A Gentleman of Substance: The Life and Legacy of John Redpath (1796-1869)

A G E N T L E M A N OF S U B S T A N C E The Life and Legacy of John Redpath (1796-1869) RICHARD FELTOE NATURAL HERIT...

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A G E N T L E M A N OF S U B S T A N C E The Life and Legacy of John Redpath (1796-1869)

RICHARD FELTOE

NATURAL HERITAGE/NATURAL HISTORY INC.

Copyright © 2004 Redpath Sugars All rights reserved. No portion of this book, with the exception of brief extracts for the purpose of literary or scholarly review, may be reproduced in any form without the permission of the publisher. Published by Natural Heritage / Natural History Inc. P.O. Box 95, Station O, Toronto, Ontario M4A 2M8 www.naturalheritagebooks.com

Credits Front Cover NAC, NMC12938 1 2/. McCord Museum of Canadian History, Montreal, M994.35.1.

Credits Back Cover (left to right) Redpath Redpath Redpath Redpath McCord MAC,

National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Feltoe, Richard, 1954A gentleman of substance : the life and legacy of John Redpath, 1796-1869 / Richard Feltoe. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-896219-92-6 1. Redpath, John, 1796-1869. 2. Businessmen—Quebec (Province)—Montreal—Biography. 3. Businessmen—Canada— Biography. 4. Canada Sugar Refinery—History. 5. City council members—Quebec (Province)—Montreal—Biography. 6. Montreal (Quebec)—Biography. I. Title. FC2947.26.R44F45 2004

971.4'2802'092

C2004-900821 -8

Cover and text design by Derek Chung Tiam Fook Edited by Jane Gibson Printed and bound in Canada by Hignell Book Printing, Winnipeg, Manitoba

Sugar Museum Sugar Museum Sugar Museum Sugar Museum Museum of Canadian History, Montreal, M994.35.2.

PA 1 4 9 7 2 1 .

Redpath Sugar Museum TRL, JRR 1878. NAC,

Cl9587.

McCord Museum of Canadian History, Montreal, PO85/Ledger 20148/Sheet 3.

Natural Heritage / Natural History Inc. acknowledges the financial support of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council for our publishing program. We acknowledge the support of the Government of Ontario through the Ontario Media Development Corporation's Ontario Book Initiative. We also acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP) and the Association for the Export of Canadian Books.

Canada

LE CONSEIL DES ARTS DU CANADA DEPUIS 1957

THE CANADA COUNCIL FOR THE ARTS SINCE 1957

ONTARIO ARTS COUNCIL

CONSEIL DES ARTS DE L'ONTARIO

Contents

Aknowledjements

4

Appendix A

The John Redpath Family

Introduction

5

Appendix B

Excerpt from "Representation upon the Legislative

Chapter1

rom the Old World to the New

Chapter 2

A New Life in a New Land

17

Chapter 3

Working in the Wilderness

25

Chapter 4

A Tragic Loss and a New Beginning

39

Chapter 5

Defending Against Rebellion and a New Home

45

Chapter 6

We Stand on Guard

57

Chapter 7

Interlude

67

Chapter 8

Changing Fortunes

75

Chapter 9

Realist, Reformer, Reactionary or Revolutionary?

83

Appendix C

Appendix D Appendix E

Chapter

10

A New Direction

89

Chapter

11

A Gentleman of Substance

99

Chapter

12

But What Happened to ... ?

117

Epilogue

Union of Upper and Lower Canada."

7

123

124 129

Excerpt from "When I Was a Little Girl" by Lily Dougall.

130

Excerpt from Charles Buller's Journal

132

Excerpt from the "Montreal Annexation Manifesto" of 1849

133

Notes

135

Selected Bibliography

138

Index

140

About the Author

144

Acknowledgements

eeing a finished book on a bookshelf is somewhat akin to seeing an iceberg at sea. Only the tip is readily visible, while the huge bulk of the remainder of the object lies hidden beneath the surface. Therefore, although it's my name that appears on the cover as the author, it is only due to the support and efforts of a host of other individuals that this work has actually come to fruition. In chronological order, it is necessary to begin within Redpath Sugars. Here, thanks must go to Arnold Robichaud (now retired) and Laura Bellingham, who pressed for the inclusion of this work as part of the company's 150th Anniversary celebrations in the first place and later supported me throughout the process of writing and editing by reviewing and critiquing the manuscript. In this, they were ably assisted by Nancy Gavin and Andrew Judge. Second come the institutions and individuals who assisted me during the research for the book and helped me uncover far more information and detail than I had originally thought possible. These include the staffs of Montreal's:

3

McCord Museum, the St. Andrew's Society, and the Atwater Library Archives of the Mechanics Institute/ while in Toronto are the archivists at the Presbyterian Church Archives. Also needing recognition are Redpath clan descendants, Linda Wiggins and Patty Brown, who helped me clarify the complexities of the Redpath family tree. Third in line is the publishing team from Natural Heritage Books, including Barry Penhale, Jane Gibson and Derek Chung, who took my manuscript and collection of individual images and moulded it into a publishable form. Finally, thanks go to my son Mark, whose newly learned skills of computer drafting and youthful enthusiasm combined to create the Terrace Bank house floor plans that allow us to see inside John Redpaths home. To all, my most grateful thanks. Richard Feltoe Curator and Corporate Archivist Redpath Sugar Museum

Introduction

s we sit within our modern world, enjoying the benefits of our technological age, it's very easy to consign the lives of previous generations to the dust of history. We forget that these were real people, living real lives and reacting to the realities of their world in the same way we have to react and relate to ours. For the past twenty-five years, I have worked at the Redpath Sugar Museum, talking about the history of John Redpath, his family and the sugar company he established. As part of my tours, I stress that we cannot hope to understand who these people were and why they did what they did, unless we understand and accept that they lived in a world fundamentally different from our own. That what we take for granted and consider as normal, proper or "politically correct" in our daily choices was not necessarily defined by the same standard used by the people of the past. As a result, we cannot judge them according to our standards, nor impose our twenty-first century attitudes on individuals who lived centuries ago and still hope to make sense of the decisions they made. John Redpath lived at a time when the foundations of our country and our national identity were being created and the forms of representative government we live by were still only concepts. He not only saw these things happen, in

m

some cases he was involved in the decision making and even influenced their development. He worked on projects that stand today as a monument to the quality of his work and created a lasting and substantial legacy that goes well beyond a mere "counting" of his achievements. He was not one of the "great" men of history, who gained the status of filling pages in a history book. Instead, he was an ordinary man, but one with extraordinary vision and energy. He was a man who gained prominence and recognition during his lifetime, but did not seek fame or power. He was a man who lived his life the best way he knew how. He brought up and looked after his family, and worked with others to improve their society as best he could, according to his ethical, social and religious beliefs/ and in so doing, he created part of the foundation of the Canada we live in today. Richard Feltoe Curator and Corporate Archivist Redpath Sugar Museum

5

Legerwood Parish Church, Scotland, as it looks today.

CHAPTER ONE

From the Old World to the Mew

o the modern visitor, the quiet and peaceful village of Earlston, some 30 miles (50 km) south of the Scottish city of Edinburgh, would seem a pleasant place in which to be born, live and grow up. But, in 1796, although Earlston itself may have been tranquil, around it the world was being racked by huge unprecedented social, economic, and political changes. Scotland was at war and, apart from short intervals of peace, had been so for as long as most people could remember. The oldest residents of the village could possibly recount seeing the passage of Bonnie Prince Charlie at the head of his army on its journey to a final defeat at Culloden in 1745. Less than fifteen years had passed since Great Britain had lost most of its colonies in the Americas with the creation of the so-called United States in 1783. More recently, political upheavals within Scotland's old ally, France, had led to the execution of the French Royal Family in 1793, the aptly named "Reign of Terror" in 1794, and the wholesale use of "Madame Guillotine" by the Revolutionary leadership as an instrument to eliminate opposition and dissent. This government had also just appointed an up-andcoming general by the name of Napoleon Bonaparte to head the army invading France's neighbour Italy. At home, threats and rumours of invasion by French

D

revolutionary armies were rampant. In response, military recruiting parties "beat up" across Scotland, actively and successfully seeking likely recruits to join King Georges army as an alternative to starvation, the result of a disastrous harvest the year before. Technology was also beginning to reshape lifestyles that had remained fundamentally unchanged for centuries. The cottage industry of spinning and weaving was being swept away by the introduction of large-scale machinery, such as Cartwright's power loom and James Watt's steam engine technology, prompting an anti-technology backlash from displaced and unemployed workers that became known as the Luddite movement. Coal-gas lighting had appeared in London, threatening the ancient trade of candlemaking. Throughout the country, canals were being cut across the countryside to improve transportation of goods to and from the growing number of factories that dotted the landscape. Simultaneously, in the wings, early experiments in the development of steamdriven railways were underway on the banks of the River Tyne, only 60 miles (100 km) south of Earlston. Socially and politically, as well, things were changing. Huge numbers of the rural population were moved from the country to toil in "... England's dark satanic mills .. .."* thereby creating a true "working class." Ruled by the daily 7


8

factory whistle, their lives were marked by an increasing number of fatalities, the consequence of the crowded and unsanitary urban living conditions. On a more positive note, Upper Canada had officially limited the practice of slavery in 1793, the first part of the British Empire to do so. The Americans had published their Bill of Rights in 1791. And in England a vaccine for smallpox had been developed by Edward Jenner in 1795, thus heralding a possible antidote to a virulent killer of children. Meanwhile, the game of golf had become so popular across Scotland that the St. Andrews Golf Club had created a waiting list for new members, and in London, a Mr. John Etherington had recently been arrested on a charge of disturbing the peace, for wearing a new kind of headgear he called a 'Top Hat." This was the world into which John Redpath was born, but of his own family roots far less is known with any certainty. Despite a comprehensive study of the original parish records for the village of Earlston, and all of the surrounding parishes for a radius of twenty miles, no official document can be found to corroborate either his birthplace or date of birth. However, as the formality of registration was not mandatory until 1830, and as many families could not afford the fees required or did not feel it necessary once the name of the eldest children had been entered, this omission is not an uncommon one. What has been deduced from the clues the records do show is that John was the son of Peter Redpath, a farm worker, who lived in the hamlet of Ledgerwood, a couple of miles outside of Earlston. Peter had married Helen Melross and together they had several children, including: Robert (1775, registered), James (1784, not registered) and Elspeth (1788, registered). Following Helens death in 1789, Peter remarried in 1791, this time to

Elizabeth Pringle, from the neighbouring parish of Gordon. Peter and Elizabeth also had a number of children, including George (date not known), John (1796) and Ellen (1801), none of whom was officially registered. Documentation for John's earliest years is also lacking, but it appears that his parents died while he was still a youth. As a result, it is believed that John initially lived with his older half-sister Elspeth until he was apprenticed to Mr. George Drummond, a prominent stonemason and building contractor in Edinburgh. Living with the Drummond family, and under Mr. Drummonds tutelage, John Redpath not only acquired the skills of a stonemason, but also developed the strong work ethic that would mark both his personal life and future career. By the age of nineteen, he had finished his apprenticeship and, in normal times, would have looked forward to a relatively secure career in the building trade. But, in 1815, the world changed when the wars that had ravaged Europe on and off for the whole of John's life finally came to an end on the Belgian battlefield of Waterloo. On the surface, this would seem to be a cause for celebration. However, victory over the Emperor Napoleon came at a terrible price as tens of thousands of disbanded soldiers sought new employment, swamping the workforce, driving down wages and precipitating a catastrophic slump in the British economy. To counteract growing social pressure and incidents of civil unrest, the British government initiated a programme designed to encourage emigration to British colonies abroad. In order to publicize the scheme, huge numbers of pamphlets and broadsides were published and distributed across the country, attempting to entice unemployed workers, just like John Redpath, to consider leaving their

From the Old World to the New

Locations connected with John Redpath's Scottish origins.

P


homeland. In one such document from that period, the plight of the people of Great Britain is clearly revealed: . . . After a war unusually protracted, which had desolated the fairest portions of the globe, which, in its progress, had been marked by the destruction of millions, and which had been productive of evils, the most terrible ever sustained by suffering humanity, the nations of the earth fondly contemplated the return of peace as an event which would, in some degree, compensate for the sacrifices which they had made, and the privations which they had so long and so patiently suffered. Among those who had endured with unexampled fortitude the evils attendant on a state of warfare so protracted, were the British p e o p l e . . . During the progress of the war . . . the commerce of England had covered the seas ... London became the emporium of the globe, and the commercial monopoly of England was complete. The return of peace, therefore, by admitting the belligerent powers to a participation in the advantages of commerce ... [as a result] the bankruptcy of our merchants and tradesmen occurred to the extent hitherto unknown. These failures involved the fate of thousands connected with the machine of trade and commerce/ the rich became insolvent—many of the middling classes descended to poverty—the poor filled the workhouses—the local taxes pressed with intolerable weight upon those who were unable to pay, and the situation of many who were obliged to contribute to these was scarcely superior to the wretched inmates of the workhouse...2 40

Having emphasized the problems at home, this paper then sought to present a vision of what awaited those with the courage to start a new life in the "garden of North America...": . . . The face of Lower Canada is remarkably bold and striking. The noble river St. Lawrence flows more than 400 miles, between high lands and lofty mountains, sometimes divided into large channels by large islands, and at other times intersected by clusters of small ones: numerous rapid streams rolling from the neighbouring mountains, breaking over steep precipices, and mingling their waters with the grand river-, its bold and rugged shores, lofty eminencies, and sloping vallies, covered with the umbrageous foliage of immense forests, or interspersed with the cultivated settlements of the inhabitants, present altogether to the eye of the spectator, a succession of the most sublime and picturescjue objects, that imagination can conceive . . . The meadows of Canada, ... are reckoned superior to those in the more southern parts of America. They possess a fine close turf, well covered at the roots with clover ... ... The fish in the seas, gulphs, rivers, and lakes, of Canada, are innumerable; they consist, indeed of almost every species and variety at present known . . . . The two Canadas abound with almost every species and variety of trees, shrubs, and plants Such innumerable Quantities of useful and beautiful plants, herbs, grapes, and flowers are also to be found in the forests, that where the botanist is presented with so rich a field for observation and study, it is to be regretted that so little is known concerning them


... The clearing of lands has of late been carried on to great advantage... for there is scarcely a tree in the forest but skill may be turned to some account... The trees of a resinous Quantity supply pitch tar and turpentine. The maple furnishes sugar, and with the beech, ash, elm, etc. will also serve for the potash manufactory. Cedar is converted into glue for the roofs of houses, oak into ship timber, firs into deal planks and boards, and in short almost every kind of tree is brought into use for some 3 purpose or other Nor was the attraction of a potential full belly missed in praising the bounty of the New World for those used to going short in their daily diet in Britain. For example, some of the descriptions associated with food included a preservation technique that most of the people of Britain would never have experienced: . . . The [French] Canadians, at the commencement of winter, kill the greatest part of their stock, which they carry to market in a frozen state. The inhabitants of the towns then supply themselves with a sufficient supply of poultry and vegetables till Spring, keeping them in garrets or cellars. As long as they remain frozen, they preserve their goodness, but they will not keep long after they have thawed Milk is brought to market in the winter time in large frozen cakes ...4 Also new to the potential emigrant was the use of a novel form of sweetener-. . . . Large Quantities of Maple sugar are sold at about half

the price of West-India sugar. The manufacturing of this article takes place early in the spring, when the sap or juice rises in the Maple trees. It is a very laborious work, as at that time the snow is just melting, and the Canadians suffer great hardships in procuring the licjuorfrom an immense number of trees, dispersed over many hundred acres of land The liquor is boiled down, and often adulterated with flour, which thickens and renders it heavy/ after it is boiled a sufficient time, it is poured into tureens, and when cold, forms a thick hard cake of the shape of the vessel. These cakes are of a dark brown colour, for the Canadians do not trouble themselves about refining it: the people in Upper Canada make it very white, and it may be easily clarified ecjual to the finest loaf sugar made in England ....5 Finally, even the very nature of the British character as a superior example was evoked to persuade people to move to Canada: . . . Of all the British emigrants, the Scotch are the most indefatigable and persevering. In poverty they leave their native home; yet seldom return to it without a handsome competency. Their patient diligence, and submission in the pursuit of riches, together with their general knowledge and good sense, render them highly beneficial to the mother country, while their natural partiality for their ancient soil, secures their steady attachment and adherence to the 6 British government With such fulsome praise as this, it is little wonder that emigrants like John Redpath, his brother Robert, his nephew Peter, and Robert Drummond, all skilled and qualified

i 1

A Gentleman of S u b s t a n c e

stonemasons, decided to leave their "destitute" homeland to start a new life in the Canadas. Having made the fateful decision, however, the next obstacle was how to survive the journey, for in 1816 it was not simply a matter of obtaining passage on a ship where all amenities were provided for the passengers. Instead, travellers had to supply most of their own food, water, bedding and other necessities, to supplement the meagre provisions available onboard. They also took a significant risk of drowning in a shipwreck, or dying from injury or disease during the voyage. It is therefore no exaggeration to say that John and his companions literally hazarded their lives in undertaking the crossing. Although no account of the party's journey is known to exist, an idea of what it may have been like can be found in other contemporary accounts: I sailed on Thursday i 5th of May 1817 ... in the brig Mary and Bell, bound for Quebec ... felt my mind awfully impressed on leaving my native land; yet sensible that it is thy will, O God! Do willingly commend myself and family to thee both now and for ever 20th May—This day the wind is fair, the ship sails nearly five miles an hour. The rocking of the vessel has brought on sickness again to many of the passengers 21st—This morning is quite calm: the sky clear. About twelve o'clock? the waves swelled prodigiously, the ship making five miles an hour and through its excessive motion extreme sickness prevails. O my Godl Save me from a murmuring spirit, and help me to cast my care on thee i2

26th—Being much afflicted with sickness these few days past, I have been unable to write I never witnessed such a scene before as the storm we had About eleven o'clock the Captain being just gone to bed, it began; on which he immediately got on deck and ordered all sails down, which being done, restrained the motion of the vessel; nothing could ecjual the awful change that took place—the vessel rolled from side to side, and overturned all the passengers' boxes, pans, kettles, and vessels of water, in such a manner as that no tongue can express, or mind conceive the state we were in—all, I may say, expected every moment to be swallowed in the great deep 27th—This day being very fine, the people are chiefly on deck 2nd June—On Saturday night we had another storm Through the violent agitation of the waves, the vessel heaved from side to side so vehemently as to produce the utmost confusion; the people could scarcely remain in their bedsf their chests and other articles of use were all thrown into one common heap ... the vessel sailed near ten miles an hour ... till the shifting of the wind caused a decline in sailing 9th—Yesterday we were cut short our allowance of water, ... and from the badness of it, together with the small Quantity given, serves to increase the distress of mind which arises daily 19th—This morning we had a view of a large mountain of ice... which caused the captain to ... alter the course of sailing, or otherwise the consequence would have been truly


awful as the force of the vessel coming against the ice would have rent it in pieces 21st—We have at length arrived at the banks this morning ...a thick fog covers every part of this region, with a heavy mist of rain 26th—We are now past the banks and have a sight of the island of Newfoundland, this gives general satisfaction as we pass along, it being six weeks this day since we left our native land 1st July—This morning we had heavy rain, attended with a thick fog 6th—This Sabbath day, I expected to spend in Quebec ... but the Lord so ordered it that we are still on sea, and have a clear view of Labrador on the right hand, and a truly delightful prospect it affords 9th—This morning I arose between four and five, went on deck, and felt truly thankful to the Lord for his wonderful care over us in the past night, which ought never to be forgotten by any on board this vessel A tremendous storm took place in the evening late, continued all night, and ... conspired to make our state quite dangerous ... but through the great skill of our pilot we were safely brought clear of the rocks which were on every side Having contemplated with astonishment our great deliverance, I cast my eyes around to view the country as I passed along, and never did I behold such a delightful view as I had on both sides. Here are lands improved with such exquisite

taste and lain out to such great advantage, as to exceed every idea that can be formed of it by any mind not favoured with seeing it. Here are beautiful large and small houses ... several churches and chapels are along the sea shore ....In short I have never beheld such an improved country We arrived safe, glory be to Godl About eleven o'clock this morning at Quebec, and so concluded our voyage of eight weeks Our ship cast anchor opposite the great battery, where we have a view of the troops doing duty, and also of the shipping in the harbour We now felt the strongest desire to go on shore, and having applied to the captain ... we got into the boat, and in a few minutes arrived on shore, when the joy that each of us felt was inexpressible. We could scarcely walk, the 7 earth appearing to bend under us Shipping lists, published in the Quebec City Gazette for 1816, document that while many ships travelled from Great Britain to Canada that year, only a few sailed from ports that would have been reasonably accessible to John and his companions. Equally, only a few carried passengers who were listed as "settlers." As a result, we can surmise that one of the following vessels brought the twenty-year-old John and the others to Quebec in 1816: 20 June: Ship Aid (Captain Protter) 63 days crossing from Newcastle (26 settlers) 30 June: Brig Jane (Captain Murdoch) 79 days from Greenock (5 settlers) 24 Aug: Brig Greenfield (Captain Holmes) 84 days from Greenock (28 settlers) 19 Sept: BrigF0me (Captain Abrams) 45 days from Greenock (17 settlers)

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16 Sept: Brig Brittania (Captain Spence) 57 days from Greenock (33 settlers). After arriving with unsteady legs on the dockside at Quebec City, the young men immediately set about seeking lodgings and work, only to find that the former was not readily available for anyone without a good supply of ready cash. The latter was also in short supply, even for skilled masons. This was not the kind of warm reception they had been led to expect, and contrasted markedly with the welcome accorded to another new arrival during that summer. This gentleman, accompanied by an entourage of family, attendants, aides, staff and servants, qualified for Royal salutes, parades, cheering crowds and an official gala welcoming him to Lower Canada. However, since this individual was the new Governor General, Sir John Coape Sherbrooke, G.C.B., one might forgive the difference. Furthermore, far from being in the promised "garden of North America," the group found themselves landing during a year that almanacs later recorded as being a year without a summer. This peculiar circumstance was due to a combination of two independent events. The first was the ejection of huge amounts of dust into the atmosphere from a major volcanic eruption in the Dutch East Indies in 1815, thus reducing sunlight levels around the globe. The second was a series of gigantic sunspots and solar flares clearly visible on the sun's surface, even to the naked eye. Together, these individually significant elements combined to wreak havoc with the world's weather patterns, as recorded in the Quebec Gazette of May 12, 1816:

4 4

. . . The season continues extremely unfavourable to agriculture.

Yesterday morning there was ice of a considerable thickness formed during the night. Masses of snow still lie in the fields and very little wheat has been yet sown in the district... These abnormal conditions continued with snow falling on June 6, while temperatures hovered around the freezing point until the 10th of the month. Some improvement occurred toward the end of June, but frosts still occurred during July and as early as the second week in September. By October 17, the ice was so thick on the St. Lawrence River that all shipping was forced to cease for the year. With no prospects of obtaining work at Quebec, the group decided to try their luck in Montreal. Unfortunately, not enough money remained from their meagre reserves to cover the cost of passage on one of the several steamboats that plied the route between the two cities. According to later family stories, John Redpath and the others were forced to travel the 160 miles (352 km) on foot. In addition, they are reported to have walked at least part of the way barefoot in order to save their shoes from wearing out, for no one would hire, or even trust, a supposedly skilled worker who appeared in bare feet when applying for work. Eventually reaching Montreal, the group took lodgings in the poorer section of town. By now, John's enthusiasm for the New World must surely have been tempered by the experiences of the past months. What he would have thought of the benefits of Canada on November 21, 1816, when a 40-second earthquake rocked the city, rattling doors and windows, one can only imagine.

From the Old World to the Neu>

Locations connected with John Redpath's life in the Canadas.

4 5

The view of Montreal from Mount Royal in 1825.

CHAPTER TWO

A Mew Life in a Mew Land

seats within the pews. Varying rates or a man of John Redpath's character, were charged for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd the stigma of relying upon charity class pews, according to their for daily sustenance would have been location within the sanctuary. Thus, intolerable, and would have only spurred his John's strategic expenditure of renting determination to gain useful employment. By a first-class pew would have been the end of 1816, records indicate that John recognized by other parishioners as a and the others had all obtained employment, clear indication of the determination working for a Mr. Couvrette as stonemasons. of the pew holder to make his mark It was also equally important for John, as a within the community. staunch Scots Presbyterian, to establish By 1818, John Redpath had himself within a local religious community. established his own independent Therefore it's not surprising that by mid-1817 building and contracting firm, and his name appears in a register of church was involved in expanding his members at Montreal's St. Gabriel's business by re-investing a substantial Presbyterian Church. portion of any profits into hiring John Redpath's name also appears in the additional manpower, thereby church accounts as having spent £3/157- for enabling him to go after larger the annual rental of pew No. 2, located at the St. Gabriel's Presbyterian Church, Montreal. contracts. This success in business centre of the new church balcony. This may Presbyterian Church Archives, Toronto. and the accumulation of funds also seem like an extravagant expense for a new allowed him to consider starting a arrival less than a year off the boat. However, family. To that end, John proposed to Janet McPhee, it must be remembered that the church's finances were daughter of a fellow stonemason and church member. The entirely derived from the congregation. As a result, one of marriage service took place at St. Gabriel's Church on the standard techniques for fundraising was to lease or rent

B

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December 19, 1818, and led to the following entry in the church register, which includes some interesting spelling variations of the bride's name: ... John Redpath of Montreal mason, and Jane McVie of the same place, spinster, both of age of majority were joined in marriage by liscence... at Montreal this nineteenth day of December, one thousand eight hundred & eighteen in presence of these witnesses by J. Somerville Muir ... [signed by] John Redpath, Janet MacPhee, ... witnessed . . . William Riley, John Tivendale, Robert Redpath ...i Almost exactly nine months later, on September 12, 1819, Janet gave birth to their first child, Elizabeth Redpath, named after John's mother. John Redpath's success as a builder continued to grow during the next couple of years, with each new contract being carefully registered in one of a set of leather-bound ledgers now part of the archive collection at the McCord Museum in Montreal. Some of these early nineteenth century Montreal projects include:

i8

carving a tombstone monument with engraved lettering building garden walls, "gardening" buildings, and pathways for a number of private residences building several outhouses and the associated digging or clearing of cesspits building a dairy barn installing a stone foundation for the subsequent construction of a wooden house repairing brickwork at the Montreal General Hospital building an ammunition magazine and a storehouse for

Montreal General Hospital.

the British Army on St. Helen's island, located in the middle of the St. Lawrence River. This latter project for the British army also served to bring John to the attention of a government agency which was seeking reliable contractors to excavate and construct a canal across the southern tip of the island of Montreal. The canal was to bypass the treacherous Lachine Rapids that prevented ships from sailing up the St. Lawrence River beyond Montreal. Unable to undertake work of this magnitude alone, John Redpath established a partnership with another successful building contractor, Thomas MacKay, to create the firm of "MacKay and Redpath" which successfully tendered to build sections of the new "Lachine" Canal. Although this important project occupied much of


John's attention, and took over four years to complete before opening to traffic in 1825, it did not prevent him from working on other construction projects, either alone or in partnerships with MacKay or occasionally, with a Mr. Riley over the next few years. As a consequence, John Redpath's workbooks literally bulge with accounts of various projects of ever-increasing scale and importance, including: the provision of stonework for the new Roman Catholic Cathedral of Notre Dame the construction of additional buildings at the St Helen's Island military fortifications the construction of the new Theatre Royal (the first custom-built dramatic arts facility in Montreal) demolition of a 'large chimney" and construction of a replacement for the brewery of John Molson and Son repairs to the stonework and expansion of the headquarters building for the Bank of Montreal repairs to the memorial column for Lord Nelson at Place Jacques-Cartier the construction of an additional storey for the Montreal "National" School House the building of a billiard room for the new Masonic Hall the building of a new office building for the Montreal Water Works Company structural alterations to the home of the city's Chief Magistrate Beyond his business interests, John's influence within his church congregation appears to have grown since he was elected as one of the senior members of a committee delegated to select a new minister for the St. Gabriel's

Church. John Redpath's family also continued to expand with the birth of Peter Redpath on August 1, 1821. This was successively followed by Mary Redpath on November 14, 1823, and Jane Redpath on April 10, 1825. In 1826, John was greatly pleased by the long-awaited arrival from Scotland of his older half-sister Elspeth, her husband Thomas Fairbairn and their eight children. For the past few years, John had been trying to persuade the couple to come to Canada, and now they had arrived. For the next two years, the two families shared a new house that John purchased on Dalhousie Square, until the Fairbairns left Montreal and moved up to Jones Falls, on the Rideau River system in Upper Canada. Once there, Thomas was destined to work on the construction of a major new project that was to become known as the Rideau Canal.

