AJS Review (The Journal of the Association for Jewish Studies), Vol 19 No. 2 1994

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Front Matter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 168-212 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486620 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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AJS VOL. XIX,NO. 2 1994

TheJournalof the Associationfor JewishStudies

REVIE

Volume XIX, Number 2,

1994

ASSOCIATION FOR JEWISH STUDIES CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

AJS Review EDITOR:

NormanA. Stillman, State Universityof New York at Binghamton ASSOCIATE EDITORS:

NehamaAschkenasy, University of Connecticut,Stamford Rela Geffen, GratzCollege RobertGoldenberg,State Universityof New York at Stony Brook BenjaminC. I. Ravid, BrandeisUniversity MarshaRozenblit, Universityof Maryland CORRESPONDING EDITOR:

Lloyd P. Gartner,Tel-Aviv University BOOKREVIEWEDITOR:

GaryRendsburg,CornellUniversity ASSISTANT: EDITORIAL

Susan O. Savitch The AJS Review (ISSN 0364-0094) is published twice annually by the Association for Jewish Studies. Manuscripts for consideration should be sent to Prof. Norman A. Stillman, Judaic Studies Department, State University of New York at Binghamton, Binghamton, N.Y. 13901. Books for review should be sent to Prof. Gary A. Rendsburg, Dept. of Near Eastern Studies, 360 Rockefeller Hall, Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y. 14853-2502. ? 1994 by the Association for Jewish Studies MANUFACTURED

IN THE UNITED

STATES

OF AMERICA

AJS REVIEW THE JOURNAL OF THE ASSOCIATIONFOR JEWISHSTUDIES VOLUME XIX, NUMBER 2, 1994 Articles 135

D. SWARTZ MICHAEL "Like the Ministering Angels": Ritual and Purity in Early Jewish Mysticism and Magic

169

KREISEL HOWARD in Maimonides' Guide of the Perplexed Dei Imitatio

Review Essay 213

HUROWITZ AVIGDOR VICTOR Ancient Israelite Cult in History, Tradition, and Interpretation

Book Reviews 237

Raphael Patai. Robert Graves and the Hebrew Myths:A Collaboration MARTINBEMAL

238

Yohanan Muffs. Love and Joy: Law and Religion in Ancient Israel GARYANDERSON

241

Moshe Weinfeld. Deuteronomy 1-11: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary RICHARDELLIOTFRIEDMAN

244 247

Shalom M. Paul. Amos: A Commentaryon the Book of Amos GARYA. RENDSBURG Michael V. Fox. Character and Ideology in the Book of Esther ROBERTL. COHN

250

Samuel A. Meier. Speaking of Speaking: Marking Direct Discourse in the Hebrew Bible E. GREENSPAHN FREDERICK

252

E. P. Sanders. Judaism: Practice and Belief 63 BCE-66 CE. STANLEYISSER

254

Peter Schaifer.The Hidden and Manifest God: Some Major Themes in Early Jewish Mysticism DAVIDJ. HALPERIN

257

Hebert A. Davidson. Alfarabi, Avicenna, and Averroes, on Intellect: Their Cosmologies, Theories of the Active Intellect, and Theories of Human Intellect KALMANP. BLAND

260

Frank Manuel. The Broken Staff: Judaism Through Christian Eyes ALLANARKUSH

263

Jose Faur.In the Shadow of History: Jews and Conversos at the Dawn of Modernity MELAMMED RENEELEVINE

265

Minna Rozen. Jewish Identity and Society in the Seventeenth Century: Reflections on the Life and Workof Rafael MordekhaiMalki DAVIDB. RUDERMAN

268

Gershon David Hundert. The Jews in a Polish Private Town:The Case of Opat6w in the Eighteenth Century W. DWIGHT VANHORN

271

Franz D. Lucas and Heike Frank. Michael Sachs-der konservative Mittelweg Leben und Werkdes Berliner zur Zeit der Emanzipation A. MEYER MICHAEL

273

Roman A. Foxbrunner. Habad: the Hasidim of R. Shneur Zalman of Lyady IRAROBINSON

275

Daniel Gutwein. The Divided Elite: Politics and Anglo-Jewry, 1882-1917 TODD M. ENDELMAN

278

JonathanBoyarin. Polish Jews in Paris: The Enthnographyof Memory GUTMAN SANFORD

281

Gary A. Abraham. Max Weber and the Jewish Question: A Study of the Social Outlook of His Sociology CHRISTASCHAFER-LICHTENBERGER

284

Sefton D. Temkin. Isaac Mayer Wise: Shaping American Judaism L. BERLIN GEORGE

288

Hyman Bogen. The Luckiest Orphans: A History of the Hebrew Orphan Asylum of New York KERRY M. OLITZKY

290

Naomi W. Cohen. Jews in ChristianAmerica: The Pursuit of Religious Equality RICHARDPOLENBERG

292

Jerome R. Mintz. Hasidic People: A Place in the New World CHARLESSELENGUT

295

Sandra B. Lubarsky. Tolerance and Transformation: Jewish Approaches to Religious Pluralism MICHAELWYSCHOGROD

297

Jacob Mansour. The Jewish Baghdadi Dialect: Studies and Texts in the Judaeo-Arabic Dialect of Baghdad BENJAMINHARY

301

Collected Studies

317

Books Received Hebrew Article

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"Like the Ministering Angels": Ritual and Purity in Early Jewish Mysticism and Magic Author(s): Michael D. Swartz Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 135-167 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486621 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



"LIKETHE MINISTERINGANGELS": RITUALAND PURITYIN EARLYJEWISHMYSTICISMAND MAGIC by D. SWARTZ MICHAEL Studentsof religion'are aware that the same ritualact can have many meaningsdependingon the culturalcontext. As WalterKaelberobserves, "Viewed cross-culturally,a given ascetic form may have different,even oppositeobjectives."'Accordingly,thesamedetailmayhaveentirelyopposite meaningsin differentascetic regimens.Thus for the biblicalDanieland his ascetic heirs, beans were an ideal food, probablybecausethey are dry and not susceptible to impurity;2but for Pythagoreansand others, they were to be avoided-perhaps because in certainMediterranean populations,they presentedan actual medicaldanger.3These factorsalertus to the principle that understandinga ritualsystem in its culturalcontextis vital. They also encourageus to read rituals and actions as we read texts--coding their creators'statementsabout what they value in a religioussystem and what they aspireto be. The Hekhalotliterature,the texts of the visionaryphenomenain Judaism of LateAntiquityandthe earlyMiddleAges knownas Merkavahmysticism, describesritualsof abstention,diet, and isolationsimilarto asceticpractices 1. W. Kaelber,"Asceticism,"Encyclopediaof Religion 1:443.This observationcan also pertainto asceticacts withina given culture. 2. See DavidSatran,"Daniel:Seer,Philosopher,Holy Man,"in JohnJ. CollinsandGeorge W. E. Nickelsburg,eds. Ideal Figuresin AncientJudaism(Chico,Calif.:ScholarsPress,1980), p. 34, andthe sourcescited there. 3. See RobertParker,Miasma(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1983),pp. 364-365, citing RobertS. BrumbaughandJessicaSchwartz,"Pythagoras andBeans:A MedicalExplanation," Classical World73 (1980): 421-422. See also Satran,"Daniel,"pp. 38-39.

AJS Review 19/2 (1994): 135-167

135

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commonin the Greco-RomanMediterranean world.4By locatingculturally specific dimensionsof ritual texts and concepts of purityin the Hekhalot literaturewe can discover somethingabouttheirpurpose,the dynamicsand mythic conceptionsthat underliethese texts, and the social and historical circumstancesof theirauthors. Introduction

When studyingJewishpracticesof abstinence,we mustconsiderfactors that are particularto the Judaismof the authorsof the rabbiniccanon:the influenceof Halakhahand the laws and phenomenologyof ritualpurity.' For many communitiesin ancientJudaism,Halakhahdelineatedthe criteria and structureof ritualsystems, includingthose not ordainedby normative law. Halakhahis also an importantindicatorof specific historicalfactors, such as the social position of the authorsof a given text in relationto the centralshapersof RabbinicJudaism,theireducationallevel, and mattersof provenance.Considerationof the role of ritualpurityis relevantbecause puritylaws mandateavoidanceof food, impurepersons,and objects and for my forthcomingbook,ScholasticMagic: 4. This studyis basedon researchundertaken Ritual and Revelation in Early Jewish Mysticism. The impetus for studying rituals in the

Hekhalotliteraturein lightof the studyof asceticismcamein partas a resultof myparticipation in the Society of Biblical Literatureresearchgroup on ascetic behavior,whose comments in the course of discussionon these issues is much appreciated.An earlierversionof this paperwas firstpresentedbeforethatgroupin November,1991. See also MichaelD. Swartz, "Hkidll6t Rabbdtt ??297-306: A Ritual for the Cultivationof the Princeof the Torah,"in Vincent L. Wimbush, ed., Asceticism in Greco-Roman Antiquiry:A Sourcebook (Minneapolis:

AugsburgFortress,1990), pp. 227-234. Muchof the researchfor this studywas carriedout in Jerusalemunderthe auspices of the Yad Hanadiv/Rothschild Foundation,whose support is much appreciated.My thanksalso to ProfessorsGary Anderson,David Halperin,Tirzah Meacham,LawrenceSchiffman,andthe anonymousreviewersof this articlefor theirinsights. 5. The best considerationof asceticismin ancientJudaismis StevenD. Fraade,"Ascetical Aspects of Ancient Judaism," in Arthur Green, ed., Jewish Spiritualityfrom the Bible Through

theMiddleAges (New York:Crossroad,1987),pp. 253-288. See his bibliography, pp. 287-288. Particularly importantforourpurposesareE. E. Urbach,"'Asqesisve-Yissurinbe-ToratHazal," in Me-'Olanmamn shel Hakhamimn:Qoves Mehqarinm(Jerusalem: Magnes, 1988), pp. 437-458 (cf. idem, The Sages: Their Concepts and Beliefs [Jerusalem:Magnes, 1975], pp. 443-448); S.

Journalof JewishStudies9 (1958): Lowy,"TheMotivationof Fastingin TalmudicLiterature," 19-38; and James A. Montgomery,"AsceticStrainsin EarlyJudaism,"Journalof Biblical Literature 51 (1932): 183-213.

ANDMAGIC RITUALAND PURITYIN EARLYJEWISHMYSTICISM

137

places under certain circumstances.For historians,these laws have also servedas indicatorsof historical,social, andconceptualdeterminantsin the studyof ancientJudaism.6 In recentyears,therehas beenmuchdiscussionof the socialramifications of ascetic practices.For example, ascetics can be seen as practicingwhat VincentWimbushhas called "renunciation The towardssocialengineering."7 lattermotivationapplies in ascetic communitiesthatseek to mold a way of life and alternativepolity. These goals do not characterizethe phenomena describedhere. For example, the authorsof the Hekhalotliteraturedo not seek to attaina permanentstate of spiritualperfection,but to preparefor an extraordinary occurrence.8But in bothcases we can be awareof the ways in whichritualscan expresssocial roles andvalues. Thus studying ritual allows us to track the social dimensionsof the Hekhalotliterature.GershomScholem, who broughtthe importanceof this literatureto the attentionof scholars,arguedthatMerkavahmysticismwas the productof the early rabbis.9Since then, there has been considerable debateaboutthe social positionof its authors.DavidJ. Halperinand others have challengedthe notion that the Hekhalotliteraturewas a phenomenon thatoriginatedin the centralcirclesof RabbinicJudaism.'o Comparingthese 6. See Jacob Neusner, The Idea of Purity, in Ancient Judaism (Leiden: Brill, 1973), and his Historyi of the Mishnaic Law of Purities, 23 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1974-77); for purity at Qumran, see Lawrence H. Schiffman, The Escharological Comtmunitry of the Dead Sea Scrolls

(Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1989),pp. 35-40, 61-64, 68-69. The seminalworkon the theoretical implicationsof biblicalpurityis MaryDouglas,Purit),andDanger(London:Routledge& Kegan TheSavage Paul, 1966);recently,the subjecthas been takenup by HowardEilberg-Schwartz, in Judaism(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,1990).Althoughthehistoricalimplications of thestatusof rabbinicpuritylaws in earlypost-talmudic Judaismareof considerablehistorical interest,the subjecthas not been given systematicconsiderationsince Y. N. Epstein,Perush ha-Ge'oninile-SederTohorot(Jerusalem:Dvir, 1982);see also the individualstudiescited in note 89 below. 7. Vincent L. Wimbush, Renunciation Towards Social Engineering (An Apologia for the Study ofAsceticism in Greco-RonmanAntiquity), Occasional Papers of the Institute for Antiquity

andChristianity8 (Claremont,Calif.:Institutefor AntiquityandChristianity, n.d.). 8. Thusthe phenomenonwould not satisfythe criteriaset by Fraade("AsceticalAspects," p. 257) for a validdefinitionof asceticism:"(1)theexerciseof disciplinedefforttowardthegoal of spiritual perfection ... which requires (2) abstention ... from the satisfaction of otherwise

permittedearthlydesires." 9. Gershom Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism, 2nd ed., (New York: Schocken, 1954), pp. 40-79; idem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkavah Mysticism, and TalmudicTradition, 2nd

ed. (New York:JewishTheologicalSeminaryof America,1965). 10. See David J. Halperin, The Merkavah in Rabbinic Literature (New Haven: American

138

D. SWARTZ MICHAEL

ritualtexts with halakhahand rabbinicconceptsof puritycan assist us in locatingthe authors'relationshipto the behavioraland social normsof their society." Focusingon ritualpurityalertsus to another,culturalprobleminvolved in the studyof behavioralsystemssuch as asceticism.As the body is a focus of manyasceticpractices,so too, it is centralin the definitionandobservance of ritualpurity.'2In asceticismwe also can observea tensionbetweeninner experienceor intentionandexternalritualaction.Amongmodernscholars,it has been commonuntilrecentlyto focus on the innermotivationsfor ascetic behavior."Yet we customarilyidentifyasceticismin termsof suchbehavior. In the first two chaptersof NaturalSymbols,entitled,"Awayfrom Ritual" "... to Inner Experience," Mary Douglas exposes the origins of the tendency

not to take the outermanifestationsof ritualbehaviorsufficientlyseriously.14 A similartension also exists in the studyof the literatureof Merkavah mysticism.Most scholarshave sought to analyzethe texts in termsof the experienceof the individualswho wrote them." This view has dominated the way ritual has been treatedin the study of these texts. The ritualsof fasting, ablution,and seclusion in the literaturehave conventionallybeen consideredas specificallydesignedfor achievingthe stateof ecstasyusually associated with the ascent to the divine thronedepictedin the Hekhalot OrientalSociety,1983)andidem,TheFaces of theChariot:EarlyJewishResponsesto Ezekiel's Vision(Tilbingen:Mohr, 1988). Cf. Peter Schlfer, Hiddenand ManifestGod: Some Major Themesin EarlyJewishMysticism(Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress,1992.) 11. Onritualas an indicatorof socialaffiliationsandtensions,see especiallyMaryDouglas, NaturalSymbols:Explorationsin Cosmology(New York:Pantheon,1982). 12. See especially PeterBrown,TheBodyand Society:Men, Women,and SexualRenunciation in Early Christianity(New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1988);JorunnJacobsen Purification Rituals,"Journalof Religion Buckley,"ToolsandTasks:ElchasaiteandManichaean 66 (1986), 399-411; GedaliahuStroumsa,"Carosalutis cardo:Shapingthe Personin Early ChristianThought,"Historyof Religions30 (1990), 25-50.; andDanielBoyarin,CarnalIsrael (Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1993), which was unavailableat the time of this writing. 13. For a critiqueof this tendencyto see ascetic behaviorin termsof its motives, see Fraade,"AsceticalAspects,"pp. 254-255. 14. Douglas,NaturalSymbols,pp. 1-36. 15. See in particularIthamarGruenwald,Apocalypticand MerkavahMysticism(Leiden: Brill, 1980); Ira Chernus,Mysticismin RabbinicJudaism(New York:De Gruyter,1982); JosephDan, "TheReligiousExperienceof the Merkavah,"in Green,JewishSpirituality,pp. 289-307.

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139

literature.Scholemstates,"thismysticalascentis alwaysprecededby ascetic For IthamarGruenwald,dietaryprohibitionsareto be explained practices."'6 chiefly in termsof theireffect on the physicalstrengthand consciousnessof the mystic." There is no denying thatfasting,diet, and seclusionare likely to have an effect on the individual'sconsciousness.However,as it is difficult to determinemotivationsfor ascetic behaviorwithoutthe subject'spersonal testimony,so too it is difficultto assess the degreeto whichinnerexperience is reflectedin this anonymous,highly conventionalliterature.'8 Moreover, If we deferthe questionof few of these ritualshave been analyzedin detail.19 the innerexperiencethatmay lie behindthese practices,we can in fact learn a greatdeal fromthem. The Hekhalot Literature

The Hekhalotliteraturetook shapein the periodof the classicalTalmuds andmidrashimand afterward,fromthe thirdto the eighthcenturyC.E.Many of the majortexts of the Hekhalotliteratureare pseudepigraphic accounts of the ascent of a rabbi, usually Rabbi Ishmaelor Rabbi Akiba, through the chambersof heaven, the Hekhalot,to the chariot-throneof God, the Merkavah.Also prominentin the corpus,however,are texts whichconcern the cultivationof angels such as the Princeof the Torah(Sar-Torah),who will bringthe individualskill in learningandotherbenefits. The studyof the corpusunderdiscussionentailsa complexset of literarycritical questions.20Because of the composite natureof the literature,we 16. Gershom Scholem, Major Trends, p. 49. See also the references in note below. 17. See for example Ithamar Gruenwald, "Manichaeism and Judaism in Light of the Cologne Mani Codex," in From Apocalyptism to Gnosticism (Frankfurt:Peter Lang, 1988; first published in Zeitschriftfiiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik 50 [1983]: 29-45), p. 269 n. 37; on p. 268 n. 33 he describes the effect of the menstruant on the mystic as "distracting." 18. On this point, see Peter Schafer, "The Aim and Purpose of Early Jewish Mysticism," in Hekhalot-Studien (Tuibingen:Mohr, 1988), pp. 277-295; for the situation with regard to prayer, see Michael D. Swartz, Mystical P-rayerin Ancient Judaism: An Analysis of Ma'aseh Merkavah (TUibingen:Mohr, 1992). 19. Rituals in Hekhalot literature are surveyed in Gruenwald, Apocalyptic, pp. 99-110, and idem, "Manichaeism and Judaism." Cf. also Moshe Idel, Kabbalah: New Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), where several details in the literature are considered in light of later Jewish mystical practices. 20. Most of the texts of the Hekhalot literature are published in Peter Schtifer, Synopse zur

D. SWARTZ MICHAEL

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have to pay particularattentionto source-criticalandform-criticalcriteria.2 We will also be aidedby cosmologicaltexts, rabbinichalakhah,andmagical handbooksfound in the CairoGenizahandothercollections.22 Althoughthe in of the literature has Hekhalot been Jewish prevalence magic recognized,23 literature not been has for magical employedsystematically understanding the phenomenologyand dynamicsof ritualsin the Hekhalottexts.24It will be seen thataffinitiesbetweenthe two corporago beyondspecificdetailsof magicalnamesandtechniquesto substantialmattersof theirworld-viewsand notionsof ritualefficacy. Ritual and Vision

Recentlythe view thatritualis used in the Hekhalotliteratureas preparation for the trancethatwill producethe vision of the ascenthas been called Hekhalot-Literatur (Ttibingen: Mohr, 1981) and his Geniza-Fragmente zur Hekhalot-Literatur

(Ttibingen:Mohr, 1984). Unless otherwisenoted, all referencesto passagesfrom Hekhalot literaturein this article will be cited accordingto paragraphnumberin the Synopse,or by fragmentnumber(GI, G2, and so on) in Geniza-Fragmente. 21. See PeterSchaifer,"Traditionand Redactionin HekhalotLiterature," Journalfor the

Study of Judaism 14 (1983): 172-181; Swartz, Mystical Prayer, pp. 30-37. 22. For such a handbook, see Mordecai Margaliot, Sefer Ha-Razinm:Hu Sefer Keshafinm

ha-Talmud(Jerusalem:AmericanAcademyfor JewishResearch,1966). The best nmi-Tequfat JewishMagic and Superstition generalaccountof Jewish magic is still JoshuaTrachtenberg, (New York:Behrman,1939, repr.New York:Atheneum,1982). For surveysof researchon and Books Jewishmagic and publicationsof magicaltexts, see P. S. Alexander,"Incantations of Magic," in Emil SchUlrer,The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ,

rev. and ed. Geza Vermes,Fergus Millar,and MartinGoodman(Edinburgh:Clark, 1986), 3.1:342-379; PeterSchafer,"JewishMagic Literaturein LateAntiquityandthe EarlyMiddle Ages,"Journalof JewishStudies41 (1990): 75-91; andLawrenceH. SchiffmanandMichael D. Swartz, Hebrew and Aramaic Incantation Textsfrom the Cairo Genizah: Selected Textsfrom

Box K1 (Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress, 1992),pp. 15-22. Taylor-Schechter 23. See Schafer,"AimandPurpose";Scholem,JewishGnosticism,pp.75-100; andMorton Smith, "Observationson HekhalotRabbati,"in AlexanderAltmann,ed., Biblicaland Other Studies(Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress, 1963),pp. 142-160. arediscussed 24. Seferha-Razimandits literaryandthematicaffinitiesto Hekhalotliterature in Gruenwald,Apocalyptic,pp. 224-234; cf. also Schafer,"Aimand Purpose."While Naomi Janowitz, Poetics of Ascent: Theories of Language in a Rabbinic Ascent Text (Albany: SUNY

Press, 1989), discusses theories of magic and magical languagein her study of Ma'aseh Merkavah,she does not deal with Jewish magicalliteraturespecifically.However,therehas been increasingattentionto magicaltexts andtheirimplicationsfor the Hekhalotliterature.


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into question.25The first clear evidence for the notion that ritual preparation is necessary for the vision of the heavens is found in a responsum by the eleventhth-century Babylonian rabbinic leader Hai Gaon. This discussion has been very influential in setting the tone for how this literaturehas been studied.26 In the responsum, Hai describes the Hekhalot literature as he understands it: Perhapsyou know that many of the sages believed that whoeveris worthy, [possessing]several[moral]attributeswhicharementionedandspecified,when he wantsto see the Merkavahandglimpsethe Hekhalotof the angelson high, thereare ways of doing so. He is to sit in fastinga certainnumberof days,and manysongs andpraises,which lay his head betweenhis knees, and whisper27 are specified,to the ground.And so you can glimpseinsideit andits chambers as one who sees with his eyes the seven Hekhalotandsees as if he is entering fromone Hekhalto another,andsees whatis in it.28 David Halperin has shown that Hai Gaon's account of the phenomenon can be traced to an extant written source, a passage in what has come to be known as Hekhalot Zutarti.29Furthermore, according to Halperin, Hai has misunderstood that passage. The text reads: RabbiAkibasaid:Whoeverwishesto repeatthismishnahandto pronouncethe name in its full elaboration,3" mustsit fastingfor fortydays andrest his head 25. See DavidJ. Halperin,"ANew Editionof HekhalotLiterature," Journalof theAmerican OrientalSociety 104 (1984): 550. See also Schafer,"Aimand Purpose,"p. 284; and Martha Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses (New York: Oxford

UniversityPress, 1993), pp. 106-110. 26. See, for example,Scholem,MajorTrends,p. 49. 27. Lohesh.Oftenused of incantations. 28. B. M. Lewin, ed, Osar ha-Ge'oninm (Jerusalem:HebrewUniversity,1931), vol. 4

p. 14. (H.agigah), 29. Halperin,"New Edition,"p. 550. It is unclearwhetherHai is workingfrom purely

literarysources (as Halperinassumes),from second-handoral reportsquotingthis passage, or a combinationof these. His statementthere that "this matteris well-known"(niefursam ve-yedua')would argueagainstthe view that he must have had the actualtext of Hekhalot Zutartibeforehim.However,neitherdoes it meanthathis informantswerefirst-handwitnesses to the phenomenon. 30. Le-fareshet ha-shembe-ferusho.The termprKrefersto the full pronunciation of the Divine name,eitherthe Tetragrammaton or one of the moreesotericversions.See W. Bacher, JewishEncyclopedia9:262-264. "Shemha-Meforash,"

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betweenhis knees untilhis fast gets hold of him.Thenhe mustwhisperto the groundand not to heaven, so thatthe earthwill hearand not heaven.If he is for threedays, as it is written:"Be prepared; married,he mustbe prepared,31 do not go neara woman"[Exod. 19:15].... He shoulddo this regularlyevery monthandevery yearfor thirtydaysbeforethe New Yearfromthe firstof Elul to the Day of Atonementso thatno satanor evil plaguewill attackhimall year. Here the fast is undertakenin preparationfor the recitationof the powerful divine name. The reason the practitioneris to rest his head between his knees is so that he can avoid fainting and "so that the earth will hear," and not so that he will obtain a vision.32 As Halperin observes, "It is hard to imagine how any of this could fit in with the heavenly ascensions. But, as a forty-day ritualdesigned to insure a favorable decision on the day of judgment, it makes some sense."33It is useful to look at this passage in context to see how such a misunderstanding may have come about. Hekhalot Zutarti is a set of discrete traditions regarding the Merkavah and the angels surroundingthe throne, the potent names by which heaven and earth were created, and other matters.34?424 is one of a series of testimonies appended to the ascent traditions that take up the bulk of Hekhalot Zutarti at a later stage in its redaction. In the previous testimony (?423), Rabbi Akiba hears a voice (bat qol) from below the divine Throne saying that the mystic who has been painstaking in the ascent and descent to the Merkavah will "receive God's blessing three times a day, every day in the supernal court and in the earthly court in which they repeat (shonlin)it." The blessings thus result from the recitation of the text. Similarly, ?424 lists the benefits of reciting "this mishnah," that is, the ascent texts that precede it, which presumably contain the powerful divine name. This passage resembles statements found in the Shi'ur Qomah and other texts regarding the power of a book or tradition.35In contrast to the 31. That is, refrain from marital relations; see Halperin, "New Edition," p. 550. 32. Cf. ?489 in which the practitioner is to cast his eyes down so as to avoid gazing at the divine presence. 33. Halperin, "New Edition," p. 550. 34. On the redaction of Hekhalot Zutarti, see Peter Schafer, "Aufbau und redactionelle Identitdt der Hekhalot Zutarti," in Hekhalot-Studien, pp. 50-62; on Hekhalot Zutarti, see also Rachel Elior's edition of the text: Hekhalot Zutarti, Mehqere Yerushalayim be-Mahishevet Yisra'el, supplement 1 (1982) and Gruenwald, Apocalyptic, 142-149. 35. See, for example, ?377 (-940) in Shi'ur Qonmah;?500 (= 712), an independent testimony; and ?547 (from Ma'aseh Merkavah). Note too that ?424-426 is followed in all of

ANDMAGIC RITUALANDPURITYIN EARLYJEWISHMYSTICISM

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body of the texts themselves,which deal with the journeyto heavenor the natureof God, these testimoniespromiseverypalpablerewards.36 Becauseof its placementin the redactionalstructureof HekhalotZutarti,?424 thencame to be regardedas describingthe ascetic ritualthat accompaniedthe ascent of the tannaimto the Merkavah.This is probablyhow Hai Gaonunderstood it. Indeed, this interpretationmade sense to the redactorwho placed this testimonytherein the firstplace.To him, the ascenttextsin HekhalotZutarti wereno less deservingof such a testimonythanthosetextsin the corpusthat have morepracticalgoals, such as the Sar-Torahtexts. Nor is the mentionof a fastingrituala surprisingfeatureof this passage. Similartestimonies,especially in the introductionsto magicalbooks, make a point of specifying the exceptionalconditionsunderwhich the book or traditionmustbe used.Amongtheseconditionsareritualpurityanda regimen of preparation.An introductionto a magicalbook from the CairoGenizah (TS K1.21) providesan example."The textenumeratesthe wonderfulthings the magicalnamesand spells in the book will accomplish:

In!)5

nrinw)l~

Iin~

the principalmanuscriptsin the SynopseexceptforMS Munich22 by ?489-495, whichis also an elaborateritualfor recitinga book.On this literarypatternattestingto theoriginsandpower of the text, see MichaelD. Swartz,"BookandTraditionin HekhalotandMagicalLiteratures," Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy (in press).

36. So too, a set of hymns that introduceHekhalotRabbati(?83-92) praisethe glories (gedullah)availableto anyonewho knowsthe text'ssecrets,includingtheabilityto tell simply by lookingat a personhow manyillegitimateancestorshe has,andthehorridpunishmentsthat will befall his enemies.On these hymns,see GerdWewers,"DerOberlegenheit des Mystikers: Zur Aussage der Gedulla-Hymnen in Hekhalot Rabbati 1,2-2,3," Journal for the Study of

Judaism17 (1986): 3-22. 37. This introductionis parallelto the introductionto Seferha-Malbush(printedin Sefer Raziel[Amsterdam,1701],fol. 2b), andto Seferha-Razimn 2:8-10; cf. 5:34-35. See Margalioth, Sefer ha-Razimn,pp. 33-34.

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D. SWARTZ MICHAEL And if he recites it [the magical name] over a snake or venomous serpent or scorpion, reptile or creeping thing, he can play with them as [with] a bird, and if [he recites it] over the sun and the moon, he can have mastery over them as a righteous man has mastery of the fear of God,38and likewise over any spirit and plague and demon and satan and shadow, male or female, if he recites it, they will listen to his voice. And if he recites it over battle and war, [the enemy] will be broken before him. (lines 3-8)

This is a typicalpassagein whichthe powersof the magicalnamescontained in the book are advertised. The text continues, instructions as to how the book is to be used:

however, with detailed

01.)/KID n n n;n, Xv,•.-, 1nYY

t):=

And anyone who would apply this book, let him purify himself for 21 days, [that is,] three weeks of days, and not eat during them any onion or garlic, nor meat or any smaller [animal], nor anything that produces in the Every single day he should run over the trough and bathe in purity onceblood.39 morning40 and once at twilight. And he should not apply [the book] arrogantly,but in humility

38. The translationof this phraseis uncertain.Cf. ?225, in whichRabbiNehuniahis saidto "havemasteryof the light of Torah"(moshelba-'or shel Torah).Anotherpossiblemeaningis thatthe personwill be ableto ruleby meansof the sun andmoon(moshelbarn)"asa righteous man rules by means of the fear of God."That is, by employingsolar and lunardivination the magicianwill be able to achieve the same powerthat a saint possessesby virtueof his righteousness. 39. Heb., mosi dam. Cf. Prov.30:33. It is unclearwhetherthis refersto eatinganimalsin which blood circulatesor to carnivoresthatshed blood, such as the carnivorousbirdswhich wouldbe prohibitedin anycase accordingto Lev. 11:13-19;cf. Levine,Leviticus,p. 68. 40. The wordbUhris writtenabovethelineandthelettersbyn havebeencrossedout.


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and sincerityand in purity.It will makeanyonewho appliesit wise andclever. (lines 10-18)41

As in the testimonyin HekhalotZurarti,the juxtapositionof the themesof the practical uses for the book and the regimen for reciting it in purity and sincerity serves to impress on the reader the book's sacred and powerful qualities. The inclusion of ritual prescriptions in Hekhalot and magical texts thus has a rhetorical as well as practical function.42 The Sar-Torah texts In the extant Hekhalot literature,then, fasting is not explicitly prescribed

for the purposeof the vision of the Merkavah.Rather,regimensof fasts, abstentions, and ablutions occur primarily in those texts that concern the

recitationof a divine name and the conjurationof an angel to come to the practitioner. Most of these texts fall within the genre known as the Sar-Torah literature.43In these texts the protagonist (usually Rabbi Ishmael) is instructed how to get the Angel or Prince of the Torah (Sar ha-Torah) to come to him and endow him with exceptional skill in memory and learning.44 41. Cf. Ma'aseh Merkavah?544, on how the prayersfor seeing the Merkavahare to be recited: "[there must be] purity and holiness in his heart, and he recites a prayer."

42. On this point see also Swartz,"BookandTradition." 43. The most thoroughtreatmentof the Sar-Torahtexts is in Halperin,TheFaces of the Chariot(Tiibingen:Mohr,1988), pp. 376-386, 427-446; see also Swartz,"HIkf0ldtRabbWti" ??297-306."Halperinplaces the Sar-Torahat the centerof the Hekhalottraditionandassigns it a key place in explainingthe originsof the visionaryelementsin the literature,a view thatis not takenin this study. 44. One could call this genre a kind of mnemonicmagic. Because memorizationwas learningin this society, acquiringskill in memorymeantprogressin the learningof Torah. There is an irony in this, in that many of the rituals involve the memorizationof long, impenetrablecombinationsof magical names and prayers.While mnemonictechniquesin rhetoricaland esoteric traditionshave a well-documentedhistory in classical Romanand medievalEuropeansociety (on which see F. Yates,TheArt of Memoty[Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1966] and Mary J. Carruthers, The Book of Memory: A Study)of Menmoty

in MedievalCulture[Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1990]), it wouldbe useful to locatesimilarinstancesof the applicationof magicto acquisitionof memoryin Greco-Roman antiquity. For examples, see Hans Dieter Betz, ed., The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation

(Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1986) 1:9and28-31. Theplaceof memoryin Rabbinic Judaismandits relationshipto magicarediscussedin Swartz,ScholasticMagic.

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D. SWARTZ MICHAEL

of theso-calledPrinceof thePresence Relatedtextsconcernthecultivation who acts as a kind of emissaryto the humanpetitioner, (Sar-ha-Panimn),

bestowingvariousbenefitsand powerson him. Otherssimplyconsistof instructions for the recitationof a magicalbookor namethatendowsits with possessor wondrous gifts. Thisis a peculiargenreof magicalliterature. Mostof the textsareset intoa highlyformalized narrative framework. Intheseexamples, instructions on howto performtheritualareusuallygivento thenarrator by his teacher, andfollowedby a storyattestingto its success.Thesepassagesareobviously it to the composedin sucha way as to highlighttheritualandrecommend are thus in reader. some sense ritual but are not texts, They purelyprescriptive. One of the principalSar-Torahtexts is a complexknownas the Chapter of Rabbi Nehuniahben ha-Qannah,a story of Rabbi Nehuniah'sinstrucOtherpassages tions to Rabbi Ishmaelon how to acquireskill in Torah.45 are found elsewhere in Hekhalot Rabbati and Merkavah Rabbah,46and in fragmentsfrom the Cairo Genizah.47A uniqueAramaicSar-Torahtext in one manuscriptof Ma'aseh Merkavahdiffers considerablyfrom the other Sar-Torahtraditions.48The mostprominantSar ha-Panimtextis anelaborate incantationin MerkavahRabbahwhich was first publishedcriticallyand analyzedby Peter Schaifer.49Manuscriptsof Hekhalotliterature,like many such medievalcompilationsof esotericlore, also includebrief incantations 45. A briefversionis foundin ?278-280 (in HekhalotRabbati)and?677-679 (inMerkavah Rabbah).A longerversionappearsin ?307-314 of HekhalotRabbati.A parallelunitis found in Ma'asehMerkavah,sec. II (?565-568). See Swartz,MysticalPrayel;pp. 77-90. 46. HekhalotRabbati?297-306 andMerkavahRabbah?680-684. 47. G8, firstpublishedin IthamarGruenwald,"Qeta'imHadashimMi-Sifrutha-Hekhalot," andG22, also published Tarbis38 (1969), 300-319. Fol. 2b (Schafer)andfol. 1/ (Gruenwald) in Gruenwald,"Qeta'im."Therearealso textsin theCairoGenizahthatadjuretheSar-Torah or Someof thesearebrieffragmentswhicharefoundon provideinstructionsfor such adjurations. separateleaves, like amulettexts, andmanyof theseappearin magicalhandbooks.Thesetexts attestto thepersistenceof theSar-Torahtraditionandto theactiveuseof suchrituals.Theyalso lack the narrativeframeworkof the Sar-Torahtexts foundin the Hekhalotcorpus,suggesting fromMerkavahmysticismandwas later thatthisphenomenonmayhaveevolved independently intoits literature.Therearealso incantationsin Hekhalotandmagicalmanuscripts incorporated forpetihatlev, "openingthe heart,"so thatthe individualwill be successfulin study.Theseare Jewish often unrelatedto the narrativeor angelologicalSar-Torahtradition.See Trachtenberg, Magic,pp. 190-192. 48. ?571-578, on whichsee below;see also Swartz,MysticalPraye';p. 62. 49. See Peter Schiifer,"Beschw6rungdes Sar ha-Panim.Editionun Obersetzung,"in Hekhalot-Studien, pp. 118-153.


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addressedto the chief angel Metatronand shortritualsfor variouspurposes, includingdreamdivinationandrevivalof the dead.5" These texts thus concern the adjurationof angels to earthratherthan the individual'sascent to heaven. Peter Schifer makes a useful distinction betweenthese two goals in the Hekhalotliterature."Halperin,in fact,assigns historicaland thematicpriorityto the Sar-Torahliteratureover the ascent texts." It will be seen that the ritualsin the Sar-Torahand adjurationtexts reflecta phenomenologycommonto magicaltexts, in which the encounter ritualconditions.But with divine beings can occuronly underextraordinary it will also be seen that some narrativesfound in ascent texts, midrashim, andnarrativesoutsideof the rabbiniccanondepictingthe individual'sascent to heaven reflecta similarpoint of view. These affinitiesare the resultof a commonstockof beliefs.Theencounterwithdivinebeingscanoccuron earth or in heaven,accordingto this conception.However,ritualtexts themselves put this conception to active use in their constructionof proceduresfor attractingthe angels.Theirparallelswith midrashicor mysticalnarrativesdo not necessarilyindicatethatthe ascentand adjurationtextsoriginatedin the same periodand social circles, or thatone deriveddirectlyfromthe other.53 Principal Features of the Rituals

Several types of ritual activities are prevalentin the principaltexts. In describingthem, it is importantto establisha culturaland conceptual frameworkthat makes these texts comprehensible.We thereforemust cast our net ratherbroadly,into a wide rangeof halakhic,midrashic,and ancient Mediterranean sources. One element common to all of these rituals is the recitationof a set of powerfuldivine names. It is clear from theirstructurethat the name is 50. ?512 claimsthatanyonewho recitesthe Divinenamepresentedin the textwill be able to revive the dead. ?502-507 is a dreamritualfor adjuringthe Princeof the Dream(sar shel halom);cf. the talmudicconjurationof the "manof dreams"(ish halom)cited in n. 62 below. A collectionof magicalrecipesappendedto the Hekhalottexts in MS Oxf. 1531 includesan incantationforopeninga gate (?826-827). findinga slave (?828). andotherpracticalpurposes. 51. See Schtifer,"AimandPurpose,"andidem,Hiddenand ManifestGod. 52. Halperin, Faces of the Chariot; see especially pp. 376-387.

53. Thequestionof the relationshipof ascentto adjuration textsin Hekhalotliteraturemust be decidedprimarilyby form-criticalcriteriaandlies outsidethe scopeof this study.The issue is discussedfurtherin Swartz,ScholasticMagic.

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the principalingredientthatgives the ritualstheirefficacy.Emphasison the of Jewish namesof God andthe angelsis also an indispensablecharacteristic in in the ritual The active Sar-Torah ingredient taught by magic general.54 RabbiNehuniahto RabbiIshmaelis a set of namescalledthe"GreatCrown." Many isolatedparagraphsin the Hekhalotcorpusconsist of little morethan instructionsfor recitationof a name. One of the most strikingsuch rituals appearsin a difficult Aramaictext (?489-495) which identifiesitself as a marvelousbook containingan all-purpose"GreatName."55 In talmudictraditionthe divine name is to be recitedand taughtunder specialritualcircumstances.B. Qid. 71 describesthe benefitsthataccrueto anyonewho knows and preservesthe twelve-lettername in purity.56So too our rituals,which emphasizethe recitationof divine names,are concerned with recitingthose namesin ritualpurity. Fastingand Diet One of the most persistentcomponentsof theseritualsis the requirement to fast. In mostcases the term"fast"refersto partialfastingor specialdietary restrictionsfor a certainperiodof time. In manytexts whichprescribefasts for long periods the readeris then told that he must eat breadbakedwith his own hands.In some cases a full fast takesplaceduringthe daytimeonly, or for a few days. Commondurationsof such fasts are fortydays and three days.The numberfortyis no doubtbasedon Moses' sojournon MountSinai (Exod. 24:18). Likewise, the Israeliteswere instructedto preparefor three thusreplicates days to receive the Decalogue(Exod. 19:15).The practitioner the preconditionsfor revelationin his receptionof the secretsof Torah.57 54. See JoshuaTrachtenberg,Jewish Magic, pp. 78-103; Michael D. Swartz,"Scribal Magic and Its Rhetoric:FormalPatternsin MedievalHebrewand AramaicIncantationTexts fromthe CairoGenizah,"HarvardTheologicalReview83 (1990): 179;SchiffmanandSwartz, Incantation Texts, pp. 40-43. 55. A portion of this text has been translated by Gruenwald, "Manichaeism and Judaism," pp. 267-270. The text is notable because it combines many of the principal ritual and rhetorical motifs of the Sar-Torah and allied texts into a coherent whole, although its purpose is not for

the cultivationof thatparticularangel. 56. Hai Gaon extendedthis traditionto the forty-two-letter name;see Lewin, Osar haGe'onimn,Hagigah, p. 23. On these sources, see Lawrence H. Schiffman, "A Forty-two Letter Divine Name in the Aramaic Magical Bowls," Bulletin of the Institute for Jewish Studies 1 (1973): 92-102. 57. Cf. also the Aramaic Sar-Torah ritual in Ma'aseh Merkavah (?571-578), in which a


149

As noted above, fasting is a particularly salient example of the multiva-

lence of ritualbehavior.Fastsoccur for a wide varietyof motivesin ancient Judaism and its environment." There are fasts of contrition, both statutory

and occasional, the most prominentof these being Yom Kippur.Fasting and refrainingfrom several pleasures--includingwine, meat, and sexual relations-are ritual signs of mourning.59There is also evidence in ancient

Judaismfor fastingfor manticpurposes,equivalentto the practiceof mantic fasting in the Greco-Romanworld describedby RudolphArbesmann.60A storyin the PalestinianTalmudtells of rabbiswho fastedin a graveyardto see Rabbi Hiyya the Great in a dream.61 The Babylonian Talmud (b. Sanh. 65b) discusses those who fast so that an "unclean spirit" may rest on them. Some sources concern individuals who fast to bring down a "man of dreams" (ish halomn),that is, an angel appointed over dreams who answers the dreamer's questions.62 Sar-Torah rituals often specify certain kinds of food that are forbidden. A

few such texts advise the practitionernot to eat meator fish;the magicaltext quoted above refers to "anything that produces blood." Abstention from meat

playsa partin an importantsourcefor asceticismin the earlyrabbinicperiod, the story of the "mournersof Zion" of the first centurywho supposedly abstainedfrom meat and wine as a sign of mourningand becauseof its use in the fallen Temple.63This story,in which Yohananben Zakkaipersuades the sect to modify theirmourningpractices,is usuallyseen as an exampleof rabbinic discouragement of asceticism.64However, it can also be seen as an

fast from the new moon of Sivan to Shavuot is prescribed, thus reinforcing the link with Moses' revelation. The relationship of the Sar-Torah literature to midrashim about Moses' ascent has been analyzed extensively in Halperin, Faces of the Chariot. 58. See the articles on asceticism in ancient Judaism cited in n. 5 above. 59. On the meaning of these patterns, see Gary A. Anderson, A Tine to Mourn, a Time to Dance (University Park, Pa.: Penn State Press, 1991). 60. Rudolph Arbesmann, "Fasting and Prophecy in Pagan and ChristianAntiquity,"Traditio 7 (1949): 9-32; cf. Lowy, "Motivation of Fasting," pp. 30-38. 61. Y. Kil. 9:4 (32b) and y. Ketub. 12:3 (35a); see Lowy, "Motivation of Fasting," pp. 36-38 (his citation of the latter source on p. 37, n. 170, should be corrected). A series of stories describing fasting for visions appears in Qoh. Rab. 9:8. 62. See, for example, t. Ma'as. Sheni 5:9; cf. y. Ma'as. Sheni 4:7 (55b); in b. Sanh. 30a the term is ba'al halonm. 63. T. Sota 15:10-15. 64. See Fraade, "Ascetical Aspects," pp. 271-272; Urbach, "Asqesis," pp. 445-446.

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MICHAELD. SWARTZ

indicatorof the rangeof foods and actions consideredto be luxuriousand thusinappropriate.65 An interestinguse of the motif of the ritual fast is found in Version B of the Chapterof Rabbi Nehuniah.In this story,RabbiIshmael,who is thirteenyears old, is in greatafflictionbecauseof his inabilityto retainhis learning.He tries to remedythe situationon his own: "WhenI saw thatmy learningwas not remainingwith me, I stoodandrefrained(tafastiasmi)from eating, drinking,washing, anointing,and sexual activity,and no word of song or melody passedfrommy mouth"(?308). RabbiIshmael'spracticeis reminiscentof old mourningritualsandpenitentialandpetitionaryritualsfor Thisclusterof activitiesconstitutessigns YomKippurandtimesof drought.66 RabbiIshmael's of joy that are restrictedin times of crisis or mourning.67 fast is thus a sign of his contritionand grief. RabbiNehuniahthen rescues him by taking him from his father'shouse to the Templeand having him adjureby the GreatSeal, a magicalname.This nameaccomplishesthe task, and is subsequentlyrecommendedto the reader.It is thereforean effective substitutefor RabbiIshmael'sfast. However,in a similarstorythatappearsa few paragraphs below,68young Rabbi Ishmael has been fasting for forty days for the same purpose.He managesto bring down Yofiel,the Angel of the Presence,who proceedsto questionhis motives. After being assuredthatRabbiIshmaelconjuredhim for the sake of heaven,69 the angel instructshim in the correctprocedure: "Whoeverwants it to be revealedto him7"must sit fasting for forty days, performtwenty-fourimmersionsevery day, and not eat anythingdefiling. He must not look at a woman,and must sit in a totallydarkhouse"(?314). Whereasthe behaviordescribedhere is similarto RabbiIshmael'sabove, 65. Cf. Anderson, A Time to Mourn, pp. 112-114, which stresses the relevance of this pattern for communal mourning rituals. 66. Cf. the list in m. Yoma 8:1. 67. Anderson, A Time To Mourtn,pp. 112-114. Weeping can constitute both a literary motif for the expression of grief and a ritual act in itself; see Idel, Kabbalah: New Perspectives, pp. 75-88; cf. Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven, p. 107. 68. ?313-314. A parallel to this story also appears in Ma'aseh Merkavah; see Swartz, Mystical Prayet; pp. 86-89. 69. Rabbi Ishmael says, "I did not bring you down for my glory, but to do the will of your creator" (reading kevodi for the manuscript's kevodekha, "your glory," which may be a pious circumlocution). Cf. Jonathan ben Uzziel's reply in b. Meg. 3a to the heavenly voice that rebukes him for revealing divine secrets in his Targum. 70. This clause is in Aramaic.


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the emphasishas shifted from the patternsof mourningto RabbiIshmael's physicalpurity. One intriguingdetail which appearsin several of these texts is the prohibitionof certainkindsof vegetables.The Sar-Torahtexts in Merkavah Rabbahand HekhalotRabbatitell the mystic to avoid vegetablesof every kind. The incantationfor the GreatName instructs,"andhe shall not eat onion, garlic, or garden vegetables";"so too the magical manualquoted above.The exact reasonfor theseprohibitionsis unclear.Onepossibilitymay residein theirsusceptibilityto ritualimpurity.UnlikeDaniel'sbeans,"wet" foods can contractimpuritymore easily.72Arbesmannnotes the customof "xerophagy"among the Montanists,who, accordingto Tertullian,refrained frommeat,wine, succulentfruit,and anythingjuicy.73If the authorsadvised avoidanceof luxurieslike meat and wine, they may also have remembered the onions and garlic which temptedthe Israelitesin the wildernessof Sinai (Num. 11:5).74Anotherreasonmaybe thatthesefoods maycauseindigestion andbodilyodors.7 Alongsideof these prohibitionsare instructionsaboutwhatto eat. Here too a patternof avoidanceis reflected.Persistentin the instructionsis the More injunctionthatthe practitionershould"eatbreadof his own hands."76 This detailis part specifically,he shouldnot eat breadbakedby a woman.77 of a largeremphasison avoiding any traceof menstrualimpurity,and can be placed with other such precautions.The Sar-Torahritualin sectionII of Ma'aseh Merkavahcontainsan instructionto "eatone's breadwith salt."'78 The same phraseappearsin an appendixto m. Avot(Avot6:4) to exemplify the sage's simplelife.79 71. ?489. 72. The Mishnah tractateMakhshirim,based on Lev. 11:34 and 38, is built on this assumption;on foods which areunderpresumptionof impurity,see chap.6 of thattractate. 73. Arbesmann,"Fastingand Prophecy,"p. 2, n. 9, citingTertullian,De ieiunio1. 74. Cf. Tertullian,De ieiunio5. 75. Cf. alsoGruenwald,"Manichaeism andJudaism," citessources pp.269-270. Gruenwald thatmaintainthatvegetablescompromiseone's healthandnotesthatManiandthe Elchasaites refrainedfromcertainkinds of vegetables.Garlicwas also seen as an aphrodisiacthroughout the Mediterranean, and it may have been avoidedin these ritualsbecauseit wouldencourage seminal emiscion. See Fred Rosner,trans.and ed., Julius Preuss' "Biblicaland Talmudic Medicine" (New York:HebrewPublishingCo., 1983),pp. 461-462, citingb. B. Qamn. 82a. 76. See ?299, ?684, and ?489. 77. ?489 andG19, line 12. 78. ?560. 79. Chapter6 of Avotis a post-mishnaiccompositionknownas PereqQinyanTorah,and

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The Aramaic Sar-Torah text in Ma'aseh Merkavah (?571-578) involves

an unusualritual of eating and drinking.The practitioneris instructedto make a certainkind of "cookedbread"80 and go down to the river.He then a ritual involvingwritingmagicalnameson leavesanda silvercup, performs them in wine, and drinkingthe wine. This standsin contrastto dissolving the prohibitionof wine in otherSar-Torahrituals.However,severalmagical texts includeincantationsto be recitedover wine.8A One detail providesa clue to some of these specificdietaryprohibitions. In the course of a ritualfor the Sar-Torahto be practicedsupposedlyby a the Chapterof RabbiNehuniahben disciple of the sages (talmidhakhamn), ha-Qannahprohibitswhat it calls "anything filthy"(kol davarmezoham).82 One might ask, as Halperinhas done, what kind of advancedrabbinical studentwould eat uncleanor defiling foods.83One possible answerto this or zohamaprobablydoes notreferto foods questionis thatthe termmezolham thatare forbiddento all Jews accordingto Leviticus11 andrelatedrabbinic laws (i.e., not "kosher"),but foods that are dirtyor have a foul odor.84As we shall see, these ritualsoften seek to avoid odors.Anotherpossibilityis thatit refersto impurefoods, or at least foods thatdo not matchthe peculiar criteriafor purityfound in these texts. Foods which are not forbiddenbut are'contaminatedwith ritual impuritymay be eaten by lay Israelites,and appearsat the end of that tractateas well as in extracanonicaltractates.See M. B. Lerner, "TheTractateAvot,"in ShmuelSafrai,ed., TheLiteratureof theSages (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 1:273-275. 80. Aram.dwd' rypt', which might be translatedas "potbread,"or "boiledbread."This translationis uncertain.The worddwd' probablymeanssome kindof cauldron;see Jastrow, Dictionary,p. 283 and Sokoloff, A Dictionaryof Jewish PalestinianAramaic(RamatGan: Bar-IlanUniversityPress, 1990),p. 140. Sokoloff,ibid.,p. 523, translatesrypthas "coal-baked bread;"cf. Epstein,Perushha-Ge'onim,p. 136. See also b. Hor. 13b, which lists amongthe "coal-bakedbread."See howeverthe variantslisted substancesthatrestorememorypt S. Jaffee, The Talmudof Babylonia:An American in DiqduqeSoferimn ad loc.; see Martin ph.myn, Translation,vol. 26, TractateHorayot(Atlanta:ScholarsPress,1987),p. 207. 81. There are rituals for the recitation of an incantation over the wine of havdalah; such a

ritual,forpetihatlev, is foundin MS TS K1.117fol. 2a. See also GershomScholem,"Havdalah de-RabbiAkiba:Maqorle-Masoretha-Magiahha-Yehuditbi-Tequfatha-Ge'onim,"Tarbis50 (1980-81): pp. 243-281. In MS TS KI.101, a man who has been preventedfromseeing his wife is to recitemagicalnamesover a cup of wine anddrink. 82. ?314. Cf. ?560, whichprohibitskol minezohamna,' "anykindof defilement." 83. Halperin,Faces of the Chariot,pp. 379-380. 84. Cf. b. Shab. 108a,wherethe termzohamarefersto foul odors.


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especiallyoutsideof the landof Israel.Even if, in the fictionalsettingof this story,the Temple Mount, RabbiNehuniahand RabbiIshmaelwould have had to eat theirfood in purity,it could not have been takenfor grantedthat the readerwould need to do so--especially if, as is plausible,he lived in the diaspora.85 SexualPurityand Social Avoidance Concernwith sexual purityis an essentialelementof these rituals.This concernis manifest in two relatedways: the prohibitionof sexual activity and seminalemission,86and a deep concernwith menstrualpurity.Heretoo, the injunctionat Sinai not to go near a woman (Exod. 19:15) providesa precedentfor the individual'sencounterwith the Sar-Torah.Althoughm. Ber. 3:4 prohibitsa man who has had a seminalemissionfromrecitingthe blessing over the Shenia', the parallel in Tosefta explicitly permitsother However,as ShayeCohenobserves, categoriesof impurepersonsto study.87 on the the restrictions although ejaculantin the synagogueare older and more authenticwithin the rabbinicsystem,88they were largely ignoredin many Jewish communitiesin favor of unauthorizedpopularrestrictionson menstruants.89 85. Cf., however,b. Nid. 20b and 52b, wherezhmis clearlydistinguishedfrommenstrual impurity.For evidenceof the Sar-Torahpracticein the diaspora,see ?305. 86. The readeris sometimes instructedthat if an emission occurs, he must bathe and repeatthe entireregimenfromthe firstday,as the resultingpollutionhas invalidatedthe entire See ?684 and ?489. preparation. 87. T. Ber. 2:12-13. See Saul Lieberman, Tosefta ki-Feshutah, Zera'in, vol. 1, p. 20.

88. Cf. however the BabylonianTalmud'sdiscussionof this passage in b. Ber. 22a, in whichthe leniencyof the rabbisregardingpurificationfromseminalimpurityis framedin terms of its consequencesfor Torahstudyand sexualactivity.Herethe rabbis'basicconcernfor the purityof the man studyingTorahis offset by theirconsiderationof how this leniencywould affect his performanceof the misvahof procreation,accordingto one opinion,or whetherit wouldlead to promiscuity,accordingto another.This discussion,in effect, thusminimizesthe importanceof purityitself. 89. Shaye J. D. Cohen, "Purityand Piety: The Separationof Menstruantsfrom the Sancta," in Susan Grossman and Rivka Haut, eds., Daughters of the King: Women and the Synagogue (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1992), pp. 103-115. On popular

customsrelatingto menstruants,see YedidyaDinari,"MinhageTum'atha-Niddah-Meqoram ve-Hishtalshelutam," Tarbis49 (1979-80): 302-324; idem,"Hillulha-Qodesh'al-yedeNiddah ha-Niddah ve-Taqqanat'Ezra,"Te'udah3 (1983): 17-37; MordechaiA. Friedman,"Harhaqat

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The concernwith menstrualpurity,niddah,forms the basis for some of the most historicallysignificantdetails in this literature.The requirement mentionedabove that the practitionereat "breadof his own hands"serves two allied purposes.It allows him to maintainhis isolation, which is an It also ensuresthathe will not come into importantcomponentof the ritual.90 contactwith menstrualimpurity.In fact, in paralleltexts the injunctionto eat lehemyadav, "breadof his own hands,"alternatesin the versionswith the prohibitionof lehiemishah, "breadof a woman."The intricaciesof rabbinic andnon-rabbiniclaws and customsof niddahalso play a partin the primary ritualtext in the ascent traditions,the depositionof RabbiNehuniahfrom heaven,which is examinedbelow. The isolationof the individualis reinforcedin a generalway. According to the Sar-Torahtext in HekhalotRabbati(?299), the practitioner mustsleep alone for twelve days in a room or attic. In one versionof the Chapterof Rabbi Nehuniah(?314), he is to sit in a darkhouse. Some texts prohibit lookingat women or otherpeople. In one case RabbiIshmaelis to keep his eyes down and does not even look at coloredmaterial.91A Genizahfragment stipulates: He goes and sits in a houseby himself,andhe shouldbe in fastingall day and does not eat breadof a womananddoes not look eitherat a manor a woman. And when he walks in the marketplacehe avertshis eyes fromall creatures anddoes not look even at a one-day-oldchild.92

The Aramaicincantationfor the GreatName instructs: He mustnotsee thefaceof a maleor femaletwin,norsee thefaceof a male

ve-ha-MinutEsel ha-Rambamu-Veno R. Avraham'AI-Pi Kitve GenizatQahir,"in Arthur Studies (New York: Yeshiva UniversityPress, 1990), 1:1-21 Hyman, ed., Mainmonidean (Hebrew sec.); and Daniel Sperber, Minhage Yisra'el: Meqorot ve-Toledot (Jerusalem: Mosad

ha-RavKook, 1989), pp. 222-234. See furtherbelow. 90. See below. 91. ?560. Cf. b. 'Abod.Zar. 20b, which warns against looking at a woman'scolored garments. 92. G19 lines 11-14.


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orfemaleleper,93 nor see the face of a maleor femalewitha discharge,94 nor see the face of a menstruantwoman. (?489) This passagelists, for the most part,classes of personswho are unclean accordingto biblicallaw. Lepers,thosewho havean abnormalflux(zov),and menstruantsare all impureaccordingto Lev. 13-15.91The taboo on twins, however,is a mysteriousdetail.Researchthusfarhasturnedupno suchtaboo in classicalJudaism.Indeed,b. Yeb.98a statesthattwinsaresimplytheresult of the splittingof a dropof semen,andtherefore,presumably,an explainable and naturalphenomenon.It is possible that this statementwas intendedto refutea folk-beliefto the oppositeeffect--one whichis reflectedin ourtext. Anotherpossibilityis raisedby I. Gruenwald'sobservationthataccordingto Song of Songs Rabbahand parallels,twins are susceptibleto each other's diseases.96Thus, the twin you meet in the marketmay have come downwith some contaminationfromhis or her brotheror sistermiles away.97 More significantfor our purposesis thataccordingto the halakhahone does not contractimpuritymerely by looking at a person who is impure in these ways. These prohibitions,then, not only go beyond the halakhic norm,but reflectconceptsat odds with the rabbinicpuritysystem.However, the authorsare not oblivious to that system;nor are these practicesmerely an eccentric hyperextensionof normativepurityritualsthoughtup by an individual.Thereis evidence thatotherJews in LateAntiquityandthe early Middle Ages also consideredpollution to be somethingthat could occur 93. Sgyr' and sgyrt'. The term sgyr derives from the meaning of the root sgr as "quarantined," as in the procedure for lepers according to Lev. 13:46. Cf. t. Neg. 6:1. 94. This latter category is lacking in one recension of this text, representedby MSS Moscow Ginzburg 90 and 175, MS Cambridge Add. 405.4 and MS Florence Plut. 44.131. 95. The word sara 'at is translated here as "leprosy," although it probably does not refer to Hanson's disease. On these terms and regulations, see Baruch A. Levine, The JPS Torah Conimmentai.:Leviticus (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society. 1989), pp. 75-99. 96. Gruenwald, "Manichaeism and Judaism," p. 267 n. 31. 97. Ibid. Gruenwald, takes the prohibition to mean that the individual is prohibited from looking at his own twin. However, this reading is not supported by the text, which affixes no possessive pronouns to the words rywi' and tvwimt'.Another clue to this prohibition may be found in b. Pes. 110-113, which discusses the practice of avoiding pairs when eating, drinking, and attending to one's bodily needs; doing these in pairs is said to make one vulnerable to demons. However, there is no suggestion there that the taboo would be extended to the avoidance of human pairs.

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even throughthe most casualcontactwith the contaminatedperson-in this case the menstruant.A curioustext knownas Braitade-MassekhetNiddah, which purportsto relate extra-talmudicstatementsof the sages regarding menstruation,claims that niddah can be transmittedthroughthe earthon which the menstruantwalks and even throughher speech or breath.98 A medievallegend illustratesthe notion that looking at an impurecreatureis enough to contaminateor harm a person. This text is a miraculousbirth narrativeabout RabbiIshmael,the hero of the Hekhalotliterature.99 In this Ishmael's mother and father are distressed because she has not tale, saintly survived. The a child that decide that she must borne immersein a couple ritualbathbefore they conceive. Then:"sheimmersed,and she encountered a pig. She returnedto the bathhouseand immersed.Whenshe emerged,she saw a leper before her. She went back and immersed.""'After forty such instances,the Holy One, blessed be He, instructsGabrielto tell her thatshe has more than provenher piety (in fact, that she has gone too far) and that she will be rewardedwith little Ishmael.Accordingto halakhah,contactwith a live pig does not produceimpurity;nor, as we have seen, does the mere sight of anythingdefiling.But therearenumerousexamplesof the belief that looking at a particularkind of animalor person--especiallya menstruating woman--can affect one physically.'0'B. Pes. 11la states that if a woman 98. Braita de-Massekhet Niddah in Chaim M. Horovitz, Tosefta 'Atiqta, pt. 5 (Frankfurt

a. Main, 1890). Cf. S. Schechter"JewishLiteraturein 1890,"Jeiwsish QuarterlyReviei; o.s. 3 (1891): 338-342; N. Brtill, Jahrbuchfiir Jiidische Geschichte ind Literatur(Frankfurt:Wilhelm Erras, 1876), pp. 124-226; Saul Lieberman, Sheqi'in (Jerusalem: Wahrman, 1970), p. 22 and idem, in Sefer Merivot, ed. B. Lewin (Jerusalem, 1934; reprint ed. Jerusalem: Maqor, 1973), pp. 115-118. See also the sources listed in note 89 above. 99. Ma'aseh Yafehshel R. Yishma'el Kohen Gadol, in Horowitz, Tosefta 'Atiqta 5:57-61, from Liqqute ha-Pardes attributed to Rashi (Amsterdam, 1715), fol. 4a; see also Horowitz, Tosefta 'Atiqta, 5:44-45 and his list of versions of the story, ibid. 4:14. Cf. Micha J. bin Gorion, Mimekor Yisrael, ed. Emanuel bin Gorion and trans. I. M. Lask (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976), 2:547 and the sources listed in 3:1506, n. 5. Another version of this story appears in the late medieval Ma'aseh-buch. See Moses Gaster, Ma'aseh Book: Book of Jewish Tales and Legends Translatedfrom the Judeo-German (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication

Society,1934), pp. 237-239.

