The Use and Abuse of Hetairai: Female Characterization in Greek Oratory

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THE USE AND ABUSE OF HETAIRAI: FEMALE CHARACTERIZATION IN GREEK ORATORY

by

Allison Mary J ane Glazebrook January 29, 2001 A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of State University of New York at Buffalo in partial fiJ]fiJJment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy Department of Classics


UMI Number: 9997948

Copyright 2001 by Glazebrook, Allison Mary Jane All rights reserved.

UMf UMI Microform 9997948 Copyright 2001 by Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml48106-1346


Copyright by

Allison Mary Jane Glazebrook 2001

ii


ForDavid

111


I am grateful to the faculty of the department of Classics for making the Ph.D. experience a positive one. I am especially thankful to my advisor, Dr. Susan Cole, for her suggestions, conversations, and energy- all of which helped to make the dissertation that much better. Thanks is also due to the outside reader, Dr. Madeleine Henry, for her careful reading and helpful comments. I want to thank my fellow graduate students, but especially Francesca Behr, Doug Welle, Barbara Roeeves and Sybil Hill. Finally, thanks is due to my family, especially my sister Trish, my parents George and Marion, and Dawn and Susan Sharpe for their encouragement and support. A special thanks is owed to my husband David Sharpe for his interest, enthusiasm, and frequent help.

iv


CONTENTS Chapter 1: SETTING THE STAGE_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 1 Overview of the Literature 2 Using Oratory 9 Narratives on Women 11 Chapter 2: PERSUASIVE WOMEN _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _19 The Art of Persuasion 20 Persuasion and Gender 24 Women as Victims of Characterization 27 Recognizing Female Characterizations 33 Conclusion 39 Chapter 3: THE MAKINGS OF A HETAIRA _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _41 Names that Shame 42 Demonstrating Praise and Blame 54 Acting the Part 62 Conclusion 71 Chapter 4: GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _75 No-Name Gune 76 Coming to Terms 79 To Be or Not to Be S6phr6n 91 Conclusion I 05 Chapter 5: SPEAKING OF WOMEN _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 108 Female Character and Tradition 109 Breaking the Link 113 All Roads Lead to Rome 118 Conclusion 131 Reforence List Vfta

133 --------------------------------------------------149

V


LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1: Speech by Charge and Issue Table 1.2: Speech by Date, Speaker, Opponent, and Prosecution or Defence Table 1.3: Speech by the Woman's Relationship to the Principals Table 3.1: Representations of Women Compared

VI


12 13 13 74

ABSTRACT Judicial oratory is a rich source for ancient women in Classical Athens; however, oratory is also very complex as a historical source. Orators employ rhetoric when speaking about women and so historians need to adopt a method of analysis sensitive to rhetorical flourishes and the aim of the speaker when using oratory as a source of evidence for ancient women. In this dissertation, I examine how speakers characterize women associated with

the opponent in six speeches for the prosecution (Neaira and Phano in [Demosthenes] 59, Plangon in Demosthenes 39 and [Demosthenes] 40, the woman associated with Olympiodorus in [Demosthenes] 48, Phile's mother in Isaeus 3 and Alce in Isaeus 6). Although the status of the women in each of these speeches and the circumstances behind each speech differ, the speakers employ similar language and techniques to influence the jurors regarding the reputation of each woman. They draw upon a social stereotype of the hetaira (sexual companion/prostitute) to characterize women associated with the opponent, and establish an antithesis between women associated with the opponent and an ideal of the sophron gune (virtuous wife), which speakers associate with their own female kin and with women associated with the jurors. The use of antithesis to speak about women as good or bad has origins in the literature of the Archaic period. Associating bad women with prostitutes begins in Classical Athens, and is fully developed in the Roman context. Although prostitution is a part of ancient male culture, my examination shows that the image of the prostitute and sexuality associated with the prostitute are used to judge and abuse all types of women.

vu


''Then," Mr. Jackson continued ... '"then Lemuel Struthers came along. They say his advertiser used the girl's head for the shoe-polish posters: her hair' s intensely black, you know- the Egyptian style. Anyhow, he- eventually- married her." There were volumes of innuendo in the way the "eventually'' was spaced, and each syllable given its due stress. Edith Wharton, The Age of Innocence.