The Theatre Royal.

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20

A sketch of later excavations along the Lachine Canal, taken from the Canadian Illustrated News, Dec. 9, 1876.


Notre Dame Cathedral in 1844, Adolphus Bourne, artist.

By 1826, John Redpath's success as a building contractor had reached the point where he was now in regular contact with several of the more prominent social and political families in the city. In particular, his growing

personal friendship with the wealthy and influential Peter McGill was to lead to some significant advancement by placing John within the "Square Mile/' a term that would define the social elite of Montreal in years to come.

2i


22

The first headquarters building of the Bank of Montreal.

Lord Nelson's Column on Notre Dame Street in the 1820s.

The National School House.

The Montreal Water Works.

A New Life in a Neu? Land

Locations in Montreal connected with the life and work of John Redpath.

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The Rideau Waterway running between Kingston and Bytown (Ottawa).

CHAPTER THREE


p until this point, most of John Redpath's work had centred in and around the City of Montreal. The time had come, however, when his career was about to take a quantum leap in scale as the British Government was about to undertake the construction of the largest manmade waterway in British North America—the Rideau Canal. During the War of 1812-15, the St. Lawrence River had been the only practical direct route for transporting all military supplies and reinforcements from Lower Canada to Upper Canada. As a result, the waterway had repeatedly been targeted for capture by American military forces. Had they succeeded, they would have cut off all communication between the two Canadas, thus isolating Upper Canada and exposing it to the threat of invasion and occupation. To avoid this threat in any future conflict, the British Government assigned Lieutenant Colonel John By, of the Royal Engineers, to oversee the construction of an alternate waterway system. The new water route would stretch from the St. Lawrence River at Kingston, crossing 123 miles (198 km) of dense forest, swampland and rocky highland by means of a series of 47 locks, to a point on the Ottawa River, at a small community initially known as "Bytown" and later renamed Ottawa. To work on this new project, John Redpath resumed

m

Present-day view of the canal locks at Bytown (Ottawa).

his partnership with Thomas MacKay and together they contracted with Lieutenant Colonel John By for the construction of several elements of the new waterway. Work began in January 1827 with the building of a stone storehouse at Bytown. Once again, meticulous accounts were maintained, within which are notations suggesting that Janet and the children stayed with John at Bytown until the work on this section of the canal was complete. They then returned to Montreal, where Janet gave birth to their fifth child, Helen Redpath, on September 1, 1827. However, this birth seems to have been problematic as the baptism took

25


26

place only two days after the birth, perhaps indicating that the child was ailing. In addition, the St. Gabriel s Church register recorded "... mother unwell and unable to sign her name...." l Fortunately both of them recovered, and John left Montreal for the Rideau, to begin work on some of the more remote parts of the planned canal route. For the next five years, John kept up a gruelling and exhausting schedule. Not only did he supervise the various construction sites that constituted his portion of the canal by travelling from site to site, but also upon the few occasions that he was able to return to Montreal, he made arrangements for the purchase and delivery of a multitude of personal items requested by the workers in the various camps. As well, he was responsible for other more official duties. These included ensuring that the official military requisitions for food and construction supplies were properly fulfilled and shipped out, and recruiting new workers and arranging for their travel to the Rideau. All the while it was imperative that he maintain a series of detailed financial records, accounting for every penny spent in order to satisfy the demands of his employer, the British Government. Surprisingly, despite all this responsibility, he was also able to fulfil his obligations for work on the Notre Dame Cathedral, which was finally consecrated in 1829. Unfortunately, during this period the spectre of death fell across Johns home, when his daughter, Jane, died on May 11, 1828, at the tender age of three years, one month and one day. The cause of her death is not recorded, but it was, regrettably, an all-too-common occurrence for children to die in an era when the nature of, and the dangers associated with, bacteria, contagious diseases and germs in general were simply not understood.

Even as an adult, John was not immune from health problems while he lived and worked in the wilderness that was early nineteenth century Upper Canada. This fact is clearly revealed in a letter written by one of the military engineers, Captain Savage, to Lieutenant Colonel By, and dated September 6, 1828:

. . . The works at Jones' Falls are almost at a stop with the exception of a few men employed at the Quarry, the Contractor [John Redpath], asst Overseer, two clerks and nearly all the workmen are laid up with the fever and ague... while. . . 1 2 1 men have left.. .from fear of the sickness 2 On this and other occasions, John succumbed to the "ague" or as it is diagnosed today, malaria, and was forced to convalesce in the relative civilization of the village of Bytown, until he could return to his duties. However, the debilitating effects of the disease were to recur throughout the remainder of his life. Naturally, a project of this magnitude created challenges and difficulties for the various businesses and partnerships working on the project. Consequently, a number of those initially contracted were unable to fulfil their obligations and went into bankruptcy, or were relieved of their responsibilities by their military overseer, Lieutenant Colonel By As a result, the remaining, more efficient and successful contractors were asked to take up the slack and ensure the jobs were completed successfully. Such was the case with John Redpath, as he and his partner, Thomas MacKay, added to their already substantial obligations by taking on the responsibility of completing the works at


Hartwells and Hogsback. (These locks can be found within present-day suburban Ottawa, not far from Carleton University.) For John, however, his attention and individual responsibility were always centred around the single largest complex of engineering on the entire system, the dam and series of locks at Jones Falls. Originally, this section of the waterway was scheduled to be built with six locks, each with a 10 foot (3.04 metre) lift. However, following design changes made by Lieutenant Colonel By, this lift was now to be achieved using only four locks, each with a lift of 15 feet (4.57 metres). This significant alteration in the design specifications required a major adaptation on John Redpath's part to overcome the difficult terrain and conditions. In subsequent years, a number of detailed accounts were written about this extraordinary feat of engineering. These include a report written in 1832 by Lieutenant Frome of the Royal Engineers, which states: . . . The works at this station are perhaps the most striking of any in the whole line of communication, both from their wild situation and their magnitude. The damr built across the ravine, down which all the waters from all the small lakes above found an outlet, is 6 i feet high and about 130 yards long at the top, abutting on each side on the high rock banks consisting of sandstone and a species of granite . . . By forming temporary sluices of rough masonry laid in mortar alternately on each side of the dam at different heights to carry off the water as it was raised by the progress of the works, the contractor, Mr Redpath, who was fortunately well Qualified for the task, managed to raise this enormous mass to its height without any serious

impediment

3

Two years later, a pamphlet written by Dr. E. Barker of Kingston, provides more information: . . . the dam is, without exception the most stupendous and perfect of its kind in the world and is alone worth the trouble of a journey to visit. The locks are formed in the solid rock to the westward of the dam at a short distance below it and are of the prodigious lift of 15 feet each Although built in the same manner and of the same material as the other locks, yet their size and beauty of workmanship have deservedly rendered them calculated as the masterpiece of the canal The works were executed by Mr Redpath....4 Later still, an unpublished manuscript by Andrew Drummond, written around 1880, says: . . . The... dam at Jones Falls, built on the arched principle, remains to the present day an enduring monument to the skill and care of the contractor, the late Mr Redpath, who executed the work while subjected to similar climactic and unsanitary difficulties and mortality of his workmen...5 Finally, in 1972, Robert Legget, author of TheRideau Waterway, notes: ...In the light of the fact that all the stone was hand cut and hoisted into place by small winches, in the isolation of the Canadian forest, the daring and indeed grandeur of his [Col. By's] conception seems all the more remarkable.

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Plan for the construction of the Jones Falls Dam.


Luckily he found a contractor capable of carrying out this great pioneer piece of construction work... John Redpath... the immense Quantities of stone required for the dam and locks necessitated an unusually large labour force. A construction camp was therefore the first major undertaking and accommodation was provided. When the work was in full swing there were forty masons employed... We know that the dreaded swamp fever was especially severe in this construction camp at Jones Falls. ..many men died and were buried in a small graveyard... near the dam...6 Fortunately for the modern researcher, John Redpath's original journals, letterbooks and personal ledgers, are now part of the McCord Museum collection in Montreal. These provide a fascinating means of figuratively looking over his shoulder as the work progressed, even to the point of noting his spelling errors and hearing about the character and sense of humour of his supervisor, Lieutenant Colonel John By: .. .Laid the first stone of the locks at Jones Fall on Thursday the 2nd of April 1829. Laid the first of the inset with my own hands on Monday the 20th May, Beautiful. . . . arrived at Jones Falls on Saturday morning the 5th of September. Found all in a pretyfair way—very few hands—but those that were in tolerable good order and working well—The dam that had been stoped by Mr Gils still leaking, but of no material consequence. Colonel By arrived from Bytown with the canoes—ofered to retain one for me, providing I could make myself ready soon. I

acepted the offer as I wished to get back as quick as posible and was tired enough of my journey upward & on horseback—Got finished about 5 o'clock in the afternoon and set out—Left them all in good spirits at least and high in the hopes of me coming back soon with reforce't Arrived at the Ithmus about 12 o'clock in the evening— found the Colonel asleep, he kindly ofered me a part of his bed, which I acepted as beds are not plenty in this part of the world—The Istmus is a most dull, ugly looking place at least in my eyes . . . Sunday morning opened fair with a small fog upon the lake—what I call ague-like—Arrived at the narrows about 8 o'clock—where the Colonel proposed to build a lock and ofered us the sum, which I declined to acept as thinking that we had enough already in that sickly part of the world—avised him to give that to Stevens or some other constructor thereabout, which he intends to do... .. .From there we proceeded to Smith's Falls and then to Old Sly's on horseback. ..It was now dark but the Colonel was determined to go to Edmunds Pond where we stop'tfor the evening. We were met at the door by a woman who, thinking we had been a hunting party, said she believed the Colonel was selling venison. He acknowledged to it and asked her if she wanted any. She went into the house to see but found her mistake on coming out... We started next morning, cold and raw day, took breakfast a little above Marrick and from there proceded... to Long Island after finishing a bottle of sherry upon the rapids...7 These accounts also reveal that the workforce

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30

The Jones Falls "Great Dam" as it appeared shortly after construction in 1832, and as it looks today. Four sketches by Thomas Burrows.


The Great Dam at Jones Falls during construction. 34


32

Two views showing the set of four locks at Jones Falls.


The locks at Jones Falls today.

consisted of both English and French-speaking labourers, who worked side-by-side without any reference to cultural difficulties or display of animosity to mar the project's development. Interestingly, on the inside front cover of one ledger, the normally blank page is completely covered by a repetitive series of just two words ".. John Redpath..." Here it is possible to imagine John sitting down and writing his name in a variety of styles and scripts in order to create a signature he felt would properly reflect his growing affluence and position. What he could not know, of course, was that his distinctive signature would become the trademark for the sugar products he would eventually produce and which today is officially recorded as the oldest Canadian food trademark in Canada. As the Rideau project moved towards completion, John Redpath began to plan for the future by travelling to Montreal more regularly and re-establishing his business connections there, some of which had lapsed during his frequent absences. It is therefore possible that during one or

A page from the ledger showing John Redpath's practice attempts to develop his distinctive signature.

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34

more of these visits, he became embroiled in a public scandal that was rocking the otherwise rigorously moral church of St. Gabriel s. In order to properly understand the series of events that subsequently occurred within the church, it is necessary to be acquainted with the religious context in which they occurred. For John Redpath and his fellow parishioners, the Protestant Christian Church was the focal point of their community and social values. Religious observance, moral correctness and spiritual welfare were not merely platitudes, but fundamental tenets that dominated every facet of daily life, both within and outside the congregation. Church members were accountable to the Elders and Deacons of the church for all aspects of their conduct. Consequently, individuals who had been reported as behaving improperly, or even simply visiting another church to attend services, would be summoned to appear before a "Deacons Court" to explain their actions. If deemed at fault, the parishioner could simply be admonished. For more severe infractions, the sanctions could include being suspended from receiving communion, or even being banned from attending services. Such public humiliation would severely damage anyone's standing within the congregation and even outside in "polite" society. With this in mind, therefore, the subsequent series of events becomes all the more astonishing. The issue began in 1830 with a fundamental difference of opinion between the congregations co-ministers, the Reverend Henry Esson and the Reverend Edward Black, over the relative authorities and jurisdictions of the central Church of Scotland and the local congregations in Canada. So deep were these differences that matters degenerated until the large and previously successful congregation found

itself divided according to the stance of one or the other of the church ministers. The majority group, those supporting Reverend Blacks view that the local congregation had jurisdictional precedence, were known as "Independentists." Having failed to persuade the rest of the congregation of the validity of their position, they instead sought to secure the dismissal of Reverend Esson by means of a congregational meeting on January 13, 1830. In this, they were unsuccessful as their opponents manipulated the meetings agenda into a "discussion" rather than a "decision." In response, Blacks supporters boycotted the meeting, only to find that Essons group had outmanoeuvred them by dismissing all accusations and passing a motion of support for Esson. This situation inevitably led to a significant amount of ill feeling and, at a subsequent congregational meeting on January 25, matters deteriorated to the extent that fistfights broke out between the two factions. Following this outburst of violence, no compromise could be found and the situation continued to simmer within the congregation until March 1831. During this time no celebration of communion was held within the church. Still unable to achieve their goals by regular means, the Independentists now took the unprecedented step of staging a sit-in and forcible occupation of St. Gabriels, thus denying Esson and his followers access to the church. For the next twelve months, until March 1832, the lockout was continued by a rotation of the dissidents and the church remained effectively closed. Despite repeated attempts to re-occupy the church by using official letters, arbitration by the Presbyterian Church Synod, physical confrontation, and even the use of police escorts, Essons segment of the congregation were unable to regain


The original St. Paul's Presbyterian Church. occupation of the church. In the end, they were reduced to holding their own services at the "National" school building, a few blocks away. Finally, with all other avenues exhausted, Esson's supporters were forced to resort to the public embarrassment of initiating litigation within the criminal courts to evict the dissidents. In judgment of this unusual case, the Courts sided with the plaintiffs and ordered the return of the church into Reverend Esson's hands. Up to the last moment of the court-appointed deadline, Black's followers maintained their occupation. They then formed up, marched out of the building and declared themselves as an entirely new congregation under the banner of "St. Paul's Presbyterian Church." Was John Redpath part of this occupying Independentist group? It cannot be said with any certainty. What is known, however, is that he strongly supported

Reverend Black, spoke on his behalf at the Synod of churches investigating the matter, and was a founding member of the new congregation. In addition, on several occasions during the period concerned, he was certainly in Montreal since he is recorded as having attended the weddings of his brother Robert's daughters, Helen Redpath, in October 1831, and Jessie Redpath in February 1832. As well, he participated in the March 1832 baptism of his sixth child, Jane Margaret Redpath (born February 17, 1832). Interestingly, this birth is recorded in both the St. Gabriels and newly established St. Paul's registers. With the settling of this contentious religious issue and the official opening of the Rideau Canal in May 1832, John Redpath probably hoped that life could now return to normal. He concluded his business partnership with Thomas MacKay, as well as similar agreements held between himself and two other Rideau contractors, Thomas Phillips and Andrew White. Together, these four gentlemen had agreed to an equal division of the projected losses or profits for the completed work. In fact, the partners now each received a profit of over £20,000, a huge sum for those days. Nor was this their only reward, as Lieutenant Colonel By presented one of a set of four commemorative silver trophies to each of the principal contractors in recognition of their efforts and success. Originally, the canal had been scheduled for an official opening in August of the previous year, but construction delays had postponed the ceremony until the spring of 1832. However, the cups still bore the earlier date, as well as a list of credits for the work each contractor undertook. Fortunately, the cup that was awarded to the partnership of MacKay and Redpath has survived and is now part of the collection of the Redpath Sugar Museum.

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The inscription on it reads:

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restore order. After being repeatedly pelted with street refuse and stones, resulting in a number of The Gift of Lieut. John By Commanding injuries to the soldiers, the troops were Royal Engineer of the Rideau Canal in Upper eventually ordered by city magistrates to open Canada to Mess'rs Mackay and Redpath. fire on the mob. Instead, the well-disciplined The contractors for the first eight locks at the troops only discharged a few individual shots, entrance of the Ottawa. Two locks at which rapidly cleared the streets but still left Hartwell'sf Two locks at Hogsback and Four three rioters dead. locks and a Dam sixty five feet in height at This "massacre," as the outraged French and Jones Falls. As an acknowledgement of the radical press dubbed it, was the first in a Zeal displayed by them in the performance of sequence of events that culminated in open their contracts and a testimonial of the works rebellion a few years later, forever changing the above mentioned having been completed to his previously tolerant attitudes of both sides of the entire satisfaction. English/French cultural spectrum, including those The MacKay/Redpath cup, awarded by Lieutenant Colonel of John Redpath. These events also persuaded By for the work done on the Presented on the opening of the Rideau Canal John to move from Dalhousie Square, where Rideau Canal. the 2 ist of August 1831. much of the violence had taken place, and seek a Redpath Sugar Museum. home farther out of the old city, away from the Beyond this pleasant event, however, John's possibility of immediate danger for his family in hope for a peaceful return to Montreal society was to be the event of future civil unrest. To this end, he purchased rudely dashed by events developing in Lower Canada. some property on the fashionable St. James Street on the Across the colony, growing ethnic and religious outskirts of the city and contracted for a new house to be tensions between the linguistic communities of English and built at a cost of £5,300. French origin were being compounded and exacerbated by Unfortunately, this move would not be the solution the political aspirations of a group of radicals, calling John had hoped for, as the real danger that summer did not themselves Patriotes and organizing under the leadership of come from radicals or rioters, but from contagious diseases. Louis-Joseph Papineau. This friction culminated in civil This problem was not a new one since each year polluted disturbances during the elections of 1832. After several days water supplies and contaminated food led to outbreaks of of confrontations at the polling stations, factional fighting infection, and death, in specific neighbourhoods. Under escalated into all-out rioting and looting on May 21, 1832. normal circumstances this was something manageable for In response, the city authorities were forced to read the Riot the populace at large. In the early summer of 1832, however, Act and call in a small detachment of British troops to the problem became epidemic when a new wave of


immigrants brought with them what was referred to as "Asiatic Cholera"—a disease which then swept through every part of the colonies of Lower and Upper Canada. Normal life in Montreal effectively came to a standstill/ businesses closed down and society events were cancelled. The city became a place of fear, as graphically described by one new immigrant, Catherine Parr Traill, during her passage to Upper Canada, and later documented in her book The Backwoods of Canada, published in 1836: Nelson Hotel, Montreal, August 2 4 . . . . The cholera had made awful ravages, and its devastating effects were to be seen in the darkened dwellings and mourning habiliments of all classes. An expression of dejection and anxiety appeared in the faces of the few persons we encountered.. .which plainly indicated the state of their minds. In some situations, whole streets had been nearly depopulated; those that were able fled panic-stricken to the country villages, while others remained in the bosom of their families.. .In one house eleven persons died, in another seventeen; a little child was the only creature left to tell the woeful tale...8 Although John Redpath s family was spared from this tragedy, by the end of the summer over 7,500 people were reported to have died within the two Canadas, of which nearly 4,000 were residents of Montreal. Fortunately, once colder weather arrived, the disease soon died out and social activities and business began to resume an appearance of normalcy. After moving into his new home in 1833, John Redpath began a new phase in his career by expanding his business

interests beyond building and contract work to include speculation in property, including the purchase of a number of vacant lots around Montreal and in Upper Canada along the Rideau in Nepean township. He also made investments in the Ottawa Steamboat Line, the Montreal Tow Boat Company and the Bank of Montreal. As a responsible citizen, he complied with the standing law and joined the local militia force, becoming a commissioned officer (Ensign) within the Montreal "City Militia" and acted as the Quartermaster for the 4th Battalion of that regiment for several years to come. At the same time, he was becoming recognized as a gentleman of community influence and social substance. Not only was he invited to become a Director of the Bank of Montreal, but also was asked to sit on the Board of Directors for two city institutions. The first was the Committee of Management for the Montreal General Hospital, one of the first non-denominational hospitals in Canada and one that later founded the first medical school in Canada. The second was the Mechanics Institute of Montreal, established in 1828 which promoted adult education and training and whose lending library system became the model for the current public library network found in almost every town and city across Canada. By the beginning of 1834, John Redpath could now be said to be well on the road to success. His building career had made him a wealthy man/ his investments were flourishing and he was well received in Montreal society. His personal life was also rich, as he had a large and happy family, augmented on January 19, 1834, by the birth of his latest child, John James Redpath. However, as sometimes happens when fortune smiles, fate steps up and delivers her cruellest blow.

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The Montreal skyline as it appeared in 1830, as seen from St. Helen's Island, William S. Leney, artist.

CHAPTER FOUR

A Tragic Loss and a Mew Beginning

y the early 1830s, the City of Montreal with a population of over 35,000 was the largest community in British North America and was rapidly expanding beyond its original boundaries. New housing sprang up in the surrounding countryside and former empty spaces in the "old" town were filled by the construction of multi-storey buildings to accommodate the city's growing numbers. At the same time, the rate of British emigration to the Canadas had grown significantly. During 1834, a new peak was reached, with over 31,000 new immigrants arriving at the Port of Quebec, 10,000 more than the previous year. Records indicate that in addition to this huge number that reached their destination, nearly a thousand people had perished in shipwrecks, while outbreaks of disease in the filthy and crowded conditions of the transport vessels had claimed hundreds more. Ships were backed up on the St. Lawrence River stretching several miles downstream from Quebec City, leaving the processing stations swamped and unable to deal effectively with the new arrivals. Thousands of immigrants were therefore cleared for landing without any medical examination and by the time they reached Montreal, any sickness contracted on board ship had come to full infection. Such was the case at the beginning of July 1834, when

03

an infected Irish immigrant arrived at Montreal aboard the steamer Lady of the Lake and started a new outbreak of cholera within the city. In response, a hastily formed group of concerned citizens including John Redpath, made desperate attempts to stem the spread of infection by establishing a Committee of Sanitation. This committee saw to it that those immigrants found to be infected were quarantined and that temporary hospitals were set up to tend to the sick. Swamped by the influx of newcomers, the city authorities reacted by authorizing payments to encourage seemingly healthy immigrants to leave Montreal as soon as possible, partially to prevent their becoming infected and partially to reduce the burden of costs on the already overtaxed resources of the city. Unfortunately, this policy had the inevitable consequence of simply allowing the infection to spread and kill hundreds of additional people within the chain of settlements situated along the St. Lawrence River and Great Lakes basin. Despite these attempts to control the outbreak, the disease soon spread into the city population and week by week the death toll rose, with no sign of abatement. There is no pretty way of describing the symptoms of cholera. Clinically, the disease is defined as a severe infection of the small intestinal tract by the bacteria vibrio 39


40

cholerae, leading to acute loss of bodily fluids. In more brutal terms, the effects amount to a total loss of all body control and continual bouts of diarrhea, acute abdominal pains and severe vomiting. These symptoms are followed by a rapid onset of dehydration, a drop in body temperature and a rapidly rising pulse rate, culminating in extreme lethargy, sleepiness and finally, in most cases, death. Although the incubation period lasts from two to three days, once symptoms appear, the change in the appearance of the individual is marked and rapid as the fluid loss progresses, leaving the patient with dry skin, sunken eyes and cheeks. Numerous accounts of the day described victims as appearing robustly healthy in the morning, and becoming emaciated corpses by sunset. In addition, as a result of the extreme infectious nature of this disease, the harsh necessity of disposing of the contagious bodies had to take priority over both the normal proprieties of mourning and a formal and respectful funeral. Consequently, ministers of the church were pressed to exhaustion in their daily duties of committing their parishioners to the ground, usually on the same day as the individual died. Within the congregation of St. Pauls Church, the register of births, marriages and deaths makes sombre reading, as page after page records nothing but deaths from cholera. Some 23 victims appear from this congregation alone and range from a one-month-old infant to a fifty-fouryear-old gentleman, with burials recorded as either being on the "same day" or "next day."1 One name, however, is missing from this list—that of Janet Redpath, Johns wife. Somehow she had contracted the killer disease and a few days later collapsed and died on July

St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church (Montreal). 26, 1836, which, coincidentally, was her thirty-fourth birthday. Why then was her name missing from the congregation record if John was such an influential individual in his church? Repeated searches, confirming this absence from the death toll in the St. Paul's register, led to a similar search in other parish records. Eventually her name was located in the register of the St. Andrews Presbyterian Church. But why there? Further investigation provided a number of clues leading to a possible answer. Imagine, therefore, the level of personal strength needed to cope with the following chain of events. With virtually no warning, John had seen his wife collapse and rapidly deteriorate in health, dying in his arms before noon. He was now a widower with a family, including a sixmonth-old infant. Necessity dictated that to protect the family, Janets emaciated body needed to be removed immediately and interred. Since no time could be wasted on


natural grief, he sent for the minister of St. Paul's to perform the service of burial. To his distress, he received the reply that the minister was away in the city, attending to similar functions and could not be located. John sought out his elder brother, Robert Redpath, and together they approached Robert's minister at St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church, the Reverend Alexander Mathieson. Fortunately, the gentleman was able to officiate and, by nightfall, Janet's corpse had been placed in a grave at the Protestant burial ground, leaving behind the following stark entry in the St. Andrew's Church book, along with 27 similar entries for that summer:

... Janet McPhee, wife of John Redpath of Montreal, Escf. Died on the twenty-sixth day of July and was buried on the same day, one thousand eight hundred and thirty four 2 Returning home, John Redpath now had to face the future alone, and there was absolutely no guarantee that the disease that had just carried off his wife would not do the same to him and his children within the next few days. When no symptoms had appeared after a week, he determined that the best way to preserve his family was to remove them from Montreal to the relatively safer region of the Rideau, to stay with his half-sister Elspeth Fairbairn and her family. After arriving at Jones Falls, John found that he could not simply grieve for his own loss as news arrived that his old and dear friend Robert Drummond had also died of cholera at his home in Kingston on August 21, 1834. Consequently, John felt obliged to leave Elspeth's home and

visit Kingston to pay his respects to Robert's wife, Margaret. There, he also met Robert's seventeen-year-old nephew Thomas Drummond and eighteen-year-old niece Jane Drummond. They were the children of his old employer, George Drummond, and had been living with their uncle in Kingston since 1832. After returning to Elspeth's home to arrange for the temporary care of his children, John went back to Montreal and began to resume his life by undertaking the proper obligation of entering into a period of "Deep" mourning for his lost wife. Under normal circumstances, this level of mourning required the bereaved partner to initially decline and later limit social activities, unless required by connection to business or church issues. For the most part, he seems to have followed protocol/ that is, apart from one notable exception that took place on Monday, December 1, 1834. This event was the inaugural dinner of the recently formed St. Andrew's Society which John attended as part of a specially invited audience of 100 guests. However, this dinner and the society it supported were not altogether what they seemed, as will become clear later. As John Redpath's period of mourning passed from "Deep" to "Half" to "Light" during 1835, he began to resume his former tempo of life. His financial interests expanded as he purchased additional shares for his portfolio of business investments. He also extended his responsibilities at St. Paul's Church, where he was elected as Elder and officially ordained on May 31, 1835. Finally, he deepened his involvement in the St. Andrews Society by taking on the chairmanship of their Committee of Management. Despite this full schedule, John regularly returned to Jones Falls to visit his children. It also appears that he made several visits

4 4


John Redpath, at 40 years of age, A. Plamendon, artist. 42

Jane (Drummond) Redpath, at 21 years of age, A. Plamendon, artist.


to Kingston to the Drummond household whose inhabitants were also observing their period of mourning. As can sometimes happen in times of personal grief, sympathetic souls can be drawn together and, after the official period of mourning had passed, John continued visiting the Drummond home. This visitation culminated with the appearance of the following notice in the register of St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church of Kingston:

. . . John Redpath, of the town of Montreal and Jane Drummond, of the town of Kingston were, by licence married... on the eleventh day of September, one thousand eight hundred and thirty f i v e . . . 3 Attending the wedding were several members from both sides of the two families, including Elspeth and

Thomas Fairbairn, who had escorted John's children to Kingston for the event. By now Elizabeth was 15 years old, Peter 14, Mary 11, Helen 8, Jane Margaret 3, and John James 20 months. At the time of their marriage, John was thirty-nine years old, while Jane was nineteen (she would become twenty years old the following month). From the modern point of view, this kind of age difference would be considered somewhat improper, although perfectly legal and above board. But at that time, it would not have raised an eyebrow. In fact, such a union would have been deemed a very good match, indeed fortunate for the young lady to have married such a well-respected gentleman of means and influence. Following the marriage, Jane and John collected the children and returned to Montreal to begin a new life together at the house on St. James Street.

