World's Great Speeches

Tlrc Worldjs GreatSpeeches Edited by LEWIS COPELAND and LAWRENCE W. LAMM Third Enlarged Edition

DOVER PUBLICATIONS INC. NEW YORK

Copyright O 1942 by Copeland and Lamm, Inc. Copyright @ renewed 1969 by Faye Copcland. Copyright O 1958 by Dover Publications, Inc. Copyright O 1973 by Dover Publicadons, Inc. Copyright O 1973 by Copeland and Lamm, lnc. All rights reserved under Pan American and International Copyright Conventions. Published in Canada by General Publishing Companf, Ltd., 30 Lesmill Road, Don Mills, Toronto, Ontario. Published in rhe United Kingdom by Constable and Company, Ltd.

This Dover edition, first published in 1973, is a revised and enlarged republication of the second revised and updated edition published by Dover Publications, Inc., in 1958. The book was 6rst published by Doubleday & Co., Inc., in 1942. Part V, Important Speeches of the Sixties, and the Supplement, Survey of Speeches by Black Americans, have been added in the 1973 edition, as has a new Introduction.

Internotional Standard Book Number: 0-486-20458-5 Library of CongressCatalog Card Number: 74-I )95 I I Manufactured in the United States of America Dover Publications, Inc. 31 East 2nd Street Mineola. N.Y, 11101

Introduction

TO THE THIRD ENLARGEDEDITION The editors welcome this opportunity to bring The World's Great Speeches up .to date once more, by the addition of Part V, Important of the Sixties. Speeches -All of the speechesincluded in the Revised Edition of 1958 are present here in the slme sequence and grouping as before. The new material appears in the later pages of the book. 'in choosing addreisei for Part V, we have sought, as in the earlier Parts, to present miterial which is significant historically and culturally and which will be welcome both for reading and reference. Although the largest number of addressesis from the fields of statesmanship and political life, other areas of wide interest are also represented. The new Part is divided into two seitions: "XIII. The United States" and "XIV. World Affairs." We commence the Part with President Kennedy's memorable Inaugural Address. The sequence in the Part as a whole is basically chronological, but not rigidly so where enhanced reading interest is gained by placing speecheson related or contrasted subjects next to one another. As in the earlier Parts, a biographical note precedes each speaker's section, with a second note where there is more than one address by the same speaker. Thus the occasion on which each address was given is clearly indicated. We are very glad to be able at this time to include a survey of speeches by black Am'ericans as a supplement at the end of the volume.' These addresses, which extend froin Henry Highland Garnet (r8r5-r88r) to *.te selected by Philip S. Foner, professor of hisMalcolm X $gz5-rf5), tory at Lincoln University.

L. W. L. r972

INTRODUCTION

TO THE

SECOND EDITION

This revised edition of The World's Great Speechesretains all the features which made the first edition a classic in its field, a book popular both for enjoyable reading and as a valuable aid to public speakers. In preparing this new eclrtion,the publishers have added many outstanding speeches-of our own day, speechesdelivered during the years since the original edition. Thus, the book is once more a convenient handbook of the best in current spoken thinking on vital national, international, political, economic, and cultural topics, as well as a treasury of the great spoken thoughts of earlier times right through history. The organization of the book drflers somewhat from that of the original edition as describedin the Introduction to the First Edition, which we retain as a statement of the philosophy of selection used then and continued in choosing the additions for the ltevision. We wish to point out that the book is now divided into four maior sections.Part I, Great Speechesof Earlier Times, remains as it was. Part II, Great Speeches of Recent Times, represents the period following the First World War and the entire period of the SecondWorld War. Part III, Great Speechesof the Modern Period, gives us the yearsafter the SecondWorld War and continues up to the present, covering both domestic and international affairs. Part IV, Informal Speeches, corresponds to the final Part of the original edition. But it is interesting to note that a few of the speeches included in Chapter XI on International Affairs are presented in an informal setting and may therefore be considered examples of informal speeches. This is true of the talks by Dylan Thomas, Frank Lloyd Wright, and Adlai E. Stevenson to the graduating class at Smith. As in the original edition, at the end of the book the reader will find an Index of Topics, an Index by Nations, and an alphabeticalIndex of Speakers. The Topical Index will be especially convenient for those who wish to use the book as a guide in the planning of their own public addresses,or for locating quotable passageson specific subjects. It is the hope of the editors that the Revised Edition will prove in every way as valuable and interesting as the original book and that its welcome will be increasedby the inclusion of so many outstanding and varied presentday speeches. L. W. L. 1958

l

INTRODUCTION TO THE FIRST EDITION "EacH cRrsrsbrings its word and deedr" said Whittier. Human history is primarily a record of important and dramatic events, which have often been profoundly aflected by great speeches.Frbm the daysof Greeceand Rome to our own day, oratory and statesmanshiphave gonehand in hand. Many men of the sword have been noted also for their stirring eloquence. Speeches have their origins in antiquity. Perhapsthe funeral oration was the first public utterance.As man's progressdeveloped,the need for speech-makingincreased.The more gifted speakersbecame ttr.e lawmakers and leaders.By the time civrlization flowered in Athens, oratory becamea fine art of governmentand culture.And so it has continuedto our own stormy times. In making the selectionfor this volume care has been exercisedto include not merely the famousmasterpiecesof eloquencebut also the great historic addresseswhich are noteworthy for their powerful thought and logical presentation. This collection therefore embracespractically all forms of oratory-fiery and impassionedspeeches, learnedand philosophic speeches, reflective and poetic speeches,satirical and humorous speeches. The book has been divided into two major sections.The first section includesthe great speechesof earlier times. Here will be found the movof Demosthenes,Cicero,and other noted ing farewell of Socrates,speeches oratorsof Greeceand Rome.This sectioncontinueswith the great orations of the European continent-the religious masterpiecesof Luther, Calvin and PopeLeo XIII, the faming orations of the leadersof the French Revolution, the ennobling utterancesof Kossuth, Gambetta,and Zola, and the many others whose speechesare an important part of European history. This first sectionalsocontainsthe famousspeechesof Great Britain and the United States-under separateheadings-down to the end of the First Wodd War. In the British chapter will be found the great specchesof Burke, Pitt, Sheridan,Cobden,Bright, Gladstoneand Disraelir.as well as thoseof the leadersof the First World War. The American chapter is quite comprehensive.Here may be heard the eloquent voiccs of Patrick Henry, Samuel Adams and other leaders of the Revolution; the convincing logic of Hamilton, Madison, Marshall and others favoring or opposing the Federal Constitution; the great debates

vi

Introduction

over slavery and secessionbetween Webster, Calhoun, Sumner, Clay, Douglas and Lincoln; the masterpiecesof America's later great oratorsIngersoll, Bryan, Beveridge, Debs and many more. The historic Presidential addressesof Washington, fefferson, fackson, Lincoln, Cleveland, Wilson are a noteworthy part of this chapter. One of the outstanding featuresof this collection is the inclusion of a chapter of rarely printed, significant speechesby such eminent national lcaders as Bolivar, Sun Yat-sen,Gandhi and others. The secondsection contains the great speechesof our times. The first part of this section includes thc speechesof leadersof American industry, labor, and government. This is followed by a number of speecheson intcrnational affairs, and by a very full chapter on the SecondWorld War. This chapter includes the important speechesof Chamberlain,Churchill, Hitler, Mussolini, Pdtain, Stalin, Konoye, Chiang Kai-shek,.and other present-dayworld figures. Here is history in the making. of In the last part of the secondsectionwe have the great speeches Wendell Americannational defense-thoseof Franklin Delano Roosevelt, L. Willkie, Cordell Hull, Henry L. Stimson,CharlesA. Lindbergh,Harold L.Ickes,Norman Thomas,and many otherswho are presentingthis fundamentalissueto the American peopletoday. The third section* is composedentirely of informal and after-dinner speeches which are mainly light, witty and humorous.Flere will be found of such mastersas Depew, the amusing and laugh-provokingspeeches Choate,Mark Twain, Barrie,Irvin Cobb,and others. dealing A fourth sectionhas beenadded,t which is devotedto addresses with the participationof the United Statesin the SecondWorld War. Even though almost all the historic and important addressesare printed in full, it has been possible to include in this volume about z5o speeches delivered by more than zro speakers.In eachcasethe speakerand speech are preceded by biographical and introductory notes. At the end of the book, the index by topics will aid the reader in quest of certain types of speechesor quotable material; this index coversa wide choice of topics', including Politics, Patriotism, Religion, Fine Arts, Woman, War, Peace, Philosophy, Humor, etc. In the index by nations, all speakersare also classifiedaccording to countries of origin. An alphabeticalindex of speakers concludesthe book. This book should prove a treaspre-house for public speakersand those who arc studying thc art of public speaking.At the sarnetime it is a book for entertaining reading, inspiration and enlightenment.For the world's great speechesare studded with gems of historic fact, profound wisdom, and eralted vision. LEWTS COPELAND * '-l' Panr IV of present edition Penr II, last section of present edition

Penr I GREAT SPEECHESOF EARLIER TIMES I

Greece and Rome

Prnrcr.rs Funeral Oration . Socnerts On His Condemnationto Death . Isocnerrs On the Union of Greece to Resist Persia DBuosrrrrNrs On the Crown The SecondOration Against Philip . Ceto, tsr Er,orn In Support of the Oppian Law HeNNrs,q,L To His Soldiers . Crcrno First Oration Against Catiline The Fourth Philippic Cenr-rNr To the Conspirators To His Troops fulrus Cessen On the Treatment of the Conspirators Caro, ntr YouNcen The Catilinarian Conspirators Menr ANroNy Oration on the Dead Body of fulius Caesar.

30 34 36 45 49 5o 5r 55 58

Contents

v111

U The Earopcan Continent Sr. BnnNenp A Second Crusade

63

Sr. Fnaxcrs Sermon to the Birds

64

ManrrN Lurnnn Before the Diet of Worms .

65

|oHN Car.vru On Suffering Persecution

67

Fnsosrucr trrs Gnner Before Invading Silesia, r74o . Before the Battle of Leuthen, 1757

69 69

Drsrnrour.rNs Advocating

7o

the Execution of Louis XVI

MrnesEAu Against the Charge of Treason

74

DeNror.r "To Dare Again, Ever to Dare!" "Let FranceBe Free!"

77 78

Menar Defense Against the Charges . RonBsprrnne The Festival of the Supreme Being

79 83

Napor-nowBowepenrt At the Beginning of the Italian Campaign . On Entering Milan . On Beginning the Russian Campaign Farewell to the Old Guard Cenxor Against Imperialism Vrcron Huco Voltaire GrussppE,Mezzrwl To the Young Men of Italy Grusrppr Ganrsar,pt ToHisSoldiers. Cevoun Romeandltaly Lous Kossurn America's Welcome

85 86 86 87

87 9r .

.

98

.

.

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.

.

,02

.

o .

.

.

.

,

.

r03

ro6

Contents LroN Gnlasrrre To the Delegates from Alsace

.

.

r09

Elz'rvnT,ott Appeal for Dreyfus .

IT2

LBo XIII Christian Democracy

rr7

Or:ro voN Brsuencr War and Armaments in Europe

t2r

BrrsuewN-Hor,r-wnc Germany and the War .

r24

Karsrn Wrlsrr.rvr II Address to the German People

r27

lren )eunis Last Speech

nB

RrNf Vrvrexr The Spirit of France

r29

CenorNel Mrncrcn Coronation Day Sermon

132

Groncps Cr.urvrnxcneu One Aim: Victory

ry6

Ar.exeNprnKnnrxsrv To Workingmen and Soldiers

r39

LroN Txorzrv To the Red Army

r40

Nrror,er LrNrw The Dictatorship of the Proletariat

r4r

Mensxer. FrnorNeNo FocH Napoleon .

r44

Anrsr:os BnreNp Naval Disarmament

r45

ilI

Greot Britain and lreland

Or,rvrn Cnouwrr,l On the Dissolution of Parliament

r47

Srn Rosrnr Wer.poln On a Motion for His Removal .

