Vocabulary of Intellectual Life in the Middle Ages

CIVICIMA COMITE INTERNATIONAL DU VOCABULAIRE DES INSTITUTIONS ET DE LA COMMUNICATION INTELLECTUELLES AU MOYEN AGE President

Jacques Monfrin † Secretaire

Olga Weijers Representants nationaux

Allemagne Belgique Canada Espagne Etats-Unis France Grande Bretagne Italie Pays-Bas Pays Scandinaves Pologne Portugal Tchequie

Helmut Walther Jacqueline Hamesse Claude Lafleur Antonio Garcia y Garcia Richard Rouse Jacques Verger John Fletcher † Francesco del Punta Lambertus M. de Rijk Eva Odelman Aleksander Gieysztor † Maria Candida Pacheco Pavel Spunar

Coordination generate

Olga Weijers C H I , Section d'etudes medievales Postbus 90754 2509 LT La Haye Pays-Bas

CIVICIMA ETUDES SUR LE VOCABULAIRE INTELLECTUEL DU MOYEN AGE

X

The Vocabulary of Intellectual Life in the Middle Ages

MARIKEN TEEUWEN

BREPOLS TURNHOUT BELGIQUE 2003

illustration on the cover: Picture of a master and his students in an early thirteenthcentury manuscript, Wien, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 2499, fol. lv.

Provenance and copyright Bildarchiv der O N B , Wien.

© 2003, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2OO3/OO95/128 ISBN 2-503-51457-X Printed in the E . U . on acid-free paper

Table of contents Acknowledgements

11

Introduction

13

Category I: The Vocabulary of Schools and Universities arc(h)a, capsa, cista baccalarius bancarius bedellus, nuntius bejaunus (beanus) bursa, bursarius, bursalis, beneficiatus cancellarius, archidiaconus cathedra cessare, cessatio, suspendere, suspensio clericus collecta, salarium collegium commissaries, hebdomadarius communa, communia, communarius congregatio conservator (privilegiorum), iustitiarius (scholarum), tractator (studii) custos decanus discipulus doctor dominus (legum) facultas hospitium, domus, aula lector licentia, licentiare, licentiatus litteratus, illiteratus

29 31 33 36 38 41 42 45 48 50 53 55 57 61 63 65 68 70 73 75 76 79 80 82 85 88 92

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS

magister magisterium, magistralis, magistrare massarius, receptor, campsor matricula natio, societas, consiliaria notarius, syndicus p(a)edagogus, p(a)edagogium, pr(a)eceptor prior procurator, consiliarius professor provisor, principalis questionista, sophista rector rotulus, rotula sc(h)ola sc(h)olaris sc(h)olasticus, magister sc(h)olarum socius, collegiatus statutum, statutarius studens, studere studium, studium generale taxatio, taxare, taxator universitas

95 98 100 102 104 107 109 Ill 113 116 118 120 122 126 128 131 133 135 137 139 141 145 147

Category I I : The Vocabulary of the Book and Book Production 151 archivum, c(h)artarium, chartularium 153 armarium, armarius 155 atramentum, encaustum, tincta 157 bibliotheca, bibliothecarius 159 calamus, penna, plumbum 161 c(h)arta, instrumentum, munimentum 163 chirographum 166 codex 168 exemplar, exemplum, exemplator 170

TABLE OF CONTENTS

graphium, stilus inventarium, registrum, repertorium, catalogus liber, libellus librarius, librarium, libraria papyrus, pergamenum, membrana pecia (petia), peciarius quaternio, quaternus radere, eradere, rescribere sc(h)eda, sc(h)edula, protocollum scriba, scriptor, notarius, clericus scribere, transcribere scriptorium stationarius, statio tabula cerata taxatio, taxator volumen, tomus Category I I I : The Vocabulary of Teaching Methods, Instruments and Products of Intellectual Life accessus ad auctorem alphabetum (-us), alphabetarium, abecedarium (h)arenga, (h)arengare, propositum auctor, (actor, aut(h)or), auctoritas audire, auditor, auditio, auditus brocarda, brocardica capitulum, titulus, rubrica, paragraphus, articulus collatio commentari, commentarius (-ium), commentum, commentator compilare, compilatio, compilator concordantia cursus, cursorius (-ie), cursor, (cursare) declarare, declaratio; exponere, expositio; explanare, explanatio; interpretari, interpretatio

173 175 178 180 183 187 190 192 194 196 198 201 203 207 209 211

213 215 218 220 222 224 226 228 232 235 237 240 242 245

TABLE OF CONTENTS

derivatio, compositio determinare, determinatio, determinator, subdeterminator dictare, pronuntiare disputatio, disputare, qu(a)estio disputata distinctio, distinguere edere, editio, editor, publicare, publicatio, publicator etymologia examinare, examen, examinatio, conventus, examinator exemplum fallacia glossa, glosa glossarium, vocabularium, dictionarius incipere, inceptio, inceptor, resumere, resumptio insolubile interpretari (-tare), interpretatio, transferre, translatio, vulgarizare (-zatio), theutonizare (-zatio) involucrum, integumentum legere, lectio, lectura, legibilis obligatio opponere, opponens; respondere, respondens ordinarius (-ie), extraordinarily (-ie) postilla pr(a)edicare, pr(a)edicatio, sermo pr(a)esentare, pr(a)esentatio, pr(a)esentator, deponere, depositio, depositor principium, vesperie promovere, promotio, promotor, promovendus punctum qu(a)estio, dubium quodlibet, quodlibetalis, quodlibetarius, quodlibeticus regere, regimen repertorium, inventarium reportare, reportatio, reportator sententia, summa

247 250 253 256 260 264 266 268 272 275 277 279 282 285 287 290 292 298 301 304 307 309 313 315 318 320 322 326 329 331 333 336

TABLE OF CONTENTS

sophisma, sophistaria syllogismus, conclusio, corollarium syncategoremata, consignificantia tabula, registrum (regestum) Category I V : The Names of the Disciplines, their Teachers and Students abacus, abacista arithmeticus, mathematicus ars, scientia, disciplina ars dictaminis, ars dictandi, dictator artes liberates, trivium, quadrivium artes mechanicae artista astrologia, astrologus, astronomia, astronomus computus, calculus dialectica, logica divina scientia, sacra doctrina, theologia, theologus, metaphysica, prima philosophia ethica, oeconomica, politica geometria, geographia, mappa mundi grammatica, grammaticus, grammatica speculativa ius canonicum, ius civile, canonista, decretista, decretalista, legista musica, musicus, cantus, cantor philosophia, philosophus, philosophari physica, physicus, medicina, medicus rhetorica, rhetor theoreticus, practicus

9

340 343 345 348

351 353 355 358 361 364 367 370 372 374 376 379 382 384 386 389 391 395 400 404 406

Index I: Reference to the relevant articles per category Index I I : Reference per term to pagenumbers

409 434

Select bibliography

453

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book, which brings the C I V 1 C I M A series to completion, could obviously not have been written without the specialist input of the many scholars, from all over Europe, who took part in the C I V I C I M A workshops and sent in articles for the nine volumes of proceedings that have already been published. Many of them will see the fruits of their research summarized here. I hope I have done justice to their work and wish to record my gratitude and admiration for their research, which has often been groundbreaking. The research project for this, the final volume in the series, was carried out at the Constantijn Huygens Institute in The Hague ( C H I ) , under the auspices of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences ( K N A W ) . Olga Weijers, senior researcher at the C H I , has been the initiator of C I V I C I M A , and organiser of most of the workshops. She has also supervised the writing of this book with great care. Now that I know her high standards of scholarship from four years of collaboration, I appreciate the trust she placed in me when I was asked to write this book even more. She has been a constant source of information and encouragement, a stern critic and a good friend at the same time. The other members of the medieval section of the C H I , especially Marijke Gumbert-Hepp, have welcomed me in their midst and made me feel at home immediately. I am very glad that the end of this project does not mean the end of our collaboration. The copy editing of the book was in the professional hands of Marjo Eijgenraam, who turned stacks and stacks of paper into a publishable and, hopefully, readable book and did this quickly, competently and with characteristic cheer. She also helped me with the dull work of putting together indices. If English-speaking readers of this book will not find thousands of "Dutchisms" in it, this is due to the good services of my friend, dr. Maria Sherwood-Smith, who has attempted to wield out as many errors as she could and always cried to convince me that she actually enjoyed doing it.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The house of Brepols has been very supportive, too, and I would like to thank Christophe Lebbe, not only for the efforts he put into the present volume, but for the work he has done over the years for the ten volumes of the C I V I C I M A series, most of which were typeset by Brepols under his supervision. Leiden — Den Haag, July 2003

INTRODUCTION History of the CIVICIMA project

In 1978, at the 'Mediaevistentagung' organised by the Thomas-Institut of the University of Cologne, Olga Weijers gave a paper with the title Terminologie des universités naissantes. Etude sur le vocabulaire utilise par

I'institution nouvelle.1 It was the first step on a long road that led to a series of articles, colloquia, proceedings and monographs, all undertaken under her direction or at her instigation, and all on the subject of the vocabulary of intellectual life in the Middle Ages. One of the first spin-offs of the 1978 paper was her monograph Terminologie des universites an XIIIe siecle, which appeared in 1987 in the series Lessico Intellettuale Europeo (39). In this study she describes the terminology used by a new phenomenon in medieval intellectual life: the universities of the thirteenth century. At the centre of her study lie the questions of the origin of the terms and the semantic shifts that the old vocabulary underwent in order to fit into its new environment.2 Since she was embarking upon a new and relatively unexplored field of research, she chose to use for her inventory and analysis of the vocabulary only sources that were available in a modern edition. This left her with an abundant body of official documents from the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century universities of France3 and a relatively complete overview of the technical vocabulary used in the English universities;4 for the universities of Italy5 and the Iberian peninsula,6 however, she had to resign

1. The paper was published in Miscellanea Mediaevalia 12 (1979), pp. 258-280. 2. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie ties universites (1987), 'Introduction', pp. 1-12. 3. She inventorized the sources of the universities of Paris, Toulouse, Montpellier and Orleans. 4. That is, Oxford and Cambridge. 5. The universities of Bologna, Padua and Naples. 6. The universities of Salamanca, Lisbon-Coimbra and Valladolid. Due to the focus on the thirteenth century, i.e. the earliest history of the universities, the institutions of Germany and central Europe are not featured in this monograph.

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INTRODUCTION

herself to a much more lacunal situation. The technical vocabulary found in these sources was divided into three categories: 1. the terminology of the institutions (both concrete concepts such as cathedra, cista, etc. and abstract concepts such as universitas, facultas, etc.); 2. the terminology of persons attached to the university (teachers, students, administrators and employees); and 3. the terminology of teaching methods, examinations and ceremonies. The method used to describe each of these terms was an analysis in three steps: first, the use of the term in its university context is described on the basis of the sources themselves and the modern bibliography existing on the subject; secondly, the first occurrences of the term in the university sources are studied in order to determine — if possible — its origin within the new context; and thirdly the semantic development of the term is studied: the relations between its meaning in classical Latin, late-antique (Christian) Latin (if the term is not a medieval neologism), medieval Latin and in its specific context studied here. Weijers concludes with a tentative sketch of the general tendencies.7 First, the lion's share of the vocabulary used in medieval schools and universities was already used in an educational context in the ancient and late-antique world. Many of these terms retained approximately their original meaning, such as sc(h)olaris, discipulus, procurator, etc. Others acquired completely new meanings in the medieval sources: facultas, for example, collegium, natio or universitas developed specific technical meanings. The birth of the university in the thirteenth century was a particularly strong and influential force in this respect. For example: in die pre-university period magister had approximately the same meaning as in classical Latin. But, in the period of the university alongside its classical meaning of 'teacher' it developed the meaning of 'someone with an academic degree'. Another example: determinatio already had the general meaning of 'conclusion' in classical Latin, but in the context of the teaching method of the disputation, it developed a new, technical meaning: the part of a

7 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universités (1987), pp. 425-428; E A D . , La spécifité du vocabulaire universitaire, CIVICIMA I (1988), pp. 41-46.

INTRODUCTION

15

disputation in which all the arguments were weighed against each other, and in which a solution was proposed to the central question. Secondly, a small amount (ca. 25% according to Weijers' estimate) of the vocabulary found in the early sources of the universities is post-classical. Some of these words are already part of the medieval Latin vocabulary (such as taxator, commissarius, lectura), others are newly created in the university (such as questionista, peciarius, or set expressions such as studium generate or licentia ubique docendi). They either, like baccalarius, bedellus, pecia, have their roots in vulgar Latin, or are derived from already existing Latin words. Examples of the latter phenomenon are: doctoratus and doctoria, which are created from doctor, bursarius from bursa, rectoratus and rectoria from rector, etc. The technical terms used in the educational institutions of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries are derived from four distinct fields of medieval life: education, the Church, public administration and law. In general one could say that the majority of the terms found for the educational institutions are taken from the field of public administration (of cities or corporations) — universitas, for example, or societas and collegium in the sense of'corporate body of professors'. Some are derived from the field of the Church (congregatio and convocatio, or collegium in the sense 'student house'), some were already in use in the field of education (for example, studium, licentia, facultas and cathedra), and others are part of the common Latin vocabulary of the period (such as natio, hospitium or salarium). The terms used for teachers are all already present in the educational context of the pre-university period; those used for students have different origins. Some of them were also already in use in an educational context (scolaris, socius), others are newly created or acquired new, specific meanings (sophista, questionista, baccalarius). For the functionaries and administrators of the university terms were used that were taken from the field of public administration (of cities, corporations, regions or nations); examples are rector, procurator, syndicus, notarius, etc. Some of these are terms used specifically by the Church for its administrators (cancellarius, commissarius, hebdomadarius, etc., or for the officials running the university colleges: beneficiatus, provisor, prior, etc.); others are taken specifically from the field of law (bedellus, apparitor); others again from the world of financial administration (receptor, campsor) or from the world of books and book production (librarius, exemplator, etc.).

16

INTRODUCTION

The vocabulary used for university courses and teaching methods is largely derived from the field of pre-university education {audire, regere, lectio, etc.) or from the religious world (predicatio, sermo, collatio). The terminology for examinations and grades, finally, is generally derived from the common Latin vocabulary of the period (terms such as gradus, promovere, inceptio, principium); some terms are already used in a more technical meaning in the field of education (examinare and examinatio, for example), others had acquired specific meanings in the field of law {audire and deponere, for example). In short, the vocabulary of the early university is rich and inspired by a multitude of sources. Some words underwent major shifts in meaning in order to fit into their new environment, others remained very close to their earlier meanings. Neologisms were created on the basis of older, general concepts, or on the basis of new (vernacular) roots. Continuity and change go hand in hand. Weijers' book was well received and many reviewers emphasized that it filled an important lacuna in modern scholarship.8 In 1985 this gave rise to an initiative to establish an international committee for the study of medieval intellectual vocabulary - the Comite International du Vocabulaire des Institutions et de la Communication Intellectuelles au Moyen

8 See, for example, the comments of L . J . BATAILLON, Bulletin d'histoire des doctrines medievales, in: Revue des sciences phihsophiques et theologiques 73 (1989), pp, 87-88: 'le magnifique travail d'O. Weijers permettra aux historiens de l'enseignement, et a bien d'autres, une precision accrue dans l'etude de leur documentation' (p. 88); and of G. F R E D E R I C I V E S C O V I N I in Rivista di storia delta filosofia 44 (1989), pp. 606-607: ' I I volume ... costituisce pertanto un indispensabile punto di riferimento e un prezioso strumento di lavoro per chiunque si interessi del mondo delle Universita del secolo X I I I e, quindi, dell'organizzazione del sapere del Medioevo' (p. 607). Other reviews are found in: Quaderni per la storia dell'Universita di Padova 20 (1987), p. 211; Rassegna di letteratura tomistica 23 (1987), pp. 33-37; Vivarium 25 (1987), p. 162; Collectanea franciscana 58 (1988), p. 371; Nuncios'},! (1988), pp. 308-309; Revue d'histoireecclesiastique 83 (1988), pp. 423-426; Deutsches Archiv fur Erforschung des Mittelalters 45 (1989), p. 757; Revista espanola de derecho canonico 46 (1989), pp. 803-804; Scriptorium 43 (1989), p. 281*; Glossde 2 (1989-90), pp. 240-241; Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des chartes 148 (1990), pp. 195-196; History of Universities 9 (1990), pp. 265-266; Bulletin de théologie ancienne et medievale 15 (1992), pp. 178-179; MittellateinisckesJahrbuch 29,2 (1994), PP' 144-148.

INTRODUCTION

17

Age, abbreviated to CIVICIMA.9 The board committed itself to organising round-table discussions or colloquia, and to instigating monographs and collective works in the field of the vocabulary of intellectual life in the Middle Ages. After the first colloquium, held in September 1985 in Leiden and The Hague, a working programme was formulated in which the terminological area of Weijers' monograph on the vocabulary of thirteenth-century universities was broadened in all kinds of directions.10 First of all, the restriction to the thirteenth century was abandoned: the vocabularies of pre-university education, but also of the fourteenth and fifteenth century11 were given a place in the programme. In other words: studies investigating the terminology not only of universities and colleges, but also of monastery schools, cathedral schools, urban schools and Mendicant schools were invited in the series. The second major expansion of the research-field was the inclusion of the vocabulary of the book and book production, since it was felt that this was an indispensable aspect of medieval intellectual life. Other restrictions were lifted and (geographical) limits were stretched. All these decisions led to a working programme divided into five sections, each containing a thematically coherent collection of technical vocabulary:

9 Lambert M. de Rijk became president of the board, Olga Weijers its secretary. In 1990, CIVICIMA changed its structure: instead of forming a closed group of president, secretary and a dozen national representatives, it became an open society. Jacques Monfrin became its president and after his death in December 1998, it was decided that — since the series was nearing completion with a final tenth volume — he would not be succeeded. 10 The programme was published in several journals - for example, as part of the report of CIVICIMA's first workshop, organised in September 1985 in Leiden and The Hague, in Studi Medievali (3" Serie) 27 (1986), pp. 475-478. It was also included in CIVICIMA I (1988), pp. 7-10. 11 Forays into the vocabulary of the educational institutes of the Renaissance were also welcomed in the series; see esp. CIVICIMA V11I (1995): Vocabulary of Teaching and Research Between Middle Ages and Renaissance.

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TNTRODUCTION

1) Vocabulary of the schools (institutions, teachers, students, teachingmethods) a) ninth to eleventh century (Carolingian schools) b) twelfth century (cathedral schools) c) thirteenth to fifteenth century (urban schools and Mendicant schools) 2) Vocabulary of the universities (institutions, persons, teaching-methods) a) thirteenth century (Weijers' monograph of 1987) b) fourteenth to fifteenth century (with emphasis on the regional and national differences between the universities of France, the British Isles, Italy, the Iberian Peninsula, Germany and Central Europe) 3) Vocabulary of the book and book production a) the book itself (making, composition, edition, distribution) b) other forms of written documents c) writing (materials, writing-styles, scribes) d) text and transmission (copies, corruption and correction of the text) e) libraries and archives (objects, library-catalogues and inventories) 4) Vocabulary of methods of teaching and research, of instruments and products of intellectual life a) the use of the alphabet as a structuring principle, methods of annotation, translation and communication b) concordances, tables, glossaries, encyclopedias, dictionaries c) treatises, commentaries, summaries, florilegia, compendia, etc. 5) Vocabulary of the disciplines and their students a) the disciplines and sciences b) the scholars and students devoted to them W i t h this working programme at its centre, a series of colloquia was started, roughly concurring with the areas of terminology defined. The first one was held in Leiden/The Hague in September 1985 and had a general and exploratory character: its proceedings were published in 1988 under the title Terminologie de la vie intellectuelle au moyen Age.12

12 Brepols in Turnhout adopted the series and published all ten volumes.

INTRODUCTION

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The second 'table ronde' was held in Paris in September 1987 and was devoted to the vocabulary of the book and writing: Vocabulaire du livre et de I'e'criture au moyen Age (Turnhout 1989). The third volume was a collective work edited by O. Weijers on terms in the fourth category of the working programme: Methodes et instruments du travail intellectuel au moyen Age (Turnhout 1990), and the next was a monograph by her on terms in the same category: Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen Age (Turnhout 1991). The fifth volume contains the proceedings of a colloquium held in October 1989 in Rome, on terms falling in categories one and four: Vocabulaire des e'coles et des methodes d'enseignement au moyen

age (Turnhout 1992). The sixth, the proceedings of the colloquium held in Louvain in April 1992, deepens and broadens Weijers' monograph on the thirteenth-century terminology of the universities (category 2): Vocabulaire des colleges universitaires (XIII'-XVI' siècles) (Turnhout 1993). The seventh volume is a collective work edited by D. Jacquart on the subject of the terminology of intellectual life in the Arabic world: La formation du vocabulaire scientifique et intellectuel dans le monde arabe (Turnhout 1994). The eighth volume contains the proceedings of a colloquium held in March 1994 in London, mainly on terms falling in category 4 and containing several excursions to the Renaissance: Vocabulary of Teaching and Research Between Middle Ages and Renaissance (Turnhout 1995). The ninth volume fills in the lacuna of the vocabulary of the Mendicant schools - it contains the proceedings of a colloquium held in Porto in October 1996: Le vocabulaire des ecoles des Mendiants au moyen Age (Turnhout 1999). The tenth and concluding volume, finally, you see before you now. In retrospect one could argue that Weijers' conclusions in her initial study largely still stand. The medieval vocabulary of schools and universities, but also of teaching methods, of the book and writing and of the disciplines themselves is a mixture of tradition and innovation, of stability and change. In general it can be said that the new organisational phenomenon of the university caused new terms to be coined, or old terms to be used in new meanings. Within the university the new phenomena of examinations and grades are a particularly rich area for new

20

INTRODUCTION

terminology or significant semantic shifts.13 In the world of the book, the thirteenth century was the age in which new research tools were invented, and new ways were devised to produce books on a larger scale. Each of these developments is, of course, reflected in the Latin of the period. New words are created for these phenomena, or old words are used in new meanings to describe them. Furthermore, towards the end of the Middle Ages, once the initial model universities of Paris and Bologna had in a way lost something of their universal value and the universities of Northern, Central and Eastern Europe and of the Iberian peninsula had developed along their own lines, the technical vocabulary of the university seems to become richer and the regional differences seem to become greater. For example, the number of years needed for a student to acquire his baccalaureate or master's degree, or the exact role of a respondens or opponens in an official disputation (and thus the exact meaning of these words) differs per period, per faculty and university. Moreover, new influences caused the curriculum of the universities to change, and with this new terms were added to the vocabulary, and the meaning of certain terms changed. The present volume Even though the reception of the volumes in the academic world was enthusiastic14 and the ambitious goals set out in the working programme

13 Cf. J . V E R G E R , 'Nova et vetera dans le vocabulaire des premiers statuts et privileges, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 191-205. 14 See for reviews of CIVICIMA I: Schede Medievali 16-17 (1989), pp. 564-565; Revista augustiniana 30 (1989), p. 800; Studium 30 (1990), p. 191; Speculum 65 (1990), pp. 514515; Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 47 (1991), pp. 263-264; Euphrosyne 19 (1991), pp. 486-487; ZeitschriftfurRomanische Philologie 107 (1991), pp. 695-696; Revista de Historia des Ideias 14 (1991), pp. 577-578; Bulletin de theologie ancienne et medUvaU 15 (1992), pp. 177-178. For CIVICIMA I I : Zeitschrift fur Romanische Philologie 106 (1990), pp. 580-582; Euphrosyne 19 (1991), pp. 487-489; Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 86 (1991), pp. 203-204; Speculum 6y (1992), pp. 500-502; Scriptorium 47 (1993), p. 94*. For CIVICIMA I I I : Euphrosyne 20 (1992), pp. 484-485. For CIVICIMA TV: Revue des sciences philosophiques et thiologiques 76 (1992), p. 367; Studium 32 (1992), pp. 624-625; Collectanea franciscana

INTRODUCTION

21

were not even close to being reached,15 it was felt that — with the nine volumes — the interest in the subject as a separate field of research was waning.16 It was therefore decided to conclude the series with a tenth volume: an overview of the subjects treated in the series, supplemented by additions such as references to more recent bibliography on these subjects and articles on lemmata which were felt to be most obviously missing. This final volume was conceived to function as a dictionary of terms, alphabetically arranged within pre-established themes. To achieve a result that would suit the consulting researcher best, we chose to fol-

63 (1993). pp- 639-640; Deutsches Archiv fur Erforschung des Mittelalters 49 (1993), p. 690; Scriptorium 47 (1993), pp. 96*-97*; Vivarium 31 (1993), p. 268; lus Commune 20 (1993), pp. 353-355; Schede Medievali 24-25 (1993), pp. 412-413; Bulletin de theologie ancienne et medievale 16 (1994), pp. 48-49; Speculum 69 (1994), pp. 270-271; Zeitschriftfur Romanische Philologie 112 (1996), pp. 132-134. For CTVICIMA V: Revista de Histdria des Ideias 14 (1992), pp. 578-580; Studium 32 (1992), p. 625; Collectanea franciscana 63 (1993), pp. 640-641; Schede Medievali 24-25 (1993), pp. 412-413; Euphrosyne 22 (1994), p. 479; Nuovi annali della Scuola speciale per archivisti e bibliotecari 8 (1994), pp. 259-262; Deutsches Archiv fur Erforschung des Mittelalters 51 (1995), pp. 714-715; Mediaevistik 8 (1995), pp. 450-452; Revue Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire 73 (1995), pp. 1141-1143; Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Sciences 49 (1996), pp. 587-588; Zeitschrift fur Romanische Philologie 112 (1996), pp. 132-134; Latomus 55 (1996), pp. 478-479. For CIVICIMA V I : Revista de Histdria des Ideias 15 (1993), pp. 720-721; Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 47 (1993), p. 660; Collectanea franciscana 64 (1994), pp. 374-375; Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiques 78 (1994), p. 591; Euphrosyne 23 (1995), pp. 529-530; Mediaevistik 8 (1995), pp. 450-452; Nuovi annali della Scuola speciale per archivisti e bibliotecari 9 (1995), pp. 275-277; Deutsches Archiv fur Erforschung des Mittelalters 51 (1995), pp. 714-715; Scriptorium 49 (1995), p. 79; Millennium 12 (1998), pp. 198-199, Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire 76 (1998), pp.

581-583. For CIVICIMA VII: Speculum 71 (1996), p. 721. For CIVICIMA VIII: Speculum 72 (1997), p. 259; Deutsches Archiv fur Erforschung des Mittelalters 54 (1998), pp. 270-271; latomus 59 (2000), pp. 470-471. 15 There is, for example, comparatively little material on the schools and universities of Germany and central Europe in the series. I h e educational system of religious orders is a second example of a subject treated in a rather arbitrary and incomplete way. Moreover, die last category of terms, the names of the sciences and disciplines and their students, was never systematically embarked upon at all. 16 Rather the study of the precise meaning of technical vocabulary seems to have become an acknowledged element of research into die sources of intellectual life. In many general studies the subject of terminology now receives more attention than in the 1980s.

22

INTRODUCTION

low largely the thematic layout of the working programme on the one hand, and Weijers' working-method of 1987 on the other. The terms are treated in short articles, which sketch their meaning as found in the intellectual context of the Middle Ages and their semantic development from Antiquity to the Middle Ages. An important departure from Weijers working method, however, is that the basis of the articles is not formed by the sources themselves, but by the work done on the terms as found in the CIVICIMA volumes and other secondary bibliography. Since no limits are set for the corpus of sources we would wish to take into account, it would be impossible to provide an overview of the first attestations of each term within the chosen context. The working programme of Civicima has also been slighdy adapted for this final volume. First, the first two categories (vocabulary of the schools and vocabulary of the universities) are molten into one, since many of the terms that belong to the technical vocabulary of schools and studia also occur in the vocabulary of die universities. It seemed unwise to hold on to the thematically logical, but terminologically artificial separation of the two categories.17 Thus the lay-out of the present volume is as follows: Section I: The vocabulary of schools and universities; Section I I : The vocabulary of the book and book production; Section I I I : The vocabulary of teaching-methods, instruments and products of intellectual life; Section I V : The names of the disciplines, their teachers and students. Especially in the third section, the vocabulary of teaching-methods, instruments and products of intellectual life, many studies that postdate the majority of the Civicima volumes were used to give a more complete overview. Several recent studies have been published on the academic questio, disputatio and questio disputata, its structure, function, and specific

17 The chronological and further thematic subdivision of the themes found in the working programme has, of course, also been abandoned. Instead of being treated in a chronological or thematic order, the terms are arranged in alphabetical order within the four sections mentioned below.

INTRODUCTION

23

vocabulary,18 and the whole field of logic, the terminology of logic and tools for training students in logic reasoning {fallacia, insolubilia, obligatio, quodlibet, sophisma, syllogismus, syncategorematd) have been newly ex-

plored in studies from the 1980s en 1990s onwards by Ebbesen, de Libera, Maieru, Kretzmann, de Rijk, Rosier-Catach, Stump, etc.19 For the first and third section several studies were frequently consulted which focus on educational institutions of the later Middle Ages and their vocabulary, on individual colleges, or education in, for example, the Mendicant orders.20 In the second section many of the articles of Richard and Mary Rouse on new research tools such as the (alphabetical) index, the concordance and the florilegium, but also on book production and the book trade in the thirteenth century and later proved especially valuable.21 A particular problem was that the treatment of the fifth category of the working programme, the terminology of the disciplines and their students, remained very sketchy in the series. In Weijers' Terminologie des universites this category of terms is deliberately left aside, since 'la terminologie des disciplines individuelles — et d'ailleurs des personnes qui s'y consacraient (artista, legista, canonista, etc.) — est tellement riche

18 See, for example, the study of B.C. BAZAN, G . FRANSEN, D . JACQUART and J.W. W I P P E L , Les questions dispute'es et les questions quodlibe'tiques (1985); O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatio'a la Faculte' des arts de Paris (1995); and E A D . , La 'disputatio'dans Us Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002). 19

See, for example, several contributions in N . K R E T Z M A N N , A . K E N N Y and J . P I N B O R G

(eds.), The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy (1982); the bibliography in P. SCHUI.THESS and R . I M B A C H (eds.), DiePhilosophie im lateinischen Mittelalter (1996); and in O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatio'dans les Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002). 20 See, for example, A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994); several contributions in I . C R A E M E R - R U E G E N B E R G and A. S P E E R (eds.), Scientia und ars im Hoch- undSpdtmittelalter (1994); and in O . W E I J E R S and L . H O L T Z (eds.), L'enseignement des disciplines a la Faculte' des arts (1997). On individual colleges, see, for example, N. G O R O C H O V , Le college de Navarre de sa fondation (i}0$) au debut du XV siecle (1418) (1997). O n Dominican education, see M . M . M U L C H A H E Y , First the Bow is Bent in Study. Dominican Education before 1350 (1998); on Franciscan education, see B . ROEST, A History of Franciscan Education (c. 1210-1517) (2000). 21 See, inter alia, their recently republished collected studies Authentic Witnesses. Approaches to Medieval Texts and Manuscripts (1991).

24

INTRODUCTION

qu'il faudra de nombreuses etudes pour lui rendre justice' (p. 6). A separate publication on this subject, however, although included in the programme, never materialized, and very little material on this particular subject can be found in the Civicima-articles. The object of this tenth volume could never be to undertake the 'numerous studies' necessary in this particular field. It was nevertheless felt that the 'terminological gap' on this aspect of medieval intellectual life would have to be filled, albeit in a modest way. Only those terms that are central to the terminological field of this category, such as ars and scientia, or artes liberates, and complex concepts with large technical vocabularies of their own such as philosophia, diakctica, logica and the opposing set theorica {speculativa) and practica {actualis), are therefore treated in this study. Still, the fourth category remains undeservedly small. An in-depth inventory and analysis of such terms remains a desideratum in this field. Modesty is a cloak in which this tenth CIVICIMA volume wishes to envelop itself in more respects, for this tenth volume will without doubt still convey the lacunae or perhaps odd imbalances of the CIVICIMA series as a whole. The ambitions of the working programme, in which studies on all aspects of medieval (and renaissance) intellectual life were welcomed, could never be covered in a short study such as this: one would need a multi-volume encyclopedia to achieve that! The goal of this study is to bring the results of the whole CIVICIMA project, now scattered over nine volumes, together in a manageable format, to provide pointers to the relevant volumes in each case, and to shape the dissimilar and — in a certain sense — unorganised information of the previous studies into more or less standard articles. Where the relative neglect of the terminology of disciplines and their students can be seen as one of the shortcomings of the nine CIVICIMA volumes, the information on the terminology of the book and writing — though far from exhaustive — seems to suffer from superabundance for the purposes of the present volume. The vocabulary used in the field of miniature-making22 or book-binding,23 for example, is - however impor22 See, for example, the article by P. STIRNEMANN and M.-Th. GOUSSET, Marques, mots, pratiques, CIVICIMA II (1989), pp. 34-55. 23 See, for example, the articles by J . V E Z I N , Le vocabulaire latin de la reliure au moyen age, CIVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 56-60; and M-P. LAFITTE, Le vocabulaire medieval de la reliure, CIVICIMA II (1989), pp. 61-78-

INTRODUCTION

25

tant and interesting — considered too specialized to be treated in the 'general overview' that this volume wishes to provide. Furthermore, with the decision to concentrate on Latin vocabulary, all vernacular terminology,24 Greek or Hebrew terminology25 and (most importantly) Arabic terminology26 fell beyond the scope of this volume. Many of the 'discarded' terms that did not receive separate treatment, however, are nonetheless present in footnotes and references in articles which treat closely related terms. Organisation of the present volume Each lemma (either a single term or set of related terms) is treated in a short article in two parts. In the first part the meaning of the term in the medieval intellectual context is outlined, in the second its semantic development is sketched. In the footnotes references are found to Weijers' book on the terminology of the thirteenth-century universities, to Civicima articles, other modern bibliography, and relevant entries in dictionaries of classical, Christian or medieval Latin. The lemmata themselves are printed in bold, the secondary terms are in italics. When within these short articles on the individual terms or clusters of terms a reference is made to a term treated in full elsewhere in the book it is printed in italics, and marked with an arrow. For example,

24 See, for example, the lists of vernacular terms in CIVICIMAII (1989), Vocabulaire du livre et de I'ecriture au moyen age, pp. 250-251; and in CIVICIMA VI (1993), Vocabulaire des colleges universitaires (XIII'-XVP siecles), pp. 184-185. 25 See, for example, the lists of Greek terms in CIVICIMA II (1989), Vocabulaire du livre et de I'ecriture au moyen Age, pp. 244; and in CIVICIMA I I I (1990), Methodes et instruments du travail intellectuel au moyen age, p. 250. See also the list of Hebrew terms in CIVICIMA V I I I (1995), Vocabulary of Teaching and Research Between Middle Ages and Renaissance, p. 254. 26 This meant that the entire seventh volume of the series, la formation du vocabulaire scientifique et intellectuel dans le monde arabe, fell outside the scope of this book, and also the Arabic terms which occurred elsewhere: see, for example, the lists of Arabic terms in CIVICIMA I I I (1990), Methodes et instruments du travail intellectuel au moyen age, p. 251; CIVICIMA VI (1993), Vocabulaire des colleges universitaires (XIII'-XVP siecles), p. 184; and CIVICIMA V I I I (1995), Vocabulary of Teaching and Research Between Middle Ages and Renaissance, p. 254.

26

INTRODUCTION

in the article on collegium, a term found in the first category, the following passage is found: 'In the context of medieval education the word collegium occurs in three senses. First, it is used synonymously with, for example, —>universitas or societas, in the sense of the university itself as a corporate body of teachers or students.' In this passage collegium is printed in bold, because it is the central term treated in the article. Universitas is preceded by an arrow (—>), since this term is treated elsewhere in a separate article. Societas is printed in italics but not preceded by an arrow, for it does not receive a separate treatment in this volume. Sometimes the treatment of another relevant term is found in a different section. Then it is preceded by an arrow and followed by '(Cat. . . . ) ' . For example, in the article on questionista and sophista in Section I , the reader is referred to the articles on disputatio, quaestio, and sophisma, terms treated in Section I I I : "The use of the term [sophista] in the specific context of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Oxford goes back to another term: —>sopkisma (Cat. I I I ) . ... Questionista is a thirteenth-century neologism. It does not exist in classical or late-classical Latin, but just as sophista was derived from—tsophisma (Cat. I l l ) , questionista was forged from —> quaestio (Cat. III).' In order to guide the reader to the appropriate entry, two sets of indices are found at the end of this book. First, indices of the individual categories are found, in which the reader is referred to the lemma under which a certain term is treated.27 Sometimes the link is obvious: bursarius, for example, is treated in the article on bursa; statio under stationarius. In other cases, the link is less obvious: expositio, for example, is treated under declamre\ corrollarium under syllogismus; theologia and metaphysica both

under divina scientia. Second, a cumulative index of all Latin technical terms is found, in which the reader is referred to the pages on which a particular term is found.

27 When the term only occurs in footnotes, it is marked with a superscript n in the index.

INTRODUCTION

27

In the footnotes the bibliographical references are found in an abbreviated form. At the end of the book a complete bibliography of the present volume is found. It is not, however, a complete and exhaustive bibliography of the whole research field. In this way 1 hope to have made it easy to use this book as a small and simple work of reference, in which one can find one's way from one term to the next, or from one concept and its vocabulary to the next. Finally, it is regrettable that the present volume focuses only on the Latin vocabulary of medieval intellectual life, and that even certain areas of the Latin vocabulary remain underexposed (such as the vocabulary of the disciplines and their students). In order to keep the size of the project manageable, however, it was also inevitable to restrict myself largely to the material that was already there in the CIVICIMA volumes, and to proceed from there. I hope to have created a practical tool for finding information and material about a considerable number of key terms of intellectual life in the Middle Ages. I also hope that it will inspire readers to go beyond my limited collection of material, and search for the origin and context, the meaning and the shifts in meaning of the vocabulary they encounter in their sources. For the Civicima series has proved convincingly that analysing the verbal expressions and their precise meanings is a worthwhile and rewarding task, which sharpens and deepens our understanding of the medieval world.

Category I The Vocabulary of Schools and Universities arc(h)a, capsa, cista baccalarius bancarius bedellus, nuntius bejaunus (beanus) bursa, bursarius, bursalis, beneficiatus cancellarius, archidiaconus cathedra cessare, cessatio, suspendere, suspensio clericus collecta, salarium collegium commissaries, hebdomadarius communa, communia, communarius congregatio conservator (privilegiorum), iustitiarius (scholarum), tractator (studii) custos decanus discipulus doctor dominus (legum) facultas hospitium, domus, aula lector licentia, licentiare, licentiatus litteratus, illiteratus magister magisterium, magistralis, magistrare massarius, receptor, campsor matricula natio, societas, consiliaria notarius, syndicus

p(a)edagogus, p(a)edagogium, pr(a)eceptor prior procurator, consiliarius professor provisor, principalis questionista, sophista rector rotulus, rotula sc(h)ola sc(h)olaris sc(h)olasticus, magister sc(h)olarum socius, collegiatus statutum, statutarius studens, studere studium, studium generale taxatio, taxare, taxator universitas

31

arc(h)a, capsa, cista Arc(h)a, capsa, and cista are three terms used for the communal cash or archives1 of universities, faculties or nations. Archa or archa communis is the most common of the three, and was used throughout the continent. Capsa was used with exactly the same meaning, but occurs only in sources from Bologna. The archa or capsa was a chest, usually locked with three different locks - three separate officials held the responsibility for the keys. In the chest documents were kept (charters, statutes, records, bullae, privileges, etc.), but also valuable objects (books, seals, insignia, ceremonial objects, etc.) and the revenues of the university, faculty or nation. The chest was usually kept in a church. The cista (communis) or loan chest was an English institution of the thirteenth century. Money collected from the students, from fines and taxes was kept in the cista. Those students who were in need of cash could borrow from the chest against a pawn, usually a valuable object such as a book. The first English loan chest is attested in Oxford in 1240;2 other universities followed suit. In the context of medieval libraries, area, capsa and cista are three of the four terms inherited from Antiquity for chests or (cylindrical) boxes designed for the keeping of scrolls and books; the fourth is scrinium? In the Middle Ages cista was the most common word for a book chest; scrinium occurs mainly in literary sources and not in inventories, catalogues, etc. Archa is found commonly in thirteenth-century sources, but only rarely in the fourteenth or later centuries. When the word capsa was used, this usually meant that the chest could be locked.

1 For terminology pertaining to archives see also —>archivum and ->armarium in Cat. I I . For archa, capsa and cista in the sense of cash see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 89-92. 2 O. Weijers also mentions one attestation of the word cista in sources from the University of Paris ( O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 90). In the statutes of the English -^natio the communal cash of the Faculty of Arts is called cista, the cash of the -^natio itself archa. 3 See for a detailed description of these terms J.-F. G E N E S T , Le mobilier des bibliotheques, CIVICIMA II (1989), pp. 136,138-140.

32

ARC(H)A, CAPSA, CISTA

Archa (or arca in classical Latin) and cista were both used, in Antiquity, to refer to a wide variety of chests — trunk, coffin, safe, money-chest, chest for clothing, books, etc.4 In the Middle Ages, the same variety of specific uses remains, and their use in the context of the university does not bring new shades of meaning. Capsa was less frequent in Antiquity and had only a limited set of meanings. It was used for cylindrical cases for storing scrolls, or for relatively small boxes.5 In Christian Latin it developed the meaning of reliquary.6 It was also used for other kinds of chests or safes.7

4 Cf. T L L {area I, cista); MW (area I, cista 1); D M L (area, cista 1-2). 5 T L L (1-2); O L D (a). 6 Cf. MW (ia); D M L . Capsa lies at the root of modern French 'chasse' - reliquary. Note, however, that area was also used for reliquaries. 7 Cf. MW, e.g. ib, book chest, but also 2a, soundbox or wind-chest for an organ; D M L (a-f).

33

baccalarius In general, the meaning of baccalarius 8 in the context of the medieval universities is unequivocal: it designates an advanced student, who — apart from passively receiving education — also partakes actively in the schooling process, and has obtained the right to teach.9 The baccalarius taught courses of a different character than the masters or professors: instead of lecturing ordinarie, he gave lectiones extraordinariae or cursoriae; that is, he treated texts on a relatively superficial level. 10 He was not allowed to collect money for his teaching (cf. —>collecta), and did not receive a salary from the university. The sources do not reveal whether the practice of letting advanced students contribute to education at a lower level dates back to the twelfthcentury schools. It is first described in the university sources of Paris in the early thirteenth century, and the use of the term becomes general and widespread in the 1220S-1230S." Although the general meaning of the term is clear, the specifics differ for each university, faculty, and period. In Paris, for example, a student was called baccalarius after passing the so-called determinatio (cf. —>determinare, Cat. I l l ) , which was, in the fourteenth century, distinctly defined in the statutes of the university.12 Thus there are three steps in the career of a student: from ordinary student to bachelor after passing the deter-

8 There is little consistency in the spelling of the word. In the thirteenth-century university sources O. Weijers found the following list of variants: bacalarius; bacallarius; baccalarius; baccallarius; bacellarius; bachalarius; bachallarius; bachelarius; bachellarius; bachilarius; bachillarius; bacularius; bacullarius; bakellarius; bazallarius. On the geographical and chronological spreading of these variants, cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 178. 9 See for a full treatment of the term O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 173-176. See also N I E R M . (5); D M L (4). 10 See —>legere, —>ordinarius, extraordinarius and —>cursus in Cat. I I I . 11 See for the first attestations of the term in the different geographical areas O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 176-178. 12 It is not entirely clear whether the student was called baccalarius after his determinatio, or whether he already became a baccalarius on passing the so-called examen determinantium, an examination which preceded the determinatio. In fact, it is not even

34

BACCALARIUS

minatio, from bachelor to 'licensed' bachelor (licentiatus, cf. -^licentid) after passing the licentiate examination, and from licentiatus to -^magister after passing the examination of the so-called inceptio (cf. -^incipere in Cat. I I I ) . In this context the term baccalarius can thus be considered a title or a university-degree.13 In Italy, on the other hand, the term seems to indicate a status rather than a degree, and was used for students who had reached a level high enough to deserve the right to teach. Another regional difference is the time it took to advance from baccalarius to —> magister licentiatus: in Bologna, for example, it took two years, in Paris much longer.14 In the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, the Faculty of Theology introduced a system with three categories of baccalarii. At the lowest level were the baccalarii biblici,n who treated the Bible at its textual level; more advanced were the baccalarii sententiarii, who treated the famous Sententiae of Peter of Lombard; and at the highest level were the baccalarii formati, who had an active role in the official —> disputationes (Cat. III). 1 6 In the sources of the Faculties of Law in Orleans and Toulouse, a different specific category of baccalarii is found: the socalled baccalarii institutarii, that is, relatively 'fresh' bachelors, who - as their first teaching-experience - were responsible for the teaching of the

clear whether the determinatio was an actual examination, in which the knowledge of the student was actually put to the test, or whether it had more the character of a solemn rite of passage, in which the student declared that he had read all the necessary texts at all prescribed levels and the master avowed his competence. See for a detailed treatment of this controversy O . W E I J E R S , Les regies d'examen dans les universites medievaks (1995), pp. 207-209. 13 In the vocabulary of die College of the Sorbonne, the term is applied in a completely different sense: it is used as a unit of measurement in a fine-system: the fine is, for example, defined as 'one bachelor of wine'. O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CIVICIMA VI (1993), p. 16. 14 See for further regional differences O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 173-17515 The terms (baccalarius) biblicus and cursor were —though not synonymous— very close in meaning. Cf. ->cursus in Cat. I I I . 16 These baccalarii formati were also obliged to preach once a year for die university before they were admitted to the final exam. Cf. O . W E I J F . R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 379.

BACCALARIUS

35

Instituta}1 In the context of the religious orders the term baccalarius is also found, but here it is used for assistent-teachers (also secundus lector or sublector, cf. —>• lector).™ There is little consensus on the origin of the word baccalarius.19 Although it has been suggested that its root should be found in Latin words such as baculus ('staff) or bacca laurea™ the general opinion is that the word has a vernacular origin.21 Its oldest attested form is baccalaris, a word found in sources from Northern Spain and the Limousin from the ninth century onwards. Its meanings are 'a small tenant of land' or 'a young noble, subordinate in rank to a landlord or knight'; 'an owner of a small domain';22 or, within the context of chivalry, 'a squire in the service of a knight and aspiring to become one himself in due time'. From this last meaning more general senses developed: 'youngster' in the sense of 'apprentice in the service of a master'; 'youngster' in general, sometimes in opposition to the established authority; 'youngster' in the sense of 'unmarried man' — bachelor. The meaning of baccalarius in the context of the medieval universities corresponds with the meaning of'youngster' and 'apprentice': a baccalarius is a student in the service of a master, assisting him in his task as teacher and aspiring to become a master himself.

17 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 175-176. 18 It seems that the use of the term in the educational context of the religious orders was adopted from its use in the terminology of the university rather than the other way around. It does not occur in pre-thirteenth-century sources. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Termimlogie des universites (1987), p. 176. It is, perhaps, significant that the term does not occur in any of the articles of CIVICIMA IX on the vocabulary of the Mendicant schools - the term was apparently not very common in this context. 19 See for a description of the semantic development of the term O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 178-180. 20 D u C ; cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 178 n. 72. 21 The Mittellateinisches Worterbuch suggests a Gallic origin ("bakkano, that is 'rusticus'), the Glossary of Catalonian Latin an unknown Celtic one (Gloss.Med.Lat. Cataloniae I, pp. 209-210), and the scholars R.Y. Ebied and M . J . L . Young an Arabic one. (R.Y. E B I E D and M . J . L . Y O U N G , New light on the origin of the term 'Baccalaureate' (1974), pp. 3-7. They disregard, however, the tradition of the word in Latin sources before the university period.) Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 178-179. 22 The domain is called baccalaria.

36

bancarius Within the context of the universities of Southern France (Toulouse, Montpellier and Orleans), one finds, besides the -^bedelli, the so-called bancarii (banquarii, banquerit).23 They too were, in origin, personal servants of the professors, and were a kind of caretakers or janitors, literally in charge of the school furniture (the bancae upon which the students sat). From the fourteenth century onwards, just as was the case with the —tbedelligenerates!maioreslcommunes and the subbedelli, bedelli speciales or

bedelli minores, here too there was a hierarchy within the profession: the bancarius generalis or bancarius maior of Toulouse coordinated the tasks of the bancarii of the individual schools. As the educational institutions grew, the tasks of the bancarius also changed; it became his duty not only to look after the school furniture, but also to make anouncements concerning meetings, vacations, repetitions or disputations, which bachelors or masters would take which classes, etc.24 The term was probably introduced because of the changing responsibilities of die —>bedelli, who — having originally been personal assistants of the professors, in charge of the material side of education — became officials with assisting and ceremonial tasks. Thus the function of the person who actually took care of the school received a different name. Bancarius is a medieval word, derived from the vulgar Latin banca (or bancus) — bench. Banca was the bench upon which students sat in the classroom, but also the desk (or office) of a money-changer — in this context bancarius {banc(h)erius) developed the meaning of 'banker'. In fact, it is this meaning which is more common; the other (janitor, caretaker) is found in none of die medieval Latin dictionaries.25 The meaning

23 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Tirminologie des universites (1987), pp. 228-230. 24 In other words: the office of bancarius grew closer to that of —tbedellus. 25 Cf. M W ; D M L ; but also Lex.Lat.Ned. Medii Aevi; Lex.Lat.Med.Aev. lugoslaviae; Lex.Med. etInf.Lat. Polonorum; Gloss.Med.Lat. Sueciae. Only the Hungarian dictionary of Medieval Latin gives a meaning which comes from a school-context: a bancarius is here a student, (jestingly) one who wears out benches (from the letters of Iohannes Vitez de Zredna, ca. 1450, Lex.Lat.Med.Aev. Hungariae).

