Thutmose III: A New Biography

THUTMOSE

III

THUTMOSE

III

A New Biography

E R I C H . C L I N E AND D A V I D

O'CONNOR

Editors

T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF M I C H I G A N P R E S S

Ann Arbor

Copyright © by the University of Michigan 2006 All rights reserved Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America ® Printed on acid-free paper 2009

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2006

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No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. A CLP catalog recordfor this book is availablefrom the British Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Thutmose III : a new biography / Eric H. Cline and David O'Connor, editors, p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978042114672 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10 0-472-11467-0 (cloth : alk. paper) I. Thutmose III, King of Egypt. 2. Pharaohs—Biography. 3. Egypt—History— Eighteenth dynasty, ca. 1570—1320 B.C. I. Cline, Eric H. II. O'Connor, David DT87.2 .T48 2005 2005050653 932/.0I4/092 B 22

Preface

T

hutmose III—"Strong Bull Arising in Thebes" as one of his five names reads—was without question one of Egypts greatest pharaohs. His reign was packed with momentous events and was of unusual length—a total of fifty-four years in a time when the average for his dynasty—the Eighteenth—was about sixteen and one-half years. Thutmose came to the throne at an unusually young age. His stepmother (and aunt) Hatshepsut immediately became his regent, a position that she soon transformed into a corulership, with herself as the senior pharaoh—the most effective and powerful of the few women ever recognized as pharaoh in Egypt. This situation lasted some twenty years, with Thutmose being permitted considerable, if limited, independence. In particular, he may have led, on Hatshepsuts behalf, Egyptian campaigns against various foreign lands. Nevertheless, there was either an enduring resentment on his part or a dawning realization that Hatshepsuts reign had not been "politically correct." Late in Thutmose s reign, long after Hatshepsut s death, he ordered or permitted an attack on her memory at the beautifully decorated and enormously scaled funerary temple built for her at Deir el-Bahari, in western Thebes— her images were defaced, although the rest of the many figures represented in the temple were left intact. Once he was sole ruler, Thutmose initiated the most sustained policy of conquest and expansion known for ancient Egypt. In his twenty-second year, he led his armies into Canaan, defeating a vast coalition of enemies (coming from as far away as Syria) at Megiddo—the Armageddon of the Bible. As a result, the great rulers of the Near East (including Assyria, Babylonia, and the Hittites) who were not directly involved in the conflict sent Thutmose placatory gifts, recognizing his new status. Throughout the next twenty-two years, Thutmose and his forces developed Egypts first empire, a relatively stable system of Egyptian overseers and foreign vassals that extended through

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Canaan and Lebanon into southern Syria and up the Nile through northern and central Nubia. This empire, delivering annual tribute and services, greatly increased the wealth of Egypts kings and was the basis for an imperial system that persisted, to varying degrees, well into the Twentieth Dynasty. Thutmose s contacts beyond the empire included not only other parts of the Near East but Anatolia and the Aegean as well. Under Thutmose III, Egypts already well-developed culture achieved new heights. He himself was a prodigious builder of monuments, including a vast new "festival hall" east of the Karnak Temple proper, the Sixth and Seventh Pylons of Amun-Re s temple at Karnak, and the large sacred lake at Amun-Re s temple as well. In addition, he had a funerary temple and a richly decorated tomb at western Thebes and built temples at many other towns in Egypt. More generally, some of the most superbly decorated of the Theban elite tombs were produced for his officials, such as the great vizier or prime minister Rekhmire and others. Art and architecture, however, were only part of the story. In religion, important developments took place during Thutmose s corule with Hatshepsut. Later, during his sole rule, religious developments on the one hand reinforced and displayed the divine aspects of kingship even more ostentatiously than before, yet on the other hand they articulated the nature of Amun-Re, the imperial god, who came to be seen as a deity intervening directly in history and even in the lives of individual Egyptians. Thus, some scholars believe a tension began to set in between royal pretensions and Amun-Re s evolving personality and cult that was to lead to the innovative but destructive changes initiated by pharaoh Akhenaten, the monotheist ruler who was the great-great-grandson of Thutmose III. Literature and historical writing also flourished under Thutmose III. His Annals, set up within the sanctuary of Amun-Re at Karnak itself, are among the most extended of historical narratives to survive from ancient Egypt. They include a particularly elaborate description of the campaign that culminated in the Battle of Megiddo, a text that has fascinated both scholars and military men in recent times. Thutmose s reign was also characterized by complex religious hymns. This long, richly documented reign and the pharaoh who was central to it have never been the subject of an extensive monographic treatment in English. Moreover, recent studies of Thutmose III in German and French lack the depth and scope that is intended for the work presented here. Initiated by Dr. Benedict Davies, and then seen through development by coeditors Professors Eric Cline and David O'Connor, the book consists of essays on virtually every aspect of the reign of Thutmose III written by experts on each

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topic. This extensive treatment of a pivotal figure in the ancient Mediterranean world during the Late Bronze Age will provide a uniquely comprehensive view of one of Egypts greatest pharaohs and will be of interest to a wide audience—specialists in Egypt and the Near East, graduate and undergraduate students, and the wider public as a whole. We gratefully acknowledge the preparation of the index to this book by Dr. J. J. Shirley and Laurel Bestock.

Contents

List of Abbreviations xi List of Illustrations xv ONE

Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh

i

David O^Connor TWO

T h e Early Reign of Thutmose III: An Unorthodox Mantle of Coregency 39 Peter F. Dorman THREE

Administration in the Reign of Thutmose III

69

Betsy M. Bryan FOUR

Religion and Cult during the Time of Thutmose III

123

Lana Troy FIVE

Monumental Architecture and the Royal Building Program of Thutmose III 183 Piotr Laskowski SIX

T h e Building Activities of Thutmose III in the Valley of the Kings 238 Catharine H. Roehrip

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SEVEN

Royal Portrait and Ideology: Evolution and Signification of the Statuary of Thutmose III 260 Dimitri Laboury EIGHT

T h e Artistic Production of the Reign of Thutmose III

292

Arielle P. Kozloff NINE

T h e Northern Wars of Thutmose III

325

Donald B. Redford TEN

Covetous Eyes South: T h e Background to Egypts Domination of Nubia by the Reign of Thutmose III 344 Anthony J. Spalinger ELEVEN

Foreigners in Egypt in the Time of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III 370 Diamantis Panagiotopoulos TWELVE

T h e End of the Reign and the Accession of Amenhotep II Peter Der Manuelian

Bibliography 431 Contributors 481 Title Index

485

Subject Index Plates 535

493

413

Abbreviations

AJA AJSL AnatSt ASM BA BASOR BCMA BdE BES BIFAO BiOr BMFA BMMA BMRAH BSA BSFE CdE CNRS EG FIFAO GM IEJ IJNA JAOS JARCE JCS

American Journal of Archaeology American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Anatolian Studies Annales du Service des Antiquités de l'Egypte. Cairo Biblical Archaeologist Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art Bibliothèque d'Etude. Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale du Caire, Cairo. Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar Bulletin de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale du Caire. Cairo. Bibliotheca Orientalis Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts. Boston. Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. N e w York. Bulletin des Musées Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire Annual of the British School at Athens Bulletin de la Société Française d'Egyptologie Chronique d'Egypte Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique (France) Egyptian Grammar3, Oxford Fouilles de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale du Caire. Cairo. Göttinger Miszellen Israel Exploration Journal International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt Journal of Cuneiform Studies

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JEA

Abbreviations

Journal of Egyptian Archaeology

JESHO JMA JMAA JNES JSSEA KRI

Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology Journal of Mediterranean Anthropology and Archaeology Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities Kenneth A. Kitchen. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical. Vols. 1—8. Oxford: Blackwell, 1969—90. LA Lexikon der Ägyptologie. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. LD Karl Richard Lepsius. Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien. 6 vols. Berlin, 1849—56. Reprint, Geneva, 197z. LD Text I—V Karl Richard Lepsius. Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien. Ed. MDAIK MDOG MIEAO MIO NARCE NAWG OJA OLZ PEQ PM

PM2

PPS RdE RHA RIDA RL S AK TT Urk. VA

E. Naville. Leipzig, 1897—1913. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo. Cairo. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient- Gesellschaft zu Berlin Mémoires publiés par les Membres de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale du Caire. Cairo. Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orientforschung Newsletter of the American Research Center in Egypt Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen (I. Philologischhistoische Klasse). Oxford Journal of Archaeology Orientalistische Literaturzeitung Palestine Exploration Quarterly Porter, B., and Moss, R . Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts) Reliefs) and Paintings. Vols. I—VII. Oxford: Clarendon. 1927—51. Porter, B., and Moss, R . Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings, znd edition, (revised by J. Malek from 1974 onward) Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society Revue d'Egyptologie Revue hittite et asianique Revue Internationale des Droits de l'Antiquité La Revue du Louvre et des Musées de France Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur Theban tomb Urkunden des Ägyptischen Altertums (IV-Sethe 19z7—30 and Helek 1955-58) Varia Aegyptiaca

Abbreviations Wb

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ZA

Wörterbuch der Ägyptischen Sprache (A. Erman and HL Grapow, Bands I—V Berlin: Akademie-Verlag. 1955) Zeitschriftfür Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie

ZÄS ZDPV

Zeitschriftfür Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins

Illustrations

Table I. Chronology Map I. Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt and its world Map 2. Egypt in the N e w Kingdom period Map 3. Thebes in the N e w Kingdom period Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

i.i. Karnak and contiguous temples 1.2. Karnak Temple before and after Thutmose III 1.3. Genealogy of the Eighteenth Dynasty 1.4. T h e Procession of the boat-shaped palanquin of Amun-Re during the corule of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

2.1. T h e graffito of Senenmut at Aswan 2.2. A stela of Hatshepsut at Serabit el-Khadim 2.3. Two blocks from a limestone chapel of Hatshepsut at Karnak 2.4. T h e lunette of the stela of Nakht, dated to year 20 of the coregency, at Serabit el-Khadim

Fig. 5.1. Texte de la Jeunesse Fig. 5.2. Karnak, Eastern sanctuary, alabaster naos and the northern wall of room II structurally connected with the enclosure wall Fig. 5.3. Karnak, Eastern sanctuary, remains of the southern wall of room III Fig. 5.4. Karnak, lake repository, southern row of external pillars adjoining the wall of the court Fig. 5.5. Deir el Bahari, temple of Thutmose III, plan Fig. 5.6. Deir el Bahari, temple of Thutmose III, rear wall of the niche Fig. 5.7. Elkab, architrave of the Thutmose I l l s construction

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Fig. 5-8- Elkab, architrave of the Thutmose I l l s construction Fig. 5.9. Elkab, lintel of Thutmose III with the epithet "ruler of Heliopolis" inside the ring Fig. 6.1. The Valley of the Kings as it may have looked at the end of the reign of Thutmose III Fig. 6.2. K V 34 Fig. 6.3. Section of the south wall of chamber F, showing the list of deities from the fifth hour Fig. 6.4. Beginning of the list of deities in the first hour of the Amduat, north wall of chamber F Fig. 6.5. Section of the south wall of chamber F and the sixth hour in chamber J Fig. 6.6. Burial chamber (J) of K V 34, looking back at the entrance Fig. 6.7. Plan of chamber J in K V 34 with the approximate positions of the texts Fig. 6.8. Litany of Re on the south face of pillar I in chamber J Fig. 6.9. Third hour of the Amduat Fig. 6.10. Fourth hour of the Amduat, bordering the south jamb of the entrance Fig. 6.11. Fourth hour of the Amduat, bordering the north jamb of the entrance Fig. 6.12. South wall of chamber J in K V 34 Fig. 6.13. The doorway into storage room Jc framed by illustrations from the eighth hour Fig. 6.14. The end of the twelfth hour Fig. 6.15. Plan and elevation of K V 38 Fig. 6.16. K V 42 Fig. 6.17. K V 20 Fig. 6.18. Plan of the two burial chambers in K V 20 Fig. 6.19. Vignettes on the north face of pillar I in the burial chamber of K V 34 Figs. 7.1a and 7.1b. Thutmose III. Last twelve years of the reign. Figs. 7.2a and 7.2b. Thutmose III. Second half of the third decade of the reign. Figs. 7.3a and 7.3b. Thutmose III. Regency period, first seven years of the reign (?). Figs. 7.4a and 7.4b. Thutmose III. Beginning of the coregency with Hatshepsut, between year 7 and year 12 of the reign.

Illustrations

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Figs. 7.5a and 7.5b. Thutmose III. Beginning of the coregency with Hatshepsut, between year 7 and year iz of the reign. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

11.1. Nubian women and children from the tomb of Ineni ii.z. Syria-Palestinian procession 11.3. Left section of foreigners' scene in the tomb of Useramun 11.4. Aegean gift bearers from the tomb of Useramun 11.5. Syria-Palestinian gift bearers from the tomb of Useramun 11.6. Syria-Palestinian men, women, and children from the tomb of Useramun Fig. 11.7. T h e foreigners' scene from the tomb of Rekhmire Fig. 11.8. South end of the Puntite procession from the tomb of Rekhmire Fig. 11.9. Middle section of the Aegean procession from the tomb of Rekhmire Fig. 11.10. Middle section of the Nubian procession from the tomb of Rekhmire Fig. 11.11. Syria-Palestinians bringing gifts for the Egyptian king, tomb of Amenemheb Fig. 11.12. Presentation of gifts in Lebanon Fig. 11.13. Brickmaking by Syria-Palestinians and Nubians from the tomb of Rekhmire Fig. iz.i. T h e Gebel Barkal stela of Thutmose III Fig. iz.z. Five solutions for the reign of Thutmose III Fig. 1z.3. Leiden stela V, 11, of Henetnefret, representing Thutmose III and Amenhotep II facing each other Fig. 1z.4. T h e accession date of Amenhotep II Fig. 1z.5. T h e coregency of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II Fig. 1Z.6. T h e archery stela of Amenhotep II Fig. 1z.7. T h e Armant stela of Thutmose III

ONE

Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh DAVID

O'CONNOR

ost ancient Egyptian kings, or pharaohs, as they may legitimately be called from the New Kingdom (ca. 1z39—1075 BC) onward, are shadowy, sometimes virtually nonexistent figures to us moderns. Some are simply names, preserved in a king list or on a fragment of architecture; others are associated with only a handful of largely uninformative inscriptions; and even some for whom there are a fair number of datable royal and elite monuments remain relatively poorly documented as rulers and, even more, as individuals. In literature we are provided glimpses of various kings' personalities: genial King Snefru is contrasted with his seemingly malignant son Khufu; 1 or King Amenemhet I laments his assassination from the grave, while his successor Senwosret I extends a regal benevolence to the mistakenly self-exiled Sinuhe. 2 Yet, despite their names, the kings in these stories are fictional characters, and the relationship of their depictions, as persons, to historical reality is problematic.3

M

With the New Kingdom, however, the number of texts relating to individual kings and the variety in their genres increase. For many scholars definitive individual personalities begin to emerge as a result. Among these, those pharaohs of whom this can be said include Thutmose III (ca. 1479—1425 BC), as well as his father s wife (but not his mother), queen, later king, Hatshepsut (ca. 1473—1458 BC). Gardiner felt able to judge the latter "a woman of most virile character;" 4 Redford imagined that when Thutmose III ordered the erasure of Hatshepsut s name and image from her monuments long after her death he spared the more obscurely placed: "Standing alone before the image of the queen, Thutmose relented. She was, after all, his own flesh";5 and Hayes describedThutmose III as vigorous, efficient, many-sided, "an ardent and discriminating patron of the arts," and a "Napoleonic little

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man" 6 Recent histories are more cautious and muted yet basically transmit similar messages. Undeniably, we are permitted glimpses into the life and character of Thutmose III (and some other New Kingdom pharaohs) that seem to convey an impression of his personality, motives, and ideas. He was, we know, very young when he ascended to the throne, and a text from Karnak Temple (in modern Luxor) depicts the event itself; Thutmose describes himself as a youthful acolyte in the god Amun-Res temple, standing modestly among others as the gods image was carried in procession through the hypostyle (columned) hall of the temple. The god forced the bearers carrying his image to circle the hall, "searching [for Thutmose] in every place": confronted by the awe-inspiring image, the future king prostrated himself, only to be raised and presented to the assembled elite as the acceding king. 7 Later, in his maturity, Thutmose is depicted as holding a council of war with his senior army officers in preparation for an advance on the city of Megiddo (in modern Israel), where a large coalition of enemy forces has assembled. Of three possible routes to Megiddo, the officers reject one because it is narrow; because the enemy is already prepared to resist the Egyptian army s passage along it; and because the narrowness of the route will dangerously extend the Egyptian line of march, with "horse behind horse, and man behind man," with the result that the Egyptian advance guard was likely to become involved in fighting without the support of the rear guard or of many of the intervening forces. The other two routes are safer and preferable. Thutmose swears, however, that he will proceed upon the dangerous road, probably for a good if unstated strategic reason: the advance, while dangerous, promises to take the enemy by surprise, while the others are likely to reveal the Egyptian movements well before the anticipated battle. However, he adds, his generals are free to take their forces along the safer route, while the king leads his share of the army along the dangerous route to surprise and victory. Unsurprisingly, all agree to follow him, and eventually a great victory is won. Even then, however, the human or individual dimension of the king becomes prominent again. The Egyptians defeat the enemy army, massed before the city of Megiddo, but fail to follow the momentum of their foes (who flee into the city) and enter and capture it. Thutmose berates the Egyptians for this failure: all the rebellious leaders are within Megiddo, its capture "is the capture of a thousand cities," and yet now it will require an arduous siege and, even more tellingly, a postponement of a celebratory offering to the god Re. 8 The army has offended not only king and state but kingly god and cosmos as well. This extraordinarily detailed and, compared to most Egyptian texts, personalized narrative resonates with one written about 184 years later, describ-

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ing a similar situation for the pharaoh Ramesses II (ca. 1z79—1z13 B C ) of the Nineteenth Dynasty. Advancing on the enemy city of Kadesh (in modern Syria), Ramesses is misled by false information, pushes ahead of the bulk of his army, and sets up camp dangerously close to the enemy (much stronger than he supposes), with the rest of his army extended behind him in the form of three widely separated divisions. T h e enemy attacks the foremost of these, in effect the king s rear guard, and then attacks Ramesses and his demoralized forces; the sense of panic is well conveyed by an instruction to the royal children, Ramesses' sons being schooled in war, to flee behind the palisade of shields surrounding the royal camp. T h e king s military miscalculations are made clear (but not explicitly criticized) in the text, as is his personal moment of panic. Surrounded by 2,500 enemy chariots, Ramesses states: " N o officer was with me, no charioteer, no soldier of the army, no shield-bearer; my infantry, my chariotry yielded before them, not one of them stood firm to fight with them." Ramesses berates the god Amun for not helping him, after his many good actions on Amun's behalf, but a note of panic is also evident: "I am among a host of strangers, all countries are arrayed against me, I am alone, there's none with me!" Perhaps Thutmose III might have found himself in a similar situation had his military gamble failed. In the event, Amun responded to Ramesses: "I found Amun came when I called to him, he gave me his hand and I rejoiced. He called from behind as if near by: Torward, I am with you.'" 9 Here, too, we find a god directly intervening in a pharaohs life, as Amun did with Thutmose III when he identified him as the next king. These texts—about Thutmose III, Ramesses II, and others—make fascinating reading and enlarge our understanding of the kaleidoscopic perspectives the Egyptians displayed in reference to their kings, simultaneously gods on earth and risk-taking humans. Yet are they accurate representations of what Thutmose or Ramesses experienced, thought, and said? Doubt must be raised by the fact that the relevant texts, like the tales or narratives about Snefru and Khufu, and Amenemhet I and Senwosret I, are literature, not history in our sense of that term, with the striving for accuracy and objectivity that it implies. As Loprieno has pointed out, 1 0 every text I have cited belongs to a multifaceted literary genre, the Königsnovelle or "king's novel." These are narratives "in which the king fulfils at the same time all the roles of societal representation: He is the image, the trace, and the symbol of the country's cohesion.The Egyptian king is the metaphysical 'image' of Egyptian society in texts in which he stands for the country as a whole. . . . T h e king is also Egypt's metonymical 'trace,' a link of causality tying his existence to the country's well-being. . . . Finally, the king is Egypt's 'symbol' when he is theologically equated to entire spheres of the Egyptian conception of the world, such as divine constellations." 11

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Such narratives include palpably untrue elements. Amun did not literally force his bearers to identify the young Thutmose as the next king or literally manifest himself behind Ramesses II at the battle of Kadesh. They also, in some cases, do include events that are historically true. Amenemhet I may have been assassinated, but rich fictional use is made of this event, including his supposed, yet clearly invented, posthumous words and the emotions thus conveyed. I2 The battles of Megiddo and Kadesh surely took place, but these events, too, have been put to complex literary uses, involving the invention to at least some degree of the relevant king s actions, speech, and emotions. The likelihood that these circumstances render our glimpses into the royal personalities problematical is reinforced by more specific factors. For example, the description of Thutmose I l l s selection as king by the god was written some forty-two years after the event (though still within the king s lifetime) and was inspired by political and ideological factors rather than a desire to simply describe a historical event; it may have been modeled on a preexisting, and certainly fictional, text about Hatshepsut! 13 Even the lively description of the battle of Megiddo was set down upon the wall on which it was displayed over forty years after the battle occurred, 14 and it may, at least in part, have been composed at this late date. This situation has in part prompted my title for this introductory chapter: "Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh." Despite their seeming immediacy and human interest, and their incorporation of actual historical events, the texts relevant to Thutmose III cannot be considered a true representation of his personality, or parts of it, or even necessarily of all the specific acts and speeches attributed to him. However, Thutmose III is also enigmatic in a different, but significant and exciting way. In fact, our documentation is rich enough to provide discussion of Thutmose s long reign with a relatively detailed historical structure not possible for most other pharaohs. Ramesses II also had a very long reign (sixtyseven years as compared to Thutmose s fifty-four), and an abundance of documents has survived from his time. However, when all is said and done, what can we say about Ramesses' own life and the personal experience of his kingship? 15 We know something of his wives and children: he was active in military affairs abroad, some very substantial, for about fourteen years, with no initiatives thereafter; and throughout much of his reign there was much building of temples and palaces. This is a fairly "classic" New Kingdom pattern for many, though not all, pharaohs. It is certainly significant that in one 237-page book on Ramesses' reign only about 82 pages, or 34.5 percent, deal with Ramesses personally, while the remainder cover the cultural and societal aspects of Egypt at that time or events after his death. 16

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However, in several ways the reign of Thutmose III stands out from the norm and in particular displays a clearly defined structure, as noted earlier. Acceding to the throne on the death of his father, the pharaoh Thutmose II (ca. 1479 BC?), at a very young age (impossible to quantify exactly), Thutmose III appears in the earliest surviving documents of his reign as sole king of Egypt. Given his extreme youth, however, it is likely that his fathers wife, queen Hatshepsut (who was not Thutmose s mother) already exercised effective power, a supposition made all the more likely by her early assumption of king s titles, and the kingship they imply, in Thutmose s seventh regnal year or even before (see chapter z of this book).Thereafter, the two kings— one male, one female—ruled side by side for about fifteen years. The relationship, political and presumably personal, between the two was a complex one, and changed over time, but Hatshepsut seems to have remained the dominant power throughout. 17 Eventually, Hatshepsut disappears from the record, and presumably she died in or soon after Thutmose s twenty-second regnal year (she numbered her own regnal years to match his). Queens had been active politically, and perhaps even acted as regents, before this time. Queen Ahhotep, for example, is credited with decisively restoring order in Egypt when the king died and may have been coregent with her son Ahmose (fourth predecessor of Thutmose III but not his blood relative) when he became king. 1 8 However, no king of Egypt of any period is known to have undergone Thutmose s specific experience, in which a female regent actually became a king and dominated royal policy throughout much and maybe the entire corulership. Corulership between male kings (one sometimes senior, the other junior) was a less unusual experience, 19 although scholars often disagree about specific examples. This unique experience, then, serves to define most of the first twenty-two years of Thutmose s reign (ca. 1479-1457 BC). The next twenty years of Thutmose s (now sole) reign are also strongly defined and unusual for a New Kingdom pharaoh. Surviving evidence (a random, perhaps not very reliable source) indicates that some pharaohs were not much engaged in foreign campaigning; virtually none is attested, for example, for the eight successors of King Ramesses III, extending from ca. 1156 to 1075 BC, that is, over almost a century. More often than not, earlier New Kingdom rulers, of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties, either led or at least initiated military campaigns or small-scale forays into the Levant or Nubia. However, there were few such per reign; for the 60 years (kings Ahmose to Thutmose II) preceding Thutmose III there was, on average, about one foreign campaign every 4.6 years, and for about 70 years after him (kings Amenhotep II to Amenhotep III) about one every 10.5 years. However, Thut-

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mose III recorded no less than seventeen foreign campaigns between his twenty-third and forty-second years—an average of one campaign every 1.2 years, all, or nearly all, in the Levant. 20 And even after this there were "minor skirmishes and one foray" in Nubia, where Thutmose III had likely campaigned earlier as well, during some or all of the four Nubian campaigns attributed to Hatshepsut during her corulership with Thutmose. 2 1 Thus, in all, Thutmose III may have been involved in as many as twenty-two foreign campaigns, some more substantial than others; extraordinary in itself, this circumstance is even more unusual for the concentration of so many campaigns in the third and fourth decades of Thutmose s reign, which are thus characterized structurally as a period of intense military and associated imperial administrative activity. Structure, in a historical sense, is provided in a different way in the last decade or so of Thutmose s reign (ca. 1437—14z5 BC). First, in or soon after his forty-second regnal year Thutmose ordered the erasure of the erstwhile co-king Hatshepsut s names and images from many (but not all) of the monuments upon which they were displayed at Karnak and at Hatshepsuts enormous and richly decorated temple at Deir el-Bahari on the west bank at Thebes. 2 2 In the latter case there was also systematic destruction of the many royal statues (some colossal in size) belonging to the temple; most of the vast number of surviving fragments were recovered from a huge pit lying south of the temple and a large quarry to its north by an expedition of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 2 3 The defacement ceased before all the relevant monuments were affected (if such was Thutmose s intention) after his son and successor, Amenhotep II, acceded to the throne. However, Hatshepsuts status continued to have negative connotations. She is omitted from the king lists inscribed during the Nineteenth Dynasty (ca. 1292—1190 BC), and some of her monuments—having evaded defacement during Thutmose I l l s time—were usurped by early Ramesside rulers. Thutmose s "proscription" of Hatshepsut is a much discussed issue, 24 and it is likely related to another major initiative of Thutmose s last decade, the construction and decoration of a substantial temple placed between Hatshepsut s temple at Deir el-Bahari and the much earlier, but still standing and venerated, temple of the Eleventh Dynasty king Nebhepetre Mentuhotep (ca. 2010—1960 BC) to the south of Hatshepsut s. In linking the two temples, as far as the formal organization of the resulting complex was concerned, Thutmose s new temple brought a visual comprehensiveness to a complex earlier comprised of two separate, if similarly structured, terrace temples. 25 But much more was involved than this perhaps unintended result. The defacement of Hatshepsut s temple, involving both a denial of her memory and the occupation of her temple by a host of artisans over an extended period,

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suggests that it was no longer used for ritual purposes—at least insofar as they related to hen For other cultic purposes, Djeser Djeseru (its name) continued to function. A key event in the ritual life of the New Kingdom royal mortuary temples was the ritual visit made to each temple (or at least the reigning kings temple) by the bark-palanquin of Amun during its annual perambulation along the west bank during the Festival of the Valley. Typically, in the Eighteenth Dynasty the bark-palanquin was carried through the temple and deposited near its rear-lying, centrally positioned sanctuary until the bark-palanquin procession, and its exit from the temple, resumed. Thutmose III, like other Eighteenth Dynasty pharaohs, had a mortuary temple down by the edge of the western floodplain, constructed largely (but not entirely) during the corule with Hatshepsut. 26 Hatshepsuts selection of Deir el-Bahari for her mortuary temple was evidently for a special reason. 27 Already, for centuries, the annual visit by Amun to the west bank had the nearby temple of Nebhepetre as its ultimate destination—if the contemporary royal mortuary temple (in the Eighteenth Dynasty) was also visited en route, it was an important but, almost by definition, secondary event. By building her mortuary temple next to Nebhepetre Mentuhotep s (and imitating it in form), Hatshepsut was providing herself (and her father, Thutmose I, whose cult was also celebrated at Deir el-Bahari) unique status. Indeed, Haeny remarks: "Hatshepsut might have intended to oust Mentuhotep from his dominant position in the procession; perhaps for the duration of the reign she even succeeded." 28 Now, with Hatshepsuts mortuary temple at least partially closed down, as far as her cult was concernedThutmose s temple—called Djeser Akhet or "[Amun is] Holy of the Horizon"—became the ultimate destination of the Festival of the Valley, alongside or instead of Nebhepetre s. To reinforce the point, the relevant gateways were wider than those in Hatshepsuts temple to accommodate a new sacred bark-palanquin of Amun, which was wider than the old one: 29 Hatshepsut s temple, closed or not, would not even have permitted the new bark-palanquin ingress. To further accentuate the significance of the temple of Djeser Akhet as one of the phenomena characterizing the last decade of the reign, it should be noted that during this time no other building projects comparable in scale were undertaken inThebes, the royal center, though there was much new temple building elsewhere in Egypt and in Nubia. 3 0 Thutmose, earlier in his reign, had undertaken major building projects at Karnak, but in this last decade the only other significant initiative was the cutting and inscribing of a very large granite obelisk (33 meters or 108.2 feet) that was intended to stand, uniquely single, in front of the Eastern Sanctuary of the Karnak Temple. 3 1 In the event, the project was not completed, the obelisk being finally

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erected thirty-five years later by Thutmose s grandson, king Thutmose I V The fact that his son and successor, Amenhotep II, neglected to do so indicates that the obelisk project was of less significance than the building of Djeser Akhet, which involved—over a long period—a very substantial group of laborers, builders, and artisans. The actual building extended from year 43 to year 49, 3 2 although the decorating likely continued beyond this later date. A further indication that Thutmose s changed relationship with the long dead Hatshepsut is important in historically defining his last decade is a significant change in the representation of his image, both in relief and in statuary. Precisely from year 4z to year 54, the images of Thutmose III differ stylistically from the several successive phases identifiable in his earlier representations: more specifically, these late images seem "at least inspired by, if not copied from, the sculpted faces of Thutmose I andThutmose II," 3 3 and, more significantly in light of the preceding discussion, they eliminate or minimize those earlier aspects of his representation that were also characteristic of representations of Hatshepsut. 34 The reign of Thutmose III therefore seems to exhibit a historical structure, or clearly defined sequence, that is by no means evident in the reigns of most other New Kingdom pharaohs. Nevertheless, Thutmose himself still can be justifiably called "enigmatic" in that we do not know why the three phases took on their particular historical forms. It may not have been unusual for a queen to become regent for a juvenile king, but it was unusual for her to become fully a king herself, as Hatshepsut did. Why did she not retire from kingship when Thutmose was mature enough to reign alone? When she died in regnal year zz, he would have been perhaps twenty-five or twentynine years old and, as subsequent events showed, clearly able to function effectively as ruler. And why and how did this unusual situation come about in the first place? Another set of questions is raised by Thutmose s intensive campaigning during his next two decades as sole ruler. It represents an enormous investment of resources (human and other) and a sustained military and administrative effort otherwise unequaled in Egyptian history. Why did Thutmose embark on this venture? Did it develop in an ad hoc fashion, or was it from the outset a carefully thought out, long-term plan to secure the maximum possible domination for Egypt in the Levant in response to the expanding influence of Mitanni, an imperial state on the upper Euphrates? What were its fundamental dynamics: a personality-driven clash between the Egyptian and Mitannian rulers or an appreciation of the great strategic and economic benefits imperial expansion brought to Egypt? Finally, when we turn to the last decade or so, the "proscription" of Hatshepsut, and the replacement of her Deir el-Bahari temple (called Djeser

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Djeseru, "the holiest of holy places") by Thutmose s new and adjacent temple (Djeser Akhet, "the holy horizon") loom large. Why was the proscription so long delayed and what prompted it; long suppressed resentment on Thutmose s part or a more objective policy decision related to then current politics or Hatshepsuts ambiguous status as a new king (inherently male in Egyptian thought) who was actually a woman? And why were the suppression and replacement of the mortuary cult at her Deir el-Bahari temple and the building of Djeser Akhet so important? N o New Kingdom king before Hatshepsut (except for, relatively modestly, Amenhotep I), and none after Thutmose III, attempted to build a temple at this site. As long as these and other questions cannot be definitively answered, Thutmose III will remain—perhaps forever—an enigma. In the following chapters, the evidence relevant to these issues is presented and a brilliant group of scholars provide illuminating commentaries on it. Answers to the questions I have posed are provided, admittedly hypothetical yet persuasive; so far, definitive ones elude us. Nevertheless, their exploration of this momentous period in Egyptian history is fascinating, above all in presenting the excitement that pervades so much Egyptological research, a process continually probing for truth and understanding among the remains of an extraordinary, but also extraordinarily complex and multifaceted, culture. In preparation for this journey of discovery, this chapter provides the reader with an overview of Thutmose s reign, following a simple chronological sequence, to provide a context for the discussions that follow.

CONTEXTUALIZING THE

REIGN

Ideologically, the accession of a new Egyptian king was equivalent to a recreation of the cosmos, a literal new beginning to the order that characterized that cosmos and was personified as the goddess Maat. 3 5 In reality, of course, Thutmose as king entered into a context shaped on the one hand by geography and government and on the other by the activities of the earlier Eighteenth Dynasty pharaohs and their subjects. To convey the full richness of that context, even as it is inadequately accessible to us moderns, is impossible here. Instead, I emphasize a few salient features that are essential for this overview and the chapters that follow. To start from the periphery and move inward, Egypt by Thutmose I l l s time had become engaged with a variety of foreign lands and peoples to a degree unanticipated in earlier periods of Egyptian history (map 1). These foreign lands had two levels of meaning for the Egyptians. They presented both challenge and opportunity in terms of military action, diplomatic relations, and trading and gift exchange opportunities, as well as of greatly in-

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creased revenue from an imperial system of governance that had been taking shape—especially in Nubia to the south—during the reigns of Thutmose s predecessors. At another level, however, these culturally alien peoples, with their non-Egyptian, hence imperfect environments (even the great Euphrates River, the nearest equivalent to the Nile, was called "the river that runs backward" because it flows from north to south, not south to north like the Nile), 3 6 had great symbolic significance. Their normative deviations placed them on the border between the perfect order of cosmos (Egypt) and the aggressively destructive force of Isfet, the limitless, formless entity that extended to infinity on every side of the cosmos. 37 Moreover, insofar as foreigners threatened or attacked Egypt, or resisted Egyptian initiatives or domination, they themselves became identified as the destructive force of Isfet, equivalent to the demons and monsters whose attacks on the sun gods regenerating cycle around the cosmos were ruthlessly suppressed by Egypts deities. The symbolic significance of foreigners and their lands deeply influenced the presentation of history in most surviving inscriptions of relevance and surely played an important part in the actual foreign policies of the pharaohs. However, equally or more important were the "real world" factors mentioned earlier. West of Egypt, in the time of Thutmose III and earlier, lay Libya (Egyptian Tjehenu and Tjemeh), a land of warlike nomads, centered probably on Cyrenaica, who seem not to have been of major concern to Egypt in the Eighteenth Dynasty. 38 Far to the southeast of Libya, over endless desert wastes, was the riverine land of Nubia (EgyptianTa Nehesy and often, in the New Kingdom, Kush), immediately upstream of Egypt itself. Nubia extended from the First to the Fifth Cataracts of the Nile; its resources in alluvial land and large numbers of domesticated animals supported a substantial population, which had a long history of state building. 39 With its access to gold (in the eastern desert) and highly desired trade goods such as ivory and ebony from southern Nubia and beyond, Nubia was economically attractive.40 In fact, in the Twelfth Dynasty Egypt had fortified and controlled northern Lower Nubia and competed for influence along the Middle Nile with the kingdom of Kerma, equivalent to central or Upper Nubia. During the Second Intermediate period (ca. 1630—1520 BC), however, Lower Nubia fell under Kermas control, and the king of the latter may have cooperated with the Levantine Hyksos, who controlled northern Egypt at this time (see the subsequent discussion). In these circumstances, it is not surprising that insofar as Thutmose I l l s Eighteenth Dynasty predecessors had a consistent foreign policy it was focused largely on the reconquest of Lower Nubia and the conquest of the Kerma kingdom. By Thutmose s time, Lower

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Nubia was held by Egypt, and Upper Nubia (Kerma) also seems to have been under Egyptian control. 41 However, subsequent events during the corule of Thutmose III and Hatshepsut indicate that pacification was not yet complete or else hostilities were occurring with southern, independent Nubia. To the east lay the mysterious land of Punt. Its shoreline along the Red Sea perhaps included the modern town of Port Sudan, and it extended well inland. Punt has not yet been located, and the archaeology of its culture is unknown, but it had been visited by trading expeditions dispatched by Egyptian kings since the time of the Old Kingdom (ca. z575—z150 BC). From Punt the Egyptians valued most incense used in their temples and tomb chapels, but they also acquired exotica such as ivory and ebony. 42 In the New Kingdom, however, no expeditions thence are documented until the corule of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. 4 3 Immediately northeast of Egypt lies Sinai (map 1), a mineral-rich wedge of land that also forms a land bridge between Egypt and the Levant. In historic times Sinai, or much of it, was under Egyptian control, but it was not during the Hyksos period (ca. 1330—1520 BC). During the latter period, rulers, probably from Canaan (roughly, modern Israel and western Jordan), gained dominion over northern Egypt, in part with the aid of their own followers, in part via Egyptian vassals. Increasingly, throughout the Seventeenth Dynasty, an indigenous Egyptian one that ruled southern Egypt from Thebes, conflicts between the latter and the Hyksos intensified. The last ruler of the dynasty, Kamose, launched a major attack on Avaris or Hat Weret, the Hyksos capital in the northeast delta, but it was left to his brother and successor Ahmose—later reckoned as the first king of the Eighteenth Dynasty—to capture Avaris, expel the Hyksos, and follow up his success by attacking and taking Sharuhen (a city south of Gaza, map 1) whence the last Hyksos ruler may have fled.44The road running across North Sinai (called later "the Ways of Horus") was surely occupied by Egypt at this time, but surprisingly there is at first little direct evidence for Egyptian activity in the mineral-rich southwest corner of Sinai (Serabit el Khadim and the Wadi Maghara). Votive objects in a temple there (founded in the Middle Kingdom) bear the name of king Ahmose s queen, 45 but formal inscriptions do not occur until the corule of Thutmose III and Hatshepsut (see subsequent discussion). What was the situation faced by Thutmose III, Hatshepsut, and their advisers in the Levant at the time of the kings accession ca. 1479 BC? Throughout the preceding reigns of the Eighteenth Dynasty, the geopolitical situation had been rapidly changing.46 Earlier, during Egypts Second Intermediate period (equivalent to the Hyksos Fifteenth Dynasty, 1630—1520 BC), the Levant (essentially the eastern Mediterranean lands) had been dom-

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inated by independent Amorite kingdoms extending through modern Syria (centered at Aleppo and Qatna, respectively) into modern Israel (Hazor). By Thutmose I l l s time, things were very different. The politics of Syria, Lebanon, and northern Palestine were now dominated by two great and competitive powers. In central Anatolia, the powerful kingdom of the Indo-European Hittites had been established and was expanding both to the southwest and southeast, into Syria. In northern Mesopotamia, another expansive state, Mitanni, had been founded by AyroHurrians. The Hurrians, a people that originated in northern Zagros in modern Iran, had become widespread throughout the Levant and were ruled by an Indo-European aristocracy of separate origins. Although the Hittites had been quite aggressive contemporaneously with the earlier Eighteenth Dynasty, bringing the Amorite kingdoms of Syria to an end and even raiding Babylon, far downstream on the Euphrates, by the time of Thutmose I (ca. 1493—?) Mitanni had become the dominant Levantine power. Aleppo was now part of Mitanni s empire, and Qatna had been eclipsed. Two new states of importance emerged; centered respectively atTunip and Kadesh, these two kingdoms were expansive but, if not actually subordinate to Mitanni, were susceptible to the strong political influence of the nearby "great power." Tunip extended its influence over nearby cities on the Mediterranean coast; Kadeshs power extended southward and "by the eve of Hatshepsuts death (ca. 1457 BC) had made itself the de facto master of Coele-Syria (Damascus and regions to the west) and north Palestine," with "its sprawling bailiwick at Megiddo" in northern Israel. 47 Prior to Thutmose III, the Egyptian reaction to these developments had been—on present evidence—remarkably restrained. Earlier, in the Middle Kingdom, the Egyptian king and elite had benefited from extensive diplomatic and trading contacts throughout the Levant interspersed with occasional hostilities, 48 and presumably such opportunities would still be appreciated but might have been inhibited by the changing geopolitical situation. Moreover, in the Second Intermediate period southern Palestine or Canaan at least (as the probable homeland of the Hyksos invaders of northern Egypt) had proved a great danger to Egypt, and similar threats might well have been anticipated in the Eighteenth Dynasty before Thutmose s time. In fact, there are indications that the Egyptians realized that the expansive kingdoms of Syria, and beyond them the great power of Mitanni, were potential sources of trouble. 49 Ahmose not only expelled the Hyksos and took the strategic center of Sharuhen, but he may also have campaigned inland from Byblos, while Amenhotep I may have campaigned against Tunip. More spectacularly, Thutmose I invaded Mitanni itself in his fifth or sixth regnal year (ca. 1434 or 1433 BC). Several of his soldiers left brief records of

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this campaign. T h e army perhaps sailed first to Byblos and then marched overland up the Orontes Valley before striking east near Alalakh and eventually crossing the Euphrates near Carchemish, thus literally penetrating the "land of Naharin" (Mitanni) and "the foreign land of Mitanni" A battle with Mitannian troops ensued, and Thutmose I had a stela erected on the Euphrates to record his victory. This campaign has been described as a giant razzia, or raid, with little permanent effect; 5 0 yet it required careful planning and apparently a brilliant strategy. It seems clear that the Egyptians were already familiar with the complex geography and geopolitical structure of the entire Levant. Thereafter, however, we have no surviving evidence for substantial Egyptian activity for almost thirty years. Beyond the Levant lay yet other regions potentially open to Egyptian contact during the period covered here. To the east, along the TigrisEuphrates Valley, were the kingdoms of Assyria and Babylon. To the northwest, there was the Hittite empire of Anatolia. Prior to Thutmose III, no Egyptian contacts with any of these polities are recorded. Further west lay the Aegean and the polities and civilizations of the Minoan and Mycenaean worlds. Earlier, in the Middle Kingdom, Egypt may have been in direct contact with Crete at least, 51 and there were some Aegean contacts in Hyksos times. 52 Most spectacularly, Minoan-style frescoes were seemingly painted upon Hyksos palace walls at Tell el-Dab'a in the northeast delta but were later redated to Ahmose s reign; and they now may be redated yet again to the corule of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III! 5 3 In any event, there is otherwise little direct evidence for contact with the Aegean during the Eighteenth Dynasty before Thutmose III, yet such may be suspected. Rather abruptly, Aegean tributaries (Minoans and Mycenaeans) are depicted as presenting tribute to a pharaoh in several elite tombs during Thutmose I l l s reign, 54 and while this may indicate a sudden intensification of contacts it might equally well reflect earlier contacts as yet undocumented. In any event, despite the depictions, Aegean rulers and peoples were always essentially independent of Egypt, being diplomatic contacts and trading partners but not subjects. From the wide panorama of the actual or potential foreign contacts open to Thutmose III at his accession, we contract inward to Egypt itself (map 2), the fundamental basis of Egypts strength in his reign as in others. T h e internecine wars of the Hyksos period were long over, and throughout the sixty years preceding Thutmose I l l s accession Egypt experienced political consolidation and economic growth. At the same time, the power of the kingship, and of the elite supporting it, continually increased. 55 This is most evident from an important administrative document, called by Egyptologists the Duties of the Vizier. T h e official bearing, perhaps misleadingly, this chief title of the Ottoman administration was in fact the tjaty, best described in

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the N e w Kingdom as the chief executive officer of the pharaoh. In fact, usually there may have been two tjaty s, one for northern and the other for southern Egypt. 5 6 T h e document survives on the walls of four elite tomb chapels, extending from the reign of Thutmose III into the Nineteenth Dynasty, but the composition itself is considered to be earlier; most scholars date it to the beginning of the N e w Kingdom, while a minority still view it as possibly substantially Middle Kingdom in origin. 57 At this time, we can guess Egypts population numbered about three million, 5 8 distributed almost entirely along the relatively narrow floodplain (fanning out more broadly in the delta region) of the Egyptian Nile Valley. T h e great majority were primarily agriculturists (animal herding was substantial but economically secondary) of greatly varied status; they ranged from estate-owning elites through middle-level landholders (the nemehew\ independent of all but pharaoh, and others who were dependent on assigned landholdings) down to serfs, laborers, and slaves. 59 Much of the land belonged to the royal family and government institutions, including temples, but some was privately held. Generally, agricultural productivity was high, if requiring careful attention to the basin irrigation system; 60 the chief negative feature was the recurrence of relatively low Nile inundations over an extended period, a cyclical phenomenon that could place the population under considerable stress. 61 Most people lived in rural villages of variable sizes but others in what we would call towns and even (relatively small) cities. 62 T h e Duties of the Vizier reveals that the governance of this society was relatively strongly centralized, although we tend to overemphasize the power and pervasiveness of N e w Kingdom government because so much of our surviving source material concerns it and relatively little relates to perhaps more autonomous spheres of societal organization. What does emerge clearly, however, is the highly personalized nature of governance; ceremonial events highlighting the roles of the king, viziers, and senior officials were just as important as the more "utilitarian" machinery of government. Thus the Duties opens by describing how formal sessions by the tjaty are to be conducted, with strict attention to decorum: the assembled officials stand "rigid fixedly facing the one opposite to him amongst everyone (present at the session), one has to be heard after the other, without allowing the low (ranking official) to be heard before the high (ranking official)." 6 3 T h e tjaty s responsibilities vis-à-vis the royal palace are then described, 64 as is a formal consultation between the overseer of the treasury and the tjaty, followed by the latter s personal and daily report to the king himself. 65 As to the structure of the government, it can be schematically rendered in terms of its various departments, 66 which functioned both at a national or subnational level (some were divided into two, for the northern and southern

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"halves" of Egypt, respectively) and at the level of the innumerable "town districts" into which Egypt was divided. 67 T h e dynamics of royal power are also evident in the Duties. T h e tjaty s authority comes from his highest-ranking office and close personal relationship (in governmental terms) with the king, whose revenues, security, and needs are directly overseen by the tjaty. Moreover, the tjaty, and hence his royal overlord, are linked to a subtle division of powers. T h e institutions of national government have considerable autonomy in carrying out their responsibilities, 68 but their heads cannot discipline their subordinates; this is reserved for the tjaty.69 The many local governments distributed throughout Egypt respond to the requirements of the central agencies but are appointed by, and regularly report to, the tjaty7° Moreover, it is the tjaty who issues the most crucial orders to local government, orders concerning the regular maintenance of the basic irrigation system and the initiation of the annual harvest. 71 Grain was not only the basic subsistence resource but also the chief form of state revenue. T h e degree to which this centralized system of governance was the creation of the early Eighteenth Dynasty or of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III themselves is debatable, but if it goes back to king Ahmose it was essentially inherited by the corulers. However, we should not confuse it with the highly bureaucratic national governments we are familiar with today; rather, it has been persuasively argued that all Near Eastern states of the second millennium BC, including Egypt, were "patrimonial" and as such "the antithesis of rationalized bureaucracy. In a patrimonial regime, the entire social order is viewed as an extension of the rulers household—and ultimately of the gods household... [and] governmental administration is effected through personal relationships on the household model rather than through an impersonal bureaucracy." 72 More specifically, New Kingdom Egypt can be fitted into this model, with an array of administrative titles that "defy rational analysis." 73 This situation highlights three important aspects of N e w Kingdom governance. First, its aims were likely limited. T h e collection of revenue, the maintenance insofar as necessary of social order, and the marshaling of services (labor, artisanal, military) were its chief concerns, not the imposition of a completely comprehensive and intrusive system of government. Second, the preceding circumstance suggests that Egyptian communities enjoyed considerable autonomy in major areas of societal life, although this remains to be proved. And, third, that motivation inextricably fused together what we would consider "rational" and "irrational." Government and imperial expansion served rational ends that were appreciated and valued—the wealth and power of the elite were enhanced, the productivity of the population maintained. But most relevant texts do not state these as aims; rather, they describe internal order and productivity as ultimately designed to service and

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placate Egypts deities—thus ensuring that they would permit Egypt to literally survive and thrive—and activities abroad as ordered by those deities as part of the cosmoswide battle against the annihilating threat offered by Isfet, or universal chaos and nonbeing. These were as powerful motivating factors as the more "rational" ones. For example, the continual building or renovation of temples, and the allotment to them of sometimes large economic resources, were time consuming and expensive, and even, some scholars think, a potential drain on the economic and hence political power of the kingship. Yet this process was successfully integrated into the general processes of governance and was a major perennial concern of Egyptian rulers, for whom it was a welcome as well as an inescapable obligation. Having moved from the outside world to Egypt, we now focus on the essential centers of power, the palaces of the kings and the temples of the chief gods, grouped together in the royal cities or capitals of New Kingdom Egypt (Thebes and Memphis, briefly el-Amarna, and later Pi-Ramesses). 74 Unfortunately, for the most part royal palaces and major temples are poorly known and often were largely destroyed or denuded. 75 The most important exception is Thebes, the southern royal city (map 3), which bulks disproportionately large in any discussion of the building and ritual activities of New Kingdom pharaohs. 76 For Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, the important temples on the east bank of the Nile in the city are those in the temple complex dedicated to the imperial god Amun-Re at Karnak and on the west bank the mortuary temples intended to service their decorated, rock cut tombs, located some distance away, like those of all New Kingdom pharaohs buried at Thebes (the majority) in the Valley of the Kings. 7 7 At the time of Thutmose I l l s accession, the west bank had experienced only relatively modest development. In fact, the most imposing monument was probably the still venerated terraced temple of king Nebhepetre Mentuhotep (ca. zoio—1960 BC, Eleventh Dynasty) at Deir el-Bahari, which was also one traditionally visited by the image of Amun-Re during the annual Festival of the Valley. 78 The tomb and separate mortuary temple of Ahmose, founder of the Eighteenth Dynasty, have never been found, but his successor Amenhotep Is tomb may have been identified at Dira abu el-Naga, while his mortuary temple is known inscriptionally if not archaeologically.79 The earliest tombs cut into the Valley of the Kings were those of Thutmose I and Thutmose II, grandfather and father of Thutmose III. The formers was up one side branch in the southwest quadrant of the valley ( K V 38); small (about 10 meters or 33 feet long), it had a curving access corridor and an oval burial chamber (equivalent to the end of the netherworld) and had been in part decorated with the Amduat, one of the Books of the Netherworld typically displayed on royal

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tomb walls. In a nearby side valley was tomb K V 42, slightly larger but similar in overall plan and apparently undecorated: it is believed this was meant for Thutmose II, though some scholars disagree. 80 The mortuary temple of Thutmose I, attested inscriptionally, has not been found. That of Thutmose II has been excavated; compared to later ones, it was quite tiny at 212.1 square meters, more of a chapel than a temple. On the east bank, the ceremonial spine of Thebes the city was defined by the Amun-Re complex to the north (Karnak) and another Amun-Re temple to the south (Luxor). Thutmose III and Hatshepsut may have built a temple at Luxor, but if so it was later demolished to make way for a temple of Amenhotep III (ca. 1390—1353 BC). Karnak, however, was a different and more complicated story. At the opening of the Eighteenth Dynasty the temple of Amun at Karnak was essentially a Middle Kingdom structure, and this core, as far as we can tell, was maintained throughout the New Kingdom and even beyond. Unfortunately, the Middle Kingdom component of Amun-Res temple (Amun-Re being the more familiar New Kingdom term) has not survived as a standing monument (whereas much of the rest of Karnak has) or been adequately revealed by excavation. Its form and dimensions remain unknown and may not have any close relationship to the area known as the Middle Kingdom Court at Karnak. 81 Amun, a deity of Theban origin, had been of great significance to Middle Kingdom pharaohs (Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties) whose line derived from the same city, and in his cosmologically broader aspect as Amun-Re—divine king of Egypt, world, and cosmos—he was continually identified as the chief patron of the Eighteenth Dynasty, another royal line of Theban origin. From the outset, his relatively ancient temple at Karnak was the beneficiary of substantial royal building projects, just as the economic basis of his temple—in terms of landholdings and human resources especially—was continually increased by the successive members of this line of grateful pharaohs. One of the earliest Eighteenth Dynasty monuments to survive from Karnak is a "splendid stela," 82 of limestone, about 2.36 meters (7.5 feet) high, recording the valuable gifts and building activities proffered by king Ahmose, founder of the dynasty, to Amun-Re. "He is the king," states the stela s inscription, "whom Re has installed as king, and who Amun has made great, in that they [the two gods = Amun-Re] have given to him the banks [Egypt] and the foreign lands upon which Re shines," 83 ideas that were to echo and become even more luxuriant throughout the Eighteenth Dynasty and later. By the time of Thutmose I l l s accession, Karnak Temple (Fig. 1.3) had become a larger, more impressive structure than its Middle Kingdom core, al-

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though the details of its internal layout are largely unknown due to extensive rebuilding carried out by Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. However, the core building—laid out along an east-west axis—seems to have been renovated and enlarged by king Amenhotep I, and then the total area of the temple was substantially expanded by monumental features largely added by Thutmose I, Thutmose I l l s grandfather (fig. 1.4). Preceded by a large forecourt, the temple was fronted by an imposing limestone pylon (labeled Pylon I V by Egyptologists), before which—flanking the centrally placed gateway—were two tall obelisks of Thutmose I. A surprisingly short distance behind (east o f ) the pylon rose a second, imposing but smaller (Pylon V), marking the entrance to the temple proper. The space between the two pylons was a columned, roofed hall, a relatively modest predecessor to the great hypostyle hall that was eventually to rise west of Pylon III, the latter built by Amenhotep III (ca. 1390—1353 BC).The original Middle Kingdom sanctuary toward the rear of the temple apparently continued to serve as such, with somewhere before it a repository for the boat-shaped palanquin in which Amun-Re s image was carried during festival processions. The latter sometimes involved a progress by river as well, for which a special barge was provided, with each king often supplying a newer, presumably ever more splendid version. King Ahmose records that he had a great riverboat built: "Amun-Userhet is its name, from genuine cedar wood of the best from Lebanon." 84 Finally, Thutmose I provided the remaining three sides of the temple with a substantial enclosure wall, further expanding its area. In all, Karnak Temple prior to Thutmose I l l s reign occupied about 9,555 square meters (almost 1 hectare or 2.47 acres); butThutmose III was to leave it 1.6 times as large, at about 15,800 square meters or 1.58 hectares (including the eastern component called Menkheperre (Thutmose III) Akh Menu, a name that has been variously translated). Thutmose III was to add to the Karnak Temple in other ways as well. For example, it had a processional route running to the south, which he provided with its second pylon (VII), to the south of its earliest pylon (VIII), built during the corule; 85 later others extended it further to the south (fig. 1.4). Moreover, he replaced Karnaks (presumed) original Sacred Lake with a much larger one, 86 essentially that is still visible today. At all times, the area surrounding the temple of Amun-Re and related structures was enclosed by a high brick wall, separating it from the city of Thebes, which flanked or surrounded it. It is also possible that close to the northwest corner of Karnak Temple, and facing out onto the forecourt, there was a royal palace from the outset of the dynasty: one certainly existed in this location in Hatshepsuts day and later. 87 The palace may have been used for largely ceremonial purposes, when the king was involved in the rituals and festivals of the temple, or it also may

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have been an "administrative palace" that played an important role in the process of governance.88 Royal palaces, however, were not restricted to Thebes. From at least the reign of Thutmose I, Memphis, a royal city of great antiquity (extending back to the Third Dynasty at least), had again become an important royal center, with a "palace of Thutmose I" that was administrative in function and was still in use as late as the reign of Tutankhamun (ca. 1332—13zz BC). 8 9 These, then—from periphery to center, from alien foreign lands emblematic of chaos to royal cities, palaces, and temples supremely evocative of cosmic order—were the circumstances and contexts within which the long reign of Thutmose III unfolded and in the process brought great change.

T H U T M O S E III A N D T H E A N C E S T R A L

SPIRITS

Although from one perspective New Kingdom pharaohs presented themselves as sui generis, each one a unique embodiment of Egyptian kingship as formed by the creator at the beginning of time and space, 90 they were also acutely conscious of the historical dimension of Egyptian kingship, of the long, almost endless line of human rulers who had preceded them. In particular, the earlier Eighteenth Dynasty had already evinced "a re-awakened consciousness of the past," 91 manifest, among other ways, in the display of king lists (stretching back over the centuries) in monumental contexts and the maintenance of cults dedicated to sometimes long deceased monarchs. Specifically, "theThutmosids of the 15th century fostered the worship of the royal ancestors, and re-awakened withal an interest in the king-list tradition"; they saw especially in the Twelfth Dynasty (ca. 1938—1755 BC and of Theban origin) a model for the administrative and cultic systems the Eighteenth Dynasty rulers were putting in place. 92 Thutmose I l l s interest in these ancestral figures seems stronger than most, although this impression may result from the higher chance of survival due to the multitude of inscriptions produced by such an unusually long reign. In any event, Thutmose III noted that during his renovation of the hypostyle hall of Thutmose I at Karnak (between Pylons I V and V ) , which had been damaged and structurally weakened by a cloudburst and excessive rain, he "removed [the statues o f ] the other kings of Upper and Lower Egypt" in this hall so that his renovations would not mask them, and reinstalled them so that "they might be on view for millions of years." 93 Later, in the vast Akh Menu complex Thutmose built east of Amun-Re s temple, there was a small chapel dedicated to the cult of the royal ancestors. They were shown as a series of no less than sixty-two seated statues, 94 perhaps the very group actually located in the hypostyle hall. In this chapel "great divine

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oblations" were offered to the kings ancestral spirits, 95 whose statues, in a more portable form than the larger ones of the hypostyle hall, visited the Akh Menu on festival occasions. The kings who, to judge from this chapel, had a special interest for Thutmose III and his immediate predecessors (Thutmose found the statues already present in Thutmose I s hypostyle hall) include some kings of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties (Old Kingdom), many of the Eleventh and Twelfth Dynasties, some of the Thirteenth (Middle Kingdom), and some of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth (Second Intermediate period predecessors of the Eighteenth Dynasty at Thebes). The selectivity involved may have been due to reasons of space or the historical modesty of many preceding kings, but the omission of the Fourth Dynasty is striking, while the emphasis on the Eleventh and Twelfth was perhaps due to the Theban origin they shared with the Eighteenth and the models Middle Kingdom government and culture provided to the Eighteenth. As for Thutmose s immediate ancestors, special arrangements were made for their cults according to Redford. Images of all kings (and others?) from Ahmose onward were placed in "naos shrines of stone with doors of true cedar," which (figs, i.i and i.z) ran along the southern and northern lateral walls of the peristyle court behind Pylon V I 9 6 and were thus closely associated with the point at which the great festival processions of Amun-Re began. However, Hatshepsut and Thutmose III had an especially marked interest in their two closest predecessors, Thutmose I and Thutmose II. Close family ties may have been one reason for this, but it was given a special edge by what we can infer about concerns about the legitimacy, and hence the effectiveness, of the claims of the corulers to royal authority and power. During both their corule and the sole reign of Thutmose III thereafter, Hatshepsut and Thutmose III individually manipulated their relationships to the two earlier kings; "historical" events were invented, and the sculptural representations of both rulers drew upon, in changing ways, the physiognomic elements typical of representations of Thutmose I and Thutmose II. 9 7 The issue of legitimacy, of a proper relationship to the ancestral spirits and ultimately the creator from whom they emanated, was less likely related to systemic problems than to individual ones. To understand these points, the genealogy of Thutmose III must be briefly examined (fig. 1.3). A direct and indeed (to us moderns) incestuous line of descent linked the last rulers of the Seventeenth Dynasty with the earliest of the Eighteenth. This itself was an important legitimizing issue, for the Seventeenth Dynasty was famous for having initiated the wars against the Hyksos invaders, which were successfully completed (for unknown reasons) by Ahmose, reckoned later to be the first king of the Eighteenth Dynasty and recalled as much as fifty years

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later by Hatshepsut, who spoke of restoring or completing temples left in ruins or unfinished "since the Asiatics were in the midst of Avaris of the Northlands (the Hyksos capital) and the barbarians were in the midst of them . . . while they ruled in ignorance of Re." 9 8 Like his father, Sekenenre Tao II, Ahmose married his full sister, also called Ahmose, but their son, king Amenhotep I, died without male heirs, and his sister (another Ahmose) married Thutmose I, who was not a direct descendant of the royal line and perhaps not even a royal relative. Thutmose I had at least two queens. Ahmose, the royal princess referred to above, bore him Hatshepsut, who was thus a direct descendant of the kings preceding her. Another queen, Mutnofret—not apparently of royal descent—was the mother of Thutmose II. Following earlier tradition, Thutmose II married his (half) sister, Hatshepsut, and they had a daughter, Neferura. However, Thutmose II had other wives, and one Isis (not apparently of royal descent) gave birth to Thutmose III. This made the latter the descendant of "commoners" (Thutmose I and II), not a member of the royal line; by the same token, he was also not a product of the brother-sister (or half sister) marriages that had been preferred, when possible, in the royal family up to this time. These systemic issues may not have lessened the legitimacy of Thutmose III in his own eyes or those of contemporaries. His grandfather, the commoner Thutmose I, had been a fully effective king, and later, when circumstances required, such commoners were again brought into the royal family (fig. 1.3). Akhenaten (or perhaps Tutankhamun) may have been the last of the direct line of kings in the Eighteenth Dynasty after Thutmose III, and kings Ay, Horemheb, and Ramesses I were all commoners brought in because no royal heir was available. As to brother-sister marriage in the royal family, it seems not to have been practiced again until the later Eighteenth Dynasty (by, perhaps, Smenkare and Tutankhamun), so whatever the reasons for the practice were they do not seem to have been compelling. However, as individuals, Hatshepsut and Thutmose III may well have been anxious that their legitimacy be specially emphasized, for different reasons in each case. So far as Thutmose was concerned, he acceded to the throne as a very young child, perhaps even "a nursling," 99 and the practical business of royal government seems to have been assumed immediately by Hatshepsut, a mature woman, formerly a princess of the royal house, and queen of Egypt for some years as wife of Thutmose II. There were precedents for such a regency, as we might call it; in particular, Ahhotep, the mother of king Ahmose, hero of the war against the Hyksos, seems to have had a similar role. 1 0 0 However, Hatshepsut did not or (perhaps for ideological reasons) could not relinquish power as Thutmose matured. Instead,

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by the seventh regnal year she had been declared formally a king, perhaps to reinforce her authority sinceThutmose would still be very young, and she remained such until her death in the twenty-second year, by which time Thutmose was at least twenty. During this period, Thutmose had also been a full king but essentially a junior cornier, whose effectiveness (we cannot be sure of this) might have been very limited. Thus, as sole ruler he might have followed practices designed to enhance legitimacy by reference to his father, Thutmose II, and especially his grandfather, Thutmose I, in order to "live down" his possible junior status during the corule. Late in his reign, the security of the accession of his young son, the future Amenhotep II, may have stimulated Thutmose III to a further manipulation of royal sculpture to reaffirm his and Amenhotep s links to the earlier Thutmosids. 1 0 1 As for Hatshepsut, her potential problem vis-à-vis legitimacy was basically one of gender; the archetypal Egyptian ruler was always male, and even the female kings who preceded (Nitiqret, Sixth Dynasty; Nefrusobek, Twelfth Dynasty) or followed her (Tausret, Nineteenth Dynas t y ) 1 0 2 do not seem to have claimed kingship to the same extent. One solution to this gender-based doubt about legitimacy was to increasingly represent Hatshepsut as not a female king but a fully male one; 1 0 3 but another was to invent a "divine birth," such as male kings enjoyed, and a fictitious recognition of her kingship by her royal father, Thutmose I . 1 0 4 Finally, of course, Hatshepsut—having died in regnal year 22—herself became one of Thutmose I l l s ancestral spirits. And he seems to have venerated her as such through the early years of his single rule. However, for reasons that are still debated, she was eventually removed from the august company of Thutmose s "fathers," the kings of Upper and Lower Egypt who preceded him. In the forty-second regnal year, twenty long years after her death, a "proscription" began, and Hatshepsuts representations and names were carefully chiseled out of her surviving monuments in Thebes and elsewhere. In Egyptian theology, this was tantamount to extinction, to the "second death" or complete annihilation experienced by Egyptians found unfit to enter the afterlife. With her images and names gone, Hatshepsut could no longer receive the cultic attention that other deceased kings, and even the deities themselves, depended on for their continuing existence. This proscription was honored by following generations. Hatshepsut survived historically in king lists used for dating and reference purposes (she seems to have been included as an Amessis or Amensis in the king list of Manetho, drawn up in the third century B C ) 1 0 5 but not in such lists placed in religious settings. 106 Moreover, her mortuary cult ceased at Deir el-Bahari, although in other ways Djeser Djeseru continued to function.

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CORULERSHIP

As noted earlier, the extreme youth of Thutmose III at the time of his accession required that a regent take responsibility for actual governance, and the arrangement made is succinctly described in a retrospective inscription in the tomb of the official Ineni: Thutmose II having gone "forth to heaven, having mingled with the gods," 1 0 7 his son (Thutmose III) "stood in his place as king of the Two Lands" while his "sister [actually his aunt by marriage] the Divine Consort Hatshepsut settled the affairs of the Two Lands by reason of her plans." 1 0 8 Despite the late date of the composition, the text likely describes what actually happened. A powerful and successful royal family, served by a coterie of loyal and efficient officials, had to solve the crisis engendered by Thutmose I l l s youth and perhaps thought a close female relative would be less likely to usurp the succession. Thutmose s age at accession is unknown, but it is guessed it lay between a year or two, on the one hand, or perhaps five or six on the other. 109 Such are the ambiguities of our evidence that Hatshepsut s age when Thutmose III acceded the throne is also doubtful, 1 1 0 an issue that could have had important political implications. Some suggest it was only fifteen or sixteen, which would make it likely that senior relatives actually governed Egypt for a period in the name of Thutmose III (king) and Hatshepsut (regent); but others think Hatshepsut was twenty or twenty-five at the time and capable of assuming direct responsibility from the outset. In any event, Hatshepsut was at least twice, and maybe three times, as old as Thutmose III when he acceded the throne. In these circumstances, "decrees" issued by Thutmose III in his early years must have been at Hatshepsut s (or another's) initiative. Indeed, in regnal year 2 the scenes and texts commemorating his endowment of the cult of king Senwosret III (Twelfth Dynasty, ca. 1836—1818 BC) at Semneh temple in Nubia 1 1 1 were originally complemented by others featuring queen (as she was then) Hatshepsut, subsequently erased. 1 1 2 Precious few such decrees actually survive (see the donation stela of Senenmut, year 4 and, more doubtfully, the year 5 appointment of the vizier Useramun). 1 1 3 After the death of Hatshepsut, Thutmose III sought to present a very different, and more purposive, picture of his life as a crown prince and then a young king. He had a long inscription set up in Karnak Temple recording his benefactions on behalf of Amun-Re but prefaced it with a "historical text" describing the uniqueness of his relationship to the god. In this, Thutmose describes how he was serving as a priest in Amun-Re s temple when, during a festival procession, the gods image forced its bearers to searchThut-

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mose out so Amun-Re could identify him publicly as the one chosen to be Egypts king. There followed an "ascent" to heaven (in reality, instruction in the arcane secrets of the rituals intended to ensure the orderly progression of the solar cycle) and a coronation by the god himself. 1 1 4 In reality, Thutmose s accession was likely much less dramatic and more routinized, and the description was probably recognized by his contemporaries in the elite as "fictitious."This did not, however, deprive it of power, for Egyptians had an understanding of the fictitious different from ours, if the context was appropriate. Since it was never certain which prince (or other person) would accede, a pharaoh, once enthroned, was able to promulgate revelations that were made known after the event and shown to be true by it. In particular, accession made it clear that the new king s mother had been impregnated by Amun-Re, not the king s actual father, and it was this "divine" birth that ensured the infant involved would in fact become the next k i n g . 1 1 5 Thutmose s claim about Amun-Re s selection of him is a variation on this theme, and legitimate in the eyes of contemporaries, even if, historically speaking, it did not actually occur. Thutmose s retrospective revelation was presumably stimulated by a drive to emphasize the fact that he had indeed been the legitimate heir, despite his extreme youth, at the time of his father s death. Hatshepsut herself, after the assumption of full kingship probably in or about the seventh regnal year, also publicized such revelations, though for a different reason; she wished to show that the transformation of her regency into kingship was also legitimate and guaranteed justificatory revelations. One, in fact, was a version of the same story just quoted about Thutmose I I I ! 1 1 6 This was subsequently transformed, by Thutmose III, into a text relating to Thutmose I, but other revelatory fabrications of Hatshepsut have survived better. These include a classic sequence of divine birth scenes and texts, 1 1 7 followed by an otherworldly coronation of the queen as king, 1 1 8 the terrestrial manifestation of Hatshepsut as k i n g , 1 1 9 and finally a "historical" section in which Thutmose I, Hatshepsuts father, is described as announcing to his court that Hatshepsut is his heir, that she will follow him as king, and what her full royal titulary will b e . 1 2 0 T h e merging of the celestial and terrestrial, of the other world and this world, and of past, present, and future throughout this entire extended series of scenes and texts is characteristic and was acceptable to Hatshepsuts contemporaries as a revelation of what actually happened, even if its transcendental qualities meant it was not recorded in contemporary descriptions or archives. In reality, the elaborate activities could not have occurred when Hatshepsut was made regent by the royal family: the king, as a child, needed a mature relative to actually manage the government. Only later, when Hatshepsut formally assumed kingship, did such revelations become

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possible and indeed perhaps necessary to gloss over the stages whereby she actually reached this exalted position. At this point, she may actually have arranged for a coronation ceremony and so brought together the revelatory and the actual, the past and the present. 121 Hatshepsut s reign as pharaoh, running parallel in formal terms to Thutmose Ills, was a relatively long and successful one in Egyptian terms. 1 2 2 She kept the government running efficiently; she initiated and largely completed major building projects at Karnak Temple, probably Luxor temple, and Deir el-Bahari, as well as elsewhere; 123 and she organized some other important state projects, not least of which was a great trading expedition to Punt— on the African shore of the Red Sea—in the eighth and ninth regnal years. Such expeditions went far back in Egyptian history, but none survives as well recorded as this one in scene and text. 1 2 4 What was Thutmose I l l s role and status during this long span of royal activity? As Dorman shows, 1 2 5 Hatshepsut relatively rapidly underwent a process during which (according to the epigraphic and iconographie record) she moved from being (while regent) a queen to an assumption of royal titles (though still represented as female in form and dress) and then, finally, to a "purely masculine image," that is, seemingly a fully male ruler. However, in texts throughout her reign grammar continued to identify her as female, not so much as a concession to historical reality as a means of maintaining the essentials of her individual personality, which—at a transcendental level—was to benefit from the rituals of which her images, in relief or in the round, were the recipients. Throughout this period, as Dorman shows, Hatshepsut was careful to maintain an "etiquette" that recognized Thutmose s continuing status as a legitimate co-king but also showed that he was junior and subordinate to her. Thus, he is iconographically associated with her major building projects but is also shown in positions subordinate to hers and much less frequently. Laboury brings out well the complex roles royal portraiture played during the corule and the fact that it was likely manipulated by Hatshepsut so as to again indicate a productive relationship between herself and her co-king, but at the same time subtly communicate his subordination to her. 1 2 6 All this having been said, we should not see Thutmose III during the coreign as a complete cipher: rather, we should remember that even halfway through the corule, after, for example, the great Punt expedition had left and returned, Thutmose may have been only twelve years old, or at most sixteen. In these circumstances, it is what was done for him, or that which he was permitted to do, that is impressive and reflective of the relatively high status he enjoyed. We have seen his position acknowledged in the iconography of Hatshepsuts buildings (later he was to claim most of them as due to his initia-

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tive). 1 2 7 Moreover, as for all kings, his mortuary temple was begun early in the corule to ensure that in the event of an unexpectedly early death his mortuary cult, and his eternal well-being, would be well based. This temple, poorly preserved but well excavated and recorded (and reconstructed in plan) by Ricke, was large and originally quite impressive. The enclosed space originally occupied 9,450 square meters (almost 1 hectare or 2.47 acres); later, during his sole rule, Thutmose added a court, and a large pylon, in front. 1 2 8 Nevertheless, the characteristic imbalance of the corule was maintained. Hatshepsuts mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahari, even excluding its large but empty first court, covered an area of about 1 hectare, significantly not much larger than Thutmose s temple. However, its unusual terraced form, and unusual location, conferred upon it a unique status; it not only associated Hatshepsut with the similarly structured temple of king Nebhepetre Mentuhotep nearby (which Hatshepsuts temple was "squeezed in" by), 1 2 9 a ruler greatly venerated by the Eighteenth Dynasty, but it also linked Hatshepsut s cult strongly to Amun-Re s important annual Festival of the Valley. Roehrig believes that Thutmose s tomb, K V 34, with its elaborately decorated burial chamber, was not begun until the corule was over, 130 although this seems unusually late, given that his mortuary temple was apparently built while Hatshepsut still reigned. Her tomb ( K V 20) has a complex history, as Roehrig demonstrates, and it is not well preserved; however, it—like Thutmose Ills—was likely elaborately decorated with funerary scenes and texts. 1 3 1 Also important for Thutmose s status and activities during the corule are the military campaigns of Hatshepsut. The idea that corule represented the ascendancy of a "peace party," represented by her and dedicated to relatively peaceful contacts abroad, has been a long-lived one, 1 3 2 with Thutmose seen as the least putative leader of the "war party," kept under control by Hatshepsut while she was alive. In reality, Hatshepsut may have been a relatively traditional pharaoh insofar as making war was concerned. Redford long ago pointed out that accidents of preservation have probably created a misleading impression in this regard, and he plausibly suggests that four Nubian campaigns, and two Levantine, occurred during her reign. Moreover, contemporaries state that Hatshepsut appeared on the battlefield during one Nubian campaign, a statement worthy of credence and indicative of her determination to perform the role of king as fully as possible. 1 3 3 What is significant here is that Thutmose III may himself have led the two campaigns that occurred relatively late in the corule, 1 3 4 indicating that his status was high enough for him to be given access to significant military power without endangering Hatshepsut. As for Thutmose s personal life at this time, little is known. An appropriate consort was surely found for him, probably queen Satiah, who is first

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documented as his wife early in his third decade, soon after Hatshepsuts death. A commoner, in the tradition that was to be followed for several reigns subsequently, she bore the king a "prince Amenemhet" (the Twelfth Dynasty royal name is significant), who did not, however, survive his long-lived father. Thus, the first two decades of Thutmose s reign close on a characteristically enigmatic note. Was the corule essentially a peaceful collaboration between two rulers, one mature, the other maturing under Hatshepsuts tutelage, dedicated to the survival and best interests of the royal family to which they belonged? Or was it a time of stress and competition, with the corulers —as Thutmose became older—jockeying for power and each developing a group of competitive supporters among the elite? To suggest that the answers lie somewhere between these extremes is plausible but not very helpful; hopefully, continuing research into this fascinating topic—well covered in several chapters in this book—will bring greater clarity.

T H U T M O S E III: W A R R I O R

KING

The next phase of Thutmose s career, extending over another twenty years or so, has its own special character as a result of the kings frequent and often very substantial campaigning abroad and the associated administrative activity that led to the development of an imperial system, albeit probably of a looser and more flexible kind than those familiar to us from more recent times. I have noted that Eighteenth Dynasty internal government, while effectively centralized, may have been structured as a "patrimonial" system that operated differently from the more "rational" systems of the first millennium BC. By the same token, the "empire" also would have been organized along patrimonial lines, and certainly such data as we have on it—fromThutmose s reign and later—suggest a loosely structured entity. This perhaps led the distinguished Egyptologist Alan Gardiner—who grew up in the latter years of the British Empire and its famously "impersonal" bureaucracy—to observe that "it may even be doubted whether the much vaunted Egyptian empire ever existed." 135 The military campaigning of Thutmose III has often been discussed, but its history is based on a complex set of sources and can be difficult for a reader to keep fully clear. As an introduction to subsequent chapters exploringThutmoses campaigns in the Levant and Nubia, 1 3 6 I outline here what is known about this campaigning and comment briefly on some of the issues raised. First, we must remember that under Hatshepsut there was some military campaigning in both Nubia and the Levant. Its seriousness is hard to evaluate on the basis of the small amount of evidence that survives, but it may

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have involved as many as six such initiatives, not a small number for a New Kingdom ruler. Moreover, there are indications that Thutmose III was involved in the later ones, and—if Hatshepsut was absent—he could have been, as a king, the leading figure. When his sole reign began, Thutmose was therefore not inexperienced in military affairs; on the contrary, his "first campaign of victory," as he called it, in year 23 reveals him as a full-fledged war leader and a superb tactician. Such qualities cannot be learned via training alone and reflect an already considerable military experience. Moreover, throughout the next twenty-two years Thutmose was often engaged in substantial campaigning (always, at least insofar as he personally was concerned, in the Levant, though campaigns may have been led by others on his behalf elsewhere), as is revealed by a unique source, the so-called Annals. By his forty-second regnal year, Thutmose had effected many changes in the cluster of stone-built rooms Hatshepsut had created around the bark shrine of Amun-Re s temple at Karnak. I 3 7 These rooms lay between the peristyle courts behind (east o f ) Pylon V I and the remainder of the temple, which has survived poorly.Thutmose I l l s bark shrine was a long, freestanding stone structure that stood partially within a large room and had a walled but open court in front of it. Along the walls of the room and courtThutmose s artisans had inscribed, in or after his forty-second regnal year, the Annals, a long, more or less continuous text. It began in the (approximate) northeast corner of the room and ran along its north wall; it then appears to have moved abruptly to the south wall, and continued along this for a space and then returned equally abruptly to the north wall face, extending out into the court, then turning along the west wall of the court, and finally terminating in its southeast corner. In a sense, then, the Annals virtually surrounded the bark shrine with a continuous text, most of it focused on military campaigning, booty, and "tribute" (in a variety of forms) but concluding (in the south half of the court) with a list of festivals and offerings created for Amun-Re. 1 3 8 The logic of this sequence (campaign and tribute descriptions, followed by a festival calendar) is the New Kingdom theory that the gods authorized warfare and guaranteed a pharaohs success; he undertook the task victoriously and in return lavished on the deities, especially Amun-Re, a rich array of buildings, gifts, estates, festivals, and offering cults intended to signal the pharaohs, and Egypts, gratitude and maintain—by pleasing the deities—the cyclical momentum of the process. Nevertheless, while the ideological reasons are clear, the placement of texts describing such warlike events in close proximity to a main internal component of a temple is virtually unique. Such material was more commonly displayed, often with pictorial embellishment, on temple pylons and exterior wall faces, along the

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inner faces of courts, and on large stelae set up in front of, rather than within temples. The source drawn upon for the Annals, as Redford has demonstrated, is likely the daybook—a widely distributed genre of record—originating in the court of the king, of which actual examples (none relating to Thutmose III) have been found. 1 3 9 Such records were organized calendrically, a day by day record, and in the case of that underlying the Karnak Annals reported on the king s whereabouts, his movements from town to town and his (military) activity and, an important point, his reception of 'tribute' delivered in a specific regnal year (and probably, in the original, on specific days). 1 4 0 The Annals cover regnal years 22 to 42, and were deliberately terminated at that point, insofar as the inscriptions were concerned. That is, they were carved in their entirety in year 42 or later, 1 4 1 but they drew upon an existing daybook record that stretched back over twenty-two years and of course continued to be kept after year 42. Over those twenty-two years, the Annals record fourteen specific "campaigns of victory," and in fact fifteen, although the last (in year 42) is not specifically named as such. Thus, the eight other years were not marked by campaigns, or perhaps the presence of the king in the Levant, and may have recorded simply the delivery of tribute to Egypt. This, in fact, is specifically the case in years 38 and 39, but unfortunately, the records of some other years are damaged or concealed, including some that would have recounted some of the campaigns of victory. As Redford s analyses demonstrate, 142 Thutmose s campaigning was punctuated by key episodes of major activity separated by less intense periods that nevertheless would involve the development or maintenance of the infrastructure necessary to support those initiatives. In year 23, Thutmose fought his famous campaign against Megiddo (in northern Israel), whence had gathered a coalition of forces organized by Kadesh, a major city-state in what is now Syria, far to the north. The records for the next three years are not available, but in years 29 to 31 he was campaigning vigorously against cities in Lebanon and southern Syria, which represented the interests of Tunip, another major city-state, the capital of which was not far from modern Qatna. The region around Kadesh was also attacked. This second set of campaigns gave Thutmose control of the Levantine coast as far north as modern Tripoli, and the harbors of Lebanon were organized so as to provide material support for future Egyptian initiatives by sea. With this infrastructure assured, Thutmose s campaigning in years 33 to 35 involved direct clashes with Mitanni, the great state that had developed along the Upper Euphrates and was probably ultimately the source of much of the pressure Egypt was experiencing from Syrian and, further south, even

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Canaanite intermediaries for the Mitannians. Thutmose s army carried prefabricated boats overland and, after considerable fighting, reached the Euphrates near Carchemish (in year 33), crossed it in the boats, and campaigned deep into Mitannian territory. The next two years involved further fighting against Mitannian forces and allies, but the Euphrates was not crossed again. Finally, at the end of the Annals, in year 42, we find Thutmose active in the north again, with Kadesh and Tunip again aggressively promoting their own and Mitannian interests. Tunip was now captured (seemingly for the first time) and perhaps Kadesh as well. In the event, Egypt never secured control of the regions in which Thutmose had done so much campaigning. Perhaps the Egyptians never intended to or perhaps it was beyond their military and organizational resources. However, Thutmose had established Egypt as one of the "great powers" of the time. In year 33, after the foray into Mitanni, other great powers—Babylon, and the Hittites—sent gifts to Thutmose, the first we know of. His successor, Amenhotep II (ca. 1426—1400 BC) was also quite aggressive but ultimately found it appropriate to conclude a treaty with Mitanni, 1 4 3 which itself was justifiably concerned about the reexpanding kingdom of the Hittites. The other prominent feature of the Annals are the lists of tribute and tributaries that are distributed throughout it, delivering to Thutmose III a variety of valuable materials and artifacts but on a surprisingly random basis. Some, though described as tribute, were really diplomatic gifts from Babylon, the Hittites, and others, and such gifts were likely sporadic, the product of specific circumstances or diplomatic correspondence that might extend over several years. Other tribute, such as that received occasionally from Punt, was really trade goods. However, Retenu, a loose term that nonetheless seems to include Canaan, which must have been part of the "imperial" system Thutmose was organizing, is surprisingly sporadic in its tribute deliveries (though they occur randomly throughout virtually the entire twenty-two-year span covered by the Annals), suggesting that Egyptian control was relatively loose, despite the garrisons Thutmose installed and the rulers' sons he took as hostages to Egypt. In contrast, articles of tribute or other exactions from Wawat and Kush—like Retenu, in close proximity to Egypt but perhaps easier to control because of their dependence on the Nile Valley—were delivered with great regularity in years 32 and 34, respectively. As Redford and others have pointed out, 1 4 4 Thutmose I l l s aggression and the imperial system he set up were of great economic benefit to Egypt, but that benefit seems to have varied widely from one part of the empire to another. However, the Annals focus on the king, highlighting only deliveries involving him, and may ignore other systems of revenue collection that were more regular and frequent.

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Finally, some brief observations on policy and strategy are in order. In his Levantine campaigning Thutmose III was building on earlier experience, especially his grandfather Thutmose Is great raid on Mitanni, which seems to indicate that Syria, and Mitanni beyond it, was long recognized as a substantial problem and even, judging from the coalition amassed at Megiddo, a threat to Egypt.Thutmose I l l s campaigning, therefore, was likely carefully thought out over the long term and not an ad hoc process of taking advantage of successes that led the Egyptians ever farther afield. Second, some scholars think the Egyptians were not well prepared militarily to deal with the sophisticated military organizations and strongly fortified cities of the Levant. 1 4 5 This, however, seems an unnecessarily pessimistic view. The Egyptians had been well experienced in siege warfare since the Middle Kingdom, itself a potent source of inspiration to the Eighteenth Dynasty, and under the late Seventeenth Dynasty Egyptian society had become quite militarized as a result of the long conflict with the Hyksos, in which Egyptians ultimately triumphed, capturing the heavily fortified Hyksos capital of Avaris (and then another major center in Canaan—Sharuhen) in the process. 146 Moreover, the sustained and skillful campaigning of Thutmose himself seems not to have been "learned on the spot," but rather drawn from long established Egyptian military traditions and resources. After year 4zThutmose, for the remaining twelve years of his reign, seems not to have become involved in further campaigning except for a foray into Nubia in year 50. 1 4 7 Impressively, during his campaigning years, Thutmose III was also undertaking major building projects in Egypt, which required a great deal of organization and a substantial investment in materials, labor, and time. In particular, the very large temple, east of Amun-Re s own temple at Karnak and called Akh Menu, was begun in year 24. Ultimately, it occupied about 3,060 square meters (.30 hectares) and displayed an elaborately developed plan focused on the cult of Amun-Re but in close relationship to that of the king. 1 4 8 The building of this temple not only was contemporary with much of the foreign campaigning but resonated with it more directly. One section of it, adjacent to the sanctuary of Amun-Re, depicts on its walls a collection of exotic plants. An accompanying inscription reads like an entry from the royal daybook, for it is dated to year 25 and states that the represented plants were those "which his majesty found in the land of Retenu" and in fact depict "all" the flowers of "Upper Retenu." 1 4 9 This unique episode, and its connection with Amun-Re, reminds us of the ideology that made such temple building (and other projects, e.g., along the southern axis of Karnak) 1 5 0 appropriate at the height of military campaigning. Victory came from the gods, especially Amun-Re, and acknowledgment of this in the form of splen-

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did buildings and endowments should be immediate. Moreover, there must have been a reflexive relationship between the governmental system that could repeatedly levy and supply the armies that moved into the Levant and the vast workforces that moved between the quarries and temple building sites of Egypt.

THE FINAL

YEARS

Thutmose III died in his fifty-fourth regnal year, some twelve years after his last significant campaign abroad, in year 42. By this time, he was in his late fifties, or perhaps about sixty years old, a long life for the ancient Near East. With the empire—such as it was—relatively stable, he felt no need for further campaigning, although surviving inscriptions show he often reminisced and boasted about the exciting events that had unfolded between years 22 and 42. Yet in terms of policy-making the king remained very active, particularly in the area of temple building. Laskowski demonstrates that during these latter years there was a significant rebuilding program at the core of Amun-Re s Karnak Temple, 1 5 1 affecting especially the suite of rooms flanking the bark shrine and built originally by Hatshepsut, and further work at temples on the west bank at Thebes, including the Amun temple at Medinet Habu and the enlargement of his own mortuary temple. Most impressively of all, Hatshepsuts mortuary cult at Djeser Djeseru was virtually closed down, while a new temple (Djeser Akhet) focused on the relationship between Amun-Re and Thutmose (like Akh Menu, built earlier at Karnak). Djeser Akhet was built between years 43 and 49 and lay between Hatshepsuts temple and the prototypical and still venerated one of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep. In this way, Thutmose III, like Nebhepetre, was given a special relationship to the allimportant Festival of the Valley not achievable through his more remotely located mortuary temple. Equally impressive was an extensive program of temple building and renovation throughout the provinces of Egypt and Nubia after a long period of about fifteen years (regnal years 27 to 42) when little activity of this kind took place. This period in fact coincides closely with the sustained military and administrative initiative in the Levant, suggesting that during this time Thutmose could still dedicate considerable resources to building at Thebes, and perhaps other royal cities such as Memphis and Heliopolis, but that a nationwide building program was beyond the available capabilities. Why turn to the provincial temples at all? In part, he did so because maintaining such temples was as much a part of a pharaoh s responsibilities as building and rebuilding at the royal centers. Egypts deities formed an in-

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terlocking assemblage, and all of them were mutually responsible for Egypts well-being and success, so all had to be appropriately treated. Moreover, provincial temples and their cult establishments were important sources of pride and income to local elites and those of their relatives who rose to high positions at Thebes and Memphis. Much later, in the Eighteenth Dynasty, Horemheb, who had attained posts of the greatest power under kings Tutankhamun and Ay, was careful to celebrate the involvement of his ancestral, provincial deity, Horus of Hut-nesu, capital of the seventeenth province of Upper E g y p t , 1 5 2 which finally brought Horemheb himself to the kingship. 1 5 3 Attention to such temples may have been one way of further integrating the Egyptian system of governance. However, it is also likely that, given a lack of royal attention, provincial temples had become seriously dilapidated by this time. Earlier Hatshepsut had boasted of restoring dilapidated temples neglected—according to her— since Hyksos times. In particular, she singled out the temple of Hathor of Cusae, where the town, rising in elevation around the temple, had so engulfed it that children were able to play on the r o o f ! 1 5 4 Finally, given the propensity on Thutmose s part for long-term planning—evident in his campaigning in the Levant—the rebuilding of provincial temples may have formed part of an overall strategy relevant to the allimportant relationship between the pharaoh, the chief deity (Amun-Re), and all other deities. The Levantine initiative had been very much a collaborative effort between Amun-Re and Thutmose, and Karnak especially benefited as a result during those war-filled years. But ultimately all of Egypt's deities were responsible for Egypt's success, and for maintaining the stability and productivity that followed, so they, too, ultimately reaped the reward at an appropriate time in Thutmose's regime. Apart from the building program, the other significant feature of Thutmose Ill's last years was the proscription of Hatshepsuts memory and, indeed, from the Egyptian viewpoint, of her very existence in the afterworld. The systematic removal of her image and name on her monuments and the deliberate destruction and burial of her statuary began between regnal years 42 and 43, that is, just as the Levantine initiative was winding down. Was this, too, part of a long-term strategy, like the provincial temple building, and hence one long anticipated? Or was it dictated largely by contemporary circumstances? I noted earlier the possibility that ideology, rather than personal renown or the development of particular political needs, may have been the driving force in the proscription (which required, incidentally, a considerable organizational effort and investment of resources, a kind of temple decorating program in reverse). In other words, however necessary, productive, and

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even—for all we know—cordial the corule between Hatshepsut and Thutmose may have been, by some twenty years later it had become an embarrassment and even a shadow on the legitimacy and status of the royal house. A king who was actually a woman, and known to be, and who was eventually represented as male but normally referred to textually as female, may ultimately have seemed too great a contradiction, requiring her elimination from the historical record and cultic contexts. However, alternative scenarios to explain the proscription have been put forward, 1 5 5 and, given the ambiguity of our data, they provide serious alternatives to the preceding suggestions. In particular, the family history of Thutmose III may be relevant here. N o t much is known about Thutmose s family life. As we have seen, during the corule his wife (or at least chief queen) was Satiah, whose probable son, Amenenhet, was recognized at one point as the kings eldest son (i.e., the heir presumptive) but died between regnal years 24 and 35. 1 5 6 Later, probably during his fifth decade of rule, Thutmose had a new queen, MeryetreHatshepsut, who bore him several children, one of them the future Amenhotep II. The latter was still relatively young when he acceded the throne, at eighteen years of age, and some scholars suggest that Thutmose III was anxious to ensure that his young heir would actually succeed him. To that end, he may have initiated a brief coregency between himself and Amenhotep, 1 5 7 but Laboury goes further. 1 5 8 He suggests that Thutmose feared that another branch of the royal family, descended from Hatshepsut, would try to abort the succession. To reinforce the legitimacy of his line, and hence that of the future Amenhotep II as well, Thutmose on the one hand launched the proscription of Hatshepsut, reducing the legitimacy of her descendants by denying her any. On the other, he took the positive step of ordering a change in royal portraiture (there had been several such changes, for a variety of reasons, throughout the corule and later) in which his image no longer recalled Hatshepsuts, as had long been the case, and instead revived, in archaistic fashion, the attributes typical of the portraits of Thutmose I and Thutmose II, a kind of artistic fictionalization akin to that we have seen both Hatshepsut and Thutmose III applying to pseudo-historical events recorded in texts. Thus, in terms of representation, Thutmose I, II, and III, and hence the latter s son Amenhotep, formed a composite and ideal ruler, manifested over several generations in a sequence in which Hatshepsut no longer had any place. As with many issues relevant to the reign of Thutmose III, the issue cannot as yet be resolved, and the motives and actions of those involved remain enigmatic. Yet this is part of the extraordinary fascination of this long and complex reign, which is associated with one of the most brilliant cultural

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phases known in Egypt, the many facets of which are revealingly explored in the following chapters.

NOTES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

—

Parkinson (1997) 109—20, Ibid., 21—53, 203—11. Parkinson (2002) 149—68, 182—92, 241—48. Gardiner (1961) 184. Redford (1967) 87. Hayes (1973) 319. For recent overviews of Thutmose III, see Fevre (1993); andTulhoff

(1984). 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40.

Breasted (2001) 2:59—61. Ibid., 184-85. Lichtheim (1976) 62—66. Loprieno (1996). Ibid., 277—78. Parkinson (2002) 8—10, 241—48. Redford (1967) 74—76. Breasted (2001) 217. Kitchen (1982). Ibid. See chapter 2 of this book. James (1973) 306—4. Murnane (1977a). See chapter 9 of this book. See chapter 10 of this book. See chapters 2 and 7 of this book. O'Connor (1996) 95, n. 13; Winlock (2001) 76—78, 91, 141—42, 154—63, 168—73, î^7—89* 209—17. See chapters 2, 7, and 12 of this book. For the reconstruction, see Weeks (2001) 70—71. See chapter 5 of this book. Haeny (1997) 93—95; Bryan (2001). Haeny (1997) 95. See chapter 5 of this book. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. See chapter 7 of this book. Ibid. Assmann (1995a). Gardiner (1947) 159^—162^. Assmann (2001) 3—4. Osing(1981). O'Connor (1993a) 10—57; idem (1991). For a different view, see Adams (1977) 118—94. Zibelius-Chen (1988); Smith (1995); Morkot (1987).

4° ^ 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86.

T H U T M O S E III

See chapter 10 of this book; Morkot (1991); O'Connor (1987). Kitchen (1999). Säve-Soderberg (1946) 13; Kitchen (1993) 591—602. Redford (1997); O'Connor (1997); Bietak (1997); Oren (1997). James (1973) 311. Redford (1992) 129—56. Ibid., 155—56. See, especially, Callender (2001) 163—64, 166—67, 178—79; and, in more detail, Kemp (1983) 137-47. Redford (1992) 148—56; Drawer (1973) 431—33, 444Redford (1992) 154—55. Kemp (1992) 147-49. Betancourt (1997). Bietak (1997) 115—24; Cline (1998b); Bietak (2000). Wachsmann (1987). Hayes (1973); O'Connor (1983). Van den Boorn (1988) 18—22. See, for example, Spalinger (1992). Butzer (1976) 83; see also Hassan (1993). For a revealing cross section from later in the New Kingdom, see Katary (1989). Butzer (1976), chapter 5. Hassan (1993) 554—55. Ibid., 558—68; O'Connor (1993a) 576—82. Van den Boorn (1988) 13, 14—41. Ibid. 42ff. Ibid. 55ff. Imperfectly, O'Connor (1983) 208, 204—18. Van den Boorn (1988) 98—108. For a detailed overview, see chapter 3 of this book. Van den Boorn (1988) 77ff. Ibid., 208—15. Ibid., 234—49. Schloen (2001) 51. Ibid. 313—16. O'Connor (1993a). On palaces, see O'Connor (1995). On temples, see Arnold (1992), and Wilkinson (2000). Nims (1965). Hornung (1990); Weeks (2001). Arnold (1997) 74—76. Haeny (1997) 92. See chapter 6 of this book. Lauffray (1979) 47. Breasted (2001) 2:13. Klug (2002) 28, translation by the author. Ibid., 31, translation by the author. Barguet (1962) 258—64, 268—72. Nims (1965) 102.

An Enigmatic Pharaoh 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. no. hi. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132.

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O'Connor (1995) 271—72. Ibid., 270—79. Van Dijk (1988) 37. Silverman (1995) 67—68; idem (1991) 67—72. Redford (1986b) 165ff. Ibid., 170. Ibid., 175—76. Ibid., 29—31. Ibid., 32. Ibid., 34. See chapters 2 and 7 in this book. Breasted (2001) 2:125—26. See chapter 2 in this book. James (1973) 306—7. See chapters 7 and 12 of this book. On all three, see Robins (1993) 50. See chapter 2 in this book. Breasted (2001) 2:75—86, 87—100. Waddell (1948) 101—19. Redford (1986a) 35, 242. Breasted (2001) 2:48. Ibid., 142. See chapter 2 of this book. Ibid. Breasted (2001) 2:69—72; chapter 2 of this book. See chapter 2 of this book. Ibid. Breasted (2001) 2:59—68. Brunner (1964); Silverman (1995) 69—72. For an early example, see O'Connor (1999) 218. Redford (1967) 74—76. At Deir el-Bahari; see Breasted (2001) 2:78—87. Ibid., 88-89. Ibid., 89—94. Ibid., 94—99. Redford (1967) 74—7&> 9Z~97For good overviews, seeTyldesly (1998); and Desroches-Noblecourt (2002). See also Hayes (1973); and Redford (1967), chapter 4. See chapter 5 of this book. Kitchen (1993); Smith (1965) 137—39. See chapter 2 of this book. See chapter 7 of this book. See chapter 5 of this book for the so-called Texte de la Jeunesse. Badawy (1968) 336, fig. 179, 337—38; Haeny (1997) 95—96. Haeny (1997) 94. See chapter 6 of this book. Ibid. Gundlach (1992).

4° ^ 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158.

T H U T M O S E III

Redford (1967) 57—62; chapter 10 of this book. Redford (1967) 62. Gardiner (1961) 230. See chapters 9 and 10 of this book. See chapter 5 of this book. For the entire text, see Breasted (2001) 2:163—227. Redford (1986a) 124, 107—10, 112—15. Ibid., 124—25. Breasted (2001) 2:217. See chapter 9 of this book; and Redford (1992) 156—62. Redford (1992) 163—65. See chapter 9 of this book. See, for example, ibid. O'Connor (1997). See chapter 10 of this book. See chapter 5 of this book. Breasted (2001) 2:193. See chapter 5 of this book. Ibid. Gardiner (1947) 2:107—8. Breasted (2001) 3:16—17. Ibid., 2:124. See especially chapter 7 of this book. See chapter 12 of this book. Ibid. See chapter 7 of this book.

TWO

The Early Reign of Thutmose III: An Unorthodox Mantle of Coregency P E T E R F. D O R M A N

T

he reign of Thutmose III, destined to be the longest and one of the most glorious of the Eighteenth Dynasty, opened under what contemporaries must have considered to be inauspicious circumstances. The recent past had been a time distinguished by the stunning triumphs of Thutmose I, whose exploits beyond the borders of Egypt had in turn built on the military achievements of his immediate predecessors. To the north Egyptian armies had reached the Euphrates River, a feat commemorated by a stela set up on its eastern bank; and if this military action was only a farflung raid rather than a concerted policy of territorial domination, it nonetheless eliminated the threat of foreign invasion from Asia for four hundred years.1 Closer to home, southern Palestine, the cultural homeland of the Hyksos kings, who had until recently ruled the Nile Valley from their capital at Avaris, had been overrun and was to remain within the Egyptian sphere of influence until the end of the Bronze Age in the Levant. 2 The southern reach of Egyptian conquest had been extended into Nubia well beyond the rocky barrier of the Fourth Caratact, far surpassing the territory controlled by the monarchs of the Middle Kingdom and setting the stage for the gradual Egyptianization of the indigenous population. 3 Foreign successes were commemorated at home by a significant expansion of the temple of Amun at Karnak, and a royal tomb was prepared in the western hills of Thebes, an initiative that may already have led to the establishment of a new necropolis in the Valley of the Kings. 4 In the course of his reign of perhaps thirteen or fourteen years,5 Thutmose I had already lost two elder sons, who may have been designated successively as heirs to the throne: Amenmose and Wadjmose, both of whom

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were revered by later generations and accorded a place in ancestor cults of the Theban necropolis.6 When Thutmose I died, he was succeeded by a third son, who like his father was born of a woman who could claim no descent from the royal family. Mutnofret was a commoner and secondary royal wife, and her son, Thutmose II, was probably relatively young when he acceded to the throne. 7 He married his half sister, a daughter of Thutmose I and Ahmose named Hatshepsut, who may also have been of rather tender years.8 An inscription at Aswan attests to a rebellion put down in the first regnal year of Thutmose II, 9 and the Karnak Temple was further embellished with a lavish open-air festival court erected in front of Pylon I V 1 0 A brief characterization of the reign is found in the tomb biography of the architect Ineni, who had been engaged in the expansion of the Karnak Temple and excavation of the royal tomb during the floruit of Thutmose I and had survived into old age. The section of the text reserved for Thutmose II is somewhat superficial, and Ineni recounts no personal achievements of his own other than the vague role of senior adviser. The falcon in the nest . . . the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, ( 3~hpr~n~r] he being king of the black land and ruling the red land, having seized the two banks in justification. I was a confidant of the king in every place of his, and what he did for me was greater than (for) those who had gone before. Revered, I attained old age, being in the favor of his majesty in the course of (every) day, with the result that I was provisioned even from the offering table of the king, consisting of bread from the royal repast, and beer as well, rich meats, vegetables, various (sorts o f ) fruit, honey, cakes, wine, and moringa oil, while my health and life were asked after, being what the king himself said, through love of me. 1 1 There is nothing to indicate from contemporary records—scarce as they are—that the dynasty was not on the verge of another long reign full of conquest overseas, but Thutmose II was apparently fated to rule Egypt for only a few years. 12 His demise seems to have left a vacuum of power on the throne of Egypt, for Thutmose II and his chief queen Hatshepsut had left no adult male heir: the only known child of the royal union was princess Neferura. 1 3 The eldest surviving prince was yet another son named Thutmose, born of a secondary queen by the name of Isis, and once again the new king himself seems to have been very young. 14 The death of Thutmose II heralded not only the beginning of a new reign but an astonishing experiment by the queen regent, Hatshepsut, in the exercise of the Egyptian kingship itself. The process by which she eventually claimed the throne in her own right is trace-

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able in contemporary monuments, even if the purpose of this unprecedented event remains imperfectly understood. 1 5

T H U T M O S E III A N D Q U E E N THE

HATSHEPSUT:

REGENCY

T h e fateful transition to the new reign is noted somewhat laconically by the architect Ineni. [Thutmose II] ascended to heaven and united with the gods, while his son stood in his place as king of the two lands, having assumed rulership upon the throne of the one who begat him, and while his sister, the gods wife Hatshepsut, was conducting the affairs of the country, the two lands being in her care. With Egypt in obeisance she is served, the beneficent divine seed who has come forth before him, the prowrope of Upper Egypt and mooring post of the southerners. She is the excellent sternrope of Lower Egypt, mistress of command, whose counsels are splendid, with whose words the two banks are pleased. 16 T h e import of this passage is less a celebration over the advent of a new ruler than the observance of an unexpected but ineluctable succession, with its emphasis on a queen regent who is clearly acting in unusual circumstances. 17 More remarkably, the name of the new pharaoh is not mentioned. Rarely in Egyptian monumental texts is there such a sense of the specific historical moment, doubtless reflecting the immediate circumstances under which Ineni had his biography drafted, just after the death of Thutmose II and before his successor had a chance to place his official stamp on governmental affairs. 1 8 There is no other contemporary account of the accession of Thutmose III, which occurred on 1 smvo 4. T h e date is mentioned in the king s coronation inscription at Karnak, but this text is retrospective by more than forty years; 19 moreover, its recounting of the oracular selection of princeThutmose by Amun must be evaluated in light of intervening events, including the perfection by Hatshepsut of a particular genre of propagandistic treatises advocating her own kingship and descent. How old Thutmose III was on his accession day can be approximated only between certain limits, but in view of his eventual fifty-three regnal years on the throne it is likely that he was very young. 20 It is this circumstance, together with the highly visible role of Hatshepsut in state affairs—a role already unremarkable for queens at this date in the Eighteenth Dynasty 2 1 —that may best explain the unprece-

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dented coregency that was to emerge by progressive stages during the early years of Thutmose s rule. In terms of seniority, it is quite possible that Hatshepsut was as much as twenty or twenty-five years older than Thutmose III, 2 2 and if Ineni s description of the situation may be taken at face value she was clearly in charge of state affairs from the death of her husband. 23 Indeed, if Thutmose was only a nursling he may never have remembered a day when Hatshepsut was not in control. In light of the age difference between them, as well as Hatshepsuts presumed firm hand on the reins of government, it is especially striking that the earliest dated records of the reign of Thutmose III refer exclusively to the king. These dates provide a chronological framework for the difficult problem of establishing the date of Hatshepsut s assumption of pharaonic titulary, a problem that has not yet yielded a satisfactory solution. T h e earliest document of the reign is a visitor s graffito from the Step Pyramid complex at Saqqara, left by one Ptahhotep, which begins "regnal year i, fourth month of 3ht, day 5, under the majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mn~hpr~rc (Thutmose III)." 2 4 It then describes the kings benefactions in Thebes and concludes with Thutmose I l l s titulary, without mention of Hatshepsut. T h e graffito was inscribed only seven months into the new reign. In his second regnal year, just thirteen months after his accession, Thutmose III issued an order to his chief representative in Nubia, the viceroy of Kush, to have the temple of Semneh refurbished and rededicated in honor of the god Dedwen and the deified Senwosret III. 2 5 T h e wording of the royal command is reproduced on the eastern exterior wall of the temple. Year 2, second month of smw} day 7, under the majesty o f . . . the king of Upper and Lower Egypt Mn~hpr~r, son of Re Thutmose, given life. What was said in the majesty of the palace (life, prosperity, and health) to the seal-bearer of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, the sole friend, royal son and overseer of southern foreign lands Ne[hy]: 2 6 "Have the divine food offerings, which the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of ritual H^k3.w-r (Sesostris III), the Horus divine of forms, made for all the gods [ . . . ] (re)inscribed in the temple of his father, Dedwen, foremost of Nubia." 2 7 T h e inscription also mentions various amounts of cattle and grain to be offered on certain festival days for the cults of Senwosret III and his queen, Meretseger. Despite the claim that "it was his majesty who instituted the divine food offerings anew," 28 in view of his young age it must be wondered whether it was Thutmose III who personally devised a plan for a temple so

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far distant from Thebes or whether it was merely an order issued in his name. In any case, there is no mention or portrayal of Hatshepsut on this wall. T h e exterior western wall of the Semneh temple bears a series of scenes, the central tableau of which depicts the king kneeling before Dedwen, who affixes the white crown on his head in an act affirming his coronation. 29 T h e text behind the attendant goddess, Wadjit, reads: T h e good god Mn~hpr~f made as his memorial for his father, Dedwen, foremost of Nubia, and for the king of Upper and Lower Egypt H'-kj.w-r the making for them of a temple of fine white Nubian sandstone, after my majesty found it of brick, and very ruined. 30 But there is a second royal presence in these reliefs, detectable now only as trace lines in areas that have been thoroughly smoothed over. In a continuation of the text just cited, two lines of erased inscription echo the words of Thutmose I I I . 3 1 [The hereditary heire]ss, great of favor and charm, gre[at of love . . . ] the god s wife and great king s wife, Hatshepsut, made (it) as her memorial for her father Dedwen, foremost of Nubia, that she might make life [. . .] forever. 32 More significantly, at the far right of the same wall, where the later intrusion of a doorway caused several later revisions to the scene, the deified Senwosret III was originally shown enthroned before Satet, who introduced Hatshepsut (later carefully erased) with the following words, reconstructed by Caminos from the trace lines of the inscription. Words spoken: "Your beloved [daughter, Hatshepsut], your beneficent heir, the gods wi[fe] and great kings wife—she is the daughter who has come forth from your [limbs]. With a loving heart you have raised her, for she is your bodily daughter, with the result that she makes a mem[ori]a1 for you. All health and stability on your part are her reward." 33 T h e titles of Hatshepsut are purely those of a chief royal wife, but her presence, her role, and her reception by the gods is consonant with a temple donor—who would normally be the king. T h e few original traces on the wall do not permit any observations as to the nature of her costume or insignia. In whatever manner Hatshepsut may have been portrayed at Semneh, the construction and decoration of the temple walls must postdate the royal

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command dated to the beginning of year 2. Unfortunately, as Caminos notes, "with the records at our disposal we cannot determine just how long the execution of this command required, that is, the time lapse between the issue of the royal order and the carving of the text and accompanying figures upon the eastern wall of the then newly finished Semna temple" 3 4 Whatever the time lag may have been, Hatshepsuts official protocol at Semneh is merely that of a queen. T h e next dated document of the reign is a donation stela, 35 discovered in situ at North Karnak, 3 6 inscribed by the steward of Amun, Senenmut, an official with close ties to the household of queen Hatshepsut and her daughter, Neferura. T h e date of the stela has been read as year 4, 1 smw 16, but the first lines have been damaged by salt effluorescence and other regnal years have been suggested as well. 3 7 T h e inscription opens as follows. Year 4, 1 smw 16, under the majesty of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt Mn~hpr~r, the son of Re Thutmose rifr-hpr.w, given life forever: a command promulgated in regard to the temple of Amun on this day in praise and in love. (His) majesty decreed that the petition of the steward of Amun, Senenmut, be granted at the (very) time of petitioning the king himself: 38 "Grant that a transfer of property be ordered drawn up for this humble servant in regard to my property, inasmuch as (it) should be done in the royal records hall on behalf of the life, prosperity, and health of Mn-hpr-r, (life, prosperity, and health) my lord, (thereby) granting that (it) endure forever. Let there be donated three auroras of land in the region of Hw.t-shm and five auroras of land in the region of S3k3, being that award which your majesty gave to me when he was only an inpw. I shall moreover make offerings of this bread and beer therefrom, which are to be presented before this god, since if the festivals of Amun are put in order in the course of every day, I shall be doing what is loved in the hall of offerings on behalf of the life, prosperity, and health of your majesty." 39 A list of the types of loaves, beer, and grain involved in these divine offerings follows; in addition, a male and a female servant of Senenmut s household are contributed "as a levy for the corvee labor which the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mn~hpr~r\ given life, has established for his father Amun [ . . .]." 4 0 For historical purposes, the early date and the unambiguous mention of Thutmose III would suggest that three full years after his accession official deeds were being transacted in his name alone. Unfortunately, in addition to the uncertainty surrounding the date of the stela, the first thirteen lines were entirely recarved during the restoration of monuments dam-

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aged during the Amarna period, 41 so that a large portion of the inscription is only a Ramesside copy of the Tuthmoside text. Since the original surface of the stone is gone, it is no longer possible to form an independent judgment as to whether the prenomen of Thutmose III is original wherever it appears or whether it was surcharged over that of Hatshepsut. The question remains: had Hatshepsut assumed royal titles as early as regnal year 4? The legal provisions of the donation are followed by a separate section, now much damaged, recounting Senenmuts good character in fairly banal phrases: "I am straightforward, free from blame. Having been provided with burial as a royal favor, I attained old age [...]; no fault of mine has occurred, no blame to me can be found." 4 2 After this stereotypical account, the final section of the stela begins in the last line of the front side, which refers to "[doing what is prai]sed in the hall of offerings in Dsr~dsr.w" the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut, and continues onto the left and right sides of the stela, in a resumption of donation phraseology identical to that used for Thutmose III: "[a male and a female servant o f ] the estate of this humble servant, concluded as a levy for the corvee labor which the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mf.t-kj-R', given life, has established for her father Amun in

Dsr~dsr.w."43

A number of indicators in the text—the reference to Senenmuts funerary complex, on which construction seems not to have been started much before year 7; 4 4 the use of Senenmuts title "steward of Amun," which was accorded him only after the queens assumption of royal titles; 45 the occurrence of Hatshepsut s prenomen; and the mention of her temple at Deir el-Bahari— have all tended to support the claim that by internal evidence the stela must date to a time after Hatshepsut was crowned king. 46 But the organization of the text, with the appearance of cliche biographical phrases between two donation passages, suggests rather that the provisions for the Hatshepsut corvee were appended as a codicil to a preexisting composition and were intentionally not integrated with the opening phraseology. 47 It cannot be assumed, then, that the year date—whatever it may have been—of Senenmuts petition to Thutmose III pertains to the codicil of the stela, nor that the stela was set up on the date mentioned.48 Indeed, the juxtaposition of two apparently separate endowment texts points to the inscription of the stela as retrospectively recorded.49 In any case, in light of the manifold uncertainties surrounding the recarving of the donation stela and the date of its erection, it cannot be used as a reliable document to prove the early accession of Hatshepsut as king. The fifth year of Thutmose III was distinguished by the appointment of a new vizier, when the Theban official Useramun replaced his elderly father, Aamethu, in that office. The date appears in P. Turin 1878, which contains only the beginning of what was surely a laudatory literary account of the ap-

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pointment, detailing how Thutmose III personally came to select Useramun because of his sterling qualities; 50 another version of this event, not dated, was inscribed on the walls of Useramun s tomb in Thebes. 5 1 On the face of it one might suppose that this appointment would offer a positive indication that the king was exercising his independent royal prerogative to appoint his chief deputy, but neither of the recorded accounts is contemporary with the event itself The tomb inscription was recorded when Useramun was completing his own funerary preparations toward the middle or end of the reign of Thutmose III, after the death of Hatshepsut. His royal audience was therefore the king rather than his deceased coregent, and by that date there may well have been no compunction to mention her at all. The papyrus is of an even later date, surely after the Eighteenth Dynasty, 52 and is subject to the usual context of retrospective documents, tinged with a large measure of politic hindsight. 53 Thutmose III is depicted alone on two stelae from the temple of Hathor at Serabit el-Khadim that are both dated to year 5, 54 while Hatshepsut is first mentioned as king in the Sinai inscriptions only in year 13, 55 well after her kingship is attested elsewhere. But the absence of Hatshepsut as king on the stelae of year 5 is an argument ex silentio, and in any case it was not deemed necessary during the course of the coregency to portray both current rulers in reliefs and stelae set up at Sinai. 56 A number of other monuments can be assigned to the time before Hatshepsuts assumption of royal titles. These are undated, but they shed light on the role of Hatshepsut in initiating construction projects during the early years of Thutmose III. A red granite statue of Thutmose II, showing the ruler seated wearing a Sed Festival robe and a white crown, was discovered on the island of Elephantine, where it had once been dedicated in the temple of Khnum. 5 7 The two text panels on the front of the throne have both been recarved to varying degrees: the right proper panel contains a clumsy Ramesside restoration of the name and title of Amun; and the left one now reads "for her brother, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, c3~hpr~n~Rc (Thutmose II), beloved of Khnum, lord of the cataract region, forever." The reference to Khnum seems itself to be a later alteration of the original text, but the introduction, "for her brother," is original and must have been a continuation of the text on the opposite side of the throne. Moreover, the likeliest restoration for the inscription is the dedicatory phrase, "[(title) Hatshepsut made it as a monument] for her brother, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, used for dedications to gods and deceased kings. Since Thutmose II is portrayed in garb suitable for the celebration of a jubilee, which he seems never to have observed, the statue must have been

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donated at Elephantine by his widow, queen Hatshepsut, as a memorial after his death. 59 Another clue to the delicate balance of royal power at this time is a block statue of Senenmut in the British Museum, datable to the regency by the queenly titles of Hatshepsut that it bears. 60 The main inscription, carved on the front side of the enveloping gown, contains several references to the reigning pharaoh without actually naming him, a situation reminiscent of the Ineni biography. [Senenmut, . . .] one who has guided the footsteps of the king since his childhood . . . who adorns the Horus who is present on earth, one pure of limbs whom his lord has purified, who has access to the marvelous nature of the lord of the two lands . . . 6 I And, as with Ineni, Senenmuts advancement, described in a text placed on the base of the statue, seems to be largely due to Hatshepsuts personal initiative, implying that the king was of too young an age to be making decisions of appointment on his own. [M]y mistress repeated favors for me, the gods wife, Hatshepsut, may she live; she made me great and enriched me; I was promoted to the front of the officials, she having recognized my excellence in her opinion . . . 6 2 Perhaps during the same period an undated graffito was engraved at Aswan, commemorating an expedition led by Senenmut to extract a pair of obelisks from the granite quarries at the command of Hatshepsut (fig. z.i). 63 The obelisks were very likely quarried during the reign of Thutmose II but never brought to completion before his death; they are to be identified with a pair erected at Karnak in the festival court of Thutmose II on bases that now lie beneath the foundations of Pylon III. 6 4 In the Aswan graffito the queen and Senenmut appear face to face, the former wearing a long dress and the double-plumed crown of a gods wife and referred to by her queenly titles: "the heiress, great as to favor and charm, great of love, to whom Re has given the actual kingship of the two lands, who is in the midst of the ennead, the king s daughter and king s sister, the gods wife and great king s wife." By reason of Hatshepsut s garb and titles, a date in the regency period is assured for this inscription. Despite the rather blatant reminder, reminiscent of Ineni, that the kingship was, for all practical purposes, in the hands of Hatshepsut—and with explicit divine approval—she is nonetheless portrayed as a woman.

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An interesting shift in ideological emphasis is observable in Senenmuts chapel at the sandstone quarries of Gebel el-Silsila, which is one of many such shrines erected by New Kingdom officials commissioned to obtain building stone for their kings. 65 On the entrance lintel of Senenmut s chapel, Hatshepsuts name and protocol, though now damaged, can still be read: "Live, the kings first-born daughter, Hatshepsut, may she live, beloved of Amun, lord of the thrones of the two lands, king of the gods ." 6 6 In the much abraded scenes of the shrine both inside and out, nothing else can be discerned of her formal protocol, but the queenly titles that associate her as sister and wife with Thutmose II seem to have vanished. Even her most important religious title, "gods wife," used ubiquitously on her queenly monuments, seems to have been purposely avoided in relation to Hatshepsut herself, although it occurs in one of Senenmuts titles on the entrance jamb. 67 Even more surprising are two scenes on the interior western wall of the cenotaph facing toward the central niche, in which the queen is portrayed in the embrace of two gods of the region: Seth of Ombos and Nekhbet. Although Hatshepsuts figures have virtually vanished due to intentional damage and natural abrasion, the extant traces are sufficient to establish that not only was she wearing a long kilt typical of male royal attire,68 but she was portrayed with her feet set wide apart, in a striding stance exclusively used for men. 69 These scenes seem to have been altered, however, following her adoption of the male form, possibly years after the unusual titles were carved on the door jamb. 70 Yet the lintel of Senenmuts cenotaph at Gebel el-Silsila may capture the penultimate step in Hatshepsuts gradual progression toward the throne of Egypt as a full coregent with Thutmose III. The disappearance of the title of gods wife in favor of "the kings firstborn daughter" represents an ideological shift, abandoning a queens prerogatives in favor of an heirs hereditary claim. Royal titles had certainly been acquired by regnal year 7. The burial chamber of Senenmuts parents, Ramose and Hatnofer, was discovered in excavations undertaken on the hillside of Sheikh Abd el-Qurna in 1935—36 by the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 7 1 Located just below the tomb chapel of their son (Theban tomb 71), the chamber had been buried below the artificial terrace of the chapel, a construction formed by three retaining walls and an enormous mass of limestone chips pouring directly from the excavation of tomb 71—and therefore dated to the beginning of tomb construction. The chamber contained several amphoras bearing dates and seals that the excavators, Lansing and Hayes, immediately recognized had a bearing on the date of Hatshepsuts accession. One amphora bore a hieratic docket on its shoulder: "year 7, second month of pr.t) day 8," a date that must have pre-

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ceded the sealing of the tomb; a second amphora, also bearing a hieratic docket of simply "year 7," was sealed with a jar stopper bearing the stamp of "the god s wife Hatshepsut " Two others bore seals with the royal prenomen: "the good goddess Mf.t-k^R'." The amphora date of year 7, 2 pr.t 8, provides only a terminus post quem for the sealing of the tomb; the terminus ante quem is apparently indicated by an ostracon found by Norman de Garis Davies in the forecourt of tomb 71, referring to the beginning of construction "in this tomb" in year 7, fourth month of pr.t, day 2, after which limestone chips from the tomb would have begun covering the hillside just below. 72 Lansing and Hayes deduced that Hatshepsuts accession therefore took place in year 7 between 2 pr.t 8 and 4 pr.t 2; and, while this date range (less than two full months) may be too narrow for most scholars, year 7 is universally accepted as the latest possible limit for Hatshepsut s assumption of royal titles. 73 At this point the regency of queen Hatshepsut may be regarded as having ended and the coregency of the two monarchs begun.

T H U T M O S E III A N D K I N G T H E I N C E P T I O N OF T H E

HATSHEPSUT: COREGENCY

Whether or not Hateshepsuts assumption of the royal titulary occurred in year 7 or earlier, the monuments of the early reign of Thutmose III show that her unprecedented elevation to male kingship was achieved in terms of both royal protocol and visual representation but that each aspect was achieved at a different time. The first step, the date of which has been considered, was the assumption of royal titles and insignia, while Hatshepsut retained her outward female form and dress. Several documents display an intriguing mixture of kingly and queenly attributes, and they offer a basis for differing interpretations. An occurrence of the queens prenomen is to be found in the tomb of Ahmose-Pennekhbet at Elkab, a long-lived individual whose biographical text reveals that he was already a soldier in the time of Ahmose. Recounting active participation in military campaigns from Ahmose down through the reign of Thutmose II, he claims: I followed the n5w.f-[kings and the bí].ty-kings . . . to the southern and northern foreign lands and to any place in which they were: the king of Upper and Lower Egypt Nb~ph.ty~Rc (Ahmose), justified; the king of Upper and Lower Egypt Dsr-kj-R' (Amenhotep I), justified; the king of Upper and Lower Egypt f-hpr-kj-R' (Thutmose I), justified; and the king of Upper and Lower Egypt f~hpr~n~Rc (Thutmose II),

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justified; down to the good god, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt Mn~hpr~Rc (Thutmose III), given life forever. I attained a good old age while I was a kings man, being in the favor of their majesties, my love being in the palace (life, prosperity, and health). For me the god s wife repeated favors, the kings great wife Mj c .t^k^R c (Hatshepsut), justified; I brought up her eldest (daughter), the princess Neferura, justified, while she was (still) a child at the breast. 74 The appearance of Hatshepsuts prenomen dates this text to the period of the coregency, but she is still referred to by her queenly titles, including the hm.t-nsw.t wr.t title that links her to Thutmose II. While Hatshepsut and Neferura are both mentioned, they are deliberately excluded from the chronological sequence of male kings. Moreover, the occurrence of the epithet "justified" after the names of Hatshepsut and Neferura would seem to place them in the category of deceased rulers, in contrast to the "living" Thutmose III, thus suggesting that the text was carved after the death of Hatshepsut and her daughter. 75 But such a late date would add another two decades to the life span of Ahmose-Pennekhbet, who must already have been over sixty years old when Thutmose II died. 76 Moreover, the titles used for the two women would have been obsolete at the time Thutmose I l l s sole reign began in his third decade. Neferura was elevated to the office of gods wife of Amun on Hatshepsut s accession, 77 so the particular distribution of the women's titles as they appear in this biography reflects a reality that existed only for a brief period, perhaps at the very beginning of the coregency period. 78 On an undated stela at Sinai, Hatshepsut is shown in a long dress and wearing the double-plumed headdress of the god s wife of Amun, but before her face are two cartouches, one containing her birth name and the other the prenomen that she bore as king: Mf.t-kj-R' (fig. z.z). 79 Oddly, they are carved in reverse order, the prenomen following the nomen, and each cartouche is followed by the same epithet, "may she live." Is this an indication that the prenomen was added at a later time, to a relief already in existence, or is the stela an early witness to her new royal titles?80 The evolved stage of female kingship is most clearly demonstrated by a limestone door lintel from Karnak, in which Hatshepsut stands before Amun, "offering wine that she might achieve living.'" 8 1 Her titles are "King of Upper and Lower Egypt, mistress of rit[ua]1, Mf.t-kj-R', may she live," and Amun responds by asserting "I have given to you (fem.) mi11[ions of years . . . ] like Re forever." The inscriptions, with their feminine endings and pronouns, are typical of her royal monuments, but her garb is a mixture of queenly costume and kingly headgear. Dressed in a tight-fitting robe that

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reaches her ankles, Hatshepsut wears a short curled wig and a crown consisting of tall plumes and rams horns, with a small horned sun disk placed at the center; a uraeus rears from her brow. 82 A similar display of royal titulary—one that still falls short of male rulership—is to be found in a limestone chapel built by Hatshepsut at Karnak. Only a relatively small number of blocks from this structure, later reused in the foundations of Amenhotep I l l s Montu temple at Karnak North, have been recovered, but they are sufficient to have prompted a reconstruction by Gabolde and Rondot. 83 Only one block bears a representation of Hatshepsut herself, in which she offers in masculine guise to Amun (fig. 2.3). While the scene shows evidence of later erasure at the hands of Thutmose III, the authors are doubtless correct in recognizing that an initial alteration took place at Hatshepsut s own hands: a queenly figure with tall plumes was revised as a male king wearing an 3íf crown. 84 The titles above her head are original to the scene, however, and prove that her royal protocol was fully developed and employed during the period of her feminine portrayals. Hatshepsuts own conversion of these early female figures to male seems to be rare, and the need for it remains uncertain. 85 This modest limestone chapel apparently excludes Thutmose III altogether; it was, however, surrounded by an enclosure wall, the portal of which was decorated jointly by the two coregents.86 It must have been at approximately this time that the southern temple of Buhen was erected in the names of both Thutmose III and Hatshepsut, whose cartouches originally appeared on the doorjambs in complementary balance. While the temple has suffered the usual suppression of the queens name and figures, extant traces still reveal that in a number of scenes Hatshepsut presented offerings to individual gods—clearly as a reigning sovereign, although only the bottoms of the scenes are preserved—and that she was originally portrayed in the long robe of a queen. In one instance in the bark room of the temple, her feet are placed close together, 87 as suitable for the traditional female pose and as on the limestone door lintel from Karnak. In several other scenes in the inner sanctuary, however, an iconographie shift has occurred: although Hatshepsut is garbed in a long dress, her feet are spaced further apart, as if actively striding toward the deity, approaching the broader stance of a male king. 88 It is difficult to say how long this intermediate stage lasted, in which king Hatshepsut was represented as a woman, but certainly enough time must have elapsed for the construction of at least three monuments: her limestone chapel at Karnak, the structure to which the limestone door lintel belonged, and the southern temple of Buhen. It is significant that Thutmose II was still honored in the innermost sanctuary at Buhen during the decoration of the temple. 89 Evidently at this stage Hatshepsut had not yet committed herself

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to relinquishing all association with her husband; that is, she had not yet taken the final step of emphasizing her descent from her father, Thutmose I, an ideological shift that was to play a prominent role in advertising her royal legitimization on her later monuments, to say nothing of her mortuary arrangements. Ultimately, kingly titles and crowns combined with a feminine costume were deemed insufficient to Hatshepsuts intended purpose. The impetus that compelled the final iconographie shift to a purely masculine image can only be surmised. Chappaz has suggested that a series of political exigencies may have arisen during the early reign of Thutmose III that, in his words, "ont pu atteindre un seuil particulièrement critique qui rendait nécessaire la présence physique (et médiatrice?) d'un souverain veritable, rôle que Thoutmosis III n'aurait pu assumer en raison de son jeune âge." 90 It is also possible that once Hatshepsut had taken the decision to assume the fivefold titulary of Egypt's pharaohs—for whatever reasons prompted it in the first place—her preference to be represented as a man may have been dictated by the unprecedented situation that there was already a legitimate ruler on the throne and he was male. Ruling in female guise as a senior coregent to a crowned king was perhaps not a permanent option for iconographie or practical reasons. 91 The gradual increments in which Hatshepsut assumed her kingship must reflect an accommodation to contemporary exigencies: either political or iconographie or perhaps a combination of the two. Nor could anyone have had foreknowledge of the many years that she would yet share on the throne with her young nephew. In the course of several years, a number of avenues for asserting her authority had been explored and discarded: the traditional and understated presence—apparent already under Thutmose II—with the queenly god's wife shown as a peripheral participant in royal scenes (as at Semneh); 92 the adoption of a prenomen, used with queenly titles or costume (as at Sinai and Elkab); and then a fuller protocol, occasionally combined with kingly crowns, laying full claim to royal status but with Hatshepsut still in female form (as in the Karnak chapel and at Buhen). It was only after these expedients had been exhausted that the queen was portrayed as a male, garbed entirely in kingly regalia, with all the ritual power and status such a transformation entailed. Nonetheless, her femininity continued to be resolutely proclaimed in the inscriptions attached to her portrayals. 93 Surely never had there existed such an odd disjunction between text and representation, the two aspects of Egyptian monumental art that are intimately related in both spatial and syntactic terms. The date at which the change to masculine form occurred remains uncertain, for the evidence of the year 7 regnal date applies only to the ap-

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pearance of royal names for Hatshepsut. There is only one dated relief in which a male Hatshepsut is represented—the throne scene of year 9 at Deir el Bahri marking the return of the Punt expedition—but the carving of the scene was accomplished at an even later time, when the mortuary temple was being decorated. The final change to male form cannot have been long delayed, since the ambitious building programs undertaken by Hatshepsut at Karnak and Luxor, Deir el-Bahari and the Valley of the Kings, the Speos Artemidos, and Medinet Habu would have taken considerable time to complete, and by the time they were being decorated the epiphany of the male pharaoh Hatshepsut had been fully achieved. As the Karnak chapel shows, an effort was made to masculinize certain of her female figures, but in other instances the effort was not made at all. 94 Throughout the first several years of Thutmose I l l s reign there are constant indications that it was his stepmother and aunt who effectively governed or at least made important decisions that were promulgated in the name of the king. 95 It is impossible to guess precisely what part Thutmose III played in such affairs as the construction of temples, the dedication of statues, land grants to worthy officials, the appointment of viziers, the commissioning of mining expeditions, and the quarrying of obelisks, or whether he was simply far too young to claim a role. But it is clear from contemporary records that effective control rested in Hatshepsut s hands from the moment of her husbands death. Accordingly, the early monuments of the early reign of Thutmose III reflect not a sudden seizure of power by the queen but rather a deliberate and purposeful search for an appropriate iconography with which to exercise that power. 96

T H E F R A G I L E E T I Q U E T T E OF

COREGENCY

Because Hatshepsut wielded real power from the beginning of her nephew s reign and acquired regal titles and kingly iconography only in a gradual process, the question of her precise accession or coronation date is to some extent moot. Her accession date is best described as the day on which her de jure iconography caught up with her de facto authority. In purely functional terms, it changed nothing—certainly not the dating system by which all events in the kingdom were recorded. Chappaz has already pointed out that for the entire period in which she exercised power there are no documents directly dated to Hatshepsut. 97 Completely lacking from the record are inscriptions that begin with a regnal year followed immediately by the standard phrase "under the majesty of (king) Hatshepsut," one of the undoubted prerogatives of kingship. 98 By contrast, several are dated jointly to both coregents and even more to Thut-

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mose III alone. Joint dates appear more frequently in rock graffiti and on a single stela from Sinai (fig. 2.4); those in the sole name of Thutmose III include five regnal years that span the duration of the coregency: 13, 16, 18, 20, and 2 1 . " Clearly there was no hesitancy in ascribing dates to both of the ruling monarchs together or solely to the younger coregent. 100 The curious lack of regnal years attributed solely to Hatshepsut may be due to the vagaries of preservation; alternatively, dating to the older coregent was perhaps intentionally avoided. In any case, the known dates that can be associated with Hatshepsut alone are contained in just three texts: regnal year 9 occurs in the Punt reliefs at Deir el-Bahari, announcing the return of the expedition, in a narrative placed in front of the royal dais; 1 0 1 years 15 and 16 are mentioned in a passage that describes the length of time required to quarry a pair of obelisks for Hatshepsut at Aswan; 1 0 2 and year 17 appears in a fragmentary inscription at Karnak placed after the titulary of Hatshepsut. 1 0 3 A fourth occurrence of a regnal date is an anomaly: a stela at Sinai bears the figures of princess Neferura and Senenmut, as well as the year date 11, which is placed in the lunette above the scene, without any royal name attached. 104 Although this document has in the past been put forward as providing a unique regnal date with political significance for Neferura, 1 0 5 it is merely a reference to the eleventh year of the coregency with a discreet omission of the royal names. The general avoidance of attaching a specific regnal date to Hatshepsut alone, noticeable even on the monuments for which she took primary responsibility, is part and parcel of the etiquette of coregency that Hatshepsut devised in order to bring historical reality into concord with her ideological claims. It has been argued that Hatshepsut selected a particular dating scheme to reflect the new emphasis on her hereditary legitimacy; for example, that she "dated her reign" from the death of Thutmose II, so as to "define the nature of her claim to the royal dignity as something she had been entitled to by rightful succession;" 106 or that she "theoretically" dated her reign from the death of her father, portraying herself as the legitimate heir of both Thutmose I and queen Ahmose. 1 0 7 But none of the dates from the entire period of the coregency reflects a deliberate strategy on the part of Hatshepsut. Her regnal years simply conformed to those of Thutmose III, an expedient that had less to do with an ideological program of her own than with the necessity of maintaining the current system of dating. 108 To be sure, an ideological program was critical to the position in which she found herself.The basis for Hatshepsuts regency vis-à-visThutmose III had been her marriage with Thutmose II and her status as chief queen. But now portrayed as a masculine king—even if still referred to in the feminine gender—Hatshepsut could no longer claim royal authority through her de-

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ceased husband, and she shed her last associations with Thutmose IL Her new claim to legitimacy was the most conservative imaginable and derived from hereditary circumstances that governed all normal successions to the Egyptian throne: she was the eldest surviving heir of Thutmose L Couched in mythological terms, it is this filial relationship that is emphasized on all the great monuments completed during her last years. The divine birth reliefs at her temple at Deir el-Bahari recount the story of the divine impregnation of queen Ahmose by Amun, disguised as Thutmose I ; 1 0 9 the "Légende de la Jeunesse" text at Deir el-Bahari describes her formal designation by Thutmose I as future monarch of E g y p t ; 1 1 0 her obelisks at Karnak extol her filial piety; 1 1 1 her mortuary temple incorporated an offering chapel for Thutmose I; and her tomb in the Valley of the Kings was furnished with a quartzite sarcophagus altered to receive his mummy. 1 1 2 Hatshepsuts mother, Ahmose, was honored as well, not only as the human focus of the divine birth reliefs but on smaller stelae, where she occasionally appears on a seemingly equal footing with Hatshepsut. 1 1 3 Thus, ideology was deliberately employed to support the fragile etiquette of coregency and to obscure the fundamental contradiction of her kingship: although she presented herself as the heir of Thutmose I, her joint rule with Thutmose III began only with the death of Thutmose II. The "Légende de la Jeunesse" belongs to the same mythico-religious topos as the divine impregnation of queen Ahmose, and there is little to be gained in suggesting a factual basis for either event, although the former text has been mined for nuggets of historical truth. The crux of the "Légende" is the coronation of Hatshepsut and the formulation of the five parts of her titulary, which are specifically decreed in the presence of her father. Even without the mythological setting of the ennead in attendance, the event is patently nonhistorical and was understood as such by Hatshepsuts contemp o r a r i e s . ^ T h e date on which the supposed coronation took place is given as I 3h.t I, corresponding to civil New Years Day, the day on which all new regnal years commenced during the Middle Kingdom; it is, however, both symbolic and archaic in nature and therefore suspect as a true date. 1 1 5 An historical accession on 1 3h.t i, even if placed during the reign of Thutmose III, is contradicted by Hatshepsuts own obelisk text at Karnak, describing the quarrying of a pair of obelisks in years 15 and 16, in which the year date changes between z pr.t 1 and 4 šmw 30, a gap that accommodates Thutmose I l l s own accession but not New Years D a y . 1 1 6 Hatshepsut evidently recorded several occasions on which she was proclaimed, when still a princess or queen, as the future monarch in ceremonies that sound very much like formal installations and presage the tenor of the coronation inscription of Thutmose III. One such proclamation is found on

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a block from the chapelle rouge at Karnak, which recounts a festival procession at the temple of Luxor. Year 2, pr.t 29, the third day of the festival of Amun, being the ordination of the Two Lands for me in the broad hall of Southern Opet, while his majesty (Amun) delivered an oracle in the presence of this good god. M y father appeared in his beautiful festival: Amun, chief of the gods. Then he seized my majesty [at the sta]tions of the beneficent king, multiplying the oracles for me in the face of the entire land. 1 1 7 The date, once argued by Schott to represent Hatshepsut s actual accession in the second year of Tuthmois I I I , 1 1 8 is now generally recognized as an account of an oracle purported to have taken place in the reign of one of her predecessors. 119 But whether such accounts reflect a strict or slightly altered historical reality is beside the point: in light of the oracles that Hatshepsut later broadcast, foretelling her accession to the throne and the declaration of the five portions of her titulary, it is not impossible that she staged a coronation for herself that signaled the beginning of her (male) kingship. For, while accession days (and thus regnal years) during the New Kingdom invariably coincided with the day after the death of the previous king, kingly regalia was not immediately bestowed. 120 Coronations were held at a later date and could be arranged to coincide with significant festal events, as with Horemheb and his installation during the festival of Opet. 1 2 1 There may have been some initial uncertainty regarding the effectiveness of this fragile etiquette of coregency; there is evidence that Hatshepsut inserted her name on buildings that had already been initiated in the name of Thutmose III. The peripteral temple dedicated to Amun-Re-Kamutef just outside the precinct of Mut at Karnak yielded foundation deposits in the name of Thutmose III alone, but the walls had been adorned with friezes containing the distinctive rebus of Mf.t-kj-r;122 her name was also carved on a door lintel, and on an upper door socket as well. The excavator, Ricke, concluded that the shrine had been begun by Thutmose III but finished during the coregency. 123 Some usurpation of cartouches has been noted at Karnak, 1 2 4 but a general surcharging of cartouches is not widespread, nor was Thutmose III systematically excluded from royal reliefs in general. Over the next ten to twelve years all major construction was initiated and largely completed by Hatshepsut, who always appears as the central figure in the decorated reliefs. Particular monuments, such as the Karnak obelisks between Pylons I V and V and her small limestone Karnak chapel, were dedicated in her name alone, but the great construction projects generally in-

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eluded representations of her younger coregent as well, to be sure in a subsidiary position and less frequently than she, but nonetheless partaking in public processions and religious ceremonies. It is impossible to assess Thutmose I l l s own attitude at the time regarding his relegation to a subsidiary role in these reliefs. In the case of the chapelle rouge, which contained Hatshepsuts own propagandizing version of her divine selection as future king of Egypt, Thutmose simply claimed it as his own in later years, omitting any mention of his former coregent. 125 As with the first years of his reign, it is difficult to assess what role Thutmose III played during the declared kingship of Hatshepsut. If assessments of his age are realistic, he could have been as young as two or three at his fathers death and only nine or ten in his seventh regnal year—certainly not an age when he would be taking a predominant role in state affairs in any case. Seen in this light, the major projects initiated by Hatshepsut, such as expanding the temple of Amun and providing for her own (and her fathers) burial on the west bank, were indeed primarily hers. His inclusion in ritual scenes may be seen as a mere courtesy, even by the time these buildings were being decorated, when Thutmose could have been nineteen or twenty. Hatshepsut s temples were in fact to alter the religious topography on both banks of the Nile at Thebes: a suite of rooms built inside the pylons of her father, expanding the core of the Middle Kingdom temple at Karnak (the so-called palais de maat); 1 2 6 the chapelle rouge; 1 2 7 the Eighth Pylon, which provides a monumental facade for the southern processional route to the temple of Luxor; 1 2 8 a series of bark shrines lining the road to Luxor; 1 2 9 the expansion of the small temple of Amun at Medinet H a b u ; 1 3 0 a magnificent mortuary temple that crowned the rocky bay of Deir el-Bahari; and a royal tomb in the Valley of the Kings. 1 3 1 Except for the tomb itself, Thutmose III was excluded from none of these religious monuments. But aside from his occasional presence in temple reliefs and the occurrence of his name in graffiti in Nubia, which may signify his presence on military campaigns (for which see chapter 9 in this volume), little may be deduced concerning his active role in governance during the years of Hatshepsuts kingship.

T H E E N D OF T H E

COREGENCY

The congruence of several dated texts apparently indicates the end of the coregency in regnal year zz, although there is no certain indication of Hatshepsuts demise at any specific time. A stela at Serabit el-Khadim, dedicated by the scribe Nakht and dated to year zo, depicts Hatshepsut making an offering together with her coregent; her cartouche is followed by the epithet di

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c

nh d.t (fig. 2.4). 1 3 2 The campaign annals of Thutmose III begin toward the end of regnal year 22 and attest to a burst of foreign military activity, corresponding rather well to the twenty-one years and nine months ascribed by Manetho to king Amessis, described as the sister of one "Amenôphis." 133 The stela of Thutmose III from Armant refers to itself as a "collection of deeds of valor and victory" and commences with a date of regnal year 22, second month of pr.t, day 10, remarkably close to Manetho s calculation. 134 The presumed death of Hatshepsut in year 22 is therefore generally accepted by historians. Because her name was expunged from the king lists that have been preserved to the present day, Manetho s apparently accurate recognition of her reign must derive from some source other than the king list traditions available to modern historians. While attempts have been made to explain the derivation of the name Amessis from those monuments of hers that may have been accessible in the Late Period, 1 3 5 the source of the precise regnal span—measured in years and months—provided by Manetho remains a mystery. It has also been hypothesized that Hatshepsut did not actually die in year 22 but may have simply handed over the reins of power to her now fully mature nephew and stepson and continued to live on for years, retired from governmental responsibilities. 136 Evidence either for or against such an idea is lacking; its strongest appeal is purely an interpretive one. That is, if Hatshepsut survived another two decades after her supposed abdication in year 22, the commencement of her official proscription beginning in or after year 42 would coincide with her demise, and the timing for her posthumous persecution would be neatly explained. 137 But there is simply no compelling reason to assume that Hatshepsuts disappearance from the throne in regnal year 22 does not coincide with her death or that her proscription two decades later could not have been initiated for reasons other than her immediate demise. A different assessment is perhaps in order. Although Hatshepsut has been regarded as a usurper of the Egyptian throne, seizing power with the connivance of a partisan faction of officials and suffering a posthumous oblivion for her temerity, the evidence of contemporary monuments suggests that she played a rather different role, as one who spread an unorthodox mantle of coregency over the kingship to ensure the succession of a young pharaoh. Her greatest contribution may indeed have been to guarantee the stability of the first decades of the reign of Thutmose III, opening the way to an additional thirty-two years of sole rule for her nephew and stepson, distinguished by the military campaigns and domestic prosperity for which later generations would justly honor him.

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1. For the operations of Thutmose I and his predecessors in Asia, see Redford (1992) 148—54. For the nature of the Egyptian empire in Asia, see Kemp (1978a) 43—57; Frandsen (1979) 174-90. 2. For a convenient summary of the cultural basis of the Hyksos settlement at Tell elDab'a, with further references, see Bietak (1991) 27—72; and idem (1996). 3. The Kurguz inscription of Thutmose I, dated to year 2, marks the southernmost penetration of Egyptian armies; see Vandersleyen (1995a) 255—56. For recent epigraphic work on the inscription, see Davies 2001; idem 2003a; and idem 2003b; the author is grateful to Dr. Davies for drawing his attention to the last two references. The Egptianization of the Nilotic Nubian peoples is outlined in Kemp (1978a) 34—43. Kurguz perhaps marks the terminus of a land route from Korosko rather than the extent of riverine domination; see Morkot (1987) 31; and idem 1991.The northern and southern limits of conquest under Thutmose I were to acquire cosmic reference, for which see Liverani (1990) 59—62. 4. The architect Ineni s description of the construction of the royal tomb ( Urk. IV57.3—5) implies a site removed from public notice, typical of locations in the valley favored by early kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty. For the suggestion that Hatshepsut s tomb ( K V 20) was originally the one excavated by Ineni and later expanded, see Romer (1974) 119—33. For a rejoinder based on tomb typology, see Altenmüller (1983) 25—38. 5. For the possible length of the reign, see the discussion in von Beckerath (1994) no—12. 6. Amenmose s name appears in a cartouche on a naos dated to the fourth regnal year of Thutmose I (Zivie [1976] 52—55, pi. 4). For the Theban mortuary chapel of Wadjmose, see P M 2 , 444—46; Lecuyot and Loyrette (1995) 85—93; anc ^ idem (1996) in—22. The reverence accorded to the princes in later reigns is evident on the stela of Senimose, C G 34016, in Lacau (1909) 32—36, pi. 10, and in their inclusion on such ancestor lists as that of Khabekhnet, owner of Theban tomb 2, for which see Berlin Museum (1924) 190—92; and KRI 3:806—7. 7. The age of Thutmose II has been debated in recent years, but the general consensus supports a youthful one. Gabolde (1987: 61—62) suggests that the king was twelve or thirteen years old on his accession, based on the length of the reign of Thutmose I, the biography of Ineni (for which see the subsequent discussion) and the Nubian campaign stela of Thutmose Us first regnal year, which makes clear that the king did not accompany his army into the field. Chappaz (1993: 88—91) is essentially in agreement but points out that Thutmose Us mother, Mutnofret, though only a secondary wife, may have been married to Thutmose I prior to his marriage with Ahmose and could therefore have borne Thutmose II before his fathers accession. For the view that Thutmose I did not marry Ahmose before his accession, see Schmitz (1978) 216—20; Robins (1990) 216; and Bierbrier (1995) 15—19. As a possible reflection on the youth of Thutmose II, the great king s wife Ahmose is a prominent presence on royal monuments of his reign, though she was not the kings mother; see her portrayal on Berlin stela 15699 in Wildung (1974) 255—68. The authenticity of the stela, however, has recently been called into question by Krauss and Goedicke (1998: 203—20), a reference brought to the author s notice by Luc Gabolde. The author would like to thank Dr. Gabolde profusely for a most attentive reading of a final draft of this chapter and for his numerous thoughtful suggestions and comments, not all of which could be incorporated here. 8. The question of the age of Hatshepsut turns largely on her mothers titles, for queen Ahmose is known only as sn.t-nsw.t, hm.t-nsw.t (yor.t)} and mw.t-nsw.t, the last title acquired only after Hatshepsuts own accession. If Ahmose had been the sister or daughter of Amenhotep

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I—providing a dynastic link to the first two kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty—she should also have carried the title s3.t~nsw.t} but this seems not to have been the case; see Robins (1990) 216. If Ahmose derived the sn.t~nsw.t title by marrying her brother, Thutmose I, only after his accession, mimicking the contemporary royal custom of brother-sister unions, Bierbrier (1995: 15—16) points out that Hatshepsut, as an offspring of this marriage, could have been no older than twelve or thirteen when her father died. A longer reign for Thutmose I would permit a greater age for Hatshepsut, as would a different assessment of queen Ahmose s titles, allowing Hatshepsut to be born prior to her fathers accession, a possibility suggested by Schmitz (1978: 217, n. 6). 9. See the Nubian campaign stela referred to in n. 7 in this chapter; and Urk. IY137—41. For the suggestion that the rebellion was an opportune response to the death of Thutmose I, see Morkot (1987) 32. 10. Gabolde (1993) 1—82. For the posthumous placement of the obelisks of Thutmose II in the center of the court, see idem (1982—85) 143—58. 11. Urk. IV53—62. F ° r th e biographical text as it is preserved now, see Dziobek (1992) 44—54, pis. 34c and 42. For the archaic use of the phrase "royal repast" and its ritual implications, see Dorman (1994) 463—66. 12. Recent proposals for the length of the reign of Thutmose II suggest either three years, based primarily on contemporary evidence, or thirteen years, by incorporating other historical traditions such as Manetho, as well as the periodicity of jubilees during the New Kingdom. The arguments rest largely on the projected ages of the kings involved, the age at which they were able to conceive children, and the biographies of their private officials, criteria that may be assessed in different ways. Solely for the purposes of this chapter, a short reign is assumed. For recent treatments, see von Beckerath (1994) in, with the references listed in n. 709; and Chappaz (1993) 90. For the problems regarding the identity of the royal mummy labeled in antiquity as that of Thutmose II, see Wente and Harris (1992) 9—10. 13. If one or both members of the royal couple had just reached sexual maturity at the time of Thutmose Us accession (see nn. 7 and 8 in this chapter), Neferura could not have been much older than two at her father s death, assuming a short reign of three years; her age could be increased by accepting a longer reign for Thutmose II (see n. 12 in this chapter). 14. The probable youth of Thutmose II at his accession and the brevity of his rule—if the short reign is accepted—would together rule out an age for Thutmose III of more than a year or two. The age at death of Thutmose III has been estimated at thirty-five to forty years from the royal mummy identified as his; see Harris and Wente (1980) 210—11. The king, however, is known to have ruled into his fifty-fourth regnal year, and his eldest son, Amenemhat, is mentioned no earlier than year 23 (247), facts that also speak for his accession to the throne at an early age, estimated by Harris and Wente at between two and thirteen years (247; see also Wente and Harris [1992] 11 and passim). Even arguing for a thirteen-year reign for Thutmose II, von Beckerath (1994:112) proposes that Thutmose III was only five or six years old at his accession. 15. Hatshepsuts rise to royal power has been variously imputed to a lust for power, a disregard for her nephews legitimate rights, an inordinately strong character, and the support of a powerful coterie of male partisans. The historiographie basis for this imputation derives from the Thronwirren theories originated by Sethe in 1896 (and defended one last time in Sethe [1932], no. 4). While the methodological rebuttal to Sethe s reconstruction of history was conclusively made by Edgerton (1933) sixty-five years ago, the objective reassessment of Hatshepsut s role during the reign of Thutmose III has lagged far behind. For a consideration of modern historical interpretations of the period, see Dorman (1988) 2—16. 16. Urk. IV58.12—60.11; cf. Dziobek (1992), pi. 34c. The inscription terminates with a se-

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ries of Hatshepsuts benefactions to Ineni, and while these are phrased as a series of sâm.n.f forms they are as likely to be placed chronologically prior to the death of Thutmose IL 17. One may well wonder how old Hatshepsut was at this juncture. If Hatshepsut were only twelve or thirteen at her father s death (perhaps barely able to bear children), she would have been only fifteen or sixteen at her husbands demise (assuming a short reign of three years)—hardly capable of the decisive acts of governance implied by Ineni. But a long reign of thirteen years for Thutmose II would add another decade to her age, alleviating this difficulty to some degree; see also the arguments presented at the end of n. 8 in this chapter. 18. Thutmose II (and doubtless his father, had this portion been preserved) is referred to in this biography only by his prenomen. It might be suggested that the lack of a definite mention by Ineni of the new king s name was due neither to intentional disrespect nor to the nascent power of Hatshepsut but to the fact that the text was carved in Inenis tomb before Thutmose III had acquired a prenomen of his own, that is, before his formal coronation. 19. Urk. IV180—91. Located on Pylon V I I at Karnak, the inscription makes reference to the eighth campaign of year 33 as well as the doorways of the hall of Annals, a structure that itself contains records of the campaigns down to year 42. For the suggestion that the use of the verb sr} "to proclaim, ordain, foretell," in this text hints at a "corégence plus ou moins fictive" between Thutmose III and his father, see Cannuyer (1990) 105—9. F ° r a broader interpretation of sr and its uses in this text and on the chapelle rouge, see Dorman (1988) 27—28. 20. For the probable youth of Thutmose III at his accession, see n. 14 in this chapter; and, in particular, Gabolde (1987) 72—73; von Beckerath (1990) 70—71; and Chappaz (1993) 88—91. 21. The first queens of the New Kingdom—Tetisheri, Ahhotep (I), Ahmose-Nefertari, and Ahmose—seem to have been especially prominent during the reigns of their sons or honored after their deaths; see, conveniently, Troy (1986) 140—43. 22. This would be the case if she were born before the accession of her father or if Thutmose II is accorded a long reign of thirteen years; see n. 17 in this chapter. 23. Murnane (1977a: 33) states that "from the beginning, then, Hatshepsut ruled Egypt in all but name."The contrast in roles is even expressed syntactically in Inenis biography: the stative form is used for Thutmose III, while the progressive hr + infinitive is employed for Hatshepsut. 24. Firth and Quibell (1935) 80 (D). 25. P M 7:145—50. See Caminos (1998). I am most grateful to Mr. T.G.H. James for his kindness in allowing me to peruse portions of the work when it was still in manuscript form. 26. Although the name has virtually disappeared, a bit of the crest on the nh bird of "Nehy" was confirmed by both Caminos and Säve-Söderbergh (Caminos [1998] 44, n. 2; cf. pl. 25, col. 2). The suggestion of Gauthier (1921:187—88) that the name of the earlier viceroy Seni in this location should be restored must therefore be rejected. This does, however, raise questions of succession among the viceroys of Kush, since Nehy is otherwise known only after year 23 of Thutmose III and another office holder, Amen-em-nekhu, appears in year 18; for the latter, see Hintze and Reinecke (1989) 1:90, 2: pl. 122. For a recent summary of the viceroys under Thutmose III, see Dziobek (1993) 29—32. 27. Urk. IV193—96; cf. Caminos (1998), pi. 25. 28. Urk. IV194.15. 29. This scene is reproduced in LD 3, pis. 52b and 53, but these early drawings do not indicate the trace lines documented by Caminos. 30. Caminos (1998), pi. 38. 31. These two obscured lines are not recorded in LD 3, pi. 52b; they are located immediately to the left of the scene as recorded by Lepsius.

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32. Caminos (1998), pl. 38. 33. Urk. IV201—2, where several words have been omitted; cf. Caminos (1998), pi. 42. In LD 3, pi. 53, a male royal figure is restored in the erased area, but no trace of such a figure was substantiated during Caminos s epigraphic work. 34. Caminos (1998) 44. 35. Another year date that has in the past been claimed for the early reign of Thutmose III appears on one of the blocks of the chapelle rouge, erected by Hatshepsut in year 2, 2 pr.t 29, which would fall just nineteen months after his accession. This document is discussed in the subsequent text. 36. P M II 2 , 17; Christophe (1951) 86—89, pi* x5* F ° r commentary on the stela, see Helck (i960) 23—34; Murnane (1977a) 35—36; Meyer (1982a) 150—56; Dorman (1988) 29—31; and von Beckerath (1990) 72—73. 37. For year 4, see Christophe (1951) 87; and Helck (i960) 24.Tefnin (1973: 236) reads the regnal year as 12; Brovarksi (1976: 67, n. 12) suggests a reading of year 3. 38. The import of this phrase is that the king did not hesitate for a moment in granting the wish. The following speech is a literal rendition of the petition, placed in the mouth of Senenmut. 39. Helck (1983c) 122. 40. Ibid., 123. 41. The recutting was noted by Christophe (1951: 86), but it was ascribed incorrectly to the Kushite period. 42. For this and the following quotes, see Helck (1983c) 125—26. 43. Perhaps because of its obscure location, the prenomen of Hatshepsut on the side of the stela was overlooked during the general erasure of her name after her death, whether or not the prenomina on the face of the stela were altered. 44. Dorman (1991) 161. 45. See Helck (1958) 362; and Meyer (1982a) 154 and 277. For the possibility that the title predates Hatshepsuts acquisition of royal titles, see Dorman (1988) 119—20. 46. This is true regardless of the accepted reading of the regnal year date. Those who understand the year date as 4, of course, suppose that Hatshepsut was already king by this time; see Meyer (1982a) 150ff; and Vandersleyen (1995a) 274. Wysocki s suggestion (1986: 213—28) that Thutmose II was the founder of Dsr-dsr. %v must be treated as tentative until more definitive evidence is found. 47. This is not to say that the stela was reinscribed at a later date, with Hatshepsuts donation tacked on as an afterthought—there is no reason to suppose that the entire composition of the stela, as it now stands, was determined from the first. The use of the edges of stelae to continue long texts is uncommon but not unattested; for examples, see Murnane (1977a) 35, n. 12. 48. On this and other considerations, see ibid., 35—36. The gateway next to which the stela still lies is ascribed in P M II 2 , 16, to Thutmose I and was then reused by Amenhotep II, but the structure seems to have been built by Hatshepsut during her kingship, with her name replaced by that of her father after her death; see Van Sielen (1984b) 83. 49. Another fascinating fact is the mention of several aurouras of land given to Senenmut as a reward when Thutmose III was an hipw, a term generally understood to refer to a young person who has not yet reached maturity. Von Beckerath (1990: 72) asserts that "so liegt bei dem Wort jnpw 'königliches (göttliches) Kind* der Nachdruck mehr auf 'königlich' als auf 'Kind'" and that at the time of the grant Thutmose was on the throne but officially still a minor. For the suggestion that the term has no intrinsic age implication at all but refers,

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retrospectively, to royal heirs before they acceded to the throne, see Vandersleyen (1992) 563—66. Such an interpretation does not easily square with the youthful age estimates for Thutmose III, for which see n. 14 in this chapter. In the case of the Senenmut donation stela, one wonders whether Thutmose III, during his father s lifetime, would have had the power to reward officials with land grants or could even have been old enough to do so. 50. Helck (1955b) in—15. 51. Dziobek (1994) 73—77, pis. 17—19, 42—43, 81—82. 52. Dorman (1988) 33—34. 53. A perverse uncertainty surrounds the installation accounts of Useramun, like so much else from these early years. Surely in year 5 Hatshepsut would in any case have been very much involved in the decision regarding a new vizier, whether in her role as queen regent or as newly crowned king. Her name may have been intentionally omitted in the tomb inscription (or replaced by that of Thutmose III) simply because she was deceased. But if Useramuns appointment was proclaimed after Hatshepsut took on royal titles and in the name of both coregents why should so much fulsome praise be heaped, in both the monumental and literary versions, on the unique role of Thutmose III long after the fact? Or was Useramuns installation worthy of such remarkable notice precisely because the appointment had been made in Thutmose s sole name, so that the viziers many years of excellent service would have been seen, after Hatshepsuts death, as validating the young ruler s prescient choice? Such reasoning would favor a kingship for Hatshepsut beginning after year 5. Vandersleyen, who leans toward an early kingship for Hatshepsut beginning around year 3 (1995a: 275), asserts that "le fait qu en Tan 5 Touthmosis III ait présidé à l'intronisation du vizir Amenouser ne prouve rien puisque, pendant toute la coregence, Touthmosis III agira souvent tout à fait indépendamment de la reine" (274). In fact, very little is known about Thutmose Ills ability or freedom to make unilateral decisions during the coregency, particularly during the earliest years, when he was likely very young. 54. Gardiner, Peet, and Í erny (1952—55), nos. 175 and 176, pis. 56 and 57. For these stelae, see the discussions in Murnane (1977a) 36; and Dorman (1988) 32. 55. Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny (1952—55), no. 180, pi. 61. The regnal year is given in terms of Thutmose III, but is mentioned on one side. 56. Uniquely, on one stela Neferura appears with Senenmut in the absence of any king (see the subsequent discussion of dated documents of the coregency and for another stela in which Hatshepsut appears alone dressed in the costume of gods wife). 57. Dreyer (1984) 489—99; Dorman (1988) 42—43; Vandersleyen (1995a) 272. The statue is Aswan Museum no. 1086. For a dating of this statue to king Ahmose based on stylistic criteria, see Lindblad (1988) 197—201. 58. This follows the suggestion of Dreyer (1984: 491—92). 59. Ibid., 492. Although it is generally assumed that Thutmose II was not posthumously honored by Hatshepsut after her assumption of the throne, Gabolde has pointed out to the author that he is in fact memorialized by king Hatshepsut at least once in the Deir el-Bahari sanctuary (Naville [1906], pi. 144), as well as in his own memorial temple, the walls of which are adorned with the familiar Hatshepsut rebus frieze; see Laboury (1998a) 495, n. 1361. For the traditional observation of the jubilee during the New Kingdom, see Hornung and Staehelin (1974) 30—40, 51—65; and Wente and Van Sielen (1976) 219—23. 60. The statue is British Museum 1513; for the text, see British Museum (1914) 9, pL 29; and Dorman (1988) 116—18, 189. Of Senenmuts numerous monuments, not a single one can be dated with any certainty to the reign of Thutmose II (see Meyer [1982a: 275]), and the strong presumption is that his earliest statues belong to the regency period during the first years of Thutmose III.