15I

|onr.r Wssr-By God's Love to Fallen Man .

r53

x

Contcnts

Wrlt reu Prtr, Earu or Cueruervr On the Right of Taxing America

r55

Eor'ruNpBunrr Conciliation with America Indictment of Waren Hastings

ry7 fi3

RrcHenoBuNsr.ry SnrmoeN At the Trial of Warren Hastings .

65

Wrr,lrau Prrr On His Refusalto Negotiate with Bonaparte

rGg

CHanr,rsfervrnsFox On Refusal to Negotiate with Bonaperte

r72

Gnoncr CeuNrNc The Fall of Napoleon

176

Tnoves Brq.nrNcroN Meceur,ay On the Reform Bill

r77

Rlcuenn CosonN The Effects of Protection on Agriculture

,?g

|oHN Bnrcnr The "Trent" Affair

r8z

BnNleurN Drsnenr,r Peacewith Honor

r8j

Wrlr.reu Ewenr Gr,eostorn On Domestic and Foreign Affairs CenprNer.MeNNrHc Anti-Semitism

r88 r9r

|osrnrr CH,tMarnLatN T heB r it is hE m p i re .

.

.

rg4

.

.

ry6

EnovrslrNr PaNxrrunsr Milit ant S uf ir ag i s ts .

.

i

.

.

Srn Eoweno Gnsy England'sPosition

.

.

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.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Devro Lr.ovo Groncn AnAppealtotheNation. Anrnun ferrarsBarroun TheFourthof Ioly.

.

ryg 2or .

2o4

fervcs Rausey MecDoNaro Peace

zo6

Laov Asron Women in Politics

2o7

Contents Gnoncr BnnNenpSHaw On His Seventieth Birthday DaNrnr.O'Couxrr,r. |usticeforlreland Roernr Euurr Protest Against Sentenceas Traitor .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Crranr,usStnwenr PenNrlr, The Home Rule Bill Anrnun GntprtrH The Irish Free State IV The United States JouarneNEowanos Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God forrw HeHcocK The Boston Massacre Plrnrcr HrNnv "Give Me Liberty, or Give Me Death!" . Seuurl Apeus American Independence BrN;eurx Feexxr-rx On the Faults of the Constitution . fervmsMeorsor.r The States and the Federal Government |oHN MensHALL

Iustice and the Federal Constitution . AlrxeNosn Heurrrov The Federal Constitution Groncr WesHrNcroN Inaugural Address Farewell Address Tnouls frrrrnsoN First Inaugural Address GouvEnNrunMonnrs Alexander Hamilton Ar"reucexINoteNs Red facket Tecumseh Enwenp Ermnrrr Adams and Jefierson

.

.

.

Contents Derqrrl'Wessrnn Reply to Hayne

270

Axnnrw fncrsox Second Inaugural Address.

278

WrNnsrL Prrrr-r.rps The Murder of Lovejoy

z8r

Rupus Cnoern The Preservation of the Union

284

|or:u Cer,owELL CersouN Slavery

:86

HsNny Clev On the Compromise of l85o

288

CHanrEs Sur"rNrn The Crime Against Kansas

29r

Wrllrela HENny Snweno The Irrepressible Conflict

295

]oHx BnowN On Being Sentenced to Death

298

Wrr,lrarvr Lrcvo Gennrsor.r On the Death of John Brown

,

SrspHrN AnNor,p Douclas Reply to Lincoln frrrrnsoN Davrs On Withdrawal

from the Union

299 30r

.

305

Asnenaru LrNcor"w On His Nomination to the Senate Farewell Address at Springfield Address at Gettysburg Second Inaugural Address .

309 3r5 315 315

HrNnv Wenp Brncnnn The System of Slavery

317

Susex B. ANrrroxy On Woman's Right to Suffrage

32r

Ronrnr Gnnru lNcnnsor,r, Blaine-The Plumed Knight . Oration at His Brother's Grave

322 324

]ervrcsGrr-tnsprn BlarNr On the Death of Garfield

325

Gnovrn Cr,nvpr,euo First Inaugural Address

327

xiti

Contents CnauNcpv MIrcHrr.r- Dxprw The Columbian Oration

33o

Boorpn T. WesHINcroN The American Standard

13r

Wrllrav |nNr.rtNcsBnvaN The Cross of Gold .

B3

ALsEnr f. BEvnnIncr The Republic That Never Retreats

$6

HpNnv Cesor Loncn The Retention of the Philippines .

139

Wrlr.rer'r McKINr,nv Address at Buffalo

34r

Rossnt MenroN Le Founrrn Manhood or Money .

143

THrooonr Roosnvnr,r The Strenuous Life .

345

feNt Aooar"rs Washington'sBirthd.y.

.

SrspHtN S. Wrsn Lincoln, Man and American

.

i46 349

Woonnow WllsoN Peace Without Victory . Declaration of War . The Fourteen Points The League of Nations

16o 16S

Wrlr-rervr Eocen Bonen The League of Nations

368

EucnNr Vrc"ron DBns On Receiving Sentence

372

Er-rnu Roor A Plea for the League of Nations

374

C)r,rvsn WuNorul Flor-rvrus( fusrrcn) Am Coming!" "Live-I

377

35r 353

V

Canada

Srn foHN A. Mecporqelo On Canadian Federation

378

Srn Wrlrnrp LaunrBn Canada, England, and the United States

38r

Contents

x1v Srn Rosrnr Lerno Bononv The Voice of the Empire \[

South America,

g8+ South Africa, India, and China

Sruou Bouvan Address at Angostura

386

|eN C. Srnrurs Peace and Empire

39t

RasrxoRAl.Ianr TaconB Nationalism in India

393

MoHeNoes K. GeNonr Non-Cooperation

395

SuN Yet-srr National Morale and World Tranquillity

399

Panr II GREAT SPEECHESOF RECENT TIMES YII DomesticAffairs in the United States WrLLr,c,MGnErN Modern Trade Unionism .

405

Alrneo E. Surrn Religious Prejudice and Politics

408

FtonEu-o H. LeGuannra American Labor .

4ro

Ct,enr,NcsS. Dennow A Plea for Mercv

4r2

|onN L. Lpwrs The Rights of Labor

415

Wrlunu ALLTNT Wruru Speaking for the Consumer .

4r7

THovas E. Dpwuv Rendezvous with Despair

4r9

Flnnsrnr Flooven The Bill of Rights i

42r

CHanr-rs Evaus Hucnns Our Government VIII ANtlroNY EoEN A Firm Policv

World Afrairs ond the Second World War

Contents

xv

NEvIlr-n CrrAN,rssnt-arN The Munich Agreement

429

WtNstoN Cnuncutrl "Blood, Sweat and Tears" Dunkirk "Their Finest Hour" The War on Russia . Address before the United States Congress

43r 433 439 447 45r

ClrunNr R. ArrLnB The Atlantic Charter .

457

W. L. MacrENztr KlNc Canada and the War .

458

Eooueno Daleolrn Nazis' Aim Is SlaverY.

46t

Plur. REvNauo France Will Live Again! .

+61

HpNnr PuIt-rpps Pfrerr'r "I Need Your Confidence!" .

+6+

pr VeI-Ene Ee,ruror.I Ireland Among the Nations .

466

Mexru LrwrNov The League of Nations

468

Herln Srlessrn The Position of Ethiopia .

470

FnBonntco Leneoo Bnu United Hemisphere Defense

47r

Aoolp Hrrun Germany's Claims No More Territorial Demands . German Conquests .

474 480

BnNrro MussolrNt A Call to Arms . Anniversary of Italy's Entry in the War .

488

+8+ +8g

VvecnssI.av M. Molorov The Nazi War on Russia .

493

fosrnu Srelru "Defend Every Inch of Soviet Soil !" .

495

Furuuueno KoNovn The Triple Alliance CHrlNc Knr-sHEx War Between fustice and Force

50r

Prus XII Appeal for Peace

503

Contcnts IX The United Statesand The SecondWorld War FnRNxr-rNDrr-aNo RoosEvrlr First Inaugural Address Hemisphere Defense For Democracy . "The Arsenal of Democ racy" . Freedom of the Seas For a Declaration of War Against Japan America's Answer to Japan'sChallenge . First War Address Before Congress . WnNprul L. Wrlr.rrr, "Loyal Opposition" . American Libertv

508 5r2 5r7 524 53r 532 538

545 547

Conorrl Hull The Pillars of Enduring Peace . fa"urs Bnyawr CoNarvr What Are We Arming to Defendl

55c)

558

CnauEs A. LrwrnrncH An Independent Policy

56r

FIENr.v L. Srrusor.r A Grave Situation

s6s

Hanou L. Icxrs What Constitutes an American FnaNr KNox We Must Fight for Our Liberties . Fulrox f. SuEEN The Cross and the Double Cross . Donotuy THoupsoN Hitler's Plans for Canada and the Unired States . HEwny A. Welr-ncn America's Second Chance

567 57r 574 577 58

Nonvan Tnovras America and the War

582 Panr III

GREAT

SPEECHES X

OF THE

MODERN

PERIOD

United States Gouernrnent

Bpnr.tanoMeNrNnsBanucrr Control of Atomic Weapons Hanny S. Tnur"rax Inaugural Address Powers of tbe President

s8z s8g 592

xvrt

Contents Douclas MncAnruun Old Soldiers Never Die .

594

Apler Ewtnc SrEvnNsow Acceptance of Nomination United StatesFar Eastern PolicY .

597 599

Dwtcnr Davtn Elsrxsowrn Inaugural Address . Peaceful Use of Atomic EnergY The Spirit of Geneva .

6o3 6o7 5ro

Ennl WnnnEN A Home for American ]urisPrudence

6ii

XI

lntunational

Afrairs and the United Nations

WrNsron CHuncrull An Iron Curtain Has Descended .

6'4

'Jnw,lHnnlnl Nrsnu Ari" Finds Herself Again A Glory Has Departed

6t7 6'9

Oswnlpo Anewse A New Order Through the United Nations .

6zt

Prnnnr MnNnis-FRANcE The Searchfor International Cooperation .

6'3

Dec HnurraARSKJoLD Values of Nationalism

and Internationalism

'

AlErseNoRovIcH Burc.lNrN Nrcrorel The Lessening of International Tension

63,

Fnnux Lt-ovo WnIcHr On Architecture

6ll

Ar.snnr EtNsrplN Peacein the Atomic Ag. .

6gS

Wrllr,tu FnulruEn Acceptance of the Nobel Prize .

6gl

DvI-nN THovras

618

A Visit to America . RoosEvtt-t EneNon The United Nations

64o

as a Bridge .

f. Ronnnr OppENnrtNlen Prospect in the Arts and Sciences . 'Welrnn Pntllp Rpunrpn AHistoricalAgreement.

6+z

|

.

6+6

Contcnts Anlel EwrNc SrrvuNsor,r To the Graduating Classat Smith College .

6+l

Pnnr IV INFORMAL SPEECHES XII Inlormal Spceches RnI,pn Walpo

Etitrnsor.r

The Memory of Burns

6SS

Cnanr,us DlcxnNs English Friendship for America

655

fuule Weno Howr A Tribute to Oliver Wendell Holmes

6Sg

fer.,rEsRussrrl [.owEuAfter-Dinner Oratory .