BANCARIUS

37

'banker', moreover, can also be found within the context of the university: bancarius then means university treasurer.26

26 Cf. NIERM.: this is, however, the only dictionary in which this meaning is found, and there are no references or citations.

38

bedellus, nuntius The history of the office of bedellus {bidellus, pedellus) at a school, university, faculty or -^natio, which still exists in modern languages (Eng. beadle, Ger. Pedell, It. bidello27), begins in the thirteenth century.28 Originally, a bedellus was a servant or assistant to a professor, in charge of the maintenance, opening and closing of die school building and responsible for books and other teaching materials. He was paid from the revenue of a collection amongst the students. In Bologna at the beginning of the thirteenth century, every professor had his own bedellus. In the course of the century, however, as the university developed into a large and important institution, the need for one coordinating bedellus for the entire body of teachers grew, and both universities (Ultramontani and Citmmontani) employed their own bedellus generalis, who was the superior of die bedelli speciales (the personal assistants of the professors). The bedellus generalis had different tasks: he was to inform students of university regulations, lessons, topics of disputations, feasts, books available at the stationarius (cf. -^statio in Cat. II), 2 9 etc. He was present at official ceremonies, accompanying the -erector, and assisted at solemn examinations. As a token of his office he carried a mace, decorated with a curling snake, the so-called massa. In Paris, the bedellus also started out as a personal servant of professors or doctors, and developed into a university official employed by the faculties or the -^nationes. He had roughly the same responsibilities as the bedelli of the Bolognese Universities, and the office was hierarchi-

27 Note, however, that 'bidello' in Italian is not used in the academic sense of beadle, but kept the original meaning of school-caretaker, janitor. 28 The term is treated in O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 223-228. 29 At the beginning of the thirteenth century, the offices of bedellus and stationarius were not yet distinguished. The bedellus (generalis) was responsible for the books, and often owned to this purpose a ->statio (Cat. I I ) . Only at the end of the thirteenth century were the two offices clearly separated. See also F.P.W. S O E T E R M E E R , La terminologie de la libmirie a Bologne aux XIII' et XIV siecles, CWICIMA I (1988), p. 91 and n.8; and on pedelli and stationarii in Bologna I D . , Utrumque ius inpeciis (2002), pp. 465-467 and 491-492.

BEDELLUS, NUNTIUS

39

cally distinguished: the bedellus (maior) was assisted by a subbedellus or bedelhus minor.30

While in Cambridge the term bedellus was common for the beadle, in Oxford it was rare - there the beadle was more often referred to as serviens or apparitor?^ At these and other universities beadles had more or less the same function, varying according to the size and importance of their employers: faculties, —^nationes, universities or individual professors. In the second half of the thirteenth century, terms were created for the office of beadle: bedellionatus, bedallaria, or bedellaria?2

In the earliest history of the universities, the function of bedellus was closely related to that of nuntius or messenger, who was - at first - also a personal servant of a professor and who also developed into a university official. There were two kinds of nuntii within the context of the medieval universities.33 First, there were nuntii who were representatives of a university, faculty or nation, charged with a certain mission. Thus, for example, from the fourteenth century onwards nuntii were sent to the papal court in Rome every year with a list of candidates for benefices (the socalled —trotuli nominandorum). Secondly, the students and staff of the universities needed messengers to transport money, letters and goods back and forth between them and their families. Originally these nuntii were personal servants employed by rich scholars, but in the course of the thirteenth century, the nuntius became an official of the university. The university, faculty or -^natio took the organization of this kind of transport into their own hands: in Paris each year a nuntius was chosen by the -^procuratores of the -^nationes, and was then sworn into office and granted immunity. In some places there were also nuntii for the communal service of

30 In Orleans, besides bedelli and subbedelli one finds also a bedellus communis (instead of the bedellus generalis). Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 224-225.

31 In modern French, the beadle is still called 'appariteur'. For the semantic background of apparitor, see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 228. 32 See for references O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 225 and notes 260-262. 33

O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 230-233.

40

BEDELLUS, NUNTIUS

the students: the so-called nuntii scholarium (Vicenza) or nuntii communes (Toulouse).34 The origin of the word bedellus is vulgar Latin: Teutonic 'bital', 'butif or 'bitil', or Frankish 'bidil', 'bidal' lies at its roots — one who bids or proclaims. In Old High German one finds 'bitil', in Old French 'bedel', in Anglosaxon 'bydel'.35 The most common Latin form is bedellus, but bidellus or pedellus also occur. The word is in use since the twelfth century, in the specific sense of minor court official, bailiff,36 or in the general sense of official or agent invested with a certain authority (employed by, for example, a lord, a city or borough).37 The second, general sense of bedellus concurs with the early bedelli, the personal servants of teachers, in charge of their schools. The bedelli generates (or maiores, or communes), however, seem to bear a stronger resemblance to the bailiffs, summoning the students for their examinations as the bailiff summoned the accused, and being present at these examinations just as the bailiff was present during trial.

34 I n fourteenth-century Paris, these nuntii, carrying money, correspondence or goods between their employers, were sometimes called nuntii volantes/ordinarii/minores. There were also nuntii maiores, who functioned as bankers or money-lenders. Cf. O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 231 and n. 296.

35 Cf. M l 36 The tasks of the court official are described in MW ( I ) . 37 Cf. D M L : ib manorial official, lord's agent; 2 court official, official in a city or borough; 3 ecclesiastical official; 4 (acad.) beadle of a faculty or university.

41

bejaunus (beanus) In the vocabulary of the French universities and colleges, the word bejaunus occurs from the second half of the fourteenth century onwards; it is even preserved in modern French as bejaune.n A bejaunus was a freshman or novice, who was subjected to ragging in the first year of his academic existence.39 It is clear that this ragging went quite far from the fact that the terminology associated witli the ragging of freshmen comes from statutes of colleges, in which rules are set out to protect freshmen against die practice. We learn from the sources that bejauni were used to fag for advanced students, and that they were forced to pay some kind of tax in money, books or pieces of clothing (die so-called bejaunium), that they were taunted and mocked at their first appearances in lessons or disputations. At the end of his first academic year, the bejaunus, together with his combejauni, was purged of the slur of his freshmanship (the labes bejaunica) and was called a -^sc(h)olaris collegiatus.

Bejaunus has an Old-French origin, and is a contraction of bee jaune — literally 'yellow beak', such as young birds have.40 The expression avoir le bee jaune, literally to have the yellow beak of a young bird, and figuratively to be naive and ignorant, existed in the late thirteenth century. From there, the expression bee jaune for 'fool' developed, and in the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century sources of the French colleges, bejaunus (or beanus) is found as a denigratory term for 'freshman'.41

38 See M . - H . J U L L I E N D E P O M M E R O L , Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CIWCIMA VI (1993), p. 34. 39 On the terminology of ragging in Spanish colleges (arrastre, arrastrar, arrastrar bayetas) see A . M . CARABIAS T O R R E S , The Vocabulary of the Spanish 'Colegios Mayores'duringthe Middle and the Modern Age, CTVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 95, 97. 40 Cf. D u C , beanus, bejaunum and bejaunarelbejannizare ('to accept a freshman'). D u C . refers to French sources, but also to one outside France, from the Academy of Vienna. 41 Cf. L E R O B E R T , Diet. Hist, de la Langue Francaise. Note, however, that the denigratory tone is not always implied. In the charters of the University of Paris, for example, bejaunus is also used for a newcomer to the office of -^procurator of a —tnatio (CUP, col. 396, anno 1371). Here, it seems, the aspect of freshmanship is implied, but the idea of 'lower status' is not.

42 bursa, bursarius, bursalis, beneficiatus The term bursa occurs in the context of the university colleges in a range of meanings, which seem at first glance to be contradictory, but are in fact related.42 In the twelfth century, the most common meaning of bursa was 'cash' or 'fund', usually of a community such as a monastery or church. This meaning was adopted into the vocabulary of the hospices where the students were lodged: the bursa communis was the communal purse, to which the students contributed a certain amount of money each week for their living expenses.43 Bursa then came to refer to this weekly contribution itself— that is, the amount of money for one week's board and lodging.44 In this sense, the term bursa became a monetary unit - the expenses of one week's living — and was used to express, for example, the costs of fines, the amount of money to be given to the —>bedelli, the amount of money owed the faculty for the taking of examinations, etc.45 For poor students, however, who could not afford to pay the bursa, a system was developed through which a benefactor could take care of the expenses for him, or the college could provide for him. The poor student thus did not pay a bursa, but the bursa was paid for him — in other

42 See for a full treatment of the term O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universith (1987), pp. 93-99. 43 Note that in English universities the term bursa communis was occasionally used for the communal cash, but that bursa was almost never used in the sense of expenses for a week's living'. Instead of bursa one finds —>communa or communia in this sense. Cf. O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universith (1987), pp. 96-97, 99-102. 44 At the College of the Sorbonne a remarkable system was developed, in which a student or -^socius had to pay a full bursa if he used the facilities of the college to their full extent, and paid even more if he used them less, and, for example, took meals outside the college. See O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CTVICIMA V I (1993), p. 14-

45 O. Weijers rightly notes, however, that the term bursa was never used for the salaries of beadles: it is the monetary unit in which their salaries were expressed ( O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 94). On the usage of bursa as a monetary unit within a system of fines, but also as a measurement for wine, see O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CTVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 15-16.

BURSA, BURSARIUS, BURSALIS, BENEFICIATUS

43

words, he received some kind of scholarship or was provided for out of a fund. Bursa thus developed a third meaning: burse or scholarship. Already in the thirteenth century, but more commonly in the later Middle Ages and especially in the German and Slavonic countries, bursa was also used for the buildings themselves in which students (or masters) were lodged — thus standing on a par with terms such as domus or -^collegium*6

Bursarius, a medieval derivation of bursa, was also used in different meanings. In Paris, bursarius (or bursalis) was used for someone who received a bursa, that is, who received his expenses for board and lodging from a private benefactor, or who was provided for out of a fund by the college in which he was accepted.47 A related kind of poor students, unable to pay their own living expenses, were known as beneficiati or beneficiarii. These students lived on the left-overs of college meals, and earned their board by performing odd jobs for the richer students {-^socii or bursarii). Beneficiati are found in the sources of the College of the Sorbonne in the thirteenth century, and later also in other institutions in Paris. The College of the Sorbonne even had a domus beneficiatorum — a house partly reserved for beneficiati.48

46 See for an early attestation of this sense in the sources of the University of Paris, O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 96 [before 1274]. The usage of the term in the sense of 'college' was never common in France, but see for examples from Cologne and Prague in the later Middle Ages G.-R. T E W E S , Terms used in Academic Life, CIVICIMA V I (1993), pp. 59-71; and F. S M A H E L , SchoUe, Collegia et Bursae Universitatis Pragensis, CIVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 120-122. In Prague, the system of bursae or studenthouses was originally different: the houses were often owned by a professor or a group of professors, and were sublet to students. Later student corporations (-^nationes) owned their own houses. 47 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 97. See on bursarii at the College of the Sorbonne, O. W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CIVICIMA V I (i993)» PP- ii-ij48 Cf. O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 266-268; O. W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CIVICIMA VI (1993), p. 12. Note that the semantic development of this term is unusual. The substantively used participle beneficiatus or adjective beneficiarius are both related to the verb beneficiare, which was, in the Middle Ages, mainly used in the sense of 'to grant someone an ecclesiastical benefice'. In the context of the medieval colleges, the favour was not granted by the Church, but by the members of the college, and although in bodi cases an amount of money was granted, the tasks of university beneficiarii were not especially honourable!

44

BURSA, BURSARIUS, BURSALIS, BENEFICIATUS

In England, however, bursarius was used for someone who controlled the communal purse of a college (cf. -^-procurator).m In Oxford, for example, there were three bursarii, hierarchically distinguished into a primus or iunior bursarius, a secundus or medius bursarius, and a tertius or senior

bursarius. The function of bursarius was a principal office, usually held by senior members of the college.50 The use of the term in the sense of college administrator seems to be related to its use in the context of the Mendicant orders, where bursarii collected the bursae and managed the communal funds. Bursa or byrsa is a late Latin derivation of the Greek word {Jtipcra, die skin of an animal, hide or leather.51 In the Middle Ages, the word was used for a leather bag, purse, or especially money-bag, and from this meaning followed naturally the meaning of'cash' or 'fund'.52 In the twelfth century it was commonly used in the meaning of 'communal cash' of a monastery, church or other kind of institution, and in the thirteenth century this usage was adopted into the vocabulary of the student hospices and colleges. As explained above, the related senses of bursa, such as 'one week's living expenses', 'monetary unit' or 'stipend', developed from this basic meaning.53 Both meanings of bursarius described above54 are connected to bursa's basic meaning of 'communal cash' or 'fund'. In the first sense it is used for the student who receives money from the fund, in the second for the official who manages the fund.55

49 In Paris, such a financial manager of college funds was often called prepositus burse. Other related terms for financial managers of colleges are -^procurator, administrator, depositarius or yconomus. Cf. -^procurator. 50 J . M . F L E T C H E R , The Vocabulary of Administration and Teaching at Merton College, Oxford, CTVICIMAVI (1993), p. 50. 51 Cf. T L L , byrsa 52 Cf. N I E R M . byrsa (1), (2) and (3); M W (I), (IIA); D M L (1), (2) and (3). 53

Cf. N I E R M . (4), (5); D M L (5).

54 Note that in the Middle Ages bursarius is also used for purse-maker, leather worker.

Cf. DML(i), (2);MW(z). 55 Cf. D M L (5) and (4).

45 c a n c e l l a r i u s , archidiaconus One of the principal officials in the universities was the cancellarius, chancellor.56 Originally a cancellarius was the secretary of, for example, a king, duke, abbot or bishop. In Carolingian times schools were headed by a so-called -^scolasticus, who took care of the teaching and administration of the school, and was often assisted by his personnel. In the Cathedral schools of the eleventh century, it was initially the bishop who was head of school; subsequently a separate —>scolasticus, -^>magister scolarum, caput

scholae or capiscola was appointed. In the course of the twelfth century, however, as schools expanded, the head of school was no longer involved in the actual teaching, but was fully occupied with his administrative tasks, such as the granting of —tlicentiae docendi. Sometimes these administrative tasks were delegated to the cancellarii of cathedral chapters — secretaries to the chapter and composers of its charters57 —, since their secretarial tasks were quite similar to those of the heads of schools.58 Frequently, however, both functions seem to have been fulfilled by one person, and gradually the ->scolasticus disappeared as head of school, whereas the cancellarius became more and more important.59

56 See for a full discription of the term O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 194-199. 57 See on the terminology of the writing of charters O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Le vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CIVTCIMA II (1989), pp. 126-127. Other terms for writers of charters in an institutional context which occur in his article are tabellio and amanuensis {ibid., p. 127). 58 One of the tasks of the head of school was to check and - if necessary - correct the books, and to take care of the book-collection. Cancellarius is thus found, alongside terms such as —>custos or sacrista(-nus) for 'keeper of the books', 'librarian'. Cf. A . V E R N E T , Du 'chartophylax'au 'Librarian, CIVICIMA II (1989), p. 161. 59 Generally speaking it can be said that in cities with universities the function of —> scolasticus was taken over by the cancellarius, whereas in episcopal cities the —tscolasticus or —tmagister scolarium remained head of school. There are, however, several exceptions to this rule, such as the university-cities of Salamanca and Orleans, where the person who performed the tasks of chancellor was called -^scolasticus. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 194-195. See, on the role of the cancellarius in the educational system of the Jesuits in the late Middle Ages, L . G I A R D , La constitution du systeme educatif jesuite, CIVTCLMA VI (1993), p. 148.

46

CANCELLARIUS, ARCHIDIACONUS

The cancellarius, as an official of the bishop and a representative of the Church, was not, originally, a member of the university, but was nevertheless very powerful; the right of granting the -^-licentiae docendi rested exclusively with him. In Paris he was also the judge of spiritual matters, and had the right to excommunicate. In confrontation with the corporate body of the masters of the university, however, his powers were restricted: the right to grant teaching licences still remained his, but he was obliged to grant them to any of the candidates who had passed their examinations and who were recommended by their professors.60 In Bologna it was only after papal intervention in 1219, when pope Honorius I I I decreed that the archidiaconus held the right to award teaching licences, that the professors lost this right. Despite protests from the professors, the archidiaconus was also the only official who was allowed to grant a doctorate; the professors allowed students to proceed to examinations, but the archidiaconus presided over the ceremony. Thus the function of archidiaconus in the University of Bologna is comparable to the function of cancellarius in Paris, and in the later Middle Ages in Bologna too the archidiaconus was also referred to as cancellarius.61 In Oxford and subsequently also in Cambridge the position of cancellarius in fact combined the functions of -erector and cancellarius.62 He was not, as was the case in e.g. Paris and Bologna, directly appointed by bishop or pope, but a candidate was chosen from the body of professors by his fellows, who was subsequently confirmed in his function by the bishop. He was thus a representative of the Church and the university in one, and in time gained independence from the bishop.63

60 O . W E I J E R S , Terminology des universites (1987), pp. 195-196. 61 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 196. 62 The situation in Montpellier was also comparable to that in Oxford: a cancellarius was chosen from the body of professors, and appointed to office by the bishop. In Cambridge and Montpellier the function of vicecancellarius is also attested. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universith (1987), p. 198 and n. 95. 63 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 196-197. See on the role of the chancellor of the University of Oxford also M . B . H A C K E T T , The University as a Corporate Body (1984), pp. 43-49.

CANCEI.LARIUS, ARCHIDIACONUS

47

For the function of cancellarius the word cancellaria was in use from the beginning of the thirteenth century.64 Cancellarius is a post-classical word, which was at first used in the sense of'door-keeper' or 'porter'. In the Latin of late Antiquity, the function of cancellarius developed into a more important one: scribe of charters and official documents - secretary or chancellor.65 In this sense it was used in different contexts in the Middle Ages: to refer to the chancellor or scribe of a court of law; of a monastery; of a chapter, etc.66 Cancellarius was also used to designate the head of the chancellery of, for example, the papal court or the court of the Carolingian rulers.67 From the twelfth century onwards, when the cancellarii of chapters were appointed as heads of the (cathedral) schools, the word became part of the vocabulary of the administration of schools and universities. The tasks of the university chancellor were closely related to those of the ecclesiastical chancellor. Moreover, the chancellor of the university was, in most cases, a representative of the Church.68

64 Cf. D M I . (3b). 65 Cf. T L L ; B L A I S E , Diet. 66 67

68

Cf. N I E R M . (2), (3) and (7); MW (I); D M L {%), ( 3 a). Cf. N I E R M . (6), (5); MW (II). Cf. O. W F I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 199; N I E R M . (8); D M L (3b).

48

cathedra Cathedra is a term that, in Antiquity as well as in the Middle Ages, had a specific technical meaning in the context of education.69 Already in Antiquity, the term had both a concrete and an abstract meaning, referring either to the actual seat of the master, or metonymically to his dignity or function. In the Middle Ages, cathedra is thus used both for the royal throne itself and the honour or power of the ruler; both for the (arch)bishop's see and the dignity and function of a(n arch)bishop; both for the actual seat of the master and his function or rank.70 The abstract use of the term in an educational context can be illustrated by expressions such as tempus protectionis ad cathedram, cathedra magistralis, or cathedra docentis/doctoris; the concrete use is apparent from expressions such as cathedram magistralem ascendere, or in the participle cathedratus, that is, seated on a master's seat.71 In the thirteenth century, with the adoption of the term in the vocabulary of the universities, it was also used in a slightly different meaning: in this new context cathedra was also used in the sense of'a chair': a professorship or post. The semantic development of the term cathedra is clear. Borrowed from the Greek (KaGeSpcc) its general meaning was 'chair' or 'armchair',72 but it was used in particular to refer to the chair of a master, or to the dignity attached to the function of master. Its concrete and abstract senses were both already present in classical Latin,73 and were used without significant shifts of meaning in the educational context of the Middle Ages. In

69 For a full treatment of the term see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 119-121. 70 For attestations of cathedra in the sense of 'the function of a master' in the context of urban schools see C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des holes urbaines des XII' et XIII' siecles, CTVICIMA V (1992), pp. 93, 98-99. Cathedra is here found alongside regimen scolarum - school management. 71 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 119-120. 72 Cf.TLL(i);OLD(i). 73 Cf. T L L (2a and b).

CATHEDRA

49

the early Middle Ages, the term is particularly common in the meaning of (arch)bishop's see, or the dignity of a bishop.74 Since the Church was closely connected with any kind of education in this period, it is not surprising that the term was adopted into the vocabulary of secular schools and universities.75 Its meaning in this particular context follows naturally from its traditional usage and its usage within the Church.

74 Cf. N I E R M . (2), (3); also: (5) dignity of an abbot; D M L (2); M W (IIB1-2). 75

Cf. N I E R M . (6); D M L (1); M W (IID1-2).

50

cessare, cessatio, suspendere, suspensio In the context of medieval education and, from the thirteenth century onwards, especially in the vocabulary of the university, cessare and suspendere (cessatio and suspensio) refer to the interruption of lessons, either for (summer) vacations or religious feasts, but also due to illness, etc., or because of a strike.76 At the universities, the academic year was interrupted by holidays or other periods in which no lessons took place. In the statutes and calendars, cessare {a lectionibus) or cessatio are the terms used for these interruptions — at first both for unofficial interruptions because of illness or some other personal reason, later especially for statutory vacations.77 The terminology to mark the end of a vacation was resumere or incipere.1* Temporary suspension of lessons, however, happened also for completely different reasons: several conflicts between universities and cities are known in which professors or students felt compelled to put pressure on the city by means of a strike.79 The right to strike had been granted to the masters of Paris before the end of the twelfth century by Louis V I I ,

76 For a full treatment of the terms see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 315-318, 122-126. 77 See O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 315-318. Other terms that were used for interruptions in the daily routine of lessons are vacatio, dies legibilis and crastina. These are treated in O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 318-323. The summer period, when less educational activity took place, was also called parvum ordinarium, in opposition to the rest of the year, which was called magnum ordinarium. See P. G L O R I E U X , L'enseignement au moyen Age (1968), p. 100. 78 Resumere and incipere were also used to refer to the resumption of lessons after a strike. At the English universities, resumere (or resumptid) was generally used for the recommencement of lessons after a vacation, while in Paris the term was used especially to mark the end of a strike. In Cambridge incipere lectiones or inceptio lectionum also occurs regularly, as does the term reassumere. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 123, 315-318. For the use of resumerelresumptio and inciperelinceptio in a different sense, that is, pertaining to examinations and ceremonial entry into the corps of professors, see -^incipere (Cat. I I I ) . 79 The use of the term in this sense is treated in O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 122-126.

CESSARE, CESSATIO, SUSPENDERE, SUSPENSIO

51

Honorius I I I granted the same right to the students of the University of Bologna in 1217, and other universities immediately followed suit. The terminology used to mark the beginning of such a strike is, again, cessare {a lectionibus) or suspendere (lectiones).*0

Suspendere, however, though commonly used in the sense of'to (temporarily) interrupt a certain activity', could also have different meanings, such as 'to suspend someone from his office', or, more literally, 'to hang someone'. In a conflict between the clerics and citizens in Oxford in 1209, for example, the sources mention the suspendium clericorum: these clerics were not suspended from office nor did they cancel their lessons till further notice; rather they were actually hanged on the gallows. This course of action of the city caused the professors of Oxford to strike, and the students to move to Cambridge.81 Both cessare and suspendere were already used in classical Latin in meanings closely related to the ones described above. Cessare had a wide variety of meanings, among which 'to end an activity' or 'to take a rest from an activity',82 and preserved this meaning in the context of medieval education. The specific meaning of 'to strike', however, seems only to have arisen in the course of the thirteenth century. Cessatio, the noun derived from cessare, was the intermission or relaxation in business itself.83 In the Middle Ages cessatio was commonly used to refer to 'withdrawal' or 'retirement' from an office.84 In the sources of the universities it was used for the end of an academic term {cessatio magistrorum) .8S

80 The first attestations of suspendere and cessare in the sense of'to strike' date from 1231, while the nouns suspensio and cessatio occur a little later: O. Weijers mentions a source from 1255. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 124. 81 The University of Cambridge owes its existence to this strike and student migration. (See D.R. LEADER, History of the University of Cambridge (1988), pp. 16-19.) Another example of student migration because of a strike occurs in the history of the University of Bologna, where in 1222 strikes caused the students to move away to Padua, where consequently a university was founded. See O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 123.

82 Cf. TLL; O L D (1), (2). 83 Cf. O L D (ia-b). See also cessatio in the sense of refraining from work on Sundays: BLAISE,

Lex.

(3).

84 Cf. DML(ic) 85 Cf. DML(ia)

52

CESSARE, CESSATIO, SUSPENDERE, SUSPENSIO

Suspendere was less common in Antiquity, at least in metonymical senses such as 'to keep a person in suspense' or 'to leave a matter undecided'. 86 The meaning of 'to interrupt' or 'to break off or suspend an activity temporarily', which is at the basis of the meaning found in the vocabulary of the university, is also found in Antiquity. 87 The literal sense of 'to kill someone by hanging' is in use in Antiquity as well as the Middle Ages. 88 In the Christian Latin of late Antiquity, suspendere {aliquem) came to mean to suspend someone from office89 — a meaning that remained in common use in the Middle Ages. 90

86 Cf. OLD(ya-b) 87

Cf. F O R C ; O L D (8)

88 Cf. O L D (3); SOUTER. Note that suspendium is the common word for 'hanging', and that suspensio usually has other meanings, such as 'break' or 'intermission', 'suspension from office', or 'a state of incertainry'. Cf. N I E R M . 89 B L A I S E , Diet., (4) 90

Cf. NIERM.; SOUTER

53

clericus

[•;

Since from the early Middle Ages to roughly the twelfth century education and literacy were the preserve of members of the clergy, throughout these centuries clericus, besides meaning 'cleric' in the modern sense of the word, was also used to refer to 'someone who could read and write', a -tlitteratus in other words.91 By the tenth century clericus litteratus had almost become a hendiadys, and expressions such as litteras discere or puero litteras dare actually meant 'to become a member of the clergy', or 'to predestine a child for the clergy.'92 The basic meaning of clericus was, of course, 'member of the clergy', someone who had taken holy orders, or at least the lower ones, which he showed by having a tonsured head.93 Because of the implied ability to read and write, however, the term was used for all kinds of officials who were professional readers and writers: notaries, for example, or treasurers or registrars.94 Moreover, for the same reasons the term was applied to persons who were educated, or who had the reputation of being learned.95 In the twelfth century, clericus was used in the context of the monastic and cathedral schools to refer to anyone who belonged to the school's circle, whether he was a teacher or a student. Subsequently, the same use of the term is encountered in the thirteenth century in the early sources of the universities: here too clericus can refer to either teacher or student. By the thirteenth century, however, the participation of laity in education had increased greatly. Particularly in Italy, the number of lay professors and lay students who were members of the universities was

91 See on this H . G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus — illitteratus (repr. 1978), pp. 44-47. See also O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universith (1987), pp. 183-185, and see —»'litteratus, illitteratus. 92 Cf. H . G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus- illitteratus (repr. 1978), p. 9, 44-ff. 93 Clericus was used for any ordained clerk: monk, canon, a clerk with minor or major orders. Cf. N I E R M . (1-4); D M L (1); M W (I). 94 BLAISE, Lex. (5-7); D M L (2-6); M W (IIA) 95

NIERM.

(6); B L A I S E , Lex.

(4); D M L (7b) and MW ( I I B ) .

54

CLERICUS

considerable. Consequently, the expression clerici scolares (as opposed to laid scolares) was used to clarify the ecclesiastical status of the students in question.96 Clericus, which is actually the adjective derived from clerus (litt. 'fate'), is a late-classical term for anyone who serves the Church. Already in late Antiquity its opposite number is the term laicus, 'lay person'.97 The link with literacy is made from the early Middle Ages. Jerome, for example, writes in one of his letters 'Qui litteras nescit clericus esse non potest', 'He who does not know his letters cannot be a clericus.'98 From the Carolingian period onwards, the term is commonly used in the meaning of scholar or man of learning.99 There were also clerks, of course, who were at a less advanced stage of their education; correspondingly the term clericus can also refer to pupil or student in general.100

96 The legal status of these clerici scolares, however, remained ambiguous. While in a way they were bound to the Church by their ordination and enjoyed the privileges and immunities of a man of the Church, at the same time they were free to retire from the clergy, to get married and to pursue a secular career as soon as their studies were at an end. Cf. O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 184. 97

Cf. F O R C ; TLL.

98

H I E R O N Y M U S , Ep. 60 n. 10.

99

Cf. N I E R M . (6); B L A I S E , Lex.

(4); D M L (7b) and MW (IIB).

100 Cf. BLAISE, Lex. (3); D M L (7a) and MW (IIC).

55

collecta, solarium For the payment of teachers two terms are generally used, which in principle refer to two different systems of payment. First, collecta is used for a system in which the lay master, who could not live on the revenues from his benefice, received payment for his services directly from the students.101 The students agreed to pay their fees once or twice a year, either in a contract between the master and the individual student, or a group of students contracted a teacher. This system is attested from the twelfth century onwards. Secondly, the term solarium is used for a system in which the teacher is paid out of communal funds, owned by either the city or the university. This system was first introduced in the course of the thirteenth century in the universities of Italy. The first attestations date from ca. 1225-1230, and occur in the sources of the universities of Naples, Vercelli, Padua and Sienna — all of which had to compete with the famous university of Bologna. At the end of the thirteenth century, the University of Bologna also adopted the system and employed a few salaried professors of her own, but most of the professors teaching in Bologna were paid out of the so-called collectae. Thus, in the sources a (yearly) salary is usually referred to as salarium, (or sometimes stipendium) while fees paid directly by the students to their master are called collectae. In the sources of Italy and Spain, a neat distinction is usually made between the two, resulting in expressions such as {doctores) salariati or sedes salariate. In Paris and England, the term salarium is conspicuously rare in the university sources, or even altogether absent. Salarium is hardly ever used for the fixed salary of a teacher, although the system of fixed payment must have been common. Just to complicate matters, in the sources of the universities of Toulouse and Montpellier the term salarium is used for fees paid directly by the students to their masters.

101 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universith (1987), pp. 103-m, for a full treatment of these terms.

56

COLLECTA, SALARIUM

The term collecta did exist in Antiquity, but was not frequent. It was derived from colligo, the basic meaning of which is 'to gather, collect', and it was also used for the gathering of money.102 In the Middle Ages, the term was commonly used for all kinds of gatherings, whether of people or of things. Thus, for example, the term was used for meetings in the sense of divine services, for the armed escort of travelling parties, for periodical meetings of monks, etc.103 On the other hand, it was also used for the gathering in of money for a banquet, for collections of alms or taxes.104 The term could, furthermore, be used both for the act of collecting money, and for the contribution itself.105 In the context of schools and universities, the term acquired the technical meaning of 'school fee' or 'lecturer's fee',106 which accords with the use of the term in other areas of public life of the time. The expression collectas facere was commonly used for the collection of contributions. The verb collectare occasionally occurs in the sense of'to impose taxes or fees on someone'. Salarium, which ultimately derives from sal, salt, was used already in Antiquity for the official payment of a civil or military servant.107 In the Middle Ages, many meanings related to the original one of 'something pertaining to salt' remain in use: salarium can refer to a salt cellar, for example, or a toll on salt.108 In addition, however, the word also continued to be used to refer to a (yearly) salary or fee.109 It was very common in the context of public life as well as of schools and universities. The medieval neologisms salariare or salarizare are attested from the thirteenth century onwards, and are used in the sense of'to give or pay a salary'.110

102 Cf. T L L , under colligo, I I I , col. 1621. Collecta is here cited in two meanings: 1. a fee, contribution or tax, and 2. an assembly or meeting. The examples are from early Christian texts. 103 Cf. N I E R M . (2, 7, 4 resp.); see also M W ( I A and I B ) . Note that the term was also used in a liturgical meaning, viz. for the first prayer of the office, after the faithful have gathered. (NlERM. 3 ; M W I I C ) 104 Cf. N I E R M . (9, 10, 11 resp.); see also M W ( I I A and B ) ; and D M L (under colligere, 3a-c, 4a-c). 105 Cf., for example, D M L 4b: '(collection of) tax, levy, contribution or sim.' 106 See N I E R M . (13), and D M L (under colligere, 4d). 107 Cf. F O R C ; O L D . Note the expression salarium annuum for yearly salary. 108 See N I E R M . (1-4); B L A I S E , Lex. (1-3). 109 See B L A I S E , Lex. (4, 5) no DuC; BLAISE, Lex.

57

collegium In the context of medieval education the word collegium occurs in three senses. First, it is used synonymously with, for example, —^universitas or societas, in the sense of the university itself as a corporate body of teachers or students. Secondly, it occurs in the expression collegia magistrorum or doctorum, which refers to associations of professors of a faculty.1" Thirdly, it denotes the houses founded for poor students."2 Collegium in its broad sense of corporation, society, was used in the Middle Ages in the specific sense of university, just like -^yuniversitas, societas, and consortium. When used in this context, the term emphasizes the corporate character of the organisation."3 The sense of 'college of professors' was developed in Bologna, where the university was in principle an organisation of students. In the late twelfth or early thirteenth century professors founded their own associations for the management of examinations and degrees. These 'examination-committees' developed into real corporate organisations, so-called collegia, with their own statutes and representatives {-^priores or prepositi). In fourteenth-century Bologna there were two colleges of professors, one of Civil, and the other of Canon Law, which consisted of doctorates of the University of Bologna. These colleges of professors nominated their own candidates for membership, examined them and accepted them into their college. They operated independently, but pledged allegiance to the rector of the students' university. In Padua, similar colleges were formed in the Faculty of Law around 1260, and later also in the Faculties of Arts and Medicine (collegium artistarum or artistarum et medicorum). In Naples, every faculty seems

111 For a full treatment of the term in these two senses see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 70-75. 112 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 80-84, 88. 113 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 70-71, gives examples of the use of the term in this sense from the second half of the thirteenth century,

58

COLLEGIUM

to have had its own college of professors by the end of the thirteenth century.114 In Paris, where the basic organisation of the university was not an association of students, but of professors, the institution of colleges of professors seems perhaps redundant. Nevertheless, the earliest attestations of such collegia magistrorum belong in just this context:115 from 1250 onwards, several colleges were founded, first for the Faculties of Law (perhaps in imitation of Bologna), and then also for other faculties. In the fourteenth century the University of Montpellier had its own collegium doctorum utriusque iuris, and in Orleans, there was one college of professors for the entire University. The English universities never adopted the institution. In its sense of student house — still preserved in today's academic vocabulary -, the term collegium entered the vocabulary of the medieval university in the second quarter of the thirteenth century. Since board and lodging for students was scarce and expensive, benefactors founded houses in which students lived collectively. The important advantage over previous systems of shared housing (cf. —thospitium, domus, aula)116 was that these colleges had a much more permanent character, and as such

114 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 71-72; see also A . M A I E R U , La terminologie de I'universite de Bologne de medecine et des arts, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 142; and I D . , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), p. 75 n. 18, on the number of colleges in Italian universities. 115 O. Weijers found attestations of collegia magistrorum in the sources of the Italian universities from the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century onwards, while the earliest attestation of such a college at the University of Paris is dated in 1272. (Cf. note 19 for the rejection of an even earlier attestation, which is (wrongly) frequendy cited.) Ihis, however, must be attributed to the fact that many of the Italian sources have been lost, and many sources are unedited; circumstantial evidence points convincingly to die practice of the foundation of colleges before the appearance of the term collegium in Italian sources. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 7172. 116 Note, however, that domus remained in use alongside and synonymous with collegium. Stricto sensu collegium was used to emphasize the collective body, and domus was used rather for the actual building in which the community lived. In practice, however, die terms were interchangeable. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 82-84 f ° r a comparison between attestations of -thospitium, domus and collegium.

COLLEGIUM

59

contributed greatly to the stability and continuity of the university as a whole. The number of colleges founded expanded enormously in the second half of the thirteenth century, and the colleges almost completely ousted previous forms of shared housing by the end of the Middle Ages. The members of the colleges were usually called -^socii, and at the head of a college stood the so-called -^>prior or -^provisor. The college further housed a master of Arts, or at least a —ybaccalarius, who acted as a tutor or supervisor for the academic activities of the students, and a library.117 Among the first colleges founded in Paris were the College des DixHuit (which was founded in 1180, but only developed into an actual college in 1231), and the College de Sorbonne (1257); Merton College in Oxford was founded in 1274. At the end of the thirteenth century, Paris numbered fourteen colleges, Oxford three.118 In the context of the religious orders, similar colleges were founded by Benedictines, Cistercians, and Mendicants, but their educational goals and especially their recruitment were completely different.119 First of all, these houses were only accessible for brothers within die order, and second, they housed complete schools.120 Shared characteristics, however,

117 In the fourteenth century and later the educational programme of the college was in some cases even more extensive than tutoring and supervision. The College de Navarre in Paris, for example, employed no less than three professors, one for Grammar, one for Arts and a third for 'iheology. O n Navarre, see N . G O R O C H O V , Le college de Navarre de safondation (130s) au debut du XVe siecle (1418) (1997). The sources of other Parisian colleges show that there was a weekly or even daily routine of disputations and lessons. See S. L U S I G N A N , L'enseignement des arts dans les colleges parisiens au Moyen Age (1997), pp. 43-55118 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 80-81. O n colleges in Southern France, see M . - H . J U L L I E N D E P O M M E R O L , Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CIVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 27-29; on the history of the colleges of the University of Prague, F. S M A H E L , Scholae, Collegia et Bursae Universitatis Pragensis, CIVICIMA V I (1993), pp. 122-130; and on the College de Sorbonne, O . W K I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CIVICIMA VI (1993), pp. n, 25. 119 Note, however, that within the context of the religious orders the common term for 'school' was —tstudium, less common and less specific terms are domusllocus, conventus or monasterium. The less specific terms can refer both to a religious house and a religious school. The two functions are not always distinguished. 120 See, however, for some late-medieval examples of Parisian secular colleges in which education seems quite advanced, S. L U S I G N A N , L'enseignement des arts dans les colleges parisiens au Moyen Age (1997).

60

COLLEGIUM

are that in these houses too a group of people was lodged for the purpose of study. Just as in the secular colleges they lived according to certain regulations not so different from monastic rules, under the supervision of a senior, usually called —^provisor. It is very likely that the large secular colleges of the second half of the thirteenth century, especially those for students of Theology, were based on the religious collegia. The secular student's houses, which at the outset differed gready from die religious colleges, came to resemble them in many respects.121 In Antiquity, the term collegium was used in general for a (corporate) body of persons, and applied in specific meanings such as a college of priests or the board of magistrates of a city.122 In the Middle Ages, this usage in an administrative context continued,123 but the term was also commonly used for monastic communities, ecclesiastical or canonical colleges or collegiate churches.124 The academic use of the term seems to incorporate both connotations:125 the uses of the word as a synonym of university and for colleges of professors emphasize the corporate aspect, while the application to student houses emphasizes the aspect of collectivity, and seems to have been inspired by models of communal living as found in monasteries and convents.

121 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 81-82. 122 Cf. T L L ( I B ) ; O L D (1), (3a). For a description of the semantic development of the term see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universite's (1987), pp. 73-75. 123 See, e.g., MW (IA2); M L D (ia). 124 M W (IAi), (IB2); M L D (ib-c). 125

MLD (2); BLAISE, Lex., (3).

61

commissarius, hebdomadarius At the English universities, specific terms were used for those who were delegated by the chancelor to take care of the weekly affairs of its court of justice. In Oxford, these functionaries were called hebdomadarii, as they were appointed to this office for a period of one week.126 In Cambridge, these delegated judges were called commissarii.127 They had jurisdiction in routine cases, but in important matters the authority rested with the chancelor.128 In principle these hebdomadarii or commissarii were professors of Canon or Civil Law, but they often delegated the task to their —> baccalarii.129 In Oxford the specific office of hebdomadarius is first mentioned in 1267; in Cambridge the function is described in the statutes of 1236-1254, but the term commissarius appears for the first time in 1293. In the Christian Latin of late Antiquity, hebdomadarius (or ebdomadarius) was commonly used for a person who was charged with a certain task or responsibility for a period of one week.130 In the Middle Ages the term is most often used in a monastic context,131 for example as a substantive for the priest who conducts the services for a week, or as an adjective in expressions such as hebdomadarius lector (ad mensas), the person responsible for reading aloud in the refectory for one week, or hebdomadarius

126 Professors of Canon and Civil Law also took turns, in rotation, to cover a larger span of time. See M . B . H A C K E T T , The University as a Corporate Body (1984), pp. 79, 81. 127 See for a full treatment of the two terms O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 215-218. 128 One could appeal to the court of the chancellor. In graver cases -such as those where professors were involved- the jurisdiction went directly to the court of the chancellor. For die most serious offences, requiring (for example) suspension from the university or imprisonment, the jurisdiction went to the supreme court, that is, the assembly of all the -+magistri. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 215-216, n. 194. 129 These -^baccalarii were nominated by the professors and appointed by the chancellor or —tprocurdtores. 130

Cf. T L L (2),

B L A I S E , Lex.

(1).

131 Though not exclusively; see, e.g., B L A I S E , Lex. (2); N I E R M . (3): 'serf liable to weekly labour service'.

62

COMMISSARIUS, HEBDOMADARIUS

coquine, the person in charge of the kitchen for one week.132 The use of the term in the context of the university is concurrent with the existing usage in the vocabulary of the church. Commissarius is a medieval Latin term, derived from the verb committere. In general it is used for a person who is charged with a certain assignment or task.133 A delegate of the king or pope, for example, could be called a commissarius,134 but so could an executor,135 or a person charged with a certain responsibility and competence in matters of the law.136 It is this last meaning that concurs with the use of the term in the sources of the University of Cambridge.137

132 Cf. N I E R M . (3 and 1 respectively); D u C ; B L A I S E , Diet. (2). Examples closer to the world of the university are found, e.g., in the sources of the College of the Sorbonne; cf. O . " W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 217. 133 Cf. DMI, (i);MW(l-2). 134 NIERM. ( I ) ; DML (2a-c). 135 Cf. B L A I S E , Lex. (1); N I E R M . (2).

136 This meaning can be found in English sources from 1136 onwards; cf. D M L (3). 137 DML (5).

63 c o m m u n a , c o m m u n i a , communarius In the sources of the English universities, communa (or communia) has a meaning which is comparable to -^bursa in, for example, Paris.138 It has several meanings, which are interrelated in the same way as those of —» bursa. First, it can be used in the sense of 'expenses for a week's living', and is attested with this meaning from the 1270s onwards. Further, the term came to mean a certain amount of money, viz. as much as was needed for a week's board and lodging, and was used in this sense as a unit in which to express, for example, fees due to the faculty or university.139 Like the term —>btma, it was also used for the amount of money poor students received from their college for a week's living expenses; a kind of weekly bursary or scholarship. In the sources of Merton College, two meanings are attached to the term communarius, which are only distantly related to the meanings of the term communa described above, and unrelated to each other. First, the college chose two to four communarii each year, who acted as servants (for the community, but especially to the warden) or functioned, for example, as organists in the college chapel.140 Secondly, individuals of great wealth or outstanding scholarly eminence sometimes stayed in the college and were placed in college rooms. They shared the communal provisions (the 'commons' or collective meals, for example) with the members of the college, and were therefore called communarii. In return, their presence brought income, prestige and perhaps social or political advantages to the college.141

138 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 99-102. 139 T h i s m e a n i n g is attested in the statutes of O x f o r d from 1350 onwards.

140 J . M . F L E T C H E R , The Vocabulary of Administration and Teaching at Merton College, Oxford, CIVICIMA VI (1993), p. 49. 141 In Tudor times they were also called commemales. Cf. ibid., p. 50.

64

COMMUNA, COMMUNIA, COMMUNARIUS

A more general meaning, which remains closer to the first sense of communa in the context of the English university colleges, is that of 'a student receiving commons'. This use is attested only from the fifteenth century onwards.142 Both communa and communia143 are medieval forms, related to classical Latin words such as commune, communitas or communio. These, of course, have a wide range of meanings and uses in the classical and medieval periods, but the specific technical meaning which concerns us here is rooted in the use of the word in the Anglo-Saxon area. The first meaning of the word is, both on the continent and in the Anglo-Saxon world, 'right of common', or 'common land'.144 Further, the term was used for all kinds of common or communal possessions or goods, such as pasture, woods, buildings, but also common funds145 — it is this last meaning which forms the basis for its use in the context of the university. Additionally, commune was used in an ecclesiastical context for die so-called 'commons' —allowances of food from common funds—; this use is also related to the use of the term in the university colleges, where poor students were given an allowance to pay for their communal meals.

142 D M L (2b). 143 The first seems to be more common in England, the second on the continent. O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 101 and n. 40. 144 Cf. B L A I S E , Lex., communia (2 and 1, 5, 6, 7); M W , communia (ia and b); D M L (ia andb). 145 D M L (3a).

65

congregatio Congregatio has two closely related meanings, the first of which refers to the act of gathering (esp. of people), the second to the result of this act: the gathered group of people or the assembly itself.146 In this second meaning, 'a (socially coherent) group of people', congregatio was used in the context of the medieval universities alongside -^collegium for a community of students (living in the same hospice).147 In this same context the term congregatio also developed the specific technical meaning of'an assembly or meeting of the members of the university, the faculty or the —>natio\ Assemblies were an important means of university administration and took place at different organisational levels: the members of —>nationes and faculties met regularly and were represented at the meetings of the university as a whole. The general assembly or congregatio generalis (also: plena) consisted of all members of the university who qualified to vote. In Bologna this meant that all the students were part of the congregatio generalis, in Paris and in Oxford it included only the —>magistri regentes, that is the masters who were actually teaching (cf. -^regere in Cat. III). 1 4 8

146 For a full treatment of the term see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 63-69. 147 See, for example, the usage of the word in the sources of the College of the Sorbonne, where it is interchangeable with —^collegium, conventus, consortium, and domus: O. W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CTVJC1MA V I (1993), p. n . I n the sources of the University of Prague, conventus was interchangeable with -^collegium: F. S M A H E L , Scholae, Collegia etBursae Universitatis Pragensis, CTVICIMA VI (1993), p. 122. The terminology seems to be different in the context of medieval schools in general. In the context of the urban schools, C. Vulliez found the terms grex, consorcium and conventus for the notion of the school as a community: C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des e'coles urbaines des XII' et XIII' siecles, CTVICIMA V (1992), p. 93; and in the context of the Mendicant schools, G. Barone attested domus, conventus and locus as terms for the place of education of the friars: G . B A R O N E , Les convents des Mendiants, des colleges de'guises?, CIVICIMA V I (1993), p. 150. Congregatio seems not to have been used in this context. 148 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universite's (1987), pp. 63-64.

66

CONGREGATIO

In thirteenth-century Oxford, the sources of the university distinguish two kinds of assemblies: the congregatio plena or magna149, which consisted of all the masters of the university, both regentes and non regentes; and the congregatio regentium or minor of only the -^magistri regentes. The members of the congregatio plena devoted themselves to editing the statutes of the university, while those of the congregatio regentium were involved in the day-to-day management of the unverisity: its financial and administrative affairs and matters concerning teaching and examinations. In the fourteenth century, a third group was added — the congregatio artistarum or nigra, which consisted of the -^magistri regentes of the Faculty of Arts.150 In this assembly, the drafts of statutes were discussed in advance of their discussion in the congregatio plena.151 Although congregatio is the most frequent term for these kinds of statutory meetings, other terms also occur, such as cetus (coetus, cetus magistrorum) in the sources of Oxford, Cambridge and Montpellier, convocatio in Oxford and Cambridge, and -^conventus in the sources of the French universities.152 The meanings of the term in classical and medieval Latin do not fundamentally differ. In classical Latin, the term denotes both the act of congregation and the congregation itself.153 The two meanings were preserved in medieval Latin,154 though, as in Antiquity, the second was much more common than the first. Its usage in the university does not differ

149 Note, however, that the expression congregatio magna had an entirely different meaning in Cambridge: here the congregatio magna was the annual meeting of representatives of the cicy and university, at which occasion both parties pledged keep their peace. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 64. 150 I.e. die largest and most influential Faculty of the University of Oxford. 151 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 63-64; with references to, among others, M . B . H A C K E T T , The University as a Corporate Body (1984), pp. 55-63. 152 For a more extensive treatment of these terms as alternatives for congregatio see O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 68-69. 153 Cf.TLL;OLD 154 Cf. D M L (i), (3)

CONGREGATIO

67

from other contexts,155 but expressions such as congregatio generalis, congregatio plena, congregatio or cetus magistrorum do have certain technical aspects specific to the university context.156 In the Middle Ages the term was also commonly used to refer to religious communities, especially monastic communities, but also, for example, chapters of canons.157 In this usage, congregatio develops the meaning of a corporate collectivity or institutional community. The usage of congregatio for colleges or student hospices runs parallel to this development.

155 S u c h as, for example, the use of the w o r d for 'synod' in ecclesiastical contexts; cf. N I E R M . (2); D M L (ic); B L A I S E , Lex., (2). 156 Cf. N I E R M . (6); D M L (id); B L A I S E , Lex., (5). 157 Cf. N I E R M . (3-5); D M L (ic), fra-b); B L A I S E , Lex. (4), (6).