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61. British Museum (1914), pL 29. 62. Ibid. For the orthography of the third-person feminine pronouns in this text, see Meyer (1982a) 113, n. 1. 63. Habachi (1957) 92—96; Meyer (1982a) 129—31; Dorman (1988) 115—16,198—99 (where it is referred to inaccurately as the "Sehel graffito"). 64. This thesis has been persuasively proposed by Gabolde (1987: 143—58), especially in n. 9 on 149. The time lapse involved in their erection was long enough that Hatshepsut must have assumed the throne before they were inscribed. The two granite shafts were dedicated by her to her father, and her cartouches were later surcharged by Thutmose III during her proscription. The obelisks were taken down by Amenhotep III during the demolition of the festival court, and several fragments were reused in the granite bark shrine of Phillip Arrhidaeus. 65. Caminos and James (1963) 1—2. 66. Ibid., pl. 40. 67. Presumably [itny-rpr n~] hm.t~ntr} "[steward o f ] the gods wife"; whether or not Hatshepsut had ceased using the title, Senenmut was still in charge of the administration of the estate of the religious office. It is generally accepted that Hatshepsut transferred the title hm.t-ntr to her daughter, Neferura, at her accession. See Meyer (1982a) 116, with n. 7; and idem (1982b), cols. 382—83. 68. This was already noted by Caminos and James (1963: 56; cf. pl. 44). 69. Although only one foot is preserved in each scene, it is obvious from the angle of the shins and the space available in each scene that Hatshepsut was shown in a striding stance; compare in particular the close-set feet of Nekhbet. For this stance, see my subsequent discussion of the temple of Buhen. 70. This was noted by Gabolde (1990: col. 640); and Vandersleyen (1995a: 290, n. 3). 71. Lansing and Hayes (1937) sec. 2, 3—39. 72. Hayes (1942) 21, no. 62, pi. 13; idem (1957) 78—81. 73. For earlier accession dates, see Meyer (1982a) 14—27, in favor of year 2; and Vandersleyen (1995a) 275: "L'apparition d'Hatshepsout en roi aurait eu lieu à une date indéterminée, après Tan 2 de Semna et avant Tan 7, probablement dés Tan 3." 74. Urk. IV34.5—17. 75. This view is espoused by Gabolde (1987: 70). It is by no means certain, however, that the epithet m3^hrw is conclusively an indication of deceased status; see also n. 78 in this chapter. 76. For discussions on the estimated age of Ahmose-Pennekhbet at the accession of Thutmose III, see ibid.; and von Beckerath (1990) 68. 77. The peculiar combination of queens titles and the royal prenomen Mj c .i-%-r c in the text of Ahmose-Pennekhbet is unique. 78. It is difficult to believe that had Ahmose-Pennekhbet recorded his biography after the death of Hatshepsut and Neferura he would have gone to such pains to re-create titles that had pertinence for the two royal women only during a remote crux in their lifetimes. The "repetition of favors" phrase is strikingly reminiscent of the phrases used by Ineni to describe the kindnesses, couched in general terms, shown him by the gods wife Hatshepsut while she was still very much alive. 79. Gardiner, Peet, and Í erny (1952—55), pi. 56, no. 177. See also Dorman (1988) 32, n. 76; and Gabolde and Rondot (1996) 214, n. 90. 80. The signs of Hatshepsuts titulary are more cramped than the other texts of the stela, and it is uncertain what appeared above the nsw.t-bity title, which should have preceded the prenomen. While such orthographic oddities may suggest recutting or a later addition of ti-

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ties, it is also possible that the figures on this provincial stela received priority in carving, while the inscriptions were added around them as space was available. 81. Chevrier (1934) 172, pi. 4. 82. Although the scene to the left is no longer extant, the probability of an identical pendant scene of Hatshepsut is strong; the end of a shoulder and upper tip of a rear plume are visible at the edge of the break. To this phase of female kingship belongs the Metropolitan Museum of Art statue 30.3.3 (Tefnin 1979, 2—6, pi. Ia), which depicts Hatshepsut as a woman wearing a khat headdress and proclaims her full kingly titulary. 83. Gabolde and Rondot (1996). 84. Ibid., 182. The evidence consists of a crudely recarved fan behind Hatshepsut and the adjustment of the plural strokes in the word cnh.w. The fragmentary nature of the limestone chapel and the thoroughness of the later Tuthmoside erasures make it difficult to ascertain whether the same revision was made to other scenes as well, but presumably all the female figures on the monument would have been altered to male at the same time. 85. See n. 93 in this chapter. Senenmuts Gebel el-Silsila cenotaph is one example of such a transformation, for which see n. 70 in this chapter. 86. Ibid., 206-9. 87. Caminos (1974) 77, with n. 1 and pi. 65. 88. Ibid., 85, 98—99, pis. 82 and 85; see also the important comments of Karkowski (1978: 76-81). 89. See Caminos (1974), pi. 76. The dedication by Hatshepsut of the granite statue of Thutmose II at Aswan may conceivably be as late as the date of the decoration of Buhen; see n. 57 in this chapter. 90. Chappaz (1993) 109—10, remarking on the Speos Artemidos inscription, which he suggests may refer not to the Hyksos kings, already some time distant, but perhaps to more recent events following on the death of Thutmose II, commented on only elliptically. 91. This is eloquently stated by Gabolde and Rondot (1996) 215: "La dernière phase n est qu'un ultime ajustement pour que le pharaon ait dans ses représentations l'apparence masculine depuis toujours liée à cette charge. Il se confirme ainsi, par le fait même que les pronoms sont restés féminins, que c'est la fonction royale d'Hatchepsout qui est figurée sur les reliefs (et dans la statuaire) et qu'il n'y a jamais eu la moindre intention de masquer le fait que le roi d'Egypte était une femme." By contrast, kingly crowns combined with female costume had proved sufficient for Nefrusobek of the Twelfth Dynasty, who had previously assumed pharaonic titles; see, for example, Habachi (1954) 459—60, pis, 7B and 8. The representational and textual evidence is slight for the ephemeral Nitiqret of the Sixth Dynasty; see Zivie (1982), cols. 513—14. 92. A limestone structure of Thutmose II, preserved in fragments at Karnak, depicts queen Hatshepsut in a number of scenes, even in direct contact with gods. See n. 123 in this chapter. 93. Especially noteworthy is the consistently feminine form of her five-fold kingly titulary; see Robins 1999. 94. Gabolde and Rondot (1996: 214, n. 89) suggest that at Buhen "Hatchepsout fit, à l'occasion, modifier ses représentations féminines en images masculines," but it is more likely that these changes were not initiated during her lifetime but only as part of her later proscription by Thutmose III. For example, Hatshepsuts figure in the bark sanctuary was erased, leaving nothing in its place but a recarved scepter in the hand of the deity (Caminos [1974], pi. 65, scene 74; for a similar erasure, see pi. 68, scene 77). In the inner sanctuary, another feminine figure of Hatshepsut was recarved as male, but the accompanying text was changed in toto

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(pl. 69, scene 79). The same may be deduced for a third scene, where the king s kilt intrudes into the column of inscription (pi. 77, scene 88; cf. Karkowski [1978] 79, fig. 10; and Caminos [1974], pi. 79, by inference). Such changes are more in keeping with the revisions made during Hatshepsuts proscription, incorporating not just the transformation of a female figure into a masculine one but the readjustment of the entire offering program in certain rooms, doubtless due to the methodical deletion of one of the royal participants. Gabolde and Rondot also refer to a number of blocks in storage at Karnak that provide evidence of female forms changed to masculine ones: the question remains whether the alterations were made by Hatshepsut after she assumed male form (as in her Karnak chapel) or by Thutmose III during his more extensive revision of temple scenes in the final decade of his reign (as at Buhen). 95. Vandersleyen (1995a: 272) has suggested that "elle avait dès le temps de son père la conviction que le pouvoir lui revenait de droit," but there is no evidence that she or her father made contingencies or provisions of this sort. The view that Hatshepsut "pouvait se considérer comme tel (roi) dès le moment oùTouthmosis I e r lui avait accordé cette dignité" (291) rests solely on an uncritical acceptance of Hatshepsuts own claims in the "Légende de la Jeunesse" and a literal interpretation of an event that is both retrospective and mythologized. As von Beckerath (1994: 43) notes, "daß die angebliche Krönung der Hatshepsut zur Mitregentin ihres Vaters Thutmose I. eine Fiktion war, ist heute allgemein anerkannt. Es handlelt es sich teilweise um die Abschrift des Thronbesteigungstextes eines Königs der X I I Dynastie (Krönung am Neujahrs tag)." 96. There has been a welcome reassessment of the nature of Hatshepsuts actions and motives in assuming royal titles. For example, see Teeter (1990) 4—13, 56—57; Vandersleyen (1995a) 276—77; and Chappaz (1993) 88 and 108—10. 97. Chappaz (1993) 95—96. 98. For a convenient list of all dated documents of the first twenty-two years of Thutmose I l l s reign, see ibid., 94—95. 99. These dates are contemporary with their recording; a number of others are retrospective (e.g., the year 15 renewal by Thutmose III of offerings for Amun, mentioned in his coronation inscription). 100. For possible precedent for the practice of dating to the junior coregent, see the Middle Kingdom evidence in Simpson (1956) 214—19; and the remarks of Wegner (1996) 266—70, 274—77. The application to the Hatshepsut—Thutmose III coregency is uncertain. Although Hatshepsut was the older of the pair and clearly more dominant during her lifetime, her kingship was declared later than Thutmose Ills. 101. See Naville (1898), pi. 86; and Urk. IV349-54. 102. Urk. IV364—69. 103. PM 2 :93, chapel 5; Urk. IV376; Nims (1966) 97; Dorman (1988) 47. 104. Gardiner, Peet, and Íerny (1952—55) no. 179, pi. 58. 105. See, for example, Redford (1967) 55—56; Murnane (1977a) 37—38; and Meyer (1982b), col. 382. 106. Murnane (1977a) 34. Despite indications that Hatshepsut did not entirely ignore the memory of the deceased Thutmose II (see n. 59 in this chapter), the deliberate and more widespread emphasis she placed on her direct descent from Thutmose I demonstrates that Hatshepsut was not claiming rightful succession from her husband but from her father— despite the overriding need to number regnal years from the demise of the former. 107. Wente and Van Sielen (1976) 220—21. Their assignment of a long reign of fourteen years for Thutmose II would thus lend credence to Hatshepsuts claim to a jubilee beginning in the sixteenth year of the reign of Thutmose III.

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108. The "choice" of a dating system was not one that Hatshepsut was free to make, and there is no indication that she ever varied from the system already in existence under Thutmose III. The coregency has not yielded a single double-dated inscription—a text that contains the year date of one coregent corresponding to a different regnal year for the second partner—to prove that Hatshepsut s royal authority was calculated in a manner different than that of Thutmose III. Nor is such a date to be expected. Unlike the dating system of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, in which the regnal years of the king changed invariably on civil New Years Day, 1 3h.t i (regardless of whether there was one ruler or two coregents on the throne), regnal years of the New Kingdom were computed from the exact accession day of the king and changed only on the anniversary of that accession. Unless a junior coregent acceded to the throne on the anniversary of the senior partner, there could be no uniformity in the change of regnal years, and concordant double dating would be impossible. In any case the known accession days of New Kingdom pharaohs are all different; for a convenient list, see von Beckerath (1994) 201. 109. Urk. IV216—34; Naville (1896), pis. 46—55. no. Urk. IV242—65. in. For those between Pylons I V and V see ibid., 357—71. For those erected in the festival court of Thutmose II, see Gabolde (1982—85) 143—48 (for the pair at eastern Karnak, see the references in 149, n. 6). 112. Manuelian and Loeben (1993) 121—55. On the importance of such reburial as an integral act of legitimation, see Gabolde (1989) 176—77; and M. Gabolde (1998) 267—70 and 275-76. 113. She appears this way on Berlin stela 3/71, for which see Wildung (1974) 257—59. Here Ahmose presents offerings to Hathor, "who resides in Bhd.tand behind her king r is embraced by Horus of Bhd.t, Wildung has also shown that on Berlin stela 15699 (see n. 7 in this chapter) Ahmose s titles were updated—from sn.t-nsw.t to mw.t-nsw.t—to reflect her status as a kings mother, even while the figure of Hatshepsut was allowed to remain, now anachronistically, a mere queen. 114. In view of the circumstances of her cautious accrual of royal status, it is difficult to credit the possibility that Hatshepsut, even prior to her assuming queenly titles under Thutmose II, would have been designated by Thutmose I as his sole heir during his lifetime, as Murnane (1977a: 242) seems to suggest: "[T]he nature of Hatshepsuts claim is obscure, for her 'enthronement* by Thutmose I is probably fictional and the text does not rule out that her 'Great Names' were proclaimed in anticipation of her successful takeover two decades later." Similarly, Vandersleyen (1995a: 250) writes that "ce n est pas trop rêver que d'admettre comme possible que, dans sa fragile progéniture, Thoutmosis I e r ait trouvé en Hatshepsout le seul rejeton assez solide et assez âgé pour le sortir, lui le pharaon, dans son royal isolement." This would seem to endow Thutmose I with the supernatural foresight to have envisioned the early death of his successor as well as the extreme youth of the next eligible male heir—and to have taken steps to mitigate those eventualities. 115. Urk. IV262.7—8. The format of the date is consciously archaizing, imitating the wording of annals dating back to the Old Kingdom. It would have been possible, of course, to "stage" a coronation ceremony any time after Hatshepsut assumed a full titulary, even on New Year s Day, without tampering with the current regnal dating system. 116. This was already noted by Redford (1967: 55). 117. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 96, fig. 15, and 133—35, pis. 1—6. 118. Schott (1955) 212—13. His thesis has been recently reiterated by Cannuyer (1990: 109-15).

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119. For discussions of this date, see the references in Dorman (1988) 22—28. Contra Vandersleyen (1995a) 250—51, the date is very probably to be ascribed to Thutmose II rather than his father, since the regnal date of year 2 would place it extremely early in the reign of Thutmose I, which brings into question once again the age of princess Hatshepsut (see n. 8 in this chapter). See also the remarks of Redford (1986b: 169, with n. 32), who points out that Thutmose I was in Nubia in 2 pr.t of his reign. Luc Gabolde has indicated to the author that the same suggestion is made in the Berkeley Ph.D. dissertation of Fattah M . Sabbahy (1986: 247, n. 46). 120. Barta (1980) 33—49. For the possibility of a lag between the accession and coronation of Thutmose III, see n. 18 of this chapter. 121. Gardiner (1953a) 13—31. There is no direct evidence that Hatshepsut arranged a coronation for herself, on N e w Year s Day or any other, but at least one of Senenmut s statues bears titles that suggest he assumed certain ritual roles associated with either a coronation or a jubilee; see Berlandini-Grenier (1976) in—32; and Dorman (1988) 129—33. 122. For the reading of the rebus as the prenomen of Hatshepsut, see Drioton (1938) 231-46. 123. Ricke (1954) 21, pl. 9e. 124. For example, such usurpation is found on the structure containing the limestone door lintel mentioned earlier. For other fragments from this monument, which are treated by Gabolde in his dissertation, see Vandersleyen (1995a) 265, n. 3. 125. Urk. IV167.1—9. By internal evidence this inscription dates to a time after year 42, when the proscription of Hatshepsut was probably under way and the chapelle rouge had already been dismantled. 126. Barguet (1962) 141—53. These rooms are now under study by the Centre franco-égyptien d'étude des temples de Karnak. 127. T h e chapelle rouge has been reconstructed at the Musée en plein air at Karnak. For its decoration, see Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79); for one suggestion regarding its original location and revised dimensions, see Carlotti (1995) 141—66. 128. Barguet (1962) 258—64. 129. T h e shrines are depicted in the third register on the southern exterior wall of the chapelle rouge; see Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 154—69. For reused elements of one such shrine at Luxor, see Habachi (1965) 93—97; and Bell (1997) 161—62, 159, fig. 58. 130. For the respective representations of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III in the inner chapels, see Hölscher (1939) 10—19, 46—50. 131. Hatshepsuts tomb ( K V 20) remains the earliest positively identified royal tomb in the valley; see the references in n. 4 in this chapter. For the latest commentary on the attribution of K V 20, see Vandersleyen (1995b) 22—24. 132. Gardiner, Peet, and Í e r n y (1952—55), no. 181, pi. 57. 133. Waddell (1948) 100—101. Variations on the length of the reign of Amessis (Amensis, Amersis) include twenty-two years (Africanus) and twenty-one years, one month (Theophilus). 134. M o n d and Myers (1940) 182—84, pi. 103; Urk. IV1243—47. 135. See, for example, Redford (1986b) 246—47. 136. Vandersleyen (1995a) 277—78. 137. For the date of Hatshepsut s proscription, beginning no earlier than year 42, see Dorman (1988) 46—65; and Van Sielen (1989) 85—86.

THREE

Administration in the Reign of Thutmose III B E T S Y M. B R Y A N

gyptian bureaucracy was labyrinthine, and the center of the maze was the institution of kingship. The king theoretically owned the entirety of the country, and the bureaucracy grew up as a means of collecting and redistributing the produce of Egypt on behalf of the ruler. The vizier, for example, acted in loco regis with regard to judicial, administrative, and economic matters, just as the high priests of temple cults did with regard to ritual requirements. It is often difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish between the holdings of the king and those of the state, and it may be that we should not insist on doing so too enthusiastically. Attempts to map an orderly division of state functions, those of the king personally, and those of the temples lead frequently to blind alleys. Following Martin-Pardey, in the framework given in this chapter the operations of the royal household (per nesu) will be understood as those of the state, but the reader should understand that this structure was fluid.1 It was not uncommon for the functions associated with specific titles to appear to move from one office to another, occasionally even within a single reign. The antiquity of the bureaucracy, however, and its ideological connection to the mission of the kingship—the maintenance of Maat, or divine order—helped to maintain the primary activities of the state, despite a frequent turnover in personnel.

E

There are several important themes that one may identify in examining Thutmose I l l s administration. First, we are fortunate to have the lengthy texts relating to the Installation and Duties of the Vizier from two tombs of the period—TT 131 of Useramun and T T 100 of Rekhmire—with two additional texts from T T 131 alone, representing an instruction of Aamethu for his son Useramun, as well as a text of Useramuns appointment, known also

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from a papyrus version. These inscriptions provide a framework for at least some of the country s governance and underline the powerful role of the vizier at this period. Nonetheless, these texts largely concern the vizierate and not the organization of other bureaus. Other sources must complete the picture. Second, as Dziobek has pointed out, the ruler probably needed the support of the nobility to effect the transition from the regency of Thutmose III to the coregency of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. 2 The changeover to Thutmose s sole rule could only have necessitated a similar show of solidarity from court elites. A number of major officials, such as Minnakht, overseer of the granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt; Sennefri, overseer of the seal; Aamethu and Useramun, both viziers; as well as Nehesy, Ty, Senemiah, Pahery, Ahmose-Pennekhbet, Hapuseneb, Puyemre, and Wadjetrenput, served under Hatshepsut and suffered no damage to their memories in the sole reign of Thutmose III. 3 On the contrary, powerful men such as Useramun and Minnakht bolstered their own positions as they offered their devotion to Thutmose III. Third, the more stable offices of vizier, overseer of the seal, overseer of the granaries, and high priest of Amun were supplemented and to some extent surrounded by a new class of officials who were given positions in the royal house. These were the veterans of Thutmose I l l s many military campaigns, and the officeholders ranged from a brave warrior who was made royal barber upon his return to Egypt to the great overseer of works for all the temples of Egypt, who had served with the king in Syria. These men earned their place in the administration through their personal value to the king—as friends and loyal warriors.The impact of this group of officials on the administration generally will be examined in this chapter. The structure to be followed first examines the major offices of the state, including those of the vizier, the overseer of the seal, and the overseer of the granaries. Overseers of the gold and silver houses, royal heralds, and royal messengers represent men who connected the kings domain to that of the state. They are treated here as part of the bureaucracy. The chief royal stewards, royal butler, and other palace functionaries in various positions will be treated next, followed by members of the priesthoods and large temple institutions and finally the military, including the king s son of Nubia.

F I R S T T I E R O F F I C E S OF T H E

STATE

T h e Vizierate The middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty was a period of great power for viziers, known most familiarly to us as the highest judicial authorities of the

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land.The position of chief judge was, however, only one of the viziers many duties, as we learn from the texts and scenes left to us in the two great viziers' tombs—those of Useramun ( T T 61 and 131) and Rekhmire ( T T 100). At this time there were two viziers, one for the north and one for the south. 4 The southern vizier, about whose role we are well informed, controlled the area between Assiut and Aswan, 5 while the northern vizier administered the area to the north. The vizier served as the king s representative in his house, and as such the functioning of all the departments of the royal household, the per nesu, was under his direct charge. Every official in the country could be subject to the judgment of the vizier, while he was kept informed of matters at local levels throughout his area of control. From the Duties of the Vizier we learn numerous functions of the vizier—although the interpretation of these roles remains an area of debate.6 For example, the "Duties" stated that "as for everything which enters or departs the grounds of the royal residence, it is the vizier s messenger who allows entering and departing." From the larger context we learn that the vizier was kept informed of deliveries and withdrawals at the royal house, but the exact role of the messenger remains obscure.7 The majority of the vizier s functions were judicial in some way or other. All the officials of the per nesu were subject to justice by the vizier, and bureau officials were also brought before him. Disputes regarding the high offices of mayor and estate ruler came before him, while most legal matters outside the royal house were only reported to him. Generally civil petitions (e.g., contractual disputes), were submitted to local councils, but petitions concerning land automatically found their way to the vizier. Likewise he was responsible for sealing every imyt~per; or transfer deed, himself. 8 With regard to the functioning of the land generally, the vizier appointed a magistracy that reported to him three times a year with written documents. Combined with the position of judge was the vizier s supervision of the police. He appointed the chief of police for the per nesu, while the police reported to him regularly on the security of the country. The vizier also interacted with the Great Prison, such that archives of hearings by the vizier were registered there in the event of a second offense by a convicted official. The vizier acted as a chief executive officer for the royal house, guaranteeing its secure functioning every day. In a highly ritualized ceremony, the vizier and the overseer of the seal first assured each other that the palace was in order and that all sealed facilities opened and closed on time. The vizier then informed the king of the sound condition of the country and proceeded to authorize the opening of the royal households gates so that goods might be brought in or supplies might be distributed for use elsewhere. The entrance area to the kings house (whether figurative or literal remains a ques-

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tion for us) 9 was called the "aryt, a reference to a gateway. This gate region functioned as a liminal area between the king s domain and the rest of Egypt. Here the vizier was in charge, as royal deputy. He hired and fired all the personnel of the yaryt, and he could summon mayors and local rulers there to answer inquiries. Anything offered at the yaryt was reported to him as well, and this may refer to the bringing of revenue to the royal household. The functions of the per nesu that reached outside the residence were also largely under his control. He sent messengers to mayors, sent officials on circuits, and dispatched all the royal expeditions (and works projects).The reason for this is that the vizier was truly the kings agent and, as the Duties of the Vizier states: "It is he who hears every decree [of the king]." 1 0 The royal commands were carried out through the vizier, such that he could order wood to be cut and canals to be dug and he sent local rulers to take charge of cultivation and later harvest taxation. While the vizier directly collected the revenues of the ges-per workshops (according to the herald Duawynehhe, this institution processed the grain assigned as the yearly tax for the temple of Amun by Hatshepsut), 11 the general deliveries brought back from the mayors and other local leaders were reported to him. It might be noted that in the tomb scenes of Useramun and Rekhmire the taxes of Upper Egypt are paid at the vizier s office with the official looking on. When the king traveled outside the residence, the vizier was responsible for his military escort and the security of the palace in the rulers absence. Turning now first to the southern viziers known from this era, we primarily have the witness of four tombs, those of Aamethu (83), Useramun (61 and 131), and Rekhmire (100). Although Aamethu served during the first few years of the regency, less is known of his tenure than of those of his successors. 12 Useramun received the viziership, according to one version of the "Appointment of the Vizier" text in year 5. 1 3 He replaced his father Aamethu at that time, succeeding from the office of scribe of the divine seal for the temple of Amun. Useramun successfully held the viziership well into the sole rule of Thutmose III, and although it is certain that he was still in office in year 28 there is indirect evidence that he may still have functioned in year 33, although Rekhmire is known to have been in office in year 34. 1 4 There is much to indicate that Useramun was a more powerful vizier than even his father had been—the building of two tombs with complementary decoration being one such hint. One immediately thinks in this regard of Senenmut, whose lower tomb was placed within the grounds of the queens own temple of millions of years and whose unfinished decoration included an astronomical ceiling akin to those otherwise known only from royal monuments. The upper tomb of that great steward bore elaborate painted scenes showing Senenmuts importance to the ruler. Useramun used tomb 131, with its

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pyramid superstructure, to provide a great transverse hall in which the formalities of his office and the related texts were displayed. There was no shaft. Tomb 61, on the other hand, had a long narrow corridor, where the funerary scenes were depicted, and the burial shaft descended from the court of this tomb. That burial shaft contained the only nonroyal example known in the New Kingdom of the Amduat—the funerary book composed about this time that narrates the sun god s journey through the twelve hours of the night in the underworld. Useramun placed himself, like the king, as part of the gods boat crew and partook of many divine associations as a result. In the new composition created for him, "The Teaching of Aamethu," Useramun is called "he who causes the commoner to breathe," 15 an epithet that Dziobek felt might have been somewhat expansive. Since much of the term of office for Useramun was during Hatshepsut s reign, her close compatriots, such as Senenmut and Hapuseneb, tend to overshadow our view of Useramuns role during his first years. However, by the time his tombs were built, the vizier showed himself actively receiving the imposts of all of Upper Egypt. He also appears as recipient of the revenues of the northern lands as far as the Aegean, and scenes show Minoans and Syrians in registers with their goods. Likewise the produce of the vineyards of the delta and the oases are brought before Useramun in his official capacity. 16 He also is shown inspecting the Karnak Temple storehouses and treasuries and is said to be responsible for sealing up all the precious commodities of every land. 1 7 His specific enterprises are better preserved to us from the tombs of his administrators—a demonstration in itself of his power. The scribe of the vizier Amenemhet of T T 82 detailed the works in Thebes that Useramun had accomplished up to year 28. Just as we know from the Duties of the Vizier, Amenemhet states that "the vizier Useramun made a large withdrawal from the royal house (per nesu), consisting of silver and lapis lazuli, turquoise, and every precious stone, silver and bronze vessels,... ebony and sesnedjem w o o d . . . . Vizier Useramun made numerous statues for the royal house consisting of silver, bronze, ebony . . . every excellent and hard granite . . " I 8 Amenemhet as the controller of the work continued to describe other statues, a large lake (?) west of Thebes surrounded by trees, and the royal tomb: "This noble made for him a great and very excellent tomb at the mountain (hekhen) of the sacred land, making large the writings of its walls... " I 9 Useramuns responsibility for the royal tomb explains how the distribution of texts from the Litany of Re were split between Thutmose I l l s burial chamber and Useramuns own and is likely related to his claim to the Amduat for himself as well. Useramun also appeared in his father Aamethu s tomb, in his nephew and successor Rekhmire s tomb, and in his active functioning on the stela of Senimose.

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The majority of his role, however, is conveyed in the four lengthy texts from the tomb, and we should not doubt that his duties were those already described from those texts. It may well be that, as the Speos Artemidos inscription of Hatshepsut suggests for temple restorations, the reorganization of the administration was also not complete until this time. The Duties of the Vizier suggests to us that the land had been apportioned (perhaps following Ahmose s wars of unification) and that the vizierate helped to assure that boundaries and ownership would be respected in this "New Kingdom." The mayors and rulers of estates were solidly bound to the ruler by the viziers direct control over them. N o t only did this deter corruption by regional rulers, but it may also have encouraged a connection between the palace and the provinces. Indeed, it may not be coincidence that local mayors, such as Satepihu of Thinis, Montuherkhepeshef of Qau el Kebir (Antaeopolis), Min of Thinis, and Iamnefer of Nefrusy, were active participants in the royal households of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. Min and Montuherkhepeshef were also buried in Thebes. Useramuns family consisted of his father, the vizier Aamethu; his mother, Ta-aamethu; his wife, the mistress of the house Tjuiu; and men carrying the title "son," including the scribe of the seal of the god (Useramuns earlier title) Sa-menkhet, the priest and scribe of Amun Merimaat, a priest of Amun in Djeser Djeseru Mery, a simple wab (pure) priest of Amun Amenemhet, and an untitled Userhet. Daughters, or women bearing that title, include two Ahmoses, Amenemweskhet, Amenemheb, Baket (wife of Amenemhet of T T 82), Henut, and Seniseneb. All of these are known from Gebel el-Silsila shrine 17 and most from more than one tomb. 20 The vizier Rekhmire is known to have been in office in year 34 because he is named as being responsible for grain deliveries in the account papyrus Louvre 3226 at that date. Rekhmire was apparently the nephew of Useramun and grandson of Aamethu by a certain wab priest of Amun Neferweben, such that the vizierate remained in the same family for a third generation. 21 Useramun had several sons who might have received the office, but for reasons unknown to us Rekhmire succeeded to the position. It must be said that Neferweben, as a son of Aamethu, is known only from Rekhmire s own tomb. A connection of this man with the vizier Neferweben in the north cannot be established at present, 22 and in his tomb Rekhmire took pains to represent the families of both Aamethu and Useramun as well as that of Neferweben. Rekhmire married the mistress of the house and royal ornament (a court honorific title), Meryt, and his tomb named five sons and four daughters, with six other children shown but not named. All the offspring bore titles associated with the temple of Amun at Karnak.

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The tomb of Rekhmire ( T T ioo) is a veritable treasure trove of representations regarding his office. N o t only does it contain the Duties of the Vizier and the Installation of the Vizier texts, but it preserves scenes showing the vizier supervising the payment of taxes for all of Upper Egypt, as well as the deliveries of goods from the oases and, of course, numerous foreign countries. Careful to preserve the formality of his decoration scheme, which is similar to that of Useramun, Rekhmire nonetheless showed the representatives of recently defeated city states in the Levant among the many visitors to Egypt with their gifts. By the time of Rekhmire s succession to the vizierate, Thutmose III had already had eight major campaigns in Palestine and Syria. The largest part of his Palestine campaigning was complete, while the Syrian expedition against the Mitanni vassals and ruler had begun in earnest and with results. Nonetheless, in his tomb Rekhmire used the archaizing processional scene types seen in Useramuns and Senenmut s tombs, combining the deliveries of Nubia, Punt, Retenu, and Crete, as if they had all arrived by similar means. The omission of Naharin, home to the Mitanni whom Thutmose III met in combat between years 33 and 42, is hardly coincidental, for it occurs in tombs of other contemporaries of the king. Either the tomb was decorated soon after Rekhmires appointment to the office, and the Syrian wars were still going on, or the vizier chose to depict a deliberately archaistic group of foreigners to underscore the universality of his function as recipient of revenues, foreign and domestic. That there is a mention of Amenhotep II in one corridor scene cannot date the tomb, since this was quite possibly a late addition to the completed monument. Although we know of the judicial functions of Rekhmire as Vizier, we rarely find documents that depict the exercise of those functions explicitly. Nor do we have his name on papyri or inscriptions that refer to disputes over sealed documents, as we do for Useramun from the case of Senimose (discussed later). Nonetheless, this must have been the largest part of his job. We do have him included in an account papyrus that lists grain and date deliveries over a number of years, and the cities mentioned as providing these goods are indeed among those named as paying taxes to the office of Rekhmire in his tomb. 23 The grain deliveries are noted as being made in shemu, the harvest season when taxes were paid. This papyrus thus likely does provide us a glimpse at the accounting of the Upper Egyptian imposts. Rekhmire himself was said to have "given from the great granary" large deliveries of grain (a total of 606 khar or 46,540 liters) to the two granary officials. The overseal of the seal is seen doing similarly with grain from Coptos, where he held the position of overseer of priests. What is unclear is

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whether these two high officials were providing their own personal taxes or those deriving from the offices they held. Although Useramun had been promoted from within the Karnak administration, his chief works projects did not concern that temple. Other men, about whom we will hear, were responsible for the many monuments that Hatshepsut and Thutmose III built in Ipet-Sut. Rekhmire, however, did receive the appointment as overseer of all works in the temple of Amun. In an inscription from the tomb, he is said to have "supervised all works which please the god in Karnak in his office of overseer of works." 24 On the walls of his tomb he depicted the numerous projects, large and small, that he undertook there and even showed workers speaking with one another about the tasks ahead of them. Onlookers say to the workers: "May your arms build according to the commands (hw), that we might do what this official praises, embellishing the monuments of his lord in the temple of father Amun, his name being upon it enduring and lasting for future years." The work leader replies: "The overseer of works says to the one who brings him stone: your arms are made strong according to the commands, that we might build Karnak out of stone as works which are eternal." 25 Since we know that Thutmose I l l s efforts did in many ways "build Karnak out of stone," the record of Rekhmire s tomb is all the more important to us. We must see him involved in the carving of the Annals of the king, for example, as well as the construction of Pylon VII, both of which left records of the ruler s numerous northern military expeditions. The role of overseer of works in Karnak was not one automatically associated with the vizier. However, his position as vizier would have given him access to all the royal treasuries and storehouses of the royal house, and this might have facilitated the movement of war plunder from the kings hands to the temple s. We also hear from inscriptions in tomb 100 of his "receiving carob beans and honey from the treasury of the temple in his office of chief of secrets, and sealing every precious thing in [the temple of Amun]," while he is referred to as "vizier" when "receiving the deliveries of the southern oasis and of Lower Egypt," apparently also for the temple. 26 The various titles invoked in connection with particular functions are difficult to assess. It may be suggested tentatively that Rekhmire s position as vizier did not entitle him to open and close the sealed magazines of Karnak but that he did so using the seal of the chief of secrets (hery seshta). For the movement of materials that came from the per nesu he could be responsible as vizier, but for the actual work oversight he required the overseer of works title. This last was still a royal appointment to construct monuments in the king s name and so bore more connection to Rekhmire s role as vizier. While we cannot as-

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sert a clear distinction of functions, there does appear to be a difference between the royal and temple hierarchies. Two viziers of the north are known from the reign of Thutmose III. Neferweben left a statue in the temple of Ptah as well as another that is dated by cartouche to the reign. 27 Two canopic jars of his are also identified. The provenance of the Ptah temple monument is the only evidence that Neferweben served as northern vizier. At present no tomb is known for him, nor is any further information about his length of service. The vizier Ptahmose is known from a statue from the funerary temple of Thutmose III, 2 8 a false door in Leiden, a palette, and a cubit rod. 29 The false door, part of the Anastasi collection, was collected from Saqqara, where the official must have been buried. Although the activities of these two northern viziers are unknown to us, the existence of their monuments, particularly the great false door of Ptahmose, suggests that their burials rivaled those of the southern viziers. The great residence city of Memphis may have been destroyed, but its cemeteries continue to provide us with clues as to the administrative dominance of the north. 30 This may have already been the case in the reign of Thutmose III. We note that in the reign of Hatshepsut the great Punt expedition was directed by the overseer of the seal, Nehesy, 31 whose tomb was found in Saqqara. It is thus possible that Nehesy was carrying out the mission under direct orders from a northern vizier, perhaps even Neferweben. T h e Overseer of the Seal It appears that this office, 3 2 like that of the vizier, was divided between the north and the south in the reign of Thutmose III. Although there are five men known to have held the title during the rules of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, it is not altogether clear for all of them whether they served in the north or the south. The office itself is somewhat poorly understood as a result of the preserved documentation. The overseer of the seal has traditionally been referred to as the chief treasurer, although another office entitled overseer of the gold and silver houses existed. In fact, at least through the reign of Thutmose I V the overseer of the seal, who, according to the Duties of the Vizier, opened the gold house together with the vizier every day, was very likely the direct superior of the overseer of the gold and silver houses, and he was, as his title implies, responsible for all sealed materials of the state—grain, food, produce, stone, metal, and so on. 3 3 Despite views to the contrary, 34 the overseer of the seal did possess functions that extended beyond the royal household—in parallel with those of the vizier. For example, Overseer of the Seal Sennefri informs us that in that office he was made over-

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seer of the granaries and received the grain taxes of every year.35 Further, royal expeditions were commanded by the ruler, responsible to the vizier, and directed most frequently by the overseer of the seal. The expeditions often brought back precious commodities used in building royal monuments, most frequently temples. The overseer of the seal Nehesy was ordered to send the army to Punt as a result of an oracle from Amun to Hatshepsut, and it would be difficult to see this duty as one confined to the royal household.36 Likewise, the overseer of the seal might hold judicial functions as we learn from the Mook Papyrus, dated to the reign of Thutmose I V 3 7 In that instance the overseer of the seal Sobekhotep reported before a vizier s court impaneled at the royal court. A soldier argued against the temple of Hathor at Gebelein. The challenge was to revenues due the temple and probably came to the viziers court because it concerned a land dispute (the soldier had claimed that in the reign of Thutmose III a case had disputed taxes due the temple, and he used this as a precedent). The overseer of the seal announced that the taxes due the temple had been unchanged since the time of Ahmose, and this view was upheld by the court. Although Helck argued that Sobekhotep was there on behalf of the temple, outside the purview of his office, this is not addressed by the text. The vizier s duties included the judgment of disputes such as this, and it may have been that members of his administration were consequently responsible for researching the claims brought for consideration. In any case, overseers of the seal certainly had roles outside the immediate oversight of the royal household magazines and treasuries. Within the royal household overseers of the seal were often entrusted with the tutelage of princes, and at least two of the five known had that responsibility. Ahmose, called Pennekhbet, the king s son of Elkab, buried in the reign of Thutmose III, held the title of overseer of the seal apparently into the regency of Hatshepsut.38 His tomb inscriptions focus on military exploits reaching back to the reign of Ahmose and the consequent riches he was given by several rulers. He noted, in addition, that he nursed Hatshepsuts daughter Neferura "when she was a child at the breast."39 Although he cannot be eliminated from the list, Pennekhbet s activity under Thutmose III may have been brief. Whether the office was divided between north and south at this point remains uncertain. Senenmut also held the title of overseer of the seal according to a monument dated to the regency.40 On that statue he was also identified as overseer of the audience chamber and steward for princess Neferura, a post perhaps complementary to that of Ahmose-Pennekhbet. He was also here overseer of the gold and silver houses. As Dorman has pointed out, these are largely palace appointments, and since the title of overseer of the seal only

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recurs in two verses from Senenmut s Book of the Dead texts inTheban tomb 353, his length of service in the office is unknown. It is probable that he was appointed to the position by Thutmose II or Hatshepsut as regent and stepped aside to take up his more important service as steward of Amun. The man Nehesy was overseer of the seal in the reign of Hatshepsut, specifically in year 9, when the Punt expedition took place. Here we see one of the most common roles for the official, that of expedition organizer.41 Nehesy was certainly an overseer of the seal based in the north, for his tomb was found there by Alain Zivie. 42 Nehesy probably oversaw works projects for Hatshepsut, for he left a cenotaph at the Silsila West sandstone quarries, as did many of the officials of the period. 43 Although he may have lived to the end of Hatshepsut s reign, he was perhaps replaced as overseer of the seal before that time. A man called Ty was overseer of the seal during the coregency of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III and continued into the sole rule. He is known from a graffito at Sehel, another from Serabit el-Khadim, and a letter of the overseer of works Ahmose. The graffito at Sehel refers to a Nubian rebellion during Hatshepsuts reign, and Ty reportedly witnessed the expedition.44 There are other inscriptions attesting to Nubian campaigns of the queen, and they are dated between years 12 and 18, the year zo inscription of Tombos being perhaps the latest.45 The Sehel graffito is thus likely to have come from the second decade of the reign rather than earlier. The letter preserved on a papyrus in the Louvre is written by Ahmose to the overseer of the seal Ty during the reign of Hatshepsut.46 Its content concerns a female servant whom Ahmose wished to be returned to him. Since Ahmose complained that the girl had been given to someone else and he appealed to the overseer of the seal, it may be that the servant had been conscripted as part of a works project. However, we see here only a sideways glance into the activities of the officials in question, although Ty s presence in Thebes during this period is confirmed. In year z5 Ty left a lengthy inscription in the Sinai in praise of Thutmose III, and he was shown standing behind the king, who offered to Hathor. 47 Accompanying this text was one by the royal messenger Si-Montu, who claimed that the king had sent him at the head of the expedition to bring back large amounts of turquoise. He had indeed done so. Whether the overseer of the seal Ty was actually part of this expedition or, as is more likely, directly responsible for it is uncertain. Nonetheless, we can confirm that he was in office at least until year 25, perhaps following Nehesy in the northern position. The best-documented overseer of the seal for this period is Sennefri, owner of Theban tomb 99. Sennefri held office in the south and began his

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tenure in the coregency period, for Hatsepsut s name was on his cenotaph at SilsilaWest but was later changed to that of Thutmose III. 4 8 His father was overseer of the station in Watet-Hor, a source of wine and produce mentioned in the tomb of Puyemre. It may have been located near the northeastern border of Egypt, not far from the similarly named "Horus way" road. 49 His mother was the royal ornament Sit-Djehuty. Sennefri may have grown up in the north and even functioned there, since he had titles associated with Heliopolis and made a point in his autobiography of noting that he was later brought to southern Heliopolis. 5 0 Sennefri held office until at least year 33 of Thutmose I l l s sole reign. His tomb, located directly above that of Rekhmire in Skeikh Abd el-Qurna, may have been planned at about the same time as the vizier s. Sennefris career path is outlined in an autobiographical inscription from the tomb. He noted three main areas of functioning, although he did not provide a chronology for the offices. T h e first office was that of a superior, who had authority over the overseers of the storehouses. In the New Kingdom, the storehouse, or šn, designated production centers for the processing of basic foodstuffs. They formed an important element in the country s redistributive economy and are to be distinguished from storage centers. 51 His second office was that of overseer of the seal, and he noted that at this point he was brought to Thebes and made overseer of the granaries. His third office was mayor and overseer of priests for several deities, including Sobek and Anubis. He also claimed to be the chief of the mayors (hry h3tyw^) and overseer of the fields of Amun. 5 2 From a statue in the British Museum we learn that Sennefri was also mayor of Akhmim and overseer of priests for Min of Coptos. 5 3 T h e connection with mayoralties could be related to Sennefri s role as overseer of the seal and second-ranked official in the royal administration, as outlined in the Duties of the Vizier. T h e mayors were accountable to the vizier for cultivation of land and the consequent harvest taxes, and the vizier could both summon them to the gate of the palace and send officials to them to receive reports (sees. 5, Iz, 16). 5 4 Sennefris role may have concerned this interaction between the royal house and the city rulers. If some of the duties of the overseer of the seal are unclear, not all are. T h e involvement with expeditions to procure materials of all kinds is well known for the office. Nehesy s role in the Punt expedition has already been cited, as well as Ty s in the Sinai. Sennefri, too, was active in the region of Serabit el-Khadim and is known from more than one inscription there, including one with a year 33 date. In another inscription at the entrance to the temple Thutmose III stands before Hathor, mistress of turquoise. Sennefri stands behind him, and the great royal steward Kenna is shown last. 55 In this case it is impossible to conclude with certainty that Sennefri made the trip

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himself, but in at least one instance he did make a long journey to acquire products. In his tomb Sennefri shows two representations of himself being sent to and returning from Byblos in Lebanon to bring back cedar trees for the flagstaffs of the temple of Amun at Karnak: 5 6 "Byblos gave them for her favorite god, giving . . . of the choicest thereof. I brought back 60 cubits in [their] length." 57 T h e importance given this expedition in Sennefris tomb certainly underscores his pride in bringing back the cedar and other products of the Levant. In another scene in the tomb Sennefri is shown receiving precious metals and stones, which are designated as "determined duties" (š3yt). In this text he is referred to as "overseer of the gold lands of [Amun], overseer of horns and overseer of the seal, overseer of thousands of all things and overseer of the seal, festival leader for Atum and overseer of the seal, and mayor and overseer of priests of all the gods and [overseer of the seal]." 58 T h e title of overseer of the gold lands of Amun appears several times in the tomb, 5 9 and in this instance it may concern the metal brought from the eastern deserts reached from Coptos. Sennefris attachment to that region has been registered in other offices he held, but there is nothing to suggest a connection to Nubia, where other gold lands were located. It might be added that he also carried the title of royal herald in the tomb and elsewhere. This position, to be discussed further, was likely related to his role as recipient of goods for the royal household. 60 T h e last overseer of the seal known for the reign of Thutmose III is Min, whose son, Sobekhotep, held the position under Thutmose I V 6 1 Min is known from a cenotaph at SilsilaWest dated to Thutmose III and with honorific epithets suggesting his close connection to the sovereign. There he also was called "great chief in Upper Egypt and judge in Lower Egypt," perhaps suggesting actual functions on behalf of the king and vizier. 62 Min also left funerary cones from an unlocated tomb in Thebes, as well as a statue found at the site of Tell Muqdam in the delta. T h e kings cartouche was on the statues shoulder, and the dedication was to Horus foremost of Tjerer. Min was also named in the tomb of his son. Unfortunately, other than his activity at the sandstone quarries of Silsila, we know nothing of Mins activities.

Overseer of the Granary T h e collection and redistribution of grain was one of the most fundamental organizational activities of the state. T h e overseer of the granary was responsible for supervising this activity, for seeing that it was properly recorded, and for reporting the results to the king. As we learn from papyrus Louvre 3226, there were two overseers of the dual granaries, each of whom

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had his own scribal staff and accounted for half of all grain and produce. Although the papyrus accounts are all registered in Thebes, these same overseers of the granary may have operated in Memphis as well, since the full title of the office was overseer of the granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt. In addition to the main residence cities, the chief granary officials also took responsibility for grain storage facilities in more out of the way places, including the watery portions of the delta (see below). Minnakht was overseer of the granaries from the reign of Hatshepsut to at least year 36. He appears to have had two cenotaphs at Silsila West, numbers 23 and 12, and according to those monuments his office governed granaries in all of Egypt already during the coregency.63 Minnakht was the son of one Sen-Djehuty, named in his burial chamber, and in shrine 23 at Silsila, as the sab (judge). 64 The father may be the same man mentioned in an ostracon, but if so he was still functioning as overseer of the granaries of Amun in year 43 of Thutmose III, when his grandson Menkheperreseneb may already have been in office. 65 A Sen-Djehuty appeared in Theban tomb 294 as recipient of offerings and apparently had the title of overseer of the granaries of Amun and steward of Amun and may be the same man as this last. The identification of Minnakht s father Sen-Djehuty with this other officeholder remains unclear, both because Minnakht did not ascribe a granary title to his father and because the chronology appears somewhat dubious. In the publication dealing with Minnakht s tomb (Theban tomb 87), the rather formal decoration scheme was reconstructed.66 The tomb of Minnakht and that of his son Menkheperreseneb, also overseer of the granaries, were given as favors of the ruler, and they are architecturally connected, since Minnakhts shaft begins from the court of Menkheperreseneb s tomb. Despite the importance of their occupations for the efficient running of the state, neither tomb shows the tomb owner performing his duties before the ruler, nor, indeed, do the most common activities of the overseers of the granaries appear to be represented at all. Rather, both men seem to have emphasized their own wealth and their gifts from the king. Minnakht s position clearly took him to all parts of the country, and it is perhaps this travel that partially explains his monuments being known from several cities, including Thebes, Coptos, and Memphis. 67 On two of his statues (both from Thebes), Minnakht carried the title "overseer of the granaries of the watery areas of the two lands" (hjwt), a designation used to describe parts of the delta. 68 Specific details regarding his role derive from the account in papyrus Louvre 3226, already referred to several times. 69 There it is not Minnakht himself who is functioning, but the scribes in charge of his administration. They (the first was Hepu and the second, appearing in years 33—34, was Wesy) are accounting for the furnishing of dates with an ex-

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change account in grain alongside it. These scribes are strictly said to be "of the overseer of the granaries Minnakht" or "of • • • Tjenuna," and the men furnishing the dates are under their authority. These accounts, representing years 28—35 in Thutmose I l l s reign, suggest the role played by the administration in balancing the collection and distribution of commodities through a value exchange system. Referring to his career, Sennefri stated: " [ M y second office] was overseer of the seal. I was brought to Thebes, the Southern Heliopolis, and I was placed as overseer of the dual granaries. I received... their taxes (h^kwt), consisting of the determined duties of their cities as the tax (tr) of every year." 70 T h e question here is the extent of Sennefris role as overseer of the granaries. It is useful to point out that the position of overseer of the seal was heavily concerned with the accounting of grain in the storehouses in any case, and we see this activity in the tomb of Sobekhotep (Theban tomb 63), overseer of the seal for Thutmose I V where the inscription reads: "overseeing (m33) the granaries of the royal house, l.p.h., they being richly filled. Counting the grain in wheat and barley, by . . . the overseer of the seal Sobekhotep." 7 1 However, Sobekhotep did not have the title of overseer of granaries, so we cannot be sure that Sennefri s position, as with Sobekhotep, concerned only the grain of the royal household. Although it is frequently stated that the overseer of the seal (and the vizier to an extent) only operated for the per nesu} it is also stated that the overseers of the granary administered a national institution. 72 However, in the inscriptions of the overseer of the granaries Khaemhet it is clear that the grain (whether all or part of it is unclear) is considered to be the king s. Khaemhet is called: "the great one in his office in the royal house (per nesu) . . . the overseer of the granaries of the lord of the two lands."The officials presenting the grain taxes for the year in the presence of the king represent both the royal household—the "stewards of the great houses, (life, prosperity, and health!)" (pryt 3 c.w.s.)—and an apparently separate administration—the "directors of Upper and Lower Egypt." 7 3 Likewise Minnakht is titled "overseer of the great granaries [i.e., the so-called central administration] of the king in Upper and Lower Egypt." 7 4 In other words, the operations of the per nesu are frequently impossible to differentiate from those of other administrative entities. At least part of Sennefri s tenure as overseer of the seal overlapped that of Minnakht and Tjenuna as overseers of the granaries. All three of these officials appear in Louvre 3226, Sennefri in year 32, named as overseer of the seal, and the two granary officers for the entire period covered by the accounts, years 28—35.75 We are ignorant of when Minnakht and Tjenuna were appointed, but because Minnakht was already the owner of a Silsila West chapel in the reign of Hatshepsut perhaps he was in office before Tjenuna.

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Indeed, Tjenuna seems to have held a position in the divine adoratrice s administration at an earlier time. 76 In this case Sennefri could have been both overseer of the seal and overseer of the granary until ceding the latter office to Tjenuna before year 28. This remains uncertain, however. Tjenuna is known to have been overseer of the granaries (of Upper and Lower Egypt) because of the papyrus Louvre 3226 but not from contemporary monuments of his own. He may be identical to a man called "Tjenuna of the house of the divine adoratorice" known from an ostracon and probably a funerary papyrus (Louvre 3074). He was very likely not the same man who served as chief steward and steward of Amun for Thutmose I V (Theban tomb 76). 7 7 T h e royal herald Duawynehhe is given the title of overseer of the granaries in his tomb (Theban tomb 125), along with the overseer of the ges-per or workrooms. It is highly likely that this title related to the temple of Amun, based on the remainder of his tomb inscriptions. Rather, the next overseer of granaries after Tjenuna may have been Iamnedjeh, who possessed tomb 84 in Thebes. That tomb was reused a few years later by the high priest of Amun Mery in the reign of Amenhotep II. 7 8 Iamnedjeh held several important positions in Thutmose I l l s administration, and he began his career early, serving as an overseer of works in year 15 while Hatshepsut was still in power. In his tomb Iamnedjeh appears overseeing the produce of Lower Egypt in his role as overseer of the ruyt (discussed subsequently) and royal scribe.The legends further state that the men carrying in the produce are doing this for "the overseer of the ruyt, royal scribe, counter of cattle and fowl, overseer of granaries who counts the taxes (hrpwt) of Upper and Lower Egypt, Iamn[edjeh]." Elsewhere in the tomb he is at least twice given the title overseer of the granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt as the primary title (i.e., it is listed last before his name). This is clearly not his main title, however, which would be first royal herald and overseer of the ruyt. However, it appears that he did function as one of the two granary officials for Thutmose III. At what point in the reign this might have occurred is impossible on current evidence to clarify, but it should be noted that Iamnedjeh accompaniedThutmose III to Syria on the kings eighth campaign in year 33, a point at which both Minnakht and Tjenuna were still functioning. More probably Iamnedjeh held the granary position toward the end of the reign, perhaps at the same time that Minnakhts son Menkheperreseneb held the twin office. Menkheperreseneb became overseer of the granary after his father left office. He apparently continued to serve in the reign of Amenhotep II, though how late is unknown. Stylistically the tomb of Menkheperreseneb (Theban tomb 79) should be placed early in the reign of Amenhotep II, but

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this need not give us the date of his latest functioning. We cannot be more precise at this time. 79 Menkheperreseneb may have carried out many of his duties in the north of Egypt, for he carried several titles associated with Heliopolis, both for the granary and for the temple administration. His link to Thebes is equally notable, for he was a wab priest of Amun in Henketankh, the funerary temple of Thutmose III. As Guksch has pointed out, he was already overseer of granaries for all of Egypt when his tomb was decorated (contra Helck s view), for it is clear that it was common to abbreviate the title as simply "overseer of granaries." 80 In addition to the men named here, several more are known with the overseer of the granary/granaries title but with insufficient documentation to place them correctly. 81 As we learned from the account papyrus, scribes carried out much of the essential work of the granaries. Other functionaries of the institution included corn measurers, and a man Hatit is known to have been the corn measurer of Minnakht. 8 2 Two men, Senemiah of Theban tomb 127 and Amenemhet, owner of Theban tomb 123, held the title scribe of counting bread for Upper and Lower Egypt. Amenemhet was also overseer of the granaries of bread, while Senemiah, primarily an overseer of the gold and silver houses, also held the title of counter of grain for Upper and Lower Egypt. It seems likely, though not entirely certain, that these men would have been part of the same administration. 83 Since Minnakht also acted as overseer of the granaries of Amun, the owner of Theban tomb 82, Amenemhet, may well have worked with him. Amenemhet was scribe of counting the grain of Amun and steward of the vizier (Useramun). Here we see the close interaction of the royal and temple economies.

S E C O N D - T I E R O F F I C E S OF T H E

STATE

Overseer of the Silver and G o l d Houses T h e overseer of the seal is designated in the Duties of the Vizier as responsible for opening the gold house with the vizier. 84 T h e hierarchy appears to have been such that the vizier was ultimately in charge of all wealth in the per nesu} the overseer of the seal operated as the official with the actual seal for the institution, and the overseer of the silver and gold houses was the direct supervisor for materials used from these treasuries. There are variant titles for men such as Djehuty (Theban tomb 11), designating them alternately overseer of the silver houses and overseer of the gold houses. T h e overseers of the gold and silver houses were subordinate to the overseer of the seal in the reign of Thutmose III, but due to the treasury locations within the royal household, the royal stewards would have had a close con-

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nection to this position as welL There are indications that the overseer of the seal s office was diminished before the reign of Amenhotep III and that the overseer of the silver and gold houses served together with the royal stewards in similar capacities.85 The most famous holder of this title was Senenmut who was already installed in the regency of Hatshepsut. On a statue now in the British Museum he was overseer of the silver and gold houses, as well as overseer of the seal.86 He also bore the title in texts from his tomb and on name stones. Unfortunately, we can only imagine his use of this office when examining the testimony of one of his contemporaries with the same function. A stela left by Djehuty, who served both Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, detailed his role as an overseer of works overseeing the production of monuments for Amun in Thebes. "The hereditary prince and noble, overseer of the double silver and gold houses," Djehuty says, "I led the artisans to act regarding the works on the great bark of the head of the river, Amunuserhet, worked in gold of the best of the deserts."87 He continued in this way to mention monuments of electrum at Hatshepsut s funerary temple, a shrine of ebony with an alabaster stairway, as well as doors in Karnak and chests with vessels, all of precious metals: "Then every exotic thing was directed, every revenue of every foreign country, and the choicest of the exotic things of Punt . . " 8 8 On a second stela Djehuty continued, saying that the king placed him over the magazines: "I sealed the exotic materials, consisting of the revenues of the heryiu sha, (those on the sand) of the north: gold of Aamu [the Levant], silver and bronze. . . . I counted with regard to the mayors; I accepted all their taxes (b3kw)"89 Clearly Djehuty s career as overseer of the gold and silver houses for Hatshepsut and Thutmose III endowed him with the rulers trust, as well as access to the most valuable commodities in the land. However, lest we take Djehuty s testimony too literally, we should also point out that several men who served under Hatshepsut claimed to have overseen the same monuments Djehuty refers to, including Hapuseneb, high priest of Amun, and Puyemre, second priest of Amun. Senenmut likewise had responsibility for the materials that entered the storehouses, at the same time that men such as Useramun, Sennefri, and Djehuty functioned in their offices. Senenmut says: The taxes (hrpwt) of south and north were on my seal."90 Senemiah, mentioned earlier as a granary officer, was also overseer of the silver and gold houses for Hatshepsut, with broad duties concerning a variety of products. Unlike Djehuty, Senemiah does not mention duties as an overseer of works, who would withdraw precious materials from the treasuries to use in making monuments. His responsibility appears to have been that of accountant.91

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Much later, in the sole reign of Thutmose III, Benermerut is attested as overseer of the gold houses and overseer of the silver house. Like Djehuty, Benermerut was involved in monument building for the ruler, and he claimed to have been overseer of all works of the king. A stela donating land on behalf of the Heliopolitan bull Mnevis and his cattle is dated year 45 and records that Benermerut gave 60 auroura for the herd. A statue of him from Karnak shows him with the king s daughter, Meryetamun, a princess known also from Thutmose I l l s Deir el-Bahari Hathor shrine. Benermerut also left a stela at the great sphinx in Giza and may have been buried in the north, for his tomb is not known in Thebes. 92

Overseer o f the Ruyt

Several men are known to have held this title in the reign of Thutmose III. The best known of them was Iamnedjeh, cited earlier as an overseer of the granaries. One of Iamnedjeh s two principal titles in his Theban tomb, number 84, was overseer of the ruyt; the other was first royal herald (discussed subsequently), a position he had held from early in the king s sole rule, if we are to believe his autobiography. 93 Iamnedjeh had an unusual career path for this period, having begun his career during the coregency period as one who oversaw the building of monuments, including obelisks in Thebes and Heliopolis, and then moved into the military. He was promoted to the position of royal herald and accompanied the king on his northern expeditions, having participated with him in the crossing of the Euphrates in year 33. When he was given the title overseer of the ruyt is uncertain; however, it is likely to have been after his campaigns with the ruler. As van den Boorn has shown, 94 the ruyt was part of the entrance to the per nesu and constituted transitional areas between Egypt generally and the domain of the king. Activities in the ruyt and the related 'aryt (both words deriving from terms for gates and porticos) were both judicial and nonjudicial. As stated above, the vizier was the supreme power over the 'aryt, and he appointed its personnel, which would have included the overseer of the ruyt. Because the ruyt was an area to which deliveries were made for the per nesu, and it was the only main entrance to the palace, the overseer of the ruyt was an influential man. In the "Instruction for Ptahhotep," the vizier tells his son, "If you are in the ruyt, stand up and sit down according to your rank which was assigned to you on the first day. Do not trespass, for you will be turned back. Keen is the face to him who enters announced, and spacious the seat of him who has been called. The ruyt has rules, all behavior is by measure." 95 The overseer of the ruyt might thus have influenced access to the interior of the palace or viziral offices, having

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oversight authority in this entry environment. Iamnedjeh once claimed to have been "overseer of the ruyt hearing alone."96 Rather than a reference to the official as a judge, this may suggest that Iamnedjeh could assess petitioners' applications for entrance to the state offices by himself Both Senenmut and Sennefri claimed this same epithet, Senenmut having added "in privacy » to vit/9 7 In addition, as the vizier s employee in the ruyt Iamnedjeh s duties may be reflected in the Duties of the Vizier. In his tomb he was shown viewing herds of cattle and confronting the rulers of estates (hkj hwtt). The Duties tells us that the vizier s message "takes the mayors and the rulers of estates to the y aryt"98 where Iamnedjeh would have received them. The yaryt was also the place through which all deliveries entered the per nesu.99 In the rear passage of his tomb Iamnedjeh was shown inspecting the revenues of Lower Egypt together with his wife. Here he was called royal scribe and overseer of the ruyt, as well as royal scribe of counting cattle and birds and overseer of the granaries who counts the taxes of Upper and Lower Egypt. He was not called first royal herald here. Other men known to have held the title overseer of the ruyt include the viceroy of Nubia Nehy, but whether he held it with regard to the antechambers of the royal houses in Egypt proper (Thebes or Memphis) or in Nubia itself is uncertain. He bears the title on several monuments from Aniba and Qasr Ibrim. I 0 0 The royal butler Wah (Theban tomb zz) also held the title in his tomb. 1 0 1 Functions different from those identified for Iamnedjeh are known from several other texts of the period. From year zy of Thutmose III is an inscription reproducing the text of a document made on behalf of the royal barber Si-Bastet.The document itself will be considered later, but it was witnessed in the presence of the king by "the guard Amenemheb, the royal scribe Ahmose, the royal scribe and inspector Baki, the royal scribe Amenmose, and the overseer of the ruyt Amen-pa-?" 102 On the kneeling statue of Neferperet from Karnak is a juridical text outlining this royal butlers plans for seven bulls from the Levant that he brought back as booty with the kings permission. The document set out his intent that they would be placed under the care of his brother and nephew after his death. At this point in the text there followed: "Entering because of it: the overseer of the ruyt Nebseny. Coming because of it: the royal scribe Amenmose [the same man as in Si-Bastet s inscription?] What was said in the majesty of the palace, l.p.h. (stp-sj) 'They [his relatives] shall be in your accompaniment on your day of life. As to after you possess old age, they shall be as son to son, heir to heir. Do not give them [the cattle] to the residence of the overseer of cattle. As to anyone who

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shall come regarding the matter, do not allow that one judge for them in any office of the king. Do not allow that one transgress to do anything.;'" 103 Here are a number of allusions to situations detailed in the Duties of the Vizier. The overseer of the ruyt Nebseny is said to "enter," while the royal scribe "comes." Since the following sentence tells us the decision within the palace, it is likely that Nebseny "entered" the palace from the yaryt to witness this document and to be the one to report back concerning it. The royal scribe would have already been within the palace offices. In addition, we hear a prohibition of someone bringing suit in any office (h3) of the king to prevent the bringing of claims that would normally come to the vizier. It is uncertain when Nebseny functioned, but the statue of Neferperet may date to the last part of the reign. 104 Last, an unnamed overseer of the ruyt is mentioned in the testament of Senimose, inscribed on a stelophorous statue from the chapel of prince Wadjmose in Thebes. It was dated in year zi and was adjudicated and finalized by the vizier Useramun, apparently because the imyt-fer; or property transfer, had been challenged. An overseer of the ruyt and a guard of the palace seem to have entered to present the documents before Useramun, but the text is quite fragmentary. 105 We must conclude that the role of the overseer of the ruyt, like the area of the yaryt itself, combined judicial and nonjudicial functions. In Iamnedjeh s case we appear to see the nonjudicial functions, while with Nebseny, Amun-pa-?, and the unnamed man in Senimose s text, the involvement with matters requiring legal attention is certain. Royal Herald 1 0 6 There were heralds at all levels of the Egyptian bureaucracy, for these men had the authority to speak for the leader, just as the scribe had the authority to record for him. The royal herald was thus the king s reporter and operated over a broad geographic range. The two best-known royal heralds of the reign are Iamnedjeh, already referred to as both overseer of the granaries and overseer of the ruyt, and Intef, who was also mayor of Thinis and chief of the oases. As noted, Iamnedjeh was promoted to be first royal herald after serving as a controller of works during the coregency. He says of his office: "I was sent on [every mission]. . . . I followed the good god to every northern foreign country, I not straying from him on the battlefield." He also claimed to be "the confidant on every mission, the houses of gold and silver being enclosed in his hand as a single thing, the excellent royal herald.. " I 0 7 T h e tomb of Iamnedjeh was usurped by the high priest Amun Mery, for himself and his mother, and the final title and name of Iamnedjeh are therefore often removed

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in the funerary chapeL 1 0 8 However, it was presumably as first royal herald that he appeared announcing the chiefs of the north and the south before Thutmose III. T h e king was seated on his throne in the palace Q in southern Heliopolis, where the deliveries of defeated Retenu were offered for Amun of Karnak. As Pardey has argued in her discussion of the heralds, Iamnedjeh was seen acting as the kings personal representative before the rulers of foreign countries. Although his position as royal herald could properly be said to be part of a palace administration, rather than a state one, both Iamnedjeh and Intef held responsibilities in the 'aryt and the per nesu. Based on the autobiography, Iamnedjehs role as royal herald was primarily one of observation and reporting that extended from the ruyt (where he was entrusted to receive for the gold and silver houses) to the whole of Egypt and beyond. As seen from the tomb texts and paintings, as royal herald Iamnedjeh displayed to the ruler the riches brought from foreign deliveries; for Lower Egypt he supervised the deposit of revenues. The connection of the office to the military should not be neglected, however, and Pardey sees it as deliberately connective between the army and the administration. This is more evident in the case of Intef, but Iamnedjehs involvement in the first Syrian campaign is well known. 1 0 9 Intef, owner of Theban tomb 155, 1 1 0 served under Hatshepsut and Thutmose III and very likely completed his burial site before Iamnedjeh did. His title as herald was listed with several variants that may suggest the range of his position. In the scene on his stela, now in the Louvre (Cz6), he was called the great herald of the king and also first herald of the king. In the body of the inscription he was termed first herald of the yaryt twice and great herald of the yaryt once, as well as great steward, overseer of the granaries, and controller of all works of the royal house (l.p.h.). Several times he was called "excellent scribe" and once "excellent scribe, the best of counting." He was not called royal scribe and should not be understood as having arisen out of the state bureaucracy but perhaps out of the regional administrations. His role as herald was emphasized, as with Iamnedjeh, for two areas: the royal house and its access area, the yaryt; and regions outside Egypt where the ruler campaigned. Summarizing his role at court, Intef said: " M y office (j3t) was in the per nesu, (l.p.h.), my duty (wnwt) was in the palace (stps3), my completion (km) was in the ruyt" Here Intef appears to inform us first that his rank placed him within the elite realm of the royal house and state offices, that his service obligation was to the king himself in the palace, and that his activity was most apparent in the waiting rooms of the per nesu. While the overseer of the ruyt principally received goods or decided the order of access for petitions or legal matters, the royal herald in the yaryt organized and announced the people entering the per nesu and made sure they knew exactly where they should stand—even accompanying them to their places, as he

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notes in saying that he "performed the marches of the ruyt." In his tomb, however, Intef did appear inspecting gold, as well as the revenues of the Keftiu, the Syrians, and the oasis dwellers. This likely had to do with his reporting role also. With regard to internal state functioning, Intef claimed to have been "the tongue which speaks for the one who in the palace." 111 His autobiography was particularly full of descriptions of him as someone who imposed order at court and throughout the land. He even boasted that he was "one who caused that the one who is disaffected make rule, law, and precision out of the hatred of his heart." 1 1 2 He apparently did the same for everyone at court and described himself as "the confidant of the king in directing (hrp) his army, who caused the councils (knbt) and the army (mnfyt) to come, who counted the officials, who introduced the nobles, who caused the august ones of the king to approach their stations . . . who performed the marches (nmtwt) of the ruyt, who caused that the regulations took place in the royal house (l.p.h.)." 113 Far from meaning that Intef ran parts of the military, he boasted here of organizing the proper admittance of various groups into audiences before the king. Here is a reference to the elaborate rituals that dominated the royal household, as described so well in the Duties of the Vizier. 1 1 4 It is important to bear in mind that among the many duties assigned to the vizier giving orders to the army was one of them, and the officers therefore approached and entered through the "aryt for that purpose. 115 Intef s role as great herald of the king outside Egypt proper may have been similar to his role at court. He appears to have organized the king s living quarters in the field, but he also accompanied the king directly and compared himself to the brave warriors of the army. At the front, perhaps in the western desert, he set up palaces and prepared them to be proper for the king, "they being embellished more than the palace of Egypt—purified, cleansed, hidden, sacred of their temples I counted the deliveries of the rulers who are in every foreign country, consisting of silver, gold, moringa oil, incense, and wine." 1 1 6 These are perhaps the products of the western oases, where Intef himself held sway. In two places Intef referred to the mayors and rulers of estates, claiming once to have overseen them and their scribal functionaries and once to have counted all their taxes (b3wt). In the latter case Intef is called "excellent scribe" in the next line. As Pardey has underlined in her discussion, Intef s role as royal herald would not have given him authority over the collection of agricultural taxes. Since he also claimed to have been a chief steward and overseer of the granary, he may have recorded revenues in relation to those offices. Other men from the reign are known as royal heralds, without first or great before their titles. These men included Ahmose-Pennekhbet (although

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when he held this title is unknown from his autobiography); Djehuty (Theban tomb no); Sennefri, the overseer of the seal; Thutmose, owner of Theban tomb 342; and Nehy, the viceroy of Nubia. All of these men would have had numerous occasions to represent the ruler outside the palace, as well as within i t . 1 1 7 Duawynehhe (Theban tomb 125) was a "first herald," but his role may have concerned the organization of foodstuffs, animals, and linens of the Karnak ges-per. Nothing suggests that he was part of the per nesu administration. 1 1 8

Royal Messengers T h e royal messengers were part of the hierarchy described by the Duties of the V i z i e r . 1 1 9 T h e vizier determined every royal messengers mission as the kings representative. From the contemporary collaborative texts it is clear that the overseer of the seal, as deputy to the vizier, was directly responsible for the royal messengers' expeditions.The person of the messenger was sacrosanct while on a mission and could not be made to bow while delivering his message. 1 2 0 This "diplomatic immunity" no doubt extended to messengers operating outside Egypt as well, although for Thutmose I l l s reign we cannot demonstrate this. Later in the N e w Kingdom royal messengers were employed in the cyclical inspection of the pharaoh s holdings in the north and the south. Their military capabilities were romanticized in a famous literary work that poked fun at a functionary too ignorant of the geography of the Levant to carry a message. 1 2 1 Despite the long period of Thutmose I l l s reign, the careers of royal messengers from this period are poorly attested. Only one man with a known tomb has been recognized, and he was certainly part of the kings Levantine campaigns. 1 2 2 One is known from the Punt inscriptions of Hatshepsut and two from inscription in the Sinai. 1 2 3 A legend to the arrival scene in Punt states, "arrival of the royal messenger at the gods land together with the army which accompanied him." He then was shown receiving the products of Punt, again at the head of the army. 1 2 4 Clearly he was the head of the expedition sent by the overseer of the seal Nehesy, but his name is unknown. T h e scribe Nakht, known from a year 20 text in the Sinai, boasts that he was promoted to be a royal messenger. A second inscription referred to him as "royal messenger at the front of the army, the scribe Nakht of T j e n t i . " 1 2 5 A year 25 inscription from the Sinai was apparently left by a royal messenger whose name may have been SiMontu. T h e text is appended to the inscription of the overseer of the seal Ty and its accompanying praise of the ruler. T h e likelihood is that the royal messenger actually carried out the expedition on behalf of the overseer of the seal, just as was the case in the mission to Punt. He claimed to have been

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a close confidant of the ruler and boasted of finding more turquoise than was required. The inscription states that the work was done "under the agency of the royal messenger, overseer in front of every channel of the Wadjwer [?], . . . of the Lower Egyptian king, sole companion, Si-Montu." 126 Dedi, owner of Theban tomb zoo, was termed a royal messenger in every foreign country in his funerary chapel. The inscriptions also inform us that he received the "gold of honor" because of his valiance on numerous occasions, and on the wall he was shown wearing the combination of a gold fly with striding lions—the award given in the Syrian campaign, according to the Annals of Thutmose III. The owner of Theban tomb 9z, the royal butler Suemniwet, also received this award. 127 Both men fought along with and accompanied the king on marches, but Dedi s titles were more explicitly military than those of Suemniwet (see ensuing discussion). In his later years Dedi was put in charge of the deserts of western Thebes—meaning the cemetery areas. He also had responsibility for the police, presumably in that same region. We do not know how long Dedi functioned as royal messenger, but the title he held implied that the service took place abroad. From the Duties of the Vizier it is clear that the messenger of the royal house (a variant of the royal messenger) functioned within the country on many missions, but it is impossible to confirm whether Dedi did likewise. 128

PALACE

ADMINISTRATION

Chief Steward of the King (mr pr wr n nsw) The royal household was administered by a chief steward, who kept the accounts of the rulers personal holdings. 129 Some chief stewards became extremely influential through their close personal connections to the rulers, and this was never more true than in the reign of Hatshepsut. Senenmut, the queens steward in the reign of Thutmose II, continued to function in that role after the coregency began. In his tomb Senenmut held the title of chief steward of the king, as well as the following steward titles: steward, chief steward, steward of Amun, chief steward of Amun, steward of the king, steward of the gods wife Hatshepsut, and steward of the princess Neferura. 130 As chief steward to Hatshepsut and Neferura before the coregency, Senenmut directed work on a pair of obelisks for Karnak and apparently was already involved in other monument building to judge from his early cenotaph at Silsila West. According to that chapel he was chief steward of the gods wife and chief steward of the royal wife, overseer of the granaries of [Amun], and "overseer of the residence (hnw) who directs every divine office." 1 3 1 Senenmut was highly visible on behalf of the queen as she

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built her temples at Deir el-Bahari and her additions to the temple of Karnak. As a controller of work and an overseer of overseers of work, Senenmut even carried the designations "overseer of the work of Amun in Djeseru," referring to the funerary temple, and "controller of work in Ipet-sut," or K a r n a k . 1 3 2 Although Senenmuts many statues and two tomb sections demonstrate that his principal functioning title was (chief ) steward of Amun, it is clear that at court under Hatshepsut he held sway. On a statue now in Berlin he stated: "I am a dignitary beloved of his lord, who entered concerning marvels for the mistress of the two lands. He promoted me before the two lands, he having placed me as chief mouth for his house, judge of the gate in the entire land." 1 3 3 This last title suggests that Senenmut could usurp the authority of the vizier s office, if Van den Boorns interpretation of the term is correct, and other claims by the chief steward might support this view. On a statue from the Mut temple Senenmut is called "the one relating to Nekhen (Hierakonpolis), the priest of M a a t , " 1 3 4 both of which are titles of the vizier. On the same statue the steward further boasted: "I am indeed one to whom the conditions of the two lands are reported, the taxes of Upper and Lower are upon my seal, the dues of every country are under my authority. I am one who knows his paths (nmtwt) in the royal house." 1 3 5 These are all functions of the vizier, but Senenmut felt that he could at least claim them. Since we know that Useramun was vizier during this period, but we know little of his position at court under Hatshepsut s reign, we cannot judge the claims of the chief steward. They are nonetheless intriguing. Amenhotep, owner of Theban tomb 7 3 , 1 3 6 was also chief steward under Hatshepsut. In his tomb he presents costly N e w Year s gifts to Hatshepsut as the product of his work on her behalf. A number of his epithets parallel those of Senenmut but without the allusions to the vizierate. Clearly Amenhotep s major accomplishments were as overseer of works, and he particularly noted that he was "overseer of works for the great obelisks in the house of Amun." He also introduced the cattle for the Festival of Opet. Exactly when Amenhotep served as chief steward of the king is unknown, but he does not appear to have lived into the sole rule of Thutmose III. At the quarries of Gebel Hammam in southern Egypt an inscription dated in the names of both Hatshepsut and Thutmose III records new work beginning for the chief steward of the king Wadjetrenput. 1 3 7 Two letters from western Thebes name this chief steward, and one of them concerns the overseer of the sealTy. Helck concluded that Wadjetrenput served at the end of the reign of Hatshepsut. A fourth chief steward appeared on the temple pylon at Serabit el-Khadim behind Thutmose III and the overseer of the seal Sennefri. T h e chief steward of the king Kenna could belong to the sole rule of the king, since we know Sennefri was active as late as year 32. N o later

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chief stewards are known from the reign. 138 It would be tempting to conclude that the emphasis on the vizierate during the sole rule of Thutmose III and the apparent diminution of the chief steward s role were reactions to the dominance of Hatshepsuts close associates, particularly Senenmut. However, there is insufficient evidence to do more than wonder. Royal Butler Royal butlers were clearly highly trusted members of the royal circle, and they did provide provisions for the palace, as one might expect from the title. 139 These men, however, were also functionaries whom the ruler trusted to accompany him on the battlefield and in some cases to represent him in foreign countries. 140 As early as the Amarna period, royal butlers were recognized as a separate category, neither civil nor military in nature but combining features of both. They were listed in the tomb of Neferhotep, at a royal audience, after the viziers and overseer of the seal and before the followers of the king, with whom they may have had much in common. 141 A number of men with this title are known from the reign of Thutmose III, and one often identified with the position did not hold it—the royal scribe and overseer of works Minmose. One Kenamun, also a mayor of Memphis, held the title and was buried in an unknown tomb in Thebes. 1 4 2 Neferperet, who donated a statue of himself in Karnak, was a child of the kap (within the palace) and a royal butler, pure of hands. His statue provides the text of a legal declaration concerning booty he brought from the Levant: "What the royal butler Neferperet brought away while he was in the following of his majesty in the foreign country of Retenu: bulls of Djahy [a Levantine region]; female 4; female Egyptian 2; male 1. Total, 7. Bronze: milk jar in order to provide it to the temple of millions of years of Henketankh [Thutmose Ills funerary temple]." As noted earlier with respect to the overseer of the ruyt Nebseny, Neferperets wishes regarding the cattle were granted by the palace. We may conclude that his familiarity with the royal family (he showed both the king and his wife Meryetre on his stelophorous statue) and his attendance on the king during the northern campaigns contributed to his securing a sinecure for his brother and son. Unfortunately we learn nothing about Neferperets role as royal butler. The royal butler, clean of hands, Montu-iywy, left an autobiography in his tomb (Theban tomb 172) where he described his service under Thutmose III and Amenhotep II. 1 4 3 Although he made clear that he accompanied the former king to the Levant and crossed the Euphrates, never straying on the battlefield, he did not provide his title during that time. He did state that he had started as a servant of the royal apartments fipt nsw), and this would im-

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ply a close personal relationship with the ruler. Under Amenhotep II he claimed to have been promoted in the per nesu, but he could already have been appointed royal butler by Thutmose. We can only note that his roles appear to parallel those of Neferperet and Suemniwet, who served with Thutmose III and then became royal butlers by the time his tomb was decorated early in the reign of Amenhotep I I . 1 4 4

Child of the

Kap145

This position is poorly understood, largely because there are no certain regular functions associated with it. T h e children of the kap were part of the palace, and they have been referred to as "pages," but this cannot be corroborated. In two cases children of the kap associated themselves with a specific royal person—once king Ahmose and once princess Merytamun. T h e word kap indicates an enclosure and suggests a protected area of the palace. For this reason it has been thought that these were people who were raised at court, often from youth. They do not, however, appear to have been people who later held the highest bureaucratic positions. Rather, as might be expected, some of these men, as trusted friends of the king, held palace positions, such as royal nurse or royal butler, while others accompanied the king on military expeditions. Some did not maintain positions directly connected to court, however, for reasons of which we are ignorant. T h e titleholders for this reign included Senimen, tutor of princess Neferura; Maiherperi, fan bearer on the right of the king (in the time of Hatshepsut); one Amenemhet, with no other known title; Ahmose, owner of Theban tomb 241 and chief of secrets in the house of the morning; Neferperet, royal butler; Nebenkemet, chief of the stables and fan bearer; Pahekamen, called Benia, overseer of works; Inpehuwysen, with no other known title; Amenemheb, called Mahu, owner of Theban tomb 85, adjutant of the army and troop commander; his son Iamu; and Montu-iywy, royal butler. T h e most interesting text from this reign that mentions the children of the kap is the inscription of the royal barber Si-Bastet. 1 4 6 Si-Bastet left a mummiform statuette as a dedicatory object and on it had the text of a royal petition inscribed on it. T h e petition begins as follows: "Year 27 under the majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Menkheperre, given life and stability, the son of Re Thutmose, Ruler of Maat, like Re forever. A petition which the royal barber Si-Bastet made in the presence of the children of the kap of the royal house (per nesu)" T h e text continues, stating that Si-Bastet had brought a slave back from his campaigning with the ruler. That slave, named Amen-iywy, was to be given the position of Si-Bastet s father (barber of the temple of Bubastis) and was given in marriage to Si-Bastet s niece. T h e

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petition was to prevent the slave s being denied access to the royal house and to assure his status in the future. 147 This was not, contrary to earlier views, a slave manumission. The slave was never freed. 148 The significant point here is that the petition was made before the children of the kap and then recorded in writing by a royal scribe and witnessed by officials associated with the royal palace, including a guardian, royal scribes, and an overseer of the ruyt. Although very analogous to the Neferperet inscription mentioned earlier, which guaranteed the royal butlers brother a sinecure with respect to cows and a bull for the funerary temple of Thutmose III, that inscription was not described as a petition, and Neferperets statement was confirmed by "the majesty of the palace, l.p.h." in the presence of the overseer of the ruyt and the royal scribe Amenmose. Here the children of the kap, by hearing a petition, acted as a judicial body within the palace, although there is nothing to suggest that they made any decision. Rather they were hearing a matter, which was then recorded in writing. Since Si-Bastets petition contained the provisions of an imyt-per, or property transfer, on behalf of his sister, niece, and the slave, the vizier s office may have sealed the formal document. This text suggests that Si-Bastet wished its contents to be known at court— perhaps specifically by the children of the kap—where he desired his slave to be accepted and "not to be turned away at any royal portal."The barbers audience before this group may also indicate that his access to the royal house was great but not complete. Otherwise we might have expected his audience to have been before the king himself—or, as with Neferperet, set elliptically before "the majesty of the palace." The Royal Nurse The position of royal nurse became highly visible through a stream of monuments dedicated throughout the Eighteenth Dynasty. 149 Perhaps due to the importance of rearing and protecting the future rulers of Egypt, and following the unfortunate loss of more than once prince at the beginning of the dynasty (e.g., Ahmose-ankh and Ahmose sa-pair), the institution of the royal nurses developed. The nurses were both male and female and were sometimes appointed for a group of royal children and other times selected to tutor one prince or princess. In general it is thought that the female titleholders were wet nurses to these young royals, while the men called royal nurse were tutors. At least one man, however, Ahmose-Pennekhbet, claimed to have functioned as nurse for a child still at the breast. In the reign of Thutmose III there were several men known to have been royal nurses or tutors. Pahery, governor of Elkab, was also royal nurse to prince Wadjmose, son of Thutmose I. The family of Thutmose I and II

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(seemingly through Mutnofret) and collateral to Hatshepsuts line through Thutmose I and queen Ahmose, was memorialized in a chapel associated with Wadjmose. 1 5 0 Senimose, also the royal tutor of Wadjmose left a year zi inscription on a stela there, recounting the legal battles he encountered with regard to his testamentary intentions. 151 The family of Hatshepsut also had royal nurses. Ahmose-Pennekhbet claimed in his tomb at Elkab to have "nursed [literally, "suckled"] her eldest son [sic] the kings daughter Neferura when she was a child who was at the breast." 1 5 2 The nurse best known to us is Senenmut, who carried the title of nurse of the royal daughter Neferura in the period prior to Hatshepsuts accession. Following the queens assumption of pharaonic rule, she appointed Senenmut to be father and great nurse for the royal daughter, mistress of the two lands, gods wife Neferura. At that point Senimen, who had been nurse for Hatshepsut as gods wife, took over as royal nurse for Neferura, with Senenmut retaining a close but more supervisory role. 1 5 3 A royal tutor for the kings son Amenhotep is also known. In the tomb of Min, the mayor of This and the oases, Theban tomb 109, the tomb owner appears demonstrating the pulling of the bow to the young prince Amenhotep. It is likely that this is the youth who became Amenhotep II and Min s title was apparently "[father] and nurse for the royal son Amenhotep." 1 5 4 Ahmose Humay, owner of Theban tomb 224, and father of the vizier Amenemipet, was also a royal nurse who may have served the palace as early as the reign of Amenhotep I . 1 5 5 Other men from the reign of Thutmose III were known to have been associated with royal children but did not carry the title of nurse. For example, Minmose, the retired soldier who acted as an overseer of works for the king, appeared with two princes, Nedjem and Weben[senu] on a statue, but the children could have been either Thutmose I l l s or Amenhotep U s . 1 5 6 Benermerut, the overseer of the gold and silver houses, also left a statue of himself with the princess Meryetamun. 1 5 7 We can only presume that men such as these had close ties to the king and participated directly in the education of royal children, though perhaps in their more advanced years. Royal nurses appeared to have undertaken duties even as younger men. Women who were designated as royal nurses included one Sitre, who had been a nurse for Hatshepsut as a child. Upon her charge s accession, Sitre was granted a life-sized statue of herself holding the ruler. An ostracon with a draft of the statues text is in Vienna. 1 5 8 Also during the reign of Hatshepsut, the wife of the mayor of Thinis, Satepihu, was a royal nurse. That lady, Tinet-iunet is known from a stela. 1 5 9 The lady Nebetkabeny was the great nurse of the royal daughter and greatest of entertainers of Amun, Sitamun. Nebetkabeny was also called royal ornament who suckles the god and favored one of the good god. On a stela of which she was the focus, this lady

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was identified as the mother of the scribe of the temple of Osiris, Hekanefer. Two of her other sons were the wab priest of Menkheperre, Kenamun, and the wab priest of the first phyle in Henketankh, Nesy-su. Princess Sitamun was a daughter of king Ahmose and is known from the reign of Amenhotep L The stela of Nebetkabeny was dedicated in the reign of Thutmose III, but this lady may have been long past her years of nursing—if not already deceased. 160 The wife of the army adjutant Amenemheb, called Mahu, was named Baky. In their tomb, number 85 at Thebes, she was referred to as "the favored one of the good god, great nurse of the lord of the two lands, Horus having united to her breast, the possessor of a burial on the west of Thebes as a favor of the good god, the [royal ornament and mistress of the house Baky] I 1 1 6 1 Baky s favored position certainly suggests that she had been nurse for Amenhotep II himself, although another lady claimed that role as well. Amenemipet, mother of the great steward of Amun for Amenhotep II, Kenamun, was shown as a royal nurse holding the young king on her lap in her sons tomb (Theban tomb 93). 1 6 2 Indeed, Kenamun held the coveted title of foster brother of the king, apparently due to his mothers role vis-avis the ruler. The wife of Pehsuker, Neith, was called royal nurse and great nurse who suckles the [god] in Theban tomb 88, where they were buried. Although the tomb may have been decorated in the early years of Amenhotep II, the military adjutant Pehsuker certainly functioned alongside Amenemheb Mahu during the reign of Thutmose III. In a scene that replicates one from tomb 85 of Mahu and Baky, Neith appeared with him offering the bouquet of Amun to the king and was called there "the singer of Amun, great nurse of the lord of the two lands, favored one of the good god, who nursed the god, perfect of suckling the one who is united to the breast." 163

THE REGIONAL

ADMINISTRATION164

Returning once more to the Duties of the Vizier, we recall the sections that refer to mayors, or h^tyw-—the men responsible for the economies of Egypts forty-two nomes, or regions, and particularly its primary urban areas. The four sections (11, 21, 25, and 32) that refer to mayors make it clear that the vizier could direct them to carry out both cultivation and harvest, as well as receive reports from them about their tax deliveries. He could also order them to the residence and hear any legal matters brought against them. Van den Boorn described the mayors' duties as follows: "They were responsible for the collection and transportation of taxes and deliveries of grain and other commodities. In addition they were charged in many instances with the support of local temples or state institutions. We find them entrusted with

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the management and control of granaries. In the N e w Kingdom they often combined their office of mayor with agricultural functions such as 'overseer of fields.' Apart from that, they could be charged as mayors with the management of particular types of fields, e.g., khato-fields. Especially from N e w Kingdom sources, one often gains the impression that their work to a large extent consisted of agricultural tasks." 1 6 5 From the monuments of men known to have been mayors in the reign of Thutmose III, agriculture would appear to have been a significant but perhaps not a primary occupation for them. In addition to commodity supervision, we find them involved in monument building, tutelage of royal children, and other court-related functions. However, the tomb of Pahery at Elkab shows the production and transportation of grain as the main function of that mayor, whose governance included both Nekheb (Elkab) and Iunyt (Esna). He was also a scribe of accounting, a position that was no doubt associated with grain deliveries as well. 1 6 6 Pahery may have been in the mayoral office for a long time, since he was also the royal nurse for prince Wadjmose, son of Thutmose I. T h e region of Esna was important for grain production in the early N e w Kingdom, and it had a high population density as well. In the tomb of Rekhmire, the delivery of grain to the vizier was effected by the mayor of Elkab and a ruler of the estate from Esna. This may well have been Pahery, accompanied by the estate administrator for this rich agricultural region. Three men are known to have been mayors of Thinis during this period: Satepihu was in office during the coregency of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, and, as already noted, he participated in the obelisk construction for the queen as recorded at the temple of Deir el-Bahari. T h e herald Intef who was so indispensable in the per nesu, was also mayor of Thinis and "chief of all the oases." Although it has been assumed that Intef campaigned in Palestine and Syria with Thutmose III, it may be that his travels with the ruler took place in the Egyptian desert regions that then delivered their revenues to Egypt, as shown in the tomb of Intef and also with emphasis in the tomb of Rekhmire. A third mayor of Thinis was the man named Min, who was also royal tutor to prince Amenhotep (II). In his tomb at Thebes ( T T 109) Min underscored his connections to both the Thinite and Abydene regions and his association with the western oases. On his funerary cone he was mayor of the oasis, and he was also overseer of priests of Osiris. In the tomb he was overseer of priests of Onuris. One Montuherkhepeshef, owner of Theban tomb zo, was the mayor of the tenth Upper Egyptian nome, with its center at ancient Tjebu, perhaps Qaw el Kebir. This man was also a fan bearer, but we know little else of h i m . 1 6 7 Also in Middle Egypt was the town of Nefrusy, led at this time by

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Iamnefer, son of one Pa-ahawty, also a mayor of that city. Iamnefer had earlier been a wab priest and scribe of divine offerings for Thoth, but later, to judge from his titles, he participated in at least one of Thutmose Ills Sed Festivals and eventually became high priest of Thoth as well as mayor. He also claimed the title of "great chief of the Hare nome," even before assuming his father s office. On a statue of his, apparently dedicated in Karnak Temple, he held the prince Aakheperenreseneb on his lap, a clear indication of his distinction at court. 168 Iamnefer s son, Suemniwet, became royal butler under Amenhotep II, having also accompanied Thutmose III on his travels in Syria and Palestine. Near the still unidentified site of Nefrusy was the Fayum Oasis, where a mayoral family flourished at this time. Two men, Kapu and his son Sobekhotep, held office in Fayum during the reigns of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II. The exact time of their functioning cannot be stated. The agricultural capabilities of Fayum were great and being reexploited in this period. The mayors there were known to have been involved with the distribution of local commodities, and they were also involved with provisioning the royal palace established at Gurob by Thutmose III. 1 6 9 A final mayoralty about which we have some information is that of Memphis. One Hemy was mayor of Mennefer in the reign of Thutmose III and is known from a statue in the Louvre. Another man, Kenamun, also held this title, as well as those of royal butler and overseer of the granary and several priestly ranks. Gessler-Löhr considered that the combination of Kenamuns mayoral position with the overseer of the granary rank suggests his involvement in the transportation of commodities from north to south. As stated earlier, this would agree with other indicators, such as the Duties of the Vizier. Van Sielen has pointed out that, despite his position in Memphis, this Kenamun was buried in Thebes, as a funerary cone demonstrates.170 Which man held office first during the fifty-year period is unknown. T H E K I N G ' S S O N A N D O V E R S E E R OF

SOUTHERN

C O U N T R I E S ( V I C E R O Y OF N U B I A )

The king s sons who headed the administration of Nubia during the New Kingdom derived their roles from Egypts military domination of the region, which began as early as the reign of Kamose. Important soldiers such as Ahmose, son of Ebana, and Ahmose-Pennekhbet from Elkab related some of the story of Egypt's conquest over the kings of Kush centered at Kerma. The military campaigns of the kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty who preceded Thutmose III secured this area for Egypt, and the civil administration that oversaw the peace in the region and carried out economic exploitation of the gold-bearing wadis, as well as the building of royal cities in the area, was well

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developed by the reign of Thutmose I . 1 7 1 T h e kings son and overseer of southern countries traveled back and forth between Egypt and Nubia on a circuit that characterized Egyptian foreign administration. He was assisted in his work by deputies (idnw) for Lower Nubia (Wawat) and Upper Nubia (Kush) and also by military commanders. In addition, local Nubian rulers were Egyptianized, no doubt by taking them to Egypt (shown in the tomb of Ineni, Theban tomb 81, reign of Thutmose II) and then returning them to rule as part of the royal administration. Their local power may well have been bolstered by their association with Egypt, and their willingness to participate was therefore probably real. These chiefs, two of whom (Djehutyhotep and his son Amenemhet) are known from the reign of Thutmose III at the site of Tehkhet (Debeira), were buried in a N e w Kingdom style tomb with Egyptian paintings on the wall. Djehutyhotep was the son of the last chief of Tehkhet, Ruiu, and thus this area had been brought under Egyptian influence early in the dynasty. 1 7 2 Concerning the kings sons and overseers of southern country for the reign there has been long discussion by scholars because the order and length of service of most of the officeholders are uncertain. Although Habachi believed that the first viceroy of the reign was Inebny (or Ini(anti), followed by Amen-em-nekhu, then Nehy, the most recent work has shown that only a few facts are certain. An unknown viceroy, whose name has been entirely erased, was in office in year 2; Amen-em-nekhu is known from year 18; a man whose named begins In[. . .] was overseer of southern countries in year 20; and Nehy is solidly dated in years 23 and 2 5 . 1 7 3 As Dziobek concluded, there are several viceroys from the coregency period, and it is obvious that the erasure of names suggests intense competition, exacerbated by the distance of the activity from Thebes or Memphis. O f the men named, only Nehy, who was in office in the sole rule of Thutmose III, was known to have left a tomb in Thebes. This same man left numerous monuments in Nubia and was responsible for building the city of Aniba, or Miam, which became the administrative center of Lower Egypt. His name and titles dedicated the storage magazine at that site, and he was known to have been active at major Nubian temple sites, including Buhen and Semneh and even as far south as Sai Island near the Third Cataract. At Qasr Ibrim he inscribed a grotto as a dedication from Thutmose III and himself to Horus of Miam. Despite the dearth of certain evidence about the various viceroys and the length of their service, the inscriptions from Nubia (with erasures) and the private tombs in Thebes attest to the regular arrival of Nubian deliveries at the royal house—during the coregency as well as the sole reign. T h e Annals of Thutmose III likewise show that yearly revenues were brought to Egypt from N u bia from years 31 to 42 (excepting 32).

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With the onset of the New Kingdom, Egypt entered a phase that is often termed imperial. A veritable ancient form of "Manifest Destiny" emerged in the ideology of royal inscriptions, where the pharaohs campaigns to overtake city-states in Palestine or to quell the forces of the Kushite ruler of Nubia were explained as "extending the borders of Egypt" As a recent work has noted, this expansion was always legitimized by reference to the foreigners as rebels against the king (and therefore the gods). 1 7 4 Nonetheless, this new approach to the external world necessitated a large standing army, and such quickly sprang into existence out of the forms already current at the end of the Second Intermediate period and influenced considerably by the forms of warfare current in the Near East. For example, the highest officers were called overseers of the army, a title of some antiquity. Commanders of troops were in charge of simple units of bowmen. The introduction of the chariot into the ancient world was changing the technology of war at this time, and one impact on Egypt was the rise of an equestrian elite that could keep and train horses for the chariotry.Thutmose I l l s own son, Amenhotep II, was such an athlete before succeeding his father, and his skills with horses and on the chariot are legendary. The appearance of an office, overseer of horses, is one index of this new development, and there are titleholders known from the reign of Thutmose III. Another feature of the military in the New Kingdom was bureaucratization—something characteristic of ancient Egypt in all periods. Scribes accompanied the army on its marches, keeping records of the skirmishes and, more importantly, keeping count of the soldiers. Other scribes registered the conscription of men into the military, and still others kept detailed accounts of the provisions allotted and distributed, as pictured in the tomb of Userhet in the reign of Amenhotep II (Theban tomb 56). 1 7 5

O V E R S E E R OF T H E

ARMY

The men known to have been overseers of the army in the reign of Thutmose III are few, and it is difficult, if not irrelevant, to suggest a chronological ordering of them. Indeed, all three holders of this office have different collateral functions and may have served in different capacities.The most famous overseer of the army is Djehuty, whose military exploits were celebrated in later times by the creation of stories about his craftiness. The New Kingdom tale about the "Taking of Joppa" includes an episode similar to that of Ali Baba (and the Trojan horse), wherein Djehuty hides two hundred soldiers in baskets, which are carried into the town as peace offerings. The taking of the city was thus accomplished through Djehuty s cleverness. 176

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Although Djehuty s tomb has been lost, objects in his name have provided a list of his titles, including overseer of northern countries and overseer of a garrison (zw Y), as well as overseer of foreign countries and royal scribe. 1 7 7 The likelihood is that Djehutys tomb is in Saqqara, from which his canopic jars were said to derive. 178 Djehutys ranks indicate his military and administrative roles outside Egypt. In addition to leading some of the king s armies, Djehuty oversaw the delivery of revenues from Syria and Palestine back to Egypt in his role as overseer of northern countries, 179 and he also led a garrison placed in a city or cities in the same region. One title from an alabaster jar calls him "confidant of the king in the gods land," suggesting that he operated in the Lebanon on behalf of the ruler. 1 8 0 In view of the later tradition about Djehutys fame, the story of his burial related by Bonomi, that he was found encased in gold on his fingers, toes, and elsewhere, with gold bracelets and a heart scarab on a chain, may be true. Bonomi noted that the heart scarab had gone to Leiden, and indeed that is where Djehutys scarab i s . 1 8 1 T h e mayor of Thinis and the western oasis, Min, was also termed "overseer of the army of the western river and chief and overseer of the south." There does not appear to be another instance of this first rank, and the "western river" cannot be certainly identified. It has been equated with the Canopic branch of the Nile and also with the region of Lake Mariotis, which was fed by that branch in ancient times. 1 8 2 This would have been far from the area of Mins major oversight—Thinis and the oases—but there is little evidence to improve upon the suggestion. Given Mins other rank as chief and overseer in the south, it may be that his military activity was directed toward the western oases. Perhaps the research of John Darnell in the western desert areas north of Luxor will shed light on the military activity there after the beginning of the New Kingdom, as well as before. 1 8 3 A third man who held the title of overseer of the army was Tjanuny, owner of Theban tomb 74, who died in the reign of Thutmose I V In the reign of Thutmose III, he was already very active in the army. According to Tjanuny s autobiography he recorded the kings actions in the field: "I it is who established the victories which he performed in every foreign country, having made in writing according to what was done." In this instance he referred to his primary office of "scribe of the army." In front of Thutmose I V he was shown presenting dignitaries from the northern countries, and in that instance he was termed "overseer of the army, scribe of recruits (nfrw)" He was called overseer of the army of the king in an offering formula, but more often he was termed "overseer of the scribes of the army." We remain uncertain whether Tjanuny ever led soldiers, as we suppose Djehuty did; indeed, if we are to conclude anything from his autobiography, he did not.

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However, he was highly valued during the reigns of three rulers. Schulman has concluded that this title did not have specific functions associated with it but indicated a "military officer" generally. More recently Gnirs has suggested that this office and that of "chief overseer of the army" both indicated the army commander and that, in addition, the position "overseer of the menfyt" was a variant of it. Given the scarcity of our evidence, it would be prudent not to suggest more than that the rank here was indeed a high one, as indicated by the other protocols of these three men. 1 8 4 Amenmose, owner of Theban tomb 42, held the lofty position of chief of bowmen, as well as "the one relating to the king in the two lands of Retenu" and "overseer of northern countries," the last a rank also held by Djehuty. Whether Djehuty preceded Amenmose in this last office is unknown. The taking of a fortress in Syria is depicted on the walls of his tomb, as is the presentation of northern tribute that includes Amenmose offering to Thutmose III. 1 8 5 This last scene may well be a function of his position as overseer of northern countries, which, like that of overseer of southern countries, included the supervision of revenue deliveries to Egypt. Amenmose names Amenhotep II in his tomb, although the ruler appearing there was probably Thutmose III. Like Djehuty, Amenmose appears to have been a regular army officer on whom the burden of administration was placed. A chief of bowmen, Nebamun, ownedTheban tomb 145, which was only recently published posthumously by Helck. 1 8 6 The tomb was photographed in the 1940s and visited in 1956, but it was found to be entirely destroyed in 1990. According to Helck the tomb dated to the end of the reign of Thutmose III. Thutmose Ills campaigns in Palestine and Syria were of great significance in his time and later, and the men who participated in those expeditions were aware of the historical moment of which they were a part. Several, for example, were with the king when he crossed the Euphrates River in Syria—referred to as the "great bend." Amenemheb (called Mahu), Iamnedjeh, Montu-iywy, and Minmose all reported the event on their monuments, and all returned to Egypt to be given significant roles at home. Amenemheb, perhaps more the pure warrior than the others, remained as adjutant of the army until his death, but he also served as a crew member of the divine boat of Karnak "Amun-Userhet." 187 His tomb bears a detailed text about the movements of the royal army in Syria during the eighth campaign, and it is clear that Amenemheb was a soldier who fought alongside the ruler, hand to hand, and captured the elite mariannu chariot warriors in more than one instance. As one who was "related to the legs" of the king (common to the men who fought with Thutmose III and Amenhotep II), Amenemheb

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stressed his loyalty to the sovereign and probably also his privileged position near the king. Amenemheb lived into the reign of Amenhotep II but probably only just. Pehsuker, owner of Theban tomb 88, held similar titles (although he was also a chief of bowmen) and died in the reign of Amenhotep II, who appears in his tomb. He was, like Amenemheb, an adjutant of the army, but he was also a fan bearer for the lord of the two lands. Intentional structural and decorative similarities between Amenemheb s and Pehsuker s tombs have recently been discussed. 188 T h e soldier Dedi, owner of Theban tomb zoo, fought in the Syrian wars with Thutmose III as well. He received the gold lion award with flies, as did his colleague Suemniwet, chief of stables and later royal butler and owner of Theban tomb 9z. Dedi had the title of chief of the companies (sjw) of the Great House (or pharaoh) and was also termed "valiant one of the menfyt "1S9 Men with military titles of a slightly lower level included Nebenkemet, chief of the stables. He was also a fan bearer and died in the reign of Amenhotep I I . 1 9 0 One Maienhekaw left several stelae that record his role as a weapon bearer for Menkheperre, a chief of the warship, fan bearer of the imu warship, and fan bearer for "Amehotep, the antelope," apparently the name of a ship. 1 9 1 One Intef, owner of Theban tomb 164, was a scribe of recruits in this period, probably operating at the same time as Tjanuny, who, however, rose in the ranks. 1 9 2 One Neferkhat was the owner of a stela showing Thutmose III offering before Amun-Re. On the stela Neferkhat is termed chief (W) of the Medjay, but he also claimed to have followed his lord on his marches in the northern and southern countries. Neferkhat, like Djehuty and Amenmose, claimed the title overseer of foreign countries, and he also had a son who assumed his fathers position of chief of police—or Medjay. Menkheperreseneb left a statue of himself on which he is termed overseer of foreign countries and chief of the Medjay, as well as a chief of stables of the lord of the two lands and overseer of hunters. Since he also claimed to have been "chief of the followers of his majesty when he was an inpu" Menkheperreseneb may well have served both Thutmose III and his son Amenhotep II. That he served the older king is suggested by his claim to be "one whose youth happened at the place where the god is, one whom the lord of the cult act instructed because he was effective to the heart." 1 9 3 T h e role of chief of the Medjay was assigned to Dedi, who had fought with Thutmose III in Syria and received the gold lion award. It is likely that Dedi s achievements in warfare earned him both the position of chief of the military phyles of the Great House, a function discussed earlier, and that of overseer of the desert on the west of Thebes. As chief of the Medjay, Dedi was responsible for policing the cemeteries of western Thebes

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and probably the accesses to them from the west. An unnamed chief (hry) of the Medjay of Coptos, overseer of the gold lands of Coptos, and overseer of hunters appears in the tomb of the high priest Menkheperreseneb, owner of Theban tomb 86. 1 9 4 It remains unclear whether the territory policed by Neferkhat and Menkheperreseneb was greater than that secured by Dedi and this anonymous functionary for the Coptite region. Both the cemetery areas of Thebes and the Wadi Hammammat access to the eastern gold lands would have demanded particular attention.

RELIGIOUS

ADMINISTRATION

Without a doubt the temple administration for the estate of Amun showed enormous growth through the coregency period and the sole reign of Thutmose I I I . 1 9 5 Monuments in the name of temple functionaries, as well as tombs in Thebes, attest to this burgeoning priesthood, and it is both men and women whose titles are more heavily attested in the period. From an absence of certainly identified high priests of Amun for the reigns of Thutmose I and II, the reign of Hatshepsut begins with the activity of Hapuseneb as first hem priest already evident. 196 Thutmose II is mentioned on one of his statues, and he claimed to have overseen the temple built at Karnak for Hatshepsut and Thutmose II together, although this may have been after the kings death. 1 9 7 Hapuseneb came from a well-connected family, his father having been a third lector priest of Amun and his mother a khekret nesu, or court lady. Hapuseneb left a tomb in Thebes (Theban tomb 67) in which he represented the felling of trees in Punt, alluding to his involvement in the great diplomatic mission sent to that southern locale. Hapuseneb participated in the construction of Hatshepsut s Valley of the Kings tomb and also directed a variety of works in Karnak. T h e overseer of the gold and silver houses (Djehuty) and Hapuseneb were involved with the production of a number of the same monuments. In this case Hapuseneb should be understood to have been principally responsible for the construction, while Djehuty was responsible for the valuable materials used. 1 9 8 He was the first high priest of Amun to also hold the title of overseer of hem priests of Upper and Lower Egypt, a title that remained with the high priests through the Twentieth Dynasty. In his complete involvement in the Amun cult, Hapuseneb administered both the staff and the property of the temple, including the cattle of Amun. On one statue, which contains the longest list of titles he held, Hapuseneb claimed the position of overseer of the city and vizier. It has already been noted that this may well have coincided with Useramuns tenure as vizier and could have been more of an honorific title than a true one. It was coupled in the inscription with overseer of the temples. 1 9 9 Hapuseneb

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mentioned only Hatshepsut in his tomb and probably predeceased the queen. 200 His immediate successor may not be known to us, but the next identified high priest was named Menkheperreseneb, owner of either Theban tomb 86 or 112. It was long assumed that a high priest of Amun named Menkheperreseneb had two tombs in Thebes, numbers 86 and 112, and that the latter was constructed first. Peter Dorman has argued, however, on the basis of the genealogies from these tombs, that there were two men with the same name and that the earlier high priest, Menkheperreseneb, owner of tomb 86, held office until a point late in the reign of Thutmose III (having begun at an unknown time) and that he was succeeded by his nephew, also named Menkheperreseneb. 201 While Dorman has persuasively demonstrated the existence of two men named Menkheperreseneb, which man served first remains somewhat uncertain. The genealogy's crux is the identification of the mother of Menkheperreseneb from tomb 86, the "sister of nursing of the king," Nebetta with the grandmother of Menkheperreseneb from tomb 112, called once simply Nebetta and once, apparently, mistress of the house. 202 Since the name Nebetta is not uncommon in this period, (Thutmose III himself was married to a woman of that name) perhaps caution should be given, since the style of tomb 112 does indeed, as Davies thought, appear to be earlier than that of tomb 86. Tomb 112 is a limestone relief one, typical of tombs of the earlier part of the dynasty, and it should be noted that the only monuments named in the tomb include both Djeser Djeseru, the temple of Hatshepsut, and Henketankh, the temple of Thutmose III. The later Djeser Akhet does not appear. The Menkheperreseneb of tomb 86 participated in the building of monuments in Karnak, particularly carrying the designation of overseer of works in "Amun who lifts up the crowns of Menkheperre," perhaps the king s granite naos in the heart of the temple, 203 and he held the title of overseer of the silver and gold houses, one presumes for the temple. He was also a chief of secrets for the two ladies, as well as overseer of the granaries for Amun and overseer of hem priests of Upper and Lower Egypt. These are largely titles well known for the later high priests of Amun, but it should be noted that the estates and buildings associated with the Amun temple were then expanding, so these titles may have been held first by Hapuseneb and one of the Menkheperresenebs. As Dorman has pointed out, the name of the temple of Djeser Akhet appeared in tomb 86, and he concluded that this suggests a date late in the reign of Thutmose III for the end of this Menkheperreseneb s tenure. 204 Os-

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traça referring to work there bear dates in years 43 and 44, but, as Dorman himself points out in another work, the temple of Djeser Akhet was a rebuilt form of an earlier Hatshepsut temple called Kha Akhet, and it was dedicated with the new name in the period of sole rule. It must remain open whether the temple of Djeser Akhet was entirely reconstructed by Thutmose III only in his late years or whether work had begun there earlier and then resumed. This would make the reference to Djeser Akhet in the first Menkheperresenebs tomb less diagnostic of a date for the high priests tenure. 205 Nonetheless, the mention of Syrian city-states, as well as the "great bend," or Euphrates River, implies that tomb 86 was decorated after the king s eighth campaign in year 33 and that Menkheperreseneb was in office at least that late in the reign. One might also point out that the high priest s name alone places his birth in the period of Thutmose I l l s rule. The second Menkheperreseneb, owner of Theban tomb 112, may have been the nephew of the high priest and owner of tomb 86 or he may have preceded him in office. His mother, Taiunet, the royal nurse, was married to the charioteer (snn) of his majesty Hepu. His titles included that of the high priest and also overseer of all hem priests of Upper and Lower Egypt. The second priest of Amun was the owner of Theban tomb 39, Puyemre, son of a dignitary named Puya. 2 0 6 Like others, Puyemre served both Hatshepsut and Thutmose III and successfully made the transition into the sole reign of the latter. On a statue from the temple of Mut, Puyemre spoke of overseeing construction of the ebony shrine of the queen, as well as [doors] of Tura limestone for that precinct. 207 The remains of Hatshepsut s limestone chapels in the Mut temple are still visible. At that early time in his career Puyemre was also overseer of the cattle and fields of Amun. In his tomb Puyemre showed his responsibilities with regard to receiving goods from the oases as well as booty from Nubia, including captives. The second priest of Amun frequently was involved in the royal constructions at Karnak, and Puyemre claimed that duty as well. In his tomb he appeared overseeing objects made for the temple and is addressed by the overseers of craftsmen of Karnak, as well as the overseers of works of the temple. The construction of two of the kings obelisks was also shown in the tomb— probably those erected soon after Hatshepsuts disappearance. Puyemre may have received the office of second priest by means of his marriage to a daughter of the high priest of Amun Hapuseneb, Seniseneb. That lady was the divine adoratrice of Amun and a temple singer as well, and she appears in the Gebel el-Silsila shrine of the high priest as well as in Theban tomb 39- 208 Seniseneb may have been the nonroyal woman whose job it was to enact the daily duties of the gods wife of Amun, a position held by

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several royal women during the reign. It is noteworthy that Puyemre had two wives, Seniseneb andTanefert, both of whom are shown with equal frequency through the tomb, normally one shown on either side of Puyemre. Puyemre may have been succeeded in his office by the owner of Theban tomb 86, Menkheperreseneb, later the high priest. T h e statue that would so identify him does not, however, bear a cartouche; nor are the mans parents named. T h e next certainly identified second priest of Amun in Karnak was Amenhotep Si-Se, whose tomb was built in the reign of Thutmose IV, although he may have served in the rank earlier. 209 A number of the duties associated with the second priest, namely, the oversight of temple constructions and related functions, were perhaps carried out by Menkheperreseneb as high priest of Amun. Several other men are known from the reign of Thutmose III with the title second priest of Amun. One was a son of Rekhmire named Neferhotep. That man appears in Theban tomb 100 offering perfume to his parents. T h e name is in an atenist mutilation and was originally reconstructed as Amenhotep by Sethe and later as Neferhotep by Davies. T h e title "second priest [of Amun]" is clear, however. 2 1 0 Kees expressed doubt that both this Neferhotep and a son of the vizier Useramun, Merimaat, were second priests of Amun in Karnak and felt that they may have rather functioned at Deir el-Bahari. 2 1 1 T h e same suggestion was applied to the second priest of Amun Mahu, who appeared in the tomb of Pehsuker, Theban tomb 88, as well as the second priest of Amun Ahmose, known from a statue in Copenhagen. 2 1 2 One Kaemheryibsen, owner of Theban tomb 98, was the third priest of A m u n . 2 1 3 He was the son of a royal nurse, Amenemipet, and was married to the royal ornament and singer of Amun Henuttawy. Van Sielen has argued that he was a brother, by one Nebiry and Amenemipet, to the great royal steward and steward of Amun under Amenhotep II, Kenamun. A fourth priest of Amun, Kaemamun, is known from a statue in the Louvre but cannot conclusively be associated with Karnak rather than the mortuary temple. 2 1 4 His son, Aakheperkareseneb, was the second priest of Thutmose III, but Puyemre also had sons who officiated in the mortuary temple of Henketankh.The same was true of Hapuseneb s son, who served in the mortuary temple of Thutmose I. Indeed, Kees made the point that the mortuary temple cults provided support for many family members of the elites in the Eighteenth Dynasty. 2 1 5 Other offices in the temple of Amun included the position of first king s son of Amun, held at this period by one Ahmose. This man left a statue, now in Brooklyn, 2 1 6 that records the fact that Hatshepsut (name replaced with that of Thutmose I) and Thutmose III awarded him with a gold-handled

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staff of electrum "[against] old age in the temple of Amun-Re" Ahmose also held the priestly title of pure priest and overseer of hem priests of Min of Coptos. In his role as first royal son of Amun, Ahmose may have substituted for the king during festivals at K a r n a k . 2 1 7 T h e grandson of a first royal son of Amun, one Amenhotep, also held positions in the temple of Amun as overseer of the lands of Amun, of the guardians (or tenants, khenty-she) of Amun, and of the granaries and serfs of Amun. He also acted as mortuary priest to Amenhotep I, Thutmose I, and Thutmose I I I . 2 1 8 Important administrative roles in the temple of Amun included the stewardship, well known to have been held by Senenmut, discussed earlier as royal steward.The stewardship of Amun was Senenmuts primary title through the coregency period, and he also held the positions of overseer of the granary of Amun and overseer of the fields and cattle, along with a number of other designations relating to the people and property of the temple. Senenmut was succeeded by one Roau, whose tomb in Thebes was a gift of the king founded at the same time as Djeser Akhet, apparently some years into the sole reign of Thutmose III, if not later. 2 1 9 One Sen-Djehuty, known from a statue found in the Karnak Temple of Ptah, included the titles of both steward of the temple of Amun and overseer of the granary of A m u n . 2 2 0 It is likely that Sen-Djehuty followed Roau in the office, since the latter was known to have been a contemporary of Senenmut. T h e high priest Amenemhet, owner of Theban tomb 97 and successor to one of the Menkheperresenebs, also listed the title steward of the temple of Amun as his function. Whether this was during the reign of Thutmose III or Amenhotep II, in concert with his pontificate, is unknown. 2 2 1 On a statue the overseer of the seal Sennefri was given the title of steward of Amun, but the title does not occur in his tomb, Theban tomb 99: 2 2 2 A contemporary of Senenmut, Duawynehhe, owner of Theban tomb 125, was the overseer of the workshops of Amun, while the royal steward Amenhotep, owner of Theban tomb 73, was an overseer of cattle of Amun and an overseer of the erection of obelisks in Karnak. 2 2 3 Minnakht, the overseer of granaries for Upper and Lower Egypt, also bore the title overseer of granaries of Amun in the northern region, as well as chief of serfs of Amun and overseer of the storehouse of A m u n . 2 2 4 T h e shared nature of the royal house, the central offices, and the temple of Amun regularly confronts us as we attempt to understand the workings of the administration. It appears that the men who operated across these borders attempted to relate their functions to the appropriate economic source, under whose seal work would have been done. It nonetheless remains obscure to us today. Another man who operated in the Karnak Temple was Amenemhet, owner of Theban tomb 53. He was a temple functionary (imy st~cf a gods father, and a pure priest. As a

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career member of the temple personnel, Amenemhet left a tomb that mentions not the ruler but the god as his source of support. 2 2 5 The evidence for the temple of Amun so overwhelms the preserved documentation from ancient Egypt that it does not allow us a clear idea of how powerful vis-à-vis other cults Amun was in the mid—Eighteenth Dynasty. We do, however, know of a few men who served in other priesthoods. For example, one Sennefer, whose family was buried in Sedment, the cemetery to Heracleopolis, held both the title of "greatest of seers in Heliopolis," that is, the high priesthood of Re, and the position of "sem priest and greatest controller of craftsmen," that is, the high priesthood of Ptah in Memphis. The combination of both positions in the hand of a single man is exceptional, but we are ignorant of his means of access to the functions. The stela derived from Sennefer s son-in-law s family tomb at Sedment, where the high priests daughter, Sherit-Re, and her husband, the hem priest of Heryshef Nebnakht, as well as their son, the priest of Heryshef Amenmose, were buried. 226 A man named Ken was the high priest of Mut, mistress of Isheru, and mistress of the sky during the reign of Thutmose III. His tomb, Theban number 59, also showed his brothers, both of whom held titles that may have been related to the Mut temple. One Kenamun was the overseer of gold workers and sculptors, while Wesy was the overseer of the granary. 227 Nebwawy was high priest of Osiris during this period and into the reign of Amenhotep II. He was also the steward of the temple of Osiris and a hem priest of Heket. 2 2 8 On a stela that Nebwawy set up in Abydos, the priest begins by stating that Thutmose III had given him the monument as a royal gift, although he did not have it carved until after the death of the ruler. Among the things he claimed was the direction of works in the temple, using precious metals and stones, all of which were under his seal. He was promoted among the nobles of the king, and upon the death of Thutmose III Amenhotep II gave him a statue of the deceased king, as "an image of millions of years in the temple of the father Osiris, along with divine offerings, fields, and tenants." 229 It is interesting to see that the enrichment of Nebwawy within his own temple of employment was enhanced by the statue donation. This may have been the equivalent of providing priestly offices in the mortuary temples of Thebes—in both cases the appointee receives a designated share. Also known from the Osiris temple during the reign was the mayor Min, who was overseer of hem priests of Osiris, as well as the festival leader of Osiris. In nearby Thinis, he was overseer of hem priests for Onuris and steward of Onuris. 2 3 0 One Hekanefer, son of a royal nurse, was a scribe of the temple of Osiris. His sons, like many courtiers, were given a role in the mortuary temple, as pure priest of Thutmose III and of the first phyle in Henketankh. 231

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Iamnefer, mayor of Nefrusy in Middle Egypt, was also high priest of Thoth, as well as greatest of the five in the temple of Thoth and scribe of divine offerings of Thoth, lord of Khemenu (Eight-town). His wife, Meryt, was greatest of the entertainers of T h o t h . 2 3 2 Although the men and women listed here as temple personnel represent only a small fraction of those known to have functioned during the long reign of Thutmose III, they are nonetheless representative, particularly of what is known of the highest priestly offices. Like the civil administrators these officeholders came from both established and new families, Hapuseneb being an example of the former and Menkheperreseneb, owner of Theban tomb 112, of the latter. We may add to their number the men, such as the overseer of works Minmose, whose postmilitary role was to oversee Thutmose I l l s temple constructions throughout Egypt.

CONCLUSION

While some of Thutmose I l l s military cronies, such as Iamnedjeh, were suited to the inner workings of the palace itself, others were better placed at the peripheries. Men such as Minmose, the overseer of works, and Neferperet, whom the king made a royal tutor and royal butler, were certainly welcome at court, but they did not serve in the royal house (per nesu) directly. Others, such as Amenemheb Mahu and Pehsuker, never left the military sector, but their court connections were secure and cemented through their wives, who were royal nurses. Over the course of the sole reign of Thutmose III, the various spheres of administration appear to have been regularly supplemented by the former war companions of the king. There is little to suggest yet, however, that that group of veterans filled many of the traditional ranks of the country, including the vizier, the overseer of the seal, overseer of the granary, or high priest of Amun. Indeed, Thutmose III was able to utilize the expertise of a professional bureaucracy to enable a smooth transition to sole rule and—even more extraordinary—was capable of leaving the country each year without fear of instability. Thanks to the obvious promotion of the vizierate at this time—regardless of when its rules as expressed in the Duties of the Vizier were composed—Useramun and Rekhmire provided a continuity and atmosphere of just order that was echoed in the aims of all the magnates of the time. T h e charge was to do things correctly, and men such as Intef, Iamnedjeh, Sennefri, and Djehuty vied with each other to do so. Thanks to the revenues coming into Egypt from Thutmose s campaigns, support was possible for the many who were available. Although we do not know the size of the several administrations during the period immediately before Thutmose I l l s accession, the documentation increases so

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greatly that it must be due to a new affluence and consequent burgeoning of the bureaucracy. Although they are only the most visible proof of the governments activity, monuments in stunning numbers echo the many men who directed their construction for the king. Likewise the individual monuments of officeholders throughout the country bespeak a healthy traditional government vitalized by an influx of new men from the former military ranks.

NOTES

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1. Martin-Pardey (1995) 269—85. J. J. Shirley has completed a dissertation on the administration of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II, focusing on the means by which offices moved through time. I wish to thank her for pointing out several errors in my first draft. Any remaining mistakes are solely my own. 2. Dziobek (1995) 135. 3. In a few instances the name of Hatshepsut was erased in the tombs. In fact, it is quite possible that in the case of Hapuseneb and Senemiah the cartouche erasures could have dated to the end of the reign, when the general proscription went on; see ibid., 134. 4. Helck (1958) 17—44; v a n den B o o r n (1988); Gessler-Löhr (1995) 133—57. 5. Dziobek (1994) 86. 6. Urk. IV1105.7—9. The Duties are summarized here, often with a literal rendering of the text which is unclear in meaning. The section numbers follow van den Boorn. The conclusions made here about the functions of the vizier do not entirely agree with van den Boorns assessment (1988). 7. Sec. 2. The punctual sealing and opening of the locked enclosures (khetmu) were reported to him; the condition of the southern and northern fortresses was reported to him. Everything that left or entered the per nesu was reported to him. The overseer of police, policemen, and overseers of the district reported conditions to him. Sec. 3. The vizier comes before the king daily to report the condition of the two lands. The overseer of the seal informs the vizier that all affairs of the palace are sound, and the vizier tells the overseer of the seal that the locked enclosures have all been closed and opened on time. Then the vizier has the doors of the per nesu opened to allowed things to enter and leave. Sec. 4. The vizier punishes all officials of the bureaus (khaw). They cannot be judged within their offices. Sec. 5. His message is the priority of any official to whom it is sent. It takes the mayors and estate leaders to the 'aryt. The messenger cannot be forced to prostrate himself. Sec. 6. The vizier questions officials and finds them culpable such that their names are placed on a register in the Great Prison, where they can be found if they commit additional offenses. Sec. 8. Petitioners whose requests involve land are summoned directly to the vizier, who also consults the overseer of fields and the council of the mat. Otherwise messengers go to the petitioners as agents of the vizier. Sec. 9. The vizier brings the councillors of the district (kenbetyu w) to report their condition. Every imyt-per (transfer deed or will) is brought to him, and he seals it. Sec. 10. He allots shed fields for state service and inspects the documents assigning them when challenges are made. Sec. 11. Petitions of officials sent on mining expeditions must be reported to him in writing only, not by oral testimony.

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Sec. 12. The vizier sends the messengers of the per nesu to the mayors and estate leaders (hekau hut). He sends every circuit officer and every expedition of the per nesu. Sec. 13. He appoints members of the magistracy (nety em serut) in Upper and Lower Egypt and Thinis. They report to him every four months and bring their documents and those of their councils. Sec. 14. The vizier assembles a traveling army unit to escort the king north and south. He directs the remainder (of the army) to stay in Thebes in the residence according to what the king has ordered. He instructs the captain of the king s vessel, and likewise a council of the army to provide them with the protocols (tep red) of the army. Sec. 16. He sends [a contingent] to cut down sycamore trees on the king s command. He sends the councillors of the district to open canals throughout the whole land. He sends the mayors and estate leaders for cultivation and for the harvest (tax). Sec. 17. The vizier appoints the overseer of police in the office of the per nesu. He conducts a hearing of the mayors and estate leaders who represent him in Upper and Lower Egypt. Every legal matter is reported to him, as well as the condition of the fortress of the south [Elephantine?] and any arrest that concerns stealing. He redistributes the plunder of warfare in every town district (sepat). He judges the thief. Sec. 18. He sends the scribes of the mat to carry out the king s instructions, with written documents required for the hearings. He creates the boundaries of all domains, vegetable plots, divine offerings, and everything sealed. He enforces royal pronouncements (shed-ra). Sec. 19. He hears any complaint (?) when a man goes to court against a colleague. He selects anyone appointed to the "aryt. Anyone investigated in the per nesu comes to him. He hears every command. Col. R28.The vizier hears about the discontinuation of any divine offering. He provides food for anyone to whom it is given. Col. R29. He collects the deliveries of the gesu-per workshops. The great council reports to him its provisions of food in his presence. He hears the workshop (shena). Col. R30. He hears about the "arryt and everything offered to the "arryt. He opens the gold house together with the overseer of the seal. He inspects the revenue of the land. Col. 31. The vizier makes an inventory of all cattle to be counted. He oversees the drink supply(?) (Swrt) for every ten-day period. Col. 32. The deliveries (inu) of the mayors, estate leaders, and everyone are reported to him. The overseer of the district and every policeman report conflicts to him. Col. 33. [. . .] report to him by the month concerning the accuracy of deliveries . . . the rising of Sothis, the beginning of the inundation . . . Col. 34. He assigns ships to everyone to whomever they should be assigned. He sends [meaning uncertain] every messenger of the per nesu concerning . . . when the lord is on an expedition. He . . . Col. 35. Every council of the front and the rear of the fleet reports to him. He seals every decree of . . . Col. 36. . . . a doorkeeper of the "arryt reports to him. 8. Van den Boorn (1988: 182) believes the vizier only dealt with imyt pers of a "public" nature; however, the text does not support this view. 9. Van den Boorn, who argues for the physical existence of the "royal house" (ibid.: 67), has a hypothetical drawing of the complex, while Martin-Pardey (1995: 269—85) argues that it should not be understood as a royal household or palace but rather as the abstracted "administrative apparatus." 10. Van den Boorn (1988) 276; ntf sdm %vd nb. 11. Urk. IV379.15—21.

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12. Ibid., 489—94. 13. Ibid., 1384, from the papyrus Turin i.The appointment text from the tomb is undated and is lengthier (1380—83). 14. For the year 28 date in tomb T T 82 of Amenemhet, scribe of the vizier, see Urk. IV1043. For suggestive evidence, see Dziobek (1994) 100. For the year 34 date for Rekhmire, see Megally (1977) 245, 278—79. 15. Dziobek (1995) 137 (line 31 of the text). This text bears much in common with the "Installation of the Vizier," being more concerned with the morality of the office and its association with righting wrong. It uses the same formula, "Behold you are one who . . " that appears in the installation text in the tomb of Rekhmire. Cf. Dziobek (1994), pi. 82; and Urk. IV1090—91.13. 16. Giddy (1980) 119—25. 17. Dziobek (1994) 80—83. 18. Urk. IV1046. 19. Ibid., 1048. This is an apparent reference to the version of the Amduat written on the walls of Thutmose I l l s burial chamber. 20. The family is named in Whale (1989) 55—58. See also Helck (1958) 436—37 and plates. 21. Helck (1958) 131—35, 437—38 and plates. 22. Ibid., 131—32 and 287, n. 112. 23. Megally (1977) 220—25. 24. Urk. IV1151. 25. Ibid., 1154. 26. Ibid., 1140, 1145. 27* Gessler-Löhr (1995) X33—57Î Brussels Royal Museum E7333, P M III 2 , 865; Museum of Fine Arts Boston 29.728, P M VIII part 2, 517. 28. Urk. IV1376, Cairo J E 38336. 29. Gessler-Löhr (1995) 133—57, Leiden A M 1; a palette in Louvre N 3026, P M III 2 , 773; a cubit rod in Leiden, A D 54, P M III 2 , 774. 30. Likewise, see Murnane (1998) 201—2; and Zivie (1988) 27—28. 31. Urk. IV354, from Deir el-Bahari. 32. Van den Boorn (1988) 61—62. See also Helck (1958) 77—88 for the office; and 345—52 for the officeholders. 33. Van den Boorn (1988) 62 and n. 42. 34. Murnane (1998:182—83) rejects the view that the overseer of the seal was the treasurer and sees him as only an official of the royal household. 35. Urk. IV530. 36. See also van den Boorn (1988) 361. 37. Bryan (1991) 245—46; Spiegelberg (1928) 105—15; Helck (1958) 82. 38. Urk. IV32-39; Helck (1958) 466. 39. Urk. IV34. 40. From British Museum, EA 174. Dorman (1988) 171, 207, 212. 41. See notes 31—32 in this chapter. 42. Zivie (1984) 245—52. 43. Urk. IV419. 44. Habachi (1957) 88—104. 45. Ibid., 99—100; Vandersleyen (1995a) 281—82. 46. Louvre 3230b; Wente (1990) 92; Peet (1926) 70—72. 47. Urk. IV886-89.

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48. Ibid., 528. The date of the functioning of Sennefri here follows Megally (1977) 274—75, and Dziobek (1994) 100, contra Helck (1981b) 39—41. 49. Bietak (1980) 63. 50. Urk. IY536 (festival leader for Atum), 541 (festival leader for all gods of Heliopolis), 530 (festival leader for southern Heliopolis). 51. Polz (1990) 43—60. 52. Urk. IV530—31. 53. Ibid., 546. 54. Van den Boorn (1988: 99—106) discusses the mayors and documents of the period in which they are attested. 55. Urk. IV587 (year 33 text); 548. 56. P M I 2 ,1:205 (3) (5). 57. Urk. IV535. For the entire journey, see 532—36. 58. Ibid., 536-37. 59. Ibid., 536, 540, 541, 542. 60. Ibid., 540, 546, 547. 61. Ibid., 1027—29. 62. Bryan (1990) 82, with the discussion of the monuments of Min. 63. Following Megally (1977) 274—75. Cf. Caminos and James (1963) 35, 74. 64. Literature cited in Guksch (1995) 15 and n. 5—12. 65. Urk. IV1179.The suggestion that this is the same man known from the statue in Cairo, C G 42123, followed by Guksch, is unconvincing. That statue s inscription appears to name only a man named Djehuty, and the style of that statue makes it comfortable only in the early part of the reign, probably the beginning of the sole reign. See P M II 2 , 202. 66. See Guksch (1995), an excellent volume that tackles many of the difficulties of these tombs. 67. For the titles of Minnakht, see ibid., 17—19. 68. Urk. IV1184, 1190. See Wb III.360 for watery regions in the delta. 69. Megally (1977), esp. 113—32. 70. Urk. IV530.11—16. 71. Ibid., 1582. 72. Helck (1958) 81; Murnane (1998) 182-83. 73. Urk. IV1845,1841—42. In addition, the scribes accompanying Khaemhet represent both the royal household and the granary: the "scribe of counting grain for the lord of the two lands in Upper and Lower Egypt" and "the scribe of the granary of the Great House" are shown together. (1844). 74. The "great granary" is mentioned in Louvre 3026 as the delivery point for Rekhmire s grain. See n. 11 in this chapter; and Urk. IV1189. 75. Megally (1977) 274-78. 76. A statue in Leipzig, number 13; and a funerary papyrus, Louvre E 3074 (ibid., 276). 77. Megally (1977) 276—77; Bryan (1991) 255—57, citing also (in note 112) British Museum E A 35400, a glazed steatite statuette of one Tjununa, overseer of the cattle of Amun and of the temple of Menkheperre—possibly one of these two men named Tjenuna. 78. Texts at Urk. IV937—62,1370; Gnirs, Grothe, and Guksch (1997) 57—83; and Polz (1991) 281-91 (fig.). 79. Guksch (1995) 122—23. 80. Ibid., 123. 81. Helck (1958) 505—7.

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82. Urk. IV1206. 83. Ibid., 513, 1026. On Amenemhet, see P M I 2 , 1:236—37. This man was also "one who inscribes all people without exempting one." 84. Section R30 of the "Duties" Van den Boorn (1988) 62. See also 361—62 for the opinion that the "treasury" was the pr~} "house of silver," despite citations of the title overseer of the gold and silver houses. 85. Bryan (1991) 247—48, followed by Murnane (1998) 187 and n. 54. 86. Dorman (1988) 212, 206. 87. Urk. IV421. 88. Ibid., 429. 89. Ibid., 436. 90. Ibid., 412. 91. Ibid., 512—15. 92. Ibid., 1372—73. See also Shore (1969—70) 151—53. 93. Urk. IV937—62, esp. 953—55. 94. Van den Boorn (1985) 1—25. 95. After Lichtheim (1975) 67, slightly amending the translation. 96. Mr rwyt sdmt wV Urk. IV961. 97* Ibid., 410> 54^98. Van den Boorn (1988) 102, sec. 11. 99. Ibid., 82. 100. Urk. IV984, from Ibrim; P M VII, 81 (Aniba on jambs from a storage magazine), 93. 101. According to Helck (1958) 67. 102. Urk. IV1369. 103. Ibid., 1021. 104. Photographs of the statue, front and rear, are reproduced in Hornung and Bryan (2002) no. 11, 91—92. 105. Urk. IV1069; Spalinger (1984) 631—51. 106. Pardey (1997) 377—97. The viewpoint expressed here about the officeholders for the reign of Thutmose III does not always agree with that of Pardey. She considers this to be a more powerful position than I do. 107. Urk. IV940—41, 942. 108. Polz (1991) 281—91. 109. Pardey (1997) 377—97, esp. the statue mentioning the crossing of the Euphrates ( Urk. IV1370). no. P M I 2 , 1:263-65; Urk. IV963-75; Helck (1958) 67-68. in. Urk. IV968. 112. Ibid., 969. 113. Ibid., 966—67. 114. Van den Boorn (1988) 12—41 (for a session before the vizier), 55—76 (for the viziers reporting before the king each day); Helck (1958) 66. Cf. Schulman (1964) 38, 90. 115. Van den Boorn (1988) 218, 220, 226, sec. 14, R23—24. 116. Ibid., 974—75. 117. Helck (1958) 68-70; Urk. IV35, 528, 548, 452; P M I 2 , 1:227—28, 409—10. 118. Ibid., 1379—80. 119. On royal messengers in general, see Valloggia (1976). 120. Van den Boorn (1988: 89—96) discusses sections 9—13 of the Duties regarding the messenger. He concludes that this refers only to a viziers messenger, but the text states, "as

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119

for any messenger whom the vizier sends with a message to an official" In any case the immunity of the royal messenger would hardly have been less than that of the vizier. 121. Fischer-Elfert (1983); Redford (1992) 201—2. 122. This was Dedi, owner of Theban tomb 200. See P M I 2 , 1:303—4. 123. Otto (1975d) 846-47; Urk. IV323, 889. 124. Urk. IV325—26. 125. Ibid., 1378—79. 126. Ibid., 889. 127. Ibid., 995—96; Bryan (2000a) 74—75 [71—84]. 128. Van den Boorn (1988: 203—4) equates the "messenger of the royal house" of sections 21 and 34 with the "royal messenger." 129. On chief stewards, see the prosopographies in Helck (1958) 356—65. 130. Dorman (1991) 179; idem. (1988). 131. Urk. IV396-98. 132. Dorman (1991) 179. 133. Urk. IV404—5. For the "judge of the gate," see van den Boorn (1988) 80. 134. Urk. IV411. 135. Ibid., 412. 136. P M I 2 , 1:143-44. 137. Urk. IV394—95; Helck (1958) 364—65, with n. 1 on 365. 138. Urk. IV548. 139. On royal butlers, see Helck (1958) 269—76; and Schmitz (1986) 771—72. See also the important remarks on the varying ranks of butlers in Schulman (1976) 123—24. 140. Schmitz (1986) 771—72. 141. Urk. IV2177—78. 142. Van Sielen (1991) 156—60. 143. Urk. IV1466-68. 144. Ibid., 1449—52. The tomb has been prepared for publication by this author. 145. On the children of the kap} see Feucht (1995) 272—308. Pages 272—76 list the officeholders under Thutmose III. Although some references were missed with regard to the periods of Thutmose I V and Amenhotep III, in general this is a useful overview of the literature. See also Feucht (1985) 38—47. 146. De Linage (1939) 217—34, pis. X X I V — X X V 147. See Bryan (forthcoming) for a discussion of the petitions context; and the remarks in Spalinger (1984). 148. See, most recently, Feucht (1995) 268. There is no room in the text s gaps to provide for granting freedom to the slave. See Bakir (1953) 48—52 (on the formula for emancipation, including New Kingdom examples), 82—87 (on slave marriage and ownership of property). 149. On royal nurses, see Roehrig (1990a). 150. Loyrette (1992) 131—40. 151. Cairo J E 27815, in Urk. IV1065—70. See also Spalinger (1984) 631—51. 152. Urk. IV34. 153. Dorman (1988) 124—26, 170—71; Helck (1958) 478. On Theban tomb 252 for Senimen, see P M I 2 , 1:337. 154. Urk. IV976-81. 155. P M I 2 i, 325. 156. Ibid., 1447. See Bryan (1991) 46—49 for a discussion of the dating of these princes. 157. Urk. IV1373—74.

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158. Cairo JE 56264, P M II 2 , 371, from Deir el-Bahari. 159. CG 34080, Lacau (1909), pl. xl, 127—29. 160. CG 34117, ibid. For Sitamun, see P M II 2 261, pl. liii, 169. 161. Urk. IV913 (list of titles, including those shown here bracketed), 920—22. 162. P M I 2 I, 192; Urk. IV1395—96. Pehsuker appears in the same scene. 163. Urk. IV1460. 164. Generally, see Helck (1958) 220—25. 165. Van den Boorn (1988) 243. 166. Urk. IV124—25. Van den Boorn (1988: 106—7) discusses the administration of Esna and Elkab under Pahery, although he followed von Beckerath in dating that tomb to Thutmose I. This view would hardly be followed today, for stylistically the tomb is entirely of the time of Thutmose III. 167. PM I2,1:34—35. Theban tomb 20 is afinelimestone relief tomb in Dira Abu en-Naga. 168. Iamnefer s family is being studied by J. J. Shirley as part of a doctoral dissertation, completed in 2005. Preliminary results were reported at the ARCE annual meeting in Chicago in April 1999. See also Urk. IV1453—55. See Dorman (1988) 217 re the participation in the Sed Festival. 169. Bryan (1991) 103—5, with literature cited. 170. Gessler-Löhr (1997) 34—37; Van Sielen (1991) 156—60. 171. Generally, see Habachi (1981) 630—40. W.V Davies, Keeper of Egyptian Antiquities at the British Museum, will publish new inscriptions of this early period that he recently discovered in the Kawa region. 172. Säve-Söderbergh (1991) 186—94. See also Morkot (1991) 199. Cf. the view of Vandersleyen (1995a: 311). 173. Dziobek (1993) 29—32; El-Sabbahy (1992) 99—102; Pamminger (1992) 97—100; Weinstein (1978) 39—42; I, Müller (1982) 465—70; Dewachter (1976) 151—53; Habachi (1961) 210—25. 174. Galan (1995). 175. Beinlich-Seeber and Shedid (1987). 176. Wente (1972) 81—84. 177. Urk. IV999—1002. See the objects in the excellent catalog edited by Eggebrecht and Eggebrecht (1987: 120 [dagger], 338—44). 178. Eggebrecht and Eggebrecht (1987) 344; Reeves (1993) 259—61. British Museum EA 71492 suggests an association with the burial of Djehuty, which was brought to light by local inhabitants at Saqqara in 1824. 179. Murnane (1997a) 251—58. 180. Urk. IV1000; Eggebrecht and Eggebrecht (1987) 340. 181. Reeves (1993) 260; Eggebrecht and Eggebrecht (1987) 344. 182. Hannig (1995) 1315; Helck (1958) 231. 183. See, for example, Darnell and Darnell (1997) 241—58. 184. Schulman (1964) 41—44; Gnirs (1996). 185. Davies (1933). For titles, see pi. 39. 186. Helck (1996) 73-85. 187. Urk. IV895-905. 188. Ibid., 1459—63; Manuelian (1987) 122; Gnirs, Grothe, and Guksch (1997) 57—83. 189. Urk. IV995—96. 190. P M I 2 , 1:340—41, Theban tomb 256. 191. A recent article that discusses all the monuments is Chevereau (1997) 9—28: Louvre C 59, Turin 1459, and a funerary cone in the Cairo Museum, as well as another stela known

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from the antiquities trade in Paris. Chevereau concluded that the name Amenhotep-behes referred to the future king Amenhotep IL This may be the case, but it does not seem certain. 192. P M I 2 , 1:276-77. 193. Urk. IV993—94. 194. Ibid., 931; Davies (1933), pl. IX. 195. On religious administration in general, see Kees (1953). Most recently, Eichler (2000). 196. Bierbrier (1977) 1241—49; Kees (1953) 10—13; Helck (1977) 955—56, Eichler (2000), no. 433, p. 306. 197. Urk. IV474—76; Vandersleyen (1995a) 265—67, citing works by L. Gabolde on the monuments of Thutmose II. 198. Close reading of the texts of the two men makes this clear. See, for Hapuseneb, Urk. IV474—77; and for Djehuty 421—41. For Djehuty, Eichler (2000), no. 564, 327. 199. Helck (1958) 434; Urk. IV471—87, esp. 471—78. 200. Dziobek (1995) 133. 201. Dorman (1995:148—54) also discusses earlier proposals by Lefebvre and Davies. Eichler (2000), no. 260 ( T T 112); no. 261 ( T T 86), 279. 202. Davies (1933), pl. X I V (tomb 86), pis. X X I V X X V I (tomb 112). In plate X X V I , what appears as nbtpr may have been incorrectly copied for nbt but there is no sign of the snt n mn Y n nsw title. 203. Dorman (1995) 154, citing Barguet (1962) 316—17. See also Urk. IV932.14—933, 4: . . [called] Amun who raises the crowns of Menkheperre out of strong granite, from a single stone on each of its ways [?] w3t.[f nb], . . . worked with electrum, . . . with sandstone, worked with the best gold of the deserts . . . worked with gold." 204. Dorman (1995) 154. 205. Dorman (1988) 135—37. 206. See Urk. IV520—27, for his monuments. Eichler (2000), no. 225, 273. 207. Urk. IV520—21. 208. Caminos and James (1963), pi. 38; Davies (1922) pis. IX, LXII, L X I V 209. Dorman (1995) 151—52; Bryan (1991) 269 for Amenhotep Si-Se. 210. Urk. IV1168. Eichler (2000), no. 370, 296. 211. Kees (1953) 20, 23. 212. Urk. IV1460; Manuelian (1987) 107. The statue is Copenhagen A E I N 74. 213. Manuelian (1987) 108, citing literature; Van Sielen (1985—86) 87—91. Eichler (2000), no. 529, 321—22. 214. Louvre 10443, a family statue of limestone. See Kees (1953) 24. Eichler (2000), no. 527, 321. 215. Ibid., 13. For example, the son of the overseer of the granaries, Minnakht Menkheperreseneb, was himself overseer of the granaries and also pure priest of Amun in Henketankh; his son, Nebenmaat, was scribe of the temple in Henketankh. See Urk. IV1198—1201.The forthcoming publication of T T 72 by Peter Piccioni will deal with these priestly families. 216. Brooklyn 61.196. See James (1974) 77—78, pi. 47; and Sauneron (1968) 45—50. Eichler (2000), no. 014, 239. 217. Kees (1953) 21; Dewachter (1984) 83—94. 218. Habachi (1968) 51—56. Eichler (2000), no. 134, 259. 219. Dorman (1988) 178—79. Eichler (2000), no. 505, 317—18; no. 398, 301. 220. P M II 2 , 202, Cairo, C G 42123. Eichler (2000), no. 507, 318. 221. Urk. IV1412. 222. Helck (1958) 467.

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223. Urk. IV453—54, 460. Eichler (2000), no. 560, 326; no. 098, 253. 224. Urk. IV1177—90. The Amun titles are in the burial chamber. Eichler, no. 389, 299. 225. Urk. IV1217—25. Eichler, no. 045, 244. 226. The stela is J E 46993. See Hornung and Bryan (2002) 92—93 (entry by Elaine Sullivan, "Stela of Nebnakht and Family"). The J E number omits last digit. 227. P M I 2 , 1:120—21; unpublished personal notes from the tomb. 228. Urk. IV1494—96; Manuelian (1987) 107. 229. Urk. IV, 1495. 230. Ibid., 976—82. 231. Lacau (1909) C G 34117, of the royal nurse Nebetkabeny. 232. Urk. IV1454—55.

FOUR

Religion and Cult during the Time of Thutmose III LANA TROY

T

he wealth of empire that characterized the reign of Thutmose III generated an extensive range of material expressions of religiosity. This documentation, as it has survived, reveals some of the concerns of this period, providing an initial view of the development of New Kingdom religious thought. The comparatively sparse remains of earlier Eighteenth Dynasty reigns invites an interpretation of this period as innovative. While this may be true, a note of caution is in place, as new material may reveal unexpected, earlier contributions.1 This survey deals with the core elements of religious expression, as conveyed by the material dated to the reign of Thutmose III. A small number of monuments have been selected as representative of the period. The Festival Hall of Thutmose III and the Deir el-Bahari temple of Hatshepsut are obvious choices. Another important source is the bark chapel of Hatshepsut, while present work on the Deir el-Bahari temple of Thutmose III promises to contribute to our knowledge of the cult practices of the period. 2 Theoretical issues in the study of Egyptian religion have been set aside. The discussion regarding the emergence of the sun cult, and its possible implications, is well known through the work of Assmann. 3 The emphasis placed on this aspect of the period has to some extent overshadowed the interest it shows in traditional forms. The review that follows is somewhat simplistic in its emphasis on primary sources and the basic components of religious activities. It provides, however, in my view, a representative view of this period. The innovative forms of religious expression that emerge at this time are imaginative formulations of traditional concepts, indicating that above all the theologians

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of the middle Eighteenth Dynasty were firmly grounded in the accumulated corpus of ancient Egyptian religious expression.

T H E GODS AND GODDESSES

Amun-Re was the natural focus for royal cult activity during this period. 4 The name combination, as well as Amuns characteristic ithyphallic form, are documented as early as the Eleventh Dynasty. 5 By the Eighteenth Dynasty, "Amun-Min," is joined by the image of the striding or enthroned divine king. These two forms conveyed the god s double nature. The Min aspect comprised the concept of self-generating male fertility. The inclusion of a solar reference added cyclical renewal to this gods character. Amuns explicit dual nature is exemplified in the material of this period in, for example, the two forms found at Thutmose I l l s mortuary temple, Amun-Min, who resides in Henketankh, and Amun-Re-Kamutef. 6 Amun-Min was also connected to Horus. The god Horus-Min, the Victorious, is documented during the Middle Kingdom. In Coptos, Thutmose III is given the form of this god. 7 The solar aspect of Amun entailed a special connection to the theology of Heliopolis and to its gods, including Atum. 8 Amun became, within the context of the divine kingship, a Theban manifestation of Re. The conceptual unity of these two regional expressions of the kingship is illustrated by a hymn dated to the Second Intermediate period. 9 It is dedicated to Re, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, and to Min-Amun, Lord of Eternity, Maker of Forever. The god is "the one who made humankind and created animals, lord of that which is, creator of the tree of life, from whose eye all vegetation went forth. . . . He is the one who made that which is beneath and that which is above, . . . who crosses the heaven in peace . . . the maker of the gods who lifts up heaven and holds back the earth." To this is added Atum, "who made the common people, distinguished their characters . . . separated their colors, one from the other." The elevated creator described in these lines can, however, be reached through supplication, as he "listens to plea of the one who is in distress" and is "gracious when one calls to him." This imagery of the merciful creator is linked to that of the kingship, as the god receives royal insignia such as the Two Feathers, and the White Crown. He is the "Lord of Rays who makes light," who gives assistance to the one whom he loves, while consuming his enemy with fire. This hymn describes the deity as consisting of attributes found in the core identities of Amun and Min, Re and Atum. He is a primeval creator and cyclically self-renewing solar deity, active earthly progenitor, and divine ruler of the combined divine and mortal worlds.

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Hathor had a special status on the Theban west bank during this period. The connection between this goddess and the royal cult is found at Thebes from the Eleventh Dynasty, when she is depicted in the temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep as "Mistress of Dendera," a title often applied to this goddess in Thebes. 1 0 A cult of Hathor may have existed at Karnak during the Twelfth Dynasty, as suggested by a double statue of Senwosret I and Hathor, Chieftainess of Thebes. 1 1 The Hathor chapel of the Deir el-Bahari temple of Hatshepsut is the earliest known structure dedicated to that goddess on the west bank. 1 2 Depicted in the form of a cow, she is titled Hathor of Dendera, Chieftainness of Thebes. As the protective and nourishing mother, she is shown licking the queen, as the cow does her calf. 1 3 Cattle references are prominent in the accompanying texts, where Hathor is referred to as theTjenenet cow and Apis is theTjenen bull, "who engendered the heifers." 14 Anubis is also cited here as the "Lord of the Horned Ones, who resides in the land of the heifers." 15 The birth of Horus in the marshes is the underlying theme of these scenes. The goddess kisses the queen, "as I did for Horus in the nest at Chemmis." Hatshepsut, the child of the divine cow, is "my Horus of Gold." 1 6 Suckled by the divine cow, Hatshepsut receives the gifts of life and strength as well as the power of the transfigured Akhu. I 7 This theme is used to bring other goddesses into the role of protective and nourishing mother. Tefnut, Nut, Nephtys, Hathor, Satis, Anubis, Nekhbet, Wadjit, andTjenenet are among those goddesses cited as providing milk for the king. 1 8 This theme is also extended into the tomb decoration of Thutmose III, where the king is depicted suckling the tree goddess identified as Isis, which was also the name of his earthly mother. 19 The monuments of the west bank reflect the close relationship between Hathor and Amun. 2 0 The organization of the two cults confirms that they were perceived as a couple.The mortuary temple of Thutmose III maintained three cults, those of Amun, Hathor, and the king. As in the sun temples of the Fifth Dynasty, where priests of Re served in the cult of Hathor, 21 priests attached to the cult of Amun also attended to the cult of the goddess. 22 This appears to have been the case at Hatshepsuts Deir el-Bahari temple as well, as Senenu was high priest of Hathor s, as well as Amuns, cult in this temple. 23 Hathor was also a "diadem goddess." This term is used to cover those female deities that are identified with the royal crowns and their authority. The image of the uraeus as daughter of Re is associated with numerous goddesses, Hathor, Sakhmet, and Maat among them. In her twin manifestations as Hathor, "Chieftainess of Thebes," and Hathor, Mistress of Dendera, this goddess participated in the coronation, providing the queen with the crowns that symbolized her authority. 24

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Mut, Mistress of Isheru, gradually became the most important of the Theban diadem goddesses. There are indications that Mut was a solar variation of the vulture goddess Nekhbet. 25 The Double Crown characterizes the iconography of the goddess and signifies, as it does for Nekhbet, the hegemony of the south over the north. Mut is repeatedly treated as a variation of the uraeus, also manifested in the lioness form of Sakhmet. The inscription on a statue of Hapuseneb, the high priest of Amun under Hatshepsut, 26 addresses Mut, Mistress of Isheru, together with Sakhmet the Great, Mistress of the Two Lands, and Bastet, Mistress of Ankhtawy, a Memphite district. The text paraphrases the Middle Kingdom diadem hymn 2 7 and echoes a segment of the daily ritual used to appease the uraeus guarding the naos of the god. 28 The text ends as the goddess is asked to direct her wrath against enemies of the queen. Amaunet, depicted, like Mut, as the consort of Amun, displays characteristics suggesting that she was Muts northern counterpart. Amaunet is found in a number of ritual scenes from this time and with greater frequency than Mut. 2 9 This goddess is nominally the female counterpart of Amun, found in the Hermopolitan Ogdoad. 3 0 Her iconography, however, adds another dimension to the discussion of Muts role as a version of Nekhbet. Wearing the Red Crown, in contrast to the Double Crown of Mut, Amaunet forms a pair with Mut, creating a Theban variation of the Two Ladies. 31 The emergence of the cult of Mut is documented by statue inscriptions dated to this period. A statue of Senenmut refers to his supervision of the construction of Mut s Isheru temple and notes that he "lifted Hathor, Chieftainess of Thebes and Mut of Isheru, that he might make her appear, and he might raise her beauty." 32 This is taken as a reference to a bark procession in which Senenmut presumably carried the bark of either both goddesses or, considering the feminine singular of the text, one goddess comprising both Hathor and Mut. A parallel with the combined service of Amun and Hathor in the funerary temples of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III may have existed in the early years of Muts Karnak cult. A stela fragment from this period records that Mes was wab priest of the first phyle of the cult of Amun and of the first phyle of the cult of Mut. 3 3 Another example of the interest in the diadem goddess is the role given the lion-headed goddess Weret-Hekau, "Great of Magic." 3 4 Like Hathor, she participates in the coronation of Hatshepsut. 35 This goddess is highlighted in other contexts as well. In a text from the Pakhet sanctuary known as Speos Artemidos, 36 Weret-Hekau is the fire-breathing uraeus placed on the brow of the queen. Diadem goddesses were given special attention during this period with their characteristic attributes integrated into the presentation of female divin-

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ity. Hathor, Mut, Amaunet, and Weret-Hekau, as well as Wadjit, Sakhmet, and Maat all reflect a prototype that is recognized by the epithet "Daughter of Re ." The interest displayed in those female deities that conferred the authority of kingship was apt at a time when a Daughter of Re occupied the throne. The documentation from this period confirms an inclusive attitude toward the gods and cults of Egypt. Although the emphasis was on Amun-Re, as King of the Gods, the totality of the divine community of gods was brought into the sphere of royal patronage. Thoth, as record keeper, plays a distinctive role in relation to the kingship. He and his female counterpart, Seshat, documented the future success of the king at the coronation and subsequent Sed Festivals. Thoth s administrative authority extended to the royal treasury, as he took charge of the products brought from foreign lands. 37 Thoth joins with Horus in the purification of the king on the occasion of his coronation 38 and is well placed to participate in the coronation ceremony, accompanying Weret-Hekau. 39 Although Thoth is given a prominent part in the narrative of the kingship, his cult at Hermopolis is poorly documented for this period. At Deir el Bersha, a stela from Thutmose I l l s year 33 depicts the king before this god. It was dedicated by the high priest of Thoth, Sennefer. 40 The title "Great One of the Five," the title of Thoth s high priest, is also attested for the Theban official Djehuty, who was overseer of the priests in Hermopolis. 41 Montu, once the most prominent of Theban gods, 42 plays a secondary but influential role during this period.The inclusion of his bark in sequences at Deir el-Bahari may reflect this gods earlier more prominent status. 43 Montus iconographie characteristics as the falcon-headed warrior overlap with those of Re-Harakhty. This adds another dimension to the combination of Montu and Atum often found leading the king, 44 with both gods displaying Heliopolitan imagery as representatives of Thebes and Heliopolis. Montu was also an important reference point for the royal persona of Thutmose III, who placed the display of his skill as an archer within the context of that god s Armant temple. 45 This period sees a further development of Montus role as "the good genius" of the king on the battlefield. 46 Specific groups of deities conveyed well-defined themes. Horus and Seth appear in the Theban temples of this period as the male version of Nekhbet and Wadjit, conferring the double kingship of Egypt and alluding to the union of the two lands. 47 Osiris and Anubis are combined with a personification of the Goddess of the West to provide a holistic framework for the progression from mummification to transfiguration in the private funerary cult. 48 The triad of Elephantine, consisting of Khnum, Satis, and Anukis, with its connection to the cataract area, gives overtones of the creation in Nun, amplified by Khnums role as potter-creator.49

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The deities brought together in the Holy Wedding sequence from Hatshepsuts Deir el-Bahari temple define the coeval realms of birth and rebirth. 50 The canopic goddesses Neith and Selket are guardians of the marriage bed. Khnum creates the double being of the king as ka and newborn child, assisted by the birth goddess Heket, called the White One, suggesting a correlation with Nekhbet and that goddesss status as divine midwife. The birth brick Meskhenet appears as yet another divine mother, with the deities Bes andTaueris, as well as the "Souls" of Pe and Nekhen, providing protection for the divine birth. The suckling motif, discussed earlier, is also reiterated with the presence of the numerous Hesat cows. A Nile god and an obscure milk god, Iat, stand by representing yet another level of emphasis on the provisioning of the king. The text also refers to the purification of the birth house by Horus and Seth, providing parallels to coronation. The world of the gods, as described at Thebes, centered on enhancing the position of Amun-Re as king of a divine community. Beyond this perspective, the other cult centers of Egypt also shared, to differing degrees, in the prosperity of the emerging empire. This took the form of traditional restoration projects and the construction of new temples. For many cults, it was the royal endowment of cult maintenance that was the primary contribution of this reign. Although the theologies of Thebes and Heliopolis were well integrated by the reign of Thutmose III, the ancient northern center continued to maintain a cult activity distinct from that of Thebes. Thutmose III participated in this by contributing to the growing number of obelisks located in the temple complex, as well as by strengthening its enclosure wall. A donation to the Mnevis bull is also recorded. 51 Heliopolis also continued to maintain the hierarchy of its priesthood. It is uncertain, however, where the real authority was located. The title Great of Seerers, which was used to designate the Heliopolitan high priest, has a distribution that suggests that it was used for both the Heliopolitan and the Theban versions of the solar priesthood. This period sees a number of candidates for the post, including two sons of the king. 52 Senemiah and Rekhmire, important Theban officials of this period, are also cited with a variation of this title as Great of Seerers in the Per-Wer. 53 At Memphis, as at Heliopolis, the highest level of the priesthood continued to function. Ptahmose, Great of Crafts, the title of the Memphite high priest, is depicted on a naos, 54 with the distinctive youth braid of this priesthood. It was dedicated at Abydos on behalf of Thutmose III. Although the Memphite temple was the center of the worship of Ptah, "south of his wall" this god also had a temple within the precinct of the Karnak, which he shared with his consort Hathor. 55 The dedication stela from

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that temple relates that it was rebuilt by Thutmose III after he found it "built of brick, with wooden columns, its doors of wood, having fallen to ruin " 5 6 T h e king not only restored the temple but also renewed the provisions for its cult. T h e wealth of the reign of Thutmose III contributed to numerous building projects. Many were within well-known temple complexes such as Elephantine, Dendera, and Abydos. 5 7 Others, however, are more obscure, such as the temple built by Thutmose III within the harem community of Gurob, possibly dedicated to Sobek. 5 8 Objects, such as stelae, document the widespread "presence" of the king in the cults of Egypt. A small stela depicts Thutmose III offering wine to the ram-headed Heryshef, Lord of Herakleopolis. 59 A recently discovered festival calendar dated to Thutmose III from the site of Buto, 60 dedicated to the lion-headed Wadjit, adds to the extensive catalog that documents royal support of Egypts gods. Many gods were gathered together in the Theban temples to participate in various aspects of the divine rule of Amun-Re. One illustration of this has been provided with reference to the Holy Wedding. There it is seen that the term ennead was expanded to include deities of interest in a Theban environment. 61 Beyond the general use of ennead\ there was a tendency to include as broad an array of deities as possible in the temples of Thebes. This was facilitated by the diversity of cultic activities. This interest in including the gods of all of Egypt in ritual is not limited to their presence in the temples. It is also found in the private funerary literature.The gods are called up "en masse" in Djehutys htp~di~nsw text, with a group comprised of: Amun-Re-Harakhty; Nun; Geb; Shu; Anubis; Sokar; Wepwaut; Osiris; Hathor, Chieftainess of the Desert, Foremost of Deir elBahari; Isis the Great, Divine Mother W h o m her Horus Loves; Ptah the Great, South of his Wall; Khonsu, Lord of Joy; Hathor, Mistress of Cusae; and Bastet of Bubastis; as well as other names too fragmentary to read. 62 T h e collective organization of deities also occurs on a more practical level. T h e administration of the "middle-sized" cults appears to have been centralized as part of the responsibility of the clergy of Karnak. Delegation of this responsibility is also documented. Minmose, as overseer of the priests of Montu, Lord of Thebes, was also put in charge of the work done in temples beyond Karnak. 6 3 He lists these as the Medamud temple of Montu and the temples of Wepwaut in Assiut; Hathor in Atfih; Bastet in the Memphite region known as Ankhtawy; Sopdu; Horus of Letopolis; Khnum (Foremost of the Road); Sakhmet (Foremost of the Desert); Re-Horus of Sakhbu; Hathor, Mistress of Kom el-Hisn; Wadjit, Mistress of Pe and Dep; Osiris, Lord of Busiris; Horus Khentykhety; and the Bull of the Black Bull Nome. After a break in the text the list continues with Amun, Lord of the Thrones

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of the Two Lands on the Island of Amun, Hathor of Byblos, and yet another Amun whose identifying epithet is lost. Minmose continues his narrative by adding that he stretched the cord in these temples and supervised the erection of their monuments. He was also given high positions in some of them, being appointed priest and "opener of the mouth" in Letopolis and Great One of the Papyrus Scepter in the House of Bastet, Mistress of Ankhtawy. In the other temples he was given control over the distribution of the offices of priest and wab priest. This brief review of some of the gods found in the documentation of the reign of Thutmose III only touches on some of the more accessible material. It illustrates the expansive nature of theological thought during this period, indicating an interest in presenting a differentiated imagery for the divine world.