viii


Chapter I

SETTING THE STAGE

A PERUSAL THROUGH the bibliography for women in Greek antiquity reveals few works devoted to the study of ancient prostitution. As Davidson points out, feminist scholars largely overlook the prostitute and courtesan (1997: xix). Yet, an examination of the portrayal of the prostitute in oratory is important to the larger study of women in Antiquity in two ways. First, social historians and feminist scholars frequently cite examples from the orators to support their arguments. 1 Although Todd (1990) has brought rhetorical techniques to the center of recent studies on oratory, there has been little consideration of how rhetoric represents gender.2 Since oratorical texts have become a major source for historians interested in the lives of ancient women, an examination of the rhetorical methods of oratory, in particular the issue of persuasion in relation to gender, and how an orator's concern with persuasion affects representations of the female prostitute and females in general is necessary.3

1

Some examples are Pomeroy (1975), Keuls (1985), Just (1989) and Blundell (1995). 2 For a solid discussion of persuasion see Kennedy (1963). For more recent discussions of persuasion and the art of rhetoric see Todd (1990) and Carey (1994), but note that the impact of gender upon oratory and persuasion is not discussed. Hunter, however, gives some coverage to the issue of gender and the genre of oratory (1994: 113-16). 3 There is an assumption that oratory is a more objective source of evidence on women than other genres (Pomery 1975: x-xi). A summary of the scholarly support of this stance appears in Just (1989: 4-5). Although, more recently, historians on women in Antiquity do accept that orators shape their testimony to convince their audience of an argument (Fantham et al. 1994: 74), the effect of persuasion on representations of females is only a passing consideration (Ibid. 114-15).

1


CHAPTER I Secon~

studying representations of prostitution in oratory gives further

dimension to the ancient reality because such study sheds light on societal attitudes towards women and on the issue of female sexuality. Studies on modem prostitution illustrate this well. For example, feminists and sex workers writing about the modem world claim that the image associated with the prostitute affects the perception of prostitute and non-prostitute women alike. They argue that the female psyche is split into a series of related dichotomies: madonna versus whore, good girl versus bad girl, and wife versus prostitute.4 Society views the madonna, good girl, wife as a pure, heterosexual, normal, monogamous woman; but the whore, bad girl, prostitute as the impure, bisexual, deviant, multiple partnered woman.s Furthermore, the designation as good girl or bad girl is not the woman's self-defining choice. Arrington points out that as soon as a woman appears to step outside the boundaries of being a 'good girl', she becomes a 'bad girl' and it is next to impossible for her to step inside the boundaries of the good girl again (1987: 175). Finally, the underlying premise ofthese designations centers on female sexuality by splitting women into sexual and asexual beings, encouraged to oppose each other. 6 This brief discussion demonstrates that studies on prostitution are not marginal to, but central to the larger topic of women's studies.

Overview of the Literature One of the problems for the historian researching female prostitution in Classical Ath.ens is that the evidence available is largely from the male perspective. Male writers writing 4

Bell 1994:2, 40-41; Bell1987: 16-17; St. James 1987: 84.

5 Bell1994: 71-2; Pheterson 1987:215.

2


SETTING THE STAGE on prostitution do not commonly do so to inform an audience, but to titillate.7 Recent studies use textual sources to determine the common price of prostitutes and taxation of prostitutes, but little is known about the lives of such women from this material. 8 Vase painting is a rich source, but presents many of the same interpretive problems as the written evidence.9 Prostitution imagery is common on vessels associated with the

sumposion, and once again it is necessary to separate male fantasy from female reality. The archaeological evidence on prostitution is promising, but so far not extensive. 10 As an interest in prostitution increases in popularity, more archaeologists will pay attention to and look for evidence of prostitution in the archaeological record. Much of the scholarship that does exist focuses on texts and is dominated by a taxonomy of prostitution based on status. Scholars focus on hetairai, drawing a distinction between hetairai (companions), and pornai (brothel workers or street walkers). Historians in the early twentieth century defined the classical hetaira as educated, cultured and witty.Il They emphasized hetairai as intellectual companions for men rather than sexual partners. Influenced by these earlier studies, more recent books on women in Antiquity view hetairai as largely free from the daily experiences of pornai