68

conservator (privilegiorum), iustitiarius (scholarum), tractator (studii) There were several officials who had a certain role in the administration of the universities, but who were in fact extraneous. They were appointed by authorities outside the universities to exercise supervision, defend privileges or promote interests. In 1252 Pope Innocent IV created the office of conservator (privilegiorum) for the University of Paris:158 the conservator was an official appointed by the Church to protect the privileges bestowed on the university by the pope.159 In Salamanca the term conservator was used for a different office: here a conservator studii (attested from 1254 onwards) was appointed by the king to promote the interests of the university.160 A second category is that of the iustitiarius (scholarum) at the University of Naples. This university fell under the authority of its founder, Emperor Frederick I I , and his successors. Consequently, the administration of justice was in die hands of the royal chancellor, and was delegated, when members of the university were involved, to an official appointed by tlie king — the so-called iustitiarius.161 A diird category of officials is that of the tractatores studii in thirteenth-century Padua; these were citizens of Padua chosen to supervise

158 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 211-222. The term seems not to have been used before 1265. 159 These officials sometimes delegated their task to others: in the sources of the University of Toulouse, for example, one finds the function of subconservator or defensor. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 221. 160 Note that in the fifteenth century the term conservator (librorum) also occurs in the meaning of librarian or curator of books. Cf. A . V E R N E T , DU 'chartophylaxau 'Librarian, CIWCIMA II (1989), pp. 158-159; -^librarius (Cat. I I ) . 161 The term iustitiarius was also used for high officials of justice appointed by other secular authorities. The function of iustitiarius at the university first occurs in the second half of the thirteenth century. He was assisted in his task by servientes or apparitores (cf. -^•bedellus). See also O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 220-221.

CONSERVATOR, IUSTITIARIUS, TRACTATOR

certain matters of the university. They had the right, for example, to appoint paid professors and to negotiate their salaries.162 All of these terms and their uses are not specific for the vocabulary of the university. They have the same meanings both in and beyond this context. Since they are terms for officials who were, strictly speaking, not part of the university, this is exactly as one would expect. The meaning of conservator as 'someone who defends or protects' (in all kinds of areas)163 remained in essence the same in classical and medieval Latin.164 The term iustitiarius is a medieval creation, derived from the substantive iustitia, and means 'someone who administers justice'. In the field of law it was used for officials of kings or other secular authorities.165 The term tractator, finally, is scarce in classical Latin.166 It is derived from the verb tractare, and in the Christian Latin of the late-antique period developed the meaning of'someone who treats something', for example, the author of a treatise, an orator or preacher, or especially, an exegete of the Bible.167 In the Middle Ages, tractator is also used in the sense of 'negotiator'.168

162 For a full treatment see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 218-219. In the fourteenth century these same functionaries were called reformatores studii. In Merton College at the close of the Middle Ages, however, reformator was a term used for an official within the university: the so-called reformator baccallariorum, for example, was a master who surveyed the progress of newly elected fellows of the college. Cf. J . M . F L E T C H E R , The Vocabulary of Administration and Teaching at Merton College, Oxford, CIWCIMA VI (1993), pp. 46-58. 163 Cf. TLL; O L D 164 Cf. D M L (1); MW ( I , I I ) . The related term defensor was, in the Middle Ages, often found in expressions such as defensor ecclesiae or defensor monasterii - the 'patron' of a church or monastery (cf. BLAISE (I); N I E R M . (6)). The function defensor ofthe university follows naturally from this use. 165 Cf. D M L (3-6). In origin iustitiarius was an adjective ( D M L 1-2), but it was soon used as a substantive. 166 The O L D mentions two meanings: 'imperial official' (2), or 'masseur' (1)! 167 Cf. B L A I S E , Diet. (3); N I E R M . (1-2); but see also O L D (s.v. tractare) (9). 168 Cf. NIERM. (6): 'S. XIII'.

70

custos The term custos, 'guardian' or 'keeper', is applied to two specific technical meanings in medieval intellectual life. First, the term is used in the context of medieval libraries or archives {custos librorum, chartarum, bibliothece, armarii etc.), to mean 'librarian or 'keeper of the archives'. Secondly, it is sometimes used in the context of medieval schools: as an alternative for the term magister in the teaching of the very young {custos puerorum, infantium), with more stress on the disciplinary aspects of a master's duties; and as a term for an administrative function (and several servant functions) in the English university colleges.169 The school-related meaning of the term, 'teacher of the very young', is first found in the context of the monastery. In the Carolingian period the term was sometimes used for the person responsible for the education of the oblates {custos puerorum, custos infantium)™ emphasising not only the educational aspect of his function but also the disciplinary aspect of supervision and punishment. It was also used for several administrative functions within a monastic community, such as, for example, the custos hospitii (who was responsible for guests), or the custos maneriorum or grangiorum (who was the keeper of the manors owned by or under the management of the monastery).171 In this same administrative sphere, the term was applied in several specific technical meanings at the English university colleges, especially at Merton College in Oxford. Custos was used for the college principal or warden (elsewhere called -^provisor or -^principalis), appointed for life and responsible for the day-to-day management of the college. He was

169 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 269, 270-271 ('Attestations'), 272273 ('Developpement semantique"). She does not examine the word in its book-related context. 170 N I E R M . 21; O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 273, n. 38. J.-Y. T I L L I E T T E , Le vocabulaire des ecoles monastiques, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 69-70. 171 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 273, n. 39-40.

CUSTOS

71

assisted by a vicecustos or senior (subwarden), who was elected on a yearly basis by the college members.172 Both in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, custos has the general meaning of 'guardian' or 'keeper'.173 In the Middle Ages, custos without attributive adjunct is often used to refer to the guardian of a church or monastery in general174 (sometimes assisted by a subcustos), but also to the guardian or keeper of the church treasure or its book-collection.175 Set combinations of terms that are found in reference to such functions are custos thesauri, custos librorum, custos armarii, custos bibliothece and custos

litterarum}16 The origin of tiie term custos for the function of librarian or archivist lies in the Greek word (pv>Xa|, used in the Byzantine terms

172 See for custos as 'college principal' or 'warden' at the colleges of Cambridge and Oxford, O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 268-271; J . M . F L E T C H E R , The Vocabulary of Administration and Teaching at Merton College, Oxford, CIVICIMA VI (I99i)> PP- 46-48, 52-53. At the Oxford and Cambridge colleges the term was further applied to several servant functions, such as the college groom, custos equorum, and the person responsible for the college swans, custos cignorum. At Merton College, the keepers of the so-called 'Rede Chest', a fund for loans and pledges for the benefit of the college members, were called the custodes ciste. 173

TLL; FORC.

174 N I E R M . gives examples of custos meaning 'guardian' in a literal sense, e.g. the keeper of the church building (8), but also figuratively: custos is used for a bishop (4) or abbot, either in his capacity as administrator of the temporalities of a monastery, or as the spiritual head of a monastery (1-3). 175

N I E R M . (7)

176 I h c origin and different applications of the term in a book-related context are discussed extensively by A. V E R N E T in Du 'chartophylax'au 'Librarian, CIVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 157, 159-161. He mentions different combinations for the function of librarian: custos thesauri, custos librorum, custos armarii and custos bibliothece (pp. 160-161, with references to sources in footnotes 28-32). For the function of archivist, he mentions custos chartarum and custos thesauri chartarum (p. 161, references in footnotes 33-35). As alternative terms for the keeper of books or archives he points to words derived from his main attribute - the key(s): archiclavus, archiclaverius, claviger, clavipotens (p. 161, references in footnotes 36-38). O. GUYOTJEANNIN, Le vocabuhiire de la diplomatique, CIVICIMA I I (1989), found in his sources for the function of archivist custos litterarum (p. 132, references in footnote 52). A. GARCIA Y GARCI'A, Vocabulario de las escuelas en la peninsula Iberica, CIVICIMA V (1992), found the term librorum custos in the sources for the history of schooling in the Iberian Peninsula in the Visigothic period (p. 165).

72

CUSTOS

and PvpA,iocpuXa^, which were translated in ninth-century sources as chartarum custos"1 and librorum custos.™ The custos puerorum or infantium in medieval schools was, so to speak, not a keeper of things, but of pupils. He was responsible for their education, but also their upbringing in a wider sense. He had to guard the rules as well as the children.

177 ANASTASIUS BIBLIOTHECARIUS, P L 129, c. 47-48; cf. A. V E R N E T , DU 'chartophylax'au 'Librarian, CTVJCIMA II (1989), p. 157, n. 3. Other terms used for chartophylax or chartarum custos are chartularius or chartinacius (references: ibid., p. 157, n. 4). 178 Liber Pontificalis z, p. 180, I.18; cf. A . V E R N E T , DU 'chartophylax' au 'Librarian, CLWCLMA II (1989), p. 157 n. 5.

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decanus In the thirteenth century, the office of faculty dean existed only in Paris and in Montpellier.179 Originally, this title and function were reserved for the eldest professor of the faculty, who convened its meetings and presided over them, and who equalled the -Erector in rank. As die importance and power of the -Erector grew in the course of the thirteenth century, the office of decanus gradually changed. Title and function were no longer automatically bestowed on the eldest of the professors, rather the decanus was elected by his fellow professors. He represented his own faculty in general assemblies of the university, just as the -Erector represented the university as a whole, and the -^>procuratores represented their -^nationes. The main task of the decanus was the organisation of the teaching-activities within his own faculty. In the thirteenth-century sources of the universities, decani are mentioned for the Faculty of Theology in Paris, the Faculties of Arts and Medicine in Montpellier. In late medieval Europe decani as heads of faculties are more common.180 In the English colleges, the term decanus (College Dean) also existed, but designated a different function. These decani were in charge of a group often students, tutoring them, monitoring their progress and maintaining order. In the thirteenth century, vicenarii are also found, who watched over a group of twenty students, but this office disappeared in the fourteenth century.181

179 See for a fuller treatment of the term O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 206-209. 180 See, e.g., decani for the Faculties of Theology and Canon Law in fourteenth-century Bologna ( O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 207); and examples from Scottish sources in D M L (9). 181 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 277-279. See also J . M . F L E T C H E R , The Vocabulary of Administration and Teaching at Merton College, Oxford,

CIWCIMAVI (1993), p. 50.

74

DECANUS

Decanus is a post-classical word meaning 'a person in charge of a group of ten others' — in a military context, for example, the leader of ten soldiers; in a monastic one, the superior often monks."12 In the Middle Ages, the word becomes more frequent and is used in more specific applications. Its literal meaning — 'head of a group often' — is generalized to primus inter pares, the leader of a group irrespective of its size, designated on the basis of seniority or by means of election. In a monastic context, the decanus is then (in principle) the eldest, responsible for discipline and spiritual education (prior or vice-abbot);183 from the eleventh century onwards one finds decani as deans of chapters.184 But also outside the ecclesiastical hierarchy the word is used: a decanus can be a manorial officer, the master of a group of craftsmen or the dean of a guild.185 Nevertheless, the general meaning of decanus — the senior or chosen leader of a certain group of people - remains the same in any of these specific applications, and it is in complete accordance with its use in the context of university or college life.

182 Cf. T L L ; B L A I S E Lex. (4), Diet. (2); N I E R M . (5); D M L (2). 183 Cf. B L A I S E Lex. (5); N I E R M . (6); D M L (3). 184 NIERM. (7); DML (6). 185

Cf. N I E R M .

(3),

(9)

and

(10);

DML

(8)

and (10).

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discipulus Discipulus is, throughout Antiquity and the Middle Ages, a common term for a pupil or apprentice.186 It often occurs in combination with —> magister, a master and his pupils. In the later Middle Ages, that is, from the thirteenth century onwards, the word seems to have been eclipsed by terms that fit the context of the university better, notably -^studens and -^socius.wi Its use becomes less frequent, and the word comes to have a somewhat old-fashioned or literary ring. Both in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, the term can be applied to students in the (liberal) arts and to apprentices or trainees in trades.188 In the Latin of the early-Christian authors, discipulus is used to refer to followers of Christ, especially with reference to the apostles, and this usage was also continued in medieval Latin.189

186 For the usage of the term in the context of medieval intellectual life, see several articles in the C7V7C7A£4-series: C . V U I . L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des e'coles urbaines des XII' et XIII' siecles, CIVICIMA V (1991), pp. 94-101; C . FROVA, Le scuole municipali all'epoca delle university, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 185; A . G A R C I A Y GARCIA, Vocabulario de las escuelas

en la Peninsula Iberica, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 165; and M.C.M. PACHECO &. M.I.M. PACHECO, Le vocabulaire de I'enseignement dans Us Sermones d'Antoine de Lisbonne/Padoue, CIVICIMA IX (1999), p. 147. 187 J. Verger noted that the old opposition of -^>magister versus discipulus, —^sc(h)olaris, puer or iuvenis seems to have gone 'out of fashion' in the period of the universities, and that it is gradually replaced by (doctor or professor) regens (cf. —¥regere in Cat. I l l ) versus -^•studens (studentes); J . V E R G E R , 'Nova' et 'veteradans le vocabulaire des premiers statuts et privileges, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 196. 188 Cf. T L L (1-2); O L D ; D M L (1). Note also the meaning of'monk, disciple of the abbot', listed in B L A I S E , Diet. (2). 189 Cf. T L L (3); B L A I S E , Diet. (1); D M L (2).

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doctor In the context of medieval intellectual life, doctor is used, alongside, for example, —>magister and —>professor, to identify someone who teaches.190 Its first meaning is 'teacher' or 'master', and it stands on a par with terms such as -^magister, -^professor, -^paedagogus, etc. The term can, however, also refer to someone with a specific knowledge of some intellectual discipline, without necessarily implying teaching activity.191 The broad meaning of the term ('teacher' or 'someone learned') is found throughout the Middle Ages, but specific technical meanings also developed within the vocabulary of the university. The term was first used in a specific sense at the Faculty of Law in Bologna. Here, the expression legis (legum) doctor was used to refer to someone who was learned or educated in the field of law, but who did not necessarily teach.192 In the course of the twelfth century, however, the meaning of doctor shifted, and was used to refer to those who taught (Civil) Law.193 In the course of the thirteenth century a second shift of meaning occurred: doctor became an academic title, referring to someone who had graduated from the Faculty of Law {doctor iuris civilis for

190 The use and meaning of the term in the context of the medieval unversities is treated extensively in O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des univenites (1987), pp. 142-151. She also discusses the first attestations in this context: pp. 148-149. 191 Cf. T L L V : I . See A. Hus, Docereetles mots de lafamille de docere (1965), pp. 271-276, for an evaluation of the term in classical Latin. In the Middle Ages, one finds expressions such as doctor (actu) legens or (actu) regens to distinguish those who actually teach from those who are learned. See also die articles on —tlegere (Cat. I l l ) and -^regere (Cat. I I I ) . 192 The term was then used in the same sense as causidicus (advocate, pleader) or even iudex (judge). See for the semantic development of the term in Bologna O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universith (1987), pp. 143-145; see also for a more ample treatment of the subject R . FEENSTRA, 'Legum doctor', 'legumprofessor ' et 'magister', CIVICIMA I (1988), pp. 72-77. 193 Those who taught Canon Law were sometimes referred to as doctores decretorum. See also the article on —>ius, canonista and decretista (Cat. I V ) . In Bologna, the term doctor in the meaning of 'teacher' was only used within the Faculty of Law. Teachers of other disciplines were referred to as —tmagistri.

DOCTOR

77

Civil Law, doctor iuris canonici for Canon Law, and also, for those who took a degree in both fields, doctor utriusque iuris or in utroque jure).'9* Outside Bologna, we find the term in a more general sense. In the sources of Mendicant and urban schools, for example, the term often carries the same meaning as -^magister, that is, 'someone who teaches'.195 The sources of the University of Paris seem to suggest that there the term was introduced by the theologians, who used it in line with its thirteenthcentury Bologna meaning: a doctor theologiae or doctor in sacra pagina is someone with a degree in Theology.196 In the course of the thirteenth century the term was also used in this sense by other faculties, and we find doctores in, for example, Law or Medicine.197 The term doctor, a derivative of the verb docere, only appeared in late Antiquity, when it was a relatively uncommon word. Its first meaning

194 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 145. The other faculties followed suit, and doctor was then also used to refer to graduates in Medicine, Grammar, etc. See,

e.g., the list of terms collected by A. MAIERU in University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), index p. 172. He lists examples from the field of Medicine and Arts on pp. 81-2: doctor medicine, artium doctor, doctor in artibus, grammatice et rhetorke doctor, and in Logic (p. 123): doctor logicae. 195 See, e.g., A . G A R C I A Y G A R C I A , La terminologia en las Facultades Juridicas Ibericas, CFVTCIMA I (1988), pp. 68-9 and I D . , Vocabulario de las escuelas en la Peninsula Ibe'rica,

CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 165, for schools and faculties of Law on the Iberian peninsula; P. R I C H E , Le vocabulaire des e'coles carolingiennes, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 39 for examples from the Carolingian period; C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des e'coles urbaines des XII' etXIII' siecles, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 94,100, and C . FROVA, Le scuole municipali all'epoca delle universita, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 179-189 for examples from urban schools. In her sources C . FROVA also found a notable second meaning of doctor, which concurs with the general sense of doctor!'doctus (someone who is learned, who has certain knowledge): the students of the urban schools are sometimes classified into rudes (beginners, freshmen) andperiti, provecti or doctores (advanced students). {Ibid., p. 189) 196 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 145-146. 197 As a general rule it can be said that graduates from the lower Faculty of Arts were usually referred to as —>magistri, while those with a degree from the higher Faculties (Theology, Law, Medicine) were called doctores. The title of doctor is, in this specific context, more prestigious than that of-^magister. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 147,151.

78

DOCTOR

was 'teacher' or (in a military context) 'trainer',198 but the meaning of 'someone with specific knowledge' in some intellectual discipline199 already occurs in the late-antique period. In Christian Latin the term is used in its broad sense of 'teacher', and is often applied to, for example, the apostles or the Church Fathers.200 In late Antiquity and throughout the Middle Ages, doctor has overtones of highly valued learning and erudition, which the term -^magister does not necessarily have.201 At the end of the thirteenth century, the verb doctorare and its participle doctoratus were derived from doctor. Both these terms are found in a university context only, and have a meaning which is related to the specific, technical use of doctor as 'someone who has obtained an academic degree': doctorare means 'to confer a doctorate on someone', or 'to teach a class'; its passive form doctorari was used in the sense of'to become a doctor' or 'to obtain the degree of doctor',202 doctoratus denoted the position of doctor or the doctor's degree.203

198 T L L (esp. 3-4-5). 199 Especially rhetoric and philosophy. Cf. O . W E T J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 149; A. H u s , Docere et les mots de lafamille de docere (1965), p. 273. 200Cf. T L L (6); BLAISE, Diet. (3-4); N I E R M . 201 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 150. 202 Cf. D M L ; N I E R M . ; O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 147. 203 Cf. D M L . In Bologna, the terms doctoratus and conventus were sometimes used as synonyms for the examination one had to pass in order to graduate. See on doctoratus also J . VERGER, 'Nova et 'vetera dans le vocabulaire des premiers statuts et privileges, CTVICIMA V (1992)» PP- 203-204.

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dominus (legum) Dominus in general, as an honorary title or form of address for someone superior, occurs in the vocabulary of medieval intellectual life,204 but it is only in the context of legal education that it acquires a specific, technical meaning.205 In twelfth-century Bologna, before the existence of the Faculty of Law, students were addressed as -^socii (mei) by their teacher, and he was addressed by them as dominus [rneus). From this usage dominus (legum) developed into the official honorary title for a teacher of Civil Law.206 Within the vocabulary of the University of Bologna, the usage of dominus in this sense was quickly adopted, and the title dominus legum became an official term for a 'professor of Civil Law'.207 It is important to note, however, that, despite its close relation to terms such as -^magister and especially -^doctor, dominus never developed into a term for an academic degree. Outside Italy, the term is rarely used in a specifically educational context. It occurs in its Bolognese meaning ('professor of Civil Law') in the sources of several faculties of Law, for example at the Faculty of Law in Orleans at the end of the thirteenth century,208 and also in sources from the British Isles.209

204 See, e.g., D M L (5b): 'person of (scholarly) authority'. Note, further, that in the later Middle Ages, especially in the context of disputed questions, -^baccalarii were often designated as domini. 205 See O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 156-157. 206 See for examples from the context of Italian urban schools C . FROVA, Le scuole munkipali all'epoca delle university CF/ICIMA V (1992), p. 183 n. 13. 207 Other terms for the same profession are -^doctor kgum (doctor iuris), and (though rarely in Bologna) —^professor legum. See for a comparison between the different terms for jurists R . FEENSTRA, 'Legum doctor', 'legumprofessor'et magister', CTVJCIMA I (1988), pp. 72-77. The terms -^magister, -^doctor, -^professor and dominus arc also compared in O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 157-160. 208 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 157. I n Orleans, to distinguish professors of Civil Law from those who taught Canon Law, professors in the first category were called domini, and in the second —tmagistri. 209 Cf. D M L (5b)

80

facultas In the intellectual context of the Middle Ages the term facultas occurs in two different, though closely related meanings.210 Close to its general meaning of 'ability, power, skill' lies its use for a certain discipline as taught at the medieval schools and universities.211 This meaning first occurs in sources from the twelfth century, and was adopted in the vocabulary of the universities in the thirteenth century. Within this new context, however, the term developed a new meaning in the course of the thirteenth century:212 it came to refer to the body of teachers responsible for the education in a certain discipline.213 This latter meaning has survived to the present day, where a 'faculty' is still a part of the university devoted to a certain discipline. At the University of Paris, for example, there were four faculties: Arts, Theology, (Canon) Law and Medicine.214 The number of faculties at a university was not uniform — at smaller universities there were usually

210 For a full treatment of the term see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 52-55. 211 It is noteworthy that this meaning of facultas is not attested before the twelfth century and seems to be rooted in one passage of Boethius' Commentary on Porphyry: 'tertium genus quod inter philosophos tractatur cuiusque ad dialecticam facultatem multus usus est' (In Ysag. Porph. Comm., ed. B R A N D T , C S E L 48, p. 178). I n the twelfth century, however, it is attested in all kinds of intellectual texts by authors such as Alan of Lille, Gilbert of Poitiers, Peter of Blois, Adelhard of Bath, etc. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 54. 212 It is difficult to put a specific date on this shift in meaning, but on die basis of its first attestations in the university sources O. Weijers argues that it must have taken place in the second quarter of the thirteenth century. 213 In fact, the meaning of facultas remains often (especially in the early university sources) ambiguous, oscillating between the sense of 'art' or 'discipline', and 'organisational unit', 'faculty'. 214 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 52. For set expressions for the different disciplines or faculties, see the indices of C7V7C/M/4-volumes V and VI and the index of A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), pp. 173-174: facultas artium (liberalium), astrologiae, chirurgiae, geometriae, grammaticae, iuris canonicilcivilis, logicae, medicinae (or medicorum), physicae, rhetoricae and theologiae.

FACULTAS

81

only two or three. The internal organisation of a faculty was also not uniform, although it was generally headed by the ->magistri actu regentes, or by the primus inter pares of these masters, the -^decanus. The faculty was responsible for the organisation of teaching activities, the supervision of examinations, the conferring of academic degrees, and the recrutement of teachers.215 The whole spectrum of classical meanings of facultas, all generated from its broad meaning of 'ability, power, capacity',216 remained in use in the Middle Ages. In the twelfth century, facultas was used in its new specific technical meaning and started to overlap with terms such as ars, scientia or disciplina (cf. —>ars, Cat. IV). 2 1 7 In the second quarter of the thirteenth century it developed a new meaning in the context of the universities: '(organisational) unit responsible for the education in a certain discipline' — our modern meaning of'faculty' (faculte, Fakultat, faculta, etc.).218

215 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 52. 216 The classical senses vary from 'quantity available', 'resources' to specific legal uses in senses such as 'dispensation' or 'licence'; cf. T L L , col. 145-157; O L D . 217 Cf. N I E R M . (2); D M L (6). O n the use of the term in this sense see the examples taken from the sources of the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Bologna: A . M A I E R U , La terminologie de I'universite de Bologne de medecine et des arts, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 141-149. 218 Note, however, that the meaning 'discipline', 'art' or 'science' also remained in use. See for the use of the term in its modern sense in relation to medieval universities the articles of M . - H . J U L L I E N D E P O M M E R O L , Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CIVICIMA V I (1993), p. 38; F. S M A H E L , Scholae, Collegia et Bursae Universitatis Pragensis, CIWCIMA V I (1993), p. 124; and G.-R. T E W E S , Terms used in academic life, CIVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 60, 69.

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hospitium, domus, aula Domus and hospitium are the oldest terms used for houses where students lived collectively.219 Because individual housing was expensive and scarce, from the beginning of the existence of universities, there were initiatives of communal living for students. A group of students rented a house, usually for a period of one academic year, and lived and studied there under the guidance of a master of Arts or at least a -^baccalarius.120 Such student houses were generally called hospitia221 or, less frequently, domus.222 In Oxford, however, the term aula was more common,223 while in Cambridge domus was most frequent. The terms often occur in ex-

219 For ample treatments of these terms see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des university's (1987), pp. 76-80, 85-87. 220 In English sources these heads of student houses are called principales. They were not actually employed by the university, but did have strong ties to it — they owed responsibility to the university, and were in turn financially supported by the university. Another common system of student housing was a master sharing his house with his students. Cf. W . COURTENAY, The Arts Faculty at Paris in 1329 (1997), pp. 55-69. 221 For the attestation of the term in the context of urban schools see C . V U I X I E Z , Le vocabulaire des koles urbaines des XII' etXIII' siecles, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 98-99. 222 Note that domus was also used alongside and synonymously with -^collegium (or -^•bursa in Germanic and Slavic countries), -^studium or -^schola. In the sources of the College de Sorbonne, for example, domus is the term used in its earliest history, while —y collegium wins ground in the second half of the thirteenth century ( O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CIVICIMA V I (1993), p. 11). See also F. S M A H E L , Scholae, Collegia et Bursae Universitatis Pmgensis, CIVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 124, 126; and M . - H . J U L L I E N D E P O M M E R O L , Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CIVICIMA VI (i993)' PP- 27-29O n the expression domuspauperum scolarium see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des university (1987), pp. 82, 268; and J . VERGER, Conclusion, CIVICIMA V I (1993), p. 177. In Visigothic Spain domus occurs in the expression domus eccUsiae for episcopal schools, where -^clerici received their education under supervision of the bishop: A . G A R C I A Y G A R C I A , Vocabulario de las escuelas en la Peninsula Iberica, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 158, 162,165. 223 In Oxford the word introitus also occurs for student houses, presumably because of their narrow entrances. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universith (1987), p. 77 n. 8.

HOSPITIUM, DOMUS, AULA

pressions such as hospitia clericorum or domus scolarium. In the course of the thirteenth century the system of hospitia was generally replaced by the system of -^collegia, student houses founded by benefactors, which had a more permanent and stable character, and therefore added much to the continuity and stability of the university itself.224 It is difficult to assess when the terms first occur in the specific technical sense of'student house', since it is often hard to distinguish between organised student houses and hostels or inns in general, where individual students could also seek board and lodging. When the sources mention hospitia or domus in combination with the concepts -^taxare, -^taxatio or -^taxatores, that is, the practice of the estimation of a standard price for board and lodging for students by a board of official estimators, this can be seen as a clear indication that the term is being used in specific sense of 'a student house where students lived and studied under the supervision of a master or bachelor'. The first examples of hospitia that are clearly related to universities date from the second decade of the thirteenth century.225 In the course of the thirteentli century the term becomes common in all European countries. Aula in its specific technical meaning is attested in Oxford from ca. 1250 onwards.226 In classical and medieval Latin the word hospitium is used both in an abstract sense of 'hospitality', 'the act of accommodating somebody'227 and in the concrete sense of 'accommodation', 'hostel', 'home'.228 This

224 See for an evaluation of the meaning of —^collegium in relation to that of domus or hospitium, O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 80-84. 225 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 77-78; the first evidence for the existence of a student house in Oxford dates from 1214, in Paris from 1215. 226 Aula further occurs in university-sources in the sense of 'large room', 'hall'; in the sources of the College de Sorbonne, for example, the hall in which the disputationes Sorbonicae were held was called aula, cf. O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College

de Sorbonne, CTVFCIMA V I (1993), p. 23. See also, M.-H. JULLIEN DE POMMEROL, Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CIVJCIMA V I (1993), p. 29; F. SMAIIEL, Scholae, Collegia et Bursae Universitatis Pragensis, CIVICIMA VI (1993), p. 129. 227 Cf. TI.L (I); O L D (1-2); D M L (1). 228 Cf. T L L (II); O L D (3); D M L (2-8).

HOSPITIUM, DOMUS, AULA

'accommodation' could refer to private initiatives, such as homes of individuals open for guests, hostels, or - i n the context of the university- student houses.229 It could also be part of an institution (such as monasteries or chapters): hostels for the accommodation of the sick230, poor-houses {hospitia pauperum), or houses for pilgrims {hospitiaperegrinorum). Aula was used, both in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, for a large monumental house, a royal or noble residence,231 or for a large and monumental room within such a residence.232 In the Middle Ages aula is thus applied both to palaces of kings or bishops, to church buildings, halls of justice, guildhalls or - i n Oxford- student halls,233 but also to, for example, refectories of monasteries, or -again in the context of the university- the room large enough to accommodate all members of a college on occasions such as public disputations, lectures, ceremonies, etc.

229 D M L (7). 230 Cf. B L A I S E , Lex., (2); N I E R M .

(2); D M L (5).

231 Cf. T L L (2. aula); O L D (3); MW (II), D M L (2-6). 232 Cf. T L L (2. aula); O L D (1-2); MW (I); D M L (1).

233 DML (6).

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lector In the context of education the medieval latin term lector can refer to different kinds of teachers.234 In the Mendicant orders, lector was used for the head of the —>studium of a convent. 235 Usually, lectores of Mendicant schools had studied or were studying Theology at the university.236 Their educational task is often specified in set expressions such as lector sententiarium (or sententiarius, someone who teaches Peter of Lombard's Sententiae), lector biblicus (or biblicus, someone who teaches the Bible), etc.237 Often they were assisted by sublectores,m who, generally speaking,

234 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 160-166. 235 G . B A R O N E suggests in Les couvents des Mendiants, des colleges deguise's?, CIVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 150-151, that the term lector was perhaps used to accentuate the biblical character of education in the Dominican schools, or perhaps to avoid — for reasons of humility - the prestige of the title -^magister. 236 In the Dominican schools, the standard education of a friar was divided into three levels: basic skills were acquired in the studia gmmmaticalia, which were followed by the studia artium (also called studia logicalial logicae novae); for education at an advanced level one attended the studia naturaliuml naturaruml natumlia (also called studia philosophiae). On top of this curriculum, one had to put in a few extra years of study at the studia sollemnia or studia generdlia provinciae if one wanted to become a lector. A lector of studia artium was supposed to have studied at the studia naturalia for at least two years, and a lector of studia naturalium was supposed to have completed a study of Theology at the university, or at least be a student of Theology. Cf. -^studium; A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), pp. 8-9. See also M . M . M U L C H A H E Y , 'First the Bow is Bent in Study. Dominican Education before 1350, (1998), pp. 219-384. 237 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 161; 166 n. 207; 176 n. 62. For other set combinations see A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), p. 176 (index): lectorordinarius, lector extraordinarius, lectorSententiarum, etc. See also M . M . M U L C H A H E Y , Dominican Educational Vocabulary, CIVICIMA I X (1999), p. 98. And see E . PANEIXA, // 'lector romanae curiae', CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 130-139: he discusses the lectores romanae curiae and lectores sacri palatii — terms which appear in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Dominican chronicles. The kctores romanae curiae are professors of theology who teach at the Dominican convent of the city in which the Roman court resides; die lector sacri palatii teaches at the studium of the papal court in Avignon. 238 A sublector (usually an advanced student or bachelor) was responsible, for example, for 'extraordinary' reading of the Bible or the Sententiae. To distinguish between a lector and sublector, the lector was sometimes referred to as lector principalis. Cf. A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), pp. 20-21.

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were responsible for extraordinary or cursory lectures,2" and -^magistri scolarium/studentium, responsible for the student discipline.240 In the context of the university the term was used in several meanings.241 It could signify a student (of Theology), who happened to be a lector at a Mendicant school. Sometimes, however, lectores from Dominican schools were also professors at the Faculty of Theology - in which case the term referred to teachers at the highest level. Thirdly, the term lector was used for the category of students who participated in the teaching of courses, i.e. teachers at a relatively low level.242 Finally, the term lector was used to express the fact that somebody with an academic title such as -^doctor or -^professor actually taught; in other words, in this case it was an alternative for (magisterldoctor!etc.) legens or regens?n

In classical Latin, the term has the basic meaning of'he who reads', either in private to himself, or out loud for an audience.244 In Christian Latin, the term is used for the monk charged with reading during meals, or the reader of lessons during liturgy.245 All these specific usages derive from the prime meaning of legere, to read, and all of them continued to exist in the Middle Ages.246

239 See the articles —>ordinarius, extraordinarius and —>cursus, cursorius in Cat. I I I . 240 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 161 and p. 139 n. 39. 241 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 161-163. 242 The term thus overlaps both with -^professor or -^doctor, and with -^baccalarius. From its application to students participating in teaching stems its use for teachers of extraordinary courses: at the Faculties of Medicine and Arts of Bologna, for example, one finds the terms lector, repetitor and -^scholaris for teachers of extraordinary courses. They earned half the wages of a -^doctor, who was qualified to teach both ordinary and extraordinary lectures. Cf. A . M A T E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), p. 51. See also O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 164 n. 199. 243 Cf. -^flegere and —>regere in Cat. IV. Examples are lector in logica, lector in iure civili; Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 163. 244 T L L , esp. col. 1090 sqq. 245 Whence lector became a rank in the ecclesiastical hierarchy: he who took the second of minor orders. Cf. B L A I S E ; N I E R M . ( I ) ; D M L (3a).

246 See, e.g., J . H A M E S S E , Le vocabulaire de la transmission orale des textes, CTVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 185-186 and E A D . , Approche terminologique de certaines methodes d'enseignement

etde recherche, CTVICIMA VIII (1995), pp. 11, on the use of the term lector by Gilbert of

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In the early Middle Ages, however, legere developed a second meaning, that is, to 'read and explain', that is, to teach or lecture.247 From this, lector began to mean 'teacher', first in the context of medieval schools and later also in the universities, which quickly adopted the term into their vocabulary.

Poitiers: he distinguishes the lector-recitator (he who reads a text to an audience) and the lector-interpret (he who explains a text). The meaning of'a person charged with divine reading during meals' is also found in a university context: this use of the word lector appears, for example, in the sources of the College of the Sorbonne. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CIVICIMAVl (1993), p. 18. 247 Cf. ->legen (Cut. I I I ) .

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licentia, licentiare, licentiatus The term licentia, which in a general sense means 'permission or freedom to act on behalf of someone else', received a specific technical meaning in the vocabulary of twelfth-century intellectual life in the expression licentia docendi, 'the right or licence to teach'.248 In the twelfth century these licences were granted by -^scolastici (the heads of monastic or cathedral schools) or by the -^>cancellarii (chancellors) of bishops, and were valid within the geographical boundaries of the authority in question.249 In the history of the universities, the licentiae docendi obtained in the prestigious universities such as Paris and Bologna, universities of international stature, gained universal recognition. This was reflected in the expression licentia ubique docendi, the right of graduates of a particular university to teach in any school without further examination.250 By the end of the thirteenth century, however, the concept of a degree with universal recognition already existed. Moreover, obtaining the right to grant licentiae ubique docendi became an important goal for universities in general. The term thus became a key term in the history of the university, since precisely this right formed one of the most crucial distinctions between universities and other schools. As it became more widespread, the right to grant licentiae ubique docendi became a privilege that could only be conferred by the ultimate authority: in most cases the pope. It was first officially granted to the University of Toulouse in 1233. The licentiae granted by the universities of Paris and Bologna had universal recognition based on their historicity and prestige, but only in the 1290s was the right confirmed officially by the pope.251 The University of Oxford requested the right to grant

248 See for a full treatment of the term O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 386-390; see furthermore O . W E I J E R S , Les regies d'examen dam les universites medievales (1995), pp. 201-223. 249 See also J . V E R G E R , 'Nova et 'vetera dans le vocabulaire des premiers statuts et privileges, CWICIMA V (1992), pp. 202-203. 250 See O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 46-51. 251 It was conferred on Bologna in 1291, and on Paris in 1292. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 48-49.

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licentiae ubique docendi up to three times, but it was denied on each occasion.252 The University of Montpellier was granted the privilege in 1289, the University of Orleans in 1306, the University of Cambridge in 1318 and the University of Padua as late as in 1346. On the Iberian peninsula, the Universities of Salamanca and Lisbon received royal privileges to grant universal licences in 1255 and 1290 respectively, but these were limited in certain ways: the ubique of the licentia ubique docendi obtained at the University of Salamanca excluded Paris and Bologna, and in Lissabon it excluded the Faculty of Theology.253 Apart from these explicit restrictions there is also evidence that the universal value of licentiae ubique docendi was not always in fact respected.254 The licentia ubique docendi was the only university degree granted by authorities other than the universities themselves; it was conferred by die -^cancellarius or archidiaconus (representatives of the Church). The bachelor's or master's degrees, which marked the phases of a candidate's admission to the community of the university, were granted by the masters or professors themselves. There were also other kinds of licentiae that were granted by the universities themselves and marked certain steps in the education of the student. Essentially, his education was structured in two phases: a bachelor's and a master's degree. To conclude the first phase, the student needed an official admission to the examination of the determinatio, the so-called licentia determinandi.255 The second phase was concluded with an examination in which the bachelor obtained his licentia (ubique) docendi, and his master's title. After this examination the new master was called li-

252 See on this, C . H . L A W R E N C E , The University in State and Church (1984), pp. 113-116. 253 See also A . G A R C I A Y G A R C I A , La terminologia en las Facultades Juridkas Ibericas, CTVICIMA I (1988), p. 67; I D . , Vocabulario de las escuelas en la Peninsula Iberica, CTVTCIMA V (1991), pp. 171, 176. The Universities of Paris and Bologna were excluded from the licentia ubique docendi obtained in Salamanca from 1255 to 1333. 254 Paris and Oxford came in conflict shortly after the universal recognition of Paris in 1292: cf. C . H . L A W R E N C E , The University in State and Church (1984), p. 114: 'After 1292 there was an outbreak of mutual recrimination between Paris and Oxford; both universities complained that their own graduates were being refused recognition and were not being allowed to resume lecturing in the other establishment.' 255 Cf. -^fdeterminare (Cat. I I I ) .

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centiatus. Finally, he was officially granted admission to the ceremony of the inceptio by the licentia incipiendi, and with this ceremony he was accepted into the corporation of masters of the university.250 At the Faculty of Medicine a fourth kind of licence existed: the licentia practicandi, which allowed a student to practice medicine.257 Another term for a university degree was the even more general gradus, which occurs in the university sources in expressions such as gradus magistri, gradus magisterii (theologie), or gradus bachela-

rii.15i It occurs in these sources from the second half of the thirteenth century onwards, and its use does not differ from that in other contexts, such as gradus ecclesiasticus, a rank in the hierarchy of the church, or, in a secular context, gradus dignitatum. It marks a step on the social or professional ladder.259 The semantic development of the term licentia is not very revealing. Its general sense, permission, freedom, or privilege, remained unchanged from Antiquity to the Middle Ages.260 The expression licentia docendi was firmly embedded in the vocabulary of the twelfth-century schools.261 The universities adopted it into their vocabulary, and added the word ubique in the course of the fourteenth century. In medieval Latin all kinds of derivations of licentia were formed,262 such as the verb licentiare, 'to permit, allow or authorize', or, in an academic context, 'to grant a li-

256 Cf. -^incipere (Cat. I I I ) . 257 See on the licentia incipiendi the D M L (3b); on the licentia exercendi (a licence for notaries), cf. R . FERRARA, 'Licentia exercendi' ed essame di notariato a Bologna (1977), pp. 49-120. For other expressions with the term licentia (licentia disputandi, (extra)ordinaria, specialis, etc.) see the 'Index' of A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), p. 177. 258 See on this O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 385-386, 389-390. 259 This metaphorical sense of an imaginary ladder in the social hierarchy already existed in Antiquity, and was merely continued in the late-antique and medieval periods. Cf. O L D (6, 7, 8); B L A I S E , Lex., (1,3); N I E R M . (4, 5, 8,10); D M L (5, 8, 9, and acad. 15). 260 Cf. T L L (1); O L D (1), and N I E R M . ( I ) ; NG ( I ) ; D M L (1, 2). 261 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 51, 93; N I E R M . (2).

262 See, for example, D M L : licentiabilis, licentiatio, licentiatorius, licentiatura, licentiose,

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91

cence'.263 Its participle, licentiatus, was used as a substantive in the meaning of'licensed student or scholar'.264

263

Cf. N I E R M .

(3); D M L .

264 Note that a similar word already existed in Antiquity, but then of the second declension {licentiatus, -us) in the meaning of permission": cf. T L L , O L D . For the medieval sense in the context of the university, see BLAISE, Lex. (I); N I E R M .

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litteratus, illitteratus As Herbert Grundmann argued in his article Litteratus — illitteratus,265 the shifts in the meanings of these terms are valuable witnesses of developments in the history of education: they reflect the extent of education, the social classes distinguished by education, and the fluctuations in the appreciation of education. First, litteratus, in its basic meaning, is used for someone who knows his letters, who knows, in other words, how to read and write. From the fourth century onwards (at the latest), tiie language of the written word — the Latin of the Roman empire — bore so little resemblance to spoken languages (even in the Romance languages), that litteratus (orgrammaticus) also became synonymous with 'a person who knows Latin'.266 Few people, however, learned to read and write: from the fifth to the eighth century these skills were reserved for an intellectual elite of clergy. Lay people, even kings and nobility, usually did not acquire diese skills. Moreover, schooling and writing were often thought unsuitable precisely for high social classes. Thus illitteratus did not have a negative or denigratory tone in this period; it was used for people of the highest levels of society.267 In the Carolingian period, litteratus came more and more to be synonymous with —tclericus, cleric, since Latin was taught in schools at-

265 H . GRUNDMANN, Litteratus - illitteratus (repr. 1978), pp. 1-66. See for a recent bibliographical overview on the subject of literacy in the Middle Ages, M . MOSTERT (ed.), Communicatie in de Middekeuwen. Studies over de verschriftelijking van de middeleeuwse cultuur (1995), esp. pp. 93-105,113-122. 266 Expressions such as litterate, 'in Latin' (cf. N G ) , literaliter loqui, 'to speak Latin' ( H . G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus — illitteratus (repr. 1978), p. 4), or the use of littera as a synonym for grammatica (that is, of the Latin language, ibid, p. 5) testify to this meaning. See also -^•gramrnatica, gmmmaticus in Cat. IV. 267 Cf. H . G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus — illitteratus (repr. 1978), pp. 22-39. The s e t of terms illitteratus and idiota are reflections of the Greek set ayp&m-iaTOl iSiOTca {ibid., pp. 6-

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tached to monasteries or churches.268 Illitteratus (or idiota), on the other hand, someone who did not know how to read and write, and did not know Latin, became synonymous with laicus, lay person. This is the general picture for the entire Carolingian period. Some kings and noblemen were in fact able to read and write in Latin, but these were exceptions to be marvelled at. The group outside the clergy who were most often educated in Latin and letters were noble ladies.269 In the course of the twelfth century, when an increasing number of lay people, especially (at first) kings and nobility, learned how to read and write, the meaning of litteratus gradually shifted. The term no longer implied just the ability to read and write, but also a certain quality of education. A litteratus could read and write in Latin, but was also familiar with the ancient and Christian classics - he was well-read, educated. Consequently, the term could be used in different degrees: litteratior and litteratissimus.270

In the religious movements of the twelfth and thirteenth century, with their strong espousal of austerity, the meaning of litteratus did not alter, but its appreciation did.271 Bernhard of Clairvaux, for example, expresses a certain disdain for the prevalent tradition of study, and accords high value to terms such as simplex, idiota and illitteratus. Moreover, in the thirteenth century, literacy in the vernacular languages developed and disturbed the conceptual pair litteratus - illitteratus.272 Thus the old classifications and class-distinctions were no longer valid in the last centuries of the Middle Ages: litteratus was no longer reserved for cler-

268 Grundmann points to expressions such as litteras discere, 'to become a cleric or a monk'; or to give a child litteris, 'to donate him as an oblate to a monastery': H. G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus — illitteratus (repr. 1978), p. 9. See also D u C ; B L A I S E , Lex. (2). 269 Cf. H . G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus - illitteratus (repr. 1978), pp. 39-45. See also his article Die Frauen und die Literatur im Mittelalter (repr. 1978). See also, among others, R. M C K I T T E R I C K , Frauen und Schriftlichkeit im fruhen Mittelalter (1991); L.J. S M I T H and J . H . M . TAYLOR (eds.), Women, the Book and the Worldly and Women, the Book and the

Godly (1995). 270 H . G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus - illitteratus (repr. 1978), pp. 45-55. 271 Cf. H . G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus — illitteratus (repr. 1978), pp. 56-66. 272 See on literacy and the laity, for example, J . W . T H O M P S O N , The Literacy of the Laity in the Middle Ages (1939); M . B . PARKES, The literacy of the laity (1973).

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ics, and, though Latin remained the language of official writing until the very end of the Middle Ages,273 litteratus could also be applied to someone involved in writing or education in the vernacular. By that time the meaning and connotations are dependent on the context. In Antiquity, litteratus had several meanings.274 Its basic meaning was 'knowing how to read and write, knowing the letters of the alphabet', but metonymically it also meant 'cultured, erudite, well-read'.275 Consequently the term could be used in different degrees, and its pendant, illitteratus, was often used in a denigratory way: an uneducated or uncivilized person, but also a badly educated person.276 This meaning disappeared in late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, when the language of the written word no longer corresponded to the language of the spoken word: literacy' and 'Latinity' became synonyms, and since literacy/Latinity were reserved for the clergy, 'literate' and 'cleric' also became synonyms. It resurfaced, as described above, in the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, when lay participation in education and the development of literacy in the vernacular complicated the old sets of connotations.

273 Cf. H . G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus - illitteratus (repr. 1978), pp. 61-63. He argues that Latin remained the language of the written word until the very end of the Middle Ages, even in the urban schools (tellingly also called Latin schools), where the children of the middle classes were educated. Only in the sixteenth century were children introduced to the skill of writing in the vernacular, and learned Latin at a later stage. 274 Cf. H . G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus - illitteratus (repr. 1978), pp. 15-22. Throughout Antiquity and the Middle Ages litteratus was also used, e.g., in the meaning of'marked or inscribed with letters': cf. T L L (1); O L D (1); N G (2); BLAISE, Lex. (1). 275 T L L (2a); O L D (2). The word was used as an adjective, but also as a substantive: 'someone who knows how to read and write'. 276 H . G R U N D M A N N , Litteratus - illitteratus (repr. 1978), pp. 17-18.

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magister In the context of medieval intellectual life the term magister has a very broad meaning, in which two aspects are present: leadership and teaching.277 Magister can refer to someone who functions as a superior in a group of juniors or apprentices, to someone who teaches, or to a(n honorary) title bestowed on someone who has received a (university) education. The wide variety of applications of the term in different contexts is aptly illustrated by the many set combinations of terms found in the medieval sources.278 Just a few of these, which acquired specific technical meanings in the context of medieval teaching, will be treated here. Besides its more general meaning of'teacher', magister is used in the context of the universities as a(n honorary) title for someone who has graduated from the university, obtained a —>licentia docendi (a licence to teach), and been officially accepted to the corporate body of teachers.279 Whether or not the magister in question had an actual professional function as a teacher was indicated by the expressions magister (actu) regens (legens) (i.e. a master who teaches) or magister non regens (legens) (i.e. a

graduate of the university, accepted into the corporation of magistri, who does not have a teaching career).280 The term magister is often followed by a definition of the field in which the magister is active: e.g., magister artium (teacher of the liberal

277 The term is treated extensively in O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 133-142. She includes a treatment of the first attestations in the printed sources of the medieval universities: pp. 136-137. 278 See, e.g., the lemmata magister in the indices of volume 5 and 6 of CFVICIMA: ( V ) m. abachi, de abacho; m. artis litterarie; m. gram(m)dtke, in grammatica; m. in logica; m. infantium; m. monasterii; m. novitiorum; m. principalis; m. puerorum; m. sacri palatii; m. scolae, scolarispuerorum, scolarum; ( V I ) m. domus; (doctus) m. in theologia. m. studentium; m. in primitivis; m. bundles; m. exhibitionis; m. in artibus; m. collegii, collegiatus; magistri regentes; pauperes magistri. To this short list many other more-or-lcss set combinations could be added which are mentioned in the C7V7(7//V44-series. 279 Cf. -^licentia, and -+incipere (Cat. I I I ) . 280 In the field of legal terminology, magister seems to be applied most often to someone who has obtained the title magister, but who is not active as a professional teacher. Cf. R. FEENSTRA, 'Legum doctor', 'legumprofessor'et 'magister', CIVIC/MA I (1988), pp. 72-77.