100. Horovitz, Tosefta 'Atiqta 5:57.

101. See b. Shab. 129b.whichwarnsthatencounteringa pig (davarah!er)afterbloodletting can lead to leprosy(Rashi,ad. loc., cites b. Qid.49b thatof the ten measuresof skinafflictions [nega'inm]that descended to the world, nine were taken by pigs). The legend in Gaster.Ma'aseh Book, is associated with the statement in b. Ber. 20a that R. Yohanan would stand outside the women's bathhouse so that the women would have children as handsome as he; the reasoning


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at the beginningof her periodpasses before two men, she will kill one of We need not presumethat the authorsof the Sar-Torahtexts knew them.102 these texts, althoughthey may be contemporarywith some of this literature. Rather,both genresreflectpopularnotionsthateach uses to its purpose. Ablutionsand Cleansing Ablutions accompanythe regimen at some point in the rituals.These are explicitly designatedas purificatoryrituals.?299 instructsthe readerto "washhis garmentsand cloaks andperforma stringentimmersionrendering him free from any doubtof nocturnalpollution."Note here the requirement to wash one's clothes, which was also commandedat Sinai in Exod. 19:10 and 14. In the GreatName ritual(?489) the practitionermust wear white garments;in the Sar-Torahritualin Ma'aseh Merkavah(?560) he is not to look at coloredfabric.In a few texts the ablutionis to takeplaceat a river."10 As Gruenwaldand Moshe Idel have pointedout, the riverwas knownas a place of numinousencounterfor Ezekiel and Jacob,and as the settingfor manymagicalprocedures.1' Withthe Angels

What is at stake in these elaborateprocedures?Why must the human behind this version of the story is thus that if Rabbi Ishmael's mother had seen a pig, she would be thinking of it when she conceives. See Moses Gaster, The Exempla of the Rabbis (1924; reprint ed. New York: Ktav, 1968), pp. 145-146, 102, and 222. Cf. Num. R., chap. 9. In contrast, the purpose of the versions quoted by Horowitz is to demonstrate the merits of ritual immersion, which removes those harmful effects. As Cohen observes ("Purity and Piety," p. 108), Braita de-Massekhet Niddah stresses the physical dangers of menstruation, contrary to the prevailing rabbinic conception. 102. The comment in Tosaforad loc. moderates this statement by explaining that if she had practiced witchcraft on him (kishul), the power of her impurity will make it effective. According to b. Shab. 110b, a woman can repel a snake by telling it she is in menstruation;cf. Rashi, ad loc. On these and other examples of the idea of the destructive power of the menstruant, see Dinari, "Tum'at ha-Niddah," p. 311. 103. See ?489, ?495, and ?663. 104. See Gruenwald, Apocalyptic, p. 135; Moshe Idel, "Le-Gilgulehah shel Tekhniqah Qedumah shel Hazon Nevu'i Bi-yeme ha-Benayim," Sinai 86 (1979-80): 1-7; Jacob Z. Lauterbach, "Tashlik: A Study in Jewish Ceremonies." Hebrew Union College Annual 11 (1936): 207-340; cf. Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, p. 212.

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being undergo such an extraordinary level of purification in order to meet with the angels? We may locate a clue to this question in another set of texts relevant to our understanding of the role of purity in these rituals: rabbinic legends regarding rivalry between humans and angels, particularlythose that It is open to question concern Moses' ascent to heaven to receive the Torah.o10 whether the Moses stories constituted the sole, or even the principal source for the Sar-Torah genre and the Hekhalot tradition in general.106 But many details of the Moses stories are relevant to a discussion of purity and askesis in those literatures. The locus classicus for the ascent of Moses is in the Babylonian Talmud, b. Shab. 88b-89a. Important versions of this myth are also found in early medieval midrashim, such as Pesiqta Rabbati.107In the talmudic version, the angels protest to God about Moses's presence among them to receive the Torah,asking, "What is one born of woman doing here among us?" In Pesiqta Rabbati chapter 20, an angel accuses Moses directly: "You have come from a place of filth to a pure place; You born of woman, what are you doing in a place of fire?"'"0 The angels' disparagement of Moses as one "born of woman" reminds him of his origins in impurity according to Leviticus 12.'09In the Chapter of Rabbi Nehuniah, the angel Yofiel, rebuking Rabbi Ishmael, addresses him 105. See Ira Chernus, Mysticism in Rabbinic (New York: de Gruyter, 1982); Judaisnm Joseph P. Schultz, "Angelic Opposition to the Ascension of Moses and the Revelation of the Law," Jewish Quarterly' Review 61 (1970-71): 282-307; Moshe Idel, "Tefisat ha-Torah beSifrut ha-Hekhalot ve-Gilguleha ba-Qabbalah," Melhqere Yerushalavyim be-Mahshevet Yisra'el 1 (1981-82): 23-84; Peter Schafer, Rivalitidtzwischen Engeltnund Menschen: Untersuchungen zur rabbinischen Engelvorstellung (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1975); and Halperin, Faces of the Chariot. 106. Cf. Halperin, Faces of the Chariot. 107. In particular, Pesiqta Rabbati, ed. Meir Ish Shalom (Vienna, 1880; reprinted., Israel, n.d.), 96b-98a (chap. 20); Midrash Tehillim, ed. S. Buber (Vilna, 1891; reprint ed., Jerusalem, Wahrman, 1966), pp. 73-76 (chap. 8); Pirqe de-Rabbi 'Eliezer (Warsaw, 1852; reprint ed. Jerusalem, n.d.), p. I10b (chap. 46). See the sources listed in L. Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1946), 6:46-47; Schultz, "Angelic Opposition," pp. 286-287; and Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, pp. 289-322. A frequentlycited source is Ma 'ayan Hokhmah, in A. Jellinek, Bet Ha-Midrash (Leipzig, 1878; reprint ed., Jerusalem: Wahrman, 1967), 1:58-61, which is in fact the introduction to the magical book ShimmutsheTorah; see Gershom Scholem, On the Kabbalah and Its Symbolism (New York: Schocken, 1969), p. 38 and Swartz, "Book and Tradition." 108. Pesiqta Rabbati 96b. 109. This epithet is also used by angels in 3 Enoch ?3, ?9, ?79 and in ?149. discussed


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In Seder as "humanbeing, son of a stinkingdrop, worm and vermin."110 'EliahuZuta,the angelsarecontrastedwiththe humanworshipper,who "eats and excretes like an animal.""'A particularlyoffensive propertyof human beings is their smell. In one passage,Metatrondisturbsthe heavenlyhosts, who demandto know why the smell of this being "bornof woman"is rising up to them."' This unit is a brief traditionappendedto HekhalotRabbati at ?147-149 in one manuscriptand to the Chapterof Rabbi Nehuniahat ?315-317 in another.113It is probablya late traditionand may reflect the idea, which forms the basis for the narrativeof 3 Enoch,thatMetatronwas once the earthlingEnoch. Ablutionsin the Sar-Torahritualsmay therefore of ritualimpurity,butof have the purposenot only of riddingthe practitioner thatmay cause bad and other foods too of so the odors; prohibitions garlic breathand indigestion.14 But in these cases, the angels are not simplyexpressingcontemptat the physicalobnoxiousnessof the humanintruder;theyareapparentlyconcerned that he will pollute the angelic domain.Thus extraordinary purificationis in In the their abode heaven. same to way,the individual necessary approach who seeks to bringthe angel to earthmustnot repulsehim withhis impurity. These midrashimdepictMoses as undergoinga processof extraordinary purificationin preparationfor the revelationat Sinai. In b. Yoma4a, Rabbi below. On this term, taken from Job 14:1 and 15:14, see Ginzberg, Legends, 6:57 and Schultz, "Angelic Opposition," p. 287. 110. ?313; cf. also ?79 and ?565. This term is based on m. Avot 3:1, where humans are admonished to remember that we come from a stinking drop and go to a place of worm and vermin. For an interpretation of the saying in Avot, see Saul Lieberman, "How Much Greek in Jewish Palestine?" in Alexander Altmann, ed., Biblical and Other Studies (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963), pp. 136-139. 111. Seder Eliahu Zuta, chap. 12, in Seder Eliahu Rabbah ive-SederEliahu Zuta, ed. Meir Ish Shalom (Vienna, 1904; reprint ed., Jerusalem: Wahrman, 1969), p. 193. For the phrase cf. b. Yonma75b, where God also declares that in giving Israel manna, which did not need to be eliminated, he wished to make them like the ministering angels. 112. See also ?181, discussed below. 113. The unit appears in MS. MY 8128 at ?147-149 and in MS Vatican 228 at 315-317. Both of these manuscripts tend to include later materialnot found in other Hekhalot manuscripts. On MS NY 8128 see SchAfer,Synopse, p. x, and Swartz, Mystical Prayei; pp. 43-44. 114. Conversely, it is a characteristic of the righteous that they emit no bad odor. Cf. the story of Rabbi Eleazer in b. B. Mes. 83a-85a, on which see Daniel Boyarin, "Literary Fat Rabbis: On the Origins of the Grotesque Body," Journal of the History of Sexuality 1 (1991): 551-584.

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NataninterpretsExodus24:16 to meanthatthe cloudcoveredMosesat Sinai in order to purge food and drink from his bowels "to make him like the It is a matterof debate,in b. Yoma75b, for example, ministeringangels.""'1 whetheror not angels eat.116 Visitors likewise do not eat, but, like Moses and Aaronaccordingto b. Ber. 17a, are "nourishedby the splendorof the In some sources the angels (and humansin theirpresence) Shekhinah.""'17 eat a particularkind of heavenlyfood."8This idea may bearon the special of breadfoundin some of ourrituals. preparations The notion that in orderto be among the divine beings it is necessary to assume a state of ritualparitywith them is an ancientidea which finds expressionin this midrashand in the Hekhalotliterature.Accordingto Gary A. Anderson,Gilgamesh'sfriendEnkiduwouldbe able to walk aboutin the netherworldunnoticedif he refrainedfrom the joyous activities-like those proscribedin rabbinicliteratureon mourningand atonement-which distinThis wouldappearto be behindthe necromanticfastingof guishthe living."'19 the rabbismentionedabove. Likewise,in orderto be indistinguishable from the angels, Moses must be empty of food. In Ma'aseh Merkavah,the ruse workstoo well. The Sar-Torahpractitionermustprotecthimselfby standing in a circle so that"thedemonswill not come andlikenhim to the angelsand kill him"(?562).120 Moses wins the argumentwiththe angelsby citingthe veryphysicalityof humanitywhich was the groundsfor theirobjectionsin the firstplace.That physicalityis what permitshumanbeings to observethe Torah.In b. Shab. 88b he pointsout:"Itis written,'honoryourfatherandmother'[Exod.20:12 and Deut. 5:16]; do you have mothersand fathers?"This argumentcan be seen as a clever refutationof the epithetyelud ishah, "bornof woman."In 115. This view is opposed by Mattiah ben Heresh. See also Avot de-Rabbi Natan, ed. Schechter, version A, chap. 1. 116. The discussion centers on the exegesis of Deut. 9:9 vs. Ps. 78:25. According to Leviticus Rabbah 34:8, Targum Ps.-Jonathan to Gen. 18:8, and one opinion in b. B. Mes. 86b, the three angels who visited Abraham were only pretending to eat and drink. For the sources on this subject, see David Goodman, "Do Angels Eat?" Journal of Jewish Studies 37 (1986): 160-175. 117. See Chernus, Mysticism in Rabbinic Judaism, pp. 74-87. 118. Based on Exod. 24:11 and Ps. 78:25, and often related to the manna in the wilderness. See Goodman, "Do Angels Eat?" pp. 160-162. 119. Anderson, A Time to Mourn, pp. 75-76. 120. On the protective device of standing in a circle, which is used by Honi ha-Ma'agel in m. Ta'an. 3:8, see Gruenwald, Apocalyptic, p. 185.


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the Midrash to Psalms, God cites the laws of impurity which the pure angels cannot observe.'121 The angels, however, are not always depicted as creatures of pure spirit, impervious to the quasi-physical properties of matter that necessitate these procedures in the first place. Rather, they can merely afford to be more fastidious. A particularly striking passage in a cosmological text, Seder Rabbah de-Bereshit, illustrates the idea that the angels themselves are not exempt from the ritual dynamics that allow the human practitioner to be in their presence.'12 This passage describes the protocol of the heavenly liturgy, and particularly its dependence on the earthly liturgy of Israel."' The heavenly chorus must wait for Israel on earth to recite the Qedushah (Isa. 6:3) before they can recite theirs. How do they know when Israel has done so on earth? There is an angel named Shemu'el who stands every day at dawn and announces the prayers that rise from the synagogues and houses of study. When he does so, the angels immerse themselves in rivers of fire. At this point the text asks a perfectly reasonable question: (?181) And do the angels have flux [zov] and pollution,menstrualimpurity [niddah],and [impurityof] childbirth,that they requireimmersion?Rather, [those who immerseare] the angels who are appointedover the laborof the world and descend every day to bring peace to the world-when the time comes for song, they go up to the firmamentandbecauseof the smellof human beings who are bornof woman,possessorsof impurity,possessorsof flux and filth, they bathe themselvesin fire and cleanse and purifyand lustrate. . . themselvesin fire until they make themselvesholy, and they becomelike the ministeringangels of the upperfirmament['arevotraqia']. The susceptibity to pollution on the part of the angels is not merely an esoteric notion, confined to the phenomenological fringes of Jewish religious history. It is an echo of a significant aspect of biblical cultic theology: the volatility of the divine presence in biblical religion. As described by Baruch 121. MidrashTehillim(ed. Buber),chap.8, pp. 74-75. See also Schultz,"AngelicOpposition,"pp. 286-287, 300-301. 122. Synopse?790-791, MS Oxf. 1531and?810-811 in thesamemanuscript (= ?180-181 in MS NY 8128). 123. Onthecorrespondence betweentheheavenlyandearthlyliturgies,see Swartz,Mystical Prayer;Schafer,"Aimand Purpose";and Gruenwald,"AngelicSongs, the Qedushahandthe Problemof the Originof the HekhalotLiterature," in Apocalyptism, pp. 145-173.

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A. Levine, the PotentPresenceof God requiredextremelydelicatesanitary conditionsto appearon earth;if theseconditionswerenotmet,the Deity had no choice but to react."24 It is this volatilitywhich triggersthe divine wrath intruders like NadabandAbihuin Lev. 10:1-2. As Moses' againstmisguided consolation of Aaron demonstrates(Lev. 10:3),thatwrathis less subsequent an emotionalresponseto sin thana manifestationof God'sholiness.'25 It is in this context that we can understanda commonmotif in both the conjurationand ascent literatures:the wrathof the angels. We can see this motifin the Sar-Torah'srebukeof RabbiIshmael,butit manifestsitself in the ritualitself. Repeatedly,the practitioneradjuresthe angelsnot to harmhim.126 The motif of the dangerof the encounterwith the divine beingsdetermines muchof the ritualdynamicsmanifestin thesetexts.The angelspersonifythe impersonalwrathof the PotentPresencein reactionto invasionof its pure realm.

The Deposition of Rabbi Nehuniah

The ascentto the heavensandesotericsystemof ritualpurityareplacedin strikingconjunctionin the storyof RabbiNehuniah'sdepositionfromheaven in HekhalotRabbati(?225-228). This passage,whichhas promptedconsiderablediscussion in recentyears, is the principalsourcefor understanding the relationshipof cultic purityto the idea of ascentto the Merkavah.'27 The setting of the story is the Templein Jerusalem.RabbiNehuniahis seated,recitingthe detailsof his ascentin the midstof his disciples.In order to ask theirrabbiabouta cryptictermhe is using,his colleaguesmustbring him downfromheaven.However,they mustdo so withoutcausinghim harm 124. BaruchA. Levine,In the Presenceof the Lord(Leiden:Brill, 1974). 125. See Levine, Leviticus, pp. 59-60.

126. See, for example,?558 (on which see Swartz,Mystical Prayen;pp. 132-133), ?569, and ?624. 127. Scholem, Gnosticism,pp. 9-13; LawrenceH. Schiffman,"The Recall of Rabbi Nehuniaben ha-QanahfromEcstasyin theHekhalotRabbati,"AJSReview1 (1976):269-281; Saul Lieberman,"TheKnowledgeof Halakhaby the Author(or Authors)of the Heikhaloth," in Gruenwald,Apocalyptic,pp. 241-244; and MargareteSchltiter,"Die ErzAhlungvon der RUckholungdes R. Nehunya ben Haqanaaus der Merkava-Schauin ihremredaktionellen Rahmen," Frankfurter Judaistische Beitriige 10 (1982): 65-109.


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or sin. They thus employ an elaborateprocedurein which a piece of fine cloth is touchedby a woman who has completedher cycle, has immersed unsuccessfully,once, andhas thenimmersedcorrectly.'"2This womanwould be impureonly accordingto one of the sages. The cloth is placedon a bough knees.This of myrtlesoakedin balsamoil and placedon RabbiNehluniah's has the effect of deposinghim frombeforethe heavenlythrone. For Scholem,this storywas proofof "thehalakhiccharacterof Hekhalot mysticism"andthusof its derivationfromrabbiniccircles.'29It is the passage in Hekhalotliteraturewhichbearsthe strongestaffinitiesto rabbinichalakhah. However,it is more purelya narrativetext thanthe prescriptivetexts in our Theprocedure-indeed selectionthatconcerna ritualundertaken by a rabbi.13" RabbiNelhuniah'sentireascent-is presentedby the narrativeas a one-time occurrenceundertakenin an emergency."' The basic objectiveof the procedureis to renderRabbiNeIhuniah impure so that he will be cast down from heaven.Each of the steps takenhave as their purposethe infusion of the cloth with a marginaldegreeof impurity. The womanis at a stage in her cycle, aftershe has immerseda firsttime, in which her purityis probablebut not certain.RabbiNehluniahwouldthenbe madeimpureonly in the opinionof a minorityof sages."32 But,as Lieberman in heaven the view with to pointsout, minority regard purityprevails."33The solution was colleagues' particularlyingenious,for it allowedthemto bring him down withoutviolatinghis earthlypurityon the TempleMount.Thus 128. In b. Nid. 67a, the termlo 'altah lah tevilahrefersto an immersioninvalidatedby an interposingsubstance.See Schiffman,"RabbiNehunia,"p. 274; Lieberman,"Knowledgeof Halakha,"p. 243. 129. JewishGnosticism,p. 9. 130. Unlike many of the ritualtexts underdiscussion,this one does not containa recommendationfor the praxisin which the tradentor an angel testifiesto its effectivenessfor occurs,forexample,in ?305, in which everybodyregardlessof status.Sucha recommendation the narrativestressesthatthe Sar-Torahpraxisis effectivefor the lowliestshepherdandis as potentoutsideof the landof Israelas withinits boundaries. 131. The ascent is also undertakenbecauseof an emergency:Rome'sevil decreeagainst Israel.Furthermore, SchlUter'stextualanalysis("Erzihlung," pp.84-95) showsthattheaccount of RabbiNehuniah'sdepositionis a lateradditionto this sectionof HekhalotRabbati. 132. Lieberman,"Knowledgeof Halakha,"p. 242, suggeststhattheminoritywouldinclude RabbiEliezer,who was knownto takea stricterpositionon purity. 133. Ibid. The myrtlebranchdippedin balsamwould serve to disguise the odor of the cloth accordingto Lieberman,or, in Schiffman'sview,act as a magicwandthatwouldlikewise affectthe depositionandreinforcethe action.

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interpreted,this procedureunderscoresthe cultic dynamicsof the ascentas conceivedby the authorsof HekhalotRabbati:thereare higherstandardsof ritualpurityin heaven,but the functionof purityis the sameas in the biblical cult. Purityis a prerequisitefor approachingthe PotentPresenceof God. Notwithstandingthe story'sobvioushalakhicdimension,therearefactors militatingagainstthe argumentthatit provesthatthe authorsof the Hekhalot literaturewere the same rabbisresponsiblefor the classical Talmudsand midrashim.One is that the halakhahis one componentbut not the sole componentof the ritual. As Schiffmanand Schltiterpoint out, there is a significantmagical dimensionto the praxis.'31Moreover,the halakhahon which they do rely is nonstandard.As Schliiterobserves,the positionof its authorsis extrahalakhic.135 In fact, accordingto currentscholarshipon the subject,the Pharisaicand rabbinicpuritysystems deemphasizedthe cultic and localizednatureof the In theearlyrabbinicsystem,puritywas no longer biblicalconceptof purity."36 the sole propertyof those who neededto approachthe DivinePresencein the Temple,but a duty of all Israel.This story,by contrast,reinforcesthe cultic notion.The Presenceis not, however,localizedon Zion, but in the heavenly Temple.'37

Conclusions Ritualand InnerExperience Ritualsin the Hekhalotliteraturehave largelybeen interpreted according to the assumptionthattheirprincipalmeaningcan be foundin the intention 134. Schiffman,"Recall,"pp. 275-281; SchliUter, "ErzAhlung," p. 107. 135. Schltter,"Erzihlung,"pp. 108-109. It is also possiblethatthis episode,whichseems to havebeen interpolatedinto the ascentnarrativeof HekhalotRabbati,reflectsa laterstagein the tradition'sdevelopmentin which the influenceof rabbinichalakhahwas greater.If this is the case, its halakhicnaturedoes not arguefor the rabbinicoriginof Merkavahmysticism. 136. See especially Neusner,Purities;idem, The Idea of Purity,and BaruchM. Bokser, SacredSpace,"HarvardTheologicalReview78 (1985):279-299. "Approaching 137. To be sure,manypassagesin rabbinicliteraturecan be foundthatdo reflectthisolder concept.See forexample,Avotde-RabbiNatan,,chap.34 andA. Aptowitzer,"Betha-Miqdash shel Ma'alah 'al Pi ha-Aggadah,"Tarbis2 (1931): 137-153 and 257-287. Cf. also Swartz, Mystical Prayel; pp. 28-29.

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to producea mystical state. It is certainlynot difficultto imaginethat the individualwho follows these proceduresmightachievea vision of the angel he wishes to conjure,or of the heavenly array.But if we make this idea the primaryvehicle for interpretingthese practices,we miss much of their significance.This analysis has shown that ritualsin the Hekhalotliterature reflectdistinctritualgoals andcan be readwithinthecontextof the traditional andmythicworldsof theirtime. As theSar-Torahpractitionersees it, he mustprepareforanencounterwith divinebeingswho aresensitiveto terrestrial pollutionandareeasilyprovoked. his ancestors' model initial as his approachto the Divine Presence Taking at Sinai and Zion, he then seeks to rid himself of all physicaltracesof his humannessthroughritualpurification,usingtechniquesdrawnfromhalakhah, Jewishfolk beliefs, andperhapsGreco-Romanmagic.Theforegoinganalysis suggests that it is this conception, no less than the consciousnessof the individual,thatinfluencesthe detailsof these ritualprocedures. Social Implications Liebermanand Schltiterinterpretedthe storyof RabbiNehuniah'sdeposition with the aid of Braita de-MassekhetNiddah,mentionedabove. This documenthas had an unusualhistory.Its deviationfrom rabbinichalakhah strictnesswith regardto menstrualpurity; goes well beyondits extraordinary its teachingsfly in the face of clear rabbinicdicta."38 Braita de-Massekhet Niddahreflectsfolk beliefs and practicesregardingthe impurityof women which persistedfrom the talmudicperiod well into the Middle Ages. Two customs, the removalof the menstruantfrom the house and the refusalto permither to enterthe synagogue,were entrenchedamongthe laity in many communities,despite the repeateddenunciationsof these practicesby the In Braita de-MassekhetNiddah, these customs are rabbinicleadership."39 basedon the ideas cited above thatthe menstruant's speechor breathitself is 138. See Dinari,"MinhageTum'atha-Niddah,"pp. 304-305. Indeed,the book seems at times to be a pallid imitation,if not an outrightparody,of mishnaicliterature.The text cites andopenswiththewords,"Shammai (forNehuniahben ha-Qannah) "Haninahben ha-Qannah" says . . ." which also begin m. Nid. This led Schechter ("Jewish Literature,"p. 339) to propose

thatthe sourcesof the text can be found amongKaraitesor Samaritans.This view has been refutedby Dinari,"MinhageTum'atha-Niddah"; cf. Lieberman,Sheqi'in,p. 22. 139. Thesecustomscan thustaketheirplace withfolk practicessuchas kapparot,tashlikh, and other extrahalakhicrituals. On these folk rituals, see the studies collected in Jacob

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pollutingandthatthe earthshe walkson is impure.Suchnotionsalso inform the ritualprohibitionswe findin the Hekhalotliterature. These texts reflect practices found in Jewish popularreligion of the talmudicperiod.'14However,the implicationsof the extrahalakhic dimension of these ritualsfor theirrelationshipto RabbinicJudaismare complex.They do not lead unambiguouslyto the conclusionthat the Sar-Torahliterature originatedin the lower classes of Jewishsociety.'4' Its ambivalentpositionin relationto halakhahand its use of the idea of Torahfor the specificends of the magic point to an origin in groupsoutsidethe centralcirclesof rabbinic learningwho at the same time were literateand acquaintedwith midrashic lore, liturgicalpoetry,andelementsof rabbiniclaw.42 rabbinicvaluesin peculiarways.Itsauthors Forthisliteratureappropriates invoke the authorityof the early rabbisto promotetheirmagicalrecipes.'14 These recipes,in fact, offer nothingless thanshortcutsto successin the very endeavormost valuedby the rabbinicestate-the studyof Torah.

Z. Lauterbach, Studies in Jewish Law, Custom and Folklore (n.p.: Ktav, 1970); and idem,

"Tashlik." 140. As Charles A. Long points out ("PopularReligion,"Encyclopediaof Religion 11:440-452), the term popularreligion can have several meanings,not all of them useful for describingthe religiousphenomenadescribedhere. One of these possibledefinitions(p. 446) approximatesthe relevanceof the termfor this study:"Popularreligionas an amalgamof esotericbeliefs and practicesdifferingfromthe commonor civil religion,but usuallylocated the degreeof in the lower strataof society."This definitionis useful to us notwithstanding educationour authorsseem to have had. Halperin,Faces of the Chariot,seeks to locate the authorsin the lowerclasses ('amnha-ares)andarguesthatthe Hekhalotliteratureconstituteda protestagainstRabbinicJudaism.This studythusconfirmsthe opinionof Halperinandothers, who arguethatthese texts did not originatein the rabbinicacademies,and thatthe Sar-Torah tradition'snotionof the acquisitionof Torahshouldbe contrastedwiththatof RabbinicJudaism. Cf., however,below. 141. Cf. Halperin, Faces of the Chariot.

142. On the complexityof Jewish society in talmudicPalestine,see Lee I. Levine, The Rabbinic Class of Roman Palestine in Late Antiquit,

(Jerusalem: Yad Izhak ben Zvi; New

York:JewishTheologicalSeminary,1989);see pp. 117-127 on the rabbis'relationshipswith other social groups;cf. also AharonOppenheimer,The 'An Ha-aretz(Leiden:Brill, 1977). On Babylonian Jewish society, see Jacob Neusner, A History of the Jews in Babylonia, 5 vols. (Leiden:Brill, 1965-70); I. Gafni, Ye/hudeBavel bi-Tequfatha-Talmud(Jerusalem:Zalman

ShazarCenter,1990). 143. On this issue andits relevanceforthe socialpositionof theauthors,see Swartz,"Book andTradition."


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Magiciansand Monks To attainthis success, the magicianmust sequesterhimselffromsociety andespeciallytheoppositesex. If he eatsatall,he musteata severelyrestricted diet whichhe himselfprepares.He immersesfrequentlyandsometimeswears specialclothes.To the nakedeye, he looks like a monk.Indeed,the monastic ideals of "living like angels"and the "waragainstthe demons"can also be seen as magicalideals.'44So too, in both cases, if the problemthey wish to address-the humannessof the adept-is physical,the remedyis likewise physical.The humancreatureis a son of a stinkingdrop,bornin impurity, who eats and excretes-in other words,a physicallyobnoxiousbeing who has no right to keep companywith the angels. Withoutthe elaborateritual proceduresand routinessuch as those we use to identifyascetics,the angels wouldneverdescend.In mappingthe complexnetworkof diets,prohibitions, exclusions,sexual taboos,and ablutions,we come up againstthe physicality of asceticism. FromDeuteronomy30:12 we learnthatthe Torahis not in heaven.For thoseancientJews who dreamedof conjuringthem,livingwiththe angelswas not a permanentstateof life butan extraordinary eventwhose importancelay in the heaven-sentcapacityto acquireknowledgeof a Torahbroughtdown to earth. of Virginia University Va. Charlottesville,

144. See especially Peter Brown, The Worldof Late Antiquity(London:HarcourtBrace Jovanovich,1971), pp. 100-103; Body and Society pp. 323-338; RobinLane Fox, Pagans and Christians(New York:Knopf, 1987), pp. 375-418. The idealof virginity,however,plays no partin the Jewish patternsof abstinencedescribedhere. For the situationwith regardto RabbinicJudaism,see Fraade,"AsceticalAspects";Daniel Boyarin,"InternalOppositionin TalmudicLiterature: The Case of the MarriedMonk,"Representations 36 (1991):87-113.

Imitatio Dei in Maimonides' "Guide of the Perplexed" Author(s): Howard Kreisel Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 169-211 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486622 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



IMITATIODEI IN MAIMONIDES' GUIDE OF THE PERPLEXED by HOWARD KREISEL I

Thereis probablyno topic in Maimonides'philosophymorethoroughly exploredthanthatof humanperfection,manyof thestudiesdealingexplicitly with the notionof imitatioDei. Maimonides'view of ultimateperfectionhas beeninterpretedalternativelyas primarilyeitherintellectual,political,ethical, or halakhic.'Many have interpretedMaimonidesas positinga harmonious combinationof the contemplativelife and the life of socially orientedactivity-bios praktikos--despite the evident tension between the two.2 Others

have explainedthe apparentinconsistencyin Maimonides'approachin terms 1. For the extensive literaturedealing with this topic, see the notes and bibliographyin on HumanPeifection(Atlanta:ScholarsPress,1990).See also MenachemKellner,Maimnonides Ira Robinson,LawrenceKaplan,and JulienBauer,eds., The Thoughtof Moses Mainmonides thearticlesby WarrenHarvey,Alfred (Lewiston,N.Y.:EdwinMellenPress,1990),particularly Ivry,David Shatz,and LawrenceKaplan;andJoel Kraemer,ed., Perspectiveson Maimonides the articlesby LawrenceBerman,Ralph (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress, 1991),particularly Lerner,and Steven Harvey.I am indebtedto Dr. HannahKasherof Bar-IlanUniversityfor sendingme an advancecopy of her forthcomingbook in Hebrewon Maimonidesandinmitatio Dei. Thisworkhasprovidedme withmanyvaluableinsightsandreferences.Forthephilosophic backgroundof theconceptof ImitatioDei in Jewishphilosophy,see AlexanderAltmannandS. M. Stem, Isaac Israeli (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress, 1958), pp. 197-200; andLawrence of the Maxim:The Purposeof Philosophyis theimitation Berman,"ThePoliticalInterpretation of God,"StudiaIslantica 15 (1961): 53-61. For a generaldiscussionof this topic in Jewish thought,see David Shapiro,"TheDoctrineof the Imageof GodandImitatioDei,"Judaism12 (1963): 57-77 (reprintedin MenachemKellner,ed., Contemporal)yJewishEthics[New York: SanhedrinPress, 1978],pp. 127-51). 2. See in particularAlexanderAltmann,"Maimonides''FourPerfections'," IsraelOriental

AJS Review 19/2 (1994): 169-211

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of the distinctionbetween exotericand esotericdoctrines.3The appropriate texts in Maimonides'writingshave been analyzedin detail,andthe sources at his disposalhavebeendiscussedat length.The challengefacingthe student of Maimonides'thought,however,lies not only in explicatingthe individual texts which deal in a directmannerwith the topic,butalso in identifyingall the issues and texts which are relevantto the topic, as well as theirsources, andhow they are related. The position I shall argue in this study is that Maimonides'view of humanperfectionas it emerges from the Guide of the Perplexed,and his Dei in the contextof this topic, is in fact a harmonious approachto imnitatio combination,at least in its essential features,of intellectualperfectionand biospraktikos.Moreover,it is integrallyrootedin Maimonides'metaphysical views concerningGod and the SeparateIntellects,as well as his doctrine his view concerningthe movementof the spheres.The key to understanding is his notionof "emanation"or "overflow"(Ar.faid, Heb. shefa'), a notion whichis presentedby Maimonidesnot only in relationto the activityof God and the supernalworld,but also the prophets.4 This is not to say, however,that all the inconsistenciesin Maimonides' approachare moreapparentthanreal.WhileMaimonidespurposefullyintroduced inconsistenciesinto his treatisedue to the religioussensitivityof the subjectin questionor for pedagogicalreasons,as his introductoryremarks in the Guide indicate, not all the inconsistenciesin his approach,if not outrightcontradictions,shouldbe explainedin this manner-his view to the It is importantto keep in mindthatthe Guideis contrarynotwithstanding.5 Studies 2 (1972): 24. Altmann'ssubsequentarticle, "Maimonideson the Intellectand the Scope of Metaphysics," in his Vonder imittelalterlichenzur modernen Aujklaerung (Tubingen:

J.C.B.Mohr, 1987), pp. 60-129, is perhapsthe most significantstudywrittenon the topicof Maimonides'view of humanperfection. 3. See, for example,Shlomo Pines,"TheLimitationsof HumanKnowledgeAccordingto Al-Farabi,Ibn Bajja,and Maimonides,"in IsadoreTwersky,ed., Studiesin MedievalJewish History,and Literature(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversity,1979),pp. 82-109. 4. I have presentedthis positionin a summarymannerin "Maimonides'Viewof Prophecy as the OverflowingPerfectionof Man,"Daat 13 (1984): xxi-xxvi. This basic positionhas alreadybeenadvancedby WarrenHarvey,"PoliticalPhilosophyandHalakhahin Maimonides" [Heb.],lyyun29 (1980): 209-212. Fora discussionof the notionof emanationin Maimonides, see below. 5. See The Guideof the Perplexed,trans.ShlomoPines (Chicago:Universityof Chicago Press, 1969): 1:introduction, pp. 17-20. All Englishcitationsfromthe Guidein this studyare Mossad fromPines'stranslation.The Arabiceditionutilizedis thatof YosephKafih(Jerusalem:

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GUIDE OF THEPERPLEXED MAIMONIDES"

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not intendedto be a philosophicalworkdevotedto an expositionof physics and metaphysics,as well as the natureof the humansoul, nor is it designed to serve as a substitutefor such works. Maimonidesrepeatedlyrefers his readersto the extensive philosophicliteratureon these subjects,which he treatsas mandatoryreadingfor those strivingto attainperfection.Rather,the Guideis a theological-exegeticalworkdevotedto a solutionto the dilemmas which arise from a broadcomparisonbetweenJewishtraditionand Islamic Aristotelianphilosophy (Guide 1:introduction,2:2). Maimonidesnowhere presentshis own world-viewin full, andit is at leastquestionablewhetherhe ever soughtto develop his own philosophyin a systematicmanner. Maimonidescertainlyacceptsthe Aristotelianapproachto understanding existence in most of its essentials, an acceptancealreadydiscerniblein his earliest writings.6He wavers, however, between differentindividual HaravKook, 1972). HerbertDavidson,in his "Maimonides'SecretPositionon Creation,"in Twersky, Studies in Medieval Jewish History and Literature, pp. 16-40, maintains that the

esoteric-exotericdistinctionfails in regardto some of the contradictionsin the Guide(most notablythe problemof creation),which may in fact be inadvertent.While I do not agree with his analysis attemptingto show that Maimonidesadoptsa Platonicview of creation,I think that his view of contradictionsin Maimonides'philosophyis essentiallycorrect.One certainlycannotdemonstratethat some of the contradictionsin the Guideare not intentional. Those convincedthat Maimonidesintroducedonly purposefulcontradictions,as he himself testifies, can always produceargumentsto the contrary,as Davidsonnotes. However,the or willingness(if with reluctance)to acquiesceto the possibilitythatnot all the contradictions inconsistenciesare of this natureprotectsus fromexaggeratedattemptsto "reconcile"all the contradictions(imaginedor otherwise)along esoteric-exotericlines or seek out some deeper level of harmonyby the use of farfetchedhermeneutics-attemptswhich at times appearto makea caricatureof the text. I am notarguingagainstthenotionthatmanyof thecontradictions shouldbe interpretedalong esoteric-exotericlines for I thinkthey should.I also thinkthatthe who seek to reconcileapparentcontradictions "harmonists," by attemptingto show thatno real contradictionsare in fact involved,are at times correct.Maimonidesoccasionallyemphasizes seeminglyconflictingaspectsof whatis essentiallya coherentpicture.Overall,I see no reason thismultifacetedwork.What why a multifacetedapproachshouldnotbe adoptedto understand ultimatelydeterminesone's readingof any given topic mustbe a carefulanalysisof the issues andtextsinvolved,togetherwith one's sense of the text.Admittedly,my argumentin this study may often be viewed as impressionistic,lackingthe carefulanalysisof all the textsandissues involvedwhich are necessaryto establishmy point.My objectiveis to offer the bareoutline of a way for understandingMaimonides'work as it is reflectedby his views pertainingto a centraltopic, takentogetherwith the problemsthattheseviews raise. 6. See, for example, Treatise on Logic, and his Commentary to the Mishnah, particularly his introductions to Seder Zera'im, Avot (Eight Chapters), and Sanhedrin 10 (Pereq Heleq).

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philosophersin formulatinghis approachto particularissues, not always himself to a specific view. In some issues he appearsto mediate czommitting betweenthe philosophers'approachand traditionalJewish views (e.g., the problem of miracles and nature [Guide 2:29]), leaving, however, certain critical questions unanswered(e.g., what is God's precise role vis-h-vis specificmiracles).7He fails to addressthese problemsexplicitlyperhapsfor reasonsof esotericism,or perhapsbecausehe hadnot answeredthemfully to his own satisfaction.Even whereit appearsthatMaimonidesrejectsoutright the philosophers'views, most notablythe view of a primordialuniverse,his presentationis far from unequivocal,suggestingthathe may have held an esoteric doctrine.8Yet here too it may be the case that Maimonidesnever arrivedat a final conclusion despite his realizationof the philosophicaltheological"stakes"involved.9 In general, Maimonidesprovides a basic frameworkfor a solution to the issues with which he deals, perhapssensing many of the problems which remain whose details he had not fully workedout. His work has a jigsaw-puzzle quality, but even after leaving out all the "extraneous" pieces-those not reflecting Maimonides'true views-all the others do not necessarilyfit smoothly together.The Guide should be viewed as the productof an authorin the processof thinkingand rethinkingsome of the importantissues he discusses, even while writinghis work. In developing his conception of God, the world, and humanity,Maimonidesread his philosophicalpredecessorsandwrestledwiththeirviews, oftenreinterpreting traditionalJewish sourcesto agree with his conclusions.He chose between alternativeconceptions,incorporatingcertainviews while rejectingothers. The preciserelationbetweenthe views adoptedby Maimonidesis not always immediatelyevident,noraretheyall easilyreconcilable.Itappearsthatthough 7. For a discussionof this problem,see my "Miraclesin MedievalJewishPhilosophy," citedthere. JewishQuarterlyReview75 (1984): 99, 106-114, andthe bibliography 8. This conclusionhad been advancedby some of Maimonides'medievalcommentators, mostnotablyJosephKaspiandMosesNarboni,andhasbeensupportedby a numberof modern commentators.See AvrahamNuriel,"TheQuestionof a Primordialor CreatedWorldin the Philosophyof Maimonides"[Heb.],Tarbiz33 (1964):372-387; andWarrenHarvey,"A Third Puzzle,"HarvardTheologicalReview74 Approachto Maimonides'Cosmogony-Prophetology (1981):287-301. of 9. See SaraKlein-Braslavy,"TheCreationof the WorldandMaimonides'Interpretation Matinus GenesisI-V,"in S. PinesandY Yovel,eds., MaimonidesandPhilosophy(Dordrecht: Nijhoff,1986), pp. 65-78.

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Maimonidesintroducescertaininconsistencieson purpose,at times he only realizesin the courseof writinghis workthattherearecertaininconsistencies between some of his views and he seeks to offer a solution;still at other times certaininconsistenciesappearto escape his notice altogether,or he is not convincedof the finalanswer. Plato's Republic, Aristotle's De Anima and Nicomachean Ethics, to-

getherwith the works of some of his commentators,such as Alexanderof Aphrodisias,and an abridgedversion of Plotinus'Enneads,The Theology of Aristotle,enteredinto the Islamic world,10and had a decisive influence on the conceptions of human perfectionfound in the various schools of thought-theological and mysticalas well as philosophical-which in turn influencedthe Jewish thinkers.The philosophyof Alfarabi,followedby that of AvicennaandIbnBajja,hada particularly sharpimpressuponMaimonides' a to thought."Clearlyany attempt develop conceptionof humanperfection and inzitatioDei drawingupon the Greekand Islamicphilosophicalsources had to address a range of questions concerningGod and the essence of the humansoul, questionson which these sources were hardlyunanimous or unequivocalin their answers. What does it mean for the individualto assimilatehimself to God? Is God to be conceived as Intellector as the wholly UnfathomableOne? What is God's relationto the world?Is union with God or any of the beings of the metaphysicalrealmpossible,and if so whatis the natureof this unionandunderwhatconditionsdoes it occur?What is the natureof the humansoul? Is the soul immortal,or can it at least attain immortality,and if so what characterizesits immortalstate?Whatlevel of intellectionis the individualcapableof attainingandwhatis the implication of this for evaluatinghis ontologicalstatus?What is the relationbetween intellectionand the practicalvirtues in regardto the individual'sultimate perfectionand happiness?Is the perfectindividuala ruleror a personwho isolateshimselffrom mankindas far as possible?Whatis prophecyandhow is it relatedto humanperfection?Not only do the medievalphilosophers, while sharingcertain fundamentalconceptionsin common, differ among themselveson the answersto thesequestions,butnotalwaysdo theiranswers

10. See F E. Peters, Aristotle and the Arabs (New York:New York University Press, 1968). 11. For a general discussion of the influence of these philosophers on Maimonides, see Pines's introduction to his translation of the Guide, "The Philosophic Sources of The Guide of the Perplexed, " pp. lxxviii-cviii.

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to individualissues combineto form a clear and coherentpictureof human perfectionand man'srelationto God. Any attemptto understandthe notion of imitatioDei in Maimonides' philosophy can hardly ignore the various issues to which this notion is integrallyrelated.Moreover,Maimonideshad to grapplealso with biblical bearingon this topic,togetherwiththeirrabbinicinterpretapronouncements such as God's demandto be holy just as He is holy (Lev. 11:44, 19:2). tions, indicated have thatthereis a fundamentalcoherencein the picture I already of humanperfectionwhich underliesMaimonides'philosophy,but thatnot all the inconsistenciesin his approachcan be easily reconciledor should be. Maimonidesunderstoodthatthe fundamentalset of problemsunderlying humanperfectionis the natureof intellectand its relationto the humansoul andbody on one hand,andits relationto God andthe ActiveIntellecton the other.Yet it is precisely to this set of problemsthatMaimonidespresentsa tentativesolutionat best.12

God in Maimonides' thought is Pure Intellect (Guide 1:68), yet the completelysimpleandunfathomableOneto whomno positiveattributesmay be attributed(1:56-60). He is bothWisdomandWill,whichareidenticalwith Hisessence(1:69).He is thewhollytranscendent God,notdependentuponany otherexistentnor even relatedto any otherexistent(1:52), who nevertheless is the Cause--efficient, formal, and final-of all existence (1:69). All the problemsemergingfrom this paradoxicalconceptionof God are ultimately resolved by the complete "otherness"of His existence,which can only be known by what He is not or by what He does.'"How can a humanbeing 12. For an analysis of Maimonides' view of the intellect, see Altmann, "Maimonides on the Intellect." 13. This in itself is a problematic solution, for in the final analysis Maimonides has a great deal to say about God. See Julius Guttmann, "Maimonides' Theology" [Heb.], in I. Epstein, E. Levine, and C. Roth, eds., Essays in Honour of J. H. Herir (London: Edward Goldston, 1942), pp. 53-69 (Heb. sec.), repr. in his Reason and Knowledge [Heb.], ed. S.H. Bergman and N. Rotenstreich (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1979), pp. 103-118. The tension between the Neoplatonic and Aristotelian strains in Maimonides' philosophy has recently been analyzed by Alfred Ivry, "Maimonides and Neoplatonism: Challenge and Response," in Lenn E. Goodman, ed., Neoplatonism and Jewish Thought (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992), pp. 137-156.

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"imitate"the totally other?Maimonideswas not the firstto wrestlewith the problem.Plotinusdealtwith thequestionexplicitlyin his Enneads1.2,though his probing discussion does not appear to have been known to the Islamic philosophers.14 So did a number of Maimonides' medieval Jewish philosophic

predecessors.'A similarquestionis foundin some of Maimonides'rabbinic sources, though there is certainly no reason to maintain that the conception with which they grappled was that of a completely transcendent God as understood by the philosophers. The rabbinic answer suggests that God can be imitated only by His attributes. "To walk in all His ways" (Deut. ll:22)-These are the ways of God [lit.: the Place]: "The Lord! a God compassionate and gracious ..." (Exod 34:6).16

And it is written:"Whoevershall call [read:be called] by the name of the Lordshall escape"(Joel 3:5).17How is it possiblefor manto be called by the so shouldyou be nameof God?Rather,just as God is called"compassionate," compassionate;just as the Holy One, blessed be He, is called "gracious,"so should you be gracious ... and give free gifts to all ... (Sifre, 'Ekevy49).18 Abba Saul says: Ve-'anvehu [and adorn Him] (Exod 15:2)-be like (domieh)

Him.'9Justas He is graciousandcompassionate,so you shall be graciousand compassionate.(B.T.Shabbat133b) Both in the Book of the Commandments:positive commandment no. 8, and in the Mishneh Torah: Laws of Character Traits 1:6, Maimonides refers to the source in the Sifre in interpretingthe commandment to "walk in God's ways" (Deut. 28:9). For Maimonides, to walk in His ways means nothing

14. See Altmannand Stern,Isaac Israeli,pp. 198-199. 15. See, for example,JosephIbn Zaddik,Bookof the Microcosm[Heb.),ed. S. Horovitz (Breslau,1903), p. 65. Maimonides,however,confesses not to have readJoseph'swork.See Isaac Shailat,ed. and trans.,Lettersand Essays of Moses Maimonides[Arabicand Heb.] (MaalehAdumim:MaaliyotPress, 1988),p. 552. 16. The midrashapparentlyconnectsthis verse with Moses' requestin Exod. 33:13 to be informedof God's "ways."Maimonidestoo regardsthis verseas the answerto Moses' request there. 17. The phrase"call by the nameof the Lord"appearsalso in Exod 34:5, providingthe connectionbetweenthe two verses. 18. The translationis my own, based upon the editionof Louis Finkelstein(New York: JewishTheologicalSeminary,1969),p. 114.1 haveconsultedthetranslation of ReuvenHammer (New Haven:YaleUniversity,1986). 19. Reading'anvehuas a contractionof "IandHe"('ani ve-hu).

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less than "to resemble (le-hiddamot)Him to the extent of our capacity," man'simitationof God assumingthe formof perfectingone's charactertraits and ethical activity.20Maimonides,however,does not elaboratehow these attributesare relatedto God. His discussioneven suggeststhatthey are not relatedto God in any way, but are ascribedby the prophetsto God simply to indicate that these are the attributesthat man should acquire.2'In his Laws of the Principlesof the Torah1:11,Maimonidesexplicitlyrejectsthe notion thatGod possesses charactertraits,togetherwith any otherattribute characterizingcorporealentities, a notionwhich in all probabilitydoes not underliehis rabbinicsources.His interpretation thereof therevelationgranted Moses (1:10) suggests thatMoses learnedGod's negativeattributes,i.e., all the attributescharacterizingotherexistentswhichare to be negatedof God. Yetthereis no indicationhow the contentof thisrevelationservesas a model for humanactivityand perfection.22 20. The Mishneh Torah, however, only mentions charactertraits. For a comparison between these two sources, see Walter Wurzberger,"Imitatio Dei in Maimonides' Sefer Hamnitzvotand the Mishneh Torah," in Jonathan Sacks, ed., Tradition and Transition: Essays Presented to Chief Rabbi SirtImmanuel Jakobovits (London: Jews College, 1986), pp. 321-324. 21. Hannah Kasher argues this point in her forthcoming study. It should be noted that Maimonides says that "man must conduct himself in accordance with them [the attributes]and imitate Him (le-hiddanmot'elav) to the extent of his ability." The term 'elav, however, does not appear in most of the manuscripts, though it appears in almost all of the printed versions. A similar phrase occurs in Laws of Slaves 9:8, where we are commanded to act mercifully with heathen slaves in accordance with the just laws of the Torah. "So too in regard to the attributesof God which we are commanded to imitate (le-hiddamot ba-henm),it is written: 'And His mercy is upon all His works' (Ps. 145:8)." There is a hint in this passage that Maimonides treats the attributes as attributes of action. 22. The notion of imitation of God occurs in still other passages of the Mishneh Torah. Notable is the reference in Laws of Megillah 2:17. Maimonides rules that it is preferable on Purim to spend more on gifts to the poor than on the meal and presents to friends, "for he who gladdens the hearts of these unfortunates imitates the Divine Presence." In this context, one imitates divine activity by a human activity improving the state of those who are lacking and require assistance. In performing this command, one is, in a sense, imitating divine governance of that which is below Him. This notion foreshadows an essential aspect of Maimonides' approach to inmitatioDei in the Guide. For a detailed discussion of this passage, see Gerald Blidstein, "The Concept of Joy in Maimonides" [Heb.], Eshel Beer-Sheva 2 (1980): 145-164; Isadore Twersky, "On Law and Ethics in the MishnelhTorah: A Case Study of Hilkhot Megillah II:17," Tradition 24 (1989): 138-149; and Lawrence Kaplan, "HilkhotMegillah 2:17 Revisited: A Halakhic Analysis," Tradition 26 (1991): 14-21. The notion of imitatio Dei also appears in Laws of ImnpureFoods 16:12, where it is regarded as a consequence of holiness. For a discussion of the relation between these two notions, see the appendix to this article.

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Maimonides'crucialdiscussionof inmitatio Dei in Guide1:54,also refers to thesourcein theSifre,butwithseveralsignificantadditions.Herehe regards the attributes as pertaining to God, but as attributes of action. Maimonides explains that Moses was denied any knowledge of God's essence, a position in keeping with his negative theology, but was granted knowledge of His actions-i.e., the totality of existence created by Him and His governance of the world. Maimonides goes on to indicate, Scripturehas restricteditself to mentioningonly thosethirteencharacteristics, although [Moses] apprehendedall His goodness-I mean to say all His actions-because these are the actions proceedingfrom Him, may He be exalted, in respectof giving existence to the Adamitesand governingthem. This was [Moses'] ultimateobject in his demand,the conclusionof whathe says being: That I may know Thee, to the end that I mayfind grace in Thy sight and consider that this nation is Thy people (Exod. 33:13) - that is, a people

for the governmentof whichI needto performactionsthatI mustseekto make similarto Thy actionsin governingthem. (pp. 124-125) Maimonides' answer suggests thatperfect political leadership,a leadership "translating"knowledge of physics and metaphysics into a set of rules and directives for human society, is the ultimate human expression of imitatio Dei.23The perfection of the intellect is regardedby Maimonides as a necessary condition-a thorough understanding of reality being required for directing society to pursue mankind's true good-but it is not the end in itself. Nor does Maimonides refer here, in contradistinctionto his legal writings, to the individual's own ethical perfection,24though this is a necessary condition 23. The "political"interpretationof inzitatioDei in Maimonideshas been arguedmost forcefullyby LawrenceBermanin his doctoraldissertationandin a seriesof articles.See his finalstudyon the subject,"TheEthicalViews of MaimonidesWithinthe Contextof Islamicate Civilization,"in Harveyet al., Perspectiveson Mainionides,pp. 13-32. Maimonidesappears to be hintingthatthe Law itself is the productof Moses' imitationof God. See Alvin Reines, "Maimonides'Conceptof Mosaic Prophecy,"HebrewUnionCollegeAnnual40 (1969): 350 f.; and KalmanBland, "Moses and the Law Accordingto Maimonides,"in J. Reinharzand D. Swetschinski,eds., Mystics,Philosophersand Politicians(Durham:DukeUniversityPress, 1982),pp. 49-66. 24. In the earlierchaptersof the Guide, Maimonides'approachto initatio Dei is too generalto determinewhetherthe stressis on ethics or politics.In 1:24.54,the term"to walk," as it appearsin the commandmentwhich servesas the basisfor imitatioDei-"And you shall walkin His ways"(Deut. 28:9)-is interpretedby Maimonidessimplyas "livinga good life."

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for achieving intellectual perfection, as well as integral to perfect leadership. A person who is a slave to his passions can hardly attain intellectual perfection or lead others to their perfection.25Though Maimonides deals with Moses, he is quite explicit in treating Moses as a paradigm case.26Moses' characteristics serve as the model for every prophetic ruler-governance in accord with reason freed from all feelings of emotion. This is Maimonides' characterization of God's governance. Non-prophets too must attempt to approach this ideal in the context of their own social situation, and in accordance with their ability. Maimonides' concluding remarks in Guide 3:54 refer to the same ideal, as his reference there to 1:54 indicates. After positing the perfection of the intellect as the ultimate perfection of man, and explicating Jeremiah 9:22-23 accordingly,27Maimonides adds, For when explainingin this verse the noblestends, he does not limit them only to the apprehensionof Him. .... But he says thatone shouldglory in the apprehensionof Myself and in the knowledgeof My attributes,by which he means His actions. . . In this verse he makes it clear to us that those actions that ought to be known and imitatedare loving-kindness, judgemnent and righteousness.He addsanothercorrobarative notionthroughsaying,in the

In 1:38.87Maimonidesinterpretsthe phrase"walkat the backof the Lord"as "followingin obedienceto Him andimitatingHis acts andconductinglife in accordancewith His conduct." 25. See, for example, 1:34, 2:36, 3:33. Maimonidesat times regardsthe ethicaltraitsas necessaryonly for the establishmentandpreservationof society.At othertimeshe treatsthem as relateddirectlyto the attainmentof intellectualperfection.I have dealtwith this issue in a recentstudy,"IndividualPerfectionvs. CommunalWelfareandtheProblemof Contradictions in Maimonides'Approachto Ethics,"Proceedingsof theAmericanAcademyfor JewishResearch 58 (1992): 107-141. 26. MaimonidesconsistentlytreatsMosesas havingattainedthehighestlevelof perfection, butalternatelytreatsMoses' perfectionas paradigmatic andexceptional.Maimonides'position canbe tracedto the contextof his discussion.Whenhis discussionhasa bearingon establishing the uniquenessof the Torah,MaimonidestreatsMoses' attainmentas exceptionalandoutside theboundariesof nature.ThusMoses' perfectioncannotbe imitatedby thelayingdownof new legislation.WhenMaimonides'discussionturnsto finalhumanperfection,on the otherhand, he presentsMoses as the paradigmcase. One can neverhope to equalMoses' theoreticaland practicalvirtues,but he representsthe modelthatone strivesto approach. 27. For a study of the interpretationsof this passage in medievalJewish philosophy, see AbrahamMelamed,"PhilosophicalCommentariesto Jeremiah9, 22-23 in Medievaland RenaissanceJewishThought"[Heb.],Jerusalenm 4 (1984-85):31-82. StudiesinJewishThought

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earth-this being a pivot of the Law. ... Then he completes the notion by saying: For in these things I delight saith the Lord. He means that it is My purpose that there should come from you loving-kindness, righteousness, and

judgementin the earthin the way we haveexplainedwithregardto the thirteen attributes:namely,thatthe purposeshouldbe assimilation(tashabbuh)to them and thatthis shouldbe our way of life. (p. 637)

This is one partof the pictureof humanperfectioncorrespondingto one aspect of Maimonides'conceptionof God. God, however,is not only the wise rulerwho throughan act of will gives existenceto what is otherthan He and organizesthe orderof existencein a flawlessmanner-imitatioDei consequentlylying in the perfectionof our own activitiesand the virtues underlyingthem, particularlyin the realm of politics. God's essence is intellect.Maimonides,for all his insistenceon the equivocalityof the term "intellect,"neverfreeshimselffromthisbasicAristotelianconception,neither in the Guidenor in his legal writings.28 Intellectionfor Maimonides,no less than for Aristotle, is what characterizesdivinity.To the degree that man engagesin intellection,he approachesdivinity.Maimonideshimselfexplains the notionof approachingGod as "union(ittisal)in knowledgeanddrawing nearthroughapprehension"(Guide 1:18.44),a notionwhich is reiteratedin 1:54. Thus despite the unbridgeablechasmbetweenGod's intellectand the humanintellect,it is intellect which providesthe pointof resemblanceand "contact." Alreadyin Guide 1:1, Maimonidesdevelopsthis point.In explicatingthe termdemut("likeness")as it appearsin Genesis 1:26("Letus makemanin our image, afterour likeness"),Maimonidescomments, As for the termlikeness,it is a nounderivedfromthe verbdamoh[to be like], and it too signifies likeness in respect of a notion. Now man possesses as ....

hisproprium inhimthatis verystrange asit is notfoundinanything something else thatexists underthe sphereof the moon,namely,intellectualapprehension. In the exercise of this, no sense, no partof the body,none of the extremities

areused;andtherefore thisapprehension waslikeneduntotheapprehension of thedeity,whichdoesnotrequireaninstrument, in is it not like although reality the latterapprehension,but only appearsso to the firststirringsof opinion.It

28. Laws of the Principles of the Torah2:10, Guide 1:68. See Aristotle,Metaphysics XII.7.1072b,NicomacheanEthicsX.8.1178b.

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Many of the tensions in Maimonides' conception of God, as well as in his view of imitatio Dei, emerge from this passage. God is said to possess apprehension, though totally unlike human apprehension.29Hence by means of intellectual apprehension man in some way resembles God, though he can never in fact resemble God at all. I do not think that Maimonides ever fully resolved this tension. Yet he leaves no doubt in this passage that the intellect is in some significant sense "divine." The intellect to which he is referring, as the following chapter of the Guide clarifies, is the theoretical intellect. By means of this intellect, humans distinguish between truthand falsehood, i.e., attainknowledge of the sciences culminating in the knowledge of God.30Maimonides treats the possession of this intellect in full as Adam's "ultimate perfection," on account of which it is said that Adam was created "in the image of God and in His likeness." The treatment of ultimate perfection as the perfection of the theoretical intellect reemerges in several critical passages in the Guide.3' It is also a point that Maimonides maintains in some of his legal writings, most notably in the Mishneh Torah: Laws of the Principles of the Torah 3:8-13.32 Moreover, in 29. The term"intellect,"in otherwords,is usedequivocally,leadingmanyof themedievals as well as modernsto wonderwhatsense this termhas whenappliedto God.It shouldbe noted thatboth in his legal writingsand in the GuideMaimonidesintroducesa subtlebut crucial distinctionbetween two groups of essential attributes.One group, all the attributeswhich necessarilydenotecorporeality,Maimonidescompletelynegatesin referenceto God.A second group-life, power,knowledge,will-is not, however,completelynegatedof God,buttreated as existingin Him in a totally"differentsense"thantheyexist in us. In Lawsof the Principles of the Torah1:11,for example,MaimonidesnegatesfromGod all the categoriespertainingto matter,as well as affectionsof the soul, withoutqualification,but negatesfromGod life "like the life of the living body"and wisdom "like the wisdomof the wise man."See also Guide 1:56. For a furtherdiscussionof the problemof God's attributesin Maimonides'philosophy, see Altmann,"Maimonideson the Intellect,"pp. 120-125. 30. See my "The PracticalIntellectin the Philosophyof Maimonides,"Hebrei'wUnion CollegeAnnual59 (1988): 189-198. 31. 3:8.432, 3:27.511,3:51.620,3:54.635.Cf. 1:34,3:28. 32. See also Yoseph Kafih, ed. and trans., Mishnah wit/hthe Commentary ofR. Moses b.