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Terrace Bank.

CHAPTER FIVE

Defending Against Rebellion And a Mew Home

ince the days of Wolfe and Montcalm in 1759, the linguistic and culturally distinct populations of Montreal had been forced to live side by side. For the most part they had come to tolerate each other's presence. By the 1830s, however, political radicalism was in the air and demands for wholesale changes in the "old order" of government were heard across Europe, the United Kingdom, and also within the colonies of Upper and Lower Canada. In Lower Canada, however, a segment of this reformist movement, calling themselves "Patriotes" and under the leadership of Louis J. Papineau, felt that political radicalism was not sufficient. They therefore demanded a series of changes designed to put the reins of power exclusively into their own hands and effectively neutralize the influence of the "British" section of the population. To this end, the latent French/English language issue was deliberately turned into a useful political wedge to divide the populace of Lower Canada. As a result, what had previously been a straightforward political confrontation between Reformers and Conservatives (with French-and English-speaking advocates on both sides), became twisted into a powerful cultural issue that could be used to split the population along linguistic lines.

0

For John Redpath and his fellow British "Merchants,"1 the future of their colony lay in ensuring the development of its potential resources. To achieve this, they proposed a series of initiatives to the Lower Canada Legislature, including: increasing the population base by encouraging immigration political union with Upper Canada to create a wider and more integrated market for goods investing money and capital in the provincial infrastructure and capital projects designed to broaden the economy developing a program for the future integration and union of all the British North American colonies. For Papineau and his followers, however, these goals and incentives were considered to be cultural anathema. Increased immigration, mostly from Great Britain, and political union with Upper Canada and the Maritime colonies would render the French-Canadian population into a minority overnight, with consequent loss of political and economic power. Similarly, capital growth would favour the British as they dominated the commercial sector of the 45


46

economy. Finally, even without union, assisting Upper Canada to develop would simply create a British economic and political rival that could only grow in strength as time passed. Determined to prevent this unpalatable future from materializing, the Patriotes used intimidation and force during the balloting of the 1832 election to gain dominance in the Legislature. They then consolidated their power base within the Assembly by ousting most of the moderates from positions of power by mid-1833. This, in turn, led to the issuance of a set of "Ninety-two Resolutions" that demanded the complete surrender of all Government authority and jurisdiction by the Executive and Judiciary to the Patriotedominated Assembly.2 The following year, the Patriotes again used their previously successful tactics during the election process to sweep the polls and stack the Assembly with their supporters. The formerly dominant British party was therefore left with only nine members, who came under constant pressure to conform to the will of their Frenchspeaking opponents. The Patriotes then instituted a series of measures to extend and secure their power base that were subsequently documented in a paper submitted to the British Parliament. An excerpt of this document is to be found in Appendix B. As a result, the other linguistic and cultural communities of Montreal were literally in fear for their future as the political extremism of the Patriotes became a manifesto for driving all other linguistic cultures out of Lower Canada, by the use of force if required. For this purpose, an armed "paramilitary" wing of the Patriotes was established under the guise of a cultural and fraternal organization called La Societe Saint-Jean Baptiste.

In response, those groups who felt threatened by this development set up their own "cultural and fraternal" nationalistic organizations. Thus, the St. George's Society (English), St. Andrews Society (Scots), St. Patricks Society (Irish) and German Society (Central Europeans) were formed. John Redpath had attended the inaugural dinner of the St. Andrews Society in December 1834, and subsequently accepted the chairmanship of the society's Committee of Management. He also became one of the St. Andrews Society representatives to the co-ordinating body for the four groups, known as the Constitutionalist Association. As loyal subjects of the Crown, the Constitutional Association selected a delegation, (including John Redpath) to approach the Governor General with an offer of political, economic and, if required, military support, by employing the services of those volunteers already training under the banner of the various societies. This training had progressed to the point that the Constitutional Association submitted a request to form an official "British Rifle Corps" from these men. However, the newly arrived Governor General, Lord Gosford, was more interested in appeasing the Patriotes in order to avoid conflict. He therefore disavowed any support for the Constitutionalists' activities and instructed them to disband their paramilitary companies, while making no such demands of the Patriote "army." While ostensibly complying with Lord Gosfords call, the Constitutional Associations military element simply went "underground" and became a secret society under the pseudonym of the "Doric Club," all the while continuing with their military training. The Constitutional Association also sent representatives to the United Kingdom to hold direct talks

Defending Against R e b e l l i o n And a New Home

with British parliamentarians about the problems of Lower Canada, in which they warned: ... Under the influence of a Party in the Assembly [Patriotes] labouring by every means which they could devise to concentrate political power in their own hands exclusively, national distinctions have been fostered and established, the administration of the Local Government has been perseveringly obstructed and impeded, its authority brought in to contempt... whilst the just submission of the Colony to the Parent State has been openly Questioned, and resistance to its authority, if not avowedly inculcated, certainly covertly promoted in prosecution of these views... that portion of the population which has been by them designated as "of British or Foreign origin" has virtually been and now is deprived of the privilege of being heard in the Representative Branch of the Government....By these means, the party in the Assembly...has acquired a dangerous ascendancy...and the result of the late Elections evinces that they will use it for the purpose of securing the return of such persons only as will act in subserviency to them... While the representation of the Province continues on such a footing...there can be no hope of fair and impartial administration of the powers of Government... The party already referred to...has for several years past...by speeches delivered in the House of Assembly and elsewhere, and through the means of Newspapers under their controls to excite the ancient national prejudices of the inhabitants who are of French origin against their fellow subjects who are not of that origin-, and particularly by

the...Resolutions...meetings and committees...they have in fact operated upon the prejudices of persons of their origin as to excite a great number of them to frequent public expressions of hatred and threatened violence to those not of the same national origin....3 Although individual British politicians were sympathetic to the Constitutionalists and paid attention to the warnings, the official Government response was to send a "Royal Commission" to Lower Canada for the purpose of investigating any problems that might exist. Once in Canada, however, this official delegation was snubbed by the Assembly, treated with open contempt by the Patriote political leadership, and denounced in the several newspapers they controlled. From the commission's perspective, there was no alternative but to return to England without having achieved anything beyond having gained a far more realistic attitude of the "problems" in Canada. By 1836, matters had deteriorated even further as the Patriote-dominated Legislature used its veto over financial appropriations to block all government financing, purchasing, and even the payment of wages to employees. In retaliation, the British Government categorically denounced and repudiated the demands enclosed within the "Ninety-two Resolutions." Infuriated by this rejection, the Patriotes began an active campaign of disruption, aimed at fermenting a general anti-colonial government feeling in the populace at large. This campaign included pressing for boycotts of any "English" business, disruption and heckling of any "English" meeting or public assembly, threats of violence against any French Canadian who wished to remain neutral, and actual violence against those who openly stood

47


48

against them. Due to the rising tension, John Redpath and his fellow Board members for the Mechanics Institute found it necessary to suspend their activities of providing adult education sessions until it was felt safe to do so without the disruptions of classes that had occurred of late. While his efforts to promote the education of adults were halted temporarily, John pressed forward with his support for improving children's education by becoming part of the committee to found the Canadian Sunday School Union. He also continued to augment his business investment portfolio by purchasing shares in the Champlain and St. Lawrence Railway Company. This company was the first to introduce the steam locomotive into Canada—a technological innovation that was fundamentally transforming Great Britain, and would later do the same for Canada. As a result of this purchase, John Redpath joined an audience of 300 prominent citizens of Lower Canada on July 21, 1836, for the inauguration of the first steam locomotive railway system in Canada, linking the towns of LaPrairie and St. Jean (now St. Jean sur Richelieu). While covering only a distance of 15 miles (23 km), this new railway line completed a transport link between Montreal and New York via Lake Champlain and the Hudson River Valley. On the personal front, John and Jane Redpath found they were to become parents and on October 26, 1836, their first child, Margaret Pringle Redpath, was born. What is interesting is that in the St. Paul s Church records, John is now described as "... John Redpath, merchant of Montreal.. .."4—a sure sign that his status within the city had changed and that he was now considered part of

Montreal in 1846, showing the location of the Terrace Bank property. Note that the actual property continues beyond the top of the map, outside the city boundary.


an adjacent section of the property. By May 1837, the new house was well under construction and the surrounding grounds were being actively cultivated, as noted in a letter written by John to a Mr. M. Donaldson in New York City on May 6, 1837: . . . I have commenced my farming operations in good earnest, having engaged a farmer with his sub and each of these has his plough and pair of horses. They have already turned over about forty acres, 46 of which I intend to plant with Murphy's [potatoes] and the remainder with oats and peasr the orchard has been very much neglected and my object is to put the land into good condition in the first place and then lay it out in some way which I think will answer the best purpose...6 The original farmhouse of the Des Rivieres estate. Later known as Ivy Cottage and the home of John's granddaughter Lily Dougall. Montreal's "Society." This social advancement was also reflected in John Redpath's decision to establish a new home for himself and his family, well outside the urbanized core of the city with its inherent socio-political and health threats. To this end, in November 1836, he purchased 235 acres of land from the Des Rivieres family, for the price of £10,000. Located on the upper slopes of Mount Royal, the Des Rivieres farm was renamed "Terrace Bank." He also commissioned a successful Montreal architect, by the name of John W. Hopkins,5 to design an entirely new building that would be located part way up the hill, thus ensuring a splendid view of the city, and replacing the aging farmhouse that currently stood on

There is also another interesting paragraph in this letter, which speaks volumes about John's attitude towards his own success-. . . . Dr Barber... is lecturing on elocution and by attending them I have discovered that I am quite a novice in the service of speaking or writing correctly, although I daresay you will think it did not require any great stretch of intellect to make this discovery. I am afraid I am now too old and indolent to learn, therefore I must ever blunder on and trust to the charity of my friends. Who I hope when they get tired of me will have the honesty to let me know and they will find that in taking, what is termed a hint, I am not very far behind the rest of my neighbours 7 In another letter of July 19, 1837, this time to a Mr. C.

49


Two views showing the front of Terrace Bank. Carthage, also of New York City, John reveals additional details about the move to the new property:

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. . . There is signs of moving in our house today, the crockery and glassware have been turned out upon the floor and I had no idea that I had such a large stock of things. There is one consolation however, that they are paid for. Tomorrow the heavy artillery are to be put in motion and every bug that has been found trespassing will no doubt be severely punished. I should have no objection to be a little further out of the way till the whole affair was over as my ambition does not lead me that way, nevertheless I must not leave the ladies to combat against such heavy metal with their small arms 8

Finally, by August of that year, John was able to report to Mr. Carthage: . . . I have left my house in town and am residing on the Des Rivieres property at the mountain which I purchased last fall and for which I have promised to pay i 0,000... the situation is delightful and my time is occupied in improving the property which keeps me in employment and suits my taste to live private and retiring, having all the necessary enjoyments of life within ourselves and feel no inclination for company or what the world falsly calls amusement 9 Although the house no longer exists, the original

Defending Against Rebellion And a New Home

Two views showing the rear of Terrace Bank.

architectural plans do. In these drawings for the new dwelling, also known as Terrace Bank, John Redpath's hand is everywhere to be seen. Jotted notes accompany diagrams of alterations to the design and appearance of the main tower (of which there were no less than four different versions), not to mention changes in room sizes and layout, designs for cut stonework, door frames, window grills and interior decorations. From these indications, one can easily imagine that John Redpath must have driven the architect and builders to distraction. But the end result was well worth it! In addition, as well as having the novelty of three inside toilets, John's home could boast of something that most residences did not possess until well into the twentieth century—namely, central heating. This can be proved by

the fact that in a cutaway plan of the interior of the house there are a number of round holes cut onto the walls and lines tracing the route of ducting, while in the basement is a box shape, containing the significant word "furnace." Since it is not often that details of life in private homes of this period come to light, it is fortunate that one of John's granddaughters, Lily Dougall (1858-1923), has left us a record of some of her memories. Lily was born at "Ivy Cottage," actually the original Des Rivieres house that John maintained on the Terrace Bank estate for the use of Elizabeth and John Dougall—his eldest daughter, her husband and their family. As a result, Lily spent much of her childhood in and around Terrace Bank. Later in life she became a prolific and influential writer and, as part of her

54


The front gates of the "Terrace Bank" estate, located at the present-day intersection of Sherbrooke Street and Mountain Street, shown below.

52

Looking down "Redpath Lane," now called Mountain Street, and, below, from the perspective of the intersection of Mountain and Dr. Penfield.

Defending Against Rebellion And a New Home

writings, left behind a small essay entitled "When I was a Little Girl." It is included in Appendix C as an unashamed testament to the obviously happy home that John Redpath created for his family and successive generations.

Regrettably, the brief interlude of happier circumstances in moving house would be completely overshadowed only a few months later by the developing political situation and the outbreak of open hostilities.

Inside the ground floor hallway of Terrace Bank.

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SECOND FLOOR

ATTIC

Conjectural layout of the floor plans for Terrace Bank, compiled from an analysis of original architectural sketches and contemporary photographs. 54

Drawings by Mark Feltoe.


BASEMENT

GROUND FLOOR

Note the locations of the indoor toilets, labelled here as W.C., indicating Water Closet.

55

The view from Mount Royal in 1840, William Gauci, artist.

CHAPTER SIX

We Stand On Guard

y October 1837, the political crisis that had plagued Lower Canada for the past five years was coming to a head. For months the Patriote "army" had held military parades and training sessions in open defiance of British authority. Things were so serious that when news of the death of King William IV reached Montreal, some Legislative representatives objected to taking an oath of loyalty to the new sovereign, Queen Victoria. On the other hand, in a surprising show of support for the authorities, the Catholic Church came out in public opposition to any uprising and proclaimed that all true Catholics should repudiate the acts of violence and calls for an uprising. As a result, many of the "faithful" in the congregations abandoned the Patriote cause. This, in turn, infuriated the extremists, who retaliated by calling for the abolition of the Catholic Church within their proposed new republic. The ongoing crisis finally peaked when the Governor General, Lord Gosford, overrode the Legislature's continued veto on finances and ordered the required money appropriated for use by the various governmental departments. In response, the extremists within the Patriotes published a manifesto of independence under the banner of Enfants de la Liberte and, in a series of regional rallies, promoted the goals of their cause and the new republic they

E

were about to proclaim. At the same time, gangs of Patriote "enforcers" roamed the countryside, coercing government officials, magistrates and militia officers into either agreeing to remain neutral in the event of a conflict, or tendering their resignation from all official positions. They also began forcibly conscripting recruits, sometimes against their will, into the ranks of the new Patriote "army." Faced with this open challenge, the Constitutional Association held its own rally in support of the Government on October 23, 1837, with John Redpath attending as part of the platform committee. Over 4,000 Loyalists attended, including a significant number of French Canadians. Perhaps more surprisingly, it also attracted the support of the Irish Catholics, who normally might have been expected to side with the Patriotes against their old enemy the "English," but who by now were equally being targeted for expulsion under a strictly "French" regime. The Constitutional Association was, not surprisingly, extremely discontented with the lack of decisive action on the part of the Colonial Administration and the apparent unwillingness of the British Government to make a stand against the Patriotes. Instead, they decided that if the British Government would not act, their only alternative for an English-speaking future within Lower Canada was to seek 57


support from the United States. This drastic proposal soon came to the attention of a local British military representative, Captain George Philpots. Stationed in Montreal to assess the political and military situation, this officer subsequently reported to his senior officer, Sir John Colbourne: . . . It is really most amazing to see men, who, if permitted to live according to the laws of the country, would die in its defence and in upholding the Queen's authority and would abhor the idea of separating from the Mother Country—it is most amazing to see such men (and a very numerous and respectable body they are) talk of a separation as a thing that would be advantageous and desirable... unless matters soon take a very decided turn... *

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By now, however, the Colonial Government had finally decided to act and plans were being drawn up to arrest the Patriote leaders and put them on trial. However, before this could take place, an outbreak of minor scuffles between small groups of Patriotes and Constitutionalists on the evening of November 6, 1837, escalated into wholesale rioting and looting. The gloves were off and a "civil war" had begun. The immediate reaction of the Patriotes was to unearth their hidden caches of arms and ammunition, and establish military encampments to the north and south of Montreal. Their intentions were to provoke incidents and confrontations at widely dispersed locations in order to force the British military authorities to respond by dividing their forces into smaller units, which could then be eliminated piecemeal. This strategy would then be followed

by an attack on the City of Montreal, once the forthcoming freeze-up of the St. Lawrence took place. With no hope of containing the situation, the senior British military commander, Sir John Colbourne, began moving additional regular troops into Montreal and called out the Mount Royal Cavalry militia unit to act as a police force. He also made the deliberate choice of placing Lieutenant Louis Guy of the 81st Regiment, an officer of French extraction, in command of establishing a militia force to defend the Crown. In his instructions from Colbourne, dated November 16, 1837, Lieutenant Guy was directed to consult with loyal citizens and oversee the raising of the volunteer militia infantry force: .. .for the protection of Montreal in this time of danger and [Sir John] begs you will consult with them on this subject and provide lists of such persons of the corps as will cheerfully offer their services...2 Needless to say, once the call went out, some 4,000 members of the Constitutional Association (and Doric Club) stepped forward en masse—a ready-made nucleus of trained men that only required arms and accoutrements to undertake duties on behalf of the Crown. Within hours, the major streets of the city were barricaded and the newly established "Ward" militias were standing guard at checkpoints and patrolling the city. The multicultural nature of this Loyalist force is not generally recognized in histories covering this period/ it not only consisted of the expected English, Scots, Irish and German elements, but also contained substantial numbers of loyal French Canadians (nicknamed Chouagens by the Patriotes), Native Peoples,

We Stand On Guard

Locations connected with the Rebellion of 1837-8. 59


60

other European nationalities and members of the Jewish community. During the next few days, John Redpath stood his turns on guard duty, having first ensured the safety of Jane and the younger children by sending them to stay at Jones Falls with Elspeth Fairbairn and her family He also wrote to his eldest son Peter, who had been staying with the Carthage family in New York, advising him not to come back to Montreal before going to England to continue his education, but to proceed there directly Confident and enthusiastic, the militiamen awaited news of the regular forces that had marched south of the city to deal with the rebels who were occupying the communities of St. Denis and St. Charles, to the southeast of Montreal. To their shock, news arrived that, on November 23, part of the British force had met unexpectedly heavy resistance during an attack on St. Denis and had been forced to withdraw, losing several men and artillery pieces. Fear swept through the city and numerous civilians fled to escape the rumoured advance of the rebels. Two days later, however, an engagement at St. Charles resulted in the complete routing of the rebels, the capture of many of the rebellion ringleaders and the decamping of the few who remained at large into the United States. With the collapse of the rebellion on the south shore of the St. Lawrence River, a coordinated attack by a combined regular and militia force soon overran the northern centre of Patriote activity at the village of St. Eustache and, by Christmas, all insurgency had been crushed in Lower Canada. Once again, the Montreal militias were stood down from active duties but were not officially disbanded until April 1838. The question now was—what to

do with those rebels who had actively taken up arms against the Crown? For John Redpath and his fellow Loyalists, who had experienced nearly five years of escalating Patriote hatred and had seen their families, homes and livelihood threatened, the decision was a simple one—imprisonment for the lesser offenders and death for the ringleaders. The British Government, on the other hand, decided that the first item of business was to restore order. Their initial act was to relieve the ineffective Governor General, Lord Gosford, and suspend the constitution of Lower Canada, thus establishing direct rule from Great Britain. The authorities then embarked on a programme of reconciliation. Within weeks, most of the rank and file of the Patriote army were released on parole, leaving only the ringleaders in custody to await a response from England as to their eventual fate. That answer came on May 29, 1838, with the arrival of a new Governor General, Lord Durham. His brief was not only to take up the official post of Queens representative, but also to investigate and report on the uprising, deal with its aftermath and to recommend appropriate changes on the future governing of the Canadas. As part of his investigations, Lord Durham met with a delegation from the Montreal Merchants, including John Redpath. As a result, not only did John Redpath have the opportunity to meet with Lord Durham and discuss the future of the province and the Canadian colonies, but also to bring his influence to bear upon the views expressed by this delegation. In fact, the recommendations made to Lord Durham became a significant part of the foundation for his subsequent famous report of 1841. This report has since

We Stand On Guard

gone down in history as the document that laid the groundwork for three major building blocks of the nation of Canada: first, the establishment of "Responsible Government" in the colonies/ second, the eventual establishment of a confederation of the separate colonies into a single country/ third, the development of the form of legislative democracy that Canada and many other countries in the world enjoy today. Fortunately, a few years later Lord Durham's aide, Charles Buller recorded a host of details about the events of that summer, including the impressions of Lord Durham towards the people he had to deal with and the state of feelings within the various factions. An excerpt from Bullers journal is found in Appendix D. Unfortunately, while Lord Durham won over the various factions in Canada, events were taking place in England that would undo almost all of his achievements in placating the contending elements of the populace in Canada. There, a political split in the British Cabinet had weakened the government and changed the balance of power within the English Parliament. This event allowed Lord Brougham, a personal enemy of Lord Durham and a political opponent of the incumbent Government, to force through a series of votes that culminated with the condemnation and complete repudiation of Lord Durham's decisions in Canada. In consequence, Lord Durham had no recourse but to resign his post as Governor General and return to England to defend himself and later submit his report. With the departure of Lord Durham on November 1, 1838, Sir John Colbourne once again became the temporary Administrator for the Canadas, as well as Commander-inChief of the Armed Forces. Within days, the ultra-extremist rump of the Patriote leadership, who had previously escaped

to the United States and had continued plotting under the cover of a secret society named Les Freres Chasseurs took advantage of the departure of Lord Durham and the apparent vacuum of power, to make another attempt to overthrow the government. However, Major-General Sir John Colbourne, a "canny" soldier and still the senior officer within the colony, had used the period since the previous uprising to develop an intelligence network that kept him well apprised of the plotters' plans and timetables. With this advance information he was able to prepare and react with decisive authority once the new insurrection broke out. In Montreal martial law was immediately proclaimed and the Constitutional Association volunteers were remobilized, with over 2,000 being brought under arms within twenty-four hours. Colbourne then assembled an overwhelming combined force of regulars and militia and proceeded to completely rout the rebels at engagements at the small communities of Lacolle and Odelltown, to the south of Montreal and just north of the border with the United States. Having been "bitten" a second time by the Patriotes, the former conciliatory attitude of the British Government was no longer quite so evident. Between November 1838 and May 1839, a total of 111 Patriote supporters stood trial on charges of High Treason. Of these, 99 were found guilty and stood condemned. In the end, however, only twelve of them suffered the penalty of hanging for their crimes, while a further 58 were exiled to Bermuda or Australia. Having beaten the rebels, Sir John Colbourne left Montreal on October 18, 1839, following a formal parade that included both regular and militia soldiers. From the point of view of active rebellion, the matter was now closed, and to all outward appearances, life began to return to normal in

64


Montreal. But the legacy of bitterness produced at this period was to linger for generations to come. With the return of relative tranquility, John Redpath happily turned his attentions back to his family church, social and business interests. At home, John and Jane became parents once again, with the birth of a son on August 19, 1839, whom they named George Drummond Redpath. Within the church, John became a member of the Committee of Management for the Montreal Auxiliary Bible Society, as well as a leading member of the Montreal Temperance Society. This latter organization was part of a larger movement that transcended denominational differences and even religious beliefs, to become a social force, battling what was perceived to be the major social evil of the day, namely alcoholism and intemperance. This perception is not surprising, considering that Montreal had over 350 licensed taverns and liquor shops, outnumbering schools ten to one, while whisky sold for 2 Set per gallon! John Redpaths social contributions were equally significant as he was a central figure in the re-establishment of the Mechanics Institute, becoming its President in 1840. This institute was particularly important in 19th century adult education as it was the only means by which ordinary individuals, who could not afford secondary or university level education, could further their knowledge and skills. The bylaws of the institute, for example, clearly set out the goals that John Redpath and his fellow Board members wished to achieve:

62

. . . To instruct the members in the principles of the Arts and in the various branches of Science and Useful Knowledge, and the means of obtaining this object shall be—

1. The voluntary association of Mechanics and others... 2. Donations of Money, Books, Specimens, Implements, Models, and Apparatus. 3. A Library of reference and circulation and Reading Room. 4. A Museum of Machines, Models, Minerals, and Natural History. 5. Elementary Schools for teaching Arithmetic, Algebra, Geometry, and Trigonometry, and their different applications particularly to perspective, Architecture, Mesuration, and Navigation, to which may be added the Elements of English Grammar and Drawing. 6. Lectures on Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Practical Mechanics, Astronomy, Chemistry, Literature and Arts. 7. An experimental work-shop and Laboratory...3 On the business front, while John's investments continued to prosper, he also became a Director of the Montreal Fire, Life, and Inland Navigation Assurance Company. But it was in the field of politics that a new path emerged as an outlet for his energies. For some time, John Redpath and his fellow Merchants had chafed under an ancient legal ruling that had applied under the earlier French colonial regime and still held sway over the Island of Montreal and several surrounding

We Stand On Guard

The Montreal Mechanics Institute, 1854. 63


communities. This was the medieval feudal right of with the ground on which it must, in progress of seigneurial tenure, held by the Seminary of St. time extend itself, and is the admitted cause of the Sulpice. Under this right, the Sulpicians slow progress, both in extent and prosperity of a technically owned the entire Island of Montreal city, which... possesses every capability of being and therefore had the authority to impose one of the greatest marts of trade and most approval levies upon the construction, alteration extensive seats of population in Your Majesty's or expansion of any home or business within their North American dominions 4 jurisdiction. To the Merchants, this obsolete and restrictive law was effectively "strangling" the city's Since he was already in England, John took The Insignia for the development. As part of their group, John Redpath the opportunity to contact his eldest son, Peter, Mechanics Institute. became one of the principal authors of an address who, by this time, was working in Manchester. presented to the Governor General C. Poulett While they were together in London, John Thompson in February 1840. Later that year, an official apparently received a letter from Jane notifying him of the delegation, including John, took the Merchants' case to engagement of his eldest daughter, Elizabeth, to John England for formal presentation to the British Parliament. Dougall, a successful Montreal merchant, who later became There, John was reported to have been a powerful advocate the editor of the Montreal Witness. This letter prompted John of the position presented in the official address each time he to return to Montreal earlier than expected. No additional spoke before the Parliamentary Committee investigating details about John's decision and journey are known to exist this issue. In part, their petition stated that: but, in a letter dated October 19, 1840, Peter wrote the following in response to his stepmother's news of the ... The heavy fines and alienations, which impede the upcoming nuptials:

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transmission oflandfand impose a burthensome tax upon every improvement: the feudal privilege on every purchase of real estate, which renders its possession insecure, and prevents investment of capital thereon? and the seigniorial monopoly in the manufacture of the products of the soil; which checks improvement in cultivation, and cramps enterprise in commerce, are not only injurious to the use of land for agriculture, but are infinitely more destructive to its application for building purposes.. .and its pernicious influence is felt with augmented force on the Island of Montreal, which includes the City of Montreal, together

...I am very sorry indeed to disappoint you, but I have been expecting this happy event ever since I was in London. [visiting father]. In a letter which Papa then received from you, you spoke of Mr. Dougalls kindness—how he had brought two Shetland ponies for the children to ride on!! And how he had presented Elizabeth with a beautiful shawlm Such things are not usually done without a motive and it did not require any great sagacity to discern that there was

We Stand On Guard

more behind the scene than was generally wot [thought]

o/ I cannot give a reason why I never hinted my suspicion—but it is of no consecjuence as there can be no possible objection to Mr. Doucjall. I think it would be premature to write to Elizabeth before I receive positive information that the ceremony has been performed. In the meantime they have my best wishes...5 As it happens, however, the aforementioned ceremony had already taken place on September 28, 1840.