Bell 1987: 122. identifies a "pornographic perspective in classical antiquity'' (1992: 253). She focuses her argument on the work of Athenaeus and argues that he equates women with food and gives men "the right to obtain and consume food/women." He pays no attention to the physical realities of the lives of prostitutes (256-7). In her conclusion, she suggests that scholars rethink Classical writers, such as Aristophanes, from a pornographic perspective (266). 8 On prices (and taxation) see Halperin 1990: 107-12; Loomis 1998: 166-85. 9 The most extensive works on representations of prostitutes in Attic vase painting are Keuls (1985), Peschel (1987), and Reinsburg (1989). For problems involved in interpreting images ofwomen in vase painting see Williams (1983). IO Knigge has excavated and identified a brothel in the Keramaikos (Building Z) (1988; rpt. 1991: 88-94). Also see Davidson 1997: 85-90 and Lind 1988: 158-69. Excavators have also uncovered fifth century BC Athenian cults connecting Aphrodite with prostitution. One cult is Aphrodite Pandemos on the Acropolis, where pandemos is interpreted to mean common sexual pleasure. Another such cult to Aphrodite is outside of Athens on the Sacred Way, where dedications with representations of vulvae have been found. See Halperin 1990: 104-6, esp. n.ll5 and n.ll9. 6

7 Henry

3


CHAPTER I and distinct from that group. Cantarella describes the hetaira as "more educated than a woman destined for marriage, and intended 'professionally' to accompany men where wives and concubines could not go" (1987: 49-50). She characterizes the relationship between Athenian men and hetairai as "gratifying for the man, even on the intellectual level, and thus completely different from men's relationships with either wives or prostitutes." In a more recent example Blundell describes hetairai as "sophisticated beauties ... who charged very high prices ... the only group of economically independent women" (1995: 148). Other scholars reject the early twentieth century view. While there is evidence that some hetairai obtained a privileged position, the definition of the hetaira as a financially independent and cultured companion requires revision.12 Keuls and Reinsberg critique such a view of the hetaira as an idealization, and draw few distinctions between

hetairai and pornai. 13 Both labels could be applied to women who were slave or free, working for a procurer or on their own.14 In addition, Keuls point outs that all prostitutes, regardless of status, could suffer physical abuse at the hands of male clients and any of these women could be denigrated by men.15 Total equalization between all prostitutes could be going too far, and Davidson argues against such a view by emphasizing the diversity and complexity ofthe sex market in Athens (1998: 76). Davidson, however, takes his argument too far in the opposite direction. In his attempts to re-establish the significance of the hetaira he argues that the hetaira went to great lengths to avoid 11 Seltman 1956: 115-6; Licht 1925; rpt. 1932: 53; and Wright 1923: 62. 12 Theodote and Aspasia are examples of two successful prostitutes. On Theodote see Xen. Mem. 3 .11. See Henry ( 1995) for ancient references on Aspasia, and also a discussion of the various identities ascribed to Aspasia since the fifth century BC. Also on Aspasia see Reinsberg 1989: 82-4. 13 Reinsberg 1989: 80-6, 88-9 and Keuls 1985:204. 14 See Kurke 1999: 178-9. Also see Reinsberg 1989:80.