Maimon:Seder Zera'im [Arabicand Heb.] (Jerusalem:MossadHaravKook, 1963). p. 41; Introduction to Pereq Heleq in Yoseph Kafih, ed. and trans., Mishnah wit/hthe Conmmentary of

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both his legal writingsand in the Guide, he treatsimmortalityand eternal It felicity as consequent upon the attainmentof intellectualperfection.33 would be very strangefor Maimonidesto maintainthatultimateperfection is political activity while at the same time immortalityand eternalfelicity areconsequentsolely upontheoreticalperfection.Yetit is preciselybetween these two approachesto perfection,both whichare rootedin his conception of God, thatMaimonidesappearsto waverin the Guide. III The immediatequestionwhicharisesis, why shouldthesetwo approachesto perfectionbe regardedas inconsistent?Certainlyno one disagreesthatperfect politicalactivityfor Maimonidesrequiresa perfecttheoreticalas well as practical intellect,in keepingwith the Platonictraditionof the philosopher-king. Eventhosewho interpretMaimonidesas positinga differentformof practical activityas theultimateperfection(e.g., ethical,halakhic)stresstheimportance of theoreticalknowledgein guidingthe individualnotonly to theperformance of theproperactivitybutalso to theproperstateof consciousnessorintentwith which this activity is to be performed."Maimonides'view that theoretical perfectionis necessaryfor practicalperfectioncausesno difficultiesin itself, R. Moses b. Maimon: Seder Nezikin [Arabic and Heb.] (Jerusalem:Mossad Harav Kook, 1975), p. 205; Eight Chapters.5. 33. See Altmann, "Maimonides on the Intellect," pp. 85-91. For a further discussion of this issue, see below. 34. This notion underlies David Hartman's "integrationist" approach to Jewish law and philosophy in Maimonides' thought in his Maimnonides:Torahand Philosophic Quest (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1976). A similar approach has been advanced most recently by Menachem Kellner, Maimonides on Human Peifection. I think that the integrationistapproachis essentially correct but misleading. Maimonides integrates philosophy and Jewish law by making the study of philosophy a legal obligation-the leading obligation. Maimonides essentially treats the Law as a concrete expression-albeit the ultimate expression-of political philosophy, the final goal of political philosophy being theoretical perfection. This position is already advanced in his Treatise on Logic 14, and is maintained consistently throughoutall his writings. The Law is framed for a particular society at large in order to bring about, or at least advance, those ends which belong to mankind as a whole. Insofar as it is framed for all of society, it can at best provide "pointers" for the attainment of theoretical perfection by dressing truths in figurative form and mandating belief in them. Maimonides was very much the disciple of Alfarabi in this area, as correctly argued by Leo Strauss and Lawrence Berman, though he went further than Alfarabi in incorporating philosophic truths in legal contexts. It is noteworthy that neither in

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any more thanhis view thatpracticalperfectionis necessaryfor theoretical, whetherit be the insofaras intellectionrequiresa conducive"environment," socialenvironmentor the dispositionof one's own soul. It maybe arguedthat farfrombeingmutuallyexclusive,thesetwo perfectionsareintegrallyrelated to each other.They are in fact two sides of the same coin, the attainmentof eitherone dependentuponthe attainmentof the other. Yet for all the validity of this argument,a basic tension does in fact exist between these two types of perfection.The life of contemplationis in a crucial sense opposed to a life of practicalactivity.Both often make competingdemandson one's time and effort. More important,intellectual perfectionfor Maimonidesdoes not lie simplyin the attainmentof a certain level of knowledge, leaving open the possibilityof a subsequentturning to other pursuits.Maimonidestreatsintellectualperfectionas dynamicin nature.It entailsa life of continuousuninterrupted intellection--one'sfelicity being dependent upon active intellection and proportionateto the level of intellection.This is how the state of immortalityitself is conceived.3 Guide 1:54 nor in the conclusionof 3:54 does Maimonidesidentifyultimateperfectionwith observanceof the commandments per se. Theperfectionhe dealswithin 1:54explicitlyrelates of to politicalleadership,which in the case of Moses involvesthe very revelation-legislation the Law.In 3:54 Maimonidesexplicitlytreatsobservanceas a meansto ethicalperfection,with ultimateperfectionresidingin the practiceof the actionsresultingfromthe "divine"attributes. in thiscontext,for he has in minda formof Maimonidesdoes not mentionthe commandments behaviorwhich leads to the most noble actionin an)ygiven context,ratherthanone which is confinedto a specificset of actions.For a furtherdiscussionof this perfection,see below. 35. See, forexample,Guide2:36:3:51.ForMaimonides,truefelicityis nota functionof the potentialknowledgeinto actualknowledge, feeling accompanyingthe processof transforming i.e., the pleasurewhich comes from the feeling of "progress"in intellectionor even from the effort itself. Ratherit is a functionof the very act of apprehension,the level of felicity being determinedby the nobility of the object of apprehension.Thus for Maimonides,the more a humanprogressesin his knowledge,the greaterhis felicity (as well as his love of God, which is also treatedas a functionof knowledge)not becauseof the progressper se, but because the greaternobility of his object of apprehension.For the sourcesand critique of this view, see WarrenHarvey,"CrescasversusMaimonideson Knowledgeand Pleasure," in R. Link-Salinger,ed., A StraightPath (Washington,D.C.: CatholicUniversityof America Press, 1989), pp. 118-123. It shouldbe addedthatMaimonidesis of the view thatthe perfect individualswill attaina much moreelevatedapprehensionof the incorporealworldwith the finalseparationof theirintellectsfromtheirbodies,therebyincreasingtheirfelicity.Hedoes not, however, believe in progress after this stage, just as there is no progress in the intellection of the celestial or Separate Intellects through all eternity. This does not bring about a gradual loss, or even diminution, of felicity. On the contrary, the unceasing, unchanging, eternal contemplation


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Moreover,it is also how God's eternalintellectionof Himselfis conceived (Guide 1:68). Given the equivocalrelationbetweenthe humanintellectand body, the diversion of one's attentionto matterspertainingto corporeal existence deflects from one's intellectionof the higher realities.Thus it appearsthat any form of practicalactivitycannotbut bringabouta loss of perfection,an interruptionin the contemplativelife. Why should a person who has achieveda perfecttheoreticalintellectchoosethe practicallife at all if the end is theoreticalperfection?Why shouldhe not isolatehimself from othersto the extentpossibleanddevote himselfsolely to intellection? Maimonidesis certainlyawareof this problem.He indicatesthatAdam lost his intellectualperfectionby turningto mattersof the corporealworld (Guide1:2).36He describesthe perfectmanas living in solitudeso as to avoid disturbinginfluences(2:36; cf. 1:35). He termsthe prophet'sattainmentof theoreticalperfectionas "ascent"and his leadershipandeducationof others as "descent"(1:15). If political perfectionis the ultimateone, why should it be viewed as a "descent"?If, on the otherhand,the contemplativeideal is ultimate,why should the prophetdescend at all, therebydisturbinghis preciousisolation, in orderto assumean active role in society?This is the very problemwhich disturbedPlato in his Mythof the Cave and which he "solved"by subjugatingthe individual'sown good to the good of society.37 The key to understandingMaimonides'basic solution to the problem lies in the notionof "overflow"or "emanation." Maimonidesoffersthe most extensive discussion of this notion in Guide 2:11-12 in referenceto the activityof God, the SeparateIntellects,andthe spheres. It is furtherto showthatgovernance overflowsfromthe deity,mayHe be to theirrank;thatfromthebenefitsreceived exalted,to theintellectsaccording by the intellects,good thingsand lightsoverflowto the bodiesof the spheres; and thatfrom the spheres-because of the greatnessof the benefitsthey have receivedfrom their principles-forces and good thingsoverflowto this body

andcorruption subjectto generation .... In effecta thingthatis perfectin somekindof perfection sometimes withinsuchlimits possessesthisperfection

of the incorporealworldis the intellect'sfinalfelicity.Forthe clearestexpressionof this view, see Maimonides' Introduction to Peteq

205.

36. For a discussionof Maimonides' H.eleq treatmentof this story,see my "PracticalIntellectin the Philosophyof Maimonides,"pp. 196-198, andthe bibliographycitedthere. 37. RepublicVII.514a-521b.

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HOWARD KREISEL that it perfectsthe thing itself; perfectiondoes not, however,pass over from it to somethingelse. Sometimes its perfectionis within such limits that a residueof perfectionis left over from it for somethingelse .... The case of being is simnilar.For the overflowcomingfromHim, may He be exalted,for the bringinginto being of separateintellects,overflowslikewise from these intellects,so thatone of thembringsanotherone intobeingandthiscontinues up to the Active Intellect. (2:11.275)

The notion of overflow, Maimonides continues in 2:12, primarily characterizes the activity of the incorporeal beings who do not act by physical contact, and whose activity is constant and received by all that are prepared to receive it. It is also used, however, to describe the forces flowing from the spheres to the sublunar world, though the spheres are bodies and distance is a factor in their activity upon the matter of the sublunarworld. None of these entities experience any change of essence-their essence being intellect-or loss of perfection as a result of their activity vis-h-vis others. God never ceases to contemplate Himself as the Principle of all existence, and the order of existence emanates from Him. The SeparateIntellects engage in uninterrupted intellection of God and themselves, and from this intellection emanates the chain of Separate Intellects and spheres. The spheres engage in uninterrupted intellection of the immaterial world, and their movement, together with the forces overflowing from their movement, is the consequence. There are a number of passages in the Guide which indicate that Maimonides maintained this model also in understandinghuman perfection. The notion of overflow enters into the very definition he gives to prophecy, a phenomenon equated with human perfection or at least contingent upon it. Know that the true realityand quiddityof prophecyconsist in its being an of the Active overflowoverflowingfrom God ... throughthe intermediation Intellect,towardthe rationalfacultyin the firstplaceandthereaftertowardthe imaginativefaculty. (2:36.369) Not only do God and the Active Intellect not experience any loss of perfection as a result cf the overflow, but neither does the rationalfaculty in its overflow to the imagination. Moreover, Maimonides distinguishes between two types of prophets (as well as philosophers), those who do not take an active public role and those who do.

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him thatcomesto theprophet theprophetic revelation Sometimes onlyrenders that revelation perfectandhas no othereffect.Andsometimestheprophetic comesto himcompelshimto addressa callto thepeople,teachthem,andlet overflowtowardthem. his ownperfection

(2:37.375)

Ultimatehumanperfectionthus may be seen as "overflowing"perfection-one in which the rationalfaculty maintainsits own perfectionwhile affectingthatwhichis beneathit-whether it be theimaginationandtherestof the soul in the case of privateprophecy,or in addition,otherindividualsin the role of the prophetresults case of publicprophecy.The political-pedagogical froman internalcompulsionexperiencedat the highestlevels of prophecyto perfectothersin accordancewith the level of one's own perfection.This is analogousto the overflow from the higherentities.It is due to the strength of the overflow from the intellect that the prophetsnecessarilypossess a strong faculty of courage which enables them, indeed compels them, to performtheirtask(2:38). Certainlyno one who attainsperfection"willingly" seeks to assumea leadershiprole. The desireto rule is a spuriousdesirefor Maimonides.The perfectpersondesires solitudeto the degreepossible.He feels, however,thathe has no choice but to govern,whateverhis individual preferencesmay be.38In this matter,it is not only the ability to govern which is natural-an abilitybelongingboth to the intellectuallyperfectand non-perfect(2:40)-but also the internalneed felt by some of the perfect to govern. Yet the perfectionof the individualremainsthe perfectionof the intellect,the overflowbeing the practicalconsequenceof this perfection.

IV What,however,does the notionof overflowmeanin thecontextof human experience?When all is said and done, it would appearto remainthe case thatwhile one may live a life which findsan admirable"balance"between contemplationand practicalactivity,one form of activitystill comes at the 38. This is how Moses' and Jeremiah's initial refusal to accept their prophetic missions should be understood in the context of Maimonides' philosophy. Their dialogue with God represents the tension they felt in their own souls. God's "command" is simply the internal compulsion experienced by them to undertake their mission. See Maimonides' approach to the divine command in 2:48.

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expense of the other. It is precisely this problem which Maimonides seeks to address towards the end of the Guide. In the parable of the palace, he maintains that the prophets are those who "directall the acts of their intellect toward an examination of the beings with a view to drawing from them proof with regard to Him, so as to know His governance of them in whatever way it is possible" (3:51.620). While Maimonides hints at the political role of the prophets,the knowledge he stresses is that of God's governance-i.e., knowledge of the totality of existence. Maimonides remains aware that "total devotion to Him and the employment of intellectual thought in constantly loving Him . . . mostly this is achieved in solitude and isolation" (p. 621). Yet the subsequent discussion in the chapter is devoted to outlining a regimen, revolving around the performance of the commandments, gradually bringing about a separation of the intellect from the corporeal faculties, of contemplating God while simultaneously engaging in physical activity. Andtheremaybe a humanindividualwho,throughhis apprehension of thetrue realitiesand his joy in whathe has apprehended, achievesa statein which he talkswith peopleandis occupiedwith his bodilynecessitieswhile his intellect is wholly turnedtowardHim, may He be exalted, so that in his hearthe is alwaysin His presence,may He be exalted,while outwardlyhe is withpeople. (p. 623) This is a perfection which Maimonides ascribes to Moses and the patriarchs. The perfection entails living simultaneously on two planes-as an intellect engaged in constant contemplation and as a corporeal entity engaged in corporeal acts. Maimonides continues by tying providential protection to this state of continuous contemplation. The inference is that the individual who attains the identity of an intellect separate from matter is no longer affected by corporeal afflictions-neither suffering nor death-though he may continue to exist for awhile also as a corporeal entity." It is for this reason that Maimonides ends the chapter with a description of the death of the perfect individual in the course of his contemplation-his examples being Moses, Aaron, and Miriam-which in fact is just the eternal continuation of existence as a separate intellect. 39. This interpretation was already advanced by a number of Maimonides' medieval and modern commentators. See my discussion in "'The Suffering of the Righteous' in Medieval Jewish Philosophy" [Heb.], Daar 19 (1987): 19-25.

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Maimonides does not enter into detail about how he conceives the relationbetween the intellect and the rest of the soul and the body in the stateof ultimateperfection,but a hint of his view on this matteris presented in an earlier chapter.In Guide 1:72, Maimonidestreats the world as a macroanthroposand man as a microcosmos.This comparisonis based on the fact that man possesses a rationalfaculty which rules him, just as the worldis ruledby a rationalprinciple-God. It is man'sreason,Maimonides stresses,whichdistinguisheshim fromall othersublunarcreaturesandallows for drawingan analogybetweenman and the world.Heretoo Maimonides' view suggeststhatby virtueof reasonwe are in some way like God, though Maimonidesdeals here primarilywith practicalreason. Maimonidesthen presents three points on which the analogy between man and the world breaksdown. The thirdpoint is thatthe rationalfacultysubsistsin the body and is inseparablefrom it. God, on the otherhand,does not subsistin the body of the worldandis completelyseparatefromit. Maimonidescontinues, Knowthatit behoovedus to compare therelation betweenGod,may obtaining He be exalted,andthe worldto thatobtaining beneaththeacquired intellect (al-'aqial-mustafcid)andman;thisintellectis nota facultyin thebodybutis fromtheorganicbodyandoverflows towardit. trulyseparate (p. 193)

The notionof the acquiredintellectis foundin the writingsof the Islamic Aristotelians,and has its source in the Arabic translationof Alexander.40 Accordingto Alfarabiin his Letteron theIntellect,theacquiredintellectdoes not requirethe body for its functionor subsistence,therebyindicatingthat it is an immortalentity.It is attainedat the stagethatthe individual,having intellectedthe formsinheringin matter,turnsinwardandapprehends its intelligibles as separatefrommatter.Withthe attainmentof the acquiredintellect, the individualcan apprehendthe forms not inheringin matter-i.e., the SeparateIntellects.The Active Intellectbecomesthe "form"of the acquired intellect-a clear allusion to conjunction.Alfarabimaintains,however,that the acquiredintellectis below the level of the Active Intellect.4'In his earlier work, ThePolitical Regime,Alfarabientersinto fewer detailsregardingthe 40. For a discussion of the acquired intellect in Maimonides and his sources, see Altmann, "Maimonides on the Intellect," pp. 77-84. See also Fazlur Rahman, Prophecy in Islam (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1958), pp. 12-20; and Herbert Davidson, "Alfarabi and Avicenna on the Active Intellect," Viator 3 (1972): 118-122, 130, 141-144, 151-133, 160. 41. Maurice Bouyges ed., Alfarabi: Risalartfi'l 'Aql (Beirut: ImprimerieCatholique, 1938),

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acquiredintellect, but he explicitly mentionsconjunctionwith the Active Intellectas following the attainmentof the acquiredintellect.42 Avicennaand Ibn Bajja adopt much of Alfarabi'sapproach,thoughthey all differ on a numberof salient details.43Maimonidesskirts the issue of the differences of opinion between the philosophersand maintainsin the chapterunder discussion that the proofs regardingthe SeparateIntellects,the intellects of the spheres, and the acquiredintelleit are well hiddenthoughcorrect. The implicationof his brief statementori the matteris that the individual may continueto exist as a corporealentity even with the attainmentof the acquiredintellect,a view maintainedalso in his Islamicphilosophicsources. The overflowfrom the acquiredintellectsustainsand guides the rest of the soul andbody,while it is no longerdependenton the soul andbody. ThoughMaimonideshardlymentionsthe acquiredintellectin any of his writings,it appearsto formthe basis of his views relatingto immortalityand prophecyin a numberof his legal writings,mostnotablyMishnehTorah:The Laws of the Principlesof the Torah.His view thatthe formof manreferred to in the verse, "Let us make man in our image afterour likeness"(Gen. 1:26),is the "formwhichknowsandapprehendsthe intellectswhichhaveno to body--e.g., the angels (= SeparateIntellects)-until he is similar(yidmneh) them"(4:8) is a clearallusionto theacquiredintellect.His subsequentremarks in the next halakhahonly serve to confirmthis identification.Maimonides maintainsthat this form is not a faculty of the soul which is dependent upon the body and destroyedwith the disintegrationof the body.Rather,it pp. 20-31. ArthurHymantranslatedthis workintoEnglishin ArthurHymanandJamesWalsh, eds., Philosophyin the MiddleAges (New York:Harper& Row, 1967),pp. 215-221. 42. Fauzi Najjar,ed. (Beirut:ImprimerieCatholique,1964), p. 79. Najjartranslatedthis passagein RalphLernerandMuhsinMahdi,eds.,MedievalPoliticalPhilosophy(Ithaca:Cornell UniversityPress,1972),p. 36. See also RichardWalzer,Al-Farabion thePeifectState(Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1985), pp. 244-245. A good descriptionof Alfarabi'saccountis found in Davidson,"Alfarabiand Avicenna,"pp. 141-144, 151-153. As Davidsonnotes,Alfarabiuses to indicatetherelationbetweentheacquired bothmuttahid("united")andittasala("conjoined") intellectandActive Intellect. 43. For Avicenna'sview, see Rahman,Prophecyin Islam, pp. 18-19; and Davidson, "Alfarabiand Avicenna,"pp. 168-169. Ibn Bajja's view has been discussedat length by AlexanderAltmann,"IbnBajjaon Man'sUltimateFelicity,"in A. Hymanand S. Lieberman, eds., HartryA. WolfsonJubilee Volume(Jerusalem:AmericanAcademyof Jewish Research, 1965), English vol., pp. 47-87 (reprinted in Altmann, Studies in Religious Philosophy and

[Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress, 1969],pp. 73-107). Mysticisnm


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is independentof the soul, knows the SeparateIntellects,and continuesto exist everlastingly.His view of prophecyalso alludes to the attainmentof the acquiredintellectand conjunctionwith the Active Intellect.Maimonides describesprophecy as a state in which the holy spirit descends upon the prophet-after his attaining knowledge of all existence, particularlythe "holy,pureforms"(= SeparateIntellects)-at whichtime "hissoul conjoins andhe (tit'arev)44withthe degreeof angelscalled 'ishini(= ActiveIntellect),45 He understandswith his intellect is transformedinto a differentindividual.46 which is no longerlike it was previously"(7:1).47 Maimonides'views in a numberof passagesin the Guide,most notably 3:51, may also be best understoodin light of the doctrineof the acquired intellect. In his descriptionof the level attainedby Moses and the patriarchs-one in which they acted solely with theirlimbswhile theirintellects were constantly focused on God-Maimonides also mentions"the union (ittihad)of their intellects throughapprehension(idrak)of Him"(p. 623). This is an apparentreferenceto the state of conjunctioncoming with the apprehensionof the SeparateIntellect.Maimonides'view of their"permanent stateof extremeperfection"(p. 624) addssupportto this interpretation.48 A descriptionof the stateMaimonidesmay have hadin mindcan also be foundin JudahHalevi'sKuzari,a workMaimonidesappearsto be acquainted

44. Maimonidesdoes not use the Hebrewterm devekutr ("cleavage")which in the later translationsof his and otherArabicworks, as well as in Hebrewphilosophicaland mystical This usagealreadyoccursin workspriorto Maimonides,such treatises,signifies"conjunction." as in the Bible commentaryof AbrahamIbn Ezra(e.g., Num. 20:8). Maimonidesfollows the Sifre, 'Ekev49 in interpretingthe commandmentto "cleave"to God(Deut. 10:20)as meaning to associate with the sages. See Laws of Character Traits 6:2. 45. See Lawsof the Principles of the Torah 2:7.

46. See 1 Sam. 10:6. 47. A similar description of prophecy can be found in his Introduction to Pereq Heleq 212

(sixthprinciple):"Theirsouls arepreparedto receivethe 'form'of the intellect[= theacquired intellect].The humanintellectconjoins(yattasilu)withthe ActiveIntellectandthereoverflows to thema noble overflow.These are the prophets."Cf. PoliticalRegime32. 48. The meaningof "union"(ittihdd)and"conjunction" (ittisdl)in Maimonidesis ambiguous. See Altmann,"Maimonideson the Intellect,"pp. 80-84. Thereis generalagreementthat Maimonidesdid not accept the possibilityof a completeunionwith the Active Intellect.Yet Altmann'slimiting of Maimonides'use of "conjunction"to the receptionof intelligiblesin generalis open to question.For a furtherdiscussionof this point,see below.

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with.49In the speech of the "philosopher"at the beginning of the work, Halevi offers the following description of human perfection, Thereconjoinswiththe perfectindividuala lightof a divinekind,calledActive Intellect.His passive intellectconjoinswith it to form a completeunity [lit.: a conjunctionof unity-ittisdl ittihdd],so that the individualsees that he is the Active Intellect,thereis no differencebetweenthem.The organs-i.e., the limbs-of thatindividualreachthe pointwherethey performonly the perfect activitiesat the most appropriatetimes and in the most excellentmanner.It is as if they were organsof the Active Intellect,not of the passivehylic intellect whichemployedthembeforehand.... Andthisdegreeis the finalone to which theperfectindividualmayaspireto reach.... Thesoul of theperfectindividual becomesone with thatIntellect,andhe is not concernedaboutthe decayof the body and its organs.50 Imitatio Dei thus takes on two aspects which on the ultimate level overcome the tension between them and complement each other. When Maimonides speaks of "assimilation" to God as an end, he refers to the realm of action or character traits. This is the perfection that one attains as a corporeal creature ruling oneself and others in the best possible manner.A similar usage occurs also in Alfarabi's writings.5'Maimonides refrains from employing the phrase "assimilation to God" when positing the perfection of the intellect as the final end-though he does mention assimilation to the Separate Intellects-perhaps in order to preserve the unbridgeable chasm separating the divine essence and the human essence. Nevertheless he cannot escape seeing some point of similarity between the two, for it is by virtue of intellect that man is said to be created in God's "likeness." This aspect 49. See my recentstudy,"Halevi'sInfluenceon Maimonides:A PreliminaryAppraisal," Maimonidean Studies 2 (1991): 95-121.

50. The translationis my own, basedon DavidBaneth'sArabicedition(Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1977), pp. 4-5, and utilizingthe Hebrewtranslationsof IbnTibbonandEven Shmuel, togetherwith HartwigHirschfeld'sEnglish translation.See also Kuzari4:19, where Halevi describesthephilosophers'view of thedualnatureof perfection,consistingbothof a theoretical and a practicalaspect.Therethe immortalityof the acquiredintellectis mentionedexplicitly. 51. See Berman,"PoliticalInterpretation of the Maxim,"p. 56. Cf. Halevi'sdescriptionof the philosopher'sview in Kuzari4:19.170. Halevialso confines"assimilationto the Creator" of all to the practiceandlegislationof whatis good, therebyimitatingGod'sgood organization In the same section in the name of the theoretical Halevi, perfection things. philosophers,posits as the end of man.


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of perfection,the one that deals directlywith the essence of the individual andinvolves his immortality,comes with the apprehensionof the immaterial worldandconjunctionwith the Active Intellect. The perfectindividuallives accordingto bothperfectionssimultaneously. His "separate"intellect continuouslycontemplatesthe totalityof existence. At the sametime the emanationfromit to his rationalfacultyruleshis soul in thebest possiblemanner.The soul in turnpracticesthe mostperfectactionsof or politics whichit is capable,whetherin the areaof ethics(self-government) (the governmentof others).While politicalleadershipis for Maimonidesthe the individual'simitationof the divine highestlevel of practicalperfection,"2 of the Guide, need not take only at the conclusion as outlined attributes, that form. The perfect individualwill behave in the most noble mannerin all of his dealings vis-a-vis himself and others.His behaviorwill no longer stem from certain affections of the soul (mercy,anger,etc.) which are in themselvescorporealattributes.Insteadthey will follow frompurelyrational considerationsrootedin, or "flowing"from,his theoreticalknowledge."To what degree he will feel compelled to guide othersto perfection,and his capacityfor doing so, will dependon the level of perfectionof his intellection 52. Thehighestlevel assumingtheformof legislatingfora polity,a levelwhichMaimonides, as opposed to Alfarabi,limits to a single individual.The prophetsand sages, however,also practiceforms of political leadership,playing the role Alfarabiassigns to the princesof the law. See my "PracticalIntellect,"pp. 205-206. In a crucialsense, Maimonides,both in his as legal authority capacityas leaderof the EgyptianJewishcommunityand,moreimportantly, and codifierof Jewish law, continuesthe same politicalrole he ascribesto the prophetsand sages of old. 53. ThatMaimonidesin the Guidesees ultimateethicalperfectionas the obliterationof all psychologicaltraitshas been convincinglyarguedby HerbertDavidson,"TheMiddleWayin Maimonides' Ethics," Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 54 (1987):

31-72. Davidsonsees a developmentin Mairnonides'thoughton this matter.In my opinion, Maimonidesat leastcomes close to presentingthis ideal,albeitin a veiled manner,in his legal writings.The differencebetweenthispracticalformof imitatioDei andthatwhichMaimonides presentsin his legal writingsis, however,significant.In his legal writingsthe commandment to imitateGod is describedwith no explicit referenceto theoreticalperfection.Only one's conformityto a certaintype of activityandthe trainingof one's soul to attaincertaincharacter traits ensuring this activity are demanded. This ethical approach to imitatio Dei is appropriate for works aimed at the entire Jewish people. It is the highest level of perfection possible for the

masses,thoughfew may in fact attainit. The end of the Guide,on the otherhand,describesthe form of inmitatio Dei characterizingthe perfect.This is practicalactivitywhich follows from theoreticalperfectioninasmuchas it is determinedpurelyby reasonratherthanany character traitsof the soul.

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and corporealfaculties,as well as the social situationin whichhe finds himself. V

Theconceptsof emanation, acquiredintellect,andconjunction provide thekeyto harmonizing thetwotypesof perfection byMaimonides. presented Certainaspectsof Maimonides'discussion,however,raise the question was awareof whetherhe acceptedthe positionhereoutlined.Maimonides with Alfarabi'sretraction of his positionon the possibilityof conjunction a fact whichat the least the ActiveIntellectand achievingimmortality, earlierviews. musthaveled himto doubtthebasisforacceptingAlfarabi's in areassuchasphysics Maimonides' viewon thelimitsof knowledge--even thathe mayhavein fact let alonemetaphysics-suggests andastronomy, of theintellect on later view. His the Alfarabi's position immortality accepted doctrines.54 as belongingto his "exoteric" thusmaybe interpreted the notionof acquired does not introduce In Guide2:36, Maimonides of prophecy-aposition in his description intellectnorthatof conjunction of thesubject,5 earliertreatments reflectinga breaknotonlywithAlfarabi's in Lawsof thePrinciples of prophecy owndescription butwithMaimonides' nowhere of the Torah7:1. It is also interestingto note thatMaimonides historical to intellect the of the ascribes attainment any acquired explicitly of humanperfecincludingMoses,whois theultimateparadigm personage, in his variouswritingson theissuewhetherMoses' tion.His equivocation intellectremainedtied to the body56appearsto indicatethatMaimonides at leastquestionedwhetherMosesin fact did. Maimonides' positionthat 54. This argument is presented by Pines, "Limitations of Human Knowledge," pp. 82-109. 55. See above, n. 42. 56. In his Introduction to Pereq Hieleq 212-213 (seventh principle), Maimonides indicates that Moses apprehended the level of the angels (= Separate Intellects) and became angelic, with no "veil" remaining which he did not rend, a clear reference to attaining the acquired intellect and achieving conjunction with the Active Intellect. In Eight Chapters 7, on the other hand, Maimonides indicates that there was one veil which he did not rend-the intellect tied to matter and is not "separate."The differences between the two passages may be traced to their purpose. The former source stresses the uniqueness of Moses' level which qualifies him for receiving the one divine law, while the latter source dwells on the utmost limit of human perfection as embodied by Moses. Yet this does not preclude the view that Maimonides did not reach a final conclusion on the issue of the limits of perfection. A similar equivocation occurs in Laws of the Principles of the Torah. In 1:10, Maimonides indicates that Moses' intellect remained tied

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practical affairs interfered with Moses' prophecy, as in the incident of the spies (Guide 2:36), serves to reinforce this interpretation.How much more so is the failure to attain the acquired intellect and achieve conjunction with the Active Intellect true of the other prophets, in whose case the imagination-a corporeal faculty of the soul-was integral to their prophecy. Maimonides' failure in the Guide to discuss the issue of the intellect, indicating that the philosophers have already treated this subject, can only be regarded as disingenuous in light of the many differences of opinion which exist among the philosophers themselves, a point which would certainly not be lost on Maimonides' philosophically versed readers. Maimonides appears to be hiding something. His rejection of human immortality, an achievement which he apparently concedes is only possible with the apprehension of the separate essences and attainmentof the acquired intellect, may be his esoteric doctrine. Yet Maimonides' views hardly need be interpreted in this manner.57 In the final analysis, human immortality and the limits of perfection of the intellect belong to the domain of philosophical issues which are not known demonstratively. As Maimonides himself cautions, one cannot hold conclusions in nondemonstrative matters with complete certainty. One must nevertheless favor those views bolstered by the strongest arguments and suffering the least significant doubts (Guide 2:22). Maimonides does not appear to have undergone any change of mind in regardto the immortalityof the perfect intellect, as well as its being an entity distinct from the rationalsoul, a view found already in his legal writings which he reiterates in a number of passages in the Guide.58In the Guide he appears to show greater awareness, however, of some of the problems involved, particularly in light of the limits of human knowledge. The critical question is what level of knowledge suffices for a person to attain the "acquiredintellect" and achieve immortality, a problem which troubled philosophers in the Aristotelian tradition not only

to the body, while in 7:6 he maintains that Moses' intellect was permanently tied to God and he became sanctified like the angels. 57. It is significant that even the philosophers who were aware of Alfarabi's retraction(e.g., Ibn Bajja and Ibn Tufayl) continue to accept the possibility of conjunction and immortality. 58. See Altmann, "Maimonides on the Intellect," pp. 85-91. To the sources cited by Altmann should be added Introduction to Pereq HIeleq205 and Guide 1:30; 3:8.

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prior to Maimonidesbut also well after him.59More specifically,is the apprehensionof the Active Intellecta sine quanon for attainingimmortality? The tie betweenthe attainmentof the acquiredintellect,the apprehension of, and conjunctionwith, the Active Intellect,and immortalitylies at the foundationof the approachof Alexander,Alfarabi(his early writings), and Ibn Bajja. For all the importantdifferencesbetweenthem, they share the view that only by apprehendingexistents separatefrom matterdoes one become an existent separatefrom matter,conjoiningwith the object of apprehension(Active Intellect)and remainingin that state permanently (matterbeing the cause of corruption).This follows from the well-known principleextrapolatedfrom the writingsof Aristotleon the identitybetween intellect,the intellectuallycognizingsubject,andthe intellectuallycognizing object.60Not all philosophersadoptedthis view of the intellect.Avicenna, for example, consideredthe rationalsoul generatedbut immortal,though the degreeof one's eternalfelicity dependeduponthe level of intellection.61 Maimonides,in consistentlyalludingto the view thatthe nonperfectrational soul is corruptible,62 is unambiguousin his rejectionof Avicenna'sview in this matter.The limits Maimonidesplaceson man'sknowledgeon one hand, with his acceptanceof immortalityon the other,suggestthathe may have had a differentview of the level of knowledgenecessaryfor immortality than those envisioned by his predecessors.The conclusionI would argue, however,is that he too continuedto posit, thoughin a somewhattentative manner,the apprehensionof the Active Intellectas a necessaryconditionfor immortality.63 The possibility of apprehendingthe Active Intellect,as well as the tie betweenthis apprehensionand immortality,is quite explicit in Laws of the Principles of the Torah4:8.6, Nor does Maimonidesabandonthis position 59. See, for example,Gersonides'discussionin his Warsof the Lord 1:8-13, trans.into JewishPublicSociety,1984),vol. 1, pp. 170-225. Englishby SeymourFeldman(Philadelphia: 60. See MetaphysicsXII.7.1072b,De Animna III.5.430a. 61. See Davidson,"AlfarabiandAvicenna,"pp. 171-175. 62. See above,n. 58. 63. See, however,Altmann,"Maimonideson the Intellect,"pp. 85-91. 64. Altmann maintainsthat Lawosof Repentance8:3 suggests a differentconclusion, inasmuchas the apprehensionof the SeparateIntellectsis treatedas one of a widerrangeof topics-God and the otherexistents-known to the immortalintellect(ibid.,p. 86). The main point,however,is thatMaimonidesexplicitlymentionsthistopic.Moreover,in contradistinction to the mentionof the intellect'sapprehension of God,theapprehension of theSeparateIntellects is not qualifiedby him with the phrase"accordingto its [theintellect's]ability."In the parallel


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the in the Guide.While Maimonidesmentionsthe difficultyin apprehending ActiveIntellectin 1:43 and 1:49,his discussionin bothchapterssuggestsit is this apprehensionwhich is attainedby the perfectafterthey have completed their training.In 1:62 Maimonidesindicates,"It has been made clear in the books that have been composed concerningdivine science that it is impossibleto forget this science; I mean therebythe apprehension(idrak) of the Active Intellect"(p. 152). Maimonidesstatementis a clear echo of Ibn Bajja's position concerningthe acquiredintellect.65The conclusionof 2:12 also contains a referenceto the apprehensionof the Active Intellect. Nor does Maimonides'position that "matteris a strongveil preventingthe apprehension(idrak) of that which is separatefrom matteras it truly is" (3:9.436) necessarilynegate this view, despite the fact thathe deals in this passagewith the aspirationto apprehendGod andthe SeparateIntellects.The attainmentof the acquiredintellect reflectsthe stage thatthe intellectfrees itself from matterin a significantsense. Maimonidescertainlyshows his awarenessof the fact thatnot everyone acceptedthe possibility of the apprehensionof the SeparateIntellects.His in 1:37 of Onkelos'view thatGod's"face,"whichwas hidden interpretation even fromMoses, refersto the SeparateIntellects,maywell be an allusionto Alfarabi'slaterview. It is significant,however,thatthis is not Maimonides' own interpretation.In 1:54, Maimonidesinterpretsthe "face"as referring to the divine essence, while the "back,"which was apprehended by Moses, of passagein Introductionto PereqHIeleq204-205, Maimonidesmentionsonly apprehension of similar to World to our souls but "There God, God, adds, Come] [the apprehendknowledge the apprehensionof the spheresor greater.. . . Theexistenceof the soul is in theexistenceof its intelligibleandthey areone as maintainedby the mostexpertphilosophers.... Thesesoulstake pleasurein whatthey apprehendof the existenceof theCreatorjustas theHolyBeastsandother of Hisexistence.... levels of angels[= SeparateIntellects]takepleasurein whattheyapprehend The existence of the soul, as we have explained, is eternal, just as the existence of the Creator

Who is the cause of its existence, inasmuchas it apprehendedHim."Maimonidesclearly intimatesthat the apprehensionof the immortalintellectis similar(thoughnot necessarily identical)to that of the SeparateIntellects.His mentionof the "expertphilosophers"in this context certainly includes Alfarabi and Ibn Bajja. Maimonides also mentions the apprehension of the Separate Intellects in his Conmnentar, on 'Avot, 3:20. Yet there he indicates that this apprehension does not result in one's becoming a Separate Intellect. 65. See Narboni's commentary to Guide 1:62, ed. J. Goldenthal (Vienna, 1852), p. 11a. Several chapters later (1:74.221), Maimonides also adopts Ibn Bajja's position on the unity of the immortal intellects (cf. 1:70.174), though this may not have been Maimonides' final thought on the matter. See the end of 3:51, where he alludes to different levels of immortal intellects.

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refers to all the existents, presumably including the Separate Intellects (cf. 1:38). In the Guide, Maimonides at times also alludes to conjunction with

the Active Intellect-a notion which emergesquite explicitly in his legal writings66--though he certainly does not have in mind complete union and identity with it. In several passages, he incorporates the very terms used

for conjunction(ittisal, ittihlad).It is true that the term ittisal has several meaningsin Islamicphilosophy,inasmuchas the notionplaysdifferentroles in different epistemologies. In additionto some form of union with the Active Intellect resultingfrom the apprehensionof this SeparateIntellect, ittisal may refer to the apprehension of any intelligible-a usage found by Avicenna, for whom every intelligible is received by direct "contact" with the Active Intellect.67In some of the passages in which Maimonides

employsthe term,he may have had this meaningin mind,thoughthis is not conclusive.68 Avicenna also describes a form of "conjunction"characterizing

the propheticintellect in which all intelligiblesare receivednearlyat once from the Active Intellect due to the strength of the prophet's intellectual

"intuition."69 Certain views Maimonidesvoices about prophecyclearly reflectAvicenna'sinfluencein this matter.Maimonides'use of ittisal in his discussion of prophetic visions at the end of 2:45 hardly refers to the regular process of discursive reasoning, as Maimonides'remarksmake clear, but to the special intuition discussed by Avicenna and which is confined to the prophetic intellect.70 Maimonides' view on the "union" (ittihad) of the patriarchs' intellects with God also suggests conjunction with 66. See above, n. 47. 67. See Avicenna's De Anima 247. See also Davidson, "Alfarabi and Avicenna," pp. 166-169; and A. M. Goichon, Lexique de la Langue Philosophique d'Ibn Sina (Paris: Descle de Brouwer, 1938). 68. See Guide 1:1, 1:18. The former passage is certainly ambiguous on this point. In the latter passage, Maimonides may subtly be referring to prophetic apprehension, rather than normal discursive reasoning, inasmuch as the discussion deals with apprehendingGod. It should be added that Maimonides holds the view that intelligibles are attained through a process of "abstraction" (1:73.209). This suggests that the role of the Active Intellect is to enable the human intellect to act, rather than to bestow directly the individual intelligibles as Avicenna maintains. 69. Avicenna's De Aninma248. See also F Rahman, trans., Avicenna 's Psychology (Oxford, 1952), p. 36. 70. Maimonides' reference there to 2:38, a chapter in which the impress of Avicenna's views concerning prophetic intuition clearly emerges, serves to strengthen this interpretation.


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the Active Intellectafter apprehendingthe metaphysicalworld, ratherthan the apprehensionof intelligiblesin general.His descriptionof passionatelove (hesheq)at the end of the chapter-a descriptionreminiscentof philosophicmystical accounts of ecstasy in the Neoplatonictradition-also appearsto referto conjunction,but at the terminationof one's corporealexistencewith the finalseparationof the intellectfromthe body. Maimonides'use of ittisal in 3:8 in referenceto the perfectshould be interpretedin a similarvein. [They] seek a state of perpetualpermanenceaccordingto what is required by their noble form. They only reflect on the mentalrepresentationof an

andon union intelligible,on the graspof trueopinionregarding everything, (ittisal)with the divine intellect,whichlets overflowtowardthemthatthrough

whichthatformexists.

(p. 432)

here does not referback to the "mentalrepresentation of an "Conjunction" it refers to of the end the of all Rather, intelligible." process attaining the "that which form that exists" intelligibles, through being a referenceto the overflowof the acquiredintellect. Anothersource which appearsto have left a sharpimprintupon some of Maimonides'views of apprehensionof, andconjunctionwith, the Active Intellectis Avicenna'streatmentof perfectiontowardsthe end of his Theorems and Axioms. Avicennadoes not employ there any of the terms for but he likens the intellectualilluminationof the divineworld, "conjunction," and the resultingecstasy experiencedby the "knower,"to lightningflashes. Even at this level, progresscan be made in the frequencyof the flashes and illuminationwhich results. At the end of the process, illuminationis experiencedas a constantflame,whenthe knowerfindsall knowledgewithin himself, and achieves some form of identity with the Truth.71Avicenna's view suggests a notion of conjunctionwhich buildsupon,but goes beyond, the descriptionof the propheticintellectin his De Anima.Ibn Tufayl,in his the finalstageas summaryof this passagein Hayyben Yaqdhan,understands one of conjunction.72In all probabilityit is this passagewhich Maimonides hadin mindin framinghis parableof the lightningflashesin the introduction 71. Kitabal-Ishiaratw-al-Tanbhat,ed. J. Forget(Leiden:Brill, 1892),pp. 202-204. 72. LeonGauthier,ed. (Beirut,1936),p. 7. IbnTufaylemploysthe termwusiil.An English translation of this passage by George Atiyeh is found in Medieval Political Philosophy, p.

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to the Guide, though Maimonides,like Avicenna,does not there mention "conjunction" explicitly.73 Maimonides'views on the limits of reason,even in regardto corporeal matters,as well as his views that even Moses' intellect remainedtied to matterand that the prophetsrequiredthe use of their imaginativefaculty, do not hint at any esotericdoctrineson this issue. Intellectualperfectionfor Maimonidesis intrinsicallytied to theapprehension of essences,leavingopen the possibilitythatmanmay apprehendthe essenceof corporealentities,such all theiraccidents.His view as the spheres,withoutnecessarilyapprehending on the tie of Moses' intellect to matterdoes entail a certainambiguityin regardto the perfectintellect,butthis ambiguityis foundalreadyin Alfarabi's descriptionof the acquiredintellect.In his Letteron the Intellect,Alfarabi treatsthe acquiredintellect as a self-subsisting,immortalsubstance,which is not in matter,and is of the same species as the Active Intellect.Yet at the same time he maintainsthatthe acquiredintellectis below the realmof the immaterialexistents and relatedto matter,comparingit to the intellect of the heavenlybodies.74In otherwords,it is an intellectwhich is separate frommatter,but not completelyseparate.Even in Alfarabi'searlierwritings, wherehe explicitlymentionsconjunctionbetweenthe acquiredintellectand existsbetweenthem,he does not the ActiveIntellect,andthatno intermediary to a between them."Thus Alfarabidoes not appear posit completeidentity to ever of the have conceived possibilityof completelyapprehending appear theActiveIntellect.Maimonidesremainsessentiallyloyalto Alfarabi'searlier views in their very ambiguity.He does not, however,introduceAlfarabi's view of the stage in which the intellect apprehendsitself. He also goes beyondAlfarabi'sview, approachingthatof Ibn Bajja,in his descriptionof the acquiredintellectin 1:72. When we combine all of Maimonides'views on perfection,the picture 137. It should be noted that in an earlier passage on p. 129, Ibn Sina speaks of a "type of conjunction" (ittisal iid) in the attainment of any intelligible from the Active Intellect. 73. See, however, Pines, "Philosophic Sources," p. cv, who treats Ibn Bajja as Maimonides' more probable source. 74. Risalat fi'l 'Aql 20-31; translated by Hyman in Philosophy in the Middle Ages, pp. 217-220. 75. See, for example, Walzer, Alfarabi on the Peifect State, pp. 242-245. The precise relation between the acquired intellect and conjunction in Alfarabi's thought has been subject to conflicting interpretations. See Altmann, "Maimonides on the Intellect," p. 78 n. 141.


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which emerges is not withoutits problems.Maimonides'treatmentof perfection in the Laws of the Principles of the Torahshows that he regards perfectionas involvingapprehensionof the metaphysicalrealm,conjunction of the intellectin with the Active Intellect,and a permanenttransformation its attainmentof an immortalform (4:8-9, 7:1). At the same time, he treats the resulting"illumination"in termsof transitoryexperienceswhichare not purely intellectualin nature(7:2-4). In the Guide, Maimonidesdoes not abandonhis previouspositions,thoughhe appearsto hold some of themin a moretentativemanner,also placinggreateremphasison the limitsof human knowledge.He continuesto alludeto the view thatit is withthe apprehension of the separate existents that the acquiredintellect and immortalityare attained.His remarkthat one who apprehendsthe Active Intellectnever At the forgetsthis knowledgeshows the permanenceof the transformation. same time he views the actual experienceof prophecy,a phenomenonhe equateswith humanperfection,as a transitoryone consistingof intellectual illumination(1:introduction).He also stressesthatthe imagination,and not just the intellect,is integrallyinvolvedin the propheticexperience(2:36). The fact that there is a certain lack of clarity in the picture which Maimonidesdraws is hardly surprising.The topic of human perfection involves a host of issues (e.g., the rationalsoul, prophecy,the Law) with which Maimonidesdeals in differentcontexts,drawingupondifferentviews in the courseof his discussion.In a crucialsense this is not unlikethecase of some of Maimonides'philosophicpredecessors,most notablyAlfarabiand Avicenna.At times Maimonides'discussionshave differentpurposeswhich influencethe views he stressesin his presentation-a pointwhich certainly emergesfromhis variousdiscussionsof prophecywherehe alternatesbetween stressingthe role of the imaginationand stressingthe role of the intellect. It is the differentcontexts and purposesof his discussionswhich also lead Maimonidesat timesto describeMosesalonein termssuggestingconjunction, while at othertimes he also depictsotherindividualsin such terms,andstill othertimes his views suggest thatconjunctionis not possiblefor anyone.In dealingwith the issue of perfectionfromdifferentperspectives,Maimonides on occasionpresentsviews whose relationis not readilydiscernible,even in the course of the same discussion.Some of his views in 3:51, for example, suggestthatconjunctionis possibleduringthe courseof one's life, while the

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end of the chaptersuggeststhatit is possibleonly at the momentof "death," i.e., the finalseparationfromthe body.76 Maimonides'failureto harmonizebetweenall his views thus does not necessarilymeanthatthe inconsistenciesalwaysalludeto anesotericdoctrine, thoughthis often is undoubtedlythe case. The esoteric-exotericdistinction, however,is far from an adequatekey to solve all the problemsinvolved. At times the apparentinconsistenciesresultfromMaimonides'emphasisof differentaspectsof his overallview, while at othertimesthey may well be a resultof an equivocationin Maimonides'own thought. In a crucial sense, the Guide, like all great philosophicworks (though Maimonidesdid not regardhis work as such accordingto his definition of "philosophy"),should be regardedas a work "in progress."Thatequivocation and inadvertentinconsistenciescharacterizesome of Maimonides' views hardlydetractfrom the depthof his thoughtand the grandeurof his achievement,any more thanthey detractfrom the achievementof his great philosophicalpredecessorsof whom this point is equallytrue.Maimonides Judaismin light of an createsthe conceptualframeworkfor understanding Aristotelianworld-view.Withinthis frameworkhe approachesthe problem of humanperfection.His work reflectsa profoundsynthesisbetweenviews involvinga myriadof topics. Yet given the natureof the work, it does not even attemptto pull togetherall the elementsof this synthesisin a complete manner. ThereareindicationsthatMaimonidesconceivedof perfectionin termsof "degrees"--onecan attaina "quasi"separateexistencein this life in the form of the acquiredintellect, and "quasi"conjunctionwith the Active Intellect as a resultof "quasi"apprehension-the level of conjunctionbeing greater or lesser dependingupon the level of intellectualperfectionin theoretical matters.Evenfortheperfect,progressis possible.Theindividualcanapproach greaterunitywiththeActiveIntellect,thoughnevercompleteoneness.Hemay graduallyfree his intellectfrom corporealitywhile maintaininga corporeal existence, thoughduringhis corporeallifetimehe cannotdo so completely. Hence illuminationcomes in flashes,and even for Moses corporealmatters 76. The problem whether conjunction occurred only at the moment of death or was possible while one remained tied to the body was one which occupied thinkersprior to Maimonides. See Shlomo Pines, "Shi'ite Terms and Conceptions in Judah Halevi's Kuzari," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 2 (1980): 211 f.; and Ezra Fleischer, The Proverbs of Sa'id ben Bdbshdd [Heb.] (Jerusalem: Ben-Zevi Institute, 1990), p. 144.


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continuedto interferewith the level of intellection.Only with the acquired andconjunction intellect'sfinalseparationfromthe bodydo its apprehension remainunimpededandconstant,no longerhinderedby the body in any way. Maimonidesonly alludesto these notionsrevolvingaroundthe ideaof levels of intellectualperfectionand does not attemptto work them out in detail. He may in fact have felt that he lacked the tools to do so. Maimonides' metaphysicalviews provideat least partialsupportfor such an approach.He distinguishesbetweenthe perfectionof the intellectioneven of the Separate Intellects,despitethe fact thateach apprehendsthe incorporealworldand in itself is incorporeal.77 The notion of overflowingperfectionof the intellectprovidesa model of perfectionwhich can never be attainedin full, but can be approached. Action and contemplationwill inevitablyconflict,but the level of conflict can be minimized.Certainlythe person who attainsintellectualperfection and strives to maintainit will almost instinctivelyavoid all wrongdoing, for he will have freed himself from the pursuitof imaginarygoods and the subjugationto his corporealdesires which is the root of evil actions. His corporealactions inevitablywill be the most noble ones. Yet his existence as a "separate"intellectwill neverbe completeuntilthe acquiredintellect's finalseparationfromthe body andthe latter'scorruption. VI The notion of imitatioDei also appearsin a numberof othercontexts in the Guidewhich do not deal exclusively with man.Maimonidesexplains the term "back"as having, among its meanings,"followingand imitating the conductof some individualwith respectto the conductof life" (Guide 1:38.87).78He continuesby interpretingthe verse "Andthou shalt see My back" (Exod. 33:23): "Thou shall apprehendwhat follows Me, has come to be like (tashabbaha)Me, and follows necessarilyfromMy will-that is, all the things createdby Me." The meaningof the phrase"hascome to be like me," when used in referenceto the existentsin theirentirety,receives furtherelucidationin a subsequentpassage.In 1:69, Maimonidesdiscusses 77. See Laws of the Principles of the Torah 2:6-8. 78. Cf 1:24, where Maimonides explains the term "going," as in the verse "to go in His ways" (Deut. 28:9), in a similar manner.

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the notion of God as the cause-efficient, formal, and final--of the world: "Consequently He, may He be exalted, is the ultimate end of everything; and the end of the universe (al-kal: all) is similarly a seeking to be like (al-tashabbuh) unto His perfection as far as in its capacity" (p. 170). In this passage Maimonides presents his fundamental view of imnitatioDei. God is conceived as perfect existence. Each existent is characterizedby its particular perfection or final end. Thus the attainmentof its perfection is an attainment of a likeness to God, though there be nothing in common between their respective perfections.79 The idea of imitating God through the achievement of one's final perfection also underlies a passage dealing with the motion of the spheres. Furthermore,it follows necessarilyfrom this that the spherehas a desirefor thatwhich it representsto itself and which is the belovedobject:namely,the deity,may His namebe exalted.He says thatit is in this mannerthatthe deity causesthe sphereto move,I meanto say throughthefactthatthespheredesires to come to be like (al-tashabbuhu)that which it apprehends,which is the notion represented-a notionthatis most exceedinglysimple,in which there is no changeandno coming-aboutof a new state,andfromwhichgood always overflows.This is impossiblefor the spherequa a body unlessits activitybe a circularmotion and nothingelse. For this is the final perfectionof what is possible for a body to have as its perpetualactivity.For it is the simplest of motionsthat a body may have; and no changeoccursbecauseof it in the essence of the body or in the overflowof good effects resultingnecessarily fromthe motionof the body. (Guide2:4.256)

ThoughMaimonidesbringsthis positionin the nameof Aristotle,he clearly identifieswith it, as his subsequentremarksindicate.80 In certainfundamental respects,humanperfectionis closest to thatof the spheresin Maimonides' world-view.Maimonideshimself indicatesthat the relationbetweenman's rationalfaculty and the rest of his soul and body is most similar to the relationbetweenthe intellectof the spheresand theirbody (1:72). Both are compositeexistents,whose perfectiontouchestheirintellectualandcorporeal aspects-intellection

of the incorporeal world simultaneous with the most

79. This idea is already found in Alfarabi. See Walzer, Alfarabi on the Perfect State, pp. 236-239. 80. See Guide 2:5, 7, 10-12.

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perfect physical activity of which they are capable.The perfectionof the spheres,as Maimonidespoints out, is even superiorto thatof man in both aspects.8'Yet Maimonidesalso maintainsthat the intellectof the spheres, like the humanrationalfaculty,adheresin matter.In orderto drawa model of humanperfectionin which the intellect eventuallyfrees itself from all matter,Maimonidesultimatelyrejectsthe state of the spheresas the model for humanperfection.82 He posits insteadthe relationbetweenGod and the world(andbetweenthe SeparateIntellectsandthe spheres)as the appropriate model, correspondingto the relationbetweenthe acquiredintellectof man on one hand,and the rest of man's soul (includingthe rationalfaculty)and Dei characterizesthe finalperfection body on the other.Thus while imnitatio of every existent in Maimonides'view, he comes close to maintainingthat the intellectof the perfectindividual,similarto the SeparateIntellectsandin to every otherentity includingthe spheres,bearsa critical contradistinction' with God. of resemblance point

VII By rooting his approachto imitatio Dei in his metaphysicalviews, specificallythe view of emanation,Maimonidesnot only is able to reconcile the practicalandtheoreticalaspectsof humanperfection,butalso to develop a highly integratedphilosophicconceptionof the world.Ethicsand human perfectionare inseparablybound to the activity of God and the structure of the world. Yet this interpretationraises the questionof the philosophic relevanceof Maimonides'approachto imitatioDei for the modernreader.It would appearthat Maimonides'approachcan serve as a viable modelonly for thosewho accepthis metaphysicalviews. The fundamental changesin the conceptionof the world since Maimonides'time thus underminethe model of humanperfectiondevelopedby him. We may regardwith favor a model of humanperfectionwhichcombinesboththeoreticalstudiesandethicaland 81. I have dealt with this issue in "The Place of Man in the Hierarchy of Existence in the Philosophy of Ibn Gabirol and Maimonides," in Moshe Hallamish, ed., 'Alei Shefer: Studies in the Literature of Jewish Thought (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1990): English and French sec., pp. 100-102. 82. In all probability, Maimonides' view of human immortality lies at the foundation of his position. See my "Place of Man," pp. 104-105.

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social activity,but Maimonides'philosophycan no longerprovideus with a justificationfor adoptingsuch a model. This argumentdoes not entail, however,that Maimonides'approachis solely of historicalvalue. Nor does it necessitatethatwe seek new pathsof moreconsonantwith modernthinking,in orderto "revitalize" interpretation, his approach.Maimonides'approachremainsa vital one, but more as a challengeto modernethicalphilosophythanas a substitutefor it. Maimonides'implicit claim, reflectingthe classical Greekand Islamic philosophictraditions,is that the philosophicenterprisemustbe "holistic." "Practical" fromtheoretical philosophy(i.e., ethicsandpolitics)is inseparable and The of (i.e., physics philosophy metaphysics). topics ethics, human in the the individual's the and natureof God andthe world, perfection, place world orderare necessarilyintertwined.Maimonides'approachto imitatio Dei and humanperfection,for all the problemsit raises,is profoundfor the mannerin whichit integratesthesetopics.It forcesus to rethinkthe question, recentlyraisedin the philosophicliterature,whetherwe can develop viable approachesto ethics and humanperfectionwhich are not partof a holistic world view.83Must philosophicethics swing betweenintuitiveapproaches, groundedsolely in our "natural"sense of right and wrong,and relativistic approaches,which deny any absoluteswhile often attemptingto avoid the unfortunateconsequencesof the logic of this view? The classicalGreekand medievalphilosophictraditionsoffer a compellingalternative.While they tendto incorporatean "intuitive"approachto ethics,they anchorit in a vast conceptualstructurethat at the same time addressesthe centralquestions of humanexistence and its relationto God and the world order.The hold Maimonides'philosophycontinuesto exerton modernstudentsof philosophy stems in no small partfrom the longing sharedby manyfor such a holistic approachto philosophy.84 We can no longerreturnto the world views of Plato,Aristotle,Plotinus (orMaimonides)while remainingintellectuallyhonest,for sciencehasunderminedmuchof the foundationuponwhichthese views arebased.Moreover, we have become justifiablyskepticalabout philosophy'sability to offer a 83. See in particular Alasdaire MacIntyre, After Virtue (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1981). 84. Spinoza offers yet another appealing model, grounded in a far different metaphysical system, which nonetheless shares with the classical and medieval philosophic traditions the notion that ethics and metaphysics are inseparably intertwined.

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complete conceptualmodel for understandingreality.We can continueto studythe philosophersfor the significantquestionsthey ask (the "perennial" questions of philosophy), and for our effort to understandthe history of humanthought,an enterpriseof immenseintellectualand spiritualvalue in its own right. We can reinterprettheir views in light of the changesin our of reality,as has oftenbeendone,thoughin doingthis we tend understanding to recastthe thinkersof old in ourown image.Wecan also, however,wrestle withthe philosophiesof old in orderto thinkanewourown positions.Wecan let the greatvoices of the pasthelp us gain a betterperspectivefor evaluating (or framing)our own approaches. Maimonidesoffers us a majestic model for approachingthe problem of human perfection,just as he provides us with a majestic model for confrontingthe age-old conflict between religionand philosophy.We may well wonderwhy so much of Jewish thought(one is temptedto add, even non-Jewishthought)in the field of ethics since then appearsto manyto be so insignificantby comparison.Is it due solely to the transcendentquality of Maimonides'genius, or also to our sense of dissatisfactionabout how foundationlessmodernapproachesto ethicsappearto be?Wearethusleftwith the choice of continuingto approachethics with certainimplicitor explicit metaphysicalassumptions,but independentof a metaphysicalsystem, or acceptingthe challengeto develop new systems-holistic philosophies--on which to anchorour approachesto ethics.Whilewe havebecomejustifiably skepticalaboutthe lattercourse,manywill continueto findtheirinspiration in Maimonides'thoughtpreciselybecauseof the intellectual(and spiritual) appealsuch a courseholds. Appendix Imitatio Dei and Holiness

Maimonidesdeals with the notionof holinessin severalpassagesin his On a numberof occasions he writings,each time in a succinct manner.85 treatsholiness as integrallyrelatedto, if not synonymouswith, observance 85. Hannah Kasher deals in detail with the topic of inmitatioDei and holiness in her forthcoming book. For a study of this topic in Jewish thought in general, see WarrenHarvey, "Holiness: A Command to Inlitatio Dei, " Tradition 16 (1976-77): 7-28.

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of the commandments,citing the rabbinicdictumthatone sanctifiesoneself Yet this usage in itself hardlyexplains by means of the commandments.86 the precise meaningof holiness in referenceto man, let alone its meaning in referenceto God or to other areasin which this notionis used, such as the Sanctuaryand the Sabbath.In general,Maimonidesties the notion of imitatioDei to the notion of holiness only in passing,despitethe fact that the Torahdrawsthis connectionin a prominentmanner(Lev. 11:44, 19:2). Dei emerges Nonetheless,a fairly completepictureof holinessand imnitatio fromMaimonides'scatteredremarks. In the abbreviatedcitation of Sifre, 'Ekev49 ("He is called gracious so you shall be gracious. . .") in Book of the Commandments: positive

commandmentno. 8, thereis no mentionof holiness.In Lawsof Character Traits 1:6, on the other hand, Maimonidesadds, "He is called holy, so This citation you shall be holy,"withoutmentioninghis sourceexplicitly.87 that a Maimonides holiness as character trait. The regards problem suggests is thathe does not say anythingmore thereaboutthe subject,leavingopen the questionof what type of traitis holiness. Inasmuchas his discussionis markedby a general ambiguityas to the connectionbetweenGod and the attributeswhich we are commandedto attain,we are also left wondering whatholinessmay meanin referenceto God.88 The connectionbetweenholinessandcharactertraitsis furtherelaborated 86. Maimonides ascribes this dictum to the Sifra, Lev. 11:44 and 19:2 (Guide 3:33, 3:47), yet it does not appear in our editions of the work. In Book of the Commandments, root 4, Maimonides ascribes this dictum to the Sifre, and it does in fact appear in Sifre, Shelah 115. 87. This phrase does not appear in the passage in question in our versions of the Sifre. However, a similar passage, which includes the imitation of God's holiness (citing Lev. 11:44), appears in the eleventh-century midrashic compilation Lekah Tov to Deut. 13:5. This suggests that Maimonides' addition of "holiness" is derived from a rabbinic source. See M. M. Kasher, Torah Shelemah, vol. 28 (Jerusalem: American Biblical Encyclopedia Society, 1978), p. 238 n. 281. 88. The notion of holiness occurs already in the previous section, Laws of Principles of the Torah, in a number of places: 4:12 in reference to the celestial spheres; chap. 5 in reference to the commandment "to sanctify the Name"; chap. 6 in reference to the commandment not to efface the holy names of God; 7:1 in reference to the angels (= Separate Intellects); 7:7 in reference to the ways of prophecy (together with perishut, "separation").By linking holiness with the ways of prophecy, Maimonides clearly alludes to certain characteristics, though he unfortunately does not elaborate. The command "to sanctify the Name," which Maimonides drew from his rabbinic sources, refers to the realm of human activity. A full discussion of the relation between holiness and this activity requires, however, a separate study. Maimonides gives no indication of the meaning of holiness in reference to the celestial spheres or Separate

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upon in the continuation of the Laws of Character Traits. In discussing the traits of the sage in 5:4, Maimonides maintains that he should "conduct himself in a holy manner and should not be found by his wife [for purposes of sexual intercourse] like a rooster, but only from Sabbath night to Sabbath night, and providing he has strength." Holiness in this context is explicitly connected to sexual restraint, a connection which Maimonides accentuates in subsequent discussions. Maimonides goes on in 5:5 to link the notions of holiness, purity, and the improvement of one's charactertraits. That holiness in reference to man is connected with character traits in Maimonides' thought is further confirmed by other passages in the Mishneh Torah. In the conclusion to Laws of Impure Foods (16:12), Maimonides writes, Separation[fromcontactwithotherpeopleandeatinganddrinkingwiththem] bringsaboutthe purityof the bodyfromevil acts.The purityof thebodybrings aboutthe holinessof the soul fromevil traits(de'ot ra'ot).The holinessof the soul causes assimilation(le-hiddamot)to the Indwelling,as it is written:You shall sanctifyyourselfand you shallbe holy for I am holy (Lev. 11:44).89 Holiness in this context does not refer to a particulartrait, but to the totality of noble traits. It is significant that Maimonides does not view holiness as distinct from the realm of ethics. That de'ot refers here to traits and not intelligibles can be shown on the basis of Maimonides' usage of the phrase de 'ot ra'ot throughout the Mishneh Torah.90 It is not accidental that Maimonides brings the idea of holiness at the conclusion to a section dealing with food. Not only is the connection between food and holiness already found in the biblical source cited by Maimonides (Lev. 11, containing the list of forbidden foods) but it is centralto Maimonides' entire approach to perfection. The connection between holiness and eating Intellects, though it appears to refer to their ontological status or to the perfection of their activity. 89. The translation is my own. I am indebted to Hannah Kasher's work for the reference to this passage and discussion of it.

