 90, 96, 104, 112, 123, 137, 155, 173, 175, 179, 183, 189, 194, 202, 213, 221–22, 232 Rossi, 72 Rostini, Carlo, Abbé, 12, 176, 185, 210 Rostino, 134, 208 Rota Civile, 98 Rotondo, Mt., 39 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, xxv–xxvi, xxx–xxxi, xxxvi, xxxviii, xliii, 12, 92, 130, 163, 175, 197–98, 208–10 Rowe, Nicholas, xlii, 181 Russia, the Russians, 90, 110 Ruvida, 67 Saguntines, 85 St. Anne’s Church, Westminster, 77 St. Basil, 68 St. Catharine of Siena, 167 St. Francis, Order of, 108 St. George, bank of, 62 St. Kilda, 120 St. Luke, 86 St. Peter, 107; Congress of, 151 Sallust, 104, 194, 227 Salogna, 67 Sampiero di Bastelica (Ornano), 61–64, 79, 174, 213 San Fiorenzo, xlii, 30–1, 35–6, 47, 83–4, 93, 154, 169 Saracens, 56–7, 59, 108 Sardinia, 27, 33, 45, 55, 72, 83–5, 119, 122, 132, 164

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index of proper names United Provinces, 116 University, 90, 120, 155–57, 171 Ursins, Jourdain des, 62 Utrecht, xxiii–xxiv, 116

Syphax, 201 Syracuse, 115 Tacitus, xxvi, xli, 56, 82, 131–32 Talavo, 40 Tatis, Domenico Maria, 147 Tatler, The, 178 Tavagna, 74 Tavignano, 37, 40 Telemachus, 200 Temple, William Johnson, xvii, xlvi, l, 9, 13 Templeman, Thomas, 49 Thebes, 24, 37, 183, 203 Themistocles, 192, 194 Theodore. See Neuhoff, T. von Theophrastus, 46 Thera, 53 Theras, 52–53 Thermes, Paul de la Barthe de, 38, 62 Thou, Jacobus Auguste de, 38, 62, 64, 185 Thuanus. See Thou Timoleon, 6 Tokay, 116 Tomasi, Damiano, 167–68 Tomino, xliii, 33 Tortona, 201 Totilas, 56 Toulon, 94, 117, 232 Trenchard, John, 178 Trevelyan, George Otto, 232 Triton, 114 Trajan, 113, 202 Troy, 50 Tunis, 74 Turin, 73, 84, 164 Turkey, the Turks, 33, 62–63, 67, 164 Tuscany, the Tuscans, 33, 62, 118, 121, 139, 152, 164 Tyler, Wat, 77 Tyre, 116

Valentini, Leonardo, Abbé, 171 Valinco, 40 Vatican, 57 Vaucelles, Truce of, 63 Venice, 116, 122 Versailles, 79, 92, 214 Vescovato, 91, 116, 151, [Vescovado] 162–63, 208 Vico, 45, 68 Vienna, 70 Virgil, xlii, 22, 24, 42, 45, 47, 67, 114, 133, 177, 201, 203–4 Vitolli, 64 Voltaire, François Marie, xxv, xxxi, xliv, 74, 163, 175, 210 Wachtendonck, General, 70 Wallace, Robert, 137 Walpole, Horace, xvii, 77–78, 135, 227 Warton, Joseph, 47, 133, 201, 204 Wentworth, Thomas, 84 Wesley, John, li, 229 World, The, 77 Wilkes, John, xx, xxii, 18, 131, 136, 178 Willison, George, xxix Wirtemberg (Wurtemburg), EberhardLudwig, Duke of, 70–71 Wyvill, Christopher, l, 13 Xenophon, 25 Xerxes, 66 York, Duke of, 221 Young Arthur, xxxiii Zuylen, Belle de, xxiv

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