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MAGISTER

arts), magister sacrepagine or in theologia (teacher of theology). A special case are the so-called magistri grammatice or grammaticales {magistri re-

gentes in grammatica), who at the English universities provided the basic language training for new students.281 The semantic development of the term magister is complicated.282 In Antiquity, the uses of the term can be divided into two main groups: i) 'one who leads', 'superior', and 2) 'one who teaches' (either in a strict sense: 'one who is professionally active as a teacher', or in a more general sense: 'one who serves as an example' or (in a Christian context) 'one who preaches').283 In medieval Latin, the sense of'leader, superior' seems to be applicable to a wider variety of areas284, and the second group of meanings remains in use. At the same time, there seems to be a third group of applications of the term in which the two aspects are combined — in other words, a leader or superior who also functions as a teacher.2*5 It is often difficult to decide which of the two aspects should be taken as prevalent. A magister sc(h)olae/scolarum,2i6 for example, can refer to someone who teaches at a

281 In Oxford these teachers are called magistri gram(m)atice, in Cambridge one Ends the term magister glomerie (a degeneration of grammatica, according to the Oxford English Dictionary), with its derivative glomerellus, i.e. a student at a grammar school. Cf. O. W E I J E R S , Terminohgie des universites (1987), pp. 134-135 for further references. 282 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987) treats the semantic development on pp. 137-142, and bases her observations mainly on C . R E N A R D Y , Le monde des maitres universitaires du diocese de Liege 1140-1350 (1979), pp. 80-90. 283 T L L , col. 76 sqq. 284 O. Weijers gives examples which range from chef (magister coquine) and master builder (magister lapidum, magister operis) to military leader (magister exercitus, magister militum) and ecclesiastical leader (magister for abbot). O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 138; N G , col. 22-27. 285 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 138-139. A n apt example is described by J.-Y. T I L L I E T T E , Le vocabulaire des ecoles monastiques, CTVICIMA V (1992), pp. 67-70: it was the responsibility of the magister (puerorum, novitiorum) to see to the education of the young oblates and novices, but also their moral education and correct behaviour: discipline and punishment were among his concerns (an aspect of his function for which he was also sometimes referred to by the term —tcustos). 286 As synonyms for this set of terms one finds terms which explicitly refer to the 'leadership'-aspect of magister: caputscole, capiscol, archiscola. On the other hand, one also finds terms which ignore that aspect: scholaster, scolaris, scolastkus. (See also the separate treatment of the terms —>sc(h)olaris and —*sc(h)olasticus.)

MAGISTER

97

school, but also —as is often the case, for example, in the twelfth-century use of the term within the context of the large educational centres- for the headmaster or principal, who is the leader of the teaching staff. In general it can be said that use of the term magister in the pure sense of teacher or master is much less common in the Middle Ages than is often assumed.287 There is yet another use of the term: magister is frequently used as an honorary title, without any implications of actual teaching, education or leadership. The term can be used to refer to anyone whose authority is acknowledged and valued.288

287 At the same time it must be noted that almost every paper in the CLWCIMA-stries ranks magister as the most common term for schoolmaster, sometimes perhaps in close rivalry with —^doctor. Thus, e.g., for Spanish and Portuguese legal schools: A . G A R C I A Y GARC£A, La terminologia en las facultades juridicas ibericas, CP/ICIMA I (1988), p. 6y; for Carolingian schools: P. R I C H E , Le vocabulaire des ecoles carolingiennes, C1VICIMA V (1992), p. 39; for monastic schools: J.-Y. T I L L I E T T E , Le vocabulaire des ecoles monastiques, CIV1CIMA V (1992), pp. 67-70; for urban schools: C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des ecoles urbaines des XII' etXLII' sihles, CLVLCLMA V (1992), pp. 98-101 and C . FROVA, Le scuole municipali all'epoca delle universita, CD/ICIMA V (1992), pp. 179-184. 288 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 139-140 .

98

magisterium, magistralis, magistrare These three derivatives of magister used in the context of medieval intellectual life share the ambiguity of their root.289 Magisterium refers either to the function of teacher, the right to teach, or the degree of -^magister.290 The adjective magistralis (belonging or relating to a -^magister)291 is used in combinations such as -^cathedra magistralis, dignitas magistraUs. The plural adjectival noun magistralia is used in the meaning of'rights and duties of magistri', or to refer to authoritative collections of sayings or works by magistri.292 The verb magistrare means either 'to lead' or 'to teach', both in classical and in medieval Latin, but is used in only a few isolated examples.293 Concerning the semantic development of these terms, we can be very brief. Both magistralis and magistrare are rare in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, and mean essentially the same throughout.21"1 Magisterium occurs in classical Latin in the meaning of 'function and duties of a magister (that is, of a leader or superior, or of a teacher), but it can also refer to the contents of the education itself, or 'science' in general.295 In late Antiquity, the term was used in new, specifically Christian meanings:

289 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 135-136,137 (Attestations), 141-142 (Developpcment semantique). 290 N G , col. 30-32. 291 T L L (col. 91). 292 O . W E I J E R S , Terminohgie des universites (1987), p. 135. For cathedra magistralis, cf. ibid., pp. 119, 121. The latter meaning of magistralia, 'authoritative collections of sayings or works of magistri', is illustrated by J . H A M E S S E in Le vocabulaire des florileges medievaux, CIVICIMA I I I (1990), p. 213: in her article on twelfth- and thirteenth-century terminology used in and for anthologies, she finds the combinations sententiae magistrales, definitiones magistrales, auctoritates magistrales and dicta magistralia. 293 T L L (col. 100); NG (col. 34-35). 294 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 142. 295 T L L (col. 88-91).

MAGISTERIUM, MAGISTRALIS, MAGISTRARE

99

(doctrinal) authority and the content of Church doctrine.296 From the twelfth century onwards, the meaning of 'master's degree' seems to have been added to magisterium, and it was this meaning that was expanded upon in the context of the medieval universities.297

296 O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 141, with references to Y. CONGAR, Pour une bistoire semantique du terme 'magisterium' (1976); and I D . , Bref historique des formes du magistere' et de ses relations avec les docteurs (1976); NG (col. 30). Note that the term magisterium was also often used in contrast with ministerium; magisterium referring to the authority of God himself (who is, of course, both the highest authority and master), ministerium to the lower authority of the Church and her servants. 297 O. Weijers knows, however, of only one attestation before 1200, cited in NG ( I V B) ( O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 142).

100

massarius, receptor, campsor For the financial administration of the medieval universities, which were organised as corporations, a variety of terms was used. In the sources of the later thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries, terms like massarius, receptor and campsor occur for the functionaries who worked in this administration.298 At the University of Bologna, for example, two massarii or treasurers were chosen by the -Erector and his consiliarii each year to take care of the administration of expenses, the collection of taxes and contributions, etc. At the University of Paris similar functionaries were appointed, but here they were called receptores.299 The history of the term campsor in the context of the university seems to be older: from the middle of the thirteenth century onwards the term was used in Padua for functionaries who were essentially bankers, administrators of the university funds.300 Massarius, derived from massa, mansa or mansus, 'domain',301 was used from late Antiquity onwards for the official who managed such a domain. In the Middle Ages it was also used in a more general sense, a manager of goods or, specifically, financial funds.302 The term was current for administrators of cities, and the function of massarius at the Italian universities was undoubtedly adopted from that context.

298 O n these terms see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 236-239. 299 In the sixteenth century, the term quaestor was introduced for the same functionary at the Faculty of Arts in Cologne. Thus, under the influence of humanism, the unpretentious receptor was replaced by a term which had a much more ancient ring to it. Cf. G.-R. T E W E S , Terms used in Academic Life, CLVLCLMA V I (1993), p. 69. 300 In Paris this same function was fulfilled by the so-called nuntii maiores, cf. -^bedellus. Note that in Padua the terms mutuatores and feneratores were also in use, for those who lent money to the members of the universities. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 237 n. 335. 301 O n this meaning and etymology see N G ; see also N I E R M . ( I ) . 302 H U G U T I O , in his Liber derivationum, proposed an etymology based on the word mensa, which was commonly used in the sense of 'the table of a money changer'. Cf. O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 238; N I E R M . (3).

MASSARIUS, RECEPTOR, CAMPSOR

101

Receptor, which in a general sense means 'one who receives or collects',303 developed a financial connotation in the twelfth century From then on the term is commonly used for financial administrators of hospitals, churches, etc., and also, from the fourteenth century onwards, also of universities.304 Campsor, finally, or its older form cambitor, was derived in the Middle Ages from the verb cambire, cambiare. It occurs from the twelfth century onwards in the meaning of 'money changer', and was adopted into the vocabulary of the Italian universities in the more general sense of'banker'.305 In conclusion: these three terms were current in the context of (civil) administration, and were used, without any significant change in meaning, to define certain functionaries of the university as a corporate body. 306

303 The word already exists in classical Latin, but then in a specific meaning different from that used in the Middle Ages: 'one who receives into shelter, a harbourer'; O L D . 304 There seem to be no earlier sources for die use of the term in this specific context. O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 237 and n. 340; N I E R M . 305 Cf. NIERM.; MW; DML.

306 Accordingly, none of these terms occur in the context of schools or -^studia.

102

matricula In the context of the medieval universities, matricula is the term most common in the meaning of register or list of some kind, generally of personal names.307 The use of the term in the context of the university persists today in, for example, English, French and German. It has been suggested that the term originates in the context of the Italian 'student-type' universities, but this has also been contested.308 Whatever the origin of the term, it is clear that its meaning originally varied among the different universities. In the context of the Italian universities, it is used to refer to the general register of personal names affiliated to the entire university,309 while in France, for example, the term is used for lists of students under one particular master.310 The term matricula does not occur in classical Latin. It is a late-classical derivative of matrix and is used in meanings such as register or list of names.311 The medieval Latin use of the word is in complete concurrence with the late-classical use: matricula can refer to all kinds of lists, but generally it refers to a list of names, a register.312 It is used, for example, for the list of pauperi who should receive gifts within a certain parish, etc. The practice of registering as a student at a certain university or with a certain master is common throughout medieval Europe from the thir-

307 The term is treated more extensively in O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 112-118. In her treatment of the term, she includes a census of the first attestations of the term in printed university sources, pp. 113-114. See also J . PACQUET, Les matricules universitaires (1992), esp. pp. 14-T5. A closely related term is -^rotulus (or rotula). 308 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 112 and n. 1. 309 The responsibility for keeping this kind of register rests with the -Erector. 310 A different kind of list is signified in an expression in which a related term occurs: matricularium libmrie, 'list or catalogue of books'. Cf. J . M O N P R I N , Le catalogue et I'inventaire, C1VICIMA I I (1989), p. 135; O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen

dge, CIWCIMA IV (1991), p. 117. 311 Cf. TLL; BLAISE, Diet. 312

Cf. NG; NIERM.

MATRICULA

103

teenth century onwards.313 The term matricula, however, is found in thirteenth-century sources only in England (sources of the universities of Oxford and Cambridge); on the continent we find the term in fourteenth-century sources.314

313 Registration w e n t h a n d in h a n d w i t h certain obligations (e.g. d i e p a y m e n t of contributions) a n d rights. 314 J . P A C Q U E T , Les matricules universitaires (1992), gives a list o f synonyms for m a t r i c u l a in the m e a n i n g of register of members of a university (p. 15): frequently one finds rotulus,

registrant, liber, rarely rotula, papyrus, volumen, carta sive membrana. On these terms see the relevant articles in Cat. I I : -±inventarium, -+liber, -^-papyrus, —>volumen, -^c(h)arta. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, new terms occur: album, catbalogus, annales, leucoma

rotuli.

104

natio, SOCietaS, consiliaria The term natio developed a specific technical meaning in the context of the medieval universities: an association of students (or masters and students) with the same region of origin.315 Its earliest history lies in Bologna, where student associations are referred to by two terms. First, diere are societates: student associations that regulate the relationship between professor {-^>dominus) and student (-^socius) by means of official contracts.316 Associatons of this kind are attested from the twelfth century onwards, the terminology, however, is found later. Associations were also formed on the basis of region or country of origin — the so-called nationes or 'nations'. Here too the practice preceded the terminology: although the first associations can be traced back to the late twelfth century, the term natio occurs only, as far as we know, from the middle of the thirteenth century.317 The first official natio was that of the so-called Ultramontani, students from the northern side of the Alps (mostly Germans). The number of nationes quickly grew: in the thirteenth century, the Bologna numbered 18 nationes: 14 at the University of the Ultramontani, and 4 at the University of the Citramontani (students

315 For a full treatment o f these terms see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 56-62. See also J . V E R G E R , La Faculte des arts: le cadre institutionnel (1997), and the somewhat older but still useful study o f R . K I B R E , The Nations in the Mediaeval Universities (1948). 316 The role of the professor within these societates is not entirely clear. See for a discussion of the different opinions O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universitis (1987), pp. 56-57; see also R . F E E N S T R A , 'Legum doctor, 'legumprofessor'et 'magister, CIVICIMA I (1988), p. 73. Note that the term societas can also be used for different kinds of collectives or societies, and can be synonymous with more general terms such as communio, communitas, consortium, confratria. See O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 27-29, 3133. See also for the university-colleges of Southern France, M.-H. JULLIEN DE POMMEROL, Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CIVICIMA VT (1993), pp. 27-28: here societas is used as a synonym of -^collegium or domus. 317 Note that nationes are also called -^universitates at the beginning of their history. See O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 57-58: the first attestation of natio in official documents from the University of Bologna is dated in 1244.

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from the Italian peninsula). Students originating from Bologna itself did not have a natio, whereas foreign students were obliged to join their own natio. 318

At the University of the Citramontani, the nationes were divided into smaller units, which were represented by their so-called consiliarii,m who were to advise the rector of the University. These smaller units were named accordingly: consiliariae. Thus a natio at the University of the Ultramontani corresponds roughly with a consiliaria at the University of the Citramontani?20 Around the middle of the thirteenth-century there were four powerful nationes in Paris: a German-English one, a French one, and the nations of Normandy and Picardy.321 Here too, it seems, the practice of foreign students grouping together according to their region of origin, or their mother tongue, existed decades before the official corporal associations of the so-called nations. Sources reveal such organisations from the second half of the twelfth century onwards, but the first attestation of the term natio is dated in 1222, and the term seems to become common only around the mid-thirteenth century.322 In contrast with the nationes of Bologna, where they were student unions, the nationes in Paris were formed by the masters of Arts rather than the students. One should note, however, that masters of Arts were usually students at the higher faculties (of Theology, Law or Medicine) — the difference may, therefore, seem greater than it actually is. The nationes were powerful bodies, who had

318 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 58. 319 See -^procurator. 320 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 58-59. Consiliaria is a medieval derivation of -^consiliarius, and seems to have been used mainly in its specific technical meaning of (subdivision of a) societas or natio. In the L a t i n of the late M i d d l e Ages it is only attested in the Polish dictionary, in the sense of adiutrix or consiliatrix ('female helper or advisor', Lex.Med. et Inf.Lat. Polonorum), and in the Yugoslav one, in the sense oimunus consiliarii ('gift of advice', Lex.Lat.Med.Aev. lugoslaviae). 321 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 59-60; J . V E R G E R , La Faculte des arts: le cadre institutionnel (1997), pp. 30-35. 322 Weijers cites attestations from IZ2Z (papal bull of Honorius I I I ) , 1249 (Chartularium of the University of Paris) and 1252 (seal of the German natio).

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a strong hold on the policy of the university. They employed their own personnel, and were represented by a chosen -^procurator, who was one of the main advisers to the rector.323 The number of nationes differed per university. In Toulouse, for example, there were none, whereas in Orleans there were ten, in Padua eight (four at the University of the Ultramontani, four at the University of the Citramontani), in Oxford two (the natio of the Boreales and of die Australes) .324 The nature of these organisations also differed: whereas in Oxford the associations had a more social function (an association of foreign students in order to help them cope witli the circumstances of living abroad),325 in Paris they were powerful corporations which had a strong influence at the highest level of the university administration.326 Both in Antiquity and die Middle Ages natio has two common meanings: it signifies either the abstract concept of 'origin', 'provenance',327or die concrete concepts of 'people', 'race', 'nation'.328 For people living abroad natio becomes the 'region of origin', or the linguistic family into which one was born. In the context of the medieval university a second change in nuance occurs, so that natio becomes not only the region of origin, but also an association of people of a common region of origin, or who have the same mother tongue.329

323 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p.6o. 324 O n the nationes at the University of Prague, see F. S M A H E L , Scholae, Collegia et Bursae Universitatis Pragensis, CTVTCIMA VI (1993), pp. 122-123. 325 S e e J . V E R G E R , La Faculte des arts: k cadre institutional (1994), pp. 30-31. 326 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 60. 327 Also social or legal status determined by birth, see, e.g., N G ( I I ) ; N I E R M . (4). 328 Cf. F O R C . (2). Also 'group of people with a common background or interest' (e.g. with the same profession): O L D (3); N G ( V I ) . 329 Outside the context of the university one finds die same meaning in the so-called 'Landmannschaften' or nationes: commercial associations of fellow-countrymen living abroad in die large cities of the late Middle Ages. ( O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 62)

107

notarius, syndicus The medieval universities employed several functionaries for administrative or legal matters. Terms for these were taken from the context of the administration of cities or ecclesiastical organisations, and were adopted into the vocabulary of the universities.330 In Italy and Spain, for example, professional scribes, notarii,331 were chosen from among the masters of the university for the redaction of charters, documents, etc. for a period of one year.332 The sources of the universities of Padua and Salamanca show that this office existed in the second half of the thirteenth century, but the term was first attested in the early fourteenth century in the statutes of the University of Bologna. In the later Middle Ages, -^nationes or -^collegia doctorum might also have their own notarii.333 An official in the field of legal representation of, or advice to, the university was called a syndicus, again after the use of this term in the context of the administration of cities or corporate bodies.334 In Bologna, one legal adviser was chosen annually from among the members of the two universities {Ultramontani and Citramontant). Furthermore, syndici rectorum were chosen to supervise the activities of the -^rectores. At other

330 Other examples are —>massarius, receptor, campsor. 331 Note that notarius is commonly used for a (professional) scribe in general, alongside terms such as —>scriba, scriptor (Cat. I I ) . Furthermore, in concurrence with its original meaning of 'writer of shorthand', it is used for 'one who takes notes' or 'one who writes down what is dictated to him'. O n this use of the term see J . H A M E S S E , 'Collatid et 'reportatio, CP/ICIMA I (1988), p. 83; and E A D . , Le vocabulaire de la transmission orale des textes, CIWCIMA I I (1989), p. 172. O n its use in the meaning of 'professional scribe', 'redactor of charters, etc.', see O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Le vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CIVICIMA II (1989), p. 127. 332 The term notarius is treated by O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 235-236. There was an important school for notaries in Bologna; cf. R . FERRARA, 'Licentia exercendi' ed esame di notariato a Bologna (1977), pp. 49-120. Note that this school had its own —>licentia, the so-called licentia exercendi. On the so-called ars notariae, see —fars dictaminis (Cat. I V ) . 333 The term seems not to have been used for similar functionaries at French or English universities, at least not in the thirteenth-century sources. 334 O n this term sec O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 233-235.

108

NOTARIUS, SYNDICUS

universities the syndicus was not chosen from among the members, but was appointed by the university and functioned as its principal official. At first, the offices of syndicus and -^-procurator were very similar, and were sometimes even held by a single person. When, by the mid-diirteenth century, -^procurator developed its specific meaning of 'leader of a —tnatio', the meaning of the term syndicus became more specific as well. By the end of the thirteenth century, it was used for a functionary charged with the administration and legal representation of a university, —tnatio or college.335 In Antiquity, the word notarius was used for a stenographer, a writer of shorthand, but also for anyone who writes down what is dictated to him (a taker of notes).336 This usage of die term continued in the Middle Ages, but it was also used for a specific functionary: the professional scribe in charge of the redaction of charters in tlie chancellery of a pope, king, bishop, monastery, etc.337 Accordingly, die term was used for a similar function in the context of the universities as corporate organisations. In classical Latin, syndicus, derived from the Greek O"6V5IKOC, meant 'one who represents a community' or 'who acts in the name of a community'.338 In the Middle Ages, this general meaning did not change, but was applied to specific functions in the organisation of all kinds of governing bodies: cities, corporations, and also universities.339

335 A different use of the term, however, is indicated by A . V E R N E T , in: Du 'chartophylax au 'Librarian, CFVTCIMA II (1989), p. 161: here syndicus occurs in a list of terms which refer to curators of valuable books. On the use of both terms, notarius and syndicus, in the context of Jesuit education, see L . G I A R D , La constitution du systeme (ducatifjesuite, CIVICIMAVl (1993), p. 148. 336 Cf. O L D . On the continued use of this meaning in the medieval intellectual context see NG ( I I B ) . 337 A notarius publicus or communis, employed by local authorities, took care of public documents, such as wills. Cf. N I E R M . (2-9); N G (HC, Di-8). 338 Cf. FORC; OLD 339 Cf. D u C ; B L A I S E , Lex.; S O U T E R and N I E R M . ('syndic', 'proctor').

109

p(a)edagogus, p(a)edagogium, pr(a)eceptor Although the most common terms for teachers or instructors in schools and on universities are -^magister, -^professor, and -^doctor, pedagogus and preceptor also occur in this meaning.340 Thus the term was used, for example, in the context of (monastic) schools for the keeper of discipline and educator of the youngest among the community.341 It was also applied to the personal teachers or tutors of the sons of nobility or royalty.342 Paedagogium, also a classical word, carried in origin the meaning of 'training establishment for slave-boys', or 'school for boys' in general.343 In late-antique texts, the term was also used in the more abstract sense of'the act of teaching'.344 In the later Middle Ages, the term was used more frequently and acquired new meanings. In Latin sources from the Netherlands, for example, the term is used in the meaning of'the office of a teacher or pedagogus'. More generally, it was used for 'school'. Although in general pedagogus and pedagogium were more common in the field of primary education for children (pueri), at the end of the Middle Ages pedagogium was also used alongside, and synonymously with, -^collegium.™ 340 The term is certainly not common in the Middle Ages. In the context of Carolingian education, for example, it is found less frequently than the related terms —>magister, —^doctor, praeceptor and institutor. (P. R I C H E , Le vocabulaire des icoles carolingiennes, CTVJCIMA V (1992), p. 39.) In eleventh- and twelfth-century sources of monastic schools —>magister is the common word, and paedagogus is sometimes used as a distinguished alternative. (J.-Y. T I L L I E T T E , Le vocabulaire des ecoles monastiques, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 70.) The same holds true for the urban schools in the thirteenth and fourteenth century: paedagogus only occurs in the more literary sources. ( C . FROVA, Le scuole municipali all'epoca delle universita, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 180,184-185.) Other terms for 'teachers' mentioned in these articles are institutor (P. R I C H E ) , instructor (C. V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des ecoles urbaines desXII' etXIIF siecles, CWICJMA V (1992), p. 94), grammaticus (cf. —> grammatica in Cat. I V ) and ductorpuerorum ( C . FROVA). 341 NG (1-3). 342 Some examples are listed in NG (1). 343 O L D ; T L L (1). 344 O L D ; T L L ; BLAISE, Diet. 345 D u C ; Lex.Lat.Ned. MediiAevi (za-b: examples from Louvain). See also O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CIVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 21-22: in the course

110

P(A)EDAGOGUS, P(A)EDAGOGIUM, PR(A)ECEPTOR

Pr(a)eceptor is even less common in the context of institutionalised education in the Middle Ages. It occurs in the general sense of instructor or master,346 but is not as common as, for example, —tmagister, -^doctor or —>professor.M1 The medieval use of both terms does not deviate greatly from their use in Antiquity. Already in classical Latin the word paedagogus, which was originally used for the slave who accompanied children to and from school, and generally supervised their behaviour,348 developed the general meaning of 'teacher' or 'master'.349 The term is generally associated with the primary education of young boys, and the twofold meaning of instructor and childminder persisted in the Middle Ages. The prime meaning of the term praeceptor seems to have shifted over the ages from 'one who instructs'350 to 'one who gives orders',351 but although the term is not common in the context of medieval education, both meanings continue to occur throughout the Middle Ages.

of the fourteenth century, as the actual teaching came to take place more and more in the colleges themselves, the terms -^-scola and pedagogium were used for the houses of Arts students. They were taught and/or supervised by a pedagogus. One could perhaps assume that a general aspiration to humility formed the basis for the use of the term in this specific context. It is significant, in this respect, that the term pedagogus often occurs in Franciscan sources as a synonym of -^nnagister. ( M . C . M . P A C H E C O & M . I . M . PACHECO, Le vocabulaire de I'enseignement dans les Sermones d'Antoine de LisbonnelPadoue, CIWCIMA IX (1999), p. 147.) 346 NlERM. 347 The term occurs in Carolingian sources, cf. P. R I C H E , Le vocabulaire des ecoles carolingiennes, CIV1CIMA V (1992), p. 39, and in sources of monastic and urban schools in the eleventh-thirteenth centuries, cf. J.-Y. T I L L I E T T E , Le vocabulaire des ecoles monastiques, CWICIMA V (1992), p. 70; C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des ecoles urbaines des XII' etXIII' siecles, CTVICIMA V (1992), p. 94; and C . FROVA, Le scuole munkipali all'epoca delle universita, CP/ICIMA V (1992), pp. 184-185. The term is more common in texts of a more literary nature.

348OLD;TLL(l2). 349 TLL (I, II). 350 T L L (IA); O L D (a-b). 351

N o t e that its m o r e c o m m o n m e a n i n g is 'one w h o gives orders' or 'one w h o leads'

( O L D (c); T L L (IB); B L A I S E , Diet. (2)); it is used, for example, in the expressions praeceptor palatii for Count Palatine; praeceptor monasterii for the provost or manager of a monastery; praeceptor provinciae for the head of a province (of the Templars, the Knights of Saint John or the Teutonic Knights); cf. N I E R M .

Ill

prior In the medieval university colleges in Paris the prior was responsible for discipline and moral and spiritual guidance in the colleges.352 He was in charge, for example, of the rolls on which the duties of the members of the college were listed; consequently, he was also called lator rotuli (—> rotulus), carrier of the rolls. In this meaning the term is first attested in the statutes of the College de Sorbonne, in 1274. Here, a prior was chosen for a period of one year, and he assisted the -^provisor in his function as head of the college. Note, however, that the roles seem to have been reversed in the context of colleges in southern France. Here, the head of a college was usually called -Erector, but sometimes also prior, and he was assisted by a -^provisor, who took care of administrative and financial matters and stood in for him in case of absence.353 Sometimes, however, the terms prior and -^provisor seem to have been synonymous. In the Cistercian -^studio, of the thirteenth century, for example, the head of the house nominated by the abbot of Clairvaux was not called prior, but -^provisor.354 Further, the term prior occurs in the context of the schools of the Mendicant orders: here the chief person responsible for education at a monastic school was sometimes called magisterprior,355 and expressions such as prior provincialis occur for the heads of the provincial monasteries or (monastic) schools.356

352 For a full treatment o f the term see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 277-279; O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CLVLCLMA V I (1993), p. i3353 M . - H . J U L L I E N DE POMMEROL, Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CLVLCLMAYl (1993), pp. 30-31. 354 C . H . L A W R E N C E , Stephen of Lexington and Cistercian Studies in the Thirteenth Century (i960), pp. 169-170; cf. J . H A M E S S E , La terminologiedominicaine, CLVLCLMAIX (1999), p. 37 and n. 31. 355 J.-Y. T I L L I E T T E , Le vocabulaire des ecoles monastiques, CLVLCLMA V (1992), p. 68; the expression magisterprincipalis was also used. 356 Cf. DuC.

112

PRIOR

In Antiquity, the word was used widely as an adjective in a great variety of meanings, all of which go back to the basic meaning of 'in a more forward position': earlier, elder, first, superior, etc.357 It was only in late Antiquity, however, that it began to be used as a substantive in the meanings of'predecessor' (in an office) or 'superior'.358 In the Middle Ages its use became particularly widespread, and its basic meaning of 'first' or 'superior' is found in all kinds of contexts.359 In the vocabulary of the church prior was mostly used for the head of a monastery or church (abbot or provost), but also for the office of precentor (prior cantoruni), for the head of a school (prior scolarum), or for the elder monks of a monastery.360 From the tenth or eleventh century onwards, prior, which had been a term equivalent to abbas ('abbot'), came to refer to a functionary ranked immediately below the abbot.361 It is this place in the hierarchy which concurs with the rank as found in the sources of, for example, the College de Sorbonne.

357 Cf. TLL; OLD. 358 Cf. B L A I S E , Lex., notablypriores ecclesiae; N I E R M . ( I ) 359 See, for example, N I E R M . ( I , 'predecessor', 7-8, 'the great men of the realm' or 'local nobilities') 360 N I E R M . (2, 4, 5 and 9 respectively)

361 Cf. N I E R M . (2, 'abbot', and 3, 'second monk behind the abbot'). See also O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 279.

113

procurator, consiliarius The function of procurator, which in a broad sense signifies anyone who manages another person's affairs, occurs in different educational institutions of the Middle Ages. First, it occurs in the context of the university,362 its history starting in Paris in the first decennia of the thirteenth century. The term procurator is, in this period, used for officials who represent a certain group of people, for example their -^natio, the Faculty of Arts, or the entire university. In the middle of the thirteenth century, the definition of the term procurator becomes more specific. From then on, the head of the university is called -Erector, and the top officials of the four —tnationes are called procuratores. They were chosen indirectly from the body of teachers of the Faculty of Arts, and — though originally charged mainly with financial matters — developed into real leaders of the -^nationes. They were responsible for the administration and jurisdiction within the -^nationes, for convening and presiding over meetings, representing the —tnationes in the general assemblies of the university, and assisting the —»• rector in his administrative and executive tasks.363 In Oxford, where there were two —tnationes, there were also two procuratores to represent them. Just as in Paris, they were chosen (indirectly) from among the —>magistri regentes of the Faculty of Arts, but in fact represented the entire university.364 In Bologna, only the leader of the —>natio of the Ultramontani was called procurator; the heads of the other —>nationes were called consiliarii.365 Procuratores and consiliarii

362 For a full treatment of the term in this context see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 200-205. 363 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des university (1987), pp. 200-201. 364 Note that in Cambridge the heads of the —>nationes were usually called —>rectores rather than procuratores. Cf. —Erector, O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (19S7), p. 190; J . V E R G E R , La Faculte des arts: le cadre institutionnel (1997), pp. 30-31. 365 These consiliarii gave their name to the so-called consiliariae, the subdivisions of the -±nationes of the Citramontani. Cf., in the article on -^natio, consiliaria. See also O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 58-59.

114

PROCURATOR, CONSILIARJUS

had more or less the same responsibilities, although consiliarii seem to have had fewer administrative and financial tasks, and their function was more one — as the word itself suggests — of an advisory nature. In Toulouse, this function was excercised by a board of consiliarii, consisting of professors, bachelors and ordinary students, which formed a kind of university council.366 In Montpellier, there were originally two procuratores to assist the rector in his administrative tasks, chosen from among the professors. Later, the students appointed their own procurator, and subsequently the system of an advisory board of consiliarii was adopted. Both functions, that of procurator and that of consiliarius, comprised the duties of assisting the rector and of representing a certain group of people. The general difference between the two is that procuratores were administrators, officials with mainly financial responsibilities, whereas consiliarii were chiefly advisors. Secondly, procurator occurs in the context of medieval college life.367 The administration of the college's properties and the management of its finances were usually in the hands of the procurator. Other, related terms for financial managers of colleges were bursarius,™ administrator,369

366 The members of this council were distributed over the various ranks in the university: four of them were professors, two were advanced students (bachelors), and two were ordinary students. The bishop and the chancellor each added their own candidate to this board of eight. It should be noted that the student representatives at the university council were called procuratores by their fellow-students. Cf. O . WEIJERS, Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 202. 367 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 273-276. 368 Note, however, that bursarius generally has the meaning of a student who receives a scholarship. (See -^bursa; O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 265-268.) It is only in England that the term is used for someone who controls the finances of a college. ( O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 273-276.) 369 See M . - H . J U L L I E N D E P O M M E R O L , Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CIVICIMA VI (1993), p. 32. In the sources of southern France, the procurator or administrator is the administrator of the college. The head of a college was called —>prior or —>

PROCURATOR, CONSILIARIUS

115

depositarius, or yconomus.™ In the College of the Sorbonne, a procurator maior took care of financial matters, whereas subprocuratores or procuratores parvi/minores were in charge of personnel, household, etc.371 Neither procurator nor consiliarius changed its basic meaning throughout the ages. In Antiquity, procurator, derived from procuro ('to attend to' or 'to be in charge o f ) , was used for a person given responsibility for a property, a business, etc., and also for a person appointed to perform business in the capacity of another, in other words: a representative or agent.372 Both meanings are preserved in the medieval sense of the word described above: procuratores were representatives of their -^nationes, of their faculty or of their university, and their main responsibilities were in the field of financial or administrative matters. A consiliarius was, both in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, someone who provided counsel. Although specific applications may differ according to context,373 the general sense of the word remains the same and is also preserved in the technical meaning it acquires in the context of the university.

370 Depositarius sndyconomus are both treated in O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites ^987), pp. 273-277. Depositarius is a term which occurs only in the sources of Merton College, Oxford, and which apparently developed from the custos depositi - the keeper of deposited goods in a monastery. ( D u C . has this meaning, but without references.) Yconomus or oeconomus is the Latin form of the Greek word 0i.K0v6p.05, which means 'administrator of goods'. In the Middle Ages it was commonly used in the field of the Church for administrators (of church) or monasterial property. 371 The procurator major assisted the -^provisor, the head of the college. See O. W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CTVICIMA V I (1993), pp. 12-13, 2O> 2 5372 Cf. O L D (1), (2). 373 See, e.g., N I E R M . : 'city-counsellor', or D M L : (2) 'papal, royal, municipal counsellors'; (3) 'counsellor-at-law'.

116

professor Professor is, after -^magister and -^doctor, the third most common term used to refer to a teacher. In the context of the twelfth-century schools, professor is used to refer to teachers in various disciplines (law, dialectic, logic).374 In the early history of the university, it is found most frequently in Italy, where it is used in the same sense (professores of Medicine, Arts, Theology, etc.375). For teachers in the Faculty of Law, -^doctor (iuris, legum) is the most common term, but legum professor also occurs.376 This term is also used as a kind of honorary title, to indicate that someone is learned in the field of law; and does not necessarily imply that the person is actually active as a teacher of law.377 In the second half of the thirteenth century, professor seems to have been introduced in France, and here too it refers to teachers in various disciplines, mostly Theology and Arts. In southern France and Spain, professor seems to be restricted to legal specialists only, but in Paris and England teachers of other disciplines are also referred to as professores. 378

374 The term is treated in O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 152-155. For pre- and non-university attestations of the term see C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des ecoles urbainesdesXII'etXIII'siecles, CTVICIMAV (1992), p. 94; C . FROVA, Lescuolemunkipali all'epoca dell* university, CTVICIMA V (1992), pp. 183-184; A . M A I E R U , Figure di docenti nelle scuole domenicane, CTVICIMA IX (1999), p. 66. Both Vulliez and Frova note that there seems to be no difference in meaning between -^magister, -^doctor and professor in this context. Maieru mentions the set of terms sacrae theologiae professor in the fourteenthcentury Dominican sources. 375 Cf, for example, O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 152: professor medicinae or medicinalis scientiae, professor naturalis et phisicalis scientiae, professor grammaticae. 376 See on this subject R. FEENSTRA, 'Legum doctor', 'legum professor' et 'magister', CTVICIMA I (1988), p. 73:'... les expression contenant le terme professor ne semblent pas avoir ete beaucoup en faveur chez les anciens Bolonais; nous verrons cependant qu'ils ont eu un certain succes ailleurs a partir du X I I P siede.' 377 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 152, 155; R . FEENSTRA, 'Legum doctor', 'legum professor' et 'magister', CIVICIMA I (1988), pp. 75-76. 378 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 153.

PROFESSOR

117

Although in all disciplines save law the term professor has strong connotations of actual teaching activity, the designation professor legum is an exception; graduates of the Faculty of Law who held only one (inaugural) lecture (—tprincipium, in Cat. I l l ) were also referred to as professores legum.379 An important difference between -^nnagister and -^doctor on the one hand, and professor on the other, is that professor is less often used as an academic title.380 Professor is a post-classical term derived from profiteor ('to state openly, declare'). From the outset, it has a twofold meaning. On the one hand it may refer to someone who makes a public statement, for example, someone who puts himself forward as a candidate (for a magistracy),381 professes a faith or takes religious vows,382 or claims to be an expert in some branch of learning;383 on the other hand it is used for someone who teaches.384 Both meanings persist in the Middle Ages, and the use of the term in medieval Latin does not greatly deviate from its use in late Antiquity.

379 Cf. R. FEENSTRA, 'Legum doctor, 'legum professor' et 'magister', CIVICIMA I (1988), pp. 75-76. 380 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 155 and, for a comparison between —>magister, -^doctor and professor, pp. 157-160. 381 Cf. O L D (2) 382

BLAISE,

Lex.

(1-2)

383 O L D (1) 384 O L D (1) (spec, 'teacher of rhetoric'); B L A I S E , Lex. (3).

118

provisor, principalis The head of the French student houses or colleges was generally called a provisor, a term adopted from the vocabulary of the church.385 The term occurs, for example, in the sources of the Cistercian -^studia:386 their directors were usually called provisores. In the sources of the university colleges the term is also common. At the College of the Sorbonne, for example, a provisor was appointed for life, and he was the person in charge of the internal matters of the college and its external representation. In matters of administration and finance he was assisted in his task by —» procurators, and in matters concerning discipline and moral behaviour by the —tprior. The first provisor of the College of the Sorbonne was Robert of Sorbon himself.387 In England, this same function was fulfilled by the so-called principales or, through the term is less common, -+custodes?%% Principalis was already in use for the principals of -^hospitia or aulae in Oxford and Cambridge, and was later adopted by the colleges. In the colleges it was customary to choose a principalis from among the members of the college. Provisor, derived from providere, existed in Antiquity, but was not common.389 It was only in the Middle Ages that it became a widely used term, and adopted all sorts of meanings. It was used in a very literal sense for 'provider' (of bread, for example),390 but also for a manorial agent or ur-

385 See for a full treatment of this term O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 268-272. 386 B L A I S E , Diet.; Lex.Lat.Ned. MediiAevi. Note that the person with the same function in the -^studio, of the Mendicant orders was, at first, usually called -^>prior instead of provisor. (Cf. -^prior.) 387 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CTVJCIMA V I (1993), pp. 12-13

388 Other terms, such as -Erector, were also in use from the fourteenth century. 389 The O L D lists the following meanings: 'one who foresees' or 'one who takes care of something'. 390 NIERM.

(7)

PROVISOR, PRINCIPALS

119

ban administrator.391 In addition the term was used for administrators of hospices or monasteries.392 The use of the term in the meaning of 'chief person responsible for a student house or college' was probably adopted from this latter context, and occurs from the first decade of the thirteenth century.393 As an adjective, principals (meaning 'first' or 'most important') was very common throughout Antiquity and the Middle Ages. The substantive use of principals, however, is rare before the thirteenth century. It occurs in late Antiquity, mainly in the expression principals civitatis (urban administrators);394 Eusebius uses the word for Christ in one of his sermons;395 and Gregory of Tours uses it for an abbess in his Historia Francorum.i96 From the twelfth century onwards, the term is sometimes used for a prince or other high-ranking person, but only from the thirteenth century does the use of the term become more extensive. In the context of the student houses or -^hospitia, the term may have been particularly apt precisely because of its neutrality; it was not as deeply imbedded in the vocabulary of the church as provisor or -^prior, and may therefore have been more suitable for die secular student houses. Its use in this particular context seems to have started in England (its first attestation is found in the sources of Balliol College in 1282), and from there it was adopted into the vocabulary of colleges in France.397

391 Cf. N I E R M . (8); B L A I S E , Diet.

392 Cf. N I E R M . (1, 5), and, for example, Lex.Lat.Ned. Medii Aevi. (2, 3). I n this latter sense, the term is on a par with terms such as -^procurator, or (in certain contexts) —> custos, etc.: terms used for those in charge of die administrative and financial matters of a community. Note, however, that provisor could also be used for the spiritual leader of a monastic community: cf. N I E R M . (2). 393 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universite's (1987), pp. 268, 270. 394 O L D (2b) 395 Serm. 4, 6; cf. T L L . 396 9, 39; M G H Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum I ; cf. B L A I S E , Diet; N I E R M . 397 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 270, 272.

120

questionista, sophista Questionista and sophista are two terms used at the Faculty of Arts in Oxford, to define students at a certain stage of their studies, or performing a certain role.398 Both terms are derived from the technical vocabulary of teaching, the terms —>quaestio and -^sophisma respectively, which are treated in separate articles in Category I I I . It is important to note that both terms are tied to the practice of the disputation {-^disputatio, Cat. I l l ) , for that is die framework in which the specific meaning of the socalled questionistae and sophistae must be placed. Sophista or sophista generalis was, technically speaking, an arts student who, having receptively followed courses and disputations for two years, was now to acquire his own skills in the art of disputing on formal logic by beginning to take an active part in disputations. The area of logic in question was called de sophismatibus (cf. -^sophisma in Cat. I I I ) . More in general, students studying for a lower degree were often known as sophistae, and those who had performed a specific number of exercises (in disputation) were called sophistae generales.399 Although the meaning of questionista is not quite agreed upon, it seems to have a very similar meaning. It is used for an (advanced) student who takes an active part in the disputations, and who has to perform the role of 'answering on the question', respondere de questioned00 In Oxford the bachelor who answered questions during the ceremony of admission (cf. -^incipere in Cat. I l l ) was called questionista, and here, it seems, sophista and questionista are qualifications that imply consecutive stages in a student's career.401 398 For a full treatment of the terms see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 180-182. Note that she also found one attestation of the term in the charters of the University of Paris, p. 180, n. 88. 399 O n sophista see also J . M . F L E T C H E R , The Faculty of Arts (1984), pp. 379-380. O n the expression sophista in parviso, see ibid.; J.A. W E I S H E I P L , Curriculum of the Faculty of Arts at Oxford (1964), p. 154; A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), pp. 137-141.

4OoOn respondere de questione and respondere de sophismatibus see O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatio' dans les Facultes des arts (2002), pp. 79-80. 401 J . M . F L E T C H E R , The Faculty of Arts (1984), pp. 380-381; A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), p. 138.

QUESTIONISTA, SOPHISTA

121

In Antiquity, a sophistes (from the Greek oocpioxfiq or (less common) sophista was a teacher of rhetoric and philosophy; a teacher of public speaking.402 In the Latin world, the term sometimes had a negative connotation: a 'teacher of falsities'.403 It also remained in use, however, in positive meanings, such as 'philosopher', 'wise man' or 'rhetor'.404 In the Middle Ages this double use of the term continued.405 Negatively it was defined by, for example, Dominic Gundisalvi as sapiens deceptor ('learned fraud'), but it was also used in a general sense of'wise' or 'erudite' man, and in a specific sense of'specialist in rhetoric or philosophy'. The use of die term in the specific context of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Oxford goes back to anotlier term: —tsophisma (Cat. I I I ) . The student who had gathered enough experience in the art of disputing on —>sophismata was consequendy called a sophista. Questionista is a thirteenth-century neologism. It does not exist in classical or late-classical Latin, but just as sophista was derived from —> sophisma (Cat. I l l ) , questionista was forged from -^quaestio (Cat. Ill) in its technical meaning associated with the practice of disputation. It signified the student performing the role of 'respondent' in the practice of the disputation. Its use is attested from die mid-thirteenth century onwards.406

402 Cf.

F O R C ; OLD.

403 Cf. BLAISE, Diet. (i). 404 Cf. BLAISE, Diet. (2-3). 405 Cf. D u C ; O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie cUs universites (1987), pp. 181-182. 4O6O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 181.

122

rector From the Middle Ages to our own day the term rector has signified the head of the university. The history of the term, however, is more complex than it seems, and its meaning differs per university and period of time. In the broader context of medieval education, the term rector, derived from -^regere (Cat. I l l , 'to reign, lead', but also in a specific educational sense 'to teach'), has the general meaning of'head'. As such it is used, for example, in the fixed expression rector hospitiorum, 'head of a house in which students are lodged'.407 Rector is also one of the terms used to refer to the man in charge of the colleges in which students lived, and who was responsible for almost every aspect of daily life there: lodging, food, drink, medical care, discipline, surveillance, etc.408 The expression rector scolarum also occurs in the context of medieval schools, and signifies not (as one might expect) 'head of school', but rather 'a master who actually teaches', a -^professor regens.409

The use of the term rector in a university context started, as is the case with so many other university terms, in Bologna.410 At the end of the twelfth century, the two groups of students (the Ultramontani and the Citramontani)4" were headed by their chosen representatives, fellow

407 C £ O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 191 n. 39. 408 Other terms for 'head of college' are: gubernator (cf. M . - H . J U L L I E N D E P O M M E R O L , Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CIVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 30-31); —tmagister (cf. P. D E N I . E Y , The Vocabulary of Italian Colleges to 1500, CIVICIMA V I (1993), pp. 76-77); —>custos or warden in England (cf. J . M . F L E T C H E R , Ihe Vocabulary of Administration and Teaching at Merton College, Oxford, CIVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 4647 and J . V E R G E R , Conclusion, CIVICIMA V I (1993), p. 178); andpraesidens in Louvain ( J . V E R G E R , Conclusion, CIVICIMA V I (1993), p. 178). At the head of the Jesuit colleges there were also rectores, but these were in charge of the purity of doctrine and orthodoxy within the colleges rather than the material aspects of daily life. (Cf. L . G I A R D , La constitution du systbne educatifjesuite, CIVICIMA VI (1993), p. 147.) 409 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 191 n. 36, and C . V U I X I E Z , Le vocabulaire des ecoles urbaines desXII' et XIII' siecles, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 101. 410 For a full treatment of the term see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 187-194. 411 Cf. -+natio

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students called rectores. They looked after the interests of the foreign students, which often clashed with those of the city of Bologna.412 Although the professors repeatedly expressed their dissatisfaction with the studentcentred character of the system, they accepted the status quo, and around the middle of the thirteenth century the rector ultramontanorum and the rector citramontanorum were officially recognised in the statutes of the city. These rectores had a wide range of responsibilities, including jurisdiction over the members of the university. They had no authority, however, over the contents of curriculum and examinations; these were the responsibility of the professors only. The election of rectores was an elaborate process, which was laid down in detail in the statutes of the university. The rectores were assisted by a council of consiliarii.4n In Paris, where the professors rather than the students formed the core of the University, the rector was not a student, but a proper master. The students and the professors of the Faculty of Arts were organised into four —>nationes. At first, the representatives of these corporate organisations were each called either -^procurator or rector. In the course of the thirteenth century, when the need grew for one central representative for the entire Faculty of Arts, he was called rector, and the heads of the —> nationes were called -^procuratores. Thus, the rector was in fact the head of the four -^nationes, that is, of all students and masters of the Faculty of Arts. Gradually, however, the rector seems to have developed into a representative for the entire university, including the higher faculties of Medicine, Law and Theology. As such, his office became one of great power; his responsibilities included the financial management of the university and jurisdiction over its members. He was in office for only a few months, and was accountable for his actions to the general assembly of the university.414

412 W h e n the city tried to abolish the system of elected rectores in 1224, the two parties had such a heated conflict that papal intervention was needed to settle the crisis. See for further references O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 187. 413 Cf. -^procurator. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 187-188. 414 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 188-189.

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In the chief other universities, the term rector was used in more or less the same sense: representative and main administrator of the university.415 Only in England was the situation different: here it was not a secular administrator who was in charge, but a chancellor (cf. -^cancellarius): a representative of the Church, appointed by the bishop. The term rector was used for the head of a -^matio, alongside and synonymously with -^procurator (just as was originally the case in Paris). Later, the term —> procurator became usual in Oxford, while in Cambridge rector was commonly used. Thus in Cambridge there were two rectores (for the two —> nationes), who were appointed by the chancellor and the professors. They were representatives for the entire University (not only the Faculty of Arts or the —>nationes), but were never as important or as powerful as the rectores of Paris or Bologna.416 In the thirteenth and fourteenth century, derivatives such as rectoria, rectomtus ('rectorate' or 'rectorship'), and the adjective rectorius ('belonging to the rector') were forged.417 In classical Latin, rector was used for all kinds of leaders, from a helmsman of a ship to someone who rides or drives an animal.418 In the Christian Latin of late Antiquity, rector mundi is used for God: 'He who leads the world'.419 In die early Middle Ages, Charlemagne, the Carolingian David, was referred to as rector- 'the leader of the empire'.420 Rector was also used for all kinds of leaders in the administrative sphere, and this context is the one in which it is found most often in medieval

415 But there were also many differences. In Salamanca, for example, there were several rectores until the offices of rector and -^procurator were distinguished from each other (just as we have seen in Paris). In Toulouse and Montpellier, the rectores seem to have been much less powerful than in Bologna or Paris. In Padua, there were originally two rectors (of the Ultramontani and of the Citramontani), but these two rectorates were often held by one person. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 189. 416 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 190. 417 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 191, n. 40. 418 419

Cf. F O R C ; O L D Cf. B L A I S E , Lex.

(1),

(2).

420 Cf. M . C R I S T I A N I , Le vocabulaire de I'enseignement dans la correspondance d'Alcuin, CIVIC/MA V (1992), p. 24.

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125

Latin. A rector provinciae, for example, is a duke; the rector palatii is the major-domo, or some other leading court official; the rectores ecclesiarum are those in charge of churches (bishops, abbots); managers of hospices, governors of cities, magistrates: all these are called rectores.421 In the context of corporate associations such as guilds one finds the meaning of rector which comes closest to the one found in the university context. Here rector is used for the person at the top of the hierarchy, who held the power over the entire corporate organisation. The specific technical sense of 'head of a university' or 'head of a -^-natid (both corporate organisations) seems to have developed from the use of the term in this corporate sphere.422 Rector was, however, also used, in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, in the sense of preceptor or tutor. An example of the term used in this sense is the rector scolarum, the teacher or -^professor regens at a medieval school.