THE KING

The presentation of the king, in his role as mediator of divine authority, was one of the primary tasks of the theologians responsible for the texts and representations found on the walls of temples. A coronation opened the opportunity for a new understanding of the kingship as it was manifested in a new individual. The situation presented by the ascent of Hatshepsut as coruler with the young Thutmose III was complex. Both were legitimate kings, and together they formed a dual kingship that differed from previous father-son coregencies. The resources of the multifaceted worldview of the ancient Egyptians were mustered to formulate a suitable theological context for this unusual situation. The most evident quality of the divine kingship was its dependence on the concept of the king as the divine child. 64 The Holy Wedding sequence from Hatshepsuts temple draws on this tradition, 65 conveying a narrative similar to that surmised from the story of the three kings in papyrus Westcar. 66 Hatshepsuts version was in all likelihood the first reworking of this ancient theme for temple use. It does not, however, appear to have had an immediate association with the particular circumstances of her reign, as it remained in the corpus of material reused in other temples for other rulers. 67 Taking the long perspective, the Holy Wedding narrative can be seen as the beginning of a development that produces the child cults that begin to be documented during this dynasty.68 The story of Hatshepsuts birth is, however, only part of the effort put into emphasizing the divinity of the queen. Another Deir el-Bahari text describes a journey taken by the queen with her father, Thutmose I, to all the

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sanctuaries of Egypt. 6 9 This text was apparently adapted from an earlier model that was part of the royal "coronation corpus ." 7 0 Rewritten to suit Hatshepsut, the journey narrative is employed to create a fictional coregency with Thutmose I and to emphasize the divinity of Hatshepsut as "king," as it is said of her: "Her form was that of a god, her character was that of a god, she did everything like god, she was beneficial like a god. Her majesty had become a beautiful young maiden, Wadjit in her moment." 71 This sequence, followed by the formal presentation of the titulary of the queen, signaled her transformation into a king. As sovereign, Hatshepsut was empowered by the attributes of the divine kingship. The obelisk provided an appropriate setting for underlining her identification with the ascendant aspect of the sun god. She is "the one who came into being in the forms of Khepri, the one who appears like [Hor]akhty,... the one whom Amun himself made appear on the throne of Southern Heliopolis." 72 Yet another example of the merging of the identity of Hatshepsut with that of the divine kingship is found in restoration texts of Speos Artemidos. Hatshepsut describes the restoration as an act of devotion to her father Amun: "I have [elevated] Maat, whom he loves, for I know that he lives on her. She is my bread. I wash down her savor. I am indeed one body with him." 73 The bodily identity between the sovereign and the divine father could hardly be more clearly expressed. The narrative of the accession of Thutmose III, recorded in year 42 of his reign, is no less dramatic. Here the focus is on the gods recognition of his heir in the sacral environment of the temple. The text describes the transformation of the child from mortal to god, using familiar imagery. Appearing in the temple, most likely in the form of a cult statue on the shoulders of priests, the god stops before the child, indicating his recognition: "There was no one [standing] in front who knew what he was doing, as his majesty searched everywhere. Then, knowing me, he stopped." 74 Thutmose pays homage to his divine father and his transformation into the Golden Horus, king of Egypt begins: "[He opened] the doors of heaven [for] me. He opened the gates of the horizon for me, and I flew up to heaven as a divine falcon, and saw his secret form that is in heaven. I adored his majesty. . . . I saw the manifestations of the horizon god on his secret roads in heaven." 75 Assuming the identity of Horus, the young king receives the insignia of his office and is transformed: "I was equipped with all his Akhu power I was 76 made wise with the wisdom of the gods like Horus." His titulary established, the status of the new king is summarized: "I am his son, who came forth from him, a likeness that was formed like the one foremost of Hesert.

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He has united all of my manifestations in this name of Son of Re Thutmose, beautiful of being, who lives forever and for eternity" 7 7 T h e legitimacy of each of the two sovereigns is expressed as unequivocal. In the more than twenty years of coregency the dual kingship was consistently presented as the harmonious combination of two complementary parts of a single equation, with symmetry often employed to emphasize this point. 7 8 There is, however, also a distinctive individuality in the choice of which aspects of the kingship should be highlighted. A perceptible, and individualized, focus is found in the documentation of the two kings. T h e masculine guise eventually adopted by Hatshepsut did not prevent a feminine emphasis in her textual presentation. Her most convincing claim to the throne was based on her status as royal daughter, underlined in her relationship to her father Amun. This opened the way to imagery of the fiercely protective and aggressive uraeus, the prototype of the diadem goddess, also a divine daughter. T h e association between Hatshepsut and the different forms of her divine correlate, the daughter of Re, comes through in her choice of titulary. Her throne name, Maatkare, "Maat is the ka of Re," suggests that Hatshepsut, as an embodiment of Maat, was the ka, or life-generating energy, of Re. This is one interpretation among many. 79 Other allusions to goddesses may be found in the names of the queen. Useret is named in her Horus name, wsrt kjw, Strong of Kas, and Wadjit in her Two Ladies name, wjdt rnpwt, Green of Years. In examining the question, Robins has suggested that the combination of Useret, a possiblyTheban epithet for Hathor, and Wadjit, the cobra goddess of Lower Egypt, may correspond to that of the Two Ladies, Nekhbet and Wadjit as representatives of Upper and Lower Egypt. 8 0 T h e material from the reign of Hatshepsut suggests an exploitation of the daughter role on two levels. T h e repetitive references to Thutmose I indicate a reliance on her tie to her father as the source for her claim to the throne. On another level, her status as daughter of the king incorporated that of Wife of the God, and was used as a natural point of transition to the kingship. T h e description of the ascent of Thutmose III to the throne emphasizes a different kind of transition. T h e god recognizes his son, and, in the knowledge of that recognition, the child is transformed into the divine royal falcon. T h e historical circumstances of the reign of Thutmose III favored a presentation of this king as successful hunter and warrior.This vision is overwhelming in almost everything related to this king. Amun-Re was the agent of Thutmose I l l s success, and as such he became the recipient of the goods gained from that success. 81 Among the gifts to the god are the battle narra-

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tives, 82 inscribed as a protective field around the bark sanctuary. This use of battle inscriptions, first found here, later becomes a well-defined element in the decoration program of royal mortuary temples. 83 The warrior king as type is developed in the narratives of the king s military successes. The reference point for this persona is provided by the Theban Montu, depicted as falcon headed, thus carrying allusions to Horus, both as defender of his father and as the ascendant form of the sun god. The connection between the king as military leader and this god is illustrated by the so-called Armant stela, on which the physical prowess of this king as an archer is described. 84 The newly discovered Buto stela elaborates on this image of Thutmose III as warrior and manifestation of the skills of Montu and the attributes of Min, calling his protection that of Min of the uplifted arm and identifying the king as the archer of Montu. 8 5 The difference between the royal personae of the two sovereigns was not only a matter of theological formulation but was also incorporated in the presentation of the interaction (projected or real) between the two rulers and their subjects.Two, more personal descriptions illustrate this point.The overseer of the treasury Senemiah describes the participation of his mistress in a ritual: "The blending of myrrh and sand was ordained for her, the best thereof piercing heaven, blending the crown with the stars. I saw these things with my two eyes . . . the king himself carrying hekat measures with his two hands, circling around that he might carry (them), the dust of servants after him, the unguent that he took being in his hands." 86 This description of Hatshepsut making the preparations "himself," to the amazement of the onlookers, provides a minor insight into what had become a proper presentation of the role of the queen. A corresponding description of Thutmose III is found in the text of the Minmose: "Regarding these foreign lands of which I have spoken, my lord conquered them with his strength, with his bow, with his arrow, with his battle axe. I have seen the strength of his majesty when fighting occurs, plundering 30 cities in the region of Thsy) bringing their chiefs, their families, their cattle." 87 The image of this king is above all that of a warrior, an image that permeated the kingship during this period and soon after. Hatshepsut and Thutmose III projected varied aspects of the kingship, chosen to amplify their individual suitability for the role. They were both, however, subject to the main requirement of the office, the maintenance of the harmony of the state and the cosmos on behalf of their divine father, Amun-Re. This was achieved by adhering to that which Amun had commanded. A simplified description of Amuns expectations is found on Hatshepsuts bark chapel.88

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Fill the estate, supply the altar Instruct the wab priest regarding their tasks Advance the laws Perpetuate the regulations Enrich the property Increase that which existed previously Expand the space of my treasuries Build without neglecting sandstone or granite Renew for my temple the statues in good quality limestone Advance this work for me in the future Control the monuments of the temples Install every god according to his (own) regulations Each one there exactly according to his means Advance his primeval time for him Advancing his laws is the joy of a god The obligations of the kingship included the construction and renewal of monuments. The restoration theme is thus very important in affirming that the king has met his obligations. Thutmose III, as mentioned earlier, renewed the temple of Ptah at Karnak, 89 while Hatshepsut renewed that of Pakhet in Middle Egypt. The "temple in ruins" rhetoric becomes a standard part of the royal corpus. It is difficult, however, to surpass that from Speos Artemidos. 90 The temple of the Mistress of Cusae was fallen to ruin and the earth had swallowed her noble chapel. Children danced on its roof for the serpent guardian did not frighten (them). Paupers did the accounting, . . . and her offerings did not occur. . . . (Even) he who entered, face to face (with) the leader of the Ennead Atum, is ignorant, there being no wisdom in his temple, the Fathers of the God were destitute.. . . Hatshepsut reestablished the procedure for festivals, which had been lost in the disruption of temple activity, 91 illustrating the direct responsibility of the king for the details of ritual and festival. The responsibilities of the kingship were to a large extent expressed in terms of the obligations to the cults of the gods. Hatshepsut moved from Wife of the God to King as she relinquished the insignia of the one for the other. 92 Thutmose III was recognized by his father Amun while performing the duties of the Iunmutef, 93 a priestly role patterned on that of the child Horus and reserved, at least theoretically, for the heir. The character of the

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kingship as a manifestation of both divinity and ritual responsibility made mediation between the two realms of heaven and earth possible.

T H E C U L T S OF T H E

GODS

The king, as priest, had the responsibility for maintenance of the interdependent exchange between the mortal and divine worlds. His participation in the cults of the gods ensured their provisioning and thus the harmony of the life of the living. In return the king was blessed with life, strength, stability, and joy, as well as countless Sed Festivals, guaranteeing the eternal endurance of the kingship. Ritual offerings, the pivotal function of the temple, are represented repeatedly, affirming that the king has fulfilled his obligation in the maintenance of the temple cults. Each temple served as the residence of a primary deity, as well as several "visiting" deities. Each god was, as least theoretically, the object of a daily ritual that renewed the life of the god inhabiting the cult statue. The god was gently awakened in his naos with greetings, purification, anointing, and fresh clothing.The statue was imbued with new life through an embrace. The ritual culminated as the god was returned to the naos, which was then resealed and all signs of human presence removed, as the priests brushed away the footprints left in the clean sand of the sanctuary. Purification ended the ceremony. The codification of the daily ritual has survived in the Abydos temple of Seti I. 9 4 Although an equivalent record is lacking for the reign of Thutmose III, several rooms for this purpose have been identified. 95 Abbreviated versions are also recorded in the various temple locations. The bark chapel of Hatshepsut documents a sequence that depicts the core of the daily ritual, including a scene in which the queen sweeps the ground with a broomlike stalk. 96 The sequence ends with the embrace of the queen and Amun-Re, which may relate to the act of conferring life on the cult statue. Additional examples of this ritual are found in the Deir el-Bahari temple. In the chapel of Anubis the queen opens the naos containing the statue of Ptah. 97 On a block from the sanctuary of Amun-Re-Kamutef, 98 Hatshepsut removes the robe from Amun. Offering, central to the daily ritual, is also found in other contexts. Often lacking specificity, the various offering scenes may not have been intended to represent individual occasions.The offering of Maat is one type that tends to occur without a specified context. Found as chapter 43 in the Karnak "Liturgy of Amun," 99 the offering of Maat was integrated into the ritual activities of the king during the New Kingdom. The depiction of this ritual, in which Maat is offered in the personified form of the goddess, is first doc-

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umented during the reign of Thutmose I I L 1 0 0 It belongs to what had been described as one of many "new" depictions of cultic activities. 101 Although the pictorial representations of the rite are dated to the "middle years" of the Thutmose I l l s reign, it is attested in the texts dated to the coregency as well. 1 0 2 In an inscription from the Pakhet shrine, Hatshepsut says: "I have [elevated] Maat, whom he loves. I know that he lives on her. She is my bread. I wash ("her") down with her sweet savor." 1 0 3 Here the connection between Maat and the more concrete offering of bread and beer is made clear and integrates the abstraction of "truth" or "justice" into the basic needs of the gods. Another example of a textual description of this ritual is found in a description of Thutmose I l l s elevation to the kingship. A list of three gates is given, with the note reading "Maat enters through them for him." 1 0 4 Comparing the two quotes, it would appear that the act of entering between the gates and of swallowing the offering as a cake could be equated as ways in which Maat was integrated into the kingship. T h e king was included among those deities for whom offering, also in the context of the daily ritual, was performed. Theoretically, the ruling king was present in each of the temples in the form of a cult statue. Two areas have been identified as dedicated to the worship of Thutmose III at Karn a k . 1 0 5 In the Festival H a l l , 1 0 6 a scene depicting the king seated before an offering table together with his ka identifies the function of one r o o m . 1 0 7 Additionally, a separate part of this complex, known as the Eastern Temple, contained an alabaster naos with a figure of Amun-Re and one that was later sculpted into Amaunet. 1 0 8 It has been suggested that Thutmose III was originally represented with Amun and that he was also worshiped there since reference is made to offering to the royal ka.109 Textual evidence also indicates an active royal statue cult at Karnak, as upon his return from victory in the Levant Thutmose III laid down a "divine offering" to his own statues. 1 1 0 Although many royal temple statues were placed in areas connected to the daily cult, there were others that were the focus of cult activity. T h e Osiride statues of the king, found at Deir el-Bahari and elsewhere, were essentially architectural elements. They were, however, also treated as individual manifestations of the king and appear to have been the object of worship. 1 1 1 The worship of past kings was expressed both in terms of a select collective and in individual cult contexts, where particularly esteemed historical kings were worshiped. 1 1 2 According to Fairman, 1 1 3 the offerings laid down for the daily cult were transferred to the royal ancestors, as recipients of the first "reversion of offerings" immediately following the conclusion of the ritual. T h e collective worship of the "fathers" is perhaps best exemplified by the annals chamber erected by Thutmose III in the Festival H a l l , 1 1 4 where sixtyone kings were listed as recipients of a htp~dî~nsw offering. T h e inscription

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speaks of the construction of the chamber that is called, like the mortuary temple of the king, a Great House of Millions of Years. It is said to preserve the names of his fathers, to strengthen their offerings, and to fashion their cult images in all their f o r m s . 1 1 5 Another example of the cult of the ancestors is associated with offerings to Mut.Temple scenes showThutmose III censing and libating before the goddess's statue, while a procession of royal statues leaves and returns to the temple. 1 1 6 T h e text accompanying the scene reads: "The statues go forth after performing the ritual of praising, going around the palace outside it. Recitation by the Lector-priest. Praises and rejoicing for Menkheperre, performing the ritual according to the ritual book, presenting life to the statues." 117 The elevation of former kings to the status of gods could go beyond that of offerings to individual statues. Thutmose III had a special relationship with Senwosret III, who was worshiped at several Nubian sites. Among the signs of this devotion was the establishment of the temple dedicated to Senwosret III and Hathor at Gebel Dosha. 1 1 8 An inscription of year 21 of the reign of Thutmose dedicates the renewal of the oldest part of the temple of Semneh to Senwosret III "in the temple of his father Dedwen," where his father Khnum, Opposer of Bows, was also worshiped. 1 1 9 This temple also included a bark belonging to Senwosret I I I . 1 2 0 Amenhotep I was given special attention at Karnak and possibly Medinet Habu. A cult room at Karnak, 1 2 1 as well as a relief fragment said to come from Medinet H a b u , 1 2 2 point to an interest in creating a parallel between Thutmose III and Amenhotep I, using a symmetric composition. The gods, including the kings past and present, were given renewed strength with the daily presentation of offerings.The daily ritual marked the beginning and end of the day, with an implied period of rest for each god in his naos, a period equivalent to sleep. The day thus consisted of a cyclical period of renewal and transformation. The inclusion of a journey through the night, a prominent element in the solar cult, as part of the conceptualization of the period of dormancy, adds another aspect to the interaction between the divine and mortal worlds expressed in the solar cult. Amun-Re served as the ultimate model for the divine king and creator, combining primeval origin with regenerating solar creation. This association extended beyond the individual deities, identifyingThebes as the "Southern Heliopolis." 1 2 3 By the time of Thutmose III, this identification had become mythologized, as we read: "The Southern Heliopolis is his (Amuns) eye, the horizon on this earth." 1 2 4 The obelisk, as an architectural form, when erected in Thebes signified the bond between Heliopolis and Thebes while affirming the association between Amun and Re. The ways in which these monuments were described

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make it clear that their form was placed within a solar framework, as the obelisk could be said to "fill the land with its r a y s " 1 2 5 The sun god, Re, was both part of Amun-Re and an independent deity, with a separate cult in the name of Re-Harakhty. His sanctuary was called the Shade of Re and was found at Karnak during this period. 1 2 6 A roof sanctuary, common in later periods for that gods cult, may have existed at Thutmose I l l s Festival H a l l . 1 2 7 Although the site of the primary cult of ReHarakhty at Karnak is uncertain, its existence as a part of the temple s daily activities is well attested. Among the donations made by Thutmose III on his return from his first expedition is a divine offering "to make praises for my father Re-Harakhty when he rises." 128 The moon festivals were the occasions for these offerings, which were to be performed "like that which is done in Heliopolis" The sun sanctuary that provides the best evidence for this cult is found at Hatshepsuts Deir el-Bahari temple. 1 2 9 The significance of the texts found there was recognized by Assmann, 1 3 0 who interpreted their contents as identifying the king as a priest of the god Re-Harakhty. Three different liturgical texts have been identified in the sanctuary of Re-Harakhty. Taken as a whole, they provide the earliest documentation of a conceptual complex that continued to develop throughout the pharaonic period. Two of these texts functioned as hymns to the setting and rising sun. The second hour of the Book of the N i g h t , 1 3 1 first attested here, was recited as the sun set. Reconstructed with the help of parallels, it describes the entry of the sun disk into the darkness of the night and initiates the theme of the presence of light in the darkness.The incorporation of the nightly journey of the sun in the royal cult coincides with the imagery of the text corpus that decorates the royal tombs from this period. Another text titled "The Baboons that Foretell R e , " 1 3 2 welcomed the sun in the morning. It speaks of the birth of the solar deity at the sixth hour in the underworld and how the baboons, known for their noisy celebration of the morning, jump, dance, and sing for the god when he appears from between his mother Nuts thighs. 1 3 3 These two texts describe the journey of the sun as one that begins with trepidation and danger and ends with triumph and jubilation. It is, however, the third text that provides a key to understanding the role of the king as priest. It clarifies the role of knowledge, accessible to the king alone, as the prerequisite weapon against the dangers faced by the sun god on his journey. Assmann sees this text as a theological treatise. 134 It describes the birth of Re at dawn in the form of the scarab Khepri and continues with a validation of the king as "the one who knows" the specifics of the solar journey and

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the mystery of the daily birth of Re. The conclusion is a declaration that the king has been put on earth by Re to provide a link between heaven and earth. Re has installed the King on the earth of the living for eternity and forever, to administer justice to human beings and satisfy the gods, to fulfill Maat and annihilate falsehood. These texts differ from those usually associated with depictions of rituals in that they do not specify offering but worship. The god is not provisioned, but rather it is the knowledge of the king that reinforces the powers of the god in meeting the dangers of the night. The rising and setting sun provided the key to understanding the kingship as an extension of the solar cycle, representing the same powers that entered the darkness of the night and reappeared each morning victorious, having destroyed falsehood and upheld truth. Knowledge of the particulars of this journey guaranteed the kings participation in its successful completion, on a daily basis in this world, and in the transition between this life and the next when applied to a funerary context.

T H E F E S T I V A L S OF T H E G O D S

The celebration of temple festivals was regulated by a calendar, established under the authority of the king. The festival, like the daily ritual, was dependent on donations from the king. One aspect, in particular, accounts for the importance of the festival. As he left the isolation of the temple, the god, in the form of a cult statue, came in contact with his worshipers. This was an occasion for the celebration that is often the theme of the pictorial presentation of these festivals. The use of the portable bark for transporting the god from one place to another characterizedTheban festivals during the New Kingdom. A bark was used as determinative for words referring to several festivals recorded on the Palermo Stone, 1 3 5 indicating that it was thematically central to festival activity from the earliest times. The inclusion of the bark in ritual context reaches a high point during the New Kingdom. 1 3 6 In Thebes, the bark, as an image for the god, dates back to at least the Thirteenth Dynasty, when a wab priest records his participation in a procession, carrying the bark of M o n t u . 1 3 7 The bark shrine of the New Kingdom functioned as a sanctuary and a focus of ritual activity when the god was at home. 1 3 8 The shrine, together with the chapels used as rest stops for bark

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processions, verify the importance of the procession as part of the festival activity of the temple. By the reign of Thutmose III, the bark shrine appears to have become an obligatory part of major temple architecture since two temples, the mortuary temple of Thutmose II and the Eighteenth Dynasty temple at Medinet Habu, were altered to accommodate a bark shrine. 1 3 9 T h e Opet Festival was one occasion on which the bark was used for transporting the divine image. 1 4 0 Amun, in his Min-Kamutef form, was taken from Karnak to the temple of Luxor, "the southern harem," for what has been surmised was a form of holy wedding. Nothing, however, is recorded regarding the events that took place inside the temple once the god had arrived. T h e earliest evidence for the celebration of the Opet comes from the dismantled bark chapel of Hatshepsut. 1 4 1 Fifteen scenes were used to summarize the journey. T h e first section concerns the procession to Luxor, by land, with the portable bark being carried on the shoulders of priests, accompanied by fan bearers and sem priests. Both Hatshepsut and Thutmose III are shown leading the procession and taking part in the rituals performed along the way. T h e procession to Luxor took place in stages, measured out by six stations. One of these was found before the House of the Chest, 1 4 2 the name of the sanctuary of Amun-Re-Kamutef, built by Hatshepsut at the entrance to the Mut sanctuary. 143 T h e journey to Luxor was by land, utilizing the six monumental rest stops erected for the purpose. One of these would have been the construction credited to Hatshepsut at the entrance to Luxor temple. 1 4 4 T h e presentation of the return journey by water is minimal and summarized using the images of the barks involved. I 4 5 The first bark carries the naos in the form of the PerWer sanctuary. T h e queen stands, her hands on her kilt, in a gesture of adoration while Thutmose III paddles. He is said to be "sailing, four times," indicating a ritual involving the departure by water, performed the obligatory four times. T h e heading reads: "Going down to the Great Bark, the Userhet of Amun, navigating downstream." This sequence also includes a scene in which two barks follow each other, making it clear the Userhet bark is being towed. T h e lead bark carries the king and queen seated in a chapel, with both sovereigns wearing the short Sed Festival tunics, Hatshepsut bearing the White Crown and Thutmose III the Red. Both hold towing ropes: "Taking the prow rope of the divine boat." T h e "taking of the prow rope" is also a specific ritual act, documented as early as the Sixth Dynasty. 1 4 6 T h e safe return of the god to Karnak occasioned the performance of a number of ritual acts confirming the unity of Egypt, such as the Striking of the Meret-Chests, and the Running the Course. T h e celebration included a Hathoric choir of women with sistra, as well as acrobatic dances. T h e texts

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indicate that this was one of the occasions on which the god renewed his promises of sovereignty, as Hatshepsut received the blessings of the sistrum and menât of Hathor. T h e Opet Festival was one of national significance. Offerings for this occasion were among those established on the occasion of Thutmose I l l s return from his first victory. 1 4 7 It is also included as a time for the celebration of Amun in the festival calendar established by Thutmose III at Elephantine. 1 4 8 Another, more fragmentary depiction of this festival is found at Hatshepsuts Deir el-Bahari temple, 1 4 9 although from the viewpoint of the west bank there was another festival of greater interest. Amun-Re also visited his cult center at Deir el-Bahari. At some time during the Eighteenth Dynasty this visit was routed to the temple of the reigning sovereign, becoming part of the Festival of the Beautiful Valley. 1 5 0 T h e earliest example of Amuns journey to the west is associated with the temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep. A Twelfth Dynasty graffito scrawled in the cliff above that temple records that the priest Neferibed kissed the earth when he sailed over to the valley of Nebhepetre for the first t i m e . 1 5 1 T h e construction of the temple of Hatshepsut redirected Amuns journey to the bark shrine that had been built to receive the g o d . 1 5 2 Like the Opet Festival, the events of the Deir el-Bahari festival were described in a series of scenes on the queens bark chapel at Karnak. T h e placement of the depictions of the two festivals on corresponding positions on the north (Deir el-Bahari) and south (Luxor) walls implies that they were seen as parallel celebrations of the god. Unfortunately only two blocks have survived of the scenes showing the departure of Amun to Deir el-Bahari.The destination of the journey is made clear with the heading "Crossing in peace to the Head of the Canal for the sailing of Djeser D j e s e r u . " I 5 3 T h e last scene in this sequence shows the bark resting on its podium in the sanctuary, as the queen consecrates an offering to Amun. Another version of the conclusion of the journey is found in the bark sanctuary of Deir el-Bahari, where depictions of torch processions and milk basins are f o u n d . 1 5 4 This suggests that the bark arrived at night and that the torches were ritually extinguished in m i l k . 1 5 5 From the little that remains representing the return journey, it would appear that the representations on the bark chapel schematized the two return journeys so that they would resemble one another. Both processions, from Luxor and Deir el-Bahari, stopped at the alabaster chapel of Amenhotep I . 1 5 6 Like Hatshepsuts bark chapel, this monument was reused as foundation material and now exists in a modern reconstruction. As in the return from Luxor, the arrival of the god from Deir el-Bahari was an occasion for festivity, with musical entertainment: "I have come to you, O male god,

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O primordial one of the Two Lands. O consecrated Amun, Lord of the Two Feathers. May you protect the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, like Re." Other musicians of the House of Amun sing "the scent of food, the scent of food, how sweet the scent." Royal offerings affirmed the reestablishment of the god in his shrine. 1 5 7 Another version of this festival is found at Deir el Bahari itself. 1 5 8 There a bark carrying a statue of the queen is included in the group arriving at the temple. A procession of royal statues is also part of this record, as well as barks identified as belonging to Thutmose II, Thutmose III, and the queen. Inscribed above the bark of the queen, a text identifies the occasion as the festival of Amun of Djeser Djeseru at the monument of Maatkare. 1 5 9 The purpose of Amuns visit to Deir el Bahari is not stated in the texts. It has been deduced that Amun of Karnak would meet and unite with Amun of Deir el Bahari. This is the same pattern suggested for the Opet Festival, indicating that the hegemony of Amun of Karnak was reinforced by affirming that he was one with the other Amuns worshipped at other temples. Here, as at Luxor, there were undertones of a holy wedding. 160 There is ample evidence of Hathor s inclusion in the celebration of Amuns presence at Deir el Bahari. It has been suggested that originally Hathor may have, like Amun, only visited the site on the occasion of a festival. 161 The references to a festival procession of Hathor, found in her chapel at Deir el Bahari, 1 6 2 while not resolving the issue, do indicate that the goddess was more than marginally involved in this or a similar celebration.The cult image of the cow goddess is seen towed in a bark. Another bark contains young army recruits. The accompanying text provides the connection between this procession, featuring Hathor, and the presence of Amun in Deir el Bahari. 1 6 3 "Acclamation by the crew of the royal bark, recruits from Thebes, beautiful youths of the army of the entire land, rejoicing when meeting this god, Amun, Lord of the Throne of the Two Lands in his sailing at the beginning of the year, on behalf of the Life, Prosperity and Health of Maatkare and on behalf of the Life, Prosperity and Life of Menkheperre given life forever, when the majesty of this great goddess is made to go forth to rest in her temple in the Djeser Djeseru of Amun, so that they might live forever." This procession concludes in the Deir el Bahari sequence, with song and dance and various royal rituals. 164 Thutmose III is seen presenting an oar to Hathor, reminiscent of the scene from the Opet Festival where the king paddles the boat on the return journey. With the sole reign of Thutmose III, Hatshepsuts temple was superseded as that of the reigning king, and Amuns journey to the west bank came to include the Qurna mortuary temple of Thutmose I I I . 1 6 5 This complex,

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together with the Deir el-Bahari structures of this king, effectively replaced Hatshepsuts temple as the destination for festival celebrations. 166 The procession that carried the cult statue out of the temple was in itself an occasion for jubilation. "Going Forth" is the technical term and was used in reference to various local, as well as national, festivals, of which the Going Forth of Min is the best known. 1 6 7 Although the Palermo Stone reference to "fashioning (the statue of) Min" from the reign of Djer is often cited as the first mention of the festival, 168 the earliest detailed description of the Festival of the Going Forth of Min is found in the Ramesseum. 169 The Min Festival was associated with the harvest and featured the procession of the cult statue, carried on a plank covered by an embroidered cloth and accompanied by a white bull. This festival is documented during the reign of Thutmose III as one of the occasions supported by donations made after his first expedition. 170 Although specific references to the procession of Min are few from this period, there is one ceremony that reoccurs in this material and has a close connection with the cult of that god. Called Raising the Tent Poles, 1 7 1 it is first documented in the white chapel of Senwosret I at Karnak. 1 7 2 Three examples of this scene are dated to the reign of Thutmose I I I . 1 7 3 The king inaugurates the "tent poles," as men climb them, apparently in order to attach protective symbols at the top of the construction. 174 The earliest versions of this scene are directly connected with the ithyphallic form of Amun, called Lord of the Tent. Lacau has argued that the ceremony introduced the foundation ritual, with the poles representing the earliest type of Egyptian building. 175 The association with Min is found in his role as Lord of the Eastern Desert and thus the proper patron of a nomadic population, the most frequent users of tents. This interpretation was developed by Helck, who went on to place the origin of the ceremony in Wadi Hammammat. 1 7 6 Another festival documented for this period is the Sokar Festival, 177 distinctive in this material for its Memphite context. It is attested on the Palermo Stone in connection with both the coronation and the foundation ritual and may also have had an originally agrarian reference. 178 The main event of the Sokar Festival was the procession of the Henu bark around the temple walls. Prior to that, the ritual of "hacking the earth," also found in the foundation ritual, 179 was carried out. The festival was given an abbreviated presentation in the Festival Hall. 1 8 0 The bark of Sokar is depicted carried by eight priests, with another priest, possibly the lector priest, walking alongside it. Four additional priests, all wearing headbands and carrying symbolic towing ropes, lead the procession. A portion of the shrine of the mummified falcon Sokar has been preserved

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in the depiction, along with texts possibly referring to "entering into the place of purification" 1 8 1 T h e king is shown turning nmst vases upside down, as a priest of Sokar and possibly a priestess stand by. References to the Sokar Festival during this period coincide with the first examples of the funerary text, the Amduat. 1 8 2 This text describes the journey of the sun god in his bark through the well-defined geography of the underworld. T h e land of Sokar, comprising the regions of the fourth and fifth hours, is a transitional desert zone between the fertile fields of the living, still found in the second and third regions, and N u n and the body of Re-Osiris in the sixth hour. These hours are "necropolis zones," where the inhabitants can hear, but not see, the sun god as he passes. Interpreted as a region of latent but not actualized powers of renewal, it is suitably expressed in the figure of the mummified falcon and his companions, the canopic gods. T h e funerary character of this god makes his occurrence apt in a mortuary setting such as the Deir el-Bahari temple. T h e depiction of this festival in the Karnak Temple area of Thutmose III suggests, however, that its agrarian character still made it suitable for royal cultic activities. T h e record of another, little-known, festival has survived in the Festival Hall. This is the Festival of the White Hippopotamus. T h e problematic character of this scene is indicated by the notation "spearing the hippopotamus." 1 8 3 Associated with the offering of milk and the erection of the tent poles, the scene depicts the king, carrying a scepter and a longer staff, possibly a spear. Before him, in two registers, are a hippopotamus standing on a float or sled and beneath it two dancing men, face to face, identified as archaic and unknown Egyptian towns. T h e iconographie nature of this scene is verified by Old Kingdom examples, 1 8 4 with an almost exact parallel surviving from Memphis. 1 8 5 T h e inclusion of numerous priests in the Memphite example confirms the scene s ritual character. This version also specifies that it is the Festival of the White Hippopotamus of Upper Egypt. Kees has interpreted these scenes as a variation on the theme of hunting the hippopotamus, which is current in the private tombs of the N e w Kingd o m . 1 8 6 Countering this, Säve-Söderbergh has pointed out the dichotomy between the red male hippopotamus and the white female. 1 8 7 T h e red male is a fierce symbol for the enemy, hunted and killed by the king. In contrast, the white female is connected to the pacified forms of a female deity, whose presence evokes joy. Numerous well-known festivals occurred on a daily, monthly (moon festivals), or yearly basis. Festival calendars, established at each temple, 1 8 8 regulated when each festival occurred, as well as the provisions allowed for their celebration. T h e majority of the known festival calendars of the N e w King-

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dom date to the reign of Thutmose III. Three come from Karnak, 1 8 9 with additional calendars documented from Abydos, Elephantine, and Buto. 1 9 0 T h e proclamation of festivals was the prerogative of the king. Thutmose III, celebrating his triumphant return from his first expedition, endowed several festivals as well as "foundations" created for the support of the cults. Primary in this list are victory festivals that appear to largely coincide with celebrations of the cult of Amun at his mortuary temple at Qurna. T h e offerings consisted of the redistribution of wealth from his military success in the Levant. T h e relative rare occurrence of milk offerings 1 9 1 may be related to the care with which the provision of cows for the temple was treated. An endowment of four milk cows, from Upper and Lower Egypt, Syria, and Kush, "to be milked for milk for the milk jars of fine gold, every day," is recorded in one of the Karnak calendars. 192 Another example of the donation of milk cows from this reign is found in the narrative of Neferperet, 1 9 3 who says that while accompanying the king in Retenu he acquired seven head of cattle intended for the mortuary temple of Thutmose III. He notes that his brother Amenmehib guarded them and his son Djeserkare carried the milk jars. Additional donations included a wide spectrum of gifts such as prisoners of war as laborers, fields, Syrian towns, and provisions for the harem. This donation list also includes an admonition to the priesthood to attend to their duties. 1 9 4 This list provides a useful reminder of the dependency of religious activity in Egypt on the prosperity of the national treasury. T h e Buto calendar provides a unique glimpse of the festival year in its entirety, as well as its needs. 1 9 5 It records the daily ritual, four monthly moon festivals, and fifteen additional festivals spread through the year. Wadjit, the "owner" of the temple, was celebrated four times in three festivals (hh) and one "Going Forth" (prt). Another example of the celebration of the Going Forth of Wadjit is found with the same date, day zo of the first month of winter, on a stela from the temple of M u t . 1 9 6 Other related festival occasions suggest that the Going Forth of Wadjit was part of a general celebration of the return of the lion goddess from remote regions. 1 9 7 T h e other example of a "Going Forth" from the Buto calendar refers to the celebration of the rising of Sothis, called the "Going Forth of Sothis." Lacking a specific date, it is found between the "Coronation Festival of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Menkheperre, who lives forever" on the fourth day of the first month of summer and the "Festival of the Upper and Lower Egyptian Meret," celebrated on the last day of the first month of summer. T h e same festival was placed on the calendar of Elephantine on day 28 of the third month of summer. 1 9 8

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The standard measures of offering gifts for each festival, given in the Buto calendar, 199 also gives some sense of priorities for each of the occasions. Although this issue is too complex to treat in detail here, it is worth noting, for example, that twenty-five honey cakes were provided for the celebration of the New Year while the ordinary ration was five or exceptionally ten. Twenty is- jars of beer were provided for the New Year compared to the common ten or occasionally fifteen. Twenty-five bundles of vegetables was a common offering even for the New Year, but the Festival of Nehebkau, another form of New Year s celebration, 200 was allotted fifty. The well-being of Egypts gods ensured the well-being of the land and its people. The king mediated in this connection through his cultic responsibilities. He was also part of that divine world. His status required divine sanction and blessing so that his actions would be effective in influencing the prosperity of the gods and of Egypt.

ROYAL FESTIVALS AND CULTIC ACTIVITIES

The king officiated at the rituals and festivals of the gods. There were also a number of occasions during which the king, as actor, was the focus of the celebration. Three major events were celebrated as royal festivals: the coronation, the foundation of consecrated buildings, and the jubilee or Sed Festival. There were also a number of cultic acts that are not easily connected to one specific occasion but could indeed occur (or be depicted) as part of a broad spectrum of festival occasions. These acts reinforced the unity of Egypt and the endurance of the kingship, as they related to different symbolic contexts. The coronation as an event was expressed by the verb hci, "to appear (in glory)." It has a useful ambivalence, referring both to the "appearance" of the king on the Horus throne of the living and to the crowns (hcw) that affirmed his legitimacy as ruler. The Appearance as King included two standard events during the early years of Egypt's political unity. The Palermo Stone refers to the coronation as "appearing as king," "circling outside the wall," and "uniting Upper and Lower Egypt." 2 0 1 The New Kingdom is more ambivalent with regard to the exact rituals that were included in the confirmation of the kingship. The textual descriptions of the coronation, found in the royal narratives, are highly individualized, as was discussed earlier. A small number of representations identify some key elements, such as the purification before entering the shrine where the coronation takes place. This is performed by Horus and Thoth and initiated the process that legitimized the king. 2 0 2

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Coronation was associated with an "entry" or "induction," using the term hs found in connection with priestly initiation. T h e building into which the king entered to assume the royal identity was identified as the royal sanctuaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, the Upper Egyptian Per-Wer, and the Lower Egyptian Per-Neser or Per-Nu. A scene from the bark chapel of Hatshepsut shows the queen "entering and leaving, the royal induction in the PerWer and the Per-Neser, in the two shrines of the south and the north." 2 0 4 203

Another version of this episode is found in the Festival Hall of Thutmose I I L 2 0 5 T h e text indicates that the sequence begins with the purification in the Per-Wer. Horus and Seth are then seen bearing first an empty carrying chair, with the following scene showing the king in the carrying chair, acclaimed by the souls of Pe as he is carried toward the shrines of Upper and Lower Egypt. A textual version of the same type of event is found in a simplified version in a text from the Pylon V I I : 2 0 6 " [ M y father] Amun-Re-Harakhty [has given to me] the appearance [on the Horus throne of the living], I having been inducted before him in the interior of the [temple], the authority over the Two Lands, the thrones of Geb and the offices of Khepri having been predicted for me at the side of my father the good god, King of Upper and Lower Egypt Aakheperenre, given life forever." T h e coronation culminated with the establishment of the royal titulary, as described by both Hatshepsut and Thutmose I I I . 2 0 7 In the Hatshepsut narrative, it is possible to discern another element of the coronation sequence as motif. There are several references to receiving the "portion" belonging to Horus and/or Seth, 2 0 8 with the two deities reverting to their archaic roles as the Two Lords. T h e "mixing" of the two crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt also carries the message of the union of the two lands. 2 0 9 T h e meeting of the two crowns and the assumption of the role of the Two Lords function as another form of the "union of the two lands" motif, used in the earliest coronation rituals. T h e themes of receiving the crown and the union of the two lands are brought together in the festival temple, 2 1 0 as the king and his ka are depicted on a "union" (sm3) sign while in an adjoining scene he is crowned by two gods. Another important element in the assumption of the kingship is the creation of the annals of the king. Thoth and his female partner, Seshat, document the kings millions of future Sed Festivals. 2 1 1 T h e king is seen inscribing his annals on, in one scene, the year staff given to him by Thoth and in another scene on a block of stone. T h e surviving texts clarify the tasks of the two gods, as Seshat, "foremost of the library," is said to either fill or provide the nostrils of the king, implying that the creation of the Annals is another formulation for providing the king with l i f e . 2 1 2

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A Heliopolitan version of this scene is introduced during the early part of the dynasty. 213 In this form it is the Ished tree that provides the writing material for the king s fate. The king receives his fate, as inscribed on the leaves of a persea tree. By the reign of Thutmose I I I , 2 1 4 the Ished tree motif has established itself as a variation of the Annals theme. When transposed to the Karnak obelisks of Hatshepsut, it is Amun who steps into the role of Atum and becomes the one who establishes the future of the queen. 2 1 5 One of the most important themes in the royal record is the construction and renewal of the monuments of the gods. The ritual that initiated these projects highlighted the role of the king as builder, as he laid out the floor plan together with the goddess Seshat and then reenacted key moments in the construction process. This ceremony ensured the tie between the king and his creation. This ceremony, known as the foundation ritual, is also well represented during this period. Like the coronation, the foundation ritual appears as early as the First Dynasty in the inscriptions of the Palermo Stone. As recorded there, it consisted of "planning," "stretching the cord" (performed by a priest of Seshat), the "opening of a lake," and the "spearing of the hippopotamus." 216 The basic elements of the ceremony had increased in number by the time of Thutmose I I I . 2 1 7 At Medinet Habu, 2 1 8 six scenes are associated with the foundation ritual. The king stretches the cord, dedicates the temple, hacks the earth, molds the bricks, and offers wine, and the ceremony is completed when a cattle offering is consecrated. In a text from Karnak, Thutmose III describes the ceremony: "His majesty himself performed with his (own) two hands, the Stretching of the Cord and the Releasing of the Cord that was placed on the ground." 2 1 9 The Sed Festival, often called a jubilee, is interpreted as a formal reinstatement of the king, with cultic reenactments that affirm his ability to rule. 2 2 0 It has a history extending back beyond the creation of the Egyptian state, with the Palermo Stone once again providing the earliest textual references. 221 A certain standardization of sequences belonging to this celebration can be discerned in the periodic presentation of this celebration. The earliest of these is found in the sun temple of Neuserre. 2 2 2 In his discussion of these sequences, Kaiser has delineated a number of elements distinctive to the Sed Festival, including the foundation ceremony and cattle inspection scenes. 223 Sequences (discussed earlier as part of the coronation) are, in the Fifth Dynasty context, regarded as part of the Sed Festival. The "bringing and ascending of the carrying chair" is a distinctive element that certainly corresponds with scenes from the Festival Hall. 2 2 4 There are others as well, such as the localization of the event to the Per-Wer and the presence of the

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gods and goddesses representing Upper and Lower Egypt, Horus of Edfu, Seth of Ombos, Nekhbet, and Wadjit. 2 2 5 Although some sequences are eloquent in their descriptions of this ceremony, the reality of these celebrations is difficult to pin down. Hornung and Stahelin have cataloged the documentation for the Sed celebration for both Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. 2 2 6 Pillar inscriptions from Deir elBahari, as well as the queens northern obelisk, mention the "first occasion of the Sed Festival." 227 There are numerous references to the Sed Festival in the documentation of the reign of Thutmose III, including representations of the king in the short tunic typical of the occasion. 228 Reference to the first occasion of the Sed Festival is found in the Festival Hall, 2 2 9 while his third is named on the Heliopolitan obelisk now in London. 2 3 0 A partial depiction of what is likely to be a Sed Festival celebration for Thutmose III is found in the Festival Hall. 2 3 1 It begins as the king is led into the presence of the ennead by the Iunmutef priest. The make-up of this ennead is typically Theban, with a total of eighteen gods represented. 232 The next preserved sequence is a version of "running the course," consisting of three scenes. Thutmose III is first seen standing in front of the palace. The text reads: "He stands at the northern area." In the next scene the king is running, with half-sized figures of Thoth and the Southern Merit facing him. In discussing this sequence Kees notes that the initial scene is lacking. 233 It is, however, preserved in the Sed Festival sequence from Bubastis and shows the king entering the chapel of Wepwaut to be anointed before the ceremony. In the register directly beneath this, the king, wearing the Red Crown, moves toward the palace. In the following scene he is dressed in the Sed tunic. On the next wall he wears the White Crown, a short mantel wrapped around him so that only his hands are visible, holding the w35 scepter. This is followed by the king shooting an arrow to the west, assisted by Seth the Ombite. Two crossed arrows are seen lying on a shield-shaped target, with Horus of Edfu standing by. 2 3 4 The king then leaves as he came, with the next sequence showing him on the throne. As noted earlier, there were also individual ceremonies of a cultic nature that could be included as part of the Sed Festival or other occasions. They vary considerably in date of origin and frame of reference. All of these, however, were supportive of the theme of the endurance and triumph of the kingship. Among those acts performed by the king as part of the continual interchange of offerings and blessings is the "running the course." In these scenes the king is depicted, legs wide apart, running with objects in one or both hands. Included among these objects are one or more hes vases, a bird (often

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identifiable as an Akh ibis), an oar, a hepet rudder, 2 3 5 a mekes document case, a bundle of four staves, and a flail. One scene, preserved from the bark chapel, shows Hatshepsut running with the Apis bull 2 3 6 and may document the earliest version of the ritual, as the Palermo Stone refers to the "running of the Apis," sometimes in association with the coronation. 2 3 7 Although the ceremony has an ancient connection to the coronation and Sed Festival, it is not restricted to that context, nor is Amun-Re the only beneficiary during this period. Hathor is among those deities for whom the king "runs the course." 2 3 8 In the area of the Sixth Pylon, the goddess greets the running king with a menât in her hand as two Ihys play the sistra. This act could also be placed within the context of the union of the two lands, as in one example where the king runs to Amun before Horus of E d f u on one wall and before Seth the Ombite on another. 239 Another version of this ceremony begins with the king approaching the bark of Amun. 2 4 0 Next he is seen "running the course to Bastet, that he may perform the giving of life." T h e remains of the text provide some clue as to the theme of the scenes, as it reads "their chiefs are bound under your sandals." 241 T h e inclusion of the bark suggests that the scene refers to a procession of the god. This ceremony is frequent in the material from this period. Its significance is, however, far from clear. Kees uses the more verbal Ptolemaic material to make a connection between the Akh ibis and the ka242 citing an E d f u text: "Take your divine image. I have brought to you your ka, that you might open the way for all the gods." 2 4 3 Two of the cultic acts most richly documented for this period have been discussed by Egberts, 2 4 4 where he, like Kees, relies on Ptolemaic sources to provide a referential frame for their meaning. T h e Meret chest ceremony and the ceremony of driving the calves are represented repeatedly in the material for both Thutmose III and Hatshepsut. 2 4 5 T h e ritual of the Meret chest is first found at Coptos, dated to Antef V Driving the calves dates back, however, to the Old Kingdom or before. 2 4 6 T h e heading for both rituals begins with the verb hwl, "to strike" or "to drive," in the case of the calves. Egberts suggests that the Meret chests had their origin in those chests shown carrying the grave gifts in burial procession scenes dated to the Old Kingdom. 2 4 7 Containing strips of red, white, and green cloth, representing mummy wrappings, the chests were important items in the preparation for burial. T h e chests are bound together by cloth or cord, referring perhaps to one pun on their name as "the bound one." There is also wordplay with t^mrt, "beloved land," one of the names of Egypt. Egberts points out that the chests, four in number, corresponding to the four cardinal points, had two intertwined interpretations. On the one hand they were the mummified,

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bound body of Osiris, and on the other they represented Egypt, made up of many regions. 248 Following this reasoning, the purpose of the ceremony was to assure the unity of Egypt as it was paralleled to the resurrection of Osiris. Egberts sees a number of interrelated themes in the ritual of driving the calves. 249 The king is depicted as a herdsman driving the four calves before him, threshing the grain. Egberts argues, however, that the treading of the calves crushes the worms that threaten the crops and, by extension, kills the "enemies" of the integrity of the state. Another theme links this ceremony to that of the Meret chest, with which it is often associated. Both, it is argued, refer to the mysteries of Osiris.The treading of the calves takes place over the tomb of the god, with the intention of hiding it from his enemies. Spread throughout the material are four additional cultic acts that have parallels among the rituals depicted in the Twentieth Dynasty edifice of Taharqa, next to the Sacred Lake of Karnak. 2 5 0 This is of particular interest given that the Taharqa sanctuary is also where the solar cult texts are found. The ceremonial shooting of the arrows, 251 described earlier, is found in a possible Sed Festival context in the Festival Hall of Thutmose I I I . 2 5 2 The participation of Horus and Seth places this event within the context of the union of the two lands. In the Festival Hall version the arrow is shot toward the west. The later version is enlarged to include shooting at four targets, representing once again the four cardinal points. 2 5 3 Barguet refers to this act as one of proclamation, announcing the king s Sed Festival to the world. 2 5 4 The aim of this rite, as performed by an anonymous divine adoratrice in the Taharqa edifice, is, however, clearly protective. Accompanying texts refer to the rebellious children as the force against which protection is sought. Shooting the arrows is accompanied in the Taharqa sequence by another ritual, "hitting the balls." 2 5 5 Hatshepsut s Deir el-Bahari temple provides the earliest example of this ritual, 256 depicting Thutmose III holding a ball in one hand and a "bat" in the other. Hathor, in her human form as chieftainess of Thebes, is the beneficiary. Two priests are also depicted, each of whom lift up a ball, as if catching it. Above their heads is a legend, reading "it is the priest who catches it for him." DeVries discusses this scene as one of the first examples of "playing catch." 257 He also undertakes the task of tracing the history of this rite, noting a reference in the Pyramid Texts reading "hit the ball in the meadow of Apis!" 2 5 8 The list of examples of this ritual includes two scenes from Luxor, where Mut is the recipient, 259 as well as Ptolemaic scenes from Edfu and Dendera, where Hathor figures, and an early Roman example from Philae featuring Sakhmet. 260 Naville s understanding of this act is similar to Barguets interpretation of the shooting of the arrows. 2 6 1 The king proclaims victory before his mother by throwing the ball.

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The variation that occurs in the Taharqa edifice at Karnak differs, in that the king is depicted taking a typical stride forward before the ball is apparently thrown in the air and hit by the "bat" that he has in his other hand. The four arrows of the adjoining scene are matched by the four balls thrown by the king. Ritual papyri, 262 dating much later, describe the balls as made of clay, each inscribed with the names of protective deities. They are thrown against traditional enemies located at the four cardinal points. The shooting of the arrows and the striking of the balls become a way of removing these obstacles. The four arrows from the Taharqa scene are aimed at Nubia, Asia, Libya, and Upper and Lower Egypt. 2 6 3 This theme is repeated in another ritual found both at Karnak and in the Taharqa edifice. This ritual sequence consists of two elements: elevating the four gods and performing the hts ritual. In the inner rooms of the Karnak Temple, 264 Hatshepsut is depicted presiding over the elevation of the statues of four gods, Dedwen of Nubia, Soped of Asia, Sobek of Libya, and Horus of the north and the south. These stand on twot_ssigns, bound together and lifted up by a priest and a Wife of the God. The queen then raises the hts scepter, perhaps as the conclusion of the ceremony. The same combination of scenes in the Taharqa edifice are regarded as rites of reentry, protective measures intended to allow the safe return of Amun-Re and Amun-Re-Kamutef to the sanctuary after a procession. The return of the god(s) is equated with a renewal of his authority over Egypt and its domains: "We give him Upper and Lower Egypt, we hack up for the fortresses of the Asiatics, we found for him the Two Lands anew." 265 The sequence found in the Taharqa version is multilayered. It refers to the transformation of Osiris, whose tomb is the object of protection in the arrows and balls rite, into Amun-Re at the moment when the god returns to his sanctuary. Even without solar connotations, the "controlling the enemy" theme, evident in the Eighteenth Dynasty version, made it a suitable ritual for the preparing the sanctuary for the return of the god after a procession.

T H E ROYAL F U N E R A R Y CULT

The king, at death, joined his predecessors as one of the divine fathers. The cult of his mortuary temple, active during his life, ensured his immortal existence on earth. The tomb provided the environment in which his authority among the gods was confirmed. These two components outline the role of the dead king as a force among the living and as part of a transcendent cosmic power.

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The royal funerary cult of the Eighteenth Dynasty was no longer integrated in the architectural complex of the tomb. Located in temples facing the cultivation on the west bank, the cult of the dead king belonged to the world of the living. The New Kingdom mortuary temples, called Houses of Millions of Years, 266 were primarily devoted to Amun, while housing cults of Hathor and the king. The function of the temple, as exemplified by Deir el-Bahari, 267 is reflected in the distribution of space among the cults of Amun, Hathor, and the ruler, as well as Thutmose I, Re-Harakhty, Anubis, and possible Ptah-Sokar-Osiris. 268 The cult room of the queen, equipped with the Book of Hours and chapter 148 of the Book of the Dead, 2 6 9 meets the requirements for the mortuary cult. The inclusion of a cult room for Thutmose I once again reinforces this monarch s link to her father, while alluding to the "father-son" structure of the divine kingship. The cult of Amun in this, as well as the two other, temples is characterized by the presence of a bark chapel to receive Amun when he visited the temple. Stadelmann has suggested that it was the need for access to the temple for Amuns visit that motivated the separation of the cult from the burial site. 270 The bark shrine, marking the temple as the destination of the procession from Karnak, illustrates the interaction between the mortuary temple and other Amun cults. The presence of the cult of Re-Harakhty in this temple has been discussed in relationship to the king s role as priest. The importance of this deity in a funerary context is confirmed by the emphasis on solar imagery in the tomb decoration. The room allocated to the worship of Anubis, Ptah, Sokar, and Osiris indicates the inclusion of the funerary thematic of physical death, mummification, and entry into the necropolis and underworld into the program of the mortuary temple. The House of Millions of Years focused on Amun as the ultimate manifestation of the divine kingship. The presence of cults representing both Osiride and solar aspects of the office suggests that the theme of the union of Re and Osiris in the person of the dead king was reiterated, though perhaps more understated than in the tomb itself. The temple affirmed the role of the deceased king as a manifestation of this union in the world of the living. The dead king as eternal sovereign provided a counterpart to Amun, in whom these elements coexisted, as the all-inclusive creator god. The tomb was cut off from the daily cult activity of the temple, as it was located in an isolated necropolis hidden away in the desert. This necropolis was in all likelihood established by Hatshepsuts father, Thutmose I. Considerable confusion still exists, however, regarding the sequence of events that

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provided the background for the burial of this king. It remains unclear as to whether K V zo, 2 7 1 where he was intended to rest beside his daughter, or K V 38, 2 7 2 where fragments of the Amduat were found, was the original burial place. 273 For the purpose of this review, two tombs, with accompanying burial equipment, are of interest: K V zo, belonging to Hatshepsut (and possibly Thutmose I); and Thutmose I l l s tomb, K V 34- 274 The room distribution and decoration program of the mortuary temples suggest that the deceased king, active among the living, was interpreted as a union of Re and Osiris. The tomb provides further evidence for the placement of the deceased in this, and other, mythological scenarios, all intended to contribute to the efficacy of the sun gods triumph over darkness, as well as to guarantee eternal life for the king and the kingship he represented. An understanding of the status of the dead king during this period can be derived from three components of the royal burial equipment: the shroud of Thutmose III; the three royal sarcophagi; and the decoration program of K V 34, the tomb of Thutmose III. The shroud of Thutmose III is inscribed with a running text that links chapters from the Book of the Dead with a text known as the Litany of R e . 2 7 5 Beginning with chapters 17 and 18 of the Book of the Dead, the central theme is presented as the meeting and union of the two has of Re and Osiris. This is followed by the Litany of Re, also found as part of the decor of the tomb of Thutmose III. 2 7 6 The litany begins by referring to the journey of Menkheperre, who is said to pass by the mysterious caverns of the underworld. He is the ba of Re: "His ba is your ba, his corpse is your corpse. . . . Re says to King Menkheperre: 'You are like me, my own second s e l f ' " 2 7 7 This total identification between the king and the sun god is followed by the seventy-four names of Re, analyzed as equally divided between those that refer to Re and those that refer to Osiris, found on opposing walls in the tomb of the vizier Useramun. 278 A number of chapters from the Book of the Dead follow this text on the shroud. Read as a running text, they convey a narrative of resurrection. The burial procession (chap. 1) is followed by the opening of the mouth (chaps, zz—z3). The dead is then presented with amulets, and identified as AtumKhepri (chap. z4). Pronounced a pure akh, he asks to be given a mouth with which to speak (chap. zi). A spell (chap. 90) then removes evil from the mouth of the deceased. It is at this point that the declaration of innocence (chap. 1z5) appears, giving the dead the opportunity to use his mouth to save himself from the absolute death of the unbalanced scale. The text then goes over to the more fragmentary lower register, where it begins to speak of the coming forth by day and entry through the gates of heaven (chap. 68). The

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theme then turns to the relationship between Osiris and Horus, as the deceased identifies himself with the latter offering on the altar of his father and receiving the right to rule, (chaps. 69—70). A large gap interrupts the narrative, which resumes with the dead identifying himself as a phoenix, a heron, a swallow, and a crocodile (chaps. 83—84, 86, 88). At that point the dead king proceeds to Heliopolis, where he is given the throne (chap. 75). The last surviving lines (chap. 105) indicate a successful transformation into a goose. The compilation of chapters found here are coherent as episodes of the resurrection process to which they relate.The texts from the Book of the Dead found on the shroud are part of a corpus that is unrestricted in its distribution. Inscribed shrouds are also found in private burials from this time. 279 Three sarcophagi are of interest with regard to this reign. First, there is the sarcophagus of Hatshepsut that was recarved for Thutmose I 2 8 0 and most likely intended for his reburial at her side. A replacement sarcophagus was then carved for the queen and also belongs to the period under discussion. 2 8 1 These two were found in K V zo. The sarcophagus of Thutmose III, 2 8 2 found in K V 34, is the third in this series. The three sarcophagi all display essentially the same design scheme, 283 with a uniform distribution of texts that tell of the function of the sarcophagus as an agent of bodily resurrection. 284 The gods active in this process are those familiar in this context. Nut stretches herself over the dead, reassuring him that he is whole, and that his limbs are not weary. Isis and Nephthys appear at either end of the sarcophagus, protecting the king with their embrace. The canopic gods also occur, associated with the task of resurrection. More unusual is the role of Geb as the one who gives light to the newly opened eyes of the king. The two sides of the sarcophagus reflect the division between west (right) and east (left), dividing the four canopic gods between the two. On the right/west side of the sarcophagus the canopic gods Imsety and Duamutef assure the king that they will protect him from his enemies as Anubis makes an appeal to Isis, asking that she remove the king s bandages and, as a parallel act, remove the enemies that act against him. Osiris also addresses the king as his son, heir of the ruler of the westerners. Included on this side is chapter 7z of the Book of the Dead, 2 8 5 in which the king tells the gods that he is among them and asks for their protection. 286 He declares that he has offered to them and knows their names, particularly that of a god called Tekem, who has access to the eastern horizon.The king identifies himself with this god and asks that the doors not be sealed against him. The chapter ends as he speaks of his generosity to the temples and asserts that his festivals and funerary rites will be maintained.

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On the left/east side of the sarcophagus, the deceased king has reached his goal of resurrection and installation as king. It is, appropriately, Nut the Great Akhet who addresses the king as the offspring of Geb and ruler of the two shores. Re confirms the king s status, saying that he has established him as chief of the stars. The canopic god Hapy then assures the king that he will protect him by binding his limbs together, smiting his enemies, and giving him his head. Anubis tells the king that he has driven away the weariness from his body, and Qebehsenuef, here son of the king, assures him that he has come to protect him (like Horus), to unite his bones and assemble his limbs, and to put his heart in its proper place. The upper edge of the sarcophagus walls are used for texts in which the king responds to that which has been requested on his behalf. He refers to Geb s illumination of his face and opening of his eyes; to the protection of the canopic gods, to whom he refers as "brothers"; and to Nut, who (like Isis earlier) is said to remove the bandages as well as those who have acted against him. He finally declares that he has driven off his weariness. The texts from the three sarcophagi, largely parallel in both content and placement, stress themes that enhance the process of physical resurrection. This includes the roles of Nut, Isis, and Nephthys as the agents of birth and resurrection. It is first with the text and illustration program of the tomb that the theme of the solar journey is fully realized.287 As noted earlier, the Litany of Re is included in the decoration program of the tomb, found on a pillar in the sarcophagus chamber.288 It is the Amduat, 289 the earliest of the books of the underworld, that dominates the tomb decoration. The fragments from Thutmose Is tomb K V 38, 290 possibly comprise the first attested example, although the date of the original composition is a matter of dispute. 291 The basic theme of the text is the journey of Re through the underworld. It is divided into twelve episodes, each one associated with an hour of the night. It was this journey that motivated the hymns found, for example, in the Deir el-Bahari temple, saluting the god as he departed and jubilating at his return. The night is similarly divided in the Book of Hours, found in the cult rooms of the king in both of the mortuary temples of the period.The Amduat identifies the king as the sun god, and the journey through the underworld is equated with the resurrection process. The twelve-hour division of the text gives an overview of the topography of the underworld, as well as a description of those beings that inhabit it. The latter form a special catalog of gods, 292 specific for this tomb and comprising more than six hundred names. The version of the Amduat found in Thutmose Ills tomb is particularly interesting in that it identifies the king by name as a participant in the journey, making the union

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of Re and the king specific, rather than abstract, as the given fusion of the sun god and the kingship. The journey is recounted in terms of the transition from the world of the living to that of the darkness of death and the eventual victorious return to a new birth. Its focal point is found in the sixth hour, the lowest point of the cyclical journey. Leaving the desert landscape of Sokar, the solar bark reaches the stagnant pool of water of Nun and the corpse of the sun god, depicted as a horizontal male figure with a scarab head. It is at this hour, as the light of the sun is absorbed into the depths of the waters, that union takes place. Once the sun god reaches its own Osiride corpse a process of rejuvenation begins, culminating in the rebirth of the sun at the twelfth hour, accompanied by allusions to coronation and the destruction of the enemy. The theme of a solar rebirth that is dependant on a cyclical return to the enduring corpse has various manifestations in this text, consistently balancing the two phenomena as interdependent. One component of this theme is ambiguity toward the next life, not uncommon in private funerary literature. The blessed dead, inhabitants of the underworld, live in darkness. It is only the presence of the solar god during a few nightly hours that allow them access to life as they once knew it. The documentation of the status of the dead king emphasizes his incorporation into the greater chronicle of kingship. On one hand there is dependence on the cult of Amun in the world of the living. On the other the frame of reference is the interdependency of the different components of resurrection: the time-bound processes of birth, disintegration, and rebirth; and the absolute and unchanging survival of the physical being of the corpse as a source of the energy needed for that rebirth. These themes are interrelated in the combined text and decoration program of temple and tomb during this period. PRIVATE WORSHIP

Documented religious observances during this period centered on the confirmation of the kingship as an expression of divine power and on various strategies for exploiting this power. This was, to a large degree, true for both royal and private participants.The rich material from this reign makes it possible to review some of the levels of private forms of religious observance. Ritual was, in theory, the exclusive privilege and responsibility of the king. In practice it was largely delegated, with its various aspects distributed among the many levels of the priesthood. 293 Only a small number of individuals, however, appear to have had the priesthood as their primary activity. One of these was Amenemhet, high priest of Amun, the highest rank

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of the four levels of the Amun priesthood. 294 Amenemhet tells of his early career within the priesthood as part of an instruction to his children, 295 describing himself as "father of the god," as well as "master [of secrets] in Karnak": "I was a wab priest, a staff in the old age of my father when I was on earth. . . . I reached a manhood of fifty-four years. I was a wab priest of the sandals of the god, a ritual assistant, chief of the work staff, skilled in my duties. When the time of my appointment came, I entered in to do my service, and I closed my face in the private place. . . . I was inducted to hear that which wab priests hear . . . [my body concealed] what my eyes saw, I did not go forth bearing the secrets that I knew . . "The text, as it has survived, concludes with the information that Amenemhet was inducted as father of the god: "[He appointed] me as father of the god, first superintendent in Karnak, and I entered into the chapels.. . . No previous fathers had known its induction." Central to Amenemhet s narrative are references to hidden knowledge,296 requiring absolute secrecy. This theme is repeated in several texts, using similar phrases: "Hidden of Mouth, because of what the two eyes have seen" and "I did not leave the palace carrying secrets of the House of the King, I did not recite that which was [said] in the interior of the palace." 297 A vivid career description is found in texts belonging to Nebwawy, high priest of Osiris at Abydos. 298 According to his account, he received daily instructions regarding his responsibilities. He substituted for the king as the leader of the Gold House, where the statues and ritual objects of the cult were manufactured. He also participated in the daily cult, adorning the god. His first period of service lasted eleven years, after which time he was appointed high priest of Osiris and given authority over every office of the god s estate. This position included other assignments, such as attendance at the procession of Horus, "the savior of his father," in the temple of Min at Akhmin. As overseer of the priests of that temple, the temple staff was required to report to him. After six years as high priest of Osiris, Nebwawy was appointed chief for the cult of Amosis in Abydos and given responsibility for its treasury. Nine years passed in that office, and during that time he was also in charge of the work done on the Neshmet bark, used in the mysteries of Osiris. All in all Nebwawy served as priest for twenty-six years. Another text belonging to this priest provides a short description of the rewards of his position: 299 "My legs have walked in the Holy Place, I have been anointed with best oil, and a garland was put around my neck like that a king does for one whom he praised." A final favor was the presentation by Amenhotep II of a statue of his father to the temple of Osiris. The statue is referred to as "his image of millions of years," repeating the phrase used

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in reference to the funerary temple. Along with the statue came donations of offerings, fields, and a garden, "every document firm in its places," presumably meaning that this was a formal and documented transaction. For women, the opportunities to participate in temple cults had become severely limited, with few opportunities open to them, although there are indications that minor functions may have provided marginal space for women within the formal temple cults. 300 Women were otherwise relegated to very specific tasks, such as playing the sistra in Hathoric choirs. Pictorially this motif is reiterated both in the role played by various goddesses and by the occurrence of women in a funerary context. They are shown displaying the ritual objects of the goddess, often accompanied by the text of a song. These songs comprise a textual genre with well-defined themes of either cheerful encouragement or sorrow. In the tomb of Menkheperreseneb,301 the women sing: "For your ka!The sistra and menais of Amun in Djeser Akhet. The god rests on the great throne and the West rejoices greatly as you follow your lord with a happy heart, chanting for his fair face. May you give homage to she who is on your forehead, as millions are in your neighborhood, that he may give breath to your nostrils, when you come from the temple after performing the rites." The feminine titles often translated as "singer" or "chantress" also occur at this time, 302 although they show little sign of the hierarchical role that they will be given during the Ramesside period. Women also played an important part in the funerary rites. They are depicted collectively as mourners, following a long tradition. More specific is the portrayal of the two Djerty priestesses,303 enacting in ritual form the parts of Isis and Nephthys. Djerty, "the two kites," refers to the birds into which the goddesses transformed themselves in the search of Osiris after his murder and dismemberment. Their participation reinforced the mythological dimension of the mummification. The priesthood was not the only way to express religiosity. Acceptance into the academy of scribes was closely associated with the duties of the priesthood. Senemiah recalls: "My name was found as the first on a written list, so that a palette was put in my hand." 304 His duties in this respect are also described: "I measured the best myrrh of every years production. I indeed am the one who selected it for the ointment." 305 Senemiah takes up the prominent theme of instruction in his narrative: "I gave instructions to the workshop, and teaching to the royal carpenters." 306 If it was ennobling to instruct those under your authority, it was equally important, if not more so, to be able to receive instructions and carry them out: "I have done precisely what the heart of my lord [desired] every day. I commanded my hands under his guidance. I grasped the instructions that he gave to me." 307

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The autobiographical context makes it clear that the supervision of the construction of royal monuments was an act of piety, comprising as it did a task assigned by the king. It also entailed access to the wealth of the temple, which, in itself, had ritual overtones: "I sealed the two treasuries and all the precious stones in the temple of Amun in Karnak, filling (it) to the ceiling with his tribute. . . . Measuring the hekat of Amun before the entire land . . " 3 0 8 T h e workshop from which the monument or ritual object originated and the treasury that housed the wealth this required comprised a conceptual unity, expressing divine power. A hymn to Re formulates this as "workshops and treasures are enclosed by him as a single thing." 309 Official participation in temple construction and workshop projects was seen as existing within the realm of religiosity. The priesthood and participation in temple business in an official capacity were activities within the public realm. Private acts were also important, particularly when one was facing the judgment of eternity. For, as stated in the autobiography of Ahmose Aamethu: "God rewards with evil the one who commits it, and with Maat the one who comes to it." 3 1 0 One text of Ahmose Aamethu gives simple examples of virtuous acts: 311 "He did not beat his father, he did not curse his mother, he performed the kings blessings every day, lies being his abomination and he did not do them. . . . He is the one who watched over the gods, he was pleasant to the Akhu, he offered to Osiris and to all the gods, he bent his arm himself." Amenemhet elaborates on the subject of filial obedience: 312 "I went back and forth according to his command, without fleeing from that which came forth from his (his father s) mouth, without harming that which he ordained for me. I did not neglect the commands [that he put] in my heart. I did not pierce him with many looks. My face was lowered when he spoke to me. I did not persist in that of which he had no knowledge." This regard for his father s authority extended to other members of the household: "I did not know the servant girl of his house, I did not lie with his chamber maid. I did not curse his agent. I did not enter in to him by force." The reward was his fathers blessing: "He praised me. He did not find fault with me. I was praised by his ka until the day of his death came." Descriptions of ethical behavior are scattered throughout the autobiographical texts of the period, echoing much of the traditional ideal. The Great Stela Text, 3 1 3 used by several officials during this period, summarizes the need for generosity: "I gave bread to the hungry, I satisfied those who lack." 314 The relationship to the king, central in the expression of the ideal, is described in terms of the humble official: "I acted according to Maat that the king loved, knowing that it was commanded for h i m . . . . I woke early to worship him every day. I listened carefully to what he said." 315 Moderation

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and precision are also virtues worthy of praise: "I grasped the moment with accuracy, I accomplished it with silence and coolness" 3 1 6 The varied components of ideal ethical behavior had, as their goal, the elevation of Maat, as an abstraction of the ritual performed by the king in the temple. This could also take the form of a declaration of innocence, expressed in the negative: "I did not elevate evil in the p a l a c e " 3 1 7 The man whose actions harmonized with Maat, trusted by the king to carry out his wishes and instructions, also had the capability of perceiving the cosmic scheme, having access to the future through the excellence of his planning. Hapuseneb uses the standard phrase, as he calls himself one "who foresees the end and plans that which will come." 3 1 8 Djehuty, however, embroiders on the idea of effective planning: "I inquired into the times, and foresaw that which would come, untying my heart when looking into the future, gathering yesterday and planning for tomorrow, skilled in that which would happen." 3 1 9 Worship and pious behavior were found within two spheres, the public and the private. Within the public sphere, participation in the practical business of the temple, in the workshop and the treasury, was on a level similar to that of the priesthood. Individual ethical behavior was an essential component of religiosity and was decisive at the moment of final judgment. A number of festivals have been discussed as part of the celebration of the gods. The journey of Amun to Deir el-Bahari was among these. This is often associated with what was later called the Festival of the Beautiful Valley. As Amun-Re visited his cult places in the mortuary temple of the king, a joyous Memorial Day was celebrated, with relatives visiting the family tombs and feasting at the site. Although Schott sees a reference to this festival in lines from the tomb of Nebamun, 3 2 0 it is impossible to say at what point the Deir el-Bahari festival acquired the full range of celebrations that characterized the Valley Festival. There were, however, other celebratory occasions for which the participation of the private individual is more explicitly documented. Among these is a group of festivals, all occurring around the beginning of the calendar year. They are listed by Sennefri as "the day of the Festival of the Opening of the Year, the Festival of Nehebkau, the Festival of the First Day of the Year and the Going Forth of Sothis Festival." 321 The celebration of the beginning of the year followed an interval of 5 days that separated the end of one 360-day year and the beginning of the next. These days were also the birthdays of the gods Osiris, Horus, Isis, Nephthys, and Seth. During this period torches were lit to keep away the terror created by the lion goddess Sakhmet, who wandered the earth, sending out her messengers to spread disease and death. These days are depicted in the tombs as times of offerings.

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In the tomb of Menkheperreseneb, 322 five men, apparently representing the 5 days, are identified by the text "The Five Days That Are Over the Year Festival: anointing and painting the eye, lighting the torch, receiving illumination on the paths of darkness. The Eye of Horus is watchful as the protection of Osiris N." As these days came to an end, ceremonies inaugurated the beginning of a new year. The king (and his representatives) renewed the consecration of the temples and revived the cult statues with an Opening of the Mouth ritual. 3 2 3 This holiday was also celebrated with gift giving. Officials presented the kings with elaborate collections of luxury items such as statues, expensive vases, and weapons. 324 Royal themes are summarized in the gifts of the nobles. In T T 73, 3 2 5 Hatshepsut is presented with scenes thematically relating to the coronation and the divine birth, as, for example, Satis is depicted nursing the queen and Thoth inscribes the annals as the queen kneels between Weret-Hekau and Khnum. The noble, as a loyal subject, gave gifts to the king, and he in turn received gifts from his dependents, consisting of perfumes, ointments, and flowers. The celebration included songs and Hathoric rituals at the banquets depicted on the tomb walls. Festival celebration was a public event. There was, however, also a component of personal worship at this time. It was formalized within a Gegen~ tempel326 a temple outside the temenos, where prayers could be offered up by those who did not have access to the inner temple. Inscriptions from the Eastern Temple at Karnak identify it, from the time of Ramses II, as dedicated to "Amun-Re who hears prayers." 327 Nims has combined several sources and deduced that this is the building referred to in an inscription from the bark chapel of Thutmose III, 3 2 8 reading: " M y majesty erected for him a proper place of hearing." 329 The statues of the alabaster naos, 3 3 0 which is the primary feature of this temple, originally represented Amun and Thutmose III. As noted earlier, the reference to the kings ka in this context 3 3 1 also suggests that the king was worshiped here and functioned as a chosen mediator for the supplicant s prayer to the god. The identification of the Eastern Temple as a place of personal prayer may have had a parallel in Memphis, where stelae dated to Thutmose I through Thutmose I V are found dedicated to "Ptah who hears prayers." 332 There are other indications of a religious realm outside the formal temple cults. A number of so-called popular cults provide evidence for personal relationships with a number of deities. The best documented is that of Hathor of Deir el Bahari. 333 Objects left by devotees seeking help from the goddess represent a wide range. The cow was a popular votive, indicating that the goddess was well known in this form. Among the most interesting objects are textiles painted with various images of the goddess, but again there

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was an emphasis on her status as cow goddess. One inscribed to Thutmose III most likely intended his mediation with the goddess. 334 The survey of these items indicates that their donors were primarily women, possibly members of the goddesss clergy. 335 The variation in votive objects suggests a diversity of needs among the donors. Some of the objects related to her function as the goddess of love and fertility, so-called fertility figurines and wooden phalli, indicate that she was expected to intervene in this area of life. 336 Other objects are related more directly to her cult, such as menât counterpoises. These make it possible to confirm the activity of this goddess's popular cult during the period studied here. Inscribed counterpoises, including the combined cartouches of Thutmose III and Hatshepsut, have been found at Deir el Bahari and in the Sinai at Serabit el-Khadim. 337 Little is known of the inner workings of this cult. One statue, however, suggests that they provided, as did temples, an opportunity for fellow worshipers to gain access to the offerings found there. A votive from the Deir el Bahari site, 338 close to, if not from, the period under discussion, carries a prayer to the goddess as the Cow of Gold. It concludes: "I am Ihy . . . of Hathor. I hear the petitions of all young girls who weep and who provide for Hathor here. Put ointment on my brow and drink in my mouth, bread and beer and the offerings of your companions. Give me cakes and I will speak to Hathor, who listens to the supplicant." There are a number of other popular cults from this period, such as that of Sakhmet of Abusir and Wepwaut of Assiut. 339 Both were found in reused monuments. Sakhmet's cult place was in the funerary chapel of Sahure at Abusir, where numerous New Kingdom votives were found set into the walls. The Wepwaut cult, with over six hundred stelae documented in situ, was located in a Twelfth Dynasty tomb, with the cult dating from the Eighteenth Dynasty to the Saitic period. Another find category, though limited in number, confirms the possibility of a personal relationship with Amun-Re. A small number of limestone ostraca from the necropolis area of Sheikh Abd el-Qurna, dated prior to the Amarna period and possibly as early as Thutmose III, display texts that clearly allow for a pre-Ramesside personal piety: "O Amun-Re, Herder of all the lowly. He has lifted up my pain when he has gone forth (in procession). May he give a food ration to me according to his wishes. O Amun-Re, Lord of Strength, my Lord Strong of Bau, Greater of love than any other god." 340 Religious behavior for the private citizen could include official practical duties within the temple, as well as service in the priesthood. Ethics continued to play an important part in the private individual's part in elevating

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Maat, a requirement for access to life after death. Prayer and private devotion also had a place in the religiosity of the period as expressed in the private cults. THE PRIVATE FUNERARY CULT

The tombs of this period bear witness to a continuity of traditional beliefs and practices in the private funerary cult of the middle Eighteenth Dynasty. The texts and reliefs of these tombs comprise a narrative of transformation. They speak of the bond between the deceased and the living and of the path to the new life of the reborn dead. The material documenting expectations regarding the next life is immense. Similarly, discussions outlining the conceptual structures in these beliefs are complex. In any review of this area of religious life, it is the tomb that provides the most relevant material. The tombs of this period retain many older traditions when formulating the process that begins with mummification and concludes with the activation of the funerary cult. Mummification in itself entailed a mythological reference to the resurrection of Osiris. The identification of the priest entrusted with the mummification process as Anubis reinforced this ^4T

association. The practical creation of the mummy was followed by a journey to the tomb in the necropolis. Elaborate sequences, incorporating archaic rituals, comprised a narrative describing this journey. 342 It began as the dead, represented as mummy, canopic chest, and the tekenu, was drawn on a sled by cattle. Of these, the tekenu is the most poorly understood. 343 Depicted as a small bundle, possibly representing a leather wrapping within which the dead lay, the tekenu has been interpreted as a preresurrection form of the deceased, perhaps equivalent to a fetus that will develop into the new life once the proper rituals have been successfully carried out. The procession was led by a group of priests, the Djerty priestesses and mourners. Songs accompanied the journey, such as "Making a good burial for N, elevating the god to his horizon, he is led to the stairway of the necropolis, in peace, in peace. Go forth in peace to heaven, to the horizon, to the Fields of Reeds, to the Netherworld, to the Seshemet-hall in which this god is." 344 On the way to the tomb the procession stopped at a complex consisting of a number of ritual buildings. Here the Muu dancers were encountered in a chapel. Another building, "the chapel of women," appears to contain professional mourners. A garden area includes a pond, sycamores, and obelisks, suggesting that this is a garden in Heliopolis. A slaughter court displays a

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group of priests preparing a cattle offering. The offering motif is continued with the images of the two Djerty priestesses, the greater and the lesser, kneeling in front of four basins. They are said to be presenting offerings to the desert (smyt), perhaps a reference to the female personification of the necropolis. Additional scenes refer to a journey to Sais, concluding with a lector priest and a ka servant consecrating an area of land. At this point the theme becomes that of crossing the river to the necropolis, where there is occasion to jubilate with the Beautiful West. Upon arriving at the Great House the two Djerty priestesses and the priests chant: "May you speak and may you jubilate, may you seat yourselves and put your protection in the desert tomb of N N . " 3 4 5 The complexity of the many different elements of pictorial sequence is simplified in a text from the tomb of Djehuty. 346 A good burial: It comes in peace, 70 days completed in your purification tent, being placed on a bier in the house of offerings, being drawn by young cattle, with the way sprinkled with milk until you reach the entrance of your tomb. The children of your children are gathered together, crying with loving hearts. Upon reaching the necropolis, a ritual was performed that would bring life to the still dormant mummy. This was the Opening of the Mouth. 3 4 7 Although references to this ritual are found in the Pyramid Texts, it is during this period, in the tomb of Rekhmire, 348 that a full description, with text and illustration, is first given. The version preserved in this tomb places the ritual in the Gold House, a workshop where ritual objects were made. The mummy is described as damaged, with carpenters and carvers taking active roles in the ritual of revival. Parallels are drawn between the repair of the mummy amd the acts by which Horus aided in the resurrection of his father Osiris. The sem priest, as a surrogate for Horus, plays an important part. 349 Awakened from sleep, the sem priest exclaims: "He has broken me!" "He has damaged me." He then appeals to the craftsmen to alleviate his fathers suffering. Additional episodes refer to the intervention of Horus and include offering scenes, some of which are familiar from the ritual of the daily cult. The appeasement, through censing of the uraeus guarding the mummy, are among those elements that have parallels in the daily ritual. 350 Once again this dangerous goddess, with her many forms, is brought under control with soothing words. "O Great of Magic, Wadjit, Mistress of the Per-Nu who resides in the Per-Neser, Sakhmet, Nesert, Wadjit. . . . Your beautiful face is gracious in triumph O Daughter of Re on this day." 351

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The concluding scenes contain a reminder of the link between these texts and those related to the royal privilege, as sixteen lines refer to the relationship of Re to Maat. 3 5 2 The function of Maat as the catalyst for the revivification of the mummy is made clear as the text continues: "I have brought the Triumphant One (m3t hrw) to you, that you may live with her, that you may rejoice with her, that you may be adorned with her, that you may rise with her, that you may shine with her, that you may set with her, that she may unite with your brow, that she may unite with you, that she may fell your enemies ." Here the text calls upon the imagery of both the coronation and the solar cycle, powerful metaphors also used for the resurrection of Osiris. The ritual complete, satisfaction with its outcome is declared. I have formed N His image is made His mouth is open I have put him before the Two Maats His name will endure for eternity He will become an excellent Akh in the Sacred Land He will hear the call of those who are in his household He will have power over bread He will have power over beer He will go forth as a living ba He will make transformations as he wishes. 353 Once this ritual has been performed the mummified dead is once more functional. The workshop setting of the Opening of the Mouth ritual implied a parallel between the mummy and a cult statue. The funerary cult of the dead also had points of comparison with the daily ritual. The occurrence of purification rituals, as well as the offering table theme, 354 suggest that the two belong to the same frame of reference. This connection is confirmed by the occurrence of the ritual of the "removal of the footprints" within a funerary context. 0 0 The strategies chosen to ensure the provisioning of the mummy are the same as those known from earlier periods. The "Address to the Living," located at or near the entrance to the tomb, calls on passersby, and more specifically those who could read, to recite the invocation offerings. Rewards are promised in the form of divine blessings, just as retribution is guaranteed for those who desecrate the tomb. O living who are on earth who are living until eternity and as far as forever Wab-priests, lector-priests of Osiris, all who are knowledge-

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able in hieroglyphic writing those who would enter my tomb, those who would pass by it and read from my stela may they remember my name, without having to pause before the lords of Maat. 3 5 6 The text continues, with extraordinary promises of success in the next life. The two doors of the horizon are open for you, you push back the lock yourself, so that you might go forth every morning, that you might return every evening. Torches are lit for you in the night until Shu shines on your breast. 357 With the arrival at the necropolis, the mummy, now alive with functioning eyes, ears, and mouth, had reached his goal, the tomb. This arrival was mythologized, as the dead is greeted by the personification of the necropolis as the Beautiful West, 358 a deity laden with Hathoric connotations. This goddess, together with Osiris and, as guide, Anubis, comprised the trio that welcomed the dead to his new home and a new existence as "Osiris N."The tomb takes up the familiar themes of daily life in a number of sequences that combine the concerns of this life with those of the next. The Abydos pilgrimage, found in numerous tombs from this period, 359 appears to fall within this context, as it is generally agreed that this journey is separate from that to Sais found in connection with burial procession. The Abydos pilgrimage may represent a religious duty that, if not performed in life, should be performed in death. 360 Participation in the mysteries of Osiris, celebrated at Abydos and marked by the numerous votives left by visitors, was an act of piety that could be achieved after death. Although the New Kingdom versions of the episode are very specific regarding the destination of the journey, Altenmüller has noted that the Old Kingdom versions appear to refer to a mythological journey to the west, for the purpose of rebirth, with undertones of an expected sexual union to accomplish that goal. 361 Although the pilgrimage to Abydos may have fulfilled a religious obligation in the new life of the dead, other aspects of this life are often given greater attention. Provisioning the estate of the dead through agriculture and hunting are familiar motifs. These, too, however, had a religious dimension. In a number of private tombs, 362 the marsh scenes are expanded to include "spearing the hippopotamus." Adapted from a royal ritual, and, as noted earlier, part of the archaic foundation ceremony,363 hunting the hippopotamus in the New Kingdom combined the pleasures of the marshes with a mythological theme. Rather than spearing fish, the deceased is seen hurling a harpoon attached to a cord, aimed at a hippopotamus, which angrily rises from

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the water and turns, mouth open, to attack the hunter. A text identifies Neith as the marsh goddess and the harpooner as her son Horus. The harpoon itself is treated as an object worthy of veneration, a theme given greater attention in later sources. 364 Hunting and fishing are given an added dimension as the deceased plays the role of Horus defeating Seth, the enemy of his father. The celebration of the harvest and the vintage coincides with that of the transition to the New Year. These events were also given a ritual tone, as the occasion was used as an opportunity to offer to the cobra goddess, Renenutet. 365 Associated with nourishment, manifested in her role as wet nurse, this goddess is listed as an attribute of the dead, together with the ka, the birth brick, and Khnum. 3 6 6 The banquet is the most prevalent of the daily life themes. Interwoven with Hathoric references and featuring celebratory songs, the banquet provided an occasion to ensure the presence of the immediate family, past and present. 367 It is often interpreted as representing the feasting of the New Year or, in later examples, the celebration of the Valley Festival. The theme of feasting and offering is also extended to include the New Year s gift giving, as well as providing the occasion for offering to family members or even, as in the case of Amenemhet, for expressing appreciation to the craftsmen who built the tomb. 368 While the dead enjoyed a new version of his old life in the parallel world of the tomb, another component of his being took a path toward another kind of renewed life. This was the journey of transformation. It begins as the dead enters the necropolis and joins Osiris and Anubis, who will guide him to the court of the underworld, where he will face Osiris as judge and the ennead as jury. 369 Having replied to the questions outlined in declaration of innocence, chapter 125 of the Book of the Dead, his heart is weighed against Maat. A true balance is rewarded with immortality. Imbalance results in the second death, administered by the greedy beast, who waits nearby. Fear of failure permeates the funerary literature, with the Book of the Dead providing the required knowledge for the success of this trial. The heart scarab, inscribed with chapter 30B from this funerary collection, cries out, asking the heart to refrain from betraying its owner. The Book of the Dead, a compilation of texts conveying knowledge of the next world, though first documented in connection with a royal burial, 370 has no real history of royal exclusivity and is found in both royal and private contexts during this period. It is used so extensively throughout the tombs of this period 3 7 1 that there can be little doubt that it had a history within the public domain. Like the chapters found on the royal sarcophagi, many of those found in private tombs consist of charms for protecting the body and

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for providing it with the attributes of the living. The primary of these is the ability to "go forth by day," the title often used for the Book of the Dead as a whole. The use of the Book of the Dead in the two tombs of Senenmut suggests that in one of the tombs the chapters were selected specifically to tangent the function of the Amduat.The earlier t0mUTT71 at Qurna, 3 7 2 shows a traditional pattern of use, with the texts found on, and in, the sarcophagus and the false door. In his Deir el Bahari tomb T T 353, 373 the chapters have been selected to provide the deceased with "a topographical familiarity of the underworld" allowing him to move freely within its confines. 3 7 4 This topographical approach to knowledge of the Underworld, is paralleled by the Amduat. There appears, however, to be some ambivalence as to royal exclusivity. The Amduat, as well as the Litany of Re, are found in the tomb of the vizier Useramun, 375 who, however, has bowed to convention and is depicted pulling the boat rather than identifying himself with the sun god by sitting in it, as does the king. The Deir el Bahari tomb of Senenmut not only contains muted allusions to the Amduat, but it is also the source of another genre of funerary literature, that which Assmann has termed liturgies. 376 These texts, identified by the Egyptian term sjhw, "to make into Akh," describe a ritual interaction involving divine participants. Clearly separated from the Book of the Dead on the wall of the tomb, the distribution of these texts indicates that they were regarded as a separate text group, having perhaps a different function in their reference to the spirit state of the Akh. The decoration of the tomb, from the burial procession to the exploitation of the chapters of the Book of the Dead, indicates open access to the traditional corpus of both funerary literature and decorative themes. Specific variations within this corpus can be cited as innovative. The development of the theme of the tree goddess is one such example, 377 as is the introduction of a goddess of the east, as well as a goddess of the west. 378 The myth of the solar journey through the underworld emerges as a significant element of funerary beliefs during this period, illustrated by the development of underworld literature. It appears in the scheme of the private tomb in the form of the solar hymn. 3 7 9 Directly influenced by the royal cult, as documented in the texts from the Deir el Bahari sanctuary, these hymns are inscribed near the entrance of the tomb or on a stela held by a statue of the tomb owner placed in the courtyard. The hymn is "recited" by the tomb owner as he greets the sun, sometimes using the same terminology as that which wakes the cult statue in the daily ritual. The greeting can parallel that of the baboons, as Duaneheh says: "I sing to you (a song) of pacification with censing, until the beginning of the pregnant night of darkness. O Re

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in all your names, may you listen to me when I speak to you. N o god forgets the ones who have acted for him because your breath belongs to life, being sweet to my nostrils." 380 The dead takes on the tone of a supplicant as he asks the god to grant him life in the form of breath, a common request, along with the bread and beer of the htp~di~nsw offering ritual. The sun hymn, with the dead taking the implicit role of priest, adds yet another dimension to the complex of resurrection strategies. The exploitation of the image of the rising sun, as a manifestation of the desire for renewed life, incorporates the nonroyal dead in the dynamic of the union of Re and Osiris. The mummy, resting in the darkness of the tomb like the inhabitants of the underworld, waiting for the brief appearance of the sun, represented hopes and expectations expressed by the living. Some of these are formulated in the scenes of daily life, while others take on mythological forms such as that expressed in terms of the good life in the Field of Reeds. More abstract theological modes of existences such as that of the Akh, a "spirit" state accomplished through the merging of the life forces of the ba and the ka 381 are also accommodated in the various reconstructions of life after death. A number of texts are, however, more explicit in stating what the living wanted for themselves after death. For Djehuty, 382 it was "putting on clean clothes of fine linen, with white lengths of cloth, eye paint, and the best ointment at the festival of heaven, seeing the sun disk when it goes forth from the horizon in the sky, receiving bread from the altar of the Lord of Offerings, being among the companions in the western mountain and going forth to heaven, joining the underworld without being held back by doors, becoming a living ba that it might alight on its trees and receive the shade of its sycamores." The wish for bodily comforts, freedom of form in transformation, and unlimited access to this world and the next world, found in the security of the tomb, is summarized in the Great Stela Text, 3 8 3 as the deceased addresses the collective divine powers. O O O 0 (I

Gods who are in heaven Gods who are on earth Gods who are in the Underworld Crewmen who sail the bark of Re am) the one whom the great God introduces to the western horizon of the sky May my words rise to the Lord of Eternity as the petition of the servant of his lord whom he praises 1 am the one whom the sovereign on earth praises

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May he let me rest in the place of eternity that I may be united with the cavern [of the tomb] forever. The private individual, like the king, sought access to all levels of resurrection. During this period, solar resurrection and participation in the dangers and triumphs of the journey of the sun god had begun to be regarded as the efficacious means of conquering death. The complex of theological formulations and images that emanated from the funerary exploitation of this journey found its way into the standard presentation of the next life, for king and commoner alike. CONCLUSION

The Theban focus of the reign of Thutmose III did not prevent all the gods of Egypt, and hence all the people of Egypt, from being included in the distribution of the wealth of empire. This wide distribution of resources also created a greater diversification in contact with the source of cultural knowledge, the temple. It opened the religious sphere to a variety of voices, allowing a measure of variation in the formulation of both public and private relationships to the divine. This holistic attitude extended to the relationship between tradition and innovation. The reign of Thutmose III was a period of transition, effectively bridging an ancient catalog of traditional expressions and those emerging new forms and perspectives that came to influence the periods that followed.

NOTES

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1. C£, e.g., the recent excavations at Tell el-Dab'a, Abydos, and the Theban necropolis. 2. Cf. for example, Dolinska (1994); and Niedziálka (1998). 3. See, for example, Assmann (1969); idem (1970); and idem (1995a). 4. Otto (1975a). Cf. Schenkel (1974); and L. Gabolde (1998) 152—55. 5. From the reign of Antef II; Zimmer (1987); Arnold (1974b), pis. 8, 11, 25. 6. Ricke (1939) 28. Cf. Porter and Moss (1972) 105—6, rooms XX—XXIII; and Barguet (1962) 146—48(a—b) for another example of this duality. 7. Cf. Radwan (1998) 336—37; and Quirke (2000) 233—39, with references. 8. L. Gabolde (1998) 150—52. 9. Porter and Moss (1972) 393; Hassan (1928) 158—93. 10. See, for example, Arnold (1974b), pi. 25. 11. Cairo 42009. See Porter and Moss (1972) 108; and Legrain (1906) 6—7, pi. 4. 12. Porter and Moss (1972) 350—53. Cf. Pudleiner (2001) for a sign of a Middle Kingdom Hathor cult on the west bank. 13. Naville (1901), pis. 87, 94. 14. Urk. IV235.17, 238.7—8; Naville (1901), pi. 94. Cf. the Festival Hall of Thutmose III for Tjeni, Lord of the Horned (Cattle), in Porter and Moss (1972) 116 (374).

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15. Urk. IV240.9. 16. Urk. IV239.10, 273.14. 17. Urk. IV239.11—13. 18. Urk. IV578.5, 581.9. For additional examples of this theme, cf. Porter and Moss (1972) 105 (316), 117 (380) 2; and Barguet (1962) 150. 19. Porter and Moss (1964) 553, pillar A(b). 20. Cf. Troy (1986) 54—56 for a discussion of Hathor and Amun as parents of the king. 21. Begelbacher-Fischer (1981) 64—65, citing nine examples. The Palermo Stone records an offering dedicated to Re and Hathor jointly during the reign of Neferirkare. Cf. Wilkinson (2000) 173. 22. Ricke (1939) 29, 39—40. 23. Brovarski (1976) 59—60, citing Oriental Institute 8798 and Louvre E 6.244. 24. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 246—48, §§398—400. 25. Troy (1997), 306-7. 26. The statue, found in the Mut complex, is Cairo 648. See Porter and Moss (1972) 261; and Urk. IV478-80 (153). 27. Erman (1911). 28. Cf., for example, David (1973) 132; and Epigraphic Survey (1940), pis. 241—42. 29. Cf., for example, the bark chapel, with fourteen references to Amaunet and only two to Mut, in Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 444—46. Eaton-Krauss (1998: 210) calls these "the earliest well-preserved representations of Amaunet." 30. Otto (1975b); Urk. I V 31. For another Theban variation of the Two Ladies, cf. the consorts of Montu, Iuynt, andTjenenet in Mond and Myers (1940), pi. 103. 32. Cairo 579; Urk. IV409.9, 413.16—414. Cf. Dorman (1988) 126—27. 33. Cairo 34030, Lacau (1909) 64—50. Mes is also the ka servant of the kings Tao andThutmose I. 34. Cf. Bosse-Griffiths (1973); idem (1976); and Hari (1976). 35. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 237—38, §§382—86. 36. Urk. IV286.10-16. 37. Porter and Moss (1972) 113 (355); Naville (1898), pis. 77—82; Lepsius ([1849—59] 1972) 36(a). 38. Porter and Moss (1972) 71. 39. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 239, §386. 40. Porter and Moss (1934) 185. 41. Urk. IV421.7, 434.3 (reconstructed). 42. Arnold (1974a) 75—78. 43. Porter and Moss (1972) 350 (30); Urk. IV305—6 (B); Naville (1901), pis. 88, 89. 44. For example, they are seen bringing Hatshepsut to Hathor (Lacau and Chevrier [1977—79] 45, §5iff ); and leading Thutmose III to Amun to be crowned by Nekhbet and Wadjit in the Festival Hall (Porter and Moss [1972] 115 [364]). Cf. the discussions in Borghouts (1982) 200—203; and Urk. IV575.5—13 (Y). 45. This may be found on the Armant stela. See Mond and Myers (1940), pis. 88,103; and Urk. IV1243-44 (366). 46. Borghouts (1982). 47. For example, they are depicted in the Festival Hall (Porter and Moss [1972] 113 [354], 114 [361], 116 [373]); and at Deir el Bahari (Porter and Moss [1972] 348 [21], Naville [1898], pi. 64; Urk. IV263.7-264.4 (K).

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48. This is commonly found in the Theban tombs from this period; see, for example, T T 24 in Porter and Moss (i960) 41—42 (3)—(4), (9). 49. B M 369 (163). See Hieroglyphic Texts (1922), pL 42. 50. Porter and Moss (1972) 328—29, II (16)—(21); Naville (1898), pis. 44, 46—55; Urk. IV215—34.83; Brunner (1964), passim. 51. Urk. IV589—94 (189), 1372—73 (412); Radwan (1981). Cf. Otto (1938) 34—37; and idem (1982) for a discussion of the Mnevis bull. 52. See Moursi (1972); and Ghoneim (1994) for this discussion. 53. Moursi (1972) 81—82, §40—41; Urk. IV515.11, 1071.11. 54. Cairo 70038. See Roeder (1914) 126—29, pi. 40; and Maystre (1992) 127. 55. For Ptah in Thebes, see Sandman-Holmberg (1946) 224—31. 56. The stela is now in Cairo. See Urk. IV763—72 (211). 57. Grallert (1999); Gabolde (1999); Porter and Moss (1937) 42—43. 58. Thomas (1981) 6—7; cf. n. 73 in Thomas. 59. Lefebvre (1912) 93. 60. Bedier (1994a). 61. At Deir el Bahari, there are twelve gods: Osiris; Isis; Horus (son of Isis); Nephthys; Seth; Hathor, Mistress of the West, Lady of the Two Lands; Montu; Atum; Shu; Tefnut; Geb, and Nut. See Naville (1896), pi. 46. 62. Urk. IV432.2—9. 63. Urk. IV1441—45 (427). 64. Redford (1995) 157. 65. Cf. Porter and Moss (1972) 348—49 (II); Naville (1896), pis. 46—55; and Brunner (1964), passim. 66. Lichtheim (1975) 220—22. 67. For example, at Luxor by Amenhotep III (Porter and Moss [1972] 326—27 [room XIII]); and at Medinet Habu, where blocks from the Ramesseum were reused (Porter and Moss [1972] 473 [82]). 68. Thutmose I V is known to have built a temple in the Mut complex dedicated to Khonsu the child. Cf. Barguet (1962) 9, with references. The worship of the child born of divine parents finds an ultimate expression in the "birth houses," or mammisis, of the GrecoRoman period. See Daumas (1958). 69. Porter and Moss (1972) 347 (17); Urk. IV245—52 (C). Cf. Ockinga (1995) for another discussion of this text. 70. The latter, fragmentarily preserved, is a text from the Fayum (now Berlin 15801—04). See Berlin (1913) 138, 268. Cf. Breasted ([1906] 1962) 94—95, §§232—33, which describes the relationship between Senwosret III and his son Amenemhet III. 71. Urk. IV246.1—246.9. 72. Ibid., 361.12—16 (northern obelisk). 73. Ibid., 384.15—385.3; cf. Gardiner (1946). 74. Urk. IV158.9—12. 75. Ibid., 159.12—17. 76. Ibid., 160.5—7. 77. Ibid., 161.9—12. 78. Troy (1986) 142—43. 79. Cf. the discussion in Robins (1999) 105ff. 80. Ibid., 107ff. 81. Cf., for example, Gardiner (1952).

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82. Porter and Moss (1972) 97ff. 83. See, for example, ibid., 53—59, for the exterior decoration of the hypostyle hall at Karnak by Seti L 84. Mond and Meyers (1940), pis. 88, 103; Urk. IV1243—47 (366). 85. Bedier (1994a) 36—38, 1.5—7. 86. Urk. IV501.13—502.5. 87. Ibid., 1442.13—18. 88. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 124—26 (VI, 1—7, 10—13). 89. Urk. IV765.7—16. See also Gardiner (1946). 90. Urk. IV386.4-9, 388.3-6. 91. Ibid., 388.14—398.2. 92. "The crowns of the Wife of the God were removed and she was crowned with the adornments of Re" (Lacau and Chevrier [1977—79] 116 [IV 16—17]). 93. Urk. IV157.11. 94. See Arnold (1962) 22—24 f ° r a resume of the Abydos material with references; Moret (1902) for an early discussion of the Amun ritual; and David (1973) 89—119 for a discussion of other suggested divisions and sequences. 95. Arnold (1962) 11—19. 96. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 292—94, §§480—84. There is a similar scene on the ebony naos, reused by Thutmose I V on Cairo 70001. See Naville (1896), pi. 25. 97. Porter and Moss (1972) 355 (69), 363 (120); Naville (1895), pis. 10—11, Idem (1896), pis. 10-11, 44-45. 98. Porter and Moss (1972) 275; Ricke (1954) 25, pl. 10 (c). 99. Moret (1902) 138—65, performed by the Thoth. 100. Porter and Moss (1972) 119 (395 I.2), 91 (260); B M 153, in Hieroglyphic Texts (1922), pi. 42. For a possible example dated to Hatshepsut, see Porter and Moss (1972) 172; cf. comments in Teeter (1997) 7. 101. Teeter (1997) 14. 102. Cf. Tefnin (1979) 74—75 for an inscription from a statue of Hatshepsut, "Offering Maat to Amun." 103. Urk. IV384.15—385.2. 104. Ibid., 167.10. 105. Arnold (1962) 65—66. For discussion of the function of the Deir el Bahari temple of Thutmose III, see Dolinska (1994). 106. Porter and Moss (1972) 118 (382), rooms X X I V and X X V 107. Arnold (1962) 42. 108. Nims (1971) 109 and n. 19; Barguet (1962) 220. 109. Arnold (1962) 65 (5); cf. Nims (1971) no. no. Urk. IV748.1—3. in. Leblanc (1982) 299—306. 112. Cf. the discussion in David (1973) 146ff. 113. Fairman (1958) 102ff., cited in David (1973) 146. 114. Louvre E 13481. See Porter and Moss (1972) 112 (342); Urk. IV608—10 (198); and the discussion in Arnold (1962) 65 (5). 115. Urk. IV607.8—10. 116. Porter and Moss (1972) 123, room X X X V I I (426). 117. Barguet (1962) 179.

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118. Porter and Moss (1951) 167. C £ Lepsius ([1849—59] 1972), pi. 59d; and Laboury (1998a) 90—91 (C2). For a small temple at Amada, see Arnold (1992) 82. 119. Urk. IV193—98 (71). 120. Arnold (1962) 28, citing Lepsius ([1849—59] 1972), pis. 48—51; Dunham and Janssen (i960), pis. 16—25. Cf. Gundlach (1994) 73 for the evidence from Ellesiya. See Pillet (1939) for possible depictions of standing statues of this king at Karnak. 121. South chapels 10—13. See Porter and Moss (1972) 96; and Arnold (1962) 66. 122. B M 369 (163). See Hieroglyphic Texts (1922), pi. 42. 123. Cf. the discussion in L. Gabolde (1998) 44—46, 143—49. 124. Urk. IY164.8. 125. Ibid., 426.2. 126. Cf. the discussion in Stadelmann (1969). 127. Ernst (2000); cf. idem (2001). 128. Urk. IY746.15—747.11. 129. Porter and Moss (1972) 362, vestibule VI, altar court VII. Cf. Stadelmann (1969) 166; and Assmann (1970) 10. 130. Assmann (1969) 10—14. Cf. Baines (1994) 27, with notes, for a discussion of the problems of dating the composition of these and similar texts. 131. There are parallels at Medinet Habu and the Taharqa edifice at Karnak. See Roulin (1996) 15; and Assmann (1970) 11—12. For corrections, see Karkowski (1976) 69—70. 132. There is a parallel at Medinet Habu. See Assmann (1970) 11, 28—39. For corrections, see Karkowski (1976) 70—71. 133. Assmann (1970) 29; Karkowski (1976) 72. 134. Assmann (1995a) 19—20, with slightly different line division. Cf. Assmann (1970) 20—39 for translation and commentary and 40—69 for an in-depth interpretation of this 135. See Wilkinson (2000) 96, 102, for the festivals called the Red Festival and the Festival of Eternity during Djer. Wilkinson also suggests that the nest of the Two Children of Lower Egypt is a boat. 136. There is a rich literature on this subject. See, as an early example, Legrain (1917). More recently, see Karlshausen (1996); idem (1998); and B. Altenmüller (1975). 137. C G C 20712, cited in Vernus (1987), 166, cf. n. 13. 138. Cf. Arnold (1962) 24—42, for a catalog of New Kingdom bark stations and shrines. 139. Stadelmann (1979) 309; Hölscher (1939) 17, 47, figs. 41, 49. 140. Murnane (1982); Epigraphic Survey (1994). 141. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 154—68, §§191—224. 142. Ibid., 161, §207. 143. Porter and Moss (1972) 275—76 (F, H); cf. Ricke (1954). 144. This is the triple shrine. See Porter and Moss (1972) 309; cf. abd Elrazik (1971) 223—24. Cf. Gabolde and Rondot (1996) for the reuse of one of Hatshepsuts bark stations by Amenhotep III. 145. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 175—85, §241—63. 146. Ibid., 184—85, §261—63, with commentary, citing Hassan (1932), tomb of Re-Wer 18, fig. 13, for a "day of receiving the prow rope of the boat of the god." 147. Urk. IV742.1—2. 148. Ibid., 824.10. 149. Naville (1906: pis. 123—26, east wall, south of upper terrace) reported new fragments

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by the Polish expedition (pL 126), showing Mut and Khonsu in the boat. These, however, appear to be Ramesside additions. See Dolinska (1994) 35150. Cf. Schott (1952). 151. Winlock (1947) 84, pl. 40, I. 152. Porter and Moss (1972) 365, sanctuary. 153. Djeser Djeseru was Hatshepsuts Deir el Bahari temple. See Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 170, §227. Cf. 174, §239, for a discussion of the canal. 154. Porter and Moss (1972) 365, room X (132). 155. Cf. Schott (1937). 156. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 196—98, §§291—94. 157. See the discussion of the musical performance in ibid., 199—202, §§296—300. 158. Porter and Moss (1972) 357—58 (79)—(85); Naville (1906), pis. 124—26. 159. Urk. IV310.5. 160. This would also imply a comparison with the well-known Reunion Festival of the Ptolemaic period, when Hathor traveled from Dendera to meet Horus at Edfu. Cf., e.g., Kurth (1994). 161. Brovarski (1976) 69—71. 162. Porter and Moss (1972) 350—51, (27)—(30); Naville (1901) 88—91. 163. Urk. IV307.15—308.8; Naville (1901), pis. 90—91. 164. Porter and Moss (1972) 351 (31), (33); Naville (1901), pis. 92—94. 165. Ricke (1939) 27. 166. Cf. the discussion in Dolinska (1994). 167. Gauthier (1931); Bleeker (1956); Altenmüller (1977) 173; Brunner-Traut (1982). 168. Wilkinson (2000) 100. 169. Porter and Moss (1972) 434 (10). 170. Urk. IV748.11—15. 171. Cf. Helck (1981). 172. Lacau and Chevrier (1956) 122; Lacau (1953), figs 1—2, from pillars 2 and 7. 173. Porter and Moss (1972) 122 (419), 125 (451), 92 (266); cf. Barguet (1962) 202—3, 208B. 174. Cf. Helck (1981) 455, n. 4, for parallels. 175. Lacau (1953). 176. Helck (1981). 177. Bleeker (1967) 51—86; Gabbala and Kitchen (1969). For Sokar, see Brovarski (1984). 178. Wilkinson (2000) 98 (Djer), in, 246 (Den), 124 (Ninetjer). Wilkinson is not entirely convinced that it is the Sokar Festival, given that it is only written with a bark. 179. Guglielmi (1975). 180. Porter and Moss (1972) 115—16 (366)—(371); Barguet (1962) 183—84; Epigraphic Survey (1940), pi. 228(a—c). For other occurrences of Sokar, see Porter and Moss (1972) 115—18, 363 (120); Barguet (1962) 182—90; and Naville (1895), pis. 10—11. 181. Barguet (1962) 184, cf. n. 4. 182. Bleeker (1967) 56ff; Hornung (1999) 36—37. The text is reproduced in Bucher (1932) 23—39 a n d the translation in Hornung (1989) 93—115. 183. Porter and Moss (1972) 125 (451); Keimer (1943) 271—77. 184. Lauer (1949), pl. i (unnumbered); Säve-Söderbergh (1953) 49, n. 1. 185. Petrie(1909), pis. i v v i i .

186. See, for example, Kees (1941) 212; cf. Helck 1984 (275). 187. Säve-Söderbergh (1953) 45—55. 188. For a recent study, see El-Sabban (2000).

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189. Porter and Moss (1972) 88 (234), 106—7 (329)—'(33°)> I 2 6 (462); Urk. IV170—76, 757—63 (210), 1251—75 (370); Gardiner (1952); El-Sabban (2000) 17—30. 190. On Abydos, see Petrie (1903) 44, pL 34; Urk. IV203—7; and El-Sabban (2000) 15—17. On Elephantine, see Porter and Moss (1937) 225; Urk. IV822—29; and El-Sabban (2000) 31—27. Buto: Bedier (1994a). For another possible example from Armant, see El-Sabban (2000) 141. 191. Cf. Porter and Moss (1972) 116 (374). 192. Urk. IV743.10—744.1. 193. Ibid., 1020.7—16; cf. the discussion in Gardiner (1952) 15. 194. Urk. IV738—56 (209). 195. See n. 190 in this chapter. 196. Porter and Moss (1972) 270; cf. Schott (1950) 974—75, nos. 91, 95, 97. 197. Schott (1950) 974—75 and 95, no. 98. 198. Urk. IV827.8; cf. El-Sabban (2000) for a discussion of the dating of the Elephantine calendar. 199. Bedier (1994a) passim. 200. Altenmüller (1977) 176. 201. For the section relating to Horus Aha, see Wilkinson (2000) 92; see also Wilkinson (2000) passim for kings from Den to Neferirkare. 202. Barguet (1962) 142,148—49; Arnold (1962), pi. 2. For a similar scene featuring Thutmose III, see Urk. IV572.13—573.7. 203. Cf., for example, for the use of the Palermo Stone for the reign of Netjerikhet, Wilkinson (2000) 136; and Kruchten (1989) 147—204. 204. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 236, §381. 205. Porter and Moss (1972) 116 (373); Barguet (1962) 188—90; von Bissing (1922) 116, 20^, figs 1—3; George and Peterson (1979) 64—65 ( X X V I ) . 206. Urk. IV180.8—12 (reconstructed). 207. Ibid., 241—52 (86), 155—62. 208. Ibid., 244.16—17, 249.13—14, 250.7. 209. Ibid., 251.12—13; cf. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 114—16 (IV 2—17): "The Upper Egyptian Crown and the Lower Egyptian Crown blended together on her head." See also Porter and Moss (1972) 115 (364) (a) 3, wherein Thutmose III is crowned by Nekhbet and Wadjit. 210. Porter and Moss (1972) 118 (383); Arnold (1962), pi. 22 (24). 211. Porter and Moss (1972) no (332) I—II. 212. Barguet (1962) 207. 213. Welvaert (1996). 214. Cf. Urk. IV591.15—592.3. 215. Ibid., 358.14—15. 216. Wilkinson (2000) in—14. 217. Cf. David (1973) 69—73 for a presentation and overview of the ceremony. 218. Porter and Moss (1972) 468 (42). 219. Urk. IV166.10—13. See also Porter and Moss (1972) 125 (455); Barguet (1962) 206, pi. 31(A); and Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 269—71, §424—31. 220. Bleeker (1967) 96—123; Martin (1984). 221. Wilkinson (2000) 107 (on Den). Note the fashioning of a statue of the god Sed by the same king (117). 222. Kaiser (1971); Rochholz (1994). 223. Kaiser (1971); cf. Rochholz (1994) for another treatment.

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224. Porter and Moss (1972) 116 (373). 225. Kaiser (1971) 100. 226. Hornung and Stahelin (1974) 31—32. Cf. von Beckerath (1997a). 227. Naville (1898) pi. 66; Urk. IV359.1. 228. For depictions of the king in Heb Sed attire in the Festival Hall, see, e.g., Porter and Moss (1972) 113; and Lepsius ([1849—59] 1972), pis. 36b, c. 229. Urk. IV594.13. 230. Ibid., 590.15. 231. Porter and Moss (1972) 113—12 (352)—(356). 232. Ibid., 113 (352). 233. Kees(1914)7. 234. Lepsius ([1849—59] 1972), pl. 36b. 235. Gardiner s Sign List Aa5; cf. Gardiner (1957). 236. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 194—95, §284—88; cf. Helck (1984) 274. 237. Wilkinson (2000) 117 (for Den), 122, 126 (for Ninetjer), 196 (for Semerkhet). Note also the "running of the living son," 122. 238. Porter and Moss (1972) 92 (267) II; Barguet (1962) 120. 239. Porter and Moss (1972) 114 (361); Barguet (1962) 160; LD III 33 g and h; Urk. IV572 (Q). 240. Porter and Moss (1972) 124 (442); Barguet (1962) 209; Kees (1914) 61. 241. Urk. IV576.4. 242. Kees (1912); idem (1914). 243. Cited in Kees (1914) 63. 244. Egberts (1995). 245. A catalog for these two cultic acts for this period is found in ibid., 10—17 (Meret chests), 209—15 (calves). Included in this list are scenes from both Deir el Bahari temples, both Hatshepsut s and Thutmose I l l s bark chapels, the Festival Hall, Medinet Habu, Tod, Elephantine, and Buhen. 246. Cf. ibid., 10, 209. 247. This is a summary of the discussion found in ibid., 173—203. 248. The identification of the body of Osiris with Egypt is well known from GrecoRoman times, when the pieces of Osiris' body were ritually spread out among the temples of Egypt. 249. For a summary, see Egberts (1995) 335—74; cf. also 435—41 for a general review of his conclusions. 250. Porter and Moss (1972) 219—21 (P); Parker, Leclant, and Goyon (1979). 251. Cf. Barguet (1982); and Parker, Leclant, and Goyon (1979) 61—62. 252. Porter and Moss (1972) 113 (354); L D 3, 36b. 253. Parker, Leclant, and Goyon (1979) 61—62, pi. 25. 254. Barguet (1982). 255. Cf. Otto (1975c). 256. Porter and Moss (1972) 351 (38); Naville (1901), pi. 100. 257. DeVries (1969). 258. Pyramid Texts §279d (versions found in Unis and Teti). §279d 259. This dates from the time of Amenhotep III. See Porter and Moss (1972) 319 (in) II, 3; 327 153II, 4 (birth room). 260. For Edfu, see Porter and Moss (1939) 146 (219)—(220), 135 (97); for Denderah, 84

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(41); and for Philae, 246 (382)—(283). C f DeVries (1969) 29—30 for descriptions and further bibliography. 261. Naville (1901) 4, cited in DeVries (1969) 31. 262. The papyri are described in Parker, Leclant, and Goyon (1979) 63; c£ Goyon (1975). 263. Parker, Leclant, and Goyon (1979) 64, partially reconstructed. 264. Porter and Moss (1972) 105, room 19 (321); Barguet (1962) 145—46, pi. X V d . 265. Parker, Leclant, and Goyon (1979) 57. 266. Cf. the discussion in Stadelmann (1979) 303, citing a reference to a House of Millions of Years on the statue of the Middle Kingdom vizier Iimeru (Louvre A 125). Cf. Also Haeny (1994) and Dolinska (1994). Note that the Deir el Bahari temple of Thutmose III and the chambers of kings at Karnak were referred to with this term. Cf. Porter and Moss (1972) in—12; and Urk. IV607—10 (198). 267. For this discussion, cf. Stadelmann (1979) 305; Haeny (1994) 102; and Pawlicki (1997). 268. Cf. Porter and Moss (1972) 340—68 for the layout of this temple. 269. Porter and Moss (1972) 359—61, esp. references to ceiling on 361; Naville (1901), pi. 115; Winlock (1929) 57; Graefe (1995); Barwik (1998). This text is also found in fragmentary form in the Qurna temple of Thutmose III. See Ricke (1939), pis. 9—10. 270. Stadelmann (1979) 304. 271. Porter and Moss (1964) 546—47. 272. Ibid., 557-59. 273. Cf., e.g., Manuelian and Loeben (1993) 122—28 for a summary. 274. Porter and Moss (1964) 551—54. 275. These are Cairo 40.001 and fragments in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. See Nagel (1949). Cf. Piankoff (1964); Hornung (1989) 483—84; and idem (1999) 136—47. 276. Porter and Moss (1964) 53, pillar A(d); Bucher (1932) in—12. Cf. the discussions in Abitz (1995) 51—72; and in Hornung (1961), on T T 61, the tomb of Useramun. 277. Bucher (1932) 112; Piankoff (1964) 12. 278. Hornung (1999) 138. 279. The shroud of Hatnofer, mother of Senenmut, is the best example, and is also inscribed with a copy of chapter 75; see Nagel (1949) 328. 280. Boston MFA 04.278; text C in Hayes (1935); Manuelian and Loeben (1993). See Porter and Moss (1964) 547 for this and the Cairo sarcophagus. Texts from C, D and F, with parallels, are in Hayes (1935) 184—204. 281. Cairo Mus. Ent. 376678, also 52459. Text D is in Hayes (1935). 282. The sarcophagus is in situ in K V 34; see Porter and Moss (1964) 553. Text F is in Hayes (1935). 283. Thutmose sarcophagus E, inscribed for Thutmose I and found in K V 38, has the same pattern of inscriptions. 284. For the following discussion of the distribution and content of the sarcophagi texts, cf. the text edition of Hayes (1935) 184—204; and Manuelian and Loeben (1993). 285. An exception is C, recarved by Hatshepsut, where it is on the inside to accommodate the dedication inscription, designation 1; cf. ibid., 134. 286. Hayes (1935), text 30; Manuelian and Loeben (1993) 144—46. 287. Cf. Bickel (1998) for a study of this theme in the funerary literature of the Middle Kingdom. 288. Porter and Moss (1964) 553, pillar A(d). 289. For a general description, see Hornung (1999) 27—53. F ° r t e x t editions, see Bucher

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(1932) and Hornung (1987—94). For a translation, see Hornung (1989) 59—194. For a general discussion, see Barta (1985). 290. Porter and Moss (1964) 557. 291. Hornung (1999) 27—28. For a discussion of the transmission of this text, see Jürgens (1999). 292. Porter and Moss (1964) 553, room F; Bucher (1932) 94—hi. 293. Helck (1982). 294. Ibid., 1089. 295. This is in T T 97; see Urk. IV1408—10 (425). 296. See Sauneron (2000) 110—67 f ° r a discussion of sacred knowledge. 297. Urk. IV1523.1—2, 1533.10—12. 298. Ibid., 207—12 (76). 299. Ibid., 1494.18—1495.1. 300. Cf. the hnwtyt "servants" found on the bark chapel, with parallels from Amenhotep Is alabaster chapel, in Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 319, 328—29. 301. The tomb is T T 86. See Davies and Gardiner (1915) 14. Note the commentary on Sethe s misunderstanding of the division of the two songs in Urk. IV935.5—14. 302. Fischer (1982); Robins (1993) 143—48. 303. Fischer (1976); cf. Settgast (1963) for their role in the burial procession. 304. Urk. IV503.6—7. 305. Ibid., 503.8—9. 306. Ibid., 503.12—il. 307. Ibid., 489.3—4. 308. Ibid., 429.6—429.11. 309. Ibid., 942.9. 310. Ibid., 492.5—6. 311. Ibid., 490.11—491.16. 312. Ibid., 1409.4—16. 313. Ibid., 1515-39 (485). 314. Ibid., 1530.11—15. 315. Ibid., 1531a5, 1532.10. 316. Ibid., 1532.11—15. 317. Ibid., 1533.15. 318. Ibid., 487.13. 319. Davies (1932) 287—88, pl. 39; Hermann (1940), 34^ 1.7—9. 320. Schott (1950) 94, no. 3. T T 24, 150, 8ff. = Nebamun, 150:8—10: "I followed the god of my town to Djeseru, to the western horizon. A bouquet, belonging to this god who rests in his horizon was brought to me." 321. Urk. IY538.12. 322. The tomb is T T 112, cited in Davies and Gardiner (1915) 98. 323. Cf. the scene from the Festival Hall, where the king opens the mouth of a statue in the prow of the bark of Amun, and from the bark chapel, where the queen presents five pellets of natron to the god: "I have opened your mouth and your eyes for you with the netjery instrument." See Porter and Moss (1972) 104; Barguet (1962), pl. X X V (c), cf. also 210 n. 1; and Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 341, §595—602. 324. Säve-Söderbergh (1957) 2—8, pis. I—III; Urk. IV455—62 (145). 325. Säve-Söderbergh (1957) 3—5, pis. II—III. 326. Cf. Guglielmi (1994).

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327. Barguet (1962) 232—40. 328. Nims (1971). 329. Nims (1969) 70, pl. V I L 330. Arnold (1962) 65, (5). C£ Nims (1971) no; and Varille (1950) 7—8. 331. Sadek (1987) 16—20, with references. 332. Ibid., 16—20; cf. Pinch (1993) 246—29 for ears and eyes offered to Hathor. 333. See Pinch (1993), passim, for this discussion. 334. Ibid., 125—26. 335. Ibid., 103ff. 336. Ibid., 198—245. 337. Ibid., 269. 338. Naville and Hall (1913) 7-8, pl. IXA(a-c). 339. Porter and Moss (1974) 327 (Sakhmet of Sahure); Porter and Moss (1934), 264; Sadek (1987) 29—40; Wainwright (1928) 175; Guglielmi (1994) 55. 340. The text is found on the ostracon, Cairo 12212. See Posener (1975), 202. 341. His tomb is T T 85. See Porter and Moss (i960) 174 (22). 342. Settgast (1963). 343. Helck (1986). 344. The song is in Pahery s tomb at Elkab. See Lüddeckens (1943) 55—59 (text 21). 345- Settgast (1963). 346. The tomb is T T no. See Davies (1932) 288—89, pi. 40; Hermann (1940) 31^—32, with a parallel in T T 82, found in Davies and Gardiner (1915) 56. 347. Otto (i960) 2:173—77 lists seventeen tombs from this period, with portions of the opening of the mouth ritual. 348. Porter and Moss (i960) 214 (19); Davies (1943), vol. 2, pis. 96—107. This is referred to as text I in Otto (i960) 173. 349. Helck (1984) 273. 350. Otto (i960) 1:150—54; 2:132—34, scene 59 B. Parallel texts are found among the several of the chapel at Abydos, as well as at Medinet Habu. Cf. David (1973) 137—40 for this discussion. 351. Otto (i960) 1:150—54; 2:132—34, scene 59B. 352. Ibid., 1:186—95; 2:158—61, scene 71. 353. Ibid., 1:193—94; 2:159—60, dd—kk, scene 71. 354. For a discussion of this motif, cf. Spiegel (1956). 355. See T T 82, in Davies and Gardiner (1915) 78. 356. Urk. IV1536.7—1537.3. 357. Ibid., 1539.1-5. 358. Refai (1996). 359. H. Altenmüller (1975) 42—43, citing fourteen tombs from the time of Hatshepsut/ Thutmose III. 360. Cf. the discussion in Davies and Gardiner (1915) 46—47. 361. H. Altenmüller (1998) 761—64, in a comparison with the journey of Hathor to Edfu. 362. Such tombs include T T 39, 53, 82, 85, 125, 155, 164, and C. 11. See Porter and Moss (i960) passim; Davies (1922), pis. 9,11; Davies and Gardiner (1915), pis. I, la; Säve-Söderbergh (1953) 5—12, figs. I, 3, pl. I and passim, for the discussion of this motif. 363. Wilkinson (2000) in—14. 364. Griffiths (1981). 365. H. Altenmüller (1977) 176; Beinlich-Seeber (1984), T T s 79 (5), 86 (1), 100, 143 (4),

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155, 172 (9), 342 (7), A.5; Porter and Moss (i960) passim; c£ Davies and Gardiner (1915) 43, pL 30; Davies (1943), pi. 45; Säve-Söderbergh (1957) 17, also n. 7; and Urk. IY389.5, 925.5—6. 366. She is listed in T T 82. See Urk. IY1060.12—13. 367. Cf., e.g., T T 82, in Davies and Gardiner (1915) 31—36, pis. I, III; and Urk. IY1054.7— 1055.6. 368. Urk. IY1055.10—17. 369. See Grieshammer (1970). 370. The "Book of the Dead" was first found in the tomb of Mentuhotep, a queen of the Second Intermediate period. See Goodwin (1866). See now also Geisen (2004). 371. See Saleh (1974) 59, 83—84, for a list of tombs and chapters used. See especially T T 82 in Porter and Moss (i960) 163—67, with no less than twenty-five chapters found in the burial chamber. Cf. Davies and Gardiner (1915) 102—9. 372. Porter and Moss (i960) 139—42; Dorman (1991) 54—55, 70—76. 373. Porter and Moss (i960) 417—18; Dorman (1991) 113—38. 374. Dorman (1991) 114, with chaps, no, 144—46, and 149—50. 375. Cf. Dziobek (1995); and idem (1998) for studies of this official. 376. Assmann (1986); Dorman (1991) 99—113. 377. E.g., Hosam (2000). 378. Cf., e.g., T T 82 in Gardiner and Davies (1915) 100, pi. 27; Refai (1996); and idem (1998). See also Schibler (1998) for the iconography of the souls of Buto and Hierakonpolis, exemplified at Buhen during this time. 379. See Assmann (1983); and translations in Assmann (1975). 380. Assmann (1983) 141—43, text 102 = 84 (8). 381. Englund (1978). 382. Davies (1932) 288—89, pis. 37, 40; Hermann (1940) 31^—32, here 31:12—17. 383. Urk. IY1523.9—1524.12.

FIVE

Monumental Architecture and the Royal Building Program of Thutmose III PIOTR

LASKOWSKI

n the heart of the great temple of Amun in Karnak, the granite repository erected by Philip Arrhidaeus still stands today. It is a faithful copy of the sanctuary constructed over one thousand years earlier by Thutmose III, the king whose widespread building activity seems to exceed the works of the majority of his predecessors as well as his successors. It was Thutmose III who would be recalled in Ptolemaic times whenever reference was made to the tradition of a prosperous reign and the greatest architectural achievements.1 The remains of Thutmose I l l s constructions are numerous but at the same time largely incomplete. They require detailed analysis before any general interpretation can be formulated. Since such a task exceeds the limits of this chapter, only some of Thutmose I l l s monuments are addressed here in a detailed manner, only a few of the problems with their analysis are outlined, and only some of myriad possible interpretations are presented. The structure of this chapter is based on a combination of topographical and chronological criteria.Thus, the three major sections within the chapter correlate to the great temple in Karnak, temples in western Thebes, and temples located outside the Theban region. Within each of these sections, the monuments are presented in chronological order, according to the various building phases to which they belong. Finally, an outline and interpretation of each phase is presented.2

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T H E G R E A T T E M P L E OF A M U N AT K A R N A K

T h e Texte de la Jeunesse and the First Building Phase T h e southern wall of the Hatshepsut suite in the central part of Karnak is decorated with a text that is considered to be the most important manifesto of the building program of Thutmose III. T h e text is known as the Texte de la Jeunesse (fig. 5.1). Its analysis, presented herein, may prove incomplete since a new publication is now being prepared that certainly will provide additional data for future interpretations. 3 At the moment, even such an important question as whether the text was inscribed on the erased surface decorated earlier by the queen or whether it was the original decoration of the wall cannot yet be definitively answered. To date, Lacau and Chevrier favor the first suggestion, while Laboury favors the second possibility. 4 T h e Texte de la Jeunesse belongs to the literary genre known as Königsnovelle. T h e main subject of the text is a divine nomination of Thutmose III. T h e king s power is here legitimized by the retrospective description of the divine intervention. In return, Thutmose III stresses his beneficence, which has been shown in the temple: the offerings consecrated in the fifteenth year of the reign and a number of constructions dedicated to Amun. T h e Texte de la Jeunesse is paralleled by the representation of Senwosret I carved on the same wall. Senwosret I is represented in exactly the same manner as Thutmose III, and the beginning of his own Königsnovelle is preserved. Both scenes are part of a united composition of Thutmose III. 5 T h e date of the text is obscure. In fact, there are two dates that should be established, namely, when the events described in the text took place 6 and when the text itself was written. 7 Whatever the date of the text itself is, it seems almost certain that the buildings described in the text were erected at the end of the coregency period (after year 15) and at the beginning of Thutmose I l l s sole rule. 8 At least one construction was decorated by the queen, and its decoration (showing former coregents side by side) remained untouched for a number of years under Thutmose I l l s sole rule. This is a quartzite repository known as the "chapelle rouge." The Chapelle Rouge

It should be assumed that the queen herself did not complete the decoration of the chapelle rouge, especially since the uppermost register of the southern outer wall bears the dedication inscription of Thutmose III. However, the king is also included in the decoration program of the queen. He participates in the processions of the Beautiful Feast of the Valley and the Opet feast, depicted on the exterior faces of the walls. T h e facade is decorated with the parallel scene of receiving the crowns by Thutmose III (register 8) and

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Hatshepsut (register 7). On the inner walls, however, Hatshepsut is the only ruler depicted. T h e repository was enumerated in the Texte de la Jeunesseso it could not have been dismantled at the time the text was written. However, judging by the fact that the decoration of the queen was not destroyed, it is assumed that the chapelle rouge must have been dismantled before the dishonoring of the queen began, that is, before year 42 of Thutmose I l l s reign. 1 0 T h e problem of the original position of the chapelle rouge in Karnak is a fairly recent issue in the history of the temple. After the publication by Lacau and Chevrier, it was commonly assumed that the repository originally stood in the middle of the central rooms of Hatshepsut. 1 1 However, Carlo tti has recently called this assumption into question. 1 2 His argument is based on the fact that the space, which extends south of the wall of Annals and north of the bark repository, was once occupied by the suite of three rooms. Thus, the chapelle rouge could not have been introduced into the structure because of the lack of space inside. 1 3 Taking into consideration year 17, which is inscribed on the northern wall of the Hatshepsut rooms, Carlotti dates the central structure to the very end of Hatshepsuts reign. 1 4 T h e chapelle rouge, which must have been posterior to the construction of the western obelisks, would have been erected at the same time. This would imply that the walls in question were pulled down almost immediately after they were erected. However, Björkman had already suggested that Hatshepsut could have dismantled the walls herself. 1 5 Thus, the conclusions of Carlotti are far from being certain. It does not seem completely improbable that Hatshepsut changed the original plan of her central rooms and adjusted their middle part to the dimensions of the chapelle rouge. Neither the decoration of the central rooms nor that of the chapelle rouge excludes such a possibility. It is well known from the temple at Deir el Bahari that the queen changed the architectural plans and did not hesitate to dismantle parts of her own constructions. 16 Moreover, the central rooms in Karnak may have been erected before year 17, which is inscribed on their northern wall. T h e account of Nims provides evidence for dating the chapelle rouge very shortly after year 16. It should be remembered that it is probably in year 16 that Thutmose III regained his royal position and appeared beside the queen.This may be deduced from graffiti in N u b i a 1 7 and stelae from Sinai. 1 8 Nims observed that Thutmose III is totally neglected in the inner decoration of the chapelle rouge, although he appears next to Hatshepsut on the exterior walls. His representations are sometimes accompanied by feminine pronouns; twice he is accompanied by the queens ka. Still his names are original in each case. 19 It can only be explained by the rather sudden change in the politics of the queen.

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Taking into consideration the fact that rooms X V I — X V I I I of the central suite were decorated with the original names of Thutmose III, and assuming that the Texte de la Jeunesse is an original decoration of the southern wall, we may further assume that the decoration was either not completed or was executed after Thutmose III had been included in the decoration program of the queen. 20 Both solutions would indicate that the central rooms were constructed close to the end of Hatshepsuts reign. 21 Nevertheless, there is no decisive argument that permits the rejection of the "classical" emplacement suggested by Lacau. The Sanctuary Netjery Menu We may now proceed to discuss the first construction mentioned in the Texte de la Jeunesse; the one that is followed by the chapelle rouge. T h e text is as follows. 2 2 [///]

m mjwt hnc jwnn nt_rj~mnw m jnr hd nfr n rwdt

[III

anew with a jwnn Netjery Menu of sandstone.]

T h e passage concerning the chapelle rouge follows the description of the foundation ceremony and is introduced by the phrase: jst scti.n n—f hm—j. . . [it was also then, that (jst) my majesty erected for him . . .] It seems that the two buildings were linked temporarily, as indicated by the use of the complementizer (as X-bar theory calls it) particle jst. T h e quoted clauses are thus linked hypotactically; the first one conveys the textual nucleus, while the second one forms the semantic and/or temporal background. 2 3 Thus, the erection of the Netjery Menu seems to be the primary message of the text. Its date is probably contemporary with the date of the chapelle rouge. It should be observed that the Netjery Menu must have been of considerable proportions and importance. N o t only it is the most important construction described in the text, but the ceremony of founding the temple follows its name as well. Apart from the Texte de la Jeunesse, the construction is known only from two sources that call it hwt~ntr: the chapelle rouge and the statue of Hapuseneb. While in the Texte de la Jeunesse and on the chapelle rouge Netjery Menu is said to be the temple of Thutmose III, the text of Hapuseneb links the building with the name of Thutmose II (the cartouche is original). 2 4 The text of Hapuseneb states that the construction was made of limestone, while the Texte de la Jeunesse mentions sandstone.

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T h e localization of Netjery Menu has been the subject of much discussion. Three suggestions may be taken into consideration. Gabolde proposed that Netjery Menu was an older temple that once stood where Akh Menu is now. 25 Laboury moved it eastward, 26 while Wallet-Lebrun suggested it should be identified with the southern chambers of the central structure of Hatshepsut. 27 In the Texte de la Jeunesse, Netjery Menu is described as jwnn (or the temple with jwnn).28 T h e other mentions of jwnn in Thutmose I l l s texts from Karnak occur on four monuments that will be briefly analyzed. These are socalled Poetical stela; 29 stela C G 34012 from the Egyptian Museum in Cairo; 3 0 the southern wall of Akh M e n u ; 3 1 and one of the southern rooms of the central suite of Hatshepsut, which is decorated with the original names of Thutmose III. 3 2 As we will see, two of the texts connected with Akh Menu are dated to year 24. T h e Poetical stela must have been set up after year 33, since the eighth military campaign is recorded. T h e text of the stela is a speech of Amun directed at the king. smn—j tw m jwnn—j bj3—j n—k [I set you in my sanctuary so that I may make wonders for you.] It concludes: schc.n—k jwnn—j m kjt nhh [You erected my jwnn as a work for eternity.] T h e passage seems to be similar to the Texte de la Jeunesse. Both texts concern wonders (bj3t) that are made for the king by Amun. 3 3 Both conclude with the erection of jwnn in return. In the Poetical stela the place of wonders is jwnn (sanctuary). T h e stela was found in the northern court between Pylon V I and the central rooms of Hatshepsut. Wallet-Lebrun quotes the text from the southern part of the Hatshepsut suite. htp.kwj hr mnw pn jr.n—k n(—j) smnh—k jwnn—j [I am satisfied with this monument, which you made for me while you embellished my sanctuary.] 34 Gabolde suggested a possible identification of the Netjery Menu with the predecessor of Akh Menu, so I will now focus on the texts connected with the foundation of Akh Menu. T h e text carved on the southern wall of Akh Menu provides information about the victory at Megiddo, the offer-

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ings instituted in year 7, and finally the erection of Akh Menu. What is the meaning of the offerings of year 7 in this context?To begin with, one should notice that the structure of this text is similar to that of the Texte de la Jeunesse.35 In both examples we deal with a Königsnovelle; and in both the offerings installed during the coregency are enumerated. In the Texte de la Jeunesse there are the offerings of year 15. 36 Finally, both texts deal with the building activity of the king as a sole ruler. I would suggest that the following interpretation of both texts should be taken into consideration. T h e offerings mark the beginning of the activity on the site—the activity that is taken up by Thutmose III at the moment the text is inscribed. As we have seen, Hatshepsut might have begun to remodel the central parts of the temple in year 15.1 would argue that the building that preceded Akh Menu may have been founded in year 7. That assumption would fit perfectly with the decoration on the blocks that probably came from the latter structure. 37 However, it would certainly exclude the identification of Netjery Menu as a predecessor of Akh Menu. T h e Texte de la Jeunesse describes the events that took place in about year 15 of the reign. T h e foundation ceremony of Netjery Menu would have been—as we have seen— the central element of the building program described in the text. It would also have been contemporary with the erection of the chapelle rouge. 3 8 Thus, it can hardly be identified with a construction that was started at the very beginning of the coregency. We now turn to the second text describing the foundation of Akh Menu: the stela C G 34012. T h e main subject of this text is again a wonder that took place when the king was founding the temple to the east of Karnak. Although the name Akh Menu is not written, it does not seem likely that any other temple may be considered. T h e ceremony took place in year 24. T h e course of the ceremony will be analyzed subsequently. At the moment, I will focus on the beginning of the text, as it seems to be significant for the solution of the Netjery Menu problem. After the introduction containing the king s protocol and the remark that the king desired the following events to have been written, another passage is found. fw 3b.n hm—jjrt mnw n jt—j Jmn~Rc m Jpt-swt scti jwnn sdsr 3ht smnh n—j Hftt-hr-nb—s [My majesty desired to make a foundation for my father Amun-Re in Karnak—to erect jwnn, to consecrate the horizon, to embellish Thebes for him.] This passage is followed by a description of the platform that was enlarged after the flood. T h e fragment concludes with the following words.

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dj—j htp—f hrjrt—j n—f sp~tpj sptj hwt~ntr m jjbt r~pr pn [I caused him to be content with what I had made for him for the first time, [that is,] attaching the temple to the east of this enclosure.] As Wallet-Lebrun has shown, the word sptj may be a form of the verb spj— "ein Schiff zusammenbinden." 39 In my opinion, it is an infinitive in juxtaposition with nominal phrase jrt—j n—f sp-tpj, where jrt is a relative form. Thus, both phrases have exactly the same designation: "What I had made for him for the first time, [that is,] attaching the temple to the east of this enclosure." It is stressed that the king erected the temple for the first time. This is repeated in even stronger words in the famous passage in line 5, which concludes with the oft-quoted clause njr—j hr mnw n kj (I did not act on a foundation of another.) However, the archaeological data testify almost beyond any doubt that the temple Akh Menu is indeed standing on a site that was previously occupied by an earlier structure. 40 A solution to this supposed contradiction may be reached through an analysis of the beginning of the passage. T h e form of the temple is specified there with the use of the words jwnn and j k As we have seen, jwnn is used for the most intimate part of the temple, the sanctuary of the god. One may suppose that j k has exactly the same meaning—it is the dwelling place of the god. T h e designation of the two words is the same, except that jwnn seems to be an architectural term referring to the material structure, while j k has a purely religious meaning. 41 T h e aim of the king is therefore the construction of an independent temple with its own sanctuary. Such a temple was probably erected for the first time on the east of Karnak. If this interpretation is correct, the jwnn of Netjery Menu could not have stood on this site and therefore it must have been the jwnn of the Karnak Temple. 4 2 Thus, it seems that we should accept the suggestion of Wallet-Lebrun that Netjery Menu is the name of the southern rooms of Hatshepsut. 43 Since we know the name of the northern part was hwt Jmn 3ht-nhh44 two additional possibilities may now be considered. 45 Either the northern and southern parts of the suite are two separate temples or Netjery Menu is a jwnn of the whole structure. In the latter case the Texte de la Jeunesse would have to be amended: * [j^ jr. n—f hwt Jmn jht-nhh] m m3wt hn jwnn Ntrj~mnw. In the Hatshepsut temple at Deir el Bahari, the parts of the temple, including the sanctuary of Amun, have their own names, which are different from the name of the temple. 46 Other Monuments: Pylon VI and Its Court In the third position, after Netjery Menu and the chapelle rouge, there is Pylon V I , which is mentioned in the Texte de la Jeunesse47 It should be noted that

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I follow Laboury in dating the Texte de la Jeunesse to the beginning of Thutmose I l l s reign; the pylon must have been decorated at the same time as the Akh Menu. The military campaign of year 23 and the victory at Megiddo are represented there. Further on, a description of the northern and, as commonly assumed, southern chapels (k3r) dedicated to the cult of the statues of royal predecessors is found. 48 These chapels are certainly those south and north of the area between Pylon V I and the central rooms. Both Pylon V I and the chapels seem to have been erected on the plan of the earlier constructions of Amenhotep I. 4 9 Hatshepsut dismantled these structures, but Thutmose III honored Amenhotep I with a chapel devoted to his cult. 50 Other Monuments: Possibly the Northern Part of Karnak (?)

The other monuments enumerated in the Texte de la Jeunesse remain a subject for speculation, and no certain identification can be provided.The king states that he acted for Amun-Re from Karnak to sanctify his domain after he found a certain monument built with bricks. 51 The next passage of the Texte de la Jeunesse is focused on the gate Mn~hpr~Rc Jmn wr phtj dw3 rhjt.52 53

Laboury

would like to see a description of Pylon V I I in the first passage. With respect to the gate, he quotes a personal communication from Carlotti, who claims it might have been the southernmost gate of the temple and locates it at the place where Pylon X stands today. 54 Laboury admits, however, that these interpretations are mostly speculative. It seems one may still correct the speculations of Laboury and suggest some new data concerning an identification of the monuments. The construction built on the site of the earlier structure of bricks is not likely to be Pylon VII. The passage includes a mention of the foundation ceremony.The erection of the pylon seems not to have been preceded by such a ceremony unless an open court was constructed as well. 55 Thus, it is still possible that the text refers to Pylon V I I and the "cour de la cachette." However, the text states that the brick construction was w3sj wrt (completely ruined). The text on the granite repository of Thutmose III refers to Pylon V I I and confirms that its predecessor pylon was built with bricks, but it certainly was not destroyed, since its gateway was of stone, the doors were of cedar, and the columns (supposedly of the porch) were of wood. 56 It is also possible that some stone elements were used in the predecessor of Pylon V I I as early as at the time of Senwosret I. 5 7 More serious are the objections one may make with respect to the identification of the gate Mn~hpr~Rc Jmn wr phtj dw3 rhjt. Its name indicates that it was indeed an entrance to the temple. 58 However, it is not likely that it was a gate located where Pylon X stands today. The excavations on the court of Pylon X revealed that houses occupied this area until

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the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Thus, it was certainly not a part of the sacred enclosure.59 The so-called wall of Thutmose III (the accurate dating of which is doubtful as well) could not have reached that far, and it probably adjoined the north-south axis, where Pylon I X stands today. As we enter the realm of speculation, no identification of the monuments seems to be absolutely excluded, since nothing is certain.The passage in question might concern the north-south axis (perhaps Pylon V I I I and its court). It might also refer to the eastern part of the temple, that is, the predecessor of Akh Menu and/or the Eastern Sanctuary. This, however, would not fit the historical interpretation presented earlier, according to which the text describes the investments undertaken after year 15, when Thutmose III was included in the building program of Hatshepsut. Finally, one should consider the possibility that the passage refers to the northern peripheries of the temple. 60 Papyrus Abbott 7, 1—z, mentions the gate dw3 rhjt, which lay to the "north of the court of the temple of Amun." Otto long ago suggested that the gate of the Texte de la Jeunesse and the gate mentioned in papyrus Abbott 7 are the same. 61 The final passage at the end of the Text de la Jeunesse contains a description of the Sacred Lake. 62 the question remains whether it should be considered the southern—that is, the main—lake in Karnak or whether it was the northern lake, whose location is still unknown. Tirst Building Phase: Summary

The Texte de la Jeunesse reflects the following features of the royal building program. I. It deals primarily with the reconstruction of the central part of Karnak and is concerned with the most important parts of the temple: the sanctuary and the bark repository, z. The constructions were either built or begun during the coregency period, probably around year 15, at the time that Thutmose III regained his royal position. This is certainly true for the Netjery Menu and the chapelle rouge. One may also argue this is the case for Pylon V I and the chapels devoted to the cult of the royal predecessors. Obviously it was Hatshepsut who started the transformation of the central part of Karnak. The queen dismantled the constructions of Amenhotep I, as well as the exterior portico of Senwosret I, in order to provide a new arrangement of this part of the temple. Pylon V I and the k3r (chapels) are closely linked in their plan to the Amenhotep I constructions. 63 Thus, their dis-

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posai might have been included in the Hatshepsut building plans. However, their decoration testifies that it was Thutmose III alone who erected or at least decorated them. 3. Devotion toward the royal predecessors is stressed. Both rulers whose constructions were affected by the activity of Hatshepsut (i.e., Senwosret I and Amenhotep I) are included in Thutmose I l l s decoration program. Even provided that the text was written at the beginning of Thutmose I l l s reign, we cannot exclude the possibility that it was part of the political program created previously by Hatshepsut. Thutmose III enumerates the constructions that were decorated by the queen, and this decoration remained on them after the text was written. The offerings of year 15 were also established during the joint rule. Therefore, one may assume that Thutmose III was prepared by the queen to become her successor. One may ask, as Spalinger did: "Are we dealing with a divine nomination that was approved if not 'stage managed' by the queen herself?" 64 Certainly after year 16 the young king is depicted together with Hatshepsut on her monuments after a period of some neglect. T h e Temple of Akh Menu: Second Building Phase Introductory Remarks

The temple Akh Menu seems to be the first monument of Thutmose III that is not dependent on installations founded during the coregency. The temple was begun in the twenty-fourth year of the reign. As we have seen, two texts dated to year 24 refer to its erection. In the decoration of the sanctuary of Amun (the chamber of the botanical garden), a year 25 is found. As Beaux observed, it refers to the time that the plants depicted on the walls were acquired rather than to the execution of the decoration. 65 We have seen that Akh Menu was built on the site where the earlier construction had been standing (probably founded at the beginning of the coregency). The new temple, however, must have been considerably greater and had an independent sanctuary of Amun. 66 The Testival Hall

The Festival Hall is the most peculiar part of the temple. It appears to be the first Egyptian "basilikale Anlage." 67 It is oriented north-south. The columns of the main nave are extraordinarily shaped so as to become—as Haeny observed—the stone transposition of the supports of a jubilee pavil-

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ion. Haeny suggested that terpreted as a combination T h e term with which the ground for the erection of the inscriptions carved on on the columns):

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the architectonic form of the hall should be inof the jubilee kiosk and an open festival court. 68 hall is described is hrtfb. T h e ideological backthe hall may be obtained through an analysis of the architraves of the main nave (i.e., those laid

On the northern half of the west face of the western architrave:69 dd mdwjn Jmn~Rc nswt ntrw n Psdtjmjt jh-mnw mj(w) m33—tn mnw nfr wcb jr.n n(—j) s3(—j) n ht(—j) mrj(—j) ns™t bjtj Mn~hpr~Rc jr.n(—j) m ti wc hnQ—t_ [Words spoken by Amun-Re, king of gods, to the ennead that is in Akh Menu: come, that you would see the beautiful, pure foundation, which my son of my body made for me, my beloved, king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Menkheperre, whom I created as one body with you.] On the northern half of the eastern face of this architrave, the royal epithets are found. ntr nfr mjtj Rc hmwfb mj rsj jnb—f [Perfect god who is like Re, creative like Ptah (lit., He who is south of his wall.)] On the east architrave, the northern part of the western face describes the activity of Thutmose III, using the phraseology of a Konigsnovelle. nswt ds—f dcr shgm. n—f 3ht n m-ht [The king himself sought counsel and found something profitable for the future.] T h e southern part of the same architrave bears what is probably the most important passage concerning the king. kmj.n sw jt—f Rc r mst jmjw-í3r—sn sdfs h^wt—sn [His father Re created him (i.e., the king) to create those who are in their chapels and supply their offering tables with provisions.] On the east architrave, the southern part of the eastern face bears the speech of the ennead.

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nfrw nn jr.n n—k sj—k mr—k Mn~hpr~Rc jr.n Rc smnhpr jt—f Jmn~Rc m jnr hd nfr n cnw [Beautiful is this that your beloved son Menkheperre made for you, [namely,] embellishing of the house of his father Amun-Re with fine white stone fromTura.] T h e ennead says to Amun-Re: mtn—k sw m rnpwt 7jwí 3w(t)fb—f hr st Hr mj Rc dt [May you reward him (the king) with many years of joy on the throne of Horus, like Re forever.] T h e northern part of this same face on the east architrave has the response of Amun-Re. dj.n(—j) n—fcnh dd wjs nb hr—j snb nb hr—j mfsw mn wjhjrn—k n(—f jr—k c nht dt [I gave for him every life, endurance, and dominion by me, every health by me, in return for what is established and enduring, which he made for me. May you act being alive forever.] T h e text hardly seems to require any comment. We may sum it up as follows. First, the main divinity of the temple is Amun-Re, but gods of the Great Ennead, as well as the royal predecessors, are worshiped there. Second, the activity of the king is similar to the creative act of the god-demiurge Re or Ptah. And third, the king, rewarded with many joyful years of reign, unites with the gods in the temple to be "one body" with them. O f the three chapels located along the northern wall of the Festival Hall, the decoration of the central one is worth mentioning. T h e representation of the procession with the royal statues is depicted there. In the western chapel, Thutmose III consecrates the offerings for eighteen deities in the temple. The Inner Rooms of the Temple T h e eastern part of the temple is divided into three main parts. T h e central door in the eastern wall of the Festival Hall leads to the sanctuary of Amun. It should be noted that the scenes in the hrtfb are oriented toward this entrance. T h e chambers of Amun consist of three rooms on the east-west axis. T h e last of the rooms provides access to the private sanctuary of Amun, located in the northeastern part of the temple. This is the famous "botanical garden" of Thutmose III, consisting of the transverse hall with

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four columns and the sanctuary oriented north-south. There are nine niches in the walls of the holy of holies. 70 Similarly, in the great temple of Medinet Habu there is a chamber with nine niches, where Amun resided together with an ennead of the great gods. 7 1 T h e southern gate of the eastern wall of hrtfb connects the Festival Hall with the rooms devoted to the cult of Sokar. Eight columns standing in two rows supported the roof of the central hall of this suite. At the northeastern corner of the Festival Hall a set of stairs provides an approach to the elevated platform. This was a place devoted to the solar cult, equipped with an altar of alabaster. This elevated solar suite was a later addition to the original plan of the temple, but its date cannot be determined. Certainly it must have preceded the construction of the northern rooms that adjoin the platform. 7 2 The Theology of the Temple

T h e short outline of the plan of Akh Menu shows the most important feature of the temple. It is, in fact, planned according to the rules observed in so-called mortuary temples on the western bank of the Nile. Moreover, the texts in Akh Menu describe it as a "mansion of millions of years," exactly what the temples of western Thebes were called. Thus, it has been suggested that Akh Menu is a part of the temple in Karnak, where the king, Thutmose III, united with Amun accompanied by the gods. It seems that the royal cult became incorporated into a set of religious beliefs meant to unify all the aspects of divinity around the person of the king. We could go even further with this interpretation. Stela C G 3401 z tells the history of the wonder that occurred during the foundation ceremony. Unexpectedly, Amun took part in the ceremony and accomplished the foundation rites. This could be understood as a sign of the perfect unification between the god and the king. Thutmose III founded the temple for Amun and at the same time he was a form of Amun, so he founded a temple that served the purposes of his own cult. Transformation of the North-South Axis: T h e T h i r d Building Phase (?) Introductory Remarks: The Obelisks before Pylon

VII

T h e constructions of Thutmose III located on the north-south axis include Pylon V I I , its obelisks, the bark repository by the Sacred Lake, the walls between Pylon V I I and Pylon V I I I to the south, and the w3djt to the north. It is not certain whether all of these constructions were erected during the same period. Only one of them may be dated securely: the obelisks in front of Pylon V I I must have been erected after the eighth campaign to Syria (which

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took place in the thirty-third regnal year), as an account of the war is inscribed on them. 7 3 They may also be connected with a second jubilee of the king. 7 4 However, whether the obelisks were erected right after the campaign or slightly later is not certain.They definitely existed before the forty-second regnal year, for they are depicted on the wall of the Annals together with the second pair before Pylon I V As for the dates of the other monuments, we will see that they are not as certain. Pylon VII

Pylon V I I must have existed before the obelisks were erected (since they could not have stood independently). T h e gate of the pylon is carved with a large historical text that mentions the campaign of year 33. 75 This is thus a terminus post quem for the decoration but still not necessarily for the initial construction. 76 Laboury suggested that Pylon V I I should be dated to the very beginning of Thutmose I l l s sole rule. This suggestion is based on the dating of the Eastern Sanctuary and the enclosure wall structurally connected with it. Laboury claims that the sanctuary and the enclosure wall were contemporary with Akh Menu. 7 7 T h e pylon must have been erected earlier than the enclosure wall because an eastern wall connecting the pylon with the wall of w3djt is structurally connected to the core of the tower of Pylon V I I and is earlier than the enclosure wall that adjoins it. Thus, the date of Pylon V I I is a starting point for the chronological sequence. 78 Borchardt observed that the eastern wall of the court behind Pylon V I I I must have been later than the erection of the repository that stands by the lake (in its first building phase) and is probably contemporary with its enlargement, which he dates to year 34. 7 9 T h e date of the lake repository will be taken into consideration in the next section. The Take Repository

T h e repository is mentioned in the text from the granite bark hall, which should probably be dated to year 46. 8 0 It is tempting to identify it with the sanctuary Mn~hpr~Rc mn mnw. In that case, it would have replaced the alabaster shrine of Amenhotep I, Jmn mn-mnw. It was probably Amenhotep I s repository that played a key role during both processions represented on the walls of the chapelle rouge. T h e name mn-mnw was restored by Sethe in the text inscribed on the gate of Pylon V I I . 8 1 However, Nims showed that this restoration is not likely to be correct. 82 Whatever the name of the lake repository of Thutmose III was, its core was an alabaster chapel made of two monolithic walls. It was erected on a sandstone platform. Two building phases may be clearly discerned. During the first one, the alabaster core and the first (inner) row of pillars were

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erected. In the second phase, the external rows of pillars were added along three sides of the building (fig. 5.4). On a preserved part of a pillar of the second phase, a fragmentary inscription can be seen. It concerns the first repetition of the royal jubilee (sp tpj whm hh-sd).83 Although it is probably an optative formula, which reflects the expectations of the king, it may certainly be dated after the first royal jubilee, that is, after year 3o. 8 4 Thus, it would be a terminus post quem for the alteration and thus also for the eastern wall between Pylons V I I and VIII. However, the wall is not structurally connected with Pylon V I I . Therefore, the suggestion of Laboury may not yet be excluded, and we need to take a closer look at the enclosure wall and the Eastern Sanctuary.