6Sg

Or.rvEn WsNour-L HolvBs Dorothy Q.

662

HsNny MonroN Sr,rNlry Through the Dark Continent .

66+

HuNr,y Weno BnscHrn Merchants and Ministers .

668

CHauucr,y MrrcHsr.L Dsprw

Woman fosrnn Hoocrs Cnoers The Bench and the Bar . GnoncnGneH,tu Vnsr A Tribute to the Dog . Honecn Ponrrn Woman!

6lg

6ls 6zl 628

THor'res FInNny Huxlny Sciencc and Art

682

Canl Scrrunz Thc Old World and the New .

6gl

Wrlr,r,tr"r ScnwrNcr Gtl,snnr "Pinafore" .

6g6

Stn,Anrnun Surt,rvaN

Music

68'g

Contents Eowero Evrnsrt Hela Boston Ljr.Yssns Str'rpsoNGneNt The New Englanders . S,r\ausLL. ClEvrNs ("Mark Twain") New England Weather The Babies

Woman,God BlessHer! . CH,tnlrisWtlltnvr Euor Harvard and Yale .

6go 69, 693 6g6 6gE 70o

HENnv WnrrensoN The Puritan and the Cavalier .

702

JoHNHev Omar Khayyam .

70,6

Stn Hnr.rnv Invrwc

The Drama

7oE

RosBnr EowIr.l Pnenv Farthest North

7ro

ANpnsw CanNncrs Gencral Goethals and the Panama Canal .

7t5

Lonp CEcrL Englishmen and Americans .

717

Srn fenas Mrrrsnw Banur Literature and the Press .

7r9

InvrN S. Cosn The Lost Tribes of the Irish in the South .

722

Wrll

Rocnns Wealth and Education .

Wrllnu

729

LvoN Pxrlps

OwningBooks r .

73r

Eoweno VIII Farcwell Address

732

OwEN D. YouNc Culture

733

foHN D. Rocxnprllrn, fn. Our Family Creed .

735

Contcnts Panr V IMPORTANT SPEECHESOF THE SIXTIES XIII

United States

|ouN Frtzcrnruo KrNNsoy Inaugural Address The Strategy of. Peace Poetry and Power

739 742 748

Menrrx LurHnn KrNc, fn. I Have a Dream

75r

Dwrcsr Devlo ElsnNnowrn Farewell Address .

754

RosBnr S. McNeMen,l War and Poverty .

/> /

LvNooN BerNss JouNsoN On Vietnam and on the Decision Not to Seek Reelection .

76t

fouN W. G.rnoNsR. Uncritical Lovers, Unloving Critics

76s

GsoncB Welo A Generation in Search of a Future .

770

Rrcnenp Mnnous NrxoN First Inaugural Address To the Astronauts on the Moon

n9

777

foHw Vr,rnt Lrxosey

SecondInaugural Address as Mayor

779

XIY WorldAfrairs NIrrre SnncByevrcH Krrn usHcHEv The Personality Cult and Its Consequences

782

Lonp SNow Recent Thoughts on the Two Cultures .

z8l

Cnenr,Es op Geulrr Independence for Algeria .

7gr

Ponu |onN XXIII The Opening of the Ecumenical Council

794

Pops Peul VI No More War .

796

Conrcnts SUPPLEMENT: SURVEY OF SPEECHES BY BLACK AMERICANS Compiledby Philip S. Foner HpNnv HrcnraNn GlnNnr An Address to the Slaves of the United

States of America

FnnoEnrcr Doucr,rss The Meaning of fuly Fourth for the Negro . Oration in Menrory of Abraham Lincoln .

8o4 8o8

Boorrn T. WesruNcroN Atlanta Exposition Address (See also page 33r)

8t4

W. E. B. Du BoIs Behold the Land .

8r8

MnnrrN LurHsn KrNc, |n. (See page 75r) M,trcor,rtr X The Black Revolution TOPICAL

INDEX

8zE 817

INDEX BY NATIONS

8l+

II{DEX OF SPEAKERS

8E8

I. GREECEAND ROME

Pericles [+gS7 a.c.-429 n.c.] The Age ol Pericles is lamous for the splendid deuelopment ol the fine arts. Pericles,the brilliant Athenian statesman,gaae manfrind one of the greatcst funeral orations eacr tnade. This address illas deliaered in 43t 8.c., 6tsa mcmorial to the first Athenian soldiers who lell in the Peloponnesian War.

FUNERAL ORATION Menv of thosewho have spoken before me on these occasionshave commended the author of that law which we now are obeying for having instituted an oration to the honor of those who sacrifice their lives in fighting for their country. For my part, I think it sufficient for men who hive proved their virtue in action, by action to be honored for it-by such is you sce the public gratitude now performing about this funerall and that the virtues of many ought not to be endangeredby the management of any one person when fheir credit must precariouslydepend on his oration, which rrray be good and may be bad. Difficult, indeed, it is, iudiciously to handle a su6ject where even probable truth will hardly gain assent.The hearer, enlightened by a long acquaintance,and warm in his affection,may quickly pronounceeverything unfavorably expressed in respect to what he wishes and what he knows-while the stranger pronounces all exaggeratedthrough envy of those deeds which he is lonscious are above-f,isown achievement.For the praisesbestowedupon others are then only to be endured, when men imagine they can do those feats they hear to'have been done; they envy what they cannot-egl?l' and immidiately pronounceit false.Yet, as this solemnity hath receivedits sanction from ihi authority of our ancestors,it is my duty also to obey the law and to endeavor fo procure, as far as I am able, the good-will and approbationof all my audience. I sh^ailtherefore begin first with our forefathers, since both iustice and decencyrequire we sf,ould on this occasionbestow on them an honorable rem.m-branie.In this our country they kept themselvesalways firmly settled, and through their valor handed it down free to every sincesucceedingg.net"tion. Worthy, indeed, of praise are they, and yet-more worthy ari our immediate fathers, since,enlarging their own inheritance into the extensiveempire which we now possess'they bequeathedthat, wc ourselves their work of toil, to us their sons.Yet even these successes

The Woild's Great Speeches here present, we who are yet in the strength and vigor of our days, have nobly improved, and have made such provisions for this our Athens that now it is all-sufficient in itself to answer every exigence of war and of peace. I mean not here to recite those martial exploits by which these ends were accomplished, or the resolute defenses we ourselves and our fathers have made against the formidable invasions of Barbarians and Greeks-your own knowledge of these will excuse the long detail. But by what methods we have risen to this height of glory and power, by what polity and by what conduct we are thus aggrandized, I shall first endeavor to show, and then proceed to the praise of the deceased. These, in my opinion, can be no impertinent topics on this occasion; the discussion of them must be benefrcial to this numerous company of Athenians and of strangers. We are h"ppy in a form of government which cannot envy the laws of our neighbors-for it hath served as a model to others, but is original at Athens. And this our form, as committed not to the few, but to the whole body of the people, is called a democracy. How different soever in a private capacity, we all enjoy the same general equality our laws are fitted to preservel and superior honors iust as we excel. The public administration is not confined to a particular family, but is attainable only by merit. Poverty is not a hindrance, since whoever is able to serve his country meets with no obstacle to preferment from his first obscurity. The offices of the state we go through without obstructions from one another; and live together in the mutual endearments of private life without suspicionsl not ^ngry with a neighbor for following the bent of his own humor, nor putting on that countenance of discontent, which pains though it cannot punish-so that in private life we converse without diffidence or damage, while we dare not on any account oflend against the public, through the reverence we bear to the magistrates and the laws, chiefly to those enacted for redress of the iniured, and to those unwritten, a breach of which is thought a disgrace. Our laws have further provided for the mind most frequent intermissions of care by the appointment of public recreations and sacrifices throughout the year, elegantly performed with a peculiar pomp, the daily delight of which is a charm that puts melancholy to fight. The grandeur of this our Athens causeth the produce of the whole earth to be imported here, by which we reap a familiar enjoyment, not more of the delicacies of our own growth than of those of other nations. In the afiairs of war we excel those of our enemies, who adhere to methods opposite to our own. For we lay open Athens to general resort, nor ever drive any stranger from us whom either improvement or curiosity hath brought amongst us, lest any enemy should hurt us by seeing what is never concealed. We place not so great.a confidence in the preparatives and artifices of war as in the native warmth of our souls impelling us to action. In point of education the youth of some peoples are inured, by course of laborious exercise, to support toil and exercise like men, but" we, notwithstanding our easy and elegant way of life, face all the dangers of war as intrepidly as they. This may be proved by facts, since the

Greece and Rotne Lacedamonians never invade our territories barely with their own, but with the united strength of all their confederates. But when we invade the dominions of our neighbors, for the most part we conquer without dificulty in an enemy's country those who- fight in defense of their own habitatibns. The strength of our whole force no enemy yet hath ever experienced, because ii is divided by our- naval expediti-ons' or engaged in the different quarters of our service by land. But if atrywhere they engage and defeat a small party of our forces, they boastingly give it-out a totat defeatl and if they are beat, they were certainly overpowered by our united strength. What though from a state of inactivity rather _than Iaborious exercise, or with a natural rather than an acquired valor, we learn good, at least, we- receive from it, that _we to encounter dangerl-this never droop undJr the apprChension -of possible misfortunes' and_ when we hazard ihe dang.r, arl-found no less courageous than those who are continually inured io it. In these respects our whole community deserves justly to be admired, and in many we have yet to mention. In-our manner of living we show an elegance temPered with frugality, and we cultivate phitosophy without enervating the mind. Y: display our wealth in the siason of beneficence, and not in the vanity of discourse. A confession of poverty is disgrace to no man' no effort to avoid it is clisgraceindeed. ihere is visible in the same.persons.anattention to their owi private concerns and those of the pullic; and in others engaged in the labors of life there is a competent skill in the aflairs of government. For we are rhe only people who think him that does not meddle in state affairs-not indolentf bui good for nothing. And yet we pass the soundest iudgments, and are quick-at catching the right apprehensions of things, that w-ords are prejudicial to actions, but rather the not not"thinking being cluly p"repared by previoris debate before we are obliged to proceed to ex"ecutibn.Fierein coniirts our distinguishing excellence, that in the hour of action we show the greatest courage, and yet debate beforehand the expediency of our meJsures. The courage of others is the result of isnorance: d.lib.t"tion makes them cowards. And those undoubtedly must b"e owned to have the greatest souls, who, most acutely sersible of the miseries of war and the iw.ets of peace, are not hence in the least deterred from facing danger. In acts Jf benificence, further, we differ from the many. We preserve friends not by receiving, but by conferring, obligations. For he who does a kindness hath the advantage over him who, by the law of gratitude, becomes a debtor to his benifactor. The person obliged is compelled to act the more insipid part, conscious that a return of kindness is merely a payment and noi an'obligation. And we alone are splendidly.beneficent to oihers, not so much from interested motives as for the- credit -of pure liberality. I shall sum up what _y_et remains by only adding that our Athens in general is the slhool of G-reecel and that.every..single Athenian amongst us ts excellently formed, by his .personal qualification, for all the vlrious scenes of aciive life, acting with a most graceful demeanot and a most ready habit of desPatch. That I have not on this ociasion made use of a pomp of words, but