90. See Laws of CharacterTraits2:1; Lawsof Repentance4:5, 7:3, Lawsof Sale 11:12; Laws of Ritual Baths 11:12, In all these passages, Maimonides employs de'ot ra'ot to refer unequivocally to character traits. Nor am I aware of any other occurrence of this phrase in the Mishneh Torah. In general, Maimonides more frequently uses the term de'ot to refer to traits than to intelligibles or intellects, though the latter usage is certainly not lacking.

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reappearsin Maimonides' Book of Holiness. All the subjects appearingin that book concern eating, drinking, and intercourse. Moreover, in the conclusions to both Laws of Forbidden Intercourse (22:19) and Laws of Forbidden Foods (17:22), Maimonides explicitly attributes holiness respectively to all who restrain themselves in matters pertaining to intercourse, and to all who are diligent in the observance of the laws pertaining to eating and drinking. The full import of this point emerges from Maimonides' discussions of these three activities in the Guide, as well as his listing of these three activities as impeding intellection in the introductionto his Conmentatryon the Mishnah.9' Thus while Maimonides ties holiness to the noble charactertraits in general, it appears that it is most closely connected to the restraintof one's corporeal desires. Maimonides takes up the idea of holiness in several passages in the Guide. The connection between holiness and character traits in general appears in the conclusion to 1:54. For the utmostvirtueof man is to becomelike untoHim, may He be exalted, as far as he is able; which meansthat we shouldmakeour actionslike unto His, as the Sages made clear when interpretingthe verse, Youshall be holy (Lev. 19:2).They said:He is gracious,so be you also gracious;He is mercifidl, so be you also merciful.The purposeof all this is to show thatthe attributes ascribedto Him areattributesof His actionsandthattheydo not meanthatHe possessesqualities. (p. 128) Here too holiness lies in attaining the noble traits. Insofar as these traits are attributesof action in reference to God, we may conclude that holiness is the notion characterizing the perfection of the totality of His activity. The specific connection between holiness and the restraintof the corporeal desires emerges from the third part of the Guide. Maimonides introduces his discussion of the problem of evil (3:8) with a description of the relation between matter and form, tracing all the various types of evil to matter.The individual requires matter for his existence but his task is to rule over it and quell its impulses. Maimonides praises those who regard all the impulses of matter as shameful and deficiencies, despite their necessity for human existence. Following Aristotle, he singles out those associated with the sense 91. Mishnah with the Commentary of R. Moses b. Mainmon:Seder Zera'im 42. See also Laws of Forbidden Intercourse 22:21.

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of touch-eating, drinking, and copulating."9The perfect individual is one who practices these things as little as possible, restricting himself to what is indispensable for his existence, and feeling sorrow in the practiceof them. It is the quelling of the corporeal impulses that enables one to attain apprehension of the metaphysical realm, which is the end of man. The ignorant, who are separated from God, are those who turn away from the contemplation of the intelligibles, taking instead as their end those impulses associated with the sense of touch. The idea of "holy" occurs several times in this chapter, all in relation to the quelling of the impulses of matter-particularly in regard to intercourse-to the degree that one does not even think of these matters. Maimonides cites the opinion that Elisha was called holy for never having a venereal dream,93insofar as he never thought about intercourse at all. He maintains that it is inappropriatefor us, by virtue of our being a "holy nation" (Exod. 19:6), to follow the practices of the Gentiles in speaking and reciting poems about matters concerning the sense of touch, particularlydrinkingand copulation. Moreover, Hebrew is known as the holy language because it has no word to designate either the male or female organ of copulation. This approach to holiness is reiterated in 3:33, in the section devoted to the reasons for the commandments. Maimonides posits as one of the purposes of the Law the restraint of corporeal desires as much as possible, once again singling out eating, drinking, and intercourse. In the continuation of his remarks he maintains, Similarly one of the intentionsof the Law is purity and sanctification;I meanby this renouncingand avoidingsexualintercourseandcausingit to be infrequentas possible .... ConsequentlyHe statesclearlythatsanctityconsists in renouncingsexual intercourse,94 just as He also states explicitly that the 92. See also 2:36, 2:40, 3:33, 3:49. For the sourcein Aristotle,see NicomacheanEthics III.10.1118b.In 3:12, Maimonidestreatsconcupiscencefor eating,drinking,andcopulatingas thecauseof all corporealandpsychicaldiseases.Inhis discussionof thevirtuesandvices in 3:8, Maimonidesalso introducesa Platonicmotif.The virtuesconsistof intellectualapprehension, controlof desire, and controlof anger,correspondingto the tripartitePlatonicdivisionof the soul. 93. B.T. Berakhot 10b, Leviticus Rabbah 24:6. See II Kings 4:9.

94. Exod. 19:10,19:15.It shouldbe addedthatthecommandto be holyin Lev. 19:2follows the list of forbiddenrelations.See Rashi'scommentto the verse and Nahmanides'famous rejoinder.Overall,Nahmanides'approachhas muchin commonwith thatof Maimonides.In Tanhunia editedby S. Buber,the commandto be holy is juxtaposedwiththeprohibitionagainst adultery (Kedoshint 3).

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giving-upof thedrinkingof wineconstitutes sanctity,in whatHe saysabout the Nazarite:He shall be holy. (p. 533)95

Maimonidesproceedsto cite the rabbinicview thatholinessis attainedby means of the commandments.Yet his entire discussion leaves no doubt thatthe connectionbetweenobservanceof the commandments and holiness residesin theirpurposeto restraincorporealdesires.96 Maimonidesalso speaks of holiness in 3:47, where he deals with the commandmentsconcerningpurity.Holiness is regardedby Maimonidesas opposedto impurityin the threedifferentsenses in which the latternotion is used: disobedienceto the commandmentsconcerningactionor opinion; dirt and filth; fancied notions (carryingcertainthings or being underthe same roof with certainthings).Maimonidesdoes not enterinto detailon the preciseway holiness is opposedto impurityaccordingto the thirdsense, or the second.Fromhis discussionit appearsthatthe holinessof the sanctuary is also a "fanciednotion."As Maimonidesexplainsin 3:35 in enumerating the class of commandmentsconcerning,purity, "Thepurposeof all of themis in generalto make people avoid enteringthe Sanctuary,so thatit shouldbe consideredas greatby the soul andfearedandvenerated" (p. 537). Thefearof the sanctuary,as Maimonideselaboratesin 3:45,bringsaboutin turna feeling of submissionand servitudeto God. Holiness in this sense does not refer directlyto any humanattribute,let alonedivineattribute,butis an imaginary conceptdesignedultimatelyto strengthenthe individual'sobedienceto God. treatmentof 95. Num 6:5. Cf. Maimonides'remarksin 3:48. Maimonides'contradictory the Nazaritehas been discussedby JacobLevinger,"AbstinencefromAlcoholin Maimonides' Guide to the Perplexed"[Heb.], Bar-Ilan4-5 (1967): 299-305. See also IsadoreTwersky, Introductionto the Code of Mainonides (New Haven: Yale UniversityPress, 1980), pp. Daat 459-468; andmy "Asceticismin the Thoughtof R. BahyaIbnPaqudaandMaimonides," 21 (1988): xiii-xxii. root 96. A hint of this view is alreadyfoundin Maimonides'Bookof the Commandments 4. In commentingon the rabbinicnotion,"Youshallbe holy-you shallbe separate"(Sifrato Lev. 11:44),Maimonidesindicatesthatone must separateoneself fromall bad or disgusting (qabiz)thingswhichGod warnedus against.The termqabih,as seen fromGuide3:33, is used as opposedto "holy"and "pure,"particularlyin referenceto the commandments pertainingto drinkingandintercourse.In generalMaimonidesemploysqabihin the contextof ethicaltraits and activities.For a discussionof the termsfor "good"and "bad"in Maimonides'writings, see my "TheProblemof 'Good' in the Philosophyof Maimonides"[Heb.],lyyun38 (1989): 201-206.


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While Maimonidesin his discussionsof imitatioDei connectsholiness with God's attributesof action,his view of holinessin the contextof human beings implies an even closer connectionto God's "negative"attributes-a view alreadysuggestedby therabbinicview of "holy"as "separate." Certainly the dominantmotif characterizingMaimonides'discussionsof God is the negationof corporeality.Maimonides'view of holinessas lyingin the ethical virtuesin general,andrestraintof corporealdesiresin particular, connectsthis notionwith the negationof one's own corporeality,particularly thatwhichis associatedwith the most corporealof our senses. Justas God'sbeing as the simpleOne, or as pureIntellect,standsopposedto any formof corporeality, includingaffectionsof the soul, so in man'sgoal to becomepureintellectand join the incorporealworldhe must graduallyfree (or "purify")himselffrom his corporealnature,includingall affectionsof the soul. It is this motifwhich characterizesNeoplatonicphilosophyin general,97and certainlylies at the foundationof Maimonides'approachto perfection.98 Yetin his discussionof holiness, Maimonides,interestingly,does not drawthe connectionbetween the incorporealityof God's"being"andman's"becoming." Overall,he shows little interestin the notionof holinessin referenceto God. Ben-Gurion of theNegev University Israel Beersheva,

97. See Altmannand Stern,Isaac Israeli,pp. 185-200. 98. See, for example,Maimonides'descriptionof Moses in Lawsof the Principlesof the Torah7:6. "Thereforehe separatedhimselffromhis wife forever,and fromall thatis similar to her [i.e., "corporealneeds"].And his intellectwas tied to the Rockof Eternity... and he was sanctifiedlike the angels."For Maimonides,however,it is not sufficientto negateone's corporealityin orderto purifyoneself. One must also makean active effortto perfectone's intellectby learningthe orderof the sciences. RaymondWeiss has recentlypointedout the relationbetween holiness and the pursuitof truthin Maimonides'thoughtin Mainmonides' Ethics(Chicago:Universityof Chicago,1991), pp. 153-155.

Review: Ancient Israelite Cult in History, Tradition, and Interpretation Author(s): Victor Avigdor Hurowitz Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 213-236 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486623 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



REVIEW ESSAY ANCIENT ISRAELITECULT IN HISTORY,TRADITION, AND INTERPRETATION by VICTORAVIGDORHUROWITZ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus 1-16: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary.Anchor Bible 3. Doubleday: New York, 1991. xx, 1163 pp.

Background As its Greco-Latin name, Leviticus, and its rabbinic appellation, Torat Kohanim, imply, the book known in Hebrew as Wayyiqra&is a manual for specialists-priests, to be exact. Substantial parts of it are addressed explicitly to Aaron and his sons. Its central concerns-sacrifice, ritual purity, qualifications of priests and sacrificial animals, the cultic calendar, Temple property-are largely clerical; and its language, style, and world-views are of interest to sacerdotal circles. As for composition, it is a major pillar in the literary productivity of two priestly schools commonly designated P and H. Jewish tradition recommends Leviticus as study material for children begining their education (Leviticus Rabbah 7:3). The reason ostensibly offered is that "children are pure and sacrifices are pure; so let the pure come and engage in study of the pure." This touching explanation notwithstanding, the statements leading up to it indicate a more significant motive. After the destruction of the Temple, pedagogic involvement with cultic activities such as sacrifice or scooping out incense was deemed a suitable surrogate for actually performing them. Moreover, studying sacrifices served as ideal AJS Review 19/2 (1994): 213-236

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preparation for their eventual reinstitution on the rebuilding of the Temple. Through academic immersion in sacrifices from their very first days in school, the children of Israel-in its entirety a kingdom of priests and a holy nation-were initiated as pirhl! kehunndh,simultaneously performing the ancestral cult and embodying the national hope for its imminent renewal. The Temple and its cult no longer exist in reality and have been anathema to the religious aspirations of most Gentiles and more of a nightmare than a dream to non-traditional Jews. As a result, the Book of Leviticus has been largely ignored and unappreciated in scholarly circles, which over the years have been dominated by Gentiles and by Jews who have consciously or unconsciously absorbed their anti-cultic disposition. Indicative of the once-regnant attitude toward Leviticus is the statementof N. Micklem in The Interpreter'sBible: "How, it may be asked, has such a book any place in the Christian Bible? No one can deny that the book is, as a matterof fact, in the Scripture of the church: but it has been neglected or repudiatedas if it were not. . . . In what sense, then, can it be claimed that Leviticus is part of the Word of God to us Christians in the twentieth century?"' Given this widespread negative attitude toward the Bible's third book, it is most fortunate that the English language's first significant scientific commentary on Leviticus has been presented by Jacob Milgrom.2 He is a Jewish scholar who was trained at the Jewish Theological Seminary and served briefly as a Conservative rabbi. More important,he is an experienced specialist who has devoted three decades of a productive academic career to elucidating the cult of ancient Israel in general, and Leviticus, Numbers, and the cult-related material from Qumran in particular. Milgrom's commentary on the first sixteen chapters of Leviticus is the pinnacle of an illustrious career; it is an importantand welcome contribution to biblical scholarship and should spark a revitalization of interest in this important book. It is extremely informative and illuminating, and is written with sympathy for the literary, ethical, and theological values of the priestly authors-a sympathy born out of years of intimate involvement with all 1. N. Micklem, in The Interpreter's Bible, vol. 2 (Nashville, 1953), p. 4. 2. The commentary of Baruch Levine, another eminent authority on the Book of Leviticus and ancient Israelite cult, is also written to high scholarly standards, but is aimed at a less scholarly and specifically Jewish audience. It is therefore much narrowerin scope and far less detailed. It also touches more directly on issues of contemporary Jewish interest. See B. A. Levine, The JPS Torah Conintentary:Leviticus (Philadelphia, 1989). Since Levine and Milgrom often disagree, the serious reader will certainly want to refer to both volumes.

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aspects of the book, from the majorthemes down to the minutestdetails. Although Baruch Levine, authorof the rival Jewish PublicationSociety commentary,emphasizesthe contributionof Leviticusmostlyin its influence on traditionalJewish ritual praxis,3,Milgrom finds in the Priestly laws relevance to the humanisticand ecologically orientedagenda of modern liberalsof all faiths.

Content Keepingwith the AnchorBible format,Milgrom'scommentarycontains an introduction,a completely new translation,verse-by-versephilological and exegetical notes, and syntheticcommentson the structure,content,and majorissues of each pericope.Since, as the authorinformsus, the Masoretic text is in excellent condition,there is no need for a special section given to textualcomments,a featurefound in some Anchorvolumes(e.g., P. K. McCarter,I SamuelandII Samuel),but not others. Milgrom'smajorconclusionsrelatingto the literaryhistoryof P and H, the developmentof Israelitecult, as well as thebasicbeliefsof thecultandits This section literaryembodiments,are laid out beforeus in the introduction. contains no outline or synopsis of the book's overall thematicstructure, althoughthe table of contents is somewhatdescriptiveand the sequence of materialis touchedupon in the commentsto the individualchapters.In generalthe introductionfocuses on the firstsixteenchapters.Certainessential topics, such as the extent of H, are discussedonly brieflyin lieu of a more extensivetreatmentpromisedfor the secondvolume.On theotherhand,there is a detailed discussion of the parameters,date, and provenanceof P, the literarystratummakingup the bulk of Leviticus.Since Leviticusis only a segmentof two largercompositions,the discussionof its theologyrelatesto P (andH) as a whole. Milgrom'scommentaryis the first to enthusiasticallyaccept and apply (with revisions and modificationsof his own) the revolutionarythesis set forwardby Israel Knohl that the Pentateuchaldocumentcommonlyknown as the P(riestly) source is not a single source, but is in fact composedof a Priestlysource and a later,quite extensive HolinessSchool, distinctfrom 3. See Levine,Leviticus,pp. 215-238.

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P in both languageand ideology. 4 In fact, Milgromdiscernsin Leviticus threelevels of the Priestlysource(P,, P2,P3) andat least one of the Holiness School(H). The divisionis partiallysummarizedin tabularformon p. 63, but it would have been useful had it been indicatedsomehowin the translation. Althoughthe pyrotechnicsof the polychromeBible' or the motley arrayof typesetsused by K. Elliger6arenot recommended,the sigla andslantedlines employedby E. A. Speiser for indicatingJ, E, and P in the AnchorBible Genesis would certainlybe adequate.It would also be useful if a synoptic tablecomparingMilgrom'sdivisionwith those of otherauthoritieshadbeen provided. Followingsuchscholarsas Y.KaufmannandM. Haran,MilgromdatesP in its entiretyto the pre-exilicperiod.However,for Milgromthis determination is based primarilyon linguistic grounds,following and supplementingthe work of IsraelischolarsAvi Hurwitzand Meir Paran.The argumentsfrom languageare bolsteredby additionalevidence of Milgrom'sown from the realmof religiouscustomsandsocial institutions.The case for P precedingD hingesin parton the developmentof the attitudetowardprofaneslaughter-P providesfor it, H prohibitsit, and D polemicizesagainstH, demandingits reinstitution.In othermattersas well, such as the laws concerningforbidden animalsor scale disease, MilgromadvocatesthatP precedesD and thatD even explicitlystatesits dependenceon laws now foundin P. P's roots are alleged to go back to the pre-Jerusalem templeat Shiloh claim for but different reasons, (a by Klaus presentedpreviously, totally it in half of while reached its formulation the second final literary Koch),7 P H but its latest elements areno the eighthcentury. follows chronologically, later than the exilic period.Milgromrejectsthe linguisticevidencefor late datingadducedby Levine. Ironically,by relentlesslypursuingthe linguistic criterionas the sole reliablemethodof absolutedating,some scholarsseem to have reducedthe heatedandveneratedcontroversyover P's chronological setting to a dispute over the date of a single lexeme-nmishz'h,meaning "measure"--aterm found twice in Lev 7:35 (employedthereso as to pun 4. See now I. Knohl, The Sanctuar, of Silence: A Study)of the Priestly Strata in the

Pentateuch,[Heb.](Jerusalem:Magnes,1992). 5. S. R. Driver,TheBookof Leviticus(Leipzig,1894). 6. Leviticus,Handbuchzum AltenTestament4 (Ttibingen,1966). 7. Die Priesterschrift von Exodus 25 bis Leviticus 16: Eine iiberlieferungsgeschichtliche

undliterariescheUntersuchung,Forschongenzur Religionundliteraturdes AltenundNeuen Testaments71 (Gottingen,1959).

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on mostih,"his anointing"in the next verse)andonce againin Num. 18:8.If such weighty mountainsare suspendednow by such fragilehairs,it appears the time has come for the late datersto pursueotherlines of argumentation. For example, they might date the priestly garmentson the basis of the textile technologyemployed(see especiallyExod. 39:3) or theirfashion. Although P is externallya legislator of cultic practices,his laws are governed by a clear theology which Milgrom sets about to define. The purposeof the cult is to protectYHWH'spresencein Israelexpressedby the which "tabernacles" Divine "Majesty"(Moshe Greenberg'stermfor kd4b6d) (F.M. Cross'sterm)in the Sanctuary.Unlikepagantemples,wherea struggle with demons was constantlywaged, the only threatsP perceivesto God's residencein the Israelitecamp are (a) intentionalhumansin not confessed and atoned for, and (b) physical impuritynot eliminatedexpeditiouslyby old ritualssuch as the Red the prescribedrituals.P intentionallyrestructures Heifer,the Scapegoat,and the birdsfor purificationfrom scale diseasewith the intentof emphasizingthatthe impurityis neitherof a demonicnaturenor dangerous.Moreover,the only sourcesof humandefilementaredeath-related phenomena:corpses,loss of life-engenderingsemen,loss of menstrualblood, genitaldischarges,and scale diseasesbearingphysicallikenessto deadflesh. Purificationis accomplishedby the applicationof life-relateddetergents, suchas blood, red substances,andrunning("living")water,or banishmentto outsidethe humandomain.The sanctityof life is at the heartof the dietary laws, which on the one hand forbid ingestionof blood, and on the other severely limit the numberof animalspecies which may be consumed.The Priestlycult thus portraysan ongoingsymbolicstrugglebetweenthe natural forces of death and YHWH,the creatorand symbol of life. On the ethical plane,P's sacrificialsystem demonstratesandemphasizesreverencefor life, the precedenceof manover God, compassionfor the poor,andthe necessity of purgingthe humanheartof evil. All of theseimportantideasanda hostof otherissues,suchas themeaning of numerouscult-relatedterms, the functionsof the varioussacrifices,the Priestlydoctrineof repentance,the distinctionbetweenthe termss'eqesand tadme,the prohibitionon eatingpigs, conceptsof contagiousholiness,defilementby overhang,literarystuctures,etc., are illuminatedin greatdetailand with much originalityat the appropriateplaces throughoutthe commentary. The book is a treasuuretroveof rawinformationaboutsuchsubjectsas eating porkin the ancientNear East, and attitudestowardmenstruantsthroughout

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the world (pp. 763-765). It is spatteredwith fascinatingtidbits,such as a pictureof a sheep with a tail so ladenwith fat thatit needs a wagonto haul it around(p. 212), an attemptto locate the priestlyprivy (pp. 535-536 on and 8:33), or a discussionof the dearthof fish in the westernMediterranean its influenceon the biblicaldietarylaws (p. 660). Thereare also numerous digressionscomparingbiblical and rabbiniclaws with those known from Qumran.As an addedbonus,Milgrom'ssortiesinto the DeadSea Scrollsare often accompaniedby citationsfrom some unpublished(nowjust unedited!) material. A glance at the bibliographyreveals that Milgrominvestigatedmany of the majortopics previouslyin some seventy-ninearticlesof his own. In such cases, he does not just rehashor summarizehis positions,but presents new argumentsin theirfavor,examinesthemfromnew angles,anddefends them or modifiesthem in accordancewith new evidenceand studieswhich have appearedsince his earliercontributions.Althoughhe seldom retreats, he takes seriously his scholarly responsibilityto remain up to date and constantlyto reevaluatehis own accomplishmentsin light of new material and new suggestions,whethermadeby seniorcolleaguesor by newcomers to academia.He also does not hesitateto admitat the end of an extended discussionthat the investigationcan proceedno furtherand that definitive answersmay not presentlybe attained(e.g., p. 207 in his discussionabout is reservedfor the Deity). why .hleb is to be congratulatedfor the opennesswith whichhe acknowlMilgrom edges the contributionsof others to his own work. He cites conversations andwrittencommunicationswith the editorof the seriesandothers,consults with scholarsoutside the narrowfield of biblical studies,and incorporates verbatimand with full accreditationcontributionsof his students.Especially prominentamongthe collaboratorsis DavidWright,who hasprovidednew or updatedtranslationsof numerousHittiteandAkkadiantextsas well as lengthy discussionsand chartsrelatingto the laws of purity.Also to be mentioned is SusanRattray,who is creditedwith havingdemonstrated(contraLevine) a significantdistinctionbetweennahaldhandnahuzzah,a lucid (even if not entirelyconvincing)discussionof the ancientIsraelitesystemof weightsand measures,as well as some commentsabout mattersof realiaand biology (includingsome personalfemaletopics).

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Methodology

The thirdbook of the Pentateuchwas hardlyever meantto be merelya andgrew piece of literature.It is a book of instructionsfor culticpractitioners out of the ongoing performanceof the cult. Accordingly,explicationof the book must be more thana close readingor limitedcommentaryon a single canonical writing. Although attentionmust be given to examiningevery linguisticandtextualdetailof the bookas well as illuminatingcertainliterary devicesemployedby P andH, a commentaryon thewholemustcontextualize the Book of Leviticuswithinthe frameworkof the cult. Milgrom'sLeviticus is true to this task, and as a resultit is tantamountto an introductionto the cult of ancientIsraeland its historicaldevelopment. If we readbetweenthe lines, going beyondwhatis explicitlystatedby the author,we find that this commentarypresentsa two-dimensionalsynthetic view of the Israelitecult. The first dimensionis a diachronicone. Israelite cult as prescribedanddescribedby P andH is a single,well-definedorganism which underwentconstantmetamorphosis.As it passedthrougha series of developmentalstages it changedits externalformbutalwaysstayedthe same identifiableentity. This creature'searliestmanifestationsare visible in the ancientcult of Shiloh, but it attainsits most distinctform in the Jerusalem the coma in 586 B.C.E., Temple.Althoughit suffereda midlife,near-terminal cult emergedfromit, as if froma cocoon, andsurvivedwithcertainradically new featuresas late as the cult practicedin the HerodianTempleof Jerusalem. The seconddimensionis a synchronicone. Thisorganismitself is buta single ancientNearEasterncults. species in the broadergenus of contemporary These two dimensionsdictatetwo majoraspectsof Milgrom'sapproach to the Book of Leviticus. 1. Since the cult involved is one of many ancientNear Easterncultic systems, Milgrom's commentaryhas a broadcomparativebase. The rich archaeologicaland epigraphicfinds from ancientIsrael,Egypt, Phoenicia, Ugarit,Anatolia,and Mesopotamia,many of which are relatedto temples andcult, are used extensivelyas sourcesof rawcomparativeinformation.As a service to the reader,translationsof passages--often ratherlengthy-are frequentlyprovided.It should be noted, however,that the availableextrabiblical materialhas by no means been exhausted.So, for instance, the bountifulcollection of cultic texts fromEmar(Meskene)fromthe thirteenth areof extremeimportanceto Israeliteculticpractices,literature, centuryB.C.E.

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andterminology,but were publishedtoo recently(1986) to makeany impact on the commentary.8 Otherlong-knowntexts, such as the Nabu-apla-idinna grantdocument(BBSt 36), and some more recentlypublisheditems, such as an Old Babylonianmanualof sacrificialprocedure,9are not mentioned despitetheirobvious significancefor the Book of Leviticus. Milgrom'suse of extrabiblicalsourcesrevealsthe complexrelationship betweenthe Priestlycult andcults of neighboringcultures.At timesP andH follow or approximatecommon ancientNear Easternnorms,in whichcase of informationfroman extrabiblicaltextcan fill in a gap in ourunderstanding the Bible. But in many instances,the extrabiblicaltextspresentpracticesand views intentionallyrejectedby theancientIsraelitecult.Insuchcases,contrast withtheforeigntextcanbringtheuniquenessof thebiblicalviews intosharper of cultwhichareuniversal,and focus.Finally,therearecertaincharacteristics with be illuminated the methods and resourcesavailableto cultural they may In and anthropologists comparativereligionists. this vein, Milgromexploits materialfrom noncontiguousareas,such as the ancientAegean,India,and Africa. 2. Since the cult describedby P and H is only a stage in an extended developmentalcontinuum,Milgrom'scommentaryutilizespostbiblicalJewish sources and traditionalJewish commentariesto a far greaterextent than any previous modern commentary.This is undoubtedlyone of its major contributions,both in the informationconveyed as well as in the methodologicalimplications. aboutthe value The authornevermakesa comprehensivepronouncement of postbiblicalmaterial,but his basic attitudebecomes clear if certainkey remarksare examined. On p. 56 Milgrom cites a statementby Joshua Eilberg-Schwartz claimingthatit was the Mishnahwhichprescribedfor the first time a working partnershipbetween the priest and the layman.This supposedreformwas, accordingto Milgrom,not new at all, but quite true to the attitudeand laws of P. On pp. 1004-1009, Milgromfiresa blistering, extendedsalvo at Jacob Neusner,whose numerousstudiesof the mishnaic laws of puritypoint to what he perceivesas innovationsof the rabbisof the

8. D. Arnaud, Recherches au Pays d'Atata Enzar VI. 1-4. Textes sunteriens et accadiens (Paris, 1985-87). 9. D. A. Foxvog, "A Manual of Sacrificial Procedure," in DUMU-E2-DUB-BA-A: Studies in Honor of Ake W. Sjoberg, ed. H. Behrens et al. (Philadelphia, 1989), pp. 167-176.


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second century C.E.'oOnce again, Milgrom claims that what is construed as new, revolutionary, and molded for and by Judaism's post-Temple existence was actually integral to the thought of the biblical Priestly and Holiness schools. Neusner and Eilberg-Schwartz have, in effect, done from the rabbinic end of the spectrum what classical biblical scholars had done for years from the other side. The new students of rabbinic Judaism have joined hands with generations of biblical critics in denying the continuity of the tradition from the biblical to the postbiblical period and from the Second Temple to the post-destruction age. Milgrom, who brackets his commentary by assailing this position, is making a programmatic methodological statement which he supports with the bulk of the commentary. He declares emphatically that the worlds of biblical Israel and postbiblical Judaism are not to be torn asunder and analyzed as two distinct, unrelated, unlinked entities. Quite to the contrary, they are organically bound together and therefore may be mutually illuminating. His conviction regardingthis principle is demonstrated on nearly every page of the commentary. In practice, since the Temple and cult continued their existence past the end of the biblical period, the evidence of the Bible may be supplemented by early postbiblical literature, such as the Temple Scroll and other cultic material from Qumran (upon which Milgrom comments profusely throughout the book), the writings of Hellenistic and Roman authorities, such as Philo of Alexandria and Josephus Flavius, and rabbinic writings, including the Mishnah and various Midrashim. Since both the Bible and the rabbinic statements about the Temple and cult were subjects of exegesis throughout the ages, exegetical insights, and perhaps reliable historical memories as well, are to be found in the writings of Jewish, Samaritan,and Karaite authorities through the ages down to most recent times (see pp. 63-66). However, matters are not so simple. It is obvious that not every postbiblical statement faithfully reflects biblical attitudes and more ancient customs. There are places where rabbinic or sectarian views accurately echo those of the Bible. This may be because the rabbis or sectaries were heirs to authentic, reliable interpretive traditions (a "genetic" relationship) or because the biblical text was unambiguous and also compatible with the later views. There are also cases where the postbiblical authorities develop latent tendencies inherent to the biblical world. In contrast, there are other 10. See also p. 789 on Lev. 13:22.

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instances still where the Bible is lacking in information, and the heirs to the Bible, saddled with the task of making the biblical ritual operable in a functioning or a visionary temple, were forced to fill in gaps. In such a case, the rabbis or sectarians may have produced or preserved what the biblical authorwould have had in mind. On the other hand, they may have engaged in pure guesswork, landing far afield from the original intent. Alongside these cases, there are places where the later view contradicts what modern scholars take to be the plain meaning of Scripture. Such blatant divergences may stem from misunderstanding a biblical text, but they may also result from the imposition on the biblical text of a practice or belief which developed after the biblical text received its canonical formulation. All of these possibilities exist not only in theory but in practice. Furthermore,it sometimes happens that an extrabiblical practice confirms a postbiblical interpretationor addition. Milgrom is quite aware of these possibilities and lets us know on numerous occasions that he does not view the entire corpus of extrabiblical sources and exegesis as monolithic, and of equal value and relevance to the biblical exegete. In other words, he qualifies his own programmatic statement and applies it with called-for discretion. Unfortunately he does not indicate his views in every case so that the reader is at times forced to wonder exactly what type of relationship he has in mind. Also, in certain instances even Milgrom is not immune to harmonizing, and he does not always distinguish sufficiently between the plain, historical original intent of the text and its later interpretations.

Critique "Milgromhas given us an extremely importantand authoritativecommentary on the Book of Leviticus, a virtual encyclopedia of cultic issues, and a strong methodological statement about the continuity of the cult and the exegetical significance of this continuity. For all this he is to be thanked and given a hearty dannatka tfs'er! Inevitably, there are several unfortunate blemishes in the form and presentation of the book (see items 1-3 below). There are also certain matters of substance both major and minor which in my opinion call for further discussion and elaboration (item 4). By now humbly offering some words of critique and proposals of my own, it is not my wish to diminish the book's value or question its quality. I hope only to advance the friendly


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scholarly debate and constant introspection which themselves are hallmarks of every page of this fine commentary. The reader should bear in mind that the commentary is extremely long and detailed, and the list of corrections quite small in proportion to the dimensions of the book. Form and Presentation 1. Milgrom uses a talmudic form of discourse, discussing issues by asking a question or stating a proposition and then investigating all possible anwers. This has the advantage of drawing readers into the discussion, leading them along, and helping them join in the author's thought process. Nonetheless, it makes reading an exhausting experience and not the most suitable one for a commentary. Moreover, Milgrom often presents his own positions within the framework of extended arguments with other opinions, some already stated by previous scholars and others only anticipated by Milgrom himself. The resultantjumping back and forth between the rival sides of the debate, which is exacerbated by the frequent need to refer to other parts of the book, leads to great confusion, obscuring at times the author's own suggestions. 2. There are no chapter-and-verse headers for the first ten chapters of the book. Chapter headers finally appear on p. 643, and even then they are totally inadequate, referring as they do only to quite large units of text. Since there are numerous cross-references on every page of the work, and since many discussions are dispersed over large areas, the lack of adequate headers makes it extremely difficult to follow an argument or exploit the wealth of information offered on any given topic. 3. There are several technical errors-unfelicitous language, faulty citation, contradictions between the citation in the text and the bibliography, misplaced passages, and typographical errors, especially in the transliteration of Hebrew and Akkadian words. Here are some examples: p. 19, para. 2, and p. 24, para. 2: Hatti is referredto as Hattia. p. 116 under Rupprecht: what is "Sefer Rendtorff'? p. 142, para. 4: Milgrom writes "That the epic tradition concerning the Sinaitic theophany was compatible with P and, hence, incorporated by it ... was astutely recognized by Ramban, whose comment merits citation in full." This statement is worded extremely ineffectually and anachronistically, implying that Ramban knew about "epic traditions"and P. p. 183, para. 3, line 12: add the word "poor"before "people."

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p. 184, three lines from bottom: add "was" after "cross." p. 243, para. 4: "Moreover, Akk. hatti'u 'sinner', a D formation (corresponding to Hebrew pidl) also retains the LXX (corresponding to qal) meaning.. ." makes no sense. p. 285: What is Moran 1962? p. 350, bottom para.: What is Text 98 (Kh. 1935,8)? p. 355, line 2: "following table" should be "table on facing page." p. 368, line 10: Laesse should be Laessoe. p. 444, para. 4, line 2: Isa. 45:5 should be Isa. 65:5. p. 539, para. 1, line 20: mil kdtis'unushould be mfl qdtisunu. p. 547, nine lines from bottom, and p. 548, line 1: "Hittite" should be "Mesopotamian" (Samsu-iluna reigned in Babylon and not in Hattusha). p. 567, para. 2, line 4: "or the Nedembu" should be "of the Ndembu." p. 579, para. 2, line 4: "ovines" should be "bovines." p. 609, line 7: perasacshould be pirassa. pp. 643-645: In the translationof chap. 11, the verses are all misnumbered (not so in the commentary on pp. 645-691). The verse numbersgiven simply pick up at v. 21 following chap. 10! vv. 21-67 should be 1-47. p. 754, para. 3, line 6: Horowitz 1970 should be Horowitz 1890. p. 807, para. 2: Referring to the bet hahopsit Milgrom writes: "Unfortunately, no etymology can be made to determine the location of this house, in particular,whether it was located inside or outside the city." This statement is unclear. p. 808, para. 1, end: "Uzziah's fate, that he had to abdicate his throne . and leave the palace, was anticipated in a kudurr-u"is a strange phraseology. p. 840, on v. 8, line 2: "priestly" should be "practical." p. 865, bottom para., to p. 866, top, is out of place. There is no discussion in the area of references to camp and tent. p. 959: What is printed as the second paragraph is actually a caption accompanying the "tree"at the top of the page. It should be printedin smaller type and placed directly under the tree. The other paragraphis the main text which continues the discussion from the previous page. p. 1072, para. 2, line 7: Enbidu should be Enkidu. p. 1081, line 3: MF? should be ME?; line 5: MF? TFR should be ME? TER. p. 1082, para. 2, line 4: ID?U[B-di] should be ID U[B-di].


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p. 1084, para.2, lines 4-7 do not belongto the discussionin whichthey are imbedded.

Contentand Substance p. 3: MilgromstatesthatP's historicalreferencesaretotallyconfinedto the wildernessperiod,for which thereare no extra-biblicalsources.This is true as faras explicit referencesareconcerned,butit ignoresP's hiddenallusions to laterhistoricalsituations.For example,Exod. 6:23 relatesAaronthrough marriageto Nahshon ben Amminadab,the ndai"of Judah.This certainly reflects familial ties between the Priestlyfamilies and the Davidic house and must thereforebe of monarchicdate at the earliest.Numbers34:19-29 designates the tribal leaders as negi'inz,with the exception of the tribes of

Judah,Benjami,nand Simeon. This dichotomyalso is to be relatedto the split in the kingdom. p. 30: Milgromtries to refuteKnohl'ssupportof the generallyaccepted view thattheTabernaclewas basedon Solomon'sTemple.Inthecourseof this rebuttalhe seems to accept Y. Aharoni'sattemptto comparethe one-room Arad temple with the Tabernacle.This is flawed on two counts. Firstly, Aharoni'sdescriptionof the Arad temple as a single room is questionable, and any definitive discussion of the Arad temple and use of its evidence for biblicalmattersshouldawaita finalsite report.Secondly,the Tabernacle was clearly a two-roomstructure.The fact that the innerand outer sancta were divided by a veil ratherthan a solid wall does not change the basic architecturalconceptionor, for thatmatter,the way in which the space was utilized. In his attempt to sever the Tabernaclefrom the Solomonic Temple, Milgrompoints to the undeniablefact that the Temple'sheight was three times thatof the Tabernacle,while the Temple'slengthandwidthwere only twice that of the Tabernacle.He uses this to deny that the two structures shareda common plan. However,this discrepancyis irrelevant.The fact is that the Holy of Holies in Solomon's Templewas only 20 cubits high and thereforealso twice as high as the Tabernacle,and it is this dimension ratherthanthe totaldimensionwhichis crucial.Theceilingof the Solomonic Debir was lowered 10 cubits below the roof. Such an architectural feature would have been impracticalin a portableTabernacle,so the authorof the

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Tabernacledescription,whose sense of what was possible and realisticis quiteadmirable,disregardedit. p. 31: Milgromstates that "At Shiloh, the Tabernaclemay have existed alongside the temple or even with it," citing R. Friedmanfor the second possibility."Friedmansuggested in fact that the Tabernaclestood within the Holy of Holies in Jerusalem,clearlyin contradictionto Milgrom'sview placingit in Shiloh.Moreover,even thoughFriedmanhasrepeatedhis position of the Tabernacle's in numerouspublications,it is basedon a reconstruction architecturewhich is absolutely wrong factually and methodologically.12 Both the novel planand the derivedsuggestionaboutthe whereaboutsof the Tabernaclemay be safely ignored. p. 34: Milgrom cites 1 Chron.24:3 as "one tradition"supportingthe Aaronidelineageof Eli. Is not this testimonysimplya productof the Chronicler's harmonisticbentandthereforeunacceptableas historicalevidence?In generalthe Chronicler'stestimonyshouldbe exploitedmorethanit has been in the past for understandingthe Israelitecult of the early Second Temple period,but it mustbe consideredhighly unreliablein relationshipto the cult of the FirstTemple. pp. 38-42 The use of introversionand chiasticallyarrangedinclusions characteristicof P and H has parallelsin Akkadiantexts, includinglegal documents.'3By the way, more attentionshouldbe given to the numberof Thereseemsto be a preponderance elementsin anygivenintrovertedstructure. of sevenfold structures,which is only to be expected in cultic texts. Lev 14:21-32 (discussedon pp. 859-860) has the seventhelementas the pivotal one, and 14:51-52 (discussed on p. 880) has a total of seven elements. The sevenfold structureof 15:1-33 (p. 905) supportsthe analysisof James Randolph(a studentof Milgrom)over thatof G. J. Wenham.See also Lev. 16:29-31 (p. 1057). Admittedly,the introversionin 15:11-20 does not have sevenelements.14 p. 60: Clear evidence for musical instrumentsin Solomon'sTempleis 11. Biblical Archaeologist 43 (1980): 241-247. 12. See for now my discussion in Israel Exploration Journal, 1984, pp. 68-69. A more detailed refutation will appear shortly in the Jewish Quarterly Review: 13. See my "Some Literary Observations on the ?itti-Marduk Kudurru (BBSt. 6)," Zeitschriftfi'r Assyriologie 82 (1992): 39-59, esp. p. 40, n. 7. 14. For an additional introverted, seven-limbed text in a cultic context found outside the Pentateuch in 1 Sam. 3:17-18, see my "Eli's Aduration of Samuel (1 Sam. iii 17-18) in Light of a 'Diviner's Protocol' From Mari (AEM I/1,1)." VetusTestanzentum44 (1994).


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providedby 1 Kings 7:50, which attributesto Solomon the manufacture which are not "snuffers" or "scissors," as commonly of gold mezanmmerdt,

assumed,but musicalinstruments,as suggestedby Rashi.'5 p. 140:Milgromcites M. Haranas followingrabbinictraditionthatthere a misstatementof were two tents. This is, to the best of my understanding, Haran'sposition. Accordingto Haran,therewas historicallyonly one tent, butit is conceivedof by P as a portabletemplewhichstoodin thecamp,while E consideredit an oraculumwhich stood outside the camp. No individual pentateuchalsource,accordingto Haran,knowsof two tents. p. 140, bottompara.:MilgromacceptsR. de Vaux'scontentionthatthe tent outside the camp held the Ark. This is not convincing.Joshuastays permanentlyin the tent not in order to guardthe Ark, but because he is constantlyin wait for revelations.Moses, as nationalleader,cannot,so to speak,be tied up on the phone! p. 144, para. 3: Milgrom states, "In any event, the 'Priests'manual," Israeliteversion, is not an esotericdoctrine,the zealouslyguardedsecretof the priestlyguild, but an open book or, more accurately,a school textbook for all Israel."He therebyrejects(probablywithjustification)the positionsof M. Haran,who views P as esotericPriestlydoctrinenot publisheduntil the time of Ezra,andof S. E. McEvenue,who consideredit didacticmaterialfor childrenof the Priestlycaste. These discardedpositionsshouldbe alludedto at least with the wordcontra. pp. 199-200: Milgrom speaks of minhadhand leb6tndhas combined offeringsin Jer.41:5, Mal. 1:11,andCowley 30:25,buton pp. 629 ff. he uses the same passagesas evidenceof an independentincenseoffering. p. 213: Milgromsays thatheca'sehperhapsis relatedto Akkadianesettu, esemtu, esenseru. These words are simply Akkadiancognates of Hebrew 'esemwith assimilationof the labial.They do nothingto explainthe Hebrew wordor its strangeform. p. 214, on v. 16: Milgromrecommendsmovingthe 'atnalhtdto the word nihdah but in the next paragraphhe suggests that in any case kol hileb laYHWHbegins a new paragraphwhich is from H. Why then even bother recommendingthe changein cantillation? p. 223, para.2: Milgrom,following scholarlyconsensus,relatesHebrew

15. For details, see my contribution to the upcoming J. Milgrom Festschrift.

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liskahto Greekleschi. It probablyshouldbe related,however,to Akkadian aslukkatulafrukkatu, meaninga storeroomin a temple.'6 p. 224, para. 1: Milgromclaims that the sacrificialmeal probablywas precededby a table blessing, citing 1 Sam 9:13 and following rabbinic eisegeses. This passage, however, may refer to performingextispicy and reciting an extispicy prayer,a practice referredto in Akkadiantexts as puh~damkardbum(lit. "tobless the sacrificialsheep"). p. 252: Milgrom asks, "Why is the female, the more valuableanimal, requiredof the commoner,whereasthe male,of less worth,is requiredof the chieftain?"He goes on to proposean answer,apparentlycontributedby his studentRattray,". .. a commoner,particularlya poor one, is likely to keep only femaleanimals,whichprovidesustenance,andonly if he couldaffordit would he retaina single male for breeding.The chieftain,by contrast,could well afford to keep several males in his flock."This solutionis as unfair to poor people as the rich man of Nathan'sparable.The chieftain,who has manysheep,gets away with a cheapsacrifice,while the paupermustsacrifice all he has! Why not let the paupersell his she-goat,buy a male, andat least be able to keep the change?This economicrationaleis untrueto P's alleged concernfor the poor.Morelikely,thereis probablya culticsuperiorityto the male (cf. Lev. 27:3-5) which Milgromhesitatesto admit. p. 272: Milgromreproduceshis study of the law of the Red Heifer in whichhe triedto explainwhy the ashesof the cow defiledthosewho handled it. His proposalis thatit defiles becauseit is a hattat't,whichalwaysdefiles because it has absorbedthe impurityit is intendedto purge.However,the ashes of the Red Heiferdefile beforethey are used for purification.Milgrom addressesthis crucialproblemonly at the end of his discussion(p. 277), as if in an afterthoughtand not in a clearandconvincingmanner." p. 279: Milgromadmitsthatthe purificationofferingoriginallymay have served a dual purpose:expurgationand protection.He therebyis stepping back slightly from his often-statedpositionthatthe hatta'tsacrificeis only Onemayask,arenotthetwo functionsessentiallythesame?Any purificatory. materialwhich would preventa maladycould potentiallycure it, and vice versa. Takingan example from modem medicine,penicillinis not only an antibiotic,but it is used for prophylaxisbeforesurgerylest sensitivepatients 16. See A. Hurowitz, Shnaton 7-8 (1984): 57 n. 18. 17. For a critique of Milgrom's explanation of the Red Heifer, see now A. I. Baumgarten, 43 (1993): 442-451. "The Paradox of the Red Heifer," Vetus Testamentumn


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contractinfection.Assumingthatthe sacrificehas a preventativeeffect may solve the problemof why the Naziritemust offer one when terminatinghis vow. Since he will now be able to subjecthimselfto impuritieswhich were strictlyprohibitedduringthe periodof his vow, he poses a new threatto the sanctuary.He thereforeis requiredto offera prophylactic purification offering. The assumptioncertainlyexplains the functionof the priests' purification offeringsat theirinitiation(Exodus29). p. 301: Add to the list of confessionsusingthe rootvvdhJosh.7:19, where Achan is told weten-16to'ddh,to be translated"confessto him,"just as in Ezra 10:11. p. 311, para. 3, end: Milgrom states that Sabeanexpiation"possibly" requiredconfession. It is quite obvious that the very inscriptionwhich so detailstheoffense is tantamount to confessionandin itselffulfillstheexpected requirement. p. 355: Milgrommentionsthe Korahandthe NadabandAbihuincidentsas examplesof divine punishmentfor encroachmenton sancta.He undoubtedly is right.It is curious,however,thatthe key termsma'aland'dsaina le- arenot used, nor is a reparationofferingrequiredin eithercase. pp. 363-364: Milgrom tries to explain why a victim of scale disease needs to bring an 'iasnz. The evidence from the Nabonidusprayerand the is, along Mesopotamiantreatiesis irrelevant.Scaly-skindisease(saharf'ubbu) with roamingthe steppelike a wild ass, the traditionalmaledictionattributed to the moon god Sin, regardlessof the violation.It appearsin the epilogue to Codex Hammurabias well as the neo-Assyrianvassaltreaties.Thereis no specificconnectionbetweenthis curseand treatyor sanctumviolation. p. 364: Nabonidus'defectionfrom Mardukin favorof Sin could hardly "havebeen viewed by Marduk'spriestsas a violationof a loyalty oath to Marduk,"since there are no known examplesof "loyaltyoaths"takenby kings to gods. In generalit would be betterto look for an inner-biblicalrationalefor the reparationoffering by the victim of scaly-skin disease. If all of the nationof Israelis consideredholy, as indeedKorahasserts,thena periodof exclusion from the cultic communitybecauseof a disease would ipsofacto be a case of ma'al and requirean "a'din.Alternatively,there may simply be an underlyingassumptionthatanyoneafflictedwith scaly-skindiseaseis guilty of ma'al. Miriamis punishedfor speakingagainstGod'smostfaithful servant,Moses, while Gehazi is afflictedfor havingappropriated to himself

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a presentintendedfor Elisha(called"manof God"in 2 Kings5:8) in thanks for YHWH'smiraculoushealingof Naaman'sdisease.In otherwords,both of themarepunishedfor encroachingon God'sprophets-no less sanctathan priests. Uzziah contractsskin disease because he has usurpedthe priestly prerogativeof offeringincense. pp. 388-389, 590-591: Milgromdiscussesthe fireon the altarandseems to be of the opinion that the fire which came out of the Tabernacleat its inaugurationburntcontinuouslyandperpetually,proofsbeingmusteredfrom later sources and comparativematerialalike. However,nowheredoes he explainwhat was done with the fire when the Tabernaclewas disassembled andtransported.Num. 4:14 statesthatthe altarwas cleanedandcoveredbut as used in makesno mentionof the fire.It shouldbe rememberedthattdmnid Lev. 6:6 does not mean "non-stop"but "overand over,""timeaftertime," while 16'tikbehis simply hyperboleand refersonly to when the Tabernacle is standing. p. 447: Concerningsanctificationby contagion,and in particularExod. 30:30, Milgrom states that "P is engaged in a polemic; it is deliberately opposinga variedtraditionsuch as is found in the book of Ezekiel."Does this not indicatea possibilitythat P, or partsof it, is laterthanEzekieland in oppositionto Ezekiel's laws themselves?There are other examples as well whereEzekiel seems to acceptlaws clearlyearlierthanthose of P (see especiallypp. 453-454). p. 449: Milgromstates,"Becausethepriestlygarmentshavebeenaspersed by sacredoil he [Ezekiel]holds thatthey are imbuedwith sacredholiness." Thisis unlikely,for Ezekielsays nota wordaboutsacredoil, andit is doubtful whetherpriestswere anointedduringthe SecondTempleperiod. p. 509: Milgromquestionsmy explanationof the Urimand Thummim a.ndtheirrelationshipto the Assyrianpsephomancyritualprescribedin LKA 137.18His principalobjectionis thatthe UrimandThummimare not binary devices, becausein five cases wherethe questionsposedareactuallyspelled out, the answersare not of the "yes-no"type. He seems to have rejectedmy statement(which I also explainedto him privately)that in four cases the UrimandThummimare called uponto select something,andthatthiscan be downa done by a well-knownmethodof continuousdichotomy--narrowing set continuallyby half untilone item remains.As for the remainingquestion, 18. See W. Horowitz and V. (A.) Hurowitz, "Urim and Thummim in Light of a Psephomancy Ritual from Assur (LKA 137)," Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society 21 (1992): 95-115.

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in which a militarystrategyis laid out in detail,I wouldsuggestcomparison with the so called neo-AssyrianSamaSAnfragein which militaryquestions are posed and an annu kinu ("reliableyes") is asked for"9The Bible has simplyturnedthe questioninto the answer. Not only has Milgrom disregardedthe explanationsI offered him in defense of my own theory,but on p. 510 he cites verbatimand without criticisma lengthy writtencommunicationof AnchorBible generaleditor D. N. Freedmanwhich also explains the Urim and Thummimas a binary device. Although Milgrom leaves the question as a "riddle"which "still awaits resolution,"he sees as "worthyof consideration"and "an attractive speculation"the strangeand unsubstantiated theory of E. Robertson,and because this apparentlyonly particulartheory can dovetail with Qumran materialand rabbinicexplanations. p. 512: Milgromdiscusses the deleteriouseffects of flawedrituals.IllustrationsarebroughtfromGreek,Roman,andIndianrituals.Moreto thepoint andalso closer to the biblicalKulturkreis wouldbe theezib("disregard cultic infractionx") clausse in the Shanmash Anfrage.20 p. 554: Milgrommentionsthe Mesopotamian pasislupriestsas anexample of anointedpriestsin Mesopotamia.However,as T. Jacobsenhaspointedout, the anointingof these priestswas done for purposesof delousingthemrather than sanctificationand can thereforecan hardlybe comparedwith biblical anointing.Significantly,in the dedicationof the Enlilpriests(specificallythe nesakkuandthepas'uir)publishedby R. Borger,the priestsarenotanointed.2' Anointingpriestessesis now attestedin the entuinductionritualfromEmar. pp. 566-569: Milgromcomparesthe sanctificationof priestswith various rites of passage, citing as particularlysignificantfor Israel the Ndembu, Swazi, and Gabbonrites. However,what is conspicuouslymissing in the Bible is humiliationof the candidates.The parallelsto this particularaspect of the foreign ritualcome in the rabbinicprescriptionsfor the Yom Kippur ritualandthe Babylonianakftu.Milgromis certainlycorrectin his claimthat the biblicalritualbegs for anthropologicalanalysis.He is also rightto view this ceremonyas a rite de passage. However,it seems that he has pressed 19. See now I. Starr, Queries to the Sungod: Divination and Politics in Sargonid Assyria, State Archives of Assyria IV (Helsinki, 1990). 20. Cf. Starr. Queries to the Sun God, pp. xxii-xxvii.

21. Bibliotheca Orientalis 30 (1973): 163 (= Rimer, Texteaus der Umvelt des Alten Testament2:171-175).

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the analogies too far by attempting to impose upon or uncover in the biblical material signs of deprecation of the initiate. They are simply not there. The difference is real, and rather than covering it up it should be explained. p. 571: Milgrom claims that "The Tabernacle took nearly one year in construction, the same period ascribed to the building of Eninnu, Ningirsu's temple in Lagash." This statement is incorrect. As a matter of fact, the Tabernacle probably was erected in seven months. According to the present pentateuchal chronology (that imposed upon it by P), the comand to build the Tabernacle was delivered to Moses during the third month. Moses was on the mountain for forty days, coming down in the middle of the fourth month. He went up again for another forty days and came down, therefore, at the end of the fifth month. The building then would have commenced. Since the Tabernacle was erected on the first day of the first month of the second year after the Exodus, seven months would have intervenedbetween the time when the building process got underway (beginning of the sixth month) and its completion. The seven-month period corresponds with the seven years in which Solomon built the Jerusalem Temple and the seven days in which the fire from which Baal's palace emerged burned, according to the Ugaritic Baal Epic. pp. 624-625 Milgrom cites an Akkadian incantation text as a parallel to the priest ingesting hattc't in order to eliminate sin. However, in this text it is the afflicted man himself who does the eating-if we follow Milgrom's reading of the partially broken text. In such a case, the two rituals are hardly analogous. Moreover, it is not even clear that it is the sick man who eats. He is rubbed (kuppuru)with a mixture of remedial grains, but it is quite possible that the subject of the verb lFkul("he should eat") is something else, such as a bird or a fish. p. 629: Milgrom cites Jer. 41:5 as positive evidence for an independent incense offering. However, it is just as likely that the frankincense mentioned here is to accompany the vegetable offering (as Milgrom himself seems to imply on p. 199). The same is true of Cowley 33:10-11, according to which the restored temple at Elephantine had vegetable offerings along with frankincense. Note also Mal. 1:11, which speaks of mnoqtarand mrinlulh. pp. 628-633: Even though the Nadab and Abihu story may have a religious or cultic point to make, as Milgrom claims, the names of the two central characters beg for a political-historical explanation within the context of anti-Northern sentiments, be the explanation what it may.


233

p. 631: Milgrom claims that by declaring criminal fire from outside the sanctuary the story of Nadab and Abihu invalidates all incense offerings outside the sanctuary. This is a strange conclusion. The story has nothing to do with what occurs outside the sanctuary and is not concerned with private cults. It seems more reasonable to conclude that it invalidates offering inside the sanctuary (note that the expression "before YHWH" appearstwice) incense materials brought from outside. The cult must be hermetically sealed and even something incidental like fire may not get into the incense. p. 717: Milgrom claims that slaughtering techniques had the purpose "to render the animal unconscious with a minimum of suffering." On p. 718 he speaks of "concern for humaneness." The claim that rabbinic slaughtering methods "enhanced its original ethical motivation . . . that the slaughterer's sense of reverence for life will never be blunted"strikes me as one of several places where Milgrom-usually cautious-has fallen into thepit of apologetics. Is the rabbinic restriction aimed at preventing suffering or making sure thatthe slaughtered animal does not become a terLpdhin the act? p. 737: Milgrom claims that the dietary laws have the purpose of limiting Israel's access to animal life and prohibiting access to blood, which is life itself. He also states that in any case, for economic reasons, access to animals and blood was severely restricted to rare, ceremonial occasions. Nonetheless, at the end of his discusion he comments about the ritual of sacrifice: "So frequent? Yes, if it is to sanctify the home. So tedious? Persistent rain makes holes in rocks." He seems to be thinking in these comments (which are preceded by a discussion of Albert Schweitzer and the decimation of plumed birds in 1914 London) about much more recent social situations ratherthan the socioeconomic realities of the biblical world. Milgrom's explanation assumes a diet heavy on meat. Is this assumption based on the true dietary habits of ancient Israel? pp. 739-740: Milgrom presents and rejects J. Soler's interpretationas meaning "You shall not put an animal and her son in the same pot any more than in the same bed." However, he rejects this theory on trivial linguistic grounds even though much more weighty reasons exist for dismissing it out of hand. If the suggestion were right, it would be the only example of what amounts to an "allegorical," "metaphoric"formulation of a law in the entire Book of the Covenant and, for that matter, the entire ancient Near Eastern legal corpus. Sexual laws in the Bible are expressed quite explicitly and not in roundabout, euphemistic fashion (cf. Ibn Ezra on Exod. 34:21).


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p. 747, para4: Milgromfollows R. David Freedman,who suggeststhat the circumcisedpenis is a substitutefor the presenceof God as the divine witness who will punishoath violators.22 However,oaths takenby holding in which thereis no evidenceof in Akkadian mentioned texts are genitals covenant-related circumcision.23 p. 759, para. 3: Milgrom wonders why Hannahdoes not reappearat Shiloh to bring a sacrificefor the birthof Sanuel. He raises as a second possibilitythatHannahbroughthersacrificeto a local bdmrih.Does he imply by entertainingthis possibilitythathigh placeswouldhavebeen magnetsfor impurityfroma distancein the same way thatthe Shilohtemplealtarwould have been? practiceof regardinggenital p. 765: Milgromattributesthe near-universal to human as "the discharges defiling psyche." Certainlythere must be of studies the phenomenon.It should be noted that in the psychological United States, where sexual taboos have all but disappeared,this one too has fallen by the wayside. The once-popularguide The Joy of Sex even recommendssexualrelationsduringa woman'speriod,eschewingit only for reasonsof personalcleanlinessor not soiling the bedsheets. p. 794, bottom:Milgromstatesthat"Sumeriansreferto non-Sumerians, presumablySemites, as blackheads."This is inaccurate.The Sumerians Acreferredto themselvesas an SAG.GI(=Akkadiansalmatqaqqadim).24 the to the Universityof Chicago (Chicago AssyrianDictionaryof cording andGltickstadt,1956 ff.) [henceforthCAD],p. 76, the expressionis a poetic termreferringto mankindas a totality,createdby the gods and keptin safe pasturesby the kings. p. 814: phtt hy~bqrlztw"wbgbhtwin Lev. 13:55,whichhas no relevance to the fabricinflictionsand which also containsa yet-to-be-explained hapax is best explainedas a horizontaldittographyanddeleted.Somehowprhthw' bqrhtw"wbgbhtwfrom 13:42 was copied with a slight error(switchinghet for the graphicallysimilarres) in the columnto its left as phtt hy' bqrhtw'w bgbhtw.The hapaxshouldbe considered,therefore,a ghostword,productof scribalerror.

22. BiblicalArchaeologyReview2 (1976): 3-4, 42. 37 (1987):491-492. 23. See M. Malul,VetusTestamentumn TheirHistotryCultureand Character(Chicago, 24. Cf. S. N. Kramer,The Sumnerians: 1963), pp. 285-286.