421 Cf. NlERM. (1), (2- 3 ), (5-7), (12), (13), (14). 422 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 193-194.

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rotulus, rotula The medieval meaning of the term rotulus is 'roll' or 'scroll'. Consequently, it comes to refer to any kind of text which is kept in the form of a scroll, such as letters, commemorative lists, charters and documents. It occurs very often, unsurprisingly, in an administrative context, and is used for all kinds of texts and documents written on single leaves and kept in archives as scrolls.423 In the narrower context of the universities, rotulus (or rotula) took on several specific, technical meanings.424 In English sources the term is used as a synonym of —*matricula, register, in this case of students taking a particular course. In fourteenth-century Italy rotuli is used for lists of masters and of courses. A set term which acquires a specific technical meaning is rotuli nominandorum: these are lists of names of students (from universities or other institutions) recommended for papal benifices, which were sent regularly (most often annually) to the court of Rome. Rotulus is also used in another fixed expression: from the thirteenth century the office of lator rotuli is installed at the College of the Sorbonne. This office was always held by the -^prior of the college, one of whose many responsibilities was to keep lists of the general and financial obligations of each member.425

423 O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Le vocabuUire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CLVICLMA IV (1991), esp. p. 131. Guyotjeannin has a list of derivatives: irrotulare, irrotulamentum, contrarotulatio, contrarotulator, contrarotulatum. 424 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 112-118. In her treatment of the term in a university context, she includes a census of the first attestations in the printed sources, pp. 114-115. 425 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 115; O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du college de Sorbonne, CWICIMA VI (1993), esp. pp. 13, 20-21. These lists were read out loud by the procuratores minores. At the College of the Sorbonne, rotulus is also used for lists of the titles of the -^quaestiones (Cat. I l l ) that will be disputed during a given academic year.

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127

In classical and late-classical Latin the term exists as a diminutive of rota, 'wheel'.426 In medieval Latin, rotulus becomes the most current form427 and has the meaning of'a (parchment) scroll upon which a text is written', or, by extension, 'a text written on a scroll'.428 The contents of a scroll can, of course, vary widely, from letters to lists of the dead, from registers of beneficiaries to documents bearing on legal proceedings. Often, however, these scrolls contained lists or registers, and the specific use of the term in a university context, as found in the set expressions rotuli nominandorum and lator rotuli, is completely in accordance with this meaning.

426 Cf. F O R C ; BLAISE, Lex.

427 Other forms are rotella, rollus, rolla ( O . W E I T E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 117). F. D O L B E A U , Noms des livres, CFVICTMA I I (1989), esp. pp. 82-83, notes that rotulus becomes the usual term for scroll instead of the classical word -^volumen (Cat. I I ) . In the Carolingian period the shifting of the terms is commented upon by Gottschalk of Orbais, who says that just as —>volumen is derived from volvere, die more modern term rotulus is derived from roto (ppusc. gmmrn. I, 59). The precise origin of the shift from one term to the orlier is, however — according to Dolbeau — unknown to us. 428 Cf. NIERM.

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sc(h)ola In the world of medieval education, the word sc(h)ola is the most common term referring to the room or building in which teaching actually took place. At the same time - as in the modern use of the word 'school' — no clear terminological distinction was made between the physical schoolbuilding or classroom and the activity that took place in it. The whole of the 'school': the building, master(s), students and teaching, can thus be indicated by the word scola.429 There are many set expressions for different types of schools. For example, schools attached to monasteries were called scolae monasticae or claustrales,430 those attached to (cathedral) chapters scolae canonicae. Charlemagne proclaimed that scolae publicae were to be set up throughout the Carolingian empire.431 The expression scolae lectorum was used for schools, often attached to a cathedral, where one could learn to read and write and studied the Bible. The term scolae scribendi was sometimes used for workshops of copyists, were a master taught the art of fine writing.432 In the thirteenth century, by which time the number of educational institutions had grown considerably and a very diverse range of schools had developed, the term scola, without further specification, was generally used for the lowest form of education: the village schools in which one could learn how to read and write.

429 See also O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 7,43-44,139, 296-298. O . Weijers does not treat the term separately, but she does treat the opposition of scola versus -^studium. 430 These were especially meant for oblates. Cf. M . B . D E J O N G , In Samuel's Image (1996), esp. pp. 228-245. 431 Cf. P. R I C H E , Ecoles et enseignement dans le Haut Moyen Age (repr. 1989), pp. 76-79; M . M . H I L D E B R A N D T , The External School in Carolingian Society (1992). 432 See, for example, F.P.W. S O E T E R M E E R , La terminologie de la librairie a Bologne, CIVICIMA I (1988), p. 94. These workshops were usually called —*stationes> but the expression scola scribendi is also used. Another set expression with the term scola is scolas regere or exercere, which signified 'to run a school', and which was also used for the term -^studium (studia regere). From the use of the word -^regere (Cat. I l l ) in this expression the absolute use of —>regere in the sense of'to teach' developed around 1215-1220. Cf. O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 44, 296-298.

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129

When scola was used for the physical room or building in which the master taught his students,433 scolae was sometimes used for a complex of several schools, or for an institution of (higher) education that included several schools. When scola and —>studium were used in contrast, however, the use of scola was restricted to the building, and -^studium was used for the organised teaching establishment as a whole. The university, for example, consisted of several scolae, but the university itself was referred to as -^studium or ->universitas, not scola(e).434 The term also occurs in the context of the university colleges, which in the course of the fourteenth century came more and more to function as full educational institutions.435 In the fifteenth-century sources of the College de Sorbonne, for example, expressions such as magne scole, parve scole and nove scole are used. In these schools members of the college {—tsocii) were taught, but also external students, who were called —> 436 scola: res.

In Antiquity, the word scola (from the Greek o%oX.f|, 'leisure')4 in many meanings. First, the word was used in the sense of 'a place or establishment' in which leisure activities took place.438 Thus the word was

433 See for examples of the use of the term in this sense in the context of the University of Prague, F. S M A I I E L , Scholae, Collegia et Bursae Universitatis Pmgensis, CIVICIMA V I (1993), pp. 125-126. 434 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 7, 43; cf. —tstudium. 435 The teaching of the courses of especially the Faculties of Arts and Theology were increasingly the preserve of the colleges, and they were often even taught within the walls of the colleges. The terms scola andpdeddgogium (cf. —>p(a)edagogus), which appear more frequently in the sources of the colleges from the fourteenth century onwards, bear witness to this change of location. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CTVJCIMA V I , pp. 21-22; S. L U S I G N A N , L'enseignement des arts dans les collegesparisiens au MoyenAge (1997), pp. 43-54. 436 Ibid. 437 Xxo^f| means 'leisure, free time', but also 'the way in which leisure is employed,' esp. 'learned disputation'. From there the meanings of'a group of people who are taught die art of disputing' and 'school' (that is, the place in which die teaching takes place) developed. (Cf. LSJ) 438 See also the usage of the word in late-antique Christian and medieval texrs for the communal dormitories in monasteries; FORC. (IV); N I E R M . (IT); BLAISE, Lex. (3).

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SC(H)OLA

used for open areas with benches for the public, where ritual, ceremonial or recreational meetings happened.439 The most common usage of the term, however, was for a place or establishment in which a teacher expounded his views, a school,440 and, metonymically, for the subjects taught in the school or the group of students taught by the teacher.441 In the Middle Ages, the word was basically used in two senses: a place or establishment where people met for scholarly, ceremonial or recreational purposes —from this usage stems the meaning of 'school' as an educational entity —, and a group of people engaging in the same activity. Thus the royal or imperial guard was called the schola palatina, a choir a schola cantorum;^2 the entourage of a bishop or of the pope was called schola, and so was a craft guild, a group of soldiers, or a company of poor people connected with a certain church, etc.443

439 F O R C . (4-5); O L D (4a-c); e.g. scholae bestiarum were amphitheatres where shows with wild animals were staged. 440 F O R C .

(1);

OLD

(2).

441 F O R C . (2); O L D (la-b). Also: the group of followers of the particular teacher or system of teaching. F O R C . (3); O L D (3).

442 In this particular expression, however, the two aspects of the word, 'school' and 'group' may both be present, for children were taught chant in scholae cantorum. 443

Cf.

NIERM.

and B L A I S E ,

Lex.

131

sc(h)olaris In the Middle Ages, several terms for students or pupils were in use, each with its own set of connotations or specific meanings. The four main terms that occur in the sources of schools and universities are scolaris, -^discipulus, -^studens and —>socius.'m Scolaris (or scholaris) is both the most common and the most ambiguous of the four. It is used in two general senses: 'a student or pupil' and 'one who belongs to the school community', a 'scholar', so to speak.445 Both meanings are widely used. The term is used both as an adjective, in expressions such as disciplina scolaris, magister scolaris, clericus scolaris, etc., and as a substantive, for example in magister scolarium or pauperes scolares.44(>

The ambiguity of the term is caused mainly by its second meaning, 'someone associated with a school', for in this sense the term can refer either to a master or a student.447 To complicate matters further: masters

444 For a full treatment see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 168-172. 445 Cf. N I E R M . (3-4); B L A I S E , Lex. (1-2).

446 The latter expression, pauperes scolares or scolares pauperes, had, in several contexts, a specific meaning. In the context of the cathedral schools and external schools of monasteries, for example, it was used for the group of pupils who received a free education. (Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 171.) The use of the expression in this sense was also adopted into the vocabulary of the university, or, more specifically, of college life, where pauperes scolares or studentespauperes (or, also, just pauperi) received scholarships to pursue their studies. In the sources of Merton College at the close of the Middle Ages, the fellows of the college (socii) sometimes invited students (pauperes scolares) to study with them, perhaps they even tutored them. These students remained, however, unofficial residents of the college. (Cf. J . M . F L E T C H E R , The Vocabulary of Administration and Teaching at Merton College, Oxford, CIVICIMAYl (1993), pp. 48-49.) 447 Note that the word -^sc(h)ola is equally ambiguous: it can refer to a school, but also to a different kind of group of people or associated place. Thus, the term scolares is used in Carolingian sources to refer to the guard of the Carolingian court (the scolares of the so-called scola palatina, the group of armed men at the royal palace), or to the group of young men who were part of the entourage around the Carolingian prince. Even in Carolingian sources, however, scolaris or also scolarius was the most common term used to refer to students or pupils. (Cf. P. R I C H E , Le vocabulaire des ecoles carolingiennes, CTVJCIMA V (1992), pp. 33, 39.) Or, in yet another context, scolares may refer to copyists, who were part of the so-called scola scribendi, as in the sources of the book trade in medieval Bologna. (Cf. F.RW. S O E T E R M E E R , La terminologie de la librairie a Bologne, C / W C / A M I (1988), p. 94.)

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SC(H)OLARIS

of Arts were often students at the higher Faculties of Theology, Law, or Medicine. The ambiguity is lifted, of course, when -^magistri and scolares are mentioned in the same sentence or passage to indicate the two categories: masters and students. Furthermore, the use of the term seems most ambiguous in the sources of the University of Paris, whereas in Bologna, for example, scolaris generally refers to students only.448 A further connotation which may be observed in certain contexts is that of 'undergraduate' — a student who had not yet obtained a bachelor's degree. Thus the terms scolares and -^clerici were used in the fifteenthcentury sources of the College de Sorbonne for students who had not yet obtained a degree.449 In sources of the Faculties of Law of the Iberian Peninsula, it is applied to a category of scholars below that of the b calarii.450 In Antiquity and late Antiquity, the word sc(h)olaris existed only as an adjective, and was rarely used.451 It was only in the Middle Ages that the word flourished and developed the meanings described above.

448 Other contexts in which the term occurs for students are treated in several articles from the C7V7CZM4-series. For example, on the urban schools of the twelfth and thirteenth century, see C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des ecoles urbaines des XII' et XIII' siecles, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 94-101: scolaris is the most common term for student, used alongside less common words such as -^discipulus, auditor, puer and -^socius. See also C . FROVA, Le scuole municipdli all'epocd delle universitit, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 185: she lists scolaris as the more modern word for student, which gradually replaced the old word -^discipulus. See also J . V E R G E R , , 'Nova et 'vetera' dans le vocabulaire des premiers siatuts et privileges, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 196, who views the pairs -^magistri et scolares and (doctores, professores) regentes (cf. —>regere Cat. I l l ) et -^studentes as 'old' and 'new' (that is, pre-university and university) vocabulary. A n d see, finally, M . - H . J U L L I E N D E P O M M E R O L , Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CIVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 33-34, who lists the words scolares, —>studentes and collegiati (see also -^socius) for students at the colleges of southern France. 449 See on this O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CIVICIMA V I (1993), pp. 12-15. 450 See A . G A R C I A Y G A R C I A , La terminologia en las Facultades Juridicas Ibericas, CIVICIMA I (1988), p. 69. 451 Cf. F O R C ; O L D : 'used in school'. Note, however, that the medieval meaning of scolaris is very similar to the meaning of the classical word —tscholastkus: 'one who is associated with a school of rhetoric (as student or teacher)'; 'one who studies, a scholar' (cf. O L D , under scholasticus). See also B L A I S E , Diet., who mentions one example for the Christian authors of late Antiquity of a substantively used scolaris in die meaning of 'singer' (i.e., of Gregorian chant).

133

sc(h)olasticus, (magister sc(h)olarum) The adjective scolasticus {scholasticus), 'pertaining to a school', was used throughout the Middle Ages as a substantive to refer to someone who belonged to the world of letters: a 'schoolman', a teacher or a student, but also a scholar in the sense of a learned or cultivated man.452 In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the term began to be used for a specific function in the world of education: masters at the head of monastic or cathedral schools were called scolastici or magistri scolarum.453 Their function was twofold: on the one hand they taught their students, assisted by teaching staff, on the other hand they were the administrators of their schools. In the course of the twelfth century, however, die numbers of students and teaching staff at cathedral schools grew considerably, which led to a situation in which the function of the scolasticus or magister scolarum became more and more administrative in nature. This meant that the functions of scolasticus and —^cancellarius became very similar, and the two offices were sometimes united in one person. In general the following trend can be recognised over the course of the thirteenth century. In the university cities, the -^cancellarius, that is, the secretary of the cathedral chapters, gradually replaced the scolasticus. The tasks of the -^cancellarii were manifold, and they were very powerful: the right of granting the —>licentia docendi, which had been one of the responsibilities of the scolastici, now rested exclusively with the -^cancellarii, and they acted as judges in spiritual or scholarly matters. In episcopal cities without universities, on the other hand, the scolasticus (or magister scolarum) remained the head of a cathedral school.

452 See also O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 46, 139, 194-195, 199. 453 Other terms for headmasters or school principals are, for example, caput scole, capiscol, archiscola, (magister) -^sc(h)olaris, etc. See also the article under —Hnagister. Note that originally the head of a cathedral school was the bishop himself. Soon, however, it became usual practice to appoint a scolasticus or magister scolarum for this task.

134

SC(H)OLASTICUS, (MAGISTER SC(H)OLARUM)

There are, of course, exceptions to this generalisation. In Salamanca, for example, where the University fell under the authority of the cathedral, the jurisdiction was in the hands of the scolasticus or magister scolarum, and not of the -^cancellarius. In Orleans, the official called scolasticus actually had a function comparable to that of the -Erector at the English universities. Throughout Antiquity and the Middle Ages, the word scolasticus (or, in classical spelling, scholasticus, derived from the Greek facultas can also be used in the sense of'corporate body of teachers', and is thus, in some contexts, interchangeable with universitas. 509 See O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 15-16, 21-23 a n d 25, where the two terms are compared. See also J M I E T H K E , Universitas undStudium (1999).

148

UNIVERSITAS

persons'.510 It was first used in the context of education at the end of the twelfth century in Bologna511 for the -^nationes, associations of students from the same region, and at the beginning of the thirteenth century it was used for the association of masters at the university of Paris.512 Of the cluster of terms used for corporate associations, such as conventus, —> collegium, communio, consortium, societas, universitas was the only one to be used in an absolute way for the institution.513 Its popularity grew very rapidly from the thirteenth century onwards, perhaps because of its generality on the one hand and its legal specificity on the other. The term is never found for educational institutions other than the university.514

510 As a corporate entity, the university was entitled to determine its statutes, to appoint personnel (librarians, scribes or copyists, beadles, messengers, etc.), it had certain p r i v i leges a n d was protected by the authorities. 511 T h e r e are several theories about the earliest phases of the universitas of B o l o g n a . T h e U n i v e r s i t y of B o l o g n a was a university governed by associations of students (the so-called —>nationes), w h o were responsible for the a p p o i n t m e n t of professors. In its earliest stages, the universitas was either formed w h e n the -^nationes j o i n e d forces, or w h e n the societates out of w h i c h the -^nationes later developed d i d so. E i t h e r way, at the beginning of the thirteenth century, B o l o g n a h a d t w o universities, b o t h of L a w : o n e for the Citramontani (the students from the Italian peninsula), a n d die other for die Ultramontani (those f r o m the other side o f the A l p s ) . C f . O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 17-18. 512 In Paris, the universitas was not f o r m e d by the association of students (as in B o l o g n a ) , but by the association of masters, w h o took it u p o n themselves to protect their o w n rights a n d those of the students. It should be noted, however, that the t w o types of universities ( B o l o g n a a n d Paris) were not as far apart as it m a y seem. In Paris, it was m a i n l y the masters of A r t s w h o formed a corporate body, a n d they were often students at the higher faculties ( o f Theology, L a w o r M e d i c i n e ) . I n die early days o f the universities the average age of the members of the universitates of B o l o g n a a n d Paris was roughly the same. C f . O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 16-17. 513 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 26. See also J . V E R G E R , 'Nova et 'veterd dans le vocabulaire des premiers statuts et privileges, CWICIMA V (1992), p. 201. 514 This is established, inter alia, in several articles of the CIVICIMA-scvies, in which the terminology of sources from non-university schools is scrutinized: C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des ecoles urbaines des XII' et XIII' siecles, CIVICIMAV (1992), p. 96; G . B A R O N E , Les convents des Mendiants, des colleges de'guise's?, CIVICIMA V I (1993), p. 156; J . V E R G E R , Conclusion, CIVICIMAWl (1993), p. 176.

UNIVERSITAS

149

Universitas, derived from universus, had several meanings in Antiquity.515 It is not common in classical Latin, nor in the Christian Latin of late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages; it only became popular with its application to die medieval universities in the thirteenth century. Its medieval meaning of'corporate body', however, already existed in Antiquity, when it was used to refer to, e.g., the court or state as a corporate body - always accentuating the entirety of the group as opposed to the individual.516 In Christian Latin the term was used to refer to, for example, the whole of Christendom, or the universality of the Church.517 In the middle of the thirteenth century the legal aspect of the term was elaborated by the famous canonists Innocent IV and Cardinal Hostiensis: universitates were to have common interests and goals, and had to be recognized by the authorities. Universitas could be applied to corporate religious associations, associations on the basis of a common place (city or village), or associations within certain professional sectors, such as the associations of masters or students.518 The absolute use of universitas in the sense of 'university' began, as noted, in the course of the thirteenth century. By the fifteenth century, universitas had lost its connotation of 'corporate body' and was simply used for the whole institution: its body of teachers and students, but also the education provided by the teachers and the buildings where the teaching took place.

515 T h e O L D has, for example, 'the sum of things', 'the universe', but also 'a collective unit of property' or 'community'. 516 Cf. F O R C . (esp. 5); O L D (2). 517 Cf. BLAISE (I); NIERM. (I).

518 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universith (1987), p. 24.

Category II

The Vocabulary of the Book and Book Production archivum, c(h)artarium, chartularium armarium, armarius atramentum, encaustum, tincta bibliotheca, bibliothecarius calamus, penna, plumbum c(h)arta, instrumentum, munimentum chirographum codex exemplar, exemplum, exemplator graphium, stilus inventarium, registrum, repertorium, catalogus liber, libellus librarius, librarium, libraria papyrus, pergamenum, membrana pecia (petia), peciarius quaternio, quaternus radere, eradere, rescribere sc(h)eda, sc(h)edula, protocollum scriba, scriptor, notarius, clericus scribere, transcribere scriptorium stationarius, statio tabula cerata taxatio, taxator volumen, tomus

153

archivum, c(h)artarium, chartularium Medieval archives were commonly called archiva, chartaria or chartularia.1 The term archivum refers to the chest or case in which the documents were kept (cf. —*arc(h)a in Cat. I ) , 2 whereas chartarium and chartularium refer to the documents or —>chartae themselves. An archive was often part of the library or treasury, and terms for these concepts, such as -^armarium or thesaurus, can also be used with the meaning of'archive'. On the other hand, chartularium also carried other meanings related to -^charta, such as 'register', 'cartulary' or 'collection of formulae for the writing of charters'.3 The names for the function of archivist reflect the ambivalence of the concept archive. Often the word custos is used to refer to the function: custos thesauri (chartarum), custos litterarum or the Latinised Greek alternative chartophylax.A The latter two expressions, however, also occur in the meaning of 'librarian' (cf. -^librarius). The alternative terms archiclavus or archiclaverius reveal that the keeper of the archive was often the keeper of the key to the place where the documents (and sometimes also the books) were kept. Other medieval Latin terms for archivists are archiverius and chartarius (or, alternatively, chartularius).5 Note, however, that chartarius (or chartularius) was also used in its original meaning, that

1 On this, see O. GUYOTJEANNIN, Le vocabulaire de U diplomatique en latin medieval, CP/ICIMA11 (1989), pp. 130-134; A. VERNET, DU 'chanophylax'au 'Librarian, CIVICIMA II (1989), pp. 157,161. 2 The use of archivum in the sense of'place in which the documents were kept' led, in some contexts, to a different meaning of archivum: Flodoard of Reims (ca. 893-966), for example, uses it for 'sacristy' (cf. NIERM. (2)). 3

Cf. N I E R M . (2-3); M W (2); D M L (d).

4 The Greek loan word chartophylacium for 'archive' occurs in the sixth century, and then again in the fifteenth, under the influence of humanism. Cf. NIERM. 5 Cf. O. GUYOTJEANNIN, Le vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CLVICIMA I I (1989), p. 132 n. 52. A. VERNET, DU 'chartophylax au 'Librarian, CIVLCLMA II (1989), pp. 157,161. For the function of archivist-librarian he also notes the terms chartinacius and archiscrinius.

154

ARCHrvuM, C(H)ARTARIUM, C H A R T U L A R I U M

is, maker of, or dealer in, leaves {-^cbartae), that is, papyrus in Antiquity and papyrus, paper, and above all parchment in the Middle Ages.6 Archium or archivum, derived from arc(h)a, chest, already existed in Antiquity, in the meaning of 'repository of public records'.7 In the Middle Ages its meaning broadened to 'a repository of valuable writings and objects', and the term was sometimes also used for a library, treasury, sacristy or reliquary.8 The main meaning, however, remained the same: the place (chest, room, etc.) where records were kept. Chartarium, derived from -^charta or carta (sheet), is a late-antique word which had the same basic meaning: 'repository of records or charters'.9 In the Middle Ages, especially in the thirteenth century, it developed other meanings related to —tcharta, such as 'register', 'cartulary' or 'formulary'.10 The adjective chartularius, derived from chartula (litt. 'small sheet', 'piece of papyrus, parchment or paper') had a wider spectrum of meanings: used as a masculine noun it could refer to an archivist, notary or scribe, but also to a dealer in, or maker of, parchment; as a neuter noun it could refer to an archive or cartulary, but also to a formulary of charters, or to goods transferred to a new owner by means of a charter.11

6 Cf. O L D chartarius ('maker of or dealer in papyrus'), and MW chartarius (2), chartularius (IA2) ('maker of or dealer in parchment'). A chartularius is, furthermore, also used for someone who makes chartulae or charters, i.e. a scribe or notary. Cf. N I E R M . ; DML. Finally, it can also refer to a former slave, set free by means of a chartula, or to a leaseholder (the lease contract being the chartula). Cf. M¥ (IB 1-2).

7 Cf. TLL; OLD. 8 Cf. MW.

9 Cf. TLL; BLAISE, Diet. 10 Cf. MW;DML. 11

Cf. NIERM.; MW; DML.

155

armariUUl, armanus The original meaning of armarium is 'cupboard', a place for keeping arms, clothes, or other objects of value.12 Already in classical Latin it acquired in addition the specific meaning of 'a cupboard holding books', and in the Middle Ages this sense was prevalent.13 The term armarium was, moreover, used more widely to refer to all kinds of depositories for books. In some contexts it has the meaning of'chest or cupboard holding books', in others that of 'lectern',14 or 'niche (where books are kept)', or even 'room', that is, 'library' in the concrete sense of the word.15 In the Middle Ages the word was also often used for the collection of books it-

12 Cf. J.-F. G E N E S T , Le mobilkr des bibliotheques, CIWCIMA I I (1989), pp. 141-149, in which earlier literature on the subject is reviewed. See also W . W A T T E N B A C H , Das Schrifiwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 6T7-619. 13 The word occurs in several forms: in addition to the most common form armarium one finds armaria, armarius, and also almarium. Cf. W . WATTF.NBACH, Das Schrifiwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 617-618. The word also remained in use for cupboards or chests in which other objects were kept. In some sources, for example, armarium commune ('general chest') is used in opposition to armarium ecclesie ('church-chest'), and the objects kept in these chests may be books (general books versus liturgical books), but also other objects (general valuable things versus liturgical objects: garments, reliquaries, etc.) (cf. MW ( I C ) ; the modern German word 'Almerei' for sacristy attests to this specific usage). Cf. J . - F . G E N E S T , Le mobilier des bibliotheques, CLVLCIMA I I (1989), p. 144. The word can also be used for 'archives' or 'depository of charters'. Cf. O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Le vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CIVICLMA II (1989), p. 133; MW (IB2). 14 Note, however, that in some contexts 'lectern' and 'armarium' are used in opposition to each other. In some libraries, for example, the lecterns held the books attached to chains (—>libri catenati), whereas the cases or shelves housed the unchained books. On this and on the vocabulary of the lectern {ambo, analogium, discus, pluteus, pulpitum, repositorium, bancus, scamnum, stallum, sedile) see J.-F. G E N E S T , Le mobilier des bibliotheques, CIVICIMA II (1989), pp. 146-147,149-154. 15 Such as, for example, in the famous proverb: 'claustrum sine armario quasi castrum sine armentario', 'a monastery without a library (or: bookcase) is like a military camp without an arsenal'. (First attested in a letter dated ca. 1170 from Canon Gottfried of Sainte-Barbe-en-Auge.) Cf. 'WATTENBACH, Das Schrifiwesen im Mittelalter (1896), p. 430.

156

ARMARIUM, ARMARIUS

self. Thus the expression armarium sive libraria is common in fourteenthand fifteenth-century sources.16 The use of the word in this latter sense lay at the base of the term armarius for librarian. In addition to the common form armarius the word armararius was used in the thirteenth century, and armarista in the fourteenth.17 Armarium was originally a place for keeping arms, and later a cupboard, set upright against the wall of a room, in which all kinds of objects could be kept. In Antiquity it was already used in the specific meaning of 'bookcase'.18 In the Middle Ages it became a common word for different kinds of storage systems for books, whether chests, cupboards, lecterns or even rooms.19 The more abstract use of the word for the collection of books kept in such a storage is particularly prominent in fourteenth- and fifteenthcentury sources.20

16 CF. J.-F- GENEST, Le mobilier des bibliotheques, CIVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 147-149. 17 See J.-F. GENEST, Le mobilier des bibliotheques, CIVICIMA I I (1989), p. 148; A. VERNET, DU 'chartophylax au 'Librarian, CIVICIMA I I (1989), p. 157. Armarius is the oldest of the three: see D M L (1); MW (1). 18 Cf. TLL (1, 2); OLD (1). 19 D M L ; M W ( I B ) . 20 See J.-F. G E N E S T , Le mobilier des bibliotheques, CIVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 147-149; see

also MW armaria.

157

atramentum, encaustum, tincta Medieval scribes generally used pen and ink for writing; the quill pen {-^calamus, pennd) was dipped in brown or black ink. This ink was usually made from a blackening material such as soot or gallnut and vitriol, mixed with a binder such as gum or honey, and a thinner such as water, wine or vinegar.21 Both in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages the term atramentum (derived from ater, black) was generally used for ink.22 In the Latin of late Antiquity encaustum (or incaustuni) came into use, which formed the root for our modern word 'ink' (Fr. 'encre', Du. 'inkt'). In the medieval period these two terms were treated as synonyms. Less frequently tincta (or tintd) was used, the basis for the modern German word 'Time'. Different colours of ink were referred to by the names of the colours, but more often by the names of their base material: red ink, for example, was called rubeus (red), but also minium (sulphide of mercury)23 or cinnabaris or cinnabriu-m2"1 (cinnabar [i.e. mercury sulphide], or a kind of resin called Dragon's blood).25

21 On the subject of medieval ink see, among others, W. WATTENBACH, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 233-244; H . LECLERCQ, 'Encre, encrier', (Dictionnaire d'archiologie chretienne V . i ) ; P. GASNAULT, Les supports et les instruments de I'ecriture, CIV1CIMA I I (1989), pp. 31-32; P. L A D N E R , T i m e , I Westen' (Lexikon des Mittelalters 8, col. 797); M . Z E R D O U N B A T - Y E H O U D A , Les encres noires au moyen age (1983), esp. pp. 143190; C . L I S T and W . B L U M , Buchkunst des Mittelalters (1994), pp. 27-29. 22 In the ancient world the word sepia (cuttle fish) was also used, since the secretion of this fish was also used as ink. Cf. O L D (b). 23 Cf. NG (3). Minium formed the basis of the verb miniare, 'to touch up with red ink", or 'to write or draw in red ink' (cf. N I E R M . ; N G ) . 2 4 Cf. M W (cinnabaris) and D M L (cinnabrium). 25 Note, however, that substance and colour are not properly distinguished in most cases: minium, for example, is used both for the substance yielding a bright red pigment, and for the colour red. (Cf. O L D (a and c).) O n red ink see further W . "WATTENBACH, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 244-151; on 'GoldschrifV see ibid. pp. 251-261. On the materials used for making colours see C . L I S T and W. B L U M , Buchkunst des Mittelalters (i994)> PP- 27-29. O n the terminology of colours in miniatures see P. S T I R N E M A N N & M . Th. G O U S S E T , Marques, mots, pratiques, CWICIMA I I (1989), pp. 43-45.

158

ATRAMENTUM, ENCAUSTUM, TINCTA

Ink was usually kept in pots made from a hollowed horn: cornu (cum incausto), corniculus or cornicularius. Another common word for inkpot was atramentarium, derived from atramentum, and in the late fourteenth century a similar derivation from encaustum is attested: en- or incausterium.26

The term commonly used in classical times for writing ink, atramentum or atramentum librarium or atramentum scriptorium, remained in use throughout die medieval period.27 It is derived from ater, 'black', and formed the basis for new words such as atramentarium or atramentariolum ('ink holder').28 Encaustum or incaustum was adopted from the Greek EyKawrov, which originally had the meaning of a pigment or colour that was heated before use, and was applied warm. In late Antiquity, however, when it was adopted into Latin, it had the general meaning of 'liquid colour' or 'ink for writing'.29 The medieval word tincta,30 finally, derived from tingere, 'to dye' or 'colour', was used for ink throughout the Middle Ages, but it was less common than atramentum or encaustum.

26 Terms for inkpots are treated by W . WATTENBACH, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 242-244; P. GASNAULT, Les supports et les instruments ck I'ecriture, CWICIMA I I (1989), p. 31. Cf. M W ; D M L atramentarium; D M L encausterium. 27 Cf. 'I'LL; O L D (2a); MW (IB); DML(i). 28 The MW also notes atramentarius, 'scribe'. 29 Note that it still had special meanings, such as the ink reserved for magistrates, or the purple ink suitable for emperors only (encaustum sacrum). Cf. I'LL; D M L . 30

Cf. NIERM.

159

bibliotheca, bibliothecarius In Antiquity and the Middle Ages, the word bibliotheca was used for a library, either the actual repository ('chest', 'archive', 'room',31 or even 'bookcover',32 etc.) where the books were kept, or, metonymically, the collection of books themselves." In the Latin of the patristic period and in medieval Latin its metonymical sense widened: it came to be used not only for a collection of books in a chest or room, but also for a collection of texts in one codex. Thus it was used especially for the Bible ('bibliotheca veteris et novi testamenti', for example, or 'bibliotheca divinae legis'), but also for other collective works.34 The originally Greek word bibliotheca was used particularly in the early Middle Ages (up to and including the Carolingian period), and again at the very end of the Middle Ages. From the twelfth to fourteenth century its Latin equivalent, librarian was much more common. In the fifteenth century the Greek word bibliotheca again gained in popularity under the influence of humanism.36 Unlike bibliotheca, its derivative bibliothecarius, librarian, was popular throughout the Middle Ages. Its history starts in the second century A . D . , where it was used in the sense of'keeper of

31 The distinction between 'library' and 'archive' is a relatively modern one. In the Hellenistic period, x«ptEUx/xrapTOA,aKiov and pif}Xio0TiKT|/pipXiO(pT)XaKi.ov were synonymous. Cf. A . V E R N F . T , DU 'chartophylax au 'Librarian, CIVICIMA I I (1989), p. 15532 DML(b). 33 TLL; OLD; M W ( H I ) ; D M L (a). 34 BLAISE, Diet.; M W (II b); D M L (c). See also W. WATTENBACH, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 152-157. 35 Cf. -^librarius. 36 See, for example, the article of M . - H . J U L L I E N D E P O M M E R O L , Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CIVICIMA VI (1993), p. 40. In her sources she found the word libraria countless times, the word bibliotheca only sporadically (and even then mostly in the expression 'bibliotheca seu libraria'). On the humanistic influence on college vocabulary, see J . M . F L E T C H E R , Ihe Vocabulary of Administration and Teaching at Merton College, Oxford, CIVICIMA VI (1993), p. 57-

160

BIBLIOTHECA, BIBL1OTHECARIUS

books', 'librarian'.37 In the eight century the term was adopted by the papal court in Rome for the officer, chosen from among the cardinals, who took care of the papal archive.38 Perhaps in imitation it was also used at the courts of archbishops and bishops, at the secular courts of kings and emperors, and in monasteries and cathedral chapters.39 In monasteries the word bibliothecarius was often used for the one who took care of the books and charters, but also for the person in charge of the scriptorium. From the eleventh century onwards the word was widely used for librarians/ archivists, alongside -^libmrius and armarius (cf. -^armarium). Bibliotheca was adopted from Greek PipA,io9f)KT|, and its literal meaning is 'repository of books'.40 Already in Antiquity it was used both for the actual repository and, metonymically, for the collection of books kept in it. In the early Christian period it developed a third, additional meaning: a collection of texts kept in one codex. This was used particularly for the Bible.41 In the Middle Ages die word kept all of these three meanings.42

37 38 39 40 41 42

O n this subject see A . V E R N E T , DU 'chartophylax'au 'Librarian, pp. 163-165. Cf. MW(i). Cf. MW (2-5). For the classical tradition see F O R C ; TLL11, col. 1955-1958; O L D . B L A I S E , Diet. Cf. MW;DML.

161

calamus, penna, plumbum In the ancient world the reed pen was commonly used for writing with ink on materials like papyrus or bark.43 Calamus, 'reed' or 'cane', came to mean 'reed pen', and metonymically 'pen in general. In the Middle Ages, when the common writing instrument was in fact made not from reed but from a feather, calamus was still used in the sense of'pen'.44 The quill pen, attested from the fifth century onwards, was cut from the flight-feathers of large birds, such as swans, turkeys or crows, but most commonly geese. It was generally called penna (or pennuLt), 'wing' or 'feather', orpluma, plumalis ('feather') but other terms, which in fact referred to other materials, were also used: calamus and occasionally (h)arundo.45

A lead stylus, plumbum or stilus plumbeus, was used for taking notes, for making sketches or drawings and (in the twelfth century) for drawing lines to prepare the empty page for writing.46 Other objects which belonged to the standard equipment of a scribe are the pen knife,47 called cultellus, scalpellum, artavus,4S and the case or

43 O n writing instruments see W . W A T T E N B A C H , Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 122-232; P. GASNAULT, Les supports et les instruments de I'ecriture, CTVJCIMA I I (1989), pp. 29-32. 44 I h e same development can be seen with (h)arundo, originally 'reed' or 'bamboo', but metonymically also 'reed pen'. Cf. O L D (2d). 45 At the end of the Middle Ages there are occasional records of copper or brass pens: argenteus calamus, plumalis aerea. These must have been the precursors of the sixteenthand seventeenth-century dip pen. Cf. W . 'WATTENBACH, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), p. 231; P. GASNAULT, Supports et instruments de I'e'criture, CIVICIMA I I (1989), p. 30. 46 Until the twelfth century line drawing was generally done in 'dry point': a sharp instrument (stilus or stilus ferreus) was used to press lines into the page. One side of the parchment leaf would show furrows, the other ridges. At the end of the twelfth century it became customary to draw lines using ink. 47 Cf. W . W A T T E N B A C H , Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 228-231; J . L E CLERCQ, Pour I'histoire du canifetde la lime (1972). 48 In old French glossaries or vocabularies these terms are often translated as canivet, quenivet — derivations of the late Latin word canipulus, short sword or dagger. The

162

CALAMUS, PENNA, PLUMBUM

holder for his or her writing materials. Terms for the case were derived from terms for pens: most common are calamaris, calamare or calamarium, other terms arepennaculum and -^scriptorium*9 Calamus and (h)arundo were already used in Antiquity in the sense of 'reed pen'.50 In the Middle Ages they remained in use for 'pen', even though pens were no longer made of reed.51 The quill pen, made from feathers of large birds, came into existence, it seems, in the fifth century, and was called by the common Latin word for 'feather', penna (also spelled pinna).51 In some texts the distinction is made between reed pens and quill, but in general the two terms, calamus and penna, are treated as synonyms.

Germanic root knip, which leads us to the modern English word knife, can be recognised in this word. W . W A T T E N B A C H , Das Scbriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), p. 229; P. GASNAULT, Supports et instruments de I'ecriture, CIVICIMA I I (1989), p. 30 and n. 71. For the sharpening of a pen Wattenbach further notes the expressions calamum or pennam acuere or tempemre. 49 W. 'WATTENBACH, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 223-224; P. GASNAULT, Les supports et les instruments de I'ecriture, CIVICIMA II (1989), p. 32. According to Gasnault —>scriptorium was used, in this context, for the ensemble of pen case and ink holder, fastened with a leather strap or chain to each other and to the belt. Terms for ink and ink holders are treated under -^atramentum. 50 Cf. O L D calamus (2), harundo (2d). 51 Cf. calamus MW (IIA); D M L (4). 52 Cf. DuC; NG (IB).

163

c(h)arta, instrumentum, munimentum There is a wide range of terms for documents, records or charters in medieval Latin.53 Carta or charta is the most common and most general, and the basis for many derivations such as c(h)artula ('(small) record'), c(h)art(ul)arium or chartophylacium ('archive', 'register of charters'), c(h)art(ac)eus or c(h)articinus (the adjective 'of papyrus'), c(h)artigraphus ('writer of charters', 'chancellor'), etc. Like charta, which has the basic meaning of'papyrus sheet, leaf for writing',54 many other terms used for charters were derived from the material they were written on. Pagina, for instance, was often used in this meaning, and also -^sc(h)eda, schedula or membranaP Another set of terms is based on the form of the document's contents. The commonly used terms epistola, scriptum and litterae fall into this category, as do the less common nota, notitia or brevis. Other terms relate to the content itself of the document in question: pr(a)eceptum, mandatum, decretum, privilegium, etc. Others, again, relate to the function of the document, such as testamentum (based on the notion of witness or testimony), memoratorium or memoriale (based on the notion of memory or remembrance).

53 The subject has not yet been fully explored. See the stock-taking studies of W. " W A T T E N B A C H , DasSchriftwesen imMittelalter (1896), pp. 187-203; and O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Le vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CIVICIMA II (1989), pp. 120-134. See, furthermore, for an extensive introduction to the subject and ample bibliography, O. G U Y O T J E A N N I N , J . P Y C K E and B . - M . T O C K , Diplomatique medievale (1993). 54 J . I R I G O I N , Terminohgie du livre et de I'ecriture dans le monde byzantin, CJVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 15-17. 55 Another term used for official documents, records or charters that hints at their (original) physical appearance is, for example, diploma ('folded in two'). It was rarely used in the Middle Ages, and restricted to royal charters or (even more specifically) papal letters of appointment. (Cf. O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CIVICIMA II (1989), p. 120; D M L . ) A further example is polyptychum ('multiple waxtablets fastened together'), which developed the meaning of register (of public records) and land-register. (Cf. R . H . & M.A. R O U S E , The Vocabulary of Wax Tablets, CJVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 222-223; O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CIVICIMA II (1989), pp. 129-130.)

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C(H)ARTA, I N S T R U M E N T U M , M U N I M E N T U M

Instrumentum and munimentum, two terms commonly used throughout the Middle Ages in the meaning of charter or record, have different backgrounds. Instrumentum (with its deviating spellings such as stormentum, esturmentum, extramentum etc.) 56 has the original meaning

of 'tool', 'equipment' or 'apparatus', but was also used in the sense of 'a means'. In legal and administrative contexts it was used for 'evidence' (on which a case rests) or 'document' (to which one can refer in case of a dispute). The original meaning of munimentum (or monimentum and sometimes even, confusingly, monumentuni) is 'fortification', 'defensive wall'. In the Middle Ages the term developed the additional meaning of 'ratifying document', 'letter of confirmation',57 probably because these kinds of documents gave their owners protection or a sense of security. Charta, derived from the Greek xapxr\c,, had the basic meaning of'(strip of a) papyrus sheet'. Already in Antiquity it was used in the wider meaning of 'sheet or leaf for writing', and metonymically also for something written, on a single sheet (a letter, song or poem, or charter) but also on several sheets (a book or booklet).58 In the Middle Ages it was similarly used for, on the one hand, writing material (usually parchment, but also papyrus or paper), and, on the other, a piece of writing, text or document.59 The specific meaning of 'official document' is unattested in Antiquity. The basic meaning of instrumentum is 'tool' or 'equipment'.60 In Antiquity, however, it was already used in the metonymical sense of 'a means', and, derived from this, also of'evidence' (which proves a case of law) or 'official document' (with which one can prove that one is within

56 C £ O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CFVICIMA II (1989), p. 122. 57 Cf. O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CJVICIMA II (1989), p. 123.

58 Cf.TLL;OLD. 59 Cf. M W ; D M L . D u C . has a long list of expressions with charta or words derived from its root: e.g. inchartare (to donate something by means of a charter), chartam facere (to draw up a charter), etc. Note that chartula was used in the same range of meanings. 60 Cf.TLL;OLD.

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165

one's rights).61 This meaning remained in use in the Middle Ages, when instrumentum became a common term for charter or document.62 The use of munimentum in the meaning of'charter' or 'record' is medieval. In Antiquity munimentum meant 'fortification', 'defensive earthwork', any kind of'protective wall' or 'covering'.63 In the ninth century it was already used in the figurative meaning of '(protective) document',64 and in the eleventh and twelfth centuries it was commonly used as a synonym for instrumentum.65

61 Cf. O L D (4-5). 62 Cf. D M L (3); Lex.Lat.Ned. MediiAevi (3). Instrumentum, derived from instruere, to instruct or teach, was also used in the meaning of'teaching', 'education' — synonymous with instructio. Cf. B L A I S E , Diet. (6); D u C ; D M L (5).

63 Cf.TLL;OLD. 64 Cf. D u C ; NG (5); Lex.Lat.Ned. MediiAevi (4). 65 O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CLVICIMA I I (1989), p. 123.

166

chirographum In a legal or administrative context the word chirographum {chy-, ci-, cy-) —from yzip, 'hand' and ypatpeiv, 'to write'— was used for a charter or decree, legally validated by a subscription in the handwriting of the authorities involved.66 In the ninth and tenth centuries, however, it developed a new specialized meaning. Two (or more) copies of a charter were written on a single piece of parchment, and in the empty space between the two copies a word (usually the word chirographum itself), sentence, alphabet or ornament was written or drawn. At an official meeting of the parties involved, the sheet was cut, right through the letters or drawings. Often the edges were indented, and the modern English word 'indenture' for an act in duplicate still testifies to this practice. Each party took a copy, the unique part of a two-piece jigsaw. Note that chirographum was used for the document itself, but also for the word (usually ' C H I R O G R A P H U M ' in long and narrow capital letters) or other legend which marked the place of the cut.67 The practice of cutting a document in this way for legal validation is first attested in the British Isles, where the oldest examples date back to the mid-ninth century.68 In the early tenth century the practice is also found on the continent. It gained in popularity in the eleventh, and especially the twelfth century. Apart from chirographum all kinds of expressions are used for the same phenomenon: cartae partitae, divisae or dentatae, cartae per cyrographum (or alphabetuni) divisae/partitae, cartae

litterae or abedecaria. Furthermore, new words were created on its basis:

66 Cf. B . BISCHOFF, Zur Friihgeschichte des mittelalterlichen Chirographum (1955, repr. 1966); W . T R U S E N , Chirographum und Teilurkunde im Mittelalter (1979); O . GuYOTJEANNIN, Le vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CP/ICIMA II (1989), pp. 122,124-125. Winfried Trusen emphasizes that a chirographum is not necessarily a 'Teilurkunde' (an indenture), but that in many cases it is an act or charter signed by the authorities in their own handwriting. 67 C f . N i E R M . ( 3 - 5 ) ; M W ( I I B 2 a - b ) . 68 The earliesr original chirographa, however, belong to the early years of the tenth century. Cf. W . T R U S E N , Chirographum und Teilurkunde im Mittelalter (1979), p. 242.

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chirographare and chirographizare (-isare), 'to write in the form of a chirograph' or 'to put a chirograph legend on (a document)'.69 In Antiquity chirographum, imported from the Greek xd-poypoccpov, was generally used in the sense of 'handwriting', or 'document in a person's own handwriting', 'manuscript'. In a legal context, however, the word was also used for a 'written undertaking', a 'record of a promise' or 'bond'.70 In the Middle Ages,71 two sources exercised a major influence on the meaning of the word. In the first place Isidore of Seville defined the word as cautio, which means not only 'caution', but also 'precaution', and had the specialized meaning of a 'written guarantee'.72 Secondly, the term occurs in two places in the Bible: it is used frequently in the Book ofTobiah and once in one of the epistles of St. Paul. Here it has the sense of 'acknowledgement of debt' or 'bond'.73 The two sources are both invoked in medieval glossaries and commentaries, in which chirographum is often translated as manu scriptum, explained as cautio, and illustrated with the biblical passages. At die basis of the meaning of'indenture', however, lies the specific legal meaning it had received in the Roman empire: a document legally validated by the subscription in their own handwriting of the parties involved.74 The practice of writing a document in duplicate and separating the two copies in such a way that each carried an authenticating mark along its edge was just a different way of assuring its validation — a different means to the same end.

69 Cf. NlERM. 70 Cf. T L L ; O L D . 71 Note that the basic meaning of'handwriting' or 'manuscript' did not disappear in die Middle Ages: cf. MW (IA); D M L (ia). 72 Cf. ISIDORE, Etym. V, 24, xz: Chirographum cautio, id est manus inscriptio. See also MW(IlA2);DML(ib). 73 Tb 1,17; 4,21; 4,22; 5,3; 9,3; 9,6 & Paul. Col. 2,14. For a detailed description of the passages in question see W . T R U S E N , Chirngraphum und leilurkunde im Mittelalter (1979), pp. 235-236. Note that the word syngrapha (acknowledgement of debt) occurs in AngloSaxon sources as a synonym for chirographum. Cf. ibid., p. 239. 74 Cf. W . T R U S E N , Chirographum und Teilurkunde im Mittelalter (1979), p. 236. See also MW (I A ib).

168

codex In Antiquity as well as the Middle Ages, codex is in certain contexts interchangeable with —tliber and/or -^volumen,15 and has among its meanings 'book' in general.76 Often, however, it has the connotation of 'volume', referring to a part of a book77 or a quire.78 It can also be used to express the notion of'collection', such as, for example, a collection of documents instead of individual documents in an archive, or a collection of legal texts.79 Finally, the term codex is sometimes used to express the concept of'archetype' or 'modeltext', from which copies (-^exemplaria) could be made.80 The diminutives codicillus (-ellus) and codiculus are used in the general sense of'small book, booklet'.81 Codicillus, however, is also used in several

75 In the Graeco-Roman world -^-volumen and codex stricto sensu referred to two different objects, -^>volumen being a scroll, codex being a collection of folded (and sewn) papers. Both terms, however, were also used to refer to 'written text' in general, and in some contexts lost their specific material distinction. See also -^volumen. F. D O L B E A U , Noms de livres, CIVICIMA II (1989), pp. 81-82. j6 In F. D01.BEAU, Noms de livres, CFVICIMA II (1989), pp. 83, 88 and 90-92, the relations between these three words are thoroughly examined. Dolbeau reaches the conclusion that, throughout the Middle Ages, in almost any kind of source, -^liber is the most common word for book. In the Carolingian period -^liber ranks first and is followed by codex and —>volumen respectively. In the course of the eleventh and twelfth century, codex seems to disappear almost entirely (except in sources from the Germanic countries) in favour of—tvolumen. From the twelfth century onwards, new terms appear in addition to -^rvolumen, such as par, pars, etc. 77 This is aptly illustrated by the use of the plural codices in the language of the Christian authors to refer to the Bible: sacri codices, codices Dominici, divini codices, latini codices (the Latin translation of the Bible); cf. BLAISE, Lex. 78 F. D O L B E A U , Noms de livres, CIVICIMA I I (1989), p. 91, n. 69. 79 F. D O L B E A U , Noms de livres, CIVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 90, 92 (in this sense of 'collection' Dolbeau mentions corpus as a synonym for codex); T L L I I I , col. 1406-1407 (2B); D M L (2B); MW. 80 T L L (2A); cf. also for a medieval example L.J. BATAILLON, Exemplar, pecia, cjuaternus, CIVICIMA II (1989), p. 215. 81 In this sense, they are interchangeable with libellus (cf. -^liber).