TIre World's Great Speeches the truth of facts, that height to which by such a conduct this state hath risen, is an undeniable proof. For we are now the only people of the world who are found by experience to be greater than in report-the only people who, repelling the attacks of an invading eflelnlr exempt their defeat from the blush of indignation, and to their tributaries yield no discontent, as if subject to men unworthy to command. That we deserve our power, we need no evidence to manifest. We have great and signal proofs of this, which entitle us to the admiration of the present and future ages. We want no Flomer to be the herald of our praise; no poet to deck off a history with the charms of verse, where the opinion of expioits must suffer by a strict relation. Every sea hath been opened by our feets, and every land hath been penetrated by our armies, which have everywhere left behind them eternal monuments of our enmity and our friendship. ln the just defense of such a state, these victims of their own valor, scorning the ruin threatened to it, have valiantly fought and bravely died. And every one of those who survive is ready, I am persuaded, to sacrifice life in such a cause. And for this reason have I enlarged so much on national points, to give the clearest proof that in the present war we have more at stake than men whose public advantagesare not so valuable, and to illustrate, by actual evidence, how great a commendation is due to them who are now my subject, and the greatest part of which they have already received. For the encomiums with which I have celebrated the state have been earned for it by the bravery of these and of men like these. And such cornpliments mighl be thoughi too high and exaggerated if passed on any Greeks but them alone. The fatal period to which these gallant souls are now reduced is the surest evidence of their merit-an evidence begun in their lives and completed in their deaths. For it is a debt of justice to pay superior honors to men who have devoted their lives in fighting for their country, though inferior to orhers in every virtue but that of valor. Their last service effaceth all former demeritsit extends to the public; their private demeanors reached only to a few. Yet not one of these was at all induced to shrink from danger, through fondness of those delights which the peaceful affiuent life bestows-not one was the less lavish of his life, through that flattering hope attendant upon want, that poverty at length might be exchanged for affiuence.One passion there was in their minds much stronger than these-the desire of vengeance on their enemies. Regarding this as the most honorable prize of dangers, they boldly rushed towards the mark to glut revenge and then to satisfy those secondary passions. The uncertain event they had already secured in hope; what their eyes showed plainly must be done they trusted their own valor to accomplish, thinking it more glorious to defend themselves and die in the attempt than to yield and live. From the reproach of cowardice, indeed, they fed, but presented their bodies to the shock of battle; when, insensible of. Iear, but triumphing in hope, in the doubtful charge they instantly dropped-and thus discharged the duty which brave men owed to their country. As for you, who now survive them, it is your business to pray for a better fate, but to think it your duty also to preserve the same spirit and

Greece and Rome warmth of courage against your enemies; not iudging of the expediency of this from a mere harangue-where any man indulging a flow of words may tell you what you yourselves know as well as he, how many advant_ages theie ari in fighting valiantly against your enemies-but, rather, making the daily-increising grandeur of this community the obiect of your thoughts and growing quite enamored of it. And when it really app€ars -gre-at to your appreheniions, think again that this grandeur was- acquired by brave ind viliant men, by men who knew their duty, and in the moments of action were sensible of shamel who, whenever their attempts were unsuccessful, thought it no dishonor for their country to stand in need of any. thing their valor could do for it, and so made it the most glorious present. Bestowing thus their lives on the public, they have every one received a praise that will never decay, a sepulchre that will always be most illustrious --rrot that in which theii bonis lie moldering, but that in which their fame is preserved, to be on every occasion, when honor is the employ of either word or act, eternally remembered. For the whole earth is the sepulchre of illustrious men; nor is it the inscription on the columns in thiir native land alone that shows their merit, but the memorial of them, better than all inscriptions, in every foreign nation, reposited more durably in universal remembrance than on their own tombs. From this very moment, emulating these noble patterns, placing your happiness in libirty, and liberty in vilor, be prepaied to encounter all the dangers of wat. For to be lavish of life is not so noble in those whom misfortunes have reduced to misery and despair, as in men who hazard the loss of a comfortable subsistenceand the enjoyment of all the blessings this world affords by an unsuccessful enterprise. Adversity, after a series of ease and a{f,uence,sinks deeper into the heart of a man of spirit than the stroke of death insensibly received in the vigor of life and public hope. For this reason,the parents of those who are now gone, whoever of them may be attending here, I do not bewail-I shall rather comfort. It is well known to what unhappy accidents they were liable from the moment of their birth, and thai happiness beiongs to men who have reached the most glorious period of life, as these now have who are to you the source of sorrow-these whose life hath received its ample measure, happy in its continuance and equally happy in its conclusion. I know it in truth a difficult task to fix comfort in those breasts which will have frequent remembrances, in seeing the happiness of others, of what they once themselves enjoyed. And sorrow flows not from the absence of those good things we- have never yet experienced, but fr6m the loss of those io which we have been accustomed. They who are not yet by age past child-bearing should be comforted in the hope of having more. The children yet to be born will be a private benefit to some in causing them to forger such as no longer are, and will be a double benefit to their count+ in preventing its desolation and providing for its security. For those persons cannot in common justice be regarded as members of equal value io the public who have no children to expose to danger for its safety. But you, *6ose age is already far advanced, compute the greater share of happiness your longer time hath aflorded for so much gain, persuaded

The World's Great Speccltes in yourselves the remainder will be but short, and enlighten that space by the glory gained by these. It is greatness of soul alone that neyer grows old, nor is it wealth that delights in the latter stage of life, as some give out, so much as honor. To you, the sons and brothers of the deceased,whatever number of you are here, a field of hardy contention is opened. For him who no longer is, every one is ready to commend, so that to whatever height you push your deserts, you will scarce ever be thought to equal, but to be somewhat inferior to these. Envy will exert itself against a cornpetitor while life remains; but when death stops the competition, aflection will applaud without restraint. If after this it be expected from me to say anything to you who are now reduced to a state of widowhood, about female virtue, I shall express it all in one short admonition: It is your greatest glory not to be deficient in the virtue peculiar to your sex, and to give men as little handle as possible to talk of your behavior, whether well or ill. I have now discharged the province allotted me by the laws, and said what I thought most pertinent to this assembly. Our departed friends have by facts been already honored. Their children from this day till they arrive at manhood shall be educated at the public expense of the state which hath appointed so beneficial a meed for these and all future relics of the public contests. For wherever the greatest rewards are proposed for virtue, there the best of patriots are ever to be found. Now let every one respectively indulge in becoming grief for his departed friends, and then retire.

Socrates [469 s.c.-399 B.c.] Socrates, the great philosopher", ,t)as brougltt to trial in Sgg B.c. on cltargcs tltat he d.isbelieuedin the accepted gods and that through ltis heretical teachings he had corrupted the Athenian you;h. The folloar ing cloquent speech,taften from Platot Apology, ans made by Sonates athen the iudges found him guilty and sentenced ltim to death. ON

HIS

CONDEMNATION

TO DEATH

Fon rne slxr of no long space of time, O Athenians, you will incur the character and reoroach at the hands of those who wish to defame the city, of having put that wise man, Socrates, to death. For those who wish to defame you will assert that I am wise, though I am not. If, then, you had waited for a short time, this would have happened of its own accord; for observe my age, that it is far advanced in life, and near death. But I say this not to you all, but to those only who have condemned me to die. And I say this too to the same persons. Perhaps you think, O Athenians,

Greece and Rome that I have been convicted through the want of arguments,by which I might have persuadedyou, had I ihought it right t9 9" and say anything ro ih.t I milht escapepunishment.Fai otherwise: I have been convicted through *"it indeed, yet not of arguments,but of audacity anq.impudence] and of the inclination to say such things to you as would-have been most agreeablefor you to hear, had. I lamented and bewailed and done and sai"dmany othir things unworthy of me, as I a6rm, but such as vou are accustomedto hear from others. But neither did I then think that I ought, for the sake of avoiding danger, to do anything unworthy of a freeman, nor do I n9w repent of having-so defended myself; bui I should much rather choose to die havin[ so defended myself than to live in_that way. For neither in a trial nor in-battle is it righr that I or any one else should employ every possible meanswhereby he may avoid death;-for in battle it- is frequenjllevident that a rnan might escipe death by laying down his arms and throwing himself on the m.tcy of his pursuers.And there are Fany oth-erdevices in every danger, by which to avoid death, if a man dares to do and say everything. But thii is not difficult, O Athenians, to escapedeath, but it is much more difficult to avoid depravity, for it runs swifter than death. And now I, being slow and aged, am overtaken_by the slower of the twol being strong and active, have been .overtaken by the but my accu-sers, swiftei, wickedness. And now I depart, condemned by you to death; but they condemned by truth, as gullly of iniquity ald injustice: and I abide my sentenceand so do they. These things, perhaps,ought so to be, and I think that they are for the best. In the next place, I desire to predict to you who have condemned me, what wilt be lour fate: for I am now in that condition in which men most frequentiy prophesy, namely, when they_are about to die. I say then to you, O Athenians,who_havecondemned me to death, that immediately after my death a punishment wlll overtake you, far more severe' by Jupiter, than that whiJh you have inflicted on me. For you have done of g-tling an account tfiii thinkirg yot should be ireed from the neces-sity .i.he ve contrary however, as-I afErm, will happen to.you. of your life. ry Your accuserswill be more numerous, whom I have now restrained, though you did not perceiveit; and they will be more severe'inasmuch youttger and you will be more indignant. For, if you think as they "t. ri.n to death you will restrain any one ft-o- upbraiding that bir putting you beciuseyJu do not live well, you are much mistaken; for this method of esc"p. ii neither possible nor honorable, but that other is most honorableand most easy,not to Put a check upon others, but for a-man to take heed to himself, how he may be most perfect. Having predicted thus much to those of you who have condemned me, I take my leave of you. Iiut with you who have voted for my acqgittal, I would gladly hold converseon what has now taken place,while the magistratesare busy and I am not yet carried to the place where I must die. Stay with me then, so long, O Athenians, for nothing hinders our conversing with each

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other, whilst we are permitted to do so; for I wish to make known to you, as being my friends, the meaning of that which has just now befallen me. To me then, O *y judges,-and in calling you judges I call you righdy,-a strange thing has happened. For the wonted prophetic voice of my guardian deity, on every former occasion, even in the most trifling affairs, opposed me, if I was about to do anything wrong; but now, that has befallen me which ye yourselves behold, and which any one rvould think and which is supposed to be the extremity of evil, yet neither when I departed from home in the morning did the warning of the god oppose me, nor when I came up here to the place of trial, nor in my address when I was about to say anything; yet on other occasions it has frequently restrained me in the midst of spealiing. But now it has never throughout this proceeding opposed me, either in what I did or said. What then do I suppose to be the cause of thisl I will tell you: what has befallen me appears to be a blessing; and it is impossible that we think rightly who suppose that death is an evil. A great proof of this to me is the fact that it is impossible but that the accustomed signal should have opposed me, unless I had been about to meet with some good. Moreover, we may hence conclude that there is great hope that death is a blessing. For to die is one of two things: for either the dead may be annihilated and have no sensation of anything whatever; or, as it is said, there is a certain change and passage of the soul from one place to another. And if it is a privation of all sensation, as it were, a sleep in which the sleeper has no dream, death would be a wonderful gain. For I think that if anyone, having selected a night in which he slept so soundly as not to have had a dream, and having compared this night with all the other nights and days of his life, should be required on consideration to say how many days and nights he had passed better and more pleasantly than this night throughout his life, I think that not only a private person, but even a great king himself would find them easy to number in comparison with other days and nights. If, therefore, death is a thing of this kind, I say it is a gain; for thus all futurity appears to be nothing more than one night. But if, on the other hand, death is a removal from hence to another place, and what is said be true, that all the dead are there, what greater blessing can there be than this, my judgesl For if, on arriving at Hades, released from these who pretend to be iudges, one shall find those who are true judges, and who are said to iudge there, Minos and Rhadamanthus, ,lEacus and Triptolemus, and such others of the demigods as were just during their own life, would this be a sad removall At what price would you not estimate a conference with Orpheus and Musaus, Hesiod and Homerl I indeed should be willing to die often, if this be true. For to me the sojourn there would be admirable, when I should meet with Palamedes, and Ajax, son of Telamon, and any other of the ancients who has died by an unjust s€ntence. The comparing my sufferings with theirs would, I think, be no unpleasing occupation. But the greatest pleasure would be to spend my time in questioning and examining the people there as I have done those here, and discovering

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who among them is wise, and who fancies himself to be so but is not. At what price, rny judges, would not any one estimate the opportunity of questioning him who led that mighty army against Troy, or lJlysses, or Sisyphus, or ten thousand others, whom one might mention, both men and womenl with whom to converse and associate, and to question them, would be an inconceivable happiness. Surely for that the judges there do not condemn to death; for in other respects those who live thCre are more h"ppy than those that are here, and are henceforth immortal, if at least what is said be true. You, therefore, O *y iudges, ought to enterrain good hopes rvith respect to death, and to meditate on this one trurh, that to a good man nothing is evil, neither while living nor when dead, nor are hiJ concerns neglected by the gods. And what has befallen me is not the eflect of chance; but this is clear to me, that now to die, and be freed from my cares, is better for me. On this account the warning in no way turned me asidel and I bear no resentment toward those who condemned me, or against my accusers, although they did not condemn and accuse me with this intention, but thinking to injure me: in this they deserve to be blamed. Th_us much, however, I_beg of them. Punish my sons, when they grow up, O judges, paining them as I have pained you, if they appeJr to you to care for riches or anything else before virtue, and if thiy think themselves to be something when they are nothing, reproach them as I have done you, for not attending to what they ought, and for conceiving themselves to be something when they are worth nothing. If ye do this, both I and my sons shall have met with just trearmenr at your hands. But it is now time to departr-for me to die, for you to live. But which of us is going to a better state is unknown to every one but God.