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pp. 823-824: The lengthy statement of D. Wright,quoted verbatim,seems out of place in a philological-historical commentary. p. 833: Milgrom asks why the birds for purifying the cured sufferer from scaly-skin disease must be wild rather than pigeons or turtle-doves. The fact is that the birds are not for sacrificial purposes, so they need not comply with sacrificial requirements. Also, since the birds are used to carry away the impurity, a bird which would have a homing instinct, such as a dove (see the Flood story), would be totally inappropriatebecause it would come back carrying the defilement with it! p. 855: Milgrom cites a restored Ugaritic text and then an oral communication from D. Pardee that the restoration is no longer considered likely. Would it not be prudent, then, to delete the entire passage as well as the remark on p. 856 which is dependent on this text? 871: nmiqtuis not a term for "red."The Akkadian text reads, katarrusnmu sa umfu miqtu, "a red (samu) k-fungus which is called miqtu." p. 941: Milgrom resorts to an anthropological parallel to explain why a man having intercourse with a menstruant is defiled for seven days rather that one (as he would be if he only touched her). He claims that it is because of the horror derived from the combination of loss of semen with loss of blood-both life-symbolizing fluids. It is more likely, in my opinion, that it is the intensity of contact which makes the difference. By entering the woman, the man is coming into immediate contact with the very source of the impurity and actually immersing in it. This is a more intense contact than any other contact with any other source of impurity. pp. 948-953: This is an excellent demonstration of how lenient Priestly and later rabbinic law is concerning menstruantwomen, and how it is intent on permitting the woman to carry on normal activity in home, society, and cult. This should do much to dampen claims that all biblical legislation-assumedly authored by men-is inherently misogynist. p. 951, para 2: The Mesopotamian texts cited have nothing to do with menstruation but only with ritual bathing in general. p. 962: Milgrom states that "it is not without significance that in Akk. mn2, the word for water, is also the word for semen." But, CAD M/2, pp. 149-156 s.v. ma A lists no evidence supporting this claim. Milgrom undoubtedlyhas in mind Sumerian A, which has Akkadian equivalents numa (water), abu (father), nmdru(son), aplu (heir), sumu (name, son), rehit (engender, inseminate). p. 1004: Milgrom views as "very favorable" a suggestion by P. Kyle

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McCarter that a biblical scroll was declared a source of defilement because "if it is blemished or corrupted, it transmitsuncleanness." But this contradicts Milgrom's own correct statement (p. 1001 contra Mary Douglas) that in the case of priests or sacrificial animals blemishes do not renderthe bearerimpure (tameF)but only unsuitable for performing their duties. Only the sectarians hold a defective person to be impure. Were the rabbis of Yavneh sectarians in their treatment of biblical scrolls? p. 1071: Milgrom suggests that 10 Tishri was an occasion for annually purging the Temple even in pre-exilic times. In explaining why it is not mentioned in 1 Kings 8 (and 2 Chronicles 7) he says, "the dedication rites need not suspend Yom Kippur."However, it should be quite obvious that a new temple should not need a Yom Kippur-like day of purificationbecause, as we may learn from the Gudea Cylinders, a temple would be built in purity and numerous purification rites would be performedin any event as partof the temple's dedication. The annual event would be totally superfluous. It is, of course, possible thatby connecting the emergency purgationritewith the events of the Tabernacle dedication ceremonies, the Priestly writer is telling us that the rite recommended for emergency use derived from an original dedicatory rite. Milgrom's commentary should be received warmly and enthusiastically the scholarly community and by everyone interested in what the book by of Leviticus has to say to ancient as well as modern audiences. He has throughout his work asked importantquestions and provided answers which must be reckoned with. Even where he has not said the final word, the material he adduces and the interpretive possibilities he discusses must be considered seriously. He has made quantum leaps towards understanding countless aspects of the Book of Leviticus, but even where he has not gone the entire way, he has provided material with which to continue. It is hoped thatthis new commentary will inspire revived interestin the Book of Leviticus and the ancient cult which it prescribes. I wish Professor Milgrom sayya'tn' dt senzayyd'ba-ryatgapd' anh6r~' ma'alydc, with which he may bring his monumental work to a speedy and successful conclusion. The final volume is eagerly awaited. Ben-GurionUniversityof the Negev Beersheva,Israel

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Martin Benal Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 237-238 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486624 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



BOOKREVIEWS Raphael Patai. Robert Graves and the Hebrew Myths: A Collaboration.

Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress, 1992.468 pp.

This is not a book in the usual sense of the word. There has been no shapingor selection in its production.Everythingbut the kitchensink has been thrown into it. RaphaelPatai is an original and very distinguished scholar,butwe do not need to knowabouttripshe didnot makeor how much his Mercedescost. Furthermore,much of what is interestingand important is repeatedad nauseam. All of this makes the book hardto get through. However,the story and the centralthemesare so fascinatingthatit is well worthwhile.Late in 1947 RobertGraveswrotea "fanletter"on the latter's Man and Temple in Ancient Jewish Myth and Ritual. From then until 1975

the two men correspondedwith varyingintensityandcollaboratedin writing

Hebrew Myths: The Book of Genesis.

Both men begantheircollaborationwith the convictionthatbehindwhat they saw as the rationalizationsand suppressionsof the Bible lay a great store of myth and ritual.Althoughthey clearly saw a relationshipbetween in the sense thatthey saw ritualas the sole the two, they were not "ritualists" sourceof myth.They also agreedthata greatdealof concernwithfemininity had been purgedfrom the Israelitetradition.Pataidid not go along with all of Graves'spoetic fantasies,such as that of the patriarchalIndo-European cattle herdersdominatingthe earliermatriarchiesfor whomthe symbolwas the queenbee (p. 202). In general,the collaborationbetweenthe enormously eruditepoet and the broadand imaginativescholarwas very profitable,and they produceda numberof excitingand stimulatinghypotheses. Althoughthey were essentiallyinterestedin the backgroundto the Bible andin the parallelsandrelationshipsbetweenthe Israelitetraditionandwhat for Graves always remained"real,"i.e., Greekmythology,the two writers placedmore emphasison laterJewishtraditionsratherthanon the common backgroundof Canaanand the Aegeanin the BronzeAge. The most intense periodof theircollaborationwas duringthe later1950s.By thistimenot only 237

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weretheUgariticreligioustextsavailable,alreadyprovidinga bridgebetween ancientIsraeland Homericepic, but CyrusH. Gordon'smonographHomer and the Bible, largely based on these, had published in Hebrew Union College

Annual26 (1955). The Ugaritictexts are mentionedperipherallythreetimes in the book's468 pages, andGordon-who is a friendof Patai's-only once. Through repetitive and sometimes confused, Robert Graves and the Hebrew Myths: A Collaboration is a treasure house of useful information

and fascinatingspeculation.It deserves to be read by both specialistsand enthusiasts. MartinBenal CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y. YohananMuffs. Love and Joy: Law, Language and Religion in Ancient Israel.

New York:JewishTheologicalSeminaryof America,1992.xxvi, 240 pp. This book is really a collection of independentessays. Six of them have alreadyappeared:"Who Will Stand in the Breach?A Study of Prophetic Intercession,""Historyof MesopotamianReligion,""Abrahamthe Noble Warrior,""The Money Came to Me," and two essays on love and joy as metaphoricalexpressions.Two shorteressaysarealtogethernew."Asa Cloak Clings to Its Owner:Aspects of Divine/HumanReciprocity"concernsthe legal and mythic implicationsof clothing imageryin ancientNear Eastern material,the other is titled: "The Permittedand the Prohibitedin Early " RabbinicLiterature:The Root DRK, 'Tobe Empowered.' To be brief, these essays representthe master-craftsmanship of a skillful artisan.A carefulreadingof this volumewill yield untoldrichesin a variety of fields: comparativeSemitic lexicography,ancientNear Easternlaw, and the interplayof law and religion in biblical, Mesopotamian,and rabbinic culturesto name the most important.Many of the essays are writtenin a very dense style and will requireat least a couple of readingsto appreciate theirfinerpoints.Sometimes,when the writerbeginsto commenton a whole rangeof interestingbut not always directlyrelevantmatters,one fears that he has lost the mainthemeof the essay.Othertimesthe footnotesseem to be writtenin the style of a precis of a futurearticle.This can be taxingon the youngreader,but neverunrewarding. The firstessay,on propheticintercession,is the mostexegeticalandhence

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Gary Anderson Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 238-240 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486625 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



238

BOOKREVIEWS

weretheUgariticreligioustextsavailable,alreadyprovidinga bridgebetween ancientIsraeland Homericepic, but CyrusH. Gordon'smonographHomer and the Bible, largely based on these, had published in Hebrew Union College

Annual26 (1955). The Ugaritictexts are mentionedperipherallythreetimes in the book's468 pages, andGordon-who is a friendof Patai's-only once. Through repetitive and sometimes confused, Robert Graves and the Hebrew Myths: A Collaboration is a treasure house of useful information

and fascinatingspeculation.It deserves to be read by both specialistsand enthusiasts. MartinBenal CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y. YohananMuffs. Love and Joy: Law, Language and Religion in Ancient Israel.

New York:JewishTheologicalSeminaryof America,1992.xxvi, 240 pp. This book is really a collection of independentessays. Six of them have alreadyappeared:"Who Will Stand in the Breach?A Study of Prophetic Intercession,""Historyof MesopotamianReligion,""Abrahamthe Noble Warrior,""The Money Came to Me," and two essays on love and joy as metaphoricalexpressions.Two shorteressaysarealtogethernew."Asa Cloak Clings to Its Owner:Aspects of Divine/HumanReciprocity"concernsthe legal and mythic implicationsof clothing imageryin ancientNear Eastern material,the other is titled: "The Permittedand the Prohibitedin Early " RabbinicLiterature:The Root DRK, 'Tobe Empowered.' To be brief, these essays representthe master-craftsmanship of a skillful artisan.A carefulreadingof this volumewill yield untoldrichesin a variety of fields: comparativeSemitic lexicography,ancientNear Easternlaw, and the interplayof law and religion in biblical, Mesopotamian,and rabbinic culturesto name the most important.Many of the essays are writtenin a very dense style and will requireat least a couple of readingsto appreciate theirfinerpoints.Sometimes,when the writerbeginsto commenton a whole rangeof interestingbut not always directlyrelevantmatters,one fears that he has lost the mainthemeof the essay.Othertimesthe footnotesseem to be writtenin the style of a precis of a futurearticle.This can be taxingon the youngreader,but neverunrewarding. The firstessay,on propheticintercession,is the mostexegeticalandhence

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239

the most significanttheologicalsectionof the book.Its style is quitedifferent fromthe remainderof the essays;it seemsto havebeencomposedas a lecture forone cannothelp andnotas a scholarlyarticle.Thisis slightlydisappointing, but thinkthatthe writercouldhave greatlyextendedthe reachof this chapter by alteringits formof presentation.The thesisof the essay is thatthe Israelite prophetshadas one of theirmainresponsibilitiesthetaskof remindingGodof his characteristic qualityof mercy.Muffsarguesthatmuchof thedisturbingly dimensionof theportrayalof divinevengeanceandangercan anthropomorphic only be understoodinjuxtapositionto thepropheticresponsibilityto intercede andbluntthis very verdict.Or,to putit anotherway,it is the Bible'schoice to describeGod's relationshipto Israelin personalisttermsthatdeterminesthe rangeof emotionaccordedto him in the Bible. The usageof this personalist metaphorvirtuallyrequiresthatGod'sangerbe rousedwhenhis peopleact in willful defianceof his statedcommands.Occasionally,though,God's anger seemsto stepbeyondthereachof merepunishmentandtottersperilouslyclose to purevindictiveness.Yet,as Muffsso adroitlyshows,the verydescriptions that characterizeGod's anger in this all-too-humanfashion are always set within the context of a propheticdialogue,thus providingan occasionfor a humanresponse.Moreoftenthannot, the interventionof theprophetis strong enough to alter the initial decree. The prophetthen can be definedas that audaciousindividualwho is called to standin the breachwhichhas opened betweenGod and his people and to summonGod backto his mercifulways. Thepersonalismof theBible, then,displaysitselfnotonlyin anthropomorphic languageaboutGod's attributesbutalso in the verytype of relationshipGod has withhis chosenservants,theprophets.In thisview,prophetswhorefuseto enterinto a criticaldialoguewithGodoutof anapparentrespectforthejustice of his originalverdictof condemnationaredismissedfromtheirposts.Thusthe case of Jonah.Thisessay is a marvelousmixtureof carefulreadingsof selected biblicaltexts witha reallysubtlegraspof the mythopoeicdimensionof God's malleabilityin the face of authenticprayer.Thetypeof workexemplifiedhere is similarto thatof M. FishbaneandJ. Levenson,whoalsoattemptto mergethe concernsof a close readingwith an eye towardthe largermythic/theological dimensionsof the text. The book is also exemplaryin the mannerin whichit utilizesAkkadian, Aramaic, and Rabbinic Hebrew in solving difficult problemsin biblical lexicography.At several points in the essays Muffs also summarizeswhat he considersto be essentialfeaturesof his own comparativemethod.These

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explicitmethodologicalstatementsalongwiththenumerousappliedexamples certainlydemand a careful reading.In recent years it has become more common to speak of the limits of the comparativemethod,and no doubt theselimits exist, but Muffs'sown workwill demonstratehow restrictedour readingcan becomeif the voluminousevidencefromrabbinicandAkkadian sourcesis not used to cast light on ourlimitedbiblicalmaterial. Also helpful is Muffs's ability not to overstatewhat the evidence will he adducesa gooddealof comparative allow.In"AbrahamtheNobleWarrior" evidence to show how a numberof featuresof Genesis 14 can be better understoodin the light of covenanttexts fromthe secondmillennium.In the past this type of approachwas used mainlyfor the purposeof showingthe historicalplausibilityof the settingin whichthe storiesof the patriarchstook shape (so, for example, in the work of W. F. Albrightand E. A. Speiser). Muffs, though, being attentiveto the critics of this approach(e.g., J. van Seters,T. L. Thompson),andknowledgeablethatthe manyparallelsbetween Genesis 14 and second-millenniumsources,could just as well have come from first millenniummaterial,will not be forced into datingthe material wherecertaintyis impossible.InsteadMuffsis contentto show how several featuresof this biblicaltext can be betterunderstoodwhenset over againsta legal material.It shouldalso be noted particularstreamof Akkadian/Aramaic that Muffs does not simply adducethe parallelshere, but suggests several possible historicalmeans by which these legal phrasescould have passed fromone civilizationto the other. The longest portion of the book comprises the last two essays, on the topic of love and joy as metaphorsof willingnessand spontaneityin ancientNear Easternlaw codes and narratives.These essays are probably the best-knownexamplesof Muffs's own work and so a detailedreview is not so pressing.They follow directlyfromthe workhe did in his dissertation on the Elephantinepapyri, though they extend these insights into a vast varietyof sources.These essays show most clearlyhow legal terminology andmythic/narrative sensibilityoverlap.They shouldbe readby anyonewho is interestedin the spiritof the biblicallaw codes and the impactthatlegal imageryhas on narrativematerialboth in the Bible itself as well as in the rabbinicwritings. GaryAnderson

of Virginia University Charlottesville,Va.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Richard Elliot Friedman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 241-244 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486626 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



BOOK REVIEWS

241

Moshe Weinfeld. Deuteronomy 1-11: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary.Anchor Bible 5. New York: Doubleday, 1991. xiv, 458 pp. As the full Anchor Bible title indicates, there are three components to this long-awaited work on Deuteronomy by Moshe Weinfeld: translation, introduction, and commentary. To do the work justice a review must address all three components individually and as a whole. The commentary component is itself divided into three parts, each clearly delineated with headings in the text: "Textual Notes," general "Notes," and "Comment." Overall one can say about the commentary that it is just what the Anchor Bible series of commentaries was meant to be. It provides careful, erudite material for scholars, extremely useful information for clergy, and interesting material for laypersons who study on their own or in lay study groups. It is solid, reliable scholarship, no frills, no long-shots, likely to be the first source to which one turns on Deuteronomy, and the base against which one compares and measures other analyses. The Textual Notes reflect considerable erudition and philological care, with particularattention to the versions. The rich Notes provide geographical information,connections with other biblical books, comparative and contextual materialsfrom other ancient Near Eastern sources, and a variety of general information in categories too numerous to address in a review. The Comments include literary history and history of interpretation. The latter is especially rich in rabbinic and medieval interpretation. The literary history is especially concerned with authors' sources and with editing. There are references to authors' style, but otherwise there is extremely little treatment of literary artistry in either the Notes or the Comment. Given the prominence of this aspect of our field in recent years, this will diminish the value of the commentary for a number of scholars and laypersons; but one can only say that even those of us who concentrate in this area would be well advised to turn to Weinfeld's "traditional"commentary nonetheless as a rich source of essential information that will still be invaluable to such work. Particularlywelcome to all will be Weinfeld's treatment of the Decalogue, which is nearly a hundred pages of Textual Notes, Notes, and Comment. The translation is notable for clarity, accuracy, and sheer readability. Weinfeld has been successful in finding the elusive balance between the literal and the idiomatic. Every translatorfinds his or her fulcrum in relation to these two. Finding that mid-point is not merely the science of translation;

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it is an art. And Weinfeldis exceptionallyskilled in this craft,endeavoring to stay as close as possible to literalmeaningwithoutproducinga clumsy English. Where I have some negative criticismis with regardto the remaining and,as a longtimeadmirerof the author,I offer component,the Introduction; thiscriticismwithsome hesitationandin a contextof respectandpraiseof this work overall.In the Introduction,Weinfeldsets out to give the background of the book of Deuteronomy,sheddinglight on the persons--or better,the circle-who broughtit into existence. It is well known that scholarship on Deuteronomyand the Deuteronomistichistoryof the last twentyyears has concentratedto a substantialextent on the stages of formationof this work. In this countrytherehas been a considerablequantityof scholarship identifyingtwo editionsof the work,called by FrankMooreCrossDtrl and Dtr2. A similaridentificationhas been adoptedin Israelby HayimTadmor and MordechaiCogan as well in their AnchorBible II Kings.Iain Provan in Englandand a numberof scholarsin Germanylikewisehave workedout models of variousstages of compositionthat figurein the Deuteronomistic history and in the book of Deuteronomyin particular.Baruch Halpern endeavoredrecentlyin his The First Historiansto assembleand compare the variousmodels of how this work came to exist, for which we should all be grateful. It is thereforehard to understandthe fact that Weinfeld simply has not even mentioned,much less come to termswith, this work. As one of the persons who has participatedin establishingthe existence of the two editions of the Deuteronomistichistory,identifyingwhich texts belongto each edition,andpursuingthe significanceof this for thesebiblical books, I feel mystifiedaboutthis omission.It is notjust thatWeinfelddoes not mentionmy own work;he does not mentionHalpern,Provan,Richard Nelson, StevenMcKenzie,Helga Weippert,DavidNoel Freedman,or Ernest Nicholson,andthereis no morethana bibliographiccitationon Cross.Indeed, the thirty-eightpages of bibliographyincludeminutiaebut not well-known workson suchbasicsas centralization,doubleredaction,andidentificationof the Deuteronomicauthorsand editors.Weinfeldrefersto the Deuteronomic name theology withoutmentioningDean McBride;and in dealingwith the covenanthe cites GeorgeMendenhallbut not KlausBaltzer. This problemin the Introductionspills over into the Commentsection. Thuswhen Weinfelddeals with Deut.4:1-40, whichhe describesas a unity, he draws parallelsin it to Deuteronomy30 and 1 Kings 8. Deuteronomy

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4, Deuteronomy30, and I Kings 8 are all regardedas compositein the scholarshipthatWeinfeldignores.CallingDeuteronomy4 and30 an inclusio, he, apparentlyunwittingly,links preciselythe elementsof thosetwo chapters thathavebeen identifiedas Dtr2.Thatis, by ignoringthis scholarshiphe may be misidentifyingthe originandfunctionof thesepartsof Deuteronomy. As a matterof methodand practicein scholarship,I thinkthatit is now apparentto nearlyeveryonethatin the presentgenerationthe sheerquantity of scholarlypublicationhas expandedto the pointthatit is no longerpossible to read and respondto everythingon any given subject.But to miss works thatare well known,have been well received,and are a respectablebody of scholarshipwell withinthe mainstreamseemscurious.PerhapsWeinfeldfelt that he had sufficientlycovered the territoryin his masterfulDeuteronomy and the DeuteronomicSchool and thereforeconcentratedon the Notes and Commentsin this new work. That book was indeed a rich contributionto the field, but almost twenty years have passed betweenit and the Anchor Bible volume, and a substantialdevelopmentin the field since then has been the body of scholarshipon the formationof Deuteronomyand the Deuteronomistichistory.To fail to come to termswith all this workon the way in which the Deuteronomisticwork was formed,and by whom it was formed,makesthis volume seem out of datebeforeit hits the shelves. Anotheraspect of this volume, perhapsrelated,that causes concernis Weinfeld'sassumptionof the existenceof a Deuteronomicschool. The first referenceto this school comes seeminglyout of nowhereon page 5; the first referenceto a Deuteronomicmovementcomes on page 45. This school is lateron said to be made up of scribesand wise men. All of this is without evidence or argumentation.In fairness to Weinfeld,I should say that the undefendedassumptionof the existenceof a Deuteronomic/Deuteronomistic school, circle, movement,whatever,is commonin the field;andWeinfeldin fact deservescredit for being one of the few who have seriouslyattempted to identify such a group, again in his Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic

School.But the broaderaudienceof a volumeof the AnchorBible will simply findthis assumed"school"appearingoutof nowhereandneverjustified.Thus this volume leaves gaps in two key aspectsof the formationof the book of Deuteronomy. Fortunately,these things can be repaired,becausethis is intendedto be a two-volumework.Indeed,the secondinvolvesthe texts thatmost concern the workof scholarshipthatWeinfeldhas left out here(Deuteronomy29-34).

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And, after all, no definitive review of Weinfeld's commentary can be written until the full two-volume work is completed. I thereforehope that he will take this not as a negative review, but as sincerely well-meaning advice and urging from a friend, former colleague, former student, and admirer of his. Overall Weinfeld's Deuteronomy is a grand effort which deserves to be admired for the wealth of information and insight it provides, for its clarity and good sense, and for the quality of the translation;and at the same time it has some gaps, the most serious of which are in the area of origins: how did this book come to exist? If Weinfeld fills these gaps in his second volume, the final product could be the finest treatmentof Deuteronomy ever produced. RichardElliotFriedman Universityof Californiaat San Diego La Jolla,Calif. Shalom M. Paul. Amos: A Commentaly on the Book of Amos. Hermeneia-A Critical and Historical Commentaryon the Bible. Minneapolis: FortressPress, 1991. xxvii, 409 pp. Readers who keep abreastof the appearanceof biblical commentaries will know that the Hermeneia series previously issued a commentary on Amos, namely that of H. W. Wolff, published in 1977 (a slightly revised version of a German work published in 1969). Why then present the public with a new commentary on the same book in the same series? An Editor's Note (unsigned, but written presumably by F. M. Cross, the series editor) provides the answer: "Our desire [is] to preserve the currency of the series and also to provide commentaries written by scholars with different fields of special competence or different methods of approachto critical and historical issues" (p. xxvii). These goals have been realized with Shalom Paul's superb commentary on Amos. It is only natural to compare the two volumes, especially in light of the criteria mentioned in the Editor's Note. Currency. Paul's book appears twenty-two years after Wolff's original book, and it is thoroughly au courant in its interaction with the secondary literature. By contrast, Wolff relied heavily on older commentators, such as F. Horst, K. Marti, T. H. Robinson, E. Sellin, A. Weiser, and J. Wellhausen, so that a reading of Wolff is somewhat like a step back in time. Different fields of special competence. First, Paul brings to his study of

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Gary A. Rendsburg Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 244-247 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486627 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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And, after all, no definitive review of Weinfeld's commentary can be written until the full two-volume work is completed. I thereforehope that he will take this not as a negative review, but as sincerely well-meaning advice and urging from a friend, former colleague, former student, and admirer of his. Overall Weinfeld's Deuteronomy is a grand effort which deserves to be admired for the wealth of information and insight it provides, for its clarity and good sense, and for the quality of the translation;and at the same time it has some gaps, the most serious of which are in the area of origins: how did this book come to exist? If Weinfeld fills these gaps in his second volume, the final product could be the finest treatmentof Deuteronomy ever produced. RichardElliotFriedman Universityof Californiaat San Diego La Jolla,Calif. Shalom M. Paul. Amos: A Commentaly on the Book of Amos. Hermeneia-A Critical and Historical Commentaryon the Bible. Minneapolis: FortressPress, 1991. xxvii, 409 pp. Readers who keep abreastof the appearanceof biblical commentaries will know that the Hermeneia series previously issued a commentary on Amos, namely that of H. W. Wolff, published in 1977 (a slightly revised version of a German work published in 1969). Why then present the public with a new commentary on the same book in the same series? An Editor's Note (unsigned, but written presumably by F. M. Cross, the series editor) provides the answer: "Our desire [is] to preserve the currency of the series and also to provide commentaries written by scholars with different fields of special competence or different methods of approachto critical and historical issues" (p. xxvii). These goals have been realized with Shalom Paul's superb commentary on Amos. It is only natural to compare the two volumes, especially in light of the criteria mentioned in the Editor's Note. Currency. Paul's book appears twenty-two years after Wolff's original book, and it is thoroughly au courant in its interaction with the secondary literature. By contrast, Wolff relied heavily on older commentators, such as F. Horst, K. Marti, T. H. Robinson, E. Sellin, A. Weiser, and J. Wellhausen, so that a reading of Wolff is somewhat like a step back in time. Different fields of special competence. First, Paul brings to his study of

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Amos a wealth of knowledge about the greater world of the ancient Near East (especially Mesopotamia). Wolff's use of this material was much more restricted. A comparison of the indices in the two books shows that Paul refers to Akkadian and Northwest Semitic texts about four times as often as did Wolff. Secondly, Paul utilizes the full gamut of medieval Jewish (and Karaite) commentators and lexicographers, a group of scholars totally neglected by Wolff. By the "full gamut," I mean not only such notables as Rashi, Qimhi, and ibn Ezra, but lesser-known men, such as Judah ibn Bal'am, Salomon ibn Parhon, and Daniel al-Qumissi as well. Different methods of approach. For Wolff, as well as for many of the scholars upon whom he relied, much of the book of Amos dates to a period later than that of the prophet himself. Paul, on the other hand, consistently argues for the entire book as emanating from the prophet Amos (see further below). Similarly, Wolff often was inclined to emend the Hebrew text when a difficulty confronted him. Paul is less inclined to do so (see example below). Finally, it was unfortunate that Wolff felt it necessary to end his commentary on Amos with an emphasis on the way in which Acts 15:14-17 reinterprets the message of Amos 9:11-12 to refer to Jesus. No such discussion is found in Paul's work, appropriately so. In short, Paul's commentary is a considerable improvementover the earlier Hermeneia commentary by Wolff. But my review should not deliberate on this comparison alone; it should and now will address Paul's contributions directly. The most unique aspect of Paul's approach, alluded to above, is his consistent argument for the integrity of the book of Amos. In his words, "almost all of the arguments for later interpolations and redactions, including a Deuteronomistic one, are shown to be based on fragile foundations and inconclusive evidence. When each case is examined and analyzed on its own, without preconceived conjectures and unsupportedhypotheses, the book in its entirety (with one or two minor exceptions) can be reclaimed for its rightful author, the prophet Amos" (p. 6). To such an approach I say bravo. Indeed, in each case Paul demonstrates how the words or lines in question can just as easily match the historical background of the eighth century B.C.E.as that of a later epoch. Moreover, Paul has a keen eye for literary structures,so that a deletion here or there would ruin what is otherwise a literary unit. I illustrate Paul's defense of the Amos authorship of the whole book with a few examples. The oracle against Judah in 2:4-5 is held by most

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scholars to be a later addition to the book. The reasons usually given are (a) these verses are unique in that the denunciation concerns offenses against the deity and not offenses against humanity, and (b) deletion of the Judah oracle reduces the number of oracles to the expected seven, not eight, with Israel in the all-importent seventh position. But as Paul notes, one cannot preclude the possibility "that, according to Amos, apostasy was actually the cardinal sin of Judah" (p. 21). In addition, the number pattern 6:7 is only one such scheme in biblical and ancient Near Eastern literature;the numberpattern7:8 is frequently used as an alternative (Mic 5:4, Qoh 11:2, etc.). Similarly, 6:2, with its mention of Calneh, Hamath Rabbah, and Gath, is almost always considered a later addition. Since the Assyrians conquered all three cities under Tiglath-pileser III (with Gath the latest, in 734 B.C.E.), it is assumed that the use of these three cities as a warning to Israel must postdate Amos by at least several decades. But as Paul points out, foreign incursions into Hamath Rabbah and Gath are attested either several decades before Amos' career or during his career (witness the Zakkur inscription, 2 Kgs 12:18, and 2 Chr 26:6; less can be said about Calneh, though it too was conquered earlier, by Shalmaneser III in 858 B.C.E.).Accordingly, there is no a priori reason to date 6:2 to the post-Amos period. Paul makes an importantcontributionto the study of Amos in his discovery of the prophet's wide use of the pentad. Examples are five kindnesses God bestowed upon Israel in 2:9-11, the fivefold use of NXin 2:14-16, the five visions in chapters 7-9, the five curses against Amaziah in 7:17, the fivefold use of ox and own in 9:2-4, etc. Again, the approach of earlier scholars to consider an occasional phrase or section within some of these pentads as post-Amos will have to be reconsidered in light of this discovery. Another aspect of Paul's commentary alluded to above is his desire to retain the Masoretic Text wherever possible. One example will suffice. Virtually everyone who has dealt with the very enigmatic p;rV in 3:12 has seen fit to emend the word. Although Paul can offer no new insight towards the resolution of this crux, he also is unwilling to follow the crowd in emending it. Instead, he contents himself with the comment that "though the etymology and meaning of the word are still unknown, most likely it refers to another part of the bed" (p. 122). Paul's commentary is rich in philological analysis. It is a pleasure to read his excellent treatment of difficult words in Amos, for example, nrn'o, mny, in 4:2-3, or in 5:11. Wordplayin Amos is highlighted ,ar1"and minVn1n mo•o~n

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is used for "theirhusbands" on several occasions. In 4:2 the word nw'rrtK (the Bible typicallyuses ?Ynor r••) becauseof the word'~rN"Lord"in the (p. 210, n. following verse. Similarly,"the ran nw~~riwill be tran %w•in" 96), referringto 6:1 and 6:7. The only majorissue on whichI wouldhavelikeda fullertreatmentis the questionof Amos' home and/orhis use of northerndialect.Previousscholars (beginningwith Qimhi)have suggestedthatAmos' Tekoawas not the Tekoa of Judah,but rathera northerncity of the same name. Paul dismisses this theoryin a footnote (p. 35, n. 27). He may be correct,theresimply is not enoughevidence to argueone way or the other(even 7:12 is equivocal).But regardlessof where Amos' home is to be located, thereare unmistakable signs of northerndialect in the book. If Amos' Tekoawas in the north,the explanationis easy. If it was in Judah,then we simply need to posit the "literarydevice of employing native vocabularywhen addressingforeign nations,"a usage Paulis well awareof (pp. 52-53, n. 94). A primeexample of northerndialect in Amos is the prophet'suse of the word meaning "field"in 7:4. This usage is attestedelsewherein the Bible only p•.in northern contexts (2 Kgs 9:10, 36, 37; Hos 5:7), and its cognateexists in Aramaic (with metathesis).Paulpresentsall the data(p. 232, n. 52), buthe does K'Opn not makethe connectionwith whatI call IsraelianHebrew. Paul's commentaryis as complete a philologicaltreatmentof Amos (or perhapsany biblical book) as exists today.The work builds from this firm philological base to addresswith equal excellence the largerliterary, historical,andtheologicalissues centralto the bookof Amos. Paul'sAmosis destinedto remaina valuableworkfor yearsto come. GaryA. Rendsburg CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y. MichaelV. Fox. Characterand Ideologyin the Book of Esther:Studieson Personalitiesof the Old Testament.Columbia:Universityof SouthCarolina Press, 1991. xv, 317 pp. The fast and frenziedreadingof the Megillahduringthe annualPurim celebrationis not likely to engenderrespectfor the bookof Estheras a work of literaturein the mindsof the inebriated.Andeven thosewho approachthe book fully sober have often criticizedits plot as contrived,its charactersas

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Robert L. Cohn Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 247-249 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486628 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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is used for "theirhusbands" on several occasions. In 4:2 the word nw'rrtK (the Bible typicallyuses ?Ynor r••) becauseof the word'~rN"Lord"in the (p. 210, n. following verse. Similarly,"the ran nw~~riwill be tran %w•in" 96), referringto 6:1 and 6:7. The only majorissue on whichI wouldhavelikeda fullertreatmentis the questionof Amos' home and/orhis use of northerndialect.Previousscholars (beginningwith Qimhi)have suggestedthatAmos' Tekoawas not the Tekoa of Judah,but rathera northerncity of the same name. Paul dismisses this theoryin a footnote (p. 35, n. 27). He may be correct,theresimply is not enoughevidence to argueone way or the other(even 7:12 is equivocal).But regardlessof where Amos' home is to be located, thereare unmistakable signs of northerndialect in the book. If Amos' Tekoawas in the north,the explanationis easy. If it was in Judah,then we simply need to posit the "literarydevice of employing native vocabularywhen addressingforeign nations,"a usage Paulis well awareof (pp. 52-53, n. 94). A primeexample of northerndialect in Amos is the prophet'suse of the word meaning "field"in 7:4. This usage is attestedelsewherein the Bible only p•.in northern contexts (2 Kgs 9:10, 36, 37; Hos 5:7), and its cognateexists in Aramaic (with metathesis).Paulpresentsall the data(p. 232, n. 52), buthe does K'Opn not makethe connectionwith whatI call IsraelianHebrew. Paul's commentaryis as complete a philologicaltreatmentof Amos (or perhapsany biblical book) as exists today.The work builds from this firm philological base to addresswith equal excellence the largerliterary, historical,andtheologicalissues centralto the bookof Amos. Paul'sAmosis destinedto remaina valuableworkfor yearsto come. GaryA. Rendsburg CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y. MichaelV. Fox. Characterand Ideologyin the Book of Esther:Studieson Personalitiesof the Old Testament.Columbia:Universityof SouthCarolina Press, 1991. xv, 317 pp. The fast and frenziedreadingof the Megillahduringthe annualPurim celebrationis not likely to engenderrespectfor the bookof Estheras a work of literaturein the mindsof the inebriated.Andeven thosewho approachthe book fully sober have often criticizedits plot as contrived,its charactersas

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shallow,andits spiritas vengeful.Butin CharacterandIdeologyin theBook of Esther,Michael Fox demonstratesto all such skepticsthatin its careful craftingEstherreflectsa sophisticatedliteraryand theologicalmind.Unlike some newer literaryapproacheswhich take the HebrewBible in isolation as the contextfor intertextualinterpretation, Fox prefersa Sitz im Lebenset in the in of Jewish life the history squarely diaspora. His bookactuallyfunctionsas a doublecommentary. Thefirstpartoffersa criticaltranslationandcommentarythatdividesEstherintotwelveacts standard andcommentson thetextversebyverse.Foxherefocusesontheunfoldinglogic of plot andcharacter.He substantiatesagreementsandpursuesdisagreements withpreviouscommentators,bothmodernandrabbinic,in a way thatenables At the same time, he readersto participatein the process of interpretation. make clear the and attitudes that underliehis own to attempts assumptions in a akinto Rashior thus the more reading, personalizing commentary style Rambanthanto the faceless "objectivity" of historicalcriticism. The second partof Fox's book, comprisingslightlymorethanhalf of it, analyzesand extendsthe commentaryalong the lines of structure,character, andideology.Withchaptersdevotedto eachof themajorcharacters, including theJewishpeopleandGodas characters,Fox illustrateshis contentionthatthe reader'sconstructionof a characterfromthedatagivenbythewriterconstitutes an act of imaginationthroughwhichthe worldof thewritercomesalive. At theoutset(p. 4), Fox poses six questionswhichhe believesareprovoked Four by the storyandthatserveto highlightthe emphasesof his commentary. relateto the situationof theJewishcommunityin diaspora:how it cansurvive, how it mustact in timesof crisis,whatis its naturein exile, whatis the nature of thegentilestate.I daresaythatthesequestionsareposedless by thetextthan by the Jewishexperienceof diaspora;for Christianreaders,thesearenot the firstquestionsthe storyraises.Yetin attendingto thesequestionsFox exposes the realparadigmaticqualityof Estherfor Jewishreaders. ClassifyingEstheras a "diasporastory"alongwith Daniel 1-6 andTobit (pp. 145-158), Fox sees thisgenreillustratinghowJewsdependon themselves as a communityin the absenceof state,king, territory,temple,and priests. He especiallywants to dispel the lingeringdislike of the book promotedby Germantheologianswho saw it as anexpressionof Jewish nineteenth-century fanaticism,xenophobia,and exclusivism.Fox arguesthatwhile the book is nationalisticin its affirmationof the rightof Jews to maintaintheiridentity in the diaspora,it also sees peacefulintegrationof Jews in the diasporaas an

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ideal.Afterall, the bookdoes notprotestEsther'smarriageto a gentilekingor Mordecai'sstatusas his courtier. One of the more troublingaspectsof Estherfor moderncommentators, throughnot for traditionalreaders,is the absence of explicit referenceto God. Some modernshave classifiedthe book as "secular,"while othershave suggested that God's presence in the story is intendedby allusions (e.g., the phrase"anotherplace" [4:14]), coincidences,reversals,or by the very themeof the survivalof the Jews. Fox argues,to the contrary,thatthe author createsa "carefullycraftedindeterminacy" (p. 247) throughwhichhe aimsto communicatehis own uncertaintyaboutGod'srolein history.Whilethisis an intriguingpossibility,it imputesto the authora rathermodernsophistication, in anycase, is difficultto demonstrate. andindeterminacy, Fox also takeson thosefeministswho believethatthe Estherstoryundergirdstheassumptionsof patriarchal ideologyby presentingwomenas obedient even when they become heroines. Ratherthan supportingthe courageous Vashti,somefeministsassert,Esthersidlesin forherown self-servingreasons. Whenshe does standup, it is only at Mordecai'surging,andshe speaksonly when given permissionby the king. Fox assertsthat this position ignores Esther'sgrowth, imposes modernstandardsupon the restrictivelife of an ancientorientalcourt,and is indifferentto the majorcrisis at the heartof the book:the mortaldangerof the Jewishpeople.On the contrary,says Fox, the authorof Esthersatirizesmale dominancein the Persiancourtand portrays Estheras a courageousandintelligentwomanwhose importanceis unrelated to motherhoodandwho sharespowerwithheruncle. Throughhis two fold analytic and syntheticapproachto Esther,Fox succeeds in generatinga world from the wordsof the text. He shows how the relationshipbetweenthe Jews and the Persiansillustratesandbecomesa templatefor the dynamicsof diasporaexistence.By analyzingthe decisions that Mordecaiand Esthereach'make to combatthe unabashedJew-hatred of Haman,Fox reveals the classic qualityof theirdilemma.Morethanany otherbiblicalbook, thisone not only depictshow Jews see theOther,butalso how Jews see the Otherseeing the Jews. In his patientandcarefulstudy,Fox illuminatesthis doublevision. RobertL.Cohn Lafayette College Easton,Pa.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Frederick E. Greenspahn Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 250-252 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486629 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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Samuel A. Meier. Speakingof Speaking:MarkingDirect Discourse in the vol. XLVI.Leiden:E. J. HebrewBible. Supplementsto VetusTestamentum, Brill, 1992. xvi, 383 pp. In his famous comedy routine, Victor Borge uses various sounds to representthe punctuationmarksin a book which he is readingaloud. By doing this, he calls attentionto the presenceof signs in a writtentext which, though not normallyarticulated,aid in reading.What these signs attempt to do, of course, is to provide the readerwith informationthat is readily apparentin oral communication,since most scriptshave no way of showing tone, volume, phrasing,facial expression,or gesture.As problematicas this may be for a simple, expositionaltext, it is even more difficultin the case of directdiscourse,wherean authormustcommunicatenot only whatis said and,ideally,how,butalso who is doingthespeaking. Thisbecomesstill more complexwherethe possibilityof multiplespeakersexists, as in dialogue. Modernwriters have several tools with which to solve this dilemma. Among these are quotationmarksand otherisolatingpunctuation(colons, However, commas,etc.) and,in somelanguages,conventionsof capitalization. none of these was availableto biblical writers.Readersof the Bible must, therefore,rely on verbalcues, particularlythe use of verbadicendi,such as s'l, 'nh, and variousforms of the ubiquitousroot 'mi;in orderto recognize what would have been obvious to any listeneror participantin an ancient conversation,namely,who is speaking. SamuelMeier'sSpeakingof Speakingis a preliminarystudyof the ways in which biblical authorshandled this problem.As such, it is, in some respects,moreof a catalogthana descriptionof the phenomenonwithwhich it is concerned.Close to 40 percentof its pages are taken up by sections devotedto the use of specific terms,such as 'mriand its variousinflections. Other topics studied here are the treatmentof direct speech in prophetic texts and the presentationof divine speech.To achieve this, the authorhas assembledan arrayof complicatedcharts,with detaileddiscussionsof many problematicindividualpassagesfromthe Bible.As he readilyacknowledges, the book may,therefore,provemoreusefulas a collectionof datafor further, specific studies than as somethingto be read throughon its own. At the same time, buriedin Meier's lists and complex syntaxare many intriguing implications.Forexample,he pointsout thatthe rootngd (higgid)introduces direct discoursemuch less often than Slh and proposesthat 'mrmay have

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been associatedwith Jerusalem,whereasthe rootdbr was usedin the North. He also notes thatpoetic passagestend to avoid the familiarli'mdi; which, Meier claims, originally functionedas a true infinitive,markingpurpose, before it developed into the fundamentallymeaninglessindicatorof direct discoursewhichit becameonly late in the biblicalperiod.Indeed,its frequent absence from prophetictexts leaves the identityof the speakerunclearin many such passages. Not until the exilic periodwas this problemresolved, as evidencedby the use of a rigidpatternin the book of Ezekiel.Meieralso offers some remarksaboutthe "messengerformula,"whichhe studiedin an earliermonograph(The Messengerin the AncientSemitic World[Atlanta: ScholarsPress,1988]),arguingthatratherthanindicatingthenarrowcategory of messages, it is actuallya citationformulawith a muchbroaderrangeof use. In addition,he is able to identify a series of phases in the treatment of divine speech, beginningwith pre-exilicpoetry,whereGod's words are unlikely to be set apartfrom their context as they are in prose passages, whichuse the same lexemes for God as for otherspeakers.It was only during the exilic and post-exilicperiodsthatspecialphrases,suchas ne'irmnYHWH, came into use. Meier'sresearchyields numerousobservationswhichcontradictwhatone might ordinarilyexpect. He is particularlysuccessfulin demonstratingthe surprisingvarietyof ways in which the Bible handlesdirectdiscourse.This is most vividly evident in parallelpassages,which sometimesintroducethe same speech in quite differentways. Furtherevidenceof the same sort can be inferredfromancientversions,whichoccasionallyseem to havereliedon Vorlagenthathandleddirectdiscoursedifferentlythanthe Masoretictext of the samepassage.Since it is not alwayspossibleto distinguishthetranslator's contributionfrom that of the originalauthor,such evidencemust,perforce, be treatedcautiously. A particularlyinterestingfeature is Meier's extensive use of modern translations,which contemporarybiblical studies seldom afford the same statusas monographsandreferenceworkssuchas lexiconsandcommentaries. However,these are uniquelyvaluablefor this project,since the natureof a translationforces the translatorto take a stand as to the speakerof every biblicalpassage. Given the subject and Meier's interest in identifyingand classifying virtually every relevant biblical passage, it is perhapsinevitablethat his syntax can become complex; for example, he describesthe fact that dbr

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occurssurprisinglyoften in 2 Kings 1 withoutbeing complementedby any formof the verb 'mras "a consistentdeviationuniquein the HebrewBible" (p. 146).Elsewhere,his terminologyis occasionallydifficult,withwordssuch as "disambiguate" (pp. 259 and275) and"cataphoric" (p. 306). Nonetheless, this volume representsa significant,if tedious,contributionto the studyof Hebrewsyntax,whichis attractingincreasingattentionamongcontemporary biblical scholars.In the end, one can only hope thatthe author'sdiligence and his book's rigorouslyempiricalapproachwill encouragecloser scrutiny of numerouscommonassumptionsandtherebyleadto a betterunderstanding of the way in which even familiarbiblicalphrasesdevelopedandare used. Frederick E. Greenspahn of Denver University Denver,Colo. E. P. Sanders. Judaism: Practice and Belief 63 BCE-66 CE. London: SCM

Press, 1992. xix, 580 pp. E. P. Sandersregardsthisnew workas a personalrethinkingof approaches to first-centuryJudaism,an attackon and revisionof "theprevailingview" in scholarlyopinion of the last two centuries,which "suppressedthe most of some of the evidence"(p. x). His view is thatthere naturalinterpretation was a commonJudaismobservedby the majorityof thepeople,who werenot affiliatedwith sectariangroups.Thiscommonreligion,alongwiththeinternal social and political life of Judea,was not dominatedby the Pharisees,as a carefulandcriticalreadingof Josephusandtherabbinicsourcesdemonstrates. Josephus'accountof the PhariseesvariedbetweenWarandAntiquities,and Josephus'summariesaboutthe Pharisees'popularityarenot borneout by his accountof specificevents. The Mishnah,a creationof the secondcentury,is not an infalliblesourcefor first-century religiouspractice.Sandersassociates himselfmostclosely with the school of MortonSmith,JacobNeusner,Shaye Cohen, and MartinGoodmanin this overall analysis (p. 535, n. 45, and passim).In truth,his book may be seen as a majorexpansionof the thesis in Smith's"PalestinianJudaismin the FirstCentury,"cited by Sandersin its 1977reprint,butnow alreadythirty-sixyearsold sinceits originalappearance (in M. Davis, ed., Israel: Its Role in Civilization [New York, 1956]). I had,

perhapsnaively,begunto thinkthatits approachhadindeedbecomethenorm thatthis book now hopes to establish.Sandersacknowledgeshis debt, and,

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Stanley Isser Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 252-254 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486630 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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occurssurprisinglyoften in 2 Kings 1 withoutbeing complementedby any formof the verb 'mras "a consistentdeviationuniquein the HebrewBible" (p. 146).Elsewhere,his terminologyis occasionallydifficult,withwordssuch as "disambiguate" (pp. 259 and275) and"cataphoric" (p. 306). Nonetheless, this volume representsa significant,if tedious,contributionto the studyof Hebrewsyntax,whichis attractingincreasingattentionamongcontemporary biblical scholars.In the end, one can only hope thatthe author'sdiligence and his book's rigorouslyempiricalapproachwill encouragecloser scrutiny of numerouscommonassumptionsandtherebyleadto a betterunderstanding of the way in which even familiarbiblicalphrasesdevelopedandare used. Frederick E. Greenspahn of Denver University Denver,Colo. E. P. Sanders. Judaism: Practice and Belief 63 BCE-66 CE. London: SCM

Press, 1992. xix, 580 pp. E. P. Sandersregardsthisnew workas a personalrethinkingof approaches to first-centuryJudaism,an attackon and revisionof "theprevailingview" in scholarlyopinion of the last two centuries,which "suppressedthe most of some of the evidence"(p. x). His view is thatthere naturalinterpretation was a commonJudaismobservedby the majorityof thepeople,who werenot affiliatedwith sectariangroups.Thiscommonreligion,alongwiththeinternal social and political life of Judea,was not dominatedby the Pharisees,as a carefulandcriticalreadingof Josephusandtherabbinicsourcesdemonstrates. Josephus'accountof the PhariseesvariedbetweenWarandAntiquities,and Josephus'summariesaboutthe Pharisees'popularityarenot borneout by his accountof specificevents. The Mishnah,a creationof the secondcentury,is not an infalliblesourcefor first-century religiouspractice.Sandersassociates himselfmostclosely with the school of MortonSmith,JacobNeusner,Shaye Cohen, and MartinGoodmanin this overall analysis (p. 535, n. 45, and passim).In truth,his book may be seen as a majorexpansionof the thesis in Smith's"PalestinianJudaismin the FirstCentury,"cited by Sandersin its 1977reprint,butnow alreadythirty-sixyearsold sinceits originalappearance (in M. Davis, ed., Israel: Its Role in Civilization [New York, 1956]). I had,

perhapsnaively,begunto thinkthatits approachhadindeedbecomethenorm thatthis book now hopes to establish.Sandersacknowledgeshis debt, and,

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differingonly on a few points with Smithand Neusner,providesextensive detailto fill in the pictureof Judaismas it was practiced.He does so together with a repeatedattackon the older views representedby E. SchUrerand J. Jeremias,and their more contemporaryexponents,G. Alon, S. Safrai,A. Guttmann,and H. Maccoby. Much of Sanders'stext is a manualof factualmaterialdiscussedfroma social-historicalpointof view, presentedthroughthecriticalmethodsreferred to above, and enhancedby the author'sown illustrativescenarios.Topics includea full physicaldescriptionof the Templeand the sacrificialcult, the workandincomeof the priests,taxes,religiousobservancesfromartifactsto holidaysto purityregulations,the commontheologyandfuturehopes of the nation,daily life, and what is really knownaboutthe beliefs, practices,and social realityof the majorsectariangroups. Severalconclusionsof Sanders'snew views deservenotice: The people. In general the Jewish populationsupportedthe Temple worshipand did observebiblical laws regardingtithesand purity.Common Judaismwas essentially what the people and the priests agreed on. The Temple was a rallying point for the people, as was the Law; most were willing to die for it. They believed that God could and would intervenein history.These basicallyreligiouscommitmentsoutweighedeconomicfactors as causes for protestand rebellion. Thegovernment.Romantaxationplus religioustithesandotherexactions were not excessive, and the total was normalfor the empire(usuallyunder 28 percent).There was no steady buildupof tension that made the revolt inevitable,but alternatingperiodsof tensionandcalm.The revoltitself came as a surprise.The termsanhedrinusuallyrefersto an ad hoc court;therewere no representativeassembliesor legislativebodies in which the Phariseesor anybodyelse playedan influentialrole. The priesthood and aristocracy. Priests, when not officiating in the

Temple,providedpublic leadershipas teachersand magistrates.The priests were not particularlycorrupt;attackson theirintegritymust be understood as the propagandaof their opponents. Similarly the leading aristocratic families were an upright and responsiblegroup. Along with the "chief priests"--definedas membersof the few families from which high priests werechosen-they providednationalleadershipwithinthecontextof Roman rule. Pharisees and Essenes. The first-centuryPhariseesdid not believe that

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their "oral law" had actually originated with Moses. No major legal tradition is so described. For the pluralistic Essenes, of whom the Qumransect is only one representative, the Damascus Covenant (CD) was the document of an extremist party that did not separate itself completely from the Temple, while the Community Rule (1QS) defined a fully separatist sect. Josephus. The more favorable attitude toward the Pharisees in Antiquities than in Waris less due to the changed historical circumstances and post-revolt status of the Pharisees (Smith) than to the more liberal use of Nicholaus of Damascus in Antiquities. Because the Pharisees had at first supportedHerod, Nicholaus was well disposed toward them. Sanders clearly wants a more sympathetic renderingof the Jews to emerge in a period for which Christian polemicists and the "older"academic views tended to depict a corrupt leadership and a society polarized between overly pious Pharisees and a non-observant population from whom the former separated themselves. He insists on the integrity of the priests and other leaders, minimizes the exclusivist legalism of the Pharisees, and upgrades the rank-and-file's basic piety and seriousness toward the Law. His positive description of the common Jewish religion, "covenantal nomism," with its goal of responding to the will of God, appears to be aimed at Christian readers. There are some important omissions, surprising in light of the Smith and Neusner citations. While the Pharisaic haburah is mentioned, there is no discussion of its initiatory system, and consequently its parallels with the Essenes. There is nothing about the Samaritans and the smaller sects of first-century Palestine. And there is little on the importance of hellenization among all Jewish subgroups or on popular practices such as magic. These might have been worth an additional chapter. The role of Christianity in first-century Judaism already has been explored by Sanders in his previous books. StanleyIsser StateUniversityof New Yorkat Albany Albany,N.Y.

Peter Schtfer. The Hidden and Manifest God: Some Major Themes in Early) Jewish Mysticism. SUNY Series in Judaica: Hermeneutics, Mysticism, and Religion. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992. xii, 198 pp.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): David J. Halperin Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 254-257 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486631 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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their "oral law" had actually originated with Moses. No major legal tradition is so described. For the pluralistic Essenes, of whom the Qumransect is only one representative, the Damascus Covenant (CD) was the document of an extremist party that did not separate itself completely from the Temple, while the Community Rule (1QS) defined a fully separatist sect. Josephus. The more favorable attitude toward the Pharisees in Antiquities than in Waris less due to the changed historical circumstances and post-revolt status of the Pharisees (Smith) than to the more liberal use of Nicholaus of Damascus in Antiquities. Because the Pharisees had at first supportedHerod, Nicholaus was well disposed toward them. Sanders clearly wants a more sympathetic renderingof the Jews to emerge in a period for which Christian polemicists and the "older"academic views tended to depict a corrupt leadership and a society polarized between overly pious Pharisees and a non-observant population from whom the former separated themselves. He insists on the integrity of the priests and other leaders, minimizes the exclusivist legalism of the Pharisees, and upgrades the rank-and-file's basic piety and seriousness toward the Law. His positive description of the common Jewish religion, "covenantal nomism," with its goal of responding to the will of God, appears to be aimed at Christian readers. There are some important omissions, surprising in light of the Smith and Neusner citations. While the Pharisaic haburah is mentioned, there is no discussion of its initiatory system, and consequently its parallels with the Essenes. There is nothing about the Samaritans and the smaller sects of first-century Palestine. And there is little on the importance of hellenization among all Jewish subgroups or on popular practices such as magic. These might have been worth an additional chapter. The role of Christianity in first-century Judaism already has been explored by Sanders in his previous books. StanleyIsser StateUniversityof New Yorkat Albany Albany,N.Y.

Peter Schtfer. The Hidden and Manifest God: Some Major Themes in Early) Jewish Mysticism. SUNY Series in Judaica: Hermeneutics, Mysticism, and Religion. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992. xii, 198 pp.

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Imagine,if you can, the modernstudyof the Hekhalotliteraturewithout Peter Schafer.It is hardlyeven conceivable.Since 1981, when the groundbreaking Synopse zur Hekhalot-Literaturappeared,Schifer and his colleagues

in Germanyhave publisheda seriesof first-rateworks(includingtranslations and a concordance)that have not merely revolutionizedthe study of this forbiddinglyabstrusevarietyof Jewishmysticism,buthave madethatstudy possiblein a way it neverwas before. Thanksto Schaferand his coworkers,we now have the basic equipment we need to decide for ourselves whetherGershomScholem's "Merkabah mysticism"(depictedon the basis of these texts) existed as he imaginedit, andwhetherthe placehe assignedit in his schemeof "majortrendsin Jewish mysticism"correspondsto historicalreality.Schaferhimselfhas prepareda series of importantstudies bearingon these questions.The most recentof them is the presentbook, a sober and concise examinationof the Hekhalot literatureand of its majorthemes. Thatit is a good book goes almostwithoutsaying.Few peopleknowthe Hekhalotas well as Schafer,and his expertiseis apparenton every page. So is his restrained,cautiousapproach.Scholemhad supposedthe Hekhalot texts to be the literarydeposit of an ecstaticmysticismwith strongGnostic overtones,whichhe regardedas the esotericcontentof the talmudicma'aseh merkabah.Schifer points out, correctly,that this imposes a schemeon the texts that considerablydistortstheir own agendas.The ecstaticjourneyis vastly less prominentin themthanone wouldgatherfromreadingScholem. Yet one needs some sort of organizingprinciplein orderto makeone's way throughthe chaos of the Hekhalot.Schaferfinds this principlein the suppositionthat the consistenttopics of the Hekhalotare God, the angels, in practice, and humanity;and the relationsamongthe three.("Humanity," turnsout largelyto be those people who undertaketo bringthemselvesinto relationwith God and the angelsby meansof the Hekhalotincantations.)He surveys,one by one, the majortextualunitsof the Hekhalot("macroforms") anddescribestheirviews on his threekey topics. This procedureperhapsindicatesthat Schaferhas rethoughthis earlier views, which tended to downplay the importanceof the macroforms.It has the disadvantageof omittingfrom considerationthose materials,often quiteimportant,which for some reasonfall outsidethe macroforms'bounds. (The most unfortunateexample is the Genizahtext publishedin 1969 by IthamarGruenwald,republishedin 1984 by Schaferhimself, which would

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have greatlyenrichedSchifer's treatmentof the heavenly-journey theme.It is left entirely out of the discussion.)But it has substantialadvantagesas well. Schifer's topics emerge naturallyfrom the Hekhalotthemselves,and evoke no suspicion that the investigator'sinterestsare being forcedon the materials.His organizationof materialby macroformshelpshimto dojustice to its several layers as well as to the ensemble,and to avoid the snareof generalizingit all into one greathomogeneousmass. How, accordingto Schifer, are we to understandthe Hekhalot?As I have noted, Schafer rejects Scholem's readingas extremeand one-sided. He also rejects,on similargrounds,my own view (whichI arguedin 1988 in The Faces of Chariot) that the Hekhalot represent a fantasy-rebellion of

the spirituallydisenfranchisedof rabbinicJudaismagainstthe rabbinicelite. Such claims, Schafer thinks, go beyond what our currentknowledgewill allow;and, moreover,fail to do justice to the diversitywithinthe Hekhalot. Schifer will speak,as I do, of the Hekhalotauthorsas being in rebellion againstrabbinicJudaism(p. 161). Buthe locatesthis"rebellion"in a moreor less abstractrealmof religiousideology.In contrastto the classicalrabbinic sources,the Hekhalotannouncea God who-in the present,notjust at Sinai or theeschaton-both revealshimselfto andconcealshimselffromhis chosen followers,humanand angelic.Theirauthorstransformthe traditionalvalues of prayerand Torahstudy in the light of this perception.In so doing, they dareeven to imaginea God who is dependenton his humandevotees. Is this enough?Will we understandthe Hekhalotas humancreationsonce we have so formulatedtheirtheology?Will we grasphow theirauthorscan haveinvestedsuchideaswiththe violentemotionsthatareevidentthroughout the literature?I remainunsatisfied.The fantasies(or hallucinations,if you prefer) of the Hekhalot authorsare filled with a phenomenalamountof aggressionand brutality-some of it expressedopenly,some projectedonto theimaginarybeingsthataretheseauthors'favoredsubjects.Internalevidence suggests that their aggression is directedagainst other membersof their community,not outsiders. (God, the angels, and humanadepts normally blast,terrorize,andusurpthe powersof each other;notGentilesor demons.) Withouta hypothesisto providea social or psychologicalcontext(or both) for this rage, the Hekhalotremainfor me unsolvedriddles. It is easy to imagine a retort to this criticism. Schafer might well invoke,in his support,VictorTcherikover'sdictum:"Wemaynot extendour historicalknowledgeby these cautiousmethods,but at least we shall avoid

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errors" (Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews, p. 79). I would not agree with

this response-the projectof comprehendingthe humandimensionof the Hekhalotseems to me worth a certainrisk of error-but I would respect it. Schaffer'scautious methods have expandedour ability to deal with the Hekhalotto a degree that we once could hardlyhave hoped for. We now can engage, as we could not twelve years ago, in a dialectic process of hypothesisand hypothesis-testingwhich may eventuallymove us towarda truecomprehensionof the Hekhalot.In this greatdialogue,Schafer'slatest book will remainan essentialcontribution. DavidJ. Halperin of NorthCarolina University ChapelHill,N.C. HerbertA. Davidson.Alfarabi,Avicenna,and Averroes,on Intellect:Their Cosmologies,Theoriesof the ActiveIntellect,and Theoriesof HumanIntellect. New York:OxfordUniversityPress, 1992. iii, 363 pp. Alfarabi (d. 950), Avicenna(Ibn Sina, 980-1037), and Averroes(Ibn Rushd, 1126-1198) were the threemost thoroughlystudiedMuslimphilosophersin the Jewishencounterwith Greekphilosophybetweenthe twelfthand the sixteenthcenturies.Two of the most pivotalissues withinthis encounter weretheoriesregardingcosmologyandintellect.Jewishphilosophersdebated these theoriesbecause they were fascinatedby rationality.Pre-Newtonians and pre-Freudians,they were anxiousto correlateor identifyhumanminds with the spiritualforces responsiblefor structuralorder in the universe, therebyexplaininghow mortalhumanintelligenceis capableof discovering absolutetruths.Disputingthe mysteriesof reason,the philosophersclashed over the definitionof humanidentity.They offeredcompetingexplanations for the psychologicalexperienceof imaginationanddreams;theydivergedin theiropinionsregardingprophecy;and, they battledover Judaism'spromise of personalimmortality.These medievalphilosophicdebateswere further complicatedby profounddisagreementsover the propermeaningof Aristotle's most obscureand incompletestatements.HerbertA. Davidson'slatest monograph,therefore,deals with the most influentialfiguresand the most fundamentaltopics in what is undeniablythe very heartlandof medieval Jewishphilosophy. Chapters3 and 4 sort out and elucidate the varioustexts writtenby

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Kalman P. Bland Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 257-260 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486632 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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errors" (Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews, p. 79). I would not agree with

this response-the projectof comprehendingthe humandimensionof the Hekhalotseems to me worth a certainrisk of error-but I would respect it. Schaffer'scautious methods have expandedour ability to deal with the Hekhalotto a degree that we once could hardlyhave hoped for. We now can engage, as we could not twelve years ago, in a dialectic process of hypothesisand hypothesis-testingwhich may eventuallymove us towarda truecomprehensionof the Hekhalot.In this greatdialogue,Schafer'slatest book will remainan essentialcontribution. DavidJ. Halperin of NorthCarolina University ChapelHill,N.C. HerbertA. Davidson.Alfarabi,Avicenna,and Averroes,on Intellect:Their Cosmologies,Theoriesof the ActiveIntellect,and Theoriesof HumanIntellect. New York:OxfordUniversityPress, 1992. iii, 363 pp. Alfarabi (d. 950), Avicenna(Ibn Sina, 980-1037), and Averroes(Ibn Rushd, 1126-1198) were the threemost thoroughlystudiedMuslimphilosophersin the Jewishencounterwith Greekphilosophybetweenthe twelfthand the sixteenthcenturies.Two of the most pivotalissues withinthis encounter weretheoriesregardingcosmologyandintellect.Jewishphilosophersdebated these theoriesbecause they were fascinatedby rationality.Pre-Newtonians and pre-Freudians,they were anxiousto correlateor identifyhumanminds with the spiritualforces responsiblefor structuralorder in the universe, therebyexplaininghow mortalhumanintelligenceis capableof discovering absolutetruths.Disputingthe mysteriesof reason,the philosophersclashed over the definitionof humanidentity.They offeredcompetingexplanations for the psychologicalexperienceof imaginationanddreams;theydivergedin theiropinionsregardingprophecy;and, they battledover Judaism'spromise of personalimmortality.These medievalphilosophicdebateswere further complicatedby profounddisagreementsover the propermeaningof Aristotle's most obscureand incompletestatements.HerbertA. Davidson'slatest monograph,therefore,deals with the most influentialfiguresand the most fundamentaltopics in what is undeniablythe very heartlandof medieval Jewishphilosophy. Chapters3 and 4 sort out and elucidate the varioustexts writtenby

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Alfarabiand Avicennarelated to the topics of cosmic emanation,human intellect,prophecy,and immortality.A majorsection of chapter5 itemizes the "reverberations" of their ideas on JudahHallevi, AbrahamIbn Daud, Maimonides,and a host of other medievalJewish Aristoteliansand antiAristotelians.Chapters6 through8, slightlyless thanone-halfof the entire monograph,sortout andelucidateall of the texts writtenby Averroesrelated to his particularlyinfluentialnotionsof cosmicorderandintellection.Chapter 7 containsa reviewof the impactof theseAverroanideason Jewishthought. Even those sectionsof the book not directlyconcernedwith"reverberations" impinge on the history of Jewish culture,insofar as most of the original Arabictexts were translatedinto Hebrewand severalof the most important Islamictexts, especiallythose of Averroes,areextantonly in Hebrew. Integratingthe studyof Jewishphilosophywith Islamicphilosophyconstitutesone of the majorprinciplesin Davidson'smethodology.He formulated this principleexplicitly in his earlierand closely relatedmonograph,Proofs for Eternity, Creation and the Existence of God in Medieval Islamic Jewish

Philosophy (New York, 1987): "Jewish philosophy is rooted in Islamic philosophy and cannot be properlyunderstoodin isolation from it. The reverse is of course not true. .