T h e Enclosure Wall and Related Constructions The Tnclosure Wall

After the limits of Akh Menu were defined, Thutmose III could have surrounded the great temple of Amun with a new wall. On the north, the wall adjoined Pylon V; on the south, it adjoined the wall of the "cour de la cachette"—that is, the wall connecting Pylon V I I with the entrance to the w3djt. Thus, the enclosure wall must have been posterior to the court of Pylon V I I . The western edges of the socles of the eastern obelisks of Hatshepsut were partly incorporated into the wall. The Eastern Sanctuary was located between the obelisks. The Tastern Sanctuary

The sanctuary must be contemporary with the enclosure wall, since the northern wall of room II is structurally connected to this enclosure wall (figs. 5.2—5.3). The central element of the sanctuary is an alabaster naos that contained a poorly preserved double statue representing Thutmose III and Amun. 8 5 The naos was placed against the enclosure wall after the latter was erected, as Varille noted: "Le monument s'applique directement contre le fond du mur du temple principal, qui a été légèrement évidé pour l'encastrement." 86 Exterior walls of the naos were decorated with a scene wherein Thutmose III consecrated the offerings for fifteen forms of Amun (on the northern and southern wall, respectively). The interior wall shows the priest Jwn-mwt—j offering before "the royal ka of Menkheperre and their ka."87 Laboury, on the basis of the analysis of the royal portrait, stated that the naos was contemporary with Akh Menu. 8 8 He also observed that the eastern end of the exterior face of the northern wall was left without decoration. Thus, he assumed, the decoration was adjusted to gate jambs that ad-

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joined the naos on the north and south. 89 This conclusion led to the suggestion that the whole sanctuary, as well as the enclosure wall, was erected in the early twenties of Thutmose I l l s reign. The conclusions that Laboury draws on the basis of stylistic analysis seem convincing to me, and I would not (and should not) dare to challenge them. However, having accepted an early dating of the naos, one may still reconsider the date of the whole sanctuary. As the naos was placed in the sanctuary after the enclosure wall had been erected, together with the northern wall of room II, it does not seem improbable that the naos could have stood in another location earlier.90 Provided that the walls of another construction were surrounding it, the naos could have been decorated in the manner described by Laboury. Lauffray commented on the wall surrounding Akh Menu: "Au droit du sanctuaire axial X X X , le mur se décroche de 40 cm vers l'Est en conservant son fruit extérieur." Should we suppose that this unusual feature is a remnant of the first Eastern Sanctuary in Karnak? That is a matter of pure speculation, but it seems to me that nothing excludes the possibility that the naos decorated in the early twenties of Thutmose I l l s reign was employed in another construction before it was placed in the Eastern Sanctuary as we know it—against the enclosure wall. This would have far-reaching consequences, as it would permit us to consider Pylon VII, and thus the remodeling of the whole north-south axis, as belonging to the building program executed in the thirties, to which they indeed appear to date. Chateau de Vor

The rooms to the north of the temple of the Middle Kingdom were published by Traunecker, who labeled them the "chateau de Tor." 91 They must have been decorated after year 33, for the obelisks before Pylon V I I are shown in the decoration. Certainly these rooms were constructed after the solar chamber platform of Akh Menu was built, as room 8 (followingTraunecker s numbering system) adjoins the northwestern part of the platform. The chateau de Tor stretches along the southern face of the enclosure wall, but it is not architecturally dependent on it. Chamber z is decorated with the scene of the opening of the mouth performed on the river bark of Amun, wsr-hjt. Another scene in this room shows the erection of the flagpoles in front of Pylon V I I . 9 2 Standing obelisks are also depicted.The solar aspect of the ceremony is underlined in the inscriptions. 93 An element that might suggest a date for the construction of the rooms in question is an epithet, hkj Jwnw, written inside Thutmose I l l s ring on two of the gates. The epithet occurs only rarely, and all of the dated monuments on which it appears were erected late in the reign (as will be discussed later). The room was used for the con-

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secration and "animation" rites performed on the cult object, made of precious materials. Other rooms of the suite included the magazines in which the consecrated objects were stored. The Central Nave on the East-West Axis The alteration of the central axis of the temple consisted of: erecting the wall of Annals against the effaced southern wall of the northern rooms of Hatshepsut; construction of the hall of Annals between Pylon V I and the rooms of Hatshepsut; erecting a revetment wall at the eastern face of Pylon V, together with walls connecting Pylons V and V I (the central columns of the former hall were included in the wall masonry);94 final remodeling of the hall between Pylons V and IV—including construction of the massive framework around the obelisks of Hatshepsut and colonnaded halls in the northern and possibly the southern part of the former w3djt 95 and the introduction of the granite repository in the central rooms of Hatshepsut.96 This remodeling resulted in the creation of the central corridor leading from Pylon I V (i.e., the actual entrance to the temple) through monumental internal gates (the passage between the obelisks, Pylon V and Pylon V I ) to the suite of internal chambers. Those chambers are vestibules between Pylons V and VI, the hall of Annals, and the repository of the bark. Thus, the set of open courts and wide halls was changed to the main nave with side courts and chapels.97 The roof of the hall of Annals was supported by the so-called heraldic pillars. They have no parallel in Egyptian architecture. One should note that the whole plan of remodeling the central axis of Karnak seems quite unusual. The straight corridor or "nave" that connects the temple entrance with the bark hall at the expense of wide colonnaded courts and hypostyle halls is a peculiarity requiring an interpretation that takes into account the religious nature of the area. A Datefor the Constructions

It seems that all of these investments were part of a unified building program. However, the dates of the individual installations differ slightly. According to Barguet, on the revetment wall erected against the gate of Pylon V Thutmose III is shown making an offering to Amun on the occasion of the second jubilee.98 While the remodeling of this part of the temple affected the constructions of Thutmose I, in his inscription Thutmose III stressed that the remodeling of the central axis of the temple in Karnak had been carefully planned so as not to affect Thutmose Is decorations. On the jamb of the gate Dhwtj-ms nfr~hprw 3 mrt m pr Jmn (between Pylons V I and V), the inscription reads:

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fw nnjr.n hm—j nn jwí r hbs mnw [njt(—j)

iii c

3-hprÁ3-r]

[My majesty did not do these great things to cover the foundation (of my father Aakheperkare).] 99 On a column in the northern part of w3djt, the inscription of Thutmose III contains one part written as a speech of Thutmose III addressed to his grandfather. dd—f n hm—f ~[n]n hr mnw(—j) jrn hm—j m jr sj 3ht njt—f m smnh m njt—f m prjt—f Jmn [He said to his majesty: (I) did not (. . .) to cover his [foundation] (• • •) on my foundation. T h e activity of my majesty was that of the son who does good to his father; it was (the act o f ) restoring the name of his father in the house of his father A m u n . ] 1 0 0 As for the walls erected around the Hatshepsut monoliths, Amenhotep II is the earliest ruler whose name occurs in a decoration. T h e decoration of the queen on the lower part of the obelisks (covered by the walls) was not effaced. On the contrary, the southern wall of the northern part of Hatshepsuts rooms had its decoration erased and in short order covered by the additional revetment wall—the wall of Annals. 1 0 1 Thus, one may suppose that the walls around the obelisks were erected before the dishonoring of the queen began, that is, before year 42. Then the northern court was transformed into a hall, with its roof supported by six papyriform columns (four of them of Thutmose III). As for the southern part of the former w3djt, there columns were also added. They are inscribed for Amenhotep II, so it is not absolutely certain—although it seems possible—that Thutmose III introduced them. T h e reconstruction of the w3djt in Karnak and the dismantling of the chapelle rouge may have been a preparation stage for the final rebuilding of the whole central axis in Karnak and the erection of the hall of Annals. Thus, it would be connected with the persecution of Hatshepsut, although the obelisks of the queen were covered before the dishonoring started. One may conclude that the rebuilding of the w3djt could have been motivated by a desire to diminish the influence of Hatshepsut on the architectonic shape of the inner part of Karnak. This assumption would explain why Thutmose III tried so carefully to honor Thutmose I. Contrary to Hatshepsuts constructions, those of Thutmose I—the king who played a key role in the queens legitimization program—were not an object of Thutmose I l l s malevolence. 102

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T h e Annals occupy two separate rooms—the hall between Pylon V I and the facade of the Hatshepsut suite and the chamber to the north of the repository of the bark. 1 0 3 Thutmose III erected the northern wall of this chamber up against the wall of Hatshepsut after he effaced the decoration of the queen. This could have happened in year 42 at earliest, as this is the date with which the Annals conclude. Two of the three gates of the chapelle rouge (those made of granodiorite) that were mentioned in the Texte de la Jeunesse were reused in this construction. 1 0 4 One was built into the wall of Annals. T h e second became the southern entrance to the hall of Annals. T h e granite repository was placed in the middle of the central rooms of Hatshepsut. T h e only known date connected with it is a "year 46" preserved on a granite block from this structure. 1 0 5 It is not certain if this is the date of its construction or a reference to something else. Nevertheless, it seems that the remodeling of the main axis was not accomplished all at once. T h e earliest installations are the walls around the obelisks of Hatshepsut and possibly also the vestibules between Pylons V and V I . T h e latest seem to be the chambers of Annals together with the new repository. T h e former were not connected with the dishonoring of the queen, the latter are certainly part of it. That would mean that the construction of the central corridor was not directly connected with the dishonoring of Hatshepsut. On the other hand, the most important part of the new nave—the hall of Annals—was erected after the dishonoring began. This analysis leads one to the assumption that the persecution of Hatshepsut was not a sudden change in Thutmose I l l s policy but rather a gradually evolving process that culminated after the year 42. Additional support for such an assumption will be presented subsequently in the passages devoted to the "memorial temple" of Thutmose II and the second building phase outside Thebes. The Building Recordfrom the Granite Repository One of the blocks from the granite sanctuary of Thutmose III bears the list of eleven investments of the king in Karnak. These monuments come from different periods of the activity.Two of the objects may be securely dated to the first years of the sole rule—that is, Pylon V I and, in the third position, the river bark User-het. T h e text, though partly lost, seems to be quite precise—the bark was built after the king s return from the first victorious campaign in Upper Retenu in his twenty-third year of reign. 1 0 6 Other monuments are Pylon V I I (called "the southern pylon" in the text) and the Eastern Sanctuary. At the sixth position, despite the fact that the text is broken, Nims observed that there is a hnw in the house of Amun, made of sandstone and covered with gold, electrum, and precious stones, with the gateways made of

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granite. If Nims were correct to identify this building as the hall of Annals, year 42 would be a terminus post quem for the text. 1 0 7 T h e last preserved monument may be interpreted, as we will see, as a temple at Deir el Bahari. That would be the latest object in the text, since it was begun in the fortythird year of Thutmose I l l s reign. T h e w3djt T h e first object mentioned in the text is a gate of Pylon V I , 1 0 8 followed by wsht^jt wjdjt tjw[P] mjnr n rwdt b3k m dcm 3f / / / . T h e identification of this construction was not obvious. Nims first claimed that it was one or both of the two courts behind Pylon V I . He later changed his mind, however, and identified the structure as the pillared hall of Akh M e n u . 1 0 9 It does not seem likely that the term wsht^3t refers to the Akh Menu, as w3djt is connected with papyriform columns, which are not used in the hypostyle hall of Akh Menu. Moreover, the word wsht is not used in the Akh Menu inscriptions. T h e hall is described as hrt-jb. There is no remark on the covering of the columns with electrum and precious stones either. Wallet-Lebrun identified the wsht^3t with the southern part of the former w3djt and quoted an inscription of Amenhotep II carved on column 8, which mentions wsht nt wjdw sps covered with electrum. 1 1 0 It should be noted that, despite the erection of the central corridor (or "nave"), this room did not lose its importance, since it still provided an entrance to the corridor leading to Akh Menu. Thus, it remained a vital part of the temple. T h e strange word £3 used for a column, which Nims identified with a term for a tent pillar from Akh Menu, was explained by Wallet-Lebrun as a mistake. T h e signs tj and rsjt—written in hieratics—could easily have been confused when the text was copied onto the column.111 T h e Processional Route on the North-South Axis After the description of Pylon V I I , three monuments are mentioned, but the text is almost completely lost. It seems that they form a description of the processional route: the Sacred Lake, the alabaster chapel by the lake, and finally the construction m st—f dsrt ntjmntt [l3]tj—"in his sacred place of the west, elevated.. " According to Nims, this is likely to be the temple of Thutmose III at Deir el Bahari. 1 1 2 At that time, it was the destination for the procession of the Beautiful Feast of the Valley, and it was literally elevated, since it stood on an artificial platform above the temple of Hatshepsut. Gabolde and Rondot argued the st-dsr of this text must have been a structure in Karn a k . 1 1 3 However, it seems to me that they only showed that this term did not apply exclusively to the necropolis. Still, the designation ntjmntt written

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with the determinative Gard. N 25 should refer to western Thebes rather than the area west of the southern monuments in Karnak. A Peculiar Monument: A Unique Obelisk East of the Eastern Sanctuary, a sandstone foundation still stands. It is the socle on which an obelisk thirty-three meters high once stood. The obelisk was taken to Rome in 357 CE. Since 1587, it has been standing on the Piazza San Giovanni di Laterano. Each side of the obelisk was decorated with the central column of the text of Thutmose III. The front side bears the dedication formula, which describes "the first occasion of erecting a single obelisk." 114 It must have been started during the last decade of Thutmose Ills reign. 115 However, it was Thutmose I V who added his own inscriptions and erected the obelisk thirty-five years later. The obelisk seems to have been planned as a single and unique monument. 116 On one of the sides, the epithet Mj-Zwnw appears within the name ring of the king. 1 1 7 This epithet is usually oriented to the north. If this holds true, the front face of the obelisk (with a dedication formula) would have been turned to the east. 118 Desroches-Noblecourt pointed out that the erection of such a unique obelisk proves that the solar cult grew in importance during the last years of Thutmose Ills reign. 119 Other Temples in Eastern Thebes A number of temples existed in eastern Thebes under Thutmose III. However, the constructions outside the great temple of Amun are generally poorly preserved. The northern and southern enclosures of Karnak, as well as the temple of Luxor, were totally remodeled by Amenhotep III, and even their inner parts were built anew. Thus, Thutmoside temples are known only from loose blocks and written sources. The majority of that group of buildings was probably built during the coregency period, which means that it was Hatshepsut who had them executed. This is certainly true for the chapel found in northern Karnak, 120 the additions to the treasury of Thutmose I in that area, 121 and the triple shrine from Luxor. 1 2 2 In the southern precinct of Karnak, there was a temple dedicated to Mut in Isheru. It is often enumerated in the lists of the temples from the private tombs at Theban necropolis. The gate that was found at this site is also an indication that the enclosure was constructed under Hatshepsut. 123 To the north, by the wall of the precinct of Mut lie the remains of the temple of Kamutef. Again Hatshepsut built it, while Thutmose III added the stables for the sacred bull. The bark station

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erected to the west of the temple proper was constructed in two building phases that show astonishing similarities to the building history of the small temple in Medinet Habu. 1 2 4

T H E T E M P L E S T O T H E W E S T OF T H E B E S

The Small Temple in Medinet Habu The Temple Proper

The rear portion of the small temple in Medinet Habu was erected during the coregency. Two rooms of the temple were, however, decorated by Thutmose III during his sole rule. 1 2 5 The first of these is room L, which is a vestibule leading to two suites of cult rooms—the southern one dedicated to the ityphallic form of Amun-Kamutef (rooms N, Q) and the northern one dedicated to Amun, king of gods (rooms O, P). A great double statue in black granite representing Thutmose and Amun stood in room L. The eastern wall of the chamber had to be dismantled to accommodate the statue, since it is too large to have been transported through the doorway. After the statue was set in place, the king rebuilt and decorated the wall. Thutmose Ills decoration was also carved on the northern and southern walls. The western wall of the room, however, was decorated by Hatshepsut and altered by Thutmose III. 1 2 6 Room M—called by Hölscher a sanctuary of the king—differs considerably from the rest of the building. 127 Entrance was only possible from the peripteral part of the temple, and the room itself had no direct connection with any other chamber of the temple proper. The decoration shows Thutmose III sitting before the offering table and being worshiped by the priest Jwn-mwt—f.

The inner rooms of the temple (suites O—P and N—Q) were decorated jointly by Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. Room P seems to be of particular interest. Hatshepsut decorated its northern and eastern walls. The frieze is that of cobras, which is the cryptogram of the name of the queen. The images of the queen were later chiseled out but were not transformed into those of her father or husband. The southern and western walls were decorated with representations of Thutmose III, and the heker frieze was employed. It is not clear whether room P was decorated in one or two periods. Laboury claimed that the decoration of sanctuary P should be dated to the beginning of Thutmose Ills sole rule (before his twenty-third regnal year), while rooms L and M were executed later in the reign (but before his forty-second year). This suggestion is based on the analysis of the royal portrait. 128

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The Bark Hall in Medinet Habu

The most important part of the king s activity was the rebuilding of the bark hall of the temple. Hölscher wrote: Under Thutmose III, the architectural alterations were confined to the fore part of the temple. The deciding factor in the new plan was the desire to gain a large room inside the peripteros for the sacred bark, and this could be achieved only at the expense of the transverse hall [preceding the temple of Hatshepsut]. . . .The new shrine had exactly the same width as the former one but was twice as long. The foundations and lowest courses of the front and two side walls of the older shrine were reused in the new construction, but because of the added length, the old rear wall had to be sacrificed. 129 The elements of the new shrine that are particularly worthy of consideration are the gates. Originally they seem to have been even narrower than the granite portal of the axial sanctuary of Amun at the Hatshepsut temple at Deir el Bahari. The entrance in Medinet Habu was later enlarged. 130 At present, the gate bears the inscription of Ptolemy VII. However, it seems likely that the passage may have been broadened as early as the reign of Thutmose III. The king is known to have enlarged the bark of Amun. This enlargement would then have been a terminus ante quem for the hall execution. 1 3 1 A terminus post quem is indicated by the presence of the kings wife, Meryetre-Hatshepsut, mother of Amenhotep II, since it is well known that the first great wife of the king was Satiah, who probably died during the second decade of Thutmose Ills sole rule. 1 3 2 The "Memorial" Temple of Thutmose II Close to Medinet Habu and north of the small temple, Thutmose III had another temple erected. 133 It is a building dedicated to the mortuary cult of Thutmose II. One of the blocks found in the temple gives the name of the construction (šspt~Cnh). The temple was built in two phases with two different kinds of limestone. Robichon and Varille suggested that those phases should be ascribed respectively to Thutmose II andThutmose III, who would enlarge his fathers mortuary temple. 134 However, both kinds of limestone are inscribed with the names of Thutmose III. On this basis, L. Gabolde argued that both phases should be attributed to Thutmose III and suggested that the term memorial should be used instead of funerary.135 He noticed that the building was not mentioned in either the decoration of the chapelle rouge

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or in the Thutmoside lists of the temples in the private tombs. However, Gabolde later reported that a limestone block of Hatshepsut had been discovered within the temple. 1 3 6 T h e block is decorated with an effaced cobra frieze of the queen. If the block originates from the temple, one can assume that the first phase of the temple was built during the reign of Hatshepsut. She must have decorated the temple after she assumed her royal titles, as indicated by the frieze. T h e temple, however, was probably deserted soon thereafter, as Thutmose II ceased to be a key person in the ideology of the queen. T h e building then deteriorated for at least twelve years. When Thutmose III decided to rebuild it on a larger scale as a memorial temple dedicated to his father is difficult to establish. Laboury argued that the second building phase might be dated precisely to shortly after the disappearance of Hatshepsut. 1 3 7 His dating is based on the style of reliefs corresponding, in his opinion, to those of Akh M e n u . 1 3 8 However, it seems to me that the relief published by Gabolde shows even more stylistic similarities to the portrait of Thutmose III on the stela of year 35 from Buhen. 1 3 9 T h e temple was omitted in the list of Puyemre, which may suggest a later date. This, however, would not explain its omission in the list of Rekhmire. 1 4 0 T h e name of the temple may derive from the name of one of the gates in the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahari: 'j-hpr-kj-R' šsp t3w n cnh hr Jmn (or šspt_3wn cnh hr c^hpr-k^Rc Jmn).141 T h e practice of naming the temples after the gates of Djeser Djeseru is well attested for Thutmose I I I . 1 4 2 In this case, the gate led to the cult chamber of Thutmose I. In choosing this name for the mortuary temple of his father, Thutmose III elevated Thutmose II into a position that Thutmose I had in the legitimization program of Hatshepsut. 1 4 3 T h e historical text on the gate of Pylon V I I is the earliest testimony that Thutmose III included his father in his own ideology. In this text, a divine nomination of Thutmose III takes place in the presence of his father. Yet it is not Thutmose II who nominates his son and passes the power. He may only act as a witness to a divine nomination. One should observe that Thutmose II does not appear in the Texte de la Jeunesse; the record of Thutmose I l l s divine nomination dating to the beginning of his sole rule. T h e absence of Thutmose II is even more appealing if one notes the main construction described in the Texte de la Jeunesse, the sanctuary Netjery Menu, which was founded by or in the name of Thutmose II himself (as attested by the statue of Hapuseneb). It may be suggested that Thutmose II gained some prominence during the fourth decade of his sons reign. T h e gate of Pylon V I I and the "memorial temple" Shesepetankh were probably decorated at that time.

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Certainly Thutmose II became a prominent element of the royal ideology when the dishonoring of Hatshepsut started. In year 42, the quartzite statue of Thutmose II before Pylon V I I I was "completed."The coincidence of the dates of dishonoring the queen and "completing" this monument seems not to be accidental. 144 Thutmose I l l s son and successor, Amenhotep II, had his mortuary temple named with exactly the same phrase, šspt~Cnh. This name is inscribed on the object from Amenhotep l i s foundation deposit. Niedziölka convincingly showed that the mortuary temple of Amenhotep II was renamed Jch^ht.145 It should be noted that the Shesepetankh of Thutmose II existed at least until the Amarna period. Thus, we should assume that Amenhotep II chose the name of an existing construction for his own mortuary temple, only to change it later in his reign. T h e possible explanation for this fact may be that Thutmose III did not complete the temple for his father (as the unfinished decoration would indicate). Amenhotep II apparently did not intend to carry on the works for Thutmose II, and the name of the temple would fit perfectly his own policy of honoring Thutmose III. Thus, the temple of Thutmose II could have been deserted again, and Amenhotep II may have begun to erect his own mortuary complex under its name. That would explain why the temple of Thutmose II is not found in any list of temples (Rekhmire above all) and why no priestly titles are attached to it. Provided that this explanation is correct, one should consider it another reason for a late dating of Thutmose I l l s activity in the Shesepetankh of Thutmose II.

T h e Mortuary Temple Henketankh T h e mortuary temple of Thutmose III lies to the north of the Ramesseum on the edge of cultivation. Its name was hnkt~cnh. It is found on the wall of the chapelle rouge, which means that the temple was built as early as the period of the coregency. Although the temple is poorly preserved, Ricke managed to reconstruct its plan and determine the function of a number of r o o m s . I 4 6 T h e temple is a mansion of millions of years. Its plan shows the same disposition of the rooms as in other temples in western Thebes and Akh Menu. T h e main gods of the temple are Amun of Henketankh and Mn~ hpr~Rc, the k i n g , 1 4 7 who, as Nelson has shown, are in fact one deity Mn~hpr~ Rc Amun of Henketankh. 1 4 8 T h e northern rooms were devoted to the solar cults, and it is here that the sun altar stood. T h e room with the vaulted roof decorated with a ritual of hours was confined to the mortuary cult. A false door stela from that room was found in Medinet Habu. In the southern part of the temple was located

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the chapel dedicated to the cult of Thutmose I L 1 4 9 T h e comments of Ricke are worth quoting with respect to the date of this chapel: " O b daher bei Baubeginn des Totentempels Thutmoses' IIL kurz vor dem Regierungsantritt der Hatschepsut die Einrichtung eines besonderen Kultes fürThutmoses IL geplant werden durfte, könnte bezweifelt w e r d e n " 1 5 0 T h e temple was certainly enlarged during the sole rule of Thutmose IIL A large court and a mud brick pylon were added in front of the building. T h e bricks of the northern tower are stamped with Thutmose I l l s ring, Mn~hpr~Rc nb hps. T h e epithet nb-hps seems to have been used only in the first half of his sole rule. It is not found on any of the securely dated constructions of the late building phases. 1 5 1 Thus, it seems that Thutmose III erected the entrance pylon in the first decades of his sole rule. There is, however, an ostracon published by Hayes that mentions the works in the temple in year 4 9 . 1 5 2 This would indicate that the king was also active in the temple in the last years of his reign. During this third phase of construction, the shrine of Hathor was erected against the southeastern corner of the temple. Ricke provided convincing arguments that Amenhotep II accomplished the decoration of the shrine. 1 5 3

T h e Temple Djeser Akhet at Deir el Bahari T h e temple of Thutmose III at Deir el Bahari was discovered in 196z. It was erected in the middle of the Deir el Bahari Valley, between the constructions of Mentuhotep and Hatshepsut. 1 5 4 T h e floor level of the temple is 3.5 meters higher than the level of the third terrace of the Hatshepsut temple. T h e Polish mission to the temple—directed by J. Lipinska—succeeded in reconstructing the plan and decoration program of large parts of the building, despite the almost complete destruction of the temple. Lipinska estimated that one-third of the temple was built on the artificial platform above the temple of Mentuhotep. After the temple fell into disuse, the parts that had been erected on this platform were completely destroyed. 1 5 5 T h e inscriptions from the temple testify—beyond any doubt—that its name was Djeser Akhet. T h e question of its possible predecessor and the interpretation of the name dsr-mnw found on the objects from the foundation deposits were thoroughly studied by L i p i n s k a . I 5 6 T h e date of construction of the temple seems to be the fifth decade of the reign. A number of texts written on the ostraka refer to the temple and allow for precise dating between the forty-third and forty-ninth regnal years. 1 5 7 Contrary to what Meyer, Dorman, and Vandersleyen claimed, 1 5 8 I do not think that the temple could have been started earlier. One of their arguments is based on the observation that the name Djeser Akhet appears in an almost completely de-

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stroyed inscription on the so-called Naville statue of Senenmut. They must admit that the temple existed under this name early in the reign of Thutmose IIL However, the temple is not mentioned in a list from the tomb of Puyemre (dating to the beginning of Thutmose Ills sole rule). Moreover, the name Djeser Akhet found there probably referred to the solar court of the temple of Hatshepsut, for it was observed by Nims that the gate to the solar court bore the name Djeser Akhet. 159 The fact that Thutmose III named his temple after the solar court of Hatshepsuts temple fits well with the other testimonies concerning the growing prominence of the solar cult toward the end of his reign. 160 One of the strongest arguments for the late dating resulted from the extensive and detailed analysis of the royal portrait. Laboury convincingly argued that the decoration of the temple belongs to the phase that began in the forty-second regnal year. 161 The temple was closely connected with the ritual of the Beautiful Feast of the Valley. 162 It was probably intended to replace the temple of Hatshepsut as a final destination of the procession. 163 Lipinska has observed that the date of the construction of the temple coincides with the beginning of the dishonoring of Hatshepsut. 164 It should be noted that the erection of the temple preceded the enlargement of the bark, since the granite doorway of Djeser Akhet was broadened after the decoration of the adjoining walls had been executed. Wiercinska suggested that the bark was enlarged between the thirtieth and thirty-third regnal years. 165 She assumed that the entrance to the repository by the Sacred Lake in Karnak was broadened at that time. However, it seems that the remodeling of its entrance was not necessarily contemporary with the erection of the outer row of pillars. 166 The southernmost room of the temple was devoted to the cult of the royal ancestors.Thutmose I andThutmose II participate in the offerings, and their names were inscribed on the doorjambs. The presence of Thutmose II may also indicate the late date of the temple. The Hypostyle Hall

The hypostyle hall is the largest room in the temple. It was oriented along the transverse north-south axis. In its original form, it was an open court identical in plan and dimensions to the upper court of the Hatshepsut temple. 1 6 7 There were triple rows of sixteen-sided columns on the western side and double rows on the remaining sides. 168 The original plan of the temple was modified and twelve thirty-two-sided columns were introduced into the court, which was transformed into the hypostyle hall. 169 These columns were estimated to have been over two meters higher that the sixteen-sided ones. Thus, the hall should be reconstructed as a basilica. 170 Preserved fragments of sandstone window gratings confirm this reconstruction. Therefore, as

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Lipinska observed, the construction scheme applied at Deir el Bahari is the same as in the Festival Hall of Akh Menu in K a r n a k . 1 7 1 Niedziölka analyzed the inscriptions on the thirty-two-sided columns and obtained additional data with respect to the axis of the hall. He convincingly argued that the direction of the inscriptions indicate that the processional axis of the hall was oriented north-south. 1 7 2 The Tunction of the Temple T h e inscriptions of the architraves describe the temple as a mansion of millions of years. T h e inner rooms of the temple, located behind the hypostyle hall, show a tripartite disposition similar to that of Akh Menu or Djeser Djeseru but executed on a smaller scale (fig. 5.5). In the central part, on the east-west axis, the bark hall and the chamber of the offering table were located.The innermost chambers, however, were located on a transverse northsouth axis. One may speculate as to whether the location of the northern sanctuary on the bent axis corresponds with the display of "private rooms" of Amun in Akh Menu. T h e southern rooms, as we have seen, were devoted to the cult of the royal ancestors and to Thutmose III himself, as he is depicted before the offering table. Obviously this layout corresponds with the southern rooms of Djeser Djeseru, where the chapels of Hatshepsut and Thutmose I were erected. T h e most interesting room in the temple is a room with four columns located to the north of the bark hall. Dolinska described its decoration and paid special attention to the niche where the depiction of the ka of Thutmose III is found (fig. 5.6). 1 7 3 T h e ka does not accompany the representation of the king and occupies the whole rear wall of the niche. Dolinska convincingly suggested that the large granodiorite statue of the king found in the room must have played a key role in its theology. Finally, Dolinska identified it as a room of the royal cult and called attention to the similarities between this room and chamber X X I I I of Akh Menu. Taking Dolinskas results into consideration, one should note that the room with four columns was located in the northern part of the temple. Thus, its position corresponds with solar chambers in all the other Theban temples of millions of years. Moreover, it seems that there was no separate chamber devoted to the sun god cult in the temple.Thus, in Djeser Akhet, the royal cult may have been combined with the solar religion. The Horus name written above the figure of the ka belongs to the socalled first jubilee set. It seems to me that it would be worth analyzing whether it might be associated with the solar cults, for example, by the rules of disposition. 1 7 4 Certainly it often appears together with the epithet M j Jwnw in one set, as is the case on the northern side of the unique obelisk. 1 7 5 In light

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of these considerations, it seems that one may support the suggestion of Niedziölka that the temple Djeser Akhet could have been planned as a unified complex related to the unique obelisk. 1 7 6

THE TEMPLES OUTSIDE THE THEBAN

REGION

Introductory Remarks Thutmose I l l s building activity outside the Theban region seems to be a valuable source of information on the royal building program and the history of the reign. It is well known that Thebes was not the capital of the country in the modern sense of the word. Heliopolis equaled, if not surpassed, Thebes' religious importance. T h e royal residence most probably was not fixed, and the king traveled throughout the country. Certainly he resided in Armant, as the inscription of Iamnedjeh testifies. 177 T h e palace Ç'harim") is known to have existed in Gurob. 1 7 8 T h e Kings son was brought up in Memphis, and some sort of war residence was probably located in Peru-Nefer. 1 7 9 T h e number of temples erected throughout Egypt was impressive; about fifty localities from Byblos to Gebel Barkal are known to have been the places of Thutmose activity. 180 It was because of such activity that some authors almost mechanically identifiedThutmoside blocks as belonging to Thutmose III constructions. Careful analysis shows that in some cases such an attribution is premature. In Kumma all the representations of Thutmose III date to the period of coregency. 181 On the island of Argo, an examination of Thutmoside blocks showed that material bearing the name Thutmose should be dated to Thutmose I V 1 8 2 A closer look at the blocks from the temple at Aniba, published by Steindorff, results in a similar observation. T h e cartouches of Thutmose contain the fragments of epithets. In one case the sign hc is preserved in front of Dhwtj (block 23). 1 8 3 Thus, Thutmose III is excluded, and—of other kings of that name—Thutmose I V is the most probable, as his epithet hc lfw was graphically disposed with If before Dhwtj and ifw below. Another block (block 26) contains the upper part of a throne name Mn-hpr ? ~RC.184 It may be the name of Thutmose III, but it is also possible to consider it Menkheperure (Thutmose I V ) , who, as we have seen, may have built in A n i b a . 1 8 5 Finally, on the last block on which part of the name of Thutmose is preserved (block 27), traces of the lower part of the sign mj may be identified. I 8 6 Thus, it should be attributed to the construction of Thutmose I, and again Thutmose III is excluded. N o t even a single block of this corpus can be attributed to Thutmose III without serious doubts. Obviously this does not mean that Thutmose III failed to contribute to the temple of Horus, lord of M i a m , 1 8 7 but no trace of this activity was identified, and one

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should be very careful when enumerating Aniba among Thutmose I l l s constructions. T h e only building that certainly dates to Thutmose I l l s reign is called by Steindorff "das G e h ö f t " 1 8 8 Door fragments found in this building were inscribed for Nehy, the viceroy under Thutmose III, who supervised the majority of constructions in Nubia during the first decade of the sole rule of his king. 1 8 9 T h e vast majority of Thutmose I l l s provincial temples are very poorly preserved. Some, particularly in the delta, are known only from the written sources. In other cases, only single blocks survived, reused in the later constructions. Some of the temples were dismantled in search of the stone, and the decorated blocks were taken to other localities. For example, Thutmose I l l s architraves and upper parts of walls from Buhen were found in Faras, 1 9 0 while blocks probably originating from Quban were built into a Roman dro~ mos in D a k k a . 1 9 1 A detailed analysis of the remains of Thutmose I l l s provincial temples would exceed the limits of this chapter. Therefore, I will focus on particular buildings as well as most valuable written sources with respect to the reconstruction of the chronological scheme for Thutmose I l l s activity. Such an approach hopefully will help determine the position of the provincial temples within the royal building program. An attempt to establish the criteria for dating and to determine the precise time of the execution of some of the provincial temples will allow us to outline the building phases and ascribe particular constructions to each phase. It should be stressed, however, that thus far only approximate dates can be suggested, since the research is far from complete. In general, the building activity of Thutmose III outside Thebes may be divided into three phases. Phase I lasted for the first few years of Thutmose I l l s sole rule (it corresponds to the regnal activity described in the Texte de la Jeunesse). T h e activity of this period shows the continuation of the architectural program of Hatshepsut. After he seized power,Thutmose III completed the queens temples with his own decorations and/or added new parts to existing buildings. N o sign of hostility toward the queen has been found during this phase. In the temple of Satet on Elephantine, Thutmose III completed the decoration of the inner rooms and decorated all of the external colonnade. 1 9 2 A text in Buhen gives the precise date for the execution of the open court (wsht-hbjt) in front of the temple erected during the coregency. It was constructed in year 23, that is, shortly after Thutmose I l l s sole rule began. 1 9 3 T h e second building phase began c. year 24. It is both temporarily and ideologically related to the program of Akh Menu. In Serabit el-Khadim the stela of Thutmose III dated to the twenty-fifth regnal year certifies a primary role of the royal cult in the temple. 1 9 4 T h e

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stela was set up in front of the pylon. It is composed of epithets referring to the coronation ceremony followed by an account of divine origin of the king who had been created by the sun god to rule over Egypt. T h e king is referred to as "the one who took the Beautiful (white crown), who joined the Two Powerful (double crown) with ankh and was" and "son of the White Crown whom Red Crown bore, whom Weret-Hekau nursed." In Semneh, Thutmose III decided to rebuild the temple first erected during the regency. As for the dating of Thutmose I l l s sole activity in Semneh, it is based on the following observations. At the northern end of the west wall, the inscription of Hatshepsut was carved (col. 2 7 ) . 1 9 5 It was covered when the temple was rebuilt. As may be seen on Caminos s drawing, the suffixes =5 were not altered. Also the name of Hatshepsut, though obliterated, seems not to have been chiseled out as were her titles in the preceding column (26). Moreover, the stylistic criteria seem to confirm a dating for the northern extension to the years 21—42 or even 23—42, for Thutmose I l l s portrait there shows a prominent nose with a high bridge. 1 9 6 In the west wall of the original temple, the door was cut after the decoration was carved. Destroyed fragments of the decoration include the southernmost scene of the wall, which is of some interest. The scene once showed three people. The representation on the left is lost due to the execution of the doors. The docket indicates that it was Senwosret III. The central part of the scene is occupied by the representation of Satet, recarved—as Caminos observed— three times (Satet I, looking left; Satet II, looking right and giving life to the person on the right; and Satet III, standing independently, looking right). 1 9 7 The person on the right is effaced. The text refers to Hatshepsut, described as a Wife of the God and the king s great wife. Apart from the titles indicating the regency period, the text clearly anticipates the royal coronation. s3t pw prt m [tíw]=k rnn.n—k s(j) mjh mrrt s^t—kpw n [ht—kjjr—s n—k mnw [mjtnwt—s pw hr—k snh nh ddt nh [It is a daughter, who came forth from your (limbs), and you nursed her with loving heart. It is your (bodily) daughter, for she made for you a foundation. Her reward from you is all health and stability.] 198 This text clearly refers to the famous passage from Senwosret I l l s stela from Semneh, which states: "As for any son of mine who shall maintain this boundary which my person has made, he is my son." 1 9 9 This seems to be the most important part of the decoration. Despite the coronation scene showing

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Thutmose III crowned by Dedwen, it is Hatshepsut who fulfilled the royal duties as defined by Senwosret III, and by the monument of her authorship she deserves the kingship. There can be little doubt that the original scene showed Senwosret III, with Hatshepsut led to him by Satet (looking left). Subsequently, when the doors were made and the representation of Senwosret III disappeared, Satet was turned right and shown as offering life to Hatshepsut (thus, this alteration must have predated year 42). Finally, after year 42, Hatshepsuts image was destroyed and only the figure of Satet remained on the wall. In Buhen, a stela dated to year 35 was erected. Klug connected a London fragment ( B M 1021) with C G 34014 and observed that, contrary to the pillar inscription of year 23, the text of year 35 stresses that the whole temple (i.e., the construction of Hatshepsut) was erected by Thutmose III. 2 0 0 Both the Semneh and Buhen testimonies show that Thutmose III began preparing for the dishonoring of Hatshepsut sometime before year 42, which is when the full prosecution started. One should combine this observation with my earlier account of the slowly growing importance of Thutmose II within the ideological program of Thutmose III.

T h e T h i r d Building Phase During the fourth and fifth decades of his reign, Thutmose III began to show a growing interest in provincial temples—in fact this may be considered an enormous boom in building investment. It is well known that "the major part of the engineering projects of the king will undoubtedly have occupied the last decade of the reign." 2 0 1 In Nubia, two temples can be dated to this period on the basis of the monuments with a date inscribed on them. T h e first is the great temple in Gebel Barkal, with a famous stela dated to year 4 7 . 2 0 2 Although the text does not deal with royal building activity, since it is focused instead on the military deeds of the king, one may suppose that the execution of the stela was connected with other works in the temple. T h e second is a rock cut stela carved outside the speos in Ellesiya, dated to year 51. 2 0 3 Stela from Ellesiya is a duplicate of the text from Buhen (dated to year 23). T h e Ellesiya version was therefore carved twenty-eight years later. T h e two texts differ slightly, but a comparison allows some interesting conclusions. T h e only passage, which had been alternated, may possibly be meaningful. Hence a comparison: Ellesiya (Urk. IY811.13-16) ntr nfr mjtj Rc jwc mnh n ntrw

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swhtjkr nt Jmn pr m ht rn rjtt tj mj-kd—f

[Perfect god, which is like Re, excellent heir of gods, unblemished egg of Amun, who goes forth from (his) body, the one nursed to conquer whole earth.] Buhen (Urk. IV807.2-4) swd.n—f n—fjwct—f m ht rh.n—f nd—f~r hr—f

[He assigned for him his heritage (already) in a body (i.e., divine body, before royal birth), while he knew his oracle concerning him.] The differences between the introductory parts of the texts from Buhen and Ellesiya show some interesting features at closer look. Buhen text contains rather short passage describing the king as an heir of gods. It should be noted that the phrase swd.n—f n—fjwct—f appears in the text from the portico of Punt in Hatshepsut temple at Deir el Bahari ( Urk. IV341.9). If my interpretation of nd—f-r as "his oracle" is appropriate, 204 this phrase must have referred to the event described in the Texte de la Jeunesse. The elimination of the whole passage from the text of Ellesiya stela may thus have been connected with the change of royal ideology, dishonoring of the queen Hatshepsut and looking for another legitimization pattern. The introductory passage newly created for Ellesiya version stresses that the king was created to rule over Egypt: he is called "unblemished egg of Amun" and is said to have been brought up to possess the entire earth (m r jtt t3 mj-kd—f Urk. IV812.1). 2 0 5 It should be noted that the phraseology of Ellesiya text is almost repeated in the Sphinx stela of Amenhotep II: "heir of Re, [son of Amun], shining seed, holy egg of divine flesh [. . .]. As he came from the womb, he wore the crown, he conquered the earth while yet in the egg." It is well known that Amenhotep II appealed to Thutmose III in his ideological program. It is well seen in the narrative part of Sphinx stela where the words of Thutmose III are "quoted" to prove that Amenhotep was designated as a legitimate heir to the throne. It is also well known that Amenhotep II continued the prosecution of Hatshepsut. 206 The Autobiography of Minmose

The most important written source testifying to the enormous activity toward the end of Thutmose I l l s reign is the autobiographical inscription of

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Minmose, an overseer of the works of Thutmose III north of the Theban district* T h e career of Minmose flourished in the Thutmoside "forties," and he is known also for supervising the opening of the quarries in Tura for Amenhotep I L 2 0 7 T h e text enumerates twenty temples (of which three entries are lost) erected under the supervision of this official during the last years of the reign of Thutmose I I L 2 0 8 Minmose had another stela carved in Tura in the year 4 of Amenhotep IL Minmose is said to have opened the quarries to provide the limestone to construct the temples of millions of years. 209 Ullmann checked the representations of the gods in the upper part of Minmose stela and observed that the majority of these deities were worshiped in the temples built by Minmose under Thutmose I I L 2 1 0 However, on the statue of Minmose from Medamud the very same temples are simply referred to as r~prw.211 One element of the autobiography of Minmose seems to be worth analyzing with respect to the dating of temples not mentioned in the inscription. Thus, a short historical excursus will now be necessary, for Minmose s career included a military episode. He participated in the expedition to Mitanni and, together with his king, crossed the Euphrates in year 33. 2 1 2 He also took part in the Nubian expedition of Thutmose III, and therefore we shall now focus on the date of this expedition. The Nubian Txpedition In the biography of Minmose, the Nubian expedition is enumerated after the campaign of year 33 to Syria. T h e Annals from Karnak do not mention any engagement of the Egyptian army in battle in Nubia during years 23—42. Nubia, however, was not ignored in this text (which would imply that the Annals are wholly confined to the Syrian wars). Nubian tribute was recorded to have been brought to Egypt from the year 30 onward. Davies observed that sons of the chieftain of the land of Irem were brought to Egypt in year 3 4 . 2 1 3 However, the accounts of the Nubian campaign of Thutmose III stress that it was conducted against the land of M/'u> and the name of Irem does not appear in this context. 2 1 4 Moreover, the arrival of the sons of the Nubian elite was not necessarily the result of a military defeat. T h e most important source for the date of the Nubian campaign is an inscription of Thutmose III in Kurguz. Most probably this is the stela that, according to Thutmose I l l s records, was carved after the Nubian victory. 2 1 5 T h e Kurguz inscription makes it explicit that the expedition to the land of Mjw took place after the eighth campaign in Syria. A more precise date may perhaps be obtained from a second historical inscription from Kurguz. 2 1 6 T h e inscription begins with a date. According to Davies, the inscribed numeral, "which is slightly eroded, cannot be 35 but is almost certainly 44." In

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the second line, there are the traces of a cartouche, but only a small fragment of the last sign is preserved. One would be inclined to interpret the last sign in the cartouche as 5 rather than the mr suggested by Davies. Davies, on the basis of his reading, proposed that the name in the cartouche might have been that of Ramesses II. Even if one were to accept Davies s interpretation of the sign, it would be difficult to accept his identification of the name, for the epithet mrj Jmn usually appears at the beginning of Ramesses l i s cartouches. T h e reading 5 does not exclude either Ramesses II (who left his cartouches in Kurguz) or Thutmose III. However, year 44 would also fit the date of the stela from Gebel Barkal (year 47), where the campaign is alluded to, as well as the testimony of Thutmose I l l s graffito from Sehel Island. According to this text, dated to the fiftieth regnal year, a channel was dug near Elephantine to improve access to Nubia. T h e king is also said to have crushed his enemies. wd hm—j sjd mr pn m-higmt—j sw db3w m jnrw n skd.n dpi hr—j hd.n—j hr—j jh—j jw sm^.n—j hjijw—j (Urk. 4, 814.11—16) [His majesty orders that this channel be dug after he found it (lit., his founding it) blocked with stones—so that no boat could sail on i t — when he travelled downstream on it and his heart was happy after he had crushed his enemies.] 2 1 7 On the basis of this translation, one may suggest the following sequence of events: the king was returning to the north after a military campaign when he ascertained that the channel was blocked and ordered its redigging. If this interpretation is correct, the campaign mentioned in the graffito would have been earlier than the work on the channel. Thus, it predated year 50, when the channel was probably opened. T h e suggested forty-fourth year for the Nubian campaign of Thutmose III would fit this reconstruction very well. The Temple oj Armani T h e Nubian expedition is mentioned in the text of the stela of Thutmose III from Armant. 2 1 8 T h e deeds of the king described on the stela include the expedition to Naharin, crossing the Euphrates, and executing there a stela of a victory as well as hunting elephants in Syria. All of those events are known from the Annals and date to year 33 of Thutmose I l l s reign. T h e information about the expedition to Nubia follows the description of the campaign against Mitanni.

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jn.n—f š3kb m stt hr h3st rsjtt_3~stjm~ht wd3—f r Mjw r hhj htn(w) sw m /3 pf [He (Thutmose III) brought the rhinoceros with archery in the southern deserts of Nubia after he went up to Mjw to look for him, who disobeyed him in that land.] It has been suggested that the Nubian campaign took place in year 23 or earlier. 219 However, the Armant stela specifically identifies the campaign of the twenty-third year (culminating in the siege of Megiddo) as the first victorious campaign of Thutmose III. Certainly it excludes any probability of an earlier campaign in Nubia. T h e text also states clearly that: smn.n—f wd—fjm mj jrt.n—f m phwj [He (Thutmose III) set up his stela there (i.e., in Nubia), as he has done in the North.] This northern expedition of Thutmose III, which resulted in the execution of the stela, took place in year 33. Taking into consideration the probable late date for the autobiography of Minmose, the testimony of the Annals, the date of the Sehel grafitto, and the dates of the Gebel Barkal and Ellesiya stelae, one could assume that the Nubian expedition of Thutmose III took place in the last decade of the king s reign. 2 2 0 Thus, the temple of Armant would also date to this period. At the very least, a pylon must have been decorated after the king returned from Nubia, for a representation of a rhinoceros is depicted on it. There is another argument in favor of late decoration for Thutmose I l l s constructions. Gardiner identified the relief fragment kept in the Vatican Museums (no. 271) as a wall fragment from the temple of Armant. 2 2 1 It is a fragment of the scene of purification, and the head of the king is preserved. T h e nose of the king seems to be typical for the late portrait (executed after year 4 2 ) . 2 2 2 It should also be noted that one of the wall fragments was decorated (jointly?) by Thutmose III and Amenhotep I I . 2 2 3 The Temple of Buto T h e text of the Thutmose III stela from Buto probably reflects the Nubian expedition. Mn~hpr~Rc pdtj n Mntwjrj t3š—f r wpt-tj hr Mjw Kjs hn—f m mrt—f [Menkheperre is the archer of Montu, the one who makes his (southern) borders (extended) to the horn of the earth. Mjw and Kush are with him as his underlings.]

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Bedier noticed many similarities between this stela from Buto and the one from Gebel Barkal, 2 2 4 and she suggested that the Buto inscription should be dated to year 4 7 . 2 2 5 She pointed out that this goes well with the fact that Buto is listed among the temples enumerated in the biography of Minmose. The Tpithet hk3 Jwnw Apart from the biography of Minmose and the date of the Nubian expedition, there exists another element that allows for the identification of a particular temple as belonging to the last decade of Thutmose I l l s reign. That is the epithet hkj Jwnw, written within the royal cartouche. Niedziölka suggested that this particular epithet occurs only in decorations executed during the last years of Thutmose I l l s reign. 2 2 6 In Thebes, this epithet is written in the temple Djeser Akhet at Deir el Bahari, on the single obelisk, and on two gates of the chateau de Tor in Karnak. 2 2 7 Outside the Theban region, it occurs on the obelisks and gate from Heliopolis, the lintel presently in the Cairo Museum ( R T 8 / 6 / 1 4 / n ) , 2 2 8 the fragmentary inscription from Kom Ombo (?), 2 2 9 and the lintel from Elkab. It is also inscribed on the famous royal statue presently in the Museo Egizio in Turin. On stylistic criteria alone, it may be dated after year 4 2 . 2 3 0 The Temple of Heliopolis Thutmose III was, in the fifth decade of his reign, one of the most active kings in terms of building activity in Heliopolis. 2 3 1 T h e traces of his activity in the city include the pair of obelisks that are now standing in London (right) and N e w York (left). T h e inscription on the London monument states that they were erected on the occasion of the fourth jubilee of the king. 2 3 2 It is not certain, however, how long the period was between the first and subsequent royal jubilees of Thutmose III. Thutmose III erected the enclosure wall with gate in its southern part. 2 3 3 One jamb contains a royal protocol with the Horus name of the so-called first jubilee set, a ring name with the epithet hkj Jwnw inside, and finally the phrase "beloved of Atum-Khepri."The opposite jamb bears the name of ReHarakhty instead of Atum-Khepri, the Horus name kj nht hc m W^st, and the ring epithet M j M j t . T h e enclosure wall dates to year 47, as testified by stela Berlin 1634. 2 3 4 Another stela dated to the same year records the donations by Thutmose III to Mnevis. 2 3 5 One should mention an important source that may be connected with Thutmose I l l s activity in Heliopolis. So-called Berlin Leather Roll (Berlin 3029) contains an account of building activity of Senwosret I in the temple copied from the monumental hieroglyphic inscription. Its dating is controversial and there are some reasons to advocate the Eighteenth Dynasty date

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for the composition or at least redaction of this version of the text. 236 Close resemblance between the text of the Berlin Leather Roll and the Texte de la Jeunesse of Thutmose III were acknowledged already in de Bucks publication. 2 3 7 Spalinger has shown that the relation between the king and deity closely resembles Thutmose Ills ideology. 238 However, a number of scholars defended the Middle Kingdom date of the text. 239 One should observe that the description of royal construction in Heliopolis contains the word jwnn, exactly like in the Texte de la Jeunesse. The word is not attested before the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 240 Moreover it seems to be the word used exclusively during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties; the later examples are only those of the Ptolemaic period. 2 4 1 Taking into consideration that the Texte de la Jeunesse was paralleled by the Königsnovelle of Senwosret I copied from Middle Kingdom original, one may suggest, that the text of Berlin Leather Roll may have been composed on the basis of the original inscription of Senwosret I to be placed together with Thutmose I l l s Königsnovelle (today lost) on the wall of the temple (sanctuary?) in Heliopolis rebuilt by Thutmose III. The parallel between the Texte de la Jeunesse and the composition of the Berlin Leather Roll could be explained by Gabolde s suggestion that Karnak was in fact a "copy" of the temple in Heliopolis. 2 4 2 It should be observed, however, that testimonies of Thutmose I l l s constructions in Heliopolis come from external parts of the building (obelisks, enclosure wall, gates of the wall, and Mnevis enclosure). N o monument mentioned above attests Thutmose I l l s intervention within Senwosret I s structure. However, in 1967 the excavations in the area of Senwosret I s obelisk revealed quartzite block of Thutmose III. Two other blocks of the same construction were discovered in 1972. 2 4 3 El-Banna has fairly suggested the material and decoration pattern indicate that the monument comes from the sanctuary of the temple. The problem acknowledged by El-Banna is that of the relation between and original position of Thutmose I l l s construction (sanctuary) and obelisk of Senwosret I. It is not easy to address this issue for one may not be certain whether (and if yes, when) the obelisk was removed from its original position. However, it seems highly probable that Thutmose III reconstructed the inner part of Senwosret I s temple.Thus it is also possible that similarly to Karnak, Thutmose III recarved Senwosret I s inscription having edited it to fit his own ideological program. 244 The Temple of Tlkab

The building history of the temple of Elkab may be reconstructed on the basis of the blocks reused in the foundations of the Late Period construction. Van Sielen dated the enlargement of the temple to the coregency with

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Hatshepsut. 245 I argued that Thutmose I l l s activity is attested in the last years of his reign. 246 Still, new data on the history of the temple may be provided.The temple was undoubtedly rebuilt by Hatshepsut. 247 However, contrary to Van Sielen, I doubt that it was the period in which the open court (wsht-hbjt) was constructed. The architraves are decorated exclusively with original names of Thutmose III (figs. 5.7—5.8). The epithet hk3M3t and the Horus name K3 nht hc m M3ct can be seen. 248 One of the architraves of the court (or peristyle) bears the Thutmose III protocol, with the epithet nb hps inside the ring. 249 That would indicate that the court was decorated during the first half of Thutmose I l l s sole rule. 250 The second building phase of Thutmose III is attested by the unpublished lintel on which the epithet hk3 Jwnw is inscribed in the cartouche of the king (fig. 5.9). Moreover, one of the blocks built into the foundations of the Great temple was inscribed with a date—probably years 47, 48, or 49 of the reign of the king, Mn-[. . .J-Rc. Weigall, who published this block in 1908, interpreted it as the name of Thutmose III. 2 5 1

The Temple of Amun-Re and Re-Harakhty in Amada

Text of the Stela Among the provincial temples built during the last phase, an impressive number were decorated jointly by Thutmose III and his son and successor Amenhotep II. They are often considered as proof for a coregency of the two rulers. Certainly those temples must have been founded in the last years of Thutmose Ills reign. 252 The temple of Amun-Re and Re-Harakhty in Amada is of particular interest with respect to the history of the early Eighteenth Dynasty. 253 The temple is preserved from the foundations to the roof, and the richness of the wall representations has no parallel in any of the provincialThutmoside temples. Three of the Thutmoside rulers, namely, Thutmose III, Amenhotep II, and Thutmose I V are represented on the walls. The most important source for the building history is a stela of Amenhotep II carved at the rear wall of the central chamber N.The text is almost identical to the stela from the temple of Khnum at Elephantine. The stela of Amada is dated to year 3 of Amenhotep II. The fragment concerning the building history of the temple begins with a statement. 254 jstjn hm—fsnfr hwt-ntr tnjr.njt—f njswt-bjtjMn-hpr-Rc njtw—f ntrw nbw255

[His majesty (Amenhotep II) beautified this temple, which his father, king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Menkheperre, made for his fathers, all the gods.]

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After the description of the temple, introduced by the stative, the following passage is found. n-mrt mn rn-wr njt—f 53 Rc Dhwtj-ms m r-pr pn r nhh hn dt [(He beautified the temple) with a desire that the great name of his father, the son or Re, Thutmose, would last in this enclosure for eternity.] wnfn hm n ntrpn nfr njswt bjtj nb t3wj cj-hprw-Rc hr wts wf w3w3t njtw—f nbw hrjrt n—f bhnt wrt mjnr n rwdt ift-hr wsht-hbjt256 [Then the majesty of this perfect god, king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of two lands, (Amenhotep II) stretched up the cord and loosened the line for all his fathers and made for him a great pylon of stone in front of an open court.] T h e structure of this text expresses precisely the sequence of events. T h e act of "beautifying" the temple for Thutmose was prior to the erection of the court and pylon. Thus, the beautifying has nothing to do with the new investments of Amenhotep II. T h e commonly accepted meaning of the verb snfr is "to embellish, make beautiful." 2 5 7 It was Björkman who, having accepted the meaning "embellish," tried to go further. She analyzed the stela of Amenhotep II from Amada, as well as the stela from Elephantine, and noted that "exactly what kind of work the verb snfr 'to make beautiful' implies is hard to say. It may mean to complete an existing monument." 2 5 8 Breasted, in his translation of the text from Amada, suggested, but with no comments, the meaning "to supply with inscriptions." 259 Tefnin and Laboury commented on the verb snfr, inscribed on the colossal statues of Amenhotep I placed in front of Pylon V I I I in Karnak. Tefnin proposed that it could mean "soit l'achèvement du monument, soit la simple substitution d'une dedication personelle." 260 Laboury added: "Le verbe snfr signifie littéralement 'parfaire,' et, appliqué à un monument, il peut aussi bien désigner une restauration qu'un parachèvement." 261 T h e royal building records in which the verb snfr occurs include the following. 1. T h e inscription of Thutmose III carved on two statues of Thutmose II and that representing Amenhotep I placed in front of Pylon V I I I m Karnak 2 6 2 2. A rather obscure inscription on the statue of Thutmose III from Asfun263 3. T h e stelae of Amenhotep II from Amada and Elephantine

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4. T h e inscription on a royal statue dedicated by Thutmose I V on the north-south axis of Karnak 2 6 4 5. T h e inscription of Thutmose I V carved on a single obelisk of Thutmose I I I 2 6 5 In the royal context, the action expressed with the verb snfr seems to be connected exclusively with the monuments of the royal predecessors. 266 It is a sign of considerable devotion toward the ancestor, whose name was to endure as a result of this act (which is clearly expressed in the text on Amenhotep l i s stelae). Since snfr is a causative verb, it is obvious that its meaning is inseparably connected with the signification of the root nfr. While a number of meanings—including "beautiful," "good," "happy," and "fair"—have been suggested, it seems that the English word "perfect" would be the most adequate. Thus, the verb snfr should literally mean "to make perfect." T h e notion of being perfect includes the concept of being finished, fully accomplished, not requiring any improvement or alteration. To make something perfect would then mean also to complete it. To support these considerations, one may recall a use of nfr with the meaning of a negative verb. 2 6 7 Long ago, Gardiner suggested that nfr may signify "finished." 2 6 8 That would explain why the phrase nfr pw was used for a negation. While permanent building activity is considered one of the duties of the king, his constructions cannot be completed before he is dead. It is only after his death that his foundations may finally be called perfect, that is, completed. And it is a duty of the faithful son and heir to make them perfect. This could mean that Amenhotep II was referring to his activity after his father died. Decoration of the Temple T h e temple in Amada consists of two parts. T h e temple proper and the pylon gate were decorated with names and representations of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II. Thutmose I V rebuilt an open court of Amenhotep II and erected a hypostyle hall. T h e decoration of Thutmose III/Amenhotep II was carefully planned and seems to have been executed at one time. 2 6 9 T h e northern part of the temple is devoted to Re-Harakhty, and the king most frequently depicted on the walls is Thutmose III. T h e southern part of the temple is decorated with representations of Amun-Re and Amenhotep II. Since the decoration is carefully designed, and no traces of changes or additions can be observed, the question arises as to of what exactly the "beautifying" of the temple by Amenhotep II consisted. To address this problem, one should analyze the iconographie program of the temple.

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T h e most interesting chamber of the temple is room L. It is decorated with representations of the founding of the temple ceremony, with specific rituals (the hwt-bhsw, the offering of the mrt chests, and the royal course with the hs vases). One should note that it is exclusivelyThutmose III who is shown as the founder of the temple. T h e ceremony occupies the northern wall of the room.Thutmose stretches the cord in front of the goddess Seshat. Thutmose is depicted in front of Amun in the scene described as rdjt pr n nb—f Jmnj "giving the house to his lord Amun." Amenhotep II is represented on the southern wall as performing the rituals in front of Amun. One may get the impression that Thutmose is the king who founded the temple, but it is actually Amenhotep II who acts as a living king in the temple. This impression finds confirmation in further research. T h e dedication formulas from the temple are of Thutmose III; none bear the name of Amenhotep. But it is only Amenhotep II who is purified by Horus Behedety and Thoth (room H). T h e texts that accompany the scene of purification are as follows. Horus: sw^b(—j) tw m cnh w35 . . . šsp tw nbw k^rw—sn [I purified you with ankh and was . . . May the Lords of their chapels receive you.] Toth: dj.n (—j) n—k htpwt df3w [I gave for you offerings and food offerings.] At Amada, it is exclusively Amenhotep II who is given a share of the offerings; that is, he is the only performer and the only living beneficiary of the cult rituals in the temple. Moreover, let us remember the description of the Pylon-founding ceremony. At Amada, the text states: wnfn hm n ntr pn nfr njswt bjtj 3 hprw~Rc hr wts wf w3w3t njtw—f nbw hr jrt n—f (sic) bhnt wrt mjnr n rwdt hft~hr wsht-hbjt [Then the majesty of this perfect god Amenhotep II stretched up the cord and loosened the line for all his fathers and made for him a great pylon of stone in front of an open court.] T h e gods of Amada, Re-Harakhty and Amun-Re, are referred to on the stela in the plural. It may therefore be suggested that the suffix pronoun 3 masc. sing, can only denote Thutmose I I I . 2 7 0 In the light of these considerations, it seems reasonable to suggest that Amenhotep II could have been the sole ruler responsible for executing the

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decoration of the temple founded by his father. This decoration should then be considered the "beautifying" (i.e., the completing) of the temple. 2 7 1 Temple of Khnum on Tlephantine T h e stela of Amenhotep II found on Elephantine Island is inscribed with a text identical to that found at Amada. Some works in the temple were undertaken during the coregency of Thutmose III and Hatshepsut, but it is only Thutmose III who appears to have largely contributed to the decoration, while the open court architraves were inscribed for Amenhotep II and Thutmose I V 2 7 2 A wall fragment of sandstone published by Van Sielen seems to indicate that Amenhotep II also decorated inner parts of the temple. 2 7 3 T h e block is decorated on two parallel faces. Both sides are decorated in raised relief, so the block must have come from the wall of the temple proper. Van Sielen identified the scene as showing Amenhotep II offering before his deceased father. Therefore, the block published by Van Sielen may be considered as part of the temple completed (.snfr') by Amenhotep II. On Elephantine fragments of the pylon were identified that—surprisingly—were decorated with the names of Thutmose I I I . 2 7 4 Grallert argued that the pylon must have been started and even partly decorated by Thutmose III, while Amenhotep II would have finished his fathers work.The text of the stela, however, clearly divides Amenhotep l i s activity into two succeeding phases. T h e first, introduced by the particle jst, is the completion/ decoration of the temple.The second, introduced by the scim.jn—f form of the verb wnn, is the new investment (begun with a foundation ceremony) of the pylon and pillared court. Grallert s opinion is based on the lack of the phrase m mjwt, "anew." She ignores, however, the temporal dependency of the two clauses in question. T h e building history of the temple of Khnum at Elephantine has been summed up by von Pilgrim, while the developed argument for the attribution of the pylon to Thutmose III was given by Bommas. 2 7 5 While it is unquestionable that the pylon was decorated with the names of Thutmose III, I would still not reject the possibility that it was built by Amenhotep II in honor of his father. Von Pilgrim suggested that the temple had two open courts and that the word bekhenet on Amenhotep l i s stela might refer to the monumental entrance within the enclosure wall. However, the enclosure wall is enumerated earlier on the stela ( Urk. IV1295.4—6), in the passage devoted to completing Thutmose I l l s investments. An important issue may be the phrase sp snw\ which could refer to the infinitive jrt, "making for the second time," that is, after Thutmose III founded it. Observe also the dative n—f in hr jrt n—f lohnt. Although on Elephantine it might well refer to Khnum, in Amada it must have referred to Thutmose III. Provided that the construc-

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tion of the pylon by Amenhotep II was accomplished in accordance with the plans and in honor of Thutmose III, one could arrive at an explanation for the extraordinary remark concerning the erection of the stela (Urk. IV1296.7—12), which states that his majesty set up the stela with the name of Amenhotep II carved on it. 2 7 6

A n Attempt at Interpretation T h e reason for such intense building activity toward the end of the reign is not easy to determine. One should observe that the enormous architectural program outside the Theban region was accompanied by two remarkable constructions in Thebes, namely, the temple Djeser Akhet at Deir el Bahari and the single obelisk in eastern Karnak (which, however, was erected thirtyfive years later by Thutmose I V ) . Both of these monuments are specifically connected to the royal cult, especially, it seems, to its solar aspect. T h e enlargement of the temple in Heliopolis would fit this scheme, as would the fact that Thutmose III resided in southern Heliopolis—in Armant—and there erected the stela that was a "summary" of royal deeds. Two temples devoted to the cult of Sobek seem also to be connected to the royal and solar cult. It does not seem accidental that both the temple at Kom Ombo and the temple in G u r o b 2 7 7 may be dated to the third period of Thutmose I l l s activity (the epithet M j Jwnw probably appears at both temples). 278 It should be observed that Sobek seems to be a deity closely connected with royalty. In Shedet, he was worshiped together with Horus as the "Hymn to the Red Crown" shows. 2 7 9 At Amada, Thutmose III is depicted on the northern walls of the chambers offering before Re-Harakhty, while the representations of his son and successor Amenhotep II occupy the southern walls, where he consecrates offerings for Amun-Re. T h e question remains as to whether the activity of the third phase was connected with the dishonoring of queen Hatshepsut, which begun after year 42, and whether it had something to do with the succession of a young Amenhotep II. Certainly Amenhotep II continued the architectural program of his father. T h e young king added his own parts to a number of buildings erected by Thutmose III. We have seen, however, that the persecution of Hatshepsut was not due to a sudden change in royal politics but rather the result of slow and careful preparation. T h e growing prominence of Thutmose II within the ideological program of his son, combined with the building activity after year 24 (e.g., at Semneh and Buhen, the dismantling of the chapelle rouge, and covering the obelisks of the queen), shows clearly that the activities of year 42 were not a revolution but the final stage in a long process. Therefore, the re-

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lationships among the enormous amount of building activity of the last decade of Thutmose Ills reign, the persecution of Hatshepsut, the succession of Amenhotep II, and the prominence of solar religion in royal ideology seem to have been complex. Certainly further research is needed to explain them.

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I am most indebted to Professor Jadwiga Lipinska for her support, continuous advice, and encouragement. Indeed, I am unable to express my immense gratitude in any standard formula. I willingly acknowledge my debt to Dariusz Niedziálka for his severe but always constructive critical remarks, as well as for sharing his ideas with me so freely. I hope I have managed to show the scale of his assistance in the notes that follow. M y sincere appreciation goes to my friends Sebastian Matuszewski and Wawrzyniec Zakrzewski, who generously offered their assistance, both intellectual and technical. Last but not least grateful thanks are due to the editors of the present volume for their trust and patience. 1. Cf. Daumas (1973) 13—20; and Sauneron (1952) 37—39. 2. As will be seen in these notes, this chapter was written in the shadow, if I may say so, of the excellent book by Dmitri Laboury on the statuary of Thutmose III. Although I do not always follow its conclusions, I found it impossible not to take the ideas presented there into careful consideration. 3. The text is being prepared by L. Gabolde and B. Mathieu. The hieroglyphical text is found in Urk. IV155—75. For historical comments, see Laboury (1998a) 547—60. 4. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 26; Laboury (1998a) 544—45. 5. On the meaning of this representation, see Habachi (1985) 349—59. 6. These are again two dates, namely, when the intervention of Amun and the nomination to the throne took place and when the constructions described in the text were built. In this chapter, I will deal with the latter problem. 7. Cf. Dorman (1988) 47—50, 55—58; and Laboury (1998a) 33. 8. Spalinger (1997) 275; Laboury (1998a) 569—71. 9. Urk. IV167.1—10. 10. Nims (1966) 99—100; Dorman (1988) 50—55. Few names of Hatshepsut were effaced after the chapel was dismantled. 11. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 25—26. 12. See Carlotti (1995) 141—57, pis. I—Y although some doubts were expressed earlier in Dorman (1988) 61. 13. Remains of those walls were observed by Borchardt (1905): 19, abb. 14. Dorman (1988: 60—61) observed that no attempt was made to unify scenes once separated by these walls; thus, he assumed that the walls were dismantled shortly before the wall of Annals was constructed (i.e., around year 42). 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

Carlotti (1995) 151; similarly, see Nims (1966) 97. Björkman (1971) 79. Cf. Wysocki (1986) 213-28. Hintze and Reineke (1989) 38, 90. Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny (1952—55), no. 181. Nims (1966) 98—99.

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20. Cf. Laboury (1998a: 542), who dates Thutmose I l l s portraits in room X V I to the coregency; according to Laboury, portraits in room X V I I I are contemporary with a decoration of Akh Menu. 21. As these are the rooms in the center of the temple, it does not seem likely that they were left without decoration for a longer period. 22. Urk. IV166.7ff. 23. Loprieno (1995) 152—54, 165; Ritter (1995) 153. 24. Delvaux (1988) 53—67. 25. Gabolde (1993) 56, n. 185. Such an interpretation was suggested as early as 1989 by D. Niedziölka in his M.A. thesis, devoted to the eastern part of Karnak at the time of Thutmose III: "Wschodni sektor Karnaku w czasach Totmesa III," University of Warsaw, 1989, 11-15. 26. Laboury (1998a) 552—56. A critical review of this interpretation is presented in Niedziölka (2000) 53—57.1 follow Niedziölka in this matter. 27. Wallet-Lebrun (1994) 235—36. 28. W b I.55: "Wohnung eines Gottes"; Faulkner (1962) 13 "sanctuary"; Spencer (1984) 103 ("general term for a sacred place, a 'shrine' or 'sanctuary' in its broadest sense"). 29. Urk. IV610—18; jwnn occurs in 612.5 and 618.12. 30. von Beckerath (1981) 41—49. 31. Gardiner (1952) 6—23, pis. II—IX. 32. Urk. IV854.8, commented on in Wallet-Lebrun (1994) 235—36. 33. On the category of wonder, see Vernus (1995) 74. 34. Urk. IV854. 35. Spalinger (1997) 295-97. 36. Urk. IV172.15ff. 37. Laboury (1998a) 558—60. This would also fit the date of the eastern obelisks of the queen. Cf. Habachi (1984) 68 on the graffito of Senenmut. 38. Cf. my earlier analysis of the function of the particle jst. 39. Wallet-Lebrun (1994) 255, n. 114. For other interpretations and translations of the passage, cf. Klug (2002) 122: sjptj—"Revision"; and Beylage (2002) 91, n. 278: sjpj—"ein Bauwerk errichten." 40. Lauffray (1969) 192—95, passim. 41. Such a supposition may be confirmed by the choice of verbs used in the passage. 42. This may be confirmed by another passage on the stela, which describes the site before Akh Menu was founded. The rubble is said to reach the "sanctuary"—jwjt. 43. For the statue of Hapuseneb and the Netjery Menu of Thutmose II, built of limestone, cf. Wallet-Lebrun (1994) 235—36. 44. Cf. Barguet (1962) 149. 45. The above discussion was influenced to a considerable degree by the ideas of D. Niedziálka. Nevertheless, I cannot agree with his identification of Netjery Menu as the predecessor of Akh Menu. 46. On the chapelle rouge the name Netjery Menu is written inside the sign hwt. A parallel may be found in the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahari, where the name of the temple sanctuary is written in the same manner; cf. Naville (1906), pi. 139. 47. 48. 49. 50.

Urk. IV167.15ff. Ibid., 168.15—169.2 Graindorge and Martinez (1989) 53. Cf. Barguet (1962) 126.

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51. Urk. IY169.4—15. 52. Ibid, 169.15ff. 53* Laboury (1998a) 39, n. 226. 54. Ibid, 34, n. 194. 55. C £ Kuentz (1925) 16—17 on the temples of Amada and Elephantine (Khnum). 56. Nims (1969) 70, 73. This text is probably much later than the Texte de la Jeunesse (see my ensuing discussion). 57. So Maarouf and Zimmer (1993) 227—32, figs. 3—4, 236—37. Their interpretation is far from being certain, however, as observed by L. Gabolde (1998: 77). 58. The phase dw3 rhjt would indicate it. Cf. Barguet (1962: 308), who claimed that it is a western gate to the enclosure. 59. Azim (1980) 153—65. 60. It may seem doubtful the temple of Ptah was mentioned here. Despite the fact that it had to be begun with a foundation ceremony and that there existed an earlier brick temple erected by Thutmose I l l s predecessors (cf. the stela in Urk. IY763ff.), the Texte de la Jeunesse concerns the monuments erected exclusively in honor of Amun. However, as Björkman (1971: 94) noticed, Thutmose III instituted offerings for Amun in the temple, and the passage Urk. IY767.15 must refer to Amun rather than to Ptah. 61. Otto (1952) 27. 62. Urk. IY175.11. 63. Graindorge and Martinez (1989) 53. 64. Spalinger (1997) 277. 65. Beaux (1990) 39—40. 66. I do not follow the suggestion of L. Gabolde (1998: 141—42), who claimed that Akh Menu was the principal sanctuary of the temple during the Thutmoside period. 67. That it is Thutmose III who introduces the form of a basilica to Egyptian architecture seems to be indisputable. However, Gabolde (1998: 80) noticed that the second peristyle of the temple of Senwosret I probably was transformed into the basilica by Thutmose III. As year 20 is preserved on a fragment of architrave, it is possible that it was the only basilica that preceded Akh Menu. Still, the basilica of the Middle Kingdom temple would be a result of transformation and not a unified architectural plan. 68. Haeny (1970) 7—17. 69. Pécoil (2001), pis. 96, 98, 103—6. 70. On this part of the temple, see Lauffray (1969) 179—218. For the "botanical garden," see Beaux (1990) passim. 71. See also six niches in a bark hall and three chapels around the sanctuary of Amun in Hatshepsut s mansion of millions of years at Deir el Bahari. For the plan, see Pawlicki (2000) 154. 72. Barguet (1962) 203. On the northern rooms, see Traunecker (1989) 89—111. 73. The western obelisk was taken to Constantinople, where it stands today. For the inscription, see Urk. IY586—87. For the crossing of the river on the way to Naharin, see 587.13. 74. Barguet (1962) 270. 75. Urk. IY188.15ff. 76. See my earlier remarks on Pylon Y I . 77. Laboury (1998a) 37—38. 78. That was why Laboury identified Pylon Y I I with the construction enumerated in the Texte de la Jeunesse; which, as we have seen, is not likely to be the case. 79. Borchardt (1938) 91: "Es ist sehr wahrscheinlich, daß Erweiterung und Abschlußmauer

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gleichzeitig im Jahre 34 gebaut wurden, da in diesem Jahre die Bautätigkeit Thutmosis* III sich besonders auf diese Gegend erstreckt hat" 80. Nims (1969) 70, 73; Van Sielen (1984a) 53. 81. Urk. IV183.11. 82. Nims (1955) 113, 122, inscription 3. 83. Urk. IV852.5. Cf. Borchardt (1938) 90—93; and Barguet (1962) 266—67. Both authors date this inscription to year 34. 84. Such an interpretation of the formula used by Thutmose III is favored by Niedziölka, who communicated it to me. 85. This identification was made by Borchardt (1938: 67), based on the decoration of the walls of the naos. The analysis by Laboury (1998a: 200—203) seems to have finally resolved the problem of identification. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 1989.

Varille (1950) 142. Ibid., 145—46. Laboury (1998a) 527—28. Ibid., 202. So concluded Niedziölka in his unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Warsaw,

91. Traunecker (1989) 89—111. 92. Ibid., 104. 93. Ibid., 101—2. Inscription 2. 94. Barguet (1962) 109ff. 95. For a new interpretation concerning the Tuthmoside w3djt see Carlotti and Gabolde (forthcoming). On that subject, see Barguet (1962) 100—103; and Laboury (1998a) 47—49, with references. 96. On the chronology of this remodeling, cf. Dorman (1988) 64. 97. Ibid., 56—57. 98. Barguet (1962) no. 99. Urk. IV847.3—4; see also 12—13. 100. Urk. IV840.9—13. All of the verb forms—s dm. n—f, sdm—f sdm(w)—f—are substantival. 101. Dorman (1988) 63. 102. One should point to the other examples of Thutmose I l l s devotion to his grandfather: the cult of Thutmose I was introduced to the mortuary temple Henketankh (as a later addition) and the temple Djeser Akhet at Deir el Bahari (beginning in the forty-second or forty-third regnal year). After the persecution started, the names of Thutmose I replaced those of Hatshepsut in some of her constructions. 103. It should be noted that the entrance to the central rooms was preceded by the portico of Thutmose III. This porch must have been constructed before the hall of Annals was erected, since the southern wall of the hall adjoins it. The exact date of this portico is uncertain. Cf. Borchardt (1938) 85—90, pi. 18; and Barguet (1962) 130—31. 104. Urk. IV167.6—8; Dorman (1988) 55—56. 105. Van Sielen (1984a) 53. 106. Such a dating is confirmed by the historical text from the gate of Pylon VII, where the bark is mentioned after the description of the first campaign. On this subject, see Traunecker (1989) 102—3. 107. The word hnw appears quite often in X V I I I dynasty building records and according to WB III. 288 it is not attested earlier. In the text of the great stela from Gebel Barkal it refers to Thutmose I l l s temple. An isolated fragment from the Annals of Thutmose III re-

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ports the construction of hnw for Amun ( Urk. IY736). The king is said to have "made it to (r) the House of ka." The mention of the "House of ka" in the Karnak context is of some importance. The earliest occurrence known to me is found in the chapel of Hathor at the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahari (Urk. IY237.5—6). Amenhotep II speaks of hnw of Harmakhis, Kheops and Khefren in the text of famous Sphinx-stela ( Urk. IY1282.19—1283.2). In the Ramesside texts hnw usually refers to the chapels of king s predecessors. Therefore one may conclude that the chapels devoted to the cult of royal predecessors could have been called hnw. The connection of hnw with a devotion to one s predecessor may be the reason for using hnw as a word for family tomb, as in e.g., Pap. Salt 124 (BM 10055). 108. Wallet-Lebrun (1984: 322) suggested that it could be a gate of Pylon I V I do not follow her conclusions with respect to the building history of the Thutmoside w3djt; nevertheless, it should be noted that she ascribes Pylon I V to Thutmose III (1994: 253—56). 109. Nims (1971) 107, n. 3. no. Wallet-Lebrun (1984) 322. in. Ibid., 323. 112. Nims (1969) 70, 73—74. Medinet Habu (Jsr~st) is also taken into consideration. The fact that Pylon VII, together with the lake repository, are described does not exclude the possibility that Deir el Bahari was meant. On the chapelle rouge, the procession from Deir el Bahari terminates at mn-mnw—a construction that probably stood on the north-south axis. 113. Gabolde and Rondot (1996) 212. 114. Urk. IV584.11. 115. Nims (1971) 109. 116. On a possible connection with the unfinished obelisk, see Habachi (1984) 76. It is also possible the obelisk of Lateran was executed as a single monument after the unfinished obelisk was abandoned. 117. Urk. IY585.2. 118. Martin (1977) 164—65; see also Niedziálka (2000) 47—49. 119. Desroches-Noblecourt (1951) 5—13. 120. Gabolde and Rondot (1996) 177—227. The authors observe (214): "Le décor de la chapelle (mais non celui de la porte de l'enceinte) est encore remarquable dans la mesure ou Thoutmosis III n y est nulle part figuré ni même mentionné." 121. See Jacquet-Gordon (1988) 165, 213. 122. Habachi (1965) 93—97. 123. Fazzini (1984—85) 304. 124. Ricke (1954) 21—22. 125. Hölscher (1939) n—14. 126. Ibid., 9. 127. Ibid., 13. 128. Laboury (1998a) 250—51, 538. 129. Hölscher (1939) 49. 130. Ibid., 18. 131. On the bark enlargement, see Wiercinska (1993) 264—69; and Karlshausen (1995) 119—38. At the temple of Thutmose III at Deir el Bahari, the jambs of the granite portal were drawn aside after the decoration of the western wall of the hypostyle hall had been executed. Contrary to Wiercinska, I assume that the temple was begun in year 42 or 43 of the reign (cf. discussion that follows). 132. Redford (1986a) 544. 133. L. Gabolde (1989:176) suggested the term to recognize this temple as different from

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the so-called mortuary temples. Whether it was a mansion of millions of years is not certain because—as far as I know—no inscription with such a designation was preserved. However, Gabolde (141) showed that the mansion of millions of years of Tutankhamun was an almost exact copy of that of Thutmose II. Thus, we may suppose that the temple Šspt~'nhwas intended to be a mansion of millions of years of Thutmose II. 134. Robichon andVarille (1936) 31—33, pl. VII. 135. L. Gabolde (1989) 139. 136. Laboury (1998a) 561. 137. Ibid., 561. 138. Ibid., 561, with n. 1635, referring to L. Gabolde (1989), pi. 13. 139. Cf. the photograph in Laboury (1998a) 577, fig. 299. 140. The list of Rekhmire is not complete, and two names are lost. The name of the temple of Amenhotep II also was not preserved. 141. Otto (1952) 63. 142. Djeser Menu (i.e., the original name of Thutmose I l l s temple at Deir el Bahari) is the name of the granite portal of the upper terrace; Djeser Akhet is the name of a gate in the solar cult complex. 143. The temple may have been named Shesepetankh under Hatshepsut; nevertheless, when Thutmose III decided to enlarge the deserted construction it must have been interpreted in a Hatshepsut-Thutmose I context. 144. Here I follow Loeben, as quoted by Laboury (1998a: 497, n. 1369). It is well known that Thutmose III "completed" (snfr) the statue of his father as early as year 22. The statue is made of limestone, like that of Amenhotep I, which also was snfr. The devotion toward Amenhotep I in the early twenties is well attested. Thutmose II, however, seems to have been neglected. I can only speculate as to whether the limestone statue in question was recarved or the date was simply erroneously restored—only two strokes of the whole numeral are visible. 145. Niedziálka (1995) 254—64. 146. Ricke (1939) passim. 147. Cf. the titles of the priests as given in ibid., 39—40. 148. Nelson (1942) 127—55. 149. Ricke (1939:15) records the fragments of relief with the name of Thutmose I as well. 150. Ibid. 151. It is not found in Thutmose I l l s temple at Deir el Bahari, where a number of epithets occur in the royal rings. I owe this information to D. Niedziálka, who conducted detailed research on Thutmose I l l s names in the temple. See also Wiercinska (1986) 390. 152. Hayes (i960) 47—48, pi. 13. 153. Ricke (1939) 21—25. D. Niedziálka brought to my attention the fact that year 49 may have been the time that the doors of Henketankh were remodeled after the bark of Amun was enlarged. 154. Lipinska (1977) is a publication of the architectural layout of the temple. 155. Ibid., 14. 156. Lipinska (1967) 25—33; idem (1988) 143—49. 157. Hayes (i960: 43—48) published six of them. For another four, see Lipinska (1977) 62, nn. no—12. 158. Meyer (1982a) 65; Dorman (1988) 135—37; Vandersleyen (1995a) 286. Cf. Laboury (1998a) 45, n. 261, for an excellent critical review. 159. Nims (1955) 118. We have seen that Hatshepsut used different names for different

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parts of her temples. Moreover, Thutmose III is known to have named his temples after the monuments of his predecessors. Akh Menu is known to be a name of Thutmose Us gate from Karnak; dsr-mnw is a gate leading to the upper court of the Hatshepsut temple. 160. See my earlier remarks and references on the unique obelisk. 161. Laboury (1998a) 457—81. Laboury confirmed the statements of Lipinska (1966a: 129-38). 162. Dolinska (1994) 36—38. 163. On the enlargement of the bark and the temple Djeser Akhet, Wiercinska (1993) 264—69; and Czerner and Medeksza (1992) 119—23. 164. Lipinska (1977) 62. 165. Wiercinska (1993) 269. 166. The dating is based on the pillar inscription discussed above. 167. Such an interpretation of the building history of the temple resulted from the studies of J. Wiercinska. See Dolinska (1994) 38. 168. For dimensions, see Lipinska (1977) 35, n. 53; for the arrangement of the colonnades, see n. 54. For a disposal of the sixteen-sided columns in the temple of Thutmose III, see Czerner and Medeksza (1992) 119—23. As for the temple of Hatshepsut, the reconstruction of the emplacement of the columns was published in Kwasnica (2001) 91—97. The triple row is located on the eastern side, while double rows stand on the other sides. My impression is that one still cannot dismiss the reconstruction of the third row of columns on the western side exactly as in Thutmose I l l s temple, which would confirm the suggestion of Lipinska. 169. Fragments of architraves with a decoration carved in sunken relief were discovered. The signs were—at some moment—painted as if they were executed in a raised relief. These blocks must have belonged to the external rows of the architraves of the court. 170. Lipinska (1977) 26ff. 171. Ibid., 29. 172. Niedziálka (1998) 813—21. 173. Dolinska (1994) 35—36, fig. 6. 174. Concerning the architraves of Akh Menu, which are the most complete source for studies on Thutmose I l l s epithets, this name occurs exclusively on the eastern faces. It is also carved on the eastern face of the Constantinople obelisk. The facsimilae of the architraves of Akh Menu were published by Pecoil (2001: pis. 95—110). 175. Urk. IY584.14. For the position of these two names on the gate from Heliopolis, see the following discussion. For the inscription on the jambs, see Sharpe (1855), pi. 41. 176. Niedziálka (2000) 51. 177. Urk. IY951.4: ift nswt m st wrt m ch nw Jwnw smw (royal appearance on the throne in the palace of Southern Heliopolis). 178. Kemp (1978b) 122—33. 179. Säve-Söderbergh (1946) 37. 180. See Redford (1986a) 543—44; and Laboury (1998a) 7—10. 181. F. W. Hinkel, Appendix in Caminos (1998) II, 109. The suggestion of Murnane (1977), 57 that the temple was decorated late in Thutmose I l l s reign (coregency with Amenhotep II) cannot be accepted. 182. Bryan (1991) 204: "A recent visit to the site suggests that Thutmose I V and Amenhotep III were the principal builders at the temple. The blocks in situ and those in the block fields were by inscription of homogeneous type, and the names of Menkheprure and Nebmaatre were prominent while the prenomen Aakheprure and Menkheperre could not be verified." 183. Steindorff (1937) 22, pi. 10.21.

252 T H U T M O S E III 184. Ibid., 23, pL 10.24. 185. However, Bryan (1991:199—205) does not include Aniba in her list of Thutmose I V s building activity testimonies. 186. Steindorff (1937) 23, pi. 10.25. 187. See the foundation deposit from Aniba in Weinstein (1973) 223—24. Catalog entry 84 speaks of the "remarkable similarity between the objects from this deposit and those found . . . at Sai" (224, n. 232), which are inscribed with the names of Thutmose III. 188. Steindorff (1937) 31—35, pis. 16—18. 189. He left his inscriptions in Buhen (year 23) and on Sai (year 25). 190. Karkowski (1981) 30ff. 191. Roeder (1930) 1:64; cf. Arnold (1994) 59. 192. Kaiser (1980) 254; cf. Laboury (1998a) 536. 193. Caminos (1974), pi. 10. 194. Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny (1952—55) no. 196. On Serabit el-Khadim, see Petrie (1906) 72—95; and Ventura (1988) 128—38. 195. Caminos (1998) I, pi. 38. 196. This observation, however, is based on Caminos s drawings; these features are best seen in ibid., 1: pis. 51, 52, and photograph in pi. 53. 197. Ibid., 1: pi. 42, with comments on 79—84. 198. For reconstruction of the text, see ibid., 1: 83. 199. Sethe (1924) 84,11. n—13. 200. Klug (2002) 186—90. 201. Redford (1986a) 543. 202. Urk. IV1227ff. 203. Ibid., 811.10. On the speos, see Desroches-Noblecourt et al. (1968) passim; and Gundlach (1994) 69—87. 204. For ndwt-r—"oracle" cf. Urk. IV342.12. It is also possible to consider nd~r hr as meaning "Sorge tragen für jem." WB II.372.2 and translate: "while he (the king) knew that he (the god) cares for him." I prefer the former interpretation (despite the writing would indicate the latter) because of the similarities between this passage and the text of Hatshepsut. 205. Such a phraseology is found as early as year 25 in Serabit el-Khadim. The change would then occur shortly after the Buhen text had been carved. One should observe that the construction of Akh Menu is a turning point in Thutmose Ills ideology, cf. Laboury (1988a) 569f. 206. Cf. Laboury (1998a) 497: "Amenhotep II, sous le règne duquel la damnatio memoriae de la reine se poursuit et se termine." 207. CM. IY1448. 208. Ibid., 1443. On the "Egyptian" temple in Byblos and the possible identification of the last position with Gaza, see Wimmer (1998) 101—2; and idem. (1990) 1091 ff. 209. Urk. IV1448. 210. Ullmann (2002) 96—102. 211. Ibid., 101. 212. Urk. IV1441.17. The passage was destroyed except for the introductory word d3t (crossing [the river]), used in descriptions of the eighth campaign. 213. Davies (2001) 52. 214. That is, on the inscriptions from Kurguz, Armant, and Buto. 215. See Davies (2001) 52, with references. 216. Ibid., 51 (facsimile), 53 (translation and comments).

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217. Klug (2002:165—66) suggested that the chronology of this text is disturbed. The key points of interpretation are three sdm.n—f forms. Klug translates two of them as independent main clauses: n skd.n dpt hr—j hdj.n—j hr—j} "Nicht konnte ein Schiff auf ihm fahren: Er ist stromab gefahren auf ihm." The third, sdm.n—f, Klug considers circumstantial: "Sein Herz war froh, (nachdem) er seine Feinde niedergemetzelt hatte." I would rather consider all three forms as building nonspecialized adjunct clauses. These forms are timed in relation to the dominating clause. The first form (n skd.n dpt) is related to the dominating gmt—j sw dh3w m jnrw} and it forms an adjunct clause of manner. The second form (hdj.n—j) would be an adjunct clause of time. The sdm.n—jfotm shows taxis in such a usage, and it is astonishing that it was used here. Obviously the king found the channel blocked when, not after, he sailed on it. Thus, one would rather expect to find sdm=jh.ttt. It is well known that sdm.n—f disappears in Late Egyptian and that this process gradually takes place at the time of the late Seventeenth and early Eighteenth Dynasties.Thus, sdm—jcommonly appears in late Middle Egyptian texts instead of sdm.n—f. It was also observed, however, that sdm.n—f is used where one would expect sdm—f. The examples of such a confusion are found in P. Smith 5.11 and 10.5 (cf. Kroeber [1970] 99). Therefore, I would suggest that we consider hdj.n—j to be an erroneously chosen verbal form. The clause built with nominal phrase + stative (jh—j 3wj) is obviously coordinated with hdj.n—j} while sm3.n—jis again an adjunct clause of time, this time with the properly used sdm.n—f. 218. See Mond and Myers (1940) 182-84, pi. CIII. 219. Redford (1967) 61; O'Connor (1983) 257. For a critical review of this idea and a new interpretation of the stela, cf. Stork (1977) 241—57. Stork suggested regnal year 35 for the expedition, which is accepted by Zibelius-Chen (1988: 195). 220. Arkell (1961) 88ff. 221. Gardiner (1949) 96—97, pl. X.2. 222. Cf. Lipinska (1966a) 138; Laboury (1998a) 460ff. I have discussed the dating of the Armant fragment with Professor Lipinska, who observed that the lower part of face differs considerably from the portraits of the temple at Deir el Bahari. For other blocks from Armant (presently in Grenoble), see Mysliwiec (1976) 56, figs. 94, 96. 223. Mond and Myers (1940) 174, pl. C. For this and other testimonies of the joint decoration, see Van Sielen (1982) 48—51. 224. For the quoted passage from Buto, see Urk. IV1230.17, at Gebel Barkal. 225. Bedier (1994a) 40. 226. An extensive study on this epithet is to appear soon as D. Niedziálka, "On the Epithet hk3 Jwnw in the Birth Name Ring of Thutmose III." See also Niedziálka (2000) 48 n. 36; idem (1989) 77; and Laboury (1998a) 67. 227. As we have seen, the obelisk and Djeser Akhet temple were erected after year 42. A terminus post quem for the latter (chateau de Tor) is year 33. 228. The lintel is of unknown provenance. It is decorated with an inscription: "Thutmose hk3 Jwnw, beloved of Sobek Shedety." For Gurob as a place of origin, see Laboury (1998a) 9, n. 63. 229. Wilkinson Mss., a, 16 fols., 78v, observed the remains of T)hwtj sign in the cartouche, so it is probable that the epithet Mj Jwnw is that of Thutmose III, not Ramsses III, as Lepsius suggested. See LD Text IY116; Lepsius read ///s hk3 Jwnw jr.n—f m mnw—f. Also the context would point to Thutmose III, for the blocks of this king were reused in large numbers in the foundations of the birth house in Kom Ombo. I gratefully acknowledge my debt to the Bodleian Library, Oxford University, where I was given access to the Wilkinson Mss. 230. Laboury (1998a) 276—78.

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231. Raue (1999) 87—88, 296—304. 232. Ibid., 298. This was the third jubilee according to Urk. IV590.15. 233. Sharpe (1855), pi. 41. 234. Radwan (1981) 403ff.; Urk. IV832.1—17. 235. Radwan (1981) 405ff.; Urk. IV1372.15—1373.6. 236. The roll was inscribed under Amenhotep II, so the discussion on its date has to concentrate on the structure of the text, not its form. Eighteenth Dynasty date was suggested by Derchain (1992) 35—47. 237. de Buck (1938) 54 (n. 6), 55 (nn. 22, 26), 56 (n. 31), 57 (n. 43). 238. Spalinger (1997) 278—82; but he found N K date for the Berlin Leather Roll "extremely difficult to maintain." 239. Most recently Piccato (1997) 137—59. 240. Spencer (1984) 100; the earliest example being this of Ahmose, Urk. IY16.1. 241. Spencer (1984) 103: 'jwnn seems to have been essentially a term of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties' On the jwnn in the B L R she comments: 'this may not be the term which was applied to the building at the time of its construction.' 242. Gabolde (1998) 143—49. 243. El-Banna (1981) 3—9. 244. Another example of copying Senwosret's decoration is found on Elephantine, see Gabolde (1998) 221 with references. The fact the scenes were copied does not mean however that the texts may have got edited while copied. On the other hand it cannot be excluded. 245. Van Sielen (1999) 415. 246. Laskowski (2001) 84. 247. See the lintel published by Capart (1940: 23, pi. 20). 248. Laskowski (2001) 82—83. On the dating of these names after the coregency period, see Laboury (1998a) 62, 67.1 should correct my previous statement regarding the architrave originating from the facade of the temple (labeled A3 in my essay). It is decorated symmetrically with Horus names of the king. On the left half it is k3 nht if m M^'t, while on the right it is k3 nht if m W3st. 249. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Dr L. Limme for access to the unpublished photographs of the Belgian mission to Elkab. 250. On the epithet nb hpš} see my earlier discussion. Similarly, in the temple of Satet on Elephantine, Thutmose III decorated the peristyle of the temple. 251. Weigall (1908) 108. 252. In Upper Egypt, the shrine from Gebel el-Silsila bears the names of Thutmose III and his son in a balanced arrangement over the entrance. At Tod, at least one pillar of the small peripteral temple of Thutmose III was decorated with the representation of Amenhotep II. For these and other monuments of that group, see Van Sielen (1982) 48—51. 253. For a decoration of the temple, see Aly et al. (1967) passim. 254. Kuentz (1925) 15—17. 255. The meaning of jst as a complementizer has already been discussed. While in the Texte de la Jeunesse the construction jst + sdm.n—jw as used, here it isjstjn + N P + part.perf.act. The nucleus of the passage was moved to the second position, and it is introduced by the phrase wn-jn. 256. wn~jn + nominal phrase + hr + infinitive is a contingent form qualified by Ritter as Hauptsatztemporum, Praeteritum, Affirmativ, Kontingent Textrelation, Perfektiver Aspekt. 257. Faulkner (1962) 232 also defined it as "restore what is defective" on the statue of Thutmose II (Urk. IY605); see also Wb IY163, "schön, gut machen," "verschönern."

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258. Björkman (1971) 46. 259. Breasted (1906), voL II, 311—12. 260. Tefnin (1983) 96—107. 261. Laboury (1998a) 30. 262. Ibid. 263. Weigall (1908) 108. 264. Urk. IY1561.15. 265. Ibid., 1551.8. 266. For detailed analysis of the meaning of the verb snfr see Laskowski (2003) 31—35. 267. I would like to express my gratitude to Professor L. Zonhoven, who pointed out this issue to me. 268. IG, §351. 269. Murnane (1977a) 54—57, esp. the sketch drawing of the disposition of royal names on p. 54. 270. However, it may be a simple mistake. In the Elephantine version, the pylon was erected for him (i.e., Khnum). 271. See Laboury (1998a) 571 n. 1697. However, he did not distinguish between the foundation ceremony (connected with the erection of pylon and pillared court) and acting to perpetuate the existence of Thutmose III s name. As we have seen, those activities cannot be identified with each other. 272. Kaiser (1995) 150—61. 273. Van Sielen (1990) 188—94. 274. Grallert (1999) 93—102. 275. von Pilgrim (2001) 35—53, esp. 42—45; Bommas (1999) no—18. 276. Cf. an identical passage in the text of the Sphinx stela ( Urk. IY1283), following the statement that Amenhotep II intended to do something for Khufu and Khafre so that their names would live forever. 277. See Laboury (1998a) 9, n. 63. The deity mentioned on the blocks from Gurob is Sobek of Shedet, thus Crocodilopolis may not be excluded. 278. It should be observed that there is also the gate from Kom Ombo which dates to the coregency of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III; cf. LD 3, 28. 279. See Er man (1911) 24—25.

The Building Activities of Thutmose III in the Valley of the Kings C A T H A R I N E H. R O E H R I G

t the time Menkheperre Thutmose III and his architects were choosing a location for the kings tomb, the stunning desert wadi that we now know as the Valley of the Kings had been used by only two generations of Eighteenth Dynasty rulers. There was no set design as yet for the royal tomb, and no traditions governed who would be buried in what was to become the official cemetery of Egypts New Kingdom pharaohs. Menkheperre probably chose his burial site sometime after he became sole ruler of Egypt at the death of Hatshepsut in about year zi of his reign.1 At this time, two tombs existed in the southeast corner of the wadi (fig. 6.1): K V zo, which is generally attributed to Hatshepsut; and K V 60, the tomb of her wet-nurse Sitre, the first known nonroyal burial in the cemetery. There was at least one other tomb in the wadi as well—the tomb that Ineni proudly claims to have built for Menkheperre s grandfather, Thutmose I, who was probably the first king buried in the valley. Egyptologists do not agree on the identity of this tomb, but, as will be seen, the most likely candidate is K V 38, located in the small southwest branch of the wadi.

A

K V 34: T H E T O M B OF M E N K H E P E R R E

For K V 34,2 Menkheperre chose a narrow cleft situated at the southernmost end of the wadi, a position as far removed from the site of Hatshepsut s tomb (KV zo) as one can get and still be in the main Valley of the Kings. However, rather than indicating any aversion to his coruler, this choice seems to reflect the desire of Eighteenth Dynasty pharaohs to stake out their own particular area of the cemetery.3 The entrance of K V 34 was dug into the end

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of the cleft, directly below a watercourse that drains the slopes of the Qurn during infrequent rains.4 The Egyptians were well aware of the dangers of flash flooding and seem to have attempted to divert this watercourse—undoubtedly as much to protect the workmen as to preserve the tomb.5 The tomb of Menkheperre, as one of the earliest excavated in the Valley of the Kings, is interesting both for the portions of its plan that are shared with earlier tombs and for those that appear for the first time in K V 34 and become integral elements of later New Kingdom royal tombs. K V 34 is also important for the decoration covering the walls of the lower chambers, which preserves one of the earliest complete versions of the Amduat, one of the great underworld books of the New Kingdom.6 T H E P L A N O F K V 34 ( F I G S . 6.2A A N D 6.2B): THE E N T R A N C E AND UPPER

CHAMBERS

Like all early Eighteenth Dynasty royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings, K V 34 begins with a steep staircase (A), 7 leading to a doorway that is cut directly into the cliff face. The steps are uneven and meet the door at an angle, giving the impression that, at this early point in the valleys history, the royal architects and stonecutters had not yet mastered the art of surveying and excavating a complicated tomb in good quality limestone.8 The tombs first corridor (B) is fairly well carved, but the right jamb of the doorway at the end of the corridor has been cut away, probably to facilitate the entry of large funerary furniture.9 Corridor B leads into a crudely excavated chamber (C) with a steep stairway in the center. The steps, like those of the entrance, are unevenly spaced.They are also badly broken, perhaps from the lowering of the sarcophagus and other heavy burial equipment.10 The next corridor (D) is asymmetrical and curves slightly to the right before opening into a rectangular chamber (E), the floor of which has been cut away into a deep shaft, often described as a well. In New Kingdom royal tombs, one of the doorways that was always blocked was the entrance from corridor D into chamber E. One would expect a blocking of brick and plaster in a tomb of this early date, but at some time in the history of K V 34 a wooden door was installed at the end of the corridor. This was done by setting a wooden beam above the door, as may be seen by the slots cut into the walls at ceiling level and the remains of mud plaster. Today modern concrete covers the floor, making it impossible to see the pivot hole that was probably cut into the right corner. 11 Another indication that a wooden door once existed here is the floor. Although the slope of the corridor has been modified in modern times with the addition of concrete steps, it is still possible to see that the original floor

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is level in front of the jambs.This would have been necessary to allow a door to open into the corridor. The level floor at the end of corridor D is clearly indicated in the earliest plan and elevation of K V 34, drawn by Baraize and published with Loret s description of the tomb. None of the succeeding Eighteenth Dynasty tombs in the valley has a wooden door at the entrance to chamber E, and it is not until the reign of Ramesses II that a door is installed again in this location. 12 In their tomb designs, the New Kingdom pharaohs tended to copy the innovations of their predecessors, and it is tempting to think that the door in K V 34 was added later in the tomb s history, perhaps when it was being used as a temporary cache. However, a second door may have been installed at the entrance to the burial chamber (see the subsequent discussion), and these two doors, if they were added along the axis of K V 34 during its construction or after the burial of the king, may have been symbolic of the many "gates" seen in the illustrations of the Amduat in the burial chamber.

C H A M B E R E: T H E

WELL

The carving of the walls and corners of chamber E is quite competent, as is the excavation work of the main rooms in the rest of the tomb. K V 34 is the first tomb in the Valley of the Kings to have a so-called well along its main axis, but this is not the first deep shaft incorporated into the royal funerary architecture of Thebes. At the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty, there are two royal tombs that include the feature: A N B, 1 3 the elaborate pit tomb above Dira Abu en-Naga that is often attributed to Amenhotep I and/or Ahmose-Nefertari; 14 and T T 358, a corridor tomb at Deir el Bahari belonging to queen Ahmose Meryetamun, who was probably a wife of Amenhotep I . 1 5 From the time of Menkheperre, the well becomes an integral part of every completed royal tomb until the end of the Twentieth Dynasty. 16 Why the feature skips two generations between Amenhotep I and Menkheperre is anyone s guess. 17 The inclusion of a deep shaft in royal Theban funerary architecture can be traced back even further to the Eleventh Dynasty, where it occurs in the Bab el-Hosan. I8 This long corridor, cut into the forecourt of Mentuhotep s temple at Deir el Bahari, leads to a chamber that contained the famous jubilee statue of the king. A shaft more than one hundred feet deep had been cut into the floor. At the bottom was a small, crude room containing three model boats of wood. Although there are no rooms at the bottom of the shaft in K V 34, the wells in later royal tombs usually have one or two chambers. Unfortunately most of the material found in or near these chambers

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seems to have been thrown in or washed in from above and has little bearing on the meaning or use of the chambers. Chamber E was first called a well by John Gardiner Wilkinson, who stated that it protected the tomb from rainwater19 and "the too curious visitor"— presumably a euphemism for tomb robbers.20 Although these explanations are often repeated today, most authors also suggest that this deep shaft—like every other section of the tomb—had a ceremonial function or was symbolic of some portion of the netherworld, such as the tomb of Sokar/Osiris. 21 In K V 34, the upper part of chamber E was plastered and partially painted—the ceiling with yellow stars on a dark blue background, the walls with a heker frieze around the upper edge—but no other decoration was laid

C H A M B E R F: T H E P I L L A R E D

HALL

Beyond the well is a large, asymmetrical chamber (F) with two well-formed pillars. Although the room is far from being a perfect rectangle, the carving of the walls and pillars is precise, with only a relatively thin layer of plaster needed to prepare them for decoration.23 In his detailed study of K V 34, Romer considers that the asymmetrical shape of this chamber and its unfinished southeast corner are indications that the tomb was excavated in haste. However, the asymmetry might also have been caused by errors in surveying around the pillars, and the unfinished corner may be due to an outcropping of flint, which is present throughout the valley and is often left in place by tomb excavators.24 This large pillared hall is the first chamber of its type in the Valley of the Kings. 25 The ceiling has been painted dark blue with yellow stars, and the faces of the pillars are marked with grids but were left undecorated. On the walls, a heker frieze around the top, and a wide dado around the bottom define a central panel that has been carefully laid out in a series of rectangles (fig. 6.3). The upper three rows contain pots of burning incense and stars on a yellow background; the lower three enclose the images and names of underworld figures from the Amduat. Each figure faces a pot of burning incense.26 The decoration begins at the west jamb of the entrance with the deities in the first hour of the night (fig. 6.4). It continues counterclockwise, listing the hours in order around the room and ending some inches short of the awkwardly modified east jamb, which was probably cut away to facilitate entry of the funerary equipment.27 The cartouches of the king appear twice among the deities listed in the sixth hour: the name Menkheperre is written above a squatting figure wearing the White Crown (fig. 6.3); and Thutmose-

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Neferkheperu is written above the rearing serpent spitting fire, who is identified as Tatenen, in the burial chamber (figs. 6.5a and 6.5b). The decoration in chamber F, listing all of the deities who appear in the Amduat, closely links the pillared hall with the burial chamber, where the full version of this book appears, and Eric Hornung implies that chamber F acts as a second burial chamber, reflecting the duality that can often be seen in Egyptian royal funerary architecture.28 In succeeding generations, the pillared hall continues to appear as the sixth element along the axis of completed royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings. Oddly enough, however, after K V 34 this chamber is left completely undecorated until the reign of Seti I in the Nineteenth Dynasty. A steep stairwell was cut into the northeast corner of chamber F. Only the first eight steps are preserved, the lower half of the stairway having been cut away in ancient times along a fault in the bedrock and replaced with a series of built steps that fill only the southern half of the stairwell.29 At the bottom of the stairs is a doorway, the lintel of which has been partially cut away. It seems likely that the lintel was modified when the sarcophagus and other large furnishings were brought into K V 34, and it is possible that the lower steps of the stairwell in chamber F were removed at the same time. However, slots have been cut into the walls of the stairwell above the lintel, suggesting that this doorway, like the doorway into chamber E, was fitted with a wooden door sometime in the tomb s history. This would certainly have necessitated removing the steps to allow for the door to open into the stairwell.30

C H A M B E R J: T H E B U R I A L

CHAMBER

The F stairway leads directly into the burial chamber (J) of K V 34. Described since its discovery as "cartouche shaped," the room is actually a wide oval with two large, square pillars and four small storage rooms. Sunk into the floor at the east end of the chamber is a plinth that supports the kings quartzite sarcophagus, which is oriented with its foot facing south.The walls, ceiling, and pillars of the room were covered with plaster and carefully smoothed for decoration (fig. 6.6). 31 Each of the entrances into the four storage rooms was fitted with a singleleaf wooden door.The doors were pivoted at the right and could be secured with a door bolt that slipped into a hole in the left jamb. This method of securing the doors seems to have been similar to that seen in the tomb of Kha at Deir el Medina ( T T 8), where a bolt behind the door could be triggered once from outside, making it impossible to reenter Kha s burial chamber. Unable to disengage the door bolt, the excavators found it necessary to

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cut through the door. 32 In K V 34, some of the damage visible at the upper edges of the jambs in Burtons photographs (figs. 6.6, 6.12, 6.13) may have been caused when the doors were forced open by thieves.33 The plaster remaining on the jambs and lintels of the doorways gives somewhat conflicting information about the method of installing the doors. All seem to have been installed using a wooden lintel, and the doors into rooms Jc and Jd may even have had full door frames plastered in place. 34 In all of the doorways, the left jamb was finished with a layer of smoothed mud plaster, while the plaster on the right jamb is patchy and has been left unsmoothed.This suggests that the doors swung in and lay flat against the right jamb when open. 35 Chamber J is quite asymmetrical: the entrance and pillars are offset slightly to the north, and the doorways of the storage rooms seem oddly spaced and have been cut at different heights. Two of the rooms, Ja and Jd, have high do ors ills, while the other two are flush with the floor. In his study of the tomb, Romer suggests that some of the idiosyncrasies of the burial chamber were the result of errors in surveying,36 but his overall assessment is that the errors are an indication that the tomb was built in haste. There is another possible explanation, however. In spite of its asymmetry, the burial chamber of K V 34 is one of the most unforgettable spaces in the Valley of the Kings or elsewhere. This is because the architecture and decoration work perfectly together in a way that was certainly intended by the designers. The room has been completely decorated: the ceiling with yellow stars on a dark blue background; and the pillars with figures from the Litany of Re (fig. 6.8) and with the abbreviated text of the Amduat, the earliest of the New Kingdom books of the underworld.The curving walls have been treated like a huge unrolled papyrus that records the complete texts and vignettes of the Amduat, which describes the course of the sun through the netherworld during the twelve hours of the night. 37 The tall, slender figures of the gods and other denizens of the underworld have been painted with a spare, graceful elegance, and the texts have been written in a quick, calligraphic style that makes this version far more aesthetically pleasing than any of those found in later tombs. 38 In ancient Egyptian, what we now call the Amduat is entitled the "Writings of the Hidden Chamber,"39 and in the introductions to the twelve hours the text specifies where each hour should appear in this secret room. In the burial chamber of K V 34, the hours have been painted on the designated walls (fig. 6.7): thus, the first four hours are found on what is understood as the west wall of the chamber, hours five and six are on the south wall, seven and eight are on the north wall, and the last four hours are on the east. The oval shape of the chamber allows for a fluid interpretation of where one car-

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dinal point ends and the next begins, and on one level the burial chamber quite literally becomes the "hidden chamber in the netherworld," in which the texts are to be found. In order to fit the images and texts on the appropriate walls the first four hours of the night have been laid out in four registers instead of three,40 and deities with similar poses and accoutrements have been drawn as though standing side by side instead of one in front of the other (fig. 6.9). The way in which the hours frame the five doorways also seems to be part of the general decorative scheme. Thus, the fourth hour of the night frames the entrance to the burial chamber. On the south side of the doorway, cutting diagonally through three registers, is the map of the suns course through this perilous hour, with the route ending at the south jamb (fig. 6.10). The juxtaposition emphasizes that the preceding corridors and chambers of the tomb symbolize the suns pathway. The layout of K V 34, with its three steep staircases separated by corridors and chambers (fig. 2b) seems to mimic the pathway depicted on the wall. The positions of the storage chambers also work with the decorative plan. The location of chamber Ja, the one that seems most idiosyncratic in its placement, was actually fixed by the position of the sarcophagus.41 The other three chambers are placed roughly opposite the pillars. The placement of the doorways creates a large expanse on the south wall between chambers Ja and Jb (fig. 6.12). This leaves ample room for the depiction of the fifth hour of the night, which is given more wall space than any other hour. Storage room Jb is framed by the sixth hour and on the opposite side of the burial chamber, Jc and Jd are framed by the eighth and ninth hours, respectively. This pairing of storage rooms and text may have been planned. Although we cannot be certain what was stored in each of the side chambers,42 the illustration of the sixth hour, which frames the entrance into Jc, is full of references to cloth (fig. 6.13), and the introductory text states that the one who is knowledgeable (in this case, Menkheperre) "shall be the possessor of clothing upon earth . . . offerings shall be given to him in very large quantities, exceedingly good." 43 It is possible that room Jc was originally used to store the abundance of clothing and linen cloth that must have accompanied the king into the afterlife. 44 The illustrations and texts of the ninth hour, which frames Jd, also allude to cloth, and the introduction states that the one who is knowledgeable will "stand among the Lords of Provisions." 45 In the sixth hour, which frames Jb, the introduction states that the one who is knowledgeable "will be the keeper of offerings in the Netherworld." 46 Clearly, most of the funerary offerings one would expect to find in a royal tomb are not specifically mentioned in the Amduat texts or depicted in the illustrations. However, when possible the designers may have tried to associ-

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ate the hours that have reference to funerary offerings with one of the storage rooms that would have contained such offerings. Unlike the versions found in later royal tombs, where the king s name seldom appears in the texts, the Amduat as it is recorded on the walls of K V 34 is treated as the personal copy of Menkheperre. One or both of his cartouches, and sometimes his entire titulary, appear in the introductory text of nearly every hour. Thus, it is specifically Menkheperre who knows the meaning of what is written in the hidden chamber, and it is he who will benefit from this knowledge. The king s image is even inserted twice in the fourth hour: once in the central register, where it meets the south jamb of the entrance (fig. 6.10); and once in the top register, where the hour continues on the other side of the doorway (fig. 6.11).This personalizing of the "Writings of the Hidden Chamber" may also have occurred in earlier royal versions of the Amduat, 47 but unfortunately these copies are far too fragmentary for us to know whether the owners' names were included or not. 48 It seems clear that, in the burial chamber of K V 34 the architecture and decoration were designed to work together—and the primary reason they work so well is the odd shape of the chamber. The oval is unknown in Egyptian architecture outside the Valley of the Kings, and there it is used only in burial chambers of the earliest royal tombs. The question is: why does this oval shape, which has no obvious precedent, appear in the royal funerary architecture of the Eighteenth Dynasty? The answer lies in the decoration itself, for the shape of the room seems to be taken directly from the illustrations on the walls. Not only does the frame of the twelfth hour end in a great curve (fig. 6.14) but prominently placed on the south wall (fig. 6.12), in the lowest register of the fifth hour of the night, is the "cavern of Sokaris"—a large oval, buried in the depths of the netherworld, which can also be interpreted as the burial chamber of the king. 49 In the register above this cavern is a pyramidal mound with the head of a goddess emerging from the top. These elements combine to form a cutaway image of the southern end of the Valley of the Kings itself, where one can imagine the oval burial chamber of the king, cut deep in the bedrock, with the pyramidal mound of the Qurn (associated with the goddesses Hathor and Meretseger) rising high above it. 50 The oval burial chamber in K V 34 seems to have been designed specifically as a vehicle for the Amduat, which was painted on the walls. But was this an innovation of Menkheperre working with his architects and/or priests, or were they improving on an existing form? As has been stated above, the oval burial chamber is found in two other early Eighteenth Dynasty tombs in the Valley of the Kings, K V 38 (fig. 6.15) and K V 42 (figs. 6.16a and 6.16b). The similarities among these three tombs, and the fact that the oval form exists nowhere else in Egyptian architecture, led John Romer to suggest

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that all three should be attributed to Menkheperre.51 As will be seen, this king probably was responsible for the excavation of K V 42. However, K V 38 was almost certainly excavated by his grandfather, Thutmose I, and is the prototype on which Menkheperre and his designers were to build. T H E E A R L I E S T T O M B S I N T H E V A L L E Y OF T H E

KINGS

For seventy-five years after its modern discovery in 1899, K V 38 (fig. 6.15)— a small, somewhat crudely carved tomb cut into the base of the cliffs in a cul-de-sac at the southern end of the wadi (fig. 6.1)—was considered the earliest tomb excavated in the Valley of the Kings. 52 Although almost no decoration remained in the tomb, a quartzite sarcophagus dedicated to Thutmose I "by his son" was found in the burial chamber. K V 38 was thereafter identified as the tomb that was built for this king by Ineni, who proudly records having overseen its excavation. Only a few years later, while working with Theodore M. Davis, Howard Carter uncovered in the burial chamber of K V 20 another quartzite sarcophagus inscribed for Thutmose I. This tomb also contained a sarcophagus dedicated to Hatshepsut as king. Closer examination revealed that the first sarcophagus had also originally been dedicated to Hatshepsut but had been reinscribed and the interior enlarged, probably to receive the wooden coffins of her father. 53 At the entrance to K V 20, Carter had uncovered a foundation deposit with the name of Hatshepsut, and the excavators concluded that she had built the tomb and then transferred Thutmose I from his original burial place—KV 38. In 1935, the posthumous travels of Thutmose I became even more complicated when Hayes argued that the sarcophagus found in K V 38 had been made not by Thutmose II for the burial of his father, but by Menkheperre for the reburial of his grandfather.54 Hayes suggested that after the death of Hatshepsut, Menkheperre had made a new sarcophagus for Thutmose I and moved him back to his original tomb. Thus, K V 38 continued to be generally accepted as the tomb of Thutmose I until Romer s article appeared in 1974. In his discussion of K V 38, Romer points out that only one jar fragment found in the tomb can be dated to the time of Thutmose I, whereas a number of objects, including the sarcophagus, the canopic box, and some glass fragments, can be dated with some assurance to the reign of Menkheperre.55 However, if one accepts the idea that Hatshepsut moved the burial of her father from his original tomb to K V 20, there is no reason why any of his original burial equipment would have been left behind.56 What seems truly odd is that Menkheperre appears to have transferred none of his grandfathers original burial equipment from K V 20 to K V 38. 57

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To make his case for redating K V 38, Romer also argues that there is nothing in the plan that would place it earlier in the sequence of tomb development than K V 34, but a comparison of the tombs' plans shows quite the opposite. While the plan of K V 34 (fig. 6.2a) includes all of the elements present in K V 38 (fig. 6.15), K V 38 lacks a number of significant features that are present in K V 34. 58 In fact, the strongest argument in favor of K V 38 being the original tomb of Thutmose I is the simplicity of the plan. The oval burial chamber contained a single pillar 59 instead of the two found in his grandsons tomb, 60 and there is only one storage chamber instead of the four found in K V 34. 61 K V 38 also has no pillared hall, and the axis, while it curves distinctly to the left, does not have a right angle turn. More significant, however, is the lack of a well (chamber E in K V 34), an element that probably had ceremonial and/or symbolic significance and one that is prominent in all completed king s tombs in the Valley of the Kings from K V 34 through the reign of Ramesses III. 6 2 It is difficult to believe that Menkheperre would have omitted this important element from a tomb that he built for his grandfather. The next tomb excavated in the valley, K V 20, shows an improvement over K V 38 in the carving of its first corridor, 63 and it repeats several elements of K V 38 before reaching a large room, which was probably intended to be the burial chamber (Ji). Although the earliest plans of this chamber show a room with distinct corners, in a more recent plan the room appears to be an oval (fig. 6.17). 64 Romer has suggested that, while K V 38 was created by Menkheperre for his grandfather, K V 20 was the tomb originally excavated by Thutmose I, and that a second burial chamber (J2) was added later by Hatshepsut. 65 I would like to propose another possibility, however. Romers argument that chamber J2 is a later addition to the tomb plan has great merit, and there can be no doubt that Hatshepsut was its creator or that she intended it to house both her burial and that of her father. However, the king who initiated work on K V 20 may have been Thutmose II rather than Thutmose I or Hatshepsut. The tomb of Thutmose II has never been identified, though most scholars agree that he must have been buried in the Valley of the Kings. 66 K V 20 shows certain improvements over K V 38, but it lacks the well that is found for the first time in K V 34, making it the next logical tomb in the sequence. The inclusion in the second burial chamber of three storage rooms may indicate that Hatshepsut intended this room to serve for three burials, one storage room to be associated with each. Thus, the tomb would have served as the final resting place of Hatshepsut, whose sarcophagus had its foot facing room Ja2; her father, whose sarcophagus was opposite Ja3; 67 and her husband, whose burial would have been associated with Jai (see fig. 6.18).68

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The location of K V 20, which is cut into the eastern cliffs of the valley just behind Deir el-Bahari, has often been commented on because Hatshepsuts temple lies roughly on the other side of the cliffs. Although the choice of the site may have been guided in part by the proximity of Deir el Bahari, which had been a sacred place for centuries, the tomb itself is not oriented on that site. Instead of cutting straight into the cliff toward Deir el Bahari, the axis of the tomb immediately curves markedly to the right, and then right again, as though the architects were intending to orient the burial chamber on the Qurn. The first burial chamber (Ji) was probably intended to be oval in shape and would have been decorated with texts and vignettes of the Amduat. N o trace of decoration was discovered in Ji, but this chamber was carved into shale. It was completely choked with waterborne debris, and it is unlikely that any decoration applied to the walls survived. The second burial chamber (J2) contained a number of limestone blocks that were painted with texts and vignettes of the Amduat. Although the existing blocks are too few to have lined the entire chamber, it is possible that other texts—for example, the Litany of Re—were intended as part of the decorative scheme but were never completed.

OTHER BUILDING PROJECTS I N I T I A T E D BY M E N K H E P E R R E

During the thirty-odd years of his sole reign, Menkheperre kept the royal tomb builders occupied on a number of projects both inside and outside the Valley of the Kings. Beyond the Qurn to the southwest, in a remote wadi system that had been used for the cliff tombs of Hatshepsut and several other early Eighteenth Dynasty queens, he commissioned a simple corridor tomb with a single burial chamber for three of his wives, all of whom seem to have come from western Asia. The tomb was excavated into the floor of a spectacular gorge, bordered by hundred-foot cliffs, that is reminiscent of the small cleft he chose for his own tomb. 69 In the Valley of the Kings, Menkheperre seems to have envisioned the small basin below K V 34 as a cemetery for family members and/or close personal associates.

K V 42: T H E T O M B OF Q U E E N

MERYETRE-HATSHEPSUT

K V 42 (figs. 6.16a and 6.16b) was carved into the wadi floor at the base of the cliffs along the southwest edge of the basin, to the right of the stairway that now ascends to the K V 34 cleft (fig. 6.1). Although the tomb s existence may have been suspected by Loret, who explored the area in 1898, it was officially discovered in 1900 and was excavated under the supervision of

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Howard Carter7° At the time, K V 42 was identified as the tomb of Sennefer, whose name was inscribed on a number of the jars discovered inside. In fact, the majority of the burial equipment found in the tomb belonged to Sennefer s wife, Senetnay, who had served as nurse to Menkheperre s son, the future Amenhotep IL As a nurse who lived into the reign of her nursling,71 Senetnay was granted burial in the royal cemetery, a boon previously given to Hatshepsuts nurse.72 However, K V 42 was not originally intended for the burial of Senetnay, whose canopic jars and other equipment may have been cached in the tomb at a much later date.73 In 1921, while exploring the southern end of the Valley of the Kings, Carter uncovered foundation deposits around the entrance to K V 42 that were inscribed with the name of Meryetre-Hatshepsut, one of Menkheperre s queens. Carters instinct was to discount the foundation deposits because "it would be contrary to all custom to find a queen in the Valley."74 But Carters statement ignores the fact that Menkheperre was excavating tombs in the Valley of the Kings at the very beginning of its use as a royal cemetery, before the funerary traditions of the New Kingdom had been firmly set. At least some of the early queens of the Eighteenth Dynasty seem to have had their own tombs in various locations around Deir el Bahari and Dira Abu en-Naga. 75 Beginning in the reign of Thutmose II, queens seem to have been buried in cliff tombs like the one prepared in the southwest wadis for Hatshepsut while she was still queen.76 At least three other cliff tombs were excavated in this remote wadi system, including the one (mentioned earlier) that was prepared by Menkheperre for his three foreign wives, but the practice of burying queens in cliff tombs never became a tradition. Meryetre-Hatshepsut was Menkheperre s "great royal wife" at the end of his reign. As the mother of the royal heir, who was born relatively late in his father s reign after a number of sons had died, Meryetre seems to have been particularly honored. She was depicted three times in the burial chamber of K V 34, once with other female family members on a pillar (fig. 6.19) and twice on the burial chamber walls, in the vignettes of the fourth hour of the Amduat (figs. 6.10 and 6.11)—something that occurs in no other Eighteenth Dynasty kings tomb. It should not be surprising, therefore, that Menkheperre would construct a tomb for this queen near his own. The overall construction of K V 42, with its evenly carved steps, welldressed walls, straight corridors, and almost perfectly executed right-angle axis deviation, suggests that it was constructed late in the king s reign after great strides had been made both in engineering and excavation methods. The tomb has an orientation similar to that of K V 34, and the plan is a modified version of the kings tomb. Along the initial axis, it includes the same first three elements, A—C, followed by a square room that is reminiscent of the

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well (E), though the positions of the doors and the presence of a shelf at the west side of the room suggest that it was not intended to have the same function as the well in a kings tomb. A straight corridor leads from this square room into a beautifully formed oval burial chamber. Like the burial chamber in K V 34, this one contains two square pillars, but these are along the central axis, and there is only one storage room (Ja). An uninscribed, rectangular quartzite sarcophagus holds a position similar to that of Menkheperre in K V 34, and one can assume from the evidence of earlier and later tombs that the foot of this sarcophagus was intended to face the single storage chamber.77 The burial chamber has been plastered and the basic decoration laid out in a similar fashion to that of K V 34: yellow stars on a dark blue ceiling, a heker frieze border around the upper edge of the walls, and a dado below. The central panel, which would have been decorated with texts and vignettes of the Amduat, has been separated into three registers, distinguished by a slight variation in the color of the plaster. The orientation of the chamber is almost the same as that of the burial chamber of K V 34, and one can speculate that the texts would have been laid out in a similar fashion, with the first hour beginning south of the entrance (on the curve of the western wall), the fifth and sixth hours occupying the area to the right of the storage chamber (the southern wall), and the twelfth hour ending at the left jamb of this chamber (the east wall). It has been suggested that the Amduat could never have appeared in the tomb of a queen.78 However, since one of the earliest versions of this underworld book is found in the burial chamber of Menkheperre s vizier Useramun ( T T 131), it is obvious that at this early date the texts were not reserved for the exclusive use of the king. 79 Though intended for a queen, there is no evidence that K V 42 was ever used for a royal burial, and even the preliminary decoration was not completed. Meryetre-Hatshepsut outlived her husband, and work on K V 42 was probably abandoned at Menkheperre s death, when preparations would have begun for the next kings tomb. What provision was made for the burial of Meryetre and most later queens in the Eighteenth Dynasty is unknown, though they may have been interred in the tombs of their sons or husbands.80 The presence in K V 42 of four limestone canopic jars and numerous dummy limestone storage jars inscribed for Senetnay, as well as evidence of a wooden sledge and coffins, might indicate that the tomb was used for her burial sometime during the reign of Amenhotep IL 8 1 However, the presence of jars inscribed for a woman named Baketre suggests that the tomb was used as a cache for a number of burials, probably in the Twenty-first Dynasty, when so many of the valley residents were being moved for safekeeping.

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K V 37 A N D K V 32

Two other tombs were excavated at the opening of the basin below K V 34. One, K V 37, is a simple corridor tomb that may have been intended for an important associate of the king. 82 A similar tomb cut below K V 20 was used for the burial of Hatshepsuts nurse, Sitre, and K V 37 may have been intended for someone with similar close ties to the royal family, perhaps Senetnay, the nurse of Amenhotep II, some of whose burial equipment was discovered in K V 42, not far away. K V 32 is much larger than K V 37, and its plan suggests that the tomb was intended for a member of the royal family. Its first four elements: a steep stairway leading to an entrance cut directly into the cliff face (A); a sloping corridor (B); a chamber with a steep stairway down the center (C); and another sloping corridor (D), correspond to elements A—D in Menkheperre s tomb. The rectangular burial chamber has a single pillar in the center and one small subsidiary chamber.The proximity of this tomb to K V 34 suggests that it was built by Menkheperre as part of a family cemetery, but, as in the case of K V 42, there is no evidence that K V 32 was used during Menkheperre s lifetime.83

CONCLUSION

Scholars tend to agree that the first pharaoh to be buried in the Valley of the Kings was Thutmose I, but they seldom theorize about why this king in particular would have started a new cemetery. Historically, Thutmose and his descendants are included in the Eighteenth Dynasty, but their connection with Ahmose and Amenhotep I is obscure. Although Thutmose I or his wife may have had blood ties to the royal family of the Seventeenth and early Eighteenth Dynasties, 84 Thutmose never calls himself "kings son," an epithet he could have used as a grandson or even a great-grandson of an earlier ruler. He seems, in essence, to have been starting a new dynastic line and may have felt the need to move away from the cemetery of the Seventeenth Dynasty rulers at Dira Abu en-Naga, 85 which seems to have continued in use into the early Eighteenth Dynasty.86 At the same time that he was choosing a new cemetery, Thutmose seems to have been contemplating for use in his tomb a group of religious texts that had not previously been used in royal tomb decoration.87 Scholars disagree as to the age and original purpose of the Amduat: some believe that the book was composed specifically for use in the royal tombs of the New Kingdom, others argue that it was of much earlier origin but was always closely associated with the king, and still others suggest that the language of

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the texts indicates that they were of use to the living and were not necessarily restricted to the king.88 All agree, however, that the book appears for the first time in the tombs of the early Thutmoside kings, K V 38, K V 20, and K V 34. When one considers the close connection between the oval burial chamber and the Amduat, the location of K V 38 within the wadi argues in favor of its being the earliest of these tombs excavated in the Valley of the Kings. Cut into the base of the cliffs at the southern end of the valley directly beneath the imposing pyramidal shape of the Qurn, this is the only site that takes full advantage of the natural landscape and would appear to have been the logical choice of the cemetery's founder. K V 38 is often described in rather pejorative terms because of its small size and less than perfectly carved corridors and chambers. However, if one takes it for what I believe it is—the first royal tomb excavated in a newly chosen cemetery, conceived as a vehicle for the texts on its walls and viewed as part of its spectacular natural setting, and excavated at a time when the royal tomb plan was being developed and before the techniques of excavating such a complicated underground structure had been perfected—KV 38 has an impressive, innovative design that works as the prototype in the gradual development of the royal tomb in the Valley of the Kings. 89 K V 20 appears to be the second in the royal series. Perhaps originally begun by Thutmose II, this tomb was certainly completed by Hatshepsut, who envisaged it as a double burial place for herself and her father—and perhaps as a triple burial place intended to include her husband. K V 34, the tomb of Menkheperre, seems to represent the culmination of this first phase in royal tomb development—a phase in which the design of the tomb is heavily influenced by the image of the netherworld as seen in the Amduat. 90 The burial chamber in particular, with its unusual shape, its thoughtful distribution of architectural elements, and its carefully laid out texts and illustrations, is among the most successful mergings of architecture, funerary function, and decorative scheme to be found in the Valley of the Kings.

NOTES

—

All photographs for chapter 6 are from the archives of the Egyptian Expedition of the Metropolitan Museum of Art and were taken by Harry Burton during the 1928—29 field season. All tomb plans and elevations are used by permission of the Theban Mapping Project. Figures 6.2a, 6.2b, 6.7, 6.15, 6.17, and 6.18 are from originals by Richard L. Smith, modified by Catharine H. Roehrig. Figures 16a and 16b have been modified from the published plan and elevation in Atlas of the Valley of the Kings; ed. Kent R . Weeks (AUC Press, 2000), sheet 5 6 / 7 2 — K V 42 (1/1). I would like to thank Dorothea Arnold for permission to publish the Burton photographs

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of K V 34 and Kent R . Weeks for allowing me to use the plans and elevations of the Theban Mapping Project. I also thank Diana Craig Patch, Marsha Hill, and James Allen for their comments on this chapter. 1. It is unlikely that Menkheperre was excavating his tomb at the same time that Hatshepsut was working on hers, for there must have been a limited number of skilled artisans working in the royal cemetery at any one time. Considering that his father had died quite young, it is also unlikely that the king put off initiating work on his own tomb until the end of his reign. One can even speculate that work on Menkheperre s tomb was begun under the supervision of Useramun, who was vizier until around year 28, see n. 6 in this chapter. 2. The tomb known as K V 34 was discovered by Loret in 1898. Loret (1898: 91—97) published a brief account of the discovery, and the more substantial finds were documented by Daressy (1902: 281—98, C G 24901—70 and 5204—17). Unfortunately, Loret never published a complete description of his clearance of the tomb, and much information about the locations of the objects has been lost, but see now Piacentini and Orsenigo 2004. 3. Hatshepsut s tomb ( K V 20) is in a different branch of the wadi from that of Thutmose I ( K V 38). Amenhotep II ( K V 35) chose a site that is far removed from the tomb of Menkheperre ( K V 34), and Thutmose I V ( K V 43) moved to the other side of the valley from Amenhotep II. Amenhotep III ( W V 22) went so far as to excavate his tomb in the West Valley, and Ays tomb ( W V 23), which may well have been started for Amenhotep I V is at the southern end of the West Valley. 4. It is possible that an aborted tomb entrance in the cleft, now marked K V 33, was a false start for Menkheperre s tomb. 5. In his study of the tomb, Romer describes a possible ancient diversion of the watercourse; see Romer (1975) 321 and n. 38. 6. A contemporary version of the Amduat is in the tomb of Menkheperre s vizier, Useramun ( T T 131), who seems to have died in about year 28 of the kings reign. Useramun has the same texts (the Amduat and the Litany of Re) in his burial chamber as are found in K V 34 suggesting that he was the vizier who oversaw the planning of the kings tomb, whether or not he lived to see its completion. The Amduat appears in no other nonroyal tomb during the New Kingdom. 7. The letter designations for the tomb elements follow Thomas (1966). 8. If one looks at the Theban tombs from earlier periods, one finds that most were quite crudely cut into poorer layers of stone (e.g., T T 358, the tomb of queen Meryetamun). The walls of decorated offering chapels and burial chambers were either covered with thick layers of plaster (like the statue chamber of Khety in T T 311) or lined with good quality stone that could be carved and/or painted (like the burial chamber of queen Neferu, T T 319; and the offering chapel of Meketre, T T 280). 9. In nearly every royal tomb from the time of Thutmose III through the reign of Merneptah, one or more doorjambs, lintels, and stairways have been cut away to allow for entry of the sarcophagus and other funerary equipment. This gives the distinct impression that the tomb designers and the makers of the tomb furnishings were not in close communication. 10. They have been repaired along one side with fired brick and concrete—probably the earliest attempt to make the tomb accessible to tourists after its discovery in 1898. 11. If the door is contemporary with the tomb, it would probably have been a single leaf door with the pivots at the right as one enters the tomb. 12. For a discussion of the position of doors in the royal tombs, see Roehrig (1995). When this article was written, I was unaware of the existence of any doors in K V 34 except those

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on the storage rooms in the burial chamber. I first noticed the evidence for a door installation here in 1996, while on a study trip funded by the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 13. Here I am using the designation of Elizabeth Thomas. 14. This tomb was published by Carter (1916: 147—53). 15. See Winlock (1932), where she is incorrectly identified as a daughter of Thutmose III. 16. Although the floor of chamber E is no longer excavated into a shaft after the reign of Ramesses III, the chamber itself continues to be the fifth element of any completed tomb. 17. Because of the presence of the well in T T 358, it has been suggested that this might be the tomb of Thutmose II: see Reeves and Wilkinson (1996). However, since broken remains of Meryetamuns burial equipment were found at the bottom of the well, whereas no burial equipment belonging to any king was found in the tomb, there is no basis for this claim. The fact that in later periods the well appears exclusively in king s tombs does not exclude its being used in a queens tomb at this early time in the Eighteenth Dynasty. 18. Carter (1901b) 201—5. 19. If the well was excavated before the burial of the king, it might have protected the tomb—and the stonecutters and artists working there—from flash floods. However, after the tomb was sealed and the entrance covered with sand, gravel, and rubble, it is unlikely that any water would have entered. The tomb of Tutankhamun, which lies in the central part of the valley, directly in the path of any flooding, showed no evidence that water had entered during more than three millennia of flash floods. 20. As has often been pointed out, since the well occurs in the same place in every tomb, it is unlikely to have deterred robbers for long. 21. In particular, see the study of the well in Abitz (1974). 22. In the tomb of Amenhotep II, chamber E also has a painted ceiling and heker frieze but no other decoration. It is not until the reign of Thutmose I V that the wall is decorated with figures and text. 23. Romer (1975:321—31) gives a detailed description of the carving and plastering of the tomb. 24. The floor in this corner of the room has been covered with a layer of plaster. I have not examined this area carefully, and Romer may be correct that there is merely uncut limestone beneath—or the plaster may have been intended to camouflage the flint, as happens in other tombs. 25. It is the first unless one considers the three-pillared burial chamber (see J2 in fig. 18) in K V 20, which functions as that tomb s principal burial chamber (see more on this in the following pages). 26. From the beginning of the list, west of the door (see fig. 6.4), and continuing along the west wall of the tomb, the rectangles have been divided in half by a black line. The image of each deity appears in the lower half, and the name is written in the upper half. This division stops on the south wall of the chamber (see fig. 6.3). 27. According to Romer (1975: 325): "It must have been prior to the completion of the chamber that the small doorway to the well was enlarged, for on the roughest side of it the scribes have left their paintings borderless and unfinished." However, the list of deities is complete, and there is plenty of room for the border had the scribe wanted to finish this and the dado beneath. This lack of attention to unimportant details has no bearing on when the door was enlarged and certainly is no indication of whether the decoration was applied before or after the burial of the king, as Romer implies. 28. "In royal tombs after Thutmose III, the shaft was followed by an upper pillared hall related to the lower one, intended for the reception of the royal sarcophagus and apparently

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recalling the ancient duality of the royal tomb" (Hornung [1990] 27). In the Valley of the Kings, one could argue that this duality appears for the first time in K V 20, which also seems to have two burial chambers, though there may be other reasons for this phenomenon in Hatshepsut s tomb. 29. There were probably at least sixteen steps originally. The upper eight are preserved, and the silhouette of the two lowest rock cut steps is still visible along the doorjambs of the entrance into the burial chamber. As Romer says (1975: 325), it is difficult to determine the date of the built steps, which are made of limestone and plaster with a layer of cement that was clearly added soon after the tomb s discovery, perhaps at the same time as the fired bricks and cement found on the stairs in chamber C. 30. Romer seems to believe that these slots were for a beam that was part of the system of sarcophagus slides that are found in most tombs. However, a sarcophagus slide makes no sense so close to the lintel of the doorway. 31. For a description of the preparation, see Romer (1974) 331—32. 32. See Schiaparelli (1929) 11—14. 33. Romer believes that the damage was caused when wooden lintels and doorsills used to install the doors were wrenched out by thieves. However, the wooden lintel or door frame in the entrance to storage room Ja was set well in from the edge of the burial chamber, and its removal doesnt seem to have caused the damage to the decorated wall around the doorway. 34. In a photograph showing the corridor in Khas tomb, the door blocking access to the burial chamber appears to have had a wooden door frame set into the stone doorway, though this is not described in the publication; see Schiaparelli (1929) 11. Although of a much later date, doors with frames of the type that may have been used in K V 34 were found in the Roman necropolis of Dush; see Dunand et al. (1992) 185—94. 35. For an entirely different opinion on the door installations, see Romer (1974: 329—31), who believes that the doors opened out into the burial chamber and interprets some of the plaster remains as indicating that the doors were sealed shut before the burial chamber was decorated. This is one of the main pieces of evidence that led him to suggest that the burial chamber was decorated after the burial of the king. 36. Ibid., 328. 37. For a concise discussion of the Amduat, see Hornung (1999) 27—53. 38. Romer continually reiterates, that to him, everything about the tomb suggests that it was excavated and decorated in haste. However, although the texts and illustrations in chamber J have been done with great fluidity and without an excess of guidelines, careful thought has been given to the spacing of both figures and text. The only place where haste is at all evident is in the fifth hour, where the columns and lines of text are written at a slant and sometimes run into one another as though the scribe(s) was (were) paying little heed to spacing. 39. This follows Piankoff (1954) 230—18. 40. In other versions the first hour is usually split into four registers, but the rest of the hours are generally split into three. 41. In all Eighteenth Dynasty tombs, no matter the number of subsidiary chambers, there is always one opposite the foot of the sarcophagus. This is the chamber always designated Ja by Elizabeth Thomas, and her practice is followed here. For further discussion on this subject, see Roehrig (forthcoming). 42. The tomb was ransacked in ancient times, and only fragmentary burial equipment was discovered by Loret. Rooms Jc and Jd had been thoroughly swept out, and Jd was used for later burials. 43. Piankoff (1954) 286.

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44. Judging from the amount of linen found in a number of intact nonroyal burials of the Eighteenth Dynasty, one might expect an entire storage chamber in a royal tomb to have been filled with linen alone. 45. Piankoff (1954) 294. 46. Ibid., 270. 47. Blocks of limestone found in K V 20 were painted with the texts and vignettes of the Amduat. These are installed in the atrium of the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (Temp. no. 10.12.14.13)—some are illustrated in Johnson (1992) 80. A new study of these texts, including some illustrations, has recently been published by Florence Mauric-Barberio (2001: 315—50). Although no royal name is preserved, Mauric-Barberio believes that the blocks were made for Hatshepsut. Fragments of decorated plaster with portions of the Amduat painted on them were found in K V 38. They are noted in Daressy (1902) 304 (24990C). According to Mauric-Barberio (2001:331—32), another fragment of this text was found in K V 38 during work undertaken by Mohammed el-Biali, who was formerly the General Director of Antiquities for Luxor and Southern Upper Egypt. 48. The version of the texts in the tomb of Menkheperre s vizier Useramun evidently also has an unusual number of references to the tomb owner; see Wente (1982) 176. 49. The first author to connect the shape of the burial chamber with the cavern of Sokaris was Zandee (1961: 37), who points out that both represent the netherworld as the earth. Zandee s observations were noted by Hornung (1963: 2:105), who in his more recent and easily available works continues to associate the oval shape with the Amduat, usually comparing it to the curving frame around the twelfth hour. In most literature, however, the oval chamber in K V 34 continues to be described as cartouche-shaped, associating it with the form of the sarcophagus rather than the texts on the walls. 50. The vignette in the tomb of Useramun ( T T 61) is similar, though there it is painted on the south wall of a rectangular chamber, and the elongated shape of the cavern of Sokaris is much closer to the shape of the hieroglyph í j (N17); see Dziobek (1994), pL 10. It is unfortunate that this vignette is not preserved among the plaster fragments from K V 38; if it is preserved on the blocks from K V 20, no photograph has been published. 51. For Romer s arguments, see Romer (1974) 119—33. 52. K V 38 was uncovered in March 1899 by Loret, who published no description of the tomb or its finds. The most complete descriptions are to be found in Thomas (1966) 71—73, which includes citations to earlier references. Some of the objects found in the tomb were included in Daressy (1902) 300—304. But see now Piacentini and Orsenigo 2004. 53. The two nesting anthropoid coffins inscribed for Thutmose I that were found in the Deir el Bahari cache would just fit in the enlarged interior of this sarcophagus. 54. Hayes (1935) 52-54. 55. Romer (1974) 121—22. 56. Since the burial of Thutmose I still would have been intact when Hatshepsut moved him to K V 20, there would have been no fragmentary material abandoned in the tomb. 57. The jar fragment inscribed with the name of Thutmose I found in K V 38 could as easily have been left there by Hatshepsut as brought there by Thutmose III, so this single piece cannot be used as convincing evidence for any attribution of K V 38. 58. Romer argues that, with the exception of the well, K V 34 adds nothing new to the plan of K V 38. But the well is hardly an insignificant addition, and the pillared hall (F) cannot be dismissed as merely a change in "room size and orientation, and the duplication of some of the elements such as pillars and storechambers." See Romer (1974) 122.

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59. Although there is now no evidence of this pillar, it was mentioned in early descriptions of the tomb and seems to have been roughly in the center of the chamber. 60. There are also two pillars in K V 42, which was built by Menkheperre as well (see the following discussion). 61. The foot of the sarcophagus found in the tomb faced this storage chamber. 62. Though chamber E is included in later completed tombs, Ramesses III ( K V 11) was the last king to excavate the floor of this chamber into a deep well. 63. The lower corridors and chambers of the tomb are excavated into a very poor stratum of expansive shale, and the quality of the original carving is impossible to assess. 64. This plan was generated from measurements and notes taken in 1980 by the Theban Mapping Project, of which I was a member. In tombs cut into shale, even when the ceiling had collapsed and the jambs were no longer preserved, there was always a trace of the original ceiling level and the corners of the chambers and corridors. In Ji of K V 20, the only corner we recorded was to the right of the stairs leading to J2. 65. Romer s theory that K V 20 should be attributed to Thutmose I and K V 38 to Thutmose III has been followed by a number of authors, including Reeves (1990: 13—18. See also Reeves and Wilkinson (1996); and most recently, Strudwick and Strudwick (1999) 97—98. Others continue to attribute K V 38 to Thutmose I, including Hornung (1990, German publication 1982) passim; and Altenmüller (1983:25—38), who argues strongly against Romer s theory. 66. Over the years, a number of authors have identified K V 42 as the tomb of Thutmose II, including Hayes (1935: 7—10), although he felt that the king was never actually buried in the tomb; see idem (1959) 79. See also Hornung (1990) passim; and Altenmüller (1983) 25—38. But for a different view see the following discussion of K V 42. 67. There is no indication in Carters publication of the tomb as to the orientation of this sarcophagus, which was found lying on its side, but it was probably oriented like Hatshepsuts, with the foot facing the storage chamber. 68. These suggestions are based solely on the possibilities of the architecture, and I must stress that there is no inscribed evidence that Thutmose II was ever buried in K V 20. For further discussion on this topic, see Roehrig et al. (forthcoming 2005). 69. Material from this tomb was first published by Winlock (1948). It has recently been restudied by Christine Lilyquist (2003). 70. The concession holders were Chinouda Macarios and Boutros Andraos. Carter (1901a: 196—200) reported on the tomb. The tomb was recleared by Mohamed El-Bialy, who is not convinced that it was originally intended for a queen; see el-Bialy (1999). 71. Senetnay was mnt nswt, "royal nurse," and also held the title šdt ntr; "one who nurtures the god," indicating that she lived into the reign of her nursling, Amenhotep II; see Roehrig (1990a) 327-29. 72. Sitre, Hatshepsut s nurse, was buried in K V 60, a small tomb cut into the valley floor below K V 20. The coffin and mummy of another royal nurse, Rai, were discovered in the Deir el Bahari cache, suggesting that she, too, was originally buried near a royal tomb, though perhaps not in the Valley of the Kings; see ibid., 7—11. 73. Following the analogy of Sitre, one would have expected to find Senetnay s tomb near that of Amenhotep II rather than that of his father, but it s possible that Menkheperre provided her with a tomb ( K V 37) in the basin below K V 34. 74. Carter and Mace (1923) 1:84. 75. These include Meryetamun ( T T 358); Inhapy (perhaps T T 320); and AhmoseNefertari ( A N B, though she may have shared this with Amenhotep I).

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76. Carter (1917) 114—18; idem (1916) 179—82; Baraize (1921) 175—82. 77. Though uninscribed, the rectangular shape suggests that this was a queens sarcophagus, similar to the one found in Hatshepsuts cliff tomb. 78. Hornung (1999) 26. 79. See Wente (1982) 161—79. 80. A special suite of rooms seems to have been provided for queen Tiye in the tomb of Amenhotep III ( W V 22), and a second suite may have been reserved for their daughter, Meryetamun. Recent discoveries by the Mission Siptah-Ramesses X ( M I S R ) suggest that at least one other Eighteenth Dynasty queen was buried in her own tomb in the valley. See n. 83 in this chapter. 81. It seems unlikely to me that a tomb with clear royal elements would have been used for a nonroyal burial so soon after its initial excavation. 82. K V 37 was partially filled with debris when it was measured by the Theban Mapping Project in 1980, and the entrance is now blocked. Mohammed el-Bialy hopes to clear the tomb in the near future (personal communication, February 2002), and he may find evidence that will clarify its history. 83. However, K V 32 was recently excavated by an expedition from the University of Basel—the M I S R Project—and objects found in the tomb suggest that it was employed for a queens burial later in the dynasty (personal communication from the field director, Elina Paulin-Grothe, who is preparing the results for publication). Reference to work in the tomb is posted on the M I S R website http://pages.unibas.ch/talderkoenige/ 84. Since Egyptian tradition does not dictate a change in the dynasty at this point, it seems likely that either Thutmose or his queen was a member of the royal family, however distant the connection. 85. The tomb of Nebkheperre Intef V was recently relocated by a joint German and Egyptian team led by Daniel Polz of the Deutsches Archaeologisches Institut in Cairo (see Sharp [2001] 8). Their future work on this and, one hopes, other Seventeenth Dynasty tombs will be invaluable for the study of royal funerary practices and tomb development leading into the New Kingdom. 86. Although the royal tombs of the early Eighteenth Dynasty kings and queens have not yet been identified with certainty, burial equipment and inscribed material dating to the reigns of Ahmose and Amenhotep I have been found in the area, and it seems most likely that these kings were buried near their ancestors. 87. A small section of plaster still clings to the upper edge of the southwest corner of the burial chamber of K V 38, and traces of a heker frieze are still visible. Two fragments of decorated plaster that preserve texts from the eighth and fifth hours of the Amduat were recovered from the tomb and published (without photographs) by Daressy (1902:304, C G 24990 C). Other, similar fragments have recently been found by Mohamed el-Bialy (see n. 47 of this chapter), indicating that the walls of the chamber were once completely decorated with Amduat texts. Two fragments of limestone painted with Amduat texts (CG 24990 A and B) that were found in K V 38 are probably chips accidentally transported from K V 20; see Mauric-Barberio (2001). 88. For a brief summary of scholarly opinion on this book, see Wente (1982) 175—76; see also Gabolde (1987). More recently, Josef Wegner (forthcoming) has suggested a possible link between the Amduat and the mortuary complex of Senwosret III at Abydos. The architecture of this tomb (formerly described as a cenotaph) suggests to Wegner that an early version of the Amduat texts could have been associated with the structure. Whatever the origin of the texts, the illustration of the fifth hour, with its oval cavern of Sokaris beneath a

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pyramidal mound surmounted by the head of a goddess, begs the question: did the prior existence of the Book of the Hidden Chamber influence the choice of the Valley of the Kings as a royal cemetery or did the evocative landscape of the valley inspire the vignette of the fifth hour? 89. The carving of K V 38 is much cruder than that of K V 34, a fact that seems to illustrate the gradually growing competence of both designers and stonecutters in the valley during the first few generations of its use. 90. By the next generation, in the tomb of Amenhotep II ( K V 35), it is clear that the conception of the tomb has begun to change. The burial chamber is rectangular instead of oval, with a deep depression, or crypt, for the sarcophagus at one end. Although the Amduat is still the principal decoration in the burial chamber, the hours are no longer placed on the correct walls but are written in succession around the chamber—and the name of the king hardly appears in the texts.

SEVEN

Royal Portrait and Ideology: Evolution and Signification of the Statuary of Thutmose III DIMITRI LABOURY

t has long been recognized that the statues of Thutmose III do not always show the king with the same face.1 This particularity was often explained by the theory that "two distinct trends characterize Egyptian royal art of this period, an official idealizing style based on older royal portraiture and a second style stemming from the genre tradition of naturalistic portraiture evident even in the very descriptive reserve heads and wood sculpture of the Old Kingdom/' 2 Thirty-seven years ago, archaeological evidence gave us a clue to challenge this undemonstrated and dissatisfying explanation: in her preliminary report about the recently discovered portraits of Thutmose III in the Djeser Akhet at Deir el Bahari, a temple built during the last decade of the ruler s reign, Lipinska showed that the representations of the king made during this later part of the sovereigns lifetime form a physiognomically homogeneous group that differs from the earlier portraits.3 By establishing the fact that an iconographical shift occurred in royal portraiture during the later years of Thutmose Ills reign, Lipinska proved that the diversity of the king s sculpted faces had to be explained, at least partially, from a chronological point of view, by an evolutionary process, and so she "laid the basis for the study of the development of Tuthmosis Ills sculpture*"4 The statuary of Thutmose III offers especially good conditions for such a study since the now preserved sculptures of the king are quite numerous5 and because the chronology of his long reign is very well documented and thus not so difficult to establish.6 But this kind of analysis of the evolution

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of a Pharaoh s portraiture raises at least two important methodological questions:7 (i) how can a royal statue be dated within the reign of its model, and (z) how can we explain the iconographical modification of the statuary of an ancient Egyptian king? The only criterion that is really usable and consistent for dating an ancient Egyptian royal statue within a king s reign is the architectural context.8 The overwhelming majority of a pharaohs sculpture was intended to stand in a temple.9 Of course, lots of these statues—theoretically all of them except for the so-called Osiride colossi—could be moved, a fact that implies that the original location of each sculpture must be critically analyzed.10 On the other hand, when the initial position of a statue can be stated so can its architectural dating. Indeed, it can be demonstrated that the statuary program of a monument was conceived together with its architecture and twodimensional decoration. 11 This is shown, for instance, by the numerous interruptions in wall decoration that correspond to the ancient presence of a statue 12 and by some bedding hollows for sculpture bases that can even run under the walls, 13 indicating that the location of the statue was prepared before the erection of the walls. In some cases, it is also very clear that royal sculptures were put in position before the completion of the architecture, since they are larger than the only door through which they could have been moved in or out. 14 Moreover, since Lipinska has shown that the evolution of the kings iconography is visible in both statuary and two-dimensional art, this method of dating the statues by their architectural context may be improved by a comparison with the reliefs on the walls of the monuments. Regarding the interpretation of modifications in the king s iconography, from a theoretical point of view one can avoid proposing an aesthetic discourse about the styles of the statues that might have nothing in common with what really happened in the mind of the people who conceived and made these sculptures by replacing the results of the art historical research in their cultural context, and especially in their political and ideological context, since we are dealing here with a royal art. As royal portraiture, the statues of a king are at the same time the image of a man—though not of any human being—and the image of an institution, the image of the state and the royalty. So we cannot neglect the political and ideological dimension of ancient Egyptian royal portraiture, like any other royal portraiture.15 Moreover, textual evidence shows that a pharaoh devoted a lot of attention to the production of his portraits, giving instructions to his sculptors concerning his iconography and the style of his statues and ensuring—notably through his vizier—that his commands would be properly executed.16 These facts suggest that modifications in royal iconography were ordered, or at least

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agreed upon, by the king himself and were most probably not free from ideological implications. These methodological considerations determine the structure of my analysis of the evolution of Thutmose Ills statuary: with architectural dating criteria, some statues of the king will be selected for a certain period of the reign; the physiognomy of the ruler on these sculptures will then be stylistically analyzed; and an examination of the king s policy in the same period will be undertaken to help us establish whether the modifications in pharaohs iconography can be explained by their ideological context. Since the different periods of Thutmose Ills reign are not equally documented and because the main iconographical shift in the kings portrait, which helps to understand the whole evolution, occurred in the last part of the rulers lifetime, the analysis will follow a reversed chronological order, starting with the last twelve years, then dealing with the beginning of the autonomous reign, and finally addressing the time when he shared the throne with Hatshepsut, namely, the regency and the coregency periods. 17 T H E P O R T R A I T S OF T H E K I N G D U R I N G T H E L A S T T W E L V E Y E A R S OF H I S R E I G N : Y E A R S 42 T O 54

As Lipinska has shown, the images of the king from the Djeser Akhet temple at Deir el Bahari, in statuary as well as in two-dimensional representations, differ "in some features from the numerous already known portraits of Tuthmosis III, and seem to form by themselves a separate type." 18 The date of Djeser Akhet is perfectly established by a set of ostraka that evoke its construction from year 43 to year 49. 19 On the other hand, the location of the temple, its size, and the fine style of its decoration indicate that the rulers portraits made for the monument "express the strict 'official' line, and there is no point to regard the difference in style as caused by any other reason than the officially approved change in the representation of the kings likeness."20 The most striking differences between these newly excavated portraits (figs. 7.1a and 7.1b) and the older ones (figs. 7.2a and 7.2b) are: the shape of the nose, whose profile is almost perfectly straight instead of prominent and curved; the eyes and eyebrows, which are fundamentally horizontal, drawn in almost straight lines, with nearly an angle on the upper eyelid where the latter is going down to the inner canthus, producing a wide-open eye; and the basic structure of the face, which is more right angled, mainly because of the importance of the maxillary.21 So the physiognomy of the king is modified more in its spirit than in some of its precise details: the overall composition of the face is no longer based on the curved line but on the straight one, the

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plain surface replaces the rounded one, and the spherical volume is changed into a more cubic one. From a sculptural point of view, the modeling is less subtle than it is, for instance, on the statues from the Akh Menu (fig. 7.2), giving the impression of some sort of archaism.22 The chronological significance of these changes is proved by the fact that exactly the same physiognomic features appear on the reliefs of any monument erected by the king after year 42: Djeser Akhet, of course, but also the "Annals chambers" in Karnak, mentioning the royal military campaigns from year 22 to year 42; 2 3 the granite bark shrine of Amun on the same site, listing the ruler s offerings till year 46; 24 and the speos of Ellesiya, carved around year 51. 25 These comparisons with two-dimensional representations allow us to infer that the date of the introduction of this new royal iconography cannot be posterior to years 42—43. Some statues of Thutmose III from temples other than Djeser Akhet show the same physiognomy, but it may be impossible to be precise about their dates, since their definite architectural contexts are unknown. One can mention here the famous Turin seated statue of the king (1376), dated on stylistic grounds to the latter part of the reign by Müller, long before the discoveries of Lipinska, 26 the statue in the Cairo Museum, C G 42057, from Karnak, the inscriptions on the back pillar of which are in the name of Amenhotep II, 2 7 a fact that might suggest a late date for the sculpture; or the small sphinx Turin supplemento 2673 from Heliopolis, 28 a town where the building activities of Thutmose III are attested during the latter part of his reign.29 From an art historical point of view, it must be noted that this late iconography of Thutmose III will be reused by Amenhotep II, 3 0 and it appears to be at least inspired by, if not copied from, the sculpted faces of Thutmose I and Thutmose II. 3 1 The question is, of course: why did Thutmose III decide to change his official portrait so late in his reign, making it look more like his fathers and his grandfathers?32 During year 42 of Thutmose Ills reign, when this iconographical shift occurred, a very important political event occurred: the beginning of the proscription of Hatshepsut. As Dorman has definitely shown, the architectural evidence from the central part of Karnak implies that "Hatshepsuts persecution cannot be dated earlier than year 42." 33 On the other hand, the excavations of Djeser Akhet at Deir el Bahari indicate that this damnatio memoriae must have begun before the twenty-third day of the first month of peret of year 43, the date of the first attestation of the construction works of this temple,34 whose function was to replace the nearby Djeser Djeseru of Hatshepsut,35 since destroyed monuments of the proscribed queen were found reused in the masonry of the temple and under its causeway.36 The south fa-

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cade of Pylon VIII of Karnak and the so-called gateway of Thutmose I at north Karnak, actually two creations of Hatshepsut, were usurped by Amenhotep II, 3 7 an epigraphic fact that demonstrates that the persecution lasted till at least the beginning of the reign of the son of Thutmose IIL On the other hand, the royal names of Hatshepsut were respected by Thutmose I V and Akhenaten.38 Finally, the queen seems to have been proscribed anew during the Ramesside period, since she is systematically missing in the king list of that time and some of her monuments were usurped by the first rulers of the Nineteenth Dynasty.39 These latter appropriations are not uninteresting; they show that two centuries after the reign of Thutmose III some monuments of Hatshepsut were still in a state that justified such a recuperation. In fact, it is well known that some figures of the queen are still intact today.40 So the proscription appears not to have been carried through to completion when it was stopped under Amenhotep II. These considerations suggest that the problem that was supposed to be resolved by the persecution of Hatshepsut concerned only Thutmose III and his son and that the aim of the proscription was reached before every testimony of the queens reign was destroyed. It has been noted many times that Thutmose III only exceptionally usurped the monuments of his aunt in his own name but usually rededicated them to his father and his grandfather.41 By doing this, the king clearly tried to rewrite recent dynastic history, the so-calledThutmoside succession,42 "in an apparent effort to absorb her reign into historic lifespans of her two male predecessors."43The importance of Thutmose I and Thutmose II in this latter part of the reign of Thutmose III is noteworthy. As Hatshepsut did in her ideology of legitimation, Thutmose III justified his claims to the throne by a miracle of Amun and by the will of his father.44 He dedicated many statues and monuments, or parts of monuments, to Thutmose II, 45 and he obviously paid great respect to his royal grandfather.46 This politically motivated attitude was patently accentuated during the last decade of the reign: the overwhelming majority of the monuments of Hatshepsut were reascribed to the first two Thutmose kings; a specific cult chamber was dedicated to them in Djeser Akhet; 47 Thutmose I was referred to in the Annals text of his grandson;48 the latter made a new sarcophagus and a new tomb for his grandfather and buried him anew, away from the grave of Hatshepsut, where his mummy had previously been brought by his daughter;49 and a colossal statue of Thutmose II was snfr} "perfected" or "restored," in front of Pylon VIII during year 42. 50 By so honoring his direct royal ancestors and negating Hatshepsut s kingship, Thutmose III appears to have tried to affirm an uninterrupted dynastic continuity from father to son, from his grandfather to himself.

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Another member of the bloodline of the king was also involved in the proscription of Hatshepsut: the young prince Amenhotep, the future Amenhotep II, under whom the persecution continued and ended. Many documents from the reign of Amenhotep II show the ruler together with his royal father. 51 Whether or not these monuments are considered evidence for a coregency between the two kings, they clearly show that Amenhotep II insisted on his ties with his father. In his Sphinx stela, he even says that when he was still a prince his father said "in his heart: he is the one who will be the master of the whole land." 52 By writing this, Amenhotep obviously justified his legitimacy on the throne of Egypt by means of his links with Thutmose III. On the other hand, some clues help define the attitude of Thutmose III toward his son and successor, the prince Amenhotep. In her dissertation about royal nurses and tutors during the Eighteenth Dynasty, Catharine Roehrig has shown that, instead of having one nurse and one tutor like most royal children, the future Amenhotep II was provided with at least two tutors and nine nurses. 53 Roehrig explains this exceptional proliferation as follows: "Since Amenhotep was in his late teens at his accession, he was born relatively late in his fathers reign, probably around year 37.Tuthm0sis III may have believed that this prince would inherit the throne while still a child, as he had himself." So the king "may have had some worries about his succession By giving the child to numerous wet nurses, Tuthmosis III may have been binding a group of strong and trusted courtiers to the child. Not only would this have ensured the loyalty of a number of seasoned advisers for the future king, but it would have provided a group of future courtiers in the form of foster brothers and sisters with extremely close ties to their sovereign." 54 Roehrig also established that Thutmose III had lost several sons before Amenhotep became heir to the throne, a circumstance that could have increased the worries of the king regarding his succession.55 These unusual protective measures surrounding prince Amenhotep suggest that the succession of Thutmose III was more problematic than it seemed. The proscription of Hatshepsut was initiated around year 42, when Amenhotep was only six years old, at a time when it was far from sure that he would survive to assume the throne after his father. From a chronological point of view, the persecution of the queen and the protection of prince Amenhotep are contemporaneous and seem to be part of the same wider policy of enhancing the royal bloodline of Thutmose III. So the king appears to have persecuted his aunt in order to define his bloodline as the only legitimate line on the throne of Egypt in the past, as in the future, since special care surrounds Thutmose I and Thutmose II as well as the young crown prince Amenhotep. The late date of the persecution

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and the protagonists involved in it can only be explained, in my opinion, by a problem of succession. The fact that the persecution ends under Amenhotep II indicates that this problem concerned only Amenhotep and his father, as if Thutmose III had tried to resolve his succession anticipatively. In this context, the proscription of Hatshepsut and the wider policy it was part of appear quite clearly to have been intended to protect the heir of the royal bloodline of Thutmose III, the young prince Amenhotep. The posthumous involvement of Thutmose II and Thutmose I in the persecution suggests that the problem faced by Thutmose III was going back to the lifetime of his two predecessors. As is shown by the legitimation policy of Hatshepsut, if Thutmose III wanted to justify his own power, or his sons, he could merely have referred to the royalty of his father, and this is precisely what he did before the last twelve years of his reign.56 The artificial presence of Thutmose I in the proscription of his own daughter suggests that the problem originated in the reign of this king. Thutmose I had children from at least two different beds: Thutmose II, son of Mutnofret, and Hatshepsut, daughter of Ahmose. When he died, the kingship went to the branch of the family in which a son was still alive, namely, Thutmose II, but with the premature death of the latter and the youth of his son and successor, the boy king Thutmose III, the other branch of the family also had access to the throne through the royalty of Hatshepsut. The fact that both Thutmose III and Hatshepsut only referred to their own branches of the family on their monuments supports the assumption of a royal family divided into—at least—two rival lines. 57 In this dynastic context, the reign of the queen appears as a dangerous precedent that could have compromised the future of the very young prince Amenhotep if it was used by a descendant, or an alleged descendant, of Thutmose I to support his claims to kingship.58 Negating the royalty of Hatshepsut amounted to a negation of any right to a pretender to the throne of Thutmose Ills heir. Whether or not the danger of a collateral succession excluding the future Amenhotep II from the crown was real or hypothetical, it seems obvious that Thutmose III took this political danger as an effective one.59 When Amenhotep II was firmly installed on the throne of his father, the succession was settled and there was no reason to continue the proscription anymore. In this political context, it seems obvious that the modification of the king s iconography is directly linked to the persecution of Hatshepsut. The chronological coincidence between the two events is perfect, and every monument erected during or because of the damnatio memoriae of the queen exemplifies the new royal portraiture.60 Moreover, the policy initiated by Thutmose III during year 42 gives sense to the change in the physiognomy of the kings figures.The modifications noted earlier concern the features that char-

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acterize Hatshepsut s face (the rounded face with a triangular facial plan and a small maxillary, the elongated eyes drawn with curved lines under high and very curved eyebrows, and the prominent and hooked nose) 61 and so correspond to a rejection of any physiognomic detail that could have recalled the iconography of the proscribed queen and to the revival of an older model, that of one of the ruler s two direct royal ancestors, Thutmose I and Thutmose II, which will be continued by Amenhotep IL This is in fact a summary of the proscription of Hatshepsut in artistic language. So the iconographical shift introduced by Thutmose III in his portraits during year 42 appears to be only a part of the wider policy initiated by him at the same time, an artistic consequence of the persecution of the queen. This interpretation nevertheless implies that the previous physiognomic type of Thutmose III could, in the eyes of the king himself, recall Hatshepsut enough to require a change in his iconography when the proscription of the queen was decreed. To resolve this problem and its political and historical implications, we have to consider the ruler s portraits during the first part of his autonomous reign, between the death of Hatshepsut and her damna~ tio memoriae, between year 21 and year 42.