Isocrates 166 s.c.-y 8 n.c.l Ranfted as one ol the most fatnous orators of Athens, Isocrates is credited with hauing influenced the oratorical style of Demosthenes, Cicero, and otlter great orators. His oration "On the Union ol Greece to Resist Persia," deliuered in j1o 8.c., appears lzere in abridged form.

ON THE UNION OF GREECETO RESISTPERSIA It ls coNrEssEDindeed that our state is the most ancient and the greatest, and the most celebrated a,mong all men; and the foundation being thus glorious, o-n account of what follows these it is still more befrtting that we should be honored. For we inhabit this city, not having expelled Jth.ts, nor having found it deserted, nor collected promiscuJusly from many nations, but we are of such honorable and genuine birth thai we conrinue

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for all time possessingthis land from rvhich we were born, being sprung from the soil, and being able to cail our city by the same narnes as our nearest relations, for we alone of all the Greeks have a right to call the same-nurse and fatherland and mother. And yet it is right that those who with good reason entertain high thoughts, and who justly dispute the supremacy and who often make mention of their hereditary rights, should prove the origin of their race to be of this nature. The advantages, then, which we possessed from the beginning, and which were bestowed upon us by fortune, are so great in magnitude; but of how great advantages we have been the cause to the rest we should thus best investigate, if we should go through in detail the time from the commencement, and the exploits of the State in succession; for we shall find that she not only [delivered us] from the dangers in respect of war, but also is the cause of that established order besides in which we dwell and with which we live as free citizens, and by means of which we are able to live. Of the wars, indeed, the Persian was the most famousl the old achievements, however, are not less strong proofs for those who dispute about hereditary institutions. For when Greece was still in a lowly condition, the Thracians indeed came to our land with Eumolpus the son of Poseidon, and the Scythians with the Amazons the daughters of Mars, not at the same time, but at the time when each of them were rulers of Europe, hating, indeed, the whole race of the Greeks, but-making charges against us separately, thinking that by this line of conduct they would incur danger against one state indeed, but would at the same time conquer all. They did not, however, succeed, but having engaged with our ancestors separately, they were destroyed equally as if they had made war on all together. And the magnitude of the evils which befel them is rnanifest, for the speechesconcerning them would never have lived on for so long a time had not also their achievements far excelled those of other men. It is recorded, then, concerning the Amazons, that not one of those who came went back again, while those who were left at home were driven out of their government on account of their calamity here; and concerning the Thracians, [it is said] that although during the former times they dwelt beside us, on our borders, yet on account of that expedition they left so great an intervening space, that in the district between us, many nations and all kinds of races and great cities have been established. Glorious indeed, then, are these things, and befitting those who dispute for the supremacy, but akin to what has been said, and such as it is natural that those sprung from such men would perform, were the exploits of those who waged war against Darius and Xerxes. Always indeed, then, both our ancestors and the Lacedamonians acted in a spirit of rivalry to each other. Not but what in those times they contended for the most glorious objects, not thinking each other to be enemies, but rivals, not paying court to the foreigner with a view to the slavery of the Greeks, but being of one mind about the common safety, and engaging in a contest as to this, viz., which of the two shall be the

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authors of it. And they displayed their valor first, indeed, in the case of those sent by Darius. For when these had landed in Attica, the one did not wait for their allies, but making what was a common war a personal one, they went out to meet those who had treated contemptuously the whole of Hellas with their private force, a few against many myriads, as if about to brave the danger in the case of the lives of others, while the others no sooner heard of the war being in Attica than, neglecting everything else they came to assist us, making as great haste as if it was their own country which was being ravaged. And after these things, when the subsequent expedition took place, which Xerxes led in person, after abandoning his palace and undertaking to become a general, and having collected all the men from Asia; and who, being anxious not to speak in extravagant terms, has spoken about him in language which fell short of the realityl-a man, who reached such a height of arrogance, that considering it to be a trifling achievement to subdue Greece, and wishing to leave behind such a monument as surpasses human nature, ceased not until he had devised and at the same time carried out by compulsion that which all talk of, so that with his armament he sailed through the mainland and marched over the sea, having bridged over the Hellespont and dug a canal through Athos. Against him, indeed, having such high thoughts, and having succeeded in accomplishing such great deeds and having become the lord of so many, they wenr forth, having divided amongst themselves the danger, the Lacedamonians indeed to Thermopyla against the land force, having selected a rhousand of themselves, and taking along with them a few of their allies with the intention of pr.eventing them in the narrow pass from advancing farther, while ourJathers,[went out] to Artemisium, having manned sixty triremes to meet the whole naval force of the enemy. And they had thl courage to do these things, not so much through contempt of the enemy as from a spirit of -rivalry -with each other, the Lacedamonians indeed envying our state, for the battle at Marathon, and seeking to put themselves on an equality with us, and fearing lest our state should twice in succession become the author of deliverance to the Greeks, and our fathers wishing chiefy indeed to retain their present glory and to make it manifest to all that both in the former case it was through valor and not through fortune that they had conqueredg in the next place also to induce the Greeks to maintain a sea-fight by showing to them that valor gers the better of numbers in naval dangers and enterprises equally as in those by land. And to the king (of Asia), indeed, nothing is more important than to consider by what means we shall never cease warring against one another, while we are so far from bringing any of his interests into collision or causing them to be distracted by factions, that we even endeavor to assist in putting an end to the troubles which have befallen him through fortune; since we also allow him to make use of one of the two armaments in Cyprus, and to blockade the other, though both of belong to Hellas. For both those who have revolted are friendly $.* disposed towards us and give themselves up to the Lacedamonians, and

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the most useful part of those who are serving with Tiribazus and of the land army have been collected from these districts, and the greater part of the nivy has sailed along with them from Ionia, who would much more gladly have ravaged Asia in concert than have fought against one anothei on account of trifles. Of these things we take no thought, but we are disputing about the islands of the Cyclades, and thus heedlessly have we surrendered to the foreign foe cities so many in number and so great in magnitude. Therefore, he is in possessionof some, and is on the point of [taking possession of] others, and is plotting against-others, having despised ill of us, and with good reason. For he has effected what no onJof his ancestors ever did; for it has been agreed on, both by us and by the Lacedrmonians, that Asia belongs to the king, and he has taken possession of the Grecian cities with such authority as to raze some of ihem to the ground, and in others to fortify citadels. And all these things have happened through our folly and not on account of his power. Our citizens are at this time reconciled with all the others with whom they have been at war, and forget the hostility which has arisen, but to the inhabitants of the continent they do not feel grateful, even when they receive benefits [from them], so undying is the anger they feel toward them. And our fathers condemned many to death for favoring the Medes; and even at the present day, in their public assemblies,they make imprecations, before they transact any other business, on whomsoever of the citizens makes proposds for peace to the Persians.And the Eumolpida and the Fleralds, in the celebration of the mysteries, on account of their hatred for them, proclaim publicly also to all other foreigners, as they do to homicides, that they are excluded from the sacred rites. And such hostile feelings do we entertain by nature toward them, that even in our legends, we occupy ourselves with most pleasure with those relating to the Trojan and Persian wars, by which it is possible to hear of their calamities. And one might find hymns composed in consequence of the war against the foreign-rs, but dirges produced for us in consequenceof that against the Greeks, and mighr find the former sung at the festivals, while we call to mind the lattei in our calamities. And I think that even the poetry of Flomer received greater honors, because he nobly extolled those who made war against the foreign foe; and that for this reason our ancestors wished to make his art honored, both in the contests in poetry and in the education of the younger generation, in order that, hearing frequently his poems, we may learn by heart thc enmity which existed toward them, and, .m.rlating the deeds'of valor of those who made war upon them, may set our hEarts upon the same exploits as they achieved. Wherefore there appear to me to be very many things which encourage us to make war against them, and especially the Present favorable opportunity, than which nothing is more clear, And we must not let it slip. For, in fact, it is disgraceful not to use it when Present, but to remember it when it is past. For what additional advantage could we even wish to have, if intenbing to go to war with the king, beyond what we already possessl Has noiEgyFt revolted from him, as well as Cyprus; and have not Phcenicia and Syria been devastated owing to the warl and has not

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Tyre, on account of which he was greatly elated, been seized by his enemiesl And the majority of the cities in Cilicia those on our side possess,and the rest it is not difficult to acquire. But Lycia no one of the Persians ever conquered. And Hecatomnos, the overseerof Caria, in reality indeed has revolted for a long time already, and will confess it whenever we may wish. And from Cnidus to Sinope the Greeks inhabit the coasts of Asia, whom it is not necessary to persuade to go to war, but [only] not to prevent them. And yet, as we.alre.ady possess so-Taqy bases of operation, and as so great a war encircles Asia, what need is there too accurately to scrutinize what are likely to be the results? For where they are inferior to small portions, it is not uncertain how they would be disposed, if they should be compelled to war with all of us. Now the case stands thus. If, indeed, the king occupy in greater force the cities on the sea-coast,establishing in them greater garrisons than at present, perhaps also those of the islands which are near the mainland, as Rhodes and Samos and Chios, might lean to his fortunes; but if we be the first to seize them, it is probable that those inhabiting Lydia and Phrygia, and the rest of the country which lies above them, would be in the power of those who make these their base of operations. Wherefore it is necessary to hasten and to make no loss of time, that we may not sufler what our fathers did. And it is fitting to make the expedition in the present age, in order that those who participate in the calamities may also have the enjoyment of the advantages, and may not continue to live unfortunate during all their lifetime. For the time past is sufficient-in which what horror is though there are many evils already there which has not happened l-for, existing in the nature of man, we ourselves have invented in addition more than the necessary evils, having created wars and factions among ourselves, so that some are perishing lawlessly in their own cities, and some are wandering in a foreign land with their children and wives, and many being compelled, through yalt of the daily necessaries of life, to serve as mercenaries, are dying fighting against their friends on behalf of their enemies. And at this no one has ever been indignant, but they think it becoming to shed tears at the calamities compo.sedby poets, but, though gazing upon many dreadful genuine suflerings happening on account of the war, they are so far from pitying them, that they even take more pleasure in the misfortunes of one another than in their own personal idvantages. And perhaps, also, many might laugh at my simplicity, if I were to lament the misfortunes of individuals at such critical times, io which Italy has been devastated, and Sicily reduced to slavery, and so many cities have been surrendered to the foreigners, and the rerSraining portions of the Greeks are in the greatest dangers. Now it is necessaryto put out of the way these plottings, and to attempt those deeds from which we shall both inhabit our cities in greater security, and be more faithfully disposed to one another, and what is to be said about these matters is simple and easy. For it is neither possible to enjoy a secure peace, unless we make war in concert against the foreigri eoefll]r nor for the Greeks to be of one mind until we consider both our advan-