.

. Yet when viewed historically, Jewish

philosophydoes shed light on medievalIslamicphilosophyin a numberof areas.... Many of Averroes'writingsare preservedexclusivelyin Hebrew, and Hebrewcommentariesfurnishthe best, andoften the sole, access to the meaningof even those preservedon Arabic"(p. 6). Davidson's interests go beyond the interactionof Islamic and Jewish philosophies.Major sections of chapters5 and 7 in the monographunder reviewaredevotedto tracingthe "reverberations" of Alfarabi,Avicenna,and Averroesin IslamicandChristianscholasticthought,e.g., IbnBajja,Ghazali, andAquinas.This methodologicalcommitmentto cross-cultural, Suhrawardi, comparativescholarshipaccordswith the principlearticulatedin his Proofs for Eternity:"Treatingthe severalbranchesof medievalphilosophy-Islamic, Jewish, and Christian-in conjunctionwith one anotheris surelyjustified consideringthe extent to which they draw sustenancefrom the same, or similar,sources and are animatedby the same spirit"(Proofsfor Eternity, p. 6, and the referencethere to H. A. Wolfson'sstatementthat "medieval philosophy... is thus the commonphilosophyof threereligions-Judaism,

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Christianityand Islam--consisting of one philosophywrittenin five languages--Greek,Latin,Syriac,ArabicandHebrew"').Davidson'smethodfor doing the history of philosophyis therebydistinguishedfrom parochialor limitedhistorieswrittenwithouthis expertisein all of the relevantlanguages andliteratures. Chapter2 proves that Davidson'sexpertiseincludesthe "discussionsof intellect in late Greek and early Arabic philosophy"(p. 5) which served as the backgroundto Alfarabi,Avicenna,and Averroes.Behind the Greek commentatorsstands Aristotle himself. Characteristically, Davidsonopens and closes the monographwith explicit referencesto Aristotle'sDe Anima. Throughout,he seems intenton determiningwhetherthe medievalphilosophersgot theirAristotleright.Some of the most eruditeandusefulpassages in the monographare those in which Davidsonaccountsfor the lapsesmade by medieval philosophersand commentatorswhen they reached"wholly un-Aristotelian"conclusions (p. 346). Startingwith Aristotleand tracking his interpreterscross-culturallyis anotherof the fundamentalprinciplesin Davidson'smethodology.I referonce againto his Proofsof Eternity,where he explicitly describeda disciplinecalled the "historyof philosophicideas" which attempts"to tracethe historyof philosophicconstructionsratherthan reproducethe completesystem of any individualphilosopheror philosophic school [andwhose] concernis chieflywiththe historyof proofs... [and]the historyof the componentsfromwhich the proofsarefashioned.The starting point . . . is, with rare exceptions, Aristotle ... [as] often determined by the late Greek philosophers" (Proofs of Eternity, p. 7).

Thismethodis well-foundedandproblematic.Someintellectualhistorians are less certainof being able to discernauthorialintention,otherinsist on correlatingphilosopherswith their social context.Many seek to demystify philosophyby reducingit to ideologicallyinspiredpropagandaon behalfof class interestsand ruling elites. Historianscriticalof ArthurA. Lovejoy's artificiallydetached"unit-ideas"2 mightobjectto Davidson's"components."3 It wouldbe importantto knowhow Davidsonmightdefendhis claimon behalf of medievalphilosophy's"samespirit"againstthe "sociologyof philosophy" 1. HarryA. Wolfson,Philo (Cambridge,Mass., 1948), vol. 2, p. 443. 2. See ArthurA. Lovejoy,TheGreatChainof Being (Cambridge,Mass.,1936),pp. 3-23. 3. See, for example, DominickLaCapraand Steven L. Kaplan,eds., ModernEuropean Intellectual History: Reappraisals and New Perspectives: (1982) and Juliet Gardiner,ed., What

Is HistoryToday... ? (1988),pp. 105-118.

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of scholarslike Leo Strausswho arguedthat"essentialdifferencesbetween Judaismand Islamon the one handandChristianityin the other"accountfor "a fundamentaldifferencebetweenChristianscholasticismon the one hand, andIslamicandJewish medievalphilosophyon the other."4 Like Ibn Bajja, whose literarystyle Davidsondescribesas "hazy"(p. 144), and like Averroes'sdiscussionof emanation,whose philosophicimport Davidsondescribesas "intimidatinglyenigmatic"(p. 227), the literary and philosophictopics addressedin this monographare perhapsthe most difficultto decipherin the historyof Westernthought.Thanksto Davidson's embattled"historyof philosophicideas"and his uncannyknackfor sorting out textualand conceptualconfusions,the originalmeaningand subsequent of Aristoteliancosmologyandintellectare no longerso hazy interpretations andintimidatinglyenigmatic.Finally,in learningfromDavidson'smeticulous comparisonof the receptionof Aristotlein threedistinctmedievalsettings, andin profitingfromhis discussionof the debtowed by ChristianandJewish philosophy(or philosophies)to Islamicculture,historiansoughtnot to miss the opportunityto reconsidertheirmost fundamentalpresuppositions. KalmanP.Bland DukeUniversity N.C. Durham, FrankManuel, The BrokenStaff: JudaismThroughChristianEyes. Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress, 1992.ix, 363 pp. The BrokenStaff begins with a brief sketchof the initial stages of the relationshipbetween Christiansand Jews and includes,in its final chapter, a hasty overview of the CatholicChurch'scurrentstancetowardthe Jewish religion. The bulk of the book is devoted, however, to a review of the new evaluationsof Judaismarticulatedby -Christiansand "anti-Christian Christians"between the late fifteenthand early nineteenthcenturies.In his treatmentof this three-hundred-year periodManuelfocusesprimarilyon two broadcategoriesof thinkers:the ChristianHebraistsof the fifteenththrough as well as the opponentsof the seventeenthcenturiesand the representatives Enlightenment. eighteenth-century 4. Leo Strauss, Persecution and the Art of Writing(Glencoe, Ill., 1936), pp. 8-9.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Allan Arkush Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 260-263 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486633 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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of scholarslike Leo Strausswho arguedthat"essentialdifferencesbetween Judaismand Islamon the one handandChristianityin the other"accountfor "a fundamentaldifferencebetweenChristianscholasticismon the one hand, andIslamicandJewish medievalphilosophyon the other."4 Like Ibn Bajja, whose literarystyle Davidsondescribesas "hazy"(p. 144), and like Averroes'sdiscussionof emanation,whose philosophicimport Davidsondescribesas "intimidatinglyenigmatic"(p. 227), the literary and philosophictopics addressedin this monographare perhapsthe most difficultto decipherin the historyof Westernthought.Thanksto Davidson's embattled"historyof philosophicideas"and his uncannyknackfor sorting out textualand conceptualconfusions,the originalmeaningand subsequent of Aristoteliancosmologyandintellectare no longerso hazy interpretations andintimidatinglyenigmatic.Finally,in learningfromDavidson'smeticulous comparisonof the receptionof Aristotlein threedistinctmedievalsettings, andin profitingfromhis discussionof the debtowed by ChristianandJewish philosophy(or philosophies)to Islamicculture,historiansoughtnot to miss the opportunityto reconsidertheirmost fundamentalpresuppositions. KalmanP.Bland DukeUniversity N.C. Durham, FrankManuel, The BrokenStaff: JudaismThroughChristianEyes. Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress, 1992.ix, 363 pp. The BrokenStaff begins with a brief sketchof the initial stages of the relationshipbetween Christiansand Jews and includes,in its final chapter, a hasty overview of the CatholicChurch'scurrentstancetowardthe Jewish religion. The bulk of the book is devoted, however, to a review of the new evaluationsof Judaismarticulatedby -Christiansand "anti-Christian Christians"between the late fifteenthand early nineteenthcenturies.In his treatmentof this three-hundred-year periodManuelfocusesprimarilyon two broadcategoriesof thinkers:the ChristianHebraistsof the fifteenththrough as well as the opponentsof the seventeenthcenturiesand the representatives Enlightenment. eighteenth-century 4. Leo Strauss, Persecution and the Art of Writing(Glencoe, Ill., 1936), pp. 8-9.

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Manuelapparentlyregardshis attempt"to illuminatethe maincurrentin Christendom'srecoveryof Judaism"as a pioneeringventure.In dealingwith this subject,he aims only "to stakeout generallines of development."Figurativelydescribingthe natureof his own work,he speaksof the "soundings" he has "madefor an archaeologicaldig, accompaniedby an aerialsurvey"(p. 12). Manuelis, of course, neitherthe firstarchaeologistnor the firstaviator to scout this terrain,but he does not considerhis predecessorsto be worthy of muchmention.All he has to say aboutJewishhistoriography in generalis thatit has sometimesreduced"Christianviews of Judaismto a few formulas" and pigeonholed"themwith anachronisticabandonas eitherphilosemiticor antisemitic"(p. 9). The only previousscholarfor whom he seems to have any use is ChaimWirszubski. Manuel'sdismissivetreatmentof most of the existingresearchon Christianviews of Judaismin recentcenturiesinvitesa defensivereply,one which would uphold the honor of Jewish studies. And, indeed, it would not be difficultto show that much of what he himself has to say has alreadybeen said by others-and has sometimes been said better.There is little to be gained,however,from any detailedcomparisonof Manuel'sworkwith that of his predecessorsin this area. It would be much more useful simply to focus on his analysisof relativelyrecentdevelopmentsin the revolutionof ChristianattitudestowardJudaism. Manuelstronglyemphasizesthe high qualityof the scholarshipproduced by many of the early ChristianHebraists.While portrayingthemas men of greateruditionand impressiveaccomplishments,he makesit amplyevident thattheirclose acquaintancewith the Jewishreligiondid not alwaysincline themto "Judeophilia." A varietyof differentmotivesdrewthemto the study of Judaism,andtheyproducedcorrespondingly differentaccountsof it, which for different kinds of mills. ultimatelyprovidedgrist very Buxtorfthe Elder'ssnidepresentation of Judaismas a "literalist,niggling" religion gave sustenance,accordingto Manuel,to the disdainin which the deists and philosophes held it. The Anglicans,on the other hand, "drew estimate argumentsfromhis son,"who "initiateda new trendin theProtestant of Judaism"as a rational,philosophicalreligion(p. 90). The DutchHebraist Surenhuispublisheda Latin translationof the Mishnahaccompaniedby a commentarydefending"thereasonablenessof most of its legal provisions" anddemonstrating "howtheyfosteredpeaceandtranquilityin thecivil society of the Hebrews"(p. 95). But his work was "ransacked" in the eighteenth

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centuryby Voltaire,"andturnedon its head to ridiculerabbinicJudaism" (p. 97). On the otherhand,John Spencer'ssummationof Jewishrituallaw, which was "rationalistand Maimonideanin spirit,"servedas a sourcefor AbbeGuenee,who soughtto defendthe Old Testamentagainstthe attacksof the philosophes.

At the same time thathe pointsto such filiations,Manuelindicatestheir limitedsignificance.Whileshowingthatthe deistsandthephilosophesculled some of theirinformationfrom"respectableseventeenth-century Hebraists," he makes it clear that they derivedtheirbasic view of Judaismfrom other sources. Like others before him, Manuel notes the way in which these Christians"wereinfluencedby GreekandRomananti-Jewish "anti-Christian He writings. recognizes,in addition,the enormous,if largelysubterranean, impacton Enlightenmentevaluationsof Judaismof Spinoza'sTheologicalPolitical Treatise,a book which he characterizesas "the fountainheadof modernheresy"(butwhichhe does not summarizein any detail,presumably becauseits authorwas not a Christian).He confirmsthe generallyaccepted view thatthe deists and thephilosophesattackedJudaismprimarilyin order to underminethe foundationsof Christianity.In fact, his discussionof these attacks,which were directedmainly againstthe Old Testament,gives one reasonto thinkthatthey wouldnot havebeensubstantiallydifferenthadtheir authorslacked access to any of the works of the ChristianHebraists.It is Christiandefendersof Judaismwho seemto have only the eighteenth-century madeuse of importantargumentsfirstpopularizedby some of the Hebraists of earliercenturies. Unfortunately,as Manuelremarks,the writingsof such men as Guende "enjoyed only a brief influence." The writings of the deists and the philosophes,on the otherhand,"effecteda revolutionin ChristianEurope's perceptionof Judaism"and nurturednew forms of Jew-hatred(p. 165). Followingthe FrenchRevolution,"theologicalhostilityto Judaismtendedto mergewith the new 'scientific'andpoliticalantisemitism"(p. 247). Painfullyaware of the catastrophicconsequencesof the developments he has sketched,Manuelneverthelesslooks forward,cautiously,to a better future. The guardedhope with which his book closes is, however, one for which his historicalanalysis does not quite preparethe reader.In his eyes, the developmentin recent years "in many Westerncountries"of the tradition"may portend"the possibilityof a notion of a "Judeo-Christian The futuresyncretism." religionhe here anticipateswouldbe a faithdevoid

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of distinctively Jewish or Christiandoctrines,rooted in "an ecumenical traditionthat glorifies the Sermonon the Mount,the Psalms,the book of into universalmoralists Job,andselectedprophetswho could be transformed the of preaching ways justice, righteousness,mercy,forgiveness"(p. 322). This is a dreamworthyof Voltaire"inhis lucidmoments,"Manuelironically comments,in the final sentence of The BrokenStaff It would have been more appropriate,however,and perhapseven more ironic,for him to have concludedhis book, instead,with one last nod in Spinoza'sdirection. AllanArkush of NewYork StateUniversity at Binghamton N.Y. Binghamton, Jose Faur.In the Shadowof History:Jews and Conversosat the Dawn of Modernity.Albany:State Universityof New YorkPress, 1992. x, 311 pp. On the back cover of Jose Faur'sIn the Shadowof History,thereare comments about his "provocativethesis," the "'secret' history of ideas [which]developedamong conversointellectuals,"and his "boldspeculative vision of the telos of modernJewishandmodernwesternthinking."Thereis no doubtin my mindthatFaurhas come forthwith some highlyoriginaland provocativeideas thatareto be admired.In addition,as a scholarwho clearly has linguisticaccess to numeroussourcesas well as expertisein variedfields, he confrontshis Jews and conversos"atthe dawnof modernity"in a unique way. The strengths of the book lie in the creative way the mind of the converso and the SephardiJew is analyzed.Faurcombineshis knowledge of medievalJewish philosophywith notionsof historyand politicalscience beforeattemptingto assess variousoutstandingfiguresanddevelopments.At times, however,he is not entirelyconvincing,as, for example,regardinghis list of six events leadingto the destructionof the IberianJewishcommunity (pp. 26-27) or his contentionthat Bordeauxwas the site of the birthof skepticism(p. 109). The analysis of Uriel da Costa (in chap. 7) is penetrating,relying on earlier works such as that of I. S. Revah, yet examiningall possibilities further.Fauris correctto delve into the Christianmindandmentalityas well

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Renée Levine Melammed Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 263-265 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486634 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:53 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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of distinctively Jewish or Christiandoctrines,rooted in "an ecumenical traditionthat glorifies the Sermonon the Mount,the Psalms,the book of into universalmoralists Job,andselectedprophetswho could be transformed the of preaching ways justice, righteousness,mercy,forgiveness"(p. 322). This is a dreamworthyof Voltaire"inhis lucidmoments,"Manuelironically comments,in the final sentence of The BrokenStaff It would have been more appropriate,however,and perhapseven more ironic,for him to have concludedhis book, instead,with one last nod in Spinoza'sdirection. AllanArkush of NewYork StateUniversity at Binghamton N.Y. Binghamton, Jose Faur.In the Shadowof History:Jews and Conversosat the Dawn of Modernity.Albany:State Universityof New YorkPress, 1992. x, 311 pp. On the back cover of Jose Faur'sIn the Shadowof History,thereare comments about his "provocativethesis," the "'secret' history of ideas [which]developedamong conversointellectuals,"and his "boldspeculative vision of the telos of modernJewishandmodernwesternthinking."Thereis no doubtin my mindthatFaurhas come forthwith some highlyoriginaland provocativeideas thatareto be admired.In addition,as a scholarwho clearly has linguisticaccess to numeroussourcesas well as expertisein variedfields, he confrontshis Jews and conversos"atthe dawnof modernity"in a unique way. The strengths of the book lie in the creative way the mind of the converso and the SephardiJew is analyzed.Faurcombineshis knowledge of medievalJewish philosophywith notionsof historyand politicalscience beforeattemptingto assess variousoutstandingfiguresanddevelopments.At times, however,he is not entirelyconvincing,as, for example,regardinghis list of six events leadingto the destructionof the IberianJewishcommunity (pp. 26-27) or his contentionthat Bordeauxwas the site of the birthof skepticism(p. 109). The analysis of Uriel da Costa (in chap. 7) is penetrating,relying on earlier works such as that of I. S. Revah, yet examiningall possibilities further.Fauris correctto delve into the Christianmindandmentalityas well

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as Churchtheologyat every opportunity.Thushis comparisonof da Costato Paulas well as to Jesus is exciting. The authordebunksC. Gebhardt'sideas, but often neglects to consult worksof his own contemporaries, on the whole seemingto preferEuropean to Israeli scholars. He frequentlymentions Orobio de Castro but never cites From Christianityto Judaism:The Story of Orobio de Castro, the excellent biographyby Yosef Kaplan,which is availablein both Hebrew (Jerusalem,1983) and English (Oxford, 1989). In addition, Kaplanhas numerousinsightfulworks that examine,among other things, the mindset of the Portuguese and Spanish conversos and Jews, the communityin Amsterdam,etc.; all are obvious by theirabsencein the voluminouslist of notes.Likewisein his analysisof Crescas(p. 177),Faurcites H. Wolfsonand ignoresyoungerscholarssuch as Ze'ev HarveyandAvi Ravitsky. In the course of the book, Fauris constantlyleapingfrom medievalto modem sourcesand back again, from Augustineto Newtonto Nietzscheto Maimonidesto Am6ricoCastro,a phenomenonthatat timescreatesa sense of anachronismand disjointedness.At the same time, he often alludes to the inquisitionin Iberia,but his sourcesare ratheroutdated,as he relies on C. Roth and F. MocattawithoutincludingH. Beinart,E. Peters,and others. The authortwice refers to the role of women in Jewish (pp. 26-27) and conversolife (p. 122), the latteran idea firstexpoundeduponby Revah;yet one wondersaboutodd commentssuch as the referenceto a characterin La Celestinaas "anticipatingcurrentfeministtrends"(p. 73). The discussionof Spinoza (chaps. 8 and 9) is interesting;the plausible contentionis madethatsupportof the Christianpublicwouldnot havecome forth without the expressionof hostility to Jews and Judaismon his part. However,the returnto Spinoza in the final chapter,entitled"Postmodern takesthe readerby surprise.Theseclosingremarksarebased Interpretation," on the contentionthat because Spinozatriedto distorthistoryin order"to deny the Jews the statusof persecuted,"his ideologywas espousedby petty in totalitarian-type bureaucrats regimes;theyseemoddlyoutof place.Having discussedmajorintellectualfiguresand worksof conversosand Sephardim (whichcannotall be mentionedin this shortreview),theircontributionsand innovations,why didhe concludeon suchanunexpectednote?Whileshowing how so many converso and Sephardiminds were essentiallytrailblazersin the fields of history,philosophy,and literature,why shiftthe emphasis?One

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wondersif Fauris as anxious to laud the creativityand uniquenessof the IberianJews and conversosas he is to disparageSpinozaandhis ideas. ReneeLevineMelammed Franklin & Marshall College Pa. Lancaster, Minna Rozen. Jewish Identity and Society in the SeventeenthCentury: Reflectionson the Lifeand Workof RefaelMordekhaiMalki.Translatedfrom the Hebrewby Goldie Wachsman.Texts and Studiesin MedievalandEarly ModemJudaism,6. Ttibingen:J. C. B. Mohr,1992. x, 190 pp. title, MinnaRozenof Tel AvivUniversityoffers Despiteits presumptuous in this monographan intelligent and informativeaccountof the life and thoughtof Refael MordekhaiMalki, an interestingand multifacetedsettler in Jerusalemat the end of the seventeenthcentury.Malki, who apparently had been a converso,lived in Livornobeforearrivingin Jerusalemin 1677. Trainedas a physician,he seems to have acquiredconsiderablewealthboth before and during his residence in Jerusalem,allowing him considerable prestigeand power as a lay leaderof the city's Jewish community.On the basis of a lengthycommentaryon theTorahpennedby Malkicontaininglong digressionson his own life andattitudesandon conditionsin his communityin general,Rozenablyreconstructsthematerialandspiritualsidesof Malki'slife in Jerusalemagainstthe politicalandeconomicbackground of Jewishsociety underthe Ottomangovernment.She defineshertaskas threedimensional:to situateMalki's life within the communityof anusimin his day (she insists, albeit unconvincinglyto my mind, on the singularusage of the Hebrew term for forced convert ratherthan the term conversoor New Christian); withinJewishsociety in Jerusalem;andwithinthe idealmessianicsocietyhe envisionedand describedin his Torahcommentary. Rozen'sbook is dividedinto threebroadsections.Thefirstis anoverview of the politicalandsocial historyof JerusalemduringMalki'slife; the second describeshis life and careerin Jerusalem;the thirdconsidersMalki'sintellectualand spiritualruminations,includinghis ultimatevision of a reformed Jewishcommunityin Jerusalem.Throughthis three-pronged analysis,Rozen strivesto penetratea "deeperstratum" of thepersonallife of Malki,"revolving aboutthe struggleof an individualto affirman identity"(p. 4) as a converso wishing to define his Jewish self. In the end, she views Malki as a highly

Review: [untitled] Author(s): David B. Ruderman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 265-268 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486635 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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wondersif Fauris as anxious to laud the creativityand uniquenessof the IberianJews and conversosas he is to disparageSpinozaandhis ideas. ReneeLevineMelammed Franklin & Marshall College Pa. Lancaster, Minna Rozen. Jewish Identity and Society in the SeventeenthCentury: Reflectionson the Lifeand Workof RefaelMordekhaiMalki.Translatedfrom the Hebrewby Goldie Wachsman.Texts and Studiesin MedievalandEarly ModemJudaism,6. Ttibingen:J. C. B. Mohr,1992. x, 190 pp. title, MinnaRozenof Tel AvivUniversityoffers Despiteits presumptuous in this monographan intelligent and informativeaccountof the life and thoughtof Refael MordekhaiMalki, an interestingand multifacetedsettler in Jerusalemat the end of the seventeenthcentury.Malki, who apparently had been a converso,lived in Livornobeforearrivingin Jerusalemin 1677. Trainedas a physician,he seems to have acquiredconsiderablewealthboth before and during his residence in Jerusalem,allowing him considerable prestigeand power as a lay leaderof the city's Jewish community.On the basis of a lengthycommentaryon theTorahpennedby Malkicontaininglong digressionson his own life andattitudesandon conditionsin his communityin general,Rozenablyreconstructsthematerialandspiritualsidesof Malki'slife in Jerusalemagainstthe politicalandeconomicbackground of Jewishsociety underthe Ottomangovernment.She defineshertaskas threedimensional:to situateMalki's life within the communityof anusimin his day (she insists, albeit unconvincinglyto my mind, on the singularusage of the Hebrew term for forced convert ratherthan the term conversoor New Christian); withinJewishsociety in Jerusalem;andwithinthe idealmessianicsocietyhe envisionedand describedin his Torahcommentary. Rozen'sbook is dividedinto threebroadsections.Thefirstis anoverview of the politicalandsocial historyof JerusalemduringMalki'slife; the second describeshis life and careerin Jerusalem;the thirdconsidersMalki'sintellectualand spiritualruminations,includinghis ultimatevision of a reformed Jewishcommunityin Jerusalem.Throughthis three-pronged analysis,Rozen strivesto penetratea "deeperstratum" of thepersonallife of Malki,"revolving aboutthe struggleof an individualto affirman identity"(p. 4) as a converso wishing to define his Jewish self. In the end, she views Malki as a highly

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conflictedperson wrestling with his double life shapedboth in Christian Europeand in the MiddleEast, and with his enmityand love for the Jewish people, whom he consideredto be both chosen and, at the same time, "the worstof nations." The greatstrengthof Rozen'sanalysisis in her treatmentof the political andeconomicdimensionsof Malki'slife, integratingthemmostsuccessfully into the wider pictureof Jewish communalpolitics:relationsbetweenJews andthe Ottomangovernment,betweenAshkenazimandSephardim,between JerusalemandDiasporaJewishcommunities,betweenthe wealthyandscholarly classes, and betweenthe variousfactionsof rabbisliving in Jerusalem. When she treatsthe intellectualand spiritualsides of Malki'slife, however, heranalysisappearsless convincing. No doubt Malki's prestige among his coreligionistsstemmedfrom his success as a physician in Jerusalem.Malki devoted significantparts of his writingto medical, geographic,and astronomicalmatters,includingan entire treatise on medicinal plantlife in Israel and anotheron the pulse rate. According to Rozen, his familiaritywith contemporaryastronomy was even more impressive,based not only on his readingbut also on his own observationsof the heavens. Rozen's treatmentof these mattersis superficialand is presentedin isolationfrom the otheraspectsof his social and intellectuallife. She instead refers the readerto the introductionof a recentanthologyof Malki's medicalwritingspublishedby Meir Benayahu, who also fails to evaluatedeeply theirmedicaland culturalimport.Rozen's descriptionmight have been enriched by a more careful assessmentof medicalpracticein Malki'sday both amongJews and non-Jews,including the currencyof particularmedical therapies,and by a more meaningful evaluationof his botanicaland astronomicalknowledgein relationto thatof his contemporaries. At one point, she comparesMalki's view on heliocentricitywith that of TobiasCohen, the authorof the medicalencyclopediaMa'ase Tuviyyah, publishedin Venice in 1707. At the very least, she might have compared Tobias's medical knowledge with that of Malki. While Tobias may have appearedconservativewith respectto his views on the solarsystem,he was in fact quite innovativeand up-to-datewith respectto medicaltheoryand practice.A comparisonof the two would constitutea firststep in situating Malki within the context of the growing professionalizationof medical practiceamongJews in the seventeenthcentury.It wouldalso have allowed

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Rozento considerMalki'sactuallevel of medicalsophisticationandpossible universitytrainingin comparisonwith that of a distinguishedgraduateof Padua'smedicalschool. One of the criticalquestionsin interpretingMalki'sspiritualsympathies revolves aroundhis supposedloyalty to the Sabbatianmovement.The issue was first raised by Meir Benayahuin his pioneeringessay on the struggle for controlof the YeshivaBeit Ya'akovof Jerusalembut refutedby Shlomo Zalman Havlin, who concluded that there was no basis for Benayahu's MinnaRozen fully accepts assumptionthat Malki was a crypto-Sabbatian. Halvin's position with no hesitationand little elaborationon the matter.It is a pity that she was unawareof ElishevaCarlebach'simportantnew book, ThePursuitof Heresy:RabbiMoses Hagiz and the SabbatianControversies (New York, 1990), based on her Columbiadissertation,which appearedas earlyas 1986. Carlebachtoo considersthe new materialpresentedby Havlin but arrivesat the strongconclusion,contraHavlinandRozen,that"a strong Sabbatianstrand"ran throughthe entirestrugglefor controlof the yeshiva who dedicatedhis careerto remaking andthatMalki"wasa crypto-Sabbatian Jerusaleminto a Sabbatianstronghold"(Carlebach,p. 42). This is not the of the issue, butCarlebach'semphaticposition placefor a full reconsideration on Malkimighthave obliged Rosen to reconsiderherpositionor, at the very least, to discuss more fully and directly the matterof Malki's attitudeto ShabbetaiZevi. By ruling out the possibilitythat Malki had Sabbatianloyalties,Rozen does not explain adequatelyhis estrangementfrom his son-in-lawMoses Hagiz; nor his strong ties to the Sabbatianstrongholdin Livorno;nor his bizarrepremonitionin a dream of the death of Rabbi Moses ibn Haviv, anotherprominentanti-Sabbatian(the issue for her revolved aroundthe matterof Jerusalem'stax policy);norhow a supposedlyfierceanti-Sabbatian "mingledfreely with Sabbatians"(p. 92), as she describesit; nor how an so as anti-Sabbatian"shouldhave envisioned a messianicrole for anusimn to rationalizetheir continuedapostasy"(p. 98); nor how Malki's utopian blueprintof society and messianic passion squarefully with his alleged as "arank anti-Sabbatianism. RosenoffersMalki'scommenton Sabbatianism weed,"the unfortunateresultof undisciplinedstudyof LurianicKabbalahby the masses, to substantiateher view that Malki belongedto the opposition camp.But the mattercannotbe resolvedso easily;voicing oppositionmight easily conceal deep-seatedappreciation.Given the ambiguitiesthatremain,

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and given the critical importanceof the matterfor interpretingMalki, the questionof his relationto the Sabbatianmovementstill appearsto be an open one. Finally,thereremainsthe issue of Malki'sconversoidentity,his supposed "wrestlingwith a double life" as Rozen puts it. Unlike the issue of his Sabbatianism,there is no reason to doubt Rozen's hypothesisregarding Malki'sconversoancestry.But is she fully convincingwhen she repeatedly arguesthatthis backgroundexplainsthe dualityand ambiguitythatmarked Malki'sinnerstruggle"to unearththe essence of his identity"(p. 155)?She admitsthat Malki never refers to his Christianpast. Despite her ambitious effortto comparehim with such notableconversosas IsaacCardoso,Isaac Orobio de Castro, and Uriel da Costa, Malki emerges relativelypale in comparisonto the otherswith respectto the impacttheirChristianpastshad in shapingtheirnewly constitutedJewishidentitiesandtheinevitabletensions embeddedin the latter.ForMalki,thedualperspectiveof his identityis hardly visibleat all. Rozen'sambitiousattemptto explainMalki'sdialecticalattitude of love andrevulsiontowardtheJewishcommunityof Jerusalemas somehow relatedto the ambiguityof his conversopast,includingChristianity's critique of Judaism,is not fully satisfying.Mightit not have been simplerto explain his conflictingposturesas the resultof his constantpoliticalentanglements with individualsand institutionsin Jerusalemratherthanto attributethemto some vague notionof conversoidentity? Whetheror not Rozen has conclusively interpretedMalki's medical, messianic,and conversoidentities,she has certainlyproduceda stimulating, informative,and thoughtfulaccount of the man againsthis time and has made a useful contributionto our less thancompleteunderstanding of the nature of in Jewish culture the and seventeenth complex society century.The editorsof the new Judaicseriespublishedby J. C. B. Mohrandthe translator, Goldie Wachsman,deserve special mentionfor producingsuch a readable andelegantEnglishtranslationof Rozen'sbook. David B. Ruderman Yale University New Haven, Conn.

Gershon David Hundert. The Jews in a Polish Private Town: The Case of Opat6w in the Eighteenth Century.Johns Hopkins Jewish Studies. Baltimore:

JohnHopkinsUniversityPress, 1992. xvi, 242 pp.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): W. Dwight Van Horn Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 268-271 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486636 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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and given the critical importanceof the matterfor interpretingMalki, the questionof his relationto the Sabbatianmovementstill appearsto be an open one. Finally,thereremainsthe issue of Malki'sconversoidentity,his supposed "wrestlingwith a double life" as Rozen puts it. Unlike the issue of his Sabbatianism,there is no reason to doubt Rozen's hypothesisregarding Malki'sconversoancestry.But is she fully convincingwhen she repeatedly arguesthatthis backgroundexplainsthe dualityand ambiguitythatmarked Malki'sinnerstruggle"to unearththe essence of his identity"(p. 155)?She admitsthat Malki never refers to his Christianpast. Despite her ambitious effortto comparehim with such notableconversosas IsaacCardoso,Isaac Orobio de Castro, and Uriel da Costa, Malki emerges relativelypale in comparisonto the otherswith respectto the impacttheirChristianpastshad in shapingtheirnewly constitutedJewishidentitiesandtheinevitabletensions embeddedin the latter.ForMalki,thedualperspectiveof his identityis hardly visibleat all. Rozen'sambitiousattemptto explainMalki'sdialecticalattitude of love andrevulsiontowardtheJewishcommunityof Jerusalemas somehow relatedto the ambiguityof his conversopast,includingChristianity's critique of Judaism,is not fully satisfying.Mightit not have been simplerto explain his conflictingposturesas the resultof his constantpoliticalentanglements with individualsand institutionsin Jerusalemratherthanto attributethemto some vague notionof conversoidentity? Whetheror not Rozen has conclusively interpretedMalki's medical, messianic,and conversoidentities,she has certainlyproduceda stimulating, informative,and thoughtfulaccount of the man againsthis time and has made a useful contributionto our less thancompleteunderstanding of the nature of in Jewish culture the and seventeenth complex society century.The editorsof the new Judaicseriespublishedby J. C. B. Mohrandthe translator, Goldie Wachsman,deserve special mentionfor producingsuch a readable andelegantEnglishtranslationof Rozen'sbook. David B. Ruderman Yale University New Haven, Conn.

Gershon David Hundert. The Jews in a Polish Private Town: The Case of Opat6w in the Eighteenth Century.Johns Hopkins Jewish Studies. Baltimore:

JohnHopkinsUniversityPress, 1992. xvi, 242 pp.

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Fully one-thirdof the world's Jews in the eighteenthcenturylived in the cities and towns of the old Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth,and half the urbanpopulationof the commonwealthwas Jewish.With these simple figuresGershonHundertof McGill Universityremindsus thatcase studies of Polish towns are indispensablenot only for appreciatingthe Jewish fundamentalissues in Polish history. experience,but also for understanding The town he has chosen to study is Opat6w(Apt was its Jewish name), which lay to the northeastof Cracow,slightlymorethanhalfwayto Lublin. In 1770 Opat6w numberedaround4,000 residents,2,500-3,000 of whom wereJewish.Its size mightraisefor some the questionof the town'scultural and economic significanceand the ability to drawany generalconclusions fromits experience.However,we shouldrememberthatin Poland-Lithuania, indeedin muchof EasternEurope,4,000 residentsmadefor a middle-sized town, and Opat6w'smerchantstradedwith Gdarisk(Danzig),Amsterdam, Frankfurt,Leipzig, Breslau (Wroclaw),Ukraine,Belarus,and Turkey.The 2,500 or so Jews in Opat6wwerehardlystagnatingin a provincialbackwater in the eighteenthcentury.An Opat6wnativewas rabbiin Cavaillon,France. The chief rabbiin Praguewas the scion of the most powerfulJewishfamily in Opat6w,the Landaus,itself one of the fifteenthto twentiethpreeminent families that made up the Jewish aristocracyin Poland.One rabbiof the Hambrosynagoguein Londonwas likely a Landau-in-law. Opat6walso was of in a network of scholars EasternEuropethathad links with Padua. part IntrepidJews from the town in this periodstudiedin Berlinand traveledto the MiddleEast,India,andeven the Americancolonies.Quitesimply,towns like Opat6wwere the centerof Jewishlife andculturein Poland-Lithuania. A majortheme in Hundert'sstudy is Jewishcommunalinstitutionsand the extent of their autonomy.Opat6w was one of the privatetowns that belonged to members of the Polish nobility, not a royal city subject to the crown. To attractJewish settlersto such towns, the noble lord would grantthem wide-rangingcommunalprivilegesand economicfreedom,and effectively guaranteethese rightsagainstthe protestsof Christianburghers and the clergy. Hundertsuggests that Jews in privatetowns, at least in the privatetown of Opat6w,were no worse off thanin royal towns where the king was their protector,because the noble owner had tightercontrol over Christianguilds and the local church. On the other hand, the lord could interveneat will in communalaffairs,and increasinglydid so in the eighteenthcentury.In one instance a town owner suspendedoutrightthe

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qahal (Jewishgoverningcouncil). But Hundertnotes thatthis did not mean the demise of an autonomousJewish community(qehillah),since the lord was actingon complaintslodged by ordinaryJewishburgherswho resented the qahal's violations of fair election practices.Similarlywe read of the interventionof a differentowner,who triedto deny wealthymerchantsseats on the qahal because of their abuses in administeringtaxes, and instead soughtto have simple taxpayingburghersserve, without,Hundertadds,any success.Indeed,the owners'interferencemayhavehadthe unintendedeffect of liberatingindividualJews from the sometimesheavy-handedcontrolof the qahal, while the social conflict betweenthe governingcouncil and the majorityof the taxpayingJews ultimatelyweakenedthe former.While the authoruncoversno direct evidence of BeshtianHasidismin the periodhe studies, still his detailed examinationof Opat6w'sorgansof self-ruleand justice is very instructiveon the origins of both the Jewish Enlightenment andthe Hasidicrevivalin Polandin the eighteenthcentury. A secondtheme,treatedwithequalinsight,is thenatureof Jewishidentity withinthe largerChristianstate.Afterthe nobility,it was only the commonwealth'sJewswho reallysaw themselvesas Polish.Christianburghersdefined themselvesas membersof a town, while villagersthoughtof themselvesas "fromhere."Jews, however, were conscious membersof a supraregional and identifiedthemselvesas Polish, administrativeentity,Poland-Lithuania, or Jews. notAshkenazic(German) Turkish, Moreover,theChristianandJewish communitieswere hardlyisolatedfromone another.Jews translatedHebrew documentsinto Polish,theircourtsheardcases betweenPoles andJews,and, as one anecdoterelates,therewas an Opat6wJew who couldswearin Polish withthebestof them.Undertheold commonwealth,Hundertconcludes,there was no monolithicPolish experience,and here we mightponderhow early modernnationalconsciousness(es)differedfromlaterformsof nationalism. Hundert'sfindingson credit,trade,artisanalproduction,anddemographic to trendsrestonpainstakingarchivalresearchandprovideoriginalcontributions underserfdom.Farfrombeingtheubiquitous theeconomyof Poland-Lithuania usurers,Opat6w'sJew did the borrowing,primarilyfromthechurchfor longterm loans and from the nobility for short-termoperatingcapital.And it was the richest, most prominentJews who were most in debt, since they had the most developed business interestsrequiringongoing infusionsof cash. HereHundert'swork,like M. S. Rosman'srecentbookon the Jews on the Sieniawaestates in eighteenth-century Poland,goes well beyondJewish

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history.Significantsourcesof creditwereavailablein thePolisheconomy,and the nobilityinvested theirsurplusincome in commerceand production,not just in conspicuousconsumption.Moreover,two-thirdsof Opat6w'sJewish merchantsengagedin local and regionaltrade.Such informationrevisesthe view thatthe manorialsystem, basedon the unfreelaborof serfs tied to the soil, andthe internationalBalticgraintradecontrolleddirectlyby thenobility, causedthelocalmarkettocontractandthenativemerchantry toatrophy.Inpoint of fact,peasant-serfssold grainandwool to Jewswho in turnprovidedgoods and servicesto nobles, burghers,andpeasants.Nor wereOpat6w'sJewsjust merchants;overone-thirdwereartisanswho producedforJewsandChristians alike.Andwhile thenumberof Christianartisansfell in theeighteenthcentury, Jewsengagedin handicraftsroseat sucha rapidratethatOpat6wexperienced data a netincreasein practicingartisansbetween1721and1788.Demographic underscore this the Jewish in trend; emphatically populationnearlytripled the firstsevendecadesof the eighteenthcentury.Herethereaderis left askingone reversesas question.After1770,Opat6wsufferedeconomicanddemographic Jewsmovedto surrounding villagesor migratedto Warsaw,butthestudydoes not elaboratewhy this out-migrationoccurred. Hundert'slesson is a stunningone. Ratherthancontributingto thedecline of Polish-Lithuanian cities becauseof theircompetitionwithChristianguilds, as some historianshave written,Jews representeda constituentpartof citybuildingandpreventedan ever furtherfall in Polishtownsin the seventeenth andeighteenthcenturies.And the commercialinfrastructure the Jews helped maintaincould itself not have existed withouta ruraleconomy supplying resourcesand clients whose presenceless sanguinestudieshave sometimes overlooked. Historiansof EastEuropeanJewrywill valuethis excellentanalysisof an urbanJewish communityon the eve of the greattransformations at the end of the eighteenthcentury.And thoseprimarilyinterestedin theeconomicand will learnfromHundertthat social historyof early modernPoland-Lithuania to pass over the Jewishcommercialrole in linkingtownandcountrysideis to riskseriouslymisreadingthe Polisheconomyof the time. W.DwightVanHorn Columbia University NewYork,N.Y. FranzD. Lucas and Heike Frank.Michael Sachs-der konservativeMittelweg:

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Michael A. Meyer Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 271-273 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486637 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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history.Significantsourcesof creditwereavailablein thePolisheconomy,and the nobilityinvested theirsurplusincome in commerceand production,not just in conspicuousconsumption.Moreover,two-thirdsof Opat6w'sJewish merchantsengagedin local and regionaltrade.Such informationrevisesthe view thatthe manorialsystem, basedon the unfreelaborof serfs tied to the soil, andthe internationalBalticgraintradecontrolleddirectlyby thenobility, causedthelocalmarkettocontractandthenativemerchantry toatrophy.Inpoint of fact,peasant-serfssold grainandwool to Jewswho in turnprovidedgoods and servicesto nobles, burghers,andpeasants.Nor wereOpat6w'sJewsjust merchants;overone-thirdwereartisanswho producedforJewsandChristians alike.Andwhile thenumberof Christianartisansfell in theeighteenthcentury, Jewsengagedin handicraftsroseat sucha rapidratethatOpat6wexperienced data a netincreasein practicingartisansbetween1721and1788.Demographic underscore this the Jewish in trend; emphatically populationnearlytripled the firstsevendecadesof the eighteenthcentury.Herethereaderis left askingone reversesas question.After1770,Opat6wsufferedeconomicanddemographic Jewsmovedto surrounding villagesor migratedto Warsaw,butthestudydoes not elaboratewhy this out-migrationoccurred. Hundert'slesson is a stunningone. Ratherthancontributingto thedecline of Polish-Lithuanian cities becauseof theircompetitionwithChristianguilds, as some historianshave written,Jews representeda constituentpartof citybuildingandpreventedan ever furtherfall in Polishtownsin the seventeenth andeighteenthcenturies.And the commercialinfrastructure the Jews helped maintaincould itself not have existed withouta ruraleconomy supplying resourcesand clients whose presenceless sanguinestudieshave sometimes overlooked. Historiansof EastEuropeanJewrywill valuethis excellentanalysisof an urbanJewish communityon the eve of the greattransformations at the end of the eighteenthcentury.And thoseprimarilyinterestedin theeconomicand will learnfromHundertthat social historyof early modernPoland-Lithuania to pass over the Jewishcommercialrole in linkingtownandcountrysideis to riskseriouslymisreadingthe Polisheconomyof the time. W.DwightVanHorn Columbia University NewYork,N.Y. FranzD. Lucas and Heike Frank.Michael Sachs-der konservativeMittelweg:

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LebenundWerkdes BerlinerRabbinerszurZeitderEmanzipation. Tiibingen: J. C. B. Mohr,1992. iv, 161 pp. of thatmiddlecurrent MichaelSachs (1808-1864) was a representative was in nineteenth-century GermanJudaismwhosebest-knownrepresentative ZachariasFrankel and which also included such figures as Isaac Noah Mannheimerin Viennaand ManuelJoel in Breslau.Despitehis importance as the first university-educated rabbito be employedby the BerlinJewish community,the largest in Germany,Sachs has received little attention, especiallyin recentyears. Sachswas neithera halakhistnoranoriginalscholarof themodemvariety. He certainlyknew Jewishlaw well, buthe did not writeon halakhicsubjects. He was a trainedphilologist,but he lackedthe acumenof trulycreativeand eruditescholarslike AbrahamGeigerandLeopoldZunz.His writingsserved a differentpurpose.Sachs was determinedto recapturefor modernreaders, Christianand Jewish, the much-neglectedpoetic heritageof the Jews. In volumes that enjoyed considerablepopularity,he translatedand interpreted the religious poetry of medieval SpanishJewryand renderedinto his own verse stories taken from midrashimand other postbiblicalJewish sources. In moving the focus from halakhahto aggadah,from historicalcriticismto empathicliteraryappreciation,Sachsappealedbroadlyto a Jewishcommunity thatwas divided between Orthodoxand Reformers.His romanticismcould encompassall. As a preacher,too, SachsenthusedovertheJewishtradition'sgreatliterary treasures.In Berlin,he drew largecrowdsto lengthy,well-craftedsermons, deliveredwith a verve which flowed freely from his ebullientpersonality. When he came to Berlin from a conservativelyreformedcongregationin Praguein 1844, Sachs was the choice of the moderatesin a community thathad long been severely riven. Immediately,he triedto institutemodest reforms(a choir, a few Germanprayers,eliminationof repetitionsin the liturgy),but he met with opposition.Nor could his polemics suppressthe radical Reform Congregation,which had been formed in 1845 partly in reactionto his election, and whose rabbi,SamuelHoldheim,representedhis polaropposite.Sachs was the poetic, romantic,harmoniouspersonalitywho soughtcontinuitythroughidealizationof the Jewishheritage;Holdheimwas the prosaicdialecticianwho insistedon seeing clearlythe sharpdifferences between past and present and in drawingthe radicalconclusions.When

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Holdheimdied, Sachs for a time resignedhis positionratherthan tolerate Holdheim'sburialin the BerlinJewishcemetery'srow of honor. Sachs himself died young, at the age of fifty-six. His papers were preservedin the Jewishcommunityarchivesand eventuallymadetheirway to Jerusalem.The authorsof thepresentvolumehavemadeuseof unpublished letters in these neglected papersand given us a more completepictureof Sachs than we possessed heretofore.Theirbiographical,illustratedstudyis well-writtenandmostlyaccurate.They relatethe personalandpubliclife and evaluatethe significanceof theirsubject.But they have erredon the side of generosity.Sachs's poems were not of high artisticvalue. Even so greatan admirerof Sachs as HeinrichGraetz(who was once his student)praisedhis personalityandhis homileticsbuthadto admitthat"inhis life andinstruction there was more poetry than in his verses."Nor was Sachs, as the authors claim, "thefirstmodernrabbi."By the timehe beganhis rabbinicaldutiesin Praguein 1836, Geiger,Frankel,and otherswere alreadyservingin Jewish communities.One also wishes thatthe authorshadgone abouttheirtaskmore comparatively,contrastingSachs'ssermonswiththoseof his contemporaries, the prayerbookshe editedwith othersappearingduringthe sameyears. Still, one must be gratefulto FranzLucasand HeikeFrankfor bringing back into view a figure who in his own way, if unsuccessfully,sought to hold the centeragainstthe risingtide of division.Afterhis death,the Berlin community'sleadership,whichsince theelectionof 1854hadbeencontrolled by liberalsandreformers,chose two liberalrabbisin close succession:Joseph Aub and AbrahamGeiger. The result, in 1869, was the formationof the separatistOrthodoxcommunity,Adass Jisroel.For all his efforts as writer and preacher,Sachs had been unableto halt the increasingseparation.His positiontoo was only one possibilityamongothers.If Holdheimis todaybetter rememberedthanSachsdespiteSachs'sgreaterpopularityin his own time,it may be, as Max Wienerhas suggested,becauseHoldheimuncompromisingly laid out the issues, which Sachs'spoetryand rhetoriccould neitherdissolve norbringto resolution. MichaelA. Meyer HebrewUnionCollege-Jewish Institute of Religion Ohio Cincinnati, Roman A. Foxbrunner.Habad: The Hasidism of R. Shneur Zalman of Lyady.

Tuscaloosa:Universityof AlabamaPress, 1992. xi, 307 pp.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Ira Robinson Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 273-275 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486638 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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Holdheimdied, Sachs for a time resignedhis positionratherthan tolerate Holdheim'sburialin the BerlinJewishcemetery'srow of honor. Sachs himself died young, at the age of fifty-six. His papers were preservedin the Jewishcommunityarchivesand eventuallymadetheirway to Jerusalem.The authorsof thepresentvolumehavemadeuseof unpublished letters in these neglected papersand given us a more completepictureof Sachs than we possessed heretofore.Theirbiographical,illustratedstudyis well-writtenandmostlyaccurate.They relatethe personalandpubliclife and evaluatethe significanceof theirsubject.But they have erredon the side of generosity.Sachs's poems were not of high artisticvalue. Even so greatan admirerof Sachs as HeinrichGraetz(who was once his student)praisedhis personalityandhis homileticsbuthadto admitthat"inhis life andinstruction there was more poetry than in his verses."Nor was Sachs, as the authors claim, "thefirstmodernrabbi."By the timehe beganhis rabbinicaldutiesin Praguein 1836, Geiger,Frankel,and otherswere alreadyservingin Jewish communities.One also wishes thatthe authorshadgone abouttheirtaskmore comparatively,contrastingSachs'ssermonswiththoseof his contemporaries, the prayerbookshe editedwith othersappearingduringthe sameyears. Still, one must be gratefulto FranzLucasand HeikeFrankfor bringing back into view a figure who in his own way, if unsuccessfully,sought to hold the centeragainstthe risingtide of division.Afterhis death,the Berlin community'sleadership,whichsince theelectionof 1854hadbeencontrolled by liberalsandreformers,chose two liberalrabbisin close succession:Joseph Aub and AbrahamGeiger. The result, in 1869, was the formationof the separatistOrthodoxcommunity,Adass Jisroel.For all his efforts as writer and preacher,Sachs had been unableto halt the increasingseparation.His positiontoo was only one possibilityamongothers.If Holdheimis todaybetter rememberedthanSachsdespiteSachs'sgreaterpopularityin his own time,it may be, as Max Wienerhas suggested,becauseHoldheimuncompromisingly laid out the issues, which Sachs'spoetryand rhetoriccould neitherdissolve norbringto resolution. MichaelA. Meyer HebrewUnionCollege-Jewish Institute of Religion Ohio Cincinnati, Roman A. Foxbrunner.Habad: The Hasidism of R. Shneur Zalman of Lyady.

Tuscaloosa:Universityof AlabamaPress, 1992. xi, 307 pp.

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Scholarshipin the areaof the historyof religiousideas is oftenan act of culturalappropriation. Scholarstendto takethe thoughtof personsconsidered to be of importanceand influence.They then attempt,with greateror lesser degrees of sensitivity,to translatethis thoughtinto terms comprehensible to the contemporaryacademy.The processof translationfrom one cultural matrixto another,however,is fraughtwith difficulty.RomanFoxbrunner's book on the thoughtof the HasidicmasterR. ShneurZalmanis just such an attempt. The book, based upon the author's HarvardUniversitydissertation, begins with a review of previous scholarly literatureon the subject of Hasidism.In general,he finds previousscholarshipwoefully inadequatein bothmethodologyandexecution.He thusjoins himselfto therevisionistwing of kabbalisticscholarship.He occasionallyhas a good word to say for G. Scholem,and, in his explanationof Lurianicthought,he is often dependent on him. However, for the most part, he condemnsScholem as well as I. TishbyandR. Schatzbothin the body of the bookandin a seriesof excurses at the end of the volume. Onemajorissue whichrousesFoxbrunner is thelinkseveralscholarshave He is firmin his assertion madebetweennascentHasidismandSabbatianism. work the of and one shouldnot assumethat Scholem that,despite Tishby, thereare definitelinks betweenthe Sabbatianheresyand Hasidism,though he does eventuallyadmitthat "Sabbatian-like teachingsare not completely absentfrom [R. JacobJoseph's]Toledot"(p. 212). Foxbrunnercorrectlypoints out the methodologicaldifficultiesinherent in any attemptedreconstructionof earlyHasidismanddecriesthe misuseand of the sourcesby previousresearchers.Whilerecognizing misinterpretation the difficulty, however, he does not proffer a satisfactorysolution. His discussionof the issue of the accuracyof the Baal ShemTov's teachingsas theyappearin the worksof R. JacobJosephwill serveas an example(p. 10):

The works of his Boswell, Rabbi Jacob Joseph . . . contain at least four hundredstatementsthat this disciple claims to have hearddirectlyfrom his master,along with many othersthathe variouslyidentifiesas being eitherat secondhand,or "in style of my teacher,"or "accordingto his method,"or as

in someway.Theconsistency andprecision withwhichhe possiblyinaccurate arethe betweenthesecategories distinguishes suggestthathisdirectquotations most reliableexamplesof whatR. IsraelBaal ShemTov actuallytaught.

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Howevernuanced,what we are left with is Foxbrunner'sfaiththatR. Jacob Joseph would not deceive us. Perhapshe is correctand perhapshe is not. Thatscholarshipmay be forcedinto an agnosticpositionby the natureof the evidencedoes not commenditself to the authorhere. Foxbrunnercondemns the work of his predecessorin the analysis of the thoughtof R. ShneurZalman,Moshe Hallamish.Beyondtechnicaland interpretativedisputes (listed at length in excursusK), the essence of his disagreementis that"[Hallamish's]generalmethodis to select a themethat he, if not RSZ, considersto be an importantrubricand examinewhateach book says on the subject"(p. 53). As for himself,Foxbrunnersees his task in the following way: "Weare faced with a kaleidoscopiccorpusthatresists Ouronly realalternative bothfacile andingeniousattemptsat harmonization. is to analyzethatcorpusas it appears"(p. 57). Ultimately,Foxbrunnerwill be judgedby theextentto whichhe is able to audience. communicatethe thoughtof R. ShneurZalmanto a contemporary To a greatextent he succeeds in conveyinga nuancedand sensitivereading of the writingsof R. ShneurZalman,butonly becausehe hasdonesomething not dissimilarto thatwhich he has condemnedin Hallamish.He has chosen for himself a series of rubrics,some of which may be suggesteddirectlyin the worksof R. ShneurZalmanandothersof which(e.g., "Ontology," p. 63) representan attemptat translatingR. ShneurZalman'sthoughtinto rubrics accessibleto people trainedin Westernthought. Foxbrunner lets us understand manyof thecomplexitiesandcontradictions on the thought, inherentin R. ShneurZalman'sthought.In his concentration however,he has neglectedto give thereadera connectedhistoricalframework, theInfinite: suchas the one providedby NaftaliLowenthalin Communicating The Emergence of the Habad School (Chicago, 1990). For specialists in

medieval Jewish thoughtor Hasidism,this may be of little consequence, since it may be assumed that they possess this framework.For others, however, less familiarwith the lay of the land, this concentrationon the intellectualat the expense of the materialmay hinderthe book's usefulness in the best sense of the term. as culturalappropriation IraRobinson Concordia University Montreal, P.Q. Daniel Gutwein. The Divided Elite: Economics, Politics and Anglo-Jewry,

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Todd M. Endelman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 275-278 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486639 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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Howevernuanced,what we are left with is Foxbrunner'sfaiththatR. Jacob Joseph would not deceive us. Perhapshe is correctand perhapshe is not. Thatscholarshipmay be forcedinto an agnosticpositionby the natureof the evidencedoes not commenditself to the authorhere. Foxbrunnercondemns the work of his predecessorin the analysis of the thoughtof R. ShneurZalman,Moshe Hallamish.Beyondtechnicaland interpretativedisputes (listed at length in excursusK), the essence of his disagreementis that"[Hallamish's]generalmethodis to select a themethat he, if not RSZ, considersto be an importantrubricand examinewhateach book says on the subject"(p. 53). As for himself,Foxbrunnersees his task in the following way: "Weare faced with a kaleidoscopiccorpusthatresists Ouronly realalternative bothfacile andingeniousattemptsat harmonization. is to analyzethatcorpusas it appears"(p. 57). Ultimately,Foxbrunnerwill be judgedby theextentto whichhe is able to audience. communicatethe thoughtof R. ShneurZalmanto a contemporary To a greatextent he succeeds in conveyinga nuancedand sensitivereading of the writingsof R. ShneurZalman,butonly becausehe hasdonesomething not dissimilarto thatwhich he has condemnedin Hallamish.He has chosen for himself a series of rubrics,some of which may be suggesteddirectlyin the worksof R. ShneurZalmanandothersof which(e.g., "Ontology," p. 63) representan attemptat translatingR. ShneurZalman'sthoughtinto rubrics accessibleto people trainedin Westernthought. Foxbrunner lets us understand manyof thecomplexitiesandcontradictions on the thought, inherentin R. ShneurZalman'sthought.In his concentration however,he has neglectedto give thereadera connectedhistoricalframework, theInfinite: suchas the one providedby NaftaliLowenthalin Communicating The Emergence of the Habad School (Chicago, 1990). For specialists in

medieval Jewish thoughtor Hasidism,this may be of little consequence, since it may be assumed that they possess this framework.For others, however, less familiarwith the lay of the land, this concentrationon the intellectualat the expense of the materialmay hinderthe book's usefulness in the best sense of the term. as culturalappropriation IraRobinson Concordia University Montreal, P.Q. Daniel Gutwein. The Divided Elite: Economics, Politics and Anglo-Jewry,

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1882-1917. Brill's Series in JewishStudies,vol. 5. Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1992. 501 pp. In The Divided Elite, a revision of his doctoraldissertation,Daniel Gutweinchallenges what he calls the "monolith"conceptionof the lateVictoriancommunalelite, the so-calledCousinhood.In his view, historians mistakenlytreat the London Jewish haute bourgeoisieas a homogeneous social unit, sharing a common outlook and values, and even when they acknowledgeinternalrivalriesand divisions, ascribe little significanceto them. It is Gutwein's contentionthat there was an importantrift within the elite, that this division manifesteditself in opposingpolicy positionsin communalandnationalpoliticsalike, andthatthesewereconditionedby the natureof the economic activitiesin which the rival partieswere engaged. Because communalleaders were integratedinto the Britishfinancialelite, theirpolitics,includingtheirpositions enjoying"unconditional membership," on intracommunalissues, were formedby the mechanismsthat shapedthe outlook of other City men ratherthan by uniquely Jewish concerns or sentiments. Gutwein'saccountis a valuablecorrectiveto the tendencyto treatthe late-Victorianelite as homogeneousand dismissthe rivalrybetweenits two most powerful figures, the first Lord Rothschildand SamuelMontagu,as basicallya personalclashof two financialtitansdeterminedto havetheirway. In what is the most innovativesection of the book, Gutweindemonstrates how their differencesin the communalarenamirroredtheir differencesin nationalpolitics and the bankingcommunity.Montaguwas a radicalliberal and supporterof Gladstone,one of the few City men to remainloyal to the LiberalPartyafter 1886; Rothschildwas a classicalliberal,a Unionistafter 1886, andan opponentof statesocial welfareschemes.Montagu,whose firm was notpartof the innercircleof merchantbankinghousesthatcontrolledthe Bank of England,wantedParliamentto curbthe Bank'spowerand redirect monetarypolicy to serve commerceand industrybetter;the Rothschilds, on the other hand, were associatedwith the merchantbanks that derived theirprofitsfrom foreign loans. In Jewish life, Montaguopposed"thevery plutocraticprincipleupon which the Cousinhood'srule in the community was based";he workedto decentralizecommunitypower and democratize communitypolitics, in part by generating"new practicesof independent public action among the lower classes" (p. 157). Lord Rothschildand his

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familyheadedthecommunalestablishmentwhoseexerciseof powerMontagu assailed. Gutwein states his case without subtlety or nuance, but it is sound, nonetheless.Hadhe beencontentto leave mattershere,showingtheinterrelationshipbetweencommunalpolitics,on the one hand,andeconomicinterests and nationalpolitics, on the other,his contributionwould be uncontested", I believe. However, he takes his argumenta step further,claiming that Montagu'sandRothschild'sviews in communalaffairswereepiphenomenal, that is, derivative of their positions in a much larger arena, and were formulatedwithout reference to mattersthat affected Jews in particular, such as antisemitismand the aliens question.This kindof historiographical of reductionism,while novel, illuminateslittle. Its view of the determinants humanbehavioris simplistic.It overstatesthe social integrationof Jewish bankersand brokersand the extent to which they were subjectto the same Andit is at oddswithrecentefforts influencesas theirChristiancounterparts. to understandthe formulationof communalpolicy in the contextof British CanGutweinexpectus to believethatgentile hostilityto Jewishparticularism. of Jews and Judaism exertedno influenceon the ways in which perceptions communalleadersrespondedto EastEuropeanimmigrationor Zionism?Are we to believe, as he suggests, thatEdwinMontagu'sragingself-hatredand neuroticeagernessto distancehimself fromhis Jewishbackgroundexerted no influenceon his hostilityto Zionism? Significantly,Gutweinseems unawareof the relationshipof his thesis to the currentdebate about the characterof antisemitismin VictorianBritain and its precise impact on Jewish identity and politics. Were his thesis correct,ratherthan idiosyncratic,it would be a powerfulrefutationof the view that the conditionalnatureof Jewishemancipationin Britaincrippled Jewish assertivenessand creativity.But as it is, his book fails to engagethis position,giving the appearanceof havingbeen writtenin intellectual,if not geographical,isolation from currentscholarshipon the historyof English Jews. There are, in addition,errorsof fact and judgmentthat suggest that the author'sgrasp of English Jewish historyis not as sure as it might be. He situates the HambroSynagogueand the GreatSynagoguein the East End of London, for example, ratherthan in the city. He writes as if the membersof the Montagu-sponsored WorkingMen's Club were immigrant rather than native-born EastEndresidents.He describes workers, better-off, the EnglishHibbatZion movementas a risingpowerin communalpolitics,

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wieldingconsiderableinfluencein the EastEnd (whichhe believesexplains Montagu'senlistmentin it), when, in fact, it was quitemarginal. Althoughthe book's title suggeststhatit is a studyof the communalelite, its focus is, in fact, morenarrow,being essentiallya studyof two prominent families. This in itself is not troublesome,given the currentpenchantin academic publishing for inflated book titles. What is problematicis the author'suse of "family"as an organizingconcept.Gutweinconsidersthe Rothschildsa single family unit and the Montagusand their kinfolk, the Franklinsand the Samuels,another,and writesas if the two groupsoperated as cohesivefactionsor blocs in bothcommunalandnationalpolitics.It is this assumptionthat is questionable.While it is true,for example,that Samuel Montaguusedhis wealthandinfluenceto advancethe politicalcareersof his son Edwinandhis nephewsStuartandHerbertSamuel,andthatthey,as well as the Franklins,wereLiberals,it wouldbe wrongto inferfromthis thatthey held similarpositionsin regardto Jewishissues. As is well known,Herbert Samuel and Edwin Montaguclashed head-onover the questionof Jewish nationalism.Othercousins of the same generation-Lily Montagu,Marion Montagu,HughFranklinBentwich-held equallydiverseviews in regardto Jewishissues. Despite my reservationsabout the largerclaims of Gutwein'sbook, I believe there is much to be learnedfrom his accountof the links between policy issues in communalgovernanceand nationalpolitics.This being so, it is unfortunatethatthe book has a list priceof $125. It will be acquiredby few librariesand even fewer, if any, historians.Even latter-dayRothschilds andMontagusmay findit beyondtheirmeans. ToddM. Endelman of Michigan University AnnArbor,Mich. Jonathan Boyarin. Polish Jews in Paris: The Ethnography of Memot3j

Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress, 1991. x, 195 pp.