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more specific meanings, such as 'document', 'charter', 'will', or 'supplement to a will'. 82 The word codex in its general meaning of book is common in Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Originating etymologically from caudex, 'treetrunk', codex and its diminutive codicillus were at first used to describe a -^tabula or a number of tabulae attached to each other: wooden tablets covered with a thin layer of wax into which text could be scratched.83 The word was then also used for several leaves of papyrus or parchment folded or sewn together.84

82 T L L (2B); D M L ; M W . 83 Also codicilli cerati, cf. P. GASNAULT, Les supports et les instruments de Tecriture, CIVJCIMA II (1989), p. 23 n. 18. Although the use of codex for 'wax tablet' was common in (late)-Antiquity, -^tabula was much more common in medieval times; cf. R . H . & M.A. ROUSE, The Vocabulary of Wax Tablets, CTVICIMA I I (1989), p. 222. 84 F O R C ; T L L . The Latin word also found its way into the Greek-speaking world, where KWSI!; and KCOSIKIOV are used (if rarely) in the sense of 'book' (as opposed to 'scroll'). Cf. J . IRIGOTN, Terminologie du livre et de Vecriture dans ie monde byzantin, CTVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 13, 15.

170

exemplar, exemplum, exemplator Throughout Antiquity and the Middle Ages exemplar and exemplum both had the double meaning of original and copy.85 Exemplar had the general meaning of model, in an abstract sense (exemplary life or behaviour) as well as in the concrete sense of the rhetorical model for a certain genre (e.g. exemplaria epistolarium)ib, but also a copy of a text or a text to be copied.87 Before the thirteenth century the meaning of 'a copy of a text' was much more common than that of 'model text',88 but in the course of that century the usage of the term began to shift. In the context of the university exemplar became the technical term for a model text in the possession of a stationer (^>stationarius) or bookseller, who copied it or had it copied onto separate quires {-specie) which could then in turn be rented by students or others for copying.89 The stationers kept lists of their exemplaria, together with the number of -specie and the rental

85 See O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 254-260; F.RW. S O E T E R M E E R , La terminologie de la librairie a Bologne, CIVICIMA I (1988), pp. 90-93; L . J . BATAILLON, Exemplar, pecia, quatemus, CIVICIMA II (1989), pp. 211-219. See also —>pecia, —>stationarius, and see —>exemplum in Cat. I I I . 86 Cf. J . O . W A R D , Rhetoric and the Art ofdictamen, CIVICIMA I I I (1990), pp. 45-46. 87 See S E D U L I U S SCOTTUS, who defines the difference between —>codex and exemplar as follows: 'Inter exemplar autem et codicem hoc interest, quod codex sit jam scriptum quodlibet volumen, etiamsi ex ipso codice adhuc nihil scribatur; cum vero ex ipso alter codex scribatur, tune exemplar esse incipit' — 'The difference between exemplar and codex is this: a codex is a book in which something is written, but from which nothing has so far been copied. W h e n , however, from this codex another one is written, it starts to be an exemplar. (Explan. in praef. S. Hieronymi ad Evangelia, PL 103, col. 333, mid- ninth century.) O . W E I J F . R S cites a twelfth-century passage in which exemplar and exemplum are contrasted with one another as model and copy — O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 256 n. 452. 88 L . J . BATAILLON argues that in the sense of'copy of a text' it often had the connotation of'reliable' or 'authorized copy'. It was used, for example, for authographs. Cf. Exemplar, pecia, quaternus, CIVICIMA II (1989), pp. 214-215. 89 Cf. R . H . & M . A . R O U S E , The Book Trade at the University of Paris (1988), p. 44, where the meaning of exemplar within the context of stationer book production is defined as 'a text whose sole raison d'etre was the production of further copies'.

EXEMPLAR, EXEMPLUM, EXEMPLATOR

171

price (c£ -^taxatio).90 The quality of these exemplaria was safeguarded by the university. The use of exemplar in this specific meaning, however, is restricted to the universities in France, Italy and Spain. In England, where there is mention of a so-called cista exemplariorum., the technical meaning described above should not be read into the expression. The chest probably did not contain university approved exemplars, but rather either originals or copies of administrative documents.91 Exemplum, which already in Antiquity had the meaning of 'a copy of a text', kept this meaning in the Middle Ages, and was used in the same specific technical meaning as exemplar in the context of the pecia system. In the humanist period exemplar and exemplum were often used in opposition to each other, exemplar meaning original, authenticum, and exemplum meaning transcript or copy.92 The derived term exemplator seems restricted to the universities of Bologna and Padua, where it had the meaning of'maker of exemplaria'. Since the keeper of the exemplaria, that is, the stationer, was often also the person who transcribed them, exemplator is often synonymous with -^>stationarius.9i

The semantic background of exemplar and exemplum remained essentially the same in Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Already in Antiquity

90 Note that in fact different stages in the process of making new copies were indicated by exemplar: 1. technically speaking it was the model text or autograph used by the stationer to make his copy on separate quires (-specie), 1. but often the -specie themselves were also called exemplar(ia), as well as 3. the copies of the -specie. Cf. G . POLLARD, The Pecia System in the Medieval Universities (1978), pp. 151-152. 91 Cf. M . B . PARKES, The Provision of Books (1992), pp. 466-467; here he argues plausibly against the earlier interpretation by (among others) G . P O L L A R D . 92 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universite's (1987), p. 256 n. 452. See also, however, M . S T E I N M A N N , 'Exemplar', Lexikon desMittelalters 4, col. 165: here it is noted that in the case of charters exemplar is often used in opposition to authenticum, and has the meaning of 'transcript' v 93 See F.P.W. S O E T E R M E E R , Utrumque ins inpeciis (2002), pp. 49-50. In Oxford the form exemplarius was also used for the same figure. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universite's (1987), p. 256; D M L .

172

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both terms were in use in the double meaning of original and copy (of a text).94 Before the thirteenth century exemplar was more commonly used in the sense of 'copy'. Its meaning began to shift towards 'original' or 'model text' in the age of the university. In the specific context of book production with relation to the schools and universities, the term exemplar developed the technical meaning of 'an authorized copy of a text, copied on separate quires (—specie)'. Exemplum had the general meaning of'example',95 but it was also used in the same technical sense as exemplar. 96

Both exemplator and exemplarius are thirteenth-century neologisms which have their basis in this technical meaning specific for the world of the medieval university.97

94 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 258-260; O L D exemplar (2, 3); exemplum (6, 9). The verb exetnplare already existed in Late Antiquity, notably also in the sense of'to make a copy (of a text)', cf. T L L col. 1326. In medieval Latin 'to copy' is also one of its meanings ( D M L 4). Other meanings are 'to adduce as an example' or 'to form after a model' (cf. D M L 1-3). 95 See -^exemplum in Cat. I I I . 96 Cf. F.P.W. S O E T E R M E E R , Utrumque ius inpeciis (2002), n. 1. 97 Cf. D M L . Note that both N I E R M . and B L A I S E , Lex. wrongly give 'corrector of copies of a text' as the meaning of exemplator. See F.P.W. S O E T E R M E E R , Utrumque ius in peciis (2002), n. 65.

173

graphium, stilus For writing on wax tablets (-^tabulae ceratae), an instrument (stylus) was used which had a sharp end and a blunt one.98 One could write in the layer of wax with the sharp point, and erase such writing with the blunt end. In the early Middle Ages, this writing instrument was commonly referred to as a graphium (or also graphius). Isidore translated the word, adopted from the Greek ypacpetov, as -^scriptorium, and throughout the Middle Ages this term was also used for stylus." In the eleventh and twelfth century graphium was gradually superseded by another ancient term:100 stilus (or stylus), believed to be related to the Greek cxx>Xoq.l0i The stylus was made from all kinds of materials such as wood, bone, ivory or precious metals.102 Often its point was strengthened with iron, and accordingly ferrum (iron) is sometimes also found to signify stylus.103 Furthermore, figurative terms were used.104 In the metaphor of ploughing one's stylus through the layer of wax, vomer ('ploughshare') was sometimes used for the implement. In another example the act of 98 Cf. W . W A T T E N B A C H , Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 219-222; P. GASNAULT, Les supports et les instruments de I'e'criture, CIVICIMA I I (1989), p. 24; R . H . & M . A . R O U S E , The Vocabulary of Wax Tablets, CIVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 224-229, 224-225. 9bedellus, Cat. I ) , or more often by librarians {-^libmrius) or stationers (—tstationarius), who rented them out one by one, often for one week at the time, so that they could be copied by students or masters themselves, or at their expense by a third party. The main function of the pecia-system was to provide as many people as possible with a model copy of a curricular text. A text consisted of tens, sometimes even hundreds of pecie, so tliat a large number of scribes could use the same model at once. A second major advantage of the system was that it enabled the university to exercise a certain degree of control over the quality of the models. First, the stationers had to pledge that they would not rent out faulty or corrupt -^exemplaria. Secondly, it

158 There are a great many articles and monographs on this subject. The main works are: J . D E S T R E Z , Lapecia dans les manuscrits universitaires (1935); G . P O I X A R D , ThePecia-System

in the Medieval Universities (1978); L.J. BATAILLON, B.G. GUYOT, R.H. ROUSE (eds.), La production du livre universitaire au moyen age (1988) — especially the contribution of R . H . & M . A . R O U S E , The Book Trade at the University of Paris; F.P.W. S O E T E R M E E R , Utrumque ins inpeciis (2002). See also O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 249-250; L . J . BATAILLON, Exemplar, pecia, quaternus, CIVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 206-208; and for decent short introductions to the subject see A . D E R O L E Z , 'Pecia, petia', Lexikon des Mittelalters 6, col. 1847-1848; R . H . R O U S E , 'Manuscript books, Production o f , Dictionary of the Middle Ages 8, pp. 100-105 ( e s P- IO 3); M - M C C O R M I C K , 'Pecia', Dictionary of the Middle Ages 9, p. 481. 159 In Bologna the standard size of a pecia was two bifolia, half of a regular -^quaternus, which consisted of four bifolia. Because of the standardization of the size of pecie the term was also used in relation to -^punctum (Cat. I l l ) — the unit of measurement of teaching material for university courses. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 250; L . J . BATAILLON, Exemplar, pecia, quaternus, CIVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 207, 208-211.

188

PECiA ( P E T I A ) , P E C I A R I U S

seems that the quality of the texts was safeguarded by university committees, probably professors or students appointed by the rector. Thirdly, in order to avoid over-charging, the rental price of —>exemplaria was controlled by the university (cf. -^taxatio).^ In die statutes of the University of Bologna a permanent committee of peciarii is mentioned, which convened weekly and checked up on the quality of the —texemplaria. They were authorised to impose fines, and to have pecie corrected or repaired. They probably also took care of the -^taxatio of'^exemplaria, that is, the official assessment of the number of quires, -^quaterni or pecie of a certain work. Peciarii also figure in the statutes of the universities of Padua, Florence and Perugia.161 The origin of the pecia-system has been traced back to the first half of the thirteenth century, starting either in Bologna or Paris and spreading from there across the Western countries of medieval Europe.162 In Paris, die earliest attested stationers who rented out peciae were perhaps attached to the Dominican school of St. Jacques.163

160 Cf. R . H . R O U S E , 'Manuscript Books, Production op, Dictionary of the Middle Ages 8, p. 103: "The universities as they grew in strength, however, were increasingly able to regulate those trades that were essential to the university's welfare.' See also R . H . & M . A . R O U S E , The Book Trade at the University of Paris (1988), pp. 47-51; F.P.W S O E T E R M E E R , Utrumque ius inpeciis (2002), pp. 8-12, 45-47. 161 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des university (1987), pp. 250-251; F.P.W. SOKTERMEER, La terminologie de la librairie a Bologne, CWICIMA I (1988), p. 93; I D . , Utrumque ius in peciis (2002), pp. 79-80, 176-183. The system used for control over the quality of the texts in Paris is treated in pp. 154-158. Soetermeer notes, furthermore, that the term peciarius was occasionally used as a synonym of —>stationarius (peciarum), that is, 'one who rents out pecie', or of —>exemplator, 'one who writes pecie'. 162 The existence of a pecia-system has been attested in France, Italy and Spain, roughly from the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, but not in the Eastern part of Europe. At the German universities, for example, it seems that texts were provided to the students by reading them out loud before the beginning of the academic year (the so-called pronun' tiationes). See also —>di*tare, pronuntiare (Cat. I I I ) . In England, there seems to have been a practice of copying from distributed quires, but there is no conclusive evidence that the university regulated a system in which authorised copies were rented out per pecia. Cf. M . B . PARKES, 'The Provision of Books (1992), pp. 462-467. 163 This is the central thesis of R . H . & M . A . R O U S E , The Book Trade at the University of Paris (1988), pp. 56-64, 84-85. See also, for example, their article The Commercial Production of Manuscript Books (1990).

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189

Copying through the lending of peciae was at its peak from ca. 1270 to 1350. In the second half of the fourteenth century the practice seems to have been abandoned, possibly due to a shrinking market caused by the Hundred Years War and the Black Death. In the fifteenth century the printed book rendered the pecia-system redundant. The term pecia or petia is of vulgar Latin origin, probably from Gaulish pettia or pettis, 'piece'.164 In Late Antiquity the term was in use for a piece of cloth or a fragment of an object. In this meaning it also occurs in Merovingian and Carolingian sources, where it is also used in the meaning of 'plot of land' {pecia terre, peciaprati, pecia vinee, etc.).165 It is only in the thirteenth century that the term is used for a 'piece' of a manuscript, a quire.166 In fact, it is only within the rental system of manuscripts per quire that the term has this specific sense: a pecia is, within this context, almost always a quire containing a portion of a certain text, intended for the quick production of relatively sound copies of that text.

164 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 253-254; L . J . BATAILLON, Exemplar, pecia, quaternus, CP/ICIMA II (1989), pp. 206-207. 165 TLL; DuC; NIERM.; NG. 166 D u C ; N I E R M . (4); BLAISE,

Lex (1).

190

quaternio, quaternus In patristic times the word quaternio was first used for a gathering of four folded bifolia (eight leaves).167 In the late twelfth or early thirteenth century the word quaternus (also quaternion or caternus, -num) was used in the same meaning."'8 For quires consisting of a different number of leaves different names were invented according to their size: a quinio or quinternus, for example, consisted of five bifolia (ten leaves), a senio or sexternus of six bifolia (twelve leaves).169 Soon it became common to refer to quires as quaterniones or quaterni regardless of their size. In some contexts, however, it was important to know the number of leaves in a quire, and in these cases it was reflected in the words used. In the —>pecia-system, for example, a quaternus (eight leaves) usually equalled two -specie (of four leaves each).170 It speaks for itself, moreover, that in the book trade in general and especially in professional scribal work the number of leaves in the quires was often specified. In the later Middle Ages quaternus or caternus was also used in the sense of'notebook', a gathering of several folded bifolia used for notes.171 The diminutives quaternulus, quaterniunculus or quaterniolus were used for loose quires or small booklets.172

167 Cf. W . WATTENBACH, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 176-180; K. PREISENDANZ, 'Quaternio', Paulys Realencyclopddu 47, col. 845-849; F. D O L B E A U , Nomsde livres, CTVJCIMA I I (1989), p. 96; L . J . BATAILLON, Exemplar,pecia, quaternus, CWICIMA II (1989), pp. 208-211. 168 W . W A T T E N B A C H , Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), p. 177; K . P R E I S E N D A N Z , 'Quaternio', Paulys Realencyclopddie 47, col. 847. 169 Also: binio (2 bifolia), ternio or ternus (3 bifolia). 170 Note, however, that the taxations of works in quaterni are not always unequivocal. In Bologna, for example, unequal numbers of -specie were usually rounded down: eleven -specie equalled five quaterni. Cf. F.P.W. S O E T E R M E E R , Utrumque ius inpeciis (2002), pp. 134-138. X7lCf. G . B A R O N E , Les convents des Mendiants, des colleges deguise's?, CFVICIMA V I (1993), pp. 151, 154. She also notes the expression caternos scribere for 'to take notes' (of a lecture). l72For example, in library catalogues: F. D O L B E A U , Noms de livres, CIVTCIMA I I (1989), p. 96.

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In classical Latin the plural adjective quaterni (derived from quattuor, 'four') was used in relation to things organised in fours: quadrumvirates of soldiers, for example, were called quaternae cohortae by Cicero. In the patristic period the substantive quaternio was formed, and used with a similar meaning. It was also used, however, for a gathering of several bifolia, usually four (a quire of eight leaves).173 In the Middle Ages Walahfrid Strabo distinguished between quaternio —a military leader of a quadrumvirate of soldiers— and quaternus —a quire of eight leaves.174 Others, however, used the two indiscriminately in the sense of 'quire', usually of eight leaves but also of other sizes.175 Besides quaternio and quaternus the forms caternio, caternus and quaternum {caternum) occur, and quaternio is sometimes used as a feminine noun rather than a masculine one.176

173 Cf. FORC; DuC. 174 Cf. BLAISE, Lex. 175 Cf. NIERM.

176 Notably by Alcuin, cf. W. WATTENBACH, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), p. 177 n. 3.

192

radere, eradere, rescribere The phenomenon of effacing a text from its material base (parchment or papyrus) in order to reuse the writing material is known in Antiquity and the Middle Ages.177 It was common practice, especially in the eighth and ninth centuries, when parchment must have been scarce and expensive. In these centuries the practice is attested in the great cultural centres of the Carolingian empire: Bobbio, Luxeuil, Fleury, Corbie and St. Gall. The incentive to erase texts must have been chiefly economic. The reasons to select certain manuscripts for reuse vary: they were often incomplete or damaged copies, written in scripts or languages that were obsolete or with contents that were outmoded or no longer of interest. The vocabulary used for the phenomenon, however, is not very specific. Palimpsestus, the word adopted from the Greek JiaXiu\|/T|OTOC, and present in our modern word 'palimpsest', is rare in Antiquity, and seems not to exist in the Middle Ages.178 To describe the phenomenon the verbs radere (or eradere, and sometimes abradere) —'to scrape'— or rescribere —'to write again'— were often used. Rasura was used for erasure. The way to prepare parchment leaves for rewriting was described in the Middle Ages: they were soaked in milk or a mixture containing milk and other substances (cheese, quicklime), and then scraped or rubbed with a knife {scalprum, scalpellum, rasorium, novacula), pumice stone (pumex) or chalk (creta). Already in Antiquity, the word radere, which had the general meaning of 'to scrape, scratch or rasp',179 was also used in the specific sense of 'to

177 See W. W A T T E N B A C H , Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (1896), pp. 299-317; E.A. L O W E , Codices rescripti (1972); G . K A R P P , 'Palimpsest', Lexikon des Mittelalters 6, col. 1641-1642. 178 D u C . gives one attestation of the term: 'Laur. in Amalth.'. This attestation, however, is untraceable. I h e reference could be to Laurentius of Monte Cassino, the later archbishop of AmalpAitanus, who lived in the first half of the eleventh century, but I have been unable to find the word in the latest edition of his works (F. N K W T O N (ed.), Laurentius monachus Casinensis archiepiscopus Amalfitanus Opera, M G H Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters 7, Weimar 1973). 179 Cf. FORC; OLD.

RADERE, ERADERE, RESCRIBERE

193

rub clean a writing tablet', or 'to erase writing'.180 The medieval use of the word for the process of making a palimpsest (or scraping out individual words or phrases for the sake of correction) concurs with this ancient meaning. Rescribere, on the other hand, in Antiquity had the meaning of 'to write back' (in answer to a letter, but also in opposition or refutation), 'to answer or reply. It was also used in the sense of'to rewrite' a text, but not in tlie sense of 'to reuse a cleaned leaf'.181 In the Latin of the late-anantique Christian authors rescribere was used with these same meanings, and sometimes also as a synonym of transcribere, 'to copy'.182 By the end of the sixth century, however, the word was also used for the act of writing on recycled leaves, and it remained in use in this sense throughout die Middle Ages.183 The word palimpsestus (or palimpsestuni), adopted from the Greek raxA,iui|nicTO studens in Cat. I) the term was almost never used on its own, but with object (audire leges, audirephysicam) or with a clause beginning with de or in {audire de artibus, audire in artibus). In the context of the medieval university, audire seems to have become the pendant of —tlegere, in the sense that audire defines die activity of die student, and -^legere that of the master.41 Like -^legere, audire is found in set expressions such as audire -^(extra)ordinarie, cursorie (cf. -^cursus). Note that audire was also used widi respect to a different phenomenon in the world of the medieval university: examinations. In this context audire was used for the 'hearing' of the candidate, and stood on a par with —>examinare.42 In the same context auditor seems to have been introduced in the sense of 'he who attends lessons', 'student'. In some thirteenth-century texts, in which auditor is used alongside -^sc(h)olaris (Cat. I ) , the term is used in a more specific meaning: the auditor is then distinguished from the more advanced student, who did not only attend lessons, but took

40 For a full treatment of the audire, auditor and auditio (auditus) see O. WEIJERS, Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 283-291. 41 Although both audire and auditor were part of the vocabulary of schools before the period of the universities (that is, before the thirteenth century), they became widely used only in the context of the universities. Cf. C . FROVA, Le scuole municipali all'epoca delle universita, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 185; C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabuhire des ecoles urbaines des XII' et XIII' siecles, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 93-94; G . B A R O N E , Les convents des Mendiants, des colleges de'guises?, CIVICIMA VI (1996), pp. 154,157. 42 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 392-393. The use of the word in this sense is rooted in Antiquity; audire had among its meanings that of 'to hear as judge', 'to judge'. Cf. T L L (col. 1283-1284); O L D (7b); B L A I S E , Diet. (4). Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 289. This same meaning also lies at the base of yet a different use of the term in the context of the university: at Merton College in Oxford, so-called auditores (auditors' of the university accounts) checked the records of income and expenditure. Cf. J . M . F L E T C H E R , The Vocabulary of Administration and Teaching at Merton College, Oxford, CIVICIMA VI (1993), p. 52.

AUDIRE, AUDITOR, AUDITIO, AUDITUS

225

part in them actively.113 In these particular cases the -^sc(h)olares are students in general, and auditores are the less-advanced ones, 'freshmen'. Auditio and auditus, finally, were used (though not very frequently) for the act of attending lessons. In Antiquity the verb audire was already used in a meaning related to the world of education: a pupil listened' to a master or 'attended' his lessons.44 In the Middle Ages, the use of the verb in this sense continued, be it initially only sparsely. Only in the period of the universities did audire become a commonly used word for the act of attending lessons with a master. Auditor was also already used in classical Latin in the meaning of 'pupil' or 'student'.45 Again, the use continued into the Middle Ages, and became particularly frequent in the context of the medieval university. Both auditio and auditus, finally, have classical roots. Auditio was used in the sense of 'the act of hearing or attending (a public lecture, a speech)', and auditus was used for 'that what one heard or had heard': the lecture itself.46 In the context of medieval education auditio and auditus were interchangable, and both had the meaning of 'the act of attending lessons from a master'.47

43 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 284-285. See -^qu(a)estio, disputatio. 44 T L L (Ve); O L D (6a). 45 Cf. T L L (col. iZ93ff); O L D (2). 46 Cf. T L L (col. I292ff); O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 285. 47 Cf. MW auditus (IB2); auditio (m).

226

brocarda, brocardica In the twelfth and thirteenth century the technical term brocarda or (argumenta) brocardica is found in the context of the teaching of Law in Bologna and related schools of Law.48 Brocarda-collections were collections of pairs of contradicting legal arguments, which could be used in the Court of Law or in classroom disputations on legal issues. In the second phase of the evolution of the genre, solutions — solutiones contrarietatum — were added to these contradictions, which can be defined as general rules of law, generalia.49 The first brocarda-collections date from the 1180s, and the practice of providing the contradiction with their solutions is attested from the 1190s onwards (the Libellus disputatorius of Pilius and Brocarda of Richard Anglicus). The genre flourished in the first two decades of the thirteenth century, with the large systematically-organized collections of Azo {Brocarda, before 1204/1209) and Damasus {Brocarda, between 12101215). By the end of the thirteenth century, the genre seems to have run its course: no new collections are published, only revisions of existing ones. The etymological background of the medieval term brocarda or its variant brocardica is enigmatic.50 It has been variously suggested that brocarda derives from Bishop Burkhard of Worms; that its roots are to be

48 For a concise bibliography on the subject see P. W E I M A R , 'brocarda, brocardica', Lexikon des Mittehlters 2, cols. 707-708; for introductions to the subject see I D . , Argumenta brocardica (1967, repr. 1997); and I D . , Die legistische Literatur und die Methode des Rechtsunterrichts (1969, repr. 1997). 49 I n fact> brocarda or brocardica is often defined as 'legal maxim' (cf. N I E R M . ) , or made synonymous with generalia, general rules of law (cf. S. K U T T N E R , Repertorium der Kanonistik (1937), pp. 239-242, 416-422). R W E I M A R , however, argues that brocardae were arguments rather than rules of Law, and that their main function must be sought in the context of teaching Law; glossators formed brocardica when lecturing or commenting on the sources of Law. P. W E I M A R , Argumenta brocardica (1967), pp. 92-105. 50 The word first occurs in Hugucio's Summa Decreti (between 1188 and 1192), and in the second version of Pillius' Libellus disputatorius (compiled after 1195). Here, however, a masculine form derived from the root broccus is used: brocardus. Cf. P. W E I M A R , Argumenta brocardica (1967), pp. 107-108.

BROCARDA, BROCARDICA

227

sought in a Greek-Celtic root; that it is a corruption oi pro-contra {brocarda —procarda —pro-contra) .51 The most sound etymological explanation has been defended by Paul Weimar, who argues that it derives from the Latin root brocc(h)us, 'with prominent (or sharp) teeth'.52 Weimar interprets this in the connotation of a verbal fight such as a legal defence or debate — the 'broccus or 'person with sharp teeth' is well armed with brocardae, legal arguments as weaponry in the dispute.

51 A n overview of etymological explanations is given by P. W E I M A R , Argumenta brocardica (1967), 105-109. 52 The first to suggest this etymology was L . SPITZER, Latin medieval brocard frangais brocard (1955), pp. 501-506. The suffix -ardus, however, remains an oddity.

228

capitulum, titulus, rubrica, paragraphus, articulus The method of dividing long texts into smaller sections was inherited from Antiquity. The classical vocabulary for these divisions —terms such as liber, volumen, tractatus, capitulum, titulus, versus— was in part adopted into the medieval vocabulary, without significant shifts in meaning. In addition, however, new terms were used and older terms developed new meanings.53 One of the most common terms for a (coherent) unity within a larger text is capitulum, 'chapter'.54 The plural capitula was often used for a list of chapter-headings — one of the first tools for the quick consultation of large works.55 Already in Antiquity capituLtre, the verb derived from capitulum, had the meaning of'to divide a text into chapters'. Another term with a very similar meaning is titulus, originally 'title' or 'heading' — a chapter-heading in which the content of the chapter in question is revealed.56 Metonymically the word was also used for the chapter itself.57 The verb, titulare, 'to provide (a chapter) with a title', already existed in Late Antiquity. In the Middle Ages it also developed the meaning of 'to divide a text into chapters'.

53 This subject is treated by J.P. G U M B E R T , Le texte intellectuel, CIVICIMAI (1988); N . F . P A L M E R , Kapitel und Buch (1989), esp. pp. 46-56, 'Spatantike u n d friihes Mittelalter'; O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen Age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), pp. 23-37. 54 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), pp. 29-30, 34-35. Note that caputwas also used in the sense of'chapter-heading' or 'chapter'. ( D M L lie; M W I I I A 4 . See also the closely related meaning of'beginning' (of, e.g., a prose passage or section): D M L 16; MW I I I C 2 . ) Capitulum, however, seems to be the more common word. 55 In Late Antiquity and in the early Middle Ages such a list was also called capitulatio or titulatio; cf. N.F. P A L M E R , Kapitel und Buch (1989), pp. 53, 56; O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA IV (1991), p. 30. To facilitate consultation even further, a capitulum could be subdivided into panes capituli or particule, which were sometimes marked with letters; cf. ibid., pp. 29-30. 56 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen Age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), pp. 30-31, 35. 57 The hierarchy of capitulum and titulus is not consistent. In some contexts capitula are the larger entities, and tituli the sub-sections, in others it is the other way round. Often capitulum and titulus are synonymous.

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229

Rubrica, furthermore, originally meant 'that which is written in red ink', but since chapter-headings usually were written in red ink, in many contexts the word is interchangable with capitulum or titulus.58 Like titulus, rubrica was used both for the title written in red ink and for the section of the text set apart by the red title. Other kinds of sections, distinguished by rubrice, were also called rubrica: -^exempla in exemplum-coV^e.cx\ow%, —tdistinctiones in distinctio-coiltcuons, entities in liturgical texts, etc. The word is particularly common in a juridical context, where it is used for a section of the law. Around the middle of the twelfth century, the diminutive rubricella ('short section') was introduced. From early Christian times onwards rubricare is attested in the meaning of 'to paint with red ink'. In the later Middle Ages it could also be used in the meaning of 'to make a list (of chapter-headings) or resume'.59 Both paragraphus60 and articulus, finally, are generally used for text divisions smaller than chapters. Isidore defined paragraphus as the graphic sign (F) that marked the elements in an enumeration. In the Middle Ages the term was commonly used for the sign marking the beginning of a section (a subdivision of a chapter),61 and, metonymically, also for the section itself.62 Paragraphare (-fare), a medieval neologism attested from the thirteenth century onwards, has the meaning of 'to divide into sections'. The meaning of articulus more or less corresponds to that of paragraphus: a section smaller than a chapter,63 but the word never became

58 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen Age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), pp. 32-33, 36. 59 Cf. D u C ; O. W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen Age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), p. 33 n. 149. 60 See the articles by J . C H A T I L L O N , Desarticulation et restructuration des texts (1985), esp. pp. 24-25; and J . V E Z I N , La division en paragraphes (1985), esp. pp. 46-47; O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA IV (1991), pp. 31-32, 35-36. O. Weijers also mentions the forms paragraphum and paragrafa, but notes that paragraphus (-Jus) remains the common one. 61 Cf. N G (1). O n the signs used see M . B . PARKES, Pause and Effect (1992), p. 305. The opposite of paragraphus was positura — a sign indicating the end of a section of text {ibid., p. 306). 62 This use is attested from the middle of the twelfth century onwards. Cf. NG (2). 63 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), pp. 33-34. 36.

230

CAPITULUM, TITULUS, RUBRICA, PARAGRAPHUS, ARTICULUS

as common as paragraphus. Its use remained largely restricted to specific contexts, such as articuli fidei, articles of faith, sections of the law or of a rule.64 Furthermore, in the context of the university it was generally used for the sections into which the concluding part of a questio disputata (cf. —^disputatio) was divided.65 In the Latin of early Christian times capitulum, literally '(small) head', was already used for a passage or section of a text.66 In medieval Latin the word became the common term for a chapter, a coherent division of a text. In the later Middle Ages the verb capitulare ('to divide in chapters') was formed, but its use remained rare. Throughout classical, late-antique and medieval times, titulus had the basic meaning of 'title' (of a literary work). In late Antiquity it was also used metonymically for the text set apart by the title, the chapter.67 Both meanings became common in the medieval vocabulary. TituLtre ('to provide with a title') is attested in lateantique times, but received a new meaning in the Middle Ages: 'to provide chapters with a title' or 'to divide a text into chapters'.68 Rubrica, derived from ruber, red, already in classical Latin had the specific meaning of'chapter-heading in a book of law, painted red', and, metonymically, 'the actual chapter in such a work'.69 In medieval Latin

64 Weijers also mentions articulatus ('divided into sections'). Furthermore, she mentions —tdistinctio as a general term for divisions of texts. Specific technical terms are canon and fen (terms used for chapters or sections in Latin translations from Arabic), and palea (used for an additional sections in Gratian's Decretals). Cf. N.F. P A L M E R , Kapitel undBuch (1989), p. 57; O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMAIV (1991), p. 34. 65 For examples see O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatio' dans les Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002), pp. 32-33. 66 Cf. T L L , col. 351; BLAISE, Diet. (4). 67 BLAISE, Diet. (4). 68 On capitulatio ('list of chapter-headings', but also 'recapitulation', 'resume') and titulatio ('the act of providing a chapter with a title', 'title', and also 'list of chapter-headings'), see N.F. PALMER, Kapitel und Buch (1989), pp. 50-51, 53, 56; O. W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA IV (1991), pp. 31, 35. 69 Cf. O L D (2).

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231

the use of the word did not remain restricted to the field of law, but was also common for chapters or sections in other disciplines. Paragraphus {paragrafus, pamgraphum, paragrafa), imported from the Greek, is attested from late Antiquity onwards in the sense of 'a graphic sign, which distinguishes elements in an enumeration'. In medieval Latin it also acquired the meaning of'a sign at the beginning of a section',70and was also used as a. pars pro toto for the section itself.71 One of the classical meanings of articulus, 'subdivision' or 'part',72 lies at the basis of its use for a subdivision of a text, section. The application of the word to written texts is first found in late Antiquity.73 In the Middle Ages the use of the word remains largely restricted to particular contexts: 'articles of faith' {articuli fidei), 'a section of a law, rule or disputed question'.74

70 71 72 73

Cf. NG(i). NG(2). Cf. O L D (4). Cf. I L L , col. 694-695; the use is particularly frequent in juridical contexts.

74 Cf. DML (3); MW (IIB6).

232

collatio The term collatio has many meanings in late Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, but its medieval use in an educational context originates from its application to a monastic custom: die gathering of the monks at die end of the day for a (short) sermon, a reading or discussion, usually preceded, accompanied or followed by a meal.75 This custom was adopted by the twelfth-century schools, where each day was concluded with a sermon, which differed from the morning sermon in its short and plain character. In this evening sermon, the theme of the morning sermon was often recapitulated. In the context of the university, the practice of the 'sermon-collatio' is first attested in the thirteenth century at the University of Paris, where Jordan of Saxony describes the introduction of the practice for the Dominican students at Saint-Jacques.76 From there it seems to have spread quickly throughout the rest of Europe. The collatio had a second aspect, however, which was also present in the late-antique and early-medieval use of the term:77 it was often used for an exchange of thoughts or discussion, which in an educational context

75 For a full treatment of the term, cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 372.-37876 In an article on the Dominican educational vocabulary, M . M . Mulchahey warns against the assumption that collatio was, in a Dominican context, only used for this sermon type of collatio — an assumption which is too easily made because 'the Dominicans themselves' (i.e. in the person of Jordan of Saxony) 'coined it in the university environment'. She argues that the Dominicans themselves used the term collatio in multiple senses, and that they did have academic exercises called by that name. In Humbert of Romans' works, she finds ample descriptions of these kinds of scholastic exercises, led by the magister studentiurn at a frequency of once or twice a week. In a fourteenth-century source she finds die explicit distinction between 'collationes in v i . feriis' (sermon-like collationes, held daily, except for Sundays) and the 'collatio scientifica'. M . M . M U L C H A H E Y , Dominican Educational Vocabulary, CP/ICIMA IX (1999), pp. 110-118. See also E A D . , 'First the Bow is Bent in Study. Dominican Education before 1350 (1998), esp. pp. 193-203. 77 J . H A M E S S E distinguishes the two and describes their semantic developments in 'Collatio et 'reportatio, CP/ICIMA I (1988), pp. 78-83.

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233

resembled the practice of the -^disputation In the course of the twelfth century, this type of'exchange of thoughts-collatio', which was originally a discussion on spiritual topics amongst monks and their abbot, gradually became a scholastic exercise, not necessarily concerned with moral or spiritual topics.79 From the thirteenth century on we see the practice of the discussion-collatio firmly embedded in the curriculum of schools and universities,80 as a —^disputatio-like exercise with clearly defined rules.81 Within the context of the universities, different specific technical ap-

78 See for a fuller treatment of this kind of discussion-collatio A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), pp. 25-2,9. His conclusion about the collatio as a teaching-tool is formulated as follows: "Therefore, it seems that recitations and collationes, which were distinguishable by their respective requirements and frequency, developed from the same need: to promote the student from auditor (who listened and followed the text that he was to carry with him to lectio, and who, at most, took notes) to an active member of the scholastic community, who progressively proved his advancement in knowledge and possession of argumentative tools. Possessing these skills would become evident in the disputation, opponendo et respondendo, and even more so in the disputation deqiwlibet.' (p. 28) 79 A third type of collatio, which is — so to speak — somewhere in the middle between these two, is the Dominican practice of the so-called 'collatio de moral ibus' (described by Humbert of Romans). These 'collationes de moralibus' were, according to M . M . Mulchahey, 'a forum for discussing the issues of Christian morality which would confront the friars as doctors of souls, a forum for examining sample cases of conscience as would be brought to them in confession'. M . M . M U L C H A H E Y , Dominican Educational Vocabulary, CIVTCIMA DC (1999), p. 115. Cf. also A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), p. 70. 80 This is aptly illustrated by the CIVICIMA-articles: cf. O . W E I J E R S , Le vocabulaire du College de Sorbonne, CP/ICIMA VI (1993), pp. 18-19 on the rules for the discussion-collatio as laid out by Robert de Sorbon; cf. M . - H . J U L I E N D E P O M M E R O L , Le vocabulaire des colleges dans le midi de la France, CTVICIMA VI (1993), p. 39 on the occurrence of the term in sources for the universities of southern France; cf. A. ESPOSITO, / collegi universitari de Roma, CTVICIMA VI (1993), pp. 87-88 on the uses of the term in the context of the university colleges and mendicant schools in Rome. 81 The —>disputatio-character of the collatio is confirmed by the use of terms such as opponens, respondens (cf. -^opponere) and —>quaestiones. The collatio, however, was undoubtedly less ceremonial than the -^disputatio. It was held once or twice a week, not in the official schools of the university themselves, but rather in the colleges or student hospices, and it was intended as an academic exercise for the students. Cf. O . W E T J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), 374-375. B. Roest describes a similar practice in his study on Franciscan schools: B . ROEST, A History of Franciscan Education (c. 1210-1517)

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COLLATIO

plications of collatio developed: at the theological faculty in fourteenthcentury Bologna, e.g., the term could also refer to the first element of the ceremonial inauguration of bachelors;82 in later sources, collatio is used to refer to the (perhaps sermon-like) opening-statement of a master or bachelor at the beginning of a course; or it referred to the speech for the ceremony during which the candidates received their licentiates.83 In classical Latin, both collatio and its root, the verb conferre, already have a wide spectre of meanings.84 In the language of the Christian authors, collatio is frequent and used in many senses — the act of discussing; the discussion or deliberation itself; a synod, conference or assembly; the assembly of the faithful; the gathering of monks or the speech held at the gathering of monks; etc.etc.85 In medieval Latin, the variety of meanings is just as wide. The term is used in an administrative sphere, for the conferment of land or office or for the appointment of a person to a certain office; the term is used for the comparison and collation of texts;86 and it is used in senses which relate to the uses described above: 'conference', 'discussion', 'lecture' or 'sermon'.87

(2000), pp. 133-134. For the Dominican schools, Humbert of Romans describes three different kinds of discussion-collationes, each with its own specific purpose: a collatio could be a re-enactment of a recent disputation; it could be a non-ceremonial —>disputatio on new questions, in which students could practise their rhetorical skills and train their memories; or it could be used as a kind of examination-training, on the basis of which the master could decide whether the student was ready for his examination or not. M . M . MOLCHAHEY, Dominican Educational Vocabulary, CTVJCIMA I X (1999), p. 116. 82 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 373. 83 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 375; A . M A I E R U , University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), p. 70. 84 See for collatio, O L D ; for conferre, T L L . Closest to the medieval use of the term described here are meanings like 'to discuss', 'to confer', as present in expressions such as sermones conferre, verba (ora) conferre, consilia conferre. Cf. T L L ; O L D confero 12c. 85 B L A I S E , Diet. 86 A use, incidentally, which is already found in classical Latin (cf. O L D confero 14, collatio 4), and which is also mentioned as part of the medieval diplomatic vocabulary in O. GUYOTJEANNIN, Le vocabuLiire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CIVICIMA I I (1989), p. 130. 87 D M L ( i - 6 )

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commentari, commentarius (-ium), commentum, commentator The most common method of teaching in the Middle Ages consisted of the reading of a(n authoritative) text, which was simultaneously explained and commented upon by a master.88 This activity of explaining and commenting on a text-book was, from late Antiquity onwards throughout and beyond the Middle Ages, commonly referred to by the verb commentari (or in the Middle Ages also commentare)f the result was called a commentarius (-ium) or commentum;90 and the writer of a commentary was called a commentator. Terms which could be used with similar meanings are exponere (expositio, expositor), annotate (annotatio, annotator), glossare (-^>glossa),m etc.

One should notice, however, that commentari and its derivative commentarius had more meanings than just this narrow one. Both in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages the terms were also used, for example, in the context of administration, in the meaning of '(public) record' or 'register',92 that is, a list of things that needed remembering {commentari as a derivative of con and miniscor). W i t h reference to literary works, the verb was used to refer to the writing of note-books or treatises in general, or to the jotting down of short notes to aid one's own memory.53

88 See also -^lectio 89 Examples of this use are given by J . O . W A R D in his article Rhetoric and the Art of dictamen, CWICIMA I I I (1990), pp. 39-40. 90 For examples of the use of these words for literary works of an explanatory nature cf. P. L E H M A N N , Mittelalterlkhe Bikhertitell (1949), pp. 30, 32. 91 On the distinction sometimes made between —tglossa and commentarius (or commentum) see E . J E A U N E A U , Closes et commentaires de textes pbilosophiques (1982), csp. pp. 117-119.

Closely related to annotate and annotatio are, of course, the terms notae, notulae, etc., 'notes', which could make up an extensive commentary, or contain only occasional information. See also —>declarare, exponere, explanare, interpretari. 92 C f . T L I . ( I A ) ; O L D ( 2 a ) . 9 3 T L L ( B i ) ; O L D (la-b).

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Commentarius was used for 'booklet' (of a synoptic nature),94 'register', 'enumeration',95 or even 'translation';96 commentator had the meaning of 'composer (author) of a literary work' in general, in addition to the more specific meaning of'writer of a commentary'.97 Since the working method of commenting upon a text already existed in the educational context of Antiquity and simply remained in use in the Middle Ages, the semantic background of the terms is not very revealing. The diverse meanings of commentari which were used in Antiquity continued to exist in the Middle Ages, including those treated above: 'to comment upon', 'to write a commentary' or 'to explain, interpret (an authoritative text)'.98 The masculine and neuter forms commentarius and commentarium co-existed already in Antiquity, although commentarius seems to be the more common form.99 In the Middle Ages, besides the passive form commentari, the active form commentare was also used. Another medieval neologism is the noun commentum, which was (inter alia) used as a synonym of commentarius (-ium).100

94 MW(ib) 95 M W (ic); D M L (b). 96 Cf. Ch. BURNETT, The Institutional Context of Arabic-Latin Translations of the Middle Ages, CTVICIMA V I I I (1995), p. 217: he notes the use of the terms comtnentare, commentum and commentarium in the context of Arabic-Latin translations in the schools of the twelfth and diirteendi centuries. 97 Cf. MW (1-2). Note diat in the context of the philosophical works of Aristotle in the later Middle Ages commentator was often used as such for 'the Commentator", that is, Averroes. 98 In Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, commentari was also used in the meaning of 'to imagine', 'to invent or devise'. Consequently, in Antiquity but especially in the Middle Ages the verb and its derived nouns could also have negative connotations. Commentator, for example, was also used in the sense of'someone who makes up something', 'lier', 'contriver of evil' (cf. MW (3); D M L (1)), and commentari in the sense of'to lie, cheat' (cf. D M L (2a)). 99 Note that in some contexts in medieval Latin commentarius is synonymous with commentator: MW (2); D M L (a). 100 Cf. MW (2b-c). In MW the meaning of commentum is divided in two categories: 1) those meanings that are related to thinking or speaking (thought, idea, point of view, intention, etc., but also in a negative way: a fabrication, lie, deceitful plan); and 2) those that are related to the written word (message, book, comment or commentary).

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compilare, compilatio, compilator The practice of compiling anthologies or florilegia, collections of citations or extracts taken from the writings of others, was very common throughout the Middle Ages,101 and flourished in particular in the thirteenth century.102 The vocabulary used to express this literary activity is extremely varied and rich. Neutral expressions were used which emphasized the aspect of collection {colligere, collectio, collectanea), the content of the collections (dicta, -^sententiae and summae, auctoritates (see —> auctor)), or the method of working (compilare (compilatio), extrahere (extractiones), abbreviare (abbreviationes), etc.),103 but there was also a rich set of metaphorical expressions, which frequently used the metaphor of (plucking) flowers.104 Florilegtum itself is a modern coinage, compounded

1 0 1 There is a sufficient bibliography on the subject: cf., among others, M . A . & R . H . R O U S E , Florilegia of Patristic Texts (1982); B . M U N K O L S E N , Les floriliges d'auteurs classiques (1982);). H A M E S S E , Les florilegesphilosophiques (1982); M . B . PARKES, The Influence of the Concepts of'Ordinatio' and 'Compilatio' on the Development of the Book (1976); A . J . M I N N I S , Late-Medieval Discussions of 'Compilatio' and the Role of the 'Compilator' (1979); and B . G U E N E E , LO storico e la compilazione nel XIII secolo (1986). Terminologically oriented articles are those by G . M E L V I L L E , Zur Flores-Metaphorik in der Mittelalterlichen Geschichtsschreibung (1970); N . HATIIAWAY, Compilatio: from Plagiarism to Compiling (1989); and J . H A M E S S E , Le vocabuLtire desflorileges me'dievaux, CTVICIMA I I I (1990). 102 Cf. M . B . PARKES, The Influence of the Concepts of'Ordinatio' and Compilatio' on the Development of the Book (1976), who speaks of a 'compiling industry' (p. 138) and calls the thirteenth century 'the age of the compiler' (p. 129). 103 Many more of these expressions are listed by J . H A M E S S E in Le vocabulaire des florileges medievaux, CWICIMA I I I (1990). 104 The classical origin of this metaphor and its medieval history are discussed in G. M E L V I L L E , Zur Flores-Metaphorik in der mittelalterlichen Geschichtsschreibung (1970). I n Antiquity flos was already used to mean 'the best part of something' in the context of literary works, and in the Middle Ages, the use of flares to mean 'extracts' was, according to M.A. and R . H . R O U S E , 'SO widespread that it almost ceases to be a metaphor' {Florilegia of Patristic Texts (1982), p. 165). In similar metaphors, words such as gemma (gemstone) or scintilla (spark) were used in the sense of'(authoritative) words or passages worth preserving.

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COMPILARE, COMPILATIO, COMPILATOR

from flos ('flower') and legere ('to pick up or pick out'),1"5 but it captures the spirit of medieval collections remarkably well. The titles of many medieval collections reveal this: Liber florum (Book of Flowers), Libri deflomtionum (Books of Plucked Flowers), Flores pamdysi (Flowers of Paradise), Manipulus florum (Bouquet of Flowers), Florarium (Flower Garden), Floretum (Garland), etc.106 The most interesting terms from this whole spectrum, however, are compilare, compilatio and compilator — these evolved from a pejorative meaning, 'to plunder, pillage' to the neutral meaning of 'to extract from the writings of another', 'to compile'.107 In medieval definitions of the terms it is often stressed that the compilator, as opposed to the compositor or -^auctor, in principle adds no matter of his own.108 The usefulness of a compilation lay in the collection and arrangement of the authoritative material at hand,109 or, in other words, the new context created by the compiler. Roughly speaking until the second half of the twelfth century compilare, compilatio and compilator were mostly used in a negative sense: the stealing or plagiarizing of another's words.110 In the thirteenth century, when the genre of the florilegium began to flourish in all kinds of areas (literary florilegia, academic florilegia, religious florilegia, etc.), 105 J . H A M E S S E refers to an attestation in 1621: Le vocabulaire des florileges medievaux, CIVFCIMA I I I (1990), p. 209 n. 2. She notes that anthologia, imported from the Greek, is also a post-medieval term for the phenomenon. 106 The list is taken from M . A . & R . H . R O U S E , Florilegia of Patristic Texts (1982), pp. 167169. See also their paragraph on terminology, pp. 169-170. J . H A M E S S E mentions deflorare and deflomtio, Le vocabulaire des florileges medievaux, CTVICIMA I I I (1990), p. 222 and n. 57107 The semantic background of these terms is convincingly uncovered in the article by N . HATHAWAY, Compilatio: from Plagiarism to Compiling (1989). 108 Note that the term tractatus was often used to indicate that the work at hand was the work of the author himself, as opposed to works such as compilations {compilatio, etc.), commentaries (-^commentarius) or other collections or excerpts. 109 For this arrangement a multitude of principles could be applied: following the order of the original text(s), grouping according to subject matter, arranging on logical principles or in alphabetical order. HO N . HATHAWAY shows that up to that time the practice of compiling was defended with arguments such as utility, aptness or the power of the well-put phrase. The willingness to defend it, moreover, is attested from Late Antiquity onwards, through Carolingian times and into the twelfth century. By the eleventh century compile and compilatio were sometimes used in a neutral sense for the literary activity of compiling, and in the twelfth

COMPILARE, COMPILATIO, COMPILATOR

239

the activity of compiling became more prevalent and sophisticated, and it was only then that the terms compilare, compilatio and compilator became firmly rooted in the vocabulary of the phenomenon. In a florilegium the material worth reading was selected, arranged according to a certain principle to facilitate easy access and/or learning by heart; the florilegium itself was handy in size and affordable."1 In Antiquity compilare had the meaning of 'to deprive violently', 'to rob' or 'plunder', and was also used in the sense of'to plunder another's writing', 'to plagiarize'."2 Compilatio and compilator are post-classical terms,113 and in late Antiquity the terms had, with reference to the written word, the negative connotation of the illicit borrowing and altering of another's writing."4 Until the twelfth century, the terms were rarely used in a neutral sense."5 Before then, consequently, other terms were used for the literary activity we call compilation, such as colligere, excerpere, decerpere, abbreviare or componere."6 From the second half of

the twelfth century, the neutral meanings of compilare, compilatio and finally also compilator became more widespread, and at the end of the same century, when the genre of florilegium was flourishing, the negative connotation had eroded."7 century compilator was also used in a neutral sense. It is only in the second half of the twelfth century, however, that the activity of compiling generally came to be seen as useful and instructive, and that there was no longer a need to make excuses for borrowing from the work of others. i n O n all of these aspects see J . H A M E S S E , Le vocabulaire des florileges medie'vaux, CIVICIMA I I I (1990), pp. 223-226. 112 Cf. T L L ; O L D . For a full treatment of the semantic background of the terms see N. HATHAWAY, Compilatio: from Plagiarism to Compiling (1989). 113 Compilatio, however, does occur once in the classical sources: Cicero uses it in the meaning of'robbery'. 114 See B L A I S E , Diet., compilator. 115 Cf. N I E R M . , compilator (1); M W , compilator (1) and compile (IA); D M L , compilare (ia) and compilator (1). 116 Cf. N . HATHAWAY, Compilatio: from Plagiarism to Compiling (1989), p. 21, n. 10. Hathaway stresses that 'Compiling is as old as the ancient literary tradition itself (p. 41) — in other words, the activity of compiling is not a thirteenth-century invention. 117 Cf. N I E R M . , compilare, compilator (2); M W , compilatio (1-2), compilator (2) and compile ( I B ) ; D M L , compilare (2), compilatio (1) and compilator (2). Note, however, that compilare was used not only in the narrow sense of 'to put together an anthology', but also in the wider sense of'to compose a work based on the work of others'.