4


SETIING THE STAGE having herself and her relationships with men made explici4 and that she had choice over whom she had sex with (1998: 112-26). He argues that she purposefully avoided mention of price, payment and sex, but talked of gifts and friendship instead.16 Calame, on the other hand, draws a complex image of hetairai, oscillating between privileged women, such as Aspasia, and flute players, whom men hired for sex ''whenever the need arose" (1999: 111). 17 Regardless ofhowwe might define such terms, there was always the chance that a pallake, the personal companion of one man, or hetaira might eventually end up as a brothel worker. In Antiphon 1.14 for example, Philoneos plans to place his

pallake, presumably tiring of her, in a porneion (brothel). When we focus our arguments on the female perspective rather than the male perspective, pallake, hetaira and porne do not appear so categorically distinct. Thus, scholars need to be aware of overly idealizing the historical realities of ancient prostitution, especially in the case of hetairai, and of the perspective they use when examining issues of prostitution. Other recent work departs from reconstructing the historical reality of ancient prostitutes, and frames the question in terms of context instead. Henry (1985), in a study of hetairai in the Greek comic tradition, identifies the hetaira as a character type in comedy. In old and middle comedy portraits of hetairai are typically negative (vicious, greedy and drunken) or at least ambivalent, while in new comedy the hetaira becomes the main force behind the resolution of conflict in the play. Henry's work demonstrates the benefits of isolating genre and date in studies on prostitution. Halperin (1990) and

15

1985: 174-86, 200-203.

16 He uses Theodote (Xen. Mem. 3.11) and Phryne (Ath. l3.591a) as an example ofthis (1998: 121 ). Still, he does not support his argument well or explain the references to money and sexual accessibility in the narrative on Neaira except by stating that in the beginning Neaira was not a hetaira because she was hired out to whoever wanted her (1998: 125). But if this was indeed the case, why did Apollodoros associate her with the term hetaira from the very beginning of his speech?

5


CHAPTER I Kurke (1997 and 1999) discuss the significance of hetaira and porne in male discourse. Halperin identifies a direct relationship between prostitution and democracy. He argues that male citizens developed a common identity as socially and sexually assertive based on cheap access to female prostitution and the disenfranchisement of male prostitutes. This new identity compensated for any social and economic disparity within the citizen body. Kurke relates prostitution to a social and political agenda as well in her analysis of the opposition between hetaira and porne in Archaic poetry. She argues that hetairai were associated with the elite, pornai with the ordinary citizen. Elite males used the hetaira and the sumposion to distinguish themselves from the non-elite and the public sphere, identified with the obscenity of the porne. In addition, within the sumposion they sometimes identified the hetaira with the pome to keep hetairai distinct from themselves. The work ofthese scholars moves away from questions of status to focus on specific contexts. Their research on references to female prostitution informs about men and male culture. Such an emphasis on context is a more useful way to approach the issue of ancient prostitution in texts. The common tendency of ancient writers to interchange the terms porne, hetaira and pallake confounds modem attempts to separate ancient Greek prostitutes by status. Halperin shows that Greek authors use pallake (concubine) and hetaira, and hetaira and porne synonymously. In reference to pallake and hetaira, he states, "no doubt the dividing line between the two categories of kept women was indistinct" (1990: Ill). He further comments that:

17

Also see Cox 1998: 173-74. Kurke (1999), however, suggests that flute girls, acrobats and dancers at the symposion occupy a grey area- are they hetairai or pornai if they engage in sexual activity?

6


SETTING THE STAGE Anaxilas defined a hetaira as a woman who submits to her lover pros kharin ('as an expression of gratitude or good-will': fr. 21), but in another passage Anaxilas uses hetaira interchangeably withporne (1990: Ill). Authors of a specific genre seem to prefer one term over the other. The term hetaira is fairly common in oratorical texts, while the use ofporne is rare. Based on an EnglishGreek word search on 'prostitute' in the texts on the website Perseus, hetaira occurs forty-five times, while porne occurs only eleven times.1s In old comedy, porne is slightly more frequent, occuring eleven times, while hetaira appears only seven times. In other Classical genres, such as tragedy, history and philosophy, hetaira is a rare occurrence, but incidences ofporne are virtually non-existent.19 One explanation for the low frequency ofporne in Classical literature is thatporne is a 'dirty' word. Old comedy commonly uses vulgar language and obscenity, and so the occurrence of porne in this genre is not surprising.20 Orators use porne more cautiously because their audience expected a more refined and polished vocabulary. They try to avoid unnecessary obscenity that might offend, and regularly apologize when they introduce unseemly material or vulgar terminology.21 The term hetaira is most frequent in [Demosthenes] 59 and Isaeus 3. Porne appears along with hetaira in Aeschines 1 and [Demosthenes] 59 and 48, but, like other uses of obscene language in law court speeches, porne always