Althoughmuch has been writtenaboutEast Europeanimmigrantsand Yiddishculturein the UnitedStates,the experienceof PolishJews in France is much less well known. Only in recentyears have historiansand social scientistsbegunto tell of the once richYiddishculturallife in Paris.In Polish

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Sanford Gutman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 278-281 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486640 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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wieldingconsiderableinfluencein the EastEnd (whichhe believesexplains Montagu'senlistmentin it), when, in fact, it was quitemarginal. Althoughthe book's title suggeststhatit is a studyof the communalelite, its focus is, in fact, morenarrow,being essentiallya studyof two prominent families. This in itself is not troublesome,given the currentpenchantin academic publishing for inflated book titles. What is problematicis the author'suse of "family"as an organizingconcept.Gutweinconsidersthe Rothschildsa single family unit and the Montagusand their kinfolk, the Franklinsand the Samuels,another,and writesas if the two groupsoperated as cohesivefactionsor blocs in bothcommunalandnationalpolitics.It is this assumptionthat is questionable.While it is true,for example,that Samuel Montaguusedhis wealthandinfluenceto advancethe politicalcareersof his son Edwinandhis nephewsStuartandHerbertSamuel,andthatthey,as well as the Franklins,wereLiberals,it wouldbe wrongto inferfromthis thatthey held similarpositionsin regardto Jewishissues. As is well known,Herbert Samuel and Edwin Montaguclashed head-onover the questionof Jewish nationalism.Othercousins of the same generation-Lily Montagu,Marion Montagu,HughFranklinBentwich-held equallydiverseviews in regardto Jewishissues. Despite my reservationsabout the largerclaims of Gutwein'sbook, I believe there is much to be learnedfrom his accountof the links between policy issues in communalgovernanceand nationalpolitics.This being so, it is unfortunatethatthe book has a list priceof $125. It will be acquiredby few librariesand even fewer, if any, historians.Even latter-dayRothschilds andMontagusmay findit beyondtheirmeans. ToddM. Endelman of Michigan University AnnArbor,Mich. Jonathan Boyarin. Polish Jews in Paris: The Ethnography of Memot3j

Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress, 1991. x, 195 pp.

Althoughmuch has been writtenaboutEast Europeanimmigrantsand Yiddishculturein the UnitedStates,the experienceof PolishJews in France is much less well known. Only in recentyears have historiansand social scientistsbegunto tell of the once richYiddishculturallife in Paris.In Polish

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Jews in Paris, JonathanBoyarinaddsan interestingchapter,perhapsthe last, on the individualandculturalremnantsof thatexperience. A young anthropologistwho learnedYiddishat YIVO in New York, Boyarindid his field studies for his doctoralthesis among the individual and organizationalremnantsof the once-thrivingLabor Zionist, Bundist, PolishJews in Paris.This Communist,and ex-CommunistYiddish-speaking with the PolishJews of Paris is a of the he book product year spent living and of several subsequentshortervisits in the mid-1980s.Polish and other East EuropeanJews began enteringFrancein significantnumbersduring the 1890s. The flow of immigrantsincreaseddramaticallyafterWorldWar I as the United States began to close its doors and Francewelcomedthem to replace her severe losses during the war. Once the Depressionbegan, however,Franceinstituteda quotaon immigrationand madeit increasingly In all, it is estimated difficultfor the earlierimmigrantsto gainnaturalization. that 15,000, mostly Polish, Jews settledin Francebetweenthe wars.During WorldWarII over 55,000 of these so-called "foreignJews"were deported to Auschwitz.Few returned.After the war, severalthousandPolish Jewish survivorssettledin France,embellishingthe numbersthoughnot completely revivingthe once-excitingpoliticalandculturalcommunity. From the 1850s on, East EuropeanJewish immigrantssettled in the northeasternsections of Paris,particularlyin the old Jewishquarterof the Pletzl in the Maraisand in the working-classstrongholdsof Belleville and R6publique.Most came from Polandand broughtwith themthe diversityof Jewishlife there.Whilemanyretainedtheirtraditional Judaism,otherslooked to Zionism, Bundism,or Bolshevismas modernpathsto rectifythe Jewish and humancondition.The largelyYiddish-speaking newcomersestablished a thrivingYiddishpress, many culturaland politicalorganizationsand, of course,numerouslandsmanshaftn. The landsmanshaftnconstitute the organizationalcore of the Polish Jewish communityin Paris. Formed at the end of the ninteenthcentury, the landsmanshaftnbroughttogetherpoor, proletarianJews from the same "hometowns"in Polandfor mutualaid andcompanionship, a Yiddishcultural life, and properburial.Like the morepoliticalorganizationsthe PolishJews belongedto, the landsmanshatfnservedbothas a reinforcerof therseparate Jewishidentityand as a way to graduallyintegrateinto Frenchlife. Boyarin have changed argues,however,thatin morerecentyearsthe landsmanshaftn focus. They now serve primarilyas a means to commemoratethe Polish

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communitiestheir membersonce came from, which were destroyedin the Shoahand are almostforgottenby theirown fadingmemories. This changein focus has a sad if not tragicundercurrent. Ultimately,the focus on commemorationreveals the transparent doom of Yiddishcultural andpoliticallife in FranceafterWorldWarII. Boyarinarguesthatregrettably these immigrantswere unable to find a satisfactoryway to integratetheir Frenchexperiencewith theirradicalandYiddishupbringings.In partthiswas due, Boyarinsuggests, to the lack of "culturalspace"for ethnicexpression in France.But more importantly,like Yiddishimmigrantselsewherewho rejectedJewishreligioustraditions,the PolishJews of Parishave foundlittle to nourishthemselvesor to transmitto theirchildrenafterthecollapseof their dreamsduringand afterthe war. Proudof theirchildren'sprofessionaland business successes, the parentsneverthelessremainambivalentabouttheir children'slack of Jewishidentity. Boyarinhas writtenwhathe himselfdescribesas a somewhatunconventional ethnographicstudy of the Yiddishculturalcommunityin Paris.It is unconventionalbothin the postmodernexplanatoryframeworkhe uses to tell the immigrants'story(ies)andin the interweavingof his own storyduringthe yearthathe andhis wife lived amongthe city's PolishJews.Boyarinincludes his own story because he wants to be able to explainand analyzewhat he to the immigrantexperiencehe is dissecting. sees withoutseeming"superior" Presumably,the telling of both his and theirstoriessimultaneously,openly recognizesthe different"framesof meaning"thatinvariablypersistbetween this researcherandsubject.AlthoughBoyarintells both"stories"interestingly, historianfoundhis style unnecessarilyapologetic,confusing,andawkwardly informalat times. This seemed especially so in the light of the ratheresoterictheoretical frameworkthatoccasionallyobtrudes.Boyarindescribeshis approachas an "ethnographyof postmodernism."Since thereis no "true"story or history, the immigrantsonly have the memoriesof theirown stories,storieswhich once gave theirlives meaningandguidancebutwhichno longerdo so. In this sense, the lives of his subjectsreflecta postmoderndilemmathatall secular Jews, indeed,accordingto Boyarin,all of Westerncivilization,face. Boyarinuses the postmoderncritiqueof the traditionalmasternarrativeof redemption,and the Enlightenmentmasternarrativeof progress,as a way of describingandexplainingthe only partiallyintegratedstrivings,dislocations, and disillusionmentsof these Yiddish immigrants.Accordingto Boyarin,

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althoughtheironce-radicalcritiquesof Westerncapitalistsocieties may still have somethingto teachus, by andlargehistoryhasendedfortheseerstwhile PolishJewishCommunists,socialists,andLaborZionists.BeforeWorldWar II they had visions, albeit differentones, of a story with a happyending, based on continuingprogressif not ultimateredemption.But theirpersonal histories,"stories,"ended with WorldWarII. Theirdreamsshatteredby the Shoah,by disillusionmentwith communism,andeven by an imperfectZion, andformaldinners they nowjust "getby."Israel,funerals,commemorations, basis for a sharedlife with provideonly an incompleteand nontransmittable theirchildrenandwiththe newly dominantNorthAfricanJewishcommunity. Told with affection and at times poignancy,Boyarin weaves the immigrants'stories into an interestingpatchworkof the various aspects of their contemporaryculturalexperiencesand attitudes.He also searchingly exploresthedilemmastheyface. Still, I amnotconvincedthatthepostmodern dilemmasfaced,afterall, by theorieshe imposeshelp us to betterunderstand all immigrants.Nearthe end of the book Boyarinsuggeststhatthese Jewish immigrantsneed to rethinkthe masternarrativethathas guidedtheirlives. Perhapsthen they could find a way to builda living Jewishidentityin their new world.If only it were thateasy. SanfordGutman of NewYorkCollege StateUniversity atCortland N.Y. Cortland, Gary A. Abraham. Max Weberand the Jewish Question: A Study)of the Social

Outlookof His Sociology.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress, 1992.xii, 319 pp. This book is a revised and enlargedversion of a 1987 Universityof Pittsburghdissertation.It is a selected study of the social and intellectual backgroundof texts writtenby Max Weberaboutsocial minoritygroupsin Germanywith special regardto the Jews. GaryAbraham'scentraleffort is to bring to bear on Weber'swritingsrecentresearchin the relevantareas of Germanintellectualand social history.The authorwishes to show that Weber'ssociology of the Jews developedout of his conceptof a nationas a culturalunity.Weber'ssociological analysiswas dominatedby the value of

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Christa Schäfer-Lichtenberger Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 281-284 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486641 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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althoughtheironce-radicalcritiquesof Westerncapitalistsocieties may still have somethingto teachus, by andlargehistoryhasendedfortheseerstwhile PolishJewishCommunists,socialists,andLaborZionists.BeforeWorldWar II they had visions, albeit differentones, of a story with a happyending, based on continuingprogressif not ultimateredemption.But theirpersonal histories,"stories,"ended with WorldWarII. Theirdreamsshatteredby the Shoah,by disillusionmentwith communism,andeven by an imperfectZion, andformaldinners they nowjust "getby."Israel,funerals,commemorations, basis for a sharedlife with provideonly an incompleteand nontransmittable theirchildrenandwiththe newly dominantNorthAfricanJewishcommunity. Told with affection and at times poignancy,Boyarin weaves the immigrants'stories into an interestingpatchworkof the various aspects of their contemporaryculturalexperiencesand attitudes.He also searchingly exploresthedilemmastheyface. Still, I amnotconvincedthatthepostmodern dilemmasfaced,afterall, by theorieshe imposeshelp us to betterunderstand all immigrants.Nearthe end of the book Boyarinsuggeststhatthese Jewish immigrantsneed to rethinkthe masternarrativethathas guidedtheirlives. Perhapsthen they could find a way to builda living Jewishidentityin their new world.If only it were thateasy. SanfordGutman of NewYorkCollege StateUniversity atCortland N.Y. Cortland, Gary A. Abraham. Max Weberand the Jewish Question: A Study)of the Social

Outlookof His Sociology.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress, 1992.xii, 319 pp. This book is a revised and enlargedversion of a 1987 Universityof Pittsburghdissertation.It is a selected study of the social and intellectual backgroundof texts writtenby Max Weberaboutsocial minoritygroupsin Germanywith special regardto the Jews. GaryAbraham'scentraleffort is to bring to bear on Weber'swritingsrecentresearchin the relevantareas of Germanintellectualand social history.The authorwishes to show that Weber'ssociology of the Jews developedout of his conceptof a nationas a culturalunity.Weber'ssociological analysiswas dominatedby the value of

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"nationalunity"whichconsequencentlyled to a devaluationof the rightsand values of social minorities. Abraham'strainof thoughtclearlyhas been schooledby his own thesis, namely, that Weber's sociology of Judaismshould be derived from the controversialquestionsdiscussedduringthe Second Reich:questionsconcerningPolish immigrationinto West Prussia,the streamof RussianJews into Germany,and the assimilationof GermanJews. The workis arrangedcoherently.An extensiveintroduction(pp. 1-33) is followedby two parts,"SocietyandScience"(pp.37-173) and"Religionand Society" (pp. 177-266); these are followed by conclusions(pp. 267-293), a bibliography(pp. 299-308), and a combinedperson-subjectindex (pp. 309-317). The main sourcesof the firstpartareWeber'swritingson the landworker question,his inauguralin Freiburg,and the biographyof MarianneWeber. The relevantwritings of WolfgangMommsen,Fritz Ringer,and Uriel Tal are used as secondaryliterature.Weber's statementson the questionsof landworkers/Polishimmigration,minorities,and assimilation/emancipation of Jews are broughtinto relationwith his concept of nationalunity. The resultsof sociological and historicalresearchon the periodof the Second Reich are reviewed in detail and used to supportthe thesis that Weber's attention ideal of a nationalcivic society (Kulturstaat)preventedappropriate being given to the minoritiesand an analysisof theirsociologicalsituation. AbrahammakesthecriticismthatWeber'sconceptof modernsocietyexcludes a pluralismcharacterized by differentethnicandnationalgroups."ForWeber, social unificationin Germanyhad to be basedon acceptanceof a common cultureandthe hegenomyof a dominantethnicgroup."Webertied the ethnic nationalityof Germanyto Germanculture. In the fourth chapter("Weber'sIdea of UniversalHistory"),Weber's position on universal history is critically reviewed. The most important sources for Abrahamare the introductionto Weber's"The Sociology of Religion,"and the two articles "Roscherand Knies: Logical Problemsof HistoricalEconomics"and"Objectivityin SocialScienceandSocialPolicy." Abrahamsees a casual relationshipbetween Weber'sprincipleof value neutralityand his conceptof universalhistory.In this respecthe follows the previouscriticismof others and enlargesupon it. Weber'smethodological attemptsto show that ideal types have universalityand validityoverlook the inherentconflict betweenthe normof empiricalinquirieswhich can be

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checkedand culturalvalues which conditioncontemporary interest.Weber's analysis of culturalvalues does not take accountof the fact thathistorical discourseis of a social natureandthereforelimitedby thatwhichthosewho take partconsiderto be commonculture.Forthis reasonthe evaluativebasis or 'status"escapeWeber'sconsciousness. of suchconceptsas "pariah-people" PartII, "Religionand Society,"includeschaptersentitled"Religionand 'Rationalism'in The ProtestantEthic"(chap. 6, pp. 190-206), "Sombart's Sociology of the Jews"(chap.7, pp. 207-227), and "Weber'sPariah-People Thesis in His Sociology" (chap. 8, pp. 228-266). The considerationsin chapters6 and 7 pursue the aim of makingWeber'swork on the rise of occidentalrationalismunderstandable as a resultof his preoccupationwith the writingsof WernerSombart.Especiallyin TheProtestantEthicand the Spirit of Capitalismand in his treatmentof Judaismin the "Sociologyof Religion"sectionof Economyand Society,Weberis seento havedefendedhis conceptof the genesis of the capitalisticspiritfromCalvinisticprofessional ethics against Sombart'sposition that the spiritof capitalismsprangfrom Jewish rationalism.Contraryto Sombart,Weberwould attributeto Judaism only a marginalrole in the birthof capitalism.Weber's"distinctionbetween 'calculability'and 'religious rationalism'leads to the claim that Jewish ascetic or 'ethical' rationalismis confinedto internalsocial relationswithin the Jewishcommunity"(p. 227). By chapter8 we reachtheactualthesisof thebook.Abraham's explications restsubstantiallyon a comparisonof the two versionsof TheProtestantEthic with the "Sociologyof Religion"and"Non-Legitimate Domination"sections of Economyand Society.Weber'sstudyAncientJudaismplays a minorrole in the argumentation.The authorstressesthe relationshipbetweenWeber's view of the Jews as a pariah-peopleand the distinctivenessof this against Sombart'stheory.Followingthe criticismof J. Taubes,E. Shmueli,Tal,and of suchconceptualization, as others,Abrahamrefersto the inappropriateness well as to thedependenceof Weber'spariahthesison theChristiantheologyof his time.Otherwisehe triesto showthatWeber'sunderstanding of theJewsas a pariah-peoplehad a directimpacton his conceptualization of the formation of groups.Since Weberheld thata nationis to be qualifiednotonly ethnically but, mainly,by its strivingfor politicaldominance,he was obliged to deny the Jews the consciousnessof beinga nation.The pariahconceptallowedhim to characterizethe Jewish people as possessinga special characterwithout grantingthem the status of a nationality.A pariah-peopleand a nationare

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homologousphenomenain Weber'sthought.The pariah-peopleis the most extremeexampleof a nationalminorityanddiffersfroma nationonly in size. Abraham'sattempt to attributeWeber's considerationson the social structureof Judaismto the social and intellectualcontext of the Second Reich,andto approachthemfromthatangle,pointin the rightdirection.His thesis thatWeber'sassumptionof the pariahcharacterof the Jewishpeople suppliesan answerto innerpoliticalproblemsof the SecondReich is wildly exaggerated.He simply has not succeededin verifyingthis fromactualtexts of Weber's.The pariah-peoplethesis(nottheory)playsonly a marginalrolein Weber'sAncientJudaism,a workwhich is only toucheduponby Abraham.' In otherwritings,it turnsup almostexclusivelyin laterevisions,as a reaction to Sombart'sthesis. It is thereforeto be welcomedthatthe authorhas placed the intellectualand social relationshipsbetweenSombartand Weberat the centerof his study. The authorrelies on Weber'swritingsnearlyexclusivelyin theirEnglish translationsand wheneverpossibleprefersthe GermanandFrenchliterature in Englishtranslation.This (andthe circumstancethatsecond-handcitations often are given in abbreviatedanddistortedform)facilitatesthe presentation of the thesis that Weber'ssociology of Judaismrests on subtleantisemitic preconceptions.But at the sametime it greatlyreducesthe valueof his work. The citationof non-Englishbook titles in ad hoc Englishtranslationsandthe lack of furtherbibliographicalinformationare both puzzling.Manynames andphrasesarecited in a formwhichis linguisticallyincorrector impossible, not once or twice, but repeatedlythroughoutthe book. It is also strangethat the authordoes not use the standardcriticaleditionsof Weber'sworkin his citations. ChristaSchAfer-Lichtenberger of Heidelberg University Heidelberg, Germany Sefton D. Temkin.Isaac Mayer Wise:ShapingAmericanJudaism.Oxford: OxfordUniversityPress, 1992. viii, 318 pp. IsaacMayerWisewas thedominantfigurein nineteenth-century American Jewry.He edited two newspapers,was instrumentalin foundingthe Union 1. See recently, C. Schafer-Lichtenberger, Journal for the Study of the Old Testament51 (1991): 85-113.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): George L. Berlin Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 284-288 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486642 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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homologousphenomenain Weber'sthought.The pariah-peopleis the most extremeexampleof a nationalminorityanddiffersfroma nationonly in size. Abraham'sattempt to attributeWeber's considerationson the social structureof Judaismto the social and intellectualcontext of the Second Reich,andto approachthemfromthatangle,pointin the rightdirection.His thesis thatWeber'sassumptionof the pariahcharacterof the Jewishpeople suppliesan answerto innerpoliticalproblemsof the SecondReich is wildly exaggerated.He simply has not succeededin verifyingthis fromactualtexts of Weber's.The pariah-peoplethesis(nottheory)playsonly a marginalrolein Weber'sAncientJudaism,a workwhich is only toucheduponby Abraham.' In otherwritings,it turnsup almostexclusivelyin laterevisions,as a reaction to Sombart'sthesis. It is thereforeto be welcomedthatthe authorhas placed the intellectualand social relationshipsbetweenSombartand Weberat the centerof his study. The authorrelies on Weber'swritingsnearlyexclusivelyin theirEnglish translationsand wheneverpossibleprefersthe GermanandFrenchliterature in Englishtranslation.This (andthe circumstancethatsecond-handcitations often are given in abbreviatedanddistortedform)facilitatesthe presentation of the thesis that Weber'ssociology of Judaismrests on subtleantisemitic preconceptions.But at the sametime it greatlyreducesthe valueof his work. The citationof non-Englishbook titles in ad hoc Englishtranslationsandthe lack of furtherbibliographicalinformationare both puzzling.Manynames andphrasesarecited in a formwhichis linguisticallyincorrector impossible, not once or twice, but repeatedlythroughoutthe book. It is also strangethat the authordoes not use the standardcriticaleditionsof Weber'sworkin his citations. ChristaSchAfer-Lichtenberger of Heidelberg University Heidelberg, Germany Sefton D. Temkin.Isaac Mayer Wise:ShapingAmericanJudaism.Oxford: OxfordUniversityPress, 1992. viii, 318 pp. IsaacMayerWisewas thedominantfigurein nineteenth-century American Jewry.He edited two newspapers,was instrumentalin foundingthe Union 1. See recently, C. Schafer-Lichtenberger, Journal for the Study of the Old Testament51 (1991): 85-113.

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of AmericanHebrewCongregations,HebrewUnionCollege,andthe Central Conferenceof AmericanRabbis, and served as the first presidentof the lattertwo bodies. He also was a prolificwriterwho authoredbooks on the Bible, Jewish history,theology,and Christianorigins,in additionto several novels. All of this while he served in the pulpit for fifty-fouryears, first in Albany and then in Cincinnati,where he was the rabbiof Congregation Bnai Jeshurunfor the last forty-six years of his life. It is little wonder, then,thatthereis a considerableliteratureconcerningWise,includingseveral however,is highly full-lengthbiographies.Muchof thebiographicalliterature, In the Temkinhas almost Sefton some presentstudy, laudatory, worshipful. with a much-needed critical and of us balanced portrayal Wise. provided Wise's long careerwas markedby muchcontroversy,and scholarshave differedin their assessmentsof the man and his accomplishments.One of the centralquestionsin evaluatingWise, a questionthatTemkindeals with extensively, is whetherWise was a moderateor a radicalreformer.Most scholarswho have dealt with Wise have characterizedhim as a moderate reformerin contrastto the more radicaleast coast reformerslike David Einhornand SamuelHirsch.Citedas proofarehis insistenceon maintaining the SaturdaySabbath,the retentionof a largecore of Hebrewprayerin the of theTorah service,his belief in Divine revelationandtheMosaicauthorship (or most of it), and his acquiescencein the statementissued by the 1855 ClevelandConferenceassertingthe authorityof the talmudicinterpretation of the Bible. Even the prayerbookthathe andMax Lilienthaledited,Minhag America,retainedmuchof the traditionalservice. A revisionistview most forcefullyexpressedby AryehRubinsteinsees Wise as a radical who differed from Einhornand the easternersonly on the pace but not the substanceof reform.Temkintakes a middle course and describesWise as an ambivalentconservativereformer.This seems to be based on Wise's positionon Hebrewin the prayerservice,the Saturday Sabbath,his belief in the Sinaiticrevelationandrejectionof biblicalcriticism, the moderatechangesin MinhagAmerica,plus Wise'semotionalattachment to traditionthat occasionally came to the surface. Still, even accounting for all of this, Wise's position discardingthe second day of festivals and circumcisionfor male converts,not requiringa religiousdivorce,ridiculing, if not rejecting, the dietary laws, and the apparentdenial of belief in a personalGod leave one wonderingif "conservativereformer"is reallyan apt characterization of Wise.

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What makes Wise so difficult to pinpointis his inconsistency.At the Cleveland Conference,he seemed to accept the authorityof the Talmud. At other times, he rejectedthat position.The PittsburghPlatformof 1885 contradictedpositions that he had espousedtime aftertime. It rejectedthe Sinaitic revelationand most of the Mosaic legislation,assertingthat the laws of the Torahwere to be judged accordingto "the views and habits of moderncivilization,"and it relegatedtalmudiclaw to the realmof the past. Wise respondedto criticismof the PittsburghPlatformandhis support of it by evasion. Ignoringthe Platform'sacceptanceof biblical criticism, which he rejected,Wise insteadnoted that the Platformdid not deal with the Sabbathto Sundayor for practicalmatters.It did not pressfor transferring ritual circumcision. Temkin theorizes that Wisesensedthechanges abolishing thatwereoccurringat the time.The threatposedby Jewishdefectionsto Felix Adler's Ethical Culturemovementalarmedthe reformers.Wise concurred with KaufmannKohler,the architectof the PittsburghPlatform,thatreform had to articulatea clearly liberalstanceto completewith the new ideology. Always the pragmatist,Wise was willing to accommodate.It was a case of Cleveland in reverse. There Wise acceptedthe statementon talmudic At Pittsburghhe went authorityin orderto accommodatethe traditionalists. with the radicals. along Other examples of Wise's inconsistencyabound.While he generally favoredthe conveningof a rabbinicsynod to standardizeAmericanJewish intrusionon religiouspractice,he also criticizedthe idea as an authoritarian the rightof individualcongregationsto determinetheirown ritualpractices. Throughouthis career,WisefoughtagainstChristianmissionarieswho sought to convertJews and againstattemptsto Christianizethe federalConstitution. Yet, he opposed a resolutionof the Boardof Delegatesin 1870 to combat attemptsto Christianizethe Constitution,.One of his goals was the establishmentof a college to trainteachersand rabbis.However,he opposedthe short-livedMaimonidesCollege, referringto it as a "PolishChederin a modernizedgarb." Wise's inconsistencieshave been interpretedeitheras unprincipledopportunismcombinedwith uncontrolledegoism which preventedhim from joining any Jewishcause in which he was not the leader,or as a willingness to compromisein orderto attaina highergoal. Temkinacceptsthe latterview as an explanationof most of Wise's inconsistencies.Wise was drivenby a desireto unify AmericanJewrywith himselfas its leader.He hopedthathis

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MinhagAmericawouldbothunifyAmericanJewryandgainhim recognition as its unchallengedleader.Thereis a constancyin his advocacyof union,i.e., the creationof an organizationthat would unite the variouscongregations throughoutthe country,and in his campaignto establisha college. Whilehe blew hotandcold on the synod,unionandcollegeremainedfixedgoals.These he pushed constantlyin the pages of his newspapersand in the numerous lecturetripsthroughoutthe countrythathe undertook.To attainthese goals he was willing to accommodateboth those to his ideologicalleft as well as those to his right. TemkinconsidersWise's most importantcontributionto be his effortto createan "American"Judaism,a Judaismthatconformedboth to the spirit of Americaas well as to the conditionsof life there.He adamantlyopposed those reformerswho wantedto preserveGermanas the languageof reform in America. For Wise, America was the naturalsetting for the flowering of a modernizedliberalJudaism.Like some otherof his reformcolleagues, he identifiedAmericanideals with Judaism.At one point,at least, he even believed thatthe teachingsof Judaismwould becomethe commonproperty of America. This optimism and religious triumphalismmay also be seen in his connectionwith the FreeReligiousAssociation,a groupof liberalUnitarians headedby OctaviusB. Frothingham.AfterFelix AdlersucceededFrothingham as head of the organizationin 1878, Wise withdrew.Temkinwrites that Wise could no longer affiliatewith an organizationheadedby Adler, whom he viewed as a renegade.However,it may be thatWise'swithdrawal was symptomaticof a largerdisillusionmentthat he was undergoing.His experiencewith liberalChristianshad been disappointing.He believedthat liberalProtestantswho had discardedmuchof traditionalChristiandoctrine were returningto the Jewishrootsof Christianity, andthatliberalChristianity would eventually merge into Judaism.However, as Wise learned,liberal Protestantscontinuedto view Jesus as a special figureand Christianityas the fulfillmentof Judaism.Fromtheirperspective,if liberalChristianityand liberal Judaismwere to merge, it was Judaismthat was going to have to make the move. The 1880s and 1890s broughtotherproblemsthatseem to have temperedWise's optimism.The increasingimmigrationof Jews from EasternEuropebegan to changethe face of the AmericanJudaismthatWise had striven to create. His attitudetowardthe newcomerswas the mixture of humanitarianconcernand disdainfor theirunkemptorthodoxythatwas

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common among the establishedGermanJews in America.In addition,the rising tide of antisemitismin Americain the 1890s must have given Wise cause to ponderwhetherhis optimismwas overreachingreality. Temkin'sbook is the best scholarlyworkon Wise to date.It presentsan admiringyet criticalpictureof Wise'sachievementsandpersonality.Wisewas a complex and explosive mixtureof optimismand supremeself-confidence; he was bombasticin self-praiseandhighly combativeagainsthis critics.On the other hand, there were times when he expressedself-doubt,self-pity, and depression.Temkinleads us throughthe full rangeof Wise'semotional makeupand at times conjectureshow it may have affectedWise'sactions. Temkin'sbook wouldbe strengthenedhadhe dealtmoreextensivelywith Wise's attitudetowardChristianityand his relationswith liberalProtestants. Muchof Wise's writingdeals with Christianity,anddefiningthe relationship betweenthe two religionswas importantto him in formulatinghis American Judaism.Temkinmightalso have addeda sectionto the Bibliographical Note dealingwith the majorsecondarymaterialon Wise. Wise was the central figure of nineteenth-centuryAmericanJewry. Temkin'snuancedportrayalis a welcome contributionto our understanding of the man andhis times. GeorgeL. Berlin

Baltimore HebrewUniversity Baltimore,Md.

Hyman Bogen. The LuckiestOrphans:A History of the HebrewOrphan Asylumof New York.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress,1992. 283 pp. Even the title of this easily-overlookedvolume, The LuckiestOrphans, beckons the reader to delve into its pages, for it representsa treasured institutionalrelic that has now, as a resultof the laborsof HymanBogen, securedits rightfulplace in AmericanJewish history.In this book, Bogen skillfullyblends collective memoirsand dedicatedresearch,gently molding theminto a historyof the HebrewOrphanAsylumof New York.Thisorphan asylum, a term by which such institutionswere generallyknown,was the oldest, largest,and perhapsbest-knownof its kind.It operatedin New York City between the years 1860 and 1941. HymanBogen is himself a former resident(or a memberof its alumni,as theylike to be called)who lived within its walls from 1932 until it closed in 1941. Thus, The LuckiestOrphansis

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Kerry M. Olitzky Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 288-290 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486643 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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common among the establishedGermanJews in America.In addition,the rising tide of antisemitismin Americain the 1890s must have given Wise cause to ponderwhetherhis optimismwas overreachingreality. Temkin'sbook is the best scholarlyworkon Wise to date.It presentsan admiringyet criticalpictureof Wise'sachievementsandpersonality.Wisewas a complex and explosive mixtureof optimismand supremeself-confidence; he was bombasticin self-praiseandhighly combativeagainsthis critics.On the other hand, there were times when he expressedself-doubt,self-pity, and depression.Temkinleads us throughthe full rangeof Wise'semotional makeupand at times conjectureshow it may have affectedWise'sactions. Temkin'sbook wouldbe strengthenedhadhe dealtmoreextensivelywith Wise's attitudetowardChristianityand his relationswith liberalProtestants. Muchof Wise's writingdeals with Christianity,anddefiningthe relationship betweenthe two religionswas importantto him in formulatinghis American Judaism.Temkinmightalso have addeda sectionto the Bibliographical Note dealingwith the majorsecondarymaterialon Wise. Wise was the central figure of nineteenth-centuryAmericanJewry. Temkin'snuancedportrayalis a welcome contributionto our understanding of the man andhis times. GeorgeL. Berlin

Baltimore HebrewUniversity Baltimore,Md.

Hyman Bogen. The LuckiestOrphans:A History of the HebrewOrphan Asylumof New York.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress,1992. 283 pp. Even the title of this easily-overlookedvolume, The LuckiestOrphans, beckons the reader to delve into its pages, for it representsa treasured institutionalrelic that has now, as a resultof the laborsof HymanBogen, securedits rightfulplace in AmericanJewish history.In this book, Bogen skillfullyblends collective memoirsand dedicatedresearch,gently molding theminto a historyof the HebrewOrphanAsylumof New York.Thisorphan asylum, a term by which such institutionswere generallyknown,was the oldest, largest,and perhapsbest-knownof its kind.It operatedin New York City between the years 1860 and 1941. HymanBogen is himself a former resident(or a memberof its alumni,as theylike to be called)who lived within its walls from 1932 until it closed in 1941. Thus, The LuckiestOrphansis

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not merely a piece of detached inquiry. It is admittedly a labor of love, an in-kind reciprocation for what the Hebrew Orphan Asylum gave its inmates (the term by which they were known), Hyman Bogen among them. Beyond the obvious contribution to the history of American Jewish social welfare institutions and the commensurate contribution the Hebrew Orphan Asylum made to the community by caring for children without parents (or whose parents could not afford to raise them), The Luchiest Orphans also reflects the turmoil, in-fighting, and competition among the various segments of the American Jewish community during the period in which the home functioned. From its very beginning, the Hebrew OrphanAsylum was caught in the cross-fire between Sephardim and Ashkenazim, uptown and downtown Jews, traditionalists and reformers. Yet, amidst all the conflict, it somehow guided hundreds of boys and girls into young adulthood, many of whom went on to make major contributions to society and amass great fortunes. They indeed did become "the luckiest orphans." By no fault of their own, these young Jewish boys and girls had become society's least wanted. In response to the Dickens-like conditions in many orphanages, and sensitive to the historical mandate to care for its "widows and orphans." the Jewish community strove to create an institution which would nurturethese young souls and trainthem to be contributingmembers of society. This was not an easy task. Competent caregivers were hard to come by. Funds were often scarce. And there were many differences of opinion regarding the Jewish education and religious training of the residents. There were scandals and shortcomings, to be sure. Yet, the Hebrew OrphanAsylum generally succeeded and, at times, even created model vocational-training programs which were copied by like-minded institutions in New York and beyond. This book succeeds in putting flesh onto the Hebrew Orphan Asylum's struggle throughout its history: Together, through the pages of The Luckiest Orphans, we are able to come very close to the daily experience of living in the home at any given time in its history. Together, we feel the pain of its residents and the pride of its lay governors. Because of the natureof Bogen's research, much of the discussion in the book is based either on his own recollections or on the reminiscences of others-often with little evidence of corroboration. While the application of this technique adds to the human dimension of what otherwise might be dull history, such methods are often subject to error.As a result, for the informed reader,there are some statements

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which are not quite precise. So fastidious a reading, however, does not detract from the overall strength of the manuscript and the contribution that Bogen makes by bringing this significant book and the institution it heralds to our attention. KerryM. Olitzky HebrewUnionCollege-JewishInstituteof Religion New York,N.Y. Naomi W. Cohen. Jews in Christian America: The Pursuit of Religious Equality. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. viii, 300 pp. On June 25, 1962, the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional a short, nonsectarian, voluntary prayer written by the New York State Board of Regents for use in the public schools. In Engel v. Vitale, the Court, by a vote of six to one, held that the prayer violated the establishment clause of the First Amendment. As Associate Justice Hugo Black wrote, "it is no part of the business of the government to compose official prayers for any group of the American people." In the superbly well-documented account of the case that she provides in Jews in Christian, America, Naomi Cohen points out that Jewish organizations, which had been combating religion in the classroom, "could not have asked for more ... Engel was an unqualifiedvindication"(p. 171). Equally significant, the decision indicated that the Court was certain to strike down devotional reading of the Bible in the public schools, as indeed it did a year later. Yet Professor Cohen's careful analysis also reveals a "rampantdivisiveness" within the Jewish community. Afraid of being branded atheistic or of fomenting antisemitism, many Jews had not wished to challenge the Regents' prayer in court. Even Leo Pfeffer, an ardent separationist and chief architect of the American Jewish Congress's legal strategy to combat religion in the schools, thought the prayer was "as nonsectarian as a prayer can be" and feared that a test case was bound to fail (p. 168). The Court's ruling sparked a bitter debate within the Jewish community between separationists, who applauded the result, and accommodationists, who deplored it. The latter group included an Orthodox rabbi who thought a nondenominationalprayer would stimulate religious awareness, a Conservative rabbiwho railed against the "non-existent wall of separation of church and state "(p. 182), and a Reform rabbi who declared that Jewish organizations must not "demand in

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Richard Polenberg Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 290-292 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486644 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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which are not quite precise. So fastidious a reading, however, does not detract from the overall strength of the manuscript and the contribution that Bogen makes by bringing this significant book and the institution it heralds to our attention. KerryM. Olitzky HebrewUnionCollege-JewishInstituteof Religion New York,N.Y. Naomi W. Cohen. Jews in Christian America: The Pursuit of Religious Equality. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. viii, 300 pp. On June 25, 1962, the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional a short, nonsectarian, voluntary prayer written by the New York State Board of Regents for use in the public schools. In Engel v. Vitale, the Court, by a vote of six to one, held that the prayer violated the establishment clause of the First Amendment. As Associate Justice Hugo Black wrote, "it is no part of the business of the government to compose official prayers for any group of the American people." In the superbly well-documented account of the case that she provides in Jews in Christian, America, Naomi Cohen points out that Jewish organizations, which had been combating religion in the classroom, "could not have asked for more ... Engel was an unqualifiedvindication"(p. 171). Equally significant, the decision indicated that the Court was certain to strike down devotional reading of the Bible in the public schools, as indeed it did a year later. Yet Professor Cohen's careful analysis also reveals a "rampantdivisiveness" within the Jewish community. Afraid of being branded atheistic or of fomenting antisemitism, many Jews had not wished to challenge the Regents' prayer in court. Even Leo Pfeffer, an ardent separationist and chief architect of the American Jewish Congress's legal strategy to combat religion in the schools, thought the prayer was "as nonsectarian as a prayer can be" and feared that a test case was bound to fail (p. 168). The Court's ruling sparked a bitter debate within the Jewish community between separationists, who applauded the result, and accommodationists, who deplored it. The latter group included an Orthodox rabbi who thought a nondenominationalprayer would stimulate religious awareness, a Conservative rabbiwho railed against the "non-existent wall of separation of church and state "(p. 182), and a Reform rabbi who declared that Jewish organizations must not "demand in

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the nameof JudaismthateveryJew mustrejoicewhena non-offensiveprayer is eliminatedfrom the schools"(p. 183). The reaction to the Engel decision perfectly illustratesCohen's four major themes in this superbaccount of Jews and religious equalityfrom colonialtimes to the present.First,"neverdid the Jewishcommunitybehave as a monolith on church-stateissues" (p. 9). Differencesalways existed between rabbis and laymen, between Orthodoxand non-Orthodox,and between the assertive AmericanJewish Congress and the more cautious AmericanJewish Committeeand Anti-DefamationLeague.Second, "Jews of all stripes-immigrantor acculturated,Reformor Orthodox,aggressiveor timid-weighed theiractivitiesagainstexistingor anticipatedpopularopinion" (p. 8) and always consideredwhethera particularstandon separation would promote "an adverse reaction towardJewish securityor comfort" (ibid.). Third,the Jewish position on church-stateissues dependedon other communalpriorities,such as "a desireto fosterinterreligiousunderstanding in the post-WorldWarII era,"or, lateron, a desireto maintainpublicsupport for aid to Israel.Finally,Cohenasserts,Jews havealwaysexhibiteda serious concern "lest strict separationismadverselyaffect religion in general and Judaismin particular"(p. 9). These themes are developed differentlyin the two partsof the book. The first part traces about three hundredyears of the Jewish experience in America,from the seventeenthcenturyto 1945. Here,Cohen paints in broadstrokes,necessarilyomittingmuchbut treatingselectedincidentsin a thoughtfulandpersuasiveway. Withrespectto the idea of religiousequality, she maintains,"theJews builton an Americanprinciplebutventuredto shape that principleto suit their own needs"(p. 10), and in so doing, they were "activelyredefiningthe rulesof the Americangame"(ibid.). Among the topics Cohen discusses in these chaptersare the disabilities sufferedby colonialJews, the originsof separationism earlyin the nineteenth centuryin oppositionto "a rising clamorfor a Christianstate,"the debate in 1826 over Maryland's"JewBill" whicheliminatedthe Christianoaththat barredJewsfromholdingoffice,theroleof JewishimmigrantsfromGermany, who "provedfrom the outset the more ferventand doctrinaireexponentsof religious liberty and a religiously neutralstate"(p. 43), the debate in the post-Civil War years over adoptinga so-called ChristianAmendmentto the Constitution,the controversysparkedby SupremeCourtJusticeDavid Brewer's 1892 decision in Church of the Holy Trinityv. United States, which

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statedthat"thisis a Christiannation,"and by his 1905 lectures,The United Statesa ChristianNation, andJewishoppositionto Sundaylaws andpublic school released-timeprograms. The second part of the book focuses on the years from 1945 to 1965. Relying heavily on the files of the AmericanJewish Congress,the AntiDefamationLeague, and the AmericanJewish Committee,Cohen offers a revealing account of the Jewish strategyin-and response to-the legal battlesover releasedtime, prayerin the publicschools,therightsof Sabbath observers,and religiousdisplayson publicproperty.She discussesnot only landmarkfederal decisions, but also crucial cases at the state level. An afterworddeals with Lynch v. Donnelly, the 1984 SupremeCourt ruling whichupheldthe erectionof a crechewith publicfunds. Jews in ChristianAmericaexplainsthe processby which Jews moved froman older view which held thatgovernmentshouldbe neutraltowardall religions to a modem emphasison "theconceptof a seculargovernment." Withrespectto the FirstAmendment'sestablishmentclause,Jews calledfor "theeliminationof government-supported practicesthatin any way operated to make the Jew an outsider,or somehow less than equal, in American society"(p. 129). YetCohennotes, too, thatin recentyearsJewshavebegun to pay moreattentionto the freeexerciseclause,andhavethereforedefended policies thataccommodatethe interestsof observantJews.Suchpolicies-for example,permittingan OrthodoxJew in the militaryto weara yarmulkeeven of if this violates the dress code-may contradict"the strictinterpretation establishment,"but "bettersuit the realityof a pluralistsetting"(p. 245). The storyof how the Jewishcommunityin the last twenty-fiveyearshas dealtwiththe conflictingclaimsof the establishmentandfreeexerciseclauses will requirea book in itself. In the meantime,Cohenhas put all scholarsin her debt with this importantandinformativework. Richard Polenberg CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y.

JeromeR. Mintz. Hasidic People: A Place in the New World.Cambridge, Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress, 1992. viii, 434 pp. JeromeMintz's Hassidic People: A Place in the New Worldpresents, without bias or nostalgia, an unusually vivid and insightful portraitof

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Charles Selengut Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 292-295 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486645 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



292

BOOK REVIEWS

statedthat"thisis a Christiannation,"and by his 1905 lectures,The United Statesa ChristianNation, andJewishoppositionto Sundaylaws andpublic school released-timeprograms. The second part of the book focuses on the years from 1945 to 1965. Relying heavily on the files of the AmericanJewish Congress,the AntiDefamationLeague, and the AmericanJewish Committee,Cohen offers a revealing account of the Jewish strategyin-and response to-the legal battlesover releasedtime, prayerin the publicschools,therightsof Sabbath observers,and religiousdisplayson publicproperty.She discussesnot only landmarkfederal decisions, but also crucial cases at the state level. An afterworddeals with Lynch v. Donnelly, the 1984 SupremeCourt ruling whichupheldthe erectionof a crechewith publicfunds. Jews in ChristianAmericaexplainsthe processby which Jews moved froman older view which held thatgovernmentshouldbe neutraltowardall religions to a modem emphasison "theconceptof a seculargovernment." Withrespectto the FirstAmendment'sestablishmentclause,Jews calledfor "theeliminationof government-supported practicesthatin any way operated to make the Jew an outsider,or somehow less than equal, in American society"(p. 129). YetCohennotes, too, thatin recentyearsJewshavebegun to pay moreattentionto the freeexerciseclause,andhavethereforedefended policies thataccommodatethe interestsof observantJews.Suchpolicies-for example,permittingan OrthodoxJew in the militaryto weara yarmulkeeven of if this violates the dress code-may contradict"the strictinterpretation establishment,"but "bettersuit the realityof a pluralistsetting"(p. 245). The storyof how the Jewishcommunityin the last twenty-fiveyearshas dealtwiththe conflictingclaimsof the establishmentandfreeexerciseclauses will requirea book in itself. In the meantime,Cohenhas put all scholarsin her debt with this importantandinformativework. Richard Polenberg CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y.

JeromeR. Mintz. Hasidic People: A Place in the New World.Cambridge, Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress, 1992. viii, 434 pp. JeromeMintz's Hassidic People: A Place in the New Worldpresents, without bias or nostalgia, an unusually vivid and insightful portraitof

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American Hasidim. It is not a deep or introspectivework-the book offers little analysis of Hasidic cultureor philosophy-but rather,a highly informativenarrativedescribingthe personalities,events,andissues shaping contemporaryHasidic life in the United States. The authoris particularly sensitive to the wide variety of Hasidic sects and subgroupsand avoids the conventionalerrorof treatingAmerica'sHasidimas an undifferentiated group.The two majorsects, Satmarand Lubavitch,get extensivecoverage but the book also includes wonderful reports on lesser-knowngroups like the Boyaner and SquarerHasidim.Particularlyhelpful to studentsof Hasidismis the section on the Melochim sect, an authenticallyAmerican Hasidic group establishedduring the 1930s and 1940s, which despite its small numbers still manages to exert ideological pressureon the larger mainstreamgroups. This book helps dispel several myths about contemporaryHasidism. From the outside, Hasidim appear to be a monolithic group who live entirely apartfrom mainstreamculture and center their existence around religious law, duty, and ritual. And while this is not entirely untrue, Mintz shows just how thoroughlyAmericanand worldy Hasidim have become in their strugglesfor what they considertheirrightsand privileges in the maelstrom of American ethnic politics. In the chapter entitled "The Housing Labyrinthin Williamsburg,"the authordetails the astute political organizationand clout of the Satmarsin their successfulattempt to have themselves declareda "minoritygroup"and, in this way, become the recipientsof special housing and employmentgrants.The book also explains the ongoing conflicts between Hasidimand Hispanicsand Blacks as a function of ethnic competitionfor limited housing and governmental aid. The Hasidic family, too, is confrontedby the dilemmas of modern culture.Although still very different-marriagesare arrangedand couples generally live in close proximityto parents-Mintz reportsgrowing disenchantmentwith traditionalnotions of male authorityas Hasidicwomen seek greaterpersonal autonomyand self-fulfillment.Mintz reportsabout women who are "miserable"because they are forced to wear a wig, who resent the fact that Hasidic culture defines them exclusively as mothers and homemakers,and aboutotherswho refuseto acceptthe prohibitionon secularliterature,movies, and the arts. The chapterson the historyof conflict-occasionally violent-between

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Lubavitcherand Satmar Hasidim are particularlyilluminatingfor those interestedin sectarianreligious strife because Mintz presentsthe issues throughthe words of the protagoniststhemselves.Here we see how each of the groups views itself as the defender of "true Hasidism"against the contaminatinginfluences of its sectariancompetition.Mintz's data suggestthatit may well be less theologicaldifferencesthancompetitionfor followersand statusthat is at the heartof the controversy. Hasidic People is an appealingbook with a great deal of "insider" informationand carefulattentionto detail.But its simplicityandabundance of detail, withoutany theologicalframeworkwithin which to interpretthe data,leave the readerwith lots of interestingbut unrelatedinformation.No attemptof any depth is ever made to relatethe social and culturalpatterns of Hasidic life to the kabbalisticunderpiningsof Hasidic theology. To penetratethe Hasidicworld,we need to know not only how they interactin everydaylife but theirotherworldlygoals for self- andworldtransformation. When all is said and done, an eschatologyof rebirthin 'olamha-ba', the world-to-come,is at the center of Hasidic belief and culture, and it is this faith which binds Hasidic religiosity,culture,and rabbinicalauthority together. To a social scientist, this book is somewhatproblematicon theoretical grounds. Although written by an anthropologist,Hasidic Life offers no analysis as to how Hasidic society is maintainedin the antagonistic setting of Americansecularity.Some discussionof childhoodsocialization and social-boundarymaintenancewould help explain how conformityto Hasidicnormsis maintained. A wonderfulpart of this book is its extensive use of quotationsfrom the author'sinterviews with Hasidim.This materialgives us a real sense of the concernsand issues facing Hasidimin America,but we never learn how representativethe comments are. For example,just how widespread are family problems,and how serious an issue is defection?The author quotes several respondentsto show that these are issues, but we are never shown additionaldata to demonstratewhetherthe respondentsare typical of the normor merelyrepresentdeviantcases. In spite of these reservations,Hasidic Life is an importantand useful book. Anyone wanting to know about life in the American Hasidic for undergraduate communitywill have to referto it. This bookis appropriate

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and graduatecourses in Judaicstudies,but will also be useful in courseson fundamentalismand unconventionalreligiouscommunities. CharlesSelengut Collegeof Morris N.J. Randolph, andDrewUniversity Madison,N.J. JewishApproachesto SandraB. Lubarsky.Toleranceand Transformation: Hebrew Cincinnati: Union Pluralism. College Press, 1990. x, 149 Religious pp. Religiousabsolutismis the view thatmy religionis trueandall otherreligions, to the extentthatthey contradictmine, arefalse. Religiousrelativism, on the otherhand,assertsthat all religionsare equallytrueor false. Sandra Lubarskyrejectsthe firstof thesealternativesbecauseof recentdevelopments in physics which make it clear that we are limitedby our subjectivityand physicallocation,and also becauseof history,which documentsthe bloody consequencesof religiousabsolutism,biblicalscholarship(thepreciseroleof biblicalscholarshipin underminingreligiousabsolutismis notexplained),and the personalexperienceof loving those who do not shareour traditions.For these reasons,Lubarskyvigorouslyrejectsall formsof religiousabsolutism. But she also rejectsrelativismbecauseit denies the existenceof truthitself andtherebymakesimpossibleany realsympathyfor othertraditions.Is there a thirdalternative? Lubarskyarguesthat there is and labels it "veridicalpluralism,"which holds that thereis more thanone traditionthatspeakstruth.The truthsthat traditionsspeak are partialand may thereforeappearto conflict with one another."But,"writes Lubarsky(p. 6), "if what a traditionspeaksis really true, then it must be congruentwith other statementsof truth,"since "that which is trueis of necessity compatiblewith all else thatis true."Historical religions,then, consist of the true and the false. They contradicteach other fromtheirfalsehoodsand agreewith each otherin theirtruths.Since truthis to be preferredover falsehood,it would be very nice to extractthe truthsof all religions,discardtheirfalsehoods,and emergewith a super-religionfree of all falsehood.But wouldn'tsuch a super-religion constitutean absolutism,

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Michael Wyschogrod Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 295-297 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486646 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:55 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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and graduatecourses in Judaicstudies,but will also be useful in courseson fundamentalismand unconventionalreligiouscommunities. CharlesSelengut Collegeof Morris N.J. Randolph, andDrewUniversity Madison,N.J. JewishApproachesto SandraB. Lubarsky.Toleranceand Transformation: Hebrew Cincinnati: Union Pluralism. College Press, 1990. x, 149 Religious pp. Religiousabsolutismis the view thatmy religionis trueandall otherreligions, to the extentthatthey contradictmine, arefalse. Religiousrelativism, on the otherhand,assertsthat all religionsare equallytrueor false. Sandra Lubarskyrejectsthe firstof thesealternativesbecauseof recentdevelopments in physics which make it clear that we are limitedby our subjectivityand physicallocation,and also becauseof history,which documentsthe bloody consequencesof religiousabsolutism,biblicalscholarship(thepreciseroleof biblicalscholarshipin underminingreligiousabsolutismis notexplained),and the personalexperienceof loving those who do not shareour traditions.For these reasons,Lubarskyvigorouslyrejectsall formsof religiousabsolutism. But she also rejectsrelativismbecauseit denies the existenceof truthitself andtherebymakesimpossibleany realsympathyfor othertraditions.Is there a thirdalternative? Lubarskyarguesthat there is and labels it "veridicalpluralism,"which holds that thereis more thanone traditionthatspeakstruth.The truthsthat traditionsspeak are partialand may thereforeappearto conflict with one another."But,"writes Lubarsky(p. 6), "if what a traditionspeaksis really true, then it must be congruentwith other statementsof truth,"since "that which is trueis of necessity compatiblewith all else thatis true."Historical religions,then, consist of the true and the false. They contradicteach other fromtheirfalsehoodsand agreewith each otherin theirtruths.Since truthis to be preferredover falsehood,it would be very nice to extractthe truthsof all religions,discardtheirfalsehoods,and emergewith a super-religionfree of all falsehood.But wouldn'tsuch a super-religion constitutean absolutism,

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since thosecommittedto it wouldbelievethattheirreligionis trueandanyone questioningany of its tenets wouldbe in error? It may be, of course,thatLubarskywoulddeny thatanyhumanbeingcan make claim to possessing the final truthin religion.But to the extentthata personbelieves somethingto be true,she is an absolutistbecauseshe affirms that those who disagreewith her are in error.I do not thinkthat veridical pluralismis sufficientlythoughtthroughin this book to constitutea third alternativeto absolutismandrelativism. between Earlyin the book, Lubarskyrefersto the apparentcontradiction Judaism,which affirmsthe existence of God, and Buddhism,which denies God'sexistence.Thereis a way,she insists,to integratethesetwo teachingsso "thatthe self-consistentwholenessof realityis preserved"(p. 14).Theattempt at integrationis madein the last chapterof the book. But, curiouslyenough, in thatchapterthereis no referenceto the existenceor nonexistenceof God. Instead,the majordifferencefoundbetweenthe two faiths(thoughBuddhism may not be a faith) is that Judaismis future-orientedwhile Buddhismis Judaismdreamsof a futuremuch betterthanthe present, present-oriented. while for Buddhismit is the presentmomentitself thatis promising.From the Buddhistpoint of view, "living towardthe futureconstitutesa form of clinging and it is clinging or attachmentthatis the sourceof all suffering" (pp. 123-124). On the face of it, these are two very differentperspectives, especiallywhen we realizethatanotherway of expressingthedifferenceis to say thatJudaismis primarilyethicalwhile Buddhismis primarilyaesthetic. But this does not discourageLubarsky.We can have the best of both worlds. "The Buddhist emphasis on the here-now,"she writes (p. 126), "mayaid Jews in recoveringa sensitivityto God's immediacyand thereby realigningthe relationshipbetween the past, presentand future."Because Godjudged the createdworldto be "verygood,"we may concludethatthis refersto the beauty of the world inasmuchas moralagency is not usually attributedto the createdorder.And, suggestsLubarsky,Jews may even wish to reconsiderthe primacyof the ethicaloverthe aesthetic.She quotesCharles Hartshorneand John Cobb, both of whom arguethat the aestheticis more inclusive than the ethical. Buber'sstresson the immediacyof the "I-Thou" is, accordingto Lubarsky,"consistentwith the Buddhistorientationto the 'now' "(p. 126). It is possible that the futurebelongs to a religionthat incorporatesthe best of Judaismand Buddhism,not to speakof a numberof othertraditions

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that may also have importantinsights to contribute.But this new religion would not be either Judaism or Buddhismbut a new creation. I share Lubarsky'scommitmentto dialoguebutam skepticalthatit is possibleto find a perspectivefromwhich we can pick andchoose, separatingthe wheatfrom the chaff in all religionsso as to remainwith a religionthatis all wheatand no chaff.Religionshave a way of insistingon being the highestcriterionand do not easily yield thatpositionof privilegeto somethinghigherthanthey. Nevertheless,dialogue,even transformative dialogue(the termLubarsky uses fordialoguethathas thepotentialfor seriouslychangingtheparticipants) is necessary.But differenceswill remain,andperhapsthatis not so bad. MichaelWyschogrod BaruchCollegeof theCity of NewYork University NewYork,N.Y. Jacob Mansour.The Jewish Baghdadi Dialect: Studies and Textsin the Judaeo-ArabicDialect of Baghdad. Studies in the Historyand Cultureof Iraqi Jewry Monographs.Or-Yehuda,Israel: BabylonianJewry Heritage Center,Institutefor Researchon IraqiJewry,1991. xxi, 329 pp. This volume is a synchronicdescriptionof the Arabicdialectemployed by the Jews of Baghdad(hereafterJB). The city of Baghdadbefore 1948 exemplifiesan interestinglinguisticsituationwherethreedistinctcommunal dialectsintersect:the dominantMuslim,the Christian,andthe Jewish.Haim Blanc publishedin 1964 his monumentalvolume, CommunalDialects of Baghdad,in whichhe comparedandanalyzedthesethreedialects.Mansour's volume, on the otherhand,attemptsto describeonly JB in depth.The book is an adaptationof two previousvolumeson the topicpublishedin 1974 and 1977 in Hebrew.The changes made in this work relateto a more accurate andanalysis.Therealso is anadditionalnewchapterin whichthe transcription authorsummarizesin generalthe characteristicfeaturesof JB andcompares them to Classical Arabicas well as to the Muslimand ChristianBaghdadi dialects. Part I of the book includes a very detailedphonologicalanalysis of JB and a less-detailedanalysisof its morphology.Mansourdeals in great depthandaccuracywith consonantsandvowels, stresspatterns,clustersand anaptyxis,diphthongsand glides. In addition,he analyzesthe root patterns of the verb and treatsits inflectionalaffixesandpronominalsuffixes.In part

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Benjamin Hary Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 297-299 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486647 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:55 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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that may also have importantinsights to contribute.But this new religion would not be either Judaism or Buddhismbut a new creation. I share Lubarsky'scommitmentto dialoguebutam skepticalthatit is possibleto find a perspectivefromwhich we can pick andchoose, separatingthe wheatfrom the chaff in all religionsso as to remainwith a religionthatis all wheatand no chaff.Religionshave a way of insistingon being the highestcriterionand do not easily yield thatpositionof privilegeto somethinghigherthanthey. Nevertheless,dialogue,even transformative dialogue(the termLubarsky uses fordialoguethathas thepotentialfor seriouslychangingtheparticipants) is necessary.But differenceswill remain,andperhapsthatis not so bad. MichaelWyschogrod BaruchCollegeof theCity of NewYork University NewYork,N.Y. Jacob Mansour.The Jewish Baghdadi Dialect: Studies and Textsin the Judaeo-ArabicDialect of Baghdad. Studies in the Historyand Cultureof Iraqi Jewry Monographs.Or-Yehuda,Israel: BabylonianJewry Heritage Center,Institutefor Researchon IraqiJewry,1991. xxi, 329 pp. This volume is a synchronicdescriptionof the Arabicdialectemployed by the Jews of Baghdad(hereafterJB). The city of Baghdadbefore 1948 exemplifiesan interestinglinguisticsituationwherethreedistinctcommunal dialectsintersect:the dominantMuslim,the Christian,andthe Jewish.Haim Blanc publishedin 1964 his monumentalvolume, CommunalDialects of Baghdad,in whichhe comparedandanalyzedthesethreedialects.Mansour's volume, on the otherhand,attemptsto describeonly JB in depth.The book is an adaptationof two previousvolumeson the topicpublishedin 1974 and 1977 in Hebrew.The changes made in this work relateto a more accurate andanalysis.Therealso is anadditionalnewchapterin whichthe transcription authorsummarizesin generalthe characteristicfeaturesof JB andcompares them to Classical Arabicas well as to the Muslimand ChristianBaghdadi dialects. Part I of the book includes a very detailedphonologicalanalysis of JB and a less-detailedanalysisof its morphology.Mansourdeals in great depthandaccuracywith consonantsandvowels, stresspatterns,clustersand anaptyxis,diphthongsand glides. In addition,he analyzesthe root patterns of the verb and treatsits inflectionalaffixesandpronominalsuffixes.In part

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II Mansourprovidesfive fascinatingtexts transcribedin the dialectwith an accurateEnglishtranslation. The following remarksrelateto differentaspectsof the book: 1. Mansourmentionsthroughoutthe book that he analyzesthe dialect only synchronically.I do not understandwhy in a synchronicdescriptionof a dialectone cannotemploy diachronicexplanationsas well. This couldprove helpful, as to determine,for example,whethere and o are indeeddiscrete phonemes(p. 85) or just variantsof the correspondinglong vowels 5 andj, as Blanc suggests.' 2. It is not truethatJB does not have a writtenform.ThereareBaghdadi Judeo-Arabic(hereafterJA) texts (such as ?arlh,folktales,and more), and one may see dialectalelementsin these writings.In fact,JA has been spoken andwrittenin variousformsby Jews throughoutthe Arabic-speaking world; its literatureis concernedfor the most partwithJewishtopicsandis written by Jewishauthorsfor Jewishreaders.Its linguisticcomponentsareClassical Arabic, dialectal elements, pseudo-correctedfeatures,and standardization of such features.In addition,like other Jewish languages,JA has several otherpeculiarfeatures:the use of Hebrewcharacters,differenttraditionsof elementsof HebrewandAramaicvocabularyandgrammar,and ortfiography, the languagelayer of the sadrh-a literal,or direct, translationof Hebrew sacred texts into JA. In addition,JA consists of five periods:Pre-Islamic JA, Early JA (eighth/ninthto tenth centuries),and ModernJA (twentieth century).JB treatedin this volumebelongsto the finalperiodof JA, Modern JA, where the literarylanguage is characterizedby productionof S'urulh, folktales, and other types of "popularliterature."Moreover,the language demonstratesa strongerdialectalinfluencethanthatof the precedingperiods, andalso exhibitslocalizedelementsfromthe spokenvariety.2 3. WhenMansourtalksaboutthe "originalform"of JB on p. 19, it is not clearto whatperiodhe alludes. 4. In his attemptto give reasonsfor the emergenceof JB on pp. 25-26, Mansouractuallyonly relatesmanifestationsof the dialect.Moreover,there is a markeddifferencebetween ClassicalArabicand the Muslimdialect.I do not think the developmentof the Muslimdialects was hinderedby the 1. HaimBlanc, Conmmntunal Dialectsof Baghdad(1964), p. 30. 2. Fora thoroughdiscussionof theissue,see B. Hary,Multiglossiain Judeo-Arabic (1992), pp. 71-114.