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tages to come from one another, and our dangers to be against the same people. But when these things have been done, and the embarrassment with regard to our means of living has been taken away, which both dissolves friendships and perverts relationships into enmity, and involves all men in wars and factions, it is not possible that we shall not be of one mind, and entertain toward one another genuine feelings of good will. For which reasonswe must esteem it of the greatest importance how we shall, as soon as possible, banish the war from hence to the continent, as this is the only advantage we should reap from the dangers in fighting against one another, namely, if it should seem good to us to employ against the foreign foe the experience which we have derived from them. And ttuly we shall not even annoy the cities by enrolling soldiers from them, a thing which is now most troublesome to them in the war against one another; for I think that those who will wish to stay at home will be much fewer in number than those rvho will desire to follow with us. For who, whether young or old, is so indifferent that he will not wish to have a share in this expedition, commanded indeed by the Athenians and Lacedamonians, but collected in defense of the liberty of the allies, and sent out by the whole of Hellas, and marching to take vengeance upon the foreign foel And how great must we consider the fame, ancl the memory, and the glory which those will either have in their lives, or leave behind them in their deaths, who have been the bravest in such exploitsl For where those rvho made rvar against Alexander, and captured one city, were deemed worthy of such praises, what panegyrics must we expect that they will obtain who have conquered the whole of Asiai For who, either of those able to write poetry, or of those rvho understand how to speak, will not labor and study, wishing to leave behind him a memorial for all ages, at the same time of hls own intellect and of their valorl

Demosthenes [:8+t n.c.-3zzu.c.] Demostltenesis generally acclaintedas one ol the greatest orators of all time. His oration "On the Cror'un,"in the opinion ol ProlessorR. C, lebb, is "the most fnished, tltc most splendid and the most patltetic anrft ol ancient eloquence." It was deliuered in Athens in 3jo s.c. Portions of tltis address, as utell as ltis "Second Oration Against Philip," are presentcd here. ON THE

CROWN

Accunspp scnrnsr,ER!you, to deprive me of the approbation and affection of my countrymen, speak of trophies and battles and ancient deeds, with none of which had this present trial the least concern; but I!-O you

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third-rate actor!-I, that rose to counsel the state how to maintain her preeminence! in what spirit was I to mount the hustings? In the spirit of one having unworthy counsel to of[er?-I should have deserved to perish! You yourselves, men of Athens, may not try private and public causes on the same principles: the compacts of every-day lirte you are to iudge of by particular laws and circumstances; the measures of statesmen, by reference to the dignity of your ancestors. And if you think it your duty to act worthily of them, you should every one of you consicier, when you come into court to decide public questions, that together with your staff and ticket the spirit of the commonwealth is delivered to you. Athenians, Iou have had many great and renowned orators before me; the famous Callistratus, Aristophon, Cephalus, Thrasybulus, hundreds of others, yet none of them ever thoroughly devoted himself tt'r an] measure of state: for instance, the mover of a iesolution would not be ambassador; the ambassador would not move a resolutionl each one left for himself some relief, and also, should anything happen, an excuse. How thenit may be said-did 5'6u so far surpass others in might and boldness as to do everything yourself? I don't say that: but such was my conviction of the danger impending over us, that I considered it left no room or thought for individual security; a man should have been only too happy to perform his duty without neglect. As to myself I was persuaded, perhaps foolishly, yet I was persuaded, that none would move better resolutions than myself, none would execute them better, none as ambassador would show more zeal and honesty. Therefore I undertook every duty myself. Through my policy, which he arraigns, instead of the Thebans invading this country with Philip, as all expected, they foined our ranks and preof the war being in Attica, it took place seven vented him;-instead hundred furlongs from the city on the confines of Beotia;-instead of corsairs issuing from Eubea to plunder us, Attica was in peace on the of Philip being master of coast-side during the whole war;-instead the Hellespont by taking Byzantium, the Byzantines were our auxiliaries against him. Does this computation of services, think you, resemble the casting of accountsi Or should we strike these out on a balance, and not look that they be kept in everlasting remembrance I I will not set down, that of the cruelty, remarkable in cases where Philip got people all at once into his power, others have had the trial; while of the generosity, which, casting about for his future purposes, he assumed toward Athens, you have happily enjoyed the fruits. I pass that by. If you talk about just conditions with the Thebans, Aschines, or with the Byzantines or Eubceans,or discuss now the question of equal terms, first I say-you are ignorant that of those galleys formerly which defended Greece, being three hundred in number, our commonwealth furnished two hundred, and never (as it seemed) thought herself injured by having done so, never prosecuted those who advised it or expressed any diswas grateful to the gods, satisfaction-shame on her if she had!-but that, when a common danger beset the Greeks, she alone furnished double what the rest did for the preservation of all. Besides, it is but a poor

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favor you do your countrymen by calumniating me. For what is the use of telling us now what we should have donel Why, being in- the city and preJent, did you not make your proposals then; if indeed they were practlcable at a irisis, when we had to accept not what we liked but what the circumstances allowed I Remember, there was one ready to bid against us, to welcome eagerly those that we rejected, and give money into the bargain. But if I am accused for what I have actually done, how would it have been, if, through my hard bargaining, the states had gone ofi and attached themselves to Philip, and he had become master at the same time of Eubea, Thebes, and Byzantium? What, think ye, these impious men would have said or donel Said doubtless, that the states were abandoned -that they wished to join us and were driven away-that he had got command of the Hellespont by the Byzantines, and become master of the corn-trade of Greece-that a heavy neighbor-war had by means of the the sea had become unnavigable Thebans been brought into Attica-that by the excursion of pirates from Eubea! All this would they have said sure enough, and a great deal besides. A wicked, wicked thing, O Athenians, is a calumniator always, every way spiteful and faultfinding. But this creature is a reptile by nature, that from the beginning never did anything honest or liberal; a very ape of a tragedian, village CEnomaus, counterfeit orator! What advantage has your eloquence been to your country? Now do you speak to us about the past? As if a physician should visit his patients, and not order or prescribe anything to cure the disease, but oh the death of any one, rvheh the last ceremonies were performing, should follow him to the grave and expound, how, if the poor fellow had done this and that, he never would have died! Idiot, do you speak nowl Even the defeat-if you exult in that which should make you groan, you accursed one!-by nothing that I have done will it appear to have befallen us. Consider it thus, O Athenians. From no embassy, on which I was commissioned by you, did I ever come away defeated by the ambassadors of Philip-neither from Thessaly, nor from Ambracia, nor from the kings of Thrace, nor from Byzantium, nor from any other place, nor on the last recent occasion from Thebes; but where his ambassadors were vanquished in argument, he came with arms and carried the day. And for this you call me to account; and are not ashamed to jeer the same person for cowardice, whom you require singlehanded to overcome the might of Philip-and that, too, by words! For what else had I at my command I Certainly not the spirit of each individual, nor the fortune of the army, nor the conduct of the rvar, for which you would make me accountable; such a blunderer are you! Yet understand me. Of what a statesman may be responsible for I allow the utmost scrutiny; I deprecate it not. What are his functions? To observe things in the beginning, to foresee and foretell them to others, -this I have done: again; wherever he finds delays, backwardness, ignorance, jealousies, vices inherent and unavoidable in all communities, to contract them into the narrowest compass, and on the other hand, to

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promote unanimity and friendship and zeal in the discharge of duty. All this, too, I have performed; and no one can discover the least neglect on my part. Ask any man, by what means Philip achieved most of his successes,and you will be told, by his army, and by his bribing and corrupting men in power. Well; your forces were not under my com. mand or control; so that I can not be questioned for anything done in that department. But by refusing the price of corruption I have overcome Philip; for as the offer of a bribe, if it be accepted, as vanquished the taker, so the person who refuses it and is not corrupted has vanquished the person offering. Therefore is the commonwealth undefeated- as far as I am concerned. For my part, I regard any one, who reproaches his fellow man with fortune, as devoid of sense.He that is best satisfied with his condition, he that deems his fortune excellent, can not be sure that it wi[ remain so until the evening: how then can it be right to bring it forward, or upbraid another man with itl As ,Eschines, however, has on this subject (besides many others) expressed himself with insolence, look, men of Athens, and observe how much more truth and humanity there shall be in my discourse upon fortune than in his. I hold the fortune of our commonwealth to be good, and so I find the oracles of Dodonaan fupiter and Phythian Apollo declaring to us. The fortune of all mankind, which now prevails, I consider cruel and dreadful: for what Greek, what barbarian, has not in these times experienced a multitude of evilsl That Athens chose the noblest policy, that she fares better than those very Greeks who thought, if they abandoned us, they should abide in prosperity, I reckon as part of her good fortune; if she suffered reverses,if all happened not to us as we desired, I conceive she has had that share of the general fortune which fell to our lot. As to my fortune (personally speaking) or that of any individual among us, it should, as I conceive, be judged of in connection with personal matters. Such is my opinion upon the subject of fortune, a right and iust one, as it appears to me, and I think you will agree with it. ,lEschines says that my individual fortune is paramount to that of the commonwealth, the small and mean to the good and great. How can this possibly bel However, if you are determined, .Eschines, to scrutinize my fortune, compare it with your own, and, if you find my fortune better than yours, cease to revile it. Look then from the very beginning. And I pray and entreat that I may not be condemned for bad taste. I don't think any person wise, who insults poverty, or who prides himself on having been bred in affiuence: but by the slander and malice of this cruel man I am forced into such a discussion; which I will conduct with all the moderation which circumstances allow. I had the advantage, .Eschines, in my boyhood of going to proper schools, and having such allowance as a boy should have who is to do nothing meen from indigence. Arrived at man's estate, I lived suitably to my breeding; was choirmaster, ship-commander, rate-payer; backward in no acts of liberality public or private, but making myself useful to the commonwealth and to my friends. When I entered upon state affairs,