Elizabeth (Redpath) Dougall in 1861.

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The second Bank of Montreal headquarters, built at Place d'Armes.

CHAPTER SEVEN

Interlude

onsidering the tensions and disruptions of the recent past, it is understandable that following his return to Montreal for the marriage of his daughter, John Redpath probably simply wished to pick up his life much as he had left it. However, his powerful presentation in England obviously impressed the British authorities, for they now placed him on a list of people they intended to install in positions of authority within the post-rebellion administration of Lower Canada. Under the direction of the new Governor General, Charles Poulett Thompson, a new Montreal City Council had been appointed in mid-1840. John Redpath was nominated to this council on September 12, 1840, and was even reported to have been offered the honour of becoming Mayor. He, however, declined the nomination in favour of his long-time associate and friend, Peter McGill. Instead, John took up the post of City Councillor until he was re-elected in the election of 1842, whereupon he became an Alderman of the city, a post he held until voluntarily stepping down in November 1843. As part of his new position, John Redpath sat on the Finance and General Accounts Committee, as well as the Roads and Improvements Committee. As a result of this extensive involvement, John has been credited with playing a significant role in developing the present urban streetscape

m

The Bank of Montreal building as it looks today.

of Montreal as recorded in an article, written by David Hanna and published in the 1980 Urban History Review: ...During 4840 and 1841...the city's Committee on Roads and Improvements continually deferred work...unless absolutely necessary, as the plan in preparation was to establish "a general system oj improvements/' dealing primarily with street widths, extensions and paving, and 67


the laying of sewer lines. The resultant City Plan apparently recommended the adoption of a new standard of street dimensions, generally doubling the customary breadth.... The new plan also served notice that the City was determined to push through long straight transverse arteries, unimpared by the constant bends and right-angle turns so characteristic of Montreal's older East-West main streets.... This resulted in the inclusion of Sherbrookef St. Catherine, and Dorchester [modern Boul. Rene Levesque] streets in Redpath's and all subsequent subdivision plans...i Mr. Hanna also details John's individual influence in the development of the 'Terrace townscape" style that was characteristic of Montreal's architecture in the midnineteenth century:

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A close-up of a segment of the Montreal 1846 map, showing details of the Terrace Bank estate and John Redpath's property development.

... Montreal's "Terrace townscape"... represented a conjuncture of forces peculiar to Montreal among British North American cities... and was concentrated on a plateau, between the older city to the south and the highprestige homes on the slope to the north.... This development was driven by the growth of the city... coupled with the desire of the better classes to move from the noisesome, dangerous and constricted older areas.... In the space of four years, a new generation of landowners on the southern slope of Mount Royal subdivided vast portions of their properties, effectively paving the way for large-scale urban development on the plateau. The first of these was John Redpath, an extremely versatile and successful man in contemporary business terms.... In 1842 he opened Drummond Street, named after his wife, Jane Drummond...

Interlude

at the same time he extended Mountain Street... north of Dorchester Street and extended St. Catherine and Sherbrooke streets through his property. Significantly, anticipating a special class of clientele, he subdivided the land not into ordinary house lots but into much larger mansion lots or "Villa lots" in Victorian parlance.... The Redpath subdivision had a profound influence on the shape of things to come. Boldly established in relative isolation on the plateau area, its design was also visionary. Planting the firm imprint of a grid pattern on the mountain slope, its scale set new standards for Montreal's urban development. The streets imparted a sense of grandeur because of their greater width, while the huge blocks provided ample space for long street vistas, generous backyards and housing setbacks.... Mansion construction began almost... at once... on Mountain and Drummond streets, which developed into extremely graceful arteries, given the ample setbacks provided for each house and the enthusiastic tree planting fortuitously undertaken... by John Redpath himself...2 In 1841, John's family was augmented yet again by the birth of another daughter, Williamina Redpath, on September 7. The following year, he became a Director and later Vice President of the Provident and Savings Bank in Montreal. At the same time, his work within the directorship of the Bank of Montreal expanded to include heading up a number of corporate groups that travelled into the western parts of Canada West (formerly Upper Canada). These trips were made to investigate the opportunities available for a major expansion of the bank's activities into such places as Toronto, Ottawa, Kingston, St. Catharines,

St. Thomas and Amherstburg. Sadly, during one of these business trips, death struck twice within the Redpath family. The first was that of Williamina, who died on July 12,1842, at the age of ten months. The second death occurred on August 1, 1842, when Johns 67-year-old half-brother, Robert Redpath, passed away in Montreal. Because John was away at the time, it fell to his son Peter, who had recently returned from England, to deputize and represent the family at the funerals. By 1844, John Redpath was once again acting on behalf of the Bank of Montreal as he chaired a committee with the mandate of determining whether the bank should enlarge the existing corporate headquarters (erected in 1818) or build an entirely new facility. When his committee reported back, the recommendation was for the construction of a new structure. As a result, John was then delegated to liaise with the architect and contractors on behalf of the bank during the construction of the new Place d'Armes headquarters. This building still stands today, a solid testament to 19th century finance and commerce. It must not be thought, however, that John Redpath's activities were entirely business oriented. Nor was he the only member of his household with a social conscience, for, in 1843, Jane Redpath became involved in a recently formed church organization, the Ladies Auxiliary to the FrenchCanadian Mission. Obviously, she had influence with her husband, for within two years John Redpath's name first appears as donating to the main organization, the FrenchCanadian Mission. Thereafter, he successively became a member of its Management Committee in 1845, its Vice President between 1846 and 1866, and finally President from 1866 to 1869. The basic goal of this mission was to

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preach to the predominantly Catholic society of Canada East (the former Lower Canada) and convert them to Protestant ideologies. From the point of view of today's society, the demands of political correctness, multiculturalism and religious tolerance are such that the existence of a group of this kind would be considered as fundamentalist extremism. However, for John, Jane, and most of the Protestant churches of the 19th century, this conversion was considered as a vital obligation of their service to God, in order to "rescue" what they believed was a backward, superstitious and ignorant population from Catholicisms idolatry and medieval oppression. Ironically, as John Redpath began his involvement with converting others, he too was converted to a new movement developing within the Presbyterian church and before long, he became a central figure in a chain of events that would change the face of Presbyterianism in Canada forever. From the earliest days of Scottish settlement in the Canadas, the Presbyterian Church of Scotland had provided the foundation of religious theology for most of the church's Canadian branches. Inevitably, therefore, any issue that affected the "home" church would filter down into the colonial congregations. Such was the case in 1843 when the question of relative authorities, the same issue that had been a problem for St. Gabriel's Church between 1830 and 1833, became a church-wide schism. Known as the "Disruption," the issue split the Church of Scotland into two camps. On the one side were the "Residuary" members of the church who believed that lay patrons, the secular authorities, and the centralized Church of Scotland held the jurisdictional authority in determining policies and enforcing decisions. On the other side were those members promoting the

independence and autonomous decision-making rights of the local congregations, and referring to themselves as members of the "Free" church. This Free church movement now began to make significant inroads into the Canadian community of Presbyterian churches, as the former close links to the Scottish church had been significantly eroded due to distance and time. As a result, many Canadian Presbyterians, including John Redpath, were staunchly opposed to any relinquishing of authority and jurisdiction over their own congregations in subjugation to unknown leaders in Scotland. This issue came to a head in the summer of 1844, when the Presbyterian Council of Churches (Synod) at Kingston became a forum for intense debate, with John participating as a key representative of those calling for a total withdrawal and separation from the authority of the Church of Scotland. When no consensus or mutually acceptable resolution to the issue could be found, John Redpath led the withdrawal of the "Free" delegates from the Synod and supported the establishment of the new "Presbyterian Church of Canada." Returning home, he immediately set about organizing the efforts of like-minded individuals within the local Presbyterian community of Montreal. He also recognized that in doing so he would create an unbridgeable rift with his current church, which had not sided with the Free movement. John, thus, felt obliged to resign both his position of Elder at St. Paul's and his important role as superintendent of the church "Sabbath" school. In later years, John Redpath penned his own memories of these events and how they led to the establishment of an entirely new church:

Interlude

A close-up view of the Cote Street Free Church. . . . During the struggle that preceded the memorable Disruption of the Church of Scotland in 1843, a number of persons in Montreal had marked with much anxiety the progress of the contest. The free church from its commencement became to them the point of attraction and the source of hope.. .for the revival of Gospel truth and Presbyterian principles in Canada.. .Hitherto these bretheren had not been united in the same congregation, they had been scattered over the various churches of the city... and the Disruption opened up a hope of uniting in one congregation.. .3

A view from the top of the tower at Notre Dame Cathedral. The Bank of Montreal headquarters can be seen across the square, while behind it and slightly to the right is a side view of the Cote Street Free Church, which no longer stands.

After chairing a meeting of the twelve principal leaders of the movement, John and the others established a new congregation. Initially, this new church was able to make use of the St. Gabriel premises, with plans to establish their own 71


facility in due course. However, after a few months, objections were raised by Reverend Esson of St. Gabriels to the continued use of "his" church by an "outside" congregation and: ... The new congregation were thus forced, somewhat suddenly, to find accommodation for themselves.. .Accordingly, ground was purchased in Cote Street as a site for the church and a wooden building erected in La Gouchetere Street for the temporary accommodation of the congregation...4

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What Johns writings fail to mention, however, is the significant role he played in establishing the new church building, the Free church movement and ultimately the Presbyterian Church of Canada. The property on Cote Street was purchased specifically for the new church by John Redpath for the sum of £3,600. In a similar manner, the temporary "wooden" church, which was erected in only three weeks, was likewise paid for and set on property he owned. Over the next few years, John also funded the construction of the new "stone" church and then turned the entire facility over to the Trustees without accepting any reimbursement. Once again, however, it must not be thought that John Redpaths entire attention was focused on a single issue. As well as becoming a father once more with the birth of Isabella Agnes Redpath on August 18, 1844, he was also deeply involved in other civic and social activities. For example, during 1844 and 1845, John served on a committee to determine the new home for the City of Montreal municipal offices. He was a principal proponent of

the expansion of the Montreal Harbour and the associated dredging of the main shipping channel within the St. Lawrence River. He acted on a civic committee established to assist with the accommodation of an influx of British troops being sent to Canada to beef up the colonial defences during the U.S./Canadian border dispute in Oregon. Finally, he led a committee of concerned citizens attempting to combat the social evil of "White Slavery" which was an euphemistic way of referring to the issue of forced prostitution. In an attempt to ensure the continued operation of one of the shelters for "fallen" women, John and his committee approached the Colonial Government for support funding: .. .A Magdalene Asylum has been established in Montreal about a year ago for unfortunate females, many of whom are poor immigrants who have been decoyed into the abodes of infamy and shame which abound in this City, under the pretence of engaging them in Household service. The management of this Institution having to depend entirely upon... the public for its support and being now considerably in debt... solicit the Governor and Council to recommend... the granting of a small aid. ..so as to enable the manager to keep up the institution which has already been productive of much good ... John Redpath, Chairman....5 Unfortunately, the official response to this plea was to turn it down flat, as it was deemed inappropriate for the government to become involved in social welfare. As a result, John made the necessary funding available to the home from his own resources.

Interlude

Despite all the emotional strain that these issues, responsibilities and activities engendered, nothing could compare with the roller coaster of emotional events that occurred within the Redpath family in the early months of the following year. The cycle began on January 5, 1846, when their youngest child, Isabella Agnes, died at the age of 16 months. However, as this was the death of an infant, the

Mary (Redpath) Taylor.

accepted period for mourning was set at a month. This was then followed, on February 4, by the wedding of John's daughter Mary Redpath to Thomas M. Taylor, and concluded, eighteen days later, on February 22, 1846, with Jane's giving birth to a son they named Francis Robert Redpath.

Thomas M. Taylor. 73

View of Montreal from Mount Royal in 1851, Isidore Laurent, artist.

CHAPTER EIGHT

Changing Fortunes

ver since John Redpath had chosen to cease being a builder and become an entrepreneur, he had invested huge amounts of capital in the development of Canadian industrial and commercial infrastructures. Like many of the other Merchants in Montreal, John shared the belief that British colonial economic policy would always support the development of resources within the colonies, through the imposition of subsidies and protective tariffs, thus favouring goods from Canada over American and European sources of comparative goods. Under these protective measures, Montreal had grown to become the economic hub of Canada and the principal port for exporting goods from the Canadian interior to Great Britain. This commercial bonanza was not to last, however, as in 1846 British economic policies switched, almost without warning, from being 'Protectionist" to that of "Free Trade." As a result, all the legislation and regulations that had previously fostered the growth of Canadian mills, shipping, warehousing, and a host of other capital investments, were now scrapped or repealed. This reversal of policy completely undermined the Canadian economy, leaving the Canadian entrepreneurs, who had previously invested so heavily, facing bankruptcy and ruin. As if this was not bad enough, the U.S.

@

Government took advantage of this change in British policies to pass legislation of its own. These American measures permitted both grain and other products produced in western Canada and destined for export to Europe, as well as finished goods coming from Europe that were headed for western Canada, to pass through the United States without paying duties. The immediate result of this measure was to divert almost all traffic, which had previously used the St. Lawrence River and Montreal, south into the Erie Canal and to American ports on the eastern seaboard. Throughout 1847, the economy of Montreal and the St. Lawrence River system slipped further and further into a deep recession. Businesses closed down, shipping volumes plummeted, personal bankruptcies multiplied and unemployment soared. In response, many British banks and investment houses began withdrawing their assets from Canada. They also began refusing consideration of new proposals and called in outstanding loans. Without government unemployment benefits and social welfare programs to aid the poor and jobless, starvation and illness increased dramatically. Charitable organizations run by the churches were overwhelmed with appeals for food and aid and were effectively stretched to the breaking point. Even the most respected newspaper in England, the Times, 75


Peter Redpath, artist unknown.

commented on the "Canadian" issue in a manner that did not reflect well on the British position:

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.. .England has dishonourably broken the promise of protection to Canadian wheat and lumber made by every Ministry from the timber panic of i 808 downward... as there remains no longer any but the slightest bond of interest between Canada and the Mother Country, no reason can be given why Canadians should risk their lives

Grace (Wood) Redpath, at 31 years of age. The artist was her husband, Peter Redpath. and property in defending nothing, or should allow Canada to be any longer used as the battlefield of European and American squabbles i To John Redpath and his fellow Merchants, the change in British policies came to be seen as almost a deliberate betrayal of the generations of loyalty and support that they had provided to the Crown. Furthermore, their subsequent appeals for relief and the return of a measure of protection

Changing Fortunes

for Canadian trade had been scornfully dismissed by British bureaucrats. This led to a suspicion as to whether Britain planned to abandon Canada entirely—an impression that was not contradicted by the fact that there had been an increasing number of calls in British papers against the continuation of British expenditures on the colonies and for the withdrawal of regular troops from Canada. This economic problem was further compounded by the fact that over the previous decade, the rate of emigration from Great Britain and Ireland had expanded exponentially and by the summer of 1847, thousands of starving and penniless immigrants were being dumped off on the shores of Canada each month. Inevitably, the crowded and unsanitary conditions found on board the transport ships bred contamination and a new "plague" of typhoid swept through the colony. For those who had already experienced the cholera epidemics of 1832 and 1834, this new pestilence presented a whole new magnitude of disaster, as scores of people collapsed and died each day in the sweltering heat of a particularly hot summer. Up-to-date statistics of those sick and dead could not be compiled and, in later years, only guesses could be made of the death toll the sickness created—ranging from 10,000 to 20,000 dead across Canada, with 6,000 dying in Montreal alone. Montreal's social activities and what few businesses remained financially afloat were virtually shut down for weeks. The immigrant sheds were crammed well beyond capacity, as were the hospitals and emergency shelters. Orphaned children wandered the city streets, eating garbage from the gutters to stay alive. Within this environment, John Redpath and a body of courageous citizens from all religious denominations worked side by side to bring comfort and

relief to the victims. Inevitably, because of the contagion of the disease, some of those who worked to help others paid the ultimate price for their efforts and died of typhoid fever, including the Mayor of Montreal, John Easton Mills. This gentleman had been a close associate of John Redpath and, in later years, his family became connected to the Redpaths through marriage. Fortunately, John and his entire family survived these difficult times. Later that year, John's eldest son, Peter, arrived at Montreal, accompanied by his new bride, Grace Wood. She was the daughter of Peter's employer in Manchester, and the couple had been married in England on October 16, 1847. They were now on their way to San Francisco, California, where Peter had been appointed to act in a business venture on behalf of Grace's father, before returning to Montreal to set up a branch of his father-in-law's company in Canada. Upon their return in the spring of 1848, instead of working alone, Peter collaborated with his brother-in-law, John Dougall, to establish the firm of Dougall, Redpath and Co., Commission Merchants. Investigation has revealed that the "Co." of the partnership was, in fact, not only Grace's father but also John Redpath, who in this case was acting as a silent partner in support of both his son and his son-in-law. Another event occurring that spring was the birth of John and Jane Redpaths latest child, Charles Andrew Redpath, on March 11, 1848. Unfortunately, Charles was not destined to survive, as he died in June the following year, only fifteen months old. Meanwhile, outside the circle of John's immediate family, the rest of the citizens of Montreal were attempting to re-establish their daily lives after the horrors of the previous summer and a long, harsh winter. Fortuitously,

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business and economic conditions underwent a small recovery, partially due to the fact that typhoid had killed so many people the previous summer that jobs were once again available. John Redpath also contributed to this recovery by sitting on a number of committees that sought to improve city sanitation, and provide shelter and medical aid to immigrants, as well as find homes for children left as orphans by typhoid. By the summer of 1848, although the city braced for another outbreak of disease, no epidemic developed and general optimism for better times ahead began to return. For John, however, this optimism was to be overshadowed by a problem that had both business and personal overtones. Since 1842 John had been involved with the Provident & Savings Bank, first as a Director and later as Vice President. Apparently, he had initially joined that Bank's Directorate as a favour to his son-in-law John Dougall, who was also a Director until 1846 and likely aware of the advantage of having someone of John Redpath s standing within his bank's directorship. All seemed to be going well until the economic slump of 1847, when bank stocks fell in value by up to 60% and real estate values were cut in half. With extensive loans and mortgages on its books, the Provident and Savings Bank stood to lose heavily, but John and his fellow Directors stood behind their institution and arranged supporting credit with other banks, especially the Bank of Montreal. In the short term, this measure succeeded, but shortly before the Annual General Meeting of May 1848, financial irregularities showed up in the account books of the bank. Subsequent investigations uncovered the fact that the chief actuary for the bank, John Eadie, had embezzled huge amounts of the bank's money during the

slump of the previous year by using falsified balance sheets, misrepresenting information on loans and securities and directly stealing cash. Despite taking immediate action that subsequently recovered much of the missing funds, the Directors were unable to prevent a panicked "run" on the bank, once the news of the crime became public. Within days, over £52,605 had been withdrawn, leading to a suspension of trading. The bank had over £100,000 worth of mortgages that could have been called in or seized to re-float the bank. But John Redpath persuaded the rest of the Directors that, with the already glutted state of the real estate market and depressed prices, any attempt at a recovery by this method would certainly fail, and only succeed in bankrupting and evicting hundreds of former customers. Instead, John stood as personal guarantor for a substantial part of the bank's outstanding debts as further attempts were made to recover from the crisis. Eventually it was decided a recovery was impossible and that the bank would have to close. While many of the other Directors resigned to escape personal financial liability, John Redpath volunteered to remain as one of two Trustees with the responsibility of liquidating the bank's assets and repaying its investors as much as possible. However, certain individuals, most of whom were debtors to the bank, tried to evade paying what was rightfully due to the institution by spreading rumours of financial collusion in the embezzlement by the bank's Directors. These accusations led to an official inspection by government auditors, who seemed predetermined to prove the Directors culpable and impose a personal liability of redress against its members, especially John Redpath, as he was the wealthiest man on the Board.

Changing Fortunes

the part of yourself and Mr. Freeland, it was impossible the assets could have been so well realized. For this the depositors are much indebted to you....2

The St. Ann's Market, later the location of the 1849 Parliament. After an intense investigation, the accusations were proven to be entirely false and, by judicious and careful measures over the next three years, John and his fellow Trustee were eventually able to pay back investors 80% of their money, a substantial improvement over the two to five per cent that most bankruptcies returned. Nevertheless, disgruntled investors still pressed for more and accused John Redpath in particular of not doing enough to recover their entire investment. In response, John called in an independent assessor to review the Trustees' actions. Once the report was received, he had it printed for all to see. In part it read: ... With respect to the Question, whether due diligence has been used in winding up the affairs of the institution, we are of the opinion that any precipitancy in realizing, must have resulted in great loss to the depositors. That the result has been so favourable, we are injustice bound to state is mainly to be attributed to your personal exertions and unwearied attention. Without such care and attention on

While this financial crisis was in progress, political issues were once again resurfacing within the Assembly, now under the leadership of Louis Hippolyte Lafontaine. Following the Rebellion of 1837-38, the formerly separate colonies of Upper and Lower Canada had been united politically in 1840. Initially, its joint Assembly had convened at Kingston but, in 1844, had relocated to Montreal, thus making the city the "capital" of Canada. In January 1849, a newly elected and ardently reformist Assembly convened with a wide slate of measures for consideration. Its agenda included: amendments to the administration of the entire electoral system, changes in the powers attached to the Judiciary, the administration of municipal government, and fiscal support for schools. However, the most controversial measure came under the title of an "Act of Indemnification" or the "Rebellion Losses Bill." This legislation stemmed from the rebellion of over a decade earlier and the severe property damages and financial losses that had been suffered by the citizens of both LIpper and Lower Canada. As far back as 1845, a commission had been established with the mandate of reviewing claims for compensation stemming from the rebellion and distinguishing between claims originating from Loyalists and those made by persons who had sided with the Patriote cause. In reality, however, due to the British Government's appeasement policy of granting discharges and paroles to the majority of Patriote rank and file in 1838, no criminal records existed to differentiate

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between the claims. This absence of documentation led to the inevitable recognition that these former Patriotes could now openly admit to having been rebels conspiring to overthrow the Government, yet still demand restitution and payment from that same Government for any property losses they had suffered while they were fighting against that Government. To John Redpath and the many other citizens of Montreal who had remained loyal and fought for the Crown, this proposal was ludicrous and patently unfair. However, once it began to be debated, with Louis Lafontaine using his political majority to force it through Parliament, the manipulative political chicanery of this measure was clear for all to see. Spontaneous demonstrations erupted in the streets of Montreal, with cries of "No Pay for the Rebels" being heard on street corners and seen in the pages of the Loyalist press. Despite this opposition, on March 1, 1849, the Bill passed its third reading and went for Crown sanction through the office of the Governor General, the Earl of Elgin. John Redpath and the Loyalist constituency were now confident that Elgin would veto what they considered to be such an unjust law. Instead, to their horror, he arrived at the Assembly on April 25, 1849, and proceeded to give Royal Assent to the Bill. The Loyalists, who had packed the gallery in expectation of hearing a veto pronounced, now spilled out onto the streets, shouting "Betrayal." When the Governor General and his official party emerged from the Legislature, a group of the enraged bystanders engaged in a totally uncharacteristic show of disdain and anger against their own Governor General by loudly booing him and calling for his resignation. Some

extremist elements even went so far as to pelt the open coach and its passengers with any street refuse and small stones that came to hand, forcing the party to decamp hurriedly back to the official Governors residence. Nor did matters end there, for as news spread, so did the level of outrage. That evening, at eight o'clock, a spontaneous rally was held on the appropriately named Champs de Mars (Field of War). There, some 2,000 citizens heard a series of fiery speeches by men such as John Ferres, the editor of the Montreal Gazette; W.B. Robinson, a Legislative Assemblyman/ Augustus Howard and John Mack/ all of whom had denounced the Bill. Matters then took a more serious turn as John Mack proposed marching on the still-sitting Assembly. Soon afterwards, an increasingly agitated mob surrounded the parliamentary building, and what had begun as a vocal protest soon turned to violence when some of the demonstrators smashed windows and even broke into the Assembly. Once inside, they perpetrated various acts of vandalism, including tearing up papers, smashing gas light fixtures and overturning desks. Some even assaulted House members as they sought to flee.

The burning of the Parliament building in 1849, E. Hides, artist.

Changing Fortunes

What happened next is still debated and argued over, but according to one account, the window of a stationery storage area was broken and a lit torch tossed in by an unknown demonstrator. Inevitably, a fire developed and soon spread to adjacent rooms. The escaping gas from the damaged lighting system now ignited and within a short period of time the entire structure was engulfed in flames and reduced to a gutted shell. No mention of John Redpath is found in any official report of the pelting incident, the nighttime rally, or the mobbing of the Assembly. Nor is he listed among those arrested in the aftermath of the event/ however, there can be little doubt that he was a full supporter of the movement of protest. Rioting continued in Montreal for several days afterwards and troops were eventually used to clear the streets. Shock, disbelief and cries of outrage filled the editorials of both sides of the usually divided Englishspeaking press. The Reformist papers called for the immediate recall and dismissal of the Governor General, while the Conservative press wrote long justifications for the "natural" anger of the population at a "betrayal" perpetrated by their own Government. What once had been the bulwark of British support in the Colonies had now become an opponent and, for several weeks to come, the Governor General remained in seclusion at his official residence. In a similar fashion, the now homeless Assembly held an interim session at the Bonsecours Market hall and voted overwhelmingly to leave Montreal and relocate to Toronto. For John Redpath, and many other prominent citizens of Montreal, the time had now come for a complete reappraisal of the apparent position of the British Government towards its Canadian colony. As far as they

were concerned, Britain's repeal of its earlier protective policies and other economic measures had devastated the Canadian economy, without any subsequent offers of compensation or assistance. The political resurrection of powerful French-Canadian interests with their effective control of the Assembly, and an agenda of suppressing British rights, had been met with apathy and submission by the Parliament in Britain. Finally, the Rebellion Losses Bill, viewed as a legislative act that paid former rebels for their crimes, was simply the straw that broke the camel's back. What then was the answer? Discussions among the core group of the disillusioned social, economic and political leaders, including John Redpath, came to the realization that further appeals to England for assistance and support would simply be met with rejection. This would not be surprising as these calls would be seen as coming from the faction that had just pelted the Governor General with garbage and rocks, assaulted its elected legislators and burned down the Parliament building. Nor could any changes be achieved in the Parliament until the next election was called. Even proposals for an immediate "declaration of independence" for Canada were rejected, as the majority felt that the Canadian economy was still too weak to survive on its own. Instead, the conclusion of the group was that if Great Britain was determined to divest itself of its colony anyway, then a committee of Canadians should be established as soon as possible to seek a peaceful political separation from Great Britain, to be followed by a subsequent union with the increasingly powerful United States. As a result, the Annexation Association was born, with John Redpath as its Chairman.

8i

The developing streetscape of Montreal by 1853.