T H E P O R T R A I T S OF T H E K I N G AT T H E

BEGINNING

OF H I S A U T O N O M O U S R E I G N , B E F O R E T H E P R O S C R I P T I O N O F H A T S H E P S U T : Y E A R S 21 T O 42

A very important monument was erected by Thutmose III at the beginning of his independent reign: Akh Menu in the precinct of Amun at Karnak. The foundation of this temple was performed by the god himself on the last day of the second month of peret of year 24, 6 2 and 62 days later the king promulgated a decree concerning the monument. 63 The date of the temple is also confirmed by an inscription from year 25, which accompanies the famous depiction of the so-called Botanical Garden of Thutmose III in the antechamber of the sanctuary.64 Even if Akh Menu is badly damaged nowadays, many of its original statues are still preserved, notably because some of them were thrown into the Karnak cachette^5 while others were discovered in situ by Auguste Mariette, during his very early clearing of the site in the middle of the nineteenth century.66 These sculptures show a very homogeneous iconography (fig. 7.2), which contrasts with the royal portraits subsequent to year 42 (fig. 7.1). The face has a rounded shape with very delicate modeling. This roundness is notably determined by the lesser importance of the maxillary, which is more integrated in the cheeks' plasticity.The eyes appear elongated, drawn with curved lines, with no angle on the upper lid, under high and curved eyebrows. The

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nose presents a very distinctive aquiline profile with a rounded and fleshy tip. Despite some stylistic similarities to the statues of the last decade of the reign, the composition of these portraits is based on different—if not reversed—principles, since the straight line is here replaced with the curved one, the plain surface with the rounded one, the angle with the smooth transition, and the cubic volume with the spherical one. These features are systematically present in the other statues of Thutmose III made for Akh Menu, 67 on the reliefs of this temple,68 and on the other royal monuments of the same period, whatever the site considered,69 a fact that demonstrates the chronological significance of this iconography. The resemblance between the Akh Menu statues of Thutmose III and the late portraits of Hatshepsut has already been noted by some scholars. For instance, Tefnin wrote: "Touthmosis III, par sa statue du Caire CGC 594, évoque de plus près les grandes statues de granit d'Hatshepsout que ses propres effigies à Deir el-Bahari ou à Turin. Et la différence entre ces images de Touthmosis III apparaît bien plus considérable que la nuance minime qui distingue les plus récentes d'entre elles de l'image donnée d'Aménophis II par sa statue du Caire CGC 42073." 70 It is precisely the features modified around year 42 that are in keeping with the queen's iconography: "Les joues bien rondes, le menton large . . . un léger resserrement aux tempes donnent au visage une forme générale presque sphérique et un contour régulier. . . . Sous des sourcils arqués, les yeux sont moyennement ouverts, un peu allongés vers les tempes . . . et dessinés en courbes régulières Le nez est... de profil aquilin, saillant, avec une légère rupture au niveau du premier tiers de l'arête."71 But even if the principles of the composition and the majority of the physiognomic details are almost the same—if not identical—some slight differences still oppose the portraits of the former coregents: the protruding and low cheekbone of Thutmose Ill's face determines a horizontal depression under the eye, which never appears on the statues of Hatshepsut; the chin of the king has an S-shape in profile view, while it is straight and vertical on the faces of his aunt; and the tip of the nose, the lobule, is fleshy and rounded on the sculptures of Thutmose III instead of being thin and pointed, as on the portraits of Hatshepsut.72 These differences are indeed not very important in the overall appearance of the face, but they are absolutely systematic and so they constitute criteria useful to distinguish uninscribed sculpted faces of Hatshepsut from anepigraphic portraits of her nephew.73 The fact that they meant something to Thutmose III and his sculptors is proved by some reliefs originally made in the late style of the coregency with Hatshepsut but recarved according to the new royal iconography.74 In two-dimensional representations, this change is mainly visible in the shape of the nose lobule. On some reliefs of the monuments completed by

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Thutmose III after the death of his aunt—the Red Chapel (chapelle rouge), the Hatshepsut suite in the central part of Karnak and the Satet temple of Elephantine—the king may still have the pointed nose characteristic of Hatshepsut.75 This suggests that the transformation of the queens iconographie model did not occur immediately after her death, that is, in year 21, 76 but only sometime later. It must be recalled here that Tefnin has shown, in his study of the female bust British Museum EA 93, that the late style of Hatshepsut was most probably in use till year 22 of Thutmose III. 7 7 Furthermore, the Akh Menu type, with the rounded nose lobule, is already attested in the initial decoration of the complex of Pylon V I at Karnak, made between the disappearance of Hatshepsut and the famous battle of Megiddo, which occurred in the very first days of year 23.78 Thus, it is clear that the modification in the king s iconography was only introduced during year 22, the year that followed the death of his royal aunt. The Akh Menu statues of Thutmose III, and especially CG 42053 (fig. 7.2), have often been interpreted as representing the real face of the king. 79 The comparison with the sovereigns mummy supports this idea,80 and even if, at the beginning of his independent reign, the ruler clearly reused the iconographie model elaborated by Hatshepsut, the modifications noted earlier may have been inspired by the actual physiognomy of Thutmose III, since these new features are not attested in the statuary of previous kings and so cannot be explained as references to a specific ancestor.81 These art historical conclusions raise new questions of interpretation: why does Thutmose III seem to have wanted to look like Hatshepsut, especially if a quarrel of legitimacy was opposing the former coregents, as it appears from the analysis of the proscription of the queen? The fact that the king reused his aunts physiognomic model while personalizing it also calls for an explanation. The political attitude of Thutmose III vis-à-vis Hatshepsut after her death can be approached through the analysis of two different types of sources: archaeological and textual. The former help us to determine what the king really did, while the latter explain what he said he did. The confrontation of both kinds of evidence might be interesting, since actions and official intentions do not always coincide. From an archaeological point of view, it is very clear that Thutmose III completed—or started to complete—in his own name the monuments left unfinished by Hatshepsut but not without modifying the queens initial plans. This is, for instance, the case with the famous Red Chapel. The decoration of this monument was obviously left unfinished when the queen died, since its doors and upper registers—namely, the eighth and part of the seventh—were carved in the sole name of Thutmose III, including the dedica-

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tion inscription on the south facade. 82 Moreover, if the king did not cause the reliefs of Hatshepsut to be recarved (with the exception of block 24, where the cartouche of the queen was changed into his nephews), 83 recent researches made by the French-Egyptian Center of Karnak have shown that the architecture of the monument was altered, the heightened facade, for example, being an innovation of Thutmose IIL 8 4 And eventually the king decided to dismantle this exceptional edifice before it was fully completed.85 This last operation certainly occurred early in the independent reign of Thutmose III, undoubtedly before the proscription of Hatshepsut, in year 42, as Dorman and Van Sielen have demonstrated,86 and perhaps even during or before the construction of Akh Menu in years 24—25, according to a hypothesis of Vergnieux, who suggests that the quartzite blocks of the naos in the sanctuary of Akh Menu came from the queens chapel.87 The Hatshepsut suite, the so-called Palais de Maât, exemplifies a very similar attitude. The southern part of this monument was also left unfinished after the death of Hatshepsut, and Thutmose III completed its decoration in his sole name, beginning with his aunts iconography and ending with his own.88 When the sovereign decided to erect Pylon V I in front of the Hatshepsut suite, he also ordered the construction of two rows of shrines connected to the new pylon, which had undoubtedly not been planned by Hatshepsut, since one of their doors was hiding part of the queens decoration on the north facade of the Palais de Maât. 89 This rearrangement of Hatshepsuts projects also occurred very early during the newly autonomous reign of Thutmose III, since these monuments, the Palais de Maât and the complex of Pylon VI—as well as the Red Chapel—are mentioned in the Text of the Youth, which was written on the south facade of the queens suite before the battle of Megiddo, and so before the beginning of year 23, according to Gabolde and Mathieu, who are preparing a new edition of this important inscription.90 It must be noted here that this is when the iconography of the coregency was modified and personalized for Thutmose III, since the royal figures on the west facade of pylon V I and those on the walls of the chapels connected to this gate do not show Hatshepsut s pointed nose anymore but rather that of her nephew, with a rounded and fleshy lobule.91 In the dedication inscription of these new monuments, the Text of the Youth of Thutmose III, 92 the king never confesses that he either dismantled, hid, or modified the constructions of his aunt. Actually, Hatshepsut is never explicitly referred to after her death. Thutmose III insists in this text on what he really "did by himself": 93 Pylon V I and its courts, depicted with many details as real marvels,94 and the completion but not the entire realization of the Red Chapel 95 and—probably—of the Palais de Maât. 96 He also depicts

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himself as a pharaoh elected by Amun to rule Egypt and full of respect for his predecessors,97 an assertion that certainly prevented him from confessing that he was disturbing the original plans of his former coregent. So, just after the death of the queen, Thutmose III began to complete the works initiated by Hatshepsut, but during year 22 he decided to modify the projects of his aunt and asserted his own personality as a king, insisting on his own actions while continuing to present himself as a pious continuator of his predecessors. Exactly the same attitude is perceptible through an analysis of the evidence concerning the construction of Akh Menu. This temple, erected in year 24 after the victorious return of the Megiddo expedition,98 certainly replaced another foundation of Hatshepsut in the same area,99 indeed, in some parts, using reused blocks from a monument of the queen. 100 On a stela made to commemorate the foundation of Akh Menu (CG 34012), Thutmose III does not go so far as to say that the site of his future temple was free from any construction: he explains that he had only found there a brick enclosure wall with a floor rising almost to the top of the walls because of the rubbish resulting from an inundation and that he ordered the cleaning of the area. 101 He never explicitly mentions the monument erected there by Hatshepsut and insists on the truth of his statement when he claims: "I have never acted on the monument of another." 102 Again the portraits of the king appear as a plastic translation of his policy. After a long period of sharing his throne with someone else, Thutmose III decided, on the one hand, to assert his own personality as a monarch and, on the other, to keep placing himself in the continuity of his predecessors, a guarantee of his legitimacy. So he followed the model of his direct predecessor, his former coregent, but not without introducing some innovations in year 22 in order to adapt this model to his own personality. The orientations of this policy—personal assertion, deep respect for the predecessors, and great devotion toward Amun, 1 0 3 the god who gives rightful kingship— suggest that the ruler was in need of legitimation after a long partition of his power with Hatshepsut, 104 since they precisely constitute ways to justify claims to the throne. This need of legitimation is indeed very obvious in the Text of the Youth of Thutmose III, which relates the miraculous election of the king by Amun. It most probably motivated the apparently ambiguous attitude of the ruler toward his aunt: official continuation of her model but with personal assertion. With the triumph of Megiddo at the beginning of year 23, the king seems to have been more comfortable regarding this problem, and he did not hesitate to dismantle at least one monument of his aunt, replacing it with a new one entirely of his own and for his sole glory: Akh Menu. Nevertheless, in

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the official version of what he has done he always presents himself as a pious ruler, full of respect for his predecessors. So the beginning of the autonomous reign of Thutmose III, after the death of Hatshepsut, appears in many respects to be a normal succession, with a new king stepping "into his predecessors shoes," 105 but the archaeological evidence shows a certain will to challenge and shade the queens creations and so reveals a certain animosity between the former coregents. Only few figures of Thutmose III can be dated with certainty to the period between the construction of Akh Menu, started in year 24, and the beginning of the proscription of Hatshepsut in year 42. 1 0 6 These representations show that the iconography of the king did not evolve—at least significantly—during the fourth decade of his reign. The ideological discourse seems also to remain unchanged till the persecution of the queen. For example, in the text inscribed in the door of Pylon V I I at Karnak, which evokes the famous military campaign of year 33, 107 the sovereign again justifies his legitimacy by explaining that he received his kingship from Amun himself while still a child. 108 But this theme, which was the central topic of the Text of the Youth, is here reduced to a very small preamble to a long description of what the king has done for Amun. This suggests that the problem of legitimation felt by Thutmose III at the beginning of his independent reign, after his long coregency with Hatshepsut, had become less important. The less frantic building activity in the temple of the god of kingship, at Karnak, and the vigorous foreign policy of the king during that period, 109 which implies a stable or stabilized home situation, also support this interpretation of Thutmose Ills ideology during the fourth decade of his reign. So during the autonomous reign of Thutmose III the kings image appears to have been shaped by his attitude toward his deceased former coregent. Imitation, inspiration, and rejection of the queens model indeed determined the ideology and the iconography of the sovereign when he ruled Egypt alone. These facts of course incite one to investigate the way the ruler was represented during the first twenty years of his reign, when Hatshepsut "was administering the country." 110 T H E P O R T R A I T S OF T H E K I N G U N D E R T H E R E G E N C Y OF H A T S H E P S U T : Y E A R S 1 T O 7

At the very beginning of his reign, under the regency of Hatshepsut, the boy king Thutmose III was depicted on the walls of royal monuments as an adult pharaoh performing his ritual duty alone, without any overshadowing from his aunt, as appears in the initial decoration of the temple of Semneh. 1 1 1 So as titular sovereign statues of him were certainly made during this period,

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but none of them can be identified through either architectural or epigraphic criteria. Nevertheless, the analysis of two-dimensional images helps to specify the kings iconography during the regency period. At least four royal monuments can surely be dated to this phase of the reign: the oldest part of the Semneh temple of Thutmose III, erected during year 2 ; 1 1 2 a chapel from Karnak dedicated to the memory of the late Thutmose II by his widow, still a queen but already facing the gods like a king; 1 1 3 another chapel of Hatshepsut on the brink of her accession to the throne as pharaoh, reused at north Karnak; 1 1 4 and a series of blocks from a temple that preceded Akh Menu in the eastern part of the precinct of Amun at Karnak, initiated by the boy king but completed by the queen when she was about to assume real kingship and later dismantled by her nephew. 115 These monuments can be divided into two chronological groups respectively situated at the beginning and at the end of Hatshepsut s Regency. Human figures on their reliefs show exactly the same physiognomy, which is in fact that of Thutmose I andThutmose II, with a straight nose and a well opened eye under an almost horizontal eyebrow. Since R. Tefnin has shown that the first portraits of Hatshepsut as pharaoh also present the same face, 1 1 6 it is clear that there is an iconographical continuity from the reign of Thutmose I till the beginning of the coregency between his grandson and his daughter. This means that Thutmose Ills iconography was exactly the same at the beginning and end of his reign, during the first seven years 1 1 7 and the last twelve, being in both cases a faithful imitation of his fathers and grandfathers model. On this stylistic ground, few statues inscribed with the name of Thutmose III might be proposed as plausible portraits of the king made during the regency of his aunt. The most convincing one is a sculpture from Karnak, now in Cairo Museum (RT 14/6/24/11 [fig. 7.3]), 1 1 8 whose plastic treatment conveys an impression of archaism, which could simply be due to the old date of the statue within the reign of Thutmose III. T H E P O R T R A I T S OF T H E K I N G D U R I N G T H E C O R E G E N C Y W I T H H A T S H E P S U T : Y E A R S 7 T O 21

It has often been noticed that during the coregency with Hatshepsut, "qu'il s'agisse de temples aussi éloignés que ceux de Bouhen, de Qasr Ibrim, de Kumma ou de Ouadi Haifa, aussi essentiels théologiquement que celui de Médinet-Habou, du coeur même du sanctuaire de Karnak, d'édifices provinciaux, tels les deux spéos du Batn el-Baqara, ou d'une simple stèle, Thoutmosis III est toujours et systématiquement associé à l'œuvre de la reine." 119 Indeed, in two-dimensional decoration of the monuments of her reign the queen nearly always gave a small place to her nephew. 120 The fact that stat-

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ues of the boy king could also be made during the same period is proved by the group sculpted in high relief in the rear wall of the third shrine of Qasr Ibrim, where Thutmose is sitting beside his reigning aunt. 1 2 1 Unfortunately, this group is totally defaced and unusable for defining the kings physiognomy during the coregency. Moreover, no architectural or epigraphic evidence allows us to find a statue of the young Thutmose made during the reign of Hatshepsut. Stylistic comparison with the portraits of the queen can, however, be used to identify such statues, since many scholars have drawn attention to the fact that in two-dimensional representations, at least, the coregents shared a common iconography. I22 The stylistic evolution of Hatshepsuts statuary has been studied by R. Tefnin, who showed that three successive main stages can be distinguished in the queens iconography. 123 As Gabolde noted: "Le passage à l'état de pharaon fut lent, hésitant et progressif." I24 The first step toward kingship was the representation of Hatshepsut acting as a real regent, namely, as a substitute for the pharaoh. The status of the queen started to be modified when she appeared on the temple walls in order to replace her nephew in his ritual function vis-à-vis the gods. 1 2 5 At that time, Hatshepsut is still represented as a queen, with female dress and headgear, bearing her titles of kings wife, kings daughter, and, more frequently, gods wife. 1 2 6 After this change in official behavior, the regent queen transformed her titulary, adopting such new epithets as "mistress of the double l a n d " 1 2 7 or, more suggestively, "the one to whom her father Re has given the real kingship in the middle of the ennead." 128 When she is first represented as a king, with the Ny-Sw.t Bity title and her crown name Maatkare, she still appears as a woman, with feminine anatomy and dress. 129 According to ritual necessities, she might adopt some definitely royal insignia. For instance, on a block from Karnak she is wearing the ibs wig and the sw.ty wr.ty crest of a pharaoh when offering wine to Amun, 1 3 0 and on her oldest statues from Deir el Bahari, in the sanctuary of the Djeser Djeseru, she is represented as an Osiride colossus, with a beard, a long cloak, and a kingly crown, but still as a woman, since her skin is painted in yellow. 131 During this first phase of ascension, the face of Hatshepsut is always represented in the style of her three royal predecessors, in continuity with the iconography of the regency period, itself being a copy of the portraits of Thutmose I and II. The first physiognomic modifications are visible on a set of sphinxes depicting the queen still as a woman, as is signified by the yellow color of her skin, but with elongated eyes under curved eyebrows. 132 These feline eyes appear again on two seated statues of Hatshepsut wearing a female dress. The first one, M M A 30.3.3, 133 is almost completely defaced, but the second one, M M A 29.3.3, 134 presents new features: the chin is considerably lessened and

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the maxillary has lost its importance, giving a distinctive triangular shape to the face; the modeling of the face has been simplified, with an extremely flat facial plan and a very geometric nose, whose profile is still perfectly straight; and the mouth is small and narrow at the corners of the lips. The famous seated statue M M A 29.3.2 shows a very similar physiognomy, but its nose is now clearly hooked. 1 3 5 More strikingly, on this sculpture the queen has almost lost her feminine anatomy and has exchanged her female dress for the shendyt loincloth of male pharaohs. The same modification is visible on the Osiride colossi from the rear wall of the upper terrace of Djeser Djeseru, which have this same physiognomy, with skin now painted in orange, between the yellow of women and the red of men. 1 3 6 This masculinization of Hatshepsuts official image is demonstrated by two additional facts: on the one hand, on the oldest monuments of her reign the queen still appears explicitly as a woman, 1 3 7 while she is systematically represented as a male king after year 16 at least; 138 and, on the other hand, she caused some of her female figures to be recarved according to her new masculine iconography. 139 At the same time, the queen appears to insist on her own personality through a much more individualized physiognomy, which does not have any antecedent in the portraits of her predecessors. 140 So this second phase of the evolution of Hatshepsuts iconography is obviously characterized by the queens desire to assert her own personality as a king. Nevertheless, this image of Hatshepsut was ephemeral. Her iconography changed again, and she eventually appeared as a definitely male pharaoh, with explicitly masculine musculature 141 and red skin. 1 4 2 Her physiognomy is also modified and becomes a synthesis of her two first official faces, 1 4 3 so a compromise between her very individualized previous portrait, which was probably inspired by her actual facial appearance, and the iconography common to her three male predecessors. This third face of Hatshepsut is the last one, and it appears on the majority of the queens two-dimensional representations and on approximately two-thirds of her statues from Djeser Djeseru, a fact of statistical importance that suggests that the whole evolution took place within a short period of time. 1 4 4 A few statues inscribed for Thutmose III resemble some of these portraits of Hatshepsut. The first one to be mentioned here is a quartzite sphinx now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, whose chest is inscribed with the name "the perfect god Menkheperre, beloved of [Amu]n" (fig. 7.4). 1 4 5 So it undeniably represents Thutmose III and was probably intended for the precinct of Amun at Karnak. The majority of its physiognomic features closely recalls the second phase of Hatshepsuts iconography and more specifically the limestone seated statue M M A 29.3.2—with a rather triangular face, a little chin, a small pursed mouth (narrow at the corners of

294 THUTMOSE III the lips), and a prominent and hooked nose 1 4 6 —but the eyes, surprisingly, are still drawn in the style inherited from the regency period and the reigns of Thutmose I and II, wide open under almost straight, horizontal eyebrows. It is tantalizing to explain this strange particularity with the hypothesis that this sphinx was a work of transition between phases i and z, but this assumption is inconsistent with the fact that it is precisely the eyes and eyebrows that are the first physiognomic features to be modified when the queens first face is changing into the second one. On the other hand, the evolution of the shape of Hatshepsuts nose makes it impossible to date the New York sphinx prior to the seated queen M M A 29.3.2. In other words, the sphinx M M A 08.202.6 presents the last transformations that lead to the second phase, not the first ones. This apparent paradox can be resolved if we hold Thutmose s sphinx to be posterior to or contemporaneous with M M A 29.3.2 but with an archaic treatment of the eyes and eyebrows, which, of course, calls for an explanation. In fact, the eyes and eyebrows of the New York sphinx are shaped in the previous royal style, namely, the official style of the boy king during the regency of his aunt. Other physiognomic features of this quartzite sculpture differ from Hatshepsut s portraits and recall those of her nephew: the position of the cheekbone, low and slightly protruding, determining a horizontal depression under the eye; and the shape of the chin, whose profile draws a double curve. These details are systematically present on any sure statue of Thutmose I I I , 1 4 7 and they support the idea of an iconographie concession for the official image of Hatshepsuts nephew regarding the treatment of the eyes and eyebrows of his sphinx M M A 08.202.6. Another statue of Thutmose III looks like the sculpture of Hatshepsut made during the second phase of her iconographie evolution. It is a seated statue inscribed with the king s names, found in Karnak in the middle of the last century and now in the Cairo Museum under the number C G 578 (fig. 7.5). 148 Here the shape of the eyes and the drawing of the eyebrows are those of the queens second style, and many scholars have compared this statue with the limestone seated Hatshepsut M M A 29.3.2. 149 In my opinion, the closest parallel to C G 578 in the queens statuary is the one proposed by Müller: the Berlin sphinx of Hatshepsut, Bode Museum 2299. 1 5 0 Fay has recently shown that a head now in New York, M M A 66.99.22, presents the same physiognomy of C G 578, although it is slightly smaller and beardless. 151 As on the sphinx M M A 08.202.6, a few differences from Hatshepsut statues are visible on these two sculptures: the depression under the eye because of the position of the cheekbone and the shape of the chin, drawing an S in profile. These details, absolutely constant in Thutmose I l l s iconography and never attested in the queens statuary, 152 allow us to attribute with certainty the broken and anepigraphic head M M A 66.99.22 to Hatshepsut s royal nephew.

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The maxillary and chin of CG 578 and M M A 66.99.22 are also wider than those of the queens portraits made during phase 2. The only exception in the latter group regarding this physiognomic feature is the sphinx Berlin 2299, a work of transition between phases 2 and 3, according to Tefnin. 1 5 3 This scholar has drawn attention to the fact that such a widening of the chin could be due to the presence of a heavy beard, 154 but this cannot be the case here since M M A 66.99.22 is beardless. It seems likely that these three sculptures, the Berlin sphinx, the seated statue in Cairo, and the New York head, are contemporaneous, but, since a square maxillary and an important chin characterize the portraits of Thutmose III made before and after the coregency, these physiognomic details may also constitute concessions granted to the portraits of the boy king under the royal authority of his aunt, as well as the hollow under the eye and the shape of the chin in profile. This last explanation appears all the more plausible because, from a physiognomic point of view, Berlin 2299 is unique in the set of the granite sphinxes from Djeser Djeseru and in all the preserved statues of Hatshepsut. 155 Another anepigraphic head deserves to be mentioned here. Purchased by the Berlin Ägyptisches Museum a few years ago and recently published by Schoske, 156 this head, Berlin 34431 (1/86), very closely resembles the third phase of Hatshepsuts iconography, but the presence of a hollow under the eye and the shape of the chin in profile allow us to state that it must be a portrait of Thutmose III made under the reign of his aunt. This time the nose of the statue is preserved. Its tip is interestingly more rounded than the one on Hatshepsuts sculptures but more pointed than on the statues of Thutmose made at the beginning of his autonomous reign. 157 Again this slight difference seems to be a concession to the portraits of the young Thutmose III under the coregency, just like the shape of his cheekbone and that of his chin in this head. These sculptures invite the following conclusions. It is indeed possible to identify using stylistic criteria some statues of Thutmose III made during the coregency with Hatshepsut. These portraits, as well as two-dimensional representations, show that the official image of the young king was heavily influenced by that of his reigning aunt, but not without a few slightly divergent details, which undoubtedly indicate a concession granted to Thutmose s iconography, since they correspond to constant features in the rulers statuary. The influence of Hatshepsut seems to have been gradual. On the other hand, since Tefnin has shown that the last iconographie phase of the coregency was a synthesis of styles 1 and 2, namely, a synthesis of the image of the first three Thutmoses and the individualized portraits of Hatshepsut, it seems that this influence of the queen finally turned into a compromise between her iconography and the one recognized as that of her nephew before

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her accession, giving birth to an image of royal power that could fit both coregents. I58 These stylistic deductions, and the fact that Hatshepsut eventually abandoned her female appearance for a definitely masculine one, 159 suggest that the presence of the young Thutmose III beside his reigning stepmother could have had an effect on the evolution of the queens iconography and on her political self-definition. So there would have been mutual influence. This hypothesis calls, of course, for a confrontation with the evidence regarding the political attitude of Hatshepsut vis-à-vis her nephew during their coregency. As Teeter wrote in 1990: "In the course of the last half-century, many historians have painted the queen with a brush evoking images of a wicked stepmother and an overly ambitious, scheming woman" who took advantage of the youth of her royal nephew. 160 Nowadays this historiographie trend seems to be reversed, and scholars usually insist on "la correction du comportement de la reine" vis-à-vis the young Thutmose. 161 This vision is certainly not false regarding the last part of the coregency, the period contemporary with the third iconographie phase, when both coregents appear together, with masculine anatomy and the last physiognomy of Hatshepsut. Nevertheless, it must be recalled that in these later images, although he was chronologically the first king of the reigning couple,Thutmose is represented five times less frequently than his aunt, 162 always behind her or in a secondary function, 163 and he is excluded from politically essential scenes such as those depicting the coronation rites. 164 So, even during this period of apparent sharing of the throne, there is a clear dichotomy between the "effective king" and her younger coregent, 165 maybe still considered at that time as "the one who is in his nest." 166 Moreover this late attitude does not necessarily imply that the queen always behaved properly toward the boy king. Some evidence indeed demonstrates that, before this period of conciliation with the young Thutmose, there was a time when Hatshepsut tried to evict her nephew. On the blocks of a monument from Karnak initiated in the name of Thutmose III during the regency, Gabolde has found a few cartouches of the boy king that were erased and replaced by those of Hatshepsut or Thutmose II, obviously by order of the queen. 167 According to the iconography of these blocks, this tentative eviction occurred during the transition from the regency to the real reign of Hatshepsut. In their study of the Hatshepsut chapel reused at Karnak North, one of the few monuments whose decoration was surely completed just after the coronation of the regent queen, Gabolde and Rondot have noted that: "Le décor de la chapelle . . . est encore remarquable dans la mesure où Thoutmosis III n y est nulle part figuré ni même mentionné. Le reine exerce à ce moment le pouvoir seule et considère apparemment le rôle

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de l'héritier legitime comme négligeable. Cette "mise à l'écart" de Thoutmosis III—qui est pourtant roi en titre—semble particulière au début de la corégence, du moins à K a r n a k " 1 6 8 T h e obelisks of Hatshepsut on the eastern side of this site, which were put in position at the beginning of the queens reign, 169 are another example of this attitude vis-à-vis the boy king, since blocks in the name of Thutmose II and Thutmose III were found in their foundations. 170 So the epigraphic, iconographie, and archaeological evidence undoubtedly shows that "la correction du comportement de la reine" was some kind of window dressing and, more importantly, that it resulted from a process of evolution. Obviously, Hatshepsut saw her nephew as a rival, and her attitude toward him changed throughout her reign. During the transition between the regency and the corengency, and at the beginning of her reign, Hatshepsut paid great attention to the memory of her late husband, Thutmose II. She dedicated to him a pair of obelisks to complete his unfinished festival court at the entrance of Karnak, 1 7 1 a chapel where he is shown greeted by Osiris, 1 7 2 and, also, on the same site, a bark shrine 1 7 3 and a temple whose reliefs depict him, his wife—and sometimes their daughter, Neferura—performing the rituals of the divine cult. 1 7 4 The deceased king is also represented in the sanctuary of Djeser Djeseru, in the oldest part of the Hatshepsut temple at Deir el Bahari, 1 7 5 and a statue of him was made for the temple of Satet at Elephantine at the beginning of the reign of his wife. 1 7 6 By doing this, Hatshepsut seems to be using the memory of her royal husband to justify her kingly behavior and claims. She still legitimizes herself like a queen, and not yet like a real king, referring to her father, as she will do later. We must remember that at the same time she is shading the role of her nephew, since on the same monument she causes the cartouches of the youngThutmose III to be recarved in her name or the name of Thutmose I I . 1 7 7 So, while insisting on the continuity between herself and her predecessors, especially her royal husband, she asserts her own power, to the detriment of that of her royal nephew. 178 At the end of this first stage of her assumption of the throne, Hatshepsut dares to be represented alone in front of the gods as a real pharaoh, and the boy king Thutmose III totally disappears from the iconography. 179 Her legitimacy as a king is so important that her titles, her behavior, her clothes, and eventually her anatomy are gradually adapted to depict not a regent or reigning queen but a real masculine pharaoh. When this metamorphosis is completed, the references to Thutmose I replace those to Thutmose II, the father replaces the husband in the legitimizing discourse of Hatshepsut, and the queen becomes a real king. When the image of her kingship is totally masculinized, Thutmose III begins to reappear. 180 Why, although she obvi-

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ously tried to replace him, she changed her mind and adopted a political attitude of tolerance is hard to determine. It seems that, whatever his age was, the sole presence of the boy king, a male pharaoh crowned for many years, was enough to challenge and question the validity of Hatshepsuts claims. 181 So she finally decided to appear more conciliatory and integrate the young Thutmose III into her kingship. Again there is perfect concordance between policy and royal iconography. When the three stages of the political evolution of the reign of Hatshepsut—the slow ascension toward kingship in the apparent continuity of her predecessors, the personal assertion of the reigning queen with the overshadowing of the rival boy king, and the toleration of his presence on the political scene—are compared with the three phases of the evolution of her iconography, it becomes obvious that during the second iconographie phase the queen tried to absorb her coregent into her royalty—probably in order to make him disappear—and that the third and last style corresponds to a compromise, a desire to propose an image of her power that could include her royal nephew. This probably also explains why she seems to have been the only reigning queen of ancient Egypt who eventually waived her female appearance for a masculine one. 1 8 2 Evidently, there was mutual (but not equal) influence, and again the royal portraits appear as an accurate translation of current ideology in iconographie language. SUMMARY AND

CONCLUSIONS

Now that the whole reign of Thutmose III has been considered, it is possible to summarize the evolution of his iconography in table 7.1. The perfect correspondence between the political stages of the reign and the phases of the royal iconography shows that the evolution of Thutmose Ills statuary was essentially the result of political factors.The sharing of the throne with Hatshepsut determined the whole history of the kings royalty. Because of this event, the sovereign seems to have had legitimation problems, which could not be totally dispelled by thirty years of a most brilliant reign, as is shown by the very late persecution of the queen. Every time Thutmose III adjusted his legitimation ideology anew, he caused his official portrait to be modified in order to evoke, more or less explicitly, one or another of his predecessors. This quarrel of legitimation between the king and his aunt stemmed from the problem of the succession of Thutmose I, as it was set by Hatshepsut when she claimed the royal legacy of her father. From an art historical point of view, the proscription of the queen resulted in the annihilation of half a century of stylistic evolution, since the portraits of Thutmose III made after year 42 and those sculpted at the be-

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Regnal Year

Political History

Iconography

Statuary

Year 1

Regency of Hatshepsut

Continuation of the model of Thutmose I and Thutmose II

R T 14/6/24/11 (fig. 7-3) 0)

Year 7

Coregency with Hatshepsut

Influence of Hatshepsut Phase 1: continuity Phase 2: personal assertion of Hatshepsut Phase 3: compromise

Year 12

M M A 08.202.6 (fig. 7.4) C G 578 (fig. 7.5) and M M A 66.99.22 Berlin 34431

Year 20

Disappearance of Hatshepsut

Continuity with the coregency

Year 22

Beginning of the autonomous reign

Personalization of the model of the coregency Continuation of the model elaborated during year 22

Statues at Akh Menu (fig. 7.2), and the like

Year 42

Proscription of Hatshepsut

Rejection of any reference to Hatshepsut and revival of the model of the regency

Statues at Djeser Akhet (fig. 7.1), and the like

Year 54

Kings death

ginning of his reign are identical. So the subtle modeling of the royal face on the statues subsequent to the coregency is replaced with a much more geometric and archaizing construction, in direct continuity with the art of the first kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty. On the other hand, it must be noted that after the end of the damnatio memoriae of the queen some iconographical formulas invented by Hatshepsut s sculptors reappear in royal portraits; for instance, the almond-shaped eye under a high and curved eyebrow is indeed visible again on some sculptures of Amenhotep II and eventually becomes a characteristic feature of the portraits of Thutmose I V Amenhotep III, and Akhenaten. 183 Was it a conscious revival, since the proscription of Hatshepsut was over, or a natural evolution of art, which by itself would evolve into a more stylized form? 1 8 4 The fact that some physiognomic features are absolutely constant in the whole iconography of the king—the shape of his chin, the importance of his maxillary, and the position of his cheekbone—and the comparison between his statues and his mummy, which presents these very details, 185 may

300 THUTMOSE III justify the use of the term portrait, since they denote an inspiration taken from the real appearance of the m o d e l 1 8 6 But the variation in other physiognomic details—for example, the shape of the kings nose—and the revival of the iconography of his predecessors show that the diversity of the rulers statuary cannot be explained by realistic and idealizing trends, 1 8 7 realism and idealization being concepts obviously too much opposed and absolute to be applied to ancient Egyptian art. As for the other works of pharaonic art, the formal relationship between the statues of Thutmose III and their model is in fact analogic, as that between essence and appearances of things and beings according to pharaonic thought. T h e ancient Egyptian theology of image informs us that it is precisely in this context that iconic representations were supposed to function, as magically living and efficacious embodiments of their models, depicting the essence rather than the lying and ephemeral perceptual appearances of things and beings. 1 8 8 This theory of image allows the king to become, through his statues, the living image of his ideology, while only slightly modifying the features of his real face. T h e problem with Thutmose I l l s statuary is that the political self-definition of the king, his ideological essence, changed during his reign. 1 8 9

NOTES

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This chapter is a slightly modified version of a paper read at the Ägyptologisches Institut of the Ruprecht-Karls Universität of Heidelberg, November 19,1996. It proposes a synthesis of the results of the author s Ph.D. dissertation researches about the statuary of Thutmose III. This dissertation has been published as Laboury (1998a). My transcription of the birth name of the king is Thutmose and not Tuthmose, since its transliteration is Dhwty~ms not Dwthy-ms (WbV.606.1—2; the erroneous transcription of the kings name is due to the approximate Greek notation of the name of the god, Dhwty as 0co(d)0 [i—2]). 1. For instance, see the remarks of G. Legrain (1906) about C G 42053 and what was supposed at the beginning of the twentieth century to be "les traits classiques de Thoutmôsis III" in C G 42053. 2. Friedman (1958) 2 (referring to Aldred [1951] 9). It must be noted, by the way, that the realistic nature of the so-called reserve heads has been seriously questioned by Tefnin (1991: 64-73) and Junge (1995). 3. Lipinska (1966a). 4. Fay (1995) 11, n. 4. 5. More than 160 statues or fragments of statues of the king have been preserved. For these sculptures and their precise analysis, cf. Laboury (1998a). 6. Ibid., 17-58. 7. There is also the very important question of the existence of "a monolithic royal style" (Dorman [1988] 112). It will not be approached here from a theoretical point of view, but the examples quoted in what follows will demonstrate that during the same period of the reign, the representations of the king, in both two- and three-dimensional arts, show the same phys-

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iognomic features all over the country. On this subject, cf. Laboury (1998a) 76—77; and Johnson (1994) 130. 8. The chronology of the statuary of Amenemhet III, Hatshepsut, and Amenhotep III is also based on the criterion of the architectural context. See Polz (1995) 250; Tefnin (1979); Johnson (1990) 26—46; Vandersleyen (1988) 9—30; and Kozloff and Bryan (1992) 98—177. 9. In the statuary of Thutmose III, the only sculptures whose origins are surely not a temple are the wooden statuettes from the kings tomb (CG 24901—11 and C G 24978 bis). Some small images of the ruler could also have stood in private houses; see Kemp (1989) 283—85. 10. Even the biggest statues could be moved; see the colossi in front of the second pylon of Karnak, initially a pair of sculptures of Thutmose III nearly ten meters high, recently analyzed by Sourouzian (1995: 505—29). 11. Again, some exceptions may be found, as when additional statues were set up after the completion of the monument. For an example that shows very clearly that this kind of addition was quite unusual, see Loeben (1995) 15. 12. For an example from the reign of Thutmose III, see, for instance, Barguet (1962) 171. 13. Lauffray (1969) 187, fig. 2 (room 26). 14. Examples include C G 576—77 in the so-called Botanical Garden of Thutmose III in the Akh Menu of Karnak (Beaux [1990], 15 [plan Y no. 16—17], 20) and the group statue of Thutmose III and Amun from the Thutmoside temple of Medinet Habu (Hölscher [1939] 9, 13—14, 50, pl. I—3, 24); see Laboury (1998a) 71—72, 163—66, 179—81, 248—51, 537. 15. On royal portraiture in general, see Kantorowicz (1957); and Marin (1981). 16. For instance, see the very explicit workshop inspection scene in the tomb of the vizier Paser, published by Assmann (1992: 43—60). For other clues concerning the relationship between the king and his portrait sculptors, see Laboury (1998a) 74—77, 652—53. 17. This order also allows me to render homage to J. Lipinska, whose discoveries were of such great importance for the present study. 18. Lipinska (1966a) 130. 19. Lipinska (1967) 25—33; Marciniak (1979); Van Sielen (1982—83) 140—42. The hypothesis that the Djeser Akhet is an older temple of Hatshepsut only slightly modified between year 43 and year 49 (Vandersleyen [1993] 257—62) is inconsistent with the description of the works given by the ostraka, which evoke the complete construction of a temple, with walls (inb), columns (wh3), floor ($3- t)} causeway (šm- t)} and platform (,sn• t) (Hayes [i960], respectively, pis. 12, no. 17, recto 4; 13, no. 21, rectos 3 and 7; 13, no. 21, recto 4; 13, no. 21, recto 2; and 12, no. 19, recto 2, and no. 4, verso 1). It also contradicts the archaeological evidence, since monuments from the reign of Hatshepsut were reused in the temples masonry (Lipinska [1977] 24; idem [1984] 7) and under its causeway (Winlock [1942] 75, 77, 91; Roehrig [1990b] 28-33). _ 20. Lipinska (1966a) 130. 21. My analysis differs slightly on some details from the one proposed in ibid., 130—38; for the justification for this, see Laboury (1998a) 461—68. 22. Lipinska seems to have had the same impression, since she proposes an influence by the "idealistic" style of Old Kingdom royal sculpture (Lipinska [1966a] 138). 23. Urk. IV645-756. For the reliefs, see P M II 2 , 89-91, 97-98. 24. Van Sielen (1984a) 53. For the reliefs, see P M II 2 , 98—99. 25. Urk. IV811.10. For the reliefs, see Desroches-Noblecourt, Donadoni, and Moukhtar (1968). 26. Müller (1953) 72—73, 76, 78—79, figs. 9—10. 27. C G 42057; P M II 2 , 138; Manuelian (1987) 29, no. 44.

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28. Donadoni-Roveri (1989) 147, fig. 218; Seipel (1992) 246—47, no. 86. 29. Radwan (1981) 404—7; Urk. IV590.13—15. 30. Sourouzian (1991) 63. 31. Laboury (1998a) 478—81. For the iconography of these two kings, see Tefnin (1979) 62—66; Curto (1975) 93—101; Müller (1979) 27—31; Lindblad (1984) 49—63; Dreyer (1984) 489—99, pis. 19—22; and Gabolde (1987) pis. 2—3. 32. The explanation of the continuation of this late iconography of Thutmose III under his son is less problematic because of the direct chronological continuity between the two periods in question and because the analysis of the reign of Amenhotep II leads to the conclusion that this king "stepped into his fathers shoes" (Manuelian [1987] 216). 33. Dorman (1988) 65. 34. Marciniak (1979). 35. Dolinska (1994). 36. Cf. n. 19 in this chapter. 37. P M II 2 , 175-76; Martinez (1993) 65; Van Sielen (1984b) 83. 38. C G 46004; Peterson (1967); Bryan (1991) 190—91; Donohue (1994); Pendelbury (1951) 90, 92, pis. 74, 8; regarding Amenhotep III, see Murnane (1977b) 177—78. 39. Schulman (1970) 34; Hari (1984) 96; Leblanc (1982) 301—3, pl. 55 (Luxor J 178). 40. See, for instance, Gilbert (1953) 219—22. 41. See, for instance, Hölscher (1939) 11; Urk. IV283—84; Barguet (1962) 262; Naville (1908) pis. 166—67; and Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 94. 42. Edgerton (1933).The historiographie problems caused by this revisionist attitude since the theories of Sethe are very well described by Dorman (1988: 1—4). 43. Murnane (1980b) 77. 44. Urk. IV180.10—12. 45. See Cairo Museum R T 6 / 1 1 / 2 6 / 4 ( P M V 165) and R T 27/3/25/5 ( P M V 204) and two colossi in front of Pylon V I I I at Karnak ( Urk. IV606.2—8); Petrie and Weigall (1902) 43—44, pis. 61, 64 (Berlin 15980); Varille (1950), pi. 5.2 (this block is from a monument in the name of Hatshepsut, Thutmose II and Thutmose III, to be published by L. Gabolde); Fazzini (1984—85) 287—307; and Gabolde (1989) 127—78. 46. Urk. IV840.846-48. 47. Dolinska (1994) 35. A similar room existed in Henketankh (Ricke [1939] 14—15, pl. ic), but the state of preservation of the monument does not allow us to establish if this cult chamber was erected during the first stage of construction of the temple or the second one, which was contemporaneous with the proscription (Hayes [i960] 47—48, pi. 13, no. 21, recto 16). 48. Urk. IV697.5. 49. Gabolde (1987) 78—81; idem (1989) 176—78; Manuelian and Loeben (1993) 121—28. For this new tomb of Thutmose I, see Romer (1974). 50. Urk. IV606.4-8. 51. Manuelian (1987: 19—40), lists forty-eight documents. 52. Urk. IV1281.18—19. If there was a coregency between Thutmose III and his son, it is very strange that Amenhotep II did not refer to this historical event and preferred evoking something his father would have said to himself, "in his heart." 53. Roehrig (1990) 111—98, 336—37, 342. 54. Ibid., 336-37. 55. Ibid., 78—104, 336. Dodson (1990: 92—93) proposes the addition of two other princes, a certain Menkheperre and an Amenemope.

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56. See nn. 44—45 in this chapter. 57. For Hatshepsut, see Naville (1906), pis. 141—45. For Thutmose III, see nn. 44—48 in this chapter; Lipinska (1966b) 83 (no. 53), pi. 21.1; C G 34015; C G 42072; Gauthier (1912) 235; and el-Saghir (199 2 ) 71* 58. The fact that a "coup d'état" could be tried by a member of the royal family to compromise the planned succession of a king is proved by the criminal attempts against Pepi I, Amenemhet I, and Ramsses III. For the other known children of Thutmose I who might have had a descendant, see Roehrig (1990a) 22—27; Dodson (1990) 92; Snape (1985); and Gauthier (1912) 227. For the examination of the possibility that Hatshepsut had children other than Neferura, see the chapter devoted to the proscription of Hatshepsut in Laboury (1998a) 483-512. 59. According to Bennett (1994) 35—37; and idem (1995) 37—44, such collateral succession had already occurred in the recent history of the dynasty. 60. When a figure of Hatshepsut was proscribed but reused and not totally erased, it was renamed as Thutmose I or Thutmose II and its face was usually rapidly recarved in the new iconographie style; for examples, see Mysliwiec (1976), figs. 40, 45—46. 61. For Hatshepsuts iconography, see Tefnin (1979). This is, of course, the third phase of the queens iconographical evolution that is in question here, the most important one— chronologically and quantitatively—and the most recent one. Some of these Hatshepsut-like features reappeared in royal iconography under Thutmose I V (Bryan [1987]; idem [1991], pi. 15; Grimai and Larché [1995], pl. 28), when the queen was no longer proscribed (see n. 35 in the chapter), and in a totally different historical and political context. 62. C G 34012; Urk. IV833—38; von Beckerath (1981). For a close analysis of this text, see Laboury (1998a) 561—68. 63. Gardiner (1952); Urk. IV1251—75. 64. Urk. IV777.2; Beaux (1990) 38—46. 65. C G 42053, C G 42070—I, and Luxor J 2 (Laboury [1998a] 160—62). C G 42060 and C G 42066 might also come from the Akh Menu. 66. See C G 576—7 (Beaux [1990] 15 [plan Y no. 16—17], 20); C G 594 (Mariette [1875] 34)î and the statue of Thutmose III at the entrance of the open air Museum of Karnak (Laboury [1998a] 171). C G 633 could also have been discovered during the excavations of Mariette (1875: 216). 67. See C G 576—7, C G 594, C G 42070, and the Osiride colossus at the entrance of Akh Menu ( P M II 2 , 112). 68. Jéquier (1920), pl. 52; Beaux (1990) 12, 17, 26; Pecoil (2001). 69. See Schwaller de Lubicz (1982), pl. 304 for the Ptah temple of Karnak; for its date, see Urk. IV767.3—4. See also Jéquier (1920), pis. 24, 4; Hegazy and Martinez (1993) 63 (south part of the Hatshepsut suite at Karnak, decorated by Thutmose III after the death of his aunt [Barguet (1962) 143—44]); Kaiser et al. (1980), pl. 58; and Mysliwiec (1976), fig. 79 (Satet temple of Elephantine, initiated by Hatshepsut and completed by Thutmose III). For other examples, see Laboury (1998a) 525—27. 70. See Tefnin (1974) 14—16. The same opinion is expressed in Vandier (1958) 3:302; Müller (1970) 33 (no. 101); Bryan (1987) 4; and Russmann (1990) 89. 71. Tefnin (1979) 85—86. 72. Cf. pl. 7.2 with, for instance, ibid., pis. 12—3, 20, 23. Tefnin has noted these divergences; see 156—58; and idem (1994) 271. 73. For instance, they allow us to state that British Museum 32624 (Müller [1981]), Brooklyn Museum 58.118 (Fazzini et al. [1989], no. 36), and Boston M F A 52.349 (Simpson [1977],

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no. i8) represent Hatshepsut, while Bologna K S 1800 (Morigi Govi [1994] 67), C G 1135, London British Museum 986, and the so-called Heeramaneck head (Fay [1995], 13—18, pis. 4—5) come from statues of Thutmose III. 74. Kaiser et al. (1980), pl. 58. While the figure of Satet was initially shaped in the style of the Akh Menu portraits of Thutmose III, the face of the king was clearly recarved, under the eye and on the profile of the nose, in order to fit with the new rulers iconography. 75. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79), pi. 17; Eggebrecht (1987) 245 (middle fig. = bl. 206 of the R e d Chapel); Lange (1952), fig. 65 (Hatshepsut suite, south wall of room 16 [ = photo of Marburg 86701]); Mysliwiec (1976), fig. 78 (Louvre B 64, from the Satet temple of Elephantine). 76. For the date of Hatshepsuts death, see Laboury (1998a) 29—30. 77. Tefnin (1983). 78. For the date of pylon V I and its court, see Laboury (1998a) 32—34. 79. See for instance, C G 61068 Daressy (1909) 35, fig. 4; Lipinska (1966a) 136—38; and Spanel (1988) 2. 80. Daressy (1909) 35, fig. 4; Lipinska (1966a), 36—38: and Spanel (1988) 2. For the identity of the mummy supposed to be that of Thutmose III, see Laboury (1997) 73—79. 81. T h e situation is the same for the second phase of Hatshepsuts iconography (see n. 149 of this chapter). For other examples of references to specific ancestors through the physiognomic definition of the king s portraits, see Tefnin (1979) 62—6; idem (1968—72) 433—37; Romano (1976) 97—hi; and idem (1983) 103—15. 82. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79) 259—63. 83. Ibid., 48. For an analysis of this, see Laboury (1998a) 539—40. 84. These modifications were brought to light during the reconstruction of the chapel by Father Larché, the director of the centre, and Franck Burgos, a stonecutter, who are preparing a new publication of the famous monument. 85. Despite the fact that many reliefs were painted, the dedication inscription, present on the south facade, was never carved on the northern one, although the surface of the blocks had been prepared accordingly (Lacau and Chevrier [1977—79] 259). 86. Dorman (1988) 50—55, pis. 2—4; Van Sielen (1989). 87. Carlotti (1995) 152. For a discussion of the date of the Red Chapels dismantling, see Laboury (1998a) 541—42. 88. See nn. 69 and 75 in this chapter. 89. Legrain (1904). 90. Personal communication, for which I would like to thank L. Gabolde. For arguments supporting this view, see Laboury (1998a) 32—34. For the text itself, see n. 91 in this chapter. 91. Ibid., 526, figs. 290—91. 92. Urk. IV166—70. For an extensive analysis of this part of the text, see Laboury (1998a) 547-51* 93. Urk. IV166.10; 169.13; and 170.17 in the following part of the text. 94. Urk. IV167.15—169, 7. 95. Ibid., 167.1—14. 96. Ibid., 169.8—14. 97. Ibid., 169.1—2, to be compared to the archaeological evidence (Barguet [1962] 126—27). 98. Urk. IV745.11—4, and 1251—75 (Gardiner [1952]). 99. See among other evidence, the presence of obelisks of the queen at the east side of Akh Menu around the Eastern Sanctuary and enclosed in the girdle wall of Thutmose III (Varille [1950] 140—42). For a thorough analysis of this problem, see Laboury (1998a) 551—68,

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awaiting the forthcoming publication of the surviving blocks of this monument by L. Gabolde. 100. Lauffray (1969) 179, 184, 191, 194. 101. Von Beckerath (1981) 41—49. For a new, annotated translation of this text, see Laboury (1998a) 562—68. 102. Von Beckerath (1981) 42, lgl. 5—6. This assertion is probably accurate, since archaeological and epigraphic evidence converge to suggest that the monument of Hatshepsut, probably the Netjery Menu, was not exactly at the location of Akh Menu but just to the east of it. See Laboury (1998a) 552—54 and the forthcoming publication of L. Gabolde; for another view, see Niedziálka (2000). 103. This is very clear from the program of actions for Amun ( Urk. IV162—65) and the long list of royal benefactions for the god in the Text of the Youth (166—77), a s w e l l a s from the exceptionally important building activity of the king in Karnak at the beginning of his autonomous reign. 104. Gabolde (1989:176), wrote that the reign of the queen "avait dû plus ou moins ternir" the legitimacy of the king. 105. The expression is borrowed from the description of Amenhotep U s attitude toward his father by Manuelian (1987: 216). 106. For instance, some reliefs in the small temple of Medinet Habu, where the great queen accompanying the king is no longer Satiah, as in Akh Menu (Barguet [1962] 182) but Meryetre-Hatshepsut ( P M II 2 469 [46—47], 472 [72—73]), who outlived her husband. For some of these reliefs, see Laboury (1998a) 576—77, while awaiting the forthcoming publication of the temple by the Epigraphic Survey of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. 107. Urk. IV188.15-189.15. 108. Ibid., 180.10—2. 109. Ibid., 647—756 (the so-called Annals). no. Ibid., 60.1. in. Caminos (1998) 14, pis. 20, 23—27, 38—41, 48—50, 57—59. Hatshepsut seems to have been represented only twice in the monument, in two secondary scenes that might not have been part of the original decoration and whose reliefs were unfortunately recarved many times (78, 79—84, pis. 38 and 42—43; see also the recent commentary in Dorman [1988] 20—22). About the regency period, see also chapter 2 in this volume. 112. Caminos (1998) 14, 43—44, pi. 25. 113. L. Gabolde (forthcoming). For some pictures, see Forbes (1994) and Callender (1995—96) 19 and cover. 114. Gabolde and Rondot (1996). 115. This structure will be soon published by Gabolde, who studied all the relevant blocks. Some of these have already been reproduced: Chevrier (1934) 172, pi. 4; idem (1955) 40, pi. 22; Grimm (1983). While waiting for the complete publication of this monument by Gabolde, probably to be identified with the Netjery Menu mentioned in the texts of the first part of Thutmose I l l s reign, see Laboury (1998a) 552—61. 116. Tefnin (1979) 37—70, 121—28, 139—45, pis. 8—9, 14—16, 30—31a. 117. For the duration of the regency of Hatshepsut, see Dorman (1988) 18—45. 118. P M II 2 , 281; Tefnin (1979) 148, n. 3; Vandersleyen (1993) 262, n. 17; Müller Arch. II/2021—23 ( = card 40); Laboury (1998a) 212—15. 119. Chappaz (1993) 97. 120. In fact, the proportions of the appearances of Thutmose III with regard to those of

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Hatshepsut on the monuments of the coregency might vary between 10 and 20 percent (Laboury [1998a] 591, n. 1747), and the king is usually absent from the decorations made at the very beginning of the coregency (see, e.g., Gabolde and Rondot [1996] 214). We will come to understand why in the following pages. 121. Caminos (1968) 51, 56—58, pis. 17, 21—22. 122. Mysliwiec (1976) 141, figs. 44, 51—60, 62, 66—71, 73—75, 78, 82, 86; Tefnin (1979), pi. 17; Schoske (1990) 81—93, pis. 15—23. The accuracy of the stylistic correspondence between statues and reliefs is amply demonstrated by the analysis presented in the previous pages. 123. Tefnin (1979). The evolution drawn by Tefnin has been questioned by Letellier (1981: cols. 305—8) and Dorman (1985: cols. 299—300, and 1988: 41, 112). For a critical examination of the validity of Tefnins theory, cf. Laboury (1998a) 592—608 (the conclusion of this analysis is that there is no other way to explain coherently the diversity and characteristics of the queens statuary). 124. Gabolde, cited in Vandersleyen (1995a) 275. 125. Chevrier (1955), pi. 22; Grimm (1983), pi. 1. This situation is to be compared with that exemplified by the Semneh temple, erected during year 2 (see n. in in this chapter), and by a stela of year 5 from Serabit el-Khadim (Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny [1952—55], no. 175, pi. 56). 126. Vandersleyen (1995a: 265, n. 2) explains that "Selon L. Gabolde, sur 52 documents antérieurs à Hatshepsout-roi, ce titre apparaît 42 fois, alors que le titre de 'grande épouse royale' ou 'épouse royale' n apparaît que 25 fois." Since the gods wife was allowed to act in front of the divinity (on this function, see Gitton and Leclant [1977], cols. 799—812; and Gitton [1984]), it is very plausible that Hatshepsut used this title and function as a springboard to the kingship. Besides, the queens coronation is described as follows: "It is in order that she wears the [insignia (hkr.wj] of Re, the Southern crown being united to the Northern one on her head, that the crowns (ha.w) of the Gods wife were laid aside" (Lacau and Chevrier [1977-79] 116). 127. Robins (1990) 218. 128. Urk. IV396—97; P M Y 248; Habachi (1957) 92—96; Dorman (1988) 115—16. The epithet hnm.t-Imn is introduced in the cartouche of the queen before her accession to the throne, since it might appear with the gods wife title (Hayes [1959] 80, fig. 43 [middle, M M A 26.7.1437]), unless the latter title was kept in use for some time after the coronation, but this does not seem very plausible. It is also probably because of her function as a god s wife that Hatshepsut was said to be "united with Amun." 129. Chevrier (1934) 172, pi. 4; Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny (1952—55), no. 177, pi. 56. Some anomalies in the queens titulary in the latter scene (the Ny-Sw.t Bity title before the nomen, the prenomen after the nomen, the expression cnh.ti following both cartouches) suggest that the assumption of kingship was very recent if they are not the result of a recarving after the coronation (for such recarving, see n. 139 in this chapter). 130. Chevrier (1934) 172, pi. 4. 131. Tefnin (1979) 37—40, 49—70, 121—28, 139—45, pis. 8—9. 132. Ibid., 121—28, 139—45, pis. 30—31a. These sphinxes with yellow faces were in the first court of the temple, a fact that is inconsistent with the idea that this light color on the Osiride colossi mentioned earlier could have been due to their location "within the shadowy sanctuary" (Dorman [1988] 41). 133. 134. 135. 136.

Ibid., 2—6, 19—31, 143 (n. 1), pi. ia. Ibid., 6—11, 19—31, 139—46, pis. ib—3a; Hayes (1959), fig. 55. Müller (1953), figs. 7—8; Tefnin (1979) 11—16, 19—31, 139—46, pis. 3b—5. Tefnin (1979) 41—43, 49—70, 139—46, pi. 10—11; Hayes (1959) fig. 50.

Royal Portrait and Ideology^z6i 137. See nn. 125 and 128—29 in this chapter. 138. Tefnin (1979) 70. 139. Caminos (1974), pis. 65, 74, 82; Karkowski (1978) 76—81, figs. 9—11; Gabolde (1990), col. 640; Egberts (1995) 209, n. 16; Gabolde and Rondot (1996) 182, 214; Laboury (1998a) 598, n. 1783. These recarvings answer the question of Letellier (1981: col. 307), who wrote that "le conflit entre Hatshepsout-femme et Hatshepsout-pharaon" is yet to be demonstrated. 140. Tefnin (1979) 10, 14—16, 42—43, 66—70, 133, 139, 146. 141. Ibid., 71—101, pis. 19—24; Hayes (1959), figs. 52—53. 142. Tefnin (1979) 44—70, pis. 12—13; Saleh and Sourouzian (1987), cover and no. 129. 143. Tefnin (1979) 47, 70, 168—69. 144. Ibid., 66—67, 69, 143. 145. Hayes (1959) 121—23, fig. 63; Seipel (1992) no. 85; Laboury (1998a) 295—97. 146. Even though the nose is now broken, its root defines an angle sufficiently well preserved to state that it must have been prominent and curved—unless it resembled the famous nose of Cyrano of Bergerac, which has no parallel in ancient Egyptian statuary. 147. Laboury (1998a) 530, 611, 650 and passim in the catalog. 148. C G 578; Hornemann (1951—69) no. 670; Müller (1953) 70, 73, 76, fig. 6; P M II 2 , 281; Fay (1995) 12—13, pis. 2(a, c) and 3(a); photo Marburg 155022 a; Müller Arch. I / 8 4 2 ( = card 40); Laboury (1998a) 208—11. 149. Müller (1953) 72—73, 76; Kriéger (i960) 44—46; Friedman (1958) 4. Fay (1995: 12—13) proposed to compare C G 578 with the Senenmuts statue British Museum E A 174; since on this latter sculpture, Hatshepsut is still called gods wife, she assumed that both statues were made "during the short period betweenTuthmosis I l l s coronation and the assumption of the throne by his step-mother" and thus represent an alleged "coronation style" of Thutmose III (13). This theory of a very individualized coronation style for Thutmose III is in total contradiction to the evidence cited earlier about the royal portrait during the regency period (nn. hi—16 in this chapter). Moreover, the style of the Senenmuts sculpture, indeed very close to that of C G 578, is also attested on other private sculptures undoubtedly made during the coregency, since the cartouches of both kings appear on them (see, e.g., British Museum E A 1131 of Inebny [James and Davies (1983) 63, fig. 69]). Finally, the title nb.t t3.wy accompanying Hatshepsuts name on British Museum E A 174 suggests a date very close to the coronation (Robins [1990] 218), and royal sculptures are obviously more precisely dated than private ones (Dorman [1988] i i o f f ) . So it seems very likely that the statue was promised to Senenmut, that its dedication inscription established when Hatshepsut was about to assume kingship, and that the sculpture was only completed when the second style was already in use, since the whole evolution was certainly very quick (Tefnin [1979] 66—67, 69, 143). For a more detailed discussion, see Laboury (1998a) 613—16. 150. Müller (1953) 73, n. 12; Priese (1991), no. 44. 151. Fay (1995) 12—13, pi. 2(b and d). 152. Tefnin (1979) 156; n. 147 in this chapter. 153. Tefnin (1979) 102—20, 139, 146, pis. 28—29(a). 154. Ibid., 43. 155. See n. 153 in this chapter. 156. Schoske (1990); see also Laboury (1998a) 344—45. 157. Cf. Schoske (1990), pi. 16, and Tefnin (1979), pis. 13, 20—21, 23, for Hatshepsuts portraits. Cf. Russmann (1990) 91 (40) and Laboury (1998a) 159,162,174, or fig. 7.2 of this chapter, for the statues of Thutmose III at the beginning of his independent reign. 158. Schoske (1990). From an ideological point of view, Chappaz has shown that during

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this part of the reign the coregents might be considered as two complementary aspects of the royalty ([1993] 87—110). 159. She seems to have been the only ancient Egyptian reigning queen to have used such an iconographie fiction, according to Staehelin (1989). 160. Teeter (1990) 4. 161. Vandersleyen (1995) 276. For a detailed explanation of this opinion, see Chappaz (Ï993> 162. See n. 120 in this chapter. 163. See, for instance, Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79), pis. 7—9. On some rare occasions, Thutmose might be depicted alone in front of a divinity (pis. 3 [bl. 120], 7 [bl. 169], 8 [bis. 182 and 276], 10 [bis. 155, 174, 12, 108, 271]; Tefnin [1979] 56, n. 1). 164. Lacau and Chevrier (1977—79), pi. 11. Of course, the scenes on the eighth register (pi. 2) cannot be taken into consideration, since they were decorated by Thutmose III alone, after the death of the queen. 165. Murnane (1980a) 96. 166. Urk. IV157.3. 167. Vandersleyen (1995a) 265, n. 3. On this monument, see nn. 98, 101, and 114 in this chapter. 168. Gabolde and Rondot (1996) 214. 169. For the precise date of these obelisks, see Laboury (1998a) 554—55. 170. Varille (1950) 140, pis. 5, 2; Laboury (1998a) 555, n. 1602. 171. Gabolde (1982—85). 172. See n. 113 in this chapter. 173. This monument is to be published soon by Gabolde, along with the one referred to in n. 114 in this chapter. Some of its blocks are now on display in the Luxor Museum (Karnak MPA 66, 87 C L 28—29, 87 C L 106, and MPA 481) and were commented on by Egberts (1995: 209, n. 16). 174. See n. 115 in this chapter. 175. Naville (1906), pi. 144. Thutmose II is also depicted in the sanctuary of the Buhen temple of Hatshepsut; see Caminos (1974), pi. 76. 176. Dreyer (1984). For the date of this statue, see Laboury (1998a) 626, n. 1890. 177. The monument itself seems to have been rededicated in the name of Thutmose II; see Delvaux (1988) 62 (n. nn), 66—67. 178. This attitude is to be compared with what Thutmose III did at the beginning of his autonomous reign vis-à-vis her former coregent. 179. See, for instance, the chapel reused at Karnak North, in Gabolde and Rondot (1996). 180. The reappearance of Thutmose III cannot have occurred later than year 12, since the first dated attestation of the cartouches of both kings, one beside the other, is an inscription of that year (Reineke [1977]). 181. In this process, the great people of the state could have played a role, since Dziobek (1995, 1998) has shown definitively that they could have a real influence on the kings policy. 182. See n. 159 in this chapter. 183. Müller (1953) 67—84; n. 61 in this chapter. On the evolution of the eyes in royal statuary of the Eighteenth Dynasty, see also Bryan (1987); and von Bothmer (1990). 184. Müller (1953) and Donadoni (1963) have suggested this. New ideological orientations (such as a certain deification of the king, as is, for example, the case for Amenhotep III and Akhenaten) might also have led to these iconographie formulas, almost haphazardly or at least without any intentional reference to Hatshepsut.

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185. For a detailed comparison between the mummy and the statues of Thutmose III, see Laboury (1998a) 647—52. About the authenticity of the mummy C G 61068 as Thutmose Ills, see Laboury (1997). 186. As Assmann (1991a: 138ff ) has brilliantly shown, the concept of resemblance in the ancient Egyptian mentality was different from the very restrictive one of our twentieth-century occidental civilization. For a thorough analysis of the question of whether the statues of Thutmose III can be or were considered by his contemporaries to be portraits, see Laboury (1998a) 653-55. 187. See n. 2 in this chapter. 188. For the theology of the ancient Egyptian image and its cultural signification, see Assmann (1991b) 50—63; and Laboury (1998b). 189. For a more detailed study of this important aesthetic implication of the evolution of the rulers statuary, see Laboury (1998a) 653—55.

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The Artistic Production of the Reign of Thutmose III A R I E L L E P. K O Z L O F F

hutmose III received Egypts crowns less than a century after the Nile Valley had recovered from the first invasion and defeat by foreign conquerors in its entire history. After the Hyksos were expelled from the land, the first four kings of the new dynasty addressed themselves to restoration, reorganization, rebuilding, and retaliation. It was during the reign of the fifth king, Thutmose III, that the efforts of the first half of the Eighteenth Dynasty climaxed in a frenzy of artistic production at home and military expansion abroad.The artistic production of our kings five decades on the throne gives the impression of a man who was on a mission to restore the grandeur of Middle Kingdom Egypt, particularly that of the Twelfth Dynasty in Thebes. Again and again, the works of art created during his reign, from sculpture in the round to tomb painting and various smaller media, recall the subjects, styles, and shapes of the Middle Kingdom and less frequently the Old Kingdom. Today he is called the "Napoleon of Ancient Egypt" for the determination with and extent to which he conquered lands to the east. Unfortunately his military prowess has overshadowed, even in the minds of many Egyptologists, the huge amount of artistic production during his reign, not to mention the brilliant quality of design, the craftsmanship, and the degree of finish displayed by the best examples of each medium.

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More than one hundred portraits of Thutmose III exist today, at least twothirds of them half life-size or larger. This indicates a remarkable level of

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production considering that for the first half of his reign he was forced to share the realm and its resources with Hatshepsut and that once he did take over sole control large amounts of energy and funds were spent on military ventures abroad. The total number of small statuettes known today—perhaps as many as thirty-two—challenges the number made for of his greatgrandson, Amenhotep III, whose thirty-eight-year reign was devoted to architectural construction and artistic production. There are thought to be more than one thousand large statues known for Amenhotep III but only about twenty-six small statuettes.1 The painted tomb walls of Thutmose Ills last and greatest vizier, Rekhmire,2 provide a catalog of the types of large stone statues carved for this pharaoh: the striding king with offering tray, the striding king with hands on kilt, the kneeling king with nu pots, the king on hands and knees pushing an offering before him, the enthroned king, the enthroned queen, monumental sphinxes of the king and a queen, and finally the enthroned king holding scepter and flail, feet resting on an enemy.3 Fortunately, fine representatives of each of these statue subjects exist today. In addition, unique examples of otherwise unknown types have surfaced. The last listed, the enthroned king, was among Thutmose Ills favorites. Turins monumental granodiorite portrait of Thutmose enthroned, bare feet atop the nine bows (symbolic of Egypts traditional enemies), ranks among the most majestic expressions of pharaonic power, confidence, and ease known.4 It is one of more than a dozen enthroned statues identified for this king. The pose and accoutrements, including short kilt, bull tail, and nemes headdress, occur as early as the Fourth Dynasty, perhaps with Djedefra but certainly with Khafre, and became a favorite of the Middle Kingdom rulers, such as Senwosret III, as well as the later New Kingdom emperors Amenhotep III and Ramesses II. The last two created large series of the type, some in colossal size. Naturally, Thutmose III would not have seen the latter, but the colossal pair set up by Amenemhet III in the Fayum in the Twelfth Dynasty must still have been in place in his day and would have set a standard of enthroned image for him to emulate. Comparing the Turin statue with a similar one excavated in 1964 at Deir el Bahari5 suggests that the two were created decades apart. The Deir el Bahari one is softer and more naturalistic than the others. The Turin face is energetic and alert, yet masklike, with downturned kohl lines and a long, straight—but not aquiline—nose. In these traits the Turin statue resembles the Cairo Museums life-size granodiorite statue of the kings mother, Isis,6 which most likely dates after Hatshepsut s death, in other words after year 21 or 22, but probably not much later. The Deir el Bahari statue s softer look and smaller features must be the latest development of Thutmose Ills style

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according to Lipinskas argument that all of the statuary from the funerary temple was produced in the last years of Thutmose Ills reign*7 On the other hand both seated statues share many characteristics: broad, thick shoulders and chest; short torso; and flat, narrow waist—the physique of a world-class gymnast. In addition, the arms and legs are muscular, the calves like tree trunks. Even the feet and hands are broad; the digits sausagelike. These features, together with the physical evidence of Thutmose Ills mummy indicating that he was fairly tall, at least in ancient terms,8 add up to quite an imposing figure, far more so than his modern sobriquet, the Napoleon of Ancient Egypt, would suggest. How much of his sculptured muscular physique was real and how much an "ideal" athletic form concocted either by artistic convention or imperial command is, of course, not known. Almost all pharaohs had themselves portrayed in ideal form. What was considered ideal, however, seems to have changed from one period, and sometimes one reign, to the next. Thutmose Ills ideal appears to be more broad shouldered, short waisted, and muscular than that of many other pharaohs. The difference in physical proportions between one king and another can be demonstrated by comparing the number of grid squares used by ancient artists for the heights and widths of the various kings' portrait statues.9 Coincidentally one of the best illustrations of the grid system applied to New Kingdom royal figures comes from the reign of Thutmose III. It is a wooden board in the British Museum on which an ancient artist drew the side view of the enthroned king and overlaid grid lines vertically and horizontally across the figure.10 On this board the figure measures fourteen grid squares from the soles of the feet to the brow line. Working arithmetically, scholars have calculated the height of Turin's seated Thutmose III from the soles of its feet to the brow line of the nemes as fourteen grid squares. Statues of Amenhotep III have also been calculated at fourteen grid squares. However, Amenhotep's average shoulder width is only five squares, one whole square less than Thutmose Ill's shoulder width of six squares, meaning that the ideal width of Thutmose Ill's shoulders was 20 percent greater than that of his descendant.11 The broad shoulders and slim hips representing our king's idea of physical perfection are elegantly displayed in perhaps the masterpiece of his portraiture, the graywacke striding statue from Karnak now in the Luxor museum. 12 This pose was another of Thutmose Ill's favorites. There are about ten large striding statues known for him and three small, most wearing the nemes. And, while graywacke was not his preferred hard stone, he used it often enough for Biri Fay to suggest that all previously unidentified portrait heads of the Hatshepsut/Thutmose III type in graywacke should be assigned to the nephew rather than the aunt. 13

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The Luxor statues face has some characteristics in common with the Turin statue, such as the strong jaw and the large, intelligent eyes, but the differences are more apparent. The Luxor striding statue s nose is aquiline, not straight; its mouth is softer, almost curved, as if ready to break into a smile, not solemn like Turins. This cheerful demeanor is enhanced by slightly upslanted kohl lines. Like the Turin portrait, the Luxor statue shows off the body of a highly conditioned athlete. The shoulders and chest of the Luxor statue are so broad that the arms hang well away from the body. In contrast, a similar image in Cairo of this king s son and successor Amenhotep II, also quite an athlete, has much narrower shoulders, which slope downward, causing the arms to lie against the hips. 14 The surface and details of the Luxor Thutmose III statue are crafted to perfection. Each texture is treated differently in deference to the various substances represented. The king s skin has been polished and rubbed to a silky smoothness, making it glow as if with the sheen of moist flesh. The smooth raised lines of the nemes headdress have a coarser finish than his skin. His short shendyt kilt is formed of dozens of narrow, well-pressed pleats, which stretch with his stride, as would heavily starched linen. A hallmark of Thutmose III statuary is its precise detail, visible on the Luxor statue in the zigzag design of his belt, probably representing beadwork, and the delicate strands of fine, well-combed hair lightly incised on his beard. 15 Given that the third type of statue illustrated in Rekhmire s tomb is a striding figure carrying a tray of offerings, one might expect several examples to remain today. Apparently, however, only two fragmentary ones exist. They are both the bottom halves of statues, about 1.52 meters tall, each consisting of a pair of inscribed granodiorite kilted legs treading on the nine bows and carrying an offering tray of flowers and pendant ducks. 16 When complete, this type of statue, with all of its decorative detail, must have been unusually beautiful and impressive. It remains to be seen whether some fragments of this subject inscribed for later kings are actually usurped from the large number that must have been made for Thutmose III. Like some of the other types discussed here, the striding bearer of offerings was also used by the Middle Kingdom pharaohs, and it may, in fact, have been invented by them. 17 The kneeling offerer of nu pots was a favorite of both Thutmose and Hatshepsut. The type is associated more closely with them than with any other royal personage before the Late period. 18 While Thutmose had himself portrayed in this pose in every material and size from larger than life granodiorite to small bronzes, 19 the premier example for his reign is the small white marble statuette in Cairo. 20 Here the king s face, while alert, has a quiet, introverted gaze. His cheeks and upper torso are soft and fleshy, less muscu-

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lar and hard than on the Luxor and Turin statues, and the waist is not as narrow. The image seems to portray the softness and diffidence of youth rather than the confidence and pride of an accomplished leader. In fact, this statue is just a shade to the male side of epicene in the same way that the Metropolitan Museums marble enthroned statue of Hatshepsut, 21 with its suggestion of breasts, is just a shade to the female side. Both her face and his share an air of benevolence not apparent in any of their other portraits. The inscriptions on both sculptures claim their subjects to be "beloved of Amun," suggesting that they were meant as ex votos in a temple or shrine. However, the small Thutmose statuette was found in a tomb in Deir el Medineh, and the larger Hatshepsut was found over a period of decades in many fragments by both the Germans and the Americans at Deir el Bahari. Both statues are carved in a rare stone identified by Rosemarie and Dietrich D. Klemm as a true marble that existed only in one small vein at Wadi Mia (in the eastern desert between Esna and Marsa Alum) and was exploited exclusively during the New Kingdom and then again at some point in Roman times. 22 The two statues' similarities of style, inscription, and rare material suggest that they were both made about the same time and perhaps as part of the same commission to decorate one particular temple or shrine. That Hatshepsuts was moved during her lifetime, ending up in her own monument, suggests that they were carved well before the end of her rule. Another of Rekhmire s sculptural categories has the king kneeling and pushing or holding a single large vase in front of him. There are, perhaps, four of these in half life-size or smaller stone statuettes; however, Tefnin calls two of them Hatshepsut, and one has alternatively been identified as Thutmose II. 2 3 Of the more than thirty small sculptures and statuettes identified as Thutmose III, some are of a well-known type, like Cairo s white marble nu pot offerer, and others are more rare. One of the most intriguing is the Louvre s small falcon with a kings head carved from a heart-shaped nugget of red jasper.24 The human head, wearing a nemes headdress, and human arms emerge from the neck and breast of a falcon, whose own taxonomy is obvious only from the back and sides. Thus, the king is literally one with the god Horus. The inscription, of which only the Re sign remains, does not secure the identity of this small sculpture for Thutmose III, but the facial features do. There is, however, a babyish softness to the cheeks and lower jaw that suggests a date early in the reign.25 Other statues associate our king with the falcon: (1) a fragmentary head in Brooklyn (part king with nemes and part bird); 26 (2) a small nemes-dressed head in Cairo probably from a figure similar to the Louvre jasper; 27 (3) re-

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mains of a statue of Thutmose III as a falcon at Karnak; 28 (4) an alabaster statuette of the king as a falcon from the mortuary temple;29 (5) the base of a group of Thutmose III with a falcon; 30 and (6) a large granodiorite statue in Cairo with a falcon perched behind the king (similar to Khafre s diorite statue).31 The image of Thutmose III as part flesh, part feathers long outlasted his reign, for he is represented deified in this form on the interior of late New Kingdom painted wooden coffins such as one in Cleveland.32 The quintessential image of pharaoh merged with animal—the sphinx— was a great favorite of Thutmose III. It is the only type of sculpture shown more than once in Rekhmire s tomb scene, and more than ten sphinxes dating to the reign of Thutmose III exist today. The most impressive—in granodiorite—comes from the Karnak cachette, the largest of four sphinxes of this king found in that treasure.33 Its facial features have much the same softness as the white marble kneeling statue discussed earlier. The sphinx is also inscribed "beloved of Amun," which is not surprising considering its find spot. Other sphinxes of this king are small, perhaps the most beautiful being a fragmentary red quartzite one from Heliopolis now in the Turin museum.34 The face of this sphinx is more open eyed, more mature looking, than the granodiorite one, but it is not as elongated as the face of the great enthroned Turin statue.35 Ironically, the largest sphinx remaining from the reign was made for neither Thutmose III nor Hatshepsut but for a queen. Carved in granodiorite, it has the head of a queen wearing a Hathor wig with a single uraeus and vulture wings over the top. This sculpture, now in the Museo Barracco, was found in Rome in 1856, having probably been carried there in antiquity to decorate an Isis temple.36 Exactly whom the sculpture represents is unclear. The inscription for Thutmose III and the sphinx s Hathor wig suggest that the woman is his royal wife rather than his coregent. Furthermore, the facial features do not resemble Hatshepsut but are a somewhat more delicate version of the elongated ones on the large enthroned king in Turin. The kohl lines angle downward, a characteristic of sculpture from Thutmose s funerary temple, which was started late in his reign. This suggests that the sphinx was carved after Hatshepsut had disappeared. Dorman argues persuasively that Hatshepsut s daughter, Neferura, whom Thutmose may have married before he ascended the throne, outlived her mother by at least two years, and this sphinx may represent her. 37 There is an interesting resemblance between the sphinx s face and Neferura s portraits in the round. Admittedly, the latter consist entirely of images of her as a child in the arms of her tutor, Senenmut, yet the same small, widely set, slanted eyes, fine, high cheekbones, and small chin can be found on both the

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Neferura portraits and on the sphinx. These features are also somewhat similar to those of Thutmose I l l s son and successor, Amenhotep II; however, they could also represent his mother, Meryetre-Hatshepsut. Group statues comprising the king and one or more deities are known from the Old and Middle Kingdoms. They are rare, however, if indeed they existed at all, in the New Kingdom before the reign of Thutmose III. 3 8 A few, rather cumbersome group statues, all from Upper Egypt, remain from our king s reign. They include a red granite dyad of Thutmose III and Amun on which the Amun face was mutilated during the Amarna period and then recarved under Tutankhamun; 39 several four-sided, red granite monoliths with a frontal figure of either Thutmose III or a deity emerging from each side, one of which is in the British Museum; 40 and the red granite group of the king and a falcon from Esna. 4 1 A graywacke dyad fragment usurped by Merneptah from Upper Egypt and now in Cairo may also belong to this period. 42 Many sculpted heads are virtually impossible to identify positively as either Hatshepsut or Thutmose III, since they have become separated from their bodies and identifying inscriptions. The coregency adds a peculiar coloration to this problem for several reasons. First of all, Thutmose III ascended the throne as a youngster, but Egyptian artistic tradition required him to be portrayed as a mature male even in his earliest years, and Hatshepsut also usually had herself portrayed as a male king despite the fact that she was a widow and mother. Second, the two were blood relatives—aunt and nephew—and a certain physical resemblance is possible.The fact that Thutmose I l l s portraiture did not change drastically in the last years of his reign, long after Hatshepsuts disappearance or demise, makes the probability of a natural family resemblance even more likely. Otherwise, it might be expected that his late portraits would diverge more radically from the early ones. The methodology by which stone statuary was produced is probably also responsible for blurring the identities of the portraits. Stylistic analysis suggests that statuary was produced in quarries separated from each other by hundreds of miles under the direct supervision of site-specific masters. Evidence for this exists at every period. During our reign, two portraits of Hatshepsut carved in two different stones can be more dissimilar than a portrait of Hatshepsut and a portrait of Thutmose in the same stone. For example, the facial features of Hatshepsuts limestone Osiride statues in the Metropolitan Museum are far more schematic and exaggerated,43 and the jawlines narrower, than those on most of her red granite representations in New York. 4 4 However, the facial features of Thutmose III on a monumental red granite striding statue in the same collection are remarkably similar to Hatshepsuts monumental red granite portraits. 45 They do differ in body types

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(Thutmose I l l s being broader in the shoulders and thicker in the arms and wrists) and hand shape (his fingers being thick and straight, hers narrower and more elegant, with an upturned thumb tip). Yet, if the head of the red granite Thutmose statue cited here were separated from its body and inscription, it would be difficult to distinguish from his aunts red granite heads, especially considering the large number of monumental statues made in red granite for Hatshepsut. It is obvious from this stylistic analysis that the same sculptors in the same royal quarries and workshops probably produced statuary for both rulers. Therefore, it is possible that the sculptors themselves were using much the same models for both coregents and that they did not know which of the two they were portraying until the inscription went on the pillar, base, or belt. Inscription was more important than physical resemblance for securing the identity of a given statue. Two facts support this theory. First, a child (the young Thutmose) and a woman (Hatshepsut) were both portrayed as virile men, so that only the cartouche would be a sure identifier. Second, throughout Egypts history, many pharaonic portraits were reappropriated by later kings by means of a mere change of cartouche. The British Museums white-crowned graywacke head is probably the most beautifully carved of the disputed heads. 46 It has characteristics of both rulers: the arched eyebrows of Hatshepsut and the wider mouth of Thutmose. Tefnin finds the head not attributable, while Fay assigns it to Thutmose on the basis that no graywacke statues were made for Hatshepsut. 47 However, there are only two large graywacke statues with intact faces inscribed for Thutmose III, and neither of them 48 —despite the fact that the Cairo Museum version wears the White Crown—looks exactly like the British Museum image. And there is no example of a particular stone being restricted in its use for one ruler or the other. This head could easily be from a statue whose commission was unclear from the start, whose identity would only be secured in the final moments with the addition of a cartouche. While this writer is on the fence about the London head, she agrees with Berman that the graywacke head in Cleveland is Hatshepsut. 49

ROYAL IMAGES FOR T H E

HOME

While temple reliefs are treated elsewhere, domestic shrines—like a fine limestone example in Cleveland—depict the king enthroned before an offering table inside a kiosk canopied by a winged disk. The scene is sunk within a recess, and the relief is delicately raised. The shrine is inscribed for the sedjem-ash, Amenemheb, and presumably held a place of honor in his home. 50

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An unusually large amount of statuary was made for private individuals during this reign. While Senenmuts name is thought of in conjunction with Hatshepsut s, his statuary was made during the fifty-year reign of Thutmose IIL Thus, a discussion of private statuary must start with at least a nod to the two dozen or more works carved for this man. 5 1 Seven of them are block statues on which both his head and that of Hatshepsuts daughter, his protegee, Neferura, emerge from the inscription-covered cube shape of his squatting pose. 52 This is a revival of a genre of private statuary invented in the middle of the Twelfth Dynasty. 53 Also archaizing in style is a seated statue in the British Museum. Here Senenmut is wrapped in a long cloak with the little princess s head emerging just above the embrace of his hands in front of his chest. 54 A statue in the Cairo Museum depicts Senenmut crouching on his right leg, the princess seated on it and leaning against her nurse s bent left leg. 55 In all three poses Senenmut wears a long unarticulated cloak of a style worn by some Middle Kingdom officials. 56 The large, simple, smooth planes of these cloaked statues make them appear larger and grander than, for example, the bare-chested, more naturalistically rendered private statues of the Old Kingdom. Yet another type of statuary made for this official has him kneeling and presenting a large offering in front of him, as is the case in the Brooklyn composition, where he presents a statuette of the cobra goddess Renenutet to Montu, the god of Armant (where the statue was apparently found) on behalf of Hatshepsut. 57 A companion piece is in the Kimbell Museum, Fort Worth. 58 This graywacke Senenmut offering a Renenuet statue is probably the finest of the group. The fact that graywacke was used for Senenmut can be used as an argument either for or against its exclusivity with regard to Hatshepsut. 59 A great many important stone statues were made for other officials of the reign as well. A large painted limestone block statue in London was "made by the favor" of both Hatshepsut and Thutmose III for the infantry commander Inebny. 60 Berlins seated limestone figure of Maja, governor and chief of the priests, from Menshiya, proudly carries both Thutmose I l l s prenomen and his throne name on his shoulder and chest. He wears a full set of the gold of honor (double collar and on each arm a double armlet and a bangle bracelet) presumably given to him by our king. His features— the broad face and narrowly set eyes—however, are those of an earlier Eighteenth Dynasty king, perhaps Amenhotep I. 6 1 A second statue in Berlin, of a man named Mentekhenu, who lived into the next reign, copies the features of Thutmose III in his granite seated portrait. 62 He, too, wears the gold of honor.The basalt statue of a man named Ahmosi now in Bologna—

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if we can accept his dating on the basis of a similarity of a facial resemblance to Hatshepsut and Thutmose III—is one of the few in a seated scribe s pose from this reign. 63 This type of statue, recalling the famous examples of the Old Kingdom, became much more popular in the reign of Amenhotep IIL At the back of many of the nobles' tombs discussed in the next section are shrine areas with statues of the deceased and one or more family members carved life-size or nearly so into the "living rock" of the mountainside. Most of these are now partially or completely destroyed. Two of the best large pairs in museums are now in the Louvre and the Metropolitan. Both are fragmentary, simply the heads and upper torsos. A painted sandstone couple, overseer of the cattle of Amun, Nufer, and his wife, in New York, 6 4 is most likely to have been made during the reign of Thutmose III simply because of the boom in private tomb construction during this time. Their facial features, however, with their overlarge eyes and wide, straight mouths, recall those of earlier Thutmoside portraits. The painted sandstone pair of Hatshepsut and Senynefer in the Louvre bears the styles and facial expressions of late Thutmose III to Amenhotep II. 6 5 In some cases separately made statues were placed into these niches. Limestone and sandstone were the most frequently used materials for such private statues during the reign of Thutmose III. The painted stone pairs of husbands and wives—the women made equal in size to their spouses—seem to revive the Fourth and Fifth Dynasties type, of which Cairo s large Rahotep and Nofret pair statue and small Seneb family group are examples. A well-preserved small limestone pair sculpture in Cleveland preserves one of the most charming details of these groupings—the affectionate embrace of the spouses' arms around each other. 66 The pointed faces and somewhat serious expressions fit the style of Hatshepsuts period. The man's broad shoulders and the woman's very slim proportions, breast-strap dress style (see the later discussion of the figure style in Rekhmire's tomb), and hairstyle are typical for this period.The Louvre's painted limestone pair, a scribe of the grain, Wensu, and his wife, Amenhotep, are close enough in style to Cleveland's to have been produced in the same workshop. 67 A kneeling statue of the same Wensu, also quite likely to have been produced by the same shop, is in Leiden. 68 The inscription on a quartzite pair statue of Amenhotep-user and his wife Tentwadj (with small images of their son and daughter incised on the front of their seat) indicates that it was destined not for the tomb but for a temple, probably Karnak. 69 One of the texts requests a portion of the offerings brought for the god. During the Amarna period, Amuns name was hacked out of the inscription.

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T O M B D E C O R A T I O N S OF T H U T M O S E H P S

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About forty-two Theban tombs are credited with some confidence to officials of Thutmose III and his coregent Hatshepsut. This large number represents a virtual explosion of private tomb building at Thebes during our kings reign. In contrast, Porter and Moss ascribe a mere ten tombs to the previous Eighteenth Dynasty reigns combined. Nearly half (roughly twenty-one) of the Thutmose III tombs are carved into the series of cliffs comprising Sheikh Abd el-Qurna North. They lie sandwiched between Senenmuts early tomb ( T T 71) 7 0 at the top of the hill and Rekhmire s spacious one ( T T 100) in the dramatic ridge to the south. Eight more spill out of the sandwich into Qurnas lower enclosure and Khokha, and seven more are set into the shallow hillside southeast of Rekhmire s tomb. The final eight decorate the ridge of Dira Abu en-Naga like well-spaced pearls on a necklace.71 An additional two, perhaps more, small tombs are in Gournet Murai'.72 For some reason, areas popular during the next two or three reigns, such as the northwest corner of Qurna North, were apparently left untouched, even though the area of the sandwich became quite crowded. Perhaps the popularity of the area at a particular time related to its proximity to or oversight of the kings mortuary temple. Naturally the tombs of our king s officials were started and decorated at different times throughout his long reign, and so they show an evolution in architectural plan, subject matter, and style of the wall decoration. A major source of inspiration—at least for the tombs created during the first half of Thutmose Ills reign—was those built in the same hills by wealthy and powerful Twelfth Dynasty officials, such as the impressive one of the vizier Intefoker s mother Senet ( T T 60),73 which lies in the heart of Sheikh Abd elQurna North, and T T 103 of the Eleventh Dynasty governor of the town and vizier Dagi, which lies at the crest of the hill above Senenmuts tomb.74 The architectural influence of tombs like Dagis is apparent from miles away. His front hall is an open portico, the pillars forming a dramatic interplay of light and shade on the hillside visible on a clear day from all the way across the valley on the east bank of the river. The same can be said of the tombs of several of Thutmose Ills early officials, such as Ineni ( T T 81), whose career, and perhaps his tomb construction, started in Amenhotep Is reign and continued into our king s; Aamethu ( T T 83), who preceded Useramun and Rekhmire as vizier; and Intef ( T T 155). One might even note the similar effect of Hatshepsuts funerary temple at Deir el Bahari, which obviously was constructed during the first half of our kings reign.75 The subject matter of the early Eighteenth Dynasty tombs was also influenced by the Middle Kingdom tombs. During both periods the greatest

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amount of wall space was given to the illustration of funerary rites and rituals. In addition, there are scenes where secular content serves a mythological function. These are the more picturesque and interesting for a general study such as this and will be the focus of the discussion here. The influence of Middle Kingdom tomb subject matter on early Thutmose III nobles' tombs is illustrated by three subjects given prominence on the walls of Senet s tomb. One is the scene of the deceased hunting wild game in the desert, which is treated quite effectively in Theban tomb 82 of Amenemhet. The second is the stately and majestic scene of the king in his kiosk. This seems to have occurred in Senets tomb for the first time in Egyptian art, in this case with Senwosret I in the kiosk. Such scenes may not have been used in the Eighteenth Dynasty until Hatshepsut appeared enthroned in Theban tomb no. Thutmose III is shown repeatedly this way, as were many of his Eighteenth Dynasty successors. The third subject taken by Thutmose III tombs from Middle Kingdom ones, and to some extent from the Old Kingdom, is the workshop scene. While the kiosk scene is self-explanatory and the workshop scene is discussed throughout this chapter, the desert hunting scenes deserve a few extra words here. They are filled with gazelles, hares, foxes, and other denizens of the desert, usually desperately fleeing the hunters arrows or, worse, his pack of bloodthirsty hounds. Motifs from these scenes, for example, the gazelle in flying gallop or being brought down by a hunting dog, recur in other media of the period, from metalwork to leather dog collars, and will be discussed later. The iconography may refer to supernatural forces the deceased must overcome in order to enter the next world, a thought certainly conveyed by the scene of Amenemheb encountering a hyena m T T 85.76 Other subjects in early Thutmose III tombs, in particular the hippopotamus hunt, recall scenes from Old Kingdom tombs. Middle Kingdom views of the deceased spearing hippopotamuses in the marsh, if they existed, are no longer extant.77 Säve-Söderbergh finds, however, that the composition of the New Kingdom scenes comes not from the Old Kingdom private tomb walls but from ancient royal imagery of which the latest pre—Eighteenth Dynasty examples known are on scarabs of the Second Intermediate period.78 He suggests that the imagery refers to rituals practiced at various times in ancient Egypt and to an actual event or practice that occurred in Thebes during the Second Intermediate period, raising the ire of the hippo-worshiping Hyksos king, Apophis. 79 In this case, the scenes in this first great flurry of tomb building and decorating after the Hyksos period may represent the victory of the rightful kings over evil powers. Alternatively it may represent an event that actually took place during the reign of Thutmose III, since a wall

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at Karnak Temple commemorates a Festival of the White Hippopotamus as having taken place under his aegis.80 Another staple of Old Kingdom tombs, the vignette of pet animals under owners' or banqueters' chairs, was revived in Theban tombs 21 8 1 and 345,82 dated to the earliest Eighteenth Dynasty, and then became quite popular in tombs dated to the reign of Hatshepsut and early Thutmose IIL The variety of pets immortalized on tomb walls also proliferated during the early and middle years of our king. For example, Menkheperreseneb, in the earlier of his two tombs ( T T 112), 83 has a goose under one chair and a monkey under another. In T T 20, Montuherkhepeshef s dog is held on a leash by a monkey under a chair. 84 The tomb of Amenhotep ( T T 73), who oversaw the construction of Hatshepsuts obelisks in year 16, and whose early-style pillared-hall tomb was left unfinished, also has a monkey under one chair85 and a pet ibex under another.86 Pet animals continued to frequent banqueting scenes through the middle of our king's reign, but they seemed to fall quickly out of favor after that and in fact disappeared nearly completely from tomb scenes later in the dynasty. Considering that a horse and an ape, each with its own coffin, were found buried in the environs of Senenmuts tomb and that the Valley of the Kings tomb of Maiherperi contained dog collars,87 it seems that the level of affection for personal pets was exceptionally high during at least the first half of Thutmose Ill's reign.88 Whether or not this subject matter, like the hippo hunts, could have had some much deeper meaning is not known. In general, scenes of desert hunting and hippo spearing and vignettes with pet animals are absent from or occur in reduced importance in the tombs that can be dated with likelihood or certainty to the period of Thutmose Ill's sole rulership. These include T T 99 of Sennefer, overseer of the seal and of the gold in the land of Amun, who is depicted receiving the mandate of Thutmose to go to Lebanon in year 22; 8 9 TT 42 of Amenmose, "captain of the troops" and "eyes of the king in the two lands of the Retenu," who lived to serve Amenhotep II; 90 and, of course, T T 100 of Rekhmire, who also lived into the son's reign.91 Another change in private tombs during our king's reign occurred in their layout or design from a narrow tomb boring straight into the mountainside to a T-shaped one with a spacious front hall. 92 Rekhmire's predecessor, Useramun, was one of several officials who early in his career had a tomb in the form of a long, narrow passage decorated predominantly with funerary scenes ( T T 61) 93 and later supplanted it with a T-shaped tomb ( T T 131). 94 Rekhmire apparently had only one tomb—a large T-shaped one. The change in architectural plan suggests the possibility of a change in the way these monuments were used either before or during the funeral cer-

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emonies or in the years afterward. Scenes of various festivals began to appear on tomb walls at this time, and it is likely that spacious front halls became family gathering places from which to watch such events as the Feast of the Valley, when Amun of Karnak made his annual visit to the temples on the west bank of Thebes. 95 The composition or layout of the wall scenes also changed. Rekhmire s tomb has unusually high ceilings, and its walls are divided into many narrowrule registers densely packed with subjects and details.96 This crowding of scenes is characteristic of tombs decorated later in Thutmose Ills reign. For example, Menkheperreseneb s earlier tomb ( T T 112) 97 averages three registers per wall, the figures being placed in a relatively spacious atmosphere. His later tomb ( T T 86)98 averages four to five registers per wall, with scenes, particularly of workshops, so crowded that they resemble active beehives.99 An evolution in women's fashions is also apparent in the Theban tombs. In general, in earlier tombs female members of the tomb owners' family wear dresses with bodices below the breast. Gradually during the reign the bodices rise to nipple height, and at the end of the reign the bodice is slightly above the nipple. The trend toward greater modesty suggested by these fashions is belied by the increasing nudity displayed by servant girls, who are shown in greater numbers and varieties of poses, teasingly covered with the most transparent of flimsy gowns. The palette used in Theban tomb painting also evolved during the dynasty. Most obvious is the wall background color, which tended to be light blue in the earlier tombs, for example, in T T 81, 84, 87, and 88, perhaps imitating Middle Kingdom wall paintings such as Senet's, around which they are clustered. By the time of Rekhmire's tomb, the walls were white. Rich blues and greens seem to have been dropped from the palette even in details of floral bouquets, offerings, and furnishings throughout the tombs as the reign progressed, and there was an emphasis on earth tones. Why this might have happened is not clear. Was it a question of taste? Had the materials used for making the greens and blues come into short supply—which is hard to imagine during this time of plenty—or were they being funneled off for a different, perhaps exclusively royal or temple, use? Female figures are extremely attenuated in nearly all of the tombs—one of the aspects of Theban tomb painting that changed the least in this reign. Here and there an artist indulged in modest experiments, such as in Rekhmire's tomb, where a young girl servant in the banquet scene is turned to provide an extremely rare three-quarter rear view of the female body. In general, however, the figures are sticklike and angular, and their movements are stiff and jerky. It seems to have been after this reign that the feminine form became fleshier and more curvaceous and that movement of both ani-

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mais and humans began to be described in more flowing terms, for example, in the tombs of Tjanuny ( T T 74), Haremhab ( T T 78), and Nakht ( T T 52). Horses were still relatively new to Egypt during the reign of Thutmose III, and pictures of them in Theban tombs of his reign attest to their artists' lack of familiarity with them. In Rekhmire s T T 100 and Menkheperreseneb s T T 86, their conformation resembles that of a dachshund, and their movement is awkward, the front fetlock seeming to break forward rather than back. Later in the dynasty, as the horse and its hybrid offspring, the mule, became better understood, their anatomy, actions, and habits are shown far more accurately and naturalistically, for example, in the Theban wall fragments in the British Museum dated to Amenhotep I I L 1 0 0 On the other hand, the images of foreigners in Rekhmire's tomb compare rather favorably with finds by Manfred Bietak at the ancient Canaanite city of Avaris near the modern village of Tell el-Dab'a in the eastern Nile Delta. Avaris had in fact been the Hyksos' first base of operations in Egypt during the period of great shame that preceded the Eighteenth Dynasty. The mushroom coiffure of the colossal statue of an Asiatic dignitary 101 corresponds with similar hairstyles worn by Syrians in Rekhmire's tomb; 1 0 2 the hairstyles and socks of the Cretan bull leapers in wall paintings at Tell elDab'a 1 0 3 compare with those worn by Minoans in T T 100. 1 0 4 Daggers with rounded pommels carried by Rekhmire's Syrians and what appear to be metal belts worn by his Minoans also parallel those found by Bietak. 105 One peculiar detail of the Theban representational style in Rekhmire's tomb and elsewhere seems to owe a direct debt to Minoan painting. Apparently during our king's reign women's hair began to be depicted as a series of thick, well-spaced, black serpentine strands. Whether this reflects a new fashion in hairdressing or is simply an artistic fad is not clear. It appears in several tombs of this reign, for example, Theban tombs 17, 1 0 6 82, 98, and 100, and continues into the next reign in Sennefer's tomb ( T T 96), where both men's and women's hair is shown in differentiated locks. I 0 7 The only currently known precedent for this form of representation in Egypt occurs in the Tell el-Dab'a wall paintings cited earlier, where the Cretan bull leapers' hair is shown in this manner. 108 The amount of information about the period provided by the scenes in the private tombs is staggering. Obviously tombs such as Rekhmire's serve today as virtual encyclopedias not only of statuary made for the king, as cited earlier, but also of metalwork and furniture, as well as temple construction and foreign tribute. It is interesting to note, however, that some of these scenes were considered classic reference works in later antiquity. For example, representations of workshops in Rekhmire's tomb (as well as in Puyemre's T T 39 and Menkheperreseneb's T T 86) were copied in later Eighteenth

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Dynasty tombs, such as Nebamun and Ipuky s T T 181 from the reign of Amenhotep III, and may also have been the inspiration for workshop scenes in the Late period tomb of Petosiris at Hermopolis.The small detail in Theban tomb 82 of Amenemhet (the vizier Useramuns steward) where one massive bull gores and topples another was copied onto an ostracon, a limestone flake used as a sketch pad by a later New Kingdom artist from the Theban artists' village at Deir el Medineh. 109 Thus, the painting styles of the reign of Thutmose III, while they may have started out in heavy debt to the Middle Kingdom, flowered and matured during our king s reign to the extent that they provided their own inspiration for future generations of artists. T H E D E C O R A T I O N OF T H E R O Y A L T O M B

Nothing like the liveliness, variety, and color of the nobles' tombs can be found on the walls of the king's own tomb, K V 34. I I O The sarcophagus room and its antechamber are decorated entirely with scenes from the Amduat, the Book of What Is in the Underworld. The colors—black and beige with the occasional touch of red—the continuous bands of successive scenes circling the walls, and the outlined stick figures all add up to create the impression of a huge papyrus scroll rolled out and pasted up like wallpaper. Even the background color, a light yellow, gives the impression of aged papyrus. And the shape of the room, with its rounded corners echoing the shape of a cartouche or indeed of the royal sarcophagus itself, enhances the impression of standing inside a large, loosely furled, papyrus roll. Thutmose I and Amenhotep II decorated their tombs in the same manner. Thutmose I V was the first to break ranks and provide painted scenes more closely resembling the painting style in the Theban private tombs, though still of a purely divine and funerary subject matter, with no hint of even veiled secularism. Among the few points of stylistic comparison between Thutmose Ill's tomb walls and his courtiers' are the multiplicity of registers, the repetitive nature of the figures, and the very thin proportions of the female figures. The most famous scene from this king's tomb is on the first pillar of the sarcophagus chamber and shows the king followed by his wife queen Meryetre-Hatshepsut, the mother of Amenhotep II, and three princesses, all viewing the image of Thutmose as a boy king being suckled by a tree with a human breast. The hieroglyphic caption behind the young Thutmose notes that Menkheperre is being nursed by his mother, Isis, the name being written simply with the chair and terminal t, as if for the goddess, but probably a double entendre for the king's real mother, whose name was Isis and who is pictured in the register above, riding in a bark, standing up, with her adult son. 1 1 1

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On the second pillar is another unusual detail, a large tabby cat called, the "Great Tomcat," the sole animal seated in the midst of a row of humanfigured demon helpers, whose job it was to help the sun in its journey through the nocturnal sky. 1 1 2 During the New Kingdom the sun god occasionally took the name Great Tomcat, and so this tabby may represent the sun god himself 1 1 3 Of all the pets represented under courtiers' chairs in Theban tombs during this reign, cats are absent, although they do appear in the next reign (in the tomb of Sennefer, T T 96) and later. Is it possible that in the funerary iconography of Thutmose Ills reign the Great Tomcat s image was a royal prerogative?

T H E S M A L L E R ARTS: J E W E L R Y

Today the painted scenes in nobles' tombs, with their views of foreigners, as well as scenes of metalsmiths, tanners, carpenters, wheelwrights, and sculptors, provide an enormous amount of information, from the nature of the visitors and alien population in Egypt during Thutmose Ill's reign to techniques of manufacturing and the organization of workshops. In some instances these scenes offer the only extant records of types of works of art not yet found. Some of the objects shown in production are so elaborate that, in the absence of real examples, they seem like impossible figments of the imagination. On the other hand, some few chance finds have exceeded the painted roster in both design and luxuriousness. Depictions of jewelry makers abound on the walls of Old Kingdom tombs, rarely in the Middle Kingdom. During the reign of Thutmose, as part of a renaissance of craft scenes, jewelry production once again became important subject matter for tomb walls. The tombs of Rekhmire, Menkheperreseneb, and Puyemre boast such scenes as records of work overseen by their owners during their lifetimes. None of them, however, could prepare archaeologists for some of the objects found in the funerary treasure of three of Thutmose Ill's foreign wives, who were buried in a simple, well-hidden tomb. Despite the foreign origin of the three women, as suggested by their names, their funerary furnishings are almost entirely in traditional Egyptian style. The smaller head ornament from this treasure, a plain band diadem with attached rosettes and gazelle pro tomes, recalls parallels in jewelry, as well as representations in other media from other periods in Egyptian history. The rosettes are reminiscent of those painted red and blue, as if inlaid with stone on the white (representing silver?) headband worn by Fourth Dynasty Rahotep's wife Nofret on her large limestone statue in Cairo. Circular floral ornaments also occur on the diadem of Amenemhet Ill's princess, Sithathoriunet, from the Twelfth Dynasty treasure at Lahun. 1 1 4 Gazelle and stag heads

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appear on a gold diadem found in the eastern delta, probably from the Hyksos period; the grandest one, with an extravagant set of antlers, is positioned in the center of the wearers brow. 1 1 5 Gazelle heads are also paralleled in the Amenhotep III era Theban tomb painting of Menna ( T T 69) on the tomb owners daughters' complex gold headdresses. An impressive large headdress from this find is reconstructed as rows of gold rosettes with semiprecious stone and glass inlays cascading from the edge of a circular gold skull plate chased with a feather pattern and originally itself inlaid. 116 Both because of the accidental discovery and haphazard recovery of this treasure and because nothing quite like this headdress is represented on any tomb wall, it was difficult to reconstruct. Its individual elements are, however, perfectly in keeping with traditional Egyptian design, workmanship, and iconography. Other jewels found in the tomb, such as broad collars, hair ringlets, finger rings, amulets, pendants, beads, armlets, and bracelets, are mostly of traditional Egyptian styles and materials. Solid gold cuff bracelets (of which six were found) inlaid with rows of semiprecious stone, 1 1 7 are a type commonly worn by both king and queen in statuary by the time of Amenhotep I I I . 1 1 8 The fact that accoutrements chosen for royal representations are usually the most conservative in style suggests that such bracelets had been in use for generations before Amenhotep III arrived on the throne. Considering the numbers of representations of small domesticated animals in both the private and royal tombs, the cat bracelets from the foreign wives' tomb are particularly worth mentioning. Each one (remains of five exist) comprises a central gold plate surmounted by five small figures of recumbent cats in gold and semiprecious stone followed by an additional ten rows of fifteen beads each—made of gold, cornelian, feldspar, and lapis lazuli. 119 Not part of the Metropolitan Museum's cache from this tomb is a rare, heavy gold bangle bracelet (e.g., a mesketu) inscribed for Thutmose III and now in Leiden. This bulky bracelet, or armlet, wide and strongly convex in profile, was part of the set of gold of honor instituted by New Kingdom pharaohs as rewards for their most worthy military officers and civilian officials. 120 A full set of the gold of honor is worn by Maja in his seated statue, described earlier. Judging by what exists in museums today, more scarabs were made for Thutmose III than for nearly any other pharaoh. In general these are quite small, less than two centimeters in height or width. Yet some contain complex scenes, such as the king kneeling before an obelisk, driving a chariot, or riding in a falcon-prow ship. 1 2 1 In addition, there exist a large number of small square and rectangular plaques made in a variety of materials, including glass, jasper, serpentine, faience, and glazed steatite. Horses appear rather

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frequently on these gems, often in fairly complex scenes. 122 The conformation of these steeds resembles the elongated dachshund shape familiar from the painted private tombs. Some plaques of this class bear, in addition to cartouches of our king, names and subject matter of later dates, indicating perhaps that this type of small gem was revived generations later. The same tomb walls that record techniques of jewelry manufacture also give the points of origin for the precious and semiprecious raw materials used to make the amazing array of jewelry and gems of this period. Garnet (e.g., 123 h.m3gt) carried as tribute from Nubia, jasper (e.g., khnmt) from Punt and 124 Nubia, malachite (e.g., shsmt) from the eastern desert, 125 and ivory captured by the king himself during elephant hunts in the Orontes Valley 126 are represented on the tombs walls of Rekhmire and his neighbors. Turquoise (e.g., mfk3t) is among the semiprecious raw materials offered by our king to Amun at Karnak according to the registry of gifts recorded on the temple walls. 127 METALWORK

The amount of precious metal used for every royal and divine purpose in ancient Egypt during this period is almost incomprehensible. In the later of his two tombs, Menkheperreseneb lists the monuments whose construction he witnessed: "mono1ith[s] inlaid . . . with fine gold, . . . a hall of sandstone inlaid with gold, . . . great columns . . . in fine gold." 128 Amenemhet, the scribe of Vizier Useramun, reports that his boss "made many statues for the palace, out of silver and gold, copper and bronze" and that he made for himself "many statues of copper and bronze." 129 Certainly it has been a very long time since the gold sheeting, inlays, and other decorations of the temples and palaces disappeared. Assuming that Amenemhet was not exaggerating, we might have hoped that a few more statuettes in metal, in addition to the bronzes mentioned earlier in this chapter, would have survived to the present day. 130 One form in which metal statuettes did manage to survive is in the form of caryatid handles for bronze mirrors.Typically such figures, when they take the form of nude young women, have hairstyles datable to the period from the reign of Hatshepsut/Thutmose III to Amenhotep I I I . 1 3 1 Other types of figures, such as representations of Bes, also exist. 132 As in so many other instances, the best visual records of metalwork from the time of Thutmose III are those drawn on the walls of Rekhmire s tomb. In addition, in the sanctuary of Karnak Temple reliefs of Thutmose III above the Annals depict our king presenting a wide range of objects and raw materials, both native and foreign, to Amun-Re, 133 including 300 shallow silver bowls without handles and 248 with two handles, probably of Aegean origin. 134

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One of the few gold vessels remaining intact from the reign is a dish with six repousse fish circling around a central rosette and encircled by fifteen papyrus umbels. Found in the Theban tomb ( T T 11) of Djehuty and now in the Louvre, 135 it is inscribed for "kings scribe and overseer of the northern foreign lands, Djehuty," one of Thutmose Ills favorite generals, best remembered for having captured the Palestinian city of Joppa by hiding his soldiers in baskets and having them carried into the city. 136 A shallow bronze cup and a complex, openwork bronze stand of this period, now in Leipzig, were found at Aniba in the Sudan in Grave S 91 of the scribe User and his wife Tenefret. 137 The foot of the stand bears figures of Africans leading horses with the same conformation as those in the tomb of Rekhmire. Beautifully wrought and decorated bronze weapons have also been found in Nubian tombs of this date. An openwork ax head found at Semneh has two central figures forming the central panel of the blade: a hunting dog attacking a gazelle, a theme familiar from the Theban tombpainting scenes of Thutmose Ills reign. 138 Other openwork bronze ax heads of unknown origin, but once again bearing images familiar from private tombs of this date, such as monkeys, a lion attacking a bull, and a cheetah, are in Berlin. 139 VESSELS IN STONE, CERAMIC, FAIENCE, AND

GLASS

The artistic media discussed so far—sculpture, tomb painting, and even jewelry—rely for the most part on earlier, traditional Egyptian prototypes for their inspiration. Luxury vessels, however, were related more to high fashion, and like Eighteenth Dynasty feminine dress they were far more vulnerable to the changing tastes and influences of the moment. During Thutmose Ills reign, this meant ideas and designs imported from abroad. In one instance, an entire subclassification of exceptionally fine ceramic vessel seems to have been engendered by foreign contact. A text in the tomb of Menkheperreseneb s tomb suggests that the king himself had a hand in the design of vessels made of lapis lazuli from western Asia and turquoise from Sinai—perhaps inspired by what he had seen abroad or been given as diplomatic gifts. 1 4 0 Perhaps the largest single find of royal stone vessels from this reign is the group from the tomb of Thutmose Ills foreign wives. Some of them copy Near Eastern vase shapes. For example, the two-handled alabaster wine jug with separately made ring base 1 4 1 resembles so-called Canaanite jars used for shipping goods from the Levant to Egypt. 1 4 2 According to Lilyquist, the earliest dated example of a stone Canaanite amphora made as one piece with its ring stand has Thutmose III cartouches. 143

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Other shapes recall Middle Kingdom standards such as ointment jars with narrow waists and flared mouths and feet. 1 4 4 These last are among the half dozen or so types of stone vessels illustrated in Rekhmire s tomb in the space following the representations of stone statuary. 145 A baggy shape of stone vessel is also common, one having been inscribed for Senenmut. 146 One of the most popular forms was the krateriskos) a small cosmetic jar shaped like the later classical Greek wine krater but without handles. Several in stone and other materials were found in the foreign wives' tomb. 1 4 7 A good example in Egyptian blue is in the Walters Art Gallery. 148 This shape continued to be produced in various materials throughout the dynasty. In the glass versions, at least, the proportions changed, both the foot and the neck becoming longer and narrower by the time of Amenhotep III, and handles became stock features. 149 More interesting, however, both in shape and in surface decoration, are many of the glazed steatite vessels of this period. One of the most beautifully designed and elegantly executed is the green-glazed cosmetics dish in the form of a Nile fish now in the Metropolitan Museum. 1 5 0 One side of the body is hollowed out to form a receptacle, while the other is naturalistically finished in every detail—from its lips to its scales to its gills—with the added touch of a tiny Menkheperre cartouche beneath the lateral fin. A squat kohl pot with lid from a tomb of the Thutmose III era is in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 1 5 1 Around the circumference in low relief is a scene reminiscent of this reigns hunting scenes on the walls of private tombs. Here a sleek hunting hound lunges at the haunch of a gazelle. Another antelope, a fox, and two hares are also in range. A second such kohl pot in the Fitzwilliam Museum 1 5 2 is decorated with motifs revived from Middle Kingdom decoration, as are so many aspects of the art of this reign. The time of Thutmose III seems to have been one of the rare moments in Egypt's history when potters produced fine ceramics. In general, clay was used only for storage and cooking in Egypt, and finely wrought figure vases were hardly ever in fashion. 1 5 3 The few exceptions to that statement occur during Naqada I and II (4500—3000 B C ) 1 5 4 and again from about 1650 to 1570 at Kerma in the Sudan, where red terra cotta, basket-shaped pitchers have spouts formed as animal heads. 1 5 5 During our decades a unique class of vessels flourished, consisting entirely of small jars in representational shapes—usually either animal or human—expertly potted with details added in clay, the surface expertly burnished, fired to a rich brick red, and additional details added in black paint. The color and highly burnished surface of these vessels are reminiscent of the tall, slender "Syrian bottles" that originated in northern Syria or southern Anatolia and were imported into the Levant and Egypt during the Late

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Bronze Age I and II (1550—1300 BC). 1 5 6 The clay itself was local, either Nile silt A or its close relative, fine marl A , 1 5 7 however, and Egyptian potters used it to make brick-red, highly burnished vessels in a variety of "foreign" shapes during our reign. 158 There are many reasons, both archaeological and art historical, to center the date of production of this class of small red terra cotta figurai vessels in the reign of our king. A charming hedgehog in the Ashmolean Museum comes from a tomb at Abydos furnished with objects dating to the time ending with the reign of Thutmose III. 1 5 9 A ring-shaped vase in Philadelphia 160 comes from a tomb at Abydos furnished with objects beginning with this king. Vases of this type come from tombs at Sedment dating to the time of Thutmose III. 1 6 1 A vase in the shape of a girl playing a lute, now in the British Museum, 162 displays a frock of the type worn by girls in Rekhmire s tomb, and the lute itself was first depicted in Egyptian art during the reign of this king. 163 The proportions and shape of the British Museums lutists body resemble those of the traditional "Syrian bottle" shape mentioned earlier. Furthermore, many of the animal subjects, such as gazelles (like the splendid recumbent ibex vase with fawns at its sides in the Louvre), 164 hedgehogs, and grasshoppers, 165 also appeared in the desert hunting scenes painted on Theban tomb walls during this period. An imitation leather seed bag in this terra cotta is in Cleveland. 166 One of the most frequent human subjects involves nursing women 167 or young mothers holding their children, like one example in Berlin. 168 The nursing women cause us to remember a type of large, coarse, Egyptian clay "milk vase" with human-shaped breasts formed in clay on the vessel s shoulder and also dating to the reign of Thutmose III. 1 6 9 All of the red terra cotta figurai vessels have narrow necks and flaring mouths shaped for corking and dispensing ointments. Because the subjects are often maternal, it has been suggested that these vessels actually contained mothers milk used either for infant feedings or for medicinal purposes. 170 This possibility seems less likely when one is confronted with subjects such as grasshoppers and hedgehogs. On a somewhat more mundane level, pottery food service vessels in the form of above average cups, pitchers, and storage jars were made in a style influenced by Syro-Palestinian wares 171 such as the bichrome decorated buff clay vessels that flourished in Late Bronze Age I Megiddo. 1 7 2 Foreign influence is so profound in Egyptian pottery of this period that one suspects an influx of foreign potters. Faience was the traditional Egyptian luxury material used for making vessels. Among the finest examples dating to around the period of Thutmose III or perhaps slightly later is the dish found in the K V tomb of Maiherperi. 1 7 3 It contains both traditional Egyptian decoration (bulti fish spitting

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lotus buds) and a more Near Eastern motif (a spotted gazelle nursing a fawn by a tree). The latter recalls decoration common to Late Bronze Age I pottery in Israel and elsewhere in the Levant. 1 7 4 The lotus chalice is a shape new to faience in the Eighteenth Dynasty. The earliest excavated example, a turquoise blue example in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, is from a tomb at Abydos dated from Thutmose III to Amenhotep I I I . 1 7 5 Its proportions are slightly squatter than the blue glass lotus chalice with gold rim found in the tomb of our kings Syrian wives 1 7 6 and closer to the proportions of the turquoise blue glass lotus-form goblet impressed with the cartouche of Thutmose III in Munich. 1 7 7 A small faience, single strap-handled jug in Munich 1 7 8 parallels a ceramic version found in the Abydos tomb cited earlier. Both in its shape and in its white on dark decoration it resembles a type of Cypriot ceramic jug that was shipped throughout the Mediterranean during the Late Bronze Age. 1 7 9 An alabaster version of this shape was found in the foreign wives' tomb. 1 8 0 The glass industry blossomed during the reign of Thutmose I I I . 1 8 1 At least five distinct shapes of glass vessels are known from his reign in addition to the previously mentioned multicolored, handleless krateriskos, imitating stone with a gold rim and gold foot, found in the foreign wives' tomb. 1 8 2 Probably the most famous glass vessel dating to this time is Munich's turquoise blue lotus-form chalice with Menkheperre's cartouche impressed into the side. 1 8 3 Two other vessels of this shape are known from his time, one having been excavated at Gurob and now in the Ashmolean Museum 1 8 4 and the other from the foreign wives' tomb and now in the Metropolitan Museum. 1 8 5 The latter is incised on the outside with lotus petals and the royal cartouche. Another glass inscribed for our king is a small, turquoise blue, single-handled pitcher shape in the British Museum. 1 8 6 This glass is extremely unusual in that both the inscription and the tree of life on the side of the vessel are painted on in glass rather than being trailed on or impressed into the side. The other shapes cited by Nolte include one vessel of the Middle Kingdom shape with the flared foot, low narrow waist, and flared mouth; 1 8 7 and two squat jars with flat disk rims, the same shape as that of the glazed steatite kohl jars mentioned earlier. 188 The sixth shape shown by Nolte resembles a pear with a long vertical neck. 1 8 9 This type of vessel gains a foot and handles by the time of Amenhotep III and is revised to form fish-shaped bottles as well. 1 9 0

TEXTILES

The ebb tide of Thutmose Ill's incursion into Syria drew with it back into Egypt a new type of loom. According to Elizabeth Barber, this was a large

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loom, "one that stretched its warp between two beams, like the ground-loom [already in use in Egypt], but stood more or less vertically like the warpweighted loom [also already in use]. 191 One of Dhutnofers two tombs ( T T 104) bears a scene of male weavers at work on such a device. It is more than likely that the individuals who worked the new machinery were also brought from the East. New techniques appeared at this time, most notably a type of colored embroidery on linen. One example with the cartouche of Thutmose III was found in the tomb of his grandson, Thutmose I V This type of work was more likely undertaken by women, perhaps at the royal harem town of Miwer, founded by Thutmose III in the Fayum, which seems to have been a center of the weaving industry. 192

FUNERARY

FURNISHINGS

Papyri According to Cerny, the custom of adding religious literature written on papyrus to funerary equipment started in the Eighteenth Dynasty. During the Middle Kingdom such writings had been inscribed on wooden coffins and tomb walls, and, toward the end of the Old Kingdom, only on the walls of the inner chambers of the pyramids of some kings and queens. During the Eighteenth Dynasty, the Book of the Dead, written on papyrus, occurs with increasing frequency in the tombs of officials. 193 Certainly the most famous and arguably the most beautiful is the Book of the Dead of Maiherperi, found in K V 36 in 1899 with his body and funerary furnishings. I94 The elongated figurai style of both the deceased Maiherperi and the seven cows and one black bull fit with that of the Theban tombs of this period. The overlay of a very thin, fine, transparent shirt and overskirt over Maiherperi s short kilt concurs with the styles seen in Rekhmire s tomb. In the British Museum is the Book of the Dead of Amenhotep, overseer of the builders of the god Amun. 1 9 5 The way both Amenhotep s and his wife s hairdos are shown in thick strands also agrees with the Theban tomb-painting style of the period. The wife s sheath dress, its bodice rising to just below the breasts, is also standard for the early years of the reign. The height of both Maiherperis and Amenhotep s papyri, 35 and 34 centimeters, appears to be standard for this reign. 196 Shawabtis From the early Eighteenth Dynasty onward shawabtis became an important element of burial equipment, both royal and nonroyal. One meager but im-

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portant example for our king is cited by the Auberts. 197 It is a sky-blue 7 centimeter example in glass paste—the first known in this material. Shawabtis belonging to officials of his reign are known as well. Among the most impressive are three belonging to the viceroy Nehy, one in wood, one in black diorite, and one of archaizing style in the finest white limestone painted to resemble wood. 1 9 8 Cooney also recorded several in a chapter of a manuscript on the decorative arts that he prepared in the 1970s and never published. There he notes the following. The shawabtis of early Dynasty X V I I I show a strong influence of Dynasty XII. An excellent example is the large one made for the Chief Steward Son-yu, now in the Metropolitan Museum. Its medium, rather unusual for shawabtis, is steatite glazed a brilliant light green with the plain wig over-painted in matte black. It is an excellent piece of craftsmanship, its noticeably heavy form revealing the survival of Dynasty X I I fashion into the early part of this dynasty. The style of the individual hieroglyphs strongly suggests a date with the reign of Thutmose III. Another shawabti similar in form and of the same reign is in Brooklyn. . . . The name of the man for whom it was first made has been erased and the simple name Nefer-ptah, without title, was substituted. The material is a fine green serpentine enhanced with gilding on the wig and necklace, the latter along with the inscription being inlaid with blue paste while white paste was used in the eyes. In both shawabtis just described the hands are clasped and empty, that is without agricultural implements which slightly later became standard equipment. The features are idealized. A detail of the Brooklyn shawabti useful for dating is the shallow groove between the feet typical of early appearances of this form, but one which disappears shortly after the reign of Thutmose III. . . . Still another series of shawabtis in this classical style belonged to the Second Priest of Amun, Puyemre, who was in office during the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. They are all in a fine white limestone with clasped hands without implements. The shawabti formula is incised in six lines around the body. 1 9 9 Coffins The ultimate artistic expression of any pharaoh s reign consisted of the furnishings that provided the final resting place for his body. Although his wooden anthropoid coffin sustained immense damage at the hands of tomb

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robbers, Thutmose s stone sarcophagus, being made of sturdier and more intransigent stuff, remains in comparatively excellent condition. It is so similar in style to sarcophagi made for his Eighteenth Dynasty predecessors that Hayes wondered in print if Thutmose Is andThutmose I l l s might have been made in the same workshop by order of the same pharaoh. 200 Hayes remarks, however, that "for sheer rationalism in design the decoration of the sarcophagus of Thutmose III marks the high point of the series and . . . of the entire history of ancient Egyptian coffin and sarcophagus decoration." He notes that "the figures are carved with expert deftness, great attention being paid to details . . . [and] the cutting of the hieroglyphs is exquisite. . . . There is no confusion of ideas, no unnecessary repetition, no awkwardness of arrangement. From the point of logical religious thought, as well as from that of properly applied ornamentation, the whole scheme functions without a single incongruity." 201

CONCLUSION

Virtually the same points Hayes made about the royal sarcophagus could be made about the entire artistic oeuvre of the reign of Thutmose III, especially those monuments that were clearly made and/or decorated during the period of his sole rule. Clearly this was a period of prodigious art production in all media. Aesthetic quality and perfection of workmanship were exceptionally high. New ideas were tried and perfected. He was one of history s greatest patrons of the arts, this warrior king. Certainly, Thutmose III realized from Egypts long history before his day that in the future, while his conquests might vanish, his monuments would remain as testimony to the brilliance of his reign.

NOTES

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1. Bryan (1992:193) noted fourteen statuettes for Thutmose III, as opposed to the twentysix for Amenhotep III listed in Kozloff and Bryan (1992) 474—75, table 6. The number of statuettes for Thutmose III can now be expanded to perhaps as many as thirty-two. 2. Davies (1943), pis. xxxvi—xxxvii. The same walls illustrate four wooden statues. A battered example of one striding figure wearing the nemes in cedar survives from the king s tomb. See Daressy (1902) 281, pl. LV C G 24901. Davies (1943: pi. lx) shows sculptors applying finishing touches to three Thutmose statues, an enthroned one with nemes, a striding one with the White Crown, and a sphinx. 3. The image on Rekhmires tomb wall shows the body of a captive under the kings feet and throne. This may be the two-dimensional version of what in three dimensions would be the nine bows. 4. Turin cat. no. 1376, H. 1.92 meters, discovered at Thebes by J. Rifaud, sculptor in the service of Drovetti, according to graffiti on the sculpture. See Scamuzzi (1965), pi. xxiv.

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5. Lipinska (1966a) 136—38; idem (1984) 12—14, no. i, figs. 8—17. 6. This is Cairo J E 37417, C G 42072; Saleh and Sourouzian (1987), no. 137. 7. Lipinska (1966) 138. Lipinska sees a closer similarity between the Turin and Deir el Bahari statues; see 136. 8. Partridge (1994) 77—80. The king s height was here reestimated at 1.71 meters, which is taller than all of the Eighteenth Dynasty pharaohs except Amenhotep I. 9. There is a certain amount of disagreement among Egyptologists, and indeed among art historians in general, about whether not true portraiture exists in Egyptian art. See Berman (1996) 25—28. 10. For publication of this object, see Iversen (i960) 71—79, pl. X V I . The two basic references on grids and proportions are Iversen (1955) and Robins (1994). 11. See also Bryans analysis of comparative proportions of seated kings in Bryan (1992) 462—63, table I and figs. A.i(a,b). 12. Cairo C G 42054, Luxor J. 2; Terrace and Fischer (1970) 105—8, no. 22. The lower half of a granodiorite statue, perhaps broken from a similar striding statue, is near enough in size and style to have been based on the same model. See Seipel (1992) 242—43, no. 84, Vienna ÄS 70, H . 46.5. 13. Fay (1995) 14, 18. 14. Cairo C G 42077; Terrace and Fischer (1970) 109—12, no. 23. 15. The same perfection of physique and surface details appears on a life-size limestone statue of a plumed god in Cairo, C G 38068, H . 2.35 meters, with base and headdress. It has broad shoulders, a narrow waist, carefully polished flesh areas, and elegant carving of linear patterns, in this case on the belt and penis sheath. See Russmann (1990) 95—97, fig. 43. 16. For Cairo C G 42056, see Drioton and Vigneau (1949), pl. 64. 17. Michalowski (1968) 380, 450, no. 326. 18. Tefnin (1979: 76) notes that this pose was rare before Hatshepsut, although it began in the Sixth Dynasty and then was used by Senwosret III. 19. M M A 1995.21, H . 5-8 inches, black bronze with gold inlays. It is the "earliest known New Kingdom royal bronze statuette," according to Hill (1995: 6, ill.). A small bronze statuette of a queen or goddess, also inlaid with gold, may be related in date. See Seipel (1992) 234—35, no. 80. 20. Cairo J E 43507A, H . 26.5 centimeters, from Deir el Medineh; Saleh and Sourouzian (1987) no. 135. 21. M M A 29.3.2, H . 77 inches; Hayes (1959) 97—99, fig. 54. 22. A third, approximately life-size, fragmentary statue in the same stone—a striding Thutmose III—was found in his funerary temple at Deir el Bahari by the Polish expedition (Inv. nos. F 7823 and F 7820). See Lipinska (1984) 16, no. 5, figs. 29—32. For discussions of the stone, see Lilyquist (1989) 39—40; Klemm and Klemm (1993) 427—29; and Brown and Harrell (1995) 221, 225, 228, 231. I am grateful to Professor Harrell for the last three references. 23. They are Berlin Inv. Nr. 2005 (see Tefnin [1979] 157, pl. X X X I I I ) ; Cairo C G 42060 (see Legrain [1906] 36, pl. X X X I V ) ; Cairo C G 42061 (see Legrain [1906] 36—37, pl. X X X V and Tefnin [1979] 160—61, pis. X X X I V b — X X X V ) ; Cairo C G 42062 (see Legrain [1906] 37, pl. X X X V I , and Tefnin [1979] 160—61), where it is noted that the latter statuette has been attributed to Thutmose II by Aldred, Vandier, and Gilbert. 24. Louvre E. 5351, H . 11 centimeters; Kriéger (i960) 37—58, pis. 3—4. See also Berman and Letellier (1996) 52—53 ill., no. 10, bibliography, p. 95. 25. See a similar remark by Porta (1990: 89 ill., no. 37).

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26. Brooklyn no. 55.118; Fazzini (1989), no. 36. 27. Cairo J E 30490, C G 747; black granodiorite head, with features similar to Thutmose III, H. 13 centimeters, from Kom Ombo. See Borchardt (1930) 72, pi. 138. Both this piece and the Brooklyn one have feather patterns incised at the appropriate places, whereas the Louvre s jasper bird does not. 28. P M I I 1 2 0 . 29. Weigall (1906) 136—37, fig. 9. 30. Cairo C G 1237. See Borchardt (1934) 123—24. 31. Cairo C G 743, H. 66 centimeters; Vandersleyen (1975) 245, no. 177, pi. 177. 32. Cleveland 1914.561, Coffin of Bakenmut, Thebes, Twenty-first Dynasty, H. 2.083 meters. See Niwinski (1988) 134, no. 160; and Berman (1999) 314—24. 33. Cairo J E 37981, C G 42069, H. 32 centimeters, L. 61 centimeters. See Legrain (1906) 40—41, pi. 41; and Saleh and Sourouzian (1987), no. 134. 34. Turin supp. 2673, H. 13.5 centimeters. See Eggebrecht and Eggebrecht (1987) 189, no. 105; and Donadoni-Roveri (1992) 17, 40, ill. fot. 6. 35. A near twin in size, subject, and material in the Metropolitan Museum has similar facial features but differs in that it is beardless; the head is small and tilts upward slightly; the texture of the lions mane is marked with finer, narrower lines; and the name of Amun has been erased, suggesting that this sphinx was in a highly visible location during the Amarna period ( M M A 08.202.6). See Hayes (1959) 121—22, fig. 63; and Seipel (1992) 244—45, no. 85. 36. Museo Barracco C.M.B., n. 13, L. 77 centimeters (as preserved, missing forepaws). See Nota (1982) 90—91 ill. (identified as Hatshepsut); Vandersleyen (1975) 244 and pi. 173b; and Tefnin (1979) 153-55. 37. Dorman (1988) 78—79; Redford (1986a: 544) does not see evidence for this marriage. 38. See Fay (1995) 20 and n. 39. 39. Cairo C G 42065. See Legrain (1906) 38—39, pl. X X X V I I I . 40. British Museum E A 12, from Karnak. See James and Davies (1983) 30, fig. 37. Another, probably similar monument is listed in P M II, 103. 41. Cairo C G 1237; Borchardt (1934) 123—24. 42. Cairo C G 1092. See Fay (1995) 11—22, pis. 2—9. 43. M M A 31.3.156, 31.3.163, 31.3.157. See Hayes (1959) 90, 92—93, figs. 49—50. 44. M M A 28.3.18, 29.3.1,30.3.1, 30.3.2. See Hayes (1959) 95—96, figs. 52—53. Her red granite statuary is not entirely uniform, however. One portrait in this stone shows her clearly in old age. See portrait of Hatshepsut enthroned and wearing the nemes, M M A 29.3.3, i n Hayes (1959) 100-101, fig. 55. 45. M M A 14.7.15. See ibid., 120, fig. 62. A striding statue similar in size (H. 2.63 meters, preserved to knees) and material but apparently usurped by Ramesses II and Merneptah is in the British Museum (EA 61). See James and Davies (1983) 12, fig. 9. 46. British Museum EA 986, provenance unknown, H. 46.2 centimeters. See Fay (1995) 13—17, pis. 4(a, b) and fig. 2; Tefnin (1979) 155—56; Fay (2001), no. 43, 118—19; and Laboury (1998). 47. A head in Cleveland identified by Cooney as Hatshepsut ( C M A 1917.976) has been rejected by Tefnin from his corpus of this queens portraits. He compared it to the Bologna portrait of Thutmose III. This writer, however, sees no resemblance. Perhaps closer stylistic comparisons for the Cleveland head, though in different stones, would be the Osiride heads in New York and the head of the white marble seated Hatshepsut, also in the Metropolitan Museum collection, and on these grounds the Cleveland head, with its thin eyebrows, small

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slanted eyes, tiny ears, and delicate chin, should remain among the body of works for Hatshepsut, not for her nephew. See Tefnin (1979) 150. 48. These are the striding Thutmose III wearing nemes from Karnak, now in the Luxor Museum (see n. 12 in this chapter); and the striding Thutmose III wearing the White Crown, Cairo, J E 38234, C G 42053, from the Karnak cachette, H. 2 meters. See Legrain (1906) 32, pis. X X I X — X X X ; and Russmann (1990) 90—91, figs. 39—40. 49. Berman (1999) 212—14, no. 158. 50. Ibid., 217, no. 160. 51. For a list of his statuary, see Dorman (1988) 145—53; and Meyer (1982a). 52. For example, see Priese (1991) 86, no. 53. 53. Aldred (1969) 44, no. 37. 54. British Museum EA 174, H. 76 centimeters; James and Davies (1983) 31, no. 34. 55. Cairo C G 42116, H. 60 centimeters; Russmann (1990) 86—87, n o - 38. 56. Aldred (1969) 51, nos. 66—67. 57. Fazzini (1989), no. 34. 58. Kimbell Art Museum (1987) 102—3. 59. Kimbell Art Museum (1987). 60. British Museum EA 1131, H. 51.5 centimeters; Quirke and Spencer (1992) 42, fig. 28. 61. Berlin 19286; Priese (1991), no. 54. 62. Berlin 19289; Morigi Govi. (1990) 92, no. 40. 63. Bologna KS 1823. Morigi Govi et al. (1990) 91, no. 39. 64. M M A 13.182.1(ab). See Hayes (1959) 157, fig. 86. 65. Louvre E 27161. See Ziegler (1993) 59. 66. C M A 1920.2003, statuette of an official and his wife, from Salamieh according to Howard Carter, H. 15.5 inches, painted limestone. See James (1991) 70; and Berman (1999) 219—220. 67. Manniche (1985) 46. 68. Ibid., 46. 69. Berlin Inv. no. 2298. See Finneiser (1991) 90—91, no. 56. 70. Senenmut had two tombs, one being T T 71, started in Year 7 and still under construction in year 11, and the other, T T 353, started in year 8 and still under construction in year 16. See Dorman (1988) 95—97, for a discussion of Senenmuts two tombs and the relative dating of them. 71. For Dira Abu en-Naga in the early Eighteenth Dynasty, see D. Polz (1995) 25—42. 72. See Gabolde (1995) 155—58. 73. Davies and Gardiner (1920). 74. For the relationship between the Middle Kingdom and early Eighteenth Dynasty tombs, see Roehrig (1995b) 255—61. 75. The usual Middle Kingdom plan, which includes either an open pillared portico or a large transverse front hall bisected by a single row of square pillars or round columns with a perpendicular passage leading to a shrine at the back, also appears in the early Thutmose III tombs of Nebamun ( T T 65), Hapuseneb ( T T 67), and Amenhotep ( T T 73) and even the earlier of Senenmuts two tombs ( T T 71). 76. See Eisermann (1995) 65—84; and Davies (1940) 82, pi. X V I b . 77. See Säve-Söderbergh (1957) 16; and idem (1953) 5, 21. 78. Säve-Söderbergh (1957) 24. 79. Ibid., 43-45. 80. See Altenmüller (1994) 29, 31, fig. 1; and Kaiser (1988) 125—34, 4-

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81. Tomb 21 belonged to User, scribe and steward of Thutmose L At least three different named dogs are shown under chairs. See Davies (1913), pis. X X V X X V I , X X V I I , XXVIII. 82. P M I 1 , 414. 83. Davies (1933), pl. X X I V 84. Davies (1913), pl. I V 85. P M I 1 , 143. 86. Säve-Söderbergh (1957), pl. VIII. 87. See Daressy (1902), pl. XI, C G 24075 and 24076. The former is decorated with motifs of hounds hunting gazelles, a favorite subject in the Theban tombs of this period. The latter is decorated with two horses—a stallion and a mare—also a favorite theme of this period, and the conformation of these animals is the "dachshund" shape seen in the private tombs from the reign of Thutmose III (see my later discussion). Maiherperi s tomb ( K V 36) is sometimes dated to the reign of Thutmose I V but these objects were probably made during our kings reign. For a recent reassessment of the tomb, see Reeves and Wilkinson (1996) 179—81. 88. The Valley of the Kings "animal tombs" ( K V 50, K V 51, and K V 52), where the bodies of one yellow dog, five monkeys, one baboon, three ducks, and one ibis were preserved, have been proposed as dating to the reign of Amenhotep II because of their proximity to his tomb. The popularity of pets during his father s reign argues for an earlier date. For a recent discussion, see Reeves and Wilkinson (1996) 185. Examples of great fondness for pets are rarer later in the dynasty, a notable exception being the limestone coffin made for the pet cat ("The Osiris, She-cat") of Amenhotep I l l s son, Thutmose (Cairo C G 5003). See Reisner (1967) 392—94. For more on animals in the reign of Thutmose III, see Houlihan (1996), esp. 34—36, 200—201. 89. P M I 1 , 204-5. 90. Davies (1933) 27—34. 91. One exception is in T T 85 of Amenemheb, who served both Thutmose III and Amenhotep II. His inner, T-shaped room, which may have been decorated rather early, contains a scene of hippo spearing, while the outer, pillared hall bears scenes of both kings in kiosks and the image of Amenemheb s wife with a monkey under her chair. That his wife is shown nursing Amenhotep as a young prince suggests that the decorative scheme was developed or at least reaches back to a point in the middle or earlier years of Thutmose I l l s reign. 92. Dziobek (1987) 69—80. See also Engelmann and Carnap (1995) 107—28 for statistical studies of various aspects, including ground plans and some types of subject matter for tombs dating to the reigns of Thutmose I through Thutmose III. 93. P M I 1 , 124. 94. Ibid., 238; for more recent analysis and discussion of this tomb, see Dziobek (1995) 129—40. The tomb is unusual, perhaps unique, in having had a large (ten meters long) pyramid above the entrance and a niched facade; see also Dorman (1995) 141—54. 95. See Wente (1962) 118—28. 96. Menkheperreseneb, who owned T T 112, with its goose and a monkey under banquet chairs, also owned T T 86, whose walls are divided into many narrow horizontal registers like Rekhmires. The architecture, subject matter, and style of painting of T T 86 also compare with Rekhmires, suggesting that T T 86 was planned and decorated by the same individuals as the grand vizier s and that it is the later of Menkheperreseneb s two tombs. 97. Davies (1933) 18—26. 98. Ibid., I—17.

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99. For a discussion of the decorative scheme of the pillars in tombs of slightly later date, see Gnirs (1995) 233—53. 100. James (1985) 33. 101. Bietak (1996), pis. 4A—C. 102. Davies (1943), pl. X X I I . 103. Bietak (1996), pis. IV, Y V I A . 104. Davies (1943), pl. X I X . 105. Bietak (1996) 15, fig. 11 and pl. 11A. 106. Säve-Söderbergh (1957), pl. X X I . 107. Desroches-Noblecourt et al. (1986) 26, 29, 45, inter alia. 108. For a full discussion of the Avaris wall paintings, see Morgan (1995) 29—53. 109. Hayes (1959) 392, fig. 247. no. For a recent reassessment and references to previous studies, see Reeves and Wilkinson (1996) 97—99. For another royal tomb possibly prepared for Thutmose I l l s queen, see 102—3. in. For both of these scenes, see Bucher (1932), pl. X X I V right and 115. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128.

Ibid., pl. X X V I left. See Malek (1993) 82, fig. 49. See Andrews (1991) 104, fig. 83. Ibid., 105, fig. 84. Winlock (1948) 14-16, pis. I I I - V Ibid., pl. X V I I ; Andrews (1991) 154, fig. 135. For example, see Kozloff and Bryan (1992) 191, pi. 16. See Winlock (1948), pi. xvi; and Andrews (1991) 153, fig. 134. Andrews (1991) 181—85, esp. 184, fig. 170. Hayes (1959) 126—27. Ibid., 124—26. Andrews (1991) 43. Ibid., 45. Ibid., 48. Ibid., 65. Ibid., 52. Davies (1933) n.

129. Davies and Gardiner (1915) 72. 130. A solid gold statuette in the Metropolitan Museum (26.7.1412), originally dated to the reign of Thutmose III, is now dated to the late New Kingdom. See Scott (1946), no. 16; and Russmann (1983), no. 46. 131. Lilyquist (1982) 186, no. 215; Fazzini (1989), no. 45 and nn. 2—4. 132. 133. 134. 135. similar 136.

See Kozloff (1984) 271—75. Wreszinski (1935) 33(a, b). Vercoutter (1956a), doc. 424, p. 350, pi. LVIII; Kemp and Merrillees (1980) 295. Louvre N . 713, Diam. 18 centimeters. Also found in this tomb were fragments of a silver bowl. See Brovarski et al. (1982) 119—21, no. 107. Goedicke (1968) 219ff.

137. Wildung (1996) 130, nos. 130—31; for related material, see also Spalinger (1982) 119, nos. 105—6. 138. Wildung (1996) 134, no. 137. 139. Priese (1991) 242—43, no. 148.

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140. Davies (1933) n, pi. X . 141. Winlock (1948), p i X X X V I I , lower left. 142. See Amiran (1970) 140—45 for the type; see 141, photo 131, for an example found in Egypt. 143. Lilyquist (1995) 7. 144. Winlock (1948), pl. X X X , 5. 145. Davies (1943), pl. X X X V I I . 146. McNaught (1979) 163—64, fig. I. 147. Winlock (1948), pl. X X X , nos. 1 (stone [anhydrite?] with gold rim) and 2 (green glazed stone with gold rim); pl. X X X V (A) right (gold), X X X V , (B) left (glass with gold rim and foot). 148. 149. 150. 151.

Brovarski et al. (1982) 159, no. 170, cites other "frit" examples found in the Sudan. See Kozloff (1992) 376—77, figs. XII.3 and XII.7, 384—85, nos. 92—93. Hayes (1959) 123, fig. 65. Bourriau (1982) 219, no. 266.

152. Ibid., 220, no. 267. 153. For a discussion of the types of ceramic storage, offering, and cult ware from the period, including this reign at Thebes, see Seiler (1995) 185—203. 154. Bourriau (1981) 31—32. Aesthetically the predynastic jars are closer in style to the Eighteenth Dynasty ones than are the Tell el-Yahudiyeh plastic vases, which are finished with a black surface and whose surfaces are decorated with punctate designs. For an example, see 33, no. 46. 155. See Wildung (1996) 96—100, nos. 96—99. 156. Amiran (1970) 167—71; Bourriau (1981) 129—30. 157. Bourriau (1981) 34—37. 158. See ibid., 75—75, no. 143, for a pilgrim flask in this material; 76—77, no. 144, for an imitation leather seed bag probably based on the pilgrim flask shape; and 135—36, no. 266, for an Egyptian version of Cypriot base-ring ware. 159. Hedgehog vase from Abydos tomb D u , with objects dating to about the end of the reign of Thutmose III, Ashmolean E. 2775, H . 7.4 centimeters; Brovarski et al. (1982) 104, no. 87. 160. Red ceramic ring vase from Abydos tomb E 233 dating to the early reign of Thutmose III, University Museum, Philadelphia, E.6761, H . 15.5 inches; Brovarski et al. (1982) 104—5, no. 88. 161. Fish-shaped vase in Boston, M F A 24. 1785; Brovarski et al. (1982) 103—4, no. 86. 162. British Museum 5114, H . 21.5 centimeters; Bourriau (1981) 35—36, no. 49. 163. Ziegler (1979) 123. 164. Ibex vase with fawns at sides from Dira Abu en-Naga, Louvre E 12659, H . 10 centimeters; Brovarski et al. (1982) 105, no. 89. The subject matter is paralleled in tomb paintings and Maiherperi s faience bowl. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171.

Grasshopper vessel, Cairo J E 27048; Brovarski et al. (1982) ioi, fig. 30. Cleveland 1914.726, H . 13.5 centimeters; Kozloff (1982) 6, no. 6. See Bourriau (1981) 36, no. 50. Berlin 14476; Hope (1987) 40, fig. 47. See Brovarski et al. (1982) 78, no. 50. See Doll (1982) 293—94, n o * 4°5See Brovarski et al. (1982) 79—81, nos. 55—60.

172. Amiran (1970) 152—54.

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173. Cairo C G 24058; Aldred (1961) 64, pl. 76. 174. See Amiran (1970) 161—65. For a Minoan shape in Egyptian faience, see Bianchi (1998) 135, 228, no. 124. 175. Boston, MFA 01.7396; Brovarski et al. (1982) 146, no. 145. See also Friedman (1998) 114-17, 224-25. 176. Winlock (1948), pl. X X X V B. 177. Brovarski et al. (1982) 163, no. 173; Nolte (1968) 48—49, pl. I, 6. 178. Munich 1576, H. 10.9 centimeters; Brovarski et al. (1982) 150, no. 154. 179. Amiran (1970) 183, pi. 56, nos. 7, 8. 180. Winlock (1948), pl. X X X V I I , lower right. 181. For an extensive series of technical studies of the glasses from the foreign wives' tomb and related glass vessels from both Egypt and the Near East, see Lilyquist and Brill (1995). 182. Winlock (1948), pl. X X X V B. 183. Nolte (1968) 48-49, pl. I, 6. 184. Ibid., 49, pl. I, 4. 185. Winlock (1948) 61, pl. X X X V B, center; Nolte (1968) 48, pl. I, 7. 186. Cooney (1976) 70, no. 764, pl. VI; Nolte (1968) 50, frontispiece and pl. I, 5. 187. Nolte (1968) 48, pl. I, 2. 188. Ibid., 47—48, pl. I, I and 3. 189. Ibid., 51, pl. I, 9. 190. Kozloff (1992) 386—87, nos. 94—95. 191. Barber (1991) 113—15, fig- 3-29. 192. For Miwer, see Thomas (1981); Kemp (1978b) 132; and Gardiner (1953) 145—49. For the embroidered fragment, see Carter and Newberry (1904), pl. X . 193. Cerny (1947) 25—26. 194. Cairo, C G 24095, L. 117.5 centimeters, H. 35 centimeters; Saleh and Sourouzian (1987), no. 142, three illustrations in color. 195. British Museum, EA 10489, H. 34 centimeters; Parkinson and Quirke (1995) 58, 79, pi. VI. 196. Parkinson and Quirke (1995) 16. 197. Aubert and Aubert (1974) 33. 198. Ibid., 36—37. In the same location are cited shawabtis for lahmes, overseer of works for Amun; Neferweben, possibly the father of Rekhmire; and an "obscure" Sennefer. 199. J. D. Cooney, "Shawabtis," a chapter of a manuscript on Egyptian decorative arts written in the 1970s and retained in the Ancient Art Department, Cleveland Museum of Art. 200. Hayes (1935) 112. 201. Hayes (1959) 113.

NINE

The Northern Wars of Thutmose III D O N A L D B. R E D F O R D

he campaigns in Palestine and Syria undertaken by Thutmose III are better reflected in primary source material than any similar military activity before classical times. Regardless of the specific degree of veracity of these sources, their claims are generally borne out by the archaeological record, which shows that catastrophic destruction and a population shift attended the period known as LB IA. The cultural and political regimes inaugurated at that time in the Levant and Egypt survived largely intact through a continuum of four centuries.Thutmose Ills floruit can therefore be rightly regarded as a watershed in the military and imperial history of the entire eastern Mediterranean.

T

THE TEXTUAL

SOURCES

The written sources for the campaigns resolve themselves, roughly speaking, into four genres. These are (i) a series of edited excerpts of the daybook of the kings house, (z) transcribed speeches at royal seances, (3) royal encomia, and (4) autobiographical reminiscences of veterans and administrators. While we are unlikely to retrieve any additional material from (1), the remainder could still receive significant additions.1 The excerpts were published in two sections and at different times. The first, inscribed no earlier than year 40, occupies a masonry veneer along the north wall of the north corridor of the ambulatory around the Karnak shrine. The text, accompanying the scene of presentation of offerings to Amun, describes the first campaign and receipt of benevolences from foreign chiefs in two(?) later years. The composing scribe quotes, apparently verba-

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tim, long sections of the daybook, interspersed with midrashic sections conforming to the requirements of royal ideology. The second section is to be found on the north wall (south face) of the antechamber before the present bark shrine and on the east face of the north wing of the sixth pylon. A royal statement about benefactions to the gods complements the Annals on the east face of the south wing of the same pylon. The second part begins, ostensibly de novo, with an introductory statement justifying and explaining the decision to inscribe the text, which begins in médias res) as it were, with the fifth campaign in year 29. Where the account, if it ever existed, of years 25 through 28 is to be found is unknown. The second part largely dispenses with midrash. The text of the excerpts gives the impression of precise detail, but that perhaps was intended. Some aspects of the contents and their recording are disquieting. There are, for example, a few mistakes in year dates, and some of the commodities in the lists of benevolences are never numbered. Food stocks conveyed to the "harbors" appear in formulaic wording, never quantified and with only minor variants. Occasionally figures for captives seem artificial, as they are neatly divisible by the number of towns captured. The composing scribe, however, makes no pretense that his lists represent all income from foreign conquests: treasury documents are cited as additional sources for the interested reader. In fact, he seems to have compiled a document of his own, drawn from the daybook but keyed into a yearly summation of benevolences received within a twelve-month period. The texts of royal seances date in the main to the last nineteen years of the reign (following the eighth campaign) and have all the earmarks of a spontaneous retrospective on the part of the king. Too little work has been done in analyzing such ostensibly verbatim speeches to identify individual idiolect, but the circumstantial evidence strongly suggests that the words are those of the king in most cases. In these obiter dicta the speaker rarely follows chronological order, and problems occasionally arise with respect to which campaign an incident should be ascribed to. Lacunae simply compound the problem. Moreover, the time separating the event from the retelling has understandably introduced distortion and perhaps fabrication. That the figure "7" months is the true duration of the siege of Megiddo is highly suspect, as is the figure "330" foreign chiefs. The date of construction and the identity of the fortress in the Lebanon pose problems of interpretation, as does the cutting of cedar for the sacred bark of Amun. The encomia that bear upon the campaigns begin on the morrow of the first campaign (Buhen text) and continue to a point very close to the king s passing (Armant stela). As time progresses farther from the event celebrated, these, too, show coloring not entirely consistent with the daybook entries.

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Moreover, the sequence of incidents the poet adopts does not always correspond to chronology, being organized rather according to a thematic criterion. References in autobiographies come mainly from individuals who participated in the eighth campaign (year 33) onward. T h e interest of these writers lies in their own personal experiences and often in the rewards they received for bravery. Most simply use an epithet that describes following the king on water and land. In those few cases that insert a longer statement (e.g., the biographical statement of Amenemheb), chronological sequence does not come into question. As in the seances and encomia, it is thematic association that informs the ordering of events. Ignoring this obvious fact leads to serious distortion in writing a history. 2 T h e Karnak inscription drawn from daybook excerpts was put up in year 42 and was not, as far as we know, continued in any other spot in the temple or elsewhere. T h e historian is left with unanswered questions: does year 42, then, mark a real hiatus in campaigning, and if so was this pursuant to a conscious decision on the part of Thutmose III? It may be significant that the vast majority of events celebrated in the later seance texts may be fitted into the known campaigns, years 22 to 42, and do not refer to otherwise unrecorded activity after the latter date.

THE EGYPTIAN ARMED FORCES T H E N A T U R E OF T H E

AND

CAMPAIGNS

T h e army with which Thutmose won his victories was a rudimentary affair compared with that of the Ramessides two centuries later. It comprised a corps of "household" troops, drawn in fact from the royal household, "children of the harem," and administrators, and a much larger body of "citizens" of the army impressed from field hands. According to available data, most of the rank and file will have come from the central and western delta, complemented by levies from the Thebaid. If Ramesside practice is a reliable guide, required numbers will have been made up by recourse to "decimation," that is, choosing one in ten of any temple or civilian community. T h e actual numbers will have varied, depending on the avowed intent of the expedition. A judicious estimate would set the opposing sides at the battle of Megiddo at slightly over ten thousand men each. A chariot contingent accompanied the infantry, but its numbers were probably not sizable. Notably missing was anything that might be called a siege train: towers, rams, and even sapping tools are conspicuous by their absence. T h e army enjoyed no "financing" in the modern sense of the word. In the early campaigns it traveled on its belly, living o f f the land and the spoil taken from the conquered. After Megiddo vast quantities of weapons came

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into Pharaohs possession and were undoubtedly made use of in equipping his troops. From time to time the soldiers were allowed to keep the booty from a campaign for themselves. After the fifth campaign, with the establishment of the coastal supply depots, the army was self-sufficient when in Asia, and the campaigns became self-financing. T h e campaigns encompass two distinct kinds of engagement in enemy territory. 3 T h e first was the anticipated set-piece battle for which forces of maximum size had to be mustered. Examples in the case of Thutmose I l l s wars may be had in his first and tenth campaigns, when enemy forces had assembled with specific intent to engage the Egyptians or march into Egyptian territory. T h e second is a sort of "march-about" by Pharaoh and a reduced contingent of troops, in which no opposition is foreseen by a large force of the enemy. T h e purpose is to intimidate, punish, and receive benevolences, very much in the same vein as the mediaeval chevauchee. Both types of expedition could be called a wdyt, "campaign," but the term is used somewhat confusingly. It is absent in the accounts of any northern expeditions in years 24 to 28,31, or 40, and one wonders whether chancery scribes later imposed the expression, albeit inconsistently, as an organizing mechanism in records that had not originally employed it. Most campaigns were timed to coincide with the optimum time of year for travel, late spring and summer. This would have had the advantage of capturing the Asiatic harvest when it was being removed from the fields. When, after the fifth campaign, the army went by sea to the Phoenician coast, the same time frame was imposed, perhaps more strictly. T h e crossing by water could scarcely be undertaken with any degree of safety before the winter storms had abated, and that meant after the setting of the Pleiades.

THE EGYPTIAN

" V I E W " OF ASIA I N T H E

EARLY EIGHTEENTH

DYNASTY

T h e question arises as to whether Egyptian kings ever formulated what moderns might call a "policy" or "policies" toward the outside world, especially Western Asia. Egyptian vocabulary lacks such a word, the closest being a vague expression covering the semantic range of our modern term governance. One cannot deny that some Egyptian kings, such as Senwosret III, Amenhotep II, or Akhenaten, display an attitude toward lands "without the pale" (as it were), but this belongs to the sphere of personal predilection, subject to whimsy. It cannot qualify for so grandiose a term as policy. What we can detect in the period under discussion (or in most periods, for that matter) is a geopolitical stance informed by the narrow parameters of state ideology. Foreign lands belong to the king by right of divine ances-

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try and bequest. To this is added an existential argument: foreigners do not know how to live or how to use their resources.Therefore, lands, inhabitants, and resources must voluntarily be given up to Pharaoh. If not, he has every right to take them by force. For those who submit there are rewards, for the recalcitrant only destruction. 4 Pharaoh s stance toward the outside world is couched in a vocabulary derived from the world of the heroic individual. That world partakes of solitude and singularity. Aware of his physical strength and the requirement of personal combat, Pharaoh knows the risks of losing, if only in denial. T h e ultimate test is the battlefield. There no one is left standing within the range of his weapons; no one can face him, all turn tail. A myriad flee before him. But when he leaves the field it is not in flight: he has won the day. It is not in his nature to win by a ruse. He faces up to the enemy in a full, frontal attack and dashes headlong into the thickest part of the fray. Like any hero, he knows that his name will live forever through what he has done, and it is therefore mete to emblazon the record everywhere. But he is also imbued with social responsibility and an honor that comes from communal life. Egypt is a widow, formerly beholden to every stranger, north and south. N o w Pharaoh himself is her champion, and she shall never want for protection again! 5 In the case of Thutmose I l l s perception, historical reality contributed to a coloring of the basic image. Clearly he, and perhaps everyone, construed the mustering of the coalition at Megiddo as presaging an aggressive move on the Egyptian heartland. His response, therefore, could be considered preemptive, repelling the foreigners as they moved against him, attacking him who had attacked him. N o hero could do less in protecting widow, hearth, and home. Whether one can detect "policy" in all this I very much doubt. When one is allowed the luxury, in the Late period, of viewing the actions of Egyptian kings such as an Amasis, a Nektanebo or a Tachos through Greek eyes,6 one is sobered in the realization that what they are doing is no different than what the ideology demands! In the real world Pharaoh remains a slave to royal mythology.To the Greeks, of course, such action is derisible "emptymindedness."