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concordantia In the course of the thirteenth century, new research-tools were invented in the world of learning, which was characterized by an ever growing number of books. Among these tools was the concordance, which was at first only made of the Bible and for which the plural form concordantie (verborum) was commonly used.'18 Other terms used for the same phenomenon were die more general -^tabula (table, list) or promptuarium (that is, a work that facilitates quick access to another).119 W i t h these concordances, students could find their way to specific biblical passages more easily, and preachers could use them when writing their sermons.120 The first concordances were verbal concordances of the Bible, which listed, in alphabetical order, in a first column the words (in context) of the Bible, and in a second column a reference to the passages where they were found. Three of these verbal concordances were made in die period 1235-1275, in the Dominican convent of St. Jacques in Paris. The youngest of the three became immensely popular and was copied extensively. It is hard to overestimate the effect of the invention of the working tool of the concordance. It not only facilitated the search for specific passages, but it also had an impact on the invention of other tools, such as the (alphabetical) index, the thematical concordance or index, and alphabetically or thematically ordered collections of -^distinctiones. The tool, introduced for the Bible, was soon adopted for other texts, such as the works of Saint Augustin, Saint Ambrose, Boethius, Isidore, etc. Furthermore, it was soon adopted outside the field of theology.121 In 118 R . H . and M . A . R O U S E published several papers on the subject, a.o., La concordance verbaledesEcritures (1984); and Concordanceset index (1990). See also O . W E I J E R S , Les dictionnaires etautres repertoires, CTVICIMA I I I (1990), pp. 206-208; and E A D . , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen dge, CTVICIMA TV (1991), pp. 126-133. 119 This term, however, was not only used for concordances, but also, for example, for dictionaries. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen dge, CTVJCIMA I V (1991), p. 131. 120 At the basis of die making of a biblical concordance lies the division of the biblical text into chapters. The division of chapters into seven parts, marked A to G, was invented in the thirteenth century, in the Dominican convent of St. Jacques in Paris. On the subdivision of texts, see also —tcapitulum. 121 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen dge, CIVICIMA I V (1991), p. 128.

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241

die area of Law, for example, concordantie are found in which parallel passages from different sources (e.g. Canon Law and the Bible, or Old Testament and New Testament) were collected. One should note, however, that theological and legal concordances are different in nature: a theological concordance strove to form a complete list of passages which use the same verbal expression, whereas a legal concordance consisted of a collection of passages which dealt with the same subject. Furthermore, in the field of Law the term concordantia was often used together with its counterpart, contraria — i.e. the side-by-side presentation of (seemingly) contradictory passages.122 Furthermore, in the area of Medicine alphabetically organized collections were made of lemmata with references to other sources, short abstracts, citations, etc., which were also presented as concordantie.123 The substantive concordantiawas invented in the Middle Ages.124 Derived from the verb concordare, 'to accord', 'to bring into or be in accordance', the noun was used from the end of the twelfth century for 'parallel passage'.125 In the thirteenth century its plural, concordantie, became the common term for 'concordance' — list of parallel passages.

122 One could also think of, for example, the Concordia discordantium canonum of Gratian — a work in which (seemingly) contradictory passages from the field of Canon Law are harmonized. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen Age, CF/ICIMA IV (1991), pp. 142-144. 123 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen dge, CIVTCIMA I V (1991), p. 128; she refers to L . C . M A C K I N N E Y , Medieval Medical Dictionaries and Glossaries (1938). 124 O n the semantic development of the term see O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA IV (1991), pp. 132-133. 125 Cf. D M L (3); M W (2); O. W E I J E R S , Les dictionnaires et autres repertoires, CTVICIMA I I I (1990), pp. 207-208.

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cursus, cursorius (-ie), cursor, (cursare) A cluster of terms based on the noun cursus (or the verb currere) acquired a specific technical meaning in the Middle Ages.126 In this technical, teaching-related sense, the term was used in the context of the universities,127 where in addition to the regular lessons (cf. -^legere and -^ordinarius), given by masters or professors at regular hours (usually in the morning), lessons of a different character were given, either by licenced masters or by unlicenced bachelors128 at hours which were not reserved for the lectiones ordinarie: die so-called lectiones cursoriae (lectio ad cursum, legere cursorie). These 'cursive' lessons differed from the 'ordinary' lessons not only in their practical aspects (time, place,129 and — possibly — status of die teacher), but also in the teaching-method employed: they were meant to introduce students to a text at its first level of interpretation (the textual level or sensus litteralis) and treated it less extensively, that is: more

126 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987) treats the terms 'Cursorie (-ius), (Cursus, Cursor), Biblice in one section (pp. 329-335), with separate sections on the first attestations of these words in (printed) university sources (pp. 331-333) and on their semantic developments (pp. 333-335). See also the more recent article by A . M A I E R U , Les cours: 'lectio' et 'lectio cursoria (1997); on cursorius/-ie: esp. pp. 374-375, 378-381, 386-387, and on cursor: pp. 379-380. 127 It seems that the terms ad cursum and cursorie were first used in Paris, and that the application of the term to the particular type of teaching described below spread quickly from there to the rest of Europe. In Italy, however, these terms were not used in Padua and Bologna; they do occur in the sources for the university of Naples. In Bologna and Padua, the term -^extraordinariusl-ie corresponds to the Paris use of cursoriml-ie. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 308, 329. 128 In the sources of the University of Paris we sometimes find a refinement to make a distinction between the two: the term lectio extraordinaria was reserved for 'extraordinary' lessons given by a professor, the term lectio cursoria, on the other hand, was used for lessons given by a bachelor. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 308, 329-330. The distinction, however, is not universal, and the use of the terminology is by no means consistent. 129 The lectio cursoria did not necessarily take place within the walls of the official classroom or school. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 307, 330.

C U R S U S , C U R S O R I U S ( - I E ) , CURSOR, ( C U R S A R E )

243

quickly and more cursorily than was the case in the ordinary lessons.130 The term cursor, in a technical educational sense, was first used in the context of the schools of the Mendicant orders. It referred to the assistant of the -elector (Cat. I ) , who was responsible for the lectio cursoria of the Bible (legere Bibliam cursorie or legere Bibliam biblice), i.e., for treating the textual aspects and literal sense.131 Cursorie and cursor were also used in the Mendicant orders for the teaching of another standard text on the curriculum: the lectio of the Sentences of Peter Lombard {legere Sententias cursorie, cursor Sententiarum, cursor de Sentenciis) .132

Within the context of the university, cursor was only used at the Faculty of Theology from the beginning of the fourteenth century onwards,131 in a meaning which follows naturally from its application within the context of the religious orders: the word was used for bache130 Weijers suggests that this aspect of speed is confirmed by the university calendars, where days reserved for lectio cursoria were marked Le(gibiles) fes(tinanter). The days reserved for regular lessons were marked legibiles (ordinarie) ( O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 329, references in n. 33). The abbreviation fes, however, could also be read as festive — that is, denoting a day on which a festive lesson was read, suitable for the special occasion of that day. The sources also suggest that certain subjects could only be treated on certain (perhaps these festive) days. Cf. A . M A I E R U , Les cours: 'lectio' et 'lectio cursoria (1997), p. 377. (To add to die confusion, Maieru erroneously writes that on festive days, 'le maitre Yit festine — in a hasty way. It is clear from die context, however, that die author meant to write festive — in a festive way.) 131 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 331. O n die use of the word in the context of education at the Mendicant schools, see also G . BARONK, Les convents des mendiants, des colleges deguises?, CIVICIMA V I ((1993), p. 156; and A . M A I E R U , Figure di docenti nelle scuole domenicane, CIVICIMA DC (1999), pp. 83-85. Maieru mentions die terms sublector or secundus lector (in opposition with lector (principalis)) as alternatives for cursor. The cursor bibliaewas also called biblicus. Cf. —elector in Cat. I. 132 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 331; G . BARONE, Les convents des mendiants, des colleges deguises?, CIVICIMA VI (1993), p. 156 (she mentions the term sententiarius — a fourteenth-century neologism for someone who, just as die biblicus read the Bible in a 'cursive' way, read die Sentences in a 'cursive' way); A. M A I E R U , Figure di docenti nelle scuole domenicane, CIVICIMA K (1999), p. 74. 133 There is one exception: the word occurs in a set of rules for the Faculty of Arts in Paris, issued by Innocent IV in 1245. In these, he determines the days and hours reserved for lectio cursoria. He uses the term cursores for diose who deliver the lectiones cursoriae, diat is, either magistri or bachelors. This, however, is the only known example of the word used in the context of the university before the fourteendi century, and applied to education at another faculty than that of Theology. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 330-331.

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lors teaching the Bible during their first two years of teaching.134 In the fourteenth century, the word cursare was created as a synonym of legere In Antiquity, the word cursorius/-ie is practically non-existent.136 Cursor was used for someone who currit, a runner, for example a messenger or athlete.137 Cursus had a variety of meanings, such as the act of running, the course of things, the movement of things or their speed, a journey or career, a series or sequence of things.138 This last meaning was applied in a new context in the Christian Latin of late Antiquity, where the term was used for liturgical concepts such as the yearly cycle of offices, psalms or liturgical hours: cursus divinus, cursus horarum, cursus vigilarum, cursus canonicus, cursus psalmorum, cursum canere, etc.139

It has been suggested that the meaning of the term in its educational context of the Middle Ages concurs with this notion of'series' or 'sequence'.140 The examples of the use of the terms cursorius/-ie, ad cursum and cursor, however, refute this. From the outset, the term was used to refer to a certain type of teaching, as distinct from the lectio ordinaria: the less extensive, faster treatment of texts, often at the hands of bachelors rather than masters. In the medieval examples, cursorie corresponds with cursu or cursim in classical texts, and has the connotation of fastness, speed. The combination of the two aspects ('sequence' and 'speed'), however, is also found in some examples with the word cursus: phrases like cursum incipere or cursum terminare, for example, are applied in the meaning of 'to start' or 'to end a series of lessons of a 'cursive' nature.'141

134 It is not entirely clear what the relation was between these cursores from the Faculty of Theology and the baccalarii biblici (see also —±baccalarius in Cat. I ) , whose task it was to read one Bible-chapter per session and one book per academic year. Cf. A . M A I E R U , Les cours: 'lectio et 'lectio cursorid (1997), pp. 386-387. 135 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 333. 136 T L L , col. 1528. 137 T L L , col. 1527-1528. 138 T L L , col. 1529-1539. 139 T L L , col. 1539; B L A I S E , Diet. 140 D M L ; refutation in O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 334. 141 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 334-335.

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dedarare, dedaratio; exponere, expositio; explanare, explanatio; interpretari, interpretatio The basis of the medieval educational system consisted of the collective reading of authorized texts, which were expounded by the masters. Intrinsic to this system is a whole range of terms relating to the act of expounding or commenting on words, passages or texts. Exponere, explanare, dedarare142 and —^interpretari143 are the most common, along with their nouns expositio, explanatio, dedaratio and interpretatio, and other derivations such as expositor, expositivusl-e, interpretator, interpretativusl-e, etc. These terms commonly occur in contexts which relate to the exposition of texts or passages in general,144 but also, for example, in relation

142 J . H A M E S S E notes that dedarare could be used in contrast to recitare (or declamare): recitare is the reading aloud of texts, whereas dedarare includes the reading aloud of a text, but also its explanation or elucidation. J . H A M E S S E , Approche terminologique de certaines methodes d'enseignement et de recherche, CIVICIMA Vlll (1995), pp. 11-12, 14-19. Furthermore, A . M A I E R U investigates another term from the context of textual analysis, which he finds used in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century sources from the Faculties of Medicine: verificare and verificatio. The candidates are asked to Verify' certain statements, that is, to investigate their truth by logic reasoning, or by linking it to other authorities. See A . M A I E R U , La terminologie de I'universite de Bologne de medecine et des arts, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 149-156; English translation: Bolognese Terminology in Medicine and Arts, in: University Training in Medieval Europe (1994), pp. 81-92. 143 Interpretari can also have the more specific meaning of to translate' (from one language into another), cf. —>interpretari, transferre. Another term commonly used for the practice of commenting is, of course, -^commentari. 144 For examples of the use of the terms interpretatio, expositio and dedaratio in the context of juridical vocabulary, see: V. C R E S C E N Z I , Lingttaggio scientifico e terminologia giuridka, CIVICIMA V (1992). Interpretatio, expositio and dedaratio (legum) are used for the interpretation of juridical rules in real life, the application of the Law in concrete cases. Expositio on its own most often refers to commentaries in general, and exegesis in particular, i.e. the interpretation of the Bible or the works of the Church Fathers. ( O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), p. 75). See also the expression expositores sacri or sacre pagine —used by Grosseteste—, which, according to D . L U S C O M B E , Philosophy and Philosophers in the Schools of the Twelfth Century, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 80, has the meaning of'theologians'.

246

DECLARARE, EXPONERE, EXPLANARE, INTERPRETARI

to lexicographical works such as dictionaries, where individual words are explained or elucidated by a (more familiar) synonym.145 Expositio (terminorum, vocabuloruni) is the most common term used in this particular context. It can be used both for simple word explanations and for more complex descriptions of terms (which treat aspects such as derivation (—» derivatio) and etymology (-^etymologia)). The semantic backgrounds of these terms are not very revealing. Most of them were already used in the sense of 'to expound', 'to explain (a text)',146 and continued to be used in that way in the Middle Ages. The only exception is declarare, which in Antiquity did not have the transitive meaning of'to explain', but was only used intransitively as 'to signify, to mean'.147 Furthermore, it should be noted that exponere had a wide range of specific meanings (e.g., 'to spend (money)', 'to pawn, 'to expose, lay unprotected');148 'to explain, expound' is only one of the many meanings in which the word was used.149 Explanare, finally, was also used in Antiquity in the sense of'to utter distinctly',150 and explanatio in the sense of'a clear pronunciation',151 but these meanings seem to have disappeared in the Middle Ages.

145 See O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIWCIMA I V (1991), pp. 73-75. Other terms mentioned in this context are describereldescription definire/definitio, or the less common enucleare/enncleatio. 146 Cf. T L L , explanare ( I , and especially IBib* ) , explanatio (A, and especially A i c ) , exponere (IIB2, col. 1761-1765), expositio (IIA2), interpretari (col. 2258-2261), interpretatio ( I ) ; O L D , explanare (2), explanatio (a), exponere (6), expositio (2), interpretari (1), interpretatio (ib). 147 Cf. T L L ( I ) ; O L D (3). See also D M L (1): 'to reveal, make clear, elucidate, demonstrate'. 148 Cf. N I F . R M . (1-12); D M L (1-8). 149

NIERM.

(13);

DML

(9).

150 Cf.TLL(IB3);OLD( 3 ). 151 TLL; OLD (b).

247

derivatio, compositio Derivatio (dir-) is a technical term from the field of grammar, which is closely related to -^etymologia. Grammarians from late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages used the term derivatio for a teaching device, which was based on the origin of words, like —>etymologia, but in a formal way: it aimed at creating families of terms, one of which was the original (principalis or primitivus), the others its derivatives (derivationes).^2 The term derivatio was used both for the derived word itself (also nomen derivatum, derivativum), and for the method of grammatical derivation.153 Originally, it was merely a pedagogical or mnemotechnic device: the student who needed to remember or understand an individual word would be helped by knowing the family relations of the group of words involved. A grammatical term closely related to derivatio (and -±etymologid) is compositio.154 The two are close in meaning: whereas the former emphasizes the fact that a word is to be resolved into basic elements (in order to enhance understanding), the latter indicates that a word is built out of several elements, into which it can be resolved (in order to enhance grammatical insight into its construction). Thus compositio involved the same grammatical method as derivation, but aimed at a different goal. The commonly used terminus technicus, however, was derivatio.

152 See O . W E I J E R S , Lexicography in the Middle Ages (1989), esp. pp. 141-143, 147-149; and E A D . , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA IV (1991), pp. 56-58, 7678, 81. Older studies are L . W . D A L Y and B.A. DALY, Some Techniques in Mediaeval Latin Lexicography (1964); R . K L I N C K , Die lateinische Etymologie des Mittelalters (1970), esp. pp. 22-30; C . B U R I D A N T , Lexicographic et glossographie medievales (1981). More recent is the volume edited by C . B U R I D A N T , L'etymologie de I'Antiquite a la Renaissance (1998); see especially the articles by C. BURIDANT, I . ROSIER-CATACH and B . MERRILEES. 153 The verb derivare was also used in this context (usually in the passive mode): 'to derive' or 'to be derived' — e.g. D M L (3b). !54 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CTVICIMA I V (1991), pp. 78-79. A distinction between the two is made in passages where grammarians or lexicographers discuss die different methods of explaining words and their relations to each other: ->etymologia, derivatio, compositio and interpretatio (cf. -^declarare).

248

DERTVATIO, COMPOSITIO

In the eleventh and especially the twelfth century the method of derivatio was applied to the field of lexicography, and shaped the evolution of the medieval dictionary. Papias, who wrote his dictionary Elementarium doctrinae rudimentum around the middle of the eleventh century, was the first to introduce a limited amount of derivatio into the history of lexicography.1''5 Hugucio of Pisa, the famous twelfth-century lexicographer, took the method to its peak: his dictionary, called Derivationes, was entirely arranged according to etymological families or derivations.156 The result was a dictionary that contained very diverse material: some entries were provided with simple explanations, others were explained with long passages of etymological information, or were illustrated with long digressions on historical, grammatical or juridical subjects. W i t h the treatment of words in etymologically related groups, however, the alphabetical order of entries was largely lost; consultation of the dictionary was not at all easy. From the second half of the thirteenth century onwards, alphabetical indices were created to facilitate practical use of the book. Later dictionaries show a return to the alphabetical principle of organization, but die derivation method had certainly been an important phase in the history of lexicography: its heritage shaped later work in this field and contributed gready to the emergence of complete dictionaries, containing a considerable amount of grammatical and etymological information.157

155 O n Papias and his use of the derivation method see O . W E I J E R S , Lexicography in the Middle Ages (1989), pp. 140-141. 156 O n Hugucio and his use of the derivation method, see O . W E I J E R S , Lexicography in the Middle Ages (1989), pp. 142-143. Weijers treats the work of Osbern of Gloucester, which is chronologically between Papias and Hugucio, as a second step in the evolution of lexicography: ibid., p. 142. For both Osbern and Hugucio the term derivarius (author of derivations) was used, for Hugucio also derivator, cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA IV (1991), pp. 56-57, nn. 133-134. 157 Such as, for example, John Balbi's Catholicon (1286), a work in which grammatical subjects receive so much attention that, according to O. Weijers, it 'can hardly be called a dictionary'. It needs a separate alphabetical index to make it suitable for consultation. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Lexicography in the Middle Ages (1989), pp. 143-144.

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249

Derivatio was already used as a grammatical term in late Antiquity, in the senses of 'a derived word' or 'the act or principle of derivation'.158 At the basis of its expansion in the Middle Ages lies, probably, Priscian, who stated that nouns, proper names and verbs should be divided into two species: principales or primitivi and derivativi. In the twelfth century, when the method of derivation was very much en vogue for lexicographical works, derivationes became the title of several dictionaries arranged according to this principle.

158 Cf. T L L (col. 635); O L D (3); D M L (2b). Note that the orthographic variants dirivare, dirivatio and dirivativus are also attested (cf. D M L , under derivare, etc.)- On the semantic development of the term cf. O. W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen Age, CIV1CIMA IV (1991), p. 8T.

250

determinatio, determinate, determinator, subdeterminator Even before the period of the university determinare and determinatio were the technical terms for the settlement of disputed questions in a public forum. W i t h the development of a structured curriculum for the faculties at the university, the terms came to refer to the event that marked the end of the first phase and the beginning of the second in a student's career.159 The scholarly exercise of -^disputatio was usually staggered over two sessions. In the first session the central question was put by the master and subsequently discussed by at least two (advanced) students, opponens and respondens (cf. —>opponere), the last of whom gave a preliminary solution. In the second session, which was usually held on a different day, the master summarized the previous discussion, gave his own solution (determinatio or solutio), and refuted counter-arguments. At a certain point in his career a student was allowed to step in the role of the master, and determine disputed questions himself. Thus, determinare and determinatio were used as terms for this point, with which a student rounded orT the first stage of his studies, and entered into the second.160 After several years of study, when a student at the Faculty of Arts was usually close to twenty years of age, had studied several books and had participated in -^disputationes for two years, he could ask permission to proceed to the examination of the determinatio (cf. -^licentia

159 See on this term O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 348-353, 354-355, 404-407; see also E A D . , Les regies d'examen dans les universites medievales (1995), pp. 207209; E A D . , La 'disputatio a la FacultedesartsdeParis (1995), pp. 41-50; E A D . , Le maniement desavoir (1996), Chap. 8: 'Les examens et les ceremonies: regies et pratiques', pp. 117-127. Details of the regulations for the determinatio in the various Faculties of Arts (of France, England, Italy and central and eastern Europe) are treated in her recent book La disputatio' dans les Faculth des arts au moyen age (2002). 160 Note the rather inaccurate translation of the term in N I E R M . , which must go back to this aspect of the term: 'to announce the beginning of lessons'.

DETERMINATIO, DETERMINARE, DETERMINATOR

251

determinandi in Cat. I). 161 In order to receive this permission, he had to appear before a committee of three masters, who evaluated the student's suitability as a candidate. The character of this meeting is a matter of disagreement in recent scholarship. Some argue that on this occasion the student was actually put to the test on the contents of the books he had studied,1'2 others say that it was simply a ceremony at which he swore to various things: first, that he had completed the required classes and, secondly, that he had the permission of a regent master to use his school for the disputes. The disputes themselves, then, functioned as his final test.163 Once die student was permitted the -^licentia determinandi, he was created a bachelor (cf. -^baccalarius in Cat. I ) . He had to determine questions in several disputes, which took place during Lent. The disputes themselves were also called determinationes, and the candidate, called the determinator, held the closing arguments and thus acted in the role of the -+magister.lM

Since entering these examinations was a costly affair (the master had to be paid for putting his school temporarily at one's disposal), in Paris a rule was invented in 1275 which made it easier for poor students to enter. The period of Lent, in which the determinationes were to be held, was divided in two: in the first period, die

161 Originally it took a student four or five years of study to complete the first phase, but generally speaking the number of years of study before the examination of the determinatio decreased in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 162 Notably H . R A S H D A L L , The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, Vol. I (revised ed. 1987), p. 453; M . TANAKA, La nation anglo-allemande de I'Universite de Paris (1990), pp. 106-108. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Les regies d'examen dans les universites medievales (1995), PP107-209; she herself does not come down on either side, and seems to keep the matter open. 163 Notably J.A. W E I S H E I P L , The Parisian Faculty of Arts in Mid-Thirteenth Century (I975)> PP- 2.07-209, 215: ' I n the thirteenth century this [i.e. the examination ad determinandum] was not an examination in the modern sense of the term. It was merely the vote of three masters testifying to the students ability.' 164 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 406-407 for the first attestations of these terms in their technical senses described above. Determinare occurs from ca. 1245, the other terms from the middle of the century onwards.

252

DETERMINATIO, DETERMINARE, DETERMINATOR

determinator held his closing arguments, and in the second, a subdeterminator could determine disputations — thus performing his master's test without having to pay the full fee for the entering of the examination. Perhaps a similar provision was made for the students in Oxford, where the expression determinatio in aliis occurs in the sources.165 In classical Latin, the first meaning of determinare is to mark out or fix the boundaries of something, in space or in time.166 In a more general sense, the word was also used in the meaning of 'to define something', or (especially in the field of rhetoric) 'to conclude' (a sentence).167 Determinatio was, in classical Latin, used for the marking off of a boundary (or, in concrete terms, a boundary or temporal limitation), but also for the conclusion or end of a speech (in rhetoric).168 In medieval Latin determinare and determinatio were used in all their classical senses, including to determine or settle a question or case' (doctrinal, legal, administrative or scientific of nature).169 From there the terms were used for the academic exercise of 'determining' a question, and to qualify, by so doing, for a baccalaureate.170

165 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 405-406. The term subdeterminator is first attested in 1275. 166 T L L (I); O L D (1). 167 T L L (II, IIC); O L D (3, 4). 168 Cf. O L D (2). 169 Cf. N I E R M . determinare (4, 6, 7) and determinatio (1, 3); D M L determinare (3) and determinatio (3); B L A I S E , Lex, determinatio (1, 5). 170 Cf. D M L determinare (4a and b), determinatio (4); BLAISE, Lex., determinare (4), determinatio (3).

253

dictare, pronuntiare The practice of dictating a text to a scribe, assistant or notary is common throughout the Middle Ages; dictare is the verb most frequently used for this activity.171 In fact, until the twelfth century it was common practice for an author not to 'write' his own book, but to compose it orally, and simultaneously dictate it to a secretary.172 Thus dictare meant 'to compose' or 'to write' as well as 'to dictate' (by reading aloud).173 In the context of schools and universities, dictare (legere ad pennant, dare ad pennam, in scriptis dare, etc.) also played an important role.174 Students were generally required to have their own copies of the curricular texts, but were not always able to afford diem. In the thirteenth century, a -^pecia system (Cat. I I ) was introduced at the universities of France, Italy and the British Isles to enable students to buy their books at low prices. At the universities of central and eastern Europe, however, masters were required to dictate their core texts before the courses started, so that each student could make his own copy. For this practice, expres-

171 For a full treatment of terms for oral transmission see J . H A M E S S E , Le vocabulaire de la transmission orale des textes, CIVFCIMA I I (1989); I . H A J N A L , L'enseignement de Vecriture aux universites me'dievales (1959), esp. pp. 119-135. 172 For references to late-antique and medieval texts in which die term is used in these meanings, see J . H A M E S S E , Le vocabulaire de la transmission orale des textes, CP/ICIMA I I (1989), pp. 171-176. She describes several processes of die composition of texts, and in each die verb dictare has a slightly different meaning. For example, an author could compose his text orally in the presence of a scribe or secretary who wrote down his words, but he could also draft a rough version on wax tablets, which was subsequently recopied on parchment. In both cases the verb dictare was used for the process. 173 J . H A M E S S E suggests a third, more neutral meaning: 'to transmit orally': Le vocabulaire de la transmission orale des textes, CLVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 176-177. 174 Expressions such as legere ad pennam were often accompanied by the adverb tractim (slowly, at dictating speed), versus (legere) raptim or cursorie (fast, at a speed that allowed students only to take notes). It is important to distinguish between the products of the two processes: the first aims at faithfully writing down the oral performance, whereas the other is a personal rendering of it, in which details could be left out or emphasized according to one's own judgement. On the latter see -^reportare, reportatio.

254

DICTARE, PRONUNTIARE

sions such as pronuntiare, pronuntiatio and modo pronuntiantium were used: the master read slowly (at dictating speed) and articulated distinctly, so that students could write down the oral performance.175 Meanwhile, in the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the -^pecia system at western European universities gradually lost importance, and here too a practice of dictating developed:176 if requested, masters were required to dictate summaries to their audience of students, but only after the course had taken place.177 At the same time, the practice of pronuntiatio at the central and eastern European universities did not remain unaltered. Despite strict rules against bringing unauthorized copies or summaries into circulation, this seems to have happened on a large scale, mainly for economic reasons.178 The practice of dictating texts or summaries created more possibilities for abuse: both students and masters could use the dictation sessions to skip lessons and attend, or give, only summaries. In order to prevent these kinds of abuse and the circulation of unauthorized texts, numerous rules were issued, especially in the course of the fifteenth century. They tried to regulate the process of dictation, or to ban the practice altogether.179 The basic meanings of dictare and pronuntiare did not shift from Antiquity to the Middle Ages. In Antiquity dictare already had the two meanings of to dictate' and 'to write, to compose',180 and these remained 175 J . H A M E S S E , Le vocabulaire de la transmission orale, pp. 176-188. I n this article she heralds a separate paper on the subject to appear in Studi Medievali, but the project seems to have never been realized. 176 The practice of tegere adpennam was officially forbidden in Paris in the Statutes of 1355, but in 1452 this ban was again lifted by the cardinal of Estouteville. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatio dans les Facultes des arts au tnoyen dge (2002), p. 25. 177 England, however, seems to be an exception: no dictating practice of any kind is mentioned in the sources of the English Universities. J. Hamesse suggests that this remarkable absence is perhaps related to the fact that an Arts degree took longer in England than on the continent; students perhaps needed extra time to absorb the texts by means of repetitions (instead of dictations). Cf. J . H A M E S S E , Le vocabulaire de la transmission orale des textes, CIVICLMA I I (1989), p. 181 and n. 38. 178 Ibid, pp. T81-185. 179 Ibid., pp. 182-188. 180 Cf. T L L ( I B i and IB2); O L D (2c and 2b). Note also terms derived from dictare in related meanings: dictata, dictated lessons or exercises ( O L D ) ; dictator, he who dictates

(TLL II).

DICTARE, PRONUNTIARE

255

in use throughout the Middle Ages. In Christian and medieval Latin new terms were derived from the verbs, which adopted related meanings: dictamen was used for 'dictation',181 dictatio for 'dictating',182 dictator for 'one who dictates' or 'one who composes (a literary work)'.183 In Antiquity pronuntiare already had the meaning of 'to recite', or, mainly in a grammatical context, 'to utter (a word, syllable, etc.) in a given way'.184 Again these meanings remained in use throughout the Middle Ages. In the practice of the pronuntiatio at universities in central and eastern Europe, the terms pronuntiare, pronuntiatio and pronuntiator developed the specific technical meaning of 'to read aloud at dictating speed'. A new, post-classical derivation was pronuntiative, 'in a distinct way'.185

181 Cf. N I E R M . (i, 3). It was also used, however, in other meanings, such as: 'written copy, draft', 'literary work' (also: 'poem') or 'literary style', cf. N I E R M . (2, 4); D M L . See —tars dictaminis (Category I V ) . 182 Cf. NIERM.

183 C f N I E R M . ( I , 2); D M L (2). Note that dictatorwas also used in the sense of'one who teaches the art of (prose) writing', cf. N I E R M . (5); B L A I S E , Lex. (3). For examples of the use of the term in this sense, see C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabukire des icoles urbaines des XIP et XIIF siecles, CWIC1MA V (1992), pp. 87, 94, 98. 184 Cf. O L D (6-8). Related words with related meanings are pronuntiatio, 'pronounciation' ( O L D 4) and pronuntiator, 'one who recites a text or pronounces words' ( O L D 2). 185

Cf. BLAISE, Lex.

256

disputatio, disputare, qu(a)estio disputata The disputatio or scholarly debate is one of the elements of medieval education which has appealed greatly to the interest of modern scholars.186 Even before the existence of the universities, indeed as early as the Carolingian period, there are examples of disputationes between medieval scholars: debates or polemics, in which each scholar tried to convince the public.187 In the course of the twelfth century, however, when the disputatio had become an important element in teaching, the technique of disputare and the disputatio developed into an art with fixed rules: a scholastic method of debating questions in a strictly logical form.188 In the context of the medieval university the disputatio was omnipresent: as a method of teaching a given subject, but also as a means of training

186 There is a fairly large bibliography on the subject. See, for example, the recent bibliographies of O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatio'a la Faculte des arts de Paris (1995), pp. 123-130; B . C . B A Z A N , G . F R A N S E N , D . JACQUART and J . W . W I P P E L , Les questions disputees et les

questions quodlibetiques (1985), pp. 15-20; and especially O . W E I J E R S ' most recent book, La 'disputatio'dans les Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002), pp. 333-358. For a short introduction see L . H O D L , J . V E R G E R , 'Disputatio(n)', Lexikon des Mittelalters 3, col. 1116-1120. 187 For references to examples, see G . P A R E , A . B R U N E T and P. T R E M B L A Y , La renaissance

du Xlle. siecle (1933), p. 130 n. 2. 188 Cf. J . A . W E I S H E I P L , Curriculum of the Faculty of Arts at Oxford (1964), p. 176. O n the earliest history of the disputatio, see G . PARE, A . B R U N E T and P. TREMBLAY, La renaissance du XLL' siecle (1933), pp. 130-136. One should note that the primary goal of the disputatio, the debating of questions, was —as is stressed in many of the sources— to find the true answer, not just to sharpen one's skills in debating or in logic reasoning. The training of skills is at the centre of other exercises, such as the —tobligatio, or teaching on the subject of -^fallacia. Weijers argues that the older form of'dialectic' disputation had as its primary object the training of skills of logic reasoning, whereas the 'scholastic' disputation that we find in the university sources aims at finding the truth on a certain question. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatio' dans les Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002), pp. 319-329.

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257

the dialectical skills of the students, doing research, or putting students to the test.189 Strictly speaking the disputatio referred to the act of debating or the debate itself, and the subject which was debated or the written report resulting from the debate was called the questio disputata. In reality, however, the two are largely interchangeable.190 In the context of the university, one can distinguish between 'private' disputations and 'public' disputations. Private disputations or disputationes in scholis were held in the privacy of a school; the masters presided and led the discussion between their own students. On the other hand, public disputations — disputationes sollemnes (or in studio sollempni), disputationes magistrorum or disputationes ordinarie — were events which were open, in principle, to all masters and students of a faculty. Only masters and bachelors participated in these discussions.191 An average public disputatio comprised the following elements. First, the -^magister (Cat. I) decided upon a question and allocated the roles of respondens and opponens or (generally) opponentes (cf. -^opponere). The

questio disputata was announced (usually a day in advance) in all the schools attached to the faculty. Secondly, in an initial session the -^magister introduced the central question — which was shaped as a dialectical opposition to be answered with yes or no — and usually he himself

189 O n the disputatio in the thirteenth century and later, see O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 335-347; E A D . , La 'disputatio'& la Faculte des arts de Paris (1995), pp. 41-108; E A D . , Le maniement du savoir (1996), pp. 78-91 (Chap. V, 'La 'disputatio': methode d'enseignement et de recherche'); E A D . , La 'disputatio dans les Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002). 190 O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 336, 345. On the quaestio disputata, see the studies by B.C. BAZAN, G . FRANSEN, D . JACQUART and J . W . W I P P E L , Les

questions disputees et les questions quodlibe'tiques (1985); B . L A W N , The Rise and Decline of the Scholastic 'Quaestio Disputata (199$. 191 The rules of play of these public or solemn desputations were laid out in the university statutes. For example, for an assessment of the material on the disputatio in the sources of the Faculty of Arts in Paris, see O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatio'a la Faculte'des arts de Paris (1995), pp. 41-50. For Paris from 1350 and other faculties of Arts (in southern France, England, Italy, and eastern and central Europe), see E A D . , La 'disputatio'dans les Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002).

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treated the first arguments (argumenta, rationes) in favour and against.192 Thirdly, a debate between respondens and opponentes (usually bachelors) ensued: the respondens gave a provisional solution to the problem, the opponentes attacked this solution and gave counter-arguments, die respondens refuted the counter-arguments and added new ones in favour of his own solution, etc. Generally, the respondens was given the last word. Finally, the —tmagister gave his definitive answer, and refuted the counter-arguments; this solutio or —^determinatio probably took place in a second session.193 In the course of his academic career, a student was confronted with all kinds of disputations. First, as an undergraduate, he not only took part in the so-called disputationes in scholis, but also had to (passively) attend public disputations (disputationes sollemnes, publice, magistrorum or ordinarie). Secondly, in order to be admitted to his bachelors examination the student had to 'respond' (play the role of respondens) and 'oppose' (play the role of opponens) in various disputations. Thirdly, as a bachelor, he had to play the role of respondens and opponens in the public disputations of die masters. Fourthly, at the very end of his bachelorship and as part of his master's examination, he had to preside over public disputations and 'determine' questions.194 And lastly, a disputation was again part of the examination of die -^inceptio, which marked his entrance into die community of ^>magistri (Cat. I ) . As a master, it was his task to hold public disputations (at least once a year), to preside over them and to 'determine' the questio disputata.195 These public disputations were scheduled every week or every other week in the academic calendar on so-called dies disputabiles.™

192 The terms arguere, argumentum and argumentatio are commonly used in this context. 193 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 339-340. I n La 'disputatio' ct la Faculte des arts de Paris (1995), Weijers gives several examples of quest iones disputate with special emphasis on their structure: pp. 65-66, 74-75, and 78-79. 194 O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatid h la Faculte des arts de Paris (1995), pp. 41-48; J . A . W E I S H E I P L , Curriculum of the Faculty of Arts at Oxford (1964), pp. 154-163. 195 Note that the expression questio disputata is mostly used for the literary genre which sprang from the practice of disputatio — a commentary in the form of a debated question, or a report or edited report of an actual disputation. Cf. ->questio. 196 O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 338, and pp. 339-345 for the specifics for each faculty. Disputabilis is a term which existed in Antiquity and throughout the Middle Ages in a different sense: 'arguable', 'open to discussion' (cf. O L D ; D M L (a)). In

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Note that the plural questiones disputate is often used in a different sense. It does not refer to the written result of a public disputation, but rather to the result of a master's classroom teaching: a commentary on a schooltext, organized in the form of disputed questions. The wealtli of expressions featuring disputatio aptly illustrates the complexity of the genre. In addition to the expressions mentioned above, there were disputationes de sophismatibus (in which —generally speaking— a logical or grammatical question was treated, cf. -^sophisma), disputationes de questione (an expression which seems to have been reserved for questions on a more advanced level)197 and de quolibetlquodlibetice (literally: a question on any subject, cf. -^quodlibei). Throughout Antiquity and the Middle Ages disputare and disputatio were used as general terms for 'discussion', 'debate' or 'dispute', but also in the neutral meanings of 'dialogue' or 'treatment'.198 In the course of the twelfth century, however, when disputare became a distinct teaching method, the term developed a specific technical meaning. The discussion itself took the form of a strictly logical debate, ruled by dialectical principles. In the thirteenth century the term was adopted into the vocabulary of the medieval universities, where the disputatio became one of the most important teaching devices. The questio disputata, the -^questio at the centre of a disputatio, became a widely used expression for the literary genre resulting from the disputatio. the context of the university, the term shifted in meaning in the expression dies disputabilis, which meant 'day reserved for disputations' (cf. D M L (b)). For references see O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 347 and n. 146. 197 J.A. W E I S H E I P L , Curriculum of the Faculty of Arts at Oxford (1964), pp. 181-182, suggested that the expression was used for propositions in the field of the natural sciences. This has since been refuted, for example by O . W E I J E R S in La 'disputatio' a la Faculte des arts de Paris (1995), pp. 44-45: she suggests that the expression respondere de sophismatibus can also refer to disputations on questions of a logical or grammatical nature. The expression respondere de questione, on the other hand, refers, according to her assessment of the sources, to disputations on questions of a more general nature, either in the field of logic or another field, and at a more advanced level. See also E A D . , La 'disputatio'dans les Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002), pp. 137-153. 198 Cf. T L L (disputare and disputatio I I B ) ; O L D (disputare T-2 and disputatio); D M L (disputare 1 and disputatio 1). On the semantic development of the terms see O. W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 345-347.

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distinctio, distinguere In the course of the late twelfth and early thirteenth century, a new genre of intellectual production developed, which found its function in facilitating the consultation of large texts or corpora of texts. One fundamental feature of this principle of consultation-literature {i.e., versus reading a book from cover to cover), was the division of a text into manageable and meaningful units — the noun distinctio and the verb distinguere (and divisio — dividere) are terms which are commonly used for this process.199 Moreover, the result of the division of a text was also called a distinctio: a section of text which was defined as a (coherent) unit.200 Besides the distinctio (or divisio) of a text into smaller units, however, distinguere and distinctio were also used for the process of distinguishing different meanings within a text or even a word. This is shown by literary genres in the fields of Theology and Law, which made use of the term distinctio in a specific, technical manner. In Theology, distinctio was used for a specific kind of intellectual method: the process of distinguishing (distinguere) different layers of

199 See on this O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CTVICIMA I V (1991); E A D . , Le maniementdu savoir (1996), pp. 170-171. 200 The division of a text into sections was either an intellectual effort, or it was based on artificial or mechanical principles. Sometimes, for example, the division followed already defined units such as chapters. Another example is the division of each chapter of the Bible into seven units, of a similar length, marked with the letters a to g; this system was probably introduced by the Dominicans of Saint-Jacques in Paris. The division into sections which formed coherent units, on the other hand, was applied, for example, to school texts, which were treated section by section in lectures. Other terms which occur in relation to this phenomenon are format'ordo tractatus (the arrangement of a treatise) and formalordo tractandi (the development of the argument), ordinatio (partium) (the arrangement (of sections)) and divisio (textuskapitulorum) (the division (of a text)/(into chapters)); in addition to distinguere the verbs partiri and dividere are used. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CNJCIMA I V (1991), pp. 23-18.

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meaning in the words of the Bible.201 This method of exegesis goes back to the patristic period, but was revived in the twelfth century for a specific cause: the creation of a working tool for composing sermons.202 The last decade of the twelfth century saw the birth of several major distinctio-collections, arranged in systematical or alphabetical order,203 or some mixture of the two. In these collections, the various figurative meanings of a word in the Bible, furnished with references to the Bible passage in question, were stated in highly compressed language, or even displayed schematically. Distinctio-collections continued to be produced throughout most of the thirteenth century, and became a standard working tool for the composition of sermons in the thirteenth century and beyond.204 In the area of Law, the term distinctio was also used for a specific literary genre, but of a different nature.205 First of all here, as in all disci-

201 There is a large bibliography on the subject. Some of the introductory works are L . J . BATAILLON, Les instruments des predicateurs au XIII" sUcle (1981); I D . , Intermediates entre les traites de morale pratique et les sermons (1982); R . H . & M A . R O U S E , Biblical Distinctions in the Thirteenth Century (1974); I I D . , 'Statim invenire' {yfoi). 202 O n distinctio-collections and sermons, see also B . K I E N Z L E (ed.), The Sermon (2000). 203 R . H . and M.A. R O U S E stress at several instances that the twelfth-century distinctiocollections which were alphabetically organized were 'the first tools so organized; and they were, insofar as we have been able to determine, the direct ancestor of all later alphabetical and searchable tools — beginning with the alphabetical verbal concordances to the Scriptures and the first alphabetical subject indexes before the middle of the thirteenth century, and continuing through the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries with alphabetical indexes to the Fathers and Aristotle, collections oi exempla and florilegia alphabetized by topic, tenant and tax rolls alphabetized by name, and so on.' Cf. 'Statim invenire' (1982), pp. 210-211. 204 The method of distinguishing different meanings was also applied in philosophical texts of the scholastic period. The solution of a -^questio disputata, for example, is often based on the distinctio of a central concept or term. See O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatio'dans les Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002), e.g. p. 321. 205 For a brief description of the genre and concise bibliography, see O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CF/ICIMA IV (1991), pp. 140-142. Central studies are written by H . K A N T O R O W I C Z , Studies on the Glossators of the Roman Law (1938); S. K U T T N E R , Repertorium der Kanonistik (1937), or Reflexions sur les Brocards des Clossateurs (1951). And, especially on the vocabulary of Canon Law, G . F R A N S E N , La lexicographie du droit canonique medieval (1981). See also the lucid introduction of L.E. B O Y L E in the lemma 'Decretists' in the New Catholic Encyclopedia 4, pp. 711-713.

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plines, distinctio was used for a manageable and coherent unit of a large text (such as the central Decretum by Gratian), subdivided for practical or educational purposes. Subsequently, its plural, distinctiones, was used for a literary genre in which, as L . E . Boyle puts it, 'a conclusion from, or a summary of, some text or series of texts in the Decretum was tested by arguments 'Sed contra based on general dialectic principles (e.g. the Distinctiones of Peter of Blois, c. 1180)', or in which 'concepts or doctrines were analyzed in diagrammatic condensations (e.g. Distinctiones of Richard of Mores, c. 1196-1198)'.206 Thus the purpose of these juridical distinctiones lay not in the distinction of different layers of meaning, but in the systematic ordering of material from the field of Canon or Civil Law, in order to reach some level of abstraction from daily practice to juridical concepts and principles. The genre flourished in the second half of the twelfth century (especially in Bologna), but fell into disuse in the course of the thirteenth century. In Classical Latin distinctio had the double meaning of the action of separating something into divisions, and the action of noting a difference between things, distinction.207 The medieval application of the term specifically to the subdivision of texts follows naturally from its basic meaning. The concrete meaning of distinctio as a defined section of text' is well attested in the Middle Ages.208 The meaning of distinctio which lies at the basis of the biblical distinctiones-collections of the twelfth and later centuries developed along a different path: the distinction of different meanings of a word. Although this method of gaining insight into texts is attested from Antiquity onwards, the use of the terms distinguere and distinctio in relation to this method is only attested from the twelfth century onwards.209

206 L.E. BOYLE, 'Decretists', New Catholic Encyclopedia 4. 207 Cf. TLL; O L D (1-2). On the semantic development of the term, cf. O. WEIJERS,

Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CTVICIMA IV (1991), pp. 28-29 a r ) d 125-126. 208 C£, for example, D M L (2a). 209 Cf. O. W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA IV (1991), pp. 125-126.

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For the juridical distinctiones-collections yet another manner of development can be traced.210 Distinctio was already used in the context of Law in Antiquity, where it referred to the act of distinguishing between cases, situations, etc.211 In the Middle Ages the term remains in use in the same context — for example, for the distillation of legal concepts from the particularities of actual practice. From this use grew the connotation of systematization, which lay at the basis of the juridical distinctionescollections of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. In the thirteenth century, moreover, the plural distinctiones was used in the concrete meaning of '(alphabetically or systematically ordered) compendium', either for preachers or for jurists.

210 Ibid., p. 140-142. 211 TLL(IA2)

264 edere, editio, editor, publicare, publicatio, publicator In the Middle Ages edere and its related nouns are used for the official publication of a book.212 However, expressions such as edere in publicum or the less frequent edere in lucem have this meaning unambiguously, whereas edere on its own is in fact more frequently used in the sense of'to write' or 'compose' a text, editio for the act of writing or the result of that act: the text itself, and editor for the author of the text. Thus the terms can be used both for the 'birth' of a text on parchment, the creation of a literary work, and for its official publication, the act with which it is sent into the world.213 The context must decide which meaning is intended in each particular case. When the term is used in the meaning of'to write, compose (a text)', it is interchangeable with terms such as scribere, -^dictare, componere, —» compilare, promere, expromere, depromere, and expressions such as litteris

mandare or stylo commendare.nA When, on the other hand, the term isused in the meaning of 'to publish', it is synonymous with expressions in which die public aspect is emphasized: tradere in arnicas aures, in lucem prodire, in publicum venire, etc.215

Publicare, a term which one would perhaps expect to have the same meaning as edere {in lucem), was in fact almost never used in this sense in the Middle Ages.216 Its use is mainly restricted to

212 Medieval terms for the publication of books are treated by P. B O U R G A I N , La naissance officielle de I'oeuvre, CP/ICIMA II (1989), pp. 195-205. 213 Terms such as emittere, educere have similar meanings in classical Latin. 214 Cf. P. BOURGAIN, La naissance officielle de I'oeuvre, CTVICIMA I I (1989), p. 202. 2 I J Ibid., pp. 202-203. It is remarkable that the term edere is seldomly found in prefaces to official publications. It seems to have been deliberately avoided in this kind of text. P. B O U R G A I N suggested that the word is perhaps too prosaic, too technical or too ambiguous. Another reason might be that the term contains too little humility: medieval authors often presented their text not as their own product, but as a gift from God, which had flown through their pens, or as an offering, a token of their obedience to their religious orders or other authorities. {ibid., pp. 204-205) 216 It did have the meaning of 'to publish' in classical Latin: cf. O L D (3a). Cf. P. BOURGAIN, La naissance officielle de I'oeuvre, CFVICIMA I I (1989), pp. 201-202.