18 http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-binlenggreek?Jang=greek. The statistics on other genres also come from searching this database. Although the search is limited to the selection of texts in Perseus, they reveal a general pattern. 19 There are only eleven references to hetaira in these genres, with seven of the total appearing in Plato alone. Porne does occur in Xenophon once. In Herodotus porne is absent, but forms of porneuein and kataporneuein each occur two times. 20 Henderson notes that obscene language is absent in Attic literature outside of old comedy. He does not discuss pome specifically, but focuses on terms for the "sexual organs, excrement and the acts which involve them" (1975: ix-xi, 11-13, 17, 29, 31-2, 35). Still, his arguments provide a context in which to view the frequencies of porne in old comedy compared to other Classical literature. 21 See for example Aeschin. 1.37-8 and Isae. 3.11.

7


CHAPTER 1 appears in a very specific context with a very specific e:ffect.22 This brief survey suggests that the use of hetaira or pome to refer to a prostitute depends more often on context and author's motive rather than on differing status between such women.23 A focus on context also reveals the significance of the image or identity of the prostitute to ancient women as a collective group. McGinn (1998) considers the image of the prostitute in relation to non-prostitute women for the Roman world in his larger project on prostitution and Roman law. He argues that Augustan legislation equated wives caught in adultery with prostitutes. As part of their punishment, such women had to replace the stola of the matrona with the short toga of the prostitute. In this way, the image of the prostitute was used to shame women identified as sexually deviant. Scholarship examining the connection between the image of the prostitute and nonprostitute women for the Greek world is wanting. Katz argues that "conceptualizations of such phenomena as prostitution, rape and pornography" shed light on female sexuality, which remains "an unfinished project for the study of women in ancient Greece" (1995: 37). Examining how the Greek male represents the prostitute, and how men applied that identity to a real woman is one step in such a research programme. Athenian oratory is a genre well-suited to exploring this process. In the context of litigation, men identify women as hetairai and pornai on the one hand, and as wives, sisters, mothers and daughters on the other.

22 Hetaira appears throughout [Dem.] 59 in association with Neaira, but Apollodoros associates porne with her in his final emotional appeal as a final insult (112, 113, 114). Also see Aeschin. 1.124; Dem. 19.229; Dem. 22.56, 58, 61; [Dem.] 48.56; Lys. 4.9, 19.

8


SEITING THE STAGE

Using Oratory The corpus of the Attic orators is assumed to be a rich source for social history, but oratory is a complex historical source. Todd (1990) raises a number of issues for consideration when using oratory as evidence. He urges historians to understand oratory as a genre, and understand as well the political, legal, social and even literary context of a particular passage within the work and within the corpus. Several issues are relevant: it is important to consider whether a speech is made for the prosecution or for the defence, the type of case being undertaken, and the relationship to the speaker of any female mentioned. Moreover, the historian must try to distinguish between typical and abnormal representations of every day life, and between fact and fiction_24 The perspective of the Athenian lawcourt was adversarial and not inquisitorial as it is in Britain and North America today. Athenians were not interested in discovering the truth, but in determining who had the more persuasive argument. In addition to using testimonial, documentary and real evidence, orators relied on repetition, arguments from probability, representations of character and appeals to emotion to convince jurors of their arguments.25 They even stooped to gossip or outright slander against an opponent, which makes it difficult for us to determine the truth of all that an orator says.26