Th.e World's Grcat Sp'eeches I chose such a line of politics, that both by *y country and many people of Greece I have been crowned many times, and not evtn you my enemies venture to say that the line I chose was not honorable. Such then has been the forlune of my life: I could enlarge upon it, but I forbear, lest what I pride myself in should give offense. But you, the man of dignity, who spit upon others, look what sort of fortune is yours compared with mine. As a boy you were reared- in abject poveity, waiting with your father in his school, grindin-g the ink, sponging the benchesl sweeping the room, doing the duty of a menial rither tll"n a freeborn man. After you were grown up, you attended your mother in the initiations, reading her books and helpilg in all.the teremonies; at night wrapping the noviciates in fawn-skin, swilling, purifying, and scouring them with clay and bran, raising -t!.* after_ the lustration, and bidding them say, "Bad I have scaped, and better I have I found"; priding yourself that no one ever howled so lustily-and believe him! for don't suppose that he who speaks so loud is not a splendid howler! In the daytime you led your noble org_iasts'crowned with fennel and poplar, through the highways' squeezing the 4g-cheeked serpents, and lifting them over your head, and shou-tlng _Eu-*- Sabe, and capeting to the words Hyes Attes, Attes Hyes, saluted-by the beldames as Leider, Conductor, Chest-bearer, Fan-bearer, and the like, getting as your reward tarts and biscuits and rolls; for which any man might well bless himself and his fortune! When you were enrolled among your fellow townsmen-by what means you were enrolled, howev-er, you immediately I stop noi to inquire-when selected the most honorable- of employments, that of clerk and assistant to our petty magistrates. From this you were removed after a while, having done yourself all that you charge others with; and then, sure enough, you disgraced not your antecedents by your subsequent life, but hiring yourself to those ranting players, as -they were called, Simylus and Socraiei, you acted third parts, collecting figs and graPes-and olives like a fruiterer from other mEn's farms, and getting more from them than from the playing, in which the lives of your whole_ company- were at stakel for there was an implacable and incessant war between them and the audience, from whom you received so many wounds, that no wonder you taunt as cowards people inexperienced in such encounters. Rut passing over what may be imputed to poverty' I will come to the direct charges against your character. You espoused such a line of politics (when at last you thought of taking to them) that, if your -ountry prospered,.you lived the life of a hare, fearing and trembling and ever expecting to be scourged for the crimes of which your conscience accused you; though all have seen how bold you were during the misfortunes of the rest. A man who took courage at the death of a thousand does he deserve at the hands of the livingl A great deal citizens-what more than I could say about him I shall omit; for it is not all I can tell of his turpitude and infamy which I ought to let slip from my tongue, but only what is not disgraceful to myself to mention. Contrast now the circumstances of your life and mine, gently and with

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temper, ,lEschines; and then ask these people whose fortune they would each of them prefer. You taught reading, I went to school; you performed initiations, I received them; you danced in the chorus, I furnished it; you were assembly clerk, I was a speakerl you acted third parts, I heard you; you broke down, and I hissed; you have worked as a statesman for the enemy, I for my country. I pass by the rest; but this very day I am on my probation for a crown, and am acknowledged to be innocent of all offense; while you are already judged to be a pettifogger, and the question is, whether you shall continue that trade, or at once be silenced by not getting a fifth part of the votes. A happy fortune, do you see, you have enjoyed, that you should denounce mine as miserable! I will have done then with private topics, but say another word or two upon public. If you can mention, Aschines, a single man under the sun, whether Greek or barbarian, who has not suflered by Philip's power formerly and Alexander's now, well and good; I concede to you, that my fortune, or misfortune (if you please), has been the cause of everything. But if many that never saw rne or heard my voice have been grievously aflicted, not individuals only but whole cities and nations; how much juster and fairer is it to consider, that to the common fortune apparently of all rnen, to a tide of events overwhelming and lamentable, these disasters are to be attributed. You, disregarding all this, accuse me whose ministry has been among my countrymen, knowing all the while, that a part (if not the whole) of your calumny falls upon the people, and yourself in particular. For if I assumed the sole and absolute direction of our counsels, it was open to you the other speakers to accuse me; but if you were constantly present in all thc assemblies, if the state invited public discussion of what was expedient, and if these measures were then believed by all to be the best, and especially by you (for certainly from no good will did you leave me in possession of hopes and admiration and honors, all of which attended on my policy, but doubtless because you were compelled by the truth and had nothing better to advise); is it not iniquitous and monstrous to complain now of measures, than which you could suggest none better at the timel I should conclude, ,iEschines, that you undertook this cause to exhibit your eloquence and strength of lungs, not to obtain satisfaction for any wrong. But it is not the language of an orator, Aschines, that has any value, nor yet the tone of his voice, but his adopting the same views with the people, and his hating and loving the same persons that his country does. He that is thus minded will say everything with loyal intentionl he that courts persons from whom the commonwealth apprehends danger to herself, rides not on the same anchorage with the people, and, therefore, has not the same expectation of safety. But-do you seelI have; for my objects are the same with those of my countrymeni I have no interest separate or distinct. Is that so with youl How can it be-when immediately after the battle you went as ambassador to Philip, who was at that period the author of your cor,rntry's calamities, notwith. standing that you had before persisted in refusing that office, as all men know?

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And who is it that deceives the statel Surely the man who speaks not what he thinks. On whom does the crier pronounce a cursei Surely on such a man. What greater crime can an orator be charged with than that his opinions and his language are not the samel Such is found to be your character. And yet you open your mouth, and dare to look these men in the faces!Do you think they don't know youl-or are sunk in such slumber and oblivion, as not to remember the speeches which you delivered in the assembly, cursing and swearing that you had nothing to do with Philip, and that I brought that charge against you out of personal enmity without foundation? No sooner came the news of the battle, than you forgot all that; you acknowledge and avowed that between Philip and yourself there subsisted a relation of hospitality and friendship -new names these for your contract of hire. For upon what plea of equality or justice could ,lEschines,son of Glaucothea, the timbrel player, be the friend or acquaintance of Philipl I cannot see. No! You were hired to ruin the interests of your countrymen; and yet, though you have been caught yourself in open treason, and informed against yourself after the fact, you revile and reproach me for things which you will find any man is chargeable with sooner than I. Many great and glorious enterprises has the commonwealth, Aschines, undertaken and succeeded in through me; and she did not forget them. Flere is the proof-On the election of a person to speak the funeral oration immediately after the event, you were proposed, but the people would not have you, notwithstanding your fine voice, nor Demades, though he had iust made the peace, nor Flegemon, nor any orher of your party-but me. And when you and Pythocles came forward in a brutal and shameful manner (O merciful Heaven!) and urged the same accusations against me which you now do, and abused me, they elected me all the more. The reason-you are not ignorant of it-yet I will tell you. The Athenians knew as well the loyalty and zeal with which I conducted their affairs, as the dishonesty of you and your party; for what you denied upon oath in our prosperity, you confessed in the misfortunes of the republic. They considered, therefore, that men who got securiry for their politics by the public disasters had been their enemies long before, and were then avowedly such. They thought it right also, thai the person who was to speak in honor of the fallen and celebrate their valor should not have sat under the same roof or at the same table with their antagonists; that he should not revel there and sing a paan over the calarnities of Greece in company with their murderers, and then come here and receive distinction; that he should not with his voice act the mourner of their fate, but that he should lament over them with his heart. This they perceived in themselves and in me, but not in any of you; therefore, they elected me, and not you. Nor, while the people felt thus, did the fathers and brothers of the deceased,who were chosen by the people to perforrn their obsequies, feel differently. For having to order the funeral banquet (according to custom) at the house of the nearest relative to the deceased, they ordered it at mine. And with reason; because, though each to his orvn was nearer of kin than I was,

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none was so near to them all collectively. He that had the deepest interest in their safety and successhad upon their mournful disaster the largest share of sorrow for them all. rather, O Of this base and infamous conspiracy and profligacy-or Athenians, if I am to speak in earnest, of this betrayal of Grecian libertyAthens is by all mankind acquitted, owing to my counselsl and I am acquitted by you. Then do you ask me, Aschines, for what merit I claim to be honoredl I will tell you. Because, while all the statesmen in Greece, beginning with yourself, have been corrupted formerly by Phitip and now by Alexander, me neither opportunity, nor fair speeches, nor large promises, nor hope, nor fear, nor anything else could tempt or induce to betray aught that I considered iust and beneficial to my country. Whatever I have advised my fellow citizens, I have never advised like you men, leaning as in a balance to the side of profit; all my proceedings have been those of a soul upright, honest, and incorruptl intrusted with afiairs of greater magnitude than any of my contemporaries, I have administered them all honestly and faithfully. Therefore do I claim to be honored. These and the like measures, Aschines, are what become an honorable citizen (by their success-O earth and heaven!-we should have been the greatest of people incontestablyr and deserved to be so; even under theii failure the result is glory, and no one blames Athens or her policy; all condemn fortune thaiso ordered things); but never will he desert the interests of the commonwealth, nor hire himself to her adversaries, and study the enemy's advantage instead of his country's; nor on a man who has courage to advise and propose measures worthy of the statet and resolution io persevere in them, will he cast an evil eye, and, if any one privately ofiends him, remember and treasure it up; no, nor ke-ep hims-elf in a criminal and treacherous retirement' as you so often do. There is indeed a retirement iust and beneficial to the state, such as you, the bulk of my countrymen, innocently enfoy; that however is not the retirement of Aschines; far from it. Withdrawing himself from public life when he pleases (and that is often), he watches for the moment when you are tired of a constant speaker, or when some reverse of fortune or anything untoward has happened (and many are the has befallen you, 'human life); at such a crisis he springs up an orator, rising casualties of from his retreat like a wind; in full voice, with words and phrases collected, he rolls them out audibly and breathlessly, to no advantage or good purpose whatsoever, but to the detriment of some or other of his Iellorar citizens and to the general disgrace. Yet from this labor and diligence, Aschines, if it proceeded from an honest heart, solicitous for your country's welfare, the fruits should of states, have been rich and noble and profitable to all-alliances supplies of money, conveniences of commerce, enactment of useful laws, opposition to our declared enemies. All such -things were looked for in former times; and many opportunities did the past afford for a good man and true to show himself; during which time you are nowhere to in be found, neither first, second, third, fourth, fifth, nor sixth-not

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7-he World's Great Spceches

any rank at all-certainly on no service by which your country was exalted. For what alliance has come to the state by your procurement? What succors, what acquisition of good will or credit? What embassy or agency is there of yours, by which the reputation of the country has been increasedI What concern domestic, Hellenic, or foreign, of which you have had the management, has improved under iti What galleys? lvhat ammunitionl what arsenals? what repair of walls? what cavalryl What in the world are you good for? What assistance in money have you ever given, either to the rich or the poor, out of public spirit or liberalityl None. But, good sir, if there is nothing of this, there is at all events zeal and loyalty. Wherel whenl You infamous fellow! Even at a time when all who ever spoke upon the platform gave something for the public safety, and last Aristonicus gave the sum which he had amassed to retrieve his franchise, you neither came forward nor contributed a mite-not from inability-no, for you have inherited above five talents from Philo, your rvife's father, and you had a subscription of two talents from the chairmen of the boards for what you did to cut up the navy law. But, that I may not go from one thing to another and lose sight of the question, I pass this by. That it was not poverty preventcd your contributing, already appears; it was, in fact, your anxiety to do nothing against those to whom your political life is subservient. On what occasions then do you show your spirit? When do you shine outl When aught is to be spoken against your countryrnen! -then it is you who are splendid in voice, perfect in memory, an admirable actor, a tragic Theocrines. You mention the good men of olden times; and you are right so to do. Yet it is hardly fair, O Athenians, that he should ger rhe advantage of that respect vshich you have for the dead, to compare and contrast noe rvith thcm,-ft€ who am living among you; for what mortal is ignorant, that torvard the living there exists always more or less of ill will, whereas the dead are no longer hated even by an enemyl Such being human Dature, am I to be tried and judged by the standard of my predecessorsl Heaven forbid ! It is not iust nor equitable, Aschines. Let me be compared with you, or any persons you like of your party who are still alive. And consider this-whether it is more honorable and better for the state, that because of the services of a former ^ge, prodigious though they are beyond all power of expression, those of the present generation should be unrequited and spurned, or that all who give proof of their good intentions should have their share of honor and regard from the people I Yet, indeed-if I must say so much-my politics and principles, if considered fairly, will be found to resemble those of the illustrious ancients, and to have had the same objects in view, while yours resemble those of their calumniators; for it is certain there were persons in those times, who ran down the living, and praised people dead and gone, with a malignant purpose like yourself. You say that I am nothing like the ancients. Are you like them, Aschinesl Is your brother, or any of our speakersl I assert that none is. But pray, my good fellow (that I may give you no orher name), try the