CHAPTER N I N E

Realist, Reformer, Reactionary or Revolutionary}

rom the outset the Annexation Association made no attempt to hide or disguise its purposes and goals. It openly claimed that only through an open and honest discussion, followed by a subsequent mutual agreement on terms by all parties concerned, could the proposed changeover take place without political turmoil and possible violence. In other words, this was to be a "Gentlemen's" agreement. This was not, however, how others saw it. For a number of Canadians, the idea of outright annexation to the United States was repugnant, and they sought to propose a countermeasure to the Annexation Association through the "British American League." This new organization called for a return to protectionism by Britain, a retrenchment of the Canadian economy, a union of all British North American colonies into a single entity and the signing of a reciprocal trade agreement with the United States. Unfortunately, at this point in history all of the League's calls went unheeded and the movement soon collapsed due to lack of support. To certain French-Canadian interests, the Annexation movement was considered to be a dire threat to their power, and a deliberate attempt to swamp their linguistic and cultural distinctness in the mixture of cultures that made up

a

the population of the United States. In response, they expressed their vehement opposition to this perceived threat through vitriolic editorials in sympathetic newspapers. Likewise, on the other side of the Atlantic, the British Government came to view these developments with a growing level of concern and determined not to lose the Canadian colonies, especially to the United States. Consequently, the British Colonial Secretary, Earl Grey, instructed the Governor General, the Earl of Elgin, to develop a public relations campaign designed to undermine the Annexation movement. However, by September 1849, it became clear that far from diminishing, the movement was attracting significant support from the very highest levels of Canadian society and business interests. This support prompted Elgin into changing his strategy. Instead of attempting to suppress or discredit the Annexationists, he raised the prospect of Britain's acceptance of a greater federal union of the British North American provinces into a single "Canada" as a "reward" for maintaining firm links with Great Britain. At the same time, the Annexation movement was putting its final touches to its manifesto which was subsequently published in October and widely distributed around Montreal. Although extremely long-winded, the 83


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document maintained one constant theme throughout: that in all matters relating to the issue there was a determination to show that this call for a split with Great Britain was being made in an open, honest and entirely "Gentlemanly" way. For selected passages from the Annexation Manifesto see Appendix E. This incredible document, signed by over 300 of the most wealthy and influential men in the colony of Canada, included not only John Redpath, but also William Molson (a well-known name in Canadian brewing),-John Rose (later a principal player in the creation of a transcontinental railway in Canada and a Cabinet Minister); A.T. Gait (later considered one of the "Fathers" of Canadian Confederation),D.L. MacPherson (later Lieutenant Governor of Ontario) and John Abbott (who later became Canada's Solicitor General, a Senator and Prime Minister of Canada). Within Montreal, the manifesto was received with strong support. Elsewhere, however, reactions varied. In Toronto and in western areas, the advantages gained by using the existing access to European markets via New York made annexation an unpalatable alternative. As a result, the movement made no headway there. Similarly, for those in the Maritime colonies, the manifesto held little attraction as they were far less affected by the economic recession,- trade links to the New England states were well established and growing, and links to the Mother Country remained solid. In Britain, while the idea of losing the colony was not a popular one in business and financial circles, the manner in which it was being proposed aroused a grudging admiration from even the staunchest of the British media, who had otherwise been reporting on the violent revolutions, rebellions and political turmoil that were sweeping across

Europe at that time. The Weekly Despatch reported: December 1849: . . . This movement is a fine and cheering example which is wonderfully timed for the world's instruction. Here is no bluster and bravado. No vituperations are uttered for past wrongs. No appeal is made to the god of battles. A violent separation is not proposed? nor even one which shall be involuntary on the part of Great Britain. We are treated like rational beings, by those who act like rational beings themselves... Revolution, separation, independence, annexation are words that conjure up the ideas of armed multitudes, troops in hot pursuit, desperate patriots, dying for the Queen, and dying for the people, courts martial and shootings, courts civil and hangings, sea fights and land fights, with a bitterness engendered by the result, whatever it be that alienates men's hearts through many a generation. All these associations, inevitable in European outbreaks are superseded by these straight-forward Canadians. ..Revolution is tamed and civilized...i Even within the British Government, the initial response to the manifesto was relatively subdued, at least in private communications, as shown in a letter from Earl Grey to the Earl of Elgin dated October 30, 1849: . . . I don't attach much importance to the petit'nfor an Anexat'n which is getting up at Montreal—with the feeling which now seems to exist in the Upper and Lower Province generally, little danger is likely to result from this move. ..more especially if the United States meet us fairly


on the subj't of trade which I am inclined to believe they will..2 In fact, in a secret Parliamentary Cabinet report, the British Government actually accepted responsibility for the economic troubles of Canada-.

individual ruin and an extreme derangement of the Colonial finances....3 This admission was then followed by additional comments in the following month's report: January 1850

December 1849 ...In the North American Colonies, the necessity of maintaining a considerable force arises almost entirely from their proximity to the United States, and from the fact that if we were unfortunately involved in a Quarrel with that Republic, our Colonies would be attacked, as a means of injuring us. These colonies also have suffered more really than any others from the changes in our commercial policy. The old protecting duties on timber gave a wrong direction to the industry of all the North American colonies, and the subsequent alteration of duties, coming at the same time with the great diminution in the demand for timber... had severely affected them. But the greatest grievance is that of Canada, connected with the alterations in the Corn Law. By the short-sighted and unwise Act of 1843, a very large premium was given for the grinding of American corn in Canada for the British market. The consequence was that much of the available capital of the Province was laid out in making arrangements for taking advantage of the lucrative trade which the Province was expected thus to obtain. But even before these arrangements were fully completed, and the newly built mills brought in to operation, the whole advantage. ..was swept away. The consequence was an almost unparalleled extent of

. ..In Canada the party spirit has been very great. The history of the Rebellion Losses Bill and of subsequent riots in Montreal, and burning of the Parliament House must be too fresh in the recollection of the members of the Cabinet to do more than observe that the only objection made upon this subject to the course adopted by the Government has been that it did not interfere to overrule the decision of the Provincial Parliament... The truth is, that this Bill was not the true cause of the violence... The pressure of commercial policy of this country... contributed much to increase the bitterness of feelings against the Government, more particularly in Montreal that town having suffered most from the change... This commercial distress... has given rise to a rather serious movement in favour of separating Canada from this country, in order to annex it as an additional state to the Union. But this movement has been almost confined to the mercantile classes, who, however, are by no means unanimous, and principally to the City of Montreal and to its vicinity. In Upper Canada it has met with scarcely any support; and from the last accounts it would appear that it is beginning to be very 4 generally regarded as a failure In public, however, no such opinions could be addressed

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without dire consequences to the continued tenure of the British Government. Instead, a completely different tone was taken in the official response to the Annexation Manifesto, as documented in an excerpt of a correspondence from Earl Grey to the Earl of Elgin dated January 9, 1850: . . . With regard to the address to the People of Canada in favour of severing the Province from the British dominions for the purpose of annexing it to the United States... I have to inform you, that Her Majesty approves of your having dismissed from Her service those who have signed the document, which is scarcely short of treasonable in its character... Your Lordship will therefore understand that you are commanded by Her Majesty to resist to the utmost of your power any attempt which may be made to bring about the separation of Canada from the British dominions, and to mark in the strongest manner Her Majesty's displeasure with all those who may directly or indirectly encourage such a design. If any attempt of this kind should take such a form that those who are guilty of itr may... be made responsible for their conduct in a Court of Justice, you will not fail to take the necessary measures for bringing them to account...5

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As a result of these tactics, John Redpath felt obliged to resign from his governmental post of Trustee for the Montreal Turnpike Roads Commission. In addition, the British Government not only issued an outright official denunciation of the Annexation movement, but also made an implied threat of reprisals for not merely "daring" to issue its original "menacing and seditious"

manifesto, but following it with a second equally critical document. In response, the central group of the Annexation movement, far from timorously submitting to the bullying tactics of the British Government, stood up for their rights by submitting the following reply, signed on behalf of all by its Chairman, John Redpath: To the Right Hon, Earl of Elgin... The Association have carefully reconsidered their two addresses, and do not find in them the language of menace or sedition/ but a calm, dispassionate statement of social evils under which Canada suffers, and a remedy by constitutional mean, suggested for consideration. It is to the people of Canada that these statements have been made, and it is for you to decide whether the remedy proposed, is one that is advantageous or worthy of being referred to the British nation for their assent... The Association deny the right of the Colonial Secretary [Earl Grey] to offer, by anticipation, the decision of the British Government, on a matter that is not constitutionally before them... The Association now reiterate that they will seek the attainment of their object only with the free and willing consent of Great Britain, that they never will urge the subject by other than calm appeals to the reason and intelligence of their fellow subjects—-first in Canada, afterwards in England—and that they have no sympathy with any who hold other sentiments than these... they [also] feel that the language of the Colonial Secretary requires from them the discharge of a further and a higher duty, in denying all right, on his part to punish men for the assertion of opinion. The free discussion of all subjects is a right inherent in


every man under a free form of government and the power to advocate and by constitutional means and moderate councils, changes of any description, is the great safeguard against violence and rebellion. The moment an attempt is made to coerce the free expression of public opinion, the most sacred right of the people is attacked, and the groundwork laid for any and every stretch of despotic power. The Association... have most carefully avoided advocating aught that could in the slightest degree infringe the laws or warrant the interference of Executive Authority. And feeling that their course has been temperate and legal they deny the right of Earl Grey to use towards them the language of his despatch, or to interfere in their discussions of any subject affecting the interests of Canada... Let the people of Canada, to whom this Association addressed themselves decide.. .whether Responsible Government is only a name, or is intended to assume that freedom of opinion dear to every British subject 6 Despite these bold claims, however, without the support of other areas of the country, the Annexation movement simply did not garner sufficient momentum to become a viable proposition and, by mid-summer 1850, it had effectively ceased to exist. Nevertheless, its impact upon the British Government cannot be underestimated. Previously, the politicians in England were complacent in their belief that whatever the problem, be it uprisings by extremist French Canadians, threatened invasions by Americans, or political radicals of any background, that the Anglo-Saxon elite of Montreal would back the British position and remain a dedicated and loyal populace. Now instead, it was those same "Loyalists" who had just signed

their names to a petition to break with Great Britain and join the United States. They had also just told the Colonial Secretary to, colloquially, "Go to the D'\\" [Devil]. The days of the unquestioning and compliant colonial were gone and, if these former staunch supporters could be driven to seek economic and political links elsewhere, how secure was Canada within the Empire if matters did not change for the better? It is therefore possible to infer that the subsequent changes in British policies related to providing economic support for the colonies were at least partially due to the actions of the Annexation movement. These measures included reviving plans for a rail link between the east coast and Montreal, resurrecting the concept of "Responsible Government," holding discussions on the union of the colonies, and spurring negotiations with the United States for the development of a reciprocal trade agreement. For John Redpath, this moment was another pivotal point in his life. His early years had been spent as a contracted stonemason and builder, relying on other people to provide him with work and income. Later, he used his amassed wealth to develop financial investments, which had generally prospered. However, the events of 1846 to 1849 convinced John that he still had no real control over his own finances or the future security of his accumulated fortune—a conclusion that would not have sat well with him. The answer, then, was to create a new and stable income from a source over which he would have complete control and, in this way, secure his future. It was time to start looking for a new job! 87

The Canada Sugar Refinery, circa 1856.

CHAPTER TEN

A New Direction

etween 1850 and 1853, apart from the a aforementioned activities in connection with the Provident and Savings Bank, much of John Redpath's efforts and activities centred around establishing a new business for himself and his family. In an earlier published work, Redpath, The History of a Sugar House, this period of his life was outlined according to the documented evidence existing at that time. However, subsequent discoveries have revealed far more information, thus providing richer insights into the sequence of events leading up to his new venture. After attending the christening, on July 16, 1850, of his newest child, Augusta Eleanor Redpath (she had been born on June 6), John left on an extended tour of eastern Canada and the United States to investigate new investments and manufacturing opportunities. Returning to Montreal in October, his shortlist of potential options included the development of a cotton mill, an iron foundry, copper mining and smelting, shipbuilding and shipping. All were very lucrative opportunities but, with one major drawback, each was an already established industry. Therefore, any new venture would have an uphill battle to compete with these existing facilities in order to establish a foothold in the marketplace. Instead, John decided to found

a manufacturing facility that would produce a product already made in the United States, but not in Canada— namely sugar. Furthermore, he would finance it entirely from his own savings, without any outside backers or bank loans. In August 1851, John Redpath journeyed to Great Britain to study the latest technologies being used at working refineries in London. He probably also took the opportunity to visit Hyde Park, where the world's first international trade, crafts and industrial technologies exhibit was taking place under the grandiose title of the "Great Exhibition"—later to be popularly known as the "Crystal Palace." From London, John travelled north to Greenock, in Scotland, to inspect the sugar refineries that lay alongside the River Clyde. Since he was now only a day's journey from his birthplace and family who had remained in Scotland, it appears that he visited and stayed with his relations while he continued his investigations throughout the winter of 1851 -52. In fact, it was not until late August 1852 that John Redpath returned to Montreal, only to find that a month earlier a fire had devastated nearly twenty-five percent of the city's east end, leaving over 10,000 people homeless. He immediately joined in the city-wide efforts to provide relief to the destitute victims. As well as donating generously to 89


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the relief fund as an individual, he persuaded In his correspondence, Peter outlined the his fellow Directors of the Bank of Montreal progress of the new endeavour: to follow suit on behalf of their institution. He also probably watched with pride as his Manchester, io February, 4854. son Peter served as a significant member of the official "Committee of Relief," thus . . . Mow touching the mysterious letter upholding the family's social responsibilities you received from Papa about business. during the earlier absence of his father. The reason I did not tell you anything Since plans were now well underway about the new enterprise was that when I for the establishment of the new sugar saw you last, it had scarcely been decided refinery, John Redpath re-crossed the on... Mow however the matter is a fixed Atlantic to Great Britain in the early spring fact. Papa is building a Sugar Refinery, of 1853, to personally supervise the and I suppose that you and I will be manufacture and delivery of the refining connected with it. ..It is a very great machinery destined for his "Sugar House." undertaking for any one man as it will He also took time to visit Edinburgh, where require a large capital. I hope however it he offered Janes twenty-four-year-old will repay Papa for all the anxiety brother, George Alexander Drummond, the attendant upon such a serious outlay of John Ostell, the architect of the Canada opportunity to join the management team of money on a new undertaking. The Sugar Refinery in 1853-54. the new refinery. While there, he received buildings and apparatus will, I think, not news that Jane was expecting once more, causing him to cut cost less than twenty thousand poundsf very likely a good i short his trip and reach Montreal just in time to be present deal more. This of course you must keep to yourself for the birth of his latest child, Emily Jane Bonar Redpath, on September 10, 1853. Unable to go back to England Back in Canada, with all of the technological elements because of his family obligations, John was forced to ask in place for the new refinery, the only question remaining Peter to sail the Atlantic at an unseasonable time of the year, was—where to locate the facility? John Redpath already to act in his place. After what appears to have been a rough owned several promising properties around the city, but crossing, Peter and Grace spent the winter in England, none of them had the single essential ingredient that was awaiting the spring before being scheduled to return to required for establishing a sugar refinery—namely a reliable Canada with the new equipment. Fortunately, some of the source of water that would be available at a constant events of the day are recorded in a letter Peter wrote to his volume. This ingredient was not only needed as a power younger brother, John James, who was working in Toronto. source for the machinery in the plant but, more importantly,

A New Direction

as a medium by which ocean-going ships could entire project into doubt. This communication deliver the raw sugar cargoes at the refinery stipulated that they were denying his pier. After assessing several potential earlier application to obtain a reduction sites, John finally fixed his sights of import duties applicable to the upon an undeveloped property portion of the refining equipment that could not be manufactured located on the banks of the Lachine Canal. With his mind by Canadian sources. Instead, made up, he initiated he would be forced to pay full negotiations to purchase the value for any of the property from the machinery he was planning "Gentlemen Ecclesiastics of to acquire in England—a the Seminary of St. Sulpice penalty that could financially cripple the project before it of Montreal." The deed of even began. This crisis forced purchase was signed in December 1853 and, without John to scramble to find alternate, locally made sources delay, excavation of the for the necessary equipment and trenches needed for building the foundations of the new structure to cancel the contracts made in began. John chose a well-known England. Construction continued Montreal architect, John Ostell,2 to throughout the summer, and at one point the design the refinery, and contracted with growing scale of the complex became so well-established local firms for the The Canada Sugar Refinery, circa 1854. popular as a place of attraction for various elements of the stonework, Redpath Sugar Museum. Montreal citizens, who were repeatedly brickwork, roofing, windows and other requesting tours, that it began to interfere with the ongoing construction specifications. No detail, no matter how small, work. In addition, the re-appearance of cholera as an escaped John's attention as each was meticulously recorded epidemic within the city cast a pall over the final stages of in the specifications and contracts for work at the refinery. the project. Therefore, instead of holding an impressive Fortunately, the documents still exist today and are part of opening ceremony, John Redpath's "Canada Sugar Refinery" the collection at the Redpath Sugar Museum in Toronto. simply opened for business on August 12, 1854. With a new In 1854, although an early thaw allowed construction company to administer, John's attention was now primarily to begin once again in mid-February, John received an focused on ensuring the success of his "family" business, for official notification from the Government that threw the

9i


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not only was Peter part of the management team, but also John James. Nevertheless, John Redpath was in attendance, only a month after his new business had opened, when Jane gave birth to their latest child, Harriet Ina Redpath, on September 24, 1854. At the end of what had already been a busy year, another matter took his attention, when the City authorities issued a notice that the old Protestant Burial Ground would no longer accept new burials. The original cemetery had been set in open countryside, but now was not only completely surrounded by the expanding urban sprawl of the city, but was almost at capacity. Instead, a new cemetery, located on the north slope of Mount Royal was to become the principal centre for all future burials for the Protestant community of Montreal. Coincidentally, this cemetery was connected to the back of the Redpath Terrace Bank estate and, in December 1854, John Redpath sold some of his own property to the expanding cemetery corporation. He did, however, reserve just over 6,000 square feet of the newly consecrated ground for the future use of his own family burials. During the following year, as well as developing his sugar business, John Redpath continued his already established commitments to the Bank of Montreal, the Montreal General Hospital, the Canadian Sunday School Union, the Canada Foreign Missionary Society, and a host of other charitable organizations. Despite this apparently full schedule, he still found time to become involved in the "Underground Railroad," a growing clandestine movement of support for assisting the escape and freeing of fugitive slaves in the United States. Congregational donations and designated funds were channelled through the Cote Street

Presbyterian Church to assist in this work and in the support of Black settlements in Southwestern Ontario, that had previously been established under the approval of the Earl of Elgin.3 Another Church-related matter important to John was the movement dedicated to the "proper" observance of the Sabbath as a day of rest and religious observance. In furthering this cause, he had to recognize that little could be done to curb the growing impact of industrial and commercial timetabling that required employees to work throughout the Sabbath Day in activities such as mail sorting and deliveries, municipal services and repairs, railway operations, and shipping schedules. The church, however, could control its own charitable institutions. Therefore, as a Governor of the Protestant Industrial House of Refuge, a shelter for the homeless, John saw to it that an "appropriate" weekly schedule of work was maintained from Monday to Friday, while Saturday was reserved for laundry and other domestic duties or personal activities. On Sunday, however, the residents at the Refuge were expected to strictly observe the Sabbath if they wished to remain within the shelter. By now, the Canada Sugar Refinery was steadily producing over thirty tons of sugar per day. All of John's hopes for success seemed to be coming to fruition. Sales in the Montreal market were growing and, further afield, demand for the new "Canadian-made" sugar was being heard from Kingston, Toronto, and other communities throughout the Great Lakes basin. Even the media had recognized the economic significance of this development and reported it to their readers:

A New Direction

7 March 1855:

speculation—an opinion we trust will be more than realized...4

.. .Montreal is no longer a mere Commercial City, a buyer and seller of goods. Availing herself of her central position, In fact, the Canada Sugar Refinery submitted no less and her great facilities, she is making rapid strides in than seven distinct grades and qualities of white and brown manufacturing enterprise. Along the Canal Basin, Factory sugar for exhibition in Paris, leading to the following article crowds on Factory, and the busy hum of industry, and the in the Montreal press," ...The sugars sent by Mr. Redpath unceasing clank of machinery tells of the activity deserve the highest praise and show that he has already within Among all the enterprises which have been carried the process of sugar refining to a high degree of successfully carried out in this locality, none is more excellence.. ."5 Nor was this kind of praise limited to the creditable to the projector than the Sugar Refinery of John past, for according to modern-day authors Yvon Desloges Redpath Escj.... The buildings form a magnificent pile of and Alain Gelly, in their book, The Lachine Canal, the stone and brick... the whole being by far the largest establishment of the new refinery held particular manufacturing erection in the city. It is designed to significance for the community of Lachine and the manufacture Bastard Sugars from Molasses City of Montreal: and Loaf and Crushed Sugars from . . . Considering the Lachine Canal as a Muscovado... We were shown a Quantity of Maple Sugar in course of refining for whole, the establishment of the Canada the Paris Exhibition, and in point of Sugar Refinery, better known as colour and grain, ecjual to the best 'Redpath' symbolized a new phase in English loaf. The Refinery is working the history of the waterway, for it at the present time forty hogsheads a heralded the spread of industrial day or 70,000 Ibs of the value of development outside the recently formed $3,500—a Quantity, however, far below hydraulic complex. The arrival of Redpath in St. Gabriel also had another, its capacity, and gives direct employment to eighty men. It is under the superintendence of symbolic value, for it was the first in a long George Drummond Es(\ We cannot conclude line of industrial establishments that chose this this notice without remarking that Mr. waterway.. .for its prime access to water, a The original trade label seriously underestimated resource in industrial Redpath has shown by the immense outlay for "Paris Lumps," history. From that time on, the Lachine embarked for this undertaking, and the great the predecessor to the sugar cube. capital required for its working, a strong Canal increasingly deserved to be referred to Redpath Sugar Museum. as an industrial corridor 6 faith in its remunerativeness as a

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By the end of 1856, John decided to officially recognize the important role Peter Redpath was playing in the business by amending the articles of incorporation to become "John Redpath & Son, Canada Sugar Refinery." However, it is not the intention of this book to record the detailed analysis of the workings of the new Canada Sugar

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Refinery or its successor companies.7 Instead, while mention will be made of certain selected business events, the remaining pages of this work will concentrate instead on John Redpath s other interests and activities. Eighteen fifty-seven proved to be a particularly busy year for John Redpath, for as well as managing "John Redpath

The original building designed for the St. James Club.

A New Direction

and Son," he extended his financial interests by investing in the business consortium already involved with the new Victoria Bridge. This mammoth project was the first attempt to construct a bridge across the strong current and extensive width of the St. Lawrence River at Montreal, and was designed principally for use by the rapidly growing railway system of Eastern Canada. Throughout the next three years John not only maintained his investments in this enterprise but was also appointed by fellow investors to be their representative on a committee monitoring escalating costs and budget overruns. In May 1857, he was invited to join yet another committee. This time, however, it was a less onerous duty, since the goal was to establish a formal "Gentlemen's Club" in Montreal. After working on the code of membership for the new "St. James Club," John became a founding member and regularly used the facility throughout the remainder of his life. The following month brought with it news of a maritime disaster when the steamer, Montreal caught fire and sank in the St. Lawrence, with over 500 passengers on board. Over half of the victims perished, while the remainder, although survivors, lost everything they owned. Since most of them were families of Scottish descent, John became part of the committee set up by the St. Andrew's Society to provide immediate relief and shelter to the destitute, as well as provide long-term jobs and settlement money to assist the new immigrants in beginning a new life in Canada. In addition, for those children who had lost their parents, the Society provided funds to member families who adopted orphans and established scholarships to allow the children to go to school.

On a happier note, John saw his long association with the Drummond family strengthened when his daughter, Helen, married George Alexander Drummond on September 15, 1857. This ceremony now created the perfectly legal, but extremely confusing situation in that, by this marriage, John and George were not only brothers-inlaw through the connecting marriage with Jane, but simultaneously father and son-in-law. As if this was not complicated enough, the connection between Helen and Jane now became one of sisters-in-law and stepmother/daughter. In addition, the twenty-eight-year-old George was, technically, thirty-year-old Helen's husband and step-uncle. Despite the convoluted nature of this family "circle," however, it must be stressed that at no time was there any contravention of any law or rule of genetic safety. To put it bluntly, there was no blood relationship anywhere in this connection that might create any genetic problems for the family or be the cause of any social concern or taboo. Family matters also dominated the following year as John and Jane had a son, William Wood Redpath, on February 25, 1858, but shortly afterwards suffered the death of three-year-old Harriet on May 28, due to diphtheria. Harriet was buried in the Mount Royal plot behind Terrace Bank, the first, but not the last of the family to occupy this ground. John had always loved poetry as a recreational reading pastime but it appears that he was also occasionally moved to write poems as well, for following the death of Harriet, he penned a touching memorial to his daughter. William proved to be the couple's final child. By now John was 62, had fathered seventeen children and buried

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Helen (Redpath) Drummond, at 41 years of age. 96

George Alexander Drummond, at 45 years of age.

A New Direction

five. This cycle of life and death was to be further reinforced at the end of the year when news was released that the Protestant burial ground, where the remains of Janet, Jane, Williamina, Isabella and Charles were buried, was to be completely closed down and bodies exhumed. This news probably caused John to relive some painful memories as he arranged and oversaw the removal and re-interment of Janet's and the children's mortal remains at the new family plot. Here they joined Harriet and, in subsequent years, were followed by the bodies of John and most of his descendants. As this burial plot had previously constituted part of John's property, and for many years the home and extensive grounds of Terrace Bank had echoed to the sounds of family life, it is perhaps fitting that in death too, the family essentially remained linked, in some manner, to their "home."

LITTLE HARRIET The Lord gave us a beauteous flower To cherish for a day, And in the morn His angel sent To take our flower away. We prayed the Lord to leave it here Another little day, Arid we would tend and water it, And keep it from decay. But Jesus said, 'tis best that 1 Ere noon should take it home, And plant it in my garden fair, Forever there to bloom. No chilling blasts nor scorching suns Shall ever touch it there, But 'neath my smile this opening bud Shall blossom ever fair. Again we prayed that His rich grace Might unto us be given, To say, "Lord, let Thy will be done,—

Take our sweet bud to Heaven."8— John Redpath's poem, written in memory of his daughter, Harriet, shown seated on the knee of her elder sister, Margaret Pringle Redpath, in 1857.

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98

John Redpath, at 71 years of age.

CHAPTER ELEVEN


y I860, John Redpath's financial position seemed ra secure as his sugar company was flourishing, with a recorded profit of $89,546.98. He was also one of the most influential men in the City of Montreal, having recently been elected as a Vice President of the Bank of Montreal, President for the Montreal General Hospital, President of the Presbyterian Canada Foreign Missionary Society and the Presbyterian Labrador Mission, not to mention his roles within all of the other associations, societies, and institutes on whose Boards and Management Committees he sat. Despite these heavy demands upon his time and his advancing age (he was now 64), John showed no signs of "slowing down" or passing over the reins of authority. Nowhere is this more clearly seen than in the "Articles of Partnership" that were drawn up by him at this time for the "John Redpath & Son, Canada Sugar Refinery." This document clearly shows John's determination to remain in charge of his own, and his family's, destiny:

The business has now been carried on for five years / during the first two... by the undersigned alone, and during the last three... in company with his eldest son Peter Redpath under the firm of John Redpath & Son.

. . . The Canada Sugar Refinery was erected by the undersigned for the purpose of establishing a new branch of manufacture in Canada and also with a view of creating a business for his sons.