THE MEGIDDO

CAMPAIGN:

REALITY AND TRADITION

T h e evidence continues to be sparse for serious and large-scale involvement of a military nature in Western Asia prior to the Battle of Megiddo. Only Thutmose I, it appears, fought a set-piece battle, but this was not repeated. If, as seems likely, the growth of a Mitannian polity had exercised this

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Pharaoh, he did not live long enough to pursue his long-range goals. 7 Mitanni consolidated itself, expanded to the west, and neutralized if not worsted the Hittites—a scenario played out without the participation of Egypt. 8 T h e expectation of Hatshepsuts death was probably the signal for a renewed assault on Egypt by the spiritual heirs of the "foreign rulers" of the seventeenth century BC, now bolstered and energized by the Hurrian/ Mitannian Drang nach Süden. Two centers in central Syria emerged as the organizing authorities for the concerted effort against Egypt, undoubtedly with the blessing of the Mitannian overlord. Kadesh was a new L B polity, situated strategically in the middle Orontes Valley and destined to supersede Qatna. Tunip had a respectable history reaching back probably into the third millennium, with a geopolitical thrust westward through the Eleutheros Valley into the coastal plain. It does not emerge from the present evidence that the two viewed each other as rivals, but in the event the thrust toward Egypt took the form of an inland movement, headed by Kadesh alone. T h e logical site for the mustering of the requisite forces as a final point of departure clearly lay in the plain of Esdraelon, a sizable expanse and strategically protected. Any point farther south would have forfeited the protection of the terrain and lain within the ambit of quick countermaneuvers by the Egyptians. Moreover, it would have lain too far south for effective control by Kadesh. T h e pride one senses in Thutmose I l l s endless recounting of the engagement may in fact stem in part from the rapid mustering and transfer of forces to the Megiddo plains before the enemy could completely mobilize and set out. Whatever the texts may indicate about élan vital, and divine approbation, the speed of the response must be considered historical fact. T h e death of Hatshepsut, probably in the late winter of Thutmose I l l s twenty-second year, was only partly responsible for the timing and locale of the Canaanite muster. Apart from its strategic location, Megiddo controlled the rich agricultural land to the east, and a rendezvous point there would take advantage of a substantial food source to sustain the march on Egypt. With the harvest due in June, the Canaanites probably had scheduled their southward advance for midsummer. In anticipation the king of Kadesh had brought his extended family with him and settled them for the time being in the tripolis of Yeno'am in the northern Jordan Valley. From there they would be expected to follow in the rear of the victorious host. T h e crisis must have loomed even before Hatshepsut passed away, and Thutmose must already have begun his own mustering before her demise. T h e army passed quickly across the northern Sinai desert 9 —in spite of recent discoveries, the string of later blockhouses was not even anticipated— and proceeded without opposition to Yehem. For some reason the Canaan-

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ites let slip the opportunity to intercept the enemy on the march, and in the outcome they appear to have been hampered by poor intelligence and irresolute behavior. The account of the battle itself 1 0 has of late been subjected to analysis by theorists in the ideological parameters of persuasion rhetoric in antiquity and the resultant genre expectations, but such analysis has nothing necessarily to say about correspondence to historical reality. Without evidence from another arena such a prolegomena, necessary though it may be, can neither inspire trust nor excite suspicion. Suffice to say that of all his exploits it is the battle beneath the walls of Megiddo thatThutmose alludes to far more frequently than any other and on each occasion in fresh rather than formulaic terms. Before any analysis is undertaken, the text must be established. But unfortunately columns 60 to 73 are shot through with lacunae, and to add to our woes Sethe has missed a column (67a) in his hand copy.The subject matter covered by these fifteen (short) columns is the setting forth from Aruna and the march through the pass. There is reason to believe that there is sufficient space, both spatially and in the sequence of the event, for the notation of an extra calendric, thus rendering the usual emendation of the "New Moon" day unnecessary. The details of the Battle of Megiddo are mentioned, in whole or in part, in at least eight additional sources over and above the daybook excerpts. In the earliest accounts the composing scribes are impressed by three things: the initiative of the king in leading the way, the seizure of richly adorned chariots, and the submission of the chiefs. By year 30 the same components as are found in the daybook begin to take shape: the rout, the circumvallation of Megiddo, supplication of the defeated, and the oath. From year 42 on a certain degree of embellishment may be detected. The size and quality of the enemy forces, now waiting ready at the mouth of the pass, serve to highlight and enhance the king s accomplishment, as does the specified length of the siege. None of this later material, however, calls into question the contents of the daybook excerpts. We may be sure that at the termination of the siege and the capitulation of the coalition all of Palestine, including the northern Jordan Valley and perhaps the Damascus area, lay within the circuit of Egyptian authority. 11 The five years from regnal years 24 to 28 present a conundrum incapable of solution at present. There is no evidence whatsoever that an account of these years was once inscribed on wall surfaces now removed (as with Sethe). What, in fact, constituted "campaigns" 2, 3 and 4? The Akh Menu seance speech contains a passage that arguably might refer to hostilities in year 24, and Pharaoh certainly returned to the Levant in year 25. Campaign 4 remains a mystery. Nonetheless, it is probably safe to say that these years witnessed

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the consolidation of Egypts hold on the southern Levant, the demolition of selected fortified settlements, the construction of something that might qualify as a "fortress," and the felling of timber for Amuns bark.

THE MOVE INTO THE ARKA

PLAIN

Egyptian activity from years 29 to 31 focuses on the need to secure the Phoenician coast opposite the Eleutheros Valley, the transite corridor to the Orontes Valley. Kadesh may have suffered a reverse but not a defeat. 12 The city, its territory, and its regime remained intact, and it could still muster some manpower to offer resistance. While prospects for a new coalition were dim, Kadesh could still foment trouble in the region of Takhsi to the south and block Egyptian moves to the north. Tunip, on the other hand, had yet to experience engagement with Egyptian forces. It had established a presence at Wa(h)1ia and Ullaza on the Arka plain, less than fifty kilometers north of Byblos, where garrisons had been installed and the local Apiru 1 3 co-opted. The Tunip troops thus posed a clear and immediate threat to Egypts special relationship with Byblos and her access thereby to the timber she so desperately coveted. Thutmose s strategy involved three related initiatives. First the Tunip garrisons were captured and the Arka Plain with its food stocks secured. This permitted access through the Eleutheros Valley to the Orontes, and for the first time the territorium of Kadesh was ravaged. Thus, Thutmose served notice that from now on no part of inland Syria lay beyond the reach of Egyptian forces. He also affirmed by this action that the food-bearing lands along the coast were Egypts, not to ravage from time to time, to deny their produce to others, but to protect and husband for Egyptian use. In order to enforce loyalty among the autochthonous population and thus promote a permanent suzerainty, Thutmose undertook a second initiative: from this point on in his reign subverted chiefs were not only to take a loyalty oath but also were to hand over some of their children and "brothers" 1 4 to be kept and educated in Egypt for eventual repatriation in an administrative capacity when their patrimonies fell vacant. Finally, selected towns near the coast, "harbors" in Egyptian parlance, were authorized by the king to be taken over by the Egyptians as depots within which the harvest of the surrounding regions would be kept for use in future troop movements. Thus, the confiscation of land and materiel on the first, fifth, sixth, and seventh campaigns reduced the need for "financing" military activity in Asia from a Nilotic base: Thutmose s campaigns would now be self-sustaining. It has become a cliche to laud Thutmose s "policy" as farsighted in its strategic implementation, but it also achieved an (unexpected) negative ef-

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feet. To anyone looking southward from the banks of the Euphrates in the thirty-first year of the great pharaoh, the Egyptians could be perceived as having kept within traditional limits. True, the rigor and intensity of their military action had been unprecedented, but it had been directed toward reestablishing a time-honored sphere of influence in Palestine and along the Phoenician coast. Only the brief foray into the territory of Kadesh presaged what was to come. Any future activity along the coast might easily be (mis)construed as pursuant to Egypts traditional interests in the products of Lebanon.

THE ENGAGEMENT WITH

MITANNI

Sources for the eighth campaign in year 33 are second only to those of the first in number. In contrast, however, not all the information contained in them can easily be dovetailed. A major problem lies in the fact that less than half of the daybook excerpts of this campaign are preserved; and what is given elsewhere in the king s obiter dicta and in biographies seldom provides parallels or overlaps. The confusion has been confounded by the assumption that Amenemheb s biography describes the eighth campaign almost entirely and that it is ordered chronologically. 15 Neither is true: several additional campaigns are included, and the order is thematic, not chronological. Further problems arise from the erection of the triumph stela, which is pivotal in understanding the sequence of events. Was there only one? And where and when was it set up? Arguably only one stela is involved, a freestanding monument set up north of Carchemish on the east bank of the Euphrates, but exactly when it was erected—before or after the main encounter—remains moot. Presumably a historic incident underlies the claim that the enemy chief fled, but there is no way of telling whether he fled precipitously or made a mere tactical withdrawal. Idle, too, would be speculation on the identity of the contemporary king of Mitanni: Barratarna, Parsatatar, or some (shortlived?) potentate whose name has not yet been recovered. The events leading up to the battle and its aftermath make one thing perfectly clear: Thutmose took his adversary by surprise. The Egyptians came prepared, not only for a river crossing but also for a set-piece battle. The Mitannians had expected neither and had failed to muster the requisite forces. While Egyptian sources naturally exaggerate the extent of the victory, the foresight, elan, and success of the venture easily translated into historical legend, echoes of which can be heard thirteen centuries later in the folklore surrounding the exploits of Semiramis. 16 Thutmose s campaign had been a tour de force, not a crushing victory. Two years later the Mitannians returned, this time with large forces, and the

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Egyptians were forced to engage in the set-piece battle they had avoided in year 33. Both sides fought each other to a standstill, an outcome that favored Mitanni, rather than Egypt. The Egyptians were fighting far from home, the Mitannians in home territory. N o matter how many victories the Egyptians won, the local inhabitants knew that they could not remain indefinitely in the field but would have to retire before the winter set in. Even the longest campaign, the eighth, lasted between five and six months by the most reasonable estimates.

T H U T M O S E III A N D I N L A N D

SYRIA

To the end of Thutmose s reign the centers of resistance to Egyptian encroachment in central Syria remained Kadesh and Tunip. With the uninterrupted backing of a Mitanni unreduced in military power and political prestige, these two cities could continue to challenge Egypts claim, not only to the Amki Valley and the Lower Orontes but also to the Phoenician coast itself. It is tempting to construe the final campaigns, at least those between years 34 and 42, as a (desperate?) attempt to interdict Mitannian influence further south. In this sense Egyptian action might be qualified as "rearguard." Stretching northeastward, between Niya and Emar on the Euphrates, lay the great tract known as Nukhashshe. This region supported an agropastoralist population that had not yet come together into a single polity. Late Bronze Age sources speak of the "kings" of Nukhashshe, by which is probably meant not only community headmen but also tribal sheikhs. Here contemporary texts stress the importance of communal representation through councils (cf. the "brothers" and the "elders" [Emar]), in contrast to the palatine society and administration elsewhere in northern Syria. 1 7 If Nukhashshe had any geopolitical orientation toward the north, its sphere of interest lay in the Euphrates Valley north of Emar, the land of Ashtata and the region east of Aleppo. Thus, it could be conceived of as a sort of wedge between Mitanni east of the river and northern Syria. Twice in the surviving record of the daybook excerpts, years 34 and 38, the people of Nukhashshe suffered Egyptian attacks. 18 Perhaps significantly, the composing scribe in one passage dwells on the abject nature of the surrender that ensued. Lacking an urban, palatine society, the inhabitants could not rely on extensive fortifications and were relatively easy prey to the Egyptian forces. It is perhaps because of the ease with which the region was reduced, coupled with its strategic location, that Nukhashshe was selected by Thutmose as the site of a polity he himself would found. Employing local ritual, he appointed oneTakuwa as "king" in Nukhashshe. 19 If Thutmose thought

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that he had thus secured a real foothold in Syria, his hope was illusory, for in the reign of his son Nukhashshe appears as an enemy and 15,070 captives were uprooted from there and ostensibly deported to Egypt. 2 0 But what Thutmose III had done was to establish a precedent that four or five generations later could be appealed to by the Nukhashsheans themselves as legally significant. 21 Regardless of his actions in Nukhashshe, in hindsight of indifferent success, Thutmose continued to face a challenge on the Phoenician coast and in the upper Orontes basin. In the former we should probably see the subversive activity of Tunip, which had found a useful group of agents provocateurs in the persons of the transhumant Shasu 2 2 and Apiru 2 3 who occupied the Eleutheros Valley and the coastal tracts north of the Arka Plain. Into year 42, the last year recorded in the excerpts, the king was forced to return to the scene of earlier triumphs to quell outbreaks of rebellion. In the region of Kadesh the Mitannians were even able to come to the aid of the local king by planting garrison troops.

C A M P A I G N S I N T H E F I N A L D E C A D E OF T H E

REIGN

A careful reading of the daybook excerpts reveals that, in spite of the firm date of year 42 for the inscription itself, the narrative of conquest stops in médias res. Many military issues are left unresolved. While Tunip appears to have fallen, Kadesh suffered only (and once again!) the ravaging of its territory. There is no unequivocal evidence that the breaching of the new wall of the city, reported in the biography of Amenemheb, 24 occurred at this time. Since Minmose appears to cite Thutmose III as the reigning king when a punitive campaign was launched against Takhsi, 2 5 and since the latter region is not mentioned in the surviving excerpts, it is arguable that the date must fall after year 42. Dating unrest in Takhsi late in the reign would have the advantage of a possible link to Amenhotep l i s earliest activity in Asia, namely, his suppression of the uprising in Takhsi. Since a strong Kadesh would be required to explain the fomenting of rebellion in this region, one might argue that its final reduction took place at roughly the same time. Yet, curiously, the royal speeches by and large allude to exploits that can be dated to known campaigns before year 42. A large proportion of these speeches was delivered in the last decade of the reign, and if significant military action had taken place during that ten years one would be at a loss to explain why the king passed over it in silence. It is tempting, therefore, to conclude that the quiescence of the Egyptian military derives from a conscious decision by Thutmose III to reduce or curtail campaigning after almost exactly twenty years of nonstop activity in the north.

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T H E IMPACT ON ASIA A N D T H E OF T H U T M O S E H P S

III

MEDITERRANEAN

CAMPAIGNS

In terms of territory actually laid to waste, reduced, and occupied by Egypt, the line must be drawn east-west just north of Damascus, then north to the Eleutheros Valley to encompass the central Phoenician coast. South and west of this line Egyptian claims to suzerainty were rarely to be challenged for four centuries. 26 While it might appear that the campaigns in this region amounted to little more than Egypts reassertion of a traditional sphere of influence, her interests now in Palestine and Phoenicia produced something new, namely, a true imperial presence. Although for the remainder of Thutmose s reign administration within this extended boundary remained rudimentary, the lack of governors and garrisons was more than compensated for by the wholesale dismantling of local fortifications. Beyond the line Thutmose III had less to show for his efforts. In spite of two set-piece battles and the frequent incidence of chevauchee-like razzias, northern and central Syria put up a successful resistance. Tunip and Kadesh to all intents and purposes remained unreduced, Aleppo was untouched, and Mitanni maintained its claims west and southwest of the Euphrates more strongly than ever. Thutmose s attempt to make strategic use of Nukhashshe seems not to have produced the results he had hoped for, and if he did in actual fact establish a garrison at Ugarit it was expelled early in the reign of his son. Beyond the scene of the fighting the impact of the Egyptian advance may be gauged by the diplomatic contacts betokened by the gifts noted in the excerpts. During the time that Thutmose was reestablishing Egypt's claim to its traditional sphere of influence, little interest seems to have been excited among the far-flung great powers. 27 But following the victories of year 33 gifts began suddenly to flood into the residence and continued to the end of the period recorded in year 42. T h e items themselves were relatively few in number and amounted to little more than tokens that could not be mistaken for "tribute" by a neutral observer. T h e recording scribe notes the greatest number of contacts (four) in the aftermath of the eighth campaign and the second largest (three) after the last recorded campaign. "Great Khatte" leads the list, with contacts in years 33 and 41, and probable contacts in years 35 and 42; the second spot is occupied by Assuwa, 28 with gifts noted in years 34,38, and 39. These and the other countries mentioned (Babylon, Alalakh, Assyria, Tanaja) all stood to gain through the discomfiture of Mitanni, and so their inclusion occasions no difficulty. But the glaring omission from the list is Keftiu, 2 9 known to have sent several "embassies" to Egypt during Hatshepsuts and Thutmose Ill's reigns. 30 Was Keftiu's inw classified differently from

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that of the others? Did the Egyptians construe it as trade items rather than gifts? T h e term mw, used almost everywhere for exactions and free-will gifts alike, has given rise to a sometimes acrimonious debate over meaning. 31 Although it would be most convenient to postulate precision in the Egyptian use of the word, the evidence seems to dash such a hope. T h e texts indicate that mw, bjkW) and similar terms, while distinct in origin, during Thutmose I l l s time occupied shared semantic space. When coupled with n bjw hmf however, it is easier to argue that the items recorded became the property of the king in person.

T H E L E G A C Y OF T H U T M O S E H P S

CONQUESTS

Thutmose s bequest to future generations lay in a tradition of conquest and chevauchee rather than permanent acquisition. Amenhotep II had still to fight in Takhsi, in central Syria, and even in Palestine itself, and in inland Syria north of Kadesh all the major states remained within the bailiwick of Mitanni. But an expanded boundary had now achieved a certain legitimacy, and the coast and inland areas south of Kadesh were counted as Egyptian. Administration of this tract was ad hoc and rudimentary in the fifteenth century. 32 During Thutmose s lifetime, when he and his host appeared in Canaan almost yearly, there was little point in putting in place resident Egyptians to keep the locals under surveillance and ensure the transport of commodities. Royal agents ensured that the harvest of the Esdraelon was sent to Egypt, although it is unclear whether they remained permanently in the region. A garrison in Ullaza ensured timber shipments, and one in Ugarit may have held the coast farther north. In the south we may be sure Gaza was developing into a major administrative post. But the extension of an Egyptian "system" to the northern territories with the concomitant acculturation (limited) of the Canaanite population 3 3 still lay in the future. Thutmose I l l s military exploits in the north survived in tradition, though often concealed through faulty chronological placement and the garbling of names. It is easy to hear the resonance of the battle of Megiddo in certain biblical passages 34 and to make out the siege of the city in Manetho s periscope regarding Misphragmouthosis and his investment of Avaris. 35 We have already seen the survival of Thutmose s tactic in crossing the Euphrates in the folklore surrounding Semiramis, and the texts and scenes recording tribute were brought to Roman attention, misfiled under the name Ramesses. 36 Although ceding place again to the great Ramesses through the popularity of the sobriquet Sesyre, the contribution of Thutmose III to the composite figure of Senwosret must be beyond dispute. 37

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T H E L E G I T I M A C Y OF P H A R A O H : T H U T M O S E AS A C A S E

III

STUDY

Taken as a whole, the northern campaigns of Thutmose III and their inscripturation in monumental form constituted a public act of legitimation. 38 As such, they complement in a novel way the ancient and conventional mechanisms of declaring this claimant legitimate and that one hors la loi. Thutmose demonstrates his credibility through action. T h e concept of "legitimacy" in a pharaonic context is one of those elusive topics that some scholars love to address. What makes the problem so nebulous, and therefore inviting of speculation, is that for Egyptology the terminology is wrongly framed. Native texts do not speak of kingship within the context of "law" (hp),39 and Diodorus' reference to the law of kings is just another case of a foreigner looking in from the outside and screwing it up. One can speak of customary procedure and rightful occupancy, and these may have entailed what moderns would term legal instruments, but no written regulations were invoked to support a claim. In the transitional Archaic period, when the monarchy was being formed, it was right by force that established the claim of the paramount chief, or incipient pharaoh, but by the time of the high Old Kingdom a sophisticated mythology based on ancestry had been devised to underpin the status of the "great and perfect god." While the king s mother is always honored with her son, and commemorated in inscription and cult, the paternal descent eliminates earthly forebears and leaps directly into the realm of the gods. T h e king is "the being of a god, the son of a god"; he is "Shu, the great son of Atum" and " O Re! T h y body is (the king)!" He can trace his descent through the elements of the cosmos, fecund water, earth, air, and fiery heat, to the very creator god himself, and he thus rules as successor (st.ty) to the gods: I have "the will which my father has given me before Geb (the presiding divine magistrate)," the "testament of succession." In consequence of his divine pedigree, the person of the king is described in cosmic proportions: a conquering star or constellation, the eldest of the living, fertility in the abstract, life itself. There is no need for the king to do anything to achieve and maintain this status: it is enough that he exists in his palace or (after death) in his horizon, alone, remote, without equal. He has no need to cultivate support or boast at an earthly level: he is a god. 4 0 T h e royal persona just described, a product of the Old Kingdom, will remain as the royal backdrop for all time within temple and mortuary settings, but outside, in the "real world" as it were, it undergoes substantial modification.The close of the Sixth Dynasty wrought unexpected misery for Egypt and its pharaonic institution. If we cannot speak of "collapse," and some

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scholars decline to do so, what happened looked very much like it. With king succeeding king at a rate of about one per year over twenty-five years, the kingship lost power and credibility, and a vacuum appeared in the body politic. A resuscitated but permanently weakened kingship could not exercise much control, if any, beyond the bounds of the royal residence, and Egypt looked destined for anarchy. In the event, the period between ca. 2150 and 2100 B C witnessed the rise of a new social phenomenon to fill the vacuum. This is what Assmann has aptly described as "il padrone," "the patron," "gang-boss," and the "god-father." 41 T h e Egyptian terms vary, but the commonest, and the one that best conveys the bearer s power, is "great chief of the township." This "lord of the manor," or "baron," for that is what the title recalls from early medieval times, constitutes something of a throwback to the very kind of prehistoric chiefdom out of which Pharaoh emerged in the first place. T h e great chief is proud to be called on his tomb stela—and they loved to set them u p ! 4 2 — a commoner (in contradistinction to an aristocratic nobleman), 43 one who got things done on his own initiative with his own resources, who needed no help from any outsider and certainly not from any king! He is a great philanthropist, who takes care of orphans, widows, the sick, and the poor and sustains them during famine. He is feisty and combative and boasts of his physical strength. He will go to war with anyone in order to protect his people. And it is out of the ranks of these barons and manor lords that, when it does appear, a new type of monarchy takes its rise. We can trace the Eleventh Dynasty from its humble beginnings to the throne, and even after donning the crown this remains a family of commoners, lords of the manner. In the style of true commoners they love to set up their stelae and boast in the vein described earlier. When royal stelae begin to appear, we can call them royal largely because the owners name is in cartouche and occasionally nods in the direction of the gods. But for the content of res gestae, macho boasting, and claims to virtue we have to look back to the commoner s stela. It is the image of the macho king, preeminent in battle, self-promoting, protector of his people, that the Eighteenth Dynasty inherited in its selfconscious revival of the Middle Kingdom. 4 4 But in the interim there had come about a weakening of the monarchic concept. All of the Ninth through the Thirteenth Dynasties were nonroyal in origin: does the traditional claim to the "inheritance of G e b " 4 5 sound a little hollow? Whatever the cause, the Thirteenth Dynasty (so-called) throws up a welter of kinglets, largely unrelated to each other, sporting epithets of causative formulation: "he whom god X (usually Re) has ennobled, empowered, made ruler, made great, made rich, etc." T h e divine is now being invoked, not in the context of timeless

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mythological ancestry but as agents in the here and now. By the Eighteenth Dynasty this lexicon of causatives has been whittled down until what remains (and becomes very common) is "he whom Re (less often Amun) has chosen" or, specifically, "appointed to the kingship" 4 6 And so the idea of divine selection of the king to be, in fact at the moment (though sometimes retrojected into the remote past of gods omniscience), comes to dominate the rationalization of the passage from one king to the next. The classic example of this selection motif, and the example longest known to scholars, is to be found in the so-called Texte de la Jeunesse of Thutmose III on the south external wall of the south block of Hatshepsuts rooms at Karnak. The text, retrograde, is inscribed before a scene showing the king on his throne in a kiosk, addressing members of his court (who are not shown). The burden of the inscription is the roster of the kings building projects at Karnak and Thebes, preceded by an account of how, as a child acolyte in the temple, he was unexpectedly chosen by the god himself in public procession as the heir apparent. Thutmose s text and scene are not alone, however, on this wall, but are preceded by a relief so close as to be almost a duplicate, featuring Senwosret I addressing his court. (This relief is the work of Thutmose III himself but is probably a compensatory recarving of an original scene lost in renovations). Although Senwosret s speech is now gone, there is good likelihood that the content will have been the same. This and other indications strongly suggest that the roots of the divine selection motif may lie in the Middle Kingdom. With the publication forty years ago of the text from Hatshepsuts chapelle rouge a similar account of divine selection came to light. In the second regnal year of an unnamed king Hatshepsut herself was, without warning (so she would have us believe), singled out by the god Amun in festal procession to be the ruler. An inscription with similar content once stood at Deir el Bahari, but it was later modified by Thutmose III to apply to his grandfather, Thutmose I. If the divine can now be invoked to select the ruler after his birth, how much better to intervene before birth? While this does not rule out selection, it means that he who is selected may already have credentials yet to be revealed. God (usually Amun in the form we know best) comes to earth on the night of conception in the guise of the reigning king, cohabits with the great kings wife, and produces a superdivine heir. Again the roots of this divine marriage lie in the Middle Kingdom, but we know it best when the terms hmt-ntr.; drt~ntr} and dwjt-ntr come into their own in the Eighteenth Dynasty as titles of the great royal wife. In the present state of our knowledge it is unknown whether Thutmose III at any time during his long reign made use of this mythological motif, though his aunt certainly did. I inveighed earlier against the appropriateness of the term legitimacy) and

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now, in light specifically of the example of Thutmose III, I should like to point to two other concepts that seem more at home in an Egyptian context, acceptability and credibility. In several passages and reliefs, Thutmose stresses his reverence for the royal ancestors, and he himself was later revered as "the father of the fathers ." In a celebrated chamber that once stood at Karnak—it now is to be seen in the Louvre—Thutmose makes offering to sixty-two ancestral kings, depicted seated on thrones. In his own extensive renovations of the Karnak Temple, he is at pains to tell us that he did not conceal any ancestral statues or reliefs in his new construction. He is a dutiful son and heir doing all the acceptable things, following along in the long line of kings who have occupied the Horus throne. He also fulfils the role of dutiful son vis-à-vis the god Amun. T h e vast building program Thutmose undertook in Thebes, the city of Amun, is stated to be in gratitude to the god "who gave him victory . . . and granted him title as lord of all the foreign lands." It was right, therefore, that "all lands should labor for Egypt"; and Thutmose faithfully channeled their booty, taxes, and benevolences into the coffers of the "king of the gods."The bestowal of goods, the construction of new buildings, paraphernalia manufacturing, and the offering of endowments, acts of "glory" following each other in rapid succession, cried out for archival recognition and publication. And so the records of the reign teem with lists of construction, manufacture, and endowment, often, though not always, celebrated by the king himself in a text employing the first person. 47 T h e consequent enhancement of the Egyptian economy and the social betterment it entailed lent a credibility that could have been achieved in no other way. In all, the axis Amun—the king, already six centuries old, occupied a place of prominence. We stand here on the threshold of a period of ideological evolution that will end generations later in what might be called "the theology of the divine absolute." This is succinctly captured in a Ramesside periscope: "Certainly thou [Amun] hast made every land and every foreign country realize that it is thou that art the mighty champion of Pharaoh l.p.h., thy son, over every land and every foreign country. T h o u it is that has made Egypt, thy unique land, victorious; and that not by military might, but only by thy great power!" 4 8 One can always detect in New Kingdom pharaonic inscriptions a tension between acceptance of preordained roles, models, and patterns of action and the desire of the individual to promote his unique self. Thutmose I l l s texts betray this tension, but the conqueror stood in the enviable position of being able to resolve it by superseding standard roles and reverting to a macho image. It is the commoner; the old-fashioned manor lord] that Thutmose is emulating when he makes the remarkable statement of himself: " T h e reputation of

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a brave man resides in what he has done, and it will not [perish i]n [th]is [land for ever]!" 49 It is the commoners address to the living that echoes in the kings statement: "Listen up, O ye people . . . and I will inform you. . . !" It is the commoner asseverating the accuracy of his biographical statement when he says: "I have not spoken exaggeratedly and boastfully of what I have done, saying 'I did thus and so!' when I really didn't do it! I never acted for men [alone] that it should be boasted about! I did these things for [Amun . . . and he never ignores] one who makes a claim about something he did not do; for he knows heaven and he knows earth, and he sees the entire earth in a second" 5 0 By combining a traditional role with that of the faithful son, but overlaying both with the macho claims of the commoner, Thutmose distinguishes himself from most of his forebears. He sounds something like a Thutmose I, a Senwosret I, or a Senwosret III, but his accomplishments represent a substantial and imaginative advance over the activities of these kings. His credibility and acceptance by his people resounded through the centuries, and in subsequent generations he appears in the guise of Misphragmouthosis, the "father of the fathers."

NOTES

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T h e present chapter is a distillation of a longer work entitled The Wars in Syria and Palestine of Thutmose III, E. J. Brill (Leiden, 2003). For source translations based on new collations and readings, as well as the detailed argumentation, the reader is referred to this book. 1. For example, the present writer some time ago saw several large fragments of pink granite with a much abraided text in the Sheikh Labib storehouse at Karnak. One surviving cartouche contained the prenomen of Thutmose III. 2. T h e reconstruction of events in the eighth campaign, for example, has led to an inadvertent falsification, largely through Gardiners erroneous interpretation of the biography of Amenemheb. 3. For a useful review of the textual and lexical evidence relating to Egyptian campaigns and tactics, see Hasel (1998) 29—90. 4. Helck (1968) 472—80. 5. Cf. Bedier (1994b) 1—23. 6. Cf. Diodorus i.70—72; xv.93.3; and Plutarch Agesilaus xxxviii.4, xxxix.3—4. 7. On Egyptian relations with Mitanni, see Bryan (2000a) 71—84. 8. Wilhelms (1989); Klengel (1992) 84—90. 9. See, most recently, Figueras (2000); Morris (2001); and el-Aeidy (2002). 10. On the site and the battle, see, among others, Davies (1986); Finkelstein et al. (2000); and Cline (2000). T h e recent work by H . Goedicke arrived in my hands too late to be consulted. 11. T h e toponym lists (Simons [1937]) are sometimes introduced at this point and interpreted as the formal list of the conquered places. It is difficult to maintain such a view in light of the numerous generic terms that are strewn throughout. For the debate that is brewing on the subject, see Na'aman (1994) 184, n. 7, and the writers answer forthcoming.

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12. It is a moot point as to what happened to the king of Kadesh at Megiddo. Presumably he escaped. Had he been captured or killed one might have expected the Egyptian sources to crow over the fact. 13. This is a possible reading of the broken passage on col. 11. 14. The exact nature of the "brothers" has now been elucidated by texts from Emar. 15. For a reconstruction in the form of a well-written pastiche, though improbable (in detail), see Klengel (1992) 92—94. 16. Diodorus ii. 16.6—17.3. 17. Adamthwaite (2001) 189—93. 18. It is conceivable that Nukhashshe was also the object of the lost campaigns of years 36 and 37. 19. Both the structure of the name Manakhpirya, in The El Awcerua Tablets (letter no. 51, rev. 2), and considerations arising out of political history, preclude identifying this figure as Thutmose I V 20. Urk. IV1309.3. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

EA, 51. See Astour (1979) 17—33. This is emended reading of Sethe, in Urk. IV691.4. Ibid., 894—95. Ibid., 1442. Redford (1992) 160—66.

27. The reference to Assyria in year 24 ( Urk. IV671.8—9) is to be discounted as confusion occasioned by a mistaken date leading to dittography. 28. The place name Isy in Egyptian transcription most probably indicates the western Anatolian principality rather than the similarly named region on the Upper Euphrates. 29. See Cline (2001) 315. 30. See most recently, Wachsmann (1998) 84—86 and passim. 31. See, in particular, Liverani (1990); andWarburton (2001). 32. Redford (1990) 5—6. 33. See Higginbotham (2000). 34. Jud. 5:19. 35. Redford (1997) 25. 36. Tacitus Annali ii.67—8. 37. Obsomer (1989). 38. On legitimation in general, see Gundlach and Weber (1992). 39. See Redford (2001) 135—59. 40. Anthes (1959) 169—212; Griffiths (1980); Blumenthal (1981) 526—31; Barta (1981b); Vermis (1986) 29—42; Bonheme (2001) 2:238—45. 41. Assmann (2002) 93—96. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50.

Lichtheim (1988). Parkinson (1996) 142—43. Redford (1995) 157—84. Bedier (1995). Helck (1975) 104. Redford (2003) sec. 2. KRIV244.10-12. Urk. IV684. Ibid., 751.

TEN

Covetous Eyes South: The Background to Egypt's Domination over Nubia by the Reign of Thutmose III A N T H O N Y J. S P A L I N G E R

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he relationship between Egypt and Nubia remained one of conflict or suppression for the entire period of pharaonic Egypt. It is historically doubtful that even the so-called depopulation of Lower Nubia, a still unresolved problem among archaeologists and scholars who deal with the Upper Nile, effected any alteration in this condition. 1 Quite to the contrary, Egypts approach was a consistent one: to utilize the natural resources of the country to as far a geographic extent as possible. 2 N o t only gold, that rare commodity that in essence formed the basis of Egypt's foreign trade during the Late Bronze Age, but exotic items, and, of course, a conquered population, ready for the physical demands of the New Kingdom warrior pharaohs, ultimately were at the mercy of the vigorous Egyptian state. Even though it is repetitious to harp on the expansionist program of the newly foundedTheban state of the early Eighteenth Dynasty and its ramifications for foreign policy in the south, one cannot escape the conclusion that the interconnections from Egypt southward were of a decidedly mercenary type, designed to defeat the enemy on the battlefield, then to reorganize the Nubian principalities into client states—with Lower Nubia receiving the brunt of this aggression—with them ultimately ending up as provinces, whose service to Egypt was all that mattered. This is not to say that the cultural effects were purely one-sided or that they were solely of a militaristic nature. Nevertheless, despite the attempt to conceive of Nubia as a rival to pharaonic Egypt, it cannot be gainsaid that, at least during the New Kingdom, it was Egypt that had the upper hand.

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As is well known, with Kamose the all-out attack on Lower Nubia began. 3 It is under his short-lived rule that Buhen became once more the effective garrison town separating the Kerma Culture to the south from the lesser populous region of Lower Nubia to the north. 4 For H . Smith, Buhen was occupied (or more specifically reoccupied) after the end of the Thirteenth Dynasty by people whose affinities to the Kerma Culture are clear.5 Subsequently, he added, an "Egyptian family" took over control of the fortress. T h e well-known, if enigmatic, "valiant commander" Sepedhor of Buhen stresses his loyalty to an unknown "ruler (hk3) of Kush"; a similar outlook of a client-master relationship may be read on the stela Khartoum 18, where loyalty to Ndh, here also specified as a "ruler of Kush," is indicated. 6 Indeed, from the late Second Intermediate period we have specific evidence of Egyptianized Nubians (if not Egyptians themselves), who worked and served at Buhen. One key group is the Sobekemheb family. 7 Considering the evidence of Kerma ware found in Ballas, Egypt dated to the same time period, it is reasonable to conclude that such individuals were mercenaries; Bourriau, for example, views some Kerma Nubians as having served in Kamose s army during his campaigns. 8 T h e famous letter sent by Kamose s northern Hyksos opponent to the Nubian ruler is tantalizing, if a bit vague, concerning the political setup of Lower and Upper Nubia. 9 T h e messenger had attempted to bypass the Theban kingdom of the Seventeenth Dynasty by traveling westward, probably via the Darb el-Arbain caravan route. Trade caravans themselves had probably plied this route, and some evidence from the burials at Kerma in the western D e f f u f a appear to support the contention that close trade patterns existed between Lower Egypt and Kush. 1 0 Considering the overt hostility that had arisen between the Thebans and the Hyksos, at least as early as Sekenenre, it is not at all speculative to argue that Kush and the Hyksos state had cordial relations predating the attack of Kamose. After all, the famous "Buhen Horse" found in a burial at that site, can be best explained as a gift from the north; would the Thebans of even the early Seventeenth Dynasty have allowed this modern technology to be sent to their potential foes? Kamoses brief reign of circa three years is mainly known for his successful move northward against Apophis, the Hyksos king. T h e war against Kush and successful capture of Buhen can be placed before his march downstream, with the second stela of Kamose providing, at best, very indirect evidence.That inscription notes that earlier the Nubian state of Kush had been attacked by the last pharaoh of the Seventeenth Dynasty. 1 1 Welcome, if not conclusive, support for this first campaign of Kamose is based on a fragmentary stela found at Buhen, which indicates that by year 3 of that Theban pharaoh a "chief soldier" (jiw 3 n nvwt), an Egyptian, was in charge of re-

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building the damaged fortress walls. 1 2 From the final excavation reports of Emery et al., we can observe the hasty measures that went into the refurbishment of nine towers of the northern inner fortification wall. 1 3 As for the Kerma Culture at Buhen, it suffered a total catastrophe. 14 A second stela, carved for another warrior named Ahmose, briefly recounts a campaign that is again to be dated to the reign of Kamose. 1 5 Two rock inscriptions from Lower Nubia refer to two "kings sons" (53 nswt),Teti and Djehuty, of whom the former is definitely associated with Kamose. 1 6 Teti, whom one may conceive to be a "protoviceroy," definitely is connected to the earlier Theban ruler. T h e location of both texts is in Lower Nubia (between Toshka and Arminna West as well as at Arminna East); hence, it is probable that the last king of the Seventeenth Dynasty had effectively taken control of Lower N u bia, with the sack of Buhen the decisive act. One final private inscription, found at Edfu, can be brought into this discussion. A certain Emheb fought in the south up to Miu before traveling north to see additional military action at Avaris. 1 7 This man most certainly has to be placed at the end of the Second Intermediate period. Emheb himself was a drummer in the corps of soldiers, a not too exacting task, but one that allowed him to accompany his ruler for at least "three years." Problematical to this brief summary of Emheb s account is the reference wherein he points out that he reached the locality of Miu. Unfortunately, the specific geographic locality of this country has yet to be determined, most scholars preferring to place it quite far south: somewhere around the Berber-Shendi Reach (south of the Fifth Cataract) or Firka in Upper Nubia. 1 8 It was certainly outside the range of Egypts control by the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty—see the evidence from Thutmose I l l s Armant stela—and one must wonder just how far south Kamose went. 1 9 We can hypothesize that the pharaoh bypassed Upper Nubia by going eastward overland in an effort to catch the kingdom of Kush in the rear. 20 This last, all too short bit of epigraphic evidence automatically leads one to the question of Kamose s motives for waging war against Kush. T h e second Kamose stela fortunately alludes to a new ruler over Egypts southern neighbor, and it is not unreasonable to see the newly crowned Theban potentate seizing this opportunity to push south. More significantly, however, was the relative strength between the two powers of Kush and Thebes. O'Connor s Ancient Nubia: Egypri Rival in Africa succinctly expresses this situation, namely, that it was the entire geographic series of small kingdoms to the south of Elephantine that posed a major thorn in the side of the expansionist tendencies of the Egyptians. 2 1 If we exclude the buffer zone of Lower Nubia, then, I feel, the political horizon of Nubia acquires more historical significance. It was the territory south of the Third Cataract around

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the Dongola Reach that formed the first barrier to native Egyptian imperialism. Coupled with this were additional states upstream in the Abu Hamed Reach and those, such as Miu, even farther south. Considering the low level of technological development, as well as military equipment, at the time, it is no wonder that Egypt had to face a series of Nubian wars after Kamose s reign, lasting for at least eighty years and coming to an end only after the Egyptians stopped at the Fourth Cataract. In many ways one may interpret the later center of Gebel Barkal (Napata) as a boundary forced on the Egyptians by the effective resistance of Nubian kingdoms quite remote from the homeland. With the accession of Ahmose, the Nubian problem was still unresolved. By and large, he wisely abandoned any swift yet inconclusive marches south by devoting his energies to the extermination of the hated foreign overlords ensconced in Avaris. Probably in the latter half of his second decade, Ahmose turned his sights to Nubia. Buhen itself had remained firmly under Egyptian control, with a commandant (tsw) now in charge, Turoy. 2 2 In fact, the administration there bears a comparison with that in Upper Egypt during the late Seventeenth Dynasty: the Egyptians appear to have placed their native machinery directly on that of Lower Nubia with little alteration. 23 Outside of Lower Nubia, Ahmose sailed upstream after the northern problem was resolved. T h e brief summary in the tomb biography of Ahmose Son of Ebana does not allow us to determine the extent of his Nubian campaign. T h e term Khenet~hen~nefer is as vague in Egyptian as it is in modern translations and interpretations. 24 I think we can assume it to be quite far south of the Second Cataract, and Buhen in particular, and in the later reign of Thutmose I the same soldier, Ahmose Son of Ebana, once more uses this general term when referring to the southern wars of his king. 2 5 In between Ahmose and Thutmose I, however, the same soldier refers to Kush when narrating Amenhotep I s southern venture. 26 Quite useful, nevertheless, is the then contemporary account of Ahmose-Pennekhbet. When describing the N u bian campaign of Thutmose I the more specific term Kush appears. 27 At this time, then, I would assume Khenet~hen~nefer to refer to the kingdom of Kush and its immediate environs; its later uses can be seen always to refer to an undefined extent of land upstream and out of Egyptian control, ready to be attacked if need be. 2 8 Additional evidence possibly concerned with Ahmoses Nubian war comes from the island of Sai. 2 9 As I shall stress in the following pages, it is under Amenhotep I that Sai was truly absorbed by the Egyptians, it having been the key northern outpost of the kingdom of Kush. Yet there is epigraphic evidence referring to King Ahmose that seems to indicate an Egyptian presence a bit earlier. 30 One statue, two fragments bearing script, and one

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block with Ahmose-Nefertari's name were found there. By and large, none of these pieces can be securely dated to Ahmose s reign, or at least said to have originally been set up or carved at Sai, and I am wont to date some of them to Amenhotep L Sai Island itself is located at the head of the Batn el-Hagar, providing an effective settlement for control, since the rapids of the Nile are to be found immediately south. Ahmose Son of Ebana never states that pharaoh Ahmose went south to "extend the boundaries," a clear-cut phrase that first occurs under Amenhotep I . 3 1 Quite to the contrary, the brief mention of the Nubian war is against "Nubian bowmen," a most general if not hoary term. Ahmose-Pennekhbet basically mentions Kush and nothing more. I suspect that Ahmose s attention was more spent with a series of disturbances north of the Third Cataract at this time. The attack of Aata followed by that of Tetian, the latter most probably a Egyptian rebel, are the final two affairs brought to our attention by Ahmose Son of Ebana; the former appears to be a Nubian, who need not have been based around the Third Cataract, whereas the latter may have rallied anti-Egyptian sentiment in Lower Nubia. 3 2 Although it is unclear if Aata operated in the extreme south of Egypt itself, the slim evidence from the tomb biography of Ahmose Son of Ebana would seem to indicate that his rebellion occurred at a time when Egyptian control over Lower Nubia was still unsettled or at least fresh; the account indicates that he "came to the south," probably to Egyptian territory north of the Aswan/Elephantine border. It is often perceived by modern scholars that Egypts expansion south was automatic as well as cumulative. That is to say, pharaoh after pharaoh is assumed to have pushed even farther upstream until the "natural" boundary of the Fourth Cataract was reached by the time Thutmose III was ruling as sole king. This scenario is all too simplistic. To turn to the next reign, that of Amenhotep I, for example, it is sufficient to note that, although he went south to "extend the boundaries of Egypt," his foe remained that of the kingdom of Kush. Archaeological evidence from Sai Island indicates that this ruler built extensively there. 33 In fact, there were probably two temples erected by him in this locality, thereby testifying to Egyptian control over a major center that formerly served as Kush s northern metropolis. Various inscriptions of Turoy, now designated as "king s son," can be placed within the first decade of Amenhotep I. Whether such inscriptions ought to be correlated to the kings Nubian campaign remains an open question. A tantalizing reference to Amenhotep associated with Karoy remains the most ambiguous evidence of Egypt's control over her southern neighbors. 34 As it is reasonably argued that Karoy refers to a territory around the Fourth Cataract, can we assume that Amenhotep campaigned across the Nubian desert east-

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ward, bypassing Kush and then moving downstream? Such may have been the case under the previous ruler, and it is not out of the realm of possibility that this pharaoh felt it necessary to attack Kush from the rear after wresting control of the northern metropolis of Sai. With Thutmose I, we arrive at the end of the series of major Nubian wars. From the records of his faithful warriors we can surmise that the Egyptians effectively took control of Kush in addition to setting up a viceregal administration over their southern territories.TheTangur inscription of this pharaoh places the major campaign in Thutmose Is second regnal year. 35 The king visited Sai in the same year and went even farther. 36 From Tombos, south of the Third Cataract, we have a remarkable record, albeit poetical, of Thutmose I . 3 7 Dated to his coronation as ruler of the two lands, this text can be placed within a series of dated records, all testifying to a remarkable expedition. 38 The king certainly reached Kurguz, and opposite that site on a rock called Hagar el-Merwa he had recorded the might of his arms as well as himself. 39 Since that locality is between the Fourth and Fifth Cataracts, one can assume that Thutmose I quickly sped through Kush or else went eastward across land until he reached the north-south bend of the Nile. Somewhat upstream of this turn he had recorded his somewhat pretentious boundary stela; additional painted inscriptions at Kurguz refer to his wife, as well as a hrd n kjp, Try. The return voyage of the pharaoh is indicated by three rock cut texts at Aswan, all dated to Thutmose Is third regnal year. 40 The Tombos inscription itself, set on the date of the Opet Festival, is very rhetorical and written in a heightened style reminiscent of later Ramesside inscriptions. Perhaps carved on the return of the pharaoh downstream, or perhaps later memorialized, this text provides slim grist for any historians mill. As for the tomb biography of Ahmose Son of Ebana, all that can be said has been recounted elsewhere in this study: it is as laconic as it is imprecise. The raison d'être for the war is that of crushing rebellion; the enemy country is Khenet-hen-nefer. Although neither reference tells us much, it is useful to learn that Thutmose s focus was to repel desert invaders. From the latter, all too brief reference it is reasonable to conclude that the Egyptians did in fact control Kush and hence the area south of Sai Island. Such a military stranglehold, however, did not automatically predicate an effective resistance against Nubians living outside the Dongola Reach. Hence, I believe it reasonable to advance the hypothesis that Thutmose Is remarkable march to Kurguz was predicated by a series of Nubian incursions farther upstream. The Egyptian administration of Kush, or Upper Nubia (Kerma) in particular, is easier to visualize at this point in time than under the previous two pharaohs. From Thutmose l i s well-known Aswan-Philae inscription, we can

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deduce that Upper Nubia was indirectly run, having been subdivided into five centers. It is significant that the setup there, purported to have been established by Thutmose I, is specified as having been controlled by "chiefs" or "princes" (wr), each one being an "administrator/supervisor" (iry) of his portion. 41 A fortress apparently was built at Kurguz, but there is little doubt that it did not survive into the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty, as it was simply too far away from effective Egyptian control. True, at Kurguz there were gold mines and, perhaps more significantly, the area controlled the southern entrance to the Kurguz road. 42 Therefore, it was necessary for the Egyptians to take control of this caravan route, as it could be used by marauding Nubians as a conduit into Egyptian-held territory in Upper Nubia. Of equal importance is the setup established by the pharaoh. Following Poseners analysis of the Aswan-Philae inscription of Thutmose II, 4 3 O'Connor views Upper Nubia (Kush) as having been run along older, native geographical zones. 44 To the north was Sai (old Shaat), in the middle lay Kerma itself, and farthest upstream was Bugdumbush, a center prominent in Middle Kingdom times and situated at the entrance to the Wadi Hawar, which runs westward into the Libyan Plateau. These three regions were quasi independent at this time or at least were permitted to have locals ruling over them as chiefs; the Egyptian term employed is the common one of wr. That such indirect control was not effective can be immediately seen from the record of the revolt of Kush, which occurred at the beginning of Thutmose l i s reign.The lengthy and relatively sober account that he had recorded on the road between Aswan and Philae is detailed enough for us to reconstruct the Egyptian reaction to this revolt. The official claim on the part of the Egyptians was that the Nubians had attacked them in addition to having taken cattle near the fortresses that his father, Thutmose I, had built. 45 Since Khenet-hen-nefer is specifically mentioned, one can surmise that the fortresses mentioned were those at Tombos and Sai. Even though this assumption is not totally provable, the reference to the rebel chief (wr) as operating north of "Vile Kush" seems to fit O'Connor s analysis of Upper Nubian polities very well. To be as succinct as possible: an area around the Third Cataract northward, encompassing Sai, probably was one of the staging grounds for the rebellion and the home territory of its ruler. (Note that Lower Nubia, or Wawat, is not specified.) The counteraction of the Egyptian army is specifically placed within Kush itself. The two other leaders apparently were sons of the Nubian. Thutmose II did not travel south in person, a fact that ought to imply that the war was by no means as important as many modern scholars would have us believe. In this case, it was sufficient for the war machine of the Egyptian state to be sent by ship upstream; the extent of the revolt seems

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not to have involved any foreign intervention, nor was it inspired by outsiders. One of the rebel chiefs was captured alive and later brought to the pharaoh, where he was brought into the court and set under Thutmose l i s feet. I doubt if this reference reveals any evidence of future vassal rulership in Kush. Quite to the contrary, despite the wording of the inscription and its scenario—it is extremely formalistic and stereotypical in outlook—I feel that the luckless rebel was quickly dispatched to his god or gods after the kings success was officially confirmed. T h e previous accounts of the campaigns of Thutmose I and II in Nubia have touched somewhat on the actual Egyptian administration over their newly acquired territories in Nubia. In particular, repeated reference has been made to Turoy and his role as chief of the southern territories. Before proceeding further the use of his title "overseer of the southern foreign countries" ought to be clarified. T h e use of the plural automatically implies that he represented pharaonic control of not one locality but many polities, a situation that we have seen preexisting in Upper Nubia (Kush) before the New Kingdom. Turoy supervised the building activity at Buhen when he was still a commandant (tsw) of that newly captured outpost. 46 His subsequent title, 53 nsw; was not original with him. Quite to the contrary, this honorific term was given to Turoy owing to his connections with the military, as well as his direct responsibility to the king, not because he was a civilian administrator such as a governor or mayor (hjty~c).47 Following Helck and others, one may wish to see the change from a military to a civil organization in Lower Nubia as the reason for the subsequent abandonment of his position as a pure army commander and his growing bureaucratic role within Egypts southern territories. 48 A rough date for this alteration would be the reign of Amenhotep I, during which Turoy became the 53 nsw (ca. year 7 of that ruler). 49 He held the office of "viceroy" down to the opening years of Thutmose I, the last recorded regnal year connected with him being year 3 of Thutmose I. 5 0 T h e career of Hormeni, an important personage whose background lay in Edfu, can be brought into the discussion at this point. 5 1 His stela, dated to the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty, commences with his function as governor/mayor of Hierakonpolis, and he stresses his regular delivery of produce (mu> probably a tax in this case) to his lord, the pharaoh. 52 Subsequently, he was assigned to Lower Nubia (Wawat), where he performed the routine duties of tax collection on an annual basis. Turoy s function in N u bia was different. As Hormeni s (immediate?) superior, the official accession degree of Thutmose I was addressed to him (see his two stelae at Kuban and Wadi Halfa/Buhen). It is useful to note the association of inw delivery to Egypt from Wawat and its regularity. 53 This is, in fact, the first reference in the Eighteenth Dynasty to any foreign land being required to supply Egypt

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with its goods, with, I hasten to add, the proviso of a yearly quota. 54 Despite the wealth of recent research on the theme of inw (the best is Liverani s able overview), 55 it is clear that Lower Nubia was run along the lines of the various nomes within Egypt proper. Indeed, Hormenis previous role of h3ty^ of Hierakonpolis was centered on exactly the same function, a role that can be noted in the famous lists of impost required from the mayors of Upper Egypt ("head of the south"), as recorded in the tomb of the vizier Rekhmire. 56 In this context, the term inw in connection with Wawat has nothing to do with booty or gifts. Moreover, Liverani s analysis of this work as meaning "supply" cannot work here. T h e evidence from Hormeni s stela contradicts that Italian scholar s reasoned yet incomplete analysis of the extent to which inw was employed. By no means was Wawat a foreign state with vassal status or an independent country located in a "middle belt" of semiautonomous kingdoms. Liverani has, in fact, argued that Nubia—by the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty at the latest—belonged to the "inner belt" of countries that were required to send b3k^ not inw) to Egypt. 5 7 Clearly, this interpretation needs further clarification. If, for Liverani, b3kw was supplied each year but inw was delivered on an irregular basis, then Hormenis references make little sense. Later, it appears, a different arrangement was set up in Nubia, but that occurred when the Egyptian state logically divided its conquered provinces into two separate divisions. I suspect that earlier, during the phase when Egypt was expanding to Sai and then to Kerma, Wawat was run along lines identical to the native Egyptian system. In regnal year z, while Hatshepsut was still an independent ruler—she had not abrogated the kingship at this time—a decree was issued by the very young Thutmose III renewing a series of offerings at Semneh. 58 Noteworthy in this royal proclamation is the emphasis placed on Senwosret III, Thutmose s worthy predecessor, who effectively confirmed this city as the crucial boundary point between Nubia and Egypt during the Middle Kingdom. In the series of offerings, one may point out the continual references to the N u bian god Dedwen, as well as the specific reference to Wawat; Kush is not mentioned, since it lay south of Semneh itself. In addition, at least one age-old feast enacted to celebrate the Middle Kingdoms defeat of the Nubians was revivified, and new ones were added. As befits such renewal, the mayors of the head of the south and Elephantine itself were enjoined to provide on an annual basis (htri means "employed") the upkeep of deliveries that were established for the various festivals. 59 (This stipulation, I feel, reflects a revival of Middle Kingdom practice.) We can reasonably conclude from this document that at the commencement of Thutmose I l l s reign all of Lower N u bia had been amalgamated into the Egyptian state and was now being peacefully administered.

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Turoy s successor as viceroy was Seni, who certainly took over after year 3 of Thutmose I and lived on into the reign of Thutmose I L 6 0 Recent réévaluations of the order and names of Hatshepsut and Thutmose I l l s viceroys have not managed to solve all of the complex issues that cloud this picture. 61 Seni, for example, may or may not have originally been included in a gap at the end of the second column in Thutmose I l l s decree, set up at Semneh in his second regnal year. 62 Seni himself suffered from a damnatio memoriae\ as his name was erased, but whether this had anything to do with Hatshepsut or her stepsonThutmose III remains moot. In fact, hostility directed toward a private personage need not reflect on any court dispute, much less royal antagonism. By this time the viceroy s titles included two: "kings son" and "overseer of the southern foreign countries." Seni and his successor, Amen-em-nekhu (dated to years 15 and 18 of Thutmose IIl/Hatshepsut), are consistent in this. 63 A possible third viceroy, Inebny, is merely known from a statue that gives his titles. 64 He is only referred to as 53 nsw; and this honorific reference need not automatically refer to any role as viceroy. Unfortunately for this cautious viewpoint, there is a lengthy inscription dated to year zo (of Thutmose III) that seems to refer to him; the name is virtually lost owing to erasure but the titles are full: kings son and overseer of the southern foreign countries. 65 Only the name of Inebny seems to fit the traces, 66 although it has been suggested that an abbreviated version of Amen-em-nekhu was original. 67 His successor, Nehy, can be securely placed to years z3 and z5 during the sole reign of Thutmose III; 6 8 however, by this time both Lower and Upper Nubia had become permanent captives under the might of Egypt, and further administrative reorganization was necessary. An additional contender to the viceroyalty must be listed at this point. T h e first man, a certain Se, is merely known from a stela found at Arminna East. 6 9 T h e titles associated with this man indicate that he exercised his bureaucratic duties in the early Eighteenth Dynasty: see the lack of the later title king s son of Kush (only king s son is written) and the titles commander and overseer of the southern countries, as well as other epigraphic factors. It is hard to determine exactly where the viceroys lived. T h e main centers for their administrative work were undoubtedly Aniba and Amara. 7 0 The latter is located just north of Sai Island, and its occupation by the Egyptians must be placed in the reign of Amenhotep I. Aniba, considerably northward, is opposite Qasr Ibrim in Lower Nubia. Vercoutter argues that both centers were chosen owing to their proximity to the gold-bearing regions of N u bia. 7 1 Aniba, part of the country of Miam, certainly appears to have been a residential center of the viceroy. T h e various shrines carved and decorated there all bear witness to the importance of this city; indeed, three of them were dedicated to Eighteenth Dynasty viceroys. 72

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Returning to the joint reign of Hatshepsut andThutmose III for the moment, it is useful to see how much revisionist history has been written about both pharaohs. Commencing with Habachis discovery of military activity directed southward by the queen and continuing through Redford s argument that at least four Nubian wars can be placed under her reign, this entire period of time can now be better fitted into the history of Egypts expansion up the Nile. 7 3 One official, Djehuty, refers to his pharaoh (Hatshepsut) collecting booty on the battlefield; Inebny refers to wars in the south; and Tiy, from a graffito at Sehel, also indicates the queens personal involvement in southern campaigns. From the royal side comes one useful, albeit fragmentary, Deir el Bahari inscription that reads like a hyperbolic account of slaughter, all accomplished by Hatshepsut. In addition, one of the few dated inscriptions fixes a Nubian war to regnal year iz of the Hatshepsut—Thutmose III coregency, significantly occurring at a time when Thutmose was theoretically old enough to lead the Egyptian army. 74 That graffito, located at Tangur West and so halfway between Sai Island and the Second Cataract, names Kush as the enemy-culprit. Somewhat more uncertain for historical reconstruction is the rock inscription atTombos recorded in year zo of Thutmose III. 7 5 Mentioned earlier, in connection with the viceroy Inebny, this text indicates some type of war activity, as well as providing a list of Nubian produce that the viceroy sent to the temple of Amun at Karnak in Thebes. Finally, there is the Armant stela of Thutmose III, apparently first dated just after the death of Hatshepsut and the rise of Thutmose III as sole pharaoh. 76 In the opening retrospective the king moves from his ability to that of an archer hunting foreign game, panthers in particular. Clearly, Nubia must be indicated. Owing to the imprecise historical narrative, it remains unclear whether Thutmose I l l s march on Miu, his rhinoceros hunt, and the subsequent dedication of a stela of victory there should be placed before or after the death of Hatshepsut. The question of a relative dating for the southern expedition of Thutmose III, as recounted on his Armant stela, remains moot. Additional textual and pictorial evidence connected to the rhinoceros hunt provides no useful clues. 77 On the other hand, the location of Miu poses problems for those wishing to see the virile Thutmose III campaigning extensively in Nubia before the death of his stepmother. Following O'Connor, I can only locate Miu outside of Egyptian control. 78 To be specific, from the available evidence it appears that this land was further upstream than Gebel Barkal of the Fourth Cataract. O'Connor himself presents a very global zone into which he places Miu: perhaps from the Abu Hamed Reach to the Sixth Cataract. One wonders how the king got there and whether he used the Nile route or went partly overland eastward. Säve Söderbergh, who dated the rhinoceros campaign to

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circa year 47 of the pharaoh, argues that the stela of victory that Thutmose III describes is the same one that he erected in the temple of Amun at Gebel Barkal. 79 This, however, is impossible:Thutmose Ills Gebel Barkal stela was composed as an account of his royal speech at Gebel Barkal and purposely erected within Egyptian territory and in the sacred precinct of his god there; it most certainly is no monument demarcating a boundary. There appears to have been few, if any, military campaigns of Thutmose III into Nubia. By virtue of a rather complete series of dated records covering his Asiatic wars, it is probable that minor skirmishes and one foray south of the Fourth Cataract occurred after his forty-second regnal year. In year 31 the so-called Annals record for the first time the bjkw of Wawat and Kush. 80 Morkot, for example, claims that this date provides a useful terminus for deciding when, precisely, the Egyptian state had effectively controlled the area up to Gebel Barkal at the Fourth Cataract.81 Yet in year 34 we read of additional b3kw delivered to Egypt from Kush, and the very southern kingdom of Irem is specifically mentioned.82 In this case, I would follow O'Connor and locate that land outside of the Egyptian-held territory and not necessarily see that report as evidence of a minor Nubian war.83 Those four "sons of the chief (wr) of Irem" may very well, in fact, have been "court hostages," and the system reflected in the Annals could then be interpreted as similar to the policy of Egypt over her many Syro-Palestinian city-states, namely, that those four individuals were kept at court in Egypt itself as a sort of insurance policy in case the locals attempted to throw off Egyptian control. As for the land of Irem itself, that country and four others seem to have formed a small group of contiguous polities not that far from the fabulous land of Punt, to which Queen Hatshepsut had sent her famous expedition.84 The ecological basis of Irem suited rhinoceroses and giraffes; therefore, its region was in southern Nubia rather than, as some scholars have argued, Upper Nubia between the Third and Fourth Cataracts.85 One year later Thutmose III had carved at Kurguz a boundary inscription next to that of his grandfather.86 This text is virtually a duplicate of the earlier one and gives ample proof that the pharaoh did send his army beyond Gebel Barkal; how much control he effectively had over Nubia upstream from the Fourth Cataract is hard to determine. Certainly, the famous stela from temple B 501 in that center, dated to the king s forty-seventh year, appears to be an account, probably elaborated, of Thutmose s speech to various high officials and "people of the southland."87 One final text can be brought into the discussion at this point, namely, the year 50 canal inscription.88 However, Thutmose is specifically recorded as having traversed the First Cataract after he smote his enemies. A victory tour of the pharaoh, quite possibly culminating in the final destination of Gebel Barkal, may in fact be the best ex-

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planation. We know that on a later occasion Amenhotep II hung one luckless Asiatic chieftain on the walls of Gebel Barkal after returning from his first campaign of victory. Could he have been emulating his fathers deeds sometime earlier?89 Upon surveying the successive campaigns of these Eighteenth Dynasty pharaohs one may at first be lulled into the supposition that there was a master plan with regard to Nubia. Or, as some believe, the march upstream ending at the Fourth Cataract seems to have been inexorable and, despite the expected setbacks of rebellion or marauding, relatively straightforward. Nothing could be further from the truth. We have already seen how Thutmose III traced the steps of his grandfather Thutmose I. Evidently the Egyptian state did not manage to control the upper reaches of the Nile in Nubia so effectively. Indeed, one can but mention the Nubian revolt that broke out at the accession of Thutmose II to lend credence to a more sophisticated and cautious interpretation. The area between the Fourth and Fifth Cataracts (Karoy) was never really held by the Egyptians, although it was the frequent battleground between the natives and the ever-present Egyptian army, now ensconced at Gebel Barkal. The fortress set up in the latter city parallels the earlier one erected by Thutmose I atTombos. It is possible that before advancing further on a policy of annexation the pharaohs secured a base for defensive purposes but also with an intent of staging further advances upstream. The early administration of the south, adumbrated earlier in this discussion, can be best seen in the affairs of Lower Nubia. In that zone possibly three semi-independent kingdoms can be assumed.90 One of them, Tehkhet, was led by native rulers who bore Egyptian names as well as their Nubian ones.91 Their tombs were modeled after the typical Egyptian pattern, and there is little doubt that their earlier service in the Egyptian administration formed an effective means of political acculturation. Tehkhet, which included the key centers of Faras and Debeira and had Buhen as its southern garrison, was located in the lower third of the region between the First and Second Cataracts. It has been argued that two additional minor polities existed: that of Miam (including Aniba and Toshka) to the north and one having as its fortress Kubban. Data from the kingdom of Miam are virtually all from the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty. In particular, the wellknown prince Hekanefer, bearing a name common to foreigners that were Egyptianized, is depicted in the tomb of Huy as a Nubian, whereas in his own tomb virtually all indigenous characteristics have been modified to no small degree.92 Fortresses and fortified settlements formed the basis of Egyptian imperialism in Nubia, especially during the first half of the Eighteenth Dynasty.

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During the reigns of Kamose and Ahmose major work was begun at Buhen and other Second Cataract sites. 93 Later new ones were constructed. As the evidence from Thutmose l i s Aswan-Philae inscriptions indicates, his father, Thutmose I, built in Upper Nubia/Kush. Adams claims that the last pharaoh to make repairs on the Second Cataract fortresses was Thutmose II, and the reason for this is easy to ascertain.94 With the subjugation of Upper Nubia, the area around Buhen, Semneh, and the like was no longer a boundary zone. Hence we find the older garrisons of Lower Nubia being either abandoned (e.g., Shelfak) or transformed (Buhen and Aniba) into some type of metropolis, serving a purpose more mercantile than military. 95 In Upper Nubia, with the advent of major temple building, probably commencing under the reign of Thutmose II, thick enclosure walls betray their defensive purpose. 96 Note, however, that the Egyptians erected temples in Lower Nubia at an earlier date: Sai provides a good example in the reign of Amenhotep I. 9 7 The economy of these temple towns followed the Egyptian model. 98 In particular, with the religious corporation as the basis of a local redistributive system—with, of course, an annual impost due to the Egyptian state— it appears that the earlier indigenous patterns of landowning had ceased. Although we know virtually nothing about the society of Nubia at this time, the Egyptian economic model most certainly would have influenced the absorption of Nubians into the system of the Egyptians. 99 On the one side there was a high elite of native Egyptian overlords—the viceroy, his two "deputies" (for Wawat/Lower Nubia and Kush/Upper Nubia), various scribes, mayors, and the like. 1 0 0 On the other side of the political coin were military officials such as the garrison commander and various troops. But in essence the temple system established by the Egyptians over Nubia was a core component of the Egyptian state system. It is futile, therefore, to claim that the existence of local "minidynasties" such as the one at Tehkhet either reveals the weakness of Egyptian governance or demonstrates the resilience of native culture dominated by a foreign power. (Indeed, regarding Teh-khet, our sources only cover the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III; nothing else is known about that region during the second half of the Eighteenth Dynasty.) Such key native individuals as Hekanefer were thoroughly acculturated into the Egyptian system; he served his masters and, quite naturally, received the benefits of that control. On the other hand the question of the pure exploitation of Nubia remains a thorny problem. Kemp, for example, in a wide-ranging study of Egyptian imperialism, feels that despite the report of Thutmose I l l s Annals the dues (b3kw) required by Egypt were ultimately equivalent to taxation. 101 Much of the harvest and cattle required by the Egyptians is comparable to

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the numbers demanded of the local Egyptian cities and nomes at this time. Owing to this, Kemp feels that the Nubians, in turn, would have benefited from the natural redistribution of resources. Perhaps this is true; however, one wonders just how, specifically, this benefited the Nubian cultivators, who were required to service the lands of local temples. 102 This crucial problem is clouded by the spate of recent studies concerned with the two key accounting terms bjkw and inw. We have already brought up this difficulty when discussing the stela of Hormeni, dated to the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty. In Liveranis various works—all of which, it has to be stressed, appear to be unknown to most Egyptologists—the difference is simple. 103 As stated earlier, he believes bjkw to be associated with states firmly under Egyptian control. This analysis fits perfectly with the report of Thutmose Ills Annals. Certainly by the time of his reign both Wawat and Kush had become integrated into the Egyptian economy, and the purpose of Egypt was no longer one of simple conquest and imposition of military might. The other term, inw, meant to Liverani deliveries from countries not administered by Egypt. Baldly put, they came from independent polities and thus represented reciprocal trade not tribute. The items tended to be rare or exotic and were sent on an irregular basis. Liverani s analysis, while failing to explain the Hormeni reference, is an improvement over earlier ones and, I believe, is more cohesive than either Bleibergs or Morkots recent contributions to the subject. 104 Oddly enough, none of these scholars has turned to the internal uses of the two Egyptian terms to any significant degree: inw occurs quite frequently in all types of accounts and from all eras. However, in one useful and detailed provisioning record, those deliveries were irregular. P. Bulaq 18 is quite specific on the role of the inw: they were special deliveries made to fill certain extraordinary remands required by the Egyptian court of the Thirteenth Dynasty. 105 The ordinary term used for standard "provisions" is cqw; a word that occurs quite frequently in other New Kingdom accounts. For example, in a series of papyri dated to the early reign of Seti I and now given the name Rechnungen—though they are in essence palace accounts—various economic terms are specified. 106 All are different: htri refers to the wages of the Nubian soldiers in the pay of the Egyptian state; and cqw is employed for the bread deliveries manufactured by the sn\ the "provisioning house," exactly as m P. Bulaq i8. 1 0 7 In the Annals of Thutmose III, according to Liverani, the term bjkw is repeatedly used with respect to Nubia. 1 0 8 This scholar felt that the word indicated "production," as it was obviously based on the verb "to work." To Liverani, as noted earlier in this discussion, the reason why it was applied to Egypts southern province was simple: the inhabitants no longer had inde-

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pendent kingdoms and were under direct Egyptian administration. Further away politically were the mw-supplying lands, which had their own chiefs, princes, or the like. The local rulers (wr's) "personally present their contributions to the pharaoh" and hence could be vassals or great kings. Furthermore, the b3kw deliveries are conceived to be some type of tax and constituted slaves, grain, and cattle. They were therefore the primary products of a subsistence agricultural system. But, Liverani notes, gold, silver, and local items not present in Egypt, such as ivory or ebony, are also subsumed under this word. Tnw} on the other hand, could include finished products and was brought to Egypt on an irregular basis. One final point: b3kw tended to be connected with either of two limiting terms—htri and nt~c.109 From Thutmose Ills Annals it may be reasonable to view the imposition of a more "rational" economic system by the kings thirty-first regnal year. 1 1 0 At that date, the lengthy text presents the first account of b3kw from Kush and Wawat. To regard the term as anything other than impost or tribute in this context appears to be excluded, although its difference from inw has nothing to do with its annual delivery. In fact, the Annals merely present totals for the Egyptian civil year; there is no indication that the various amounts of gold or slaves were delivered on one occasion. Nor do the Annals provide any indication that the b3kw from Nubia were specifically supplied to the temples. This is Bleiberg s supposition, based on Säve-Söderbergh s hypothesis that since the amounts of b3kw were small a great deal of it remained in the local temples. 1 1 1 (To take an example, in Thutmose Ills thirty-third regnal year, 419 head of cattle belonged to the bjkw, as well as 155.2 deben of gold; neither figure is significantly large.) Both positions can be disproved from the Annals themselves, and it is perhaps best to provide at this point some of the more unusual references contained in the accounts.The lack of any regular requirement, say one hundred head of cattle, five hundred bushels of wheat, or the like, implies that these b3kw were dues organized by the local Egyptian administrators, who had great leeway in their duties. That is to say, this produce was not fixed at any specific size or number. The following is a brief outline of the focus of each years list. 1 1 2 Year 31

In addition to Nubian slaves, ten male Nubians were sent as smsw, presumably "followers" of the Egyptian pharaoh. In this case, I would see a practice similar to the "hostage policy" that the Egyptians set up in Asia. Those ten men (from Kush) were certainly not recruited as laborers for the temples, either in Nubia or in Egypt.

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With regard to the slaves themselves, I do not feel that they necessarily were brought from far upstream, south of Egyptian-held regions, as has been recently argued. 1 1 3 T h e simple mention of them as part of the b3kw of Kush tends to cast suspicion on this conclusion. Note that these Nubians—always labeled with the ethnic term Nhsyw—were brought from Wawat as well as from Kush. T h e ivory and ebony impost was sent in ships, and Egypt must have been the ultimate destination; the same can be said for the grain, for which the vague term harvest is employed, and the panther skins. Year 33

Note the separation of twelve Nubians from the remaining ones, the latter being slaves.

Year 34

T h e specific reference to four sons of the chief (wr) of Irem is highly significant. They are located in the section dealing with Kush. It is partly owing to this that O'Connor concludes that the extent of Irem went beyond Gebel Barkal at this t i m e . 1 1 4 Priese, however, locates Irem close to ancient Kerma in Upper N u b i a . 1 1 5 O'Connors revision (between the Fifth and Sixth Cataracts) has much to support it. T h e dispatch of the four sons may have been the result of a war between southern Nubia and Egypt. Certainly in the following year Thutmose III campaigned to the Kurguz area south of the northern bend in the Nile at Abu Hamed.

Year 37

There is nothing out of the ordinary in the fragmentary accounts.

Year 38

In the account of the tribute from Kush the only new remark is the presence of W5 barges as transport vehicles for the tribute/impost instead of the generic word for ship.

Year 39

T h e presence of 101 slaves from Kush is striking; normally the total is at most half that number.

Year 40/1 (?)

Note the addition of thirteen male Nubians "for smsw (duty)"; see the account of year 31.

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As the amount of b3kw presented yearly to the Egyptians is extremely small, the outstanding question remains: what, precisely, is this type of delivery? Above, I have used either of two terms—namely, tribute or impost— even though neither fits the context to a reasonable degree. One would have expected the annual tribute to be considerably larger; however, since grain is regularly mentioned, we can argue that Nubia, especially the area south of the Third Cataract, was obliged to deliver a reasonable amount of cereals. Although it is doubtful that all of the latter were actually transported to Egypt, properly speaking—I suspect that a lot of the grain was sent to the various garrison storehouses, as well as those connected to the temples— such deliveries cannot be automatically excluded by modern historians. 116 The Annals themselves actually draw a parallel between the grain deliveries of Asia (only the vague term Retenu is employed) and those of the Nubians (Nhsyw). Before the important march into the heart of Mitanni, Thutmose III observes that the harvest in Retenu (corn and wheat), as well as incense, moringa oil, wine (note the presence of manufactured consumables), fruit, and other plants (herbs and the like) were not recorded in his official records on the walls of Karnak. 1 1 7 One could, if interested, inquire at the treasury for the official state records "exactly like the imposition of the b3kw of Nub[ia] " Baldly put, this all too brief reference proves that the Egyptian state had records of the annual deliveries coming from Nubia and that they, as noted earlier, were always b3kw at this time. Clearly, the less frequent inw, which Liverani frequently translates as "supplies," would not have been recorded in this way. Additional recorded data coming from the reign of Thutmose III are useful to bring into discussion at this point. The Gebel Barkal stela of Thutmose III, briefly covered earlier in this discussion, provides extremely helpful remarks concerning Egypts economic relationship with her southern provinces. 118 In year 47, Thutmose III visited his major settlement just south of the Fourth Cataract. The visit was connected with an official speech by the Egyptian ruler in which he pointed out the relationship between foreign lands and his native country. Thutmose specifically observed the obligations imposed on his dependents through the use of three key terms after finishing his lengthy recitation, which was solely concerned with his earlier military deeds. The Nubians have (unwillingly) become akin to dependents on the Egyptian palace. They deliver wood as part of their stipulations: htri plus b3kw are employed together. 119 Ships are also constructed for the king "in addition to the bjkw, which the Nubians fetch, namely, ivory and ebony," states the inscription. Kush is twice specifically referred to in the same section, and one interesting passage refers to the kings army actually hewing

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down the timber in conjunction with others, presumably the locals. The requirements are regular, as a yearly imposition appears to have been commanded. Noteworthy are the similar phrases connected with Thutmose Ills domination of Lebanon. (The coastal cities must be referred to rather than all of the hinterland of Syria.) In this case there is also an annual stipulation placed on that land, with the wood being brought literally "to the palace." 120 Near the end of the stela Thutmose reiterates similar conditions placed on his foreign territories, 121 and a helpful parallel is to be seen in Minmoses biography. 122 This man, who was involved in the Egyptian army during Thutmose Ills campaigns, observes that "Upper Retenu" was "obligated" (htri) to supply the Egyptians with precious items such as silver and lapis lazuli in addition to chariots, horses, and cattle. The private individual himself organized the delivery of the annual dues, and once more the word b3k appears. Immediately after describing his affairs to the north, Minmose turns to Nubia and adds that he "obligated" (htri) the chiefs (NB), with gold, electrum, ivory, and ebony as due yearly, just as if those kinglets were palace dependents; also required among these dues were ships made of dom-palm wood. Once more Minmose took charge of the accounts of those items, and the state treasury is mentioned as well. In the Annals of the pharaoh identical stipulations were applied by the Egyptians to the port cities of Lebanon. We first read of these specific requirements in the fateful thirty-third year of the king, after he had marched to the Euphrates in the heartland of Mitanni. 123 Possibly owing to his success in this major campaign the pharaoh set his obligation (nt~c). The imposition of a regular yearly b3kw; htri is also mentioned. In not so many words one may conclude that Egypt had set up an all embracing economic control over Nubia, which bore a close resemblance to the one she later adopted in the Lebanon. That there were differences between the two types of governance cannot be denied. Throughout Palestine and Syria the local potentates were allowed self-governance and a high degree of individual autonomy; such was not the case in Nubia. However, by the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty some Nubian chiefs had a degree of independent power; those of Tehkhet and Miam, for example, actually came from Wawat. Similar evidence is lacking for Kush, and one might hazard the guess that, owing to its proximity to a series of independent kingdoms upstream, the Egyptian administration of Upper Nubia at this time brooked far less independence on the part of the subjugated population. Evidence for this presupposition is lacking, however. Aside from one reference dated to year 50 of Thutmose III and the Gebel Barkal stela of the pharaoh (year 47), it is only the Annals that supplies any chronological ordering to Egypts southern provinces. In fact, only the first

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provides a clear-cut case for warfare. Owing to this, it is best to turn to the broader effects of Egyptian acculturation in Nubia, and the effects of this policy that can be seen in Thutmose I l l s reign. If Lower Nubia was taken by Kamose and effectively controlled by Ahmose, with Kerma falling under his son, Thutmose I, what, then, does archaeology reveal concerning the peoples themselves? In other words, if we avoid any discussion of the Nubian elite groups and Egyptian administrations, questions still remain concerning the ethnic makeup of both Upper and Lower Nubia, as well as the cultural elements themselves. At Kerma itself it has been argued that the Egyptians seem to have forced the Nubians out. 1 2 4 Gratien, on the other hand, argues for a rapid Egyptianization on the part of the locals and connects her work on the last Kerma graves with such sites as Sai and Arminna. 1 2 5 A useful aspect that she brought into full light was the abandonment of the funerary bed; Gratiens cultural stratum of "Kerma récent" runs from Thutmose I to that of his grandson, Thutmose III, that is, from the capture and pillage of Kerma to the final imposition of a bureaucratic administration. A similar situation at Askut, also in Lower Nubia, has been recently argued. 126 In Lower Nubia a similar archaeological pattern may be seen. The C Group people of that region are still known from their burial assemblages, which date from the first half of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Säve-Söderbergh found both C Group and Egyptian graves in his concession in Lower Nubia; the former continued to exist up to the reign of Thutmose III, which he identified as having been possibly constructed of Egyptianized Lower Nubians. 1 2 7 O'Connor has further observed that in the south of Lower Nubia there were more traditional practices with regard to the burial practices by the local C Group people in that region well into the Eighteenth Dynasty. 1 2 8 In many ways this is to be expected; indeed, there are quite a number of tombs that show admixtures of both the native C Group culture and that clearly derived from Egypt. Note the presence of Egyptian pottery in the graves at Debeira, with the architectural practice of tumuli overtly derived from the local traditions. 129 In this group one can perhaps conclude that the importation of Egyptian pottery had ousted the local traditions—at least for these graves—but that the indigenous peoples continued to follow their own burial practices. Reverse indications can be found. At Fadrus in Lower Nubia there is evidence that the local population was illiterate, or at least no Egyptian(-tramed?) scribe/artisan was present, for despite the overt Egyptianization of the unplundered graves, none contains any mention of the name of the owner. 1 3 0 There is also a series of C Group graves next to Egyptian New Kingdom ones. To Adams, this implies that Egyptianization was not that imposing; however, such not need be the case. 1 3 1 Indeed, Säve-

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Söderberghs work with the Fadrus burials indicates the complexity of the situation. 1 3 2 Simply put, in the first half of the Eighteenth Dynasty, up to the reign of Thutmose III in particular, one can single out various groups of burials in Lower Nubia. One subclass consisted of Egyptians; they were in the decided minority and were laid to rest close to the key administrative centers. There were also Upper Nubians, settlers of the last phase of the Kerma Culture. Two further segments can be drawn from these graves, namely, the local C Group peoples, who were Egyptianized, and those who were not. According to Säve-Söderbergh the latter were in the decided minority. 1 3 3 A fifth series of graves were dug for the so-called Pan Grave peoples, an intrusive ethnic group. 1 3 4 In order to account for the disappearance of the native C Group Culture, Säve-Söderbergh had recourse to his "severe" hypothesis of depopulation. 1 3 5 According to him, an intense Egyptianization occurred in Wawat during the whole of the Eighteenth Dynasty, and the archaeological material from Lower Nubia shows the growing acculturation of C Group and Pan Grave peoples to Egyptian culture. 1 3 6 Adams, in sharp contrast, is opposed to this position. 1 3 7 He has argued that the apparent sudden change in funerary practices—arguably a crucial sector in any culture—can be better explained by migration. O f course, this interpretation depends on scanty material, as much of Upper Nubian culture during the Eighteenth Dynasty remains unclear. 1 3 8 Moreover, there is no indication that the Egyptian state required, abetted, or even allowed the inhabitants of Wawat to settle in Kush. From the historical data at hand it appears that both southern provinces of Egypt were not merely kept separate but that the Nubians themselves became true "clients" of the Egyptians. T h e veritable impossibility of being able to distinguish between fully Egyptianized Nubians and Egyptians lies at the core of this problem. As there is no textual evidence to support the theory that a large number of Egyptians were moved into Nubia, it would appear that the temple towns that came into existence within the first half of the Eighteenth Dynasty were, in essence, Nubian ones.The local inhabitants, therefore, would have become cultivators of Egyptian temples, that is, they were brought into the transplanted temple economy that the Egyptian pharaohs began to establish from the time of Thutmose I onward. 1 3 9 Certainly from the archaeological evidence emanating from Kerma, as well as Lower Nubia in the Second Intermediate period, Egyptian influence loomed large. We must not also forget that during the N e w Kingdom gold was a major export of Nubia. Serving as a highly desired, nay necessary, item by the other near eastern potentates, the gold mines in the eastern Nubian desert had to be worked on a daily basis. Hence, from Wawat as well as Kush those mines were run by a small num-

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ber of Egyptian officials under whom there were Nubians. Vercoutter argues that the latter were composed of prisoners of war, as well as convicted criminals, all of whom were slaves of the Egyptian state. 140 A very early reference to the importation of Nubian gold into Egypt might be read in a famous stela of Ahmose erected in the temple of Amun at Karnak. 1 4 1 Amid the expected bombastic rhetoric one can read of inw coming from abroad; god is not mentioned. James claimed that this was an early sign that the Nubian lands were required to provide that rare metal to Egypt. 1 4 2 However, the inscription appears to refer to the Asiatic Fnhw lands as supplying this costly metal. 143 In Hatshepsuts famous Deir el Bahari scenes and inscriptions will be found a relief mentioning the chiefs of Nemiu and Irem bringing gold rings and panther skins to the Egyptians; in this case it is clear that "gifts" are referred to rather than impost, taxes, or tribute. 144 In his Annals, Thutmose III lists the gold deliveries from Wawat and Kush for years 33,34, 38, and 41. In all cases the amount obtained from Lower Nubia exceeds that from its more southern counterpart; the amounts are in Egyptian debens. The key references are as follows.

Year 33 Year 34 Year 37 Year 38 Year 41 Year 42

Wawat lost 2

>554 lost 2,644 3,144.3 2,374-!

Kush 155.2 300 + X 80.1 100.6 + X

195.2 lost

The accounts themselves commence with year 32, and it is possible that at that time Thutmose III reorganized the annual deliveries of produce from Nubia to fit a more regularized pattern. Notwithstanding this tentative hypothesis, it is readily clear that Wawat supplied far more gold to Egypt than did Kush. (The inverse is true, as might be expected, with respect to the deliveries of cattle.) According to Vercoutter, Kush boasted only a few mines (between Kerma and Buhen to the north), whereas Wawat had the easily accessible eastern desert regions of Wadi Allaqi and the Wadi Gagaba to exploit. 1 4 5 Indeed, Thutmose III seems to have been preoccupied with the fortress at Kubban, a garrison that controlled the entrance into Wadi Allaqi. It is with the independent reign of Thutmose III that a regular economic and administrative setup was fixed by Egypt over Nubia. Various towns developed by the Egyptians controlled the grasslands and farmlands of this southern region. Minor principalities were allowed a reasonable degree of independence, with the viceregal bureaucracy effectively running the two

3

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provinces of Wawat and Kush. Few Nubian wars blemished this control; indeed, on later occasions such military activity seems to have been relegated to Nubians living outside the Egyptian sphere of influence. If Thutmose III is famous owing to his Asiatic warfare, he ought to be equally renowned for effecting the final pacification of Nubia. By the time of his reign Egyptian imperialism had succeeded to the south up to the Fourth Cataract. Some degree of Egyptian influence may be seen farther upstream, but for all practical purposes it ended at Gebel Barkal. Perhaps his visit there in year 47 was an official recognition of Egypts limits as much as it was an effective show of political and military strength.

NOTES

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1. Säve-Söderbergh (1967—68) 237—42; Trigger (1976) 131—35. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Vercoutter (1959); O'Connor (1983) 258—59. Smith and Smith (1976) 48—76. O'Connor (1993a) 59—61; see also Smith (1976) 82. Smith (1976) 77—81. Ibid., 55-56, 73-74' Ibid., 52—54, 67—68, 75—76, 84. Bourriau (1991) 132. Habachi (1972); Smith and Smith (1976) 48—76; Säve-Söderbergh (1956) 54—61. Kemp (1983) 663—67; Trigger (1976) 96. Smith and Smith (1976) 61.

12. Smith (1976) 8. 13. Ibid., 9, 67, 192; see as well Emery, Smith, and Millard (1979) 90. 14. Emery (1965) 60—62, 92. 15. Smith (1976) 207; Helck (1975) 99. 16. Simpson (1963) 57; Weigall (1907) 127. In this context the term king}s son refers to a military man paid by his ruler. This was typical from the Middle Kingdom to the commencement of the Eighteenth Dynasty. 17. 18. 19. 20.

Cerny (1969) 87—92; Baines (1986) 41—53. See O'Connor (1987) 99—136 for a summary of the data and scholarly positions. Ibid., 123—24. Ibid., 122—26.

21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

In general, see his comments in O'Connor (1993a) 60—61, 65—66. Morkot (1987) 31; Smith (1976) 77; Vandersleyen (1971) 63. Helck (1969) 282-84. Goedicke (1965) 102—11; Vandersleyen (1971) 64—68. tM.IV8.5. Ibid., 7.1—2.

27. 28. 29. 30.

Ibid., 36.5—7. Vandersleyen (1971) 60 and 68. Vercoutter (1973) 12, 19, 25—27. Trigger (1965) 106; Morkot (1987) 31.

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31. Urk. IV7.2. 32. See Vandersleyen (1971) 75—82; and Daviess review of that work (1973: 244). See also Morkot (1987) 31. 33. Vercoutter (1956b) 25—27; idem (1973) 19—27. 34. Urk. IV50.7—12; Schmitz (1978) 201; Morkot (1991) 294. 35. Hintze and Reineke (1989) 172. 36. Vercoutter (1973) 28—29. 37. Urk. IV82.3-86. 38. Bradbury (1984—85) 1—20. The importance of this stela is further elucidated in a recent study of mine to appear in SAK (Spalinger [1995] 271—81). In that analysis, the connection to the Opet Festival is maintained. 39. Vandersleyen (1971) 64; Vercoutter (1956b) 68—70. 40. Urk. IV88.6—90.8. 41. Ibid., 139.2—7. 42. Arkell (1966) 84. 43. Posener (1955) 92—94. 44. O'Connor (1993a) 60—61; see also his earlier comments in idem 1983 255—56. 45. Urk. IV138.15—17; cf. Lorton (1990) 668—79. 46. Smith (1976) 8—9, 77—78. 47. Helck (1969) 283; Schmitz (1976) 45—46. 48. Helck (1969) 283—84; Smith (1976) 207; Morkot (1987) 30. 49. Kadry (1982) 10. 50. Urk. IV89.16—90.8. 51. Ibid., 76—77.11; Kragten (1992) 13—14; Smith (1995) 182. Brief remarks will be found in Zibelius-Chen (1988) 130. 52. Urk. IV77.3—5. 53. Säve-Söderbergh (1941) 178. 54. See Heatherbell (1994) 133—37 for the recent discussion. 55. Liverani (1990) 240—46, 255—66. This study is virtually ignored in the Egyptological literature, as is Lichtheim (1988) 141. One can add Janssen's study of b3kw (1993: 81—94). Zibelius-Chen (1988) 130 is all too brief. 56. Davies (1943) 32—36, 103—6. 57. Liverani (1990) 256—57. 58. Urk. IV193.13—196.9; Caminos (1998) 41—47 and pis. 25—27. 59. Urk. IV196.7—9; Liverani (1990) 258—59. 60. Pamminger (1992) 97—100. 61. El-Sabbahy (1992) 99—102; Pamminger (1992) 97—100; Dziobek (1993) 29—32. 62. Pamminger (1992) 97—98; Dziobek (1993) 30. 63. Pamminger (1992) 97, 99—100. 64. Ibid., 97—98. 65. Säve-Söderbergh (1941) 208—9; see also Urk. IV1375. 66. Dziobek (1993) 30. 67. Pamminger (1992) 98—99. 68. Dewachter (1976) 151—53. 69. Simpson (1963) 33—34. 70. O'Connor (1983) 263. 71. Vercoutter (1959) 129. 72. Caminos (1968) 7—8, 26—29.

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73. Redford (1967) 57—64. 74. Reineke (1977) 369—76; Hintze and Reineke (1989) 172, no. 562. 75. Säve-Söderbergh (1941) 208—9; Urk. IV1375. 76. Urk. IV1245.9—47.14; Redford (1967) 61—62. 77. Reineke (1977) 373; Redford (1967) 62; Stork (1977) 241—96. 78. O'Connor (1987) 108. 79. Säve-Söderbergh (1946) 6; Redford (1967) 61. 80. Liverani (1990) 255—62; Urk. IV695.8—696.3. 81. Morkot (1987) 33. 82. Urk. IV708.8-709.3. 83. O'Connor (1987) 109; cf. Priese (1974) 32—41. 84. O'Connor (1983) 259. 85. O'Connor (1987) 99—136. 86. Arkell (1950) 38; O'Connor (1983) 257-58. 87. Reisner and Reisner (1931) 24—39; Säve-Söderbergh (1941) 154; Grayson and Redford (1973) 25-28. 88. Urk. IV814; Säve-Söderbergh (1941) 153. 89. Urk.lV.1zg7. 90. O'Connor (1983) 263—67; idem (1993a) 64—65; cf. Smith (1995) 137—54. 91. Säve-Söderbergh (i960) 25—44; idem (1963) 159—74; idem (1991) 186—94; Hodjache and Berlev (1977) 183—88. 92. Adams (1984b) 230; Frandsen (1979) 299; O'Connor (1993a) 63—64. 93. Smith (1976) 196, 206—7. 94. Adams (1984a) 57. 95. Säve-Söderbergh (1941) 192—93; Trigger (1965) 109; idem (1976) 120—22. 96. Trigger (1976) 123—26. 97. Vercoutter (1973) 27. 98. Frandsen (1979) 167—90; Trigger (1976) 118, 129; O'Connor (1983) 263; Smith (1995) 166—74. 99. Frandsen (1979) 171—73. 100. O'Connor (1983) 263; Frandsen (1979) 169. 101. Kemp (1983) 31—33. 102. In particular, see Morkot (1987) 40. 103. The material is summarized in Liverani (1990) 256—57; cf. the work of Smith (1995: 171—73), who has not yet grasped Liverani's analysis. 104. Bleiberg (1984) 155—67; idem (1988) 157—63; Morkot (1987) 46. 105. Spalinger (1985) 179—241; idem (1986a) 207—47; see as well Quirke (1990) 29, n. 24, hi—12.

106. 107. 108. 109. no. in.

Spalinger (1986b) 307—52. Spalinger (1986a) 207—47; cf. Quirke (1990) 29, n. 24. See Liverani (1980) 9—28; and his later Prestige and Interest (1990: 258—61). Liverani (1990) 258—59. Morkot (1987) 33. Bleiberg (1988) 157, 164—65.

112. On the products extracted by the Egyptians from Nubia, see Zibelius-Chen (1988), chapter 3. 113. O'Connor (1993a) 62. On the number of Nubians in this section of the Annals, see as well Zibelius-Chen (1988) 120—22.

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114. 115. 116. 117. 118.

O'Connor (1987) 99—136. Priese (1974) 32—41. Säve-Söderbergh (1941) 2o6, 2io, 225; Kemp (1978a) 31—32; Morkot (1987) 44. Urk. IV694.3-8. Reisner and Reisner (1931) 24—39> IV1227—43-8-

119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128.

Urk. IY1236.38; with Liverani (199°) Z59> n - 2 7Urk. IV1236.17—1237> esp* i237*1* Ibid., 1237* 1242.2—13. Ibid., i44I—•45-I2> es p- i44 2 -4- See as well Liverani (1990) 259, n. 28. Urk. IV700.6—9; Liverani (1990) 259; cf., however, Urk. IV692.15—693.2. Adams (1977) 43; Gratien (1978) 281. Gratien (1978) 222; see her later remarks in idem (1985a) 93—105. Smith (1993) 497—502. Nielsen (1973) 31—46. O'Connor (1983) 266, 268.

129. Adams (1984b) 235. 130. Säve-Söderbergh (1963) 37; idem (1991) 186. Yet now see Smith (1995) 148—54. 131. Adams (1984b) 235. 132. Säve-Söderbergh (1969) 12—20. 133. Ibid. 134. Ibid., 19. 135. However, one must note the analysis in O'Connor (1983) 263, 268. 136. Säve-Söderbergh (1969) 12—20. 137. Adams (1984b) 235, 239. 138. Smith (1995) 148—54. 139. Kemp (1978) 34. Zibelius-Chen (1988: 192—97) discusses the expansion of the early New Kingdom into Nubia and proposes a series of hypotheses concerning the eventual occupation of Nubia in the Eighteenth Dynasty. 140. Vercoutter (1959) 120—53. 141. Urk. IV18.5-9. 142. 143. 144. 145.

James (1973) 303. Säve-Söderbergh (1941) 213—14. Urk. IV333; Säve-Söderbergh (1941) 212—13. Vercoutter (1959) 150.

ELEVEN

Foreigners in Egypt in the Time of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III DIAMANTIS

T

PANAGIOTOPOULOS

he aggressive policy of the pharaohs of the early Eighteenth Dynasty pushed Egypts political and natural boundaries apart, creating new distant theaters of royal action. Symptomatic for the spirit of the new age was the fact that both historical events that figure most prominently in the reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III had taken place beyond the borders of Egypt proper. A few years after Hatshepsuts coup d'etat, when she claimed for herself the Double Crown, the queen commissioned an expedition to Punt with the principal purpose of procuring "incense" for the temple of Amun. The divine mission, which returned bringing great amounts of the aromatic tree gum, an indispensable prerequisite in temple rites, was celebrated as the restoration of the contacts with "gods land" and narrated with an unusual wealth of detail in the superb reliefs decorating the walls of the second column hall in her mortuary temple at Deir el Bahari. 1 As to Thutmose III, in his first initiative as sole ruler he organized a campaign to Palestine against a coalition of rebelling vassals, which culminated in the Battle of Megiddo and the subsequent siege and capture of the city. The chronicle of this military operation and its political and material outcome formed the core of the so-called Annals, the monumental inscription carved in the walls of two chambers in the temple of Amun at Karnak. Thereafter the king returned to the Syria-Palestinian territory almost year by year as a leader of a campaign establishing Egypts imperialist claim on the region. 2 In the course of the military actions, which extended their realm, the Egyptians came in closer contact with foreign lands and their inhabitants. N o doubt relations with other political centers or peoples abroad existed before the Hyksos period. Egypt was involved in foreign trade activities, exchanged

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diplomatic gifts at the royal level, exploited the rich Nubian resources, and organized expeditions to distant regions of special economic interest. Yet in the reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III this interaction underwent a dramatic change. With a hitherto unknown intensity people from abroad began to live and work among and impinge on Egyptians. Princes and princesses, ambassadors, merchants, soldiers and mercenaries, and prisoners of war and slaves, to whom a wide range of vocations were given, infiltrated different levels of Egyptian society, bringing with them a wide array of their own products, ideas, and beliefs. Under the heavy weight of everyday experience mythical metaphors of domination over foreign peoples were gradually superseded by pragmatic assessments. These historical or quasi-historical testimonies, which are always elegantly combined with the habitual phraseology, provide a firm bottom for studying the works and days of foreigners in the pharaonic state, as well as Egyptian attitudes toward them.

SOURCES

The secondary character of the epigraphic and iconographical evidence pertinent to the presence and activities of foreigners in Egypt is a mixed blessing. On the one hand, such evidence normally conveys a selective or distorted version of historical reality in that it follows the doctrines of Egypts ideology of power. On the other hand, it is this biased view that bears valuable information about the conceptual framework of authors and artists in its attitude toward foreign peoples. It must be emphasized, though, that the two main corpora of evidence dating to this period, the so-called Annals of Thutmose III and the foreigners' processions in the Theban private tombs, do not simply replicate the traditional jargon of formal texts and iconography but contain a fairly faithful account of historical circumstances based either on vivid memories or on the copying of official documents. By contrast, the autobiographical texts, which unavoidably revolve around the same historical events, are richer in formulaic phrases than solid information. Beyond the realm of inscriptions and iconography—if we leave aside imported artifacts and raw materials 3 —the evidence is scanty, since foreigners visiting or living in Egypt left virtually no traces in the archaeological record. Even these scarce data, however, may be conclusive in complementing or confirming the knowledge supplied by texts and images. T h e Annals of Thutmose III The so-called Annals of Thutmose III, 4 the longest monumental inscription known from Egypt, represents a valuable source of information not only for

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the campaigns of the king in the Syria-Palestinian territory but also for their direct or indirect material outcome within Egypt. Extensive parts of the inscription are dedicated to the constant flow of peoples, animals, agricultural products, raw materials, and artifacts that reached Egypt as gifts, dues, booty, or even trade goods from foreign countries. What truly singles these passages out as a rare testimonial is the fact that the compiler of the inscription apparently had access to and thoroughly consulted official documents, where those deliveries were recorded in every detail. 5 T h e text itself explicitly mentions the daybook of the palace and another, not precisely defined, document of the treasury.6 This accurate and, more important still, reliable, information about the nature and quantity of the foreign contributions remains unparalleled in the genre of royal inscriptions. 7 T h e lists of "contributions" from independent and/or subjugated countries appear in almost every year recorded in the Annals. T h e items brought by the "princes" (wrw) of independent countries are always described as jnw.8 T h e literal meaning of the term, being a perfective passive participle of the verb jnj ( = to bring, fetch), is "that which is brought." Concomitant with this broad semantic range, the word was used in its long history in several contexts, attaining various submeanings. In many instances, jnw seems to have had a special connotation as "gift," as Sir Alan Gardiner suggested more than fifty years ago.9 In the most notable of the recent studies that strengthened Gardiner s assumption B.J.J. Haring explored the meaning of the term within the constraints of a coherent and reliable set of data, that of the administrative texts of N e w Kingdom temples. 10 In this context jnw describes additional/ occasional contributions by the king, representing a supplement to the regular income of the temples. In their voluntary character these offerings were conceived, according to Haring, as a token of the kings concern for the material well-being of the temples. Accordingly, jnw must have meant here nothing else than a donation or gift. In the case of the Annals, the word appears to occupy the same submeaning of benevolent giving. It is important to stress in this respect that the Egyptian language had no other term for "gift" or "diplomatic g i f t , " 1 1 so jnw appears to be the only word that can match the Akkadian šulmānu (greeting gift), which was used in the royal correspondence of the Amarna archive to describe the gifts exchanged between foreign rulers. 1 2 The diplomatic gifts recorded in the Annals include raw materials mostly of a precious character, such as silver, lapis lazuli, and semiprecious stones, as well as copper, lead, wood, horses, exotic animals, and metal vessels. Due to many lacunae in the inscription the supplying countries or cities cannot always be identified with certainty. T h e gift givers, who in every case appear only sporadically, include the kings of Hatti, Babylonia,

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Assyria, "Asija" (Cyprus or Assuwa), Alalakh and Tanaja (to be identified with the region or one political center of mainland Greece). One of the chief economic effects of the regular campaigns of the king in Syria-Palestine was the collection of substantial amounts of booty (h3q) from the troops or cities of insubordinate vassals. Given the frequency of local upheavals they belong to the recurring elements of the inscription. I 3 The booty included not only what was taken from the defeated armies after the battle (prisoners of war, chariots, horses, and armament) but a wide variety of valuables, women, and children, as well as livestock plundered from the insurgent cities as a punitive measure. T h e trade expeditions to Punt, which are recorded in years 33 and 38, represent a different form of the exploitation of foreign territories. I 4 Their primary scope was—as in the case of Hatshepsuts much celebrated first expedition—the dispatch of incense, even though the Egyptian ships returned with a wide array of local products, which were called by the author of the Annals bj3t (marvels). In emphasizing the exotic nature of the Puntite goods this appealing term concealed the actual character of the transaction, which was nothing less than a commercial exchange. Thus, both passages in the Annals belong to the exceedingly few explicit testimonies of trade in Egyptian formal sources. As a rule such profane activity, devoid of any ceremonial value, was not considered an appropriate subject for royal texts and images. T h e largest part of the lists in the Karnak inscription recording "contributions" is reserved for the regular deliveries from the conquered territories in Syria-Palestine and Nubia. T h e Syria-Palestinian region is subdivided into three geographical areas named D3hj (Djahy), Rmnn (Remenen) and Rtnw (Retenu). 1 5 All three have a vague meaning and cannot be regarded as territories with strictly defined boundaries. Their textual contexts or associations with specific place names suggest a considerable overlap. Their deliveries are labeled with different terms, which, however, as I will demonstrate, do not necessarily indicate a different political or economic relationship with Egypt. In the context of the Annals, Djahy can be roughly identified with Palestine. T h e deliveries of this region to Egypt appear for the first time in year 35 and thereafter nearly on an annual basis. 1 6 T h e short passages include only items of natural produce, such as cereals, moringa oil, incense, wine, and honey, with no indication of their amounts. They are called smw, a term that in the Egyptian fiscal vocabulary covered both the semantic fields of "harvest" and "harvest tax." 1 7 T h e produce of large estates situated in the most fertile lands of this region was, however, excluded from this internal redistribution of local resources and shipped directly to Egypt. T h e inscription

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mentions in year zz the royal domains Çhw.t) of Megiddo, which contributed a harvest of many thousands of tons of cereals. 18 T h e name Remenen denoted Lebanon, though its geographical limits cannot be defined with certainty. T h e products of Remenen were called bjk (literally "work" or "produce"), 1 9 a term that was also used for the Nubian deliveries. 20 Their nature and quantity were not specified. In Egypts fiscal vocabulary bjk had the meaning of a compulsory contribution, 21 a kind of tax. In this sense it stood for the same type of administrative relationship as smw 2 2 T h e reason for the use of two termini technici for the produce of Palestine and Lebanon was apparently the involvement of two different modes of production: on the one side the produce of cultivated land (smw) and on the other animal products, raw materials or artifacts that resulted from the employment of human and animal labor (b3k).23 T h e third Syria-Palestinian geographical name occurring in the Annals, Retenu, included without doubt a large part of the Syrian territory. However, the definition of the southern limits of this region, and accordingly its relation to Djahy and Remenen, remains problematic. T h e fact that in the lists of captive cities mentioned in the inscriptions that were carved on the sixth and seventh pylons of the Karnak Temple Upper Retenu includes Palestinian localities, such as Hazor, Aqqo, Megiddo, Tanaach, and Joppa, indicates that Djahy was not a different territory but overlapped or was identical with the south provinces of Retenu. 2 4 T h e contributions of Retenu are called jnw, the term that denoted the items sent by independent countries. Contrary to the contributions of Djahy and Remenen, their nature and quantity are recorded in detail. T h e figures always refer to the annual yield of jnw from this region. This sum undoubtedly consisted of numerous separate shipments from the "princes" of several cities, given the fact that the multicentered Syria-Palestinian society did not form a political entity. W h o gave what is not stated. 25 Since there is no reason to assume a different meaning of jnw within the same textual context, the deliveries of Retenu in the Annals must be interpreted as gifts sent by Syria-Palestinian vassals to the Egyptian king. They consist for the most part of valuables such as weapons, jewelry, furniture, horses, and lapis lazuli. T h e inscription emphasizes the personal character of this activity, for it expressly mentions that the items were brought by local "princes" (wrw), a notion that is absent in the relevant passages dealing with Djahy, Remenen, and Kush or Wawat. Both the precious character of the items and the personal level of the transaction clearly point to ceremonial gift giving. T h e fact that dignitaries from subjugated cities retained a gift-based political relationship with their overlord is not contradictory to their status, since the giving of compulsory gifts to pharaoh is well attested in the correspondence of the Amarna archive about a century

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later. 26 For the proper evaluation of the political status of Retenu it is finally crucial to acknowledge the fact that this region regularly delivered not only gifts but also taxes (smw), consisting of cereals, incense, moringa oil, wine, and fruits. In a marginal note of year 31 a reference is given to a document kept in the treasury that contained a full account of those shipments. 27 T h e recording of the Nubian contributions only began in year 31 of the Annals but appeared regularly in the accounts of subsequent years. 28 T h e inscription follows a standard formula, registering separately the revenues (b3kw) of the provinces of Kush and Wawat. They mainly consist of gold, slaves, and cattle, whose amounts are recorded in detail. 29 These lists are consistently supplemented by a less concrete mention of ships loaded with undefined quantities of ivory, ebony, animal skins, and other natural products, as well as the harvest of both regions. Summing up, the following observations regarding the flow of foreign goods to Egypt and the status of their land of origin can be made. T h e independent countries or cities sent gifts, mainly consisting of the precious items or exotic raw materials described as jnw. Retenu, a name given to a region that apparently extended from Syria to Palestine and for the most part was subjected to Egypts political and administrative control, sent compulsory gifts (jnw) to Egypt and also delivered a proportional amount of its harvest as tax (smw). Lebanon/Remenen and Palestine/Djahy appear exclusively as suppliers of obligatory contributions. Remenen delivered a share of its "produce" (b3k) and Djahy a share of its harvest (smw) as tax. Finally the two Nubian provinces sent "products" (b3kw) to Egypt on an annual basis. An overall interpretation of these "statistical" passages of the Karnak inscription is hampered by the vague meaning of geographical names and fiscal terms. A possible hint for discerning two different patterns in this enormous mobilization of goods may be gained by the divergent degree of accuracy in the recording of the deliveries. In three cases the goods are accounted for in a very detailed manner as to their nature and quantity. This applies for the gifts (jnw) from independent countries, the gifts (jnw) from the subjugated cities of Retenu, and the taxes (b3kw) from Nubia. T h e harvest tax (smw) of Djahy and Retenu, as well as the taxes (b3k) of Remenen, are mentioned only briefly, omitting information about exact quantities or even what kinds of goods were delivered. A plausible explanation for this different treatment is to assume that only the items belonging to the first category were sent directly to Egypt and recorded in every detail in the books of the royal or temple administration.The products of the second category were obviously circulated within the conquered territories, and consequently they were less accurately monitored by the central authorities in the Egyptian capital. Indeed, there can be no doubt that the largest part of the taxes of con-

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quered territories raised by Egyptian and/or local institutions was accumulated and consumed at the local level for the maintenance of the Egyptian administrative and military machinery. 30 It would have been uneconomical to dispatch the entire amount of these annual levies to Egypt proper, given the high transport costs combined with their cheap and bulky character. Only a small—and apparently the most valuable—part of the accumulated wealth (with a strong preference for precious raw materials, artifacts, and cattle) was sent to Egypt either as part of the annual tax or as compulsory gifts. It seems, therefore, that the jnw from Retenu and b3kw from Nubia belonged to the same pattern of economic exploitation, that is, the dispatch of some selective products of high value to E g y p t . 3 1 Their receipt was normally given ceremonial treatment, as it took place during a formal court procedure. On such occasions both dependent and independent countries presented their "contributions" to the Egyptian king, thus making the exploitation of foreign territories visible to the inner Egyptian audience. Yet the use of two terms, jnw and bjkw, may imply that a difference existed at the political level. It is likely that the Syria-Palestinian princes enjoyed a different, personally established relationship with the Egyptian king, one that was quite unknown to the members of Nubian elite. Given the more complex city-state political system in Syria-Palestine and the modalities of Near Eastern diplomatic tradition, special political treatment of the Asiatic vassals was almost inevitable. On the other hand, Nubia was apparently under tighter political and administrative control, so personal bonds between the pharaoh and local dignitaries may not have been considered essential for the realization of Egypts exploitative strategies. It would, however, be wrong to associate jnw or b3kw with a clear-cut pattern of political or economic behavior. Both words, when referring to the influx of foreign goods, were not consciously used as strictly defined termini technici but were interchangeable. 32 A telling example is the inscription on a granite statue of the butler and foreman of works, Minmose, from Medamud. I crossed Upper Retenu behind my lord and I taxed Upper Retenu in silver, gold, lapis lazuli and (all kinds o f ) precious stones, chariots and horses without number, cattle and small livestock in their multitudes. I caused the chieftains of Retenu to be aware of their "yearly dues" (b3k.sn hrt rnpt).33 T h e fact that the same items are described as jnw in the Annals shows that both terms were used in a very flexible way, without indicating a specific political or economic status. At any rate, the Syria-Palestinian and Nubian contributions recorded in the Annals in every detail must be regarded as a

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segment of the local produce raised by and for the sake of Egyptian administrative institutions, thus representing only the tip of the iceberg. This understanding of the inscription, however, has to cope with the question of why only Retenu among the Syria-Palestinian regions sent gifts to Egypt. One way to tackle the problem is to again apply this inconsistency to the flexible or even interchangeable use of geographical names in the inscription, interpreting the absence of Djahy and Remenen as gift givers in literary rather than historical terms. Assuming that Retenu was a general geographical designation for Syria, coastal Lebanon, and Palestine, and thus included partly or fully the territories of Remenen and Djahy, the only explanation for the parallel use of overlapping terms is that the author drew his data in each case from different sources.The information that Djahy and Remenen regularly fulfilled their fiscal obligations had been copied from the "daybook of the palace," as this is explicitly mentioned in the inscription. 34 This document included a day-to-day account of the kings campaign in Syria-Palestine, obviously recording not only military events but crucial information about the state and effectiveness of the locally based Egyptian administrative apparatus. Yet the jnw shipped to Egypt from Retenu were registered in a different official document, which most likely belonged to the treasury or another royal institution. In all probability this document summarized the long lists of gifts under the same rubric that introduces the relevant lists in the Annals, reading rht jnw n wrw nw Rtnw (amount of the jnw from the Greats of Retenu). 3 5 Hence it is feasible that the gifts from Retenu included also shipments from cities in Palestine and Lebanon, which in other Egyptian documents were recorded more precisely as located in Djahy and Remenen. Had the word Rtnw in the Annals denoted only Syrian territory, then we might assume that the smw from Retenu came from subjugated cities, whereas thejnw originated from those localities that recognized the pharaohs supremacy but had not yet been fully integrated into Egypts administrative system.

Foreigners in the Theban Tombs T h e pictorial counterpart of the Annals represents the foreigners' processions and related scenes decorating at least fifteen Theban private tombs of this period. They visualize from an authentic, private point of view the same patterns of foreign relationships that repeatedly occur in the monumental inscription. T h e conformity between textual and pictorial evidence is certainly due to the fact that both sources referred to the same historical events. It is likely, though, that the artists of those scenes painted in the last years of the pharaohs reign, after the completion of the inscription, consulted this

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text when they had to attribute specific items to foreign embassies or to supply their pictures with superscriptions citing ethnical names and/or places of origin. The foreigners' processions appear almost exclusively in the tombs of high officials who held prominent positions in the executive branch of the Egyptian government.36 They usually occupy a part of the back wall of the transverse hall, the private "hall of memories" of the deceased, decorated with scenes referring to highlights of his career. The two main compositional elements of this theme are (i) one to five files of processional foreigners bringing valuable objects or local produce; 37 and (z) the deceased, who receives them sitting or standing accompanied by servants or relatives. Further common but not obligatory iconographie details comprise (i) a display of valuable objects, (z) the prostration by the men heading the procession, (3) scribes making lists of the items brought, and (4) the enthroned pharaoh at the far end of the scene. Inscriptions running above or at one end of the registers) and explanatory labels that are sometimes attached to figures and products supplement the meaning of the images, making their message more concrete for the Egyptian audience. When combining this pictorial and textual evidence it becomes apparent that the traditional term tribute scenes is inadequate because it misinterprets their real content and underplays the variety of their subject matter. First, they certainly did not refer to the delivery of tribute, for a tribute sensu stricto, as a kind of punitive measure, never occurred in Egypt's foreign relations. The conquered regions were integrated in the Egyptian administrative system and paid taxes just like the Egyptian population. Second, the scenes, despite their similar compositional arrangement, narrated different ceremonial or administrative events that were in each case closely linked with the career of the tomb owner.38 Since this important iconographie theme has not been dealt with in toto yet, it deserves close scrutiny here. The tombs considered in the following pages belong to officials who served exclusively or for most of their political careers under Hatshepsut or Thutmose III. A precise dating of every tomb is impossible, for some of the owners held their offices under two pharaohs. In these cases it is not always clear to whose reign one may attribute the painting of the scene or the completion of the tomb decoration. Therefore, the monuments can be divided only roughly into four chronological groups, which may partly overlap: (1) Hatshepsut, (z) Hatshepsut/ Thutmose III, (3) Thutmose III, and (4) Thutmose III/Amenhotep II. The only tomb that can be securely linked to the reign of Hatshepsut before Thutmose's accession to the throne belongs to Senenmut ( T T 71), one of the most extraordinary personalities of the Egyptian bureaucratic elite.39 His "meteoric career" and his tenure in at least twenty offices are un-

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paralleled in the New Kingdom. What remains to date from the scene of an Aegean embassy comprises only three of the original six figures.40 A nearly complete version of this picture has fortunately been documented in a watercolor painting, now at the British Museum, which dates to 1837.41 The Aegean porters depicted there carry metal vases of typical Aegean manufacture and an unsheathed sword. Four tombs belong to the time of Hatshepsut and/or Thutmose III. Each of the relevant scenes involving foreigners displays a different iconographie arrangement and refers to a different type of transaction. A scene of four registers depicting the presentation of foreign and domestic "contributions" decorates the left part of the back wall of the transverse hall in the tomb of the great herald of the king, Intef ( T T 155) 4 2 The upper, badly damaged register preserves the remains of an Aegean delegation, obviously bringing diplomatic gifts, the second depicts Syria-Palestinian porters carrying precious items (metal vases, weapons, a chariot, etc.), and the two lowest depict the offerings of the oases. Ineni ( T T 81) commissioned a five-register scene depicting foreigners and Egyptians. Its subject matter was linked with his responsibilities as overseer of the granary of Amun. 43 Four of the five registers are preserved to such an extent as to allow an identification of the origin of the depicted peoples. They include Nubian women dressed in the traditional mode and leading children by the hand or carrying them in panniers on their backs (fig. 11.1); Egyptians bringing Nubian(?) products; Syria-Palestinian women with children, as well as two men carrying a metal vase and a bear; and people from the oases, whose very dark skin and leather kilts are clearly non-Egyptian features. The accompanying inscription attracts our interest because of its phraseology. It expressly states that the Nubian women and children represented an assortment of prisoners of war given to the temple estates. For the rest of the foreigners the inscription says that their products were assigned by the king to the temple as an "annual tax" (htr r tnw)44 Interestingly, these items were labeled as jnw, a further instance of the arbitrary use of the word in the sources of the Eighteenth Dynasty, for in this context it clearly applies to obligatory contributions rather than gifts. A scene from the tomb of the royal scribe Senemiah ( T T 127), an official from the lower echelons of Egyptian bureaucracy, can be indirectly related to the processions just mentioned. It represents the reception of Nubian produce, carried, however, not by natives but by Egyptian porters. 45 As in the case of the scene from Inenis tomb, these deliveries are to be linked with fiscal contributions rather than diplomatic gift giving, even though the accompanying inscription describes them as jnw.46

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In the single preserved scene from the tomb of an official whose name and titles have been erased ( T T 119), Syria-Palestinian porters proceed to an unfortunately unknown destination, carrying, among other items, minerals, metal vases, an antelope, and a cow (fig. 11.2). 47 In the absence of any superscription it is difficult to define the scene s content with certainty. The most probable interpretation is that of a Syria-Palestinian delegation with gifts for the pharaoh, since the nature of the items depicted matches those mentioned among the jnw lists from Retenu in the Annals. Nine more officials who were active mainly or exclusively during the reign of Thutmose III included in the decoration of their tombs one or more files of processional foreigners. Again the two most striking facts are the variety of the depicted events and their close association with the duties of or some special event in the life of the deceased. They include the presentation of diplomatic gifts, the delivery of annual dues, and a royally commissioned trade expedition to Lebanon. Among the various responsibilities of the vizier of Thutmose III, Useramun, one may count the inspections of the taxes delivered to the Vizier s Bureau as well as the reception of foreign delegations with gifts for the pharaoh. Either of the occasions in which Useramun obviously participated several times during his career was depicted on the walls of the transverse hall in one of his two tombs ( T T 131). The content of the first scene, which depicts the inspection of the produce and prisoners of war from Wawat, can be only reconstructed by the accompanying inscriptions, since the registers with processional foreigners(?) are almost completely lost. 48 The second scene commemorates a ceremonial event rather than an administrative procedure. The deceased receives on behalf of his king the gifts of "northern countries, the confines of Asia, and the Isles in the Midst of the Great Green" (figs. 11.3 through 11.6).49 The upper register shows an Aegean delegation carrying almost exclusively precious metal vases and theriomorphic rhyta or statuettes (fig. 11.34), a n d the two registers beneath show SyriaPalestinians with various artifacts (fig. 11.5), as well as women and children (fig. 11.6). The presentation of the foreign gifts is combined with the delivery of Egyptian offerings from the oases and the Nile Delta in three additional registers below. The second prophet of Amun, Puyemre, included in his tomb three (!) scenes with foreign representatives. The first decorates the left end of the back wall of the transverse hall, depicting in two registers Nubians with native products combined with Egyptian weavers bringing linen.50 The most likely destination of these "contributions" was the temple of Amun. Their exact character (foreign gifts assigned from the king to the temple or annual dues) cannot be identified with certainty.The second scene occupies the right

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end of the same wall, comprising six registers in the typical processional mode. 51 Its subject refers to the receipt of taxes from several regions both within and outside Egypt proper. The inscriptions attached to the figures mention the delivery of offerings and prisoners of war from Retenu, the "roads of Horus," the oases, and Punt, which were assigned by the king to the temple of Amun. The first register shows a file of Syrians designated as people from "further Asia" bringing for the most part prestige artifacts and precious raw materials. The second and the third registers include offerings (of natural and mineral products) from the dwellers of Sinai and the oases, two regions that—though forming a part of "Greater Egypt"—were not fully incorporated in the political and administrative system of the state. The three lower registers are dedicated to the people from Punt and their goods, including incense, their most appreciated local product, as well as ivory tusks, panther skins, ostrich eggs, wood, precious minerals, and animals. Porters occur only in the lowest of these three registers. Their physiognomic type and dress are either Syria-Palestinian or Egyptian. The third scene, occupying a section of the same wall, is an exception to the standard type of foreigners' processions in both composition and subject matter.52 Four foreigners are depicted facing a heap with rings of gold dedicated by the king to the temple of Amun for the construction of two obelisks. The four figures are designated as the "native chiefs of further Asia." The first two men are depicted in the typical Syria-Palestinian mode. The third figure has Aegean facial features and is dressed in an undecorated skirt with colored borders. The fourth man shows affinities with the later iconographical type of Libyans. The most interesting aspect of this scene is that the inscription does not explicitly mention that the gold was delivered by the foreigners but merely that they were present during the weighing and measuring of the precious material. Menkheperreseneb ( T T 86), who in the later years of Thutmose III ascended to the position of first prophet of Amun, commissioned a large scene of five processional files of foreigners and Egyptians to decorate a section of the back wall of the transverse hall to the right of the doorway leading to the long hall. The superscription is rich in detailed information, but unfortunately it is combined with a less accurate pictorial representation that shows no concern for a clear differentiation of ethnic idiosyncracies.53 It exceptionally mentions the occasion of this ceremonial event, the New Year s Festival, during which the deceased offered a congratulatory bouquet to the king and introduced to him the representatives of foreign countries, as well as peoples coming from regions within Egypt proper.54 The upper register is dedicated to a procession of Aegean emissaries carrying valuables. The three men heading the Aegean procession (the first prostrating, the second

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kneeling, and the third standing upright) are rendered in the typical SyriaPalestinian manner but are identified by their legends as the princes of Keftiu, Hatti, and Tunip. 55 Three similar figures are at the head of the procession of the lower register. They had originally been given a place of origin, like the three men of the upper register, but only the label of the last man in the row survives to date, identifying him as the prince of Kadesh. The three men are followed by Syria-Palestinian porters, who are, however, portrayed in a hybrid manner that combines Syria-Palestinian and Aegean elements in their facial features, dress, or items. Women and children appear at the end of this procession. This bringing of foreign gifts was juxtaposed with the presentation of booty in the third register, displaying Syrians with chariots and weapons. The two lowest registers apparently include people from the oases, who are in some instances, however, depicted as carrying Syria-Palestinian artifacts. A second scene involving foreign products occupies the right wall of the transverse hall, showing the delivery of the Nubian gold to the temple of Amun in fulfillment of the annual tax obligation. 56 The porters are in this case of Egyptian origin. The nephew of Useramun and next holder of the office of vizier, Rekhmire ( T T 100), commemorated his regular encounters with foreign delegates in a superb scene comprising five registers (figs. 11.7 through 11.10). 57 It is a happy coincidence that this tour de force of foreigners' processions is the best preserved example of our series. The scene is an encyclopedia of ethnic types and the coiffure, dress, natural produce, and material culture of peoples from abroad. 58 The deceased appears in kinglike splendor receiving the foreign contributions on behalf of his lord (fig. 11.7). The five registers manifest different levels of political relations with Egypt, ranging from free people (the two topmost registers) through the politically controlled (third and fourth) to slaves (lowest). The two upper registers are devoted to the envoys from Punt, as well as Keftiu and the "Isles in the Midst of the Great Green," in both cases countries that lay beyond the reach of Egypt's political and military power. The people from Punt bring incense, precious minerals, ebony, ivory, animal skins, and other exotic products (fig. 11.8). The Aegeans carry elaborate metal vases, jewelry, and minerals (fig. 11.9).The Nubians, who occupy the third register, are depicted with the typical products and exotica of their region, consisting of gold in bars and rings, logs of ebony, ostrich feathers and eggs, cattle, animal skins, and wild animals (fig. 11.10).The latter include a baboon that is climbing the neck of a giraffe, both drawn in an inimitably effortless and natural manner. 59 The Syria-Palestinians of the fourth register bring metal vases, weapons, a chariot, a pair of horses, minerals, ivory tusks, and so on. In the lowest register women and children of Nubian and Syria-Palestinian origin are depicted. The super-

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scription gives the information that they came to Egypt as part of the booty from the king s campaigns and were assigned as slaves to the temple of Amun. Both groups include men, women, and children. The next stage of this flow of labor into Egypt is narrated in the passage of the tomb.60 Here the tomb owner inspects foreign slaves that were allocated as workers to the workshops and estates of the temple. The scene refers to the very moment of their registration by the temple authorities, as the slaves are given clothes and ointment "for their yearly provision." The depicted women and children are of Nubian and Syria-Palestinian origin. The first royal herald and overseer of the gate under Thutmose III, Iamnedjeh, gave a prominent place in the iconographie program of his tomb ( T T 84) to the theme of foreign delegations.The back wall of the transverse hall, to the left and right of the doorway leading to the long hall, is decorated with people from abroad bringing gifts to the Egyptian king. 61 The accompanying inscriptions are exceptional in mentioning both the place and time of the depicted ceremonial event. We read that the foreigners presented their gifts during the ceremonial appearance of the king in the palace of Heliopolis at "the beginning of the year" (tpy rnpt).62 The right side of the wall commemorates in two registers (originally three or perhaps even five) the presentation of a Syria-Palestinian delegation. The items carried by the porters include mostly weapons, horses, and a chariot, all indicating a military occasion, apparently the ceremonial presentation of booty.The rest consists of metal vases and a bear. One of the two prostrating figures of the lower register is named with the superscription as "chief of Naharin" (in West Semitic "river land," the most common Egyptian designation for the land of Mitanni). 63 The left section of the scene encompasses three registers, with Nubians bringing gold, exotic animals, animal skins, ivory tusks, and other natural products.64 The scene shows iconographie and stylistic affinities with the foreigners' painting from the tomb of Rekhmire, indicating that the artist used the latter as source of inspiration.65 The tomb of the army lieutenant Amenemheb ( T T 85) contains a long inscription commemorating highlights of his military career in Syria under two pharaohs, Thutmose III and Amenhotep II. The autobiographical account is accompanied by a three-register scene portraying the deceased while introducing foreigners with gifts to Thutmose III (fig. 11.11 ). 66 Although the text attached to this picture mentions the chiefs of Retenu, Keftiu, Mennus (not securely identified), and "every other foreign country," the depicted representatives belong unexceptionally to the Syria-Palestinian physiognomic type, with shaved head, bearded face, and long dress. Each register is introduced by three to four prostrating figures followed by men bringing children, metal vases, and gold as gifts for the king. Unconscious of ethnical idiosyn-

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cracies, the artist took a great interest in accentuating ironically the corpulent bodies of the prostrating figures, adding a realistic flair to this otherwise conventional composition. Another prominent member of the military aristocracy, Amenmose ( T T 42), who served as captain of troops and eye of the king in the two lands of Retenu under Thutmose III and Amenhotep II, commissioned two scenes depicting foreigners with their gifts. The first owes its unique character to the fact that the presentation of the gifts took place not in the Egyptian court but in the Syria-Palestinian territory during one of the military campaigns of the king. 67 Here both inscriptions and images provide some concrete information about the location of the event, as well as the identity of the persons involved. The locale is situated in the land of Negau. The geographical position of this rarely occurring toponym is enlightened by the label of the prostrating man at the top of the procession, the "chief of Remenen [Lebanon]." The exotic scenery is indicated by a Syrian fortress in a thick pine forest, which forms the background for a file of processional porters with gifts (fig. 11.12). The men are bringing valuables and two humped bulls. An escort of Egyptian soldiers depicted in the register below only emphasizes the military setting of the scene. The second painting follows the normative type of foreigners'processions.The deceased is introducing to the enthroned king four registers of Syria-Palestinian porters with gifts, including men bringing metal vases, minerals, armament, horses, and chariots, as well as women leading their children by the hand.68 Two further scenes from tombs of this period stand out due to the originality of their subject matter. The overseer of the seal and overseer of the gold land of Amun, Sennefri ( T T 99), commemorated in the decoration of his tomb what must have been one of the most exceptional events in his official career.The scene refers to an expedition to Lebanon, which the deceased led in person on behalf of his king with the purpose of procuring cedar for the construction of flagpoles for the temple of Amun. 69 In the two preserved registers the artist narrates Sennefri s return from Lebanon, depicting horses, soldiers, a Syrian and Egyptian dragging a heavy object, and the deceased himself, who is reporting on his successful mission to the king. 70 The harbormaster of Thebes, May ( T T 130), included in the decoration of his tomb a quite "exotic" aspect of his everyday responsibilities.The badly damaged painting originally depicted the arrival of a Nubian ship with a load of local produce at the harbor of Thebes, 71 anticipating the well-known shipping scene from the tomb of Nebamun ( T T 162), who served under Amenhotep III. The choice of an authentic theme documenting a different stage in the flow of foreign goods to Egypt was certainly dictated by the pro-

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fession of the deceased. Whether the ship s load consisted of trade goods, taxes for the state or temples, or gifts for the Egyptian king will remain a mystery. The tomb of an official whose name has been lost ( T T 143) belongs to the last phase of our brief survey (reign of Thutmose III/Amenhotep II). One scene of its decoration depicts episodes of an expedition to Punt 1ed(?) by the tomb owner.The five registers portray the arrival in the "Gods Land" with a load of Egyptian goods for barter exchange, the departure, strange sailing rafts of the local inhabitants, and the introduction of the local chiefs and their produce (called jnw) to the pharaoh by the deceased.72 The historical background of the scene bears a close resemblance to the depiction of the Lebanon expedition in the tomb of Sennefri. Both represent the "private" version of a theme that was magnificently deployed in the domain of royal iconography by Hatshepsuts Punt reliefs at Deir el Bahari. Looking at all these scenes from an administrative point of view, their common denominator is that they portray the act of handing over, that is, the very moment in which the foreign products "change hands" and enter the orbit of the Egyptian bureaucracy. The foreigners fulfill thereby either an active role as suppliers or a passive one as "items" (slaves). In the latter case, once being settled in Egypt and employed as workers at the bottom of the social hierarchy, they come only sporadically to the surface of pictorial evidence. When one attempts to explain this paucity an apparent reason is that foreigners, after their incorporation into Egyptian society, lost much of their "otherness," that aspect of their personalities appreciated most by Egyptian artists.There is only a handful of tombs that give us some glimpses of their humble existence in Egypt. The employment of nonspecialized labor forces of foreign origin is depicted in the tomb of Rekhmire: Syrian and Nubian captives are engaged in brickmaking in the course of the building projects in the Karnak Temple (fig. 11.13). 73 Their non-Egyptian nationality is indicated by their unshaven faces or leather kilts. In another tomb ( T T 349), which can be roughly dated to the same period, a Nubian man and woman are represented reaping the harvest. 74 In the tombs of Puyemre ( T T 39) and Intef ( T T 155) foreigners labeled Apiru (dust makers) 75 are depicted working as vintners. 76 A small Nubian girl dances to entertain the guests in a banquet scene in the tomb of the royal butler Wah ( T T 22). 7 7 The last example of our modest series comes from the tomb of the fan bearer and mayor of Antaeopolis Montuherkepeshef ( T T 20 ). 7 8 In a scene of enigmatic content belonging to the iconographie cycle of burial rituals two Nubian captives are depicted kneeling with a cord passed round their neck.

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On the Historicity of the Foreigners* Scenes

Summarizing this important corpus of iconographical evidence, it is necessary to stress that the pictures treated earlier did not simply repeat a standardized theme that proclaimed the submission of foreign countries but referred to specific episodes from the career of the tomb owners. Divergent experiences produced different scenes. Although in most cases the similarities in composition (processional arrangement, figures bringing items, and Egyptian officials who receive them) seem to suggest a common subject matter, the inscriptions and minor iconographical details clearly demonstrate that the artists' intention was to portray a variety of transactions. There are at least six different types of ceremonial or administrative interactions that can be securely recognized. 1. The presentation of gifts from independent and subjugated countries for the pharaoh. This is the dominant theme among foreigners' processions attested in the tombs of Senenmut ( T T 71), Intef ( T T 155), Useramun ( T T 131), Menkheperreseneb ( T T 86), Rekhmire ( T T 100), Iamnedjeh ( T T 84), Amenemheb ( T T 85), Amenmose ( T T 42), and possibly another official, whose name has been lost ( T T 119). The king may participate in person or be represented by the deceased. In some scenes the artists combine not only embassies from independent and subjugated countries but also foreigners with people coming from Egyptian regions. The presentation of foreign and domestic gifts apparently took place at the royal residence during the course of a formal court ceremony. The most convincing argument for considering the objects brought by Syria-Palestinians and Nubians as gifts is their nature. They have for the most part the same precious and exotic character as the offerings of independent peoples. The association of these deliveries with the jnw coming from independent peoples and the Retenu land in the Annals is inevitable. In this respect, the tomb paintings and the Karnak inscription show an astonishing compatibility, for the superscriptions of the first—when sufficiently preserved—name these "contributions" jnw79 and mention only Retenu, not Djahy or Remenen, as the land of origin of the depicted delegations.80 2. The bringing of gifts for the pharaoh in foreign territory, depicted once in the tomb of Amenmose ( T T 42). This type of transaction differs from the presentation of gifts only in the locale, discussed earlier. The scene from Amenmose's tomb visualizes an apparently recurring event during the Syria-Palestinian campaigns. It is legitimate to assume that during the marching of Egyptian troops the cities of obedient vassals welcomed the pharaoh with gifts demonstrating their loyalty. The collection of such gifts is stated once in the Annals as a year's total. 81

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3. The ceremonial presentation of booty depicted in the tombs of Menkheperreseneb ( T T 86), Rekhmire ( T T 100), and Iamnedjeh ( T T 84). In all three cases the theme is combined with the presentation of gifts. We cannot but stress the fact that this juxtaposition finds a perfect equivalent in the syntax of the Annals, where booty (h3q) and gifts (jnw) immediately follow each other.82 4. The royally commissioned trade expeditions in Lebanon and Punt depicted in the tombs of Sennefri ( T T 99) and another official, whose name has been lost ( T T 143). The Annals contain two references to Punt expeditions in years 33 and 38.83 There can be no doubt that the foreign produce recorded in texts and images was acquired through barter exchange. The artist of tomb T T 143 and the author of Sennefri s inscription show a fair attitude toward historical correctness, for they portray or mention the Egyptian offerings, although the latter conveniently disguises them as offerings for the local deity.84 5. The delivery of yearly obligations to the temple of Amun or donations of the king to the same institution attested in the tombs of Ineni ( T T 81), Puyemre ( T T 39), and Rekhmire ( T T 100). The natural products and men, women, and children delivered as slaves are registered by the fiscal authorities of the temple or granary of Amun. The nonceremonial context of the depicted transaction is clearly documented through the absence of the pharaoh, the bulk character of the goods delivered, and some iconographie features of profane character.85 In conformity with this pictorial evidence the Annals record donations of valuable raw materials, cattle, and three entire cities from the conquered territories, as well as the assignment of at least 1,588 Syrian slaves by the king to the temple of Amun. 86 6. The delivery of yearly obligations to the Vizier s Bureau, seen in the tomb of Useramun ( T T 131). The harvest (smw) from the royal domains of Megiddo, which is recorded once in the Annals, as well as the b3kw from Kush and Wawat belong in all probability to the same type of transaction, representing annual dues delivered at a state institution.87 The singular scene of the arrival of ships in the harbor of Thebes ( T T 130) cannot be ascribed with certainty to one of these categories. The historical core of our scenes, which can be clearly deduced from their concrete and varied subject matter, finds further support in the way the artists put together the embassies of dependent and independent countries.The processions of the conquered peoples include prisoners of war, as well as women and children who have been brought to Egypt as slaves. Nubian children are normally led or carried by their mothers, contrary to the Syria-Palestinian ones, who are frequently brought by men, a detail that apparently reflects the special political background of their journey to Egypt (fig. 11.5).88 On the

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other side, the delegations from the Aegean region and Punt consist exclusively of men. Another interesting fact is the sporadic occurrence of toponyms in the explanatory labels, which break the rule of generic geographical expressions, always echoing concrete historical episodes. Worth mentioning are the depiction of the "chief " of Naharin in the tomb of Iamnedjeh ( T T 84) and the chiefs of Kadesh and Tunip in the tomb of Menkheperreseneb ( T T 86). It is certainly no coincidence that the same regions or localities are mentioned in the Annals as theaters of pharaonic action.89 Given the undeniable historicity of the foreigners' processions we must not put too much stress on the fact that in most cases they are simplified and conventionalized works of art. The undeniable hybridism of some representations, in which the artist mixes the physiognomy, dress, and local products of two different cultures in the design of a single figure, has been comprehensively discussed in the past.90 One should, however, be cautious in not confusing form with substance. None of these scenes is intended to be a mere transcript of historical reality. The artist sought to create a work of art, not illustrated reportage. So the historical kernel of the depicted event had to be clothed properly in habitual forms of artistic expression, which should be "beautiful" but not necessarily realistic. Iconographie details were therefore subject primarily to aesthetic not historical considerations. For the artist, his patron, and the Egyptian audience it obviously sufficed that the content of the scene could easily be associated with real episodes from the life of the deceased. A favorite explanation for the varying degree of accuracy among the foreigners' procession links this phenomenon to the opportunity of some artists to witness such embassies with their own eyes. In the same vein the conflation or misunderstanding of ethnical types is ascribed to a possible decrease of or even a break in foreign diplomatic visits to Egypt. 9 1 1 must again stress the danger of making historical inferences from iconographie or stylistic criteria. The divergent exactness of the representations can be fully explained within the domain of artistic production. An accurately drawn scene betrays a great artist rather than a mere eyewitness of the depicted event. It is true that the earlier scenes (dating to the reign of Hatshepsut or Hatshepsut/ Thutmose III) show a fresh inspiration that is absent in later examples. But this is an inevitable phenomenon in art history. In the formative period of a genre (and this was the early reign of Thutmose III for the foreigners' processions) a few pioneers have to rely on sharp observation of the natural prototypes, establishing a "tradition."Thereafter and for a quite long time artists are eager to follow tradition rather than inventing new themes.92 Hence, any attempt to define the number of Aegean diplomatic visits to Egypt accord-

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ing to the realism (or lack of it) of the physiognomy, dress, and gifts in relevant scenes is methodologically unacceptable. Other Sources Beyond the limits of Theban cemeteries foreigners' processions are absent, though our evidence might look quite different if royal buildings in Thebes or Memphis had been preserved. One single exception is the depiction of Hatshepsuts Punt expedition at Deir el Bahari, which, however, diverges from the major themes of tomb iconography. If we leave aside the wealth of information in texts and images, the era of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III produced no large amount of archaeological finds associated with the presence of foreigners in Egypt. The most notable exception comes from the highest social level. Three Syrian princesses who in their lifetime apparently belonged to the royal harem as lesser wives of the pharaoh were buried together in a tomb in western Thebes. 93 In accordance with the archaeological evidence the Annals mention among the Retenu gifts of year 40 a chief s daughter who was sent to Egypt accompanied by thirty slaves.94 Furthermore, contacts with foreign territories are indicated by the use of exotic raw materials in several industries, as well as the distribution of foreign pottery in Egyptian sites.95 Yet, as mentioned earlier, these finds must not necessarily be associated with the actual presence of foreigners in Egyptian territory. PEOPLES

Conceptions of ethnicity are more sharply defined in the sphere of textual than pictorial evidence. Within the first we are confronted with an extraordinarily rich accumulation of foreign geographical names referring to localities or regions that were visited, captured, or only heard of by the Egyptians. The farther these places were from Egypt proper the greater was the ignorance of authors about their exact location. As a result, the geographical lists contain in many instances unorthodox juxtapositions of place names or attribute them to the wrong geographical entity. The ethnic groups that are explicitly mentioned in the sources of this period can be distinguished as an inner belt of subjugated territories and an outer belt of independent countries. The first includes the Nubians and Syria-Palestinians, who were forced to interact with Egypt. The latter comprises Aegeans, Mitannians, Hittites, Babylonians, Assyrians, and people from Punt. They came from distant regions and sought diplomatic relations with the pharaonic state motivated by

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either political or economic interests. It is certainly not surprising to see that references to the subjugated Syria-Palestinians and Nubians occur more often than those referring to other peoples, for they were geographically and politically more closely bound to Egypt. At the level of representation, the artists knew and depicted only four main racial/ethnic types: Syria-Palestinians, Nubians, Aegeans, and people from Punt. 96 Here again the iconographie field is dominated by the appearance of the two subjugated regions in the south and north of Egypt. Among the independent peoples, Aegeans show an unexpected prominence, since, apart from the Puntites, they are the only independent folk regularly depicted in the tomb scenes. In two exceptional cases, a male figure is identified by its explanatory label as either Hittite or Mitannian. Yet both are depicted in the habitual Syria-Palestinian modus. 97 The infrequent appearance of Hittites and Mitannians, as well as the total absence of Assyrians and Babylonians, in the iconographical evidence may be meaningful, for these states rivaled Egypts political and economic interests in the Levant. A more intriguing problem, however, is the absence of Cypriots,98 given the wide distribution of Cypriot pottery in Egyptian sites. A convincing explanation for this paradox is still to be found. Syria-Palestinians Any attempt to pinpoint the exact origin of the Syria-Palestinian delegations in Theban private tombs 99 is hampered either by the poor preservation of the accompanying inscriptions or by the generic character of the attested geographical names. Only sporadically do we find a concrete reference to cities or regions. As already stated, they normally echo toponyms connected with the military campaigns of the kings and commemorated in royal or private inscriptions. From the three larger geographical regions mentioned in the Annals, Djahy, Remenen, and Retenu, only the latter appears as the land of origin of the depicted processions. Although the northern part of Syria undoubtedly lay outside Egypt's direct control, it is in most cases impossible to differentiate between independent and subjugated Syria-Palestinians in pictorial and textual evidence. Two main types were regularly employed for the depiction of male emissaries from Syria and Palestine. 100 The first has long hair, reaching to the ears or shoulders and held in place by a band or fillet, is bearded, and wears a kiltlike garment that extends from the waist to the knees or slightly above them (figs. 11.2 and 11.5). The garment is a simple piece of cloth wrapped around the waist, usually decorated with red and blue lines at the borders and thus easily distinguishable from the white skirt worn by the Egyptians or the elab-

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orately embroidered kilt of the Aegeans. 101 The second type has a shaved head, or less commonly long hair, and wears a tight-fitting white gown with long sleeves reaching from neck to midcalf and decorated with blue or red hems (figs. 11.2, 11.5, and 11.6). Interestingly, this most common type of representation virtually disappears from the tombs of the post—Thutmose III era. 102 The combination of facial features and a specific dress type does not seem accidental. Helcks hypothesis that the first type has a Semitic origin and the second a Hurrian one cannot be sustained by the evidence at hand. 103 The fact that both types appear in many instances together favors the idea of a difference in rank or status, with the long garment belonging to the elite and the simple, overlapping loincloth to the humbler classes. A single occurrence of a third costume in the tomb of Amenemheb (fig. 11.11) anticipates the commonest type of dress in representations dating to the reigns of Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III. 1 0 4 Here the long-sleeved gown is used as an undergarment, around which a fringed mantle is wrapped several times. The fact that this costume is worn by the prostrating persons at the head of their delegations seems to imply a difference in rank. 105 The Syria-Palestinian women have a long, curled hair and are dressed in flounced robes, which mostly extend to the ankles and are decorated along the selvage (fig. 11.6). Young children are usually depicted naked, sitting on the arms or shoulders of adults. In a single case women carry their children in panniers on their backs (fig. 11.6), clearly a hybrid form of representation imitating a commonplace theme in Nubian processions. 106 Elder children are depicted either naked or dressed with long gowns and are led by the hand. There is interestingly no attempt to differentiate boys from girls in terms of coiffure or dress. The Syria-Palestinians appear in different iconographical contexts. In most cases they bring their gifts or yearly dues to the king or the temple. In other instances they are driven by Egyptians as prisoners of war or slaves with spoils from their regions. Finally, they are depicted as workers employed by private persons ( T T 39, T T 81, and T T 155) or the temple of Amun ( T T 100). Nubians The region south of the First Cataract was traditionally known as the "south land" and its inhabitants as "southerners." The northern part of the land (Lower Nubia), between the First and the Second Cataracts, appears under the name Wawat. The name Kush refers to either the southern part (Upper Nubia) or the land as a whole. During the Middle Kingdom representations of Nubians did not differ considerably from the ethnic type of Egyptians. 107 The New Kingdom breaks with this iconographie tradition and

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gradually depicts them with negroid physiognomic features. In the tombs of our period only the first stages of this transformation are attested.108 A turned-up nose, protruding lips and prognathism are either not discernible or not yet as ironically accentuated as in the post—Thutmose III era. As a rule Nubian men have a black skin and are dressed in leather breechcloths (fig. i i . i o ) . 1 0 9 Their coiffure shows some variation, though the commonest type is that of short, cropped, cuplike hair. Men seem to have appreciated jewelry more than the women, since there is hardly a male figure that does not wear either earrings, bracelets, or necklaces. This adornment apparently served as an indicator of status. Nubian women are always depicted carrying or leading their children (fig. n.i). The typical mode of representation shows them with black skin and pendulous breasts. They wear long dresses made of leather or fur, wrapped with a belt around the waist. Their upper bodies are naked. Elder children are held by the hand, and smaller ones are carried in panniers fastened on the backs of their mothers. Contrary to the Syria-Palestinian processions, which normally include explicit references to military activity as a reflection of Thutmose s Asiatic campaigns, the representations of Nubians are mainly distinguished by an air of rural charm. Beyond their presence in processional scenes Nubian slaves are depicted as harvesters ( T T 349), brickmakers ( T T 100), and dancers ( T T zz). Aegeans From the Egyptian point of view, the Aegean was an essentially marginal area. 110 Yet embassies from this region occupy a prominent position among other foreign peoples. More interestingly still, they are a phenomenon primarily linked to the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, for they virtually disappear from the iconographical evidence in the era of their successors. 1 1 1 Aegean processions are made up exclusively of male emissaries, who in the adjacent inscriptions are designated either as Keftiu, the Egyptian name for Crete, or as "people from the jiv hrj~jb nw Wjd-wr" (Isles in the Midst of the Great Green). 1 1 2 The exact interpretation of the second term remains a matter of debate. It is likely that the Egyptians used it in a flexible way to denote the Aegean islands, sometimes including Crete or even mainland Greece. The occurrences of Aegean processions in the tombs of this period can be summarized as follows. 1 1 3 In its earliest attestation in the tomb of Senenmut ( T T 71) the standard Aegean physiognomy in Egyptian iconography appears to have already crystallized. The men have a long black hair, clean shaven faces, gentle features, and soft, dark, brownish-red skin (the same color used for the depiction of

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Egyptian men). The most remarkable iconographie detail of this picture is the exceedingly large "Vapheio" or "Keftiu" cups carried by two of the porters. A second Aegean group appears in the tomb of Useramun ( T T 131), occupying the top register of the scene of foreign gift bearers and combined with Syria-Palestinians on the lower register (figs. 11.3 and 11.4). Two further Aegean processions are depicted in the tombs of Menkheperreseneb ( T T 86) and Rekhmire ( T T 100). The first scene, which according to the dating of the tomb must be the earliest, shows two registers with Aegeans (top) and Syria-Palestinians (bottom).This lower register includes some hybrid figures that combine the features of both peoples. The simplified and conventionalized rendering of the figures and the omission of some iconographie details attested in other tombs show that the scene came from the hand of a lesser artist. This fact becomes obvious when we compare this work to the extraordinary composition of foreigners' processions in Rehkmire s tomb. 1 1 4 Here Aegeans appear in the second top register, described in the superscription as Keftiu and the Isles in the Midst of the Great Green (fig. 11.9). They have long black hair with a curl over the forehead, as well as straight or curled locks, and sandals combined with leggings. The most astonishing feature of this scene concerns the facial ornamentation seen on the majority of the porters. As Vercoutter has pointed out, these must be regarded as face paintings rather than tattoos. 115 A last representation that deserves our attention is the ambiguous male figure from the tomb of Puyemre ( T T 39). 1 1 6 His identification with an Aegean envoy is a mere hypothesis. Vercoutter may have been right in regarding him as a symbolic representation of a foreign land. 1 1 7 To these scenes one may add the almost completely lost register in the tomb of Intef ( T T 155), which shows only a pair of feet with typical Aegean footwear. 118 The habitual Aegean garment in the two earliest tombs (those of Senenmut and Useramun) is the breechcloth with "codpiece" and backflap, supported at the waist by a broad belt (fig. 11.4). In the two later tombs (those of Rekhmire and Menkheperreseneb) it is replaced with a richly embroidered kilt wrapped around the waist. 119 It is a rare fortune that this change in costume can be archaeologically documented through a palimpsest in the tomb of Rekhmire (fig. 11.9). There, after the completion of the figures, the breechcloths with codpieces were overpainted with kilts. 120 Scholars who regarded the codpieces as a Minoan and the kilts as a Mycenaean type of costume linked this palimpsest with the Mycenaean takeover of Crete. A more careful analysis of the Aegean material has shown, however, that both dresses occurred on Crete long before the alleged arrival of Mycenaeans and subsequently reflected a difference not in ethnic origin but probably in age, status,

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or activity. 121 Nevertheless, the questions of why and at whose instigation these paintings were changed or actualized remain unanswered. The items brought by the Aegeans consist of a wide array of raw materials (copper and perhaps tin ingots, silver, lapis lazuli, ivory tusks) and precious artifacts, mostly including bull-head, jackal-head, lion-head, and griffin-head rhytons, bull statuettes, vases with various zoomorphic attachments, metal jars, jugs, bowls, pithoid amphoras, cups and platters or metal vases of Egyptian origin (such as hs vases, nimm jugs, and lotus bloom chalices), further situles, leather bags with unknown content (most likely an organic substance), swords, and necklaces. 122 Many of these items, which were not indigenous in Aegean cultures, seem to have been copied from the processions of other peoples, especially those coming from Syria-Palestine. In other instances, however, the depicted artifacts show a striking resemblance to Minoan objects well represented in the archaeological record, such as bull-head rhytons, bull statuettes, some shapes of metal vases, and in particular the cups of the so-called Vapheio or Keftiu type found in the tomb of Senenmut. The Annals of Thutmose III record an instance of Aegean diplomatic gift giving in year 42, when the "Prince (wr) of Tanaja" (obviously the name used for the Greek mainland or one political center in this region) sent a "silver shawabti vessel in Keftiuan workmanship together with four bowls of iron (or copper?) with handles of silver." 123 Cretans are curiously absent in the monumental Karnak inscription, yet this may be due to its numerous lacunae. Wachsmann drew our attention to the entry that precedes the gifts from Tanaja, which records three hundred grams of "genuine lapis lazuli/' "heads of bulls" (apparently bull-head rhytons), and "native copper" sent as gifts by a country whose name has not been preserved. 124 His suggestion that this land might have been Crete is an attractive hypothesis.The nonhomogeneous origins of the gifts, however, make any secure identification impossible. One of the most interesting aspects of the Aegean processions is the respectful treatment given to them by Egyptian artists. Contrary to the Nubians or Asiatics, whose "otherness" is frequently conceived as racial or cultural inferiority (negroid physiognomy, beards, corpulent bodies, clothes made of animal skins), Aegeans' elaborate coiffures, face painting, dress, and sandals manifests how highly Egyptian artists and/or their commissioners regarded this folk. Moreover, the fact that Aegean processions appear in the tombs of the three most prominent officials in Hatshepsut s and Thutmose s reign (Senenmut, Rekhmire and Useramun) cannot be coincidental. It is likely that the official reception of an Aegean delegation was a real "event" in the Egyptian court, not to be missed by the most illustrious members of the Egyptian aristocracy.

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People from Punt The name Punt referred to a land that according to the Egyptian sources lay in the region of modern Somalia. For the representations of its inhabitants in New Kingdom iconography, the Egyptian artists borrowed the Middle Kingdom type of the "southerners," which, as mentioned earlier, differed little from the representations of Egyptians. The people from Punt have red skin and either long hair combined with a thin, long beard or alternatively short hair and a beardless face (fig. 11.8). They normally wear a plain, undecorated kilt. Apart from the short chin beard they can be distinguished as nonEgyptians by their native products. The earliest representation of a Puntite delegation appears in the tomb of Puyemre ( T T 39). It is interesting to note that in this case, and more definitely in the later tomb of Rekhmire ( T T 100), the Puntites appear as gift givers. This implies that both lands had progressively developed diplomatic contacts that run parallel to Egyptian trade missions for dispatching incense. As mentioned earlier, an expedition of this kind is recorded in the tomb of the official ( T T 143) whose name has been lost.

Hittites A male figure from the tomb of Menkheperreseneb labeled the "prince (wr) of Hatti" is considered to be the earliest pictorial representation of a Hittite in Egyptian art. He is rendered in the typical Syria-Palestinian manner. 125 The later iconographie type of male Hittites with long hair, beardless faces, protruding noses, and double chins was obviously not yet established. 126 In an attempt to explain their absence Wachsmann conjectured that the men with combined Aegean and Syrian features in the third register of the foreigners' scene in Menkheperreseneb s tomb may be members of a Hittite embassy. 127 The conflation of these two ethnic idiosyncracies would, however, make a better sense for Cypriots, who both geographically and culturally lay between the Aegean and the Levant. Some female captives with children in the scene of the inspection of slaves from Rekhmire's tomb have been regarded as having Hittite origins. 128 Yet their long hair and curious dresses, long, tight-fitting gowns that leave the shoulders free, do not suffice to support such an identification. At approximately the same time as the representation in Menkheperreseneb s tomb, Hittites are mentioned in the Annals in years 33 and 41. This parallel between pictorial and textual evidence 129 has without doubt a historical background, most likely reflecting the first encounter of Egyptians with the Hittite kingdom, which at this time was entering the international scene in the eastern Mediterranean.

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Other Nations A single depiction of a Mitannian ambassador occurs in the tomb of Iamnedjeh ( T T 84). 1 3 0 The prostrating man is introducing a procession of Syria-Palestinians. His face is not preserved. The close-cropped hair and the long garment conform to the Syria-Palestinian ethnic type. Frequent, if less concrete as to their lands of origin, are the references to Asiatic people or people carrying Asiatic names in the written sources of this period: shipyard workers and carpenters, a scribe, a building supervisor, a goldsmith and sculptor, a craftsman, a soldier, and a vintner. 131 Another foreigner who was employed in a shipyard is called the "[man] from Arzawa." 132 Finally, women with Asiatic names are attested as wives of Egyptian soldiers. 133

POLITICAL AND SOCIAL

SETTING

"Brotherhood" and the Veil of Ideology In Late Bronze Age international politics a diplomatic relationship between sovereigns took the form of a personal bond of "brotherhood," manifested in the exchange of ceremonial gifts at a level of parity. 134 In many instances the metaphor of brotherhood was filled with real meaning, since rulers offered their daughters or sisters as brides to their foreign partners, thus consolidating the friendly political relationship with blood ties. 135 The gifts mainly consisted of prestige items with a personal character and a strong symbolic content or otherwise of exotic and/or precious raw materials.Their exchange was governed by strict ethical rules obliging the partners that every gift had not only to be accepted but also reciprocated with a countergift of at least equal value. Yet the historical reality of reciprocal diplomatic contacts with foreign states threatened the inner Egyptian audience with a heavy cultural shock. For Egyptians, who had been "fed" for centuries with brutal pictorial and textual notes of the pharaoh s absolute dominance over hostile foreigners, it was unthinkable to regard the latter as equal partners of their king. 136 Hence, independent nations had to be lowered to the status of dependent ones in order to be acceptable in the terms of Egyptian decorum. In the Annals the voluntary gifts of sovereign peoples were conveniently camouflaged behind the generic term jnw, which, as mentioned earlier, meant nothing more than "offering" and could be applied to almost every type of delivery, even the compulsory ones. The deliberate vagueness of jnw, which debased a highly symbolic act at the neutral semantic level of "bringing," becomes even more

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apparent when compared with the Akkadian words for gift, šulmānu (greeting gift) and tāmartu (audience gift), whose etymology unequivocally refers to the ceremonial content of this interaction. 1 3 7 In the same manner independent countries were equalized with subjugated ones in Theban tomb paintings. T h e visitors to the tombs must have been unable to discern any difference in political status among the depicted nations. There is no reason to accuse Egyptian artists of distorting historical facts, for the same elevation obviously took place in reality, during the royal court ceremonial that provided a formal framework for the presentation of foreign g i f t s . 1 3 8 T h e chance of a propagandistic exploitation of the gifts offered by independent countries, which always required a reciprocal offering, was made available to the pharaoh by the modalities of diplomatic gift giving. According to the habitual practice, the countergifts had to be offered not simultaneously but only on a later occasion, with an Egyptian embassy to the court of the foreign gift giver. Hence, the Egyptian king always appeared in his land as a receiver of foreign gifts and never as a giver of gifts himself. T h e participants in these ceremonies and the inner Egyptian audience as a whole witnessed only the one-half of the reciprocal exchange, conceiving the gifts of independent foreigners as one directional and thus, in a sense, compulsory. It becomes apparent that as a rule the foreigners' scenes and their superscriptions did not deliberately distort historical facts. Ideological notions penetrated to the level of representation mainly because they were an integral part of political reality. There have been, however, some notable exceptions to the general equation of independent and submissive peoples. T h e most telling example are the texts accompanying the foreigners' scene in the tomb of Rekhmire. In the case of the Aegeans the inscriptions mention that their visit was motivated by "hearing o f " pharaohs "achievements" (nhtw).139 T h e coming in peace by Keftiu chiefs and the chiefs of the islands of the sea, humbly, bowing their heads down because of His Majesty's might, the king Menkheperre—given life forever! When they heard his achievements in every foreign land, their jnw were on their backs, requesting the breath, wanting to be loyal to His Majesty, so that the might of His Majesty will protect them. 1 4 0 T h e use of the verb hear (sdm) in contrast to see (m33) expresses only an indirect knowledge, referring to countries that never witnessed the king's military actions. 1 4 1 T h e notion of Aegean "loyalty" in the same passage is actually a misleading translation of the common Egyptian expression [wn] hr mw [nj. Its literal meaning, "to be in the water of someone," 1 4 2 may have ac-

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quired varying semantic nuances of a political, social, or even economic relationship and cannot be taken as an indication of submissive status. On the other hand, the superscriptions of the politically dependent Syria-Palestinians and Nubians begin with the same formulaic expressions but then continue, unambiguously stating that the "terror/dread" (hryt) of the pharaoh forced them to come. In the case of the Syria-Palestinians we read: T h e arrival in peace of the chiefs of Retenu and all the lands of Further Asia in deferential obeisance, their jnw on their backs, in the hope that there would be given to them the breath of life because of loyalty to His Majesty; for they have seen his very great victories—yea, his terribleness (hryt) has dominated their hearts. 1 4 3 Here it is emphasized that the people from Retenu not only heard but saw the pharaoh and "suffered" as a result of his actions. We certainly cannot be sure whether the tomb s visitors acknowledged such subtle differences. It is important, though, to underscore the sincere intention of the compiler of this inscription to keep it in line with historical reality. T h e commemoration of the trade expeditions to Punt or Lebanon was a more intricate matter than the theme of gift giving, because in this case a simultaneous exchange of goods took place. Egyptian texts and images, though, preferred not to fully conceal the barter but to translate it into a more "acceptable" activity. Their elegant solution was to describe the Egyptian goods offered to foreigners as offerings for the local deities. Hatshepsut s expedition to Punt made thus a sacrificial offering to Hathor of P u n t . 1 4 4 Sennefri traveled to Lebanon to offer gifts to a goddess, the name of which has not been preserved. 1 4 5 But we should not exclude the possibility that in reality the members of the Egyptian expeditions arranged this profane barter exchange as a ritual performance.