Greece and Rorne

25

living with the living and with his competitors, as you would in all dancers, athletes. Philammon did not' because he was .ar.i-po.tt, inferioi to Glaucus of Carystus, and some other champions of a bygone age, depart uncrowned fiom Olympia, but, because he beat all who entered the ring against him, rvas crowned and proclaimed conqueror. So I ask you to compare me with the orators of the day, with yourself, with any one you like; I yield to none. When the commonwealth was at liberty to choose for her advantage, and patriotism was a matter of emulation, I showed myself a better counselor than any, and every act of state was pursuant to my decrees and laws and.negotiations;. none of your party was to be seen, unless you had to do the Athenians a rnischief.- Afier that lamentable occurrence, when there was a call no longer for advisers, but for persons obedient to command, persons r."dy to be hired against their country and willing to ffatter strangers, then'all of you were in occupation, grand people with splendid equipages; I was powerless, I confess, though more attached to my countrymen than you. Two things, rnen of Athens, are characteristic of a well-disposed citizen authority, -so may fspeak of myself and give the least offense:-In his consiant aim should be the dignity and preeminence of the commonwealth; in all times and circumsiances his spirit should be loyal. This depends upon nature; power and might upon other things. Such a spirit, you rvitl hnd, I have ever sincerely cherished. - Only lee. When .my b"6on rvas demanded-when they brought Amphictyonic suits against they set these they menaced-when they promised-when me-when miscreants like wild beasts upon me-never in any way have I abandoned my affection for you. From _the very beginning I- chose an honest and stiaiehtforward course in politics, to support the honor, the power, the elorli of my fatherland, these to exalt, in these to have been my being. i ao not walk about the market-place gay and cheerful because the stranger has prospered, holding out my right hand and congratulating thosj who I it inl. will report 1t yonder, and on any news of our own success shudder and groan and stoop to the earth, like these impious men, rvho rail at Athlns, as if in so doing they did not rail at themselves; who look abroad, and if the foreigner thrives by the distresses of Greece, are thankful for it, and say we should keep him so thriving to all time. Never, O y. gods, may those wishes be confirmed by you! If possible, inspire even in these men a better sense and feeling! But if they are indeed incurable, destroy them by themselvesl exterminate them on land and sea; and for the rest of us, grant that we may speedily be released from our present fears, and enjoy a lasting deliverance I

Tlte

World's

Great Speeches

An earlier masterpiece of Demostltencs is his "Second Oration Against Philip," u.,hich uas delit,ered in Athens about j44 n.c. The term philippic, tulticlt ue ap4ly to any speech ol bitter denunciation, is dcriued from Demosthenes'series ol attacfr,son Philip ol Macedon, ol uhich this is perhapsthe most lamous. THE

SECOND ORATION

AGAINST

PHILIP

ArnBNreNs! when the hostile attempts of Philip, and those outrageous violations of the peace which he is perpetually committing, are at any time the subject of our debates, the speecheson your side I find humane and just, and that the sentiments of those who inveigh against Philip never fail of approbation; but as to the necessarymeasures,to speak out plainly, not one has been pursued, nor anything efiected even to reward the attention to these harangues. N"y, to such circumstances is our state reduced, that the more fully and evidently a man proves that Philip is acting contrary to his treaty, and harboring designs against Greece, the greater is his difficulty in pointing our your duty. The reason is this. They who aspire to an extravagant degree of power are [o be opposed by force and action, not by speeches;and yet in the first place, lve public speakers are unu'illing to recommend or to propose anything to this purpose, from the fear of your displeasure; but confine ourselves to general representations cf the grievous, of the outrageous nature of his conduct, and the like. Then you who attend are better qualified than Phiiip, either to plead the justice of your cause or to apprehend it when enforced by others; but as to any effectual opposition to his present designs, in this you are entirely inactive. You see, then, the consequence, the necessary, the natural consequence, each of you excels in that has engaged your time and application, he in acting, "vhich you in speaking. And if, on this occasion, it be suffcient that we speak with a superior force of truth and justice, this may be done r.vith the utmost ease; but if we are to consider how to rectify our present disorrplanation of a single point is enough to defeat the whole system. You have, indeed., "winged ministers" of vengeance, who carry your bolts in their pouches to the remotest verge of the sea. But there a-power steps in that limits the_arrogance of raging passion and furious elements, and says: "So far shalt though go, and no farther." I do not mean to commend either the spirit in this excess' or the moral causes which produce it. Perhaps a more smooth and accommodating spirit of frledom in them would be more acceptable -to us. of liberty'might be desired, more reconcilable with an Perhapsla."r arbitriry and boundless authbrity. Perhaps we might wish the colonists to be plrsuaded thar their liberty is more secure when held in trust for them 6y us, as guardians during a perpetual minority, lhT with any part of it in their own hands. But the question is not whether their spirit deservespraise or blame. \'y'hat, in the name of God, shall we do with it? You havi before you the object, such as it is, with all its glories, with all its imperfections on its head. You see the magnituder,the importance, the tempir, the habits, the disorders. By all these considerations we are strongly urged to determine something concerning it. We are called YPo-n to fii rom. rule and line for our future conduct which may give a little stability to our politics, and prevent the return of such unhappy-delibera' tions as the present. Every iuch return will bring the matter before us in a still *ot. untractable form. For, what astonishing and incredible things have we not seen already? What monsters have not been generated from this unnatural contentionl

r60

Tlte World's Great Speeches

We are indeed, in all disputeswith the colonies,by the necessityof things, the judge. It is true, sirl but I confessthat the characterof iudge

in my own cause is a thing that frightens me. Instead of filliing me with pride, I am exceedingly humbled

judicial character. Sir, these considerations have great weight with me, when I find things so circumstanced thar I see rhe same parry at once a civil litigant against me in point of right and a culprit before me; while I sit as criminal judge on acts of his whose moral quality is to be decided on upon the merits of that very litigation. Men are every now and then put, by the complexity of human affairs, into srrange situationsl but justice is the same, let the judge be in what situation he will. In this situation, let us seriously and coolly ponder, what is it we have got by all our menaces, which have been many and ferocious. What advantage have we derived from the penal laws we have passed, and which, for the time, have been severe and numerousl whlt advances have we made toward our object by the sending of a force which, by land and sea, is no contemptible strengthl Has the disorder abatedl Nothing less. When I see things in this situation, after such confident hopes, bold promises, and active exertions, I cannot, for my life, avoid a iuspicion that the plan itself is not correctly right. If, then, the removal of the causesof this spirit of American liberty be, for the greater part, or rather entirely, impracticable; if the ideas of criminal process be inapplicable, or, if applicable, are in the highest degree inexpedient, what way yer remains? No way is open but the ihird and last-to comply with the American spirit as necessary, or, if you please, to submit to it as a necessaryevil. If we adopt this mode, if we mean to conciliate and concede, let us see of what nature the concessions ought to be. To ascertain the nature of our concessions,we must look at their complaint. The colonies complain that they have not the characteristic mark and seal of British freedom. They complain that they are taxed in parliamenr in which they are not represented. If you mean to satisfy them at all, you must satisfy them with regard to this complaint. If you mean to please any people, you must give them the boon which they ask; not what you may think better for them, but of a kind totally different. Such is steadfastly my opinion of the absolute necessity of keeping up the concord of this empire by a unity of spirit, though in a diversity of operations, that, if I were sure the colonists had, at their leaving this country, sealed a regular compact of servitude; that they had solemnly abiured all the rights of citizens; that they had made a vow ro renounce all ideas of liberty for them and their posterity to all generations, yet I should hold myself obliged to conform to the temper I found universally prevalent !r oty own day, and to govern two millions of men, impatient of servitude, on the principles of freedom. I am not determining a point of law. I am restoring tranquillity, and the general character and iitultion of a people must determine what sort of government is fitted for them. That point nothing else can or ought to determine.

Great Britain and lreland

r6r

My idea, therefore, without considering_whether we- yieJd as matter of risht. orqrant as matter of favor, is to admit tlzepeople of our colonies into"an'intirest in the Constitution, and,by recording that admissionin in. lont.tals of parliament, to give them as strong an assuranceas the r.,rri. of the thing will admit, that we mean forever to adhere to that solemn declarationof systematicindulgence. The Americans will'have no interest contrary to the grandeur and glory of England,when they are not oppressed-bythe weight.of it; and it.y *itt ,"iir., be inclined io respectd; actsof a superintendinglegislai,rr!, *h.n they see them the icts of -that power which is itself the ,.rnrity, not the rival, of their secondaryimportance..In this assurancemy and I'confessI feel not the least alarm t"i"a r.ro.t perfectlyacquiesces, arisefrom putting people at their ease; to are which discontents lro* the nor do I apprehendthe destruction of this-empire-from-giving,.!y ^t act of fte. gt".e and indulgence, to two millions of my {ellow citizens, some share-of those rightiupon which I have always been taught to value myself. A revlnue from America transmitted hither-do not delude yourselves -you never can receive it-no, not a shiliing. We have experiencedthat from remotecountriesit is not to be expected.If, when you attempted to extract revenuefrom Bengal,you were obliged to return in loan what y-ou had taken in imposition, what can you expe^ctfrom North Americal for certainly, if evei there was a couniry quilified ^to-produce wealth,.it is institution fit for the transmission,it is the East India ComIndia; "i "tt pany. America has none of these aptitudes.If America gives you taxable bl|..tt on which you lay your duties here, and -gives you' .at the. same time, a surplusby i foreign saleof her commoditiesto pay the duties on these objectswhich you ia* at home, she has-performedher.part to the British ,Lu.nu.. But'with regard to her own internal establishments,she may, I doubt not shewill, contribute in moderation;I-say.in moderation, for'rh. ought not to be permitted to exhaustherself. She ought to be reservedto" a war, the wlight -be of which, with the enemies that we are considerablein her quarter of the globe. must *ot, likely to have, There she-mayserveyou, and serveyou essentially. For that seivice,foi alt service, whether of revenue, trade, or -em-pire, my trusr is in hei interest in the British Constitution. My hold of the coionies is in the closeaffection which grows from common names' from kindred blood, from similar privileges,-andequal-pr-otection.These are ties which, though light -the as iir, ^r, as strong as links of iron. Let the idea of their civil rights associatedwith your feep always colonies and grapple to your- and no force under government; ih.y *ill "littg th; irom their allegiance.But le.t it be to lear be po*.t of f,."n.t wilt once understood ?h"t yorrt government may be one thing, and their privileges another; that'thesJtwo things may exist without any mutual ielatioi; the cement is gone; the cohesion is loosened; 1nd everything hastens to decay and diisolution. As long as you have the wisdom to sanctuary of liberty, keep the rouer.igtr authority of this couniry ": -tlt. the sacredtemplEconsecratedto our common faith, wherever the chosen

r6z

The World's Great Speecltes

race and sons of England worship freedom, they will turn their faces toward you. The more they multiply, the more friends you will have. The more ardently they love liberty, the rnore perfect will be their obedience. Slavery they can have anywhere. It is i weed that grows in every soil. They may have it fronr Spain; they may have it from Prussial but, until you become lost to all feeling of your true inrerest and your natural dignity, freedom they can have from none but you. This ii the cornmodity of price, of which you have the monopoly. This is the true Act of Navigation, which binds to you the cornmerce of the colonies, and through them secures to you the wealth of the world. Deny them this participation of freedom, and you break that sole bond which originally made, and must still preserve, the unity of the empire. Do not entertain so weak an imagination as that your registers and your bonds, your aff,davits and your sufferances,your cocketJ and your clearances,are what f