Another clear indication of his success came in August 1860, when the city turned out to welcome the Prince of Wales (later King Edward VII) to the official celebrations for the opening of the Victoria Bridge. At a royal gala ball, held in a specially designed and constructed circular

It is intended that George A. Drummond shall be admitted to a partnership at a future period, should he desire it; and also that my younger sons shall be admitted as partners as soon as they shall be considered by me competent for the duties which would devolve upon them. They shall receive such share in the business as may be determined by me.... ... No partner shall... be engaged in any other business whatever or have any interest in any other business; nor shall any partner sign or endorse bills or otherwise become security for any person whatsoever, The undersigned is exceptedfrom the operation of this rule i

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The Montreal General Hospital in 1881.

too

prefabricated hall, Johns contributions to the construction of the bridge and his work in the planning of the events surrounding the Princes visit were duly mentioned. Accompanied by Jane, and watched by many of his adult children, John Redpath, along with other city notables, was officially presented to the Prince during the course of the evening. His rise from being a penniless immigrant to belonging to the elite of Montreal society had now been regally confirmed. While John continued his regimen of activity unabated, for others the sands of time had run out, for at the beginning of October 1860, his long-time business, political and religious associate, and close personal friend, Peter McGill, died. Attending the extensive and ornate funeral, John was particularly honoured by the McGill family by being asked to participate as one of the official pallbearers. Perhaps this event persuaded John to reconsider his own mortality and his earlier rigid position on the involvement of his family in the business, for within

three months the terms of the partnership were once more amended. Under the new arrangement, George Alexander Drummond and John James Redpath both became recognized partners, although the business still retained its singular grammatical form 'John Redpath & Son." The following spring, the events unfolding south of the border led to the outbreak of war between the Union and Confederate states in April 1861. Britain's subsequent tacit support of the Confederate cause eventually led to the very real threat of an invasion of Canada by Union troops (to prevent supplies and money reaching the Confederates), and led to a rise in border tensions. To counteract this threat, numerous Canadian militia regiments were called up to supplement the British regulars, until additional British troops could be dispatched to garrison the various posts facing the Americans. As part of this effort, John James Redpath joined the Victoria Rifles Infantry Regiment, while Helen's husband, George Alexander Drummond, served in the Royal Guides Cavalry Regiment. As well as selling sugar to the British Commissariat for the use of British troops stationed in Canada, John is recorded as having hosted a number of dinners at Terrace Bank for officers of regiments and even offered accommodation to senior General Staff members. He also became indirectly involved in the American Civil War through his work within several charity groups, which undertook to provide medical supplies and comforts for the wounded of both sides throughout the war. By 1862, increased costs of business at the Canada Sugar Refinery, caused principally by the war raging south of the border, led John and his partners to make additional efforts to secure their capital investment in the refinery. This security was


achieved by making a series of outside investments, reviewing the future needs of the business partnership, and recognizing the increasing role that the younger generation was playing in the daily business of the company. As a result, a new seven-year agreement, drawn up and signed on June 26, 1862, contained the following clauses: . . . The business shall be divided into twenty-one shares of which John Redpath shall hold eight, Peter Redpath five, George Alexander five and John James Redpath three. John Redpath shall have the right to transfer one or more of his shares to any other of the above named partners... and also to give any or more of his younger sons an interest in the business by bestowing upon him or them the whole or any portion of his shares... No partner shall... be engaged in any other business or have any interest in any other business. This article is not to be held as preventing investments of profits over and above the capital required for the business in property or in joint stock companies such as Banks, Insurance Companies, 2 Telegraph Companies or similar enterprises The company also underwent a major refit, with the introduction of a number of improved or new sugar refining technologies. On the negative side, however, John's absolute determination to bring his sons into the business, while having succeeded with Peter and to a lesser extent with John James, failed completely when the twenty-three-year-old George Drummond Redpath (hereafter cited as George Redpath to avoid confusion) was obliged by John to come in as a management trainee. George Redpath's attendance and efforts were so poor

George Drummond Redpath, at 27 years of age (standing), and John James Redpath, at 32 years of age (seated), in 1866. in fact, that the refinery manager, George A. Drummond, (who was his uncle), was obliged to send him home with instructions not to return until directed to do so. This was a decision that placed George A. Drummond clearly at odds with John Redpath, who had expressed his intention to make his son (George Redpath) a partner. (It must be remembered that John was technically George A. Drummond's senior partner, employer, father-in-law and brother-in law.) Relations were definitely strained within the group for some time, and it was George A. Drummond who sought to clear

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up the difficulties by writing a letter to John, after first holding private discussions with his nephew and sister: March i6, i863 ... / ought to mention to you that I went to George some time ago upon the important Question of his re-entering the office.../ told him in substance that... [I would not] oppose his return to the office, provided he came back to work... I believe a place could be well filled in this business by some one who would, by giving great attention, relieve Peter from details. Whether George could do this I doubt, and while I carefully abstained from offering him any advice... There can be no harm, I think, in my telling you that I don't anticipate much good from his coming back to the office. It would certainly be a very lame conclusion to his University career, and as he left avowing that he despised sugar, I fear his experience since will not have changed his mind... I believe George would make a good figure in a profession if fairly launched on his own recognisance...3

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Apparently John paid attention to this letter and, after a number of discussions, George Drummond Redpath left the sugar business and moved to England at the end of 1863, where he took up training to become a clergyman. The following year, on the tenth anniversary of the founding of the Canada Sugar Refinery, John ordered gifts for each of his employees. In return, he received a formal memorial from his workers, expressing their thanks and revealing a clear image of how much Johns paternalistic attitude was appreciated at a time when there were no state pension schemes or workers' compensation payments available:

January 2, i865... We the Undersigned Employees at the Canada Sugar Refinery beg to return you our sincere thanks for the kind present we each of us have received... and we gladly embrace the opportunity not only to express our gratitude for this particular instance of your liberality, but also for the consideration you have always shown us in continuing to pay us our wages in Bankable Currency, thereby saving us from a loss we should otherwise sustain through the depreciation in the value of silver. Many of us have also to be grateful for the especial acts of kindness of which we have been the recipients, when unable from sickness to attend to our ordinary duties, and we are all desirous of joining our acknowledgements with the friends of those who have died while in your employment, for the advice and assistance which you are ever ready to afford them 4 Once the American Civil War ended, most people considered the threat to Canada's security had ended. Instead it became worse. This new danger centred around a force of militant activities of disbanded Irish-American troops or "Fenians," who instigated cross-border raids into Canada, triggering a new political crisis. Once again, the Canadian militias were called out and both John James and George A. Drummond were required to take a leave from the company to attend to their military duties. John also served his country by becoming chairman of the Volunteer Relief Fund, which raised money to pay for extra equipment and supplies for the volunteers on active service. Despite having successfully established his "... new


Alexander Dennistoun.

Margaret Pringle (Redpath) Dennistoun.

business for his sons... "John was not averse to adding some insurance to protect them from a "rainy day" and on the advice of George A. Drummond, agreed to increase investment of refinery profits in outside businesses and stocks. As a result, by 1865, John found himself connected to a series of corporate ventures that included: The Rockland Slate Company, The Melbourne Slate Company, The Montreal Investment Association, The Atlantic Telegraph Company, The Belvidere Mining Company, The Bear Creek Coal Mine, The Canada Iron Mining Company, The "Capel" Copper Mine, Missouri Bonds Issues and

Montreal Harbour Commission Bonds—for an investment of $158,054.37. Alongside these sizable commitments, John invested in shipping by commissioning the construction of two sailing barques at Pointe Levi, Quebec, for future use as sugar cargo vessels. These ships were subsequently launched in August and October 1866, at ceremonies attended by many of the family members and christened by the two ladies for whom they were named—the Helen Drummond and the Grace Redpath. During that same period, family matters also occupied Johns attention, for on March 1, 1866, at the Cote Street

403


Alice Stiles Mills.

Annie J. Savage. 404

Church, Margaret Pringle Redpath was married to Mr. Alexander Dennistoun of Peterborough, Ontario. Interestingly, in addition to John and Jane and the other local family members, George Drummond Redpath was also in attendance. He had returned from England for the ceremony, accompanying two young ladies—Alice Stiles Mills5 and Annie J. Savage. Both of them acted as bridesmaids for Margaret and were eventually, but separately, to marry George in later years. While these events were taking place, Canada's political composition was in the process of being changed through a series of difficult political negotiations that would eventually lead to the unification of the several British colonies into a single country, to be known as the Dominion of Canada. Since part of these negotiations constituted the apportioning of powers between the central Government and Provincial Legislatures, the political and linguistic divisions within the former Lower Canada represented a particularly sensitive and potentially difficult matter to resolve. Naturally, John Redpath had an opinion on the issue and therefore became chairman for a group representing ".. .the interests of a large number of leading persons in Lower Canada on the subject of the proposed Confederation of the Provinces "6 At the initial meeting of this group, John's leadership resulted in a number of motions being adopted, whereby a carefully worded appeal was to be made to the Crown to ensure the protection of the political representation and education rights of the English-speaking minority, while trying not to cause political and social "waves" that might imperil the confederation negotiations. These motions and associated passages merit study as they show how far John


Redpath's attitudes had progressed regarding the future of Canada since the events of 1849: . . . That while preferring a Legislative to a Federal Union, it is expedient in the interest of the English-speaking Protestant population of Lower Canada, that steps he taken, in case the Quebec Scheme is adopted, to ensure to them the promised control over the Education of their own people, which the Bill lately introduced.. .was intended to afford... That it is also expedient to provide more effectual guarantees that the relative Representation now possessed by the English speaking population as well as in the Federal Parliament, shall not be diminished... That we would depreciate Public Agitation on subjects calculated to rouse the national and religious sensibilities o f . . . our fellow subjects of another origin...7

From this meeting, a special committee, led by John Redpath, held meetings with government representatives, including the Honourable A.T. Gait. In their subsequent report, the Committee informed the group membership that Mr. Gait had: . . . Communicated confidentially the conclusions at which the Government had arrived on the subject of Education. Your Committee are not at liberty to state the details of that interview, or of the arrangements, but they consider that, if carried out, they will place the Protestant Minority in a better position than they at present are in 8

They also reported back that: . . . Your Committee had also to consider the further, and even more important Question of the future Representation of the English-speaking Minority in Lower Canada... in the proposed Union... The Committee believe that a Public Appeal at the present moment.. .might provoke a counter agitation, by arousing the fears of their fellow subjects of another origin, which would not only give consistency to suspicions and mutual distrust, but might endanger the measure of Union itself. They are far from being insensible to the importance of obtaining such modifications as will secure to the Englishspeaking population a share in the representation proportionate to their numbers and the magnitude of the interests they possess, nor to the desirability of vesting the Questions of Immigration, the Administration of the Crown Lands, and other kindred subjects in the General Government. But, on full consideration, they incline to the belief, that to bring about such changes, they must trust rather to the statesmanlike views which they might not unreasonably expect would be entertained by the English Ministry and Parliament on these Questions, than to representations of a formal and public character.. .entertaining, as they do, so strong a conviction that such a course might lead to results injurious to the general welfare. In conclusion, your Committee believe that means should be informally adopted, to place the Members of the House of Commons, who are in a position to watch over their interests, in

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possession oj all needful

information...9

After considerable discussion, the Committees recommendations were eventually adopted. As a result, an official address of representation was sent to the British Government tin the form of a formal written memorial addressed to Queen Victoria. This document subsequently had a significant influence on the terms eventually incorporated into the Articles of Confederation for Canada. In part, it stated: .. .Montreal ist December i866... May It Please Your Majesty: The Undersigned, loyal and dutiful subjects of your Majesty, residing in Lower Canada, deeply impressed with the importance of a cordial concurrence of your Majesty's subjects of all classes in Canada in the Union of the British American Provinces... while humbly expressing the hope that such Union may be made as full and complete as possible, desire respectfully to represent that further and better provisions with respect to the future Representation of the English minority in Lower Canada, ought, injustice, be made in the Act of the Imperial Parliament; and also certain guarantees with reference to Education ... should also be afforded... That the guarantees may briefly be stated to be:

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First,—That all direct taxes for the support of schools, paid by Protestants, unless otherwise designated by

themselves, should be applied to Protestant, or nondenominational, education: and that all public money given for the same purpose should be divided between the Protestants and Roman Catholics, in proportion to population. Second,—That suitable and adequate provision should be made for the protection of the educational interests of the Protestants, in the management of educational funds, the establishment and proper classification and maintenance of schools and institutions of superior education, and generally in the administration of educational a f f a i r s . . . i 0 As if this involvement was not enough, John was also occupied during this time with developments that were taking place within the Presbyterian Church of Canada— both at the larger Synod level and also at the Cote Street Church property. The local issue centred on the fact that the active and strong spirit of the congregation had created problems because of its own success in attracting people to the church. By early 1867 there were nearly 800 registered members, with over 500 attendees at each Sunday service, packing the church to capacity and beyond. In an attempt to solve the problem, the Elders and Deacons held a series of meetings to investigate the feasibility of relocating to another site, as there was no space to expand the existing facility. Obviously, John was keenly interested in the issue and participated in the discussions during the winter of 186667. Under normal circumstances, one might have expected that he would have been adamantly opposed to any move/ but it appears he was not adverse to the prospect of relocating if it was in the best interests of the congregation at


large—a surprisingly magnanimous gesture, considering his personal commitment in the founding of the church some twenty-two years earlier. In the end, a congregation referendum, held in late May 1867, came down heavily in favour of remaining at Cote Street, while building a new sister facility at St. Joseph Street, only a few blocks away. For this project, John Redpath also provided most of the funding, thus making him a principal factor in the foundation of no less than three churches during his lifetime. At the broader church level, John was deeply involved in the contentious issue of the increased use of instrumental music as part of regular Presbyterian church services and, in particular, the installation and playing of an organ. To the modern reader, the idea of a church without an organ is almost inconceivable, but to the Presbyterian Church of the 19th century, the historical legacy of the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century still dominated their thinking. Any element of religious practice that might be deemed Catholic or "Romish," including the use of instrumental music and most particularly the unholy instrument of the organ, was still considered irreligious, three centuries later. This issue created a deep division among the community of Presbyterian churches and even among members of individual congregations. Officially, the Canadian Presbyterian Church Synod had issued a decree in 1857, stating that the use of an organ during the regular church services was inconsistent with proper religious standards and had banned its use in future. However, several churches, including Cote Street, had subsequently ignored or circumvented that decree by installing an organ and using it for events other than the "regular" services. This led to the following motion being put forward by one of the more

conservative Elders at a meeting of the Cote Street Free Presbyterian Church in February 7, 1867: ... That the use of the organ in the Sabbath School in the public praise of God is inconsistent with the spirit of the decision of the Synod of our Church in the Erockville case in 1857... 4 4 To counter this motion, John and the more progressive members pushed through the following amendment by a majority of seven to two, and continued using the organ: . . . That in as much as the Brockville case had only reference to the use of instrumental music in Public worship of the Church, it would be premature on the part of the Session to hold that the spirit of the decision in that case is acjainst the use of instrumental music in the Sabbath School....12 This attitude of John Redpath's was to be further seen in the Montreal Council of Churches (Presbytery) deliberations of May 1867, when John, now aged seventyone, proved that he was far from being a doddering old man, and neither was he mired in the prejudices of the past, nor willing to let the deliberate time-wasting rhetoric of others deflect him from cutting through the filibustering to the heart of a matter. Instead, the minutes of the session clearly show that even toward the end of his life, he was a man of vision and progressive attitudes: . . . On the 9th of May, 1867, The Presbytery of Montreal met to consider, among other subjects, the

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propriety of transmitting the memorial to the Synod. A considerable time having been occupied in useless discussion having no practical bearing, Mr. Redpathr Elder, rose and said he thought the discussion was uncalled for, "I have been waiting, trying to hear something about the question really at issue, as I wish to understand what the Question turns upon, but the whole time of the Court has been occupied by a dispute between the members who do not understand each other... The Presbytery have been occupied a whole day about a cjuarrel of no consequence, and twenty years from this, these scenes will be looked back upon as absurd, and as a wasting of time, occupied to no purpose with petty Quarrels. The rules of the Church have been appealed to, but there are some rules better not observed... before twenty years, organs will be in every Church in the Province.

408

Mr. Gordon: Is the Question of organs before us? Mr. Redpath: No Sir/ but I think you will be none the worse of having it brought before you. (Laughter) I never sat so long at a meeting without having the proper business discussed that should come before it... Whether you will or no, the Question of organs will force itself upon you, and if you persist in refusing to give liberty to congregations to act in this manner as they may deem best, you may repent it when too late. If organs are not allowed to be used in Churches, before long you will lose half of the congregations at least. ..i3

The consequence of this statement by John was that the memorial went forward and its end result can be seen, or rather heard, in every Presbyterian Church in Canada.


The wedding of George Drummond Redpath (3) to Alice Stiles Mills (4) on May 29,1867. At Shanklin, the Isle of Wight, England. Also in the wedding party are: Jane Redpath (1), Ada Maria Mills (1), John James Redpath (5), and Emily Jane Bonar Redpath (6).

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John James Redpath.

Ada Maria (Mills) Redpath.

All of these events, however, did bear some personal cost for John, as they temporarily prevented him from accompanying most of the rest of his family to Great Britain to attend two family marriages. The first took place on May 29, 1867, at Shanklin on the Isle of Wight, when George Drummond Redpath married Alice Stiles Mills. Fortunately, a family photograph of this event survives and several of the participants are identified. John, of course, was not there, but

as soon as the above-mentioned Presbytery session had ended, he caught a fast steamship across the Atlantic to attend the second wedding. This was the ceremony uniting John James Redpath to Ada Maria Mills, held at the parish church on August 20, 1867, within the London suburb of Putney. What is also of interest is that technically George D. Redpath, the curate of the church, was performing a marriage ceremony that united his half-brother and his sister-in-law.


Inside the clock tower.

The clock tower at Earlston. Following the ceremony, the family made a trip to Scotland, where John Redpath visited his birthplace and surviving relations for what would be the last time. He also arranged for the manufacture and presentation of a large clock mechanism that was subsequently installed in the tower of a building facing the village green and that still maintains meticulous time, well over a century later.

However, gaining access to the clock is somewhat difficult as it requires passing through an apartment and climbing a ladder before one can read the inscription mounted on the clock's frame—" The gift of John Redpath Esq. Montreal. To his Native Town of Earlstoun. A.D. 1869." John Redpath and the family then returned to Montreal where he resumed his business and church duties, although age and deteriorating health were beginning to take their toll. After more than fifty-two years of continuous work since he arrived in Canada, he decided the time had come to pass on the reins of active management to the sons for whom he had set up the business. As a result, in January 1868, John stepped down as President and senior partner of the Canada Sugar Refinery in favour of Peter. At the same time, John James Redpath decided to pursue his other financial and military interests and tendered his resignation from the active partnership, while still retaining his financial investment. Instead, his younger brother, Francis Robert

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finally caught up with John Redpath when he suffered a debilitating heart attack or more probably a stroke that left him paralyzed. Following a period of recuperation, he appeared to improve, enough at least to welcome the arrival of his latest granddaughter Amy Redpath, the daughter of John James and Ada Maria, on May 16, 1868. Later that summer, however, he suffered a relapse and by December had become bedridden. By March 1869, his condition had worsened to the point that in the obituary address later made by Reverend Mac Vicar, the minister stated: . . . It pleased the Lord in the last hours of his life to deprive him of the ability of expressing in words to mourning friends his thoughts and feelings, yet I am persuaded that in his dying moments he felt the force and preciousness of the Savior's words. As I stood by his bedside and spoke to him of God's love... he pressed my hand with an earnest grip signifying his assent,—as if to say-, "It is true, I know it, I feel it now."...i4 On March 5, 1869, the Montreal Witness published the following statement:

Francis Robert Redpath, at 35 years of age.

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Redpath, became a new junior partner to maintain the family's involvement in sugar refining. At some point between January and April 1868, time

. . . This morning, after a paralytic illness of nearly a year, during which he suffered little pain, and enjoyed a good degree of consciousness, John Redpath Escj. Of Terrace Bank, Montreal, closed a long career of usefulness, by a peaceful death, at the age of 73, in the midst of his family. ..i5 The funeral for John Redpath took place on March 8, 1869, and Reverend Mac Vicars address provides us with an


illuminating image of the man he had known: ...It is now about fifty-three years since Mr. Redpath arrived in Canada... he brought with him no fortune,— only a sound constitution, an unblemished character, and a mind endowed with more than an ordinary capacity and vigor. Had his attention in childhood and youth been turned in the direction of literary pursuits instead of becoming engrossed with business, he could, doubtless, have excelled in several departments. He was remarkable for the clearness and readiness with which he gave expression to his thoughts in writing-, and his love of history and poetry was unabated to the last.. .and when enjoying in his own hospitable home the society of friends he loved, he was wont with much facility and delight to recite beautiful passages from his favourite authors... I should characterize him as a man of strong native common sense, clear judgement, determined will, much moral courage, and great energy.. .For many years he allowed himself no day of rest, except the Sabbath, and he often worked three or four hours per day more than his associates... and even in years of failing health he sought to visit the sick and the afflicted in the district committed to his care, and did so with his characteristic kindness and tenderness of heart. He was always ready to enter upon any progressive movement and ... the first meeting for the establishment of the Presbyterian College, Montreal, was held in his house, and the last business transaction to which he attended was the giving of a donation to its Bursary Fund. ...i6 The following day, John's obituary appeared in the Montreal Witness-.

... The funeral of the late Mr. Redpath took place on Monday afternoon from his residence, Terrace Bank, and was one of the largest which we have lately seen. In the procession, besides relations and personal friends, was a considerable number of our best known citizens amongst the mercantile and professional community. Also very many of the Protestant ministers of the city... The employees in the sugar factory counting some hundreds, were also there, wearing crapes, and led by marshals with black wands, and after these came a large number of private sleighs... A large proportion of those who afterwards joined in the procession, including a good many from the Sugar Refinery, entered the hall of the deceased's residence. In a room on one hand of it was the coffin containing the remains of the departed, and with the lid strewn with flowers and bearing two wreaths of imortelles. The face could be seen through the glass plate which covered it, and each one passed round the coffin to look at it for the last time. The Rev. McVicar then, standing in the hall, read a number of appropriate passages of scripture, setting forth the certainty of a glorious immortality, and afterwards offering up prayer. The scene, as well as the occasion, was very impressive, and at its conclusion a number of the relatives went to take the last parting gaze. In a few minutes afterwards the coffin was placed in the hearse, which was drawn by four horses, and the funeral cortage proceeded down the Avenue; the following gentlemen acting as pall bearers, and rode in three covered carriages in front of the hearse, Hon. Thos. Ryan, Hugh

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i i4

John Redpath, at 72 years of age.


Allan Escj., Jas. Court ESCJ., Wm. Murray Esq., EH. King Esq., and J. Ferguson.... The hearse was followed by sons and grandsons of the deceased, and other immediate relatives, after which the procession followed in the order which we have already described. Its route was along Sherbrooke Street, down Union Avenue and Beaver Hall, along Craig Street to Cote Street Church. It reached from St. Patrick's hall backwards to the Unitarian Church, and the number of sleighs, private and public, additional was nearly of an ecfual length.

Lawrence Main streets. ...i7 Thus ended the life of John Redpath, but not his "Legacy."

On entering the church, the coffin was placed in front of the pulpit. The church was draped in deep mourning and the body of the building was crowded to excess by those in the procession; the galleries being already occupied by the public, the majority of whom were ladies. The pulpit was occupied by the Revs. Prof. McVicar, Dr. Wilkes, Messrs, Young, Gilles, and Inglis. Rev. McVicar read a portion of the 90th Psalm/ also a portion of the 15th chapter 1st Corinthians, after which he delivered a brief address, referring generally to the Christian worth of the deceased, describing him as a resolute Christian man, not hasty informing his opinions, but when once formed, slow to deviate from them. The Rev. I. Inglis closed with prayer, and Rev. Dr. Wilkes pronounced the benediction. The body was then again placed in the hearse, the procession was reformed— those who now composed it taking sleighs—and proceeded to Mount Royal Cemetery, by Cote, Craig and St.

The Redpath family grave site within the Mount Royal Cemetery.

4 4 5

The view from Mount Royal, circa 1900. At the bottom-centre is the roof and tower of Terrace Bank, while almost hidden in the distant smoke is the Canada Sugar Refinery.

CHAPTER TWELVE

But What Happened to...?

n a "normal" biography, the story generally ends with the death of the individual. In the case of John Redpath, however, there are too many "but what happened to...?" questions to be ignored. While space does not allow for any comprehensive account of the history of

D

the successive generations, the estate he established at Terrace Bank, or the history of the sugar company he founded, it is appropriate that the following details are recorded as a testament to the legacy John Redpath left behind.

The view from Mount Royal today. i i7


Jane Redpath survived her husband until 1907. As well as being the matriarch of the family, she was an influential part of the movement for women's rights and education in the latter part of the 19th century. She was part of the committee to establish the first women's college in Montreal under the leadership of the Montreal Ladies Educational Association, established in 1871. Jane Redpath, She was also instrumental in at 52 years of age. persuading the ruling authorities at McGill University to break their "Men Only" rule and allow women to sit in on university lectures as well as write the same examinations as the men. Jane Redpath established an art scholarship within McGill and supported the Presbyterian College of Montreal. She also became the founding President of the Ladies French Evangelization Society of Montreal, established in 1875, the first organization within the Presbyterian Church run entirely by women.

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Peter Redpath followed in his fathers footsteps by becoming President of the Canada Sugar Refinery. He, however, also held positions with the Boards of Directors for: the Bank of Montreal, the Montreal Rolling Mills Company, the Montreal Telegraph Company, the Intercolonial Coal Mining Company, the Montreal Board of Trade and several other businesses. In social activities, likewise, he held a number of influential posts, including: Elder of the Cote

Street Presbyterian Church, directorships within the Canadian Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, the Montreal General Hospital, the Protestant Institution for Deaf Mutes, the Montreal Sailors Institute and the Art Association of Montreal. After retiring from the reorganized "Canada Sugar Refining Company Limited" in 1881, at age sixty, Peter and Peter Redpath, Grace left Montreal and moved to at 50 years of age. England, settling in Chislehurst, Kent, to the south of London. Here he returned to studying and took up Law, becoming a qualified solicitor with a successful practice in the Middle Temple of London's legal chambers. Nonetheless, he maintained his interests in Canadian affairs by sitting on the Board for the development of the North-West Territories in the Royal Imperial Institute. He also served as a member of the Canadian Institute and as a Director of the Bank of Montreal's London branch. His primary interest, however, was always in the development of education and he is widely regarded as one of the most significant benefactors to McGill University in Montreal. To this end, he was a member of the university's Board of Governors and endowed both a chair of Mathematics and of Natural Philosophy. He also funded the construction of a museum (dedicated to the subjects of geology, mineralogy, palaeontology, zoology and botany) and a library (and stocked it with over 3,000 books) on the university campus. Both of these structures still stand today


and bear his name as part of their title. He died at his home in England in 1894 and is buried in Chislehurst alongside his wife Grace. George Alexander Drummond, took up the reins of the Presidency of the Canada Sugar Refining Company Limited, after Peter's retirement in 1881 and, to some degree, could be said to have surpassed both his predecessors in his additional corporate and social involvements. These included becoming Director of the following companies: the Canada George Alexander Jute Company, the Mexican Drummond, Power Company, the Ogilvie at 50 years of age. Flour Company, the Canadian Pacific Railway Company and the Cumberland Railroad and Coal Company. He was also President of the Londonderry Coal and Iron Mines Company, and successively was Director, Vice-President and President of the Bank of Montreal. He also became President of the Montreal Board of Trade, the Art Association of Montreal, the Royal Edward Institute and the Royal Canadian Golf Club, as well as Trustee for the Victorian Order of Nurses, Founder of the Montreal Home for Incurables and charter member of the Citizens League of Montreal, to name but a few. George also amassed one of the largest fine art collections in North America, a large portion of which later became the centrepiece of the collection maintained by the Montreal

Museum of Fine Arts. As well, for several years he was Chairman of the Board for the National Gallery of Canada. In 1888, George was appointed to the Canadian Senate and for several years served as Chairman of the highly influential Senate Committee on Banking and Commerce. He also became one of the senior economic advisors to the Government under Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier. In 1904 he was knighted, receiving the order of Knight Commander within the Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George (K.C.M.G.) which was followed in 1908 by that of Knight Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (K.C.V.O.). George died on February 2, 1910, and is buried in a family vault in the Mount Royal Cemetery, immediately alongside the plot of land holding the graves of the Redpath family. Huntly Redpath Drummond (John's grandson, and son of Helen Redpath and George A. Drummond), continued the family role in the sugar refinery, becoming President of Canada Sugar Refining Company Limited upon the death of his father in 1910. He also maintained the high number of business posts as held by his forebears. These included successive positions as Huntly Redpath Director, Vice-President, Drummond. President and finally Chairman of the Board of the Bank of Montreal; President of the Montreal Board of Trade/ Governor of the Royal Victoria

1i9


Hospital/ President of the Cumberland Railroad and Coal Company and the Canada Jute Company. An avid sportsman, Huntly played for the Montreal Football Club and scored the winning touchdown in 1886 during the Canadian Football Championships. He also held a ski jumping record of 75 feet (22.86 metres), which he achieved at the age of 41. He was a charter member of the Royal St. Lawrence Yacht Club and Vice-President of the Montreal Bobsleigh Club. Huntly died in 1957 and is interred at Mount Royal Cemetery in the Drummond family vault.