Submission T h e chiefs of the politically controlled Syria-Palestinian cities were forced to swear an oath of allegiance to the pharaoh and send their sons or brothers to Egypt as a guarantee of their loyalty. 1 4 6 In the absence of treaties, the oath constituted the only legal bond between pharaoh and vassal and had to be renewed from either side in the case of a successor. I 4 7 The conditions of this "oral treaty" were not explicitly stated, probably because there were no conditions whatsoever. T h e vassal was expected to surrender fully and shape his political behavior according to the will of his lord. Hence the noncontractual bond between the Egyptian ruler and the provincial dignitaries only

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underlined the fact of their total submission. This rather arbitrary conception of political relations was in sharp contrast to the highly developed forms of Near Eastern foreign affairs, in which all political and material stipulations of the vassals were meticulously regulated by contract. Given the absence of formal treaties, two other forms of expressing obeisance came to play a quintessential role in Egypts political relations with conquered regions: the prostration, this "great symbol of total submission"; 1 4 8 and the bringing of compulsory gifts for the pharaoh. The subjugated princes were obliged to visit Egypt on demand at regular intervals 149 in order to pay homage to the king. It is likely that this visit represented a formal act of submission, in confirming the oath and renewing the uneven relationship, and as such it had to be performed on a yearly basis. 150 The context and content of the vassals' gifts were determined in a one-sided manner. The pharaoh could demand a present without being obliged to reciprocate. Yet in some exceptional cases—as we learn from the Amarna archive— he might have done so, probably rewarding unconditional loyalty or demonstrating his personal favor. 1 5 1 In this context of disparity, we have to review the entry in year 30 of the Annals that refers to a daughter of a SyriaPalestinian ruler who traveled to Egypt accompanied by thirty slaves, obviously destined as a bride for the pharaoh. According to the ethos of gift giving among independent rulers such a distinctive gift had to be reciprocated with an exceedingly large number of countergifts to the father of the bride. A different habit prevailed, though, in the case of a vassal whose position eliminated any hope of compensation. The coercive background of such "journeys" to Egypt is unequivocally stated in a letter from the Amarna archive in which the Egyptian king orders his vassal, the ruler of Ammia, to send his daughter and gifts to Egypt. 1 5 2 Cultivating Obedience The preponderance of military violence in the yearly accounts of the Annals offers clear testimony that the "taming of the unruly foreigner" 153 was no easy task for Egyptian authorities. Even the strongest military presence could not guarantee political stability in a region inhabited by some notoriously insubordinate vassals. Egyptians recognized that the most effective way to consolidate their rule in foreign territories was to inculcate Egyptian cultural values in the members of local elites. For that purpose a considerable number of children and members of the nobility from the conquered cities were sent as hostages to Egypt. The children were brought up and educated in royal institutions such as the kap (royal nursery) together with the sons of Egyptian nobles. 154 The Egyptian education during the most sensitive and

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receptive period of their lives undoubtedly shaped the personalities of the young boys. 1 5 5 Some of them would later enjoy a career in Egypt, while others would return to their own lands to succeed their fathers on the throne. 156 In the latter case they were a formidable weapon of imperial policy, for as hereditary leaders they perpetuated the appearance of native rule and at the same time as half-Egyptians they were an integral part of Egypts imperial officialdom. The young hostages are frequently mentioned in the Annals and depicted in the foreigners' processions among other precious items offered to the pharaoh (fig. 11.5). 157 It seems that sometimes the local rulers brought their sons to the king on the occasion of an official visit in the Egyptian royal court. The most unambiguous pictorial statement of this cruel political measure occurs in the tomb of Menkheperreseneb, where the ruler of Tunip is depicted carrying on his arm a boy (apparently his own son) and presenting him to the Egyptian ruler. 158 The Interests of the Egyptian Nobility Foreigners' processions became a favorite theme in the Eighteenth Dynasty because the performance, and at a secondary stage the depiction, of these ceremonial events were deeply anchored in the power structures of Egyptian society. Their significance for the pharaoh was treated earlier. Without investing much energy he had the opportunity to present himself as a ruler of "all foreign countries." The actual procedure of receiving the gifts from foreign peoples was thus invested with a special political meaning and became a state occasion, a kind of durbar, with a formal assemblage of nobles. At exactly this juncture the ceremony of diplomatic gift giving obtained paramount importance for the members of the Egyptian aristocracy. The pharaoh could distribute favors of proximity to his officials by inviting some of them to attend this event and by excluding others. The significance of operating or simply being at the side of the king is repeatedly stressed in biographical texts of the New Kingdom, indicating that proximity and access to the pharaoh were the main determinants of social and political rank. 159 The same applies to the cases in which an official was given the honorable task of standing in for his lord and receiving the foreign delegations by himself. As testimony of such rare privileges, the depiction of a foreigners' procession in a private tomb must have constituted an impressive statement of high status. Given the fact that the monuments were constructed and decorated while their owners were still alive, the scenes represented not a mere reflexive but an integral part of this competitive struggle for social prestige. Officials who apparently were not fortunate enough to gain admission to these court ceremonies, sought to commemorate their personal experiences with foreign

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peoples, thus adding a cosmopolitan flair to their biographies. In these exceptional cases we see the deceased leading an expedition to foreign countries ( T T 99 and T T 143) or receiving a ship with Nubian produce at the harbor of Thebes ( T T 130). Here, as in the unique scene from the tomb of Amenmose ( T T 42), the authentic setting subtly but powerfully evokes an individual achievement distinguishing the tomb owner from his social rivals. Beyond this sphere of inner Egyptian social competition high officials who became involved in foreign affairs could have developed personal relationships with representatives from abroad. As we can deduce from later evidence, 160 such diplomatic visits may have lasted for several months, providing an opportunity for closer contacts, which promised advantages for both sides. A personal relationship between officials that existed independent of the royal brotherhood is clearly documented in those Amarna letters that were addressed not to the Egyptian king but to members of the bureaucratic elite. 161 It is likely that gifts received by Egyptian officials on these occasions 162 were actually meant as a baksheesh from a foreign chief or noble to "his man" in the Egyptian court, who was supposed to promote his interests before the pharaoh. 163 A comparable "lobby" of Egyptian officials acting in the interests of Syria-Palestinian or even Nubian dignitaries might have existed as early as the reign of Thutmose III, though explicit pictorial or textual evidence of gifts to persons other than the king is still lacking. 164 Economic Interests The material outcome of Egypts "imperialist" policy in the reign of Thutmose III is amply documented in the sources discussed in this chapter. Large amounts of foreign products reached Egypt as gifts from independent and conquered countries, as annual dues from obedient vassals, as "plunder" or "spoil" from cities that had rebelled against the pharaoh, and finally as goods acquired during state-sponsored expeditions to foreign territories with rich natural resources. The only category that—due to its profane character—is not mentioned in royal or private sources is foreign trade, though it was undeniably the main channel for the circulation of goods at an interregional level. The lack of such substantial evidence prevents us from attempting to evaluate statistically the evidence at hand, even if the latter might be precise and reliable in many instances. We have to content ourselves with acknowledging the extraordinary range of foreign goods that accumulated in the storerooms of state or temple institutions in Egypt proper: sheep, goats, cattle, myrrh, moringa oil, wood, turquoise, precious and semiprecious stones, ivory tusks, silver, copper, lead and tin, chariots, weapons, metal vases, and furniture from Syria-Palestine; gold, minerals, cattle, exotic animals, animal

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skins, ostrich feathers and eggs, ivory tusks, logs of ebony from Nubia, metal vases, minerals, weapons, and textiles from the Aegean; copper, lead, lapis lazuli, and wood from Cyprus (or some Asiatic regions) and lapis lazuli from Assyria and Babylonia. 165 Unsurprisingly, the two major contributors were Syria-Palestine and Nubia. As already stressed, their deliveries to Egypt represented only a portion of the enumerable goods locally raised by the Egyptian administrative apparatus. The large remainder was redistributed at the domestic level. Yet those goods reaching Egypt combined with the gifts of the independent countries were so abundant as to form a kind of regular income for the pharaoh or the state. 166 A considerable portion of them was further distributed within a ceremonial sphere of exchange in order to satisfy the enormous material demands deriving from the religious, political, and social obligations of the king. The lions share was evidently donated to the temple of Amun. The king s generosity became a topos in royal and private inscriptions, which despite their highly formalized character offer an interesting testimony for the regularity of these donations. 167 Another portion was given as rewards to members of the nobility and lower officials 168 or even sent to other foreign kings in the course of diplomatic gift exchange.169 The victorious expeditions of Thutmose produced a sizable reservoir of slaves, which was exploited as a cheap labor force in many sectors of the palace and temple economy (large building programs, workshops, agricultural production). Slaves were sent to Egypt not only as spoils of war but also as gifts or the fulfillment of yearly stipulations. In the fragmentarily preserved passages of the Annals around 7,300 prisoners or slaves are mentioned. 170 The first campaign of Thutmose returned home carrying around 2,500 captives from cities in the region of Megiddo, including members of the local aristocracy, slaves, and deserters. 171 Although the numbers recorded in the sources of this period are not high enough as to indicate mass deportations of conquered populations, they clearly demonstrate the economic significance of foreign laborers for the Egyptian economy. It seems likely that a considerable, though not essential, part of Egyptian wealth during Thutmose Ills reign was founded on the exploitation of forced labor. Slaves were also given by the king as rewards to officials who followed him in the campaigns. 172 Yet the major beneficiary was again the temple of Amun. The Annals record in an unfortunately fragmentarily preserved passage 1,588 "Kharians" (Syrians) assigned to the temple by the king and provide supplementary evidence for their employment as weavers and cultivators of the temples estates. 173 Finally, the references to foreign qualifying personnel are sporadic. Worth mentioning is the frequency of the occurrence of Syria-Palestinian names among the workers in the royal dockyard of Prw-nfr, where interestingly the

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Asiatic gods Baal and Astarte were worshiped. 1 7 4 It is, however, not clear whether this strong foreign presence indicates that Egyptians appreciated and relied on Syria-Palestinians' technical know-how in shipping. 1 7 5 Assimilation T h e foreigners from conquered regions who settled in Egypt were by definition slaves. They might have been registered and assigned professions by Egyptian bureaucratic institutions, yet they remained socially rootless and could seldom escape the fate of a humble life. Normally they were employed as farmers and laborers. At this lowest social level the pace of their assimilation was very slow, since adaptation to an Egyptian way of life was not regarded as essential on either side (the foreigners or their employers). Despite the extremely constrained social mobility of slaves, there are references to individuals who were absorbed by Egyptian societal structures and gradually rose to positions of distinction. These exceptional cases were clearly a matter of personal relationships rather than social dynamics. Since slave status provided no opportunity for social promotion, it is very likely it was possible only by means of manipulation from above, in other words, by a sufficiently strong master who rewarded a loyal slave with a better life. We know at least two foreigners from the reign of Hathsepsut who were given prominent positions, the Hurrian engineer Benya and the treasurer Nehesy, who was possibly of Nubian origin. 1 7 6 One of the most notable individual careers in Thutmose I l l s reign is that of Pas-Bacal, a prisoner of the Asiatic campaigns of Thutmose, who became chief architect in the temple of Amun, an office his descendants held for at least six generations. I 7 7 The prerogative for such social climbing was to totally adopt Egyptian cultural values. 1 7 8 T h e enormous significance of successful assimilation becomes apparent when one realizes that Egyptian social identity was not physically predestined but culturally achieved. 179 T h e "tight" character of Egyptian society was not based on a sense of ethnic homogeneity in terms of blood, color, or physiognomy but primarily on the embeddedness of an individual in his social group and his willingness to accept and cultivate connective bonds in every social context. 1 8 0 Egyptians apparently did not differentiate between a "stranger" and a "foreigner," because both were regarded in a sense as nonEgyptian. T h e social acceptance of a person was defined by his position within a dense network of mutual relationships and his adaptation to the "Egyptian way of life." T h e latter meant, of course, the living standards of the Egyptian elite, a savoir vivre embracing a distinct ethos as well as a cultivated attitude and appearance. 181 Given the fact that the Egyptian lower classes were caricatured in the same way as foreigners we may imagine that

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they appeared to the elite no less "alien" than a man from Syria-Palestine or Nubia. Finally, it is perhaps worthwhile to cast a glance at a papyrus in the Louvre that in a few lines contains the most vivid account of a slave s life in Egypt. The Nubian Amen-iywy was captured by the royal barber Si-Bastet during a military campaign, served him as a slave, married his niece, and was liberated in the twenty-seventh year of Thutmose Ills reign. 1 8 2 The secret of Amenius "happy ending" lies in the name of the bride: Ta-Kemnet, "the blind one." The Appeal of the Exotic Egypts encounter with foreign peoples, ideas, beliefs, natural products, and artifacts generated a cultural awareness that went beyond the cruel matters of political dominance and economic exploitation. The apparent interest of Egyptians in exotica was repeatedly manifested in textual and pictorial evidence. The meaning of the term bj3t (marvels), used in naming the products dispatched by the Punt expeditions, is suggestive for the impact they had on the Egyptian population. One should expect to find the same word applied to the exotic products of other foreign countries, yet in these cases political necessities imposed the use of a different formulaic expression. In the tomb scenes the artists are keen to represent those cultural peculiarities or items that were alien to the Egyptian audience. The most noteworthy examples are exotic animals, including giraffes, leopards, bears, and an elephant, which are vividly depicted in the tombs of Rekhmire ( T T 100), Ineni ( T T 81), and Iamnedjeh ( T T 84). Sometimes the identification of exotic animal species clearly exceeded the zoological knowledge of Egyptian bureaucrats, who classified them as "unknown" or mentioned them in descriptive terms. In year 33 of the Annals a land, the name of which has not been preserved, sent "two unknown birds" and "four birds which give birth daily." 183 The latter entry represents the earliest reference to the chicken in the Mediterranean area. Royal and private inscriptions stress the pharaoh s own experiences with wild creatures abroad. 184 In year 33, on the homeward march after the defeat of Mitanni, the king hunted izo elephants in Niya. 1 8 5 During a Nubian expedition he captured a rhinoceros, a great rarity in Egyptian records. 186 Over and above these "deeds," which were dictated by an ancestral doctrine of Egyptian kingship, Thutmose showed an unexpected scientific interest in exotic fauna. During his campaign into Lebanon in year 25 the king collected "all rare plants and beautiful flowers" in order to donate them to the temple of Amun at Karnak. Equally exceptional was the fact that this array of plants not epidemic in Egypt was commemorated with botanical meticulousness in the reliefs (the so-called Botanical Garden of Thutmose III) decorating small

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rooms at the back of the Festival Hall at Karnak. 1 8 7 About twenty years earlier Hatshepsut had created her own "botanical garden/' transplanting incense trees from Punt in front of her mortuary temple at Deir el Bahari. It is not quite clear whether her purpose was only to adorn the temple with a Puntite "theme park" It cannot be excluded that the queen sought to cultivate the exotic trees in Egypt, thus ensuring an effortless acquisition of their valuable aromatic gum. 1 8 8 Ideas, morals, and beliefs moved more freely and uncontrollably than their bearer and penetrated different levels and contexts of Egyptian society. Their influence is traceable but not profound enough to change Egyptian cultural perceptions. Foreign gods appeared in the Egyptian pantheon, and foreign words made their way into the Egyptian—spoken and written—language, yet in both cases the time of this adoption cannot be dated with certainty. 189 At the level of iconography we acknowledge some glimpses of foreign influence. Aegean textiles, certainly one of the major export goods of this region, were highly appreciated by Egyptians, as one can deduce from the ceiling decoration of some private tombs, which clearly imitates the elaborate patterns of Aegean dresses or tapestry. 190 Finally, some workshop scenes inTheban tombs document the manufacturing of "Syrian" vases, thus supplying a further, indirect, testimony of foreign influence. 191

EPILOGUE

The surprisingly faithful information provided by the Annals and the Theban tomb paintings enables a multileveled approach to the presence of foreigners in Egypt, casting light on the political, ideological, social, and economic dimensions of this phenomenon.The "historicity" of either source becomes a very interesting fact in itself when one seeks to explain what might have stimulated it. It is unlikely that real events reached the surface of pictorial and written evidence because of a sudden "historical awareness" of Egyptian artists and authors or their commissioners. The most plausible explanation is that in the heyday of Egyptian hegemony in the Levant and Nubia historical facts began to confirm ancestral dogmas of Egyptian dominance over foreign peoples. The favorable political situation thus made a reality of a "pattern" that, due to its reassuring potency, had not to be obscured but demonstrated. As a consequence, images and texts gradually became more transparent, even though some unpalatable truths of equality were still carefully translated into more "adequate" language for the Egyptian audience. In a similar way, historical circumstances left their traces on the Egyptian attitude toward peoples from abroad. The everyday encounter with the

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obedient foreign slave who devotedly served his Egyptian master undermined the validity of a traditional ideology that regarded foreigners as demonic creatures. Though socially inferior, Nubians and Asiatics were accepted as human beings and given the opportunity to adapt to the Egyptian way of life. That Egyptians began to appreciate not only foreign individuals but also foreign cultures becomes evident through their awareness of "exotic" goods and habits. T h e physiognomy, coiffure, dress, animals, plants, and artifacts of people from distant regions became the object of a "scientific" interest, revealing an Egyptian intention not to avoid but to come in closer acquaintance with other cultures. About a century later the slow transition to a new behavioral pattern culminated in Akhenatens "Song to Aton," which contains an astonishingly open-minded view of foreign lands and peoples. 1 9 2 There can be little doubt that the decisive steps in this intellectual process were made in the reign of Thutmose III, who lived and acted "abroad" longer than any other Egyptian king.

NOTES

—

1. There is no reason to believe that Hatshepsut was a pacifist, since there is reliable evidence for at least four, and perhaps even six, military campaigns during her reign, at least one of which she led in person; see Redford (1967) 57—62. Put into this proper perspective, the unusual prominence given by her to the Punt expedition becomes even more significant. The seemingly banal explanation that an emphasis on peaceful rather than military actions suits matriarchal tenets of queenship better is not to be fully discarded, although Hatshepsut evidently was eager to represent herself as a male pharaoh. 2. It is unlikely that mere military tactics forced Thutmose III to lead seventeen Asiatic campaigns in person. His regular participation seems to have been dictated primarily by political considerations instead, for it invested the military activities with a particular ceremonial content. In these "parades of force" (see Wilson [1951] 180) the cardinal role of the pharaoh was not to act but to be seen. 3. Such finds cannot always be taken as a clear evidence for foreign activities in Egypt, for they might have been acquired by Egyptian trade missions. 4. Urk. IY647—756. 5. See Panagiotopoulos (2000) 147. 6. Urk. IV693.11, 694.7-8. 7. The historical authenticity of these lists gains further credence when one compares them with goods and amounts mentioned in the Amarna letters; see Panagiotopoulos (2000) 147, n. 95. 8. For the recent ongoing debate on the interpretation of this word, see ibid., 149—50; and idem (2001) 270—71 (with further references). 9. Gardiner (1947) 127. 10. Haring (1997) 18, 47—51, 84, 183—85, 205—6, 249—50. 11. The same applies for tribute as well.

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12. Liverani (1990) 263; Bleiberg (1984) 158, n. 8; Spalinger (1996) 363. 13. These are recorded in at least eight years in the Annals (Years 23, 29, 31, 33, 34, 35, 38, 42). 14. Urk. IY702.4—6, 720.6—7. 15. See Panagiotopoulos (2000) 147—51. 16. See, for example, Urk. IV713.7. 17. See Römer (1994) 378—80. 18. Urk. IV667.10—15; see also Panagiotopoulos (2000) 148. Other Karnak inscriptions mention that the pharaoh donated three cities in Palestine (in fact, their annual produce) to the temple of Amun; see Urk. IV185.15—186.8, 744.3—8. 19. Ibid., 700.8, 713.6, 719.10, 723.7. 20. See p. 375. 21. Bleiberg (1988); Janssen (1993), esp. 91—94; Römer (1994) 385; Panagiotopoulos (2000) 148—49. 22. In this context the word tax is more adequate than tribute, for the conquered territories had been incorporated in the administrative system of the pharaonic state and exploited in much the same terms as the regions in Egypt proper. 23. Römer (1994) 409—10. 24. Panagiotopoulos (2000) 149, with n. 118. 25. The compiler of the inscription was obviously copying an official document that recorded only the totals of jnw from Retenu (see the following discussion). In this respect the old characterization of the Annals as a "statistical table" or "statistical inscription" seems fully justified; see Grapow (1949) 6, n. 7. 26. Panagiotopoulos (2000) 144—46; for the political background of this coercive gift giving see the following discussion. 27. Urk. IY694.3-8. 28. Ibid., 695.8—696.12. 29. See, for example, ibid., 695.9—696.12. 30. Kemp (1978a) 33. 31. This economic strategy can be conceived as the combination of a "staple finance" and "wealth finance" system applied on a local and interregional level, respectively; see Smith (1995) 19—22, fig. 1.5, 167—73; i n the same vein, see Kemp (1978a) 31, 33. 32. For the interchangeable use of jnw and b3kw in the Amarna period, see Urk. IV2006.14—20: "Appearing of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Akhenaton and the Great King s Wife Nefertiti, upon the great high-throne of fine gold in order to receive the jnw of Syria, Kush, the West, and the East, all the foreign countries being gathered in one place. [Then] the Islands in the Midst of the Sea offered jnw to the king upon the great throne of Akhet-Aton of receiving b3kw of every foreign land" (translated in Bleiberg [1988] 165—66, no. 5). 33. Urk. IV1442.4—7; for a translation, see Cumming (1984) 139. See also Bleiberg (1988) 167, no. 19. 34. Urk. IY693.8-14. 35. Grapow (1949) 29—30. 36. Some cardinal aspects of this theme are treated in Aldred (1970); Redford (1967) 120—28; Shaheen (1988); and Panagiotopoulos (2001). 37. Each register is normally dedicated to one ethnic group. 38. Vercoutter (1956a) 188—95; Shaheen (1988) passim; Panagiotopoulos (2001) 268—70, 273-74-

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39. Dorman (1988); idem (1991). 40. Dorman (199 1 ) 32—33* 41. Wachsmann (1987), pl. X X I I I B. 42. Säve-Söderbergh (1957) 15, pis. X I I B and X I I I . 43. Dziobek (1992) 33—36, pis. 1—3, 48, and 60. 44*

33-34*

45. Porter and Moss (i960) 242, T T 127 (7). 46. Urk. IV512.13. 47. Wreszinski (1923), pl. 340. 48. Dziobek (1994) 89—90, pis. 73 and 91a. 49. Ibid., 91—92, pis. 20—24, 92—93, and frontispiece; see also Wachsmann (1987) 31—32. 50. Davies (1922) 102—4, P^s* X L I I and X L I I I . 51. Ibid., 79-87, pis. X X X - X X X I I , X X X I I I B, and X X X I V 52. Ibid., 87-92, pis. X X I I I A, X X X V I , and frontispiece. 53. Davies (1933) 3—9, pis. 3—7 and 20. 54. See Aldred (1970) 115—16. 55. Wachsmann (1987) 34—35. 56. Davies (1933) 10—11, pis. I X and X I X . 57. Davies (1943) 17-30, pis. X V I I - X X I I I . 58. For the educational versus aesthetic capacities of this picture, see ibid., 18. 59. Ibid., pl. II. This detail has been copied by an inferior artist in the tomb of Iamnedjeh (see the subsequent discussion of this tomb). 60. Ibid., 4 7 - 4 8 , pl. LVII. 61. Davies (1941) 96—98, pl. XIII; idem (1942) 50—52, pl. V 62. This phrase obviously refers to the first day of the original lunar year; see Aldred (1970) 115. Cf. the superscription in the tomb of Menkheperreseneb ( T T 86). 63. Urk. IV952.4. 64. Wreszinski (1923), pi. 270. 65. Davies (1942) 51. 66. Davies (1934) 189—92, pl. X X V 67. Davies (1933) 30—31, pl. X X X V I . 68. Ibid., 28-30, pis. X X I I I - X X X V 69. Urk. IV532—535. 70. Porter and Moss (i960) 205, T T 99 (5); Shaheen (1988) 168—71. See also Gordon (2001) 54771. Porter and Moss (i960) 255—56, T T 143 (6). 72. Parts of the scene are reproduced in Wreszinski (1923), pis. 347 and 348. For the texts, see Urk. IV1472.15—1473.11. 73. Davies (1943) 54—55, pi. LVIII, upper register; Helck (1971a) 345. 74. Porter and Moss (i960) 415, T T 349 (2). 75. T h e Apiru were a distinct ethnic group of seminomadic character that lived on the margins of Syria-Palestinian culture. They enjoyed a semi-independent status and had a bad reputation; see Redford (1992) 195. 76. Säve-Söderbergh (1952); Helck (1971a) 486. 77. Wreszinski (1923), pis. 76 (a, b). 78. Davies (1913) 15—16, pl. V I I . 79. Cf. the superscriptions in the tombs of Puyemre ( T T 39), Iamnedjeh ( T T 84), Amenemheb ( T T 85), Menkheperreseneb ( T T 86), and Rekhmire ( T T 100).

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80. For a few exceptions citing other regions within the Syria-Palestinian territory, see the ensuing discussion. 81. Urk. IY688.3-16. 82. Cf. years 31, 34, 38, and 42. 83. Seep. 373. 84. This follows the example of the Hatshepsuts Punt reliefs; see the ensuing discussion. 85. Cf. the presence of Egyptians with sticks and axes, who are responsible for keeping order in the scene from Ineni s tomb, in Dziobek (1992), pis. ia and 2. 86. Urk. IV742—44. 87. As mentioned earlier, the exact nature of the Nubian deliveries cannot be defined with certainty. It is possible that their legal character did not substantially differ from the jnw gifts of the Syria-Palestinians. 88. 89. 90. 91.

See p. 399—400. Shaheen (1988) 277-78, 281-82. See, for example, Wachsmann (1987) 7—9. See, for example, Pritchard (1951) 41; and Wachsmann (1987) 121—23.

92. See Davies (1930) 32, which states that "the ancient artist was schooled as no modern is, and was bound to traditional forms and types, for which some master of the past, acclaimed for his genial combination of realism with conventional simplifications, had set the norm." 93. Winlock (1948); Lilyquist (2004). 94. Urk. IV669.1—3. 95. Cypriot ceramics, mainly including white slip milk bowls and base ring jugs and juglets, appear most commonly. Minoan or Mycenaean wares occur only sporadically. 96. All four of them appear in the large scene of the presentation of jnw in the tomb of Rekhmire, which thus epitomizes the geographical knowledge acquired by Egyptian artists in the reign of Thutmose III. 97. N . de G. Davies' succinct comment on the geographical knowledge of the artist who worked on the tomb of Amenemheb ("Everything northern was Syrian to him") seems therefore to reflect a general phenomenon; see Davies (1934) 191. 98. The interpretation of the word isy attested once in the Annals (Urk. IV707.16), as referring to Cyprus is possible yet not certain. 99. Syria-Palestinians are the most frequently attested foreign group in Theban tomb paintings, see Porter and Moss (i960) T T 39 (8)—(9), (ii) and (12); 42 (4) and (5); 81 (5); 84 (9); 85 (17); 86 (8); 100 (4), (13), and (14); 119 (1); 131 (11); 155 (3) and (5). 100. See Pritchard (1951); and Redford (1992) 196, fig. 7. 101. Pritchard (1951) 40. 102. Ibid. 103. Helck (1971a) 333-34. 104. Pritchard (1951) 40. 105. Ibid., 40—41. 106. Helck (1971a) 335. 107. For Nubians in Egyptian pictorial evidence, see Drenkhahn (1967). 108. Nubians are represented in six tombs dating to the reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. See Porter and Moss (i960) T T 22 (4); T T 39 (5); T T 81 (5); T T 84 (5); T T 100 (4), (13), and (14); and T T 349 (2). 109. The Nubians in the tomb of Puyemre ( T T 39) are dressed, however, in linen kilts; see Davies (1922), pi. XLIII.

THUTMOSE III no. For a bibliography of previous research on the Aegeans, see Rehak (1998) 40, n. 12. See also the more recent Pinch Brock (2000); and Panagiotopoulos (2001). hi. For a single exception, see Pinch Brock (2000). 112. Both terms are discussed in Vercoutter (1956a) 33—123,125—58; Sakellarakis and Sakellarakis (1984); Wachsmann (1987) 93—99; Haider (1988) 1—8; Osing (1992a) 273—80; idem (1992b) 25—36; Cline (1994) 32, 108—14, cat. nos. A7—A31, 116—20 and A38—A59; idem (1998a) 237—40; and Helck (1995) 21—30. 113. For bibliographical references to the scenes described here, see their earlier treatment, with the appropriate notes. 114. Wachsmann (1987) 35—37. 115. Vercoutter (1956a) 238—40, pis. V I I and VIII. 116. Wachsmann (1987) 29—31. 117. Vercoutter (1956a) 206; see also Wachsmann (1987) 30. 118. Wachsmann (1987) 31. 119. Rehak (1996). 120. Wachsmann (1987) 44—45; Rehak (1996) 36. Some vases have also been changed. See Rehak (1998) 41, with n. 20; and Pinch Brock (2000) 137. 121. 122. 123. (1998a)

Sapouna-Sakellaraki (1971) 229; Rehak (1996); idem (1998) 42—45. See Wachsmann (1987) 49—92. Urk. IV733.4—7. ForTanaja, see Cline (1994) 32,114—16, cat. nos. A32—A37; and idem 238—41.

124. Wachsmann (1987) 55. 125. Helck (1971a) 328. 126. Ibid., 328—30. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131.

Wachsmann (1987) 8. Davies (1943) 48, pl. LVII. See Shaheen (1988) 177 and 178. Davies (1941) 97, pl. XIII. Helck (1971a) 354, 356, 357, 358, and 367.

132. Ibid., 356. 133. Ibid., 362 and 363. 134. For an in-depth treatment, see Zaccagnini (1973); idem (1983), esp. 198—227; idem (1987); and Liverani (1990) 255—66. In Egypts relations with foreign states the concept of brotherhood is explicitly stated in the Amarna letters; see Moran (1992) xxiv. 135. Liverani (1990) 197—98. 136. Liverani (ibid., 144) summed up this Egyptian doctrine as: "The best foreigner is a dead one, next comes a submitted one" 137. Zaccagnini (1973) 198—99, 202—3. 138. See Panagiotopoulos (2001) 269, 274—75. 139. For the term nhtw ("strength/force," in this context "achievements"), see Galan (1995), esp. 41—42, 90—100. 140. Urk. IV1098.14—1099.3. F ° r the translation, see Galan (1995) 91. 141. Galan (1995) 92—93. The inscription in Useramuns tomb mentions that the Aegean came because of the kings b3w (fame, power); see Dziobek (1994) 91.The same word occurs in the superscription of the Puntite processions in Rekhmires tomb; see Urk. IV1097.13. 142. Lorton (1974) 87—89. 143. Urk. IV1101.14—1102.4. F ° r the translation, see Davies (1943) 27. 144. See the discussion in Liverani (1990) 240—46.

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145. Ibid., 240—46, esp. 243 and 244. For Sennefri, see my earlier discussion. 146. Helck (1971a) 246—47; Kemp (1983) 45—47; Liverani (1990) 230—39; Redford (1992) 178 and 198. 147. Helck (1971) 136, 246—47. 148. Wittfogel (1957) 152. 149. Redford (1992:199) states that "a trip to Egypt at some point in their careers could scarcely be avoided, as the king required Canaanite nobility to grace his court at festivals." 150. For the ethical and political codex determining the giving of compulsory gifts, see Zaccagnini (1973) 170—79. 151. For gift exchange between the pharaoh and his vassals in the Amarna correspondence, see Panagiotopoulos (2000) 144—46. 152. Moran (1992), E A 99:10—20; see also Panagiotopoulos (2000) 145. 153. Kemp (1997) 128. 154. Bresciani (1997) 232 and 241. 155. Redford (1992) 198—99. 156. This is explicitly mentioned in the Annals. See Urk. IV690.1—5; and Helck (1971a) 350. 157. For an extensive treatment, see Feucht (1990) 184—200; and Helck (1971a) 155 and 350. 158. Davies (1933), pi. 4. 159. Panagiotopoulos (2001) 273—74. 160. For an extreme case, see Moran (1992) E A 3:13—15. 161. Ibid., E A 40, E A 77, E A 82, E A 86, E A 87, E A 93, E A 102, E A 158, E A 164, E A 166, E A 167, and E A 169. 162. Gifts for the Egyptian officials are implicitly or explicitly mentioned in at least three Amarna letters; see ibid., E A 40:12—15, E A 77:7—15, and E A 158:14—19. 163. Contra Redford (1992) 227, the scenes of foreigners' processions as a whole cannot be lowered to the level of baksheesh, for they represented a much more significant and complex political and diplomatic phenomenon. 164. For a slightly later example, which seems, however, to have a private rather than political background, see Säve-Söderbergh (1957) 25—26, pl. X X I I I . 165. See Helck (1971a) 370—427. 166. Smith (1995) 171—-73. 167. Helck (1971a) 345. 168. Smith (1995) 170. 169. For gifts circulated from one court to another, see Zaccagnini (1987) 58 and 64. 170. Redford (1992) 208; see also Helck (1971a) 342—43 and 347. For the relevant iconographie evidence on slaves from the Theban private tombs, see Shaheen (1988) 302—4. 171. Helck (1971a) 342—43. 172. Ibid., 343-44. 173. Urk. IV742.10—743.8; cf. 781, 1102—3. See also Helck (1971a) 345; and Redford (1992) 174. Säve-Söderbergh (1946) 37; Helck (1971a) 501. 175. See the skeptical comment of Säve-Söderbergh (1946: 53): "Syrian influence on Egyptian shipping cannot, or course, be deduced from the fact that some Syrians are employed in Prw-nfr to saw timber." 176. Redford (1967) 77. 177. Redford (1992) 225. 178. Redford (ibid., 214—37, esp. 229) sees the presence of foreigners in Egypt as a "mosaic, not melting pot," arguing on the basis of their indigenous names that they remained

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ethnically distinct. See, however, Kemp (1997) 128: "Over the entire pharaonic period (with the exception of the Second Intermediate Period), the many known foreign groups in the Nile Valley and Delta do not show up in the archeological record. It is as if all those Asiatics, Libyans, and 'Peoples of the Sea* left their identifying remarks at Egypts threshold before they crossed over, with the exception sometimes of their indigenous names which could be handed on through several generations." 179. Assmann (1996) 80. 180. Ibid., 80. 181. Ibid., 84; Kemp (1997) 128: "Egyptianness was not a matter of birth but of outward appearance." 182. Urk. IV1369; Redford (1992) 230; Bresciani (1997) 231; Loprieno (1997) 206. 183. See Urk. IV700.11—14. Helck (1971a: 395) suggests an identification with Persia. 184. For an extensive account, see Urk. IV1245.12—1246.3. 185. Ibid., 893.14—17. 186. Ibid., 1246.3, 1248.1—13. 187. See Stevenson Smith (1965) 161, fig. 199: "These (sc. the plants) are shown with their roots, like botanical specimens, rather than as growing in their natural habitat." Gombrich (1961) 78 regards them as the earliest instance of "illustrated reportage." For the inscription, see Urk. IV775.15—777.2—3. 188. See Liverani (1990: 246, with n. 27), who favors, however, ideological rather than economic motives. 189. Redford (1992) 231—33, 236—37. 190. Barber (1991) 340—42, 347—48, color pi. 3. It is certainly no coincidence that two of these tombs (Menkheperreseneb [ T T 86] and Intef [ T T 155]) include representations of Aegean embassies. 191. Helck (1971a) 408. 192. Helck (1964) 113.

TWELVE

The End of the Reign and the Accession of Amenhotep II PETER DER

B

MANUELIAN

y the close of his fifth decade on the throne, Thutmose III surveyed a landscape that had radically changed from the one he inherited alongside his aunt, the dowager queen Hatshepsut, so many decades before. 1 Much of the eastern Mediterranean world had come under the Egyptian sphere of influence.The Eighteenth Dynasty warrior pharaoh tradition, with the full patronage of the state deity Amun-Re, king of the gods, was in full bloom, 2 and a cosmopolitan age had begun to influence the major metropolitan areas along the Nile. Thutmose s buildings dotted the landscape up and down the river,3 and some of his innovative wall decorations reflect an awareness of the past, 4 as well as an attention to detail,5 absent from the reigns of his predecessors. In year 47, about the time the so-called dishonoring of Hatshepsut was taking place,6 Thutmose traveled south to Nubia, the site of several earlier campaigns, even though most of his military attention had been focused to the northeast of Egypt. 7 Exercising Egypts hegemony over her southern neighbor as far as the Fourth Cataract, Thutmose erected a granite commemorative victory stela in front of the temple of Amun at the holy mountain site of Gebel Barkal (fig. iz.i > 8 He may have erected a similar monument in his thirty-third regnal year at the northern limit of his campaigns, somewhere along the great bend of the Euphrates in Syria. 9 The Barkal stela text primarily describes Thutmose s conquests in Asia. Beneath the lunette showing the king presenting offerings before (erased) figures of the god Amun-Re, fifty lines of hieroglyphs extol the might of the king. The text records his victorious campaigns in Naharin, 1 0 his elephant hunt in Niya, the Battle of Megiddo, lists of tribute, a royal speech with replies by courtiers,

THUTMOSE III and closing hymns of adoration. This monument, now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, provides one of the last major inscriptions of Thutmose III and is a fitting summary of several aspects of the king s reign. Seven years later Thutmose died and was laid to rest in K V 34. His son Amenhotep II took his place on the throne. What was the king s legacy? What had Thutmose contributed to the N e w Kingdom monarchic tradition in particular and to the Egyptian experience in general? Did his immediate successors move on in innovative directions of their own, as did Thutmose III upon the death of his aunt, or did they merely ape Thutmose s achievements in words but not deeds? In his long Barkal inscription, Thutmose, referring to Amun-Re, states: "I have seized the southerners by command of his ka and the northerners according to his guidance" (line 2). N o hint of the struggle yet to come between the priesthood and the monarchy in the later reigns of the dynasty surfaces here. 1 1 Going on to describe his control over lands both to the north and south of Egypt, Thutmose strings a number of self-laudatory epithets together: " T h e perfect god who seizes with his strong arm, who smites the southerners, who decapitates the northerners, who smashes the heads of those of evil character and massacres the Asiatic nomads, who overthrows the sand dwellers and subdues the lands at the ends of the earth, who smites the nomads of Nubia and reaches the borders of foreign lands that attacked him. He rages when anyone confronts him on the battlefield" (lines 2—3). Doubtless intended to impress and intimidate his Nubian adversaries, the king writes that he is more valuable than a million troops (lines 4—5), one whose "scorching breath attacks them as a flame, making them nonexistent, prostrate in their own blood" (line 6). As a result, Mitanni was reportedly overthrown in as little as one hour (line 6). His "southern boundary is at the farthest reaches, at the end of this land (Egypt), [and his] northern boundary is at the ends of Asia, at the pillars of heaven" (line 8). Thutmose relates the innovative expansion of his navy as he campaigned in Western Asia. Lebanese cedar was used for ship manufacture, and the vessels were subsequently hauled overland on oxcarts "in order to cross that great river which flows between this land and Naharin" (line 12). After vanquishing a rival chieftain who attacked him in the lands of the Mitanni, the king erected a stela "upon that mountain of Naharin, cut from the mountain on the western side of the Euphrates" (line 13). Thutmose had "bound together the nine bows, the islands in the midst of the ocean, the [Aegean] isles, and the rebellious foreign lands. I turned [line 15] back to the south to Egypt, after I had loosed my strong arm over Naharin." T h e narrative jumps back and forth between campaigns in Syria-Palestine and actions taken in Nubia, site of the Barkal stela itself. In line 17 we read

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of the king s victorious battle against a herd of 1 zo elephants by the marshes of Niya. Although the hyperbole runs thick here, Thutmose states: "I have said this without boasting; there is no [line 18] falsehood therein. . . . What the sun disk encircles is in my grasp"The only mention of a specific campaign comes in line 19, when the king relates how the god decreed to him the foreign lands of Syria, starting with a battle against "millions" of men by the valley of Qina. Thereupon followed the seven-month siege of Megiddo. The result was total surrender, the delivery of tribute and weapons, and the famous oath of allegiance (lines 24—25). All the kings adversaries, to the north and the south, were now made to "serve me as one, being subject to taxes in millions of the many [line 28] products of the earths farthest reaches, of the abundant gold of Wawat, the quantity of which is unlimited " Ebony and ivory were shipped north from Nubia, as well as a large amount of timber for the construction of naval vessels. Lebanese cedar from Djahy (Phoenicia) is also mentioned.The king then describes what sounds like a meteor shower of deadly force: "Listen, O' people of the southland who are in Gebel Barkal, which was called Thrones of the Two Lands among the people before it was known. May you know the miracle of [Amun-Re] before the totality of the two lands.... [T]he (guards) were about to come to meet in the night and to carry out the watch according to regulations. It was the second hour, when a star ascended to the south of them, the like of which had never happened. It situated itself over against them, in its precise place. N o one was able to stand, falling in heaps of corpses" (lines 33—35). Filled with victorious reminiscence, impressive speeches, and complete patronage on the part of the gods, the Gebel Barkal stela is indeed a fitting testament to the waning years of one of the most charismatic reigns in Egyptian history. Thutmose III does not, however, mention at this stage any plans for the future. N o t surprisingly for such a commemorative, primarily propagandist s text, no representation of the future Amenhotep II, either as prince or in a coregency setting, appears in the lunette. N o hint at a "staff of old age" (i.e., a coregent) is forthcoming in the text. Amenhotep II was apparently not the originally intended heir to his fathers throne. 12 Although he was the son of the great wife, MeryetreHatshepsut (II), 1 3 a previous wife of Thutmose III named Satiah may have borne a son named Amenemhat, although filiation is not specifically stated. 14 In Thutmose I l l s twenty-fourth year, this Amenemhet was called the "kings eldest son" and was appointed to the position of overseer of the cattle of Amun, according to an inscription from the kings Festival Hall at Karnak. 1 5 At this time, Thutmose s great wife was still Satiah, who probably lived into the kings fourth decade on the throne. 16 Within the decade between years 24 and 35, prince Amenemhet died, Satiah disappeared, and Thutmose mar-

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ried the nonroyal Meryetre-Hatshepsut (II), who then bore the future Amenhotep II, along with a number of other children (including Nefertari, Isis, Meryetamun, and Baket). 1 7 Thutmose s marriage probably occurred around the middle of his fourth decade. 18 As Amenhotep U s Sphinx stela reports, the young prince was eighteen years old at his accession; thus, his fathers marriage probably dates to late in his reign. 19 Gauthier lists one other possible brother for Amenhotep II, namedThutmose, 2 0 and Robins has drawn attention to a certain prince Menkheperre represented on the British Museum seated statue of Khuwy. 2 1 Amenhotep s sister, Meryetamun, 2 2 also born to Meryetre-Hatshepsut, was a "kings daughter" (of Thutmose III) and "king s sister" (of Amenhotep II). Helck has shown that, contrary to previous belief, she was never married to Amenhotep. 2 3 T h e so-called three foreign princesses of Thutmose III seem to have had no bearing on the royal succession. 24 Can we pinpoint the chronological events at the end of Thutmose I l l s reign? To consider the issues of chronology and succession, a number of fragmentary sources are noteworthy. T h e first is the astronomical evidence: the lunar dates of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II have a direct bearing on the period of succession between the two pharaohs, not to mention larger ramifications for N e w Kingdom chronology in general. Critical questions include the final length of Thutmose s reign, and the evidence for a coregency with Amenhotep II. Evidence surviving in relative, rather than absolute, chronological contexts also plays an important role in any reconstruction of events at this important juncture in Eighteenth Dynasty history. T h e Egyptian month lasted either twenty-nine or thirty days and was determined by observation in the early morning. When the moons crescent was no longer visible in the morning sky, the first day of the new month (psdntyw) was declared to begin at sunrise. 25 Conversely, if the crescent moon was still visible the coming dawn was declared the thirtieth and last day of the month and the following day became psdntyw.26 In any given lunar cycle, psdntyw tended to fall on the same day once every twenty-five years. 27 Since psdntyw is occasionally mentioned in the dates of certain inscriptions, attempts can be made to align the Egyptian date to a specific set of Julian dates in the hopes of arriving at an absolute chronology. Two lunar dates from the reign of Thutmose III and one from the reign of Amenhotep II have allowed scholars to propose various alignments with absolute dates. All three dates mention the occurrence of a psdntyw. T h e evidence is as follows. For Thutmose III i.

Year 23,1 smw 21, psdntyw) the date of the Battle of Megiddo 2 8

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Year 24, II prt 30, possibly psdntyw during the "stretching of the cord" ceremony29 For Amenhotep II

3.

Probably year 19 (or possibly 20), II smw 10 ( + X), the allotment of grain for psdntyw and other feasts mentioning grain from a year 18 30

Perhaps the most important point concerning Thutmose s two dates is the length of the interval between them. The absolute year possibilities for these two events will always be two years apart, even though the dates given in the texts indicate only a one-year difference of years 23 and 24. 3 1 In the New Kingdom, regnal years were counted from the accession date of the king (inThutmose Ills case I smw 4; see Urk. IV180.15), and no attempt was made to reconcile this date with the calendar years, which began in 3 k Therefore, the Megiddo date occurs at the very beginning of year 23 and the second (cord ceremony) date at the very end of year 24. Regarding the first lunar date, the day of the Battle of Megiddo is the subject of a debate that began in 1942. Faulkner emended the day of the battle from I smw 21 to I smw 20, 32 and Parker33 and others34 incorporated the emendation into their chronological calculations for the period. SinceThutmose Ills Annals imply that the Egyptian army departed from Aruna on I smw 19, arrived in the Qina Valley on the same day, and yet fought the famous battle on I smw 21, "the exact day of the new moon," 35 Faulkner sought a way to account for the disappearance of the twentieth. Both support for and reversals of this argument have since been published, claiming, for example, a selective omission from the narrative (not dissimilar to the kings excerpted Annals style) 36 or positing a reinterpretation of the passage in question ( Urk. IV652.13—14): r dmj n crn as "toward [versus Faulkner s at] the town of Aruna." 37 Such emendations have been countered,38 and it remains a matter of dispute whether the Battle of Megiddo occurred on the twentyfirst, as written, or on the twentieth as emended.39 A similar debate has taken place over Thutmose s second psdntyw date. The passage in which the second psdntyw date appears may be interpreted in two different ways.40 The text concerns Amuns personal role in the foundation ceremony of one of Thutmose s buildings (most likely the Akh Menu itself) in the temple of Amun at Karnak. The date, year 24, II prt 30, is clear. So is the writing of psdntyw. What is less clear is whether this date refers to the actual psdntyw occurrence. Unfortunately, there is no solution to this problem without some kind of alteration or emendation of data. No candidate is available that falls exactly on II prt 30, and any solution would neces-

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sitate some kind of emendation of one or the other of Thutmose s dates. This is in contrast to the Megiddo date discussed earlier, for which exact solutions are possible. Parker assumed a one-day error in the observation of the coming psdntyw.41 Accepting this potential error, as well as Faulkner s emendation of day zi to day zo (see the earlier Megiddo discussion), he calculated four possible absolute dates for II prt 30, for the corresponding dates for the Battle of Megiddo, and for Thutmose s accession. In conclusion, he favored z6 February 1466 as the cord ceremony date, 11 May 1468 for Megiddo, and 1490 for Thutmose s accession year.42 Others have since reversed several of these calculations. In particular, Wente reinterpreted the cord ceremony passage as an emphatic construction. 43 The ceremony itself would thus have occurred on III prt 1, one day later that II prt 30; psdntyw falls exactly on II prt 30 according to a non-emphatic translation. In the second, emphatic construction, II prt 30 is merely the date of the order for preparation; the execution of these preparations was intended for psdntyw itself, which was soon to arrive on III prt 1. These arguments led Wente to favor the dates of z4 February 1480 for the cord ceremony, 16 May 148z for the Battle of Megiddo, and 1504 for Thutmose s accession year. Wente adhered to this earlier chronology in several later articles.44 Von Beckerath also argued that in year z4 of Thutmose Ills reign, III prt I was indeed psdntyw.45 But, while Wente and Van Sielen settled on 1504 as Thutmose s accession year;46 von Beckerath, along with Krauss, Barta, Hornung, Murnane, and others, now prefer 1479. 47 This discussion may be stripped down to just a few facts. First, the reign of Thutmose III lasted fifty-three years, ten months and twenty-six days, and his death occurred in year 54, III prt 30 ( Urk. IV895.16).48 Second, the two known lunar dates of Thutmose III are separated by twenty-two months. The variables include the date of the Battle of Megiddo ( Urk. IV657.z), and the stretching of the cord ceremony (Urk. IV835.17—836.3) and in particular whether it is psdntyw or not. 49 One cannot accept both dates as they stand without emendation. This fact would have been Faulkner s best argument in 194z for the Megiddo emendation, since the two dates do not harmonize as written. Thus, to decide on one of the dates is to determine the other, since they are known to be twenty-two months apart. The third and final lunar date of our discussion falls in the reign of Amenhotep II. Leningrad (St. Petersburg) 1116A lists grain allotments for a coming psdntyw feast and other occasions. Though no king is specifically mentioned, the early New Kingdom paleography, the mention of Peru-Nefer (the "dockyard" and royal residence once thought to be near Memphis), 50 and the occurrence of the personal name c3~hpr~~r~nhhÇVs. 50), all speak

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for a secure dating. 51 The papyrus may be chronologically pinpointed further to Amenhotep s eighteenth, nineteenth, or twentieth year. Line 19 of the text mentions an allotment on II smw 30 "from the grain of year 18," possibly indicating that the papyrus dates to year 19. 5 2 Grain was issued for a psdntyw celebration after III smw 6 but before III smw 10 in year 19 (the exact day is unclear due to lacunae). Since a psdntyw occurred in 1419 BC on II smw 30, 53 Parker constructed a table of the possible dates for the lunar month mentioned in the St. Petersburg papyrus. The result is a psdntyw on III smw 11, which falls within the range of days 6—io.54 Thus, since 1419 BC was presumably Amenhotep s nineteenth year, his first was 1439—38 BC. Parker supported a coregency between Thutmose III and Amenhotep II of two and one-third years based on his acceptance of 1490 BC for the accession of Thutmose III. Rejecting some of the evidence listed earlier, however, such as the emended Megiddo date and the stretching of the cord ceremony, others have argued for equally plausible accession dates of 1504 BC for Thutmose and 1453 BC for Amenhotep, 55 for 1479 and 1428 (or 1427 or 1426), respectively,56 or against a coregency altogether.57 But too many variables restrict the dependability of the Leningrad Papyrus' lunar date of Amenhotep II. 5 8 The year is only inferred, not stated. A lacuna mars the date, and we will probably never know all the possible delays or shortcuts involved in producing beer in Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt. 5 9 For these reasons, Amenhotep s lunar date is rejected as unreliable for chronological purposes. Nor can we acceptThutmose Ills second psdntyw date, that of the stretching of the cord ceremony. The arguments rely too heavily on the interpretation of the emphatic form of the cord ceremony passage. Just which adverbial clause should form the emphasized adjunct of a nominal/emphatic sentence? Does the passage emphasize that "it was in year 24" that the order was given to stretch the cord, or that "it was while awaiting the day of the new moon" that the order was given? The ambiguity is therefore a fundamental one, not one that depends on an emphatic or nonemphatic translation.60 The preceding discussion reveals that the absolute chronology problem cannot be conclusively solved given the currently available data. The only solid evidence is the one event whose date has not been disputed—the Battle of Megiddo. It seems best to accept the one date written and securely associated with an actual psdntyw (i.e., Thutmose I l l s Megiddo date, Urk. IV657.2) rather than emending and restoring a number of inscriptions. Recent scholarship has not argued convincingly against Faulkner s emendation of day 21 to day 20. And those who have followed Helck seem little concerned that leaving the date unemended is hardly an improvement when it necessitates another emendation to do so. 61

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On the basis of an unemended Battle of Megiddo, we are left with two choices for Thutmose Ills dates—either an accession in 1504 BC with death in 1450 or an accession in 1479 with death in 1425. The latter two dates seem to have gained the upper hand in the current scholarly literature.62 These two choices are illustrated in figure 12.2. The problem here, as mentioned earlier, is that a decision on one of Thutmose s lunar dates by definition determines the other one, since the two psdntyw occurrences are twenty-two months apart. Because the two dates do not harmonize as they stand, the unemended interpretation of Megiddo necessitates an emended interpretation of the cord ceremony. The unemended Megiddo date must take precedence, since it is the only date that survives intact.The rejection of the St. Petersburg papyrus date precludes any definitive correlation of Amenhotep l i s reign with that of Thutmose III by means of absolute dating. We may now move on to the evidence for a relative chronology and a coregency between the two kings. Many diverse sources support a coregency between Thutmose III and Amenhotep II, though some are as ambiguous as the lunar dates of the two kings discussed earlier. The evidence consists of several representations of the two kings together with apparently equal status (see fig. 12.3), two different accession dates for Amenhotep II, and two separate campaigns dating to years 3 and 7, respectively, which are both hailed as Amenhoteps "first campaign of victory." 63 Only a selection of the most important evidence will be summarized here. From the famous biography of Amenemheb comes the listing of the death of Thutmose III, "from year 1 down to year 54, III prt 30, under the [majesty o f ] the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Menkheperre, justified" ( Urk IV895.15—16). This date equates Thutmose s death with the thirtieth day of the seventh month. The text continues: "When dawn broke in the morning, the sun shone forth, and heaven grew bright, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Akheperure, Son of Re, Amenhotep [II], ruler of Thebes, given life, was established upon the throne of his father" (896.4—8). If this is taken literally as the next day after Thutmose s death, this passage fixes Amenhotep s accession at TV prt i.The great Sphinx stela of Amenhotep II tells us the king was eighteen upon his accession: "Now his Majesty appeared as king as a fine youth after he had become 'well-developed', and had completed eighteen years in his strength and bravery" (1279.8—10). However, a different accession date appears on the stela of Amenhoteps Nubian viceroy, Usersatet, which lists "Year 23, I V 3ht 1, the day of the festival of the kings accession" (1343.10).64 As for the conflicting "first campaign of victory" texts, the first is Amenhotep s Amada stela, where "Year 3, III smw 15" ( Urk. IV1289.1) is mentioned in conjunction with the passage "after his Majesty returned from Upper Retenu, having overthrown all of his enemies, in broadening the borders of

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Egypt on the first campaign of victory" (1296.13—16).65 An altogether different date is listed in the king s Memphis stela (the duplicate Karnak stela does not mention dates): "Year 7 , 1 šmw 25 under the Majesty of the Horus, mighty bull, sharp of horn . . . His Majesty proceeded to Syria on his first campaign of victory" (1301.3 and 1303.15).66 Perhaps more than most other sources the two accession dates of Amenhotep II support the coregency. The first date, I V 3ht i, occurs in both the Semneh stela of Usersatet and British Museum Papyrus 10056,67 and the second is inferred from the biography of Amenemheb, being the morning after Thutmose s death, or TV prt 1. Did Thutmose s death (III prt 30) precede or follow Amenhotep s accession (IV 3ht 1)? The chart in figure 12.4 shows that Amenhotep s accession date must have come first (version A), lest a "pharaohless" period of two-thirds of a year result (version B). According to the scheme in version A, the interval of four months between Amenhotep s accession andThutmose s death led Gardiner to postulate a coregency of precisely that length.68 Yet, although we can be sure that the sons accession preceded the fathers death, we do not know that the two events definitely occurred in the same year. Therefore, the coregency may have lasted longer than a mere four months, such as one year and four months or two years and four months. The other focus of the coregency debate is the "first campaign of victory" problem. Since the commemorative stela from Amada describes a first campaign of Amenhotep II in his third year,69 and the Memphis stela mentions yet another first campaign in his seventh year, 70 many writers have concluded that some kind of association with the preceding reign of Thutmose III explains this confusing numbering system. Is there a reasonable explanation for two first campaigns or is there a scribal error between the inscriptions in question? Further, what kind of numbering system marked the transition from one reign to the next and from coregency to sole rule? To avoid resorting to emendation, some have suggested that each stela might possess its own internal numbering system; for example, the first and second campaigns of the Memphis stela (years 7 and 9) could be so named only because they are the first and second to be described in that particular text. 71 But such a hypothesis is unsupported by other commemorative documents. Assuming the existence of two separate first campaigns we may posit the following hypothesis: the two campaigns cannot both be dated during a coregency or during the sole reign of Amenhotep II, for otherwise they would not both be labeled "first." If there were a coregency, could Amenhotep s regnal years have started over again upon his fathers death and the commencement of his sole reign? N o evidence exists to support such a suggestion. 72 One explanation assumes

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no change in the numbering of Amenhotep s regnal years from his accession as coregent onward. Another explanation would necessitate a return of Amenhotep s years back to zero upon the death of Thutmose IIL The most likely solution is the former, and it has received the most support in the scholarly literature.73 Since Amenhotep alone is mentioned on the Amada stela, Thutmose III is presumed dead by year 3, the date inscribed on the monument. 74 However, Amenhotep must have commenced the campaign of year 3 while his father still lived; otherwise two "first" campaigns would remain inexplicable. Thus, Amenhotep fought the campaign as coregent but returned to Egypt as sole ruler, whereupon the earlier numbering was abandoned and Amenhotep s campaigns were numbered anew, the campaign of year 7 being his first under sole rule. With Amenhotep s accession date of I V 3ht 1 as one chronological boundary and year 3 of the Amada stela, which finds him sole ruler, as the other, a coregency of at most two years and four months would have occurred. Similar solutions of one year and four months or simply four months can be ruled out, unless one proposes a different interpretation of the first campaign problem and assumes that Thutmose was dead before the year 3 campaign began. The chart in figure 12.5 illustrates the two and one-third years coregency.75 This scenario seems safer than those that must overlook the entire list of material for the coregency and/ or require emending the date for Thutmose Ills death in Amenemheb s biography from III prt 30 into III 3ht 3o.76 At some point late in his reign (perhaps coinciding with the dismantling of his aunts monuments?) Thutmose III removed the body of his grandfather, Thutmose I, from Hatshepsuts tomb ( K V 20) and reburied him in his (Thutmose Is) original tomb, K V 38. Not all scholars believe K V 20 was originally intended for Hatshepsut or that K V 38 existed before the reign of Thutmose III, but that interpretation seems to best fit the evidence. It is otherwise hard to explain away the K V 20 foundation deposits clearly belonging to Hatshepsut, not to mention her kingly ambitions, which would hardly have settled for merely adding a chamber to a predecessor s sepulchre ( K V 20). 77 As for Amenhotep l i s longevity, the latest regnal date known for him is year 26, written on a wine jar from the kings funerary temple at Thebes. 78 On one side is inscribed the kings prenomen and on the other year 26, with the name of the vintner Panehsy. As we look back on one of the most successful reigns in Egyptian history, what can we determine about the legacy of Thutmose III that cannot be said for other pharaohs of the Eighteenth Dynasty? Others in this volume have written about the king s campaigns, his construction activity, and his art historical innovations. In the historical texts, rhetoric and repetition

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were becoming quite commonplace as the pharaonic tradition evolved through the Eighteenth Dynasty. Were individual characteristics lost in a blurred succession of monarchs? Can we extract the originality from the cliché? One area that is perhaps worthy of exploration is the sporting tradition, a royal motif that reached its zenith under Thutmose Ills immediate successors yet may owe more to him than is generally perceived. Especially in his youth, Thutmose s son Amenhotep II was characterized by a fondness for sport and the outdoors. Contemporary inscriptions relate how he excelled in all manner of military and athletic endeavors. Amenhotep seems to have enjoyed the full benefits of instruction by some of Thutmose Ills most experienced officials, men such as Min. 7 9 Thutmose III eventually saw fit to put his son in charge of the royal stables.80 Since his inscriptions focus on his responsibilities at Peru-Nefer and his love for Giza, he may have remained in Lower Egypt for most of his early years. Amenhotep s athletic exploits may be roughly separated into four categories: archery, rowing, running, and horsemanship.81 Of these, based on the surviving inscriptions, only archery seems to betray Amenhotep s reliance on similar exploits and interests related by his father. The sources include Theban tomb scenes; the kings sphinx, Memphis, and Amada stelae; stela fragments from Medamud and Coptos; and even commemorative plaques. 82 Three texts are worth quoting from: Amenhoteps Sphinx stela, the Medamud fragment, and the so-called archery stela from the third pylon at Karnak, currently housed in the Luxor Museum of Egyptian art. From Amenhotep l i s Sphinx stela, lines 15—18 = Urk. IV1280.9—1281.7: He drew three hundred strong bows in comparing the work of their craftsmen in order to know the unskilled ones from the skilled. Now he returned from doing this, which has been brought to your attention. When he entered his northern garden, he found erected for him four targets of Asiatic copper of one palm in thickness, with twenty cubits between one post and the next one.Thereupon His Majesty appeared in his chariot like Montu in his power. He took up his bow and grabbed four arrows at once. He rode northward shooting at them, like Montu in his panoply, his arrows coming forth from their backsides as he shot another post. Now it was a deed that had never been done before, nor heard of by report: shooting at a target of copper an arrow that came forth from it and landed on the ground, except by the king powerful in splendor, whom [Amun] had strengthened, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Akheperure, strong-armed like Montu.

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From Amenhotep Ils fragment from Medamud, Urk. IV1322—23: (1) . . . of 3/4 [of a palm?] in its thickness. Then he pierced it with his first arrow; he caused to come out of the back 7/9 of the shaft, which was in this target . . . (2) . . . saying: "Anyone who can pierce this target as deep as the arrow of His Majesty shall receive these things." Then they shot at this target. . . Perhaps most impressive is Amenhotep l i s so-called archery stela from the third pylon at Karnak (fig. 12.6), Luxor Museum J 44, Urk. IV1321—22. Upper text: (1) The perfect god, great in strength, who acts with his two hands in the presence of (2) his army, the mighty bowman who shoots to hit and whose arrows do not (3) go astray; (4) when he shoots at a target of (5) copper, he splits it as (6) [one splits] papyrus, without [even] considering [using] any wooden one to . . . (7) on account of his strength. Strong of arm, whose equal (8) has never existed; Mentu, when he appears (9) in the chariot. Lower text: (1) The great target of (2) foreign copper (3) at which His Majesty shot, (4) of three fingers in thickness. (5) The one great of strength pierced it with (6) many arrows; he caused (7) three palms' [thickness] to come forth at the back of this target; (8) one who shot to hit every (9) time he aimed, the hero, (10) lord of strength. His Majesty did this pleasure (11) before the entire land. How much of Amenhotep s discussion of archery is mere rhetoric taken from a stockpile of laudatory narrative compiled over the reigns of Thutmose III, or even those of his predecessors, and how much is new material pertaining to his actual skills and accomplishments? Target shooting may make its first appearance, if we can trust Sethe s restoration, in the time of Thutmose I. 8 3 Thutmose III also practiced archery. His Annals include the passage: "Then his Majesty enjoyed himself in shooting" (Urk. IV676.10). 84 Far more important, however, is another parallel, from which Amenhotep II and his scribes must have drawn heavily. A detailed passage on archery is to be found in the Armant stela of Thutmose III (fig. 12.7). 85

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He then (4) shot at a copper ingot, all wooden ones having been split like papyrus.Then His Majesty donated a sample thereof to the temple of Amun—a target of hammered copper three fingers in thickness, his arrow [stuck] therein, after it had pierced it [the target], for he had caused [it] to protrude three palms through (5) at the back of it, that he might fulfill the wish of [his] retinue [as/for?] the success of his two arms in valor and victory. I am telling you (?) what he used to do—without falsehood or misstatement therein—in the actual (?) presence of his entire army, and there is no word of exaggeration in it. If he spends (6) time enjoying himself hunting in any desert, the quantity of what he brings back is greater than the spoils of the entire army. He killed seven lions by means of shooting, in the completion of a moment. Of the three separate references to the thickness of the copper targets in Amenhotep l i s inscriptions, two match the measurements in the Armant stela exactly.86 Regarding Amenhoteps three corresponding measurements of arrow protrusion out of the back of the target, one mirrors Thutmose s Armant text, the second reaches through seven-ninths of the length of the shaft, and the third penetrates all the way through to land on the ground. Even if we doubt the authenticity of some of Amenhotep s texts, due to his borrowing from similar inscriptions of Thutmose III, several elements of Amenhotep s claims point against a mere use of stock clichés.The Sphinx stela describes the king s personal inspection of three hundred bows in search of superior craftsmanship. A similar episode appears in the texts of no previous king. Moreover, the subsequent account of Amenhoteps target-shooting demonstration from a racing chariot is likewise unparalleled before his reign. Perhaps most interesting of all of Amenhotep Us archery texts is the one from Medamud, in which he throws out a challenge to all in the vicinity to try to best him in marksmanship.To this writers knowledge, no other inscription reports such a contest in which pharaoh pits himself against his mortal retinue. We have seen evidence both for borrowing from Thutmose Ills unique inscriptions and for unparalleled texts on the part of his successor, Amenhotep II. In the case of archery, however, it was not long after Amenhotep s reign that borrowed rhetoric once again become the norm in descriptions of royal athletic prowess. Thutmose I V marks the third generation within the Eighteenth Dynasty to emphasize the sporting tradition, but his texts already betray the beginnings of a more standardized narrative. His sphinx stela devotes a mere two lines to archery.87 The rest of the Eighteenth Dynasty archery references are isolated stock phrases, mostly of Amenhotep III and

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Tutankhamun. 88 With the exception of some of Amenhotep l i s more unusual statements, none of Thutmose I l l s successors could match him for innovation and originality on a number of fronts, not the least of which, it seems, was his personal energy and charisma.

NOTES

—

1. On Thutmose s unusual coregency with Hatshepsut, see chapter 2 in this book. 2. Cf. Gundlach (1992) 23—50; A. Spalinger (1982); and Osing (1999) 75—86. 3. On the kings monumental architecture, see chapter 5 in this book. 4. See, for example, the list of ancestor kings in the Akh Menu at Karnak in el-Alfi (1991) 29-36. 5. See the unique "botanical garden" reliefs at Karnak in Beaux (1990). 6. Bryan (2000b) 248, noting that Amenhotep II likewise participated in the destruction of Hatshepsuts monuments; see also Nims (1966) 97—100. For arguments suggesting the damnatio memoriae began much earlier, see Meyer (1989) 119—26, followed by Schneider (1994) 132. Chappaz (1993: 87—110) attempts to refute any animosity whatsoever on the part of Thutmose toward his aunt. 7. On the king s military activity in Syria-Palestine, see chapter 9 in this book; on Egypts advances into Nubia, see chapter 10. See also Redford (1992) 156—66. 8. For the Gebel Barkal stela (MFA 23.733) from temple B 501, see Dunham (1970) 25, no. 2, pl. 24A (incorrectly captioned as temple B 503); Urk. IV1227—43; and Leprohon (1991) 139—43 (with bibliography). I am grateful to Rita Freed, John F. Cogan Jr. and Mary L. Cornille, Chair of Art of the Ancient World, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, for permission to reproduce a new photograph of the stela here. 9. See Redford (1992) 159—60, with n. 148; and chapter 9 in this book. 10. On the location of Naharin, see Vandersleyen (1994) 27—35. 11. See chapter 4 in this book. 12. A more detailed treatment of Thutmose III s family may be found in chapter 1 in this book. 13. See Gauthier (1912) 287, no. 52; and Seipel (1977), col. 1052. 14. Redford (1965) 108. Satiah was daughter of the royal nurse Ipu; cf. Mariette (1880), pl. 53b; Gauthier (1912) 272—73; and Breasted (1906) 244—45, §612. On the lack of evidence for marriage between Neferura and Thutmose III, see Ratié (1979) 313—14; and Redford (1986a), col. 544. 15. See Urk. IV1262.1; Gardiner (1945) 16; and idem (1952) 9, 15. 16. Redford (1986a), col. 544. 17. Van Sielen (1986) 1, with n. 2, and 2, n. 11. Meryetre-Hatshepsut is shown together with Satiah and the little known Nebetta in the tomb of Thutmose III; cf. Loret (1898) 96, pi. 6. T T 24 belongs to the steward of Nebetta, Neb amun; P M I 1 , 41—42 (this in correction to Redford [1986a], col. 544, n. 19). For Meryetres other children, see Bryan (2000b) 248; Schneider (1994) 292; and in general, Gitton (1984); and Robins (1983) 67—77. 18. 19. 20. 21.

Cf. Redford (1965) 108; and idem (1986a), col. 544. Urk. IV1279.8—10. Gauthier (1912) 274, no. 67B; Gardiner (1906) 56. British Museum EA 1280; Robins (1982) 82—83.

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22. This is not Ahmose-Meryetamun; c£ Helck (1982b) 23. 23. Ibid., 23—25; see also Winlock (1932) 60. On the possible additional sisters Iset and another^) Meryetamun, likewise shown on B M statue E A 1280, c£ Robins (1982) 82—83; and Van Sielen (1986) 2, n. 12. 24. Winlock (1948). An additional study of this treasure has recently appeared by C. Lilyquist (2004). 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. (1978) 31.

Read (1996: 103—17) makes the argument for evening observations. Parker (1950) 9—23; idem (1957) 39; Barta (1981) 7—13. Parker (1950) 25, table 5. Urk. IV657.2. Ibid., 835.17—836.3. Golénischeff (1913), pi- 22; Helck (1963) 620—33, esp. 621; Parker (1969) 76—77; Krauss 194-96. See the chart in Manuelian (1987) 4, fig. 1.

32. Faulkner (1942) 11. 33. Parker (1957) 40; idem (1970) 218; idem (1981) 146—48. 34. Spalinger (1979) 47-54; idem (1974) 221-29. 35. Urk. IY657.1; Faulkner (1942) 4. 36. Murnane (1970—71) 1—7. 37. Helck (1972) 102; idem (1983a) 37—40, followed by Wente (1975) 265; Krauss (1978) 170; and von Beckerath (1981) 49, esp. n. 18. 38. Spalinger (1974) 221—29. For yet another view, see Lello (1978: 328), who proposed a third interpretation, which eliminates the need for emendation. He suggested that day 19 ended, and day 20 began in the early morning at Aruna but was left out of the selected scribal daybook excerpts that comprise the Annals. According to Lello, then, Thutmose awoke before dawn, that is, before day 20 actually began; thus, it was still technically day 19, and the subsequent day change was apparently considered unnecessary. This view was supported by Barta (1979: 1—10) but disputed by Spalinger (1979: 47—54). 39. Additional contributions include von Beckerath (1992) 23—27; idem (1994) 93—95; and Krauss (1981). 40. Urk. IV835.17—836.3; C C G 34012; Lacau (1909) 24—26, pi. 8; P M II, 94; and Breasted (1906) 241—42, §§606—8. 41. Parker (1957) 39-43. 42. Ibid., 42. 43. A non-emphatic translation would read: " M y majesty gave the order to prepare for the stretching of the cord while awaiting the day of the new moon in order to stretch the cord for this monument in year 24, II prt 30, [being] the day of the tenth day of the feast of Amun in Karnak." An emphatic translation would read: "It was in year 24, II prt 30, [being] the day of the tenth day feast of Amun in Karnak, that my Majesty gave the order to prepare for the stretching of the cord while awaiting the day of the new moon in order to stretch the cord for this monument." Cf. Wente (1975) 265—72 (Urk. IV835—36). 44. Cf. Wente and Van Sielen (1976) 218, table 1 (cf. also a detailed review of this article by Kitchen (1977—78: 66—80); and Harris and Wente (1980) 251—52. 45. Von Beckerath (1981) 41—49 and Krauss (1985) 122. 46. Wente (1975) 265—68; Wente and Van Sielen (1976) 218, 223. Cf. also Casperson (1986) 139—50, likewise preferring 1504 BC. 47. Von Beckerath (1981) 48—49; idem (1992) 23—27; idem (1997b) 50—51, with n. 192, 108—11; Krauss (1978) 202; idem (1985) 122, 207; Barta (1979—80) 26; Hornung (1979) 251;

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Murnane (1995) 712—14. Leitz (1991, not seen) has argued for the year 1478 for the king s accession; see, more recently, Leitz (1992) 101. 48. Some would argue, however, that since Amenhotep Us accession date is known to be I V 3ht i, the death of Thutmose III must have occurred on *III 3ht 30; see Krauss (1978) 173—74, esp. 174, n. 1; cf. also Murnane (1977a) 44, n. 56 (mentioned merely as a possibility). Nevertheless, we follow the explicit statement of Amenemheb s biography ( Urk. IV895.14—16) that the king "completed his lifetime . . . beginning from year 1 up to year 54, third month of prt} last day." For a reference to Thutmose I l l s fifty-third regnal year, see Helck (1992) 41—44. 49. For a more detailed table of these facts and variables, see Manuelian (1987) 10—11. 50. On Peru-Nefer, see Zayed (1987) 75—109; Vandorpe (1995) 158—68; and Jeffreys and Smith (1988) 55—66. For the "new" location of Peru-Nefer at Tell el-Daba, see Bietak (2005) 13—17. 51. On the paleography, see Golénischeff (1913) 108. Peru-Nefer and its specific relation to Amenhotep II is discussed in Redford (1965) 109, with n. 2; and Helck (1982c), col. 990. On the name see Ranke (1935) 58, n. 3. The name also appears on an ushebti box (Turin Museum 2190). 52. Parker (1969) 80—81. 53. Hornung (1967a) 14. The year 1419 is determined by applying Parker s lunar calendar system of the Greco-Roman period to the Eighteenth Dynasty; see Parker (1950) 13, §§49ff; and Hornung (1964) 56. 54. Parker (1969) 79—80. Calculations show that the month actually began on III smw 10. Parker ascribes the error to poor visibility or the possible use of a lunar cycle dating system (79 and n. 23); see idem (1957) 39—40 on errors in lunar observation. 55. Wente (1975) 265—68; Wente and Van Sielen (1976) 218, 223. Redford at first agreed with Parkers accession date of 1490 (1966:124), but over a decade later he opted for the earlier date of 1504 (1973: 49); see also Lipinska (2001) 401—3. 56. Von Beckerath (1997b) hi. 57. Krauss (1978) 194—96. 58. Barta (1980:51), prudently arranges his chart of the king s accession, coronation, death, and burial dates as "ohne daß dabei im einzelnen gekennzeichnet wird, wie sicher die Zuordnung des jeweiligen Datums . . . zu belegen ist." 59. Cf. Helck (1971b); and Samuel (1993) 156—64. 60. See Bryan (1991), chap, i, for similar conclusions. 61. See Wente (1975) 265; Krauss (1978) 170; and von Beckerath (1981) 49, all citing Helck (1983a) IOI—2. 62. See Murnane (1995) 712—14. This chronology has been adapted in a large number of publications in recent years: Shaw (2000) 481; Baines and Malek (2000) 36; Freed et al. (1999) 13; and Russmann (2001) 261. Those publications favoring 1504—1452 for Thutmose III and 1454—1419 for Amenhotep II include The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt (general chronology); and Lipinska (2001) 401—3. 63. See the list in Manuelian (1987) 19—32. 64. MFA 25.632; Helck (1955a) 22—31. For a drawing of the stela, see Manuelian (1987) 156, fig- 37 (with discussion); and Leprohon (1991) 160—63. 65. A duplicate of the Amada stela from Elephantine adds a colophon for the following year: "Year 4; his Majesty ordered to cause the banners to be made for the procession of these gods who are in Elephantine" ( Urk. IV1299.1—2). 66. The king s second campaign of victory is listed as "Year 9, III 3ht 25; his Majesty proceeded to Syria on his second campaign of victory" (ibid., 1305.13—14). 67. Manuelian (1987) 19, no. 2C.

End of the Reign and the Accession of Amenhotep II 68. 69. 70. 71.

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Gardiner (1945) 27. Urk. IY1289.1; Manuelian (1987) 21, no. 8a. Urk. IV1301.3 and 1303.15; Manuelian (1987) 22, no. 11a. Drioton and Vandier (1975) 407.

72. In his valuable work on ancient Egyptian coregencies, Murnane (1977a) does not discuss such a possibility. Only Wilson, and later Mazar (Maisler), suggested such a double dating scheme to explain the first campaign problem; Wilson (1969) 245, n. 1; Mazar (1965) 34. But Edel rejected this notion in his comprehensive study of Amenhotep s campaigns, with subsequent support from Redford; Edel (1953) 159; Redford (1965) 120—21. Alt (1954: 35ff.) was the first to present this solution. 73. See also Redford (1965) 107—22; Parker (1969) 80; Wente (1975) 267—68; and Murnane (1977a) 48-49. 74. This terminus for the life of Thutmose III might be challenged by arguing that coregents possessed separate courts, administrations, and officials, all of which had little interaction—hence the absence of Thutmose Ills name on the Amada stela. See Aldred (1967) 3—4; idem (1968) 103—4; a r , d idem (1959) 31. However, Murnane (1977a: 258—61) has convincingly disproven such a separation between coregents with his discussion of numerous officials who served several masters. For additional modification of Aldreds position, see Kitchen (1968) 313—24. 75. For other solutions, as well as examples of a double dating system, see Manuelian (1987) 36-39. 76. Urk. IV895.15—16; Krauss (1978) 174—75; cf. Murnane s comments (1983: 282—83). 77. See Manuelian and Loeben (1993) 124—27, esp. 126, n. 21. For different perspectives, see chapter 6 in this book. 78. Petrie (1897) 5, 12, and pi. 5; Griffith (1909) 42—43; Gauthier (1912) 278, no. 7, with n. 1; Redford (1966) 119—20. For recent excavations at the king s mortuary temple at Thebes, see now Sesana (2003). For the recently published journals of V Loret on the excavation of K V 35, see now Piacentini and Orsenigo (2004) esp. 53—156. 79. Min was the owner of T T 109, where he is shown instructing prince Amenhotep in archery; cf. Manuelian (1987) 200—202, with bibliography. 80. See Amenhotep s sphinx stela, line 22 = Urk. IV1282.7ff. 81. See Decker (1971), passim; idem (1977) 1—20; and, in general, idem (1978); idem (1975); Decker and Herb (1994); and Manuelian (1987) 192—212. 82. For a list of references, cf. Manuelian (1987) 200—207, with bibliography. 83. In Thutmose I V s fourth year, we read that the king s eldest son Amenmose went forth on an excursion, "enjoying himself [in shooting (arrows)]" (Urk. IV91.12—14). 84. Decker (1971) 85. 85. Urk. IV1243—47; Mond and Myers (1940) 182—84, pi. 11, fig. 5, pi. 88, fig. 8, and pi. 103; Decker (1975) 50; idem (1971) 85—87; Edel (1979) 31—33; Manuelian (1987) 209. 86. Thutmose III pierced a target of three fingers' thickness (Urk. IV1245.6); the Sphinx stela is the only one to differ (1280.13), listing a thickness of one palm (i.e., four fingers). The Medamud fragment (1322.16) gives three-quarters of a destroyed unit, which is in all probability one palm, hence three fingers; for another interpretation, see Decker (1971) 120—22. The Karnak archery stela (1322.3) has three fingers; see the chart in Edel (1979: 38). 87. "Now he used to practice sport, enjoying himself upon the highlands of the Memphite nome, upon its southern and northern way, shooting at a target of copper, hunting lions and wild game, and travelling in his chariot, his horses faster than the wind, with only one of his retainers, none of the people knowing it" ( Urk. IV1541.8—15). 88. See Manuelian (1987) 212, with nn. 177—79.

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Contributors

is the Alexander Badawy Professor of Egyptian Art and Archaeology at Johns Hopkins University. She received her Ph.D. in Egyptology from Yale University. She is the author of numerous publications, including a biography of Thutmose I V entitled The Reign of Thutmose IV (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991). B E T S Y M. B R Y A N

H. C L I N E is Associate Professor of Classics and Anthropology, and is Chair of the Department of Classical and Semitic Languages and Literatures at The George Washington University in Washington, DC. He received his Ph.D. in ancient history from the University of Pennsylvania. His specialty is interconnections in the ancient world during the Late Bronze Age. In addition to numerous articles, he has published ferusalem Besieged: From Ancient Canaan to Modern Israel (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, ERIC

zoo 4), The Battles of Armageddon: Megiddo and the fezreel Valley from the Bronze Age to

the Nuclear Age (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, zooo) and Sailing the Wine-Dark Sea: International Trade and the Late Bronze Age Aegean (Oxford: Tem-

pus Reparatum, 1994). He was coeditor of Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998). is Associate Professor in Egyptology at the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago in 1985, with a dissertation on the monuments of Senenmut and the early reign of Hatshepsut. For a number of years he served as Assistant Curator in the Department of Egyptian Art at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, where he was occupied with the reinstallation of the Egyptian galleries, the Tutankhamun exhibit, and the publication of the museums excavations of the tombs of Senenmut, which appeared as The Tomhs P E T E R F. D O R M A N

of Senenmut at Thebes: The Architecture and Decoration of Tombs yl and j j j ( N e w York:

Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1991). He has also published The Monuments of

Contributors

Senenmut: Problems in Historical Methodology (London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1988). Since 1988 he has been on the faculty of the University of Chicago, initially as Field Director of the Epigraphic Survey, stationed in Luxor (known locally as Chicago House) and devoted to the precise documentation of temple reliefs and inscriptions. He has edited two folio volumes on the temple of Luxor for the survey and presently teaches full time at the Oriental Institute. is a private consultant in the field of ancient art. For twenty-eight years she worked in the ancient art department of the Cleveland Museum of Art, including twenty-two years as its curator. During that time she completed her masters degree at Case Western Reserve University and spent three seasons on the west bank of Luxor creating a photographic archive of the later Eighteenth Dynasty Theban tombs and studying the hands of painters there. She has published extensively in the fields of classical, Near Eastern, and Egyptian art. In the latter field, her most important work (coauthored with Betsy M. Bryan) is Egypù Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep III and His World (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1992). The exhibition accompanying that book was named Exhibition of the Year by Apollo magazine. A R I E L L E P. K O Z L O F F

received his Ph.D. from the University of Liège. He is currently Senior Researcher at the National Foundation for Scientific Research in Belgium and Assistant Professor of Egyptian Art and Archaeology at the University of Liège, Belgium. He has published a number of articles, DIMITRI LABOURY

as well as La statuaire de Thoutmosis III: Essai d}interpretation dun portrait royal dans

son contexte historique (Liège: University of Liège, 1998). He is also a member of several archaeological missions in Egypt: the Epigraphic Mission of the University of Liège at Karnak, the Archaeological Mission of the Université Libre de Bruxelles in the Theban necropolis, and the Amarna Expedition of the Egypt Exploration Society. received his Ph.D. from the Department of Egyptian Archaeology, Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw. His dissertation on the building activity of Thutmose III outside the Theban region was supervised by Prof. Jadwiga Lipinska. He has published several articles on the building inscriptions of the Thutmoside period.

PIOTR

LASKOWSKI

received his Ph.D. m Egyptology from the University of Chicago. He was formerly staff artist of the Epigraphic Survey of the University of Chicago in Luxor, Egypt. Since 1987, he has been on the curatorial staff of the Egyptian section, Art of the Ancient World

PETER

DER

MANUELIAN

Contributors

Department, of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. He is currently the museums Giza Archives Project Director (www.gizapyramids.org). He is coeditor of the Giza Mastabas series, along with William Kelly Simpson, and has published Slab Stelae of the Giza Necropolis (New York and Philadelphia: Peabody Museum and University of Pennsylvania Museum, 2003), Living in the Past: Studies in Archaism of the Egyptian Twenty-sixth Dynasty (London and N e w York: Kegan Paul International, 1994), Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1987), and numerous scholarly articles, translations, and children's books, including Hieroglyphs from A to Z: A Rhyming Book with Ancient Egyptian Stencils for Kids (New York: Scholastic, 1995). O ' C O N N O R is the Lila Acheson Wallace Professor of Ancient Egyptian Art at the Institute of Fine Arts, N e w York University. Professor of Egyptology at the University of Pennsylvania for many years, he received his Ph.D. in Egyptology from Cambridge University. His extensive publications include Ancient Nubia: Egypù Rival in Africa (Philadelphia: University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, 1993). He is coauthor of Ancient Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) and coeditor of Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998). DAVID

D I A M A N T I S P A N A G I O T O P O U L O S is Professor of Classical Archaeology

in the Institute of Archaeology at the University of Heidelberg. He received his Ph.D. in classical archaeology from the University of Heidelberg. His specialties are ancient economic structures and interconnections in the eastern Mediterranean during the Bronze Age. He has published one book and several articles on the Bronze Age Aegean, Egypt, and the Levant. is Professor of Ancient History and Archaeology in the Department of Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies at Pennsylvania State University. He received his Ph.D. from the Department of Near Eastern Studies at the University of Toronto, where he then taught for many years. He has published extensively, including Akhenaten: The Heretic King (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), Pharaonic King-Lists) Annals and Day Books (Toronto: Benben, 1986), and Egypt, Canaan and Israel in Ancient Times (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992). DONALD

B. R E D F O R D

C A T H A R I N E H. R O E H R I G is a Curator in the Department of Egyptian Art at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in N e w York. She received her Ph.D. from the University of California, Berkeley. Her dissertation was on royal nurses and tutors of the Eighteenth Dynasty. She is also the author of Fun with Hieroglyphs (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1991) and Mum-

Contributors

mies and Magic: An Introduction to Egyptian Funerary Beliefs (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1988). is Associate Professor in the Department of Classics and Ancient History at the University of Auckland in New Zealand. He specializes in ancient Egyptian military history, chronology, and calendrics. A Fulbright scholar and recipient of Alexander Von Humboldt fellowships, he has published numerous articles and books on ancient Egypt, including Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians (New Haven: Yale University Press, 198z), Three Studies on Egyptian Feasts and Their Chronologie cal Implications (Baltimore: Halgo Press, 1992), The Private Feast Lists of Ancient Egypt (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1996), and War in Ancient Egypt: The New Kingdom (Maiden, M A : Blackwell Pub., z005). ANTHONY

J. S P A L I N G E R

L A N A T R O Y is Professor of Egyptology at Uppsala University in Sweden, where she also received her degree in Egyptology. Among her many publications are Patterns in Queenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History (Uppsala: Almquist and Wiksell International, 1986) and (with Torgny Säve-Söderbergh) New Kingdom Sites and Finds: Vols. j:z and j:j of the Scandinavian Joint Expedition to Sudanese Nubia (Uppsala: Almquist and Wiksell, 1991).

Title Index

adjutant of the army, 96, 1 0 5 , 1 0 6 administrator (try), 3 5 0 . See also supervisor. See also Subject Index under administration architect, 40, 4 1 , 59n4 army adjutant, 99 army commander, 1 0 5 , 3 5 1 army lieutenant, 3 8 3 army officer, 1 0 5 . See also Subject Index under army artisans, 86. See also Subject Index under artisan barber, 97. See also royal barber barber of the temple of Bubastis, 96 brave warrior, 7 0 brave warriors of the army, 9 1 captain of the kings vessel, 1 1 5 n7 (Sec. 1 4 ) captain of (the) troops, 3 0 4 , 3 8 4 chambermaid, 1 6 0 chantress, 1 5 9 . See also singer charioteer, 3, 1 0 9 chief and overseer o f / i n the south, 1 0 4 chief architect in the temple of Amun, 403 chief mouth for his house, 94 chief overseer of the army, 1 0 5 chief royal steward, 70. See also (chief) steward of the king; (great) royal steward chief soldier (jiw j n niwt), 3 4 5 chief steward, 8~4, 9 1 , 9 3 f f , I 1 9 n 1 2 9 , 3 1 6 . See also (great) steward. See also Subject Index

chief steward of Amun, 93, 94 the gods wife, 9 3 the king (mr pr wr n nsw), 9 3 f f . See also (great) royal steward; steward of the king the royal wife, 93 chief treasurer, 7 7 . See also overseer of the seal; treasurer. See also Subject Index under overseer of the seal, treasurer chief(s) (wr(w)), 1 0 2 , 3 5 0 , 3 5 9 . See also hery; mayor(s); prince(s); rulers. See also Subject Index chief(s) of all the oases, 1 0 0 bowmen, 1 0 5 , 1 0 6 the companies/military phyles (s3w) of the Great House, 1 0 6 the cult of Amosis (in Abydos), 1 5 8 every other foreign country, 3 8 3 the followers of his Majesty, 1 0 6 the islands of the sea, 3 9 7 Irem, 3 5 5 , 360, 3 6 5 Kadesh, 3 8 8 Keftiu, 3 8 3 . See also Keftiu chiefs the mayors (hry h3tyw-c), 80 the Medjay, 1 0 6 the Medjay of Coptos, 1 0 7 Mennus, 3 8 3 Naharina, 3 8 3 , 3 8 8 Nemiu, 3 6 5 the north and the south, 90 the oases, 89 police, 7 1 , 1 0 6 . See also chief of the Medjay

486

—

chief(s) of (continued ) the priests, 3 0 0 Remenen (Lebanon), 3 8 4 Retenu, 3 8 3 , 3 9 8 . See also greats of Retenu secrets, 76. See also hery seshta secrets for the two ladies, 1 0 8 secrets in the house of morning, 96 serfs of Amun, I I I the southern territories, 3 5 1 (the) stables, 96, 1 0 6 stables of the lord of the two lands, 1 0 6 Tekhet, 1 0 2 Tunip, 3 8 8 the warship, 1 0 6 the work staff, 1 5 8 chieftain of the land of Irem, 2 1 6 chieftains of Retenu, 3 7 6 child of the kap (,hrd n hp), 96f., I 1 9 n 1 4 5 , 349; of the royal house, 96; within the palace, 95. See also Subject Index under Si-Bastet circuit officer, I 1 5 n 7 Sec. 1 2 commandant (tsw), 3 4 7 , 3 5 1 commander, 3 5 3 commanders of troops, 1 0 3 , See also troop commander confidant of the king in directing his army, 9 1 in every place of his, 4 0 in the gods land, 1 0 4 confidant on every mission, 89 controller of all works of the royal house (l.p.h.), 90 (the) work(s), 7 3 , 89, 94 work in Ipet-sut, 94 corn measurer, 8 5 councilors of the district (kenbetyu %v), I I 4 n 7 (Sec. 9), I I 5 n 7 (Sec. 1 6 ) counter of cattle and fowl, 84 of grain for Upper and Lower Egypt, 8 5 court lady (khekret nesu), 1 0 7 . See also royal ornament deputies (idnw), 1 0 2 deputies for Lower Nubia and Upper Nubia, 3 5 7 dignitary, 94, 1 0 9 directors of Upper and Lower Egypt, 83

Title Index divine adoratrice of Amun, 1 0 9 . See also Subject Index divine consort, 2 3 doorkeeper of the 'aryt, I 1 5 n 7 (Col. 3 6 ) drummer, 3 4 6 engineer, 4 0 3 estate administrator, 1 0 0 estate leaders (heb.au hut), I 1 4 n 7 (Sec. 5), I I 5 n 7 (Sec. 1 2 , 1 6 , 1 7 ; Col. 3 2 ) . See also ruler(s) of estates estate ruler, 7 1 . See also estate leaders; ruler(s) of estates excellent royal herald, 89 excellent scribe, 90, 9 1 eye(s) of the king in the two lands of (the) Retenu, 304, 3 8 4 fan bearer, 96, 1 0 0 , 1 0 6 , 3 8 5 for "Amenhotep the antelope," 1 0 6 of the imu warship, 1 0 6 for the lord of the two lands, 1 0 6 on the right of the king, 96 father, 98. See also nurse; great nurse father of the god, I I I , 1 5 8 festival leader for all gods of Heliopolis, I 1 7 n 5 0 Atum, 8 1 , I 1 7 n 5 0 southern Heliopolis, I 1 7 n 5 I festival leader of Osiris, 1 1 2 first hem priest, 1 0 7 first herald, 9 2 first herald of the (aryt} 90 first herald of the king, 90. See also first royal herald first kings son of Amun, 1 1 0 . See also first royal son of Amun first prophet of Amun, 3 8 1 . See also high priest of Amun first royal herald, 84, 87, 88, 8 9 f f , 3 8 3 first royal son of Amun, I I I first superintendent in Karnak, 1 5 8 foster brother of the king, 99, 2 6 5 foster sister of the king, 2 6 5 . See also sister of nursing of the king fourth priest of Amun, 1 1 0 garrison commander, 3 5 7 generals, 3 1 1 god s father, I I I

Title Index ^ gods wife, 4 1 , 4 3 , 47, 48, 49, 64n78, 98, 274, 288n126, 288n128, 2 8 9 n 1 4 9 . See also wife of the god. See also Subject Index gods wife of Amun, 1 0 9 governor (h3ty^), 300, 3 5 1 . See also mayor(s). See also Subject Index governor of Elkab, 9 7 the town, 3 0 2 governor/mayor (h3ty-c) of Hierakonpolis, 35If granary officials/officer(s), 83, 84, 86. See also Subject Index great chief, 3 3 9 of the Hare nome, 1 0 1 of the township, 3 3 9 in Upper Egypt, 8 1 great herald of the 'aryt, 90 great herald of the king, 90, 9 1 , 3 7 9 great kings wife, 4 3 , 47, 59n7, 4 0 7 n 3 2 . See also kings great wife, great nurse of the lord of the two lands, 99 f o r / o f the royal daughter, 98 who suckles the [god], 99. See also (one) who suckles the god See also nurse; royal nurse; tutor great of crafts, 1 2 8 seerers, 1 2 8 seerers in the Per-Wer, 1 2 8 great one of the five, 1 2 7 in his office in the royal house, 83 of the papyrus scepter in the house of Bastet, 1 3 0 great overseer of works for all the temples of Egypt, 7 0 great royal steward, 80, 1 1 0 great royal wife (hm.t-nsw.t wr.t), 249, 2 8 8 n 1 2 6 , 3 4 0 . See also kings great wife great steward, 7 2 , 90 great steward of Amun, 99 greatest controller of craftsmen, 1 1 2 greatest of entertainers of Amun, 98 the entertainers of Thoth, 1 1 3 the five in the temple of Thoth, 1 1 3

487 seers in Heliopolis, 1 1 2 greats of Retenu (wrw nw Rtnw), 3 7 7 . See also chiefs of Retenu guard of the palace, 89 guard(s), 88, 4 1 5 guardian, 9 7 harbormaster of Thebes, 3 8 4 heiress, 47. See also Subject Index Heliopolitan high priest, 1 2 8 hem priest of Heket, 1 1 2 hem priest of Heryshef, 1 1 2 herald, 7 2 , 89, 90, 1 0 0 hereditary heiress, 4 3 hereditary prince, 86 hery, 1 0 7 hery seshta} 7 6 high priesthood of Ptah in Memphis, 1 1 2 high priesthood of Re, 1 1 2 high priest(s), I 0 7 f f . See also Subject Index high priest(s) of Amun, 70, 84, 86, 89, 1 0 7 , 1 0 8 , 1 0 9 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 3 , 125, 126, 1 5 7 Hathor, 1 2 5 Mut, 1 1 2 Osiris, 1 1 2 , 1 5 8 Osiris at Abydos, 1 5 8 Thoth, 1 0 1 , 1 1 3 , 1 2 7 infantry commander, 3 0 0 inspector, 88 judge, 8 2 of the gate, I 1 9 n 1 3 3 the gate in the entire land, 94 in Lower Egypt, 8 1 ka servant of Tao, I 7 2 n 3 3 ka servant of Thutmose I, I 7 2 n 3 3 Keftiu chiefs, 3 9 7 kings daughter (53.í-raw.f), 47, 59n8, 98, 2 7 4 , 416 eldest son, 34, 4 1 5 firstborn daughter, 48 great wife (hm.t-nsw.t wr.t), 50, 59n8, 2 1 3 . See also great royal wife man, 5 0 mother (mw.t-nsw.t), 59n8, 6 7 n 1 I 3 scribe, 3 1 1 . See also royal scribe

488

—

kings (continued) sister (sn.t-nsw.t), 47, 59n8, 4 1 6 son ( í j híw), I 0 I £ , 346, 3 4 8 , 3 5 1 , 3 5 3 , 3 6 6 n 1 6 . See also viceroy (of Nubia). See also Subject Index under viceroy (of Nubia) son of Elkab, 78 Kush, 3 5 3 Nubia, 70. See also overseer of southern countries; viceroy (of Nubia) wife, 2 7 4 leader of the gold house, 1 5 8 lector-priest, 1 3 7 . See also Subject Index lector-priest of Osiris, 1 6 6 master of secrets in Karnak, 1 5 8 mayor(s)(%~ c ; h3tyw-c), 7 1 , 80, 8 1 , 86, 88, 99ff., 1 1 2 , I 1 7 n 5 4 , 3 5 1 . See also governor. See also Subject Index mayor(s) of Akhmim, 80 Aphroditopolis, 3 8 5 Elephantine, 3 5 2 Elkab, 1 0 0 the Fayum, 1 0 1 the head of the south, 3 5 2 Memphis, 9 5 Mennefer, 1 0 1 Neferusy, 74, I 0 0 £ , 1 1 3 the oases, 98 the oasis, 1 0 0 Qaw el Kebir (Antaeopolis), 7 4 the tenth Upper Egyptian nome, 1 0 0 Thinis, 74, 89, 98, 1 0 0 , 1 0 4 This, 98 Upper Egypt, 3 5 2 Memphite high priest, 1 2 8 messenger of the royal house, 93, I 1 9 n 1 2 8 . See also royal messenger military adjutant, 99 military officer, 1 0 5 . See also Subject Index under military mistress of the house, 74, 99, 1 0 8 mortuary priest, I I I native chiefs of further Asia, 3 8 1 noble(s), 7 3 , 86, 9 1 northern vizier, 7 1 , 7 7 . See also vizier of the north

Title Index Nubian chiefs, 3 6 2 Nubian viceroy, 4 2 0 . See also tjaty; viceroy (of Nubia) nurse for the royal son, 98 nurse o f / f o r the royal daughter, 98 nurse(s), 9 7 f £ , 249, 2 5 1 , 2 5 7 n 7 2 . See also great and royal nurse; tutor. See also Subject Index officer, 3 official(s), 47, 76, 9 1 , I 1 9 n 1 2 0 (one of) the house of the divine adoratrice, 84 (one) related to the legs of the king, 1 0 5 one relating to Nekhen, 94 one relating to the king in the two lands of Retenu, 1 0 5 one who inscribes all people without exempting one, I 1 8 n 8 3 (one) who nursed the god, 99 one who nurtures the god (šdt ntr), 2 5 7 n 7 I (one) who suckles the god, 98 opener of the mouth, 1 3 0 overseer in front of every channel of the Wadjwer, 9 3 overseer(s) of all hem priests of Upper and Lower Egypt, 1 0 9 all works in the temple of Amun, 7 6 all works of the king, 8 7 the army, I 0 3 f f . the army of the king, 1 0 4 the army of the western river, 1 0 4 the audience chamber, 78 the builders of the god Amun, 3 1 5 cattle, 87, 88 the cattle and fields of Amun, 1 0 9 (the) cattle of Amun, I I I , I 1 7 n 7 7 , 301,415 the city, 1 0 7 craftsmen of Karnak, 1 0 9 the desert on the west of Thebes, 1 0 6 the district, 1 1 4 , n7 (Sec. 2), 1 1 5 , n7 (Col. 3 2 ) the double silver and gold houses, 86 the dual granaries, 8 1 , 83 the erection of obelisks in Karnak, I I I fields, 1 0 0 , 1 1 4 , n7 (Sec. 8) the fields and cattle, I I I the fields of Amun, 80 foreign countries, 1 0 4 , 1 0 6

Title Index ^ a garrison, 1 0 4 the gate, 3 8 3 the ges-per (workrooms), 84 the gold and silver houses, 70, 7 7 , 78, 85, 86, 98, 1 0 7 , I 1 8 n 8 4 . See also overseer of the silver and gold houses the gold houses, 85, 8 7 the gold in the land of Amun, 3 0 4 the gold land(s) of Amun, 8 1 , 3 8 4 the gold lands of Coptos, 1 0 7 gold workers and sculptors, 1 1 2 (the) granaries, 70, 80, 83, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, I 2 I n 2 I 5 . See also Subject Index the granaries and serfs of Amun, I I I granaries of Amun in the northern region, I I I the granaries of bread, 85 the granaries o f / f o r Amun, 82, 85, 93,

108 (the) granaries o f / f o r Upper and Lower Egypt, 70, 82, 84, I I I the granaries of the lord of the two lands, 83 the granaries of the watery areas of the two lands, 8 2 granaries who counts the taxes of Upper and Lower Egypt, 84, 88 the granary, 8 I f f . , 9 1 , 1 0 1 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 3 the granary of Amun, I I I , 3 7 9 the great granaries, 83 the guardians/tenants of Amun, I I I hem priests for Onuris, 1 1 2 hem priests of M i n of Coptos, I I I hem priests of Osiris, 1 1 2 hem priests of Upper and Lower Egypt, 107, 108 horns, 8 1 horses, 1 0 3 hunters, 1 0 6 , 1 0 7 the lands of Amun, I I I the menfyt, 1 0 5 northern countries, 1 0 4 , 1 0 5 the northern foreign lands, 3 1 1 overseers of work, 94 police, I 1 4 n 7 (Sec. 2), 1 1 5 , n7 (Sec. 1 7 ) priests, 7 5 , 80 priests for M i n of Coptos, 80 the priests in Hermopolis, 1 2 7 the priests in the temple of M i n at Akhmim, 1 5 8

489 priests of all the gods, 8 1 the priests of Montu, 1 2 9 priests of Onuris, 1 0 0 priests of Osiris, 1 0 0 the residence, 9 3 the ruyt, 84, 8 7 - 8 9 , 90, 95, 9 7 the scribes of the army, 1 0 4 the seal, 70, 7 1 , 7 7 f f , 83, 84, 85, 86, 92, 94, 95, I I I , 1 1 3 , I 1 4 n 7 (Sec. 3), I I 5 n 7 (Col. R 3 0 ) , I 1 6 n 3 4 , 304, 3 8 4 the silver and gold houses, 8 5 f f , 1 0 8 . See also Subject Index the silver houses, 85, 8 7 (the) southern countries, 1 0 I f . , 1 0 5 , 3 5 3 . See also viceroy; viceroy of Kush; viceroy of Nubia the southern foreign countries, 3 5 1 southern foreign lands, 4 2 the station in Watet-Hor, 80 the storehouse of Amun, I I I the storehouses, 80 the temple of Menkheperre, I 1 7 n 7 7 the temples, 1 0 7 thousands of all things, 8 1 the treasury, 1 4 , 1 3 3 the work of Amun in Djeseru, 94 works, 76, 79, 84, 86, 94, 95, 96, 98, 108, 1 1 3 , 2 1 6 works for Amun, 3 2 4 n 1 9 8 works for the great obelisks in the house of Amun, 94 works in Karnak, 7 6 works of the temple, 1 0 9 the workshops of Amun, I I I pages, 96 policemen, I 1 4 n 7 (Sec. 2), I 1 5 n 7 (Col. 32). See also Subject Index under police priest of Amun, 7 4 Amun in Djeser-djeseru, 7 4 Heryshef, 1 1 2 Maat, 94 priest(s), 2 3 , 1 1 2 , 1 3 0 , 1 4 1 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 8 , 2 3 2 n 1 4 7 . See also high priest. See also Subject Index prince(s) (w(w)), 3 5 0 , 3 5 6 , 3 5 9 , 3 7 2 , 3 7 4 . See also chief(s); ruler(s) prince(s) of Hatti, 3 8 2 , 3 9 5

508 — prince(s) of (continued) Kadesh, 3 8 2 Keftiu, 3 8 2 Tanaja, 394 Tunip, 3 8 2 pure priest, I I I . See also wab priest pure priest of Amun, 74 Amun in Henketankh, I 2 I n 2 I 5 the first phyle in Henketankh, 1 1 2 Thutmose III, 1 1 2 queens steward, 93. See also steward (of) retainers, 429n87 ritual assistant, 1 5 8 royal barber, 70, 88, 96, 404 royal butler, 70, 88, 93, 95£, 96, 97, 1 0 1 , 106, 1 1 3 , I I 9 n 1 3 9 , 385; clean/ pure hands of, 95 royal carpenters, 1 5 9 royal herald in the 'aryt, 90 royal herald(s), 70, 8 1 , 84, 87, 89ff royal messenger(s), 70, 79, 9 2 f , I 1 8 n 1 I 9 , I 1 9 n 1 2 8 . See also Subject Index at the front of the army, 92 in every foreign country, 93 royal nurse(s) (mrít nswi), 96, 9 7 f £ , 100, 109, 1 1 0 , I 1 9 n 1 4 9 , I 2 2 n 2 3 I , 2 5 7 n 7 I and n.72, 4 2 6 n 1 4 . See also great nurse; nurse; (royal) tutor; wet nurse. See also Subject Index royal ornament, 74, 80, 98, 99, 1 1 0 . See also court lady royal scribe, 84, 88, 90, 95, 97, 104, 3 7 9 royal scribe of counting cattle and birds,

88 royal son, 42, 98; kings son, 98, 2 5 1 royal steward, I I I . See also (chief) steward of the king. See also Subject Index royal tutor for the kings son, 98 royal tutor(s), 97, 98, 100, 1 1 3 . See also tutor. See also Subject Index royal wife, 2 8 8 n 1 2 6 rulers (wr(w); hk3), 9 1 , 359. See also chief(s); mayor(s); prince(s). See also Subject Index ruler(s) of Ammia, 399 (the) estate(s) (MjJwff), 88, 1 0 0

Title Index Kush, 3 4 5 Tump, 400 scribe(s), 57, 92, 3 1 1 , 3 2 I n 8 I . See also Subject Index scribe(s) of accounting, 1 0 0 Amun, 74 the army, 1 0 4 counting bread for Upper and Lower Egypt, 85 counting grain for the lord of the two lands in Upper and Lower Egypt, I17n73 counting the grain of Amun, 85 divine offerings f o r / o f T h o t h , 1 0 1 , 1 1 3 the divine seal for the temple of Amun, 72 the grain, 3 0 1 the granary of the Great House, I17n73 the mat, I 1 5 n 7 (Sec. 1 8 ) the overseer of the granaries, 83 recruits (w/hv), 104, 1 0 6 the seal of the god, 74 the temple in Henketankh, I 2 I n 2 I 5 the temple of Osiris, 99, 1 1 2 the vizier, 73, I 1 6 n 1 4 , 3 1 0 seal-bearer of the king of upper and Lower Egypt, 4 2 second priest, 109, 1 1 0 second priest/prophet of Amun, 86, 109, 1 1 0 , 3 1 6 , 3 8 0 Amun in Karnak, 1 1 0 Thutmose III, 1 1 0 sedjem-ash} 299 sem priest, 1 1 2 servant of the estate, 4 5 the royal apartments, 95 servant(s) (hnwtyt), 44, 45, 160, I 8 0 n 3 0 0 shield-bearer, 3 singer, 1 5 9 singer of Amun, 99, 1 1 0 sister of nursing of the king (snt n mnt n nsw), 108, I 2 I n 2 0 2 soldier of the army, 3 soldier(s), 49, 98, 1 0 1 , 1 0 5 , 106, 3 4 7 . See also Subject Index sons of the chief of Irem, 3 5 5 , 3 6 0

Title Index southern vizier(s), 7 1 , 72, 77. also vizier staff in the/of old age, 1 5 8 , 4 1 5 steward, 93, 94. See also chief; great royal steward steward(s) of Amun, 44, 45, 79, 82, 84, 93, 1 1 0 , I I I the gods wife (imy-rpr n hm.t-ntr), 64n67 the gods wife Hatshepsut, 93 the great houses, 83 the king, 93 Nebetta, 4 2 6 n 1 7 Onuris, 1 1 2 (the) princess Neferure, 78, 93 the temple of Amun, I I I the temple of Osiris, 1 1 2 Thutmose I, 3 2 I n 8 I the vizier, 85, 3 0 7 stewardship of Amun, I I I supervisor (iry), 3 5 0 temple functionary [imy setIII temple singer, 1 0 9 third lector priest of Amun, 1 0 7 third priest of Amun, 1 1 0 tjaty, 6 9 - 7 7 , 9 4 - 9 5 , 1 1 3 . See also vizier treasurer, I 1 6 n 3 4 , 403. See also chief treasurer; overseer of the seal troop commander, 96 tutor of princess Neferura, 96 tutor(s), 97, 297. See also royal nurse; royal tutor. See also Subject Index valiant commander, 3 4 5 valiant one of the menfyt, 1 0 6

^

491

viceroy of Kush, 42, 6 1 n 2 6 viceroy of Nubia, 88, 92, 1 0 I f . See also kings son; overseer of southern (foreign) countries viceroy(s), 6 1 n 2 6 , 1 0 2 , 2 1 2 , 3 1 6 , 3 5 1 , 3 5 3 , 354, 420. See also Subject Index vintner, 4 2 2 vizier, 2 3 , 45, 7 0 f f , 80, 85, 87, 89, 94, 95, 98, 100, 1 0 7 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 3 , I I 9 n 1 2 0 , 1 5 4 , 169, I79n266, 250, 2 5 3 n 1 and 6, 256n48, 2 8 3 n 1 6 , 293, 302, 307, 3 1 0 , 3 5 2 , 380, 382. See also northern/southern vizier, tjaty, vizier in/of the north. See also Subject Index vizier in/of the north, 74, 7 7 wab priest of Amun, 74 Amun in Henketankh, 85 the first phyle in Henketankh, 99 the first phyle of the cult of Amun, 1 2 6 the first phyle of the cult of Mut, 1 2 6 Menkheperre, 99 the sandals of the god, 1 5 8 wab priest(s), 1 0 1 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 4 , 1 5 8 , 166. See also Subject Index warrior, 1 0 5 , 3 4 6 weapon bearer for Menkheperre, 1 0 6 wet nurse(s), 97, 2 3 8 . See also royal nurse. See also Subject Index wife of the god, 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 , 1 5 2 , 2 1 3 . See also gods wife. See also Subject Index

Subject Index

Aakheperenre (Thutmose II), 1 4 7 Aakheperenreseneb, prince (son of Thutmose III), 1 0 1 Aakheperkare (Thutmose I), 2 0 0 Aakheperkareseneb (second priest of Thutmose III), 1 1 0 Aakheprure (Amenhotep II), 2 3 4 n 1 8 2 Aamethu/Ahmose Aamethu (vizier; T T 83), 45, 70, 72; family of, 7 3 £ ; "Teaching of," 69, 73; tomb inscriptions of, 160; tomb of ( T T 83), 3 0 2 Aamu (Levant), 86. See also Levant Aata, 348 Abu Hamed, 3 6 0 Abu Hamed Reach, 347, 3 5 4 Abusir, 1 6 3 Abydos, 1 1 2 , 1 2 8 ; building at, 1 2 9 ; festival calendar, 1 4 5 ; mortuary complex of Senwosret III, 258n88; pilgrimage, 1 6 7 ; temple of Seti I, 1 3 5 ; in titles, 1 5 8 ; tombs at, 3 I 3 £ accession, 9, 6 7 n 1 0 8 , 4 1 7 ; of Ahmose, 347; of Amenhotep II, 22, 265, 4 1 3 f f ; of Hatshepsut, 45, 48f£, 55£, 98, 2 7 3 , 278, 2 8 8 n 1 2 8 ; of Thutmose I, 59n7, 3 5 1 (decree of); of Thutmose II, 59nn7—8, 60nn13—14, 356; of Thutmose III, I I , 1 3 , I6£, 2 3 £ , 4 I f f , 1 1 3 , 1 3 1 , 378, 4 1 8 f f acculturation: in Canaan, 3 3 7 ; in Nubia, 356£, 363£ Adams, W Y , 3 5 7 , 363, 3 6 4 "Address to the Living," 166, 3 4 2

administration, 69—122; of Ahmose, 3 4 7 (Kush/Nubia); bureaucratic, 363; bureaucratic officials of, 1 1 3 , 3 5 1 , 3 5 3 , 3 7 8 £ , 385, 4 0 1 , 403£; centers of, 77, 1 0 2 , 3 3 7 , 3 5 3 ; civil, 1 0 1 ; cult/religious/temple, 64n67, 76, 85, 1 0 7 - 1 3 , 1 2 9 , 3 7 5 ; divine adoratrice, 84 ; foreign, 32, 1 0 2 , 3 3 2 , 365, 3 7 4 f f ; granary, 82£, 85; of Kush/Nubia, l O I f , 3 5 3 , 3 5 6 f f , 3 6 5 f ; military/ imperial, 6, 8, 27, 1 0 3 - 7 , 376; model of, 1 5 ; palace/royal (per nesu), 80, 83, 90, 92, 9 3 - 9 9 , 1 0 2 , I 1 5 n 9 , 3 7 5 ; regional, 90, 9 9 - 1 0 2 ; reorganization of, 74, I I 3 f , 3 5 3 ; state, 7 0 - 9 3 , 3 8 1 ; structure/ system of, 19, 27, 69, I I I , I I 3 f , 3 7 7 f , 3 8 1 , 402; of SyriaPalestine, 3 3 4 f f ; of Thutmose I, l O I f , 3 4 9 - 5 3 passim, 3 5 6 £ , 364 (Kush/Nubia); of Thutmose II, 3 4 9 - 5 3 passim, 3 5 6 £ (Kush/ Nubia); titles relating to, 1 5 ; tomb scenes relating to, 378, 380, 3 8 5 £ See also Duties of the Vizier; governance; government; Hatshepsut, administration of; king/ruler; per nesu; Thutmose III, administration of; viceroy; vizier/ vizerate administrative palace, 1 9 (at Karnak, Memphis) administrators, 73, 1 1 3 , 3 2 5 , 3 2 7 , 3 5 0 £ , 359

5i 6 •

Subject Index

advisers, I I , 40, 2 6 5 Aegean: contact with, 1 3 , 388; delegation, 3 7 9 f £ , 388, 394, 397; gift giving, 394; islands/isles, 392, 4 1 4 ; it ems/pro ducts of, 73, 3 1 0 , 3 7 9 f f , 394, 402, 405; porters, 379; rulers, 1 3 ; tributaries, 1 3 . See also Crete Aegeans, 1 3 , 3 8 9 f ; depiction of, 3 8 I f , 3 9 2 - 9 4 ; dress of, 3 9 1 , 3 9 3 f ; hybridization of 382, 395; as Keftiu, 392, 397; as "people from the Isles in the Midst of the Great Green," 392, 3 9 3 . See also Keftiu; Minoan; Mycenean Africans, 3 1 1 Africanus, 6 8 n 1 3 3

Ahmose, son of Ebana, 1 0 1 ; tomb biography of, 3 4 7 f f . Ahmose Humay (royal nurse; T T 224), 98 Ahmose Meryetamun/Meryetamun, queen (wife of Amenhotep I; T T 358), 240, 253n8, 2 5 4 n 1 7 , 2 5 7 n 7 5 Ahmose sa-pair, prince, 97 Ahmose-ankh, prince, 97 Ahmose-Nefertari, queen: monuments of, 348, prominence of, 6 1 n 2 I ; tomb of, 240, 2 5 7 n 7 5 Ahmose-Pennekhbet (king s son of Elkab), 70, 78, 9If., 1 0 1 ; as nurse, 97£; tomb inscriptions of, 49£, 78, 347f. Ahmosi, 3 0 0 akh, 1 5 4 , 166, I69f. Akh ibis, 1 5 0

agricultural: functions/tasks of mayors, 100; implements, 3 1 6 ; motifs, 1 6 7 ; products, 3 7 2 , 402; regions, lOOf., 3 3 0 ; system, 1 4 , 334, 359; taxes, 9 1 Ahhotep, queen, 5, 2 1 , 6 1 n 2 1 Ahmose (child of the kap; T T 2 4 1 ) , 96 Ahmose (daughters of vizier Useramun), 74 Ahmose (first kings/royal son of Amun), HOf. Ahmose (overseer of works), 79 Ahmose (royal scribe), 88 Ahmose (second priest of Amun), 1 1 0 Ahmose (warrior), 346 Ahmose, king, 5, 96; building program of, 3 5 7 Tell el-Dab'a, 1 3 Thebes: Karnak, I 7 f , 365; mortuary temple of, 16; tomb, 16, 258n86 campaigns of, I If., 20, 49, 3 4 7 £ , 3 6 3 cult of, 2 0 family of, 99, 2 5 1 government of, 1 5 , 74, 78 officials under, 49f., 347f. Ahmose, queen (wife of Ahmose), 2 1 ; objects of, I I . See also AhmoseNefertari Ahmose, queen (wife of Thutmose I, mother of Hatshepsut): divine impregnation of, 54£; family of, 2 1 , 40, 98, 266; prominence of, 59n7, 6 1 n 2 I ; titles of, 59n8, 6 7 n 1 I 3

Akh Menu (temple), 18, 3 1 , 1 9 2 - 9 5 , 267, 2 7 0 £ ; botanical garden chamber, 3 1 , 1 9 2 , 194, 267, 283n64, 404, 426n5; cults of, I 9 f , 3 I f . , I 9 4 f , 426n4; decoration of, 190, 1 9 7 , 206, 268; Festival Hall, 1 2 3 , 1 9 2 - 9 4 , 1 9 5 , 2 1 0 ; ideology/ theology of, I94f., 2 3 4 n 2 0 5 ; inner rooms, I94£; inscriptions of, I87f., I 9 3 f , 3 3 1 ; predecessor of, I 8 7 f f , 1 9 1 , 2 7 1 ; relationship to Karnak constructions, I 9 6 f f , 202; similarities with other temples, 206£, 2 1 0 , 2 1 2 ; statues of, 263, 2 6 7 f f , 2 8 1 ; texts relating to, I88£, 2 7 1 , 4 1 7 . See also Festival Hall; Thebes, Akh Menu; Thutmose III, building program Akhenaten (Amenhotep IV): and Asia, 328; family of, 2 1 ; and Hatshepsut, 264, 2 9 0 n 1 8 4 ; iconography of, 2 8 1 ; inscriptions of, 406, 407n32; tomb of, 2 5 3 n 3 Akhet-Aton, 407n32. See also Amarna Akhmim, 80, 1 5 8 Akhu, 1 2 5 , 1 3 1 , 1 6 0 Akkadian, 3 7 2 , 3 9 7 Alalakh, 1 3 , 336, 3 7 3 Aleppo, 1 2 , 334, 3 3 6 Altenmüller, H . 1 6 7 Amada, I 7 5 n 1 I 8 , 2 2 1 - 2 6 , 4 2 0 f f . See also Amenhotep II, building program; Thutmose III, building program

Subject Index Amara, 3 5 3 Amarna (el-Amarna): archive, 3 7 1 , 374, 399, 4 0 1 ; as capital, 16; period, 45, 95, 1 6 3 , 207, 298, 3 0 1 Amasis, 3 2 9 Amaunet (consort of Amun), I 2 6 £ , 1 3 6 Amduat, 73, 144, 2 5 I f ; personalization of, 245; in private tombs, 73, 169, 250; in royal tombs, 1 6 , 1 5 4 , I 5 6 f , 2 3 9 f f , 2 4 8 f f , 2 5 2 , 307. See also Writings of the Hidden Chamber Amenemhat, prince (kings eldest son, son of Thutmose III), 27, 60n14, 415 Amenemheb (daughter of vizier Useramun), 74 Amenemheb (guard), 88 Amenemheb (sedjem-ash), 299 Amenemheb called Mahu (adjutant of the army; T T 85), 96, 1 1 3 ; as adjutant of the army, I 0 5 £ ; autobiography of, 3 2 7 , 3 3 3 , 3 3 5 , 383, 4 2 0 f f ; tomb of ( T T 85), 99, I 0 5 f , I 8 I n 3 6 2 , 303, 3 2 I n 9 I , 383, 386, 3 9 1 , 408n79; wife of, 99, 3 2 I n 9 L See also Theban Tombs, T T 85 Amenemhet (child of the kap), 96 Amenemhet (high priest of Amun; T T 97), I I I ; career of, I 5 7 £ ; tomb inscriptions of, 1 5 8 , 1 6 0 Amenemhet (Nubian chief; son of Djehutyhotep), 1 0 2 Amenemhet (scribe of counting bread for Upper and Lower Egypt; T T 1 2 3 ) , 85 Amenemhet (steward and scribe of the vizier; T T 82), 85; tomb of ( T T 82), 73, 168, I 8 I n 3 6 2 , 303, 3 0 6 f , 3 1 0 ; wife of, 74. See also Theban Tombs, T T 82 Amenemhet (temple functionary; T T 53), Ulf., I8In362 Amenemhet (%vab (pure) priest of Amun), 74 Amenemhet I, king, I, 3, 4, 285n58 Amenemhet III, king, I 7 3 n 7 0 , 283n8, 293, 308 Amenemipet (royal nurse; mother of Kaemheryibsen), 1 1 0

^

495

Amenemipet (royal nurse; mother Kenamun), 99 Amenemipet (vizier), 98 Amenemope, prince, 284n55 Amenemweskhet (daughter of vizier Useramun), 74 Amen-em-nekhu (viceroy), 61n26, 1 0 2 , 353 Amenhotep (chief steward of the king; T T 73), 94, I I I , 304, 3 2 0 n 7 5 Amenhotep (overseer of the builders of the god Amun), 3 1 5 Amenhotep (overseer of the lands of Amun), I I I Amenhotep (second priest of Amun), 1 1 0 . See also Neferhotep (second priest of Amun) Amenhotep (wife of Wensu), 3 0 1 Amenhotep I, 49, 99, 3 1 8 n 8 building program, 9, 348, 3 5 7 Thebes: Karnak, 18, 1 4 1 , I80n300, I 9 0 f f , 196, 2 2 2 ; mortuary temple (Tb-3ht), 16, 207; tomb ( A N B), 16, 240, 2 5 7 n 7 5 , 258n86 campaigns of, 1 2 , 3 4 7 f f , 3 5 3 cult of, 1 3 7 , 190, 2 3 2 n 1 4 4 family of, 2 1 , 59n8, 240, 2 5 1 iconography of, 300 mortuary priest of, I I I officials under, 98, 302, 348, 3 5 1 statues of, 347f. Amenhotep II, 4 1 3 - 4 0 accession of, 22, 34, 226£, 265£, 415-22 Amada stela of, 2 2 I f . , 420f. archery stela of, 4 2 3 and Asia, 3 2 8 as an athlete, 1 0 3 , 295, 4 2 3 - 2 6 building program, 208, 2 1 8 , 2 2 5 £ , 233n18I, 236n252 Amada temple, 221—25, 2 2 6 Thebes: Karnak, 8, 200, 202; mortuary temple (sspt-nh), 207, 2 3 2 n 1 4 0 , 422; tomb ( K V 35), 2 5 3 n 3 , 254n22, 259n90, 307, 3 2 I n 8 8 campaigns of, 5, 30, 3 3 5 , 3 3 7 , 356, 420ff. coregency with Thutmose III, 34, 2 2 1 , 265, 284n52, 2 8 7 n 1 0 5 , 4 1 6 - 2 2

5i 6 • tomb ( K V 3 5 ) (continued) Elephantine stela of, 2 2 5 £ family of, 34, 98, 205, 3 0 7 iconography of, 263, 267, 2 8 1 , 284n32, 295, 298, 3 0 1 lunar dates, 4 1 6 £ , 4 I 8 £ Medamud stela of, 4 2 3 f , 4 2 5 nurses/tutors of, 98£, 100, 2 4 9 f f , 2 5 7 n n 7 I and 73, 2 6 5 officials under, 84, 9 5 L 1 0 1 , 1 0 3 , I05£, I 1 0 f f , I 1 4 n 1 , 1 5 8 , 2 1 6 , 304, 3 2 I n 9 I , 378, 3 8 3 f f , 4 2 0 as prince, I 2 I n 1 9 I , 2 6 5 f in private tombs, 75, 98£, 1 0 5 , 3 2 I n 9 I proscription of Hatshepsut, 6, 2 1 5 , 234n206, 2 6 4 f f Sphinx stela of, 2 1 5 , 2 3 In 1 0 7 , 2 3 7 n 2 7 6 , 265, 4 2 3 statues of, 2 6 3 Amenhotep III (Nebmaatre) and archery, 4 2 5 artistic production of, 283n8, 293, 3 0 1 , 309f, 312, 314, 391 building program, 2 3 3 n 1 8 2 Thebes: Karnak, 18, 5 1 , 64n64, 2 0 3 ; Luxor, 1 7 , I 7 3 n 6 7 , I 7 5 n 1 4 4 , I 7 8 n 2 5 9 , 2 0 3 ; tomb ( W V 22), 2 5 3 n 3 , 258n80 campaigns of, 5 family of, 3 2 I n 8 8 government of, 86 and Hatshepsut, 284n38, 2 9 0 n 1 8 4 iconography of, 2 8 1 , 2 9 4 officials under, I 1 9 n 1 4 5 , 3 0 6 f , 309, 384 statues of, 2 9 3 Amenhotep I V See Akhenaten Amenhotep Si-Se (second priest of Amun in Karnak), 1 1 0 Amenhotep-behes, I 2 I n 1 9 I Amenhotep-user, 3 0 1 Amen-iywy, 96, 404 Amenmehib (brother of Neferperet), 1 4 5 Amenmose (overseer of northern countries;TT 42), I 0 5 £ ; tomb of ( T T 42), 1 0 5 , 304, 384, 386, 40 L See also Theban Tombs, T T 4 2 Amenmose (priest of Heryshef), 1 1 2 Amenmose (royal scribe), 88, 97 Amenmose, prince (son of Thutmose I), 39

Subject Index Amenmose, prince (son of Thutmose IV), 429n83 Amenôphis, 58 Amenouser, 63n53. See also Useramun (vizier) Amen-pa-? (overseer of the ruyt), 88 Amensis, 22, 6 8 n 1 3 3 Amersis, 6 8 n 1 3 3 Amessis, 22, 58, 6 8 n 1 3 3 Amki Valley, 3 3 4 Ammia, 399 Amorite kingdom, 1 2 amphora(s), 48£, 3 1 1 , 3 9 4 amulets, 1 5 4 , 309 Amun: Akh Menu sanctuary of, 192, I94£, 2 1 0 ; art and architecture for, 32, 5 1 , 57, 86, 1 3 7 , 162, I 8 4 f f , 189, 1 9 1 , I 9 7 f f , 2 0 4 f , 207, 224, 229nn60 and 7 1 , 2 3 0 n 1 0 7 , 263, 273, 2 9 8 , 3 1 0 , 3 4 1 , 3 5 5 , 381, 384, 4 1 3 ; bark/palanquin of, 7, 86, 1 0 5 , 140, 1 5 0 , 198, 2 0 1 , 205, 326, 3 3 2 ; bouquet of, 99; cult of, 90, 1 1 2 , I 2 4 f , I 2 9 f , I 3 5 f , 1 4 1 , 143, 145, 153, 157, 195, 197, 204£, 207; cult/temple administration of, 107—12; in festivals, 56, I 4 0 f f , 1 6 1 , 305, 427n43; goddesses associated with, I26£; and kingship, 1 7 , 4 1 , 50, 55, 1 2 4 , 1 3 I f f , 1 3 7 , 148, 1 5 0 , 1 5 3 , 1 5 7 , 184, 1 9 5 , 2 1 5 , 227n6, 264, 2 7 I f , 274, 3 4 0 f ; liturgy of, 1 3 5 ; name restoration of, 46, 298; in names, 7, 86, 1 0 5 , 108, 140; offerings/ products/taxes for, 72, 3 1 0 , 3 2 5 , 354, 370, 3 8 0 f f , 387, 3 9 1 , 402, 404, 425; officials of, 44£, 50, 70, 72, 74, 76, 79f£, 84f£, 89, 93£, 9 8 f , 1 0 7 - 1 2 , 1 1 3 , 126, I 5 7 £ , 3 0 1 , 304, 3 1 6 , 3 1 5 , 3 7 9 f f , 387, 403, 4 1 5 ; oracle of, 4 1 , 78; temple at Karnak, 1 7 , 39, 8 1 , 1 8 3 - 2 0 4 , 267, 2 7 3 , 2 7 5 , 365, 370; in texts, 3£, 1 7 , 4 1 , 44£, 56, 76, 1 3 1 , 1 3 7 , 140, 1 4 2 , I59£, 2 1 5 , 224, 3 4 I £ , 4 1 7 , 423, 425; in titulary, 48, 296£ See also Amun-Re; Deir el-Bahari; Karnak, Temple of Amun; Re; Min-Amun; Re-Harakhty

Subject Index ^ Amunuserhet. See Amun-Userhet Amun-Kamutef, 204. See also Amun-ReKamutef; Kamutef Amun-Min, 1 2 4 . See also Min-Amun Amun-Re: art and architecture for, 3If.; cult of, 3If., 106, 124, I 2 7 f f , I35f., 1 3 8 , 1 4 1 , 1 5 2 , 1 6 3 , 194, 224; m festivals, 16, 20, 26, 1 4 1 , 1 6 1 ; and kingship, 2, 1 7 , 23f., 33, I 2 7 f f , I32f., 1 3 7 , 150, 4 1 3 f . ; offerings/products for, 28, 3 1 0 ; palanquin of, 18; temple at Amada, 2 2 1 - 2 5 , 226; temple at Karnak, I 6 f f , 28, 3 I £ , 162, 190, 194; temple at Luxor, 1 7 ; in texts, 1 6 3 , 188, I 9 3 £ , 4 1 5 . See also Amun; Deir el-Bahari; Karnak; Re Amun-Re-Harakhty, 129, 1 4 7 . See also ReHarakhty Amun-Re-Kamutef: cult of, 1 2 4 , 1 5 2 ; and Opet festival, 140; sanctuary of, 56, 1 3 5 , 140. See also Kamutef Amun-Userhet (bark), 18, 86, 105, 140, 198, 2 0 1 . See also bark; barkpalanquin Anastasi collection, 7 7 Anatolia, 1 2 , 3 1 2 , 343n28 ancestral spirits. See royal ancestors anew (m mjwi): in texts, 42, 1 5 2 , 186, 225 Aniba, 356; administrative center, 102, 3 5 3 ; garrison of, 357; private monuments at, 88; private tombs at, 3 1 1 ; royal monuments at, 2 1 If. See also Miam animals: as ceramics, 3 I 2 f , 394; domesticated, 10, 14; as gifts/ products/revenue, 92, 372, 374£, 3 8 0 f f , 387, 394, 4 0 1 , 404; on jewelry, 309; in kingship, 297; in private tombs, 3 0 3 f f , 309, 3 2 I n 8 7 , 3 8 0 f f , 387, 404; m religion, 1 2 4 ; in royal tombs, 308f.; tombs of, 3 2 I n 8 8 Ankhtawy (Memphis), 126, I29f. Annals of Thutmose III: architecture relating to, 28, 6 1 n 1 9 , 136, 185, 196, I 9 9 f f , 2 0 1 , 263; content of, 28f£, 58, 93, 102, 216ff., 264, 287n109, 325f., 3 3 1 - 3 6 , 355,

497

359f., 362, 365, 370, 3 7 1 - 7 7 , 389, 394, 399f., 402, 404, 4 1 7 , 424; correspondence with private tombs, 377, 380, 3 8 6 f f , 390, 394f., 400, 405; creation of, 76, I 9 9 f f ; date of, 29, 2 0 1 , 327; decoration of, 263, 3 1 0 ; economic/ political system reflected in, 355, 357ff., 362, 365f., 3 7 1 - 7 7 , 396f., 399, 402; and kingship, 1 3 6 , I47f., 162, 264; location of, 28, 325ff., 370; source for, 29, 325£, 427n38. See also daybook Antaeopolis, 74, 3 8 5 Antef II, I 7 I n 5 Antef Y 1 5 0 "annual tax," 3 5 1 , 3 7 5 £ , 379, 382. See also b3kw; ínw/jnw; šmw; taxes; tribute annual: delivery, 359, 3 6 1 , 365, 3 7 3 ; dues, 362, 380, 387, 4 0 1 . See also b3kw; inw/jnw; taxes; tribute Anubis: at Deir el-Bahari, 1 2 5 , 1 3 5 , 1 5 3 ; in funerary cult, 1 2 7 , 129, 1 5 3 , I 5 5 £ , 164, 1 6 7 £ ; m titles, 80 Apiru, 3 3 2 , 3 3 5 , 385, 408n75 Apis bull, 1 2 5 , I50f. Apophis, king, 303, 3 4 5 Appearance as King, I46f., 2 3 3 n 1 7 7 , 383 appointment: as "king," 334, 340; to office, 1 5 , 4 5 f £ , 53, 7 1 , 75£, 78£, 83, 87, 9 6 f f , 1 1 2 , I 1 5 n 7 (Secs. 1 3 , 1 7 , 19), 1 3 0 , 1 5 8 , 4 1 5 Appointment of the Vizier, 23, 45£, 63n53, 69f., 7 2 Aqqo, 3 7 4 Archaic period, 3 3 8 archaizing: relief scenes, 75, 144; rituals, 147, 164, 1 6 7 ; sculpture, 34, 263, 2 7 3 , 276, 2 8 1 , 300, 3 1 6 ; texts, 60n1I, 55 Argo island, 2 1 1 aristocratic nobleman, 3 3 9 Arka Plain, 3 3 2 £ , 3 3 5 Armant: monuments from, 300; royal residence at, 2 1 1 , 226; temple of, 1 2 7 , I 7 7 n 1 9 0 , 2 1 7 f . See also Thutmose III, Armant stela of Arminna, 363; East, 346, 3 5 3 ; West, 346 army (menfyt), 9 1 ; nature/composition of, 1 0 3 , 3 2 7 £ ; officials relating to, 78,

5i 6 • army (menfyt) (continued) 90f£, 96, 99, 1 0 3 - 7 , 3 5 2 , 362, 383; recruits, 1 4 2 . See also military art: private, 300£; production of, 292—324; royal, 2 6 0 - 9 1 , 2 9 2 - 9 9 artisan, 6, 8, 1 5 , 28, 86, 2 5 3 n 1 , 3 6 3 artists: sketches by, 294, 307; tomb decoration by: 3 0 5 f , 3 7 7 , 3 8 3 f f , 390, 3 9 3 f f , 397, 4 0 4 f , 408n59, 409nn92, 96 and 97 Aruna, 3 3 1 , 4 1 7 , 427n38 aryt, 72, 8 7 f f , I 1 4 n 7 (Sec. 5); personnel of, 72, 87, I 1 5 n 7 (Sec. 19); m titles, 90. See also overseer of the ruyt; ruyt Arzawa, 396 Asfun, 2 2 2 Ashmolean Museum, 3, 3 1 4 Ashtata, 3 3 4 Ashuwa, 3 3 6 Asia: campaigns in, 39, 328, 329—35, 3 5 5 , 366, 392, 406n2, 4 1 3 f ; deities of, 1 5 2 , 403; Egyptian policy in, 3 3 6 £ , 359; people of, 2 1 , 1 5 2 , 248, 3 8 1 , 3 9 4 , 396, 398, 403, 406; products from, 3 1 1 , 328, 3 6 1 , 365, 380£, 402, 4 2 3 ; view of, 328f. See also Asiatic; Lebanon; Levant; Mitanni; Syria; SyriaPalestine Asiatic: chieftain, 356; dignitary, 306; Fnhw lands, 365; nomads, 4 1 4 ; vassals, 376 Asija (Cyprus/Assuwa), 3 7 3 Assiut, 7 1 , 129, 1 6 3 Askut, 3 6 3 Assmann, J., 1 2 3 , 1 3 8 , 169, 3 3 9 Assyria, 1 3 , 336, 343n27; people of, 3 7 3 , 389£; products from, 4 0 2 Astarte, 403 astronomical ceiling, 7 2 Aswan, 65n89, 7 1 , 348; inscriptions at, 40, 47, 349£, 3 5 7 ; quarry at, 54 Atfih, 1 2 9 Atum, 1 2 4 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 4 , 148, I 7 3 n 6 I , 338; officials of, 8 1 , I I 7 n 5 0 Atum-Khepri, 1 5 4 , 2 1 9 Auberts, 3 1 6 Avaris (HatWeret), I I , 2 1 , 3 1 , 39, 306, 3 3 7 , 346f. See alsoTell el-Dab'a

Subject Index Ay, king, 2 1 , 33, 2 5 3 n 3 Ayro-Hurrians. See Hurrians b3k(w) (bakut): meaning of, 3 3 7 , 3 5 2 . 3 5 7 f f , 3 6 1 , 3 7 4 f f ; from Nubia, 3 5 2 , 3 5 5 , 3 5 7 - 6 2 , 3 7 5 £ , 387; from Remenen (Lebanon), 374£; in texts, 83, 86, 9 1 , 360. See also contributions; dues; gifts; inw/jnw; revenue; smw; taxes; tribute Baal, 403 Bab el-Hosan, 2 4 "Baboons that Foretell Re, The" 1 3 8 , 1 6 9 Babylon: kingdom of, I 2 £ , 30, 336; people of, 3 7 2 , 389£; products from, 4 0 2 Baket, princess (daughter of Thutmose III), 4 1 6 Baket (wife of Amenemhet, steward and scribe of the vizier), 74 Baketre, 2 5 0 Baki (inspector), 88 Baky (great nurse of the lord of the two lands), 99 Ballas, 3 4 5 banquet scenes, 1 6 2 , 168, 304£, 3 8 5 Baraize, E., 240 Barber, E., 3 1 4 barge, 1 8 Barguet, P., 1 5 1 , 1 9 9 bark: of Amun, 86, 140, 1 5 0 , I 8 0 n 3 2 3 , 198, 2 0 1 , 205, 209, 326, 3 3 2 ; of Hathor, 1 2 6 , 1 4 2 ; of Hatshepsut, 1 4 2 ; Henu, 1 4 3 ; of Karnak, 1 0 5 ; of Montu, 1 2 7 , 1 3 9 ; Neshmet, 1 5 8 ; procession, 1 2 6 ; of Re, 1 7 0 ; royal, 1 4 2 ; in royal tombs, 307; of Senwosret III, 1 3 7 ; of Sokar, 1 4 3 ; solar, 1 5 7 ; of the sun god, 144; in temple festivals, I 3 9 f f ; of Thutmose II, 1 4 2 ; of Thutmose III, 1 4 2 . See also Amun-Userhet; bark-palanquin bark hall: at Djeser Akhet, 2 1 0 ; granite bark hall of Thutmose III, 196; at Karnak, 199; at Medinet Habu, 205 bark repository: granite repository of Thutmose III, 190, 199, 2 0 I f ; at Karnak, 18, 1 8 5 , 1 9 1 , 199, 2 0 1 ; Sacred Lake, 1 9 5 , I 9 6 f , 209

Subject Index ^ bark sanctuary: of Deir el Bahari, 1 4 1 ; of Karnak, 1 3 3 bark shrines: alabaster chapel of Amenhotep I, 1 4 1 , I80n300; bark chapel of Hatshepsut, 1 2 3 , I 3 3 f , 1 3 5 , I 4 0 f , 147, 150, I78n245; bark chapel/ shrine of Deir el-Bahari, 1 5 3 ; bark chapel/shrine of Thutmose III, 28, 162, I78n245; at Buhen, 5 1 ; (granite) bark chapel/shrine at Karnak, 28, 32, 65n94, I80n323, 263, 279, 326; granite bark shrine of Phillip Arrhidaeus, 64n64, 1 8 3 ; leading to Luxor, 57; in temple festivals, I 3 9 f f bark stations: near Karnak, 2 0 3 ; in temple festivals, I 3 9 £ bark-palanquin: of Amun, 7; of Amun-Re (boat-shaped), 1 8 ; procession, 7; sacred bark-palanquin of Amun, 7. See also Amun-Userhet; bark "baron," 3 3 9 Barratarna, 3 3 3 Barta, W., 4 1 8 Bastet, 1 2 6 , I 2 9 £ , 1 5 0 Batn el-Baqara, 2 7 3 Batn el-Hagar, 348 battle of Megiddo. See Megiddo, battle of Beautiful Feast of the Valley, 7, 16, 26, 32, 1 4 I f f , 1 6 1 , 168, 184, 202, 209, 305 Beautiful West (deity), 1 6 5 , 1 6 7 Bedier, S., 2 1 9 beds, 1 2 8 , 266, 3 6 3 beer, 40, 44, 1 3 6 , 146, 1 6 3 , 166, 1 7 0 , 419 "beginning of the year" (tpy rnpt), 3 8 3 . See also New Year s Festival bekhen (mountain), 7 3 bekhenet, 2 2 5 Benermerut (overseer of the gold and silver houses), 87, 98 Benya (Hurrian engineer), 403 Berber-Shendi Reach, 3 4 6 Berlin, 94, 2 1 9 , 2 7 6 £ , 2 8 1 , 300, 3 1 1 , 3 1 3 Berlin Ägyptisches Museum, 2 7 7 Berlin Leather Roll (Berlin 3029), 2 I 9 f . Berman, L., 299 Bes, 1 2 8 , 3 1 0 Bietak, M., 306

499

birth brick, 1 2 8 , 1 6 8 birth house, 1 2 8 , I73n68, 2 3 6 n 2 2 9 Björkman, G., 1 8 5 , 2 2 2 Bleiberg, E. 358f. Bologna, 3 0 0 Bommas, M., 2 2 5 Bonomi, 1 0 4 Book of Hours, 1 5 3 , 1 5 6 Book of the Dead, 79, I 5 3 f f . , I68f., 3 1 5 Book of the Hidden Chamber, 259n88 Book of the Night, 1 3 8 Book of What Is in the Underworld. See Amduat Books of the Netherworld. See Amduat booty Q)3q), 3 5 2 , 3 7 2 ; from campaigns 28, 88, 95, 328, 3 4 1 , 354, 3 7 3 , 3 8 3 ; depiction of, 109; presentation of, 382, 383, 387. See also b3k(w); inw /jnw; smw; taxes; tribute Borchardt, L. 1 9 6 Boston Museum of Fine Arts, 3 1 2 , 3 1 4 , 414 botanical garden, 405. See also Akh Menu boundary inscription/stela, 2 1 3 , 349, 3 5 5 Bourriau, J., 3 4 5 bowmen, 1 0 3 Breasted, J. H., 2 2 2 British Empire, 2 7 British Museum (BM), 47, 80, 86, 2 1 4 , 269, 294, 2 9 8 f f , 306, 3 1 3 f f . , 379,416, 421, bronze, 86; objects, 73, 95, 295, 3 I 0 f . Bronze Age, 39 Brooklyn Museum of Art, 1 1 0 , 296, 300, 316 "brotherhood," 396ff., 4 0 1 "brothers," 3 3 2 , 3 3 4 . See also "elders" brother-sister marriage, 2 1 , 60n8 Bubastis, 96, 1 2 9 , 1 4 9 Bugdumbush, 3 5 0 Buhen: administration of, 3 4 5 f f ; building activity at, 3 5 1 , 3 5 7 ; as garrison town, 3 4 5 f f , 356; Kamose capture of, 3 4 5 £ ; Kamose stela from, 3 4 5 £ ; mines near, 365; stela of Thutmose I, 3 5 1 ; stela of Thutmose III, 206, 2 1 4 , 326; temple of, 5 1 f , 65n94, 1 0 2 , I78n245, I82n378, 2 1 2 , 214f., 226, 2 3 4 n 1 8 9 , 2 7 3 , 2 9 0 n 1 7 5

5i 6 • "Buhen Horse," 345. See also Kerma burials building (construction) programs/projects: for Amun, 1 7 ; and kingship, 1 2 8 , 1 3 4 , 148, 2 2 2 £ , 3 4 1 ; officials associated with, 59n4, 76, 100, 1 0 7 , 109, 1 1 0 , I I 3 £ , 1 2 6 , 160, 2 1 5 £ , 304, 306, 3 1 0 , 3 8 1 , 3 8 4 £ See also "building program" under specific rulers; Texte de la Jeunesse Bull of the Black Bull Nome, 1 2 9 bull: accoutrements, 293; black, 3 1 5 ; leapers (Cretan), 306; from the Levant, 88, 95, 97; sacred, 2 0 3 ; in titulary, 4 2 1 ; in tombs, 307, 384; vessels, 3 1 1 , 394; white, 1 4 3 ; See also Apis; Mnevis; Tjenen bureaucracy. See administration Burton, H., 2 4 3 , 2 5 2 Busiris, 1 2 9 Buto: festival calendar, 1 2 9 , I 4 5 f ; stela of Thutmose III, 1 3 3 ; temple of, 2 1 8 £ , 2 3 5 n 2 I 4 . See also Pe Byblos, I 2 £ , 8 1 , 1 3 0 , 2 1 1 , 234n208, 3 3 2 C Group, 3 6 3 f . Cairo Museum (CG), I87f., 1 9 5 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 9 , 263, 268f., 2 7 1 , 2 7 3 , 276f., 281,293, 295-301,308 Caminos, R.A., 43f., 2 1 3 campaign. See military (foreign) "campaign of victory," 28£, 356, 420£, 428n66 Canaan, I If., 30£, 3 3 7 Canaanite, 30, 306, 3 1 1 , 3 3 0 £ , 3 3 7 , 41In149 canals, 72, I 1 5 n 7 (Sec. 16), 1 4 1 , 3 5 5 canopic: box, 246; chest, 1 6 4 ; gods, 1 2 8 , 144, I 5 5 £ ; jars, 77, 104, 249f. Canopic branch of the Nile, 1 0 4 capital (site), I I , 16, 2 1 , 29, 3 1 , 3 3 , 39, 211,375 caravan routes, 345, 3 5 0 Carchemish, 1 3 , 30, 3 3 3 cardinal points, 1 5 0 f f . Carlotti, J.-Fr.,I85, 1 9 0 carpenters, 1 6 5 , 308, 396 carrying chair, I 4 7 f . Carter, H., 246, 249 carvers, 1 6 5 caryatid handle, 3 1 0

Subject Index Cataracts: as boundaries, 10, 346—50, 3 4 6 - 5 0 , 3 5 4 - 5 7 , 360£, 366, 3 9 1 , 4 1 3 ; and deities, 46, 1 2 7 ; and viceroys, 1 0 2 , 3 5 4 cats: burials of, 3 2 I n 8 8 ; on jewelry, 309; in tombs, 308 cattle: of Amun, 1 0 7 , 109, I I I , I 1 7 n 7 7 , 3 0 1 , 4 1 5 ; and deities, 87, 1 2 5 , I 7 I n 1 4 ; as offerings, 42, 94£, 1 4 5 , 148, 1 6 5 ; m titles, 84, 88, 1 0 7 , 109, I I I , I 1 7 n 7 7 , 3 0 1 , 4 1 5 ; as taxes, 1 3 3 , 350, 3 5 7 , 359, 362, 365, 3 7 5 £ , 387, 4 0 1 ; m tombs, 88, 3 8 2 cedar, 18, 20, 8 1 , 190, 326, 384, 4 I 4 f . ceiling decoration, 72, 2 4 I f f . , 250, 4 0 5 celestial realm, 2 4 ceremony. See coronation; court; cultic activities; festivals; foundation; funerary, rites; Opening of the Mouth; private tomb decoration, ceremonial scenes; rituals Cerny, J., 3 1 5 "chapel of women," 1 6 4 chapelle rouge, 184—86; construction of, 57, 186, 188, 1 9 1 ; decoration of, 68n129, 196, 205, 207, 2 3 I n n 1 1 2 and 1 2 0 , 269f., 278; dismantling of, 200£, 226, 270; inscriptions of, 56f., 62n35, 186, 228n46, 340; texts relating to, 184, 186. See also Karnak; Texte de la Jeunesse Chappaz, J.-L., 52f. chariots (chariotry): as booty/gifts/taxes, 3 3 1 , 362, 3 7 3 , 376, 379, 382ff., 4 0 1 ; in sport, 4 2 3 f f ; in warfare, 3, 1 0 3 , 309, 3 2 7 . See also mariannu chateau de Tor. See Karnak, Temple of Amun Chemmis, 1 2 5 chevauchee; 328, 3 3 6 f . Chevrier, H., I84f. chiefs: Egyptian, 3 3 8 £ , 350; foreign, 1 0 2 , 1 3 3 , 1 5 0 , 3 2 5 , 326, 3 3 1 , 3 3 2 , 3 3 3 , 350, 356, 359, 362, 3 8 1 , 385, 389, 398, 4 0 1 , 4 1 4 ; rebel, 350f. chief steward of the king (mr pr wr n nsw), 93—95. See also royal steward

Subject Index chief treasurer. See overseer of the seal child (children): foreign, 2 1 6 , 3 3 2 , 3 5 5 , 360, 3 7 3 , 379£, 3 8 2 f £ , 387, 3 9 I f , 395, 396, 399£; royal, 3, 4, 97, 98, 100, 265. See also Amenhotep II, nurses/tutors of; nurse; Thutmose III as; tutor child of the kap, 96f. See also Si-Bastet "children of the harem," 3 2 7 "citizens," 3 2 7 city-state. See Palestine; Syria Cleveland Museum of Art, 297, 299, 3 0 1 , 313 client state, 344£, 364 codpiece, 3 9 3 Coele-Syria, 1 2 coffins, 297, 3 1 5 , 3 1 6 £ ; for pets, 304, 3 2 I n 8 8 ; of Thutmose I, 246 coiffure. See hairstyle colossal statues, 6, 293, 306, 284n45; of Amenhotep I, 2 2 2 ; Osiride, 2 6 1 , 274f., 285n67; of Thutmose II, 264 commemorative: scenes, 2 3 , 304, 380, 3 8 2 f f , 398, 400, 404; texts, 2 3 , 47, 338, 383, 390, 398, 4 2 1 commemorative plaques: 4 2 3 commemorative stelae: 39, 2 7 1 , 4 1 3 f f . , 4 2 1 commodities, 73, 78, 83, 86, 99f£, 326, 3 3 7 , 344 commoners, 73, 1 7 1 , 339, 3 4 I f ; in the royal family, 2 1 , 27, 40, 3 3 9 conquered (people, places), 3 2 7 , 3 4 2 n 1 I , 344, 3 5 2 , 358, 373ff., 378, 387, 399, 4 0 I f f . conquest: legitimacy through, 3 3 8 f f ; tradition of, 10, 3 9 f , 1 0 1 , I 3 2 f , 215, 337 conscription. See military conscription contributions: domestic, 379; foreign, 359, 3 7 2 - 7 7 , 379£, 382, 386. See also b3k(w); gifts; inw /jnw; smw "controlling the enemy," 1 2 4 , 1 5 2 , 1 5 7 Cooney, 3 1 6 Copenhagen, 1 1 0 copper, 3 1 0 , 3 7 2 , 394, 40If., 4 2 3 f f . Coptite region, 1 0 7 Coptos, 8 1 , 1 2 4 , 1 5 0 ; monuments from, 82, 423; products of, 75; in titles, 80, 1 0 7 , I I I

^

501

coregency (Hatshepsut-Thutmose III): etiquette of, 25, 53—57; iconography of, 268, 270, 2 7 3 - 8 0 , 298; ideology of, 5 3 - 5 7 , 1 3 2 ; monuments from, 46, 54, 56, 57, 184, 188, 1 9 1 , 1 9 2 , 203, 204, 207, 2 1 1 , 2 1 2 , 220£; officials during, 70, 79, 80, 82, 87, 89, 93, 100, 1 0 2 , 1 0 7 , I I I ; reason for, 4If.; texts from, 50, 54, 57, 1 3 6 , 354. See also Amenhotep II, coregency with Thutmose III; corule; cornier; Hatshepsut, coregency with Thutmose I; Hatshepsut, coregency with Thutmose III; Hatshepsut, iconography of; Thutmose III, coregency with Hatshepsut; Thutmose III, iconography of coronation: ceremony, 24£, 56, I 2 5 f f , 1 2 8 , 1 3 0 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 5 , I46f., 148, 1 5 0 , 1 5 7 , 2 1 3 ; inscriptions, 4 1 , 55£, 1 3 1 , 166, 2 1 3 ; scenes, 24, 43, 1 6 2 , 2 1 3 £ , 278. 5« also Amenhotep II, accession of; Hatshepsut, coronation of; Sed Festival; Thutmose I, coronation of; Thutmose III, coronation of corule, 7, I I , 1 3 , 18, 20, 22, 2 5 f £ , 34. See also coregency cornier, 1 5 , 20, 22, 27, 1 3 0 , 2 3 8 ; corulership, 5£, 23—27. See also coregency corvée labor, 44f. cosmetic vessels, 3 1 2 cosmopolitan, 4 0 1 , 4 1 3 cosmic, 19, 59n3, 1 5 2 , 1 6 1 , 3 3 8 cosmos, 2, 9£, I6£, 1 3 3 , 3 3 8 councils: of the army, I 1 5 n 7 (Sec. 14); foreign, 334; of the front and the rear of the fleet, I 1 5 n 7 (Col. 35); great, I 1 5 n 7 (Col. R29); kenbet, 9 1 ; local, 7 1 ; of the magistracy, I I 5 n 7 (Sec. 1 3 , Col. R29); of the mat, I I4n7 (Sec. 8); of war, 2 countergifts, 396£, 399. See also gift giving coup d'état, 285n58, 3 7 0 "cour de la cachette," 190, 1 9 7 . See also Karnak cachette court: festival, 40, 47, 6 7 n 1 I I , 1 9 3 , 279;

5i 6 • court (continued) foreign, 384, 397, 4 1 I n 1 6 9 ; royal, 24, 29, 78, 9 0 f , 94, 9 6 f , l 0 0 f , 1 1 3 , 340, 3 5 1 , 3 5 5 , 358, 376, 384, 386, 397, 4 0 0 f , 4 1 I n n 1 4 9 and 169, 429n74; slaughter, 164; solar, I 7 5 n 1 2 9 , 209; of the underworld, 168; viziers court, 78, II4-I5n7 court ceremony, 376, 386, 394, 397, 400 court elite, 2, 1 3 , 1 5 , 24, 26£, 70, 90, 378, 400£, 4 0 2 courtiers, 1 1 2 , 265, 3 0 7 f , 4 1 3 craftsmen, 1 6 5 , 168, 4 2 3 , 396 Cretan bull leapers, 306 Crete, 1 3 , 75, 3 9 2 f f See also Aegean; Keftiu crown name, 2 7 4 crowns, 1 4 6 (Āew), 184, 2 1 3 , 2 1 5 , 288n26, 292; 3 $ 5 1 ; double, 1 2 6 , 1 4 7 , 2 1 3 , 2 8 8 n 1 2 6 , 370; of the gods wife, I74n92, 2 8 8 n 1 2 6 ; kingly, 52, 274; of Menkheperre, 108; plumed, 47, 5 1 ; red, 1 2 6 , 149, 2 1 3 , 226; royal, 1 2 5 ; white, 43, 46, 1 2 4 , 140, 149, 2 1 3 , 2 4 1 , 299, 3 1 7 n 2 , 320n48. See also diadem cryptogram, 2 0 4 cult, 123—82; of Amosis, 1 5 8 ; of Amun, 1 0 7 , 1 2 5 , 1 4 5 , 1 5 3 , 1 5 7 , 1 6 1 ; of Amun-Re, 28, 3 1 , 1 4 1 ; of Anubis, 1 5 3 ; centers, 1 2 8 ; child, 1 3 0 ; daily, 1 2 6 , I 3 5 f f , I 3 8 f , 1 4 5 , 1 5 3 , 1 5 8 , I 6 5 f , 169; divine, 28, 3 3 , 1 1 2 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 - 3 9 ; 279; of Hathor, 1 2 5 , 1 5 3 , I 6 2 f ; of Mm, 1 4 3 ; of Mut, 1 2 6 ; popular, I 6 2 f f ; of Ptah, I 2 8 £ ; of Ptah-SokarOsiris, 1 5 3 ; of Re, 1 3 8 ; of ReHarakhty, 1 3 8 , 1 5 3 ; royal (statue), 124, 125, 136, 138, 142, 162, I94£, 2 1 0 , 2 1 2 , 224, 226; of royal ancestors, I 9 f £ , 40, I 3 6 £ , 1 4 2 , I 9 0 f , 194, 206, 2 0 9 f , 2 3 I n 1 0 7 , 264, 3 3 8 ; of Sakhmet, 1 6 3 ; of Senwosret III, 2 3 , 42; of Sobek, 226; of Sokar, 1 9 5 ; solar, 1 2 3 , 1 3 7 , 1 5 I f , 1 9 5 , 2 0 3 , 207, 209£, 226, 2 3 2 n 1 4 2 ; sun god, 2 1 0 ; temple, 69, 1 3 5 , 1 5 9 , 1 6 2 , 2 2 4 ; o f T h o t h , 1 2 7 ; of Thutmose

Subject Index I, 7, 206, 23On102, 1 5 3 ; of Thutmose II, 2 0 5 f f , 208; of Wepwaut, 1 6 3 . See also administration, cult/religious/ temple; festival; funerary cult; rituals; worship cult images/statues, 1 3 1 , I 3 5 f f , 1 3 9 , I 4 2 f , 1 5 8 , 1 6 2 , 166, 1 6 9 cult/ritual objects, 1 5 8 , 1 5 9 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 5 , 199, 3 2 3 n 1 5 3 cultic/ritual activities, 7, 1 2 4 , I 2 8 £ , 1 3 6 , I 3 9 £ ; 144, 1 4 6 - 5 2 ; driving the calves, I49£; hitting the balls, I 5 I £ ; o f king, 7, 16, 18, 1 3 3 , 1 3 5 , 1 4 2 , 1 4 4 , 1 4 6 - 5 2 passim, 1 6 1 ; Meret chest ceremony, 140, I 5 0 £ ; running the course, I 4 0 £ , I 4 9 £ ; scenes of, 57, 1 2 4 , I 3 5 f f , 140, 144, 1 5 I f , 224, 2 7 2 £ , 279, 3 0 2 £ ; shooting the arrows, 1 5 I f See also coronation, ceremony; festivals; foundation ceremony/ ritual; funerary cult; ritual roles; Sed Festival; Taharqa edifice Cusae, 3 3 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 4 Cypriot: people, 390, 395; pottery, 3 1 4 , 3 2 3 n 1 5 8 , 390, 409n95 Cyprus, 3 7 3 , 402, 409n98 Cyrenaica, 1 0 Dagi (governor of the town; T T 1 0 3 ) , 3 0 2 Dakka, 2 1 2 Damascus, 1 2 , 3 3 1 , 3 3 6 damnatio memoriae; 234n206, 263, 2 6 6 f , 2 8 1 , 3 5 3 , 426n6. See also Hatshepsut, proscription of; Seni dancers, 164, 385, 3 9 2 Darb el-Arbain, 3 4 5 Darnell, J . C , 1 0 4 Daughter of Re, 1 2 5 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 2 , 1 6 5 Davies,nde G., 49, 108, 1 1 0 , 2 I 6 f . Davis, Theodore M., 2 4 6 daybook, 29, 3 1 , 3 2 5 f f . , 3 3 1 , 3 3 3 f f . , 3 7 2 , 3 7 7 , 427n38. See also Annals de Buck, A., 2 2 0 deben, 3 5 9 , 3 6 5 decoration program: of mortuary temples, 1 3 3 , 1 5 4 ; of private tombs, 72£, 75, 82, 1 6 4 - 7 1 , 3 0 2 - 7 , 3 7 7 - 8 9 , 400£, 405; of royal tombs, 16,

Subject Index 1 2 5 , 1 3 8 , 1 5 2 - 5 7 , 239, 2 4 1 - 4 6 , 248, 2 5 0 f £ , 307£; of temples, 1 5 7 , 2 6 1 . See also Amenhotep II, building program, Amada temple; Hatshepsut, decoration program; Thutmose III, decoration program Dedi (royal messenger; T T 200), 93, I06£, I19n122 Dedwen, 42£, 1 3 7 , 1 5 2 , 2 1 4 , 3 5 2 Deffufa, 3 4 5 Deir el Bahari: Beautiful Feast of the Valley festival at, 1 4 1 £, 1 6 1 , 209; cache, 256n53, 257n72; cult of Amun at, 1 2 5 , 1 5 3 , 189, 205; cult of Amun-Re at, 1 3 5 , 1 4 1 , 1 6 1 ; cult of Anubis at, 1 2 5 , 1 3 5 , 1 5 3 ; cult of Hathor at, 1 2 5 , 129, 142, 1 5 3 , I62£; cult of the king at, 1 3 6 , 1 5 3 , 2 1 0 £ ; cult of Montu at, 1 2 7 ; cult of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris at, 1 5 3 ; cult of Re-Harakhty at, 1 3 8 , 1 5 3 ; cult of Thutmose I at, 7, 1 5 3 , 2 3 0 n 1 0 2 , 264; cult of Thutmose II at, 264, 279; cults at, 7, 1 2 3 , 128, 1 3 5 , 1 5 3 ; festival of Amun at, 1 4 2 ; festivals at, 7, 16; gods of, I 7 3 n 6 I ; officials at, 74, 94, 1 1 0 ; Opet festival at, 1 4 I f ; Sed festival at 149, 1 5 1 ; Sokar festival at, 144; solar/sun god cult at, 2 0 9 f f ; in titulary, 129; tombs at, 169, 240, 248£ See also divine birth of king; Djeser Akhet; Djeser Djeseru; Hatshepsut, building program, Thebes, Deir el Bahari; Hatshepsut, mortuary cult of; Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, Deir el-Bahari (mortuary) temple of; Punt; Thutmose III, building program, Thebes, Djeser Akhet Deir el Bersha, 1 2 7 Deir el Medineh, 242, 296, 3 0 7 Delta, I 3 £ , 82, 327; and Hyksos I I , 306; monuments in/from, 8 1 , 2 1 2 , 309; products of, 73, 380 demon, 10, 308, 406 Dendera: Hathor of, 1 2 5 , I 7 6 n 1 6 0 ; temple at, 129, 1 5 1 Dep. See Wadjit, goddess deportation, 3 3 5 , 344, 364, 402

^

503

depots, 328, 3 3 2 desert, 10, 86, 100, 1 6 5 (smyt), 425; eastern, 8 1 , 107, 296, 3 1 0 ; hunting scenes, 303f, 3 1 3 ; necropolis, 1 5 3 , 238; Nubian, 10, 2 1 8 , 348£, 364£; Sinai, 330; and Sokar, 144, 1 5 7 ; in titles, 106, 129, 1 4 3 ; western, 9 1 , 104; of western Thebes, 93, 1 0 6 Desroches-Noblecourt, C., 2 0 3 "determined duties," 8 1 , 83 DeVries, C E . , 1 5 1 Dhutnofer ( T T 104): 3 1 5 diadem, 308f. diadem goddess, I 2 5 f , 1 3 2 Diodorus, 338, 342n6, 3 4 3 n 1 6 diplomatic: contacts, I 2 f , 30, 336, 395£; immunity, 92; mission, 107; relations, 9, 389, 396; tradition, 376; visits, 388, 4 0 1 . See also embassies; gift giving; gifts; inw /jnw divine: community, I 2 7 f f ; father, 1 3 1 , 1 3 3 , 1 5 2 , 3 4 1 ; offerings, 42, 44, 1 1 2 , 1 3 6 , 1 3 8 ; world, 1 3 0 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 7 , 146. See also kingship, divine aspects of Dira abu en-Naga: private tombs at, I 2 0 n 1 6 7 , 302, 3 2 3 n 1 6 4 ; royal tombs at, 16, 240, 249, 2 5 1 divine adoratrice, 84, 1 5 1 divine birth of king, 22, 24, 55, 128, I 3 0 f , 1 3 2 , 1 6 2 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 5 , 340 divine selection of king, 4, 47, 57, 184, 192, 206, 339f. Djahy (D3hj), 95, 373ff., 377, 386, 390, 4 1 5 . See also Palestine Djedefra, king, 293 Djehuty (kings son), 346 Djehuty (official under Hatshepsut), 3 5 4 Djehuty (overseer of the army), I 0 3 f , 105, 106, 3 1 1 . See also Joppa Djehuty (overseer of the gold and silver houses; T T I I ) , 85ff., 1 0 7 , 1 1 3 , 1 2 7 , 129; as overseer of works,

86

Djehuty (royal herald; T T 1 1 0 ) , 92, 1 6 1 , 165, 1 7 0 Djehutyhotep (chief of Tehkhet), 1 0 2 Djer, king, 1 4 3 , I 7 5 n 1 3 5 , I 7 6 n 1 7 8 Djerty priestesses, 159, I64f.