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areas of law and administration, and it has meanings such as to denounce in public', 'to announce in public (marriages, for example)', 'to appropriate or seize', 'to abandon to plundering', etc.217 It may have a negative meaning, which is sometimes reflected in the use of publicatio — 'unveiling of secrets', 'calumniation', 'plundering' — and of publicator: 'he who divulges (confidential) secrets'.218 However, exceptions to these general rules are also attested. The Dictionary of Medieval Latin from the Low Countries, for example, has among the meanings of publicare also 'to publish', with citations from the early fourteenth century and later. Furthermore, it has attestations of publicatio in the meaning of the 'publication of writings, and of publicator in the meaning of 'publisher'.219 In Classical Latin the basic meaning of edere is 'to eject, emit', and it was frequently used in the sense of'to bring forth, to give birth'.220 It was also used figuratively: to give birth to a literary work, to publish (writings).221 In medieval Latin the meaning of 'to give birdi', 'to produce or bring forth' remained in use, and it also continued to be applied to the bringing forth of literary works. The term developed, however, a new ambiguity, since it was used both for the creation of a literary work ('to compose or write') and for its publication.222

217 Cf. D u C ; N I E R M . ; B L A I S E , Diet, and Lex.

218 Cf. B L A I S E , Diet, and Lex. 219 Cf. Lex.Lat.Ned. Medii Aevi, publicare (3), publicatio (ia) and publicator (with a fifteenth century citation). It seems fait to conclude that the meanings of publicare, publicatio and publicator will have to be reassessed once more medieval Latin Dictionaries have been completed. The Dictionary of medieval Latin from Yugoslavia also gives a much more neutral translation of publicatio: 'public announcement', and of publicator: 'announcer, messenger' (Lex.Lat.Med.Aev. lugoslaviae). 220 It was used in many other meanings as well, such as 'to produce, yield , to cause', 'to perform or carry out', 'to utter (sounds)', 'to make known or disclose', 'to announce (formally)', 'to present', etc. (cf. O L D ) . 221 Cf. O L D 9 222 Cf. D M L edere (3a); editio (3a, c) and editor. Note that editio was used both for the act of publishing and for the result of the act: the published text itself. The D M L also has editiuncula, 'small edition or publication'.

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etymologia Etymologia (ethy-, eti-, ethi-) is, traditionally, the branch of grammar which concerns itself with the origin of words (prigo vocabuloruni), and explains or interprets them accordingly.223 In the twelfth century, however, the meaning of etymologia changed under the influence of new ideas on the logic of language.224 The contours of etymologia were newly marked out to distinguish it from -^derivatio, the method of creating etymologically related families of words, in which one was the principle, the others its derivatives. Etymologia, on the other hand, became the discipline of the interpretation of words (explicatio or expositio) based on the similarities between the sounds of a word, its syllables or letters {litterarum similitudo) and its (deeper) meaning {proprietas ret). An often cited example is the etymology offenestra (window), which was said to stem from ferens nos extra (that which leads us outside): here the meaning is explained by several words which are related to the first one only by similarity of sound, not by grammatical relations.225 An early exponent of the changed attitude towards etymologia is Peter Helias, who was the first explicitly to distinguish between the

223 For a short historical sketch of the concept see O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA IV (1991), pp. 75-77, 80-81; on etymologia from Antiquity to the Renaissance see M . A M S L E R , Etymology and Grammatical Discourse in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (1989); C . B U R I D A N T (ed.), L'etymologie de I'Antiquite a la Renaissance (1998). 224 O n this changed definition see R . K L I N C K , Die lateinische Etymokgie des Mittelalters (1970), esp. pp. 10-22; K . G R U B M U L L E R , Etymologic als Schliissel zur Welt? (1975). 225 At the basis of this theory lies the conviction that language is a logical and (divinely) organized phenomenon, and that sound-similarities are full of meaning: they allow humans to fathom the spiritual meaning of a word. This important point is emphasized by K . G R U B M U L L E R in Etymologic als Schlussel zur Welt? (1975), pp. 228-230, e.g. p. 229: 'Die Erymologie des Wortes kann dazu beitragen, den geistigcn Sinn der Dinge zu erschlieGen.' The fact that etymologia became a separate discipline is underlined by die creation of a new word, ethimologista, a professional or authoritative person in this discipline. This term is first attested towards the end of the twelfth century. See L . B I O N D I , Lat. 'ethimologista'(2001).

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methods of -^derivatio and etymologia in his commentary on Priscian (Summa Prisciani).2211 In die second half of the twelfth century the new definition quickly gained popularity. From the twelfth century onwards the term etymologia was thus used in both a narrow and a broad meaning: a) the explanation of a word by another or several others, related to it through phonetic likeness and —through this likeness of sound— leading to its intrinsic meaning; or b) the discipline of explaining words in general, including -^>derivatio (defining its grammatical root), compositio (distinguishing its grammatical elements) and interpretatio (translation, ->interpretari).

In Antiquity and until the twelfth century, etymologia (imported from the Greek, ETOUoXoyiot) was that feature of grammar which explained words tlirough their origin.227 From about the middle of the twelfth century, however, etymologia was newly defined in contrast to the concept of -^derivatio, which focused on grammatical relationships between words. Etymologia came to refer to the method of explaining words by relating their (deeper) meaning to other words on the basis of sound.

226 Early discussions on rhe meanings of etymologia versus —tderivatio (and also compositio and interpretatio) are described by R. K L I N C K , Die lateinische Etymologie des Mittelalters (1970), pp. 17 ff. See also O . WP.IJF.RS, Lexicography in the Middle Ages (1989), pp. 147-148. 227 Cf. O. W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CF/ICIMA I V (1991), pp. 80-81; I ' L L (col.980-981).

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examinare, examen, examinatio, conventus, examinator In the context of medieval education, examinare, examen and examinatio were readily used for scholarly tests. In the context of the medieval university, the terms were specified with adjectives or adjuncts: these corresponded to the examinations that marked the transition from one phase to another in a student s career.228 In the first decades of the existence of the university there was only one examination, namely that relating to the —>licentia (ubique) docendi (Cat. I ) , the licence to teach — the examen/examinatio licentiandi. The number of examinations and tests to which students were submitted grew in the course of the thirteenth century.229 The main addition was the bachelor's examination, which concluded the first phase of a student's career. It was referred to as the examen determinantium or examinatio determinandi (see also -^determinatio). The interpretation of the terms examen and examinatio is complicated by the fact that the examination itself, the testing of the candidate, is

228 See for a full treatment of the term O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 390-395 and 401-404. 229 Thus the terms examinare and examinatio are frequently used in descriptions of so-called repetitiones or repetitions, usually taking place in the afternoon, in which the subject matter of the morning lectures was repeated in order to fix it in the students memories. Examples are given in O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 392. Set expressions that occur in the sources of Faculties of Arts are, further, examen in communibus versus examen in propriis. The precise meaning of these expressions is uncertain. Olga Weijers suggests that examen in communibus refers to the examination held in front of the chancellor, whereas the examen in propriis took place within the faculty. Claude Lafleur, on the other hand, suggests a different interpretation: the in communibus versus in propriis could, according to him, also refer to the subject matter on which the candidate was questioned. The material shared by all disciplines would be treated in the examen in communibus, while the material specific to one discipline would be treated in an examen in propriis. This hypothesis is supported by the use of the expressions in this same sense in student manuals (not with respect to examinations, but to the subject matter itself). It is weakened, however, by the fact that examen in cameris occurs as a synonym of examen in propriis. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 391 & n. 30; C. LAFLEUR, Les textes 'didascaliques'de la Faculte des arts de Paris auXIII' siecle (1997), pp. 356-359.

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not always clearly distinguished from the ceremony in which the candidate is given his title. Thus, for example, it is not always clear whether in the examination for the licence to teach, the testing (examinatio publica or conventus) was actually separate from the ceremony of the inceptio (cf. —tincipere), the official acceptance of the candidate in the body of magistri; nor is it always clear which part was deemed more important. Furthermore, examinations often consisted of two phases: a candidate had to obtain permission to enter the examination, and subsequently had to pass the examination itself. In many cases it is not only unclear whether these two phases occurred in quick succession, but also whether the candidate was actually put to die test in both phases or just in one of them. Thus, whether these examinations had the character of proper tests in the modern sense of the word often remains obscure. There is certainly no medieval evidence for written examinations; the students seem to have been submitted to oral questionings on the subject matter treated in the lectures.230 When the terms examinatio or examen occur in the medieval sources, however, the nature of the test usually seems to be different: students were tested by obligatory participation in (public) discussions such as -^disputationes. Moreover, the assembly of the candidate and professors referred to by the expression examinatio (licentiandi, determinandi or similar expressions) may have been no more than a session in which the candidate swore that he had taken the required courses and in which his master testified to his abilities and moral standing. In the bachelor's examination (cf. —>determinare) the proper testing of the candidate actually consisted of an evaluation of his performance in the disputations held during Lent. The situation described above is characteristic for the northern universities; in southern European universities, on the other hand, the prac-

230 I n Les textes 'didascaliques' de la Faculte des arts de Paris au XIII' siecle (1997), pp. 364369, Claude Lafleur studies the expression (libri) de forma as it occurs in the sources of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Paris. He suggests that the expression was used to indicate that these books (or parts of books) formed obligatory reading, were treated in courses, and contained material on which the candidates could be questioned in their final examination for the licence to teach.

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tice of examination for the licence to teach was somewhat different.231 In Bologna, for example, the candidates were first submitted to a closed examination or examinatio privata {examen privatum). In this session the candidate had to appear before a committee of five professors, presided over by the bishop or his representative (the archdeacon), and was given two passages or -^puncta for preparation in the morning. In the afternoon, he had to give a lecture on these passages and was questioned about them. If the candidate performed satisfactorily, he was created a licentiatus {-^licentia in Cat. I) and was admitted to the examinatio publica or conventus. The second session or examinatio publica closely resembled the ceremony of inception of the northern universities {-^inceptio, -^principiuni). The candidate appeared before the same committee, this time, however, in a meeting in the cathedral, open to the public. The session opened with the commendation by die professor of his student, then the candidate discussed the same passages as he had been given in the examinatio privata. The session ended with the proper investiture of the new master, now called (doctor) conventatus, by giving him his ring and cap.232 Conventus and its medieval derivations conventctre (the act of granting someone his licence), conventatus (a candidate who has passed the examinatio publica) and conventandus (the candidate for the examinatio publica) were introduced into the vocabulary of the universities in this specific technical sense in the second half of the thirteenth century. Furthermore, conventatio is found as a synonym of conventus in the fourteenth century.233

231 N o t only Italian universities, but also those of southern France (Montpellier, Toulouse) and even Orleans, used this set of expressions for the examination and ceremony of inception. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 402, see also pp. 401-404. 232 On the examinations in the Italian and central European Faculties of Arts, see also the recent book of O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatio'dans les Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002), pp. 270-275, and 312-315233 O. Weijers further notes the expressions recipere or suscipere conventum and conventari, 'to pass the public examination; O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 402.

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271

In classical Latin the terms examinare, examinatio and examen are not frequent. They occur in the sense of'swarming' (of bees), or 'balancing, weighing', and (figuratively) 'comparative assessment'. Examinatio was mainly used in the context of justice.234 In the Latin of the Christian period, examinare also developed the sense of 'to put someone to the test', 'to try (something or someone)'. Furthermore, the term examinator was used in the senses of 'evaluator', 'arbitrator' or 'judge'.235 In the Middle Ages the terms were used for all kinds of situations of research, examination or evaluation.2'6 The terms were used, for example, for the research preliminary to legal matters, the evaluation of the quality of some matter, or the careful examination of a text.237 But they were also used for the evaluation of clerics upon their entrance to a religious order {examinatio clericoruni) or of new hosts upon their entrance into a guest house.238 In the context of schools and universities, the terms were used for the testing of both the student's knowledge or level, and his suitability to become a bachelor or master.239

234 Cf. TLL; O L D . 23 s For example, God was given the name verus examinator, and the Last Judgement examen extremum. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 393; B L A I S E , Diet. examino (1-2); examen (2); examinator (2). 236 Note that the term examinatio was also used for the result of the assessment: 'judgement' ( D M L 5). 237 C £ , e.g., N I E R M . examinare (1-3); D M L examinatio (3, 1, 4 resp.). I n the context of official documents, O. Guyotjeannin notes that examinare and examinatio are used in the meaning of'to asses the authenticity of documents'; O . G U Y O T J E A N N I N , Le vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CTVICIMA II (1988), p. 130. 238 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 394. 239 Cf. D M L examinare (5c); examinatio (4c); examen (6b). O. Weijers noted that Robert of Sorbon often used the terms audire and auditio in the meaning of 'to test a students knowledge'. In the second half of the fourteenth century, the terms temptare and temptator or temptor were also used, especially for preliminary examinations. For the passing of examinations approbare and appwbatus were often used. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universith (1987), p. 392; G . - R . T E W E S , Terms used in academic life, CMCIMAVI (1993), pp. 63-65.

272

exemplum In addition to the general meaning of'example', the term exemplum was used in a specific sense, which developed in the twelfth century and has been researched by Claude Bremond, Jacques Le Goflf and Jean-Claude Schmitt.240 Le Goffs definition is: 'un recit bref donne comme veridique et destine a etre insere dans un discours (en general un sermon) pour convaincre un auditoire par une lecon salutaire'.241 Thus all the elements which characterize medieval exempla are condensed into this one sentence: an exemplum is a narrative,242 it is short, it is presented as a true story,243 it is designed to be included in a longer discourse (usually a sermon),244 it aims to convince a public (of a Christian truth), its rhetoric is 240 C . B R E M O N D , J . L E G O F F and J . - C . S C H M I T T , L'Exemplum (1982.). A n extensive bib-

liography to the field is given on pp. 17-46, which mentions as principal works H . P E T R E , R. C A N T E L and R . R I C A R D , 'Exemplum', Dictionnairede Spirituality, IV.2, col. 1885-1902; Rhetorique et histoire. U 'exemplum' et le modek de comportement dans le discours ancient et medieval(1980); R . S C H E N D A , Stand undAufgaben der Exempla Forschung(1969): F-C. T U B A C H , Index exemplorum, A Handbook of medieval religious tales (1969); J.-Th. W E L T E R , L"Exemplum dans la litterature religieuse et didactique du Moyen Age (1927, repr. 1973). The definition of the genre is discussed on pp. 27-38. For an even more recent (but short) bibliography see M M . M U L C H A H E Y , 'First the Bow is Bent in Study. Dominican Education before 1350 (1998), p. 414 n. 42. 241 U'Exernplum'(1982), pp. 37-38. In this study, however, the attention is focused solely on the sermon-exemplum, and the phenomenon of the use of exempla in other contexts, such as scholarly texts, is given no consideration. 242 The sources of exempla could be manifold. Firstly, they could come from a JewishChristian or early-Christian background (the Bible, the Church Fathers or the earlymedieval auctoritates: (Boethius, Cassiodore, Gregory the Great, Isidore of Seville, Bede, Vitae Patrum); they could be of pagan origin (but used to illustrate a Christian moral); they could be of more modern origin (authors from Carolingian times or later ages); or they could have an oral background. Further, the nature of the exemplum can be classified according to the main actors in the story: human beings, mostly, but also animals or supernatural creatures. L'Exemplum' (1982), pp. 39-42. 243 In relation to this aspect one should note that historia or narratio (authentica) are sometimes presented as synonyms of exemplum. Cf. U'Exemplum (1982), p. 31. 244 Exempla can be introduced with 'legi, legimus, legitur', and have a written background, but in many cases they are introduced with 'audivi, etc' or 'memini, etc.', which suggests that their origin rests in oral culture. The 'oral' element of the exemplum and its close relation to the practice of preaching is illustrated by the fact that from an early stage on the genre also existed in the vernacular languages. Cf. U'Exemplum'(1982), pp. 41-42, pp. 52-53.

EXEMPLUM

273

one of persuasion,245 and its tone is didactic. Exempla are short illustrative stories, used not only to enliven sermons, but also as moral lessons and arguments in the act of persuasion (and conversion) of the preacher. Although exempla in this sense had classical and late-antique Christian forerunners,246 and although the medieval exemplum seems to have its origin in the monastic milieu, the true origin of the exemplum as a literary genre has been placed specifically with the Cistercians and in the urban milieu of the late twelfth century.247 From the thirteenth century up to (and beyond) the end of the Middle Ages the genre flourished, and logically or alphabetically ordered collections of exempla made their appearance.248 The earliest specimens of these date from the third decade of the diirteenth century and the production, which mainly comes from Cistercian, Dominican and Franciscan circles,249 was at its peak in the period 1250-1350. In 1275 alphabetical ordering, which must have greatly enhanced the use of these collections as reference works, was introduced by the Franciscans, and brought to perfection (supposedly) by the Dominican Arnold of Liege (f 1308) in his Alphabetum narrationum. After 1350 the production of new collections more or less came to a halt, but old collections remained in use, were copied in great numbers and were printed.250

245 This element is illustrated by the fact that exempla could be classified according to their basic structure: one of analogy (like this <exemplum> so is this ), or one of generalisation (this general is illustrated in this particular <exemplumy). U'Exemplurri (1982), p. 42. A term used in the context of exempla of the first kind is similitudo. Cf. pp. 31 (n. 9), 42. 246 LTExemplum (1982), pp. 43-50. 247 Ibid., pp. 50-55. 248 These are discussed in L'Exemplum (1982) on pp. 57-68. See also O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CTV1C1MA IV (1991), pp. 152-153; and R . H . & M . A . R O U S E , 'Statim invenire' (1982), pp. 210-212 ('Alphabetization as a finding device for preachers'). 249 On collections of exempla as 'preaching aids' in the Dominican milieu, see M . M . M U L C H A H E Y , 'First the Bow is Bent in Study. Dominican Education before 1^0 (1998), pp. 458-472. 250 L"Exemplum'(1982), pp. 59-60.

274

EXEMPLUM

In classical treatises on rhetoric, exemplum already features as the Latin translation of the Greek concept paradigma (• • ),-mr illustration or example, adduced to convince someone of something.251 Exemplum was also used in the sense of 'an example for imitation', and was, in this sense, also applied to persons as objects of imitation.252 In the Christian Latin of late Antiquity exemplum was applied to the concept of prefiguration in the Old Testament of that which would be realized in the New, or in the sense of the biblical parable.253 It was also used in the classical sense of 'role-model', particularly in hagiography.254 In the Middle Ages these more general meanings remained in use.255 By the thirteenth century, however, exemplum had developed the new, more specific meaning described above: a brief, illustrative narrative (parable, (historical) anecdote, fable, myth, passage taken from bestiaries or lapidaries, hagiography, etc.), adduced to communicate a particular moral lesson. In this sense it evolved into the literary genre of the exempla-collection, which served the production of sermons.

251 On the history of theexemplum in Antiquity, see L"Hxemplum' (1982), pp. 43-48; and in pre-Carolingian Christian times, pp. 48-50. See also T L L (esp. I, I I ) and O L D (esp. 2, 4). 252 TLL (III); OLD (6). 253 B L A I S E , Diet., (2, 5). 254 B L A I S E , Diet., (1, 4). 255 Cf. D M L ( 1 , 2). Note also other specific meanings such as, in the field of Law, precedent (a case taken as an example) (5); or copy or transcript (6). On the latter meaning of the word cf. -^exemplar in Cat. I I .

275

fallacia In the thirteenth century a part of logical thinking and teaching was based on the subject of fallaciae, 'fallacies' or 'unsound syllogisms'.256 Fallaciae are deceptive conclusions, which appear sound but are in fact invalid, because of a misconception of the meaning of the words used (fallacia in dictione), or because of a flaw in the logical reasoning involved (fallacia extra dictionem). Medieval scholarship on the subject was based on Aristotle's Sophistici Elenchi, 'Sophistical Refutations', a work which arrived in the West in the 113OS/114OS. Courses on logic began to include the work and a western tradition developed: Elenchi commentaries and several treatises on fallacies were produced in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.257 By the end of the thirteenth century the genre seems to have run its course — fourteenth- and fifteenth-century works do exist, but (as far as one can tell from the modest amount of modern scholarship on the subject) appear to be of very limited interest.258 Traditionally fallacies were classified into two categories, in dictione (as explained above: a misconception of the meaning of the words, for example because of equivocation or figure of speech) and extra dictionem (a logical flaw). These two categories were subsequently divided into respectively six and seven sub-classes. A whole spectrum of technical vocabulary was used to describe these classes and sub-classes.259

256 O n this see the excellent introduction by S. E B B E S E N , The Way Fallacies were treated in Scholastic Logic (1987). At the end of the article an elaborate bibliography on the subject is given, including primary sources (pp. 128-131) and secondary literature (pp. T31-134). Paralogismus and —tsophisma were sometimes used as synonyms; see the ample treatment of fallacia in the Lex.lat.Ned. MediiAevi ( B ) . 257 Medieval authors who produced Elenchi commentaries or treatises on fallacies are, among others, Albertus Magnus, Petrus Hispanus, Robert Grosseteste, Roger Bacon, etc. 258 S. E B B E S E N , The Way Fallacies were treated in Scholastic Logic (1987), p. 112. 259 S. E B B E S E N mentions, e..g.,peccansin materia/informa, causa apparentiae/defectus, loci sophistici and maximae apparentes, multiplex actualelpotentialelphantasticum, etc. Cf. The way fallacies were treated in scholastic logic (1987), pp. 113-123.

276

FALLACIA

The term fallacia, derived (romfallax (deceitful or misleading) or fallere (to deceive), did already exist in Antiquity in the sense of'deceit', 'trick', 'deceptive behaviour',260 and continued to be used in that sense in the Middle Ages.2''1 The development from 'deceit' in general to 'deceptive argument' is not merely the use of the term in a different context; Boethius already used it in this particular sense.262 In the thirteenth century, however, the term developed into a full terminus technicus in the field of logic and was used as such in, for example, titles of treatises on fallacious arguments.263

26oCf.TLL;OLD. 261 Cf. D M L (1). 262 Cf. TLL. 263 Cf. D M L (3); BLAISE, Lex (1). Similarly, fallere (to deceive) developed the sense of 'to argue fallaciously' ( D M L (4)), or 'to be invalid' (of an argument or reasoning) (Lex.Lat.Ned. MediiAevi (2)).

277

glossa, glosa The practice of providing unusual words widi simple explanations in the interlinear or marginal spaces of a manuscript is as old as our oldest manuscripts; these annotations were usually called glossae or glosae, or (less frequently) glossemata.2^4 Further, from the sixth or seventh century onwards the practice of copying glosses on separate sheets independently of the basic text is attested, and such a collection of glosses was commonly called (collectae) glos(s)ae or -^glossarium. Marginal glosses were often tied to their lemmata by means of socalled 'signes de renseignement', signs which refer from lemma to gloss, just as our superscript numbers refer to footnotes at the base of a text (or to endnotes at the end). For complex texts such as the Bible or Gratian's Decretals new layouts were invented to display text and commentary in an intelligible way.265 The most famous example is the Glossa ordinaria, a standard set of explanatory comments on the Bible, copied from the beginning of the twelfth century in such a way that it completely surrounded the basic text, covering more space than the basic text itself.266

264 These terms are treated briefly in O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen dge, CIVICIMA IV (1991), pp. 41, 43, 44, 51. Note that the term scholia, which also had the meaning of comments, annotations of lecture notes, does not occur until the sixteenth century; cf. J . KRAYE, Renaissance Commentaries on the Nkomachean Ethics, CIVICIMA V I I I (1995), pp. m , 113-114; J . O . 'WARD, Ciceronian Rhetoric (1995), pp. 15-17. Other terms that often carried a very similar meaning are nota or notula, 'note' or 'annotation'. 265 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Le maniement du savoir (1996), Chap. 14, 'Mise en page des textes universitaires', pp. 203-227. 266Examples of specific lay-outs of glossed texts are given in H . - J . M A R T I N , J . V E Z I N (eds.), Mise en page et mise en texte (1990): examples of biblical glosses are given in the three articles by G . L O B R I C H O N , Le Psautier d'Otbert (pp. 175-178); Les gloses biblique d'Henri, frere du roi Louis VII (pp. 179-180); La bible d'un maitre dominicain de Paris (pp. 181-183). On the mise en page of manuscripts of Law, see the articles of J . R A M B A U D : Le Decret de Gratian (pp. 201-203); Les Decretales (pp. 204-209). On the layout of the university manuscripts, finally, see the article of R . M A R I C H A L , Les manuscrits universitaires (pp. 210-217) in the same book, and see the aforementioned chapter of O . W E I J E R S in Le maniement du savoir(1996) (pp. 203-227).

278

GLOSSA, GLOSA

The practice of writing glosses was so widespread that a whole series of terms were invented in relation to the phenomenon:267 glossare ('to comment on or write a commentary on', 'to interpret or explain') with its derived forms glossatus ('provided with explanatory comments') and the substantively used glossans ('writer of glosses, commentator');268 glossator or glossogmphus (writer of glosses, commentator');269 glossatura ('commentary');27" and -^glossarium ('collection of glosses'). Furthermore, the Late Latin term glossula ('brief gloss or comment') was the basis of the medieval Latin verb glossulare ('to gloss, comment on').271 In Antiquity glossa or glosa, imported from the Greek Y^O"O"a, tongue or language,272 was already used in the meaning of'unusual word, requiring explanation'. It was defined as such by, among others, Quintilian, Varro, and, following them, Isidore of Seville. In die plural it was also used in the sense of 'a collection of unfamiliar words'.273 In the Middle Ages the term was mostly used in the sense of 'an explanation of a difficult word',274 or, as a pars pro toto, a set of comments on a basic text, a commentary.275 Further, glos(s)a could be used for the Glossa ordinaria (or Glossa communis), the standard collection of comments accompanying the text of the Bible.276

267 See O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, C1VICIMAIV (1991), p. 51 and n. 84. 268 Note that other terms are also used synonymously with glossare: -^commentari ('to provide with a commentary', cf. J . O . W A R D , Rhetoric and the Art ofdictamen, CF/ICIMA I I I (1990), p. 40) and apparare ('to provide with a body of glosses', cf. K P . W S O E T E R M E E R , La terminologie de la librairie a Bologne, C/VTCIMA I (1988), p. 92). On the distinction sometimes made between glossa and —>commentarius or commentum, see E . J E A U N E A U , Gloses et commentaries de textesphilosophiques (1982), pp. 117-119. 269Cf. DMLglossator (1); B L A I S E , Lex.,glossographus. 270 Cf. NIERM.;DML.

271 Cf. D M L . 272 Cf. LSJ (I-II). See also I I , 2: 'obsolete or foreign word which needs explanation'. 273 Cf. T L L ; O L D . Note that t h e T L L defines glossarium as a diminutive of glossa. 274 Cf.

DML

(2);

NIERM.

(2).

275 Cf. D M L (3-4); N I E R M . (4).

276 Cf. DML(3a-b).

279

glossarium, vocabularium, dictionarius The concept of a dictionary, a(n alphabetically or systematically organized) list of words with (short) explanations, is known throughout the Middle Ages, and the terms commonly used for this concept are glossar i u m (glossarius, glosarium, glosarius), and vocabularium (vocabularius) .277

Occasionally odier terms or expressions are used, the most common of which is dictionarius {dictionarium),278 Glossarium, derived from —>glossa or glosa (Gk. ykaaca), was used in the meaning of'a collection of glosses' from the ninth century onwards.279 In Carolingian and later times it was a common working method to write glosses in the margins and interlinear spaces of the main text. From the late ninth and tenth century onwards independent collections of glosses appeared, which were often merely called -^glos(s)ae, glossulae or glossematd. In the eleventh century the common term for these collections seems to have become glossarium or glossarius. The independent collections of glosses were sometimes systematically or alphabetically organized; in this way they became more detached from a 'main text' and came closer to the concept of a dictionary.

277 O n this subject see O . W E I J E R S , Lexicography in the Middle Ages (1989); E A D . , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen Age, CLVLCJMA IV (1991), pp. 4.T-52. See on the history of the phenomenon also C . B U R I D A N T , Lexicographie et glossographie medie'vales (1986); and I..W. & B . A . DALY, Some Techniques in Medieval Latin Lexicography (1964). 278 Other terms and expressions used for the phenomenon are: lexicon (but this term rarely occurs before the late fifteenth/early sixteenth century); expositio(nes) vocabulorum, terminorum, dictionum, nominum or similar expressions with exponere such as liber exponens diversa vocabula, liber expositivus vocabulorum, expositorium. Similarly declaratio(nes), descriptio(nes), diffinitio(nes), appericio(nes), elucidatio(nes) etc. are occasionally used. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMAIV (1991), pp. 49-50, 52. Further terms used for particular kinds of dictionaries are treated on pp. 52-61 of the same book. 279 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CLVLCLMA I V (1991), pp. 43-45-

280

GLOSSARIUM, VOCABULARIUM, DICTIONARIUS

The lists of words with short explanations or synonyms280 became a common phenomenon, and were applied to all kinds of subjects: lists of (rare) Latin words with Latin explanations; lists of Latin words with vernacular explanations (or vice versa); lists of words from the Bible or other texts. Vocabularium (vocabularius) did not develop from the practice of adding glosses to a basic text; the term was merely created, analogously with glossarium, from vocabulum, word.281 A vocabularium does not necessarily consist, therefore, of rare or obscure words; the term was applied to all kinds of word-lists: lists of technical terms from the field of law, medicine, or botany, for example, or bilingual word-lists. Nevertheless, the two terms were used as synonyms in certain cases. In the fourteenth century and later vocabularia were often distinguished from glossaria: while glossaria were lists of words with short and simple explanations or synonyms, vocabularia were dictionaries of a more complete nature, in which each word was accompanied by the explanation of its meaning and some grammatical information. It is not clear when the term vocabularium came into use, but it was current only in the later Middle Ages, from the fourteenth century onwards. The less common term dictionarius {dictionarium), the origin of our modern terms dictionary/dictionnaire/dictionario, was also a later creation.282 It was used for the first time in library catalogues from the second half of the thirteenth century,283 and only gained popularity in the fourteenth century and later. Again analogously with glossarium, the

280 See ibid., pp. 52-53 on the genre of synonyma {synonima, sinonima, senonima, sininima, cinonimd) —collections of synonyms—, which was inherited from Antiquity and applied in new fields in the Middle Ages. 281 Cf. ibid., pp. 45-47. 282 Cf. ibid., pp. 47-49. 283 O . W E I J E R S refers to a passage from John of Garland's Dictionarius, dating from around the middle of the thirteenth century, as a 'first attestation' of the term. In this case, however, —as she herself stresses— the 'dictionary' at hand is a non-alphabetical list of words to remember. Ibid., p. 47.

GLOSSARIUM, VOCABULARHJM, DICTIONARIUS

281

term was created on the basis of dictio, word or term. A dictionarius was thus merely a collection of terms. The word could be applied to all kinds of dictionaries: general alphabetical word-lists, lists of termini technici from the field of Law, Medicine or some other art, or a specific theological genre: collections of biblical -^distinctiones.2M The backgrounds of the three medieval Latin words glossarium, vocabularium and dictionarius are clear: they are collections of -^glossae, vocabula and dictiones respectively; lists of words or terms with short explanations, often alphabetically or systematically organized.285 Glossarium is almost non-existent in Antiquity, and is only used in the sense of 'collection of glosses' from the ninth century onwards.286 From the Carolingian period onwards the word was commonly used throughout the Middle Ages and beyond. It occurs in a masculine (glossarius) and neuter form (glossarium).

Vocabularium seems the youngest word of the three: although the time at which the term came into use remains uncertain, it is clear that it gained popularity only in the fourteenth century. From this time it even eclipses glossarium and dictionarius. Its most common form is neuter (vocabularium), but it also occurs in a masculine form (vocabularius). Dictionarius, finally, is attested from the thirteenth century onwards, in both a masculine (dictionarius) and a neuter form (dictionarium). Its use never became as widespread as that of glossarium or vocabularium.287

284 Cf. ibid., pp. 48-49. 285 Cf. ibid., pp. 51-52. Terms used for the individual words in a word-list or dictionary are dictio and vocabulum, and at the end of the Middle Ages also the more specific terminus. Cf. ibid., pp. 62-64. Less frequently pars, nomen, verbum and vox were also used in the context of lexicography, but each has its own connotations. Cf. ibid, pp. 64-68. 286 It was used by Aulus Gellius in the meaning of'small gloss', as a synonym oiglossula. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires principium or inceptio. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 420-422. 297 Cf. T L L ; O L D (zb-c, jb). 298 Cf. B L A I S E , Diet.

299 The use of the term in this sense is attested from 1215 onwards. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 410; N I E R M . (2); D M L (7). 300 The use of these terms in these specific meanings is attested from ca. 1250, and becomes common in the second half of the thirteenth century. Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), p. 411; N I E R M . (inceptio); D M L inceptio (2), inceptor (2).

285

insolubile In the thirteenth century, when the art of logic reasoning had become a large and important element in teaching and scholastic discourse, a set of terms from this field had gained the status of termini technici and became the subject of separate (logical) treatises. -^Syncategoremata, for example, that is, terms with uncertain meanings, or —>fallaciae, fallacies, received ample treatment in commentaries or were treated as separate subjects. Another term from this area is insolubile, literally 'insoluble proposition', 'antinomy'. Insolubilia were discussed in great detail by medieval logicians.3"1 Insolubilia are propositions which contain apparent contradictions, paradoxes, or, to put it more technically, 'contradictions derived by sound rules of reasoning from accepted axioms'.302 A much discussed and often cited example of such a contradictory statement is the so-called 'Liar Paradox', passed down from early Greek times: 'ego dico falsum', 'I lie'. Discussions of insolubilia are found in works from the early twelfth century, but John of Salisbury is credited with the first use of the term in the meaning outlined above.303 The solution of insolubilia remained the object of logical treatises until the end of the Middle Ages and beyond.

301 See L . H I C K M A N , 'Insolubilia, Historisches Wb'rterbuch der Philosophic, Band 4, col. 396-400. See also E J . A S H W O R T H , Les manuek de logiquea Vuniversite d'Oxford (1994), p. 365; H . A . G . B R A A K H U I S , Logica modernorum as a Discipline at the Faculty of Arts of Paris (1997). p- 365. On insolubilia at the Faculties of Arts of Paris, Oxford and Cambridge, see the relevant sections in O . W E I J E R S , La 'disputatiodans les Facultes des arts au moyen age (2002), pp. 71-74 and 157-159. A bibliography has been put together by P.V. SPADE, The Mediaeval Liar: A Catalogue of the Insolubilia'-literature (1975). 302 H.A. N I E L S E N , Antinomy', New Catholic Encyclopedia I , p. 621. Solubile and its opposite insolubile are derived from the verb solvere, which was used in the same context, for example in the expression 'solvere sophismata'. (See, e.g., the title of a work of William of Heytesbury, 'Regulae solvendi sophismata'). Cf. A . M A I F . R U , Methods of Teaching Logic during the Period of the Universities (1994), pp. 12.0-121. 303 Cf. L . H I C K M A N , 'Insolubilia, col. 397.

286

INSOLUBILE

In classical Latin insolubilis, in the rare cases that it was used, mainly had the concrete meaning of'that which cannot be repaid' (of debts), or 'that which is incontestible' (of evidence).304 The substantive use of the term is only attested in the Middle Ages. The adjective insolubilis remained in use in its classical meanings,1115 but it also acquired a new meaning in the field of logic: insoluble (of a proposition, argument or question).306 In this meaning it was used substantively as a technical term.™7

304TI.I.; O L D . Note that Boethius used the term in the context of rhetoric, but in a different meaning. In his Analytica Priom he speaks of 'argumenta insolubilia, that is, arguments that cannot be broken, that are irrefutable (cf. T L L , reference to Anal. Pr. 2,27 p. 711C). 305 D M L (1-2) 306 D M L (3). 307 Cf. D M L (3b); Lex.kt.Ned. MediiAevi, (2b).

287

interpretari (-tare), interpretatio, transferre, translatio, vulgarizare (-zatio), theutonizare (-zatio) Although in medieval Latin interpretari (or interpretare) was used in the sense of our modern word 'to interpret', 'to expound',308 more commonly it was used in the sense of'to translate from one language to another'.309 Another common term for the same phenomenon was transferre,310 literally 'to transfer', 'to bring something from one place to another', but also metonymically 'to translate'. Less frequently more general verbs such as traducere, vertere or transponere were used.311

308 See on this -^declarare. 309 O n the terminology of this phenomenon see O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), pp. 82-85. See also G . C O N T A M I N E (ed.), Traduction et traducteurs au Moyen Age (1989); and various articles in J . H A M E S S E (ed.), Les manuscripts des lexiques et glossaries (1996). Note that interpretari was both used as a deponent verb with an active meaning (to translate, to interpret), and as the passive form of the active verb interpretare, in the sense of 'to signify, to mean'. 310 F. Dolbeau, who studied the hagiographic translations produced in southern Italy in the ninth and tentli centuries, notes that, in this particular context, interpretari and interpres are reserved for translations by intermediaries. The use of the term suggests a direct contact between the speakers of the different languages (i.e. Greek and Latin). Transferre, on die other hand, does not imply such direct contact, and can be used for translations, but also for Latin adaptations of Greek. E D O L B E A U , Le role des interpretes dans les traductions hagiographiqu.es (1996), pp. 151-152. The distinction seems, however, to have eroded in the later Middle Ages. See, for example, the use of interpres in the sense of 'translator' (of a foreign language): D M L (4). Note, furthermore, that in medieval Latin the non-classical verb translatare was occasionally used alongside transferre — it carried the literal meaning of'to transfer', but also the metaphorical meaning of'to translate'. See, e.g., Lex.lat.Ned. MediiAevi, translato. Translatare, however, seems to have been used

in yet another meaning: 'to copy (a text)'; cf. O. GUYOTJEANNIN, Le vocabulaire de la diplomatique en latin medieval, CIVICIMA II (1989), p. 129. 311 O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), p. 83. On p. 84 Weijers notes that traducere only came to mean 'to translate' in the Middle Ages, and that its use in this sense was not frequent. She cites an example from Notker of St. Gall, and refers to S. SONDEREGGER, Notker des Deutschen Terminologie dts Ubersetzungsvorganges (1987), p. 17.

288

INTERPRETARI, TRANSFERRE, VULGARIZARE

These terms were used for translations from Hebrew, Greek and Arabic into Latin. For translations from Latin into the vernaculars, the linguae vulgares, the neologism vulgarizare (vulgarisare) could also be used,312 or, specifically for translations into the German language, t(h)eutonizare.313 Interpretatio, translatio and also the more specific terms vulgarizatio and theutonizatio similarly refer to 'translations' into other languages. Interpretatio, however, was also used in the sense of 'interpretation', 'explanation'. In the context, for example, of lexicographical works such as dictionaries with etymologies (—>etymologia) and derivations (—^derivatio), the word could tlius also be used for Latin-Latin 'translations': synonyms or short word explanations. Interpret, interpretator —the classical and the Late-Latin form— and also translator were all used in the sense of 'translator' (from a foreign language).314

312 Although the expression lingua vulgaris was already in use in the twelfth century, the verb vulgarizare and its noun vulgarizatio seem to be of a later date. Cf. D u C ; he refers to an attestation in an Italian source dated in 1275. Apart from the meaning of'to translate into a vernacular language' the verb could also have the meaning of 'to make public, to publish'; D u C . (2); B L A I S E , Lex., (2).

313 The active meaning of theutonizare, 'to translate into German', is attested in the Lex.Lat.Ned. MediiAevi. I n D u C . , N I E R M . and B L A I S E , Lex., the meaning is given as 'to mean in German' or 'to call in German'. The earliest attestation of the term dates from 1030, M E G I N F R E D U S , Vita Emmerammi ( A A S S , Sept. V I , p. 490, col. 2): 'Hujus [civitatis] vocabulum modernis temporibus lingua nostra Reganisburc teutonizat.' 314 Cf. D M L , interpres (4); interpretator (2). Both, however, also have the meaning of 'one who explains, expounder' —cf. D M L , interpres (2); interpretator (1)— and of 'intermediary' —cf. D M L , interpres (1); interpretator (3). Note the specifically Christian meaning of interpretator as 'exegete': B L A I S E , Diet.

For translator, seeTLL; OLD; BLAISE, Diet.; Lex.lat.Ned. MediiAevi.

INTERPRETARI, TRANSFERRE, VULGARIZARE

289

In Antiquity and in the Middle Ages both interpretari and transferre were used in the sense of 'to translate';315 interpretatio and translatio in the sense of'the act of translating' or 'translation';316 and, finally, interpres and translator in the sense of'translator', from one language into another.317 Alongside interpretari's specific meaning of 'to translate', its other meanings, notably 'to interpret, expound, explain', also continued to be used in the Middle Ages. The two meanings sometimes amalgamated into one, for example in the context of medieval lexicographical works, where (Latin) terms were 'translated' (or explained) with more current synonyms.318 Late Latin and medieval word forms related to the concept of translation are interpretator,™ which could be used in the meaning of 'translator'; translatare ('to translate'); and words related to the phenomenon of translation into vernacular languages: t(h)eutonizare (-sare) — t(h)eutonizatio, and vulgarizare (-sare), vulgarizatio. T(h)eutonizare seems to have been used first in the eleventh century, and vulgarizare seems to be of a later date.320

315 Cf. T L L , interpretari (coll. 2261-2262); O L D , interpretari (6), transferre (6); B L A I S E , Diet., interpretari (2), transferre (4); D M L , interpretari (4c); for transferre (and translatare) see, e.g., Iex.ht.Ned. MediiAevi. 316 Cf. O L D , interpretatio (5), translatio (4c); D M L , interpretatio (3). See also some examples given by O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), pp. 79-80. 317 References given above. 318 Cf. O . W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA I V (1991), p. 82. 319 Cf. BLAISE, Diet. 320 On the semantic background of these see also O. W E I J E R S , Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age, CIVICIMA IV (1991), pp. 84-85.

290

involucrum, integumentum In the twelfth century and later, the terms involucrum or integumentum, which literally mean 'veil' or 'garment', were frequently used in the interpretation of pagan authors: it was argued that beneath the covering (involucrum or integumentum) of their myths and fables lay deeper truths (of a religious, moral, or natural philosophical nature), worth uncovering by exegesis.321 The most famous definition of the term was given by Bernardus Silvestris in his introduction to the Aeneid, where he argues that 'integumentum is a kind of demonstration of truth hidden under fictitious tales'.322 Elsewhere he makes a sharp distinction between allegory (allegoria) and integumentum: the latter relates to secular allegory, whereas the first can be applied, for example, to biblical parables or Christian -+exempla.i2i

The topos of a 'truth' hidden beneath fictitious fables dates from Antiquity, and was transmitted to the Middle Ages through (amongst others) Macrobius and the Church Fathers.324 In the late Latin period in-

321 O n this subject see (among others) M . - D . C H E N U , Involucrum. Le mythe selon les theologiens medievaux (1955); E . J E A U N E A U , L'usage de la notion d"integumentum(1958); H . B R I N K M A N N , Verhiillung ('Integumentum') als litemrische Darstellungsform im Mittelalter (1971); B . STOCK, Myth and Science in the Twelfth Century (1972), esp. pp. 49-62. For a fairly recent status questionis and bibliography, see H . J . W E S T R A , The Commentary on Martianus Capella's 'De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii' attributed to Bernardus Silvestris (1986), pp. 23-33. See also, although not so much on the terminology of the phenomenon, I D . , The Allegorical Interpretation of Myth (1995). 322 'integumentum est genus demonstrationis sub fabulosa narratione veritatis involvens intellectum, unde etiam dicitur involucrum'. B E R N A R D U S SILVESTRIS, Comm.Aen. 3. Similar definitions are found in A B E L A R D , W I L L I A M O F C O N C H E S , etc. See M . - D . C H E N U ,

Involucrum. Le mythe selon les theologiens medievaux (1955); H . J . W E S T R A , The Commentary on Martianus Capella's 'De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii' attributed to Bernardus Silvestris (1986), p. 27. 323 This distinction, however, is not universal, and in most cases allegoria and integumentum or involucrum are synonyms. Cf. H . J . W E S T R A , The Commentary on Martianus Capella's 'De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii' attributed to Bernardus Silvestris (1986), pp. 26-27. 324 For a detailed analysis cf. B . STOCK, Myth and Science in the Twelfth Century (1972), pp. 49 ff.

INVOLUCRUM, INTEGUMENTUM

291

volucrum was the word used in this context. The topos was inspired with new life in the twelfth century, with the revival of (Neo)platonic thought and the study of classical authors. It was only then that integumentum was introduced as a term with the same metaphorical sense of 'allegorical covering, to be unlocked by exegesis'. Involucrum and integumentum are used interchangeably by authors such as Abelard, William of Conches, Thierry of Chartres, Bernard Silvestris and Alan of Lille. In classical Latin neither involucrum nor integumentum were common, and when used they had a concrete meaning: a physical covering of some kind.325 Cicero, however, used both terms in a figurative way that foreshadowed their later development: 'rhetorical veil'. In the late Latin period involucrum was adopted into Christian Latin and its metaphorical meaning eclipsed its physical one.32fi It came to represent a kind of covering, beneath which some truth was deliberately concealed. In the twelfth century, finally, integumentum and involucrum became synonyms, and came to signify the allegorical covering of a secular fable or myth.327 The terms are occasionally found in the context of the commentary tradition on the Bible and Christian authors, but most frequently they occur in the context of the reading of pagan texts, such as Ovid, Virgil, Lucan, Cicero, Plato, Martianus Capella, etc.

325 T L L ; O L D . O n the semantic development of the terms cf. B . S T O C K , Myth and Science in the Twelfth Century (1972), pp. 49-50 (classical Latin), pp. 50-51 (Christian Latin) and p. 52 (medieval Latin). 326 Cf. TLL; BLAISE, Diet. yvj Cf. DML, integumentum (3), involucrum (4). Note, however, that both integumentum and involucrum also have physical meanings in medieval Latin.

292 legere, lectio, lectura, legibilis From the early Middle Ages onwards, the most common method of teaching can be described as follows: a master read, and simultaneouslycommented upon, a(n authorized) text.328 In the early Middle Ages, the literary product that testifies to this method of teaching is the glossed manuscript, and (roughly) from the tenth century onwards, separate commentaries, copied independently of the text, appear. The usual terminology for referring to this kind of teaching is legere or lectio, and,

328 Ine basic principle of teaching by commenting on an authoritative text is found in all disciplines. At the centre of this concept of teaching, however, stood the Bible; the understanding of the Bible was the ultimate goal of any student, and throughout the Middle Ages it was often emphasized that all other arts were only useful as tools to penetrate to the essential meaning of the biblical texts. The expression used for the reading of the Bible (and authorities on its interpretation) is lectio divina. On the early history of this concept see D . G O R C E , La lectio divina des origines du Cenobitisme a Saint Benoit et Cassiodore (1925), esp. pp. i-xxxvi. On this concept of teaching in the early Middle Ages, see E . L E S N E , Les ecoles de la fin du VTII' siecle a la fin du XII' (1940), pp. 657-662; for the twelfth century, see G . PARE, A . B R U N E T , P. TREMBLAY, La renaissance du XII' siecle (1933), esp. 110-113; J . C H A T I L L O N , La Bible dans les ecoles du XII' siecle (1994). On the use of the terms in later ages and specifically in the context of the medieval universities, see, inter alia, J . V E R G E R , L'exegese de I'Universite (1994); O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des universites (1987), pp. 299-302 and 324-329; O . W E I J E R S , Le maniement du savoir (1996), pp. 39-59 (Chapitre 3, 'Les cours, methodes et pratiques'); A . M A I E R U , Les cours: 'lectio' et 'lectio cursorid (1997), pp. 373-392. See also the articles on —tordinarius and —> cursus, and die related terms -J>qu(a)estio and -^disputatio. The attitude towards the reading of texts in the monastic context of the early Middle Ages (which persisted into the later Middle Ages and beyond) is characterized by terms such as mminare, ruminatio and meditare, meditatio. These terms stand for a kind of reading which is, in essence, private; literally, a 'chewing' of a text, re-reading it (just as animals chew the cud) and learning it by heart.

M

LEGERE, LECTIO, LECTURA, LEGIBILIS

293

consequently, legere came to mean 'to teach or lecture',32) lectio 'lesson' or 'lecture', lectiones 'series of lectures' or 'course'.330 In the centuries that followed, the basic principle of legere and lectio, that is, the explanatory reading of an authorized text by a master to his audience of students, remained the same, but the methods used changed. In the twelfth century, a master s comment took the form of what has been called a 'continuous' or 'running commentary': a fairly literal explanation of the text, in which (part of) the phrase explained was usually included in the text of the commentary as a (typographically distinguished) lemma.331 Explanations or digressions were marked with expressions such

329 Other terms used in the meaning of 'to teach' are the classical terms docere and instruere, but also —tregere, which developed this meaning in the twelfth century. On docere, cf. O . W E I J E R S , Terminologie des university (1987), p. 297; on docere and instruere see C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des ecoles urbaines des XII' etXIIF siecles, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 94, 98, 99,101; A . G A R C I A Y GARCIA, Vocabulario de las escuelas en la Peninsula Iberica,

CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 165,176; M.C.M. PACHECO & M.I.M. PACHECO, Le vocabulaire de I'enseignement dans Us Sermones d'Antoine de Lisbonne/Padoue, CIVICIMA IX (1999), p. 148. Derivations from instruere are instructio and instructor. 330 Note, for example, the expression magister legens, the meaning of which is similar to magister regens — an actively teaching master (cf. -^magister (Cat. I ) , —>regere). The terms legere and lectio were in principle used in all kinds of schools. Both C. Frova and C h . Vulliez, however, stress the virtual absence of these terms from the sources relating to the urban schools: 'Mediocre est la place par contre de termes comme [...] le doublet legere/lectio usuel dans le vocabulaire universitaire pour designer Faction d'enseignement, mais ici rarement employe dans son acception scolaire'. C . V U L L I E Z , Le vocabulaire des ecoles urbaines des XII' etXIII' siecles, CIVICIMA V (1992), p. 94; see also C . FROVA, Le scuole municipali all'epoca delle universita, CIVICIMA V (1992), pp. 185-186. Frova, however, notes that legere and -elector (Cat. I) are rarely used in these sources, but that lectio is used for the reading (aloud) of texts. 331 See J . M A R E N B O N , Medieval Latin Commentaries and Glosses on Aristotelian Logical Texts (1993).

294

LEGERE, LECTIO, LECTURA, LEGIBILIS

as nota or notandum quod, and larger asides, in which (textual) problems of the text were treated, were called dubia or -^questiones?i2 In the course of the thirteenth century, different types of commentaries developed which were each in their own way related to the lectio of a master. O. Weijers characterizes them as 'lectio-commentaries', 'questio-commentciries and 'sententia-commentaries .^ The 7