23 Compare the comments of Flemming for the Roman context: ..The Latin language may be rich in words for •prostitute', but, outside the plays ofPiautus and their lexicographical legacy, these different terms carry differentials of tone, connotation and emphasis rather than of status, methods of soliciting, and service provision" (1999: 47). 24 Todd 1990:169. 25 Carey and Reid 1985: 6-13; Kennedy 1963: 87-103. Also see eh. 2. Note that before 380 BC, witnesses gave oral testimony in court and could be cross-examined, but rarely were. After 380 BC, witnesses gave written testimony (written by themselves or by the speaker) and then swore in court to the statements recorded. These witnesses were never cross-examined to determine the veracity, accuracy and completeness of their accounts. In addition, the purpose of witnesses was not primarily to tell the truth, but to support the litigants for whom they appeared. See Todd 1990b and Humphreys I 985. 26 See for example Hunter 1994: I 00-2, who claims •'tn otJ.Lal. £!;oucri.c;:t 't£8paJ.1J.1EVTI. op&v 0.. 0 cl»pacr-rc.op ai>'tftv OlYt£ KOO'J.Li.av oucrav OU't' £e£A.oU-rou aKpo(icrSat. Translated by Carey (1992: 51).

41


CHAPTER3

titillate and anger the jurors. The mention ofNeaira's habits (ta tes metros ethe), the debauchery in her house (ten par'autei akolasian), and Phano's upbringing there (en toiaute! exousiai tethrammene) indicates scandal, excites the audience, and leads them to anticipate more. At the same time, Apollodoros incites outrage against Phano's marriage to Phrastor. He stresses her status as the daughter ofNeaira and contrasts this with Phrastor' s status as an Athenian.2 He portrays Phano as the wicked wife who rejects her husband's modest lifestyle (akribos ton bion suneilegmenon) and refuses to obey (out'ethelousan hautou akroaasthai). He calls her indecent (oute kosmian ousan), refers to her by her personal name (Phano) and remarks that she was formerly known by another name. 3 None of this endears her to the jurors. The bare facts introduced are that Stephanos gave Phano in marriage to Phrastor with a dowry of thirty minas. The only claim Apollodoros intends to pursue is whether or not Phano is Stephanos's daugther. 4

He cites no witnesses to testify to Phano's behaviour, or to attest to a double identity for her; yet, Apollodoros might just win his case by skillful use of merely anecdotal material.

Names that Shame Athenian names, whether compounded or not, carry a lexical meaning that reflects the values of the family and the individual's social role.s Names for women can be simply

2 Athenians felt so strongly about citizenship that they disenfranchised anyone who claimed an alien woman as his daughter and married her to an Athenian man ([Dem.] 59.52). 3 Known to whom is what the audience will be thinking. 4 See Kapparis who discusses the weakness of Apollodoros's case against Phano (1999: 34-39). Also Carey (1992: 9-11). 5 A recent investigation of names and their lexical meaning is Robertson (1998). Bechtel (1902) provides the standard account of women's names.

42


THE MAKINGS OF A HETAIRA

feminized names of males or made from roots that emphasize physical or personal traits associated with femininity: Malthake 'soft', Eukoline 'contented' or Eutamia 'easily managed.' Scholars frequently argue for a connection between the lexical meaning of women's names and a woman's status. For example, Golden concludes that names referring to feminine attributes commonly designated foreign women and slaves (1986: 249-50). Carey suggests that the name Phano in [Demosthenes] 59, derived from

phainein (to show), is not an appropriate name for an aste. Instead, with the name's implications of visibility, Carey claims 'Phano' indicates a hetaira (1992: 112). The recent publication of Volume II of the Lexicon ofGreek Personal Names demonstrates, however, that Phano was in fact a common name for astai. Moreover, Robertson shows that sexually suggestive elements were common in names of astai, and concludes that citizens did not infer a sexual meaning from names (1998: 99-100). Identifying women as metic or hetairai on the basis of the sexual connotations of the lexical meanings of their names is not a valid strategy. The names 'Plangon,' 'Phile' and 'Cleitarete', are also common to astai for the Classical period and so we should not expect jurors to be surprised at or question the status of these women based solely on their names.6 'Alce,' 'Neaira' and 'Strybele' are uncommon in this period.7 Alce appears only in Isaeus 6. Likewise, the only textual references to Neaira and Strybele are in [Demosthenes] 59.8

6

Dem. 39, [Dem.] 40, and Isae. 3. Note: Cleitarete is not as common, but its lexical elements are popular in names of acr'ta.L See LGPN vol. II. 1 After the speeches oflsae. 6 and [Dem.] 59, Athenians were unlikely to name their daughters Alce and Neaira for fear of associating their daughters with these women made famous as prostitutes, but this does not explain the rarity of the names before these speeches. Note: Sommerstein argues the name Glykera may have become uncommon for acr'ta.i after 300 BC on account of the notoriety ofHarpalos' mistress Glykera (1980: 400). 8 Strybele occurs in a fourth century BC inscription from Athens (IG II2 12672). Neara (related to Neaira) also occurs in an inscription ofthe same date (IG II2 12242). See LGPNvol. IT.