5i 6 • Djeser Akhet (holy of the horizon): decoration of, 2 0 9 f f , 2 1 9 , 260; m private tombs, I 0 8 £ , 1 5 9 , 2 6 2 £ , 2 8 L See also Kha Akhet; Thutmose III, building program, Thebes, Djeser Akhet; Thutmose III, mortuary cult of Djeser Djesru (holiest of holy places): decoration of, 5 3 f f , 63n59, 1 0 0 , 108, 125, I 2 7 f , 13Of, I35£, 138, I 4 I £ , 149, 1 5 1 , 156, 1 6 9 , 2 1 5 , 268, 2 7 4 £ , 2 7 7 , 2 7 9 , 296, 340, 3 5 4 , 3 6 5 , 3 7 0 , 3 8 5 , 389; defacement of, 6£; in private tombs, 45, 1 0 8 . See also Hatshepsut, building program, Thebes, Deir el Bahari; Hatshepsut, mortuary cult of; Punt Djeser Menu, 2 3 2 n 1 4 2 . See also Thutmose II, memorial temple Djeserkare (son of Neferperet), 1 4 5 Dolinska, M., 2 1 0 domestic shrines, 2 9 9 donation stela. See Senenmut, donation stela of donations of the king: to deities, 1 2 8 , 2 1 9 ; for festivals, 1 3 9 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 5 ; to temples, 1 1 2 , 1 3 8 , 1 4 5 , I 5 8 £ , 372, 387, 402 Dongola Reach, 3 4 7 , 3 4 9 Dorman, P., 2 5 , 78, I 0 8 f , 208, 2 6 3 , 2 7 0 , 297 dowager queen, 4 1 3 Drang nach Süden, 3 3 0 dromoSj 212 Duamutef, canopic god, 1 5 5 Duaneheh, 1 6 9 ; assmann ( 1 9 8 3 ) Duawynehhe (royal herald; T T 1 2 5 ) , 72, 84, 92, I I I ; tomb of ( T T 1 2 5 ) , I8In362 dues (annual/yearly), 94, 3 5 7 , 3 5 9 , 3 6 2 , 3 7 2 , 3 7 6 , 380, 3 8 7 , 3 9 1 , 4 0 1 . See also b3k(w) Duties of the Vizier (text): content of, I 3 f f , 7 I f . , 7 3 £ , 77, 80, 85, 88£, 9 1 , 92£, 99, 1 0 1 , 1 1 3 , 1 1 4 — I 5 n 7 ; date of, 1 4 , 1 1 3 ; location of, 1 4 , 69, 7 5 earth, 3, 1 2 4 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 9 , 1 4 1 , 1 5 2 , 1 6 1 , 2 1 5 , 2 5 6 n 4 9 , 3 3 8 , 340; in texts,

Subject Index 47, 1 2 4 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 7 , 1 3 9 , 1 6 6 , 1 7 0 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 8 , 2 4 4 , 3 4 2 . 5 « also foundation ritual Eastern Sanctuary/Temple. See Karnak, Eastern Sanctuary ebony, 1 0 , I I , 7 3 , 3 5 9 f f . , 3 7 5 , 3 8 2 , 4 0 2 , 4 1 5 ; shrine, 86, 1 0 9 , I 7 4 n 9 6 economy (of Egypt), 14, 80, 69, I I I , 3 7 1 , 398, 40If., 404, 405; growth of, 1 3 , 30, 3 4 1 ; and the Levant, 390; and Nubia, 357ff., 36If., 364f., 376; regional, 99, lOI; royal, 16, 85, 402; and Syria-Palestine, 3 7 3 , 376; temple, 16, 1 7 , 85, 3 5 7 , 364, 4 0 2 Edfu, 346, 3 5 1 ; Hathor at, I 7 6 n 1 6 0 , I 8 I n 3 6 I ; Horus of, I49f.; temple at, 1 5 0 , 1 5 1 Egberts, A., I 5 0 f . Egyptian blue, 3 1 2 Egyptian dress: female, 3 0 1 , 3 0 5 £ , 309, 3 1 1 , 3 1 5 ; male, 3 8 1 Egyptian society, 3, 1 4 , 3 1 , 400f., 4 0 3 f , 4 0 5 . See also foreigners in Egyptian state, 1 5 , 69, 1 4 8 , 3 2 8 , 3 4 4 , 3 5 0 , 3 5 2 , 3 5 5 - 5 8 passim, 3 6 1 , 3 6 4 £ , 3 7 1 , 3 8 1 , 3 8 7 , 4 0 I f . See also administration, state "Egyptian way of life," 4 0 3 , 4 0 6 Egyptianized Nubians, 1 0 2 , 3 4 5 , 3 5 6 , 3 6 3 f f . See also foreigners, assimilation of; Nubians Eighteenth Dynasty: connection to Middle Kingdom, 7, 1 4 , I 6 f , I 9 f , 26, 3 1 , 2 4 0 , 3 0 2 £ , 3 3 9 £ , 3 5 2 ; connection to Seventeenth Dynasty, I I , 20, 3 1 , 2 5 1 ; early, 5, 9 - 1 9 , 3 9 £ , lOIf., 1 2 3 , 1 9 0 , 2 3 8 , 2 3 9 , 240, 2 4 5 , 2 8 1 , 300, 3 0 2 f f . , 3 1 5 f , 340, 3 4 4 - 5 2 , 3 5 3 , 356f., 363f.; government of, I5f., I 9 f , 2 7 ; importance of Amun-Re during, 7, I 7 f , 26, 1 2 4 , 1 4 1 ; later, 2 1 , 3 3 , 2 4 0 , 3 0 3 , 3 5 6 , 3 5 7 , 425f.; queens during, 4 1 , 2 4 8 f f ; royal funerary cult of, 7, 26, 1 5 3 £ ; Theban origin of, 2 0 . See also Ahmose, king; Akhenaten; Amenhotep I; Amenhotep III; Ay; Horemheb; N e w Kingdom; Thutmose IV; Tutankhamun

Subject Index El-Banna, E., 2 2 0 "elders," 3 3 4 electrum, 86, I I , I 2 I n 2 0 3 , 2 0 1 , 202, 3 6 2 elephant hunt, 2 1 7 , 3 1 0 , 404, 4 1 3 , 4 1 5 Elephantine: calendar, 1 4 1 , 1 4 5 ; city, I 1 5 n 7 (Sec 1 7 ) , 2 1 7 , 346, 348, 3 5 2 ; statues from, 46£, 279; stela of Amenhotep II, 2 2 2 , 2 2 5 £ , 428n65; temple of Khnum, 46, 2 2 1 , 2 2 5 f , 229n55, 2 3 7 n 2 7 0 ; temple of Satet, 2 1 2 , 2 3 6 n 2 5 0 , 269, 279, 285n69; temples, 1 2 9 , I 7 8 n 2 4 5 , 236n244; triad of, 1 2 7 Eleutheros Valley, 330, 3 3 2 , 3 3 5 , 3 3 6 Eleventh Dynasty, 20, 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 , 240, 302, 339 elite, 1 2 , 33, 1 1 0 , 3 5 7 , 4 0 3 f ; equestrian, 1 0 3 ; foreign, 3 9 1 , 399; landowning, 1 4 ; power of, 1 3 , 1 5 , 24, 27, 70. See also court elite; Nubian, elite; private tombs Elkab (Nekheb): Hatshepsut at, 52; officials, 78, 97, 100; private tombs, 49, 78, 98, 100, 1 0 1 , I 8 I n 3 4 4 ; temple of, 2 1 9 , 2 2 0 f Ellesiya, I 7 5 n 1 2 0 ; speos of, 2 1 4 , 2 6 3 ; stela from 2 I 4 f , 2 1 8 Emar, 3 3 4 , 3 4 3 n 1 4 embassies/delegations: Egyptian, 397; foreign, 336, 3 7 8 f f , 3 8 3 , 3 8 6 f f , 390ff, 394f, 400f, 412n190; Emery, W.B., 3 4 6 Emheb (drummer), 3 4 6 empire, 27, 30, 32, 5 9 n 1 , 1 2 3 , 1 2 8 , 1 7 1 ennead, 55, 1 2 9 , 149, 168, I 9 3 f f ; m text, 47, 1 3 4 , 1 9 3 , 2 7 4 epithets: divine, 1 2 7 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 2 ; of Hatshepsut, 50, 57£, 274; private, 73, 8 1 , 88, 94, 3 2 7 ; royal, 1 9 3 , 3 3 9 £ ; of Thutmose III, 1 9 3 , 198, 203, 208, 2 1 0 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 7 , 2 1 9 , 2 2 1 , 226, 2 5 1 , 4 1 4 ; of Thutmose IV 2 1 1 Esdraelon, 330, 3 3 7 Esna (Iunyt), 100, 296, 298 estate of: Amun(-Re), 28, 1 0 7 , 108, 402; the dead, 1 6 7 ; the god* wife, 64n67; Osiris, 1 5 8 ; temples, 379, 383 estates, 14, 7 1 , 74, 88, 9 1 , 100, 1 3 4 , 3 7 3

^

505

ethical behavior, 1 6 0 f , 1 6 3 f . ethnicity, 389£, 4 0 3 £ See also Aegeans; foreigners, representations of; Hittites; Nubians; Palestine, people of; Punt, people of; SyriaPalestinian, people of; Syrians Euphrates River ("great bend"), 8, 10, I 2 £ , 29£, 39, 109, 334, 3 3 6 , 362, 4 1 3 ; crossing of, 1 3 , 30, 87, 95, 105, I18n109, 216, 2 1 7 , 337; stela at, 1 3 , 39, 2 1 7 , 3 3 3 , 4 1 4 . See also Mitanni; Tigris-Euphrates ex votos296 expeditions, 47, 53, 72, 7 8 f £ , 92, 398; to Lebanon, 8 1 , 384, 385, 398; to Punt, 1 1 , 2 5 , 5 3 £ , 77, 79£, 92, 3 5 5 , 370, 385, 387, 389, 395, 398, 404; trade to Lebanon, 380, 387, 398; trade to Punt, I I , 25, 3 7 3 , 387, 398. See also foreign lands, expeditions to; military (foreign) campaigns exotic: animals, 3 7 2 , 404; appeal of, 404£; items, 344, 358, 384, 386, 406; plants, 3 1 , 404£; raw materials, 3 7 5 , 389, 396; scenery, 384; in texts, 86. See also foreign items exotica, I I , 404; of Nubia, 3 8 2 £ , 4 0 1 ; of Punt, 86, 3 7 3 , 382. See also foreign items Fadrus, 363f. faience vessels, 309, 3 I 3 f . Fairman, H.W., 1 3 6 fan bearers, 1 4 0 Faras, 2 1 2 , 3 5 6 farmers, 3 2 7 , 403 "father of the fathers" (Thutmose III), 3 4 I f . See also Misphragmouthosis Faulkner, R.O., 4 1 7 f f . Fay, B., 276, 294, 299 Fayum, 1 0 1 , I 7 3 n 7 0 , 293, 3 1 5 fertility figurines, 1 6 3 festival calendars, 1 3 9 , I 4 4 £ ; for AmunRe, 28; of Buto, I 4 5 £ ; of Elephantine, 1 4 1 , 1 4 5 ; for Wadjit, 129 Festival Hall (of Thutmose III at Karnak), 123, 192-94, 195, 210; coronation ceremony depictions,

5i 6 • Festival Hall (continued) 1 4 7 ; cult of Re, 1 3 8 ; cult of Thutmose III 1 3 6 ; Opening of the Mouth depictions, I 8 0 n 3 2 3 ; royal ancestor cult at, I 3 6 £ ; Sed Festival depictions, I48£, I 5 I ; S o k a r Festival depictions, 1 4 3 . See also Akh Menu Festival of: Eternity, I 7 5 n 1 3 5 ; the First Day of the Year, 1 6 1 ; Nehebkau, 146, 1 6 1 ; the Opening of the Year, 1 6 1 ; the Upper and Lower Egyptian Meret, 1 4 5 ; the White Hippopotamus (of Upper Egypt), 144, 304 Festival of the New Year. See New Year Festival Festival of Opet. See Opet Festival Festival of the (Beautiful) Valley. See Beautiful Feast of the Valley festival processions, I 3 9 f , 1 4 3 ; of AmunRe, 18, 20, 23; of Hathor, 1 4 2 ; at Karnak, I I I ; at Luxor, 56; of Min, 1 4 3 ; of royal ancestors, 20, 1 4 2 . See also Beautiful Feast of the Valley; Going Forth; Opet Festival; Sokar Festival festivals (feasts), 42, 1 6 2 , 305, 3 5 2 , 4 1 I n 1 4 9 , 4 1 7 ; agrarian, I 4 3 f ; of Amun, 44, 56, 1 4 2 , 427n43; daily, 144, 1 4 5 ; of heaven, 1 7 0 ; moon, 1 3 8 , 144, 1 4 5 , 4 I 7 £ ; public, 1 6 2 ; royal, 1 4 6 - 5 2 , 1 5 5 ; temple, 18, 19, 1 3 4 , 1 3 9 - 4 6 ; yearly, 144, 1 4 5 ; victory, 1 4 5 . See also Beautiful Feast of the Valley; coronation ceremony; cultic/ritual activities; foundation ceremony/ritual; Min; Opet Festival; Red Festival; Reunion Festival; Sed Festival; Sokar Festival; Sothis Field of Reeds, 164, 1 7 0 fields: harvest, 328, 3 7 3 ; khato-fields, 100; as offerings, 1 1 2 , 1 4 5 , 1 5 9 Fifteenth Dynasty, I I . See also Hyksos; Second Intermediate Period Fifth Dynasty, 20, 1 2 5 , 148, 3 0 1 . See also Old Kingdom fine marl A, 3 1 3 Firka, 346

Subject Index fish-shaped vessels, 3 1 2 , 3 1 3 , 3 1 4 , 323n16I Fitzwilliam Museum, 3 1 2 followers (smsw) of the king, 95, 3 5 9 foreign: deities, 1 5 2 , 398, 403; kingdoms, 10, I 2 f , 30, 346£, 348, 3 5 2 , 3 5 5 £ , 359, 362, 395; kings, 10, 65n90, 1 0 1 , 303, 330, 333ff., 3 4 3 n 1 2 , 344, 359, 3 7 2 , 402; leaders, 2, 350, 400; overlords, 330, 347, 374; policy, 10, 2 7 2 , 344; relations, 3 3 2 , 342n7, 344f., 3 6 1 , 370, 3 7 7 , 378, 399, 4 1 On 1 3 4 ; rulers, 8, I I , 1 3 , 30, 75, 90£, 1 0 2 , 1 0 3 , 330, 345, 350£, 356, 359, 3 7 2 , 396, 399£, 402; trade, 4 0 1 . See also chiefs; children; diplomatic; economy; embassies; gifts; political, relationships; slaves; vassal; vessels foreign administration. See administration, foreign; administration, Kush/ Nubia; administration, SyriaPalestine; Nubia, control of; Palestine, control of; Syria, control of; Syria-Palestine, control of foreign campaigns. See military campaigns foreign items: appeal of, 404£; delivery of, 3 7 2 - 7 7 , 378, 384, 385, 386£, 40If.; depictions of, 306, 3 1 0 , 3 7 8 - 8 5 , 404. See also Annals; b3k(w); contributions; economy; foreigners' processions; gifts; inw/ jnw; products; smw; taxes; tribute foreign invasion, 39, 292, 3 3 0 foreign lands/countries/territories: deliveries from, 75, 90, 1 2 7 , 326, 3 5 I f . , 3 6 I £ , 3 7 2 - 7 7 , 378, 384, 385, 386; depictions of, 304, 384, 386, 393, 4 0 1 ; domination/rule over, 8, 10, 30, 39, 1 0 1 , 362, 399, 4 1 5 ; Egyptians in, 92£, 95, 3 5 7 , 362, 4 0 1 ; expeditions to, 3 7 1 , 4 0 1 ; exploitation of, 3 5 7 , 3 7 3 , 376; symbolic significance of, 9£, 19, 328£, 3 4 1 , 3 6 1 , 396£, 400; m texts, 1 7 , 49, 86, 89, 9 1 , 95, 104, 1 3 3 , 3 4 1 , 380, 382, 383, 389£, 397, 400, 4 1 4 . See also Aegean; Annals; Asia; Cyprus; expeditions;

Subject Index foreign items; garrison; imperial; Lebanon; Levant; military (foreign) campaigns; Nubia; Palestine; Punt; Syria; Syria-Palestine foreign wives of Thutmose III, 389, 4 1 6 ; funerary goods of, 308, 309, 3 1 I f , 3 1 4 ; tomb of, 249, 308 foreigners: assimilation of, 4 0 3 f ; education in Egypt, 3 3 2 , 399; in E g y p t / Egyptian society, 3 1 3 , 3 7 1 , 385, 389, 396, 400, 4 0 2 f f , 4 0 5 f ; hybridism of, 382, 288, 3 9 1 , 393; submission, 398£; symbolic significance of, 9£, 1 0 3 , 3 7 1 , 3 9 6 - 4 0 0 , 405£; in Theban tombs, 75, 306, 308, 3 7 1 , 3 7 7 - 8 9 , 390—96. See also Aegeans; Annals; Asia, people of; Asiatic; Cypriots; Egyptianized Nubians; Hittites; Nubians; Punt, people of; SyriaPalestinians foreigners' processions in Theban tombs, 3 7 1 , 3 7 7 - 8 5 , 3 9 0 - 9 6 , 397, 400; historicity of, 3 8 6 - 8 9 , 397, 405; iconography of, 3 7 1 , 3 7 8 £ , 383, 386—88 passim fortified settlements: in the Levant, 3 1 , 3 3 2 , 334, 3 3 6 ; m Nubia, 10, 3 5 6 fortress, I 1 4 n 7 (Sec. 2); Asiatic, 1 5 2 ; in Lebanon, 326, 3 3 2 ; in Nubia, 345, 346, 350, 3 5 6 £ , 365; m Syria, 1 0 5 , 384 foster brothers and sisters, 2 6 5 foundation ceremony/ritual, 1 4 3 , I 4 5 f , 148, 1 6 7 , 186, 188, 190, 1 9 5 , 2 2 5 , 229n60, 267, 4 1 7 ; cord ceremony of, 1 3 0 , 148, 2 2 2 , 224, 4 1 7 f f ; elements of, 1 4 8 ; hacking the earth, 1 4 3 , 148; raising the tent poles, 1 4 3 ; spearing the hippopotamus, 148, 1 6 7 . See also Palermo Stone; Sed Festival; Sokar Festival foundation deposit, 56, 207f., 2 3 4 n 1 8 7 , 246, 249, 4 2 2 Fourth Dynasty, 20, 293, 3 0 1 , 308. See also Old Kingdom French-Egyptian Center of Karnak, 2 7 0 funerary: equipment, deities, 144, 1 5 3 , 1 5 9 ; 1 5 0 , 2 3 9 , 2 4 1 , 308, 3 1 5 - 1 7 ,

^

507

3 6 3 ; literature, 1 2 9 , 1 3 9 , 1 5 7 , 168, 169; papyrus, 84, 3 1 5 ; offerings, 244, 245; practices, 364; rites, 1 5 5 , 1 5 9 , 166, 3 0 3 , 304; scenes/texts, 26, 73, 304, 307, 308; shawabtis; 3 I 5 f , 394. See also Amduat; Book of the Dead; coffins; Dira Abu en-Naga; liturgies; mummification; Valley of the Kings funerary chapel of Sahure, 1 6 3 funerary cones, 8 1 , 100, 1 0 1 , I 2 0 n 1 9 I funerary cult: private, 1 2 7 , 164—71; royal, 7, 9, 22, 26, 32, 1 1 0 , 1 5 2 - 5 7 , 169, 2 0 5 f f . See also mummification funerary temple. See mortuary temple furniture, 239, 306, 374, 4 0 1 Gabolde, L., 5 1 , 1 8 7 , 202, 2 0 5 £ , 220, 270, 274, 2 7 8 "gang-boss," 3 3 9 garden, 1 5 9 , 164, 4 2 3 Gardiner, A.H., I, 27, 2 1 8 , 2 2 3 , 3 7 2 , 4 2 1 garnet. See gems garrison, 30, 104, 3 3 2 , 3 3 6 , 3 3 7 , 3 5 6 £ , 365; storehouses, 3 6 1 ; towns, 345; troops, 3 3 5 , 3 5 7 gate/gateway: of the palace, 7 I £ , 80, 87; m religion, 1 3 1 , 1 3 6 , 1 5 4 , 240; of temples, 7, 18, 62n48, I90f., 1 9 5 , 196, 1 9 7 , 198, 199, 2 0 1 , 202, 2 0 3 , 205, 206, 209, 2 1 9 , 220, 223, 270 Gauthier, H., 4 1 6 Gaza, I I , 3 3 7 Geb, 1 2 9 ; "inheritance of Geb," 339; and kingship, 1 4 7 , 1 5 5 , 1 5 6 , 3 3 8 f . Gebel Barkal: city, 347, 354ff., 360, 366; stela from, 2 1 4 , 2 1 7 f , 2 1 9 , 2 3 0 n 1 0 7 , 3 5 5 , 36If., 4 1 3 f . ; temple of Amun, 2 1 4 , 3 5 5 , 4 1 3 ; temple B 5 0 1 ; temples, 2 1 1 Gebel Dosha, 1 3 7 Gebel el-Silsila (Silsila West): quarries, 48, 79, 8 1 ; shrines/cenotaphs/ chapels, 48, 65n85, 74, 7 9 - 8 3 passim, 93, 109, 2 3 6 n 2 5 2 Gebel Hammam, 94 Gebelein, 78 Gegentempel 162

5i 6 • "das Gehöft" (temple), 2 1 2 gems, 3 1 0 ges-per workshops, 72, 84, 92, I 1 5 n 7 (Col. R29) Gessler-Löhr, 1 0 1 gifts: audience, 397; ceremonial, 396; compulsory, 374ff., 396f., 399; for deities, 1 7 , 28, 1 3 2 , 3 1 0 ; diplomatic, 30, 3 1 1 , 345, 3 7 I f , 379£; domestic, 386; festival, 94, 1 6 2 ; foreign, 30, 75, 336£, 3 5 2 , 365, 372, 374£, 377, 379£, 382£, 384£, 386£, 389, 3 9 1 , 393f., 397, 399, 401f.; grave, 1 5 0 ; greeting, 372, 397; for officials, 82, 1 1 If., 4 0 1 ; presentation of, 380, 3 8 3 f , 386f., 397; reception of, 380, 400; temple, 1 4 5 , 146; vassals', 399; voluntary, 3 7 2 , 396. See also b3k(w); contributions; inw /jnw gift exchange, 9, 3 7 2 ; ceremonial, 396£, 402; diplomatic, 4 0 2 gift givers, 372, 3 7 7 , 393, 395, 3 9 7 gift giving, 398£; ceremonial, 374; diplomatic, 379, 394, 397, 400, 402; festival, 1 6 2 , 1 6 8 giraffe, 3 5 5 , 382, 404 Giza, 87, 4 2 3 glass: industry, 3 1 4 ; objects, 246, 309; paste, 3 1 6 . See also vessels, glass Gnirs, A., 1 0 5 god' wife (of Amun), 1 3 2 , 1 5 2 , 2 8 8 n 1 2 6 ; costume of, 47, 50, I74n92, 2 8 8 n 1 2 6 ; officials of, 64n67, 93, 98, 109. See also Hatshepsut, as god* wife (of Amun); Neferura, as god* wife (of Amun) goddess of the east, 1 6 9 goddess of the west, 1 2 7 , 1 6 7 , 1 6 9 gold: delivery of, 344, 359, 362, 365, 3 7 5 , 376, 3 8 I f f , 4 0 1 ; location of, 10, 8 1 , 86, 1 0 1 , 1 0 7 , 350, 3 5 3 , 364£, 4 0 1 , 4 1 5 ; objects, 104, 1 1 0 , I 2 I n 2 0 3 , 1 4 5 , 309, 3 1 0 f , 3 1 4 ; reception of, 86, 9 1 ; in temples, 201,310 Gold House, 1 5 8 , 1 6 5 gold of honor/gold lion award, 93, 106, 300, 309 gold rings, 365, 3 8 1 , 3 8 2

Subject Index Golden Horus, 1 2 5 , 1 3 1 goldsmith, 396 Gournet Murai, 3 0 2 governance: aspects of, 1 5 ; foreign, 328£, 357, 362; imperial, 10; nature of, 14; process of, 16, 19; responsibility for, 23, 57; structure of, 70; system of, I 4 f , 3 3 government: institutions, 14, 1 5 , 378; local, 1 5 ; management of, 24£, 4 1 , 42, 53; nature of, 1 5 ; power of, 14; responsibilities, 58; royal, 2 1 ; structure, 9, I 4 f , 27, 1 1 4 ; system, 3 2 governors, 336. See also mayors graffiti, 42, 47, 54, 57, 79, 1 4 1 , 1 8 5 , 2 1 7 , 228n37, 3 1 7 n 4 , 3 5 4 gram, 1 5 , 8 1 ; delivery of, 74£, 83, 99£; foreign, 3 5 9 f f ; of the king, 83; as offerings, 42, 44, 4 1 7 , 4 I 8 £ ; production, 100; in rituals, 1 5 1 ; storage of, 77, 82; taxes, 72, 78, 83. See also granary Grallert, S., 2 2 5 granary: administration, 81—85, 99£; of Amun, 387; dual granaries, 8If., 83; great granary, 75, 83 granite quarries, 4 7 Gratien, B., 3 6 3 graves, 363f. Great Green (Mediterranean Sea). See Isles in the Midst of the Great Green Great House of Millions of Years. See House of Millions of Years Great Khatte, 336. See also Hatti; Hittite Great Prison, 7 1 , I 1 4 n 7 (Sec. 6) great king* wife, 3 4 0 great royal wife, 249, 3 4 0 Great Stela Text, 160, 1 7 0 Great Tomcat, 308 great wife (of the king), 205, 4 1 5 Greece, 3 7 3 , 392, 394 grid system, 294 Guksch, H., 85 Gurob, 1 0 1 , 1 2 9 , 2 1 1 , 2 2 6 , 3 1 4 Habachi, L., 1 0 2 , 3 5 4 Haeny, G., 7, I92f. Hagar el-Merwa, 349 hairstyles: Egyptian, 295, 3 0 1 , 306, 3 1 0 , 3 1 5 ; foreign, 306, 382, 390-96, 406

Subject Index^527 Hapuseneb (high priest of Amun; T T 67), 70, 73, 86, I 0 7 £ , 109, 1 1 0 , 1 1 3 , 1 6 1 , 3 2 0 n 7 5 ; statue of, 1 2 6 , 186, 206, 2 2 8 n 4 3 Hapy, 1 5 6 harbor, 28, 326, 3 3 2 , 384, 387, 4 0 1 harem, 129, 1 4 5 , 3 1 5 , 389. See also "children of the harem" Haremhab ( T T 78), 306 Haring, B.J.J., 3 7 2 harvest: festivals, 1 4 3 , 168; Levantine, 25, 330, 3 3 2 , 3 3 7 , 3 6 1 , 3 7 4 £ , 387; Nubian, 3 5 7 , 360, 3 7 5 ; season (shemu), 1 5 , 75, 99, 385; tax, 72, 80, I I 5 n 7 (Sec 16), 3 7 3 , 3 7 5 . See also smw Hat Weret. See Avaris Hathor: and Amun, 1 2 5 , 1 2 6 , 1 4 2 ; chapel at Deir el-Bahari, 1 2 5 , 1 4 2 , 1 5 1 ; connection to the royal cult, 1 2 5 ; cult of, 1 2 5 , 1 5 3 , I 6 2 f ; m festivals, 140, 1 4 2 , I 5 0 £ , 1 6 2 , 168; and Mut, 1 2 6 ; and Ptah, 1 2 8 ; of Punt, 398; shrines of, 87, 208; on stelae, 6 7 n 1 I 3 , 79, 80; temples of, 3 3 , 46, 78, 1 2 8 , I 2 9 f , 1 3 7 , 1 5 1 ; wig, 297. See also Beautiful West; Daughter of Re; diadem goddess; menât; Qurn; sistra Hathoric choir, I 4 0 f , 1 5 9 Hatit (corn measurer), 85 Hatnofer (Senenmut' mother), 48£, I79n279

Elkab, 220f. Pakhet, 1 3 4 (see also main entry for Pakhet) Semneh, 2 3 , 4 3 £ , 2 1 3 f (see also main entry for Semneh) Sinai, I I Speos Artemidos, 53, 1 3 4 (see also main entry for Speos Artemidos) Tell el-Dab'a, 1 3 Thebes: cliff tomb, 249, 2 5 8 n 7 7 ; Deir el Bahari (Djeser Djeseru; mortuary temple), 6£, 9, 16, 2 5 £ , 57, 86, 94, 1 2 3 , I25f., 1 4 1 , 189, 2 0 5 £ , 208, 2 2 9 n 7 I , 2 3 3 n 1 6 8 , 302, 4 0 5 (see also Deir el Bahari; Djeser Djeseru; Hatshepsut, mortuary cult); Karnak, 16, 18, 25, 28, 32, 5 1 , 5 5 f £ , 100, 1 0 7 , 1 8 4 - 8 9 , 190, I 9 I f , 203, 2 7 3 , 2 7 8 £ , 304 (see also bark chapel; chapelle rouge; Karnak, Temple of Amun, Hatshepsut at; Netjery Menu; Palais de Maât); Kha Akhet, 109, 2 8 3 n 1 9 ; Luxor, 1 7 , 25, 57, 140, 2 0 3 ; Medinet Habu, 57, 204; Mut precinct, 56, 109, 1 2 6 , 140, 2 0 3 ; Thutmose II memorial temple, 206; tomb ( K V 20), 16, 26, 57, 59n4, 1 0 7 , 2 3 8 , 2 4 6 f f , 252, 253n3, 255n28, 256n47, 4 2 2 (see also K V 2 0 ) burial equipment, I55f., 246 campaigns, 406n1; Levantine, 26, 2 7 f ;

Hatshepsut (Mj^&j-iT). See also Eighteenth Dynasty; regnal years administration of, 1 5 , 25, 53, 70, 72, 74, 3 5 7 age: at Thutmose III' accession, 2 3 , 4 2 artistic production under, 3 1 0 , 3 1 6 . See also private statuary; private tomb decoration assumption of pharaonic titulary, 42-53, 131, 147 building program of: 2 1 , 25, 33, 46£, 5 1 , 5 3 , 56£, 1 9 1 , 2 0 3 , 2 1 2 , 2 3 3 n 1 5 9 . See also coregency, monuments from Buhen, 5 1 , 2 1 4 Cusae, 3 3 Elephantine,46f.

Nubian, 6, I I , 26, 2 7 f ; 57, 79, 3 5 4 coregency with Thutmose I, 1 3 1 coregency/corule with Thutmose III, 5£, I I , 2 3 , 26£, 4 9 - 5 8 , 2 7 8 (see also main entry for coregency; corule) coronation of, 24£, 53, 5 5 f , I 2 5 f , 1 4 7 , 2 1 3 , 278, 2 8 8 n n 1 2 6 and 1 2 8 - 2 9 (see also Légende de la jeunesse) death of, 5, 8, 1 2 , 22, 2 3 , 27, 46, 5 7 f , 2 3 8 , 267, 270, 2 7 2 , 3 3 0 decoration program, 25, 56£, I 8 4 f f , I 9 I f , 204, 2 7 3 , 2 7 8 f f . divinity of, I 3 0 f f . See also divine birth of king; kingship, divine aspects of expeditions: to Punt, I I , 25, 77, 79, 92, 3 5 5 , 370, 3 7 3 , 398 (see also Djeser Djeseru, decoration of; Punt)

5i 6 • Hatshepsut (continued) family of, 2 1 , 34, 40, 55, 98, 266 (see also Neferura) as god' wife (of Amun), 4 1 , 43, 4 7 f £ , 52, 63n56, 64n78, 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 , 2 1 3 , 274, 2 8 8 n 1 2 8 , 2 8 9 n 1 4 9 iconography of, 8, 20, 22, 25, 48, 49-54, 125, I 3 I f , 133, I84f, 267, 2 6 8 f f , 2 7 3 - 8 0 , 2 8 1 , 2 8 7 n 1 I I , 290n184, 297, 2 9 8 f , 3 0 1 (see also Thutmose III, iconography of) ideology of, 2 I f , 33£, 48, 52, 5 4 f , 206, 264, 280 as king, I, 5, 8£, 22, 2 4 f , 45£, 4 9 - 5 3 , 131, I33f, 213f legitimization of, 4, 20f£, 24, 4 1 , 52, 5 4 f , 1 3 O f f , 148, 206, 264, 266, 2 7 9 f , 340 (see also divine selection of king) and the Levant, I I f mortuary cult of, 6£, 9, 22, 26, 32, 1 5 3 officials under, 23, 44£, 47£, 57, 70, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78£, 82, 83, 84, 86, 90, 92, 93f£, 96, 98, 100, I07£, 109, 1 1 0 , 1 2 5 , 126, 304, 3 5 3 f (see also Hapuseneb; private tomb decoration; private tombs; Senemiah; Senenmut; Sitre) participation in religious activities, I 3 3 f , I 3 5 f , I40ff, I49f, 152, I72n44 in private tombs, 162, 3 0 3 (see also private tomb decoration) proscription of, I, 6—9, 22, 23, 33£, 43, 48, 5 1 , 58, 1 8 5 , 200£, 207, 209, 213, 2 1 4 f , 226f, 263-67, 270f, 280-81,413 regency of, 8, 2 1 , 2 3 f , 40, 4 1 - 4 9 , 54, 287n1I7, 352 relationship with Thutmose III, 2 7 8 f f Statuary, 2 7 4 - 7 7 , 283n8, 293, 2 9 5 f , 2 9 7 f f ; as sphinx, 274—77 passim, 293, 297 (see also cult, royal (statue); royal statuary) succession of, 4 1 , 54£, 266 as queen, I, 5, 2 1 , 25, 40, 4 3 f , 47, 249 Hatshepsut (wife of Senynefer), 3 0 1 Hatti, 372, 382, 295. See also Great Khatte; Hittite

Subject Index Hayes, W.C., I, 48£, 208, 246, 3 1 7 Hazor, 1 2 , 3 7 4 Head of the Canal, 1 4 1 "head of the south," 3 5 2 . hedgehog vessels, 3 1 3 heir: Amenemhet as, 34, 4 1 5 ; Amenhotep II as, 34, 2 1 5 , 265£; divine, 1 5 5 , 2 1 5 , 340; duty of, 88, 2 2 3 , 3 4 1 ; Hatshepsut as, 24, 43, 48, 54£; lack of, 2 1 , 39; legitmate, 24, 54, 2 1 5 ; presumptive, 34; royal, 2 1 , 63n50, 249, 330; Thutmose III as, 24, 40, 1 3 1 , 1 3 4 , 340 heiress, 43, 47 Hekanefer (scribe in the temple of Osiris), 99, 1 1 2 Hekanefer, prince of Miam, 356f. hehr frieze, 204, 2 4 1 , 250, 258n87 Heket, 1 1 2 , 1 2 8 Helck, W., 78, 85, 94, 105, 1 4 3 , 3 5 1 , 3 9 1 , 416,419 Heliopolis, 80, 83, 90, I 1 7 n 5 0 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 7 , 2 3 3 n 1 7 7 ; 226: cult activity at, 1 2 8 , 1 3 8 ; in funerary cult, 1 5 5 , 164; officials working in, 80, 85, 87, 1 1 2 , I 1 7 n 5 0 ; royal city, 32, 2 1 1 , 383; statuary from, 263, 297; temple of, 2 I 9 f , 226, 2 3 3 n 1 7 5 ; and Thebes, 124, 1 3 7 ; theology of, 124, 127, 128 Hemy (mayor of Mennefer), 1 0 1 Henketankh (hnkt~cnh), mortuary temple (of Thutmose III), 2 0 7 - 8 ; cults at, 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 , I 4 I £ , 1 4 5 , 207£, 2 3 0 n 1 0 2 , 284n47; officials m, 85, 99, HO, 1 1 2 , I 2 I n 2 I 5 ; in texts, 95, 108. See also Thutmose III, building program, Thebes, Henketankh Henu bark, 1 4 3 . See also Sokar Festival Henut (daughter of vizier Useramun), 74 Henuttawy (singer of Amun), 1 1 0 Hepu (charioteer of his majesty), 109 Hepu (scribe of the overseer of the granaries), 82f. Heracleopolis, 1 1 2 Hermopolis, 1 2 7 , 307 Hermopolitan Ogdoad, 1 2 6 heryiu sha (those on the sand), 86, 4 1 4

Subject Index Hesat cows, 1 2 8 Hesert, 1 3 1 high priest (office of): 69, 1 1 2 , 1 1 3 , 1 2 8 ; of Amun, 70, 1 0 7 , 1 5 8 hippopotamus hunt, 144, I 6 7 f , 3 0 3 £ See also Festival, of the White Hippopotamus; foundation ceremony/ritual historical: events, 4, 20, 34, 4 1 , 1 0 5 , 284n52, 330, 3 3 3 , 370, 3 7 1 , 3 7 7 , 388, 395; reality, 1 , 1 9 , 25, 54, 56, 329, 3 3 1 , 3 7 1 , 388, 396, 398, 405; scenes, 385, 3 8 6 f f , 395, 397; texts, 22, 2 3 £ , 4 1 , 55£, 196, 2 0 6 , 2 1 6 , 354, 364, 3 7 1 , 3 9 8 , 422£ Hittites (Indo-European), 1 2 , 30, 330, 389£, 3 9 5 Hölscher, U , 204, 2 0 5 Holy Wedding: deities involved in, 1 2 8 , 1 2 9 ; and divine kingship, 1 3 0 . See also Beautiful Feast of the Valley; Opet Festival Horakhty, 1 3 L See also Re-Harakhty Horemheb, king, 2 1 , 33, 56 Hormeni (governor/mayor of Hierakonpolis), 3 5 I f ; stela of, 3 5 I £ , 358 Hornung, E., 149, 242, 4 1 8 horses: and Amenhotep II, 1 0 3 , 4 2 3 , 429n87; burial of, 304, 345; on campaigns 2, 1 0 3 ; depictions of, 306, 3 0 9 f , 3 1 1 , 3 2 I n 8 7 , 382, 3 8 3 , 384; as gifts/booty//mv ; 362, 3 7 2 , 3 7 3 , 374, 3 7 6 Horus, 1 2 9 , 1 3 3 , 1 5 2 ; of MÜ/Behedety, 6 7 n 1 I 3 , 224; birth of, 1 2 5 ; cult of, 1 5 8 , I 6 I f , I 7 3 n 6 I , 226; of Edfu, I 4 9 f , I 7 6 n 1 6 0 ; m funerary cult, 1 5 5 , 1 5 6 , 1 6 5 , 168; of Hutnesu, 3 3 ; Khentykhety, 1 2 9 ; king as, 99, 296; and kingship, 1 2 5 , I 2 7 f , 1 3 1 , 1 3 4 , I46£, 1 5 5 , 194, 3 4 1 ; of Letopolis, 1 2 9 ; of Miam, 1 0 2 , 2 1 1 ; of the north and south, 1 5 2 ; and Osiris, 1 3 3 , 1 5 5 , 1 5 8 , 1 6 5 ; and Sed Festival, I 4 9 f f ; and Seth, 1 2 7 - 2 8 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 1 , 168; temples of, 1 2 9 ; in texts, 47; throne, 146, 1 4 7 , 194, 3 4 1 ; m

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511

titulary, 42, 4 2 1 ; of Tjerer, 8 L See also coronation, ceremony; Golden Horus; Seth Horus Aha, king, I 7 7 n 2 0 I Horus name, 1 3 2 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 9 , 2 2 1 Horus-Min, 1 2 4 hostages, 30, 399, 400; "court hostages," 3 5 5 ; "hostage policy," 3 5 9 house of gold/silver, 70, 77; administration of, 77, 8 5 - 8 7 , 89, 90, I I 5 n 7 ( C o l R 3 0 ) , I 1 8 n 8 4 . See also treasury House of Millions of Years, 1 3 7 , 1 5 3 . See also mortuary temples M j Jwnw (epithet), 198, 2 0 3 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 9 ,

221, 226 hunting: motifs, 3 1 I f f , 3 2 I n 8 7 ; tomb scenes, I67f., 3 0 3 f , 3 1 3 . See also elephant hunt; hippopotamus hunt; rhinoceros hunt Hurrians, 1 2 , 330, 3 9 1 , 403. See also Mitanni Huy (official), 3 5 6 hymns, 4 1 3 ; diadem hymn, 1 2 6 ; "Hymns to the Red Crown," 226; to Re, 1 2 4 , 160; to the sun, 1 3 8 , 1 5 6 , I69f. Hyksos: capital/palace, I I , 1 3 , 2 1 , 3 1 ; homeland of, I I , 1 2 , 39; kings, 65n90; period, 10, I I , 1 3 , 2 1 , 33, 3 0 3 , 306, 309, 370; relations with Kush, 345; wars with, I I , 1 2 , 1 3 , 2 0 , 2 1 , 3 1 , 2 9 2 , 345. See also Apophis; Avaris; Tell el-Dab'a lahmes (overseer of works of Amun), 324n198 Iamnedjeh (first royal herald; T T 84): autobiography of, 87, 90; on campaigns, 84, 87, 89£, 1 0 5 ; career of, 84, 8 7 f , 8 9 f , 1 1 3 ; as first royal herald, 89£; as overseer of the granaries, 84; as overseer of the ruyt, 84, 87£; tomb of ( T T 84), 84, 88, 89f., 2 1 1 , 305, 3 8 3 , 3 8 6 f f , 396, 404, 408nn59 and 79, 4 0 9 n 1 0 8 ; See also Theban Tombs, T T 84 Iamnefer (mayor of Neferusy), 74, I00£, 113

5i

6

•

Iamu (child of the kap; son of Amenemheb called Mahu), 96 Iat (god), 1 2 8 ibs wig, 2 7 4 iconography: artistic, 309, 405; divine, I 2 6 f , 144, 182n378; funerary, 303, 308, 389; royal, 2 6 I £ , 385. See also Akhenaten, iconography of; Amenhotep I, iconography of; Amenhotep II, iconography of; Amenhotep III, iconography of; coregency, iconography of; foreigners' processions, iconography of; Hatshepsut, decoration program; Hatshepsut, iconography of; Old Kingdom, iconography; Thutmose III, iconography of ideology, 4, 9, 3 I f , 69, 1 0 3 , 227, 2 6 I £ , 282, 326, 328£, 3 3 1 , 3 4 1 , 3 7 L See also Akh Menu, ideology of; coregency, ideology of; foreigners, symbolic significance of; Hatshepsut, ideology of; Thutmose III, ideology of; warfare, ideology of Ihys, 1 5 0 , 1 6 3 imperial: expansion, 8, 1 5 , 3 2 5 , 347, 370; state, 8; system/policy, 6, 10, 27, 30, 1 0 3 , 336£, 3 5 6 f f , 366, 400, 40 L See also foreign lands; military (foreign) campaigns; Nubia, control of; Palestine, control of; Syria, control of impost 3 5 2 , 3 5 7 , 3 5 9 - 6 1 Imsety (god), 1 5 5 imyt-per (property transfer/transfer deed), 4 4 , 7 1 , 8 9 , 97, I 1 4 n 7 , I 1 5 n 8 incense: procurement of, I I , 9 1 , 370, 3 7 3 , 3 7 5 , 395, 405; representations of, 2 4 1 , 370, 3 8 1 - 8 2 income: from foreign conquests, 326; of state/king, 402; from temples, 3 3 ; of temples, 3 7 2 independent countries, II—13, 350, 396, 356—58, 362; goods from, 358, 3 7 2 , 3 7 4 - 7 6 , 397, 4 0 1 - 2 ; people from 3 8 6 - 9 0 , 3 9 6 - 9 7 , 399 Inebny (infantry commander), 289n149, 300 Inebny/lni(anti) (sj nsw; viceroy of Nubia), 102, 353£

Subject Index Ineni (architect; T T 81): autobiography of, 40, 4 I f , 47, 64n78; career of, 40, 59n4, 238, 246, 302, 379; tomb of ( T T 81), 2 3 , 1 0 2 , 302, 305, 379, 387, 3 9 1 , 404, 409n108. See also Theban Tombs, T T 8 1 infantry, 3, 3 2 7 Inhapy, queen, 2 5 7 n 7 5 . See also Theban Tombs, T T 3 2 0 Inpehuwysen (child of the kap), 96 inscription Installation of the Vizier, 63n53, 69£, 75, II6n15 Instruction for Ptahhotep, 87 Intef (first/great herald of the king/caryt; T T 1 5 5 ) : autobiography of, 9 1 ; career of, 89f£, 100, 1 1 3 ; tomb of ( T T 1 5 5 ) , 90, 100, I 8 I n n 3 6 2 and 365, 302, 379, 3 8 5 f , 3 9 1 , 393, 4 1 2 n 1 9 0 . See also Theban Tombs, T T 1 5 5 Intef (scribe of recruits; T T 164), 106, I8In362 Intefoker (vizier), 3 0 2 inw/jnw: in the Annals, 3 6 1 , 387; from Egypt, 3 5 1 ; from Keftiu, 336, 397; meaning, 3 3 7 , 3 5 2 , 358£, 372, 3 7 4 f f , 379, 3 9 6 f ; from Nubia; 3 5 I £ , 365, 379; from Punt, 385; from Retenu, 3 7 4 f f , 380, 386, 398; from SyriaPalestine, 409n87. See also b3k(w); contributions; gifts; smw; taxes; tribute Ipet-Sut, see Karnak Iran, 1 2 Irem, 2 1 6 , 3 5 5 , 360, 3 6 5 Iry (hrd n k3p), 349 Isfet (concept), 10, 1 6 Ished tree, 1 4 8 Isis (daughter of Thutmose III), 4 1 6 Isis (goddess), 1 2 5 , 1 2 9 , I 5 5 £ , 1 5 9 , 1 6 1 ; temples of, 2 9 7 Isis (wife of Thutmose II, mother of Thutmose III), 2 1 , 40, 1 2 5 , 293, 307 Isles in the Midst of the Great Green, 380, 382, 392, 393; islands of the sea/ in the midst of the sea/ocean, 397, 407, 4 1 4 . See also Aegean

Subject Index Israel, 2, I I , 1 2 , 2 9 , 3 1 4 ithyphallic gods, 1 2 4 , 1 4 3 Iunmutef (Jwn~mwt=f), 1 3 4 , 1 4 9 Iunyt (Esna), 1 0 0 ivory, 10, I I , 3 1 0 , 3 5 9 - 6 2 passim, 3 7 5 , 3 8 1 , 3 8 3 , 394, 4 0 1 - 2 , 4 1 5 James, X G. H., 3 6 5 jasper, 5, 309, 3 1 0 . See also gems jewelry: foreigners and, 374, 382, 392; production scenes, 308—10; raw materials, 3 1 0 Joppa: "Taking of Joppa," 1 0 3 . See also Djehuty (overseer of the army) Jordan, I I Jordan Valley, 330, 3 3 1 jubilee. See Sed Festival ka: divine, 1 3 2 , 4 1 4 ; House of, 2 3 I n 1 0 7 ; nonroyal, 1 5 9 ; royal, 1 2 8 , 1 3 6 , 147, 150, 162, 185, 1 9 7 , 2 1 0 Kadesh, 3, 4, 1 2 , 2 9 - 3 0 , 330, 3 3 2 - 3 7 , 382, 388 Kaemamun (fourth priest of Amun), 1 1 0 Kaemheryibsen (third priest of Amun; T T 98), 1 1 0 , 306 Kaiser, W., 1 4 8 Kamose, king: building program, 3 5 7 ; campaigns of, I I , 1 0 1 , 3 4 5 f f , 3 6 3 ; stelae, 345f. Kamutef, 56, 1 2 4 , 1 3 5 , 140, 1 5 2 , 203, 204 kap (royal nursery), 9 5 - 9 7 , I 1 9 n 1 4 5 , 399 Kapu (mayor of the Fayum), 1 0 1 Karnak (Ipet-sut) cachette, 267, 297, 320n48 cults at, 1 2 5 , 1 2 6 , 1 2 8 , 1 3 8 ; of royal ancestors, 20, I 3 6 f , 190, 3 4 1 ; royal cult, 1 3 6 , 2 2 6 (see also Amun; Amun-Re; Mut [goddess]) Montu Temple, 5 1 North, 44, I90£, 2 7 3 , 2 7 8 objects from, 44, 87, 88, 95, 1 0 1 , 263, 2 7 3 , 276, 294, 297, 3 0 1 , 365, 4 2 1 , 423, 424 PtahTemple, I 2 8 f , 1 3 4 Temple of Amun, 16, 1 7 , 33, 1 8 3 , 203, 2 2 0 (see also bark repository; bark shrines; Mut Precinct; Senwosret I; Taharqa Edifice); administration of,

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513 107—12, 1 2 8 ; alteration of axis (Thutmose III), 18, I95ff., 1 9 9 - 2 0 2 ; bark shrine, 28; building phases (Thutmose III), 1 8 4 - 9 7 , 198, I 9 9 f f ; chapels (k3r) of, 190, 1 9 1 , 2 7 3 ; chateau de lor, I 9 8 f , 2 1 9 ; early Eighteenth Dynasty activity at, I 7 f , 39, 40; Eastern Sanctuary, 7, 1 3 6 , 1 6 2 , 1 9 1 , 196, I 9 7 £ , 2 0 1 , 203, 286n99; enclosure wall, 1 9 7 ; festival court, 40, 47, 279; festival processions at, 18, 20, 57, 140, 1 4 2 , 144, 1 5 3 , 305; ges~ pei; 92; Hatshepsut at, 25, 50£, 53, 5 5 - 5 7 , 9 3 f , 1 4 1 , 148, 1 5 2 , 264, 2 7 3 , 278f. (see also chapelle rouge; Hatshepsut, building program, Thebes, Karnak; Hatshepsut, iconography of; Netjery Menu; Palais de Maât); hypostyle hall of, 19, I 7 4 n 1 8 3 ; lake repository, I96£, 209, 2 3 I n l 1 2 ; Middle Kingdom structures, 1 7 , 18, 57; obelisks of, 7 - 8 , 18, 47, 55, 93, 148, I 9 5 £ , 203, 226; officials at, 73, 74, 76, 8 1 , 86, 92, 93£, 1 0 5 , 1 0 7 - 1 2 , 1 5 8 , 160, 385;

processional route, 202£; pylons of, 18, 57, I89f., 1 9 1 , 196, 269, 374; royal palace of, I 8 f ; Sacred Lake, 18; size of, 18; Thutmose III at, 6, 7, 18, I 9 f , 2 3 £ , 28£, 32, 4 1 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 4 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 4 - 2 0 3 , 270, 2 7 2 , 3 4 1 (see also Akh Menu; Thutmose III, building program, Thebes, Karnak; Thutmose III, iconography o f ) ; %vjdjt, 1 9 5 , 196, 1 9 7 , 199, 200, 2 0 2 texts from, 1 3 5 , 1 4 5 , 148, 2 2 2 £ , 2 7 2 , 304, 3 1 0 , 3 7 4 (see also Annals; Texte de la Jeunesse) Karoy, 348, 3 5 6 Kees, H . HO, 1 4 4 , 149, 1 5 0 Keftiu: envoys of, 382, 392—93; revenues of, 9 1 , 336; rulers of, 382, 3 8 3 , 397. See also Crete, Aegean Kemp, B., 3 5 7 , 3 5 8 Ken (high priest of Mut; T T 59), 1 1 2 Kenamun (great steward of Amun; T T 93), 99, 1 1 0

5i 6 • Kenamun (mayor of Memphis), 95, 1 0 1 Kenamun (overseer of gold workers and sculptors), 1 1 2 Kenamun (wab priest of Menkheperre), 99 Kenna (chief steward of the king), 80, 94 Kerma, I 0 - I I , 3 4 5 - 4 6 , 349, 350, 3 5 2 , 360, 363, 364, 365; ceramics 3 1 2 ; Culture 3 4 5 - 4 6 , 3 6 4 Kha ( T T 8), 242, 2 5 5 n 3 3 Kha Akhet, 109. See also Djeser Akhet Khabekhnet ( T T 2), 59n6 Khaemhet (overseer of the granaries), 83 Khafre, 2 3 7 n 2 7 6 , 293, 2 9 7 Kharians, 402. See also Syrians Khartoum stela (18), 3 4 5 Khat headdress, 65n82 khato-fields, 1 0 0 Khenet-hen-nefer; 347, 349, 3 5 0 Khepri, 1 3 1 , 1 3 8 , 1 4 7 . See also Atum-Khepri kherep, 91 kherput (taxes), 84, 86 Khnum (god), 46, 1 2 7 - 2 8 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 7 , 1 6 2 , 168, 2 2 1 , 2 2 5 - 2 6 Khokha, 3 0 2 Khufu, 2 3 7 n 2 7 6 Khuwy, 4 1 6 Kimbell Museum, 3 0 0 king/ruler (concept): ceremonial/religious role, 18, 1 3 0 , 1 3 5 , I 3 8 f , 140, 1 4 3 , 1 6 2 , 3 4 1 ; divinity of, 3, 9, 24, 1 3 7 , 146, I 5 2 f f , 1 5 7 , 2 1 3 , 328f., 338, 340; and government, I 4 f £ , 69, 328, 3 9 6 - 4 0 1 passim; as heroic individual, 329, 424; humanity of, I f f ; as hunter, 1 3 2 , 354, 425; religious responsibilities, 1 6 - 1 8 passim, 28, 3 2 f , 1 3 3 - 3 5 passim, 1 3 9 , I 4 5 f , 3 4 1 , 3 7 2 , 402; as "ruler of all foreign countries," 400; social responsibilities, 329, 402; as symbol of Egypt, 3; as warrior, 1 2 7 , 1 3 3 , 339f., 3 4 I f , 344, 4 1 3 . See also administration; coronation ceremony; cult, royal; cultic activities, of king; funerary cult, royal; iconography, royal; mortuary temples; per nesu; Sed Festival; vizier/vizierate; warrior king kmg lists, I, 6, 19, 22, 58, 264

Subject Index "king of the gods" (epithet), of Amun, 48, 204, 3 4 1 ; of Amun-Re, 1 9 3 , 4 1 3 king* novel. See Königsnovelle king* son (sj nsw). See viceroy (of Nubia) kingship: divine aspects of, 3, 19, 1 2 4 , 1 2 7 , I 3 0 f f , 1 3 7 , 1 4 6 - 4 9 passim, 1 5 3 , 1 5 7 , 3 2 8 £ , 3 3 8 - 4 2 passim; formation of, 3 3 8 £ ; power of 1 3 , 16, 3 3 9 . See also Amun, and kingship kiosk, 299, 303, 3 2 I n 9 I , 340; jubilee, 1 9 3 Klemm, R . and D., 296 Klug, A., 2 1 4 kohl pots, 3 1 2 , 3 1 4 Kom el-Hisn, 1 2 9 Kom Ombo, 2 1 9 , 226, 2 3 7 n 2 3 8 , 3 1 9 n 2 7 Königsnovelle, 3, 184, 188, 2 2 0 krateriskos, 3 1 2 , 3 1 4 Krauss, R., 4 1 8 Kubban, 2 1 2 , 356, 3 6 5 Kumma, 2 1 1 , 2 7 3 Kurguz, 349—50, 360; inscriptions, 59n3, 2 1 6 - 1 7 , 2 3 5 n 2 I 4 , 349, 3 5 5 Kush, 10, 1 0 1 - 2 , 2 1 8 , 3 4 5 - 5 1 , 354, 357—60, 366, 3 9 1 ; revenues from, 30, 1 4 5 , 3 5 5 , 3 5 8 - 6 1 , 3 6 4 - 6 6 , 3 7 5 , 387; "Vile Kush," 350. See also Nubia; viceroy K V 2 0 (Thutmose Il/Hatshepsut), 238, 2 4 6 - 4 8 ; attribution, 1 7 , 238, 2 4 6 f f ; construction of, 59n4; date of, 6 8 n 1 3 I , 1 5 4 , 247, 2 5 2 , 2 5 7 n 6 5 , 422; decoration of, 26, 248, 256n47; finds m, 1 5 5 , 2 4 6 K V 3 2 (unknown), 2 5 1 K V 3 4 (Thutmose III): 2 3 8 - 4 6 , 2 5 2 ; chamber E (well), 2 4 0 - 4 1 ; chamber F (pillared hall), 2 4 1 - 4 2 ; chamber J (burial chamber), 242—46; date of, 26; decoration of, 73, 1 5 4 , 239, 2 4 1 - 4 5 , 249, 307—8; entrance, 2 3 9 £ ; location of, 2 3 8 £ ; side chambers (Ja-Jd), 244 K V 3 7 (unknown), 2 5 1 , 2 5 7 n 7 3 K V 38 (Thutmose I): 1 6 - 1 7 , 2 4 6 - 4 7 ; Amduat in, 1 5 6 , 256n47; date of, 1 5 4 , 238, 2 4 6 - 4 7 , 2 5 2 , 2 5 6 n 5 7 , 2 5 7 n 6 5 ; decoration of, 2 5 8 n 8 7 K V 4 2 (Queen Meryetre-Hatshepsut/ Thutmose II), 2 4 8 - 5 0 ;

Subject Index attribution, 1 7 , 249, 257n66; as a cache, 250; decoration of, 250; secondary use of, 2 4 9 f (see also Senetnay) K V 60 (wet-nurse Sitre), 2 3 8 , 2 5 7 n 7 2 laborers, 8, 14, 44, 45, 1 4 5 , 374, 383, 385, 4 0 2 - 3 Laboury, D., 25, 34, 184, 1 8 7 , 190, 196, 1 9 7 , 198, 204, 206, 209, 2 2 2 Lacau, R, 1 4 3 , 184, 1 8 5 , 1 8 6 Lahun, 308 Lake Mariotis, 1 0 4 lake repository, see Karnak, Temple of Amun land (concept): disputes concerning, 7 1 , 78, I 1 4 n 7 ; donations, 87; grants, 53, 62n49, 74; institutional holdings of; 1 7 , I I I , 3 5 7 - 5 8 ; private holdings of, 14. See also tmyt-per Lansing, A., 48, 49 lapis lazuli, 73, 309, 3 1 1 , 362, 3 7 2 , 374, 376, 394, 4 0 2 Laskowski, P., 3 2 Late Bronze Age, 3 1 3 , 3 2 5 Late Period, 58, 220, 295, 307, 3 2 9 Lauffray, J., 1 9 8 law, 9 1 , 1 3 4 , 3 3 8 Lebanon, 1 2 , 374; campaigns, 29, 326, 362, 404; products of, 18, 8 1 , 3 3 3 , 3 7 4 - 7 5 , 3 7 7 , 380, 384, 387, 398, 404 lector-priests, 1 4 3 , 1 6 5 , 1 6 6 Légende de la jeunesse, 55, 66n95, 340. See also Texte de la Jeunesse legitimacy (concept), 20—22, 24, 6 7 n 1 I 2 , 146, 2 1 5 , 3 3 8 ; of Amenhotep II, 34, 2 1 5 , 2 6 5 - 6 6 ; of Hatshepsut, 34, 52, 5 4 - 5 5 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 2 , 279; of Thutmose III, 25, 1 3 0 , 1 3 2 , 264, 2 7 1 - 7 2 , 280, 3 3 8 - 4 2 Leiden Museum, 77, 104, I 1 6 n 1 2 9 , 3 0 1 , 309 Leipzig, I 1 7 n 7 6 , 3 1 1 Leningrad (St. Petersburg) I I I 6 A papyrus, 418-19 Levant, 1 1 — 1 2 , 390; campaigns in, 5—6, 8, 26, 2 7 - 3 3 , 75, 3 2 5 - 4 3 ; goods from, 1 2 , 29, 7 5 , 8 1 , 8 6 , 95, 1 4 5 , 3 1 1 . See also Palestine; Syria; SyriaPalestine

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Libya (Tjehenu andTjemeh), 10, 1 5 2 Libyan Plateau, 3 5 0 Libyans, 3 8 1 , 4 1 2 n 1 6 8 Lilyquist, C, 3 1 1 linen, 92, 1 7 0 , 244, 256n44, 295, 3 1 5 , 380 lions, 425, 429n87 Lipmska, J., 2 0 8 - 1 0 , 2 6 0 - 6 3 passim, 2 9 4 Litany of Re. See Re, Litany of liturgies, 1 3 8 , 169; Liturgy of Amun, 1 3 5 Liverani, M., 3 5 2 , 3 5 8 - 5 9 , 3 6 1 lobbying, 4 0 1 local: elite, 33, 399; festivals, 1 4 3 ; government, 1 5 , 7 1 , 359, 362, 3 7 6 - 7 7 ; rulers, 72, 74, 359, 374, 385, 3 9 9 - 4 0 0 ; temples, 99, 358, 359 London, 149, 2 1 4 , 2 1 9 , 299, 3 0 0 loom, 3 1 4 - 1 5 "lord of the manor," 3 3 9 Loret, V , 240, 248 lotus chalice, 3 1 4 , 3 9 4 Louvre, 74, 7 9 - 84 passim, 90, 1 0 1 , 1 1 0 , I 1 6 n 2 9 , 1 1 7 n 7 4 and 76, I20n1BB9I, I72n23, I74n1I4, I79n266, 286n75, 296, 3 0 1 , 3 1 0 , 313, 341,404 loyalty, 106, 265, 3 3 2 , 386, 3 9 7 - 9 9 lunar dates, 4 1 6 - 2 0 , 428nn53 and 54 Luxor Museum, 284n39, 285n65, 290n173, 294-95, 3 1 8 n 1 2 , 423, 424 Luxor Temple, 1 7 , 25, 56, 57, 140, 1 4 1 , 1 5 1 , 2 0 3 ; as Southern Opet, 56, 140 Maat: concept of, 9, 69, 1 3 2 , 1 3 6 , 1 3 9 , 1 6 0 - 6 1 , 1 6 3 - 6 4 , I 6 6 f f ; goddess, 9, 1 2 5 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 5 Maatkare. See Hatshepsut magazines, 76, 78, 86, 1 0 2 , 1 9 9 Mahu (second priest of Amun), 1 1 0 Maienhekaw (weapon bearer for Menkheperre), 1 0 6 Maiherperi (child of the kap), 96 Maiherperi ( K V 36), 304, 3 1 3 , 3 1 5 , 323n164 Maja (governor), 300, 309 malachite. See gems mammisi. See birth house

5i 6

•

Manetho, 22, 58, 6 0 n 1 2 , 3 7 7 mariamm, 1 0 5 Mariette, A., 2 6 7 Marsa Alum, 296 marsh scenes, 167—68, 3 0 3 Martin-Pardey, E., 69 marvels, 94, 270, 3 7 3 , 404 masculinization, 25, 51—55, 66n94, 1 3 2 , 275, 2 7 8 - 8 0 Mathieu, B., 2 7 0 May (harbormaster of Thebes; T T 1 3 0 ) , 384,387,401 mayors/regional rulers, 9 1 , 99—101, 3 5 2 , 3 5 7 : connection to palace, 74, 80; relation to vizier, 7 1 , 72, 74, 80, 86, 88, 99 Medamud, 1 2 9 , 2 1 6 , 376, 4 2 3 - 2 5 Medinet Habu: Hatshepsut at, 53, 57, 204, 2 7 3 ; Ramesses III mortuary temple, 1 9 5 ; small Amun temple, 32, 140, 2 0 4 - 5 ; Thutmose III at, 1 3 7 , 148, 2 0 4 - 5 , 2 8 7 n 1 0 6 Mediterranean, II—12, 3 1 4 , 3 2 5 , 380, 382, 3 9 2 - 9 3 , 395, 4 1 3 Medjay, 1 0 6 - 7 Megiddo, 1 2 , 3 1 3 ; battle of, 2, 4, 29, 3 1 , 188, 1 9 0 , 2 1 8 , 2 7 1 , 3 2 6 - 3 1 passim, 3 3 7 , 370, 4 1 5 ; captives from, 402; date of battle, 4 1 6 - 2 0 ; products of, 374, 387, 4 1 5 tnekes doument case, 1 5 0 Memorial Day, I 6 L See also Beautiful Feast of the Valley Memphis (Ankhtawy), capital/royal city, 16, 19, 32, 3 3 , 77, 8 2 , 2 1 1 , 4 2 3 ; mayors of, 95, 1 0 1 ; priesthood in, 1 1 2 , 1 2 8 ; temples in, I 2 9 f menât, 1 4 1 , 1 5 0 , 1 5 9 , 1 6 3 Menkheperre. See Thutmose III Menkheperre Akh Menu. See Akh Menu Menkheperre/Thutmose, prince (son of Thutmose III), 284n55, 4 1 6 Menkheperreseneb (high priest of Amun; T T 86): career of, I 0 8 f , 1 1 0 ; tomb of ( T T 86), 1 0 7 , I 0 8 f , 1 5 9 , I 8 I n 3 6 5 , 305, 306, 308, 3 1 0 , 3 1 1 , 3 8 I f . , 3 8 6 f f , 393, 395, 400, 408n62, 4 1 2 n 1 9 0 . See also Theban Tombs, T T 86 Menkheperreseneb (chief of the Medjay), I06f.

Subject Index Menkheperreseneb (high priest of Amun; T T 1 1 2 ) : career of, 108, 109, 1 1 3 ; tomb of ( T T 1 1 2 ) , 108, 1 6 2 , 304, 3 0 5 . See also Theban Tombs, T T 1 1 2 Menkheperreseneb (overseer of the granaries;TT 79), I 2 I n 2 I 5 ; career of, 82, 84£; tomb of ( T T 79), 82, 84, I 8 I n 3 6 5 Menkheprure. See Thutmose I V Menna ( T T 69), 309 Mennus (place), 3 8 3 Menshiya, 3 0 0 Mentekhenu, 3 0 0 mercenaries, 345, 3 7 1 Meret chest, 1 5 0 f . See also cultic activities Meretseger (goddess), 2 4 5 Meretseger, queen, 4 2 Merimaat (second priest of Amun), 74, 110 Merneptah, 253n9, 298, 3 1 9 n 4 5 Mery (high priest of Amun), 84, 89 Mery (priest of Amun in Djeser Djeseru), 74 Meryetamun, princess (daughter of Amenhotep III), 2 5 8 n 8 0 Meryetamun, princess (daughter of Thutmose III), 87, 98, 4 1 6 Meryetamun, queen (wife of Amenhotep I). See Ahmose-Meryetamun Meryetre-Hatshepsut, queen (wife of Thutmose III), 287n106; as mother of Amenhotep II, 34, 205, 4 I 5 f ; in K V 34, 249, 307; statuary, 95, 298; tomb of ( K V 42), 2 4 8 - 5 0 Meryt (greatest of entertainers of Thoth), 113 Meryt (royal ornament), 74 Merytamun, princess, 96 Mes (wab priest of the first phyle of the cult of Amun), 1 2 6 mesketu (gold bracelet), 309 Meskhenet (birth brick), 1 2 8 Mesopotamia, 1 2 metal: from foreign lands, 365, 372, 379—84, 394, 4 0 1 - 2 ; as wealth, 77, 81, 86, 1 1 2 , 4 0 1 - 2 ; metalwork, 303, 306, 308—11. See also copper, gold, silver Metropolitan Museum of Art ( M M A ) , 6, 48, 2 7 4 - 7 7 , 2 8 1 , 296, 298, 3 0 1 , 312,314,316

Subject Index Meyer, C , 208 Miam, 1 0 2 , 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 3 5 3 , 356, 362. See also Aniba Middle Kingdom. See a Iso Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties art, 292, 298, 3 0 0 - 3 0 3 , 307, 3 1 2 , 3 9 1 , 395 foreign contacts, 1 2 , 1 3 , 39, 3 5 2 , 3 9 1 influence in Eighteenth Dynasty, I9£, 3 1 , 55, 2 9 2 - 9 3 , 3 0 0 - 3 , 307, 3 1 2 , 339-40 temples, I I , 1 7 - 1 8 , 57, I 7 I n 1 2 texts, 1 2 6 , 220, 3 1 5 , 3 4 0 midwife, 1 2 8 military: administration, 6, 103—7, 3 5 7 , 384; command, 28, 1 0 2 , 1 3 3 ; conscription, 1 0 3 ; equipment, 1 0 3 , 347, 3 7 3 , 379, 382, 383, 384, 4 0 1 ; escorts, 72; officers, 2£; policy, 325—26, 332—33; traditions, 3 1 , 3 3 7 ; troops, 1 0 3 , 327£, 357 military (foreign) campaigns, 5, 5 7 f , 1 0 1 , 390, 4 1 3 ; booty from, 328, 3 7 3 f f . , 3 8 3 ; captives from, 96, 3 9 I f . , 4 0 2 f f ; economic effects of, 1 1 3 , 3 3 6 £ , 3 5 I f . , 357ff., 372ff., 4 0 I f f . ; financing of, 327f., 3 3 2 ; reason for, 8, 1 0 3 , 3 3 8 £ , 370; rewards from, 93, 309, 402; sources concerning, 28, 58, 3 2 5 f f ; tomb scenes of, 384, 386; type of (wdyt), 328; veterans of, 70, 79, 84, 87, 90, 92£, 95£, 100, 1 0 3 - 7 , 3 2 7 , 362, 402. See also Ahmose, campaigns of; Amenhotep I, campaigns of; Amenhotep II, campaigns of; Amenhotep III, campaigns of; Annals, content of; gold of honor; imperial; Hatshepsut, campaigns of; Levant, campaigns in; Megiddo, battle of; razzia; Nubia, campaigns to; Syria, campaigns to; Thutmose III, campaigns of militarization of Egypt, 3 1 milk: basins, 1 4 1 ; offerings, 1 4 4 , 1 4 5 ; vessels 95, 1 4 5 , 3 1 3 Min (deity): aspects/attributes of, 1 2 4 , 1 3 3 ; Going Forth of (Min Festival), 1 4 3 ; officials of, 80, I I I ;

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temples of, 1 5 8 . See also AmunMin; Going Forth of Min; HorusMin; Min-Amun Min (mayor of Thinis, This and the oasis; T T 109): career of, 74, 100, 104, 1 1 2 ; as royal tutor, 98, 4 2 3 Min (overseer of the seal), 8 1 Min-Amun, 1 2 4 "minidynasties," 3 5 7 Min-Kamutef, 1 4 0 Minmose (overseer of works), 95, 1 1 3 ; autobiography of, 2 I 5 f , 2 1 8 , 2 1 9 , 362, 376; on campaigns, 1 0 5 , 1 3 3 , 2 1 6 , 3 3 5 , 362, 376; career of, I 2 9 £ , 2 1 6 , 362; as overseer of works; and royal children, 98 Minnakht (overseer of the granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt; T T 87), 70, 85, I 2 I n 2 I 5 ; career of, 82£, 84, 85; tomb of ( T T 87), 82, 3 0 5 Minnakht Menkheper (overseer of the granaries), I 2 I n 2 I 5 Minoan: culture, 1 3 ; depictions of people/ objects, 73, 306, 394; frescoes, 1 3 , 306 Misphragmouthosis, 3 3 7 , 3 4 2 Mitanni, 8, 1 2 - 1 3 , 3 2 9 - 3 0 , 3 3 6 - 3 7 ; battles with, 1 2 - 1 4 , 2 9 - 3 1 , 2 1 6 , 3 3 3 - 3 4 , 4 1 4 ; rulers, 330, 3 3 3 , 383; treaty with, 30. See also Naharin Mittanian: depiction of men, 383, 390, 396 Miu (Mjw): campaign to, 2 I 6 £ , 2 1 8 , 346£, 3 5 4 ; location of, 346, 3 5 4 Miwer, 3 1 5 Mnevis, 2 1 9 , 2 2 0 Mnevis bull, 87, 1 2 8 monarchy. See kingship month, 4 1 6 . See also festivals, moon; lunar dates Montu (god): aspects/attributes of, 1 2 7 , 1 3 3 , 4 2 3 £ ; bark of, 1 3 9 ; officials of, 1 2 9 ; statues of, 300; temples of, 5 1 , 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 ; in texts, 2 1 8 , 4 2 3 £ ; Theban, 1 2 7 , 1 3 3 Montuherkhepeshef (mayor of Qaw elKebir (Antaeopolis); T T 20), 74, 100; tomb of ( T T 20), 304, 3 8 5 Montu-iywy (royal butler, clean of hands; T T 1 7 2 ) , 95£; on campaigns, 95, 1 0 5 ; tomb of ( T T 1 7 2 ) , I 8 I n 3 6 5

5i 6 • Mook Papyrus, 78 moon, 4 1 6 , 4 1 7 , 4 1 9 . See also festivals, moon; lunar dates moringa oil, 40, 9 1 , 3 6 1 , 3 7 3 , 3 7 5 , 4 0 1 Morkot, R., 3 5 5 , 3 5 8 mortuary cult. See funerary cult mortuary temples, 7, 9, 16, 22, 26, 1 1 0 , 1 1 2 , 1 3 3 , 1 5 2 - 5 4 , 159, 195, 338. See also Amenhotep II, building program, Thebes, mortuary temple; Deir el Bahari; Djeser Akhet; Djeser Djeseru; Hatshepsut, building program, Thebes, Deir el-Bahari; Henketankh; Houses of Millions of Years; Thutmose III, building program, Thebes, Henketankh mountain, 73, 1 7 0 , 4 1 3 , 4 1 4 mourners, 1 5 9 , 1 6 4 Müller, H., 2 6 3 Müller, M., 2 7 6 mummification, 1 2 7 , 1 5 0 , 1 5 3 , 1 5 9 , 164-70 Munich, 3 1 4 Murnane, W., 4 1 8 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 3 1 2 , 3 1 4 , 414 music, 1 4 1 - 4 2 Mut (goddess), 1 2 6 - 2 7 , 1 3 7 , 1 5 1 ; of Isheru, 1 1 2 , 1 2 6 , 2 0 3 Mut Precinct (Karnak): buildings at, 109, I73n68, 203—4; construction of, 109, 1 2 6 ; Kamutef temple, 56, 140, 2 0 3 - 4 ; officials m, 1 1 2 Mutnofret, queen (wife of Thutmose I, mother of Thutmose II), 2 1 , 40, 98, 266 Muu dancers, 1 6 4 Mycenaeans, 1 3 , 3 9 3 myrrh, 1 3 3 , 1 5 9 , 4 0 1 mysteries of Osiris, 1 5 1 , 1 5 8 , 1 6 7 mythology, 55, 1 3 8 , 1 5 4 , 1 5 9 , 164, 1 6 7 , 169, 303, 329, 338, 340, 3 7 1 Naharin: campaigns to, 1 3 , 2 1 7 , 2 2 9 n 7 3 , 4 1 3 , 4 1 4 ; depiction of the "chief of," 383, 388; mention in private tombs, 75, 383, 388; as "river land," 3 8 3 ; in texts, 4 1 4 . See also Mitanni

Subject Index Nakht (of Tjenti) (scribe), 57, 92 Nakht ( T T 52), 306 naos, 20, 108, 1 2 6 , 1 2 8 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 6 , 1 3 7 , 140, 1 6 2 , 1 9 7 - 9 8 , 2 7 0 Napata, 3 4 7 Naqada I and II, 3 1 2 narrative, 3 - 4 , 54, 1 2 7 , 1 3 0 - 3 1 , 1 3 3 , 145, 146-47, 1 5 4 - 5 5 , 158, 164-66, 2 1 5 , 335, 4 1 4 - 1 5 , 424 native rulers, 356, 400 Naville, E., 1 5 1 , 209 navy, 4 1 4 , 4 1 5 Ndh (ruler of Kush), 3 4 5 Near Eastern: foreign affairs, 376, 399; states, 1 5 ; warfare, 1 0 3 Neb amun (chief of bowmen; T T 1 4 5 ) , 105 Nebamun (steward of Nebetta; T T 24), 1 6 1 , I73n48, 426n17 Nebamun ( T T 162), 384 Nebamun ( T T 65), 3 2 0 n 7 5 Nebamun and Ipuky ( T T 1 8 1 ) , 3 0 7 Nebwawy (high priest of Osiris at Abydos), 1 1 2 , 1 5 8 ; career of, I58f. Nebenkemet (chief of stables), 96, 1 0 6 Nebenmaat (scribe in the temple of Henketankh), I 2 I n 2 I 5 Nebetkabeny (great nurse), 98f., 1 1 2 , I22n23I Nebetta (mistress of the house), 1 0 8 Nebetta (sister of nursing of the king), 108 Nebetta, queen (wife of Thutmose III), 108, 4 2 6 n 1 7 Nebhepetre Mentuhotep: Deir el Bahari (mortuary) temple of, 6£, 16, 26, 32, 1 2 5 , 1 4 1 , 240; veneration of, 26, 3 2 . See also Beautiful Feast of the Valley; Middle Kingdom Nebiry (official), 1 1 0 Nebkheperre Intef V 2 5 8 n 8 5 Nebnakht (hem priest of Heryshef), 1 1 2 Nebseny (overseer of the ruyt), 88£, 95 necropolis zone, 1 4 4 Neferhotep (official), 95 Neferhotep/Amenhotep (second priest of Amun), 1 1 0 Neferibed (priest), 1 4 1 Neferirkare, king, I 7 2 n 2 I , I 7 7 n 2 0 I Neferkhat (chief of the Medjay), I06f.

Subject Index Neferperet (royal butler, pure of hands), 88, 89, 95, 96, 1 1 3 ; on campaigns, 88, 95, 1 4 5 ; Karnak statue, 88, 95, 97, 1 4 5 Nefer-ptah (official), 3 1 6 Nefertari (daughter of Thutmose III), 4 1 6 Nefertiti, 4 0 7 n 3 2 Neferu, queen, 235n8 Neferura, princess (daughter of Hatshepsut), 2 1 , 40, 44, 285n58; as a child, 50, 78, 98; depictions of, 54, 63n56, 279; as god* wife (of Amun), 50, 64n67, 98; marriage to Thutmose III, 297, 426n14; officials connected to, 44, 4 9 f , 64n67, 78, 93, 96, 98, 300; statuary of, 297£, 300. See also Ahmose-Pennekhbet; Senenmut; Senimen Neferweben (northern vizier), 74, 7 7 Neferweben (%vab priest of Amun), 74, 324n198 Nefrusobek, queen/king, 22, 65n9I Nefrusy, 74, I00£, 1 1 3 Negau, 384 Nehesy (overseer of the seal), 70, 77, 78£, 80, 92, 403 Nehy (viceroy of Nubia), 61n26, 88, 92, 3 5 3 ; monuments of, 2 1 2 , 3 1 6 Neith (royal nurse), 99 Neith, goddess, 1 2 8 , 1 6 8 Nekhbet, goddess, 48, 125—28 passim, 132, 149 Nekheb (Elkab), 1 0 0 Nekhen (Hierakonpolis), 94, 1 2 8 Nektanebo, 3 2 9 Nelson, H., 2 0 7 nemes, 293—96 passim Nemiu, 3 5 6 Nephtys, goddess, 1 2 5 Nesert, goddess, 1 6 6 Neshmetbark, 1 5 8 Nesy-su ( wab priest of the first phyle in Henketankh), 99 netherworld, 16, 164, 2 4 1 , 245; books of, 16, 2 4 3 - 4 4 , 2 5 2 . See also Amduat; underworld Netjery Menu (sanctuary), 1 8 6 - 8 9 Neuserre (king), 1 4 8 New Moon, 3 3 1 New Year* Day, 5 5

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New Year Festival, 146, I 6 I £ , 3 8 1 New York, 2 1 9 . See also Metropolitan Museum of Art Niedziolka, D., 207, 2 1 0 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 9 Nile: gods, 1 2 8 ; inundation of, 14; Nile silt A, 3 1 3 Nims, C., 1 6 2 , 1 8 5 , 196, 2 0 1 - 2 , 209 nine bows, 293, 295, 3 1 7 n 3 , 4 1 4 Nineteenth Dynasty, 3, 5, 6, 14, 22, 242, 264 Ninth Dynasty, 3 3 9 Nitiqret, 22, 65n9I Niya, 334, 404, 4 1 3 , 4 1 5 nmst vases, 1 4 4 nobility: foreign, 399; interests, 4 0 0 - 4 0 2 ; and king, 70, 1 6 2 , 399; nobles' tombs, 3 0 1 , 3 0 3 - 7 Nofret (wife of Rahotep), 3 0 1 , 308 Nolte, B., 3 1 4 nomads: Asiatic, 408n75, 4 1 4 ; Libyan, 10; Nubian, 4 1 4 nomes, 99 nu pots, 293, 295, 296 Nubia (Ta Nehesy): campaigns to, 5—6, 26, 27, 3 1 , 57, 79, 1 0 3 , 2 1 6 - 1 9 , 3 4 5 - 6 6 , 404, 4 1 3 ; control of, I 0 - I I , 39, 88, I 0 I - 3 , 3 4 4 - 6 6 , 376, 3 8 9 - 9 0 , 405; resources of, 10, 8 1 , 3 1 0 , 344, 359, 364£, 3 7 1 , 3 7 5 , 383, 402, 4 1 5 ; revolts by, 79, 348, 350, 356; society of, 10, 3 5 7 , 406; as "southland" 3 5 5 , 3 9 1 , 4 1 5 ; temple towns, 3 5 7 £ , 364; temples in, 7, 2 3 , 32, 4 2 - 4 4 , 1 0 2 , 1 3 7 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 4 , 358, 3 6 1 , 4 1 3 ; tombs in, 3 1 1 , 356, 363—64; tribute/deliveries from, 30, 1 0 2 , 2 1 6 , 3 1 0 , 345, 3 5 8 - 6 2 , 365, 374—76 passim. See also b3k(w); CGroup; imperial; inw/jnw; Kerma; Kush; viceroy; Wawat Nubian: bowmen, 348; captives, 359, 385; cultivators, 358, 364; dancers, 385, 392; deities, 42£, 352; dress, 379, 392; elite, 2 1 6 , 363, 376, 4 0 1 ; rulers, 102, 2 1 6 , 345, 350, 356, 362; ships, 384, 4 0 1 ; slaves, 359£, 365, 383, 385, 392; soldiers, 3 5 8 Nubians (Nhsyw), 3 8 9 - 9 2 passim, 403£, 406; depictions of, 379, 380,

5i 6 • Nubians (continued) 3 8 2 - 8 3 , 385, 387, 3 9 1 - 9 2 , 394, 398; Egyptianization of, 59n3, 1 0 2 , 363; as "southerners," 4 1 , 3 9 1 , 4 1 4 . See also Egyptianized Nubians; foreigners' processions Nufer (overseer of the cattle of Amun), 301 Nukhashshe, 3 3 4 - 3 5 , 3 3 6 numbering system, 421—42 Nun, 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 , 1 4 4 , 1 5 7 nurses, 78, 96, 9 7 - 9 9 , 100, 1 0 8 - 1 3 passim, 168, 238, 249, 2 5 1 , 265, 3 1 3 . See also royal nurse/tutor; tutors/tutoring nurslings, 2 1 , 42, 249 Nut, goddess, 1 2 5 , 1 3 8 , 1 5 5 , 1 5 6 oases: governance of, 89, 98, 100, 1 0 1 , 104; people of, 9 1 , 379, 382; produce of 73, 75, 76, 9 1 , 109, 379, 380, 3 8 1 oaths, 3 3 1 ; of allegiance, 3 3 2 , 3 9 8 - 9 9 , 415 obelisks, 7 - 8 , 18, 47, 5 3 - 5 6 passim, 87, 93, 94, 100, 109, 1 2 8 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 7 - 3 8 , 148, 149, 164, 1 8 5 , 1 9 5 - 9 6 , 1 9 7 - 2 0 1 passim, 203, 2 1 0 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 9 , 220, 2 2 3 , 226, 2 3 I n 1 I 6 , 279, 304, 309, 3 8 1 obiter dicta, 326, 3 3 3 O'Connor, D., 346, 350, 354, 3 5 5 , 360, 363 offering: chapels 55; formulae, 104; to gods, 2, 28, 42, 44, 45, 5 0 , 5 1 , 5 7 , 99, 1 0 1 , 106, 1 1 2 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 5 - 3 8 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 4 - 4 6 , 148, 1 5 5 , 1 6 1 - 6 2 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 5 , 168, 184, 188, 1 9 2 , 194, 197, 199, 224, 226, 263, 274, 293, 3 5 2 , 3 7 2 , 387, 398, 4 1 3 ; invocation, 166; to kings, 1 0 5 , 1 3 6 , 2 1 4 , 2 4 4 - 4 5 , 3 4 1 ; peace, 1 0 3 ; private recipients, 82, 1 1 0 , 168; statues, 293, 295, 300; tables, 40, 1 3 6 , 166, 1 9 3 , 204, 2 1 0 , 299. See also cult, royal ancestors office, high, 1 5 , 33, 7 1 , 96, 1 0 5 officeholders, 70, 1 0 2 , 1 1 3 - 1 4 officials: civilian, 309; high, 1 4 , 70, 76, 95, 1 0 3 , 3 5 5 , 3 5 7 , 378, 400£; humble, 1 6 0 £ ; low, 1 4 , 4 0 2

Subject Index Old Kingdom: collapse of, 3 3 8 ; funerary texts, 3 1 5 ; iconography, 144, 1 5 0 , 292, 3 0 3 - 4 , 308; journey of the dead, 1 6 7 ; king in, 3 3 8 ; and Punt, I I ; reverence for, 20; sculpture, 260, 292, 300, 3 0 1 Opening of the Mouth, 1 6 2 , I 6 5 £ , 1 9 8 Opet Festival (feast) 56, 94, I 4 0 f , 1 4 2 , 349 oracles, 56, 78, 2 1 5 oral treaty, 398 Orontes river, 1 3 , 3 1 0 , 3 3 0 , 3 3 2 , 3 3 4 - 3 5 Osiris, 99, 100, 1 1 2 , 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 , 144, 151—55 passim, 158—70 passim, 241, 279 ostraca, 49, 82, 84, 98, 1 6 3 , 208, 262, 307 Otto,E., 1 9 1 Ouadi Haifa. See Wadi Haifa overlords, 1 5 , 330, 347, 3 5 7 , 3 7 4 overseer of the army, 103—7 overseer of the granary, 70, 81—85, 89, 90, 93, 94; officials of, 8 9 - 9 1 , l O I f f , III, 112, 113 overseer of the ruyt, 8 7 - 8 9 , 90, 95, 97 overseer of the seal, 70, 7 7 - 8 1 , 92, 95; officials under, 92, I I I , 1 1 3 , 304, 384 overseer of the silver and gold houses, 70, 8 5 - 8 7 , 98, 1 0 7 , 1 0 8 overseer of southern countries. See viceroy (of Nubia) overseer of the treasury, 1 4 , 1 3 3 overseer of works, 76, 94, 95, 96, 98, 108, 109, 1 1 3 , 2 1 6 Pa-ahawty (mayor of Nefrusy), 1 0 1 Pahekamen called Benia (overseer of works), 96 Pahery (governor of Elkab), 70, 97, 100; tomb of, 100, I 8 I n 3 4 4 Pakhet sanctuary (Speos Artimedios), 1 2 6 , 134, 136 palace: accounts, 358, 372, 377; administration, 93—114; as center of power, 16, 19, 338; construction, 4, 18, 2 1 1 ; decoration of, 3 1 0 ; dependents, 361—62; economy, 402; functionaries, 14, 7 0 - 1 1 4 ; Hyksos, 1 3 ; location, 2 1 1 ; in Sed Festival, 1 4 9

Subject Index Palais de Maât (Hatshepsut suite), 32, 57, 184, 1 8 5 , 186, 1 8 7 , 189, 2 0 1 , 269£, 285n69, 340. See also Netjery Menu palatine society, 334. See also Syria Palermo Stone, 1 3 9 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 5 , 146, 148, 150 Palestine: city-states of, 10, 1 0 3 , 3 5 5 , 376; campaigns to, 75, 1 0 3 , 1 0 5 , 3 2 5 , 3 3 3 , 336£, 370; control of, 39, 3 3 1 - 3 3 , 3 3 6 - 3 7 , 3 7 3 £ ; deliveries from, 104, 373—77 passim; Egyptians on campaigns to, 1 0 1 , 104, 3 1 1 ; people of, 390£; politics in, 1 2 , 362; products of, 373—74, 4 0 1 . See also b3k(w); Djahy; Hyksos; inw/jnw; Syria; Syria-Palestine Pan Grave, 364 Panehsy (vintner), 4 2 2 panniers, 379, 3 9 1 , 3 9 2 pantheon, 405 panthers, 354, 360, 365, 3 8 1 Papyrus Abbott, 1 9 1 Papyrus Bulaq 18, 3 5 8 Papyrus Louvre 3226, 74, 79, 8 1 , 83, 84 Papyrus Turin 1878, 4 5 Pardey, E., 90, 9 1 Parker, R., 4 1 7 , 4 1 8 , 4 1 9 Parsatatar, 3 3 3 Pas-Ba'al (chief architect in the temple of Amun), 403 Paser (vizier), 2 8 3 n 1 6 patrimonial system, 1 5 , 2 7 patronage, 1 2 7 , 3 3 9 Pe, 1 2 8 , 129, 1 4 7 Pehsuker (adjutant of the army; T T 88), 99, 106, 1 1 3 ; tomb of ( T T 88), 106, 1 1 0 , 305; m T T 93, I 2 0 n 1 6 2 ; wife of, 99 "people of the southland," 3 5 5 , 4 1 5 . See also Nubians per nesu, 69—74 passim, 76, 77£, 83, 85—93 passim, 96, 100, I I4n7 (Secs. 2, 3), I 1 5 n 7 (Secs. 1 2 , 1 7 , 19; Col. 34), 3 2 7 . See also palace peristyle, 20, 28, 2 2 1 Per-Neser, 1 4 7 , 1 6 5 Per-Nu, 1 4 7 , 1 6 5 personal worship, 157—64 Peru-Nefer (Prw~nfr), 402, 4 1 I n 1 7 5 , 418£, 423

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Per-Wer, 1 2 8 , 140, 1 4 7 , 1 4 8 petitions, 44, 45, 7 1 , 88, 90, 9 6 - 9 7 , 1 6 3 pets, 304, 308 Petosiris, 3 0 7 phalli, 1 6 3 Philadelphia, 3 1 3 Philae, 1 5 1 , 349, 350, 3 5 7 Philip Arrhidaeus, 1 8 3 Phoenicia, 328, 332—36 passim, 4 1 5 piety: filial, 55; personal, 1 6 3 , 1 6 7 ; royal, 271—72. See also private funerary cult; private worship pillars of heaven, 4 1 4 pious behavior, 160—61 Pi-Ramesses, 1 6 plaques, 3 0 9 - 1 0 , 4 2 3 Pleiades, 3 2 8 plunder,133, 3 2 7 , 3 7 3 , 3 9 1 , 4 0 1 ; redistribution of, 1 1 5 n 7 ; to temples, 76. See also booty Poetical stela, 1 8 7 police, 7 1 , 9 3 , 106, I 1 5 n 7 policy: foreign,10, 3 1 , 2 7 2 , 3 2 8 - 3 3 , 344, 3 5 5 - 5 6 , 370, 400; royal, 5, 9, 32, 2 0 1 , 207, 2 2 6 political: motives, 4, 9; power, 16; rank, 400; relationships, 373—76, 396—401; represented in tombs, 382, 387, 390, 400, 404 politics: effect on art, 212—17, 2 7 1 , 2 7 2 , 278, 280, 405; Egyptian, 1 3 , 23, 52, 1 8 5 , 192, 226, 269, 278, 405; Near Eastern, 1 2 , 334, 3 9 8 - 9 9 ; Nubian, 3 4 5 - 4 6 , 3 5 6 - 5 7 populations: Asian, 3 2 5 , 3 3 2 , 3 3 4 ; Egyptian, 14, 100; Nubian, 10, 39, 344, 364 Port Sudan, 1 1 Porter & Moss, 3 0 2 porters, 380; Aegean, 379, 393; Egyptian, 379, 382; Syria-Palestinian, 379, 380, 3 8 2 f f ; Syrian, 384 portraits, royal, 25, 34, 2 6 0 - 8 2 , 2 9 2 - 9 9 Posener, G., 3 5 0 potentates, 362, 364 Priese, K.-H., 360 priesthood, 69, 70, 107, 1 1 2 , 1 2 5 , 1 2 8 - 2 9 , 1 3 5 - 3 9 , 145, 1 5 7 , 1 5 9 - 6 0 , 4 1 4 . See also high priest of Amun primeval creator, 1 2 4 , 1 3 7 principalities, Nubian, 344, 366

5i

6

•

prisoners of war, 1 4 5 , 365, 3 7 1 , 3 7 3 , 379, 380, 3 8 1 , 3 8 7 , 3 9 1 , 4 0 2 private funerary: cult, 1 2 7 , 164—71; literature, 129, 1 5 5 , 1 5 7 , 1 6 8 - 7 1 private statuary, 2 8 9 n 1 4 I , 3 0 0 - 3 0 1 private tomb decoration, 302—6, 377—96; career scenes, 378, 386; ceilings, 405; ceremonial scenes, 378, 380, 3 8 1 , 383, 386£, 400; color palette, 305; desert hunting, 303; female figures, 305, 306, 383; festivals, 305; fishing scenes, I 6 7 £ ; foreigners, 1 0 2 , 306, 3 7 7 - 9 6 , hippopotamus hunt, 144, 1 6 7 , 303; king in kiosk, 90, 1 0 5 , 303, 378, 383£, 386, 400£; pets, 304; shipping scenes, 384£, 387, 4 0 1 ; temple lists in, 203; workshop scenes, 303, 305, 306 private tombs, 45£, 90, 93; layout of, 302, 304-5, 301, 320n75 products/produce: agricultural, 359, 372, 387; of Djahy (Palestine), 3 7 3 f ; of Egypt, 14, 69, 73, 80, 84, 3 5 1 ; foreign, 3 3 2 , 359, 3 7 1 , 3 7 5 , 3 7 7 , 378£, 382, 385, 387£, 4 0 1 , 404, 4 1 5 ; of Lebanon (Remenen), 3 3 3 , 374£; of the Levant, 8 1 ; of Nubia, 354, 359, 365, 3 7 5 f , 3 7 9 f , 3 8 2 f , 384, 4 0 1 ; of the oases, 73, 9 1 , 3 8 1 ; of Punt, 92, 3 7 3 , 3 8 I £ , 385, 395, 404; of Retenu, 376; of Sinai, 3 8 1 ; storage of, 77, 82. See also b3k(w); foreign items; inw /jnw; smw profanity, 3 7 3 , 387, 398, 4 0 1 propagandizing, 4 1 , 57, 397, 4 1 5 proscription of Hatshepsut. See Hatshepsut, proscription of prostration: of foreigners, 378, 3 8 1 , 3 8 3 - 3 4 , 3 9 1 , 396, 399; of king, 2 protoviceroy, 346 provincial: culture, 364; dignitaries, 398—99; economic relations, 358—59, 362, 3 7 5 ; government, 74, 344, 3 5 2 , 3 5 8 - 5 9 , 366, 3 9 8 - 9 9 ; temples of Thutmose III, 32-33, 2 1 2 - 2 2 provisions, 1 0 3 , 3 5 8 (cqw); for the dead, I 6 6 f , 244, 250; for deities, 1 2 9 ,

Subject Index 1 3 5 , 144, 1 4 5 ; for the king, 1 2 8 ; for the palace, 95, 1 0 1 , 1 4 5 ; provisioning house (sV), 358; yearly, 3 8 3 . See also inw/jnw prow rope, 1 4 0 Ptah: attributes of, 1 9 3 , 194; cult of, 1 5 3 , 1 6 2 ; officials of, 1 1 2 ; statues of, 1 3 5 ; temples of, 77, I I I , I 2 8 f , 1 3 4 , 229n60, 285n69 Ptahhotep (official), 4 2 Ptahmose (Great of Crafts), 1 2 8 Ptahmose (northern vizier), 7 7 Ptah-Sokar-Osiris, 1 5 3 Ptolemaic period, 1 5 0 - 5 1 , 1 8 3 , 2 2 0 Ptolemy VII, 2 0 5 punitive measures, 3 3 5 , 3 7 3 , 3 7 8 Punt, I I , 3 5 5 ; deliveries from, 30, 75, 3 8 I f , 404; depiction of, 53, 54, 92, 1 0 7 , 2 1 5 , 370, 385, 387, 389; expeditions to, I I , 25, 54, 7 7 - 8 0 passim, 92, 370, 3 7 3 , 385, 387, 398; as god* land, 92, 385; people of, 3 8 I f , 385, 388, 389£, 395; products of, I I , 86, 3 1 0 , 370, 3 7 3 , 382, 405. See also Deir el Bahari; Djeser Djesru, decoration of; Nehesy purification, 47, 9 1 , 1 2 7 , 1 2 8 , 1 3 5 , 1 4 6 - 4 7 , 1 6 5 , 2 1 8 , 2 2 4 . 5 « also coronation Puya (dignitary), 1 0 9 Puyemre (second priest of Amun; T T 39), 70, 86; career of, I 0 9 f ; shawabtis of, 3 1 6 ; sons, 1 1 0 ; tomb of ( T T 39), 80, 109, I 8 I n 3 6 2 ; 206, 209, 306, 308, 380f., 385, 387, 3 9 1 , 393, 395, 408n79, 409nn99 and 108—9; wives, 1 1 0 . See also Theban Tombs, T T 39 Pyramid Texts, 1 5 1 , 1 6 5 , 2 7 3 , 274, 3 5 3 Qasr Ibrim, 88, 1 0 2 , 2 7 4 Qatna, 1 2 , 29, 3 3 0 Qaw el Kebir, 74, 1 0 0 Qebehsenuef, 1 5 6 Qina Valley, 4 1 5 , 4 1 7 quarries, 32, 94, 2 9 8 - 9 9 : granite, 47; limestone, 2 1 6 ; sandstone 48, 79, 81 Quban, 2 1 2 , 356, 3 6 5

Subject Index queens: political role 5, 4 1 , 6 1 n 2 I ; regents, 5, 8, 4 1 ; tombs, 249, 250, 258n80, 3 1 5 . See also God' wife, Hatshepsut, Meryetre-Hatshepsut, Tiye Qurn, 239, 245, 248, 2 5 2 Qurna, 1 4 2 , 1 4 5 , I79n269. See also Sheikh Abd-el Qurna Ra. See Re racial/ethnic types, 390, 3 9 4 Rahotep and Nofret, 3 0 1 , 308 Rai (royal nurse), 2 5 7 n 7 2 Raising the Tent Poles, 1 4 3 , 1 4 4 Ramesses I, 2 1 Ramesses II, 3, 4, 1 6 2 , 2 1 7 , 240, 2 9 3 Ramesses III, 5, 247, 2 5 7 n 6 2 Ramesseum, 1 4 3 Ramesside Period, 6, 45, 1 5 9 , 264, 3 2 7 , 341 Ramose (Senenmut' father): burial chamber of, 4 8 £ rank, 1 5 , 87, 1 1 3 , 3 9 1 , 4 0 0 raw materials, 3 1 0 , 3 7 1 - 7 2 , 3 7 4 - 7 6 passim, 3 8 1 , 387, 389, 394, 396 razzia (raid), 1 3 , 3 3 6 Re: association with Amun, 137—38; birth of, 1 3 8 - 3 9 ; and kingship, 1 7 , 2 1 , 47, 50, 1 2 4 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 9 , 1 5 4 - 5 7 , 166, 194, 2 8 8 n 1 2 6 , 3 3 8 , 3 3 9 - 4 0 ; Litany of, 73, 1 5 4 , 1 5 6 , 169, 2 4 3 , 248; and Maat, 166; offering to, 2; and Osiris, 1 5 3 - 5 4 , 1 7 0 ; priesthood of, 1 1 2 , 1 2 5 ; in royal epithet 42, 44; Shade of (Karnak), 1 3 8 . See also Amun-Re; ReHarakhty; Re-Horus; Re-Osiris rearguard, 3 3 4 rebel chiefs, 3 5 0 - 5 1 rebellion, 2, 40, 60n9, 3 3 5 , 348, 370; as justification for subjugation, 1 0 3 , 349, 370, 4 0 1 , 4 1 4 ; Nubian, 79, 350 Rechnungen, 3 5 8 reciprocal diplomatic contacts/exchange, 358, 3 9 6 - 9 7 Red Chapel. See chapelle rouge Red Festival, I 7 5 n 1 3 5 Red Sea, 1 1 , 2 5 Redford, D., I, 20, 26, 29, 30, 3 5 4

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regency, 2 1 . See also Hatshepsut, regency of regnal years, 55, 56, 2 8 1 , 4 1 7 ; of Amenhotep II, 4 2 1 - 2 2 ; of Hatshepsut, 5, 5 3 - 5 4 , 66n106, 6 7 n 1 0 8 ; of Thutmose III, 29 Re-Harakhty, 1 2 7 , 1 3 8 , 1 5 3 , 2 2 1 - 2 4 , 2 2 6 Rekhmire (vizier; T T 100), 1 2 8 ; family of, 73, 74, 1 1 0 , 3 2 4 n 1 9 8 ; as overseer of all works in the temple of Amun, 76; tomb of ( T T 100), 69, 7 1 , 7 2 , 73, 7 S i , 80, 100, 1 1 0 , 1 6 5 , I 8 I n 3 6 5 , 206, 207, 293, 2 9 5 f f , 3 0 1 , 302, 304ff., 308, 3 1 0 f . , 3 1 2 f . , 3 1 5 , 3 5 2 , 382f., 3 8 5 f f , 3 9 I f f , 397, 404, 409n96; as vizier, 72, 74, 75f. See also Theban Tombs, T T 100; vizier/ vizierate religion. See administration, cult/religious/ temple; cult; cultic activities; festival; funerary; worship religiosity, 159—64 passim Remenen (Rmnn), 3 7 3 f f . , 3 7 7 , 384, 386, 390. See also Amenmose (overseer of foreign countries; T T 42); Lebanon; Sennefri (overseer of the seal; T T 99) Renenutet, 168, 3 0 0 restoration/renewal of monuments by kings, 44, 46, 77, 1 2 8 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 4 , 137, 148 resurrection: of the deceased king, 1 5 4 - 5 7 ; of Osiris, 1 5 1 , I 6 4 f f . passim; of private individuals, 164—71 passim Retenu (Rtnw): in the Annals, 30, 3 7 3 f f , 380, 386, 389, 390; campaigns to, 95, 1 4 5 , 420; Greats of Retenu, 3 7 7 ; deliveries of, 30, 75, 90, 3 7 4 f f , 380, 3 8 1 , 386, 389; Greats of Retenu, 3 7 7 ; harvest of, 3 6 1 ; location of, 30, 3 7 3 f , 3 7 5 , 3 7 7 ; plants of, 3 1 ; in private tombs, 3 8 1 , 383, 390, 398; titles relating to, 1 0 5 , 304, 384. See also contributions; dues; gifts; inw/jnw; tribute; Upper Retenu Reunion Festival, I 7 6 n 1 6 0 revenue, 10, 1 5 , 1 1 3 ; collection of, 1 5 , 30, 72, 90, 9 1 ; delivery of, 72, 73, 75,

5i 6 • revenue (continued) 86, 88, 100, 1 0 2 , 104, 1 0 5 , 3 7 5 . See also b3k(w) Re-Wer, I 7 5 n 1 4 6 rhinoceros hunt, 2 1 8 , 3 5 4 £ , 404 Ricke, H., 26, 56, 207, 208 ritual roles: divine, 169; private, 6 8 n 1 2 I , 69, 157—62 passim; royal, 52, I 3 3 f £ , 224, 2 7 4 . See also cultic/ ritual activities rituals: for gods, 24, 1 2 6 , 1 2 9 , I 3 5 f . 1 3 7 (daily), 1 4 0 (Opet); for kings, 25, I 3 6 £ , 224; of royal house, 7If., 9 1 . See also coronation, ceremony; cult, daily; foundation ceremony/ ritual; funerary cult; Opet festival; Sed festival Roau (steward of Amun), I I I Robichon, C., 2 0 5 Robins, G., 1 3 2 , 4 1 6 Roehrig, C.H., 26, 2 6 5 Roman period, I78n248, 2 5 5 n 3 4 , 296, 337 Rome, 2 0 3 ; Museo Barracco, 2 9 7 Romer, J., 241—47 passim Rondot,V, 5 1 , 2 0 2 , 2 7 8 royal ancestor cult. See cult, of royal ancestors royal butler, 95, 96 royal children. See Amenhotep I, family of; Amenhotep II, family of, as prince; Hatshepsut, family of; Neferura, princess; Ramesses II; Thutmose I, family of; Thutmose II, family of; Thutmose III, family of royal herald, 70, 89f. royal house. See per nesu royal insignia, 1 2 4 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 4 , 2 7 4 royal messenger, 70, 92, 93, I 1 5 n 7 (Sec. 1 2 , Col. 3 4 ) royal nurse/tutor, 97£, 1 1 3 , 2 6 5 ; statues of, 98, 297, 300. See also AhmosePennekhbet; Amenhotep II, nurses/ tutors of; nurses; Senenmut; Senetnay; Sitre; tutors/tutoring; wet nurse royal persona, 1 2 7 , 1 3 3 , 3 3 8 f f . royal residence, 7 I £ , 77, 93, 2 1 1 , 3 3 6 , 339, 3 8 6 , 4 1 8 royal statuary, 1 3 6 , 2 6 0 f f , 298f., 3 4 1 . See also cult, of royal ancestors; cult,

Subject Index royal (statue); Hatshepsut, iconography; Hatshepsut, statuary; private statuary; Thutmose III, iconography; Thutmose III, statuary royal steward, 85£, 93, 95 royal tombs, 16, 39, 152—54 passim, 2 3 8 , 248£, 2 5 I f . ; architecture of, 239—42 passim, 2 4 5 ; decoration of, I 6 f , 1 2 8 , I53f., I 5 6 f , 168, 242, 245, 247, 307£, 309. See also Amenhotep II, tomb of; Hatshepsut, tomb of; Thutmose I, tomb of; Thutmose III, tomb of; Valley of the Kings Rum (chief of Tekhet), 1 0 2 rulers: city, 80; of estates, 7 1 , 74, 9 1 ; local, 72; regional, 74. See also foreign, kings/rulers; king ruyt, 87, 89, 90f. See also caryt; overseer of the ruyt Sahure, 1 6 3 Sai Island, 1 0 2 , 2 3 4 n 1 8 7 , 2 3 4 n 1 8 9 , 3 4 7 - 5 4 passim, 3 5 7 , 3 6 3 Sais, 1 6 5 , 1 6 7 Saitic Period, 1 6 3 Sakhmet, 1 2 5 , 1 2 6 , 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 , 1 5 1 , 1 6 1 , 163, 165 Sa-menkhet (scribe of the seal of the god), 74 sandstone: constructions, 43, I 2 I n 2 0 3 , 1 3 4 , 186, 196, 2 0 1 , 2 0 3 , 209, 2 2 5 , 3 1 0 ; quarries, 48, 79, 8 1 ; statues, 3 0 1 Saqqara, 42, 77, 1 0 4 sarcophagus: private, 169; royal: 55, 1 5 4 , I 5 5 f , 168, 2 3 9 , 242, 244, 246£, 250, 256n49, 259n90, 2 6 3 , 307, 317 Satepihu (mayor of Thinis), 74, 98, 1 0 0 Satet, goddess: Elephantine temple, 2 1 2 , 2 3 6 n 2 5 0 , 269, 279, 285n69, 286n74; at Semneh, 43, 2 1 3 f . Satiah, queen (wife of Thutmose III), 26£, 34, 205, 2 8 7 n 1 0 6 , 4 1 5 Satis, 1 2 5 , 1 2 7 , 1 6 2 Säve-Söderbergh, T., 1 4 4 , 303, 354, 359, 363f. scarab: amulet, 104, 168, 303, 309; and gods, 1 3 8 , 1 5 7

Subject Index Schoske, S., 2 7 7 Schott, S., 56, 1 6 1 Schulman, A.R., 1 0 5 scribes, 85, 89, 1 0 3 , I 5 9 £ , 2 5 4 n 2 7 , 2 5 5 n 3 8 , 3 2 5 £ , 328, 3 3 1 , 3 3 4 , 336, 3 5 7 , 3 6 3 , 378, 396, 424; scribal statues, 3 0 1 sculptors, 2 6 1 , 268, 2 8 1 , 299, 308, 3 1 7 n 2 , 396 Se (viceroy), 3 5 3 Second Intermediate Period, 10—12 passim, 20, 1 0 3 , 1 2 4 , I 8 2 n 3 7 0 , 303, 345, 346, 264, 4 1 2 n 1 7 8 . See also Seventeenth Dynasty; Sixteenth Dynasty Sed Festival, 1 2 7 , 1 3 5 , 146, 1 4 7 , I 4 8 f £ ; accoutrements of, 46, 140, 149; of Thutmose III, 1 0 1 , 1 4 9 . See also cultic activities; Festival Hall; Palermo Stone Sedment, 1 1 2 , 3 1 3 Sehel, 7 9 , 2 1 7 , 2 1 8 , 3 5 4 Sekenenre (Tao II), 2 1 , 3 4 5 Selket, goddess, 1 2 8 sem priest, 140, 1 6 5 Semiramis, 3 3 3 , 3 3 7 Semneh: as boundary, 3 5 2 , 3 5 7 ; objects from, 1 0 2 , 3 1 1 ; regency temple, 2 3 , 4 2 f £ , 52, 64n73, 2 7 2 , 2 8 8 n 1 2 5 , 3 5 2 £ ; stela of Usersatet, 421;Thutmose III temple, 1 0 2 , 1 3 7 , 2 I 3 £ , 226, 2 7 2 £ Sen-Djehuty (father of Minnakht, T T 87),

82

Sen-Djehuty (overseer of the granaries of Amun), 82, I I I Seneb, 3 0 1 Senemiah (overseer of the gold and silver houses; T T 1 2 7 ) , 70; autobiography of, 160; career of, 85, 86, 1 2 8 ; tomb inscriptions, 1 3 3 , I 5 9 £ ; tomb of ( T T 1 2 7 ) , 3 7 9 Senenmut (steward of the king;TTs 7 1 , 3 5 3 ) , 73, 88, 95; career of, 47, 78£, 86, 93£, I I I , 1 2 6 , 378; as chief steward of the king, 93£; donation stele, 2 3 , 44£; family, 48£, I 7 9 n 2 7 9 ; funerary complex (TTs 7 1 , 3 5 3 ) , 45, 48£, 72, 75, 79, 93, 169, 302, 304, 320n75, 3 7 8 £ , 386, 3 9 2 f £ ; Gebel el-Silsila

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chapel, 48, 65n85, 93; graffiti, 47, 2 2 8 n 3 7 ; objects, 3 1 2 ; as royal nurse, 98; Sinai stela, 54, 63n56; Statuary, 47, 6 8 n 1 2 I , 78, 94, 1 2 6 , 209, 2 8 9 n 1 4 9 , 297, 300; as steward of Amun, I I I . See also Book of the Dead; Theban Tombs, T T 7 1 and 3 5 3 Senenu (high priest of Hathor and Amun), 125 Senet (mother of Intefoker: T T 60): tomb of ( T T 60), 302£, 3 0 5 Senetnay (royal nurse): possible K V tomb, 249£, 2 5 1 Seni (viceroy), 6 1 n 2 6 , 3 5 3 Senimen (tutor for princess Neferura; T T 2 5 2 ) , 96, 98 Senimose (royal tutor), 98; stela of, 59n6; Will of, 73, 75, 89, 98 Seniseneb (daughter of vizier Useramun), 74 Seniseneb (divine adoratrice of Amun), I09f. Sennefer (greatest of seers in Heliopolis), 112 Sennefer (high priest of Thoth), 1 2 7 Sennefer (mayor of Thebes; T T 96; K V 42): possible K V tomb ( K V 42), 249; tomb of ( T T 96), 306, 308; wife, 249 Sennefer (official), 3 2 4 n 1 9 8 Sennefri (overseer of the seal; T T 99), 70, 88, 1 1 3 ; autobiography of, 80; career of, 77£, 7 9 f £ , 83£, 86, 92, 94, I I I , 384; Lebanon mandate, 8 1 , 304, 384£, 387, 398; at Serabit el-Khadim, 94, 80; tomb of ( T T 99), 80£, 1 6 1 , 304, 384£, 387, 4 0 1 . See also Theban Tombs, T T 99 Senwosret, 3 3 7 Senwosret I: Heliopolis temple, 2 I 9 £ ; at Karnak, 184, 190, I 9 I f . , 229n67; Karnak white chapel, 1 4 3 ; in private tombs, 3 0 3 ; statuary, 1 2 5 ; texts of, I, 3; and Thutmose III, 236n244, 340, 3 4 2 Senwosret III: Abydos complex, 258n88; and Asia, 328; cult/deification of at Semneh, 2 3 , 42£, 1 3 7 , 3 5 2 ; Semneh temple, 2 I 3 £ ; statuary,

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6

•

Senwosret III (continued) 293, 3 1 8 n 1 8 ; temple to at Gebel Dosha, 1 3 7 ; texts of, I 7 3 n 7 0 ; and Thutmose III, 1 3 7 , 293, 3 4 2 Senynefer (official), 3 0 1 Sepedhor (valiant commander), 3 4 5 Serabit el-Khadim, 1 2 , 46, 57, 79, 80, 94, 1 6 3 , 2 1 2 , 234nn205 and 208; 288n125 Seshat, 1 2 7 , 1 4 7 , 148, 2 2 4 Seshemet- hall, 1 6 4 Sesyre (sobriquet of Ramesses), 3 3 7 Seth, 1 6 1 , 168, I 7 3 n 6 I ; and kingship, I 2 7 £ , 1 4 7 ; of Ombos, 48, I49£; and Sed Festival, I 4 9 f f Sethe, K., 1 1 0 , 3 3 1 , 4 2 4 Seti I, 1 3 5 , I74n83, 242, 3 5 8 Seventeenth Dynasty, I I , 20, 3 1 , 2 5 1 , 345—47 passim. See also Second Intermediate Period; Sixteenth Dynasty Sharuhen, I I , 1 2 , 3 1 Shasu, 3 3 5 Shedet, 226, 2 3 5 n 2 2 8 Sheikh Abd el-Qurna, 48, 80, 1 6 3 , 169, 302 Shelfak, 3 5 7 shena ($we) /storehouse, 73, 76, 80, 83, 86, I I I , I I 5 n 7 ( C o l R29), 358, 3 6 1 shendyt kilt, 2 7 5 , 2 9 5 Sherit-Re (daughter of Sennefer, greatest of seers in Heliopolis), 1 1 2 Shesepetankh (sspt~cnhy See Amenhotep II, building program, Thebes, mortuary temple; Thutmose II, memorial temple ships, I I 5 n 7 ( C o l 34), 309, 350, 360, 3 6 1 , 362, 3 7 3 , 3 7 5 , 384£, 387, 401,414 shipyard worker, 396 shrines. See Amun-Re-Kamutef, sanctuary of; bark shrines; coronation ceremony; domestic shrines; ebony, shrines; Gebel el-Silsila, shrines; Hathor, shrines of; naos; Pakhet sanctuary; private tombs, layout Shu, 129, 1 6 7 , 3 3 8 Si-Bastet (royal barber), 88; inscription of, 96£, 404 siege warfare, 3 1 , 3 2 7 . See also Megiddo, battle of

Subject Index silver: delivery of, 9 1 , 359, 362, 372, 376, 394; objects of, 73, 308, 3 1 0 , 394; storage of, 73, 86, 4 0 1 Si-Montu (royal messenger), 79, 92f. Sinai, I I , 330, 3 8 1 ; inscriptions at, 46, 50, 54, 79, 80, 92, 1 6 3 , 1 8 5 ; products from, 3 1 1 , 3 8 1 Sinuhe, I sistra, I 4 0 f , 1 5 0 , 1 5 9 Sitamun, princess (daughter of Ahmose), 98f. Sit-Djehuty (mother of Sennefri, T T 9 9 ) ,

80 Sithathoriunet, princess (daughter of Amenemhet III), 308 Sitre (royal nurse for Hatshepsut; K V 60), 98; tomb of ( K V 60), 238, 2 5 1 , 2 5 7 n n 7 2 and 7 3 Sixteenth Dynasty, 20. See also Second Intermediate Period; Seventeenth Dynasty Sixth Dynasty, 20, 140, 3 1 8 n 1 8 , 338f. See also Old Kingdom slaves, 14, 359£, 365, 3 7 1 , 3 7 5 , 382, 383, 385, 387, 389, 3 9 1 , 392, 395, 399, 402£, 406. See also Si-Bastet, inscription of Smenkare, 2 1 Smith, H., 3 4 5 smw (harvest/harvest tax): from Djahy, 3 7 3 f , 3 7 5 ; meaning, 3 7 3 f f ; from Megiddo, 387; from Retenu, 3 7 5 , 3 7 7 . See also b3k(w); harvest; inw/ jnw; taxes Snefru, king, I, 3 Sobek: cult of, 226; Gurob temple, 129, 226, 2 3 5 n 2 2 8 ; at Karnak, 1 5 2 ; Kom Ombo temple, 226; priests of, 80 Sobekemheb family, 3 4 5 Sobekhotep (mayor of the Fayum), 1 0 1 Sobekhotep (overseer of the seal; T T 63), 78, 8 1 , 83 social hierarchy, 1 5 , 385, 396—98 passim, 4 0 0 - 4 0 6 passim Sokar, 1 2 9 , 1 5 3 , 1 5 7 , 1 9 5 , 2 4 1 ; Festival of, I 4 3 f . Sokaris, cavern of, 2 4 5 solar: architecture, 1 2 5 , 1 3 8 , 148, 1 9 5 , 198, 2 0 7 - 1 0 passim, 226, 2 3 2 ; cult, 1 2 3 , 1 3 7 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 3 , 1 9 5 ,

Subject Index 198, 207, 209, 2 1 0 , 226£; cycle, 10, 73, 24, I 3 8 £ , 144, 1 5 4 - 5 7 passim, 166, I 6 9 f £ , 2 4 3 £ , 308; deities, 1 2 4 , 1 2 6 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 3 , I 3 7 f £ , 153—57 passim; hymn, 1 3 8 , I69£; imagery, 1 5 2 , 1 5 3 , I 5 6 £ ; priesthood, 1 2 8 . See also obelisks soldiers, 1 0 3 , 104, 3 1 1 , 328, 346, 3 7 1 , 384, 396 Song to Aton, 406 Son-yu (chief steward), 3 1 6 Sopdu, deity, 1 2 9 Soped of Asia, deity, 1 5 2 Sothis, I I 5 n 7 (Col. 33), 1 4 5 ; Going Forth of, 1 4 5 , 1 6 1 Southern Heliopolis, 80, 83, 90, 1 3 1 , 1 3 7 , 226, 2 3 3 n 1 7 7 . See also Thebes, Armant Spalinger, A.J., 192, 2 2 0 Speos Artemidos, 53, 65n90, 74, 1 2 6 , 131, 134 Stadelmann, R., 1 5 3 staff of old age, 1 5 8 , 4 1 5 Stahelin, E., 1 4 9 statuary. See private statuary; royal statuary Steindorff, G., 2 1 If. stela. See Amada; Amenhotep II; boundary; Buhen; commemorative; Elephantine; Euphrates River; Gebel Barkal; Poetical; Semneh; Senenmut; Thutmose III Step Pyramid, 4 2 storehouses. See shena Suemniwet (royal butler); T T 92), 93, 96, 101, 106 sulmanu (greeting gift), 372, 3 9 7 Syria: campaigns to, 29—31 passim, 75, I 0 5 £ , 2 1 6 , 3 2 5 - 4 2 passim, 4 1 5 , 4 2 1 ; city-states of, 29, 109; control of, 3 3 2 , 3 3 4 £ , 3 3 7 , 362, 374, 377, 390; deliveries from, 104, 362, 3 7 4 - 7 7 passim; Egyptians on campaigns to, 70, 84, 90, 1 0 1 , 104, I 0 5 £ , 383; kingdoms of, 1 2 ; politics of, 1 2 , 3 3 0 £ , 334. See also Annals; b3k(w); Euphrates River; gold of honor; inw/jnw; Kadesh; military campaigns; Mitanni; Palestine; Retenu; Syria-Palestine

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Syrian: bottles, 3 I 2 £ ; captives, 385; dress, 390£; fortress, 1 0 5 , 384; princesses, 3 1 4 , 389; products, 3 I 4 £ , 382, 404; slaves, 387, 4 0 2 Syrians: depiction of, 70, 9 1 , 306, 38If., 384£, 390£; as people "from further Asia," 3 8 1 . See also foreigners' processions Syria-Palestine: campaigns to, 370, 3 7 2 , 3 7 7 , 4 1 4 ; control of, 3 5 5 , 373—77 passim, 398£; deliveries from, 3 7 2 - 7 7 , 40If.; politics in, 3 7 3 £ , 376. See also Annals; Apiru; b3k(w); inw /jnw; military campaigns; Palestine; Remenen; Retenu; Syria Syria-Palestinian: delegation, 380, 383; depiction of people, 379—84 passim, 386f., 3 8 9 f f , 392, 393, 396; dress, 3 8 I f , 383, 390£; elite, 3 9 1 ; porters, 379£, 382, 384; products, 3 1 3 , 380, 384, 394, 4 0 1 ; slaves, 382£; vassals, 374; workers, 402f. See also foreigners' processions Ta Nehesy. See Nubia Ta-aamethu (wife of Aamethu), 74 Tachos, 3 2 9 Taharqa Edifice (Karnak), 1 5 I f . , I 7 5 n 1 3 I Taiunet (royal nurse; mother of Menkheperreseneb, T T 1 1 2 ) , 1 0 9 Ta-Kemnet (wife of Ameniu), 404 Takhsi: campaigns to, 3 3 5 , 3 3 7 ; region of, 332 Takuwa (king in Nukhashshe), 3 3 4 tāmartu (audience gift), 3 9 7 Tanaach, 3 7 4 Tanaja, 336, 3 7 3 , 394 Tanefert (wife of Puyemre), 1 1 0 Tangur, 349; Tangur West, 3 5 4 Tao, king, I 7 2 n 3 3 Tatenen, 2 4 2 Taueris, 1 2 8 Tausret, queen/king, 2 2 taxes, 72, 75—80 passim, 83—88 passim, 9 1 , 94, 99, 3 4 1 , 3 5 1 , 359, 365, 3 7 3 f f , 376, 3 7 8 - 8 2 passim, 385, 4 1 5 ; taxation, 72, 3 5 7 . See also b3k(w); šmw Teeter, E., 2 7 8

5i 6 • Tefilin, R., 2 2 2 , 268, 269, 2 7 3 , 274, 2 7 7 , 296, 299 Tefnut, 1 2 5 Tehkhet (Debeira): chiefs of, 1 0 2 , 356, 362; kingdom of, 3 5 6 £ Tekem, 1 5 5 tekenu} 1 6 4 Tell el-Dab'a, 1 3 , 306. See also Avaris; Hyksos temple towns. See Nubia, temple towns temples, 4, 16, 31—33 passim, 78, 1 2 8 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 , 306; decoration of, 28£, 1 3 0 , 1 3 5 - 5 2 passim, 305, 3 1 0 ; lists of, 1 2 9 , 203, 206, 207, 209, 2 1 6 ; resources of, 1 4 , 16, 76, 78, 99£, 1 4 5 , 3 1 0 , 3 5 9 f f , 3 7 2 , 3 7 9 - 8 5 passim, 387, 4 0 I f . See also administration, temple; Amun; bark shrine; cult, temple; festival, temple; foundation ceremony; Karnak; Luxor; mortuary temples; priesthood; provincial, temples; solar, architecture; Thebes, temples Tenefret (wife of the scribe User, Grave S 91), 3 1 1 Tentwadj (wife of Amenhotep-user), 3 0 1 Teti (king* son), 3 4 6 Teti, king, I 7 8 n 2 5 8 Tetian, 348 Tetisheri, 6 1 n 2 I Texte de la Jeunesse; 2, 184—91, 2 0 1 , 206, 2 1 5 , 220, 2 7 0 f f , 340. See also Légende de la jeunesse textiles, 1 6 2 - 6 3 , 3 1 4 - 1 5 , 402, 4 0 5 Thebes, 7, I6£, 7 3 Middle Kingdom m, 1 7 , I9£, 57, 1 2 5 , 139, 198 palaces of, 18—19 Seventeenth Dynasty and, I I , 20, 345-46 temples/gods of, I 7 £ , 3 2 £ , 57, 86, 1 0 7 , 124-29, 132, 133, 137, 139, 142, 149, 1 7 1 , 1 8 3 - 2 1 1 , 3 0 5 tombs of, 39£, 1 0 2 , 1 0 7 , 240, 253n8, 302f., 3 2 I n 8 7 , 3 7 1 , 3 7 7 - 8 6 , 4 0 5 See also Beautiful Feast of the Valley; Deir el Bahari, Hatshepsut: building activity, Thebes; Karnak; Opet Festival; private tombs; royal tombs; Thutmose III: building

Subject Index activity, Thebes; Valley of the Kings Theban Tombs (see also foreigners; foreigners' processions; private tombs) T T A.5, I 8 I n 3 6 5 T T 1 7 , 306 T T 39 (Puyemre): inscriptions, 8, 206, 209, 408n79; scenes, 109, I 8 I n 3 6 2 , 306, 308, 380f., 385, 387, 3 9 1 , 3 9 3 , 395, 409nn99 and 108—9. See also Puyemre T T 4 2 (Amenmose): scenes, 1 0 5 , 304, 384, 386, 4 0 1 . See also Amenmose T T 6 1 (Useramun), 7 1 , 72£, 304; inscriptions, 73, 1 5 4 , 169, 250, 253n6, 256n48; scenes, 256n50. See also T T 1 3 1 ; Useramun T T 7 1 (Senenmut), 45, 48£, 302, 304, 3 2 0 n 7 5 , 378; inscriptions, 93, 169; scenes, 72, 75, 379, 386, 3 9 2 f f . See also Senenmut; T T 3 5 3 T T 72, I 2 I n 2 I 5 T T 8 1 (Ineni), 302; decoration, 305; inscriptions, 2 3 , 4 0 f f , 64n78; scenes, 1 0 2 , 379, 387, 3 9 1 , 404, 4 0 9 n 1 0 8 . See also Ineni T T 82 (Amenemhet): inscriptions, 73, 3 1 0 ; scenes, 168, I 8 I n 3 6 2 , 303, 306f. See also Amenemhet T T 84 (Iamnedjeh): decoration, 305; inscriptions, 84, 8 9 f , 2 1 1 , 408n79; scenes, 88, 90, 3 8 3 , 3 8 6 f f , 396, 404, 408n59, 4 0 9 n 1 0 8 . See also Iamnedjeh T T 85 (Amenemheb called Mahu), 106; inscriptions, 99, 1 0 5 , 408n79, 420; scenes, I 8 I n 3 6 2 , 3 0 3 , 3 2 I n 9 I , 383f., 386, 3 9 1 . See also Amenemheb called Mahu T T 86 (Menkheperreseneb), 108; decoration, 305; inscriptions, I 0 8 f , 159, 3 1 Of., 3 8 1 , 408n62; scenes, 159, I 8 I n 3 6 5 , 306, 308, 3 8 I f , 3 8 6 f f , 393, 395, 400, 4 1 2 n 1 9 0 . See also Menkheperreseneb ( T T 86) T T 99 (Sennefri), 80; inscriptions, 1 6 1 ; scenes, 8 1 , 304, 384£, 387, 4 0 1 . See also Sennefri T T 1 0 0 (Rekhmire), 7 1 , 73, 80, 302,

Subject Index 304; decoration, 3 0 4 f ; inscriptions, 69, 75£, 1 6 5 , 206£, 3 5 2 , 397; scenes, 72, 75£, 100, I 8 I n 3 6 5 , 293, 2 9 5 - 9 7 passim, 3 0 1 , 3 0 4 f £ , 308, 3 1 0 - 1 3 passim, 3 1 5 , 382£, 3 8 5 f £ , 3 9 1 - 9 5 , 404, 409n96. See also Rekhmire T T 1 1 2 (Menkheperreseneb), 108; decoration, 305; inscriptions, 108; scenes, 1 6 2 , 304. See also Menkheperreseneb ( T T 1 1 2 ) T T 1 1 9 (unknown owner), 380, 386, 409n99 T T 1 3 1 (Useramun), 71—73 passim, 304; inscriptions, 46, 69£, 73, 4 1 0 n 1 4 I ; scenes, 72£, 75, 380, 386£, 3 9 3 L See also TT 61; Useramun T T 1 4 3 (unknown owner), I 8 I n 3 6 5 , 385, 387, 395, 4 0 1 , 4 0 8 n 7 I T T I55(Intef), 302; inscriptions, 90£; scenes, 9 1 , 100, I 8 I n n 3 6 2 and 365, 379, 385£, 3 9 1 , 393, 412n190 T T 320, 2 5 7 n 7 5 . See also Inhapy, queen T T 345, 304 T T 349, 385, 3 9 2 T T 3 5 3 (Senenmut), 45, 72, 320n70; inscriptions, 79, 93, 169; scenes, 72, 169. See also Senenmut; T T 7 1 theologians, 1 2 3 , 1 3 0 theology, 3, 22, 1 2 4 - 3 0 , 1 3 3 , 1 3 8 , 1 7 0 - 7 1 , 1 9 5 , 2 1 0 , 3 4 1 ; of images, 282, 2 9 I n 1 8 8 Thirteenth Dynasty, 1 7 , 20, 1 3 9 , 339, 345, 3 5 8 Thoth, 1 2 7 , 146, 1 4 7 , 149, 1 6 2 , 2 2 4 Thutmose (royal herald; T T 342), 92, I8In365 Thutmose I administration of, 1 0 I f . , 349—53 passim, 356£, 364 as archer, 4 2 4 building program of, I8£, 62n48, 1 5 3 , I99£, 203, 2 1 1 , 2 5 I f . campaigns, I 2 £ , 3 1 , 39, 329£, 347, 349, 356, 3 6 3 coronation of, 349; cult of, 7, 1 5 3 , 206, 209, 2 1 0 family, 2 1 , 39£, 97£, 266

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iconography of, 263, 267, 2 7 3 , 2 7 6 mortuary temple, 1 7 officials under, 40, 49£, 97, 100, 3 5 I f f . priests of, I I 0 £ , I 7 2 n 3 3 , 3 2 I n 8 I role in legitimization, 20, 22, 24, 34, 52, 54£, 66n95, 1 3 0 - 3 2 passim, 200, 206, 264, 266, 279f. sarcophagus, I 5 5 £ , 246, 264 succession of, 280 tomb of ( K V 38), I6£, 40, I 5 3 £ , 1 5 6 , 238, 2 4 6 - 4 8 , 2 5 I £ , 264, 307, 422 Thutmose II accession of, 6 8 n 1 I 9 administration of, 349—53 passim, 356£; and archery, 4 2 5 building program of, 40, 47, 62n46, 186, 228n43, 2 5 2 , 3 5 7 campaigns of, 40, 350£, 3 5 6 cult of, 5 1 , 205, 208, 209 death of, 5, 2 3 , 40£, 5 5 family, 2 1 , 40, 97£, 266 iconography of, 263, 267, 2 7 3 , 2 7 6 memorial temple Qspt~cnF), 2 0 5 f f . mortuary temple, 1 7 , 1 4 0 officials under, 40, 49£, 79, 93, 1 0 2 , 107, 353 priests of, I I I role in legitimization, 20, 22, 34, 5If., 54£, 206£, 2 1 4 , 226, 264, 266, 279 Statuary of, 46£, 207, 2 2 2 , 2 3 7 n 2 5 7 , 264, 296 tomb of ( K V 4 2 / 2 0 ) , 1 7 , 247£, 2 5 2 , 254n17 Thutmose III accession, 2, 5, I I , 2 3 £ , 4 1 , 4 1 7 - 2 0 ; narrative of, 2, 4, 2 3 £ , 1 3 I f . administration of, I 3 f £ , 27, 30, 45£, 6 9 - 1 2 2 , 328£, 3 3 6 £ , 346, 3 5 2 , 3 5 5 £ , 3 5 7 - 6 6 , 370f., 3 7 5 f f , 378. See also administration; Annals; b3k(w); Duties of the Vizier; inw/ jnw; viceroy; vizier/vizerate age: at accession, 2, 5, 2 1 , 23, 4If., 57; at death, 32; at death of Hatshepsut, 8 Annals. See Annals of Thutmose III as archer (of Montu), 1 2 7 , 1 3 3 , 2 1 8 , 354, 424f.

5i 6 • Thutmose III (continued) Armant stela of 58, 1 3 3 , 2 I 7 £ , 226, 2 3 5 n 2 I 4 , 326, 346, 354, 4 2 4 f artistic production under: funerary objects, 3 1 5 f f ; jewelry, 3 0 8 f f ; metal objects, 3 1 Of; private statuary, 300£; private tombs, 3 0 2 - 7 ; royal statuary, 2 9 2 - 9 9 ; royal tombs, 307£; scarabs, 309£; textiles, 3 I 4 £ ; vessels, 3 1 0 - 1 4 . See also K V 34; private tomb decoration building program of, 3 I f f . , 53, 1 1 3 , 1 2 9 , 1 8 3 - 2 3 7 , 248, 326, 3 3 2 , 402, 4 1 5 , 4 2 2 (see also Minmose) Amada, 2 2 1 - 2 5 , 2 2 6 Armant, 2 1 7 f . Buhen, 5 1 , 2 1 2 f . Buto, 2 1 8 f . Elephantine, 2 1 2 , 2 2 5 f . E1kab, 220f. E11esiya, 2 1 4 f . Gebel Barkal, 2 1 4 Gurob, 2 2 6 Heliopolis, 1 2 8 , 2 1 9 f . Kom Ombo, 2 2 6 provincial, 7, 32f., 211—26 Semneh, 4 2 f , 2 1 3 , 3 5 2 Serabit el-Khadim, 2 1 2 f . Thebes, 7, 16, 32, 1 8 3 , 203f., 340; Akh Menu, 3 1 , I36f., 1 9 2 - 9 5 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 2 , 267, 2 7 0 f f . (see also Akh Menu); Djeser Akhet (Deir el Bahari) 6f£, 32, 87, I 0 8 f , I I I , 1 2 3 , 1 4 3 , 202, 2 0 8 - 1 1 , 2 2 6 , 262£, 2 9 3 (see also Djeser Akhet; Deir el Bahari); Henketankh (mortuary temple), 7, 26, 32, 77, 85, 95, 97, 1 2 6 , I 4 2 f , 207£, 294, 302, 3 1 8 n 2 2 (see also Henketankh); Karnak, 7, I 7 f f , 28, 3 I £ , 76, I 2 8 f , 1 3 4 , 1 8 4 - 9 2 passim, 1 9 5 - 2 0 3 , 226, 269ff., 278, 340f., 384 (see also Annals; Karnak); Luxor, 1 7 (see also Luxor Temple); Medinet Habu, 32, 204£; Thutmose II temple, 2 0 5 f f ; tomb ( K V 34), 26, 73, 1 2 5 , 1 5 4 , I 5 6 f , 2 3 8 - 4 6 , 247, 249£, 2 5 2 , 307f. (see also K V 34); Valley of Kings,

Subject Index 2 4 8 - 5 1 , 264, 4 2 2 (see also K V 37; K V 32) burial equipment, I 5 5 f . campaigns of, 5£, 8, 26—33 passim, 58, 1 0 3 , 1 1 3 , 2 1 6 - 1 9 , 401f., 404f., 4 1 3 f f . See also Annals; army; b3k(w); inw/jnw; Kadesh; Levant; Megiddo; military; military campaigns; Nubia; Palestine; Syria; SyriaPalestine northern, 2, 29£, 75, 84, 87, 90, 92£, 95£, 100, I 0 5 £ , 109, 1 8 7 , 190, I 9 5 £ , 2 0 1 , 2 1 6 , 3 2 5 - 4 2 , 3 7 0 - 7 3 passim, 406n2, 4 1 3 southern, 3 1 , 50, 2 1 6 f f . , 349, 354f., 360, 362f., 366 first (year 23), 28£, 1 3 8 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 5 , 190, 2 0 1 , 2 1 8 , 2 3 0 n 1 0 6 , 325f., 328-32, 402 second, 3 3 I f . third (year 25), 3 3 I f , 404 fourth, 3 3 I f . fifth (year 29), 326, 328, 3 3 2 f . sixth, 3 3 2 f . seventh, 3 3 2 f . eighth (year 33), 30, 6 1 n 1 9 , 84, 87, 90, 1 0 5 , 109, 1 8 7 , 190, I95f., 2 1 6 f . , 2 3 4 n 2 I 2 , 2 7 2 , 326f., 333f., 336, 342n2, 3 6 2 tenth, 328, 334f. coregency with Amenhotep II, 34, 2 2 1 , 4 1 6 , 420ff. coregency/corule with Hatshepsut, 5, 1 1 , 2 1 , 2 3 - 2 7 , 4 9 - 5 8 . See also coregency; corule coronation of, 4 1 , 43, 55, 1 4 7 , 2 1 3 , 289n149 death of, 32, 250, 4 1 4 , 4 1 8 - 2 0 passim, 4 2 If. decoration program, 33, 57, 184, 1 9 2 , 200£, 204, 208, 2 1 2 f f . , 220, 2 2 3 , 269ff. See also Hatshepsut, decoration program decrees of, 2 3 , 42, 44, 46, 3 5 2 divinity of, 1 2 4 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 , 1 9 5 . See also divine birth of king; kingship, divine aspects of expeditions: to Lebanon, 8 1 , 380, 384£, 387, 398; to Punt, 385, 387; to Sinai, 79f.

Subject Index family of, 2 0 f £ , 26£, 34, 2 4 8 f f , 265, 297, 4 1 5 f See also foreign wives of Thutmose III Gebel Barkal stela of, 4 1 3 f f iconography, 8, 20, 22, 34, 1 2 4 , 1 2 7 , I 3 2 £ , 2 1 3 , 260, 2 6 2 £ , 2 6 6 - 6 9 , 2 7 0 - 7 4 passim, 2 7 5 - 7 8 , 2 8 0 f f , 2 9 3 - 9 9 passim, 3 0 1 , 3 4 I f See also Hatshepsut, iconography of ideology of, 206£, 2 1 4 , 2 1 5 , 220, 2 2 6 £ , 260, 262, 264, 2 7 2 , 280, 282, 3 4 1 legitimization of, 20£, 2 3 £ , 34, 1 3 I f , 184, 2 1 5 , 264£, 2 7 I £ , 280, 3 3 8 , 3 4 0 £ See also divine selection of king; Texte de la Jeunesse lunar dates, 4 1 6 f f , 4 1 9 f mortuary cult of, 2 1 0 ; officials of, 1 1 0 , 112 officials under, 42, 4 5 f , 6 9 - 1 1 4 , I 2 9 £ , 2 9 3 , 302, 3 5 3 f , 4 0 3 f See also administration; Amenemheb called Mahu; foreigners' processions; Iamnedjeh; Minmose; Minnakht; private tombs; Rekhmire; Sennefri; Useramun participation in religious activities, 2, 23, 129, 134, I 3 6 f f , 1 4 0 - 4 5 passim, 148—51 passim, 194, 1 9 7 , 224, 3 4 1 in private tombs, 90, 1 0 5 , 303, 3 8 3 , 384, 385. See also private tomb decoration proscription of Hatshepsut, I, 6, 8£, 22, 3 3 £ , 1 8 5 , 2 0 0 f , 207, 2 1 3 f , 2 1 5 , 226f, 264-67, 280f as regent, 2 1 , 2 3 , 40, 4 1 - 4 9 , 5 3 relationship with Hatshepsut, 5, 8, 2 6 9 - 7 2 , 426n6 sole reign of, 5£, 2 8 - 3 5 , 70 Statuary, 46, 1 1 2 , 1 3 6 , 1 5 8 , 1 6 2 , 1 9 7 , 204, 2 1 0 , 2 1 9 , 2 2 2 , 260, 2 6 2 £ , 2 6 7 f f , 2 7 2 - 7 4 passim, 2 7 5 f f , 2 8 1 , 2 9 2 - 9 9 ; as sphinx, 263, 2 7 5 - 7 7 passim, 2 9 3 , 297; statuettes, 283n9, 2 9 3 , 2 9 5 - 9 7 . See also cult, royal (statue); royal statuary shroud of, I 5 4 f . succession of 2 3 , 58, 1 9 2 , 2 6 5 £ , 2 7 2

^

531

two-dimensional representations, 262, 2 6 8 - 7 1 passim, 2 7 2 f f , 2 7 7 , 299 as warrior, I 3 2 f , 3 4 I f . Thutmose I V (Menkheprure) administration of, 77f. building program of, 8, I73n68, I74n96, 2 0 3 , 2 1 1 , 2 2 1 - 2 6 passim Thebes: tomb ( K V 43), 2 5 3 n 3 , 307, 315 iconography of, 2 8 1 , 2 8 5 n 6 I ; officials under, 8 1 , 83, 84, 104, 1 1 0 , I19n145 in private tombs, 1 0 4 sphinx stela,425f. Thutmose-Neferkheperu, 2 4 2 Thutmoside succession, 2 6 4 Tigris-Euphrates Valley, 1 3 timber, 3 3 2 , 3 3 7 , 362, 4 1 I n 1 7 5 , 4 1 5 . See also wood Tinet-iunet (royal nurse), 98 titulary, 1 4 7 ; of Hatshepsut, 24, 42, 49 , 51—56 passim, 64n80, 65n82 and 93, 6 7 n 1 I 5 , 1 3 1 - 3 2 , 274, 2 8 8 n 1 2 9 , of Thutmose III, 42, 131,245 Tiy (official), 3 5 4 Tiye, queen, 258n80 Tjanuny (overseer of the army; T T 74), I 0 4 f , 106; autobiography of, 104; tomb of ( T T 74), 306 tjaty. See vizier/vizierate Tjebu/Qau el Kebir 74, 1 0 0 Tjenen bull, 1 2 5 . See also Apis Tjenenet, deity, I 7 2 n 3 I Tjenenet cow, 1 2 5 . See also Hathor Tjeni, deity, I 7 I n 1 4 Tjenuna (chief steward; T T 76), 84 Tjenuna (of the house of the divine adoratrice), 84 Tjenuna (overseer of the granaries (of Upper and Lower Egypt), 83f. Tjuiu (wife of vizier Useramun), 74 Tjununa (overseer of the cattle of Amun), I17n77 Tombos: fortress, 350, 356; inscriptions, 79, 349, 3 5 4 tombs. See private tombs; royal tombs toponyms, 388, 3 9 0 ; lists, 3 4 2 n 1 I Toshka, 346, 3 5 6

5i 6 • trade, 30, 3 3 7 , 3 4 4 - 4 5 , 358, 3 7 0 - 7 3 , 380, 385, 387, 395, 398, 4 0 1 - 2 , 406n3. See also expeditions; tribute transfer deed. See imyt-per transverse hall: tomb 72, 320n75, 3 7 8 - 8 2 passim; temple 1 9 4 - 9 5 , 2 0 5 Traunecker, C., 1 9 8 treasuries, 1 4 , 76, 78, 8 5 - 8 6 , I 1 8 n 8 4 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 5 , 160, 326, 3 6 1 , 3 7 2 ; temple, 73, 76, 1 5 8 , 1 6 0 . See also overseer of the treasury treaties, 30, 3 9 8 - 9 9 tree goddess, 1 2 5 , 169, 3 0 7 tribute, 2 8 - 3 0 , 160, 2 1 6 , 336, 3 3 7 , 3 5 8 - 6 1 , 365, 4 0 6 n 1 I , 407n22, 4 1 2 , 4 1 5 ; scenes of, 1 3 , 1 0 5 , 306, 3 1 0 , 3 3 7 , 378.See alsob3k(w); foreigners' processions; inw /jnw Tripoli, 29 tumuli, 2 6 3 Tump, 1 2 , 29, 30, 330, 3 3 2 - 3 6 ; prince of, 382, 388, 400 Turin Museo Egizio, I 2 0 n 1 9 I , 2 1 9 , 2 6 3 , 268, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 428n5I Turin Papyrus, 45, I 1 6 n 1 3 Turoy (viceroy), 3 5 3 ; as commandant, 347, 3 5 1 ; as king' son (53 nsw), 348, 351 turquoise (mfkjt), 73, 79, 80, 93, 3 1 0 , 3 1 1 , 314, 401 Tutankhamun, 19, 2 1 , 33, 2 3 2 n 1 3 3 , 2 5 4 n 1 9 , 298, 4 2 6 tutors/tutoring, 96-98, 100, 1 1 3 , 265, 297. See also Amenhotep II, nurses/tutors of; Min (mayor of Thinis, This and the oasis; T T 109); nurses; royal nurse/tutor. Twelfth Dynasty, 10, 1 7 , 19, 20, 22, 2 3 , 27, 65n9I, 1 2 5 , 1 4 1 , 2 9 2 , 293, 300, 302, 308 Twentieth Dynasty, 1 0 7 , 1 5 1 , 2 4 0 Twenty-eighth Dynasty, 219—20 Twenty-first Dynasty, 2 5 0 Twenty-ninth Dynasty, 2 2 0 Two Ladies, 108, 1 2 6 , I 7 2 n 3 I ; name, 1 3 2 two-dimensional images, 261—63, 268—69, 2 7 3 , 274, 2 7 5 , 277, 282n7, 3 1 7 n 3 Ty (overseer of the seal), 70, 79, 94; in Sinai, 79, 80, 92

Subject Index Ugarit, 3 3 6 , 3 3 7 Ullaza, 3 3 2 , 3 3 7 Ullmann, M., 2 1 6 underworld, 73, 1 3 8 , 1 4 4 , 1 5 3 - 5 7 , 1 6 8 - 7 0 , 2 4 1 - 4 6 . See also Amduat; netherworld; Valley of the Kings Upper Retenu: campaigns to, 2 0 1 , 362, 374, 376; deliveries from, 362; location of, 374. See also Retenu uraeus, 5 1 , 1 2 5 - 2 6 , 1 3 2 , 1 6 5 , 2 9 7 User (scribe; Grave S 9 1 ) , 3 1 1 User (scribe; T T 2 1 ) : tomb of ( T T 2 1 ) , 304 Useramun (vizier; T T s 6 1 , 1 3 1 ) , 70, 86, 107, 1 1 3 , 302; appointment as vizier, 23, 45£, 72; career of, 72£, 76, 2 5 3 n 1 , 304, 380; family of, 45, 74, 1 1 0 , 382; officials under, 73, 85, 307, 3 1 0 ; in private tombs 73, 74, 3 1 0 ; tomb inscriptions, 46, 69£, 7 1 , 73; tombs of (TTs 6 1 , 1 3 1 ) , 46, 72£, 75, 1 5 4 , 169, 250, 253n6, 256nn48 and 50, 304, 380, 386, 387, 393, 394, 4 1 0 n 1 4 I ; as vizier, 72f£, 89, 94, 3 1 0 , 380. See also Duties of the Vizier; Installation of the Vizier; Theban Tombs, T T 6 1 and T T 1 3 1 Useret, goddess, 1 3 2 Userhet (of Amun) bark. See AmunUserhet Userhet (son of vizier Useramun), 74 Userhet ( T T 56), 1 0 3 Usersatet (viceroy), 420f. usurpation: of monuments, 6, 56, 6 8 n 1 2 4 , 89, 264, 295, 298, 3 1 9 n 4 5 ; of offices, 2 3 , 58, 94 Valley Festival. See Beautiful Feast of the Valley Valley of the Kings, 16, 39, 304, 3 2 I n 8 8 ; animal tombs ( K V s 50, 5 1 , 52), 3 2 I n 8 8 ; Hatshepsut building activities in, 53, 55, 57, 1 0 7 , 2 3 8 ; Thutmose III building activities in, 238-59 Van den Boom, G., 87, 94, 99 Van Sielen, C.C., 1 0 1 , 1 1 0 , 220, 2 2 1 , 2 2 5 , 270,418 Vandersleyen, C., 208

Subject Index Vapheio/Keftiu cups, 393, 3 9 4 Varille, 1 9 7 , 2 0 5 vassal states, 75, 3 5 2 , 370, 3 7 3 - 7 4 , 376, 386, 3 9 8 - 4 0 1 vassals, I I , 3 5 1 , 3 5 9 Vatican Museum, 2 1 8 vegetables, 40, I 1 5 n 7 , 1 4 6 Vercoutter, J., 3 5 3 , 365, 3 9 3 Vergnieux, R., 2 7 0 vessels: ceramic (terra cotta), 3 1 1 , 3 I 2 £ , 409n95; faience, 3 I 3 f ; foreign, 3 1 1 , 389; foreign-inspired, 3 1 1 , 3 I 2 £ , 3 1 4 ; glass, 3 1 2 , 3 1 4 ; hes vases, 149; steatite, 3 1 2 , 3 1 4 ; stone, 3 1 I f veterans, 70, 1 1 3 , 3 2 5 , 3 2 7 viceroy (of Nubia), 42, 88, 92, I 0 I - 2 , 2 1 2 , 346, 3 5 3 - 5 4 , 3 5 7 viceroy of Kush. See Title Index vineyards, 7 3 vintage, 1 6 8 vintner, 396 vizier/vizierate (tjaty): 6 9 - 7 7 , 9 4 - 9 5 , 1 1 3 ; appointment of, 45—46, 53, 63n53, 69, 72, 74; duties of, 1 3 - 1 5 , 6 9 - 7 8 , 80, 85, 87, 89, 9 1 , 99, I 1 4 n 6 , I 1 4 - I 5 n 7 , I 1 6 n 1 5 , 253n6, 2 6 1 , 380; judicial functions; 69, 7 0 - 7 1 , 74, 78, I I 6 n 1 5 ; northern, 1 4 , 7 1 , 77; southern, I 4 £ , 7 I f f von Beckerath, J., 4 1 8 von Pilgrim, C., 2 2 5 votive objects, I I , 1 6 2 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 7 wjdjt. See Karnak, Temple of Amun w3s scepter, 1 4 9 wab priests, 74, 85, 99, 1 0 1 , 1 2 6 , 1 3 0 , 134, 139, 158, 166 Wachsmann, S., 394, 3 9 5 Wadi Allaqi, 3 6 5 Wadi Gagaba, 3 6 5 Wadi Hammammat, 1 0 7 , 1 4 3 Wadi Hawar, 3 5 0 Wadi Maghara, 1 1 Wadi Mia, 296 Wadjetrenput (chief steward), 70, 94 Wadjit, goddess, 43, 1 2 5 , 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 2 , 149, 1 6 5 , I72n44, I 7 7 n 2 0 9 ; Going Forth of, 1 4 5

^

533

Wadjmose, prince (son of Thutmose I), 39£, 97£, 100; chapel of, 59n6, 89, 98 Wadj wer, 93 wages, 3 5 8 Wah (royal butler; T T 22), 88; tomb of ( T T 22), 385, 392, 4 0 9 n 1 0 8 Walia, 3 3 2 Wallet-Lebrun, C., 1 8 7 , 189, 2 0 2 Walters Art Gallery, 3 1 2 warfare, 2, 3, 5, 1 2 - 1 3 , 28, 1 0 3 , 3 2 7 - 8 . See also prisoners of war; booty Amenhotep II and, 4 2 0 - 2 2 Asia in, 6, 1 2 - 1 3 , 2 7 - 3 3 , 70, 75, 84,325-43, 355, 370 Hatshepsut and, 26, 354, 406n1 Hyksos and, 1 2 , 20, 2 1 , 3 1 , 74, 3 4 5 ideology of, 28, 1 0 3 , 328f. Nubia and, 6, 26, 79, 1 0 1 , 2 1 6 - 1 8 , 3 4 4 - 5 6 , 360, 363, 366 Siege, 2, 3 1 , 2 1 8 , 326, 3 2 7 , 3 3 1 , 3 3 7 , 370,415 Thutmose III and, 6, 8, 2 7 - 3 3 , 57, 70, 75, 84, 1 0 3 - 7 , 1 3 2 - 3 3 , 1 9 5 - 9 6 , 2 1 6 - 1 8 , 3 2 5 - 4 3 , 354, 3 5 5 , 360, 3 6 3 , 366, 370, 402, 406n2, 413-15 warrior king, 2 7 - 3 2 , 1 3 2 - 2 3 , 3 1 7 , 344, 346, 4 1 3 Watet-Hor, 80 Wawat, 30, 1 0 2 , 3 5 1 , 3 5 2 , 3 5 5 , 3 5 7 - 6 6 , 3 7 5 , 387, 3 9 1 - 9 2 , 4 1 5 ; prisoners of war, 380; produce of, 360, 3 7 5 , 380. See also Nubia "Ways of Horus " / H o r u s way, I I , 80, 3 8 1 weavers, 3 1 5 , 380, 4 0 2 Weigall, A., 2 2 1 wells (in royal tombs), 239, 2 4 0 - 4 1 , 247, 2 4 9 - 5 0 , 2 5 4 n 1 7 , 1 9 - 2 2 , 27, 256n58, 2 5 7 n 6 2 Wensu (scribe of the grain), 3 0 1 Wente, E. 4 1 8 Wepwaut, 1 2 9 , 149, 1 6 3 Weret-Hekau, 1 2 6 , 1 2 7 , 1 6 2 , 2 1 3 Westcar papyrus, 1 3 0 Western Asia, 1 2 , 39, 362, 390; campaigns in, 8, 1 2 - 1 3 , 2 9 - 3 1 , 5 9 n l , 75, 2 1 6 , 328, 3 2 9 - 3 3 7 , 384, 392, 406n2, 4 1 4 ; goods from, 3 1 1 , 3 6 1 , 365, 3 8 0 - 8 8 , 402, 4 2 3 ;

5i

6

•

Western Asia (continued) people of, 2 1 , 248, 306, 376, 3 8 0 - 8 8 , 390, 396, 398, 403, 406, 4 1 2 n 1 7 8 . See also Lebanon; Levant; Mitanni; Palestine; Retenu; Syria western Deffufa, 3 4 5 western oases, 73, 75, 76, 89, 9 1 , 98, 100, 104, 109, 379, 380, 3 8 1 , 382. See also Fayum Wesy (scribe of the overseer of the granaries), 8 2 f , 1 1 2 wet nurse, 9 7 - 9 9 , 168, 238, 265. See also royal nurse white chapel (Senwosret I, Karnak), 1 4 3 Wiercinska, J., 209 wife of the god/god* wife, 48, 52, 1 0 9 - 1 1 0 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 , I74n92, 288n126 wild creatures, 3 0 3 , 382, 404, 429n87 Wilkinson, J.G., 2 4 1 wine, 40, 80, 3 6 1 ; containers, 3 1 1 , 422; foreign, 3 7 3 , 3 7 5 ; offerings, 50, 9 1 , 1 2 9 , 148, 2 7 4 women: dress of, 3 0 1 , 305, 3 1 5 , 3 9 1 ; foreign, 249, 308, 309, 3 7 3 , 379, 380, 3 8 2 - 8 3 , 384, 387, 3 9 1 , 392, 396; in funerary rites, 1 5 9 , 1 6 4 ; hair of, 3 0 1 , 3 0 6 , 3 1 0 , 3 1 5 , 3 9 1 ; and popular cult, 162—63; representations of, 3 0 1 , 3 1 3 , 3 2 I n 9 I , 379, 380, 3 8 2 - 8 3 , 384, 387, 3 9 1 , 392; in temple cults, 1 1 3 , 140, 1 5 9 ; titles of, 50, 64n78, 74, 98, 1 0 7 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 3 ; work of, 98-99, 3 1 5 wood, I 1 5 n 7 sec. 16, 424, 4 2 5 ; coffins, 246, 250, 297, 3 1 5 , 3 1 6 ; m construction, 20, 8 1 , 1 2 9 , 190, 2 3 9 , 240, 242, 2 4 3 , 2 5 5 n 3 3 , 2 5 5 n 3 4 , 384; as diplomatic gift, 3 7 2 ; foreign, 326, 3 3 2 , 3 3 7 , 362,

Subject Index 3 8 1 , 4 0 1 - 2 , 4 1 4 , 4 1 5 ; objects, 1 6 3 , 240, 294, 3 1 6 ; as part of annual dues, 3 6 1 , 362; sculpture, 260, 283n9, 3 1 7 n 2 ; ships, 3 6 1 , 362, 4 1 I n 1 7 5 , 4 1 4 , 4 1 5 workers, 32, 76, 86, 1 1 2 ; foreign, 383, 385, 3 9 1 , 3 9 6 , 4 0 2 - 3 works projects, 72, 76, 79. See also "building program" under specific rulers; building program/projects workshops, 72, I I I , I I 5 n 7 , 1 5 9 , 160, 1 6 1 , 166, 299, 3 0 1 , 3 0 8 , 3 1 7 , 3 8 3 , 402; scenes of, 1 6 5 , 2 8 3 n 1 6 , 3 0 3 , 305, 3 0 6 - 7 , 4 0 5 worship, 1 3 9 ; of Amun, 1 4 2 , 1 6 2 , 1 6 3 , 194; of Anubis 1 5 3 ; of Ennead, 194; of foreign deities, 403; of Hathor, 162—63; of Horus, 226; by king, 1 3 9 , 1 5 7 ; of king, 1 3 6 , 1 5 7 , 160, 1 6 2 , 204, 226; of Osiris, 1 5 3 ; private, 157—64; of Ptah, 1 2 8 , 1 5 3 , 1 6 2 ; of royal ancestors, 19, 1 3 6 , 1 3 7 , 194; of royal ka, 1 3 6 , 1 6 2 ; of Sakhmet, 1 6 3 ; of Senwosret III, 1 3 7 ; of Sobek, 226; of Sokar, 1 5 3 ; of statues, 1 3 6 , 1 6 3 ; of Wepwawet, 163 "Writings of the Hidden Chamber," 2 4 3 , 2 4 5 . See also Amduat w$ barges, 3 6 0 %vsr-fet bark. See Amun-Userhet W V 22, 2 5 3 n 3 , 258n80 W V 23, 253n3 Yehem, 3 3 0 Yeno'am, 3 3 0 Zagros, 1 2 Zivie, A., 79 zoological knowledge, 404

PLATES

T A B L E

ι*

C h r o n o l o g y

BC

New Kingdom

ca. 1539—1075

Eighteenth Dynasty

ca. 1539—1292

Ahmose Thutmose I

ca. 1539—1514 ca. 1514—1493 c a. 1493—?

Thutmose II

ca. ?—1479

Thutmose III

c a. 1479—1425

Hatshepsut

ca. 1473—1458

Amenhotep II

ca. 1426—1400

Thutmose I V Amenhotep III

ca. 1400—1390 c a. 1390—1353

Amenhotep IV/Akhenaten

ca* 1353—1336

Smenkare

ca* 1335—1332

Tutankhamun

ca* 1332—1322

Ay

ca* 1322—1319

Horemheb

ca* 1319—1292

Amenhotep I

S o u r c e : D a t a f r o m B a r n e s a n d M a l e k ( 2 0 0 0 ) 36.

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