Lily Dougall, granddaughter of John Redpath.

i 20

Lily Dougall (John's granddaughter and daughter of John Dougall and Elizabeth Redpath), became a major Canadian literary figure in the late nineteenth century with no less than 22 published books to her name, including ten novels and numerous essays. Lily died in England in 1923 and is buried in Cumnor Churchyard, Oxford, England.

John Redpath Dougall (a grandson of John, and the son of John Dougall and Elizabeth Redpath), grew up at the Terrance Bank estate and subsequently attended McGill University. He followed his own father as editor/publisher of the highly influential Witness newspaper that promoted temperance values in its editorials. He served as President of the Citizens League and was a Director of the YMCA in

Today, the site of the Terrace Bank house is occupied by newer buildings, which make up the Russian Consular offices in Montreal. Montreal. Following his death in 1933, he is believed to have been buried in the Mount Royal Cemetery. Terrace Bank remained the home of Jane Redpath until her death, after which the estate was sold for the sum of $300,000. In later years, the house was demolished for the construction of a new road named for Dr. Penfield and the building of a "modern" home in its place. In a similar fashion, the land surrounding the house was broken up into smaller individual property lots and subsequently developed for homes, condominiums, apartment buildings and offices. Fortunately the bulk of the rear of the property was acquired by the City of Montreal and became part of the present-day Mount Royal Park. As a result, hundreds of thousands of visitors to Montreal can tour the parkland and stand upon a broad viewing platform terrace that provides a stunning


panorama of the thriving metropolis of Montreal. However, few if any realize that they are actually standing in John Redpath's "backyard" and that if they look straight down the slope they can see where Terrace Bank used to be, inside the grounds of the present-day Russian Consulate. The Canada Sugar Refinery, which had become John Redpath and Son continued to develop and grow. In 1880 it went "public" as the Canada Sugar Refining Company Limited and issued shareholdings, although most of the shares remained in family hands. Substantial redevelopment and new building at the refinery site on the banks of the Lachine Canal eventually enlarged the complex until it covered an area of over 15 acres. The advent of the First World War led to a government take-over of the entire sugar industry, supposedly for the duration of the war, but in actuality for some time thereafter as well. Due to government

The Canada Sugar Refining Company Limited, 1897.

incompetence, mismanagement and outright breaches of all assurances given by senior government officials, this control imposed crippling financial losses on the Canada Sugar Refining Company Limited that could not be recovered.1 As a result, a merger with a former competitor, the "Dominion Sugar Company Limited" of Ontario became a necessary survival mechanism in 1930, with the Dominion management team taking the senior role in future company policymaking for the new "Canada and Dominion Sugar Company Limited" or C&D as it became known. The financial difficulties of the Depression were weathered successfully, and the Montreal plant continued production until the outbreak of the Second World War when, once again, the Canadian government took over the complete control of the Canada sugar industry. As in the previous war, bureaucrats with no knowledge or proper understanding of the sugar industry imposed contradictory dictates and unnecessary restrictions on all aspects of the industry's operations. This eventually led to the imposition of rationing in Canada, a situation that could have been totally avoided, and one that Huntly Redpath Drummond fought hard to avoid. Despite the end of the war in 1945, government controls remained in force until 1947. By this time, the Montreal refinery was in a significantly run-down state, due to the previous refusal of government officials to approve any significant modernization or even ongoing maintenance beyond that which was absolutely essential to maintain production. In addition, the fact that the Lachine Canal had not been widened or deepened to accommodate the increased draft of modern vessels led to the effective closure of the canal to commercial shipping in 1940. This left the

4 2 i


refinery isolated from its main supply of raw sugar and for the next forty years all stocks of "raw" had to be unloaded at the main city docks, over a mile away, and then transported to the refinery by trucks. These difficulties led to the decision by company officials, including Huntly Redpath Drummond, to not only completely overhaul and modernize the Montreal refinery but, in addition, to establish a new refinery at Toronto. This latter decision was also made to take advantage of the new financial investment in C&D made by the British sugar company "Tate & Lyle," the growing Ontario market and the decline of the beet sugar operations of the old Dominion company. Construction at Toronto began in 1957, and was completed in 1959 in order to coincide with the opening of the new St. Lawrence Seaway that allowed ocean-going ships direct access to the Great Lakes system. Together the two "Redpath" refineries continued to

4 22

The former Redpath refinery site in 2003 during its conversion to residential lofts on the banks of a restored Lachine Canal.

expand and produce sugar for the Canadian market until 1979, when a serious downturn in the Canadian economy led the company, now renamed "Redpath Industries," and a part of the Tate & Lyle corporate group, to the difficult decision to close one of its refining facilities. After considerable debate, and with reluctance, it was decided to cease active refining operations in Montreal in early 1980. Thus ended the making of sugar at the original Montreal site, although warehousing, office and transportation activities continued on-site until 1985 when they, in turn, were relocated to a new Montreal facility and the property was sold off. By the 1990s, most of the refinery's production buildings had either been demolished or converted for other uses, that is, except for the original 1854 Canada Sugar Refinery building. Although somewhat altered and reconstructed in 1900, it still retained its original 1854 stonework on the lower storeys. Originally destined for conversion into offices, the financial depression of the late 1980s and '90s meant that the building sat idle for many years, serving as a "squat" for transients and a derelict location for several movies. Eventually an upturn of the economy led to its current wholesale restoration and resurrection into a series of exclusive condominium lofts, looking out on the similarly resurrected and restored Lachine Canal and the vibrant City of Montreal. Today, "Redpath Sugars" is an integral part of the Tate & Lyle corporate group of companies and refining continues at the Redpath Sugar Refinery in Toronto. Redpath sugar is used as a key ingredient in food manufacturing and its brand products are sold across the country, with John s signature adorning every package, a proud reminder of the man who started it all.

Epilogue

ow may the legacy of a man like John Redpath be ffl assessed? If it is in the number of companies, institutions, societies and organizations that he helped to establish or run during the course of his life, then a simple list would suffice. If, on the other hand, it is in the life and works of his family and descendents to the present day, then an encyclopaedia would hardly hold the cumulative contributions of all of them. Perhaps, instead, the fact that the sugar business he started in 1854 still exists as a vibrant corporate entity and that a book of this magnitude could be written is a sign that John Redpath was indeed a man of "substance" and worthy of remembrance within the story of Canada. Or as John himself might have quoted from what was probably his favourite book: ".. .If any mans work abide which he hath built thereupon, he shall receive a reward... " I Corinthians 3:14

The logo created to celebrate the 150th Anniversary of Redpath Sugars in 2004.

4 23

APPENDIX A

The John Redpath Family 1ST MARRIAGE JOHN REDPATH b. 1796 Earlston, Scotland d. March 5, 1869 Montreal, Canada

[1.] Elizabeth (Betsy) b. Sept. 12, 1819, Montreal d. Nov. 9, 1883, Montreal

[2.] Peter b. Aug. 1, 1821, Montreal d. Feb. 1, 1894, Chistlehurst, England

[3.] Mary b. Nov. 14, 1823, Montreal d. Dec. 18, 1893, Eastbourne, England

m. Dec. 19, 1818, St. Gabriel's Presbyterian Church, Montreal

m. Sept. 28, 1840, St. Paul's Presbyterian Church, Montreal

m. 1847, Manchester, England

m. Feb. 4, 1846, Crescent Presbyterian Church, Montreal

i 24 McCord Museum of Canadian History: * M.994.35. i,

**Notman photograph, h 370. i

JANET MACPHEE b. July 26, 1791, Glengarry County, UC d. July 26, 1834, Montreal

John Dougall b. July 8, 1808, Paisley, Scotland d. Aug. 19, 1886, Flushing, Long Island New York, USA

Grace Wood b. 1815, Manchester, England d. Jan. 30, 1907, Chistlehurst, England

Thomas Malligum Taylor b. May 4, 1822, Scotland d. Aug. 7, 1892, Montreal

Appendix A

[4.] Jane b. Nov. 14, 1825, Montreal d. May 11, 1828, Montreal

[5.] Helen b. Sept. 1, 1827, Montreal d. April 30, 1883, Montreal

m. Sept. 15, 1857, Cote Street Presbyterian Church, Montreal

George Alexander Drummond b. Oct. 11, 1829, Edinburgh, Scotland d. Feb. 2, 1910, Montreal

[6.] Jane Margaret b. Feb. 17, 1832, Montreal d. Aug. 16, 1897, Edinburgh, Scotland

[7.] John James b.Jan. 19, 1834, Montreal d. June 4, 1884, Montreal

Notman photographs, McCord Museum of Canadian History: * I3i40.i,

m. Aug. 20, 1867, Putney Church, London, England

** Be840 Ell

Ada Maria Mills b. April 26, 1842, Montreal d.June 13, 1901, Montreal

i 25


2ND MARRIAGE JOHN REDPATH b. 1796, Earlston, Scotland d. Mar. 5, 1869, Montreal

[1.] Margaret Pringle b. Oct. 26, 1836, Montreal d. 1906, Edinburgh, Scotland

[2.] George Drummond b. Aug. 19, 1839, Montreal d. Nov. 15, 1877, Colorado, USA

m. Sept. 11, 1835, St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church, Kingston, Ontario

m. Mar. 1, 1866, Cote Street Presbyterian Church, Montreal

m. May 29, 1867, Shanklin, Isle of Wight, England

m. (2nd), May 4, 1871, St. George's Anglican Church, Montreal

i 26

" McCord Museum of Canadian History, M.994.35.2

JANE DRUMMOND b. Oct. 4, 1815, Edinburgh, Scotland d.Jan. 30, 1907, Montreal

Alexander Dennistoun b. Sept. 6, 1821, Camis Eskin, Dunbartonshire, Scotland d. Nov. 2, 1895, Scotland

Alice Stiles Mills b. Aug. 14, 1845, Montreal d. Dec. 1869, Glastonbury, England

Annie J. Savage b. 1842, Montreal d. Details not known

Appendix A

[3.]Williamina b. Sept. 17, 1841, Montreal d. July 12, 1842, Montreal

[4.] Isabella Agnes b. Aug. 18, 1844, Montreal d.Jan. 5, 1846, Montreal

[5.] Francis (Frank) Robert b. Feb. 22, 1846, Montreal d. Dec. 15, 1928, Montreal

m. Sept. 27, 1876, St. George's Anglican Church, Montreal

Caroline Elizabeth Plimsoll b.1840 d. Mar. 15, 1909, Montreal

[6.] Charles Andrew b. Mar. 11, 1848, Montreal d. June 24, 1849, Montreal

4 27


[7.] Augusta Eleanor b. June 6, 1850, Montreal d. Aug. 3, 1910, Metis, Quebec

[8.] Emily Jane Bonar b. Sept. 10, 1853, Montreal d. Dec. 5, 1941, Montreal

m. May 17, 1884, St. Paul's Presbyterian Church, Montreal

m. May 5, 1880, St. Paul's Presbyterian Church, Montreal

[9.] Harriet Ina b. Sept. 24, 1854, Montreal d. May 28, 1858, Montreal

[10.] William Wood b. Feb. 25, 1858, Montreal d. July 26, 1881, Metis, Quebec

Notman photographs, McCord Museum of Canadian History: * 147262.1, ** 1 3 2 8 2 1 . 4 , ***/38625.i

i 28

Charles James Fleet b. June 24, 1852, Montreal d. Sept. 13, 1927, Montreal

Henry Taylor Bovey b. May 7, 1852, Devonshire, England d. Feb. 2, 1912, Eastburne, England

APPENDIX B

Excerpt from "Representation upon the Legislative Union of Upper and Lower Canada" ...whatever might have been the political motives of the Imperial Government in sanctioning the division of the Province of Quebec into two separate Governments [Lower and Upper Canada], it cannot be denied that the chief result of the measure has been the fostering in Lower Canada.. .the rendering of the condition of the two races entirely distinct, and the creating of a great and increasing feeling of irritation between them, which, if not checked by their entire amalgamation, must, at no distant period, be the occasion of enmity so inveterate, as only to be overcome by the horrors of Civil War.... It must be apparent that the sacrifice of the interests of the British population and the obstruction of all internal improvements are the only means by which the separate views of the French Canadians can be accomplished. In confirmation of this conclusion, it is only necessary to avert to the Provincial Statute, 9th GEO IV c.73, by which the counties in the Province have been divided in such a manner as to neutralise, if not entirely to destroy the electoral privileges of the voters of British origin by swamping them amidst the greater numbers of French Canadians,- in the defeated attempt of the political leaders of the latter to deprive British inhabitants of the cities ... of a right of voting for members of the Assembly/ in their determined aversion to the establishment of Register Offices by which the introduction of foreign capital is

prevented and the security of mortgages is rendered ineffectual/ in their continuance of the oppressive and vexatious tenure of the Feudal Law, by which real estate is greatly depreciated in value, and the circulation of capital invested in it, impeded; in their constant hostility to every measure tending to facilitate the settlement of the Province, by emigration from the British Islands,- in their partial and unjust taxation of settlers upon their arrival from the Mother Country, and them only,- in their unfounded claims to the management and disposal of Crown Lands, by which the Royal sense and approbation of the conduct and bravery of the servants of the State and their settlement in the country would be alike frustrated; in their unceasing efforts to destroy the Charter of the British American Land Company and to prevent the increase of a British population in the Eastern Townships of the province,- in their avowed determination to procure the repeal of the Imperial Statutes by which a change of Seignorial Tenure can be obtained ... in the injurious system of temporary legislation adopted by the Assembly ... in the absolute dependence of the Judiciary and Executive for support upon the Assembly and the personal feelings of its Members ... and in the persevering and unwearied endeavours of the French Canadian political leaders to destroy the Constitution of the Province and to introduce a Republican form of Government .... (CIHM 21539]

1 29

APPENDIX C

Excerpt from "When I Was a Little Girl" by Lily Dougall

.. .We lived on a hill that stands in the middle of an island in the great river St. Lawrence. The hill was so big we called it 'The mountain'... In winter we had the snow to play with. With the winter it always came, snow upon snow, till it lay deep under the old apple trees in the orchard, under the elms of the avenue, and under the spreading maples upon the slopes of the hill above. We looked down the slope also and saw the town.. .Over the mountains beyond the river the sun came up each morning like a scarlet ball. A long scarlet ray came through the big keyhole of the house door,the light on the frosted front windows was like light reflected from beds of geranium. Then while we ate porridge and cream the sun would come up higher into the clear blue and change to white blinding light, and the snow shone back as if every grain were a diamond... ... I do not remember much about lessons. I always played with a little boy called Willie [William Wood Redpath] .... There was a wooden gallery that stood a few yards above the ground, and we used to climb to this by an outside stair and jump off the edge of its railing.. .We made snow houses.. .and fashioned tables and stools therein... we each had a little toboggan and we had a long, steep avenue to slide upon. On either side of the road was a row of stately elm trees. The joy of looking up at their curved interlacing i 30

Lily Dougall and William (Willy) Wood Redpath. branches against the blue was so great that we tried sliding downhill lying on our backs. To steer a toboggan in this attitude is not easy, but.. .a little child in its experiments with life does some things that would baffle an athlete...

Appendix C

.. .When the snow melted, every path on the hillside twinkled with a little sparkling stream... the progress up the mountain for the first flowers was one of great excitement.. .When we had climbed half-way up the hill, we went first to the house of the fairy. You may not believe that a fairy lived there, but she did... She took whatever shape she liked, and one of us always knew what shape she had taken, and told the other.. .No one else saw her or heard her. That was because they did not know where or how to look... .. .When we got to the top of the hill, .. .we came to a great shallow pond. A thousand little frogs lived in it, and they were all busy piping.. .It was time then to go further to the place of graves where lay our dead. They were in a sense ours, those people who lay under the tombs that we knew so well - little people and big, you could tell which by the size of the grave/ brothers, sisters, grandparents. What were they now.. .Did they sit on the stones unseen by us, and see us when we two came to look solemnly at them? ... once Willie said that he thought a 'soul' was something like his mother's silk parasol when the sun shone on it, and I was quite sure that it was like a spiral of gold wire with thistledown inside. But the people who sat upon the graves were not like this/ they were like real people, but light as air, so that even if you could see them, you could put your hand through them as though a sunbeam full of dancing motes. Our dead were not shades to us/ they were shining lights... .. .When the stream ran almost dry, and August had come, we went back to the big old orchard and climbed about, day after day, in the old apple trees. None so high we could not climb them. We could swing with our hands from the high branches and drop to the ground.. .the apples

The horse trough in Mount Royal Park. ripened one by one at first, then by hundreds. How many apples can you eat when you are not yet four feet high? No one ..counted.. .yet I am sure we were not ill.. .It was after that the leaves of the maple forest on the mountain turned red and yellow.. .we used to be taken up the hill to see the sunset upon the gorgeous woodland... .. .The bright leaves soon fell, making a brown rustling carpet everywhere, and then the snow came, effacing all paths and covering the fairy's hole, the stream and the tombs. A little boy and girl may not play alone upon that hill now. It has been sold for money, and turned into what they call a 'Park'. They have blasted the rock where the fairy lived to make a carriage road, and turned the stream into drinking troughs and fountains. The place of graves only is left unmolested, and Willie lies there... (NAC, MG29 / Cs4 / Volume 5/7.] i 3i

APPENDIX D

Excerpt from Charles Buller's Journal

i 32

.. .When we came to look around us, and endeavoured to judge of the feelings & situations of the different classes of the population, it appeared at first sight entirely impossible to ascertain the truth about either. The great mass of the population of Lower Canada, those of the French race, appeared to be placed utterly beyond the reach of any communication with the Government. There could however be no doubt that this whole population was thoroughly disaffected to the British Government/ that it remained brooding over the memory of its late defeat, & the annihilation of its recent predominance, & that it cherished the hope of avenging its imagined wrongs, & triumphing over its rulers by means of more combined insurrection, & the aid of foreign allies [Americans] ... Their desires, as far as they could be ascertained, seemed to be wild & impractable. All demanded, & perhaps the greater part expected that the new government would attempt to conciliate them by placing things just in the position in which they had been before the insurrection, that Lord Durham would establish the Constitution, which Parliament had suspended—bring back the local Assembly with its French majority, grant a complete amnesty to the insurgent leaders & trust them with all the power that they had been used to demand during the period of their greatest influence & most exaggerated pretensions... .. .The leaders of the British Party, who were for the most part leading merchants of Montreal.. .were little pleased at the change of circumstances, which partly by the necessary consequences of the suspension of the Constitution, & partly by Ld Durham's own policy had excluded them from all share

in the government. These men had however too much tact voluntarily to place themselves in open collision with the Governor General. The mass of the British population, however heated by the fierce conflict of the two races were after all in the main actuated by very laudable purposes. Their main object was the tranquility & improvement of the Provinces.. .The subversion of the French ascendancy had gone far to satis.fy most of them & the appointment of Ld Durham.. .had been popular with the great mass of them because from his liberal opinions & known energy of character they expected that speedy and extensive reforms would be made in the obnoxious constitution of the Province & a great impulse given to its internal improvement.. .Our main difficulty with them arose from their wish to push their victory over their opponents further than good sense or good feeling would permit. This was the mere consequence of the dangerous & protracted conflict... ... Ld Durham had not lost the opportunity afforded him by the visits of the leaders of the British, who on their return spread the most favourable reports of his views. An instant change was produced on the minds of these people... When Ld Durham landed on the 6^ the whole city turned out to greet him, & received him with the utmost enthusiasm... .. .we remained some days in Montreal & it was here that Ld Durham in a private interview with a large number of the British leaders developed for the first time an outline of his views with respect to the permanent settlement of the colonies..." (MAC, Durham Papers, MG24 /A27Microfilm ReelA.220.)

APPENDIX E

Excerpt from the "Montreal Annexation Manifesto" of i849

To the People of Canada The number and magnitude of the evils that afflict our country, and the universal and increasing depression of its material interests, call upon all persons animated by a sincere desire for its welfare to combine for the purpose of inquiry and preparation with a view to the adoption of such remedies as a mature and dispassionate investigation may suggest. Belonging to all parties, origins and creeds, but yet agreed upon the advantage of co-operation for the performance of a common duty to ourselves and our country, growing out of a common necessity, we have consented, in view of a brighter and happier future, to merge in oblivion all past differences of whatever character, or attributable to whatever source. In appealing to our fellow-colonists to unite with us in this our most needful duty, we solemnly conjure them, as they desire a successful issue and the welfare of their country, to enter upon the task at this momentous crisis in the same fraternal spirit. The reversal of the ancient policy of Great Britain, whereby she withdrew from the colonies their wonted protection in her markets, has produced the most disastrous effects upon Canada.. .Our provincial government and civic corporations, embarrassed/ our banking and other securities greatly depreciated/ our

mercantile and agricultural interests alike unprosperous/ real estate scarcely saleable upon any terms/ our unrivalled rivers, lakes, and canals almost unused/ whilst commerce abandons our shores/ the circulating capital amassed under a more favourable system is dissipated with none from any quarter to replace it. Thus, without available capital, unable to effect a loan with foreign states, or with the Mother Country... this possession of the British Crown—our country—stands before the world in humiliating contrast with its immediate neighbours, exhibiting every symptom of a nation fast sinking into decay... .. .Having thus adverted to some of the causes of our present evils, we would consider how far the remedies ordinarily proposed possess sound and rational inducement to justify their adoption: 1. "The revival of protection in the markets of the United Kingdom." This, if attainable in a sufficient degree, and guaranteed for a long period of years, would ameliorate the condition of many of our chief interests, but the policy of the empire forbids the anticipation. Besides, it would be but a partial remedy. The millions of the Mother Country demand cheap food/ and a second change from protection to free trade i 33


would complete the ruin which the first has done much to achieve. 2. "The protection of home manufactures." Although this might encourage the growth of a manufacturing interest in Canada, yet, without access to the United States market, there would not be a sufficient expansion of that interest, from the want of customers, to work any result that could be admitted as a 'remedy" for the numerous evils of which we complain. 3. "A federal union of the British American provinces." The advantages claimed for that arrangement are free trade between the different provinces, and a diminished governmental expenditure. The attainment of the latter object would be problematical, and the benefits anticipated from the former might be secured by legislation under our existing system. The markets of our sister provinces would not benefit our trade in timber.. .and their demand for agricultural products would be too limited to absorb our means of supply Nor could Canada expect any encouragement to her manufacturing industry from those quarters. A federal union, therefore, would be no remedy.

1 34

4. "The independence of the British North American colonies as a federal republic." The consolidation if its new institutions from elements hitherto so discordant—the formation of treaties with foreign powers—the acquirement of a name and character among the nations—would, we fear, prove an over-match for the strength of the new republic. And, having regard to the powerful confederacy of states counterminous with

itself, the needful military defences would be too costly to render independence a boon, whilst it would not, any more than a federal union, remove those obstacles which retard our material prosperity. 5. "Reciprocal free trade with the United States, as respects the products of the farm, the forest, and the mine." If obtained, this would yield but an instalment of the many advantages which might be otherwise secured.. .It would neither so amend our institutions as to confer stability nor ensure confidence in their permanence, nor would it allay the violence of the parties, or, in the slightest degree, remedy many of our prominent evils. Of all of the remedies that have been suggested for the acknowledged and insufferable ills with which our country is afflicted, there remains but one to be considered. It propounds a sweeping and important change in our political and social condition involving considerations which demand our most serious examination. This remedy consists in a friendly and peaceful separation from British connection and a union upon equitable terms with the great North American Confederacy of sovereign states... We address you without prejudice or partiality,—in the spirit of sincerity and truth—in the interest of our common country,—and our single aim is its safety and welfare. If to your judgement and reason our object and aim be at this time deemed laudable and right, we ask an oblivion of past dissensions/ and from all, without distinction of origin, party or creed, that earnest and cordial cooperation in such lawful, prudent, and judicious means as may best conduct us to our common destiny...(CIHM 22135)

Notes

Chapter 1: From the Old World to the New 1. Line taken from the poem Jerusalem ("And did those Feet in ancient times..."), by William Blake, 1757-1827. 2. The Emigrant's Guide to the British Settlements in Upper Canada, and the United States of America (London: 1820)/ Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions, (hereafter referred to as CIHM) CIHM No. 61684.

3. Ibid.

4. ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. James Wilson, Narrative of a Voyage from Dublin to Quebec, published in 1822. CIHM No. 63247. Chapter 2: A New Life in a New Land 1. Presbyterian Church Archives, Toronto, St. Gabriel's Church Registers, Vol. 2, 1976, 4002.2.2. Chapter 3: Working in the Wilderness 1. Presbyterian Church Archives, Toronto. St. Gabriels Church Registers, Vol. 2, 1976.4002.2.2. 2. Letter from Captain Savage to Lieutenant Colonel John By, Sept. 6, 1828, National Archives of Canada (hereafter referred to as NAC), Andrew Drummond Papers, MG29/824/Vol.l.

3. 4. 5. 6.

Report to Lieutenant Frome, 1832, Ibid. Excerpt from Dr. Barkers pamphlet, Ibid. NAC, Andrew Drummond Papers, Ibid. Robert Legget, The Rideau Waterway (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972) 114-115. 7. McCord Museum Archives, Montreal. Garneau Papers, 20175. 8. Catharine Parr Traill, "Letter IV" in The Backwoods of Canada (originally published in 1836) (Reprinted Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1989) 43. Chapter 4: A Tragic Loss and a New Beginning 1. Presbyterian Church Archives, Toronto. St. Paul's Church Registers, 1994.4012.7.5. 2. Presbyterian Church Archives, Toronto. St. Andrews (Montreal) Church Registers, 1994.4012.2.2. 3. Presbyterian Church Archives, Toronto. St. Andrews (Kingston) Church Registers, 1984.4013.1.14. Chapter 5: Defending Against Rebellion and a New Home 1. At this time, Montreal was the crossroads for the network of trade routes that ran between the resourcerich interior of "Canada" and the expanding consumer markets of Great Britain and Europe. The term "Merchants" was therefore applied to the group of 4 35


2.

3. 4. 5.

6.

7. 8. 9.

influential businessmen and entrepreneurs of Montreal who came to dominate this lucrative transhipment trade. For more details on this period, see Elinor Kyte Senior, Redcoats and Patriotes-. The Rebellions in Lower Canada 1837-38. Stittsville, ON:, Canada's Wings Inc., 1985 (Canadian War Museum Historical Publication No. 20). Declaration of the Constitutional Association, CIHM 21450. Presbyterian Church Archives, Toronto, St. Paul's Church Registers, 1994.4012.7.5. Architectural credits for John W. Hopkins include: the Montreal Customs House, the Montreal Harbour Commission building, The Montreal Telegraph Co. offices, the St. James Club building. Letter from John Redpath to Mr. M. Donaldson, May 6, 1837, McCord Museum Archives, Montreal, Garneau Papers 20147. Ibid. Letter from John Redpath to Mr. C. Carthage, July 19, \ 837, Ibid. Letter from John Redpath to C. Carthage, August 1837, Ibid.

Chapter 6: We Stand on Guard 1. NAC, Colborne Papers, Philpotts to Colborne, Nov. 1, 1837, C. Series, Vol. 1270, 2850-2844. 2. NAC, Ottawa. Colbourne Papers, C Series, Vol. 1271, 11. 3. Bylaws of the Montreal Mechanics Institute, CIHM 60190. 4. Petition to the Rt. Hon. C. Poulett Thompson, CIHM 35843. 1 36

5. NAC, Ottawa, Dougall Family Correspondence, MG29/C34/Vol. 5. Chapter 7: Interlude 1. David Hanna, "Creation of an early Victorian Suburb," Urban History Review, 1980, Issue No. 2, 39-40, a publication of the Canadian Museum of Civilization. 2. Ibid. 41. 3. Presbyterian Church Archives, Toronto, Cote Street Free Presbyterian Church, Session Minutes, 1978.4001.2.1. 4. Ibid. 5. NAC, Provincial Secretaries Office, Records. TG4/Cl/Vol. 121. Chapter 8: Changing Fortunes 1. Times (London), February 6, 1846. 2. Report on the finances for the Provident and Savings Bank. CIHM 62941. Chapter 9: Realist, Reformer, Reactionary or Revolutionary 1. Weekly Despatch (London), December 1849. 2. NAC, Governor Generals Official and Personal Correspondence and Despatches, the Earl of Elgin. MG24/Al6/Microfilm Reel A396. 3. NAC, Governor General's Official and Personal Correspondence and Despatches, the Earl of Elgin. MG24/Al6/Microfilm Reel A400. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. Correspondence between the Annexation Association and the Earl of Elgin. CIHM 22156.