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ideal of al-'Arabiyya,since only the developmentof ClassicalArabicwas dependenton it. 5. On p. 33, bottom, I interpretthe p in petahayyini'cemetery'as a consequently,the claim thatspeakersdid not realizethatp hyper-correction; is a foreignconsonantis erroneous. 6. On p. 55, n. 7, g is not the voicedcounterpart of q; it is explicitlystated on p. 53 thatg is the voiced counterpart of k. Mansour'scontributionis as follows: 1. Thereis no otherbook thatanalyzesJB with such greatprecisionand detail. It is an importantadditionto Blanc's 1964 volume on the various Baghdadidialects. 2. This detailed analysis of JB can be a model for any textbookon an Arabicdialect.Especiallyvaluablearethe conclusionsat the end of chapters 4, 9, 10, and 11. 3. Mansourmanagesto applyrecentphonologicalfindingsto JB;he does so especiallyskillfullyin the chapteron clusters,sonority,andanaptyxis. 4. The selectionof the texts in partII is excellent; scholarsandstudents interestedin the folklore and culturallife of BaghdadiJews will find them especiallyuseful. It is my sincerehope thatthis volume will be followedby an additional bookthatwill treatthe morphologyof JB in moredepth.Moreover,a syntactic analysis and a lexicon are desiderata.To conclude,despite the few minor faultsdescribedabove, this is an importantcontributionto the understanding of Arabicdialectologyon the one hand,andof Jewishlanguageson the other. Benjamin Hary EmoryUniversity Atlanta, Ga.

Collected Studies Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 301-316 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486648 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:55 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



COLLECTEDSTUDIES Moshe Bar-Asher,ed. Language Studies V-VI: Israel YeivinFestschrift. Jerusalem:MagnesPress, 1992. xlviii, 616 pp. (Hebrew). in Paragogic JoshuaBlau,"TheMorphologyof NounsTerminating CONTENTS: (Directional)-ah." Ze'ev Ben-Hayyim,"Commentson the Use of the Term 'Proto-Samaritan'." Michael P. Weitzman,"Biblical Elements in Jewish B. Gad Sarfatti,"TheInscriptionsof theBiblicalPeriodandMishnaic Prayer." Hebrew."Menahem Z. Kaddari,"r'h b- as an Expressionof Empathy in Biblical Hebrew."Shraga Abramson,"On the Form of the Letter he accordingto the Halakha."Moshe Azar,"TheAdverbialNegators 'en and 16' in Mishnaic Hebrew."Yoel Elitzur,"Meeting-pointsBetween Reality and Languagein TannaiticHebrew and the Questionof the Ancientyof the Tosefta."Moshe Bar-Asher,"TheConjugationsof TannaiticHebrew(A MorphologicalStudy)."NatanBraverman,"An Examinationof the Nature of the Vienna and ErfurtManuscriptsof the Tosefta."YohananBreuer, "'Palestinian'Forms in the BabylonianTalmud."EljakimWajsberg,"The of the Names Rabbaand Rava:Rav Hai'sandRivalingRules." Orthography Louis Hiron, "The Use of 'dttd and s6p in the Languageof the Palestinian Amoraim."David Talshir,"The Significanceof DifferentOrthographyin PersonalNames."Shelomo Morag,"On Some Lines of Similaritybetween SamaritanHebrew and the YemeniteTraditionof Post-BiblicalHebrew." MordechaiMishor, "Unpronounced'alef in 'an EtymologicallyIncorrect Position."Shlomo Naeh, "BetweenGrammarandLexicography." StevenE. Fassberg,"TheAdverbialsmiyyddand cal yad "alyad in RabbinicHebrew." ShammaFriedman,"Studiesin TalmudicLexicography[4] 'azda'."David Rosenthal,"AdditionalEntriesto the TalmudicLexicon (II): romah,nwg (Ta'anit22b)." Ilan Eldar, "The Beginnings of Hebrew Lexicographyin the Orient."Israel Ben-David, "The DisjunctivePower of the Disjunctive Accents in the Bible." MordechaiBreuer,"The Division of Songs in the Bible."Amos Dodi, "TheContributions of theCatalonianMahzorimTowards 301

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the Understandingof the Phoneticsin Cataloniafrom the 13thto the 15th Centuries."Geoffrey Khan, "The Pronunciationof the Minor Gacya as Yosef Ofer, Reflectedin KaraiteBible Manuscriptsin ArabicTranslation." "Aharonben Asher's Masorahin the Aleppo Codex." Shimon Sharvit, "Studiesin the Vocalizationof LiturgicalFragmentsfromtheCairoGenizah." Rivka Halevy, "Freeand RestrictedAdjectivesin Contemporary Hebrew." ReuvenMerkin,"The Languageof the Novel QevuratHamor:A PseudoBiblical Facade." Tamar Sovran, "Sharuy behelemnand saftig bacarakhinm:

Structureand Rules in LiquidMetaphorsin ModernHebrew."AdinaAbadi, "TheUse of BiblicalandOtherSourcesin HakhnasatKallahby S. Y.Agnon." BrakhaFischler,"'Recycling'of WordCombinationsin ModernHebrew."

Malachi Beit-Arie. The Making of the Medieval Hebrew Book: Studies in Palaeography and Codicology. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1993. 283 pp. CONTENTS:"Palaeographical Identification of Hebrew Manuscripts:Method-

ology andPractice"(1986/87). "TheCodicologicalData-Baseof the Hebrew PalaeographyProject:A Tool for Localisingand DatingHebrewMedieval Manuscripts"(1991). "Stereotypeand Individualityin the Handwritingof A Codicologist's MedievalScribes"(1978). "Joelben Simeon'sManuscripts: View"(1977). "CodicologicalandPalaeographical (1982)."The Description" in Dated Medieval Hebrew Written Manuscript Only England(1189 CE) and the Problem of Pre-ExpulsionAnglo-HebrewManuscripts"(1985). "TheWormsMahzor:Its Historyand its Palaeographicand Codicological Characteristics"(1985). "A Palaeographicaland CodicologicalStudy of the Manuscript"(1989). "CodicologicalDescriptionand Analysis of the WashingtonHaggadah"(1991). "The RelationshipbetweenEarly Hebrew (1989). Printingand HandwrittenBooks: Attachmentor Detachment" Julius Carlebach, ed. Zur Geschichte der jiidischen Frau in Deutschland.

Berlin:Metropol-Verlag,1993. 268 pp. CONTENTS: Angela Merkel, "Eriffnung des Symposions." Avraham Gross-

man, "The Status of Jewish Women in Germany(10th-12th Centuries)." MichaelToch, "Die jtidischenFrauim Erwerbslebendes Spatmittelalters." Devra Kay, "An AlternativePrayerCanon for Women:The YiddishSeyim Zeitalterder der tkhines."MordechaiEliav, "Die Madchenerziehung Aufklarungund der Emanzipation."DeborahHertz,"LeavingJudaismfor

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a Man: Female Conversion and Intermarriagein Germany 1812-1819." 1865-1919." in der deutschenFrauenbewegung MayaFassmann,"JUdinnen in der Rolle Berliner "Cora Ihre (1890-1942): jUdischen Exler, Margarete der weiblichen die insbesondere Jugendbewegung, jtidischen ftir Organisation Jugend."GertrudHeitz-Rami,"SiddyWronsky(1883-1947): Zionistinund IngeborgNordmann,"DerDialog Vorkimpferinfuirdas Wohlfahrtswesen." ist BruchundBeginn:Zu MargareteSusman.EinPortratihresDenken."Lynn Rapaport,"TheDouble Disadvantage-Being a JewishWomanin Germany Today:Reflectionson Jewish Aspects and Speculationson GenderAspects of Disadvantage."Pauline Pauker,"The Image of the Jewish Womanin Germany:Idealisation,Stereotype,Reality." MartinA. Cohen and AbrahamJ. Peck, eds. Sephardimin the Americas: Studies in Cultureand History.Tuscaloosa:Universityof AlabamaPress, 1993. ix, 500 pp. MartinA. Cohen,"TheSephardicPhenomenon:A Reappraisal." CONTENTS: Rochelle Weinstein,"Stones of Memory:Revelationsfrom a Cemeteryin Curagao."Malcolm H. Stern, "PortugueseSephardimin the Americas." EmmaFidanqueLevy, "The Fidanques:Symbols of the Continuityof the SephardicTraditionin America."Allan Metz, "'Those of the HebrewNation . . .' The SephardicExperiencein Colonial Latin America."Victor C. Mirelman,"Sephardimin Latin America after Independence."Joseph M. Papo, "The Sephardimin North America in the TwentiethCentury." IsraelJ. Katz, DenahLida,"Languageof the Sephardimin Anglo-America." "The Sacred and the Secular Musical Traditionsof the SephardicJews in the United States." Samuel G. Armistead,"Judeo-SpanishTraditional andHistory:Sephardic Poetryin the UnitedStates."DianeMatza,"Tradition FrancesHernandez,"TheSecretJews to AmericanLiterature." Contributions of the Southwest." D. Dimant and U. Rappaport,eds. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Forty Yearsof Research.Studieson the Textsof the Desertof Judah,vol. 10. Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1992. viii, 370 pp. Esther G. Chazon, "Is Divrei ha-me'orot a Sectarian Prayer?" CONTENTS:

FlorentinoGarciaMartinez,"TextsfromQumranCave 11."MenahemKister, and Pesharim."Carol "BiblicalPhrasesand HiddenBiblical Interpretations

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A. Newsom, "4Q374: A Discourse on the Exodus/ConquestTradition." Bilha Nitzan, "Hymnsfrom Qumran--4Q510-4Q511."Emile Puech,"Les deux derniersPsaumesdavidiquesdu ritueld'exorcisme,11QPsApaIV 4-V 14." Eileen M. Schuller,"4Q380 and 4Q381: Non-CanonicalPsalmsfrom Qumran."MagenBroshi,"TheArcheologyof Qumran-A Reconsideration." AndrePaul, Philip R. Davies, "ThePrehistoryof the QumranCommunity." "FlaviusJosepheet les Ess6niens."MadeleinePetit,"LesEsseensde Philon d'Alexandrieet les Ess6niens."HartmutStegemann,"The Institutionsof Israelin the TempleScroll."Ben ZionWacholder, "EzekielandEzekielianism as Progenitorsof Essenianism."Joseph M. Baumgarten,"The Purification Rituals in DJD 7." LawrenceH. Schiffman,"Laws Pertainingto Women in the TempleScroll."Daniel R. Schwartz,"Lawand Truth:On QumranSadduceanand Rabbinic Views of Law." Moshe Weinfeld,"Prayerand LiturgicalPracticein the QumranSect." George J. Brooke,"The Textual Traditionof the TempleScroll and RecentlyPublishedManuscriptsof the Pentateuch."YeshayahuMaori,"TheText of the HebrewBible in Rabbinic Writingsin the Lightof the QumranEvidence."DwightSwanson,"TheUse of the Chroniclesin 11QT:Aspects of a Relationship." EmanuelTov, "The TextualBase of the Correctionsin the Biblical Texts Foundat Qumran." Julio Trebolle, "Light from 4QJudgaand 4QKgs on the Text of Judges and Kings." Heinz-WolfgangKuhn, "The Impactof the QumranScrolls on the Understandingof Paul." HermannLichtenberger,"The Dead Sea Scrolls and John the Baptist:Reflectionson Josephus'Accountof Johnthe on theHistoryof EarlyHebrew(1000 Baptist."ElishaQimron,"Observations B.C.E.-200 C.E.) in Lightof the Dead Sea Documents." StanleyFischer,Dani Rodrik,andEliasTuma,eds. TheEconomicsof Middle East Peace. Cambridge,Mass.:MITPress, 1993. xii, 370 pp. CONTENTS: Heba Handoussa and Nemat Shafik, "The Economics of Peace:

The EgyptianCase." RizkallahHilan, "The Effects on Economic Development in Syria of a Just and Long Lasting Peace." Willima G. Tyler, "Comments."Nadav Halevi, "EconomicImplicationsof Peace:The Israeli Perspective."OsamaA. HamedandRadwanA. Shaban,"One-SidedCustoms and MonetaryUnion: The Case of the West Bank and Gaza Strip under IsraeliOccupation."GustavRanis,"Comments." AmerBisatand Mohomad L. Hammour,"EconomicProspectsfor a PostwarLebanon."Hani AbuJabarah,"The Economics of Peace: Jordan."HowardPack, "Comments."

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Said El-Naggarand MohomedEl-Erian,"TheEconomicImplicationsof a ComprehensivePeace in the Middle East."Ishac Diwan and Nick Papandreou, "The Peace Process and Economic Reformsin the Middle East." John Waterbury,"Comments."EphraimAhiram,"TheFutureof Economic Developmentof the West Bank and Gaza and Their EconomicRelations with Israel and Jordan."Hisham Awartani,"Palestinian-Israeli Economic Relations:Is CooperationPossible?EphraimLeiman,"SomeBasic Problems of the Economic RelationshipsBetween Israel,the WestBank, and Gaza." SulaymanS. Al-Qudsi,"Comments." Jewish Gad Freudenthal,ed. Studieson Gersonides:A Fourteenth-Century Philosopher-Scientist.Collectionde Travauxde L'Acad6mieInternationale d'Histoiredes Sciences, vol. 36. Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1992.xxi, 422 pp. CONTENTS: BernardR. Goldstein,"Levi Ben Gerson'sContributionsto AsJose Luis Mancha,"TheLatinTranslationof L6vi ben Gerson's tronomy." Jose Astronomy." Chablis,"L'influencede l'astronomiede L6vi ben Gershom sur Jacobben David Bonjorn."HenriHugonnard-Roche, "Problemes du m'thodologiquesdans l'astronomieau debut XIVe si'cle." Guy Beaujouan, "Les orientationsde la science latineau debutdu XIVesiecle."Tony d'Euclide:Traduction L6vy,"Gersonide,commentateur annot6ede ses gloses sur les Elements."KarineChemla and Serge Pahaut,"Remarquessur les ouvragesmath6matiquesde Gersonide."HerbertA. Davidson,"Gersonides on the Materialand Active Intellects."Y. Tzvi Langermann,"Gersonides on the Magnet and Heat of the Sun." CharlesH. Manekin,"Gersonides: Logic, Sciences and Philosophy."Amos Funkenstein,"Gersonides'Biblical Commentary:Science, Historyand Providence."Gad Freudenthal,"Sauver son ame ou sauverles ph6nomenes:soteriologie,6pist6mologieet astronomie chez Gersonide."Anne-MarieWeil-Gu6ny,"Gersonideen son temps: un tableauchronologique."MenachemKellner,"BibliographiaGersonideana: An AnnotatedList of Writingsby andaboutR. Levi ben Gershom." AlisaMeyuhasGinio,ed. Jews, Christians,andMuslimsin theMediterranean WorldAfter1492. London:FrankCass, 1992. 293 pp. CONTENTS:MariaFuencisla GarciaCasar,"JewishParticipation in Castilian Fairs:The Exampleof Medinadel Campoin the FifteenthCentury."Carlos CarreteParrondo,"Nostalgiafor the Past (and for the Future?)Among

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CastilianJudeoconversos."SaraTurel,"TheAnnunciationto Esther:Felipe Godinez'DramaticVision."Miguel-AngelLaderoQuesada,"Mudijaresand Repobladoresin the Kingdomof Granada(1485-1501)."ElgujaKhintibidze, "NegotiationsBetween the Georgianand SpanishKings at the End of the A Historical FifteenthCentury."Felipe MaflloSalgado,"TheAlmhogataces: Michal in the Elements Oron, Writingsof Perspective." "Autobiographical Kabbalistsfrom the Generationof the Expulsion."RenataSegre,"Sephardic Settlementsin SixteenthCenturyItaly:A Historicaland GeographicalSurvey." BenjaminRavid, "A Tale of Three Cities and TheirRaison d'Etat: Ancona,Venice,Livorno,and the Competitionfor JewishMerchantsin the SixteenthCentury."ElisabethCrouzet-Pavan,"VeniceBetweenJerusalem, Byzantium,and Divine Retribution:The Origins of the Ghetto."Ennio Concina,"Owners,Houses, Functions:New Researchon the Originsof the VenetianGhetto."IvanaBurdelez,"TheRole of RagusanJews in the History of the Mediterranean Countries."EdwinSeroussi,"Betweenthe Easternand WesternMediterranean: SephardicMusicafterthe ExpulsionfromSpainand "TheSocial andCommunalOrganiPortugal."Leah Bornstein-Makovetsky, zationof the Jewish Communitiesin Epirusduringthe SixteenthCentury." BenjaminBraude, "The Rise and Fall of Salonica Woollens, 1500-1650: TechnologyTransferand WesternCompetition."Joel L. Kraemer,"Spanish Ladiesfromthe CairoGeniza." ZviGitelman,ed. TheQuestforUtopia:JewishPoliticalIdeasandInstitutions Throughthe Ages. Armonk,N.Y.:M. E. Sharpe,1992.xiii, 162 pp. Zvi Gitelman,"ComparativePolitics and the Jewish Political CONTENTS: Experience."StuartA. Cohen, "Kings, Priests, and Prophets:Patternsof ConstitutionalDiscourseandConstitutionalConflictin AncientIsrael."Gerald J. Blidstein, "'Ideal' and 'Real' in ClassicalJewish PoliticalTheory." RobertChazan,"MedievalJewishPoliticalInstitutions:The Foundationsof TheirAuthority."JonathanFrankel,"ModernJewishPoliticsEastand West (1840-1939): Utopia,Myth,Reality."PaulaE. Hyman,"WasTherea 'Jewish Politics' in Westernand CentralEurope?"Peter Y. Medding,"The 'New JewishPolitics' in the UnitedStates." DavidGoldberg,ed. TheField of Yiddish:Studiesin Language,Folklore,and Literature.Evanston,Ill.: NorthwesternUniversityPress, 1993.viii, 327 pp.

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EdwardStankiewicz,"TheYiddishThematicVerbs."Christopher CONTENTS: Hutton,"Normativeand the Notion of Authenticityin YiddishLinguistics." Ellen F. Prince,"Onthe DiscourseFunctionsof SyntacticFormin Yiddish: ExpletiveES andSubjectPostposing."RobertD. King,"EarlyYiddishVowel Systems:A Contributionby WilliamG. Moultonto theDebateon the Origins of Yiddish."Neil G. Jacobs, "CentralYiddishBreakingand Drawl:The Implicationsof Fusion for a PhonologicalRule." Jean Baumgarten,"Les ManuscritsYidich de la BibliothequeNationalede Paris."David Goldberg, "Fantasy,Realism,andNationalIdentityin SovietYiddishJuvenileLiterature: Itsik Kipnis's Books for Children."Daniela Mantovan,"Der Nister's 'In vayn-keler':A Study in Metaphor."Dahlia Kaufman,"The First Yiddish Translationof Julius Caesar" RobertA. Rothstein,"'Geyt a yid in shenkl arayn': YiddishSongs of Drunkenness."JeffreyShandler,"'We Can Read and Understand':A Semiotic Analysisof the AmericanYiddishPrimerand of Literacy." the Transformation MayerI. Gruber.TheMotherhoodof God and OtherStudies.SouthFlorida Studiesin the Historyof Judaism,no. 57. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1992. xv, 282 pp. "TheMotherhoodof God in SecondIsaiah"(1983)."TheHebrew CONTENTS: and qcidisdh Her CanaaniteandAkkadianCognates"(1986). "Womenin the Practicesin Cult Accordingto the PriestlyCode"(1987). "Breast-Feeding Biblical Israel and in Old BabylonianMesopotamia"(1989). "TheSource of the Biblical Sabbath"(1968-69). "The Tragedyof Cain and Abel: A Case of Depression"(1978). "Akkadianlaban appi in the Lightof Art and Literature"(1975). "TenDance-DerivedExpressionsin the HebrewBible" (1981). "TheMany Faces of Hebrewndal' pdnlm 'Lift the Face'" (1983). "Hebrewda'db6n nepes''Dryness of Throat':From Symptomto Literary Convention"(1987). "Fear,Anxiety and Reverencein Akkadian,Biblical Hebrew,and Other NorthwestSemitic Languages"(1990). "The Midrash in Biblical Research"(1979). "Themeaningof '6rdy td' in the Babylonian Talmud"(1981). "TheMishnahas OralTorah:A Reconsideration" (1984). Steven L. Jacobs, ed. ContemporaryChristianResponsesto the Shoah. Studies in the Shoah, vol. 6. Lanham:UniversityPress of America,1993. 289 pp.

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CONTENTS: Alan Davies, "Evil and Existence:KarlBarth,PaulTillich,and ReinholdNiebuhrRevisited in Light of the Shoah."Alice Lyons Eckardt, Tremen"Suffering,Theology,andthe Shoah."EugeneJ. Fisher,"Mysterium dum:CatholicGrapplingswith the ShoahandIts TheologicalImplications." DouglasK. Huneke,"Inthe Presenceof BurningChildren:The Reformation of ChristianityAfter the Shoah."ThomasA. Indinopulos,"Howthe Shoah Affects ChristianBelief." Michael McGarry,"A ContemporaryReligious Responseto the Shoah: The Crisis of Prayer."JohnT. Pawlikowski,"The Shoah:ContinuingTheologicalChallengefor Christianity." RosemaryRadford Ruether,"Theologicaland Ethical Reflectionson the Shoah: Getting Beyondthe VictimizerRelationship."JohnK. Roth,"AskingandListening, Understandingand Doing: Some Conditionsfor Respondingto the Shoah Religiously." StevenL. Jacobs,ed. Contemporary JewishResponsesto the Shoah.Studies in the Shoah,vol. 5. Lanham:UniversityPressof America,1993. 247 pp. CONTENTS: Steven L. Jacobs, "Judaismand ChristianityAfter Auschwitz." Michael Berenbaum,"In a Worldwithouta Redeemer,Redeem!"Alan L. Berger,"Academiaand the Holocaust."Marc H. Ellis, "AfterAuschwitz and the PalestinianUprising."Emil L. Fackenheim,"The Holocaust:A "Voluntary SummingUp AfterTwoDecadesof Reflection."IrvingGreenberg, Covenant."Peter J. Haas, "Auschwitz:Re-Envisioningthe Role of God." BernardMaza,"Why?"RichardL. Rubenstein,"ApocalypticRationalityand the Shoah."ArthurWaskow,"Betweenthe Fires." YehudaLiebes. Studiesin the Zohar Trans.by ArnoldSchwartz,Stephanie Nakache,andPeninaPeli. SUNY Seriesin Judaica:Hermeneutics, Mysticism, and Religion. Albany:State Universityof New YorkPress, 1993. viii, 262 PP. "TheMessiahof theZohar:OnR. SimeonbarYohaias a Messianic CONTENTS: Influenceson the Zohar." Figure.""Howthe ZoharWasWritten.""Christian SamuelE. Loewenstamm.FromBabylonto Canaan:Studiesin theBibleand Its OrientalBackground.Jerusalem:MagnesPress, 1992.xvii, 495 pp. CONTENTS: "Observationson ChiasticStructuresin the Bible"(1955). "The

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EthicalBasis in the Storyof the Flood"(1956). "Yecabbetun = Yecawwetun?" (Joel 2:8)" (1962). (1960). "'bt = crb?" (1961). "Ub'ad Hasd1ailahYippolu

"KelubQdyis(Am. 8:1-3)" (1965). "TheDeathof the Uprightandthe World to Come" (1966). "The Pluperfectin TalmudicHebrew"(1967). "Reuben and Judah in the Cycle of Joseph Stories" (1969). "The FormulaBacet Hahi' in the IntroductorySpeeches in Deuteronomy"(1968). "Nii'iakand M/tarbit"(1969). "The Investitureof Levi" (1971). "Isaiah1:31"(1971). "Esther9:29-32: The Genesis of a Late Addition"(1971). "The Death of the Patriarchsin the Book of Genesis"(1971). "TheSettlementof Gad and Reubenas Relatedin Nu. 32:1-38-Background andComposition"(1973). "Ostracon7 from Arad,Attestingthe Observanceof the New-MoonDay?" (1976). "TheDeath of Moses" (1976). "TheTestamentof Abrahamand the TextsConcerningMoses' Death"(1976)."Haluiud (Ex.32:18)"(1978)."'Anoki 'ahatttinni (Gen. 31:39)" (1978). "Balloti BeSimlin Racandn(Ps. 92:1lb)"

(1978). "AnAdditionalRemarkUponPs. 92:1lb" (1981). "OntheTheology of the Keret-Epic"(1979). "The Story of Moses' Birth"(1980). "Biqqoriit Tihyii(Lev. 19:20)"(1980). "TheAddress'Listen'in the UgariticEpic and the Bible"(1980). "TheWordingof KTU 1.17:1:34"(1980). "DidAnatWear Side-Whiskersand a Beard?"(1982). "Onthe Lexicographyof the Text of Baal'sInvitationto Anat"(1982). "BiblicalStudiesin the Lightof Akkadian Texts" (1982). "'AmSegulla"(1983). "The HistoricalBackgroundto the Septuagint Translation of Psalm 29:5-6" (1983). "WayyarqidemKemocEgal

(Ps. 29:6)"(1983). "TheWatersof the BiblicalDeluge:TheirQuestandTheir Disappearance"(1984). "Ystql"(1984). "TheUgariticParticleIky"(1984). "Nahalat YHWH"(1986).

Vivian B. Mann,Thomas F. Glick, and JerrilynD. Dodds, eds. Convivencia: Jews, Muslims, and Christians in Medieval Spain. New York: George

Braziller,1992. xiii, 263 pp. CONTENTS: BenjaminR. Gampel,"Jews,Christians,andMuslimsin Medieval Iberia: Convivenciathrough the Eyes of SephardicJews." RaymondP. Scheindlin, "HebrewPoetry in Medieval Iberia."Dwayne E. Carpenter, "Social Perceptionand LiteraryPortrayal:Jews and Muslimsin Medieval ThomasF.Glick,"Sciencein MedievalSpain:TheJewish SpanishLiterature." Contributionin the Context of Convivencia."JerrilynDodds, "Mudejar Traditionand the Synagogues of Medieval Spain: CulturalIdentityand CulturalHegemony."GabrielleSed-Rajna,"HebrewIlluminatedManuscripts

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from the IberianPeninsula."Juan Zozaya, "MaterialCulturein Medieval Spain." BenjaminMazar.BiblicalIsrael:Stateand People.Jerusalem:MagnesPress, 1992. 175 pp. CONTENTS: "The Eastern Mediterranean in 1500-1000 B.C.E." (1988).

"Canaanandthe Canaanites" (1946). "ThePhilistines"(1971)."Shechem-A of Patriarchs" (1974). "Kingshipin AncientIsrael"(1973). "TheSancCity of Arad and the tuary Familyof Hobabthe Kenite"(1965). "David'sReign in Hebron and the Conquest of Jerusalem"(1963). "Jerusalem-'Royal fromIsaiahto Sanctuaryand the Seat of the Monarchy'" (1957). "Jerusalem Jeremiah"(1988). "TheTempleMountfrom Zerubbabelto Herod"(1985). "TheDynastyof Omri"(1986). "Carmelthe Holy Mountain"(1979). "The Cities of the Priests and Levites" (1960). "The Oasis of En-gedi and Its History"(1966). PeterY. Medding,ed. A New Jewry?AmericaSince the Second WorldWar Studiesin Contemporary Jewry,vol. 8. New York:OxfordUniversityPress, 1992. xvii, 409 pp. CONTENTS: Arthur A. Goren, "A 'Golden Decade' for American Jews:

1945-1955." ArnoldEisen, "AmericanJudaism:ChangingPatternsin DenominationalSelf-Definition."SidraDeKovenEzrahi,"StateandRealEstate: and the ModernJewish Nation."StephenJ. Whitfield,"Value Territoriality Added:Jews in PostwarAmericanCulture."BarryR. Chiswick,"ThePostwar Economyof AmericanJews." DeborahDash Moore,"JewishMigrationin PostwarAmerica:The Case of MiamiandLos Angeles."GaryA. Tobinand GabrielBerger,"Understanding JewishCommunalInvolvement:Theoretical Issues and Policy Implications."Chaim I. Waxman,"All in the Family: AmericanJewishAttachmentsto Israel."YitzhakGil-Har,"ZionistPolicy at the VersaillesPeace Conference:Settingthe NorthernBorderof Palestine." YossiGoldstein,"AhadHa'amin HistoricalPerspective."MichaelA. Meyer, "JewishScholarshipand Jewish Identity:Their HistoricalRelationshipin ModernGermany."David Mittelberg,"TheImpactof JewishEducationand an 'IsraelExeperience'on the JewishIdentityof AmericanJewishYouth." AnthonyD. Smith,"TheQuestionof JewishIdentity."MarcusArkin,"'Not of PureAryanStock': The Jewish Impacton the EconomicTransformation

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of ModernGermany."AharonKlieman,"Walkingthe Tightrope:Jordanand the MiddleEast Conflict." Alan Mintz, ed. Hebrew in America:Perspectivesand Prospects.Detroit: WayneStateUniversityPress, 1993. 337 pp. TheBeginningsof the AlanMintz,"ASanctuaryin theWilderness: CONTENTS: HebrewMovementin Americain Hatoren."EzraSpicehandler, "Ameriqa 'iyut WalterAckerman,"AWorldApart:Hebrew in AmericanHebrewLiterature." TeachersColleges and Hebrew-SpeakingCamps."Daniel J. Elazar,"The Movementin HebrewEducationin the MississippiValley." National-Cultural David G. Roskies, "A Hebrew-YiddishUtopia in Montreal:Ideology in Bilingual Education."Arnold J. Band, "FromSacred Tongue to Foreign Language:Hebrewin the AmericanUniversity."GileadMorahg,"Language Is Not Enough."David C. Jacobson,"LanguageandCulturein the Teaching of Hebrew at American Universities."Lewis H. Glinert,"Hebrewfrom Symbol to Substance."Ruth Raphaeli,"TowardHebrew Literacy:From School to College." Ruth R. Wisse, "The Hebrew Imperative."Gershon Shaked,"Judaismin Translation:Thoughtson the AlexandrianHypothesis." StephenPhilipCohen,"TheEclipse of Hebrewas the NationalLanguageof the JewishPeople."DeborahE. Lipstadt,"HebrewamongJewishCommunal Leaders:Requirement,Elective,or Extra-Curricular Activity?" PearlM. Olineret al., eds. Embracingthe Other:Philosophical,Psychological, andHistoricalPerspectivesonAltruism.New York:New YorkUniversity Press, 1992. xiii, 460 pp. CONTENTS: Krzysztof Konarzweki,"Empathyand Protest:Two Roots of

Heroic Altruism."LawrenceA. Blum, "Altruismand the MoralValue of Rescue: Resisting Persecution,Racism, and Genocide."VictorJ. Seidler, "Rescue, Righteousness,and Morality."Ian Vine, "Altruismand Human Nature:Resolvingthe EvolutionaryParadox."RonaldCohen,"Altruismand the Evolutionof Civil Society."Dennis L. Krebsand FrankVan Hesteren, "TheDevolopmentof AltruisticPersonality." FrankVanHesteren,"TheSelf in MoralAgency:Towarda TheoreticalModelof IdealAltruisticPersonality." MariaJarymowicz,"Self, We, and Other(s):Schemata,Distinctiveness,and Altruism."M. ZuzannaSmolenskaand JanuszReykowski,"Motivationsof People Who Helped Jews Survive the Nazi Occupation."Leo Montada,

312

COLLECTEDSTUDIES

"PredictingProsocialCommitmentin DifferentSocial Contexts."Elizabeth Midlarsky,"Helpingin Late Life." RichardG. Hovannisian,"TheQuestion of Altruismduringthe ArmenianGenocideof 1915."LawrenceBaron,"The Dutchnessof Dutch Rescuers:The NationalDimensionof Altruism."Ewa Kurek-Lesik,"The Role of Polish Nuns in the Rescue of Jews." Rachel Hertz-Lazarowitz,"Political Altruism:A Case Study."Pearl M. Oliner, andSome "PromotingExtensiveAltruisticBonds:A ConceptualElaboration Ervin "The of Staub, Origins Caring, Helping, PragmaticImplications." and Nonaggression:ParentalSocialization,the Family System, Schools, and CulturalInfluence."Daniel M. Boland,"AltruismamongAlcoholics." WendyM. Heller and Hoda Mahmoudi,"Altruismand Extensivityin the Bahi1'fReligion."WiktorOsiatynski,"Altruismin the SocialistWorld." I. L. Seeligmann. Studies in Biblical Literatute.Edited by Avi Hurvitz, SaraJaphet,EmanuelTov. Publicationsof the PerryFoundationfor Biblical Researchin the HebrewUniversityof Jerusalem.Jerusalem:MagnesPress, 1992. 521 pp. (Hebrew). CONTENTS: (1960-61). "EtiologicalFoundationsin BiblicalHistoriography" "HebrewNarrationand Biblical Historiography" (1962). "HumanHeroism and Divine Salvation:The Double Causalityin Biblical HistoricalThinking" (1963). "CulticTraditionand HistoriographicCreationin the Bible" (1964-65). "FromHistoricalReality to HistoriographicView in the Bible (1970-71). "TheKnowledgeof God andHistoricalConsciousnessin Ancient Israel"(1977). "On the Problemsof Prophecyin Israel:Its History and Its Nature"(1953-54). "A Psalm from Pre-RegalTimes" (1964). "The Conceptionof Prophecy in Deuteronomisticand ChronisticHistoriography (With an Excursus on the Book of Jeremiah)"(1979). "Psalm47" (1980-81). "On the Terminologyof JudicialProceedingsin the Lexiconof BiblicalHebrew"(1967). "Lending,Pledge,andInterestin BiblicalLaw and Thought"(1977-78). "Studiesin the Historyof the BiblicalText"(1955-56). "Signs of EditorialChange and Adaptationin the MasoreticText and in the Septuagint"(1978-79). "Problemsand Perspectivesin ModernResearch on the Septuagint"(1939-42). "Jerusalemin Jewish HellenisticThought" (1956-57). "Deixsai aut5i phas" (1957-58). "Assumptionson Midrashic Exegesis" (1953). "The Buddingof Midrashin the Books of Chronicles" (1979-80).

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313

Hershel Shanks, ed. Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism. A Parallel History of Their Origins and Early Development. Washington, D.C.: Biblical

ArchaeologySociety, 1992. xxii, 380 pp. Louis H. Feldman, "Palestinian and Diaspora Judaism in the First CONTENTS:

Century."E. P. Sanders,"The Life of Jesus."HowardC. Kee, "Afterthe Crucifixion-ChristianityThroughPaul."Lee I. A. Levine, "Judaismfrom the Destructionof Jerusalemto the Endof the SecondJewishRevolt:70-135 C.E." HaroldW. Attridge,"Christianityfrom the Destructionof Jerusalem to Constantine'sAdoptionof the New Religion:70-312 C.E."Shaye J. D. Cohen, "Judaismto the Mishnah: 135-220 C.E." Isaiah M. Gafni, "The Worldof the Talmud:From the Mishnahto the Arab Conquest."Dennis E. Groh,"TheReligion of the Empire:ChristianityfromConstantineto the ArabConquest."James H. Charlesworth,"Christiansand Jews in the First Six Centuries." Laurence J. Silberstein, ed. Jewish Fundamentalismin ComparativePerspective: Religion, Ideology, and the Crisis of Modernity. New York: New York

UniversityPress, 1993. ix, 248 pp. Laurence J. Silberstein, "Religion, Ideology, Modernity: TheCONTENTS:

James Davison oretical Issues in the Study of Jewish Fundamentalism." Hunter,"Fundamentalism:An Introductionto a GeneralTheory."Hava Fundamentalism: Lazarus-Yafeh,"Contemporary Judaism,Christianity,Islam." Susan Harding,"ContestingRhetoricsin the PTL Scandal."James Piscatori,"IslamicFundamentalismin the Wakeof the Six Day War:Religious Self-Assertionin Political Conflict."Elie Rekhess,"TheResurgence of PalestinianIslamic Fundamentalismin the West Bank and Gaza."Ian S. Lustick, "JewishFundamentalismand the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse." Ehud Sprinzak,"The Politics, Institutions,and Cultureof Gush Emunim." Menachem Friedman,"Jewish Zealots: Conservativeversus Innovative." Gerald Cromer,"Withdrawaland Conquest:Two Aspects of the Haredi A Jewish "Fundamentalism: Responseto Modernity."AaronKirschenbaum, Menachem TraditionalPerspective." Friedman,"The MarketModel and and Political Religious Radicalism."Alan L. Mittleman,"Fundamentalism Development:The Case of AgudatYisrael."

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COLLECTEDSTUDIES

Moshe Z. Sokol, ed. Rabbinic Authority and Personal Autonomy.Orthodox ForumSeries. Northvale,N.J.:JasonAronson,1992. xiv, 250 pp. CONTENTS: LawrenceKaplan,"Daas Torah:A ModernConceptionof Rabbinic Authority."Aaron Kirschenbaum,"Subjectivityin RabbinicDecision Making."MichaelRosenweig,"Eiluve-EiluDivreiElohimHayyim:Halakhic Pluralismand Theories of Controversy."JonathanSacks, "Creativityand Innovationin Halakhah."Moshe Sokol, "PersonalAutonomyand Religious Authority."ChaimI. Waxman,"Towarda Sociologyof Pesak." Naomi B. Sokoloff, Anne LapidusLerner,and Anita Norich,eds. Gender and Text in Modern Hebrew and YiddishLiterature.New York:Jewish TheologicalSeminaryof America,1992. x, 274 pp. CONTENTS: Anita Norich, "Jewish Literatureand FeministCriticism:An Introductionto Gender and Text." Anne Lapidus Lerner,"'A Woman's Song': The Poetryof EstherRaab."Ilana Pardes,"YochevedBat Miriam: The Poetic Strengthof a Matronym."Dan Miron, "Why Was There No Women'sPoetryin HebrewBefore 1920?"JanetHadda,"TheEyes Have It: Celia Dropkin'sLove Poetry."KathrynHellerstein,"From'Ikh'to 'Zikh':A Journeyfrom 'I' to 'Self' in YiddishPoemsby Women."HamutalBarYosef, "TheInfluenceof Decadenceon Bialik'sConceptof Femininity."NaomiB. Sokoloff, "Tzili: A Female Adolescenceand the Holocaustin the Fiction of AharonAppelfeld."Anne GolombHoffman,"OedipalNarrativeand Its Discontents:A. B. Yehoshua'sMolkho(Five Seasons)."ChavaRosenfarb, A PersonalApproach."RuthAlmog,"On "Feminismand YiddishLiterature: "TheSong of the Bats in Flight." Being a Writer."AmaliaKahana-Carmon, KathrynHellerstein,"GenderStudies and Yiddish Literature."Naomi B. Sokoloff,"GenderStudiesandModernHebrewLiterature." Eugene Ulrich, John W. Wright,RobertP. Carroll,and Philip R. Davies, eds. Priests,Prophetsand Scribes:Essayson the Formationand Heritageof JSOTSupplement SecondTempleJudaismin Honourof JosephBlenkinsopp. Series 149. Sheffield:JSOTPress, 1992. 274 pp. CONTENTS: JohnW. Wright,"FromCenterto Periphery:1 Chronicles23-27 of Chroniclesin the NineteenthCentury."Philip R. and the Interpretation Davies, "Defendingthe Boundariesof Israelin the SecondTemplePeriod:

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315

2 Chronicles20 and the 'SalvationArmy'."James C. Vanderkam,"EzraNehemiaor Ezraand Nehemia?"JudsonR. Shaver,"EzraandNehemia:On RobertP. the Theological Significanceof MakingThem Contemporaries." Carroll,"Cooptingthe Prophets:Nehemiahand Noadiah."R. N. Whybray, "Thoughtson the Compositionof Proverbs 10-29." James L. Crenshaw, "Prohibitionsin Proverbsand Qohelet."David Noel Freedman,"Patternsin Psalms 25 and 34." Eugene Ulrich, "Ezraand Qohelet Manuscriptsfrom WalterHarrelson,"WisdomHiddenand Qumran(4QEzraand 4QQoha,b)." Revealed to Baruch(Baruch3.9-4.4)." Joel P. Weinberg,"ThePerception of 'Things'and TheirProductionin the Old TestamentHistoricalWritings." Moshe Weinfeld,"The Phases of HumanLife in Mesopotamiaand Jewish Sources."Vassilios Tzaferis, "Cults and Deities Worshippedat Caesarea Philippi-Banias."Rolf Rendtorff,"SomeReflectionson Creationas a Topic of Old TestamentTheology."JamesBarr,"'Thou Art the Cherub':Ezekiel 28.14 and the Post-EzekielUnderstandingof Genesis 2-3." Christianade Grootvan Houten,"RememberThatYouWereAliens:A Traditio-Historical Study."Niels PeterLemche,"TheGod of Hosea." Carlosdel ValleRodriguez,ed. PoldmicaJudeo-CristianaEstudios.Estudios Literarios,series A. Madrid:Aben EzraEdiciones,1992. 132 pp. JohannMaier,"Condicioneshaliquicaspreviasen la confrontaCONTENTS: ci6n religiosa del judaismocon el cristianismo."Rolf Schmitz,"Jacobben Rub6ny su obraMilhamotha-Sem."Carlosdel Valle,"Jacobben Rubende Huesca. Plemista.Su patriay su 6poca."NormanRoth, "IsaacPolgary su librocontraun converso."Carlosdel Valle,"Ellibrode las Batallasde Dios, de Abnerde Burgos." Jack Wertheimer,ed. The ModernJewish Experience:A Reader'sGuide. New York:New YorkUniversityPress, 1993. xviii, 392 pp. CONTENTS: M. Bodian, "The Jews in Early ModernCentraland Western E. Fishman,"PolishJewryto thePartitions." David Eli Lederhendler, Europe." "TheJews in ImperialRussia."Eli Lederhendler, "SovietJewry."MarshaL. JaneGerber,"TheJews of North Rozenblit,"TheJews of Austria-Hungary." Africaand the Middle East."JackWertheimer,"AmericanJewishHistory." Gideon Shimoni, "Jews in CommonwealthCountries."ChaimI. Waxman, "IsraeliSociety and Culture."VictorA. Mirelman,"LatinAmericanJewry."

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M. Bodian,"TheTraditionalJewishCommunity." DavidWeinberg,"Jewish DavidWeinberg,"SecularJewishCulture."ShulamitS. MagEmancipation." "TheMassMigration nus,"ModernJewishSocial History."JackWertheimer, of East EuropeanJews." MarshaL. Rozenblit,"ModernAntisemitismand Jewish Responses."MarshaL. Rozenblit,"TheHolocaust."David E. Fishman,"HasidismandIts Opponents."AllanL. Nadler,"ReligiousMovements EasternEurope."Alan Mittleman, in Nineteenth-and Twentieth-Century "ModernJewish "ModernJewish Religious Movements."Eli Lederhendler, Politics."GideonShimoni,"ZionistIdeology."ChaimI. Waxman,"Religious CultureandPoliticsin Israel."DavidG. Roskies,"ModernJewishLiterature." RichardI. Cohen, "JewishArt in the ModernEra."Neil W. Levin, "Jewish Music in the ModernEra."Neil Gillman,"ModernJewishThought."Sergio StuartSchoenfeld,"American DellaPergola,"ModernJewishDemography." andJewishSociology."

Books Received Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 317-324 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486649 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:55 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



BOOKSRECEIVED Ahlstrom, Gista W. The History of Ancient Palestine from the Paleolithic Period to Alexander's Conquest. Journalfor the Study of the Old Testament

SupplementSeries 146. Sheffield:JSOTPress, 1993.990 pp. Armbrester, Margaret England. Samuel Ullman and "Youth":The Life, the

Legacy.Tuscaloosa:Universityof AlabamaPress, 1993. xii, 152 pp. Aronoff, Myron J. Power and Ritual in the Israel Labor Party: A Study in

Political Anthropology.Armonk,N.Y.:M. E. Sharpe,1993. xx, 267 pp. Bar-Asher, Moshe, ed. Language Studies, vols. 5-6: Israel YeivinFestschrift.

Jerusalem:MagnesPress, 1992. xlviii, 616 pp. (Hebrew). Beit-Ari6, Malachi. The Makings of the Medieval Hebrew Book: Studies in Palaeography and Codicology. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1993. 283 pp. Benin, Stephen D. The Footprints of God: Divine Accommodation in Jewish

and ChristianThought.Albany: State Universityof New YorkPress, 1993. xxi, 327 pp. Bering, Dietz. The Stigma of Names: Antisemitism in German Daily Life,

1812-1933. Trans.Neville Plaice. Ann Arbor:Universityof Michigan Press, 1992. xii, 345 pp. Berkowitz, Michael. Zionist Culture and WesternEuropean Jewry Before the

First WorldWar Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1993. xviii, 255 pp. Bloch-Smith, Elizabeth. Judahite Burial Practices and Beliefs About the

Dead. Journalfor the Study of the Old TestamentSupplementSeries 123.JSOT/ASORMonographSeries7. Sheffield:JSOTPress,1992.314 PP. Block, Gay, and Malka Drucker. Rescuers: Portraits of Moral Courage in

the Holocaust.New York:Holmes& Meier,1992. xvi, 255 pp. Bradshaw, Paul F. The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship:Sources and Methodsfor the Study of Early Liturgy.New York:Oxford University

Press, 1992. xi, 217 pp. 317

318

BOOKSRECEIVED

Carlebach, Julius, ed. Zur Geschichte der jiidischen Frau in Deutschland.

Berlin:Metropol-Verlag,1993. 268 pp.

Cartledge, Tony W. Vows in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East.

Journalfor the Study of the Old TestamentSupplementSeries 147. Sheffield:JSOTPress, 1992. 221 pp. Cogan, Mordechai, and Uriel Simon. Obadiah and Jonah: Introduction

and Commentaiy3MiqraLe-Yisra'el:A Bible Commentaryfor Israel. Jerusalem:MagnesPress, 1992. 96 pp. (Hebrew). Cohen, MartinA., and AbrahamPeck, eds. Sephardimin the Americas: Studies in Culture and History. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama

Press, 1993. ix, 500 pp. Davidson, Maxwell J. Angels at Qumnran:A Comparative Study of 1 Enoch 1-36, 72-108 and Sectarian Writingsat Qumran. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 141. Sheffield: JSOT Press,

1992. 386 pp. Davies, Gordon F. Israel in Egypt: Reading Exodus 1-2. Journal for the Study of the Old TestamentSupplementSeries 135. Sheffield:JSOT Press, 1992. 204 pp. Dimant,Devorah,and Uriel Rappaport,eds. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Forty Yearsof Research.Studieson the Textsof the Desertof Judah,vol. 10. Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1992. viii, 370 pp. Eisenstadt, S. N. Jewish Civilization: The Jewish Historical Experience in a

ComparativePerspective.SUNY Series in IsraelStudies.Albany:State Universityof New YorkPress, 1992. ix, 314 pp. Englander,LawrenceA., and HerbertW. Basser,eds. The MysticalStudy of Ruth: Midrash HaNe 'elanmof the Zohar to the Book of Ruth. South

FloridaStudiesin the Historyof Judaism,no. 75. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1993. xxv, 251 pp.

Falk, Marcia. The Song of Songs: A New Translation. Paperback ed. San

Francisco:HarperSan Francisco,1993. xxii, 86 pp. Fenn, Richard. The Death of Herod: An Essay in the Sociology of Religion.

Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1992. x, 200 pp. Fischer, Stanley, et al., eds. The Econonlics of Middle East Peace. Cambridge,

Mass.:MITPress, 1993. xii, 370 pp. Freudenthal, Gad, ed. Studies on Gersonides: A Fourteenth-CenturyJewish

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319

Philosopher Scientist. Collection de Travauxde l'Acad6mie Internationale d'Histoiredes Sciences, vol. 36. Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1992. xxi, 422 pp. Fromer, Rebecca Camhi. The Holocaust Odyssey of Daniel Bennahmias, Son-

derkommando.Tuscaloosa:Universityof AlabamaPress, 1993. xxviii, 151 pp. Funkenstein, Amos. Perceptions of Jewish Histor3yBerkeley: University of

CaliforniaPress, 1993. xiii, 390 pp. Gillman, Neil. Conservative Judaism: The New CentutryWest Orange, N.J.:

BehrmanHouse, 1993. xi, 227 pp.

Ginio, Alisa Meyuhas, ed. Jews, Christians, and Muslims in the Mediterranean WorldAfter 1492. London: Frank Cass, 1992. 293 pp. Gitelman, Zvi. The Quest for Utopia: Jewish Political Ideas and Institutions

Throughthe Ages. Armonk,N.Y.:M. E. Sharpe,1992. xiii, 162 pp. Goldberg, David, ed. The Field of Yiddish: Studies in Language, Folklore,

and Literature.Evanston,Ill.: NorthwesternUniversityPress,1993.viii, 327 pp. Goldschmidt-Lehmann, Ruth P.Anglo-Jewish Bibliography, 1971-1990. Lon-

don: Jewish HistoricalSociety of England,1992. 377 pp. Gray, Rebecca. Prophetic Figures in Late Second TempleJewish Palestine:

Evidencefrom Josephus.New York:OxfordUniversityPress,1993.xvii, 238 pp. Grobman, Alex. Rekindling the Flame: American Jewish Chaplains and the Survivors of European Jewrt3 1944-1948. Detroit: Wayne State

UniversityPress, 1993. xii, 259 pp.

Gruber, Mayer I. The Motherhood of God and Other Studies. South Florida

Studiesin the Historyof Judaism,no. 57. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1993. xv, 282 pp. Gunzberg, Lynn M. Strangers at Home: Jews in the Italian Literary)Imagi-

nation.Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1992.xii, 294 pp. Hagy, James William. This Happy Land: TheJews of Colonial and Antebellum

Charleston.Tuscaloosa:Universityof AlabamaPress, 1993. xi, 450 pp. Hary,Benjamin H. Multiglossia in Judeo-Arabic: Withan Edition, Translation & Grammatical Study of the Cairene Purim Scroll. Etudes sur le Judaisme

M6d'6val,vol. 14. Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1992. xvii, 357 pp. Hayoun, Maurice-Ruben. L'ex3egse philosophique dans lejuda'smnenmidi`val.

320

BOOKSRECEIVED

Texts and Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Judaism. Ttibingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1992. x, 312 pp. Heskes, Irene. YiddishAmerican Popular Songs, 1895-1950: A Catalog Based on the Lawrence Marwick Roster of Copyright Entries. Washington: Library of Congress, 1992. xliii, 527 pp. Horbury, William, and David Noy. Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. xxiv, 378 pp. Hsia, R. Po-Chia. Trent, 1475: Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992. xxvi, 173 pp. Iggers, Wilma Abeles. The Jews of Bohemia and Moravia: A Historical Reader. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992. 411 pp. Jacob, Benno. The Second Book of the Bible: Exodus. Hoboken, N.J.: Ktav, 1992. xxxv, 1099 pp. Jacobs, Louis. Structure and Form in the Babylonian Talmud. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. xii, 138 pp. Jacobs, Steven L., ed. Contemporai3, Christian Religious Responses to the Shoah. Studies in the Shoah, vol. 6. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1993. 289 pp. -. Contemporary Jewish Religious Responses to the Shoah. Studies in the Shoah, vol. 5. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1993. 249 pp. Jewish History, vol. 7, no. 1. Edited by Kenneth R. Stow. Haifa: Haifa University Press, 1993. 8, 155 pp. Kadison, Luba, and Joseph Buloff. On Stage, Off Stage: Memories of a Lifetime in the Yiddish Theatre. Cambridge, Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press, 1992. 161 pp. Katz, Jacob. Tradition and Crisis: Jewish Society at the End of the Middle Ages. Trans. Bernard Dov Cooperman. New York: New York University Press, 1993. xv, 392 pp. Katz, Nathan, and Ellen S. Goldberg. The Last Jews of Cochin: Jewish Identity in Hindu India. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1993. xxiv, 352 pp. Klein, Michael L. Targumic Manuscripts in the Cambridge Genizah Collections. Cambridge University Library Genizah Series, 8. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. xvi, 136 pp. Lee, Eric. Saigon to Jerusalem: Conversations with U.S. Veterans of the

BOOKS RECEIVED

321

Vietnam War Who Emigrated to Israel. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland,

1992. 200 pp. Levenson, Jon D. The Hebrew Bible, the Old Testament, and Historical Criticism: Jews and Christians in Biblical Studies. Louisville, Ky.:

Westminster/John Knox Press, 1993. xv, 192 pp. Liebes, Yehuda. Studies in the Zohar:SUNY Series in Judaica:Hermeneutics, Mysticism, and Religion. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993. viii, 262 pp. Loewenstamm, Samuel E. From Babylon to Canaan: Studies in the Bible and Its Oriental Background. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1992. xvii, 495 pp. Mandell, Sara, and David Noel Freedman. The Relationship Between Herodotus' Histoty and Primaty Histoty. South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism, no. 60. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993. xiii, 204 pp. Mann, Vivian B., Thomas F. Glick, and JerrilynnD. Dodds, eds. Convivencia: Jews, Muslims, and Christians in Medieval Spain. New York: George Braziller, 1992. xiii, 263 pp. Marcus, Jacob Rader. United States Jewry, 1776-1985. Vol. 3: The Germanic Period. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993. 925 pp. Matt, Daniel C. WalkingHumbly with God: The Life and Writingsof Rabbi Hershel Jonah Matt. Hoboken, N.J.: Ktav, 1993. ix, 300 pp. Mazar,Benjamin. Biblical Israel: State and People. Jerusalem:Magnes Press, 1992. 175 pp. Medding, Peter Y., ed. A New Jewry? America Since the Second WorldWar Studies in Contemporary Jewry, vol. 8. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. xvii, 409 pp. Mintz, Alan, ed. Hebrew in America: Perspectives and Prospects. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993. 337 pp. Neusner, Jacob. Israel's Love Affair with God: Song of Songs. Valley Forge, Pa.: Trinity Press, 1993. xix, 132 pp. New, Melvyn, ed. The Complete Novels and Selected Writingsof Amy Levy. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1993. 566 pp. Niditch, Susan. War in the Hebrew Bible: A Study in the Ethics of Violence. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993. 180 pp. Novak, David. The Theology of Nahmanides SystematicallyPresented. Brown Judaic Studies 271. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992. xiv, 149 pp.

322

BOOKS RECEIVED

Oliner, Pearl M., et al., eds. Embracing the Other: Philosophical, Psychological, and Historical Perspectives on Altruism. New York: New York University Press, 1992. xiii, 460 pp. Olitzky, Kerry M., Lance J. Sussman, and Malcolm H. Stern, eds. ReformJudaism in America: A Biographical Dictionary and Sourcebook.Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1993. xxxi, 347 pp. Opalski, Magdalena, and Israel Bartal.Poles and Jews: A Failed Brotherhood. Hanover, N.H. Brandeis University Press, 1992. xi, 191 pp. Oppenheim, Michael. Mutual Upholding: Fashioning Jewish Philosophy Through Letters. Revisioning Philosophy, vol. 9. New York:Peter Lang, 1992. x, 186 pp. Penkower, Jordan S. New Evidence for the Pentateuch Text in the Aleppo Codex. Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1992. 144 pp. (Hebrew). Rausch, David A. Fundamnentalist-Evangelicalsand Anti-Semitism. Valley Forge, Pa.: Trinity Press, 1993. x, 253 pp. Reif, Stefan C. Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New Perspectives on Jewish Liturgical Histoty. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. xiii, 437 pp. Reinharz, Jehuda. Chaim Weizmann:The Making of a Statesman. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993. xii, 536 pp. Rogow, Faith. Gone to Another Meeting: The National Council of Jewish Women, 1893-1993. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1992. xiii, 300 pp. Rosenberg, Blanca. To Tell at Last: Survival under False Identit)y1941-45. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993. xv, 178 pp. Rubin, Alexis, ed. Scattered Among the Nations: Documents Affecting Jewish History, 45-1975. Toronto: Wall & Emerson, 1993. xvi, 350 pp. Schiffman, Lawrence H., and Michael D. Swartz. Hebrew and Aramaic Incantation Textsfronz the Cairo Genizah. Semitic Texts and Studies 1. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992. 183 pp. Schoenbaum, David. The United States and the State of Israel. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993. xiv, 404 pp. Schoors, A. The Preacher Sought to Find Pleasing Words:A Study of the Language of Qoheleth. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 41. Leuven: Peeters, 1992. xiv, 260 pp. Schreckenberg, Heinz, and KurtSchubert,Jewish Historiographyand Iconography in Early and Medieval ChristianityrCompendia Rerumludaicarum

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323

ad Novum Testamentum,sec. III. Assen/Maastricht: VanGorcum,1992. xviii, 307 pp. Seeligman, I. L. Studies in Biblical Literature. Edited by Avi Hurvitz, Sara

Japhet, and Emanuel Tov. Jerusalem:Magnes Press, 1992. 521 pp. (Hebrew). Senior,Donald,ed., TheCatholicStudyBible. New York:OxfordUniversity Press, 1990. xiii, 577, 1174, 480 pp. Shanks, Hershel, ed. Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism: A Parallel History of Their Origins and Early Development. Washington, D.C.: Biblical

ArchaeologySociety, 1992. xvi, 380 pp. Sharfman, Daphna. Living Without a Constitution: Civil Rights in Israel.

Armonk,N.Y.:M. E. Sharpe,1993. ix, 187 pp. Shaw,StanfordJ. Turkey& the Holocaust.New York:New YorkUniversity Press, 1993. xiii, 423 pp. Silberstein, Laurence J., ed. Jewish Fundamentalism in Comparative Perspective: Religion, Ideology, and the Crisis of Modernity) New York:

New YorkUniversityPress, 1993. x, 248 pp.

Singerman, Robert. Spanish and Portuguese Jewry: A Classified Bibliog-

raphy.Bibliographiesand Indexesin WorldHistory,no. 30. Westport, Conn.:GreenwoodPress, 1993. xvi, 720 pp. Smelser, Ronald, and RainerZitelmann.The Nazi Elite. New York:New YorkUniversityPress, 1993. xiv, 259 pp. Sokol, Moshe Z., ed. Rabbinic Authority and Personal Autonomy.Orthodox

ForumSeries.Northvale,N.J.:JasonAronson,1992. xiv, 250 pp. Sokoloff, Naomi, Anne Lapidus Lerner,and Anita Norich, eds. Gender and Text in Modern Hebrew and YiddishLiterature. New York: Jewish

TheologicalSeminaryof America,1992. x, 274 pp. Syr6n, Roger. The Forsaken First-Born: A Study of a Recurrent Motif in

the PatriarchalNarratives.Journalfor the Studyof the Old Testament SupplementSeries 133. Sheffield:JSOTPress, 1993. 159 pp.

Talstra, E. Solomon's Prayer: Synchrony and Diachrony in the Composition

of I Kings8, 14-61. Contributionsto BiblicalExegesisandTheology3. Kampen:Kok Pharos,1993. 306 pp. Taub,Michael, ed. ModernIsraeli Drama. Portsmouth,N.H.: Heinemann, 1993. xxviii, 328 pp. Toaf,Ariel. TheJews in Umbria,1245-1435, vol. 1. Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1993. lxviii, 460 pp.

324

BOOKS RECEIVED

Toledano, Joseph. Fils d'Abraham: Les Sepharades. N.p.: Editions Brepols,

1992. 200 pp. Tov, Emanuel. Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible. Minneapolis: Fortress

Press, 1992. xl, 456 pp. Tulchinsky, Gerald. TakingRoot: The Origins of the Canadian Jewish Com-

munity.Hanover,N.H.: BrandeisUniversityPress, 1993. xxvi, 341 pp. Ulrich,Eugene,JohnW. Wright,RobertP. Caroll,andPhilipR. Davies,eds. Priests, Prophets and Scribes: Essays on the Formation and Heritage of Second Temple Judaism in Honour of Joseph Blenkinsopp. Journal for

the Studyof the Old TestamentSupplementSeries 149. Sheffield:JSOT Press, 1992. 274 pp. del Valle Rodriguez, Carlos, ed. Polemica Judeo-Cristiana Estudios. Estudios

Literarios,series A. Madrid:Aben EzraEdiciones,n.d. 132 pp. Wertheimer, Jack, ed. The Modern Jewish Experience: A Reader's Guide.

New York:New YorkUniversityPress, 1993. xviii, 392 pp. Wolin, Richard, ed. The Heidegger Controversy: A Critical Reader: Cam-

bridge,Mass.:MIT Press, 1993. xx, 305 pp.

Zakovitch, Yair. "And You Shall Tell Your Son .. .": The Concept of the Exodus in the Bible. Jerusalem:MagnesPress, 1991. 144 pp.

‫מקוה ישראל ה׳‬ Author(s): ‫צבי זוהר‬ Source: AJS Review, Vol. 19, No. 2 (1994), pp. 1-23 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486650 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 11:55 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].



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