Notes

Chapter 10: A New Direction 1. Letter from Peter Redpath to John James Redpath, Feb. 10, 1854, Redpath Sugar Museum Archives. 2. John Ostell (1813-1892) was born in London, England, and arrived in Canada in 1834. His accomplishments are many, as follows: land surveyor for the City of London/ architect for the Montreal Custom House, the Arts building at McGill University and the Protestant Orphan Asylum/ President of the Montreal Railway Company, Montreal City Passenger Railway, City Gas Company and the Montreal & Champlain Railway. 3. The Elgin Association, incorporated by Act of Parliament on August 10, 1850, led to the Elgin Settlement founded by Rev. William King. He had been appointed to Canada by the Colonial Committee of the Free Church of Scotland in 1846. As an Elder of the Presbyterian Church of Canada, John Redpath was one of a group who formed an advisory committee to oversee the financing of the settlement (present-day Buxton) for former Black Slaves in Canada West (present-day Ontario). 4. Witness, Montreal, 7 March 1855. 5. Gazette, Montreal, 15 March 1855. 6. Yvon Deslogies & Alain Gelly, The Lachine Canal. Septentrian, 2002, 112. 7. For additional details see Richard Feltoe, Redpath: The History of a Sugar House. Toronto: Natural Heritage, 1991. 8. Poem, "Little Harriet," Redpath Sugar Museum Archives, Toronto. Chapter 11: A Gentleman of Substance 1. Articles of Partnership (1860), Redpath Sugar Museum Archives, Toronto.

2. Redpath "seven-year agreement" (1862), Ibid. 3. Letter from George A. Drummond to John Redpath, Mar. 16, 1863, Ibid. 4. Memorial from employees at the Canada Sugar Refinery, Redpath Sugar Museum, Jan. 2, 1865. 5. Alice Stiles was a daughter of John Easton Mills, a former Mayor of Montreal. She had moved to England with her mother, Hannah, and her sister, Ada Maria, following the death of her father. 6. NAG, RG7/G20/Vol. 114. 7. NAC, Antiquarian & Numismatic Society of Montreal Papers, MG23/G111/25. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10. NAC, Ottawa. Antiquarian & Numismatic Society of Montreal Papers, Numbered Series I, Vol. 830. 11. Presbyterian Church Archives, Toronto. Cote Street Free Presbyterian Church, Deacons Court Minutes, 1978.4001.3.2. 12. Ibid. 13. Montreal Presbytery Minute Book, CIHM 92768. 14. Obituary address by Rev. MacVicar, Redpath Sugar Museum Archives. 15. Montreal Witness, March 5, 1869. 16. Obituary address, Redpath Sugar Museum Archives 17. Montreal Witness, March 9, 1869. Chapter 12: But What Happened to ...? 1. For details see Redpath: The History of a Sugar House.

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Selected Bibliography

BOOKS Brown, George W. (gen. ed.), The Dictionary of Canadian Biography: Vol. V-XIII. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, (1966 and 1991 editions).

Greer, Allan, The Patriots and the People-. The Rebellion of 1837 in Rural Lower Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993.

Brown, R.C., The Illustrated History of Canada. Revised Edition. Toronto: Key Porter Books, 2000.

Jenkins, Kathleen, Montreal Island City of the St. Lawrence. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1966.

Bumstead, J.M., The Peoples of Canada-. A Pre-Confederation History. Toronto.- Oxford University Press, 1992.

Leacock, Stephen, Montreal Seaport and City. Revised Edition. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1963.

Collard, Edgar Andrew, Montreal The Days That Are No More. Toronto: Doubleday Canada, 1976.

Legget, Robert, Rideau Waterway. Revised Edition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972.

Craig, Gerald M.(ed.), Lord Durham's Report: An Abridgement of a Report on the Affairs of British North America. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1963.

Legget, Robert, Ottawa Waterway: Gateway to a Continent. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975.

Desloges, Yvon and Gelly, Alain, TheLachine Canal. Sillery, Quebec: Septentrion, 2002. Denison, Merrill. Canada's First Bank: A History of the Bank of Montreal. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1966. Feltoe, Richard, Redpath: The History of a Sugar House. Toronto: Natural Heritage Books, 1991.

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History. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Wilson, 1986.

Martin, Ged, Britain and the Origins of Canadian Confederation i837-67. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1995. Masters, Donald C, The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854: Its History, Its Relation to British Colonial and Foreign Policy to the Development of Canadian Fiscal Autonomy. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1963.

, Let Redpath Sweeten It. Toronto: Natural Heritage Books, 1993.

Mclnnis, Edgar, Canada: A Political and Social History. 4th Edition. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada, 1982.

Francis, Douglas and Smith, Donald, Readings in Canadian

Mika, Nick and Mika, Helma, Bytown: The Early Days of

Selected B i b l i o g r a p h y

Ottawa. Belleville, Ontario: Mika Publishing Co., 1982. New, Chester W. Lord Durham's Mission to Canada-. An Abridgement of Lord Durham-. A Biography of John Lambton, First Earl of Durham. Revised Edition. Edited by H.W. McCready. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1971. Ouellet, Fernand, Lower Canada 4791-4840: Social Change and Nationalism. Translated and adapted by Patricia Claxton. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1980. Prevost, Robert, Montreal A History. Translated by Elizabeth Mueller and Robert Chodos. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1993. Senior, Elinor Kyte, Redcoats and Patriotes-. The Rebellions in Lower Canada, 4837-38. Stittsville, Ontario: Canada's Wings in collaboration with the Canadian War Museum, National Museum of Man, National Museums of Canada, 1985. Stacey, C.P, Canada and theBritish Army 4846-4874: A Study in the Practice of Responsible Government. Revised Edition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1963. Wade, Mason, The French Canadians, 4760-4964. Vol. 1. Revised Edition. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1968. Wallace, W. Stewart (ed.), The Macmillan Directory of Canadian Biography. 4th Edition. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1978.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS (NOT PUBLISHED) Notebooks, account books, ledgers, and letterbooks, originally belonging to John Redpath, held in the collection of the McCord Museum, Montreal under catalogue references:

John Redpath Papers, Items 1-21 Garneau Papers, Items 20145-20175 Church records, Deacons Court minute books, Birth/Marriage/Death registers etc. related to the Presbyterian Churches in Montreal and Kingston, held in the Archives of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, Toronto, under catalogue references: St. Gabriel's Church 1976.4002.2.2. St. Paul's Church 1994.4012.7.5. St. Andrew's Church (Montreal) 1994.4012.2.2 St. Andrew's Church (Kingston) 1984.4013.1.14. Cote Street Church 1978.4001.2.1 and 1978.4001.3.2. Letters, Official reports, Documents, and Genealogical information held in the National Archives of Canada under catalogue references: Andrew Drummond Papers: MG29/A24/Vol. 1. Colbourne Papers: C Series, Vol.1271 Durham Papers: MG24/A27/Microfilm Reel A1220 Dougall Family Correspondence: MG29/C34/Vol. 5. Provincial Secretaries Office, Records: TG4/Cl/Vol. 121. The Earl of Elgin's Correspondence: MG24/Al6/Microfilm Reel A400. Antiquarian and Numismatic Society of Montreal, Papers: MG23/G111 /Vol. 25. and Vol. 830.

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Index Abbott, John, 84 Allan, Hugh, 115 American Civil War, 100, 102, 129 Amherstburg (CW), 69 Annexation Association, 81, 83, 86, 87 Annexation Manifesto, 84, 86, 133 Art Association of Montreal, 118, 119 Articles of Confederation, 106 Atlantic Telegraph Co., The, 103 Backwoods of Canada, The, 37

Bank of Montreal (Montreal), 19, 22, 37, 66, 69, 71,78,90,92,99, 118, 119 Barber, (Dr.), 49 Barker, E. (Dr.), 27 Battle of Waterloo, 8 Bear Creek Coal Mine, The, 103 Belvidede Mining Co., The, 103 Black, Edward (Rev.), 34, 35 Bonaparte, Napoleon, 7,8 Bonsecours Market (Montreal), 81 Bourne, Adolphus, 21 Bovey, Emily Jane Bonar (Redpath) (daughter of John) (Mrs. Henry), 90, 109, 128 Bovey, Henry Taylor, 128 British American League, 83 British Government, 25, 26, 47, 57, 60, 79, 81, 8387 Brockville (CW), 107 Brougham, Lord, 61, 132 Buller, Charles, 61, 132 Burrows, Thomas, 30 By, John, (Lieut. Col., Royal Engineers), 25-27, 29, 35, 36 Bytown (later Ottawa), 24-26, 29 1 40

C&D, see Canada and Dominion Sugar Co. Ltd.

Canada Foreign Missionary Society, 92, 99 Canada Iron Mining Co., The, 103 Canada Jute Co., 119, 120 Canada and Dominion Sugar Co. Ltd. (C&D), 121 Canada East (formerly Lower Canada), 70 Canada Sugar Refinery, 88, 90-94, 99, 100, 102, 111, 113, 116, 118, 121, 122, 137 Canada Sugar Refining Co. Ltd., 118, 119-121 Canada West (formerly Upper Canada), 69, 137 Canadian Institute, 118 Canadian Pacific Railway Co., 119 Canadian Senate, 119 Canadian Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, 118 Canadian Sunday School Union, 48, 92 Capel Copper Mine, The, 103 Carleton University, 27 Carthage, C. (Mr.), 50, 60 Catholic Church, Roman Catholics, 57, 70, 106, 107, 109 Champlain and St. Lawrence Railway Co., 48 Champs de Mars (Montreal), 80 Chislehurst (Kent), 118, 119, 124 Church of Scotland, see also Presbyterian Church, 34, 70, 71 Citizens League of Montreal, 119, 120 City Gas Co., 137 City Militia, 4th Battalion (Montreal), 37 Colbourne, John (Sir), 58,61 Committee of Relief (Montreal), 90 Committee of Management (Montreal Auxiliary Bible Society), 82 Committee of Management (St. Andrew's Society), 41,46

Committee of Sanitation (Montreal), 39 Confederation of the Provinces (Federal Union), 104-106

Confederation Committee, 105, 106 Constitutional Association, Constitutionalists, 46, 47, 57, 48 Corn Law, 85 Cote Street (Montreal), 72, 73, 107, 115 Cote Street Free Presbyterian Church, 71, 72, 92, 104, 106, 107, 115, 118, 125, 126 Court, James, 115 Couvrette, (Mr.), 17 Crescent Presbyterian Church (Montreal), 124 Cumberland Railroad and Coal Co., 119, 120 Cumnor Churchyard (Oxford), 120 Dalhousie Square (Montreal), 19, 36 Dennistoun, Alexander, 103, 104, 126 Dennistoun, Margaret Pringle (Redpath) (daughter of John) (Mrs. Alexander), 48, 97, 103, 104, 126 Des Rivieres Farm, 49-51 Desloges, Yvon, 93 Dominion Sugar Co. Ltd., 121, 122 Donaldson, M. (Mr.), 49 Dorchester Street (now Boul. Rene Levesque), 68, 69 Doric Club, 46, 58 Dougall, Elizabeth (Betsy) (Redpath) (daughter of John) (Mrs. John), 18, 43, 51, 64, 65, 120, 124 Dougall, John, 51, 64, 65, 77, 78, 120, 124 Dougall, John Redpath (grandson of John), 120 Dougall, Lily (granddaughter of John), 49, 51, 120, 130 Dougall, Redpath & Co., 77 Drummond, Andrew, 27 Drummond, George (Mr.), 8, 41 Drummond, George Alexander, 90, 93, 95, 96, 99101, 103, 119, 125 Drummond, Helen (Redpath) (daughter of John) (Mrs. George A.), 25, 43, 95, 96, 100, 119, 125

Index

Drummond, Huntly Redpath (grandson of John), 119-122 Drummond, Jane, see Jane Redpath Drummond, Margaret (Mrs. Robert), 41 Drummond, Robert, 11, 41 Drummond, Thomas, 41 Drummond Street (Montreal), 68, 69 Durham, Lord (Gov. Gen.), 60, 61, 132 Durham Report (1841), 60, 61

Glengarry County (UC), 124 Gordon Parish (Scotland), 8 Gosford, Lord (Gov. Gen), 46, 57, 60

Eadiejohn, 78 Earlston (Scotland), 7, 8, 11, 111, 124, 126 Edinburgh, City of, 7, 8, 90, 125, 126 Edmund's Pond, 24, 29 Edward VII, King, see Wales, Prince of Elgin, Earl of (Gov. Gen.), 80, 83, 84, 86, 92 Elgin Settlement, 137 Enfants de la Liberte, 57 Erie Canal, 75 Esson, Henry (Rev.), 34, 35, 72

Hanna, David (Mr.), 67, 68 Hartswell's (near Bytown, UC), 27, 36

Fairbairn, Elspeth (Redpath) (sister of John) (Mrs. Thomas), 8, 19,41,43,60 Fairbairn, Thomas, 19, 43 Fenians, 102 Ferguson, J. (Mr.), 115 Ferres, John, 80 Fleet, Augusta Eleanor (Redpath) (daughter of John), 89, 128 Fleet, Charles James, 128 Free Presbyterian Church, 70 Freeland, (Mr.), 79 French-Canadian Mission, 69 Frome, (Lieut.) (Royal Engineers), 27 Gait, AT. (Hon.), 84, 105 Gauci, William, 56 Gazette (Quebec City) 13, 14 Gelly, Alain, 93 German Society, 46 Gils, (Mr.), 29 Gilles, (Mr.), 115

Grace Redpath (ship), 103

Great Exhibition (Crystal Palace) (London), 89 Greenock (Scotland), 13, 14, 89 Grey, Earl (British Colonial Secretary), 83, 84, 86, 87 Guy, Louis (Lieut.) (81st Regiment), 58

Helen Drummond (ship), 103

Hides, E., 80 Hogsback (near Bytown, UC), 27, 36 Hopkins, John W., 49, 136 Howard, Augustus, 80 Independentists (St. Gabriel's Church), 34 Inglis, I. (Rev.), 115 Intercolonial Coal Mining Co., 118 Istmus (present-day Newboro), 24, 29 Ivy Cottage (Des Rivieres House), 49, 51 John Molson and Son, 19 John Redpath & Son, 93-95, 99, 100, 121 Jones Falls (UC), 19, 24, 26, 27-29, 30-33, 36, 41, 60 King, E.H., 115 Kingston (UC), 24, 25, 27, 41, 43, 69, 70, 79, 92, 126 La Societe Saint-Jean Baptiste, 46 Lachine Canal, 19, 20, 91, 93, 121, 122 Lachine Canal, The, 93

Lachine Rapids, 18 Lacolle, Community of, 61 Ladies Auxiliary to the French-Canadian Mission, 69 Ladies French Evangelization Society of Montreal, 118

Lady of the Lake (steamer), 39

Lafontaine, Louis Hippolyte, 79, 80 LaPrairie (LC), 48 Laurent, Isidore, 74 Laurier, Wilfrid (Sir) (Prime Minister), 119 Legerwood Parish (Scotland), 6, 8 Legget, Robert, 27 Leney, William S., 38 Les Freres Chasseurs, 61 London (UK), 64, 89, 113, 125, 137 Londonderry Coal and Iron Mines Co, 119 Long Island (UC), 29 Lord Nelson's Column, 19, 22 Lower Canada (LC), 13, 25, 36, 37, 45-47, 57, 60, 67,79,84, 104, 105, 129, 132 Loyalists (Lower Canada), 57, 60, 79, 80, 87 Luddite Movement, 7 Mack, John, 80 MacKay and Redpath, 18, 35, 36 MacKay, Thomas, 18, 19, 25, 26, 35 MacPherson, D.L, 84 MacVicar, , (Rev.), 112, 113, 115 Magdalene Asylum (Montreal), 72 Marrick (Merrickville) (UC), 29 Masonic Hall (Montreal), 19 Mathieson, Alexander (Rev.), 41 McCord Museum, 18, 29 McGill, Peter, 21,67, 100 McGill University, 114, 118, 120, 137 McPhee, Janet, see Janet Redpath Mechanics Institute (Montreal), 37, 48, 62-64 Melbourne Slate Co., The, 103 Mexican Power Co., 119 Mills, Ada Maria, see Ada Maria Redpath Mills, Alice Stiles, see Alice Redpath Mills, John Easton (Mayor), 77, 137 Mills, Hannah (Mrs. John), 137 Missouri Bond Issues, 103, 137 Montcalm, Louis-Joseph de, 45 Molson, William, 84 Montreal, City of, 14, 16-19, 21, 23, 25, 26, 33, 36-

i 4i


39, 41, 43, 45, 48, 49, 57, 58, 60-62, 64, 67-75, 77, 79-85, 87, 89, 91-93, 95, 99, 100, 106, 111, 112, 118, 120, 122, 124-128, 132, 135, 137 Montreal, Island of, 18, 62, 64 Montreal (steamer), 95 Montreal and Champlain Railway, 137 Montreal Auxiliary Bible Society, 62 Montreal Board of Trade, 118,119 Montreal Bobsleigh Club, 120 Montreal City Council, 67 Finance and General Accounts Committee, 67 Roads and Improvement Committee, 67 Montreal City Passenger Railway, 137 Montreal Council of Churches, 107 Montreal Customs House, 136 Montreal Fire, Life, and Inland Navigation Assurance Co., 62 Montreal Football Club, 120 Montreal Gazette, 80

Montreal General Hospital, 18, 37, 92, 99, 100, 118 Montreal Harbour, 72 Montreal Harbour Commission, 73, 103, 136 Montreal Home for Incurables, 119 Montreal Investment Association, The, 103 Montreal Ladies Educational Association, 118 Montreal Museum of Fine Arts, 119 Montreal Rolling Mills Co., 118 Montreal Sailors Institute, 118 Montreal Telegraph Co., 118, 136 Montreal Temperance Society, 62 Montreal Tow Boat Co., 37 Montreal Turnpike Roads Commission, 86 Montreal Ward Militia Regiments, 58 Montreal Water Works Co., 19, 22 Montreal Witness, 64, 112, 113, 120

1 42

Mount Royal, 16, 49, 56, 68, 92, 95, 116, 117 Mount Royal Cemetery, 115, 119, 120 Mount Royal Park, 120 Mount Royal Militia Cavalry Regiment, 58 Mountain Street (Montreal), 52, 69 Muir, Somerville ]., 18 Murray, William, 115

National Gallery of Canada, 119 National School House (Montreal), 19, 22, 35 Nelson Hotel (Montreal), 37 Nelson's Column, see Lord Nelson's Column Nepean, Township of, 37 New York City, 48-50, 60, 84, 124 Ninety-Two Resolutions (Lower Canada), 46, 47 Notre Dame Cathedral (Montreal), 19, 21, 26, 71 Odelltown, Community of, 61 Ogilvie Flour Co., 119 Old Sly's (UC), 24, 29 Ostell,John,90,91, 137 Ottawa (formerly Bytown), 27, 69 Ottawa River, 25, 36 Ottawa Steamboat Line, 37 Papineau, Joseph Louis, 36, 45 Paris Exhibition (France), 93 Patriote(s) (Lower Canada), 36, 45-47, 57, 58, 60, 61,79,80 Peterborough (ON), 104 Phillips, Thomas, 35 Philpots, George (Capt), 58 Place d'Armes (Montreal), 66, 69 Plamendon, A., 42 Plimsoll, Caroline Elizabeth, see Caroline Elizabeth Redpath Pointe Levi (Quebec), 103 Presbyterian Church of Canada, 70, 72, 106-108, 118, 137 Presbyterian Church, Presbyterian(s), 17, 70, 71 Presbyterian Church Synod, 34, 35, 70, 106-108 Presbyterian Canada Foreign Mission, 99 Presbyterian College (Montreal), 113, 118 Presbyterian Labrador Mission, 99 Pringle, Elizabeth, see Elizabeth Redpath Protestant Burial Ground, 92 Protestant Christian Church, 34, 70 Protestant Industrial House of Refuge (Montreal), 92 Protestant Institution for Deaf Mutes, 118

Protestant Orphan Asylum, 137 Protestant Reformation, 107 Provident and Savings Bank (Montreal), 69, 78, 89 Quebec, City of, 13, 14,39 Quebec, Port of, 39 Rebellion Losses Bill, 79, 81, 85 Rebellion of 1837-8, 59, 79 Redpath: Ada Maria (Milea) (Mrs. John J.), 109, 110, 112, 125, 137 Alice Stiles (Mills) (1st Mrs. George D.), 104, 109, 110, 126, 137 Amy (granddaughter of John), 112 Annie J. (Savage) (2nd Mrs. George D.), 104, 126 Augusta Eleanor, see Augusta Fleet Caroline Elizabeth (Plimsoll) (Mrs. Francis R.), 127 Charles Andrew (son of John), 77, 79, 97, 127 Elizabeth (Pringle) (mother of John, 2nd Mrs. Peter), 8 Elizabeth, see Elizabeth Dougall Ellen (sister of John), 8 Elspeth, see Elspeth Fairbairn Emily Jane Bonar, see Emily Bovey Francis (Frank) Robert (son of John), 73, 112, 127 George (brother of John), 8 George Drummond (son of John), 62, 101,102, 104, 109, 110, 126 Grace (Wood) (Mrs. Peter), 76, 77, 90, 118, 124 Harriet Ina, 92, 95, 97, 128 Helen (Melross) (1st Mrs. Peter), 8 Helen (niece of John), 35 Helen, see Helen Drummond Isabella Agnes (daughter of John), 72, 73, 97, 127 James (brother of John), 8 Jane (daughter of John), 19, 26, 97, 125

Index

Jane (Drummond) (2nd Mrs. John), 41, 42, 60, 62, 68-70, 73, 77, 95, 97, 100 104, 109, 118, 120, 126 Jane Margaret (daughter of John), 35, 43, 64, 90, 125 Janet (MacPhee/McPhee) (1st Mrs. John), 17, 18,25,40-42,97, 124 Jessie (niece of John), 35 John, 8, 9, 11-15, 17-19,21,23,25-27, 33-37, 39.43, 45, 46, 48-51, 57, 60, 62, 64, 67-73, 75-81, 84, 86, 87, 89-95, 97-108, 110-115, 117, 119-121, 123, 124, 126, 137 John James (son of John), 37, 43, 90, 92, 100, 101, 109-112, 125 Margaret Pringle, see Margaret Dennistoun Mary, see Mary Taylor Peter (father of John), 8 Peter (nephew of John), 11 Peter (son of John), 19, 43, 60, 64, 69, 76, 77, 90,92,94,99, 101, 102, 111, 118, 124 Robert (half-brother of John), 8, 11, 18, 35, 41, 69 William Wood, 95, 128, 130, 131 Williamina (daughter of John), 69, 97, 127 Redpath Industries, 122 Redpath Sugar Museum, 35, 91 Redpath: The History of a Sugar House, 89 "Representation upon the Legislative Union of Upper and Lower Canada," 129 Rideau Canal (Waterway), 21, 24-26, 33, 35, 36 Rideau River, 19,37,41 Rideau Waterway, The, 17 Riley, William (Mr.), 18, 19 Robinson, W.B., 80 Rockland Slate Co., The, 103 Rose, John, 84 Royal Canadian Golf Club, 119 Royal Commission, 47 Royal Edward Institute, 119 Royal Engineers, 25, 27 Royal Guides Regiment (Cavalry), 100

Royal Imperial Institute (London), 118 Royal St. Lawrence Yacht Club, 120 Royal Victoria Hospital Montreal), 119 Ryan, Thomas (Hon.), 113 Russian Consulate (Montreal), 120, 121 St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church (Kingston), 43, 126 St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church (Montreal), 40, 41 St. Andrew's Society, 41, 46, 95 St. Ann's Market (Montreal), 79 St. Catharines (CW), 69 St. Catherine Street (Montreal), 68, 69 St. Charles, Village of, 60 St. Denis, Village of, 60 St. Eustache, Village of, 60 St. Gabriel's Presbyterian Church (Montreal), 17, 19,26,34, 35,70-72, 124 St. George's Society, 46 St. Helen's Island, 18, 19,38 St. James Club (Montreal), 94, 95, 136 St. James Street (Montreal), 36, 43 St. Jean (sur Richelieu), 48 St. Joseph Street (Montreal), 107 St. Lawrence River, 10, 14, 18, 25, 39, 58, 72, 75, 95, 130 St. Lawrence Seaway, 122 St. Patrick's Society, 46 St. Paul's Presbyterian Church (Montreal), 35, 40, 41,48,70 St. Thomas (CW), 69 Savage, Annie J., see Annie Redpath Savage, (Captain), 26 Seminary of St. Sulpice (Sulpicians), 64, 91 Shanklin (Isle of Wight), 109, 110 Sherbrooke, John Coape (Sir) (Gov. Gen.), 14 Sherbrooke Street (Montreal), 52, 68, 69, 115 Square Mile (Montreal), 21 Smith's Falls (Rideau), 24, 29 Stevens, , 29

Tate&Lyle, 122 Taylor, Mary (Redpath) (daughter of John) (Mrs. Thomas), 19,43,73, 124 Taylor, Thomas Malligum, 73, 124 Terrace Bank (Montreal), 43, 44, 48-53, 92, 95, 97, 100, 112, 116, 120, 121 Theatre Royal (Montreal), 19 Thompson, Charles Poulett (Gov. Gen.), 64, 67 Times (England), 75 Tivendale, John, 18 Toronto (CW), 69, 81, 84, 90, 92, 122 Traill, Catharine Parr, 37 Underground Railroad, 92 Upper Canada (UC), 8, 11, 19, 25, 26, 36, 37, 45, 46,79,84,85, 124, 129 Urban History Review, 67 Victoria Bridge (Montreal), 95, 99 Victoria, Queen, 57, 58, 106 Victoria Rifles Regiment (Infantry), 100 Victorian Order of Nurses, 119 Volunteer Relief Fund (Montreal), 102 Wales, Prince of (later Edward VII), 99, 100 War of 1812-15, 25 Weekly Despatch (London), 84 "When I was a Little Girl," 53 White, Andrew, 35 William IV, King, 57 Wilkes, (Rev. Dr.), 115 Witness (Montreal), 120 Wolfe, James, 45 Wood, Grace, see Grace Redpath YMCA (Young Men's Christian Assoc.), 120 Young, (Mr.), 115

4 43

About The Author

Richard David Feltoe was born in Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, England, and initially came to Canada in 1967 at the age of 13. After completing high school in the Montreal suburb of Pointe-Claire, he returned to England in 1971 to undertake advanced (A) level studies and subsequently gained a B.Sc. (Honours) degree in Economics from London University in 1976. Richard has worked at the Redpath Sugar Museum since 1977 and currently holds the position of Museum Curator and Corporate Archivist. His earlier major published works include the two-volume corporate history Redpath: The History of a Sugar House and Let Redpath Sweeten It, as well as several shorter monographs, pamphlets, research papers and magazine articles. In addition to his comprehensive knowledge on the

i 44

subject of sugar, he also has an avid interest in the military history of Canada, in particular the North American War of 1812-1815, and was a founding member of both the Military Re-enactment Society of Canada and the Upper Canada Living History Association. Since taking up reenacting as a hobby in 1979, Richard has participated in Living History events throughout Canada, the United States and in Europe. He has also written a number of articles on facets of the war for various publications and is currently in the process of completing two larger military histories about the War of 1811-1815 within Upper Canada (Ontario). Married in 1976, Richard and his wife Diane have two adult children (Jane and Mark) and live in the Toronto suburb of Brampton, Ontario.

A Gentleman of Substance: The Life and Legacy of John Redpath (1796-1869)

A Gentleman of Substance

A Gentleman of Substance