43


CHAPTER3

An orator could exploit an unusual female name to hint that a woman was foreign and not aste. For example, when Apollodoros mentions the name ofNeaira's daughter for the first time, he refers to her as 'the one whom they now call Phano,' implying that the daughter originally went by another name.9 Later he gives the second name as Strybele: 'whom at that time they called Strybele, but now Phano.' 10 Apollodoros reminds the audience ofthe girl's two names one more time near the close ofhis speech(§ 121). Because the name Phano is more common for Athenian women than Strybele, Robertson suggests that Apollodoros wants to imply that Neaira and Stephanos attempted to disguise Phano' s foreign origins and illegitimate status by replacing an uncommon name with a popular Athenian name (1998: 100). Robertson's suggestion, however, is inconclusive as the name Strybele is not only rare in Athens, but in other areas of Classical Greece as well.l1 Undergoing a name change may indicate a woman's status as hetaira. According to Cox, a woman who has more than one name is automatically suspect, because hetairai are often given nicknames (1998: 176-7).12 Orators exploit such conventions. Apollodoros implies Phano is a hetaira when he repeatedly emphasizes that her previous name was Strybele. 13 Still, caution is advised in assessing character based on name change alone. Another woman who may have undergone a name change is Phile in Isaeus 3. The speaker states that Xenocles claimed Pyrrhus' s estate on the ground that his wife was a legitimate daughter ofPyrrhus and an epikleros. When he claimed the estate, Xenocles

9 [Dem.] 59.39: ilv vovi clla.vcilKal..o\knv.

10 § 50: ilv 'tO't£ ~V l:'tp'U~TtAllV E!CclAO'UV, vuvi o£ cllavro. 11 So are the names of Alce and Neaira. See LGPN vol. I & IlL 12 See Ath. 13.583a, e; 585f-586b, f; 587b-c; 59 le for examples of nicknames given to hetairai.

13

[Dem.] 59. 39, 50, 121. See Cox on Phano's name change (1998:176).

44



entered his wife's name as Phile (§ 2, 30). When the uncles ofPyrrhus testified to Phile's legitimacy, however, they named her as Cleitarete (§ 30). Cox suggests that because Phile has a changed name, her status is in doubt (1998: 176). The context, however, suggests

another view. The speaker presents the changed name as evidence that the witnesses are lying.14 The context in which Athenians used a female's personal name, however, definitely reflects attitudes about a woman's status and level of respectability. Sociolinguistic theory argues that the way in which a speaker addresses or refers to another person follows strict patterns and reflects cultural ideas of age, status, sex, familiarity and kinship. Violations of such patterns can have a powerful effect. 15 In some contexts violation of an expected pattern is insulting and pejorative. Dickey notes that th.e vocative anthrope is commonly used as a neutral term to address an individual who is unknown to the speaker. Sometimes a speaker violates this usage by applying it to someone well-known. In this context, anthrope carries a negative connotation (1996: 150-3). In oratory there was no opportunity for speakers to address women directly, so references to women are indirect.16 Although scholars often distinguish between direct and referential usage of address, transgressive use of a pattern of address is equally

14 See Wyse 1904; rpt. 1967: 310. Also Patterson 1990: 72, note Ill. Cox's idea explains the emphasis on two names for Neaira's daughter in [Dem.] 59, but in the case ofPhile the argument is weak. 15 See Dickey 1996: 6. 16 Dickey 1996: 243.

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powerful in both modes of discourse.17 Orators deliberately transgress normal patterns of reference to women to create particular effects on the jurors. 18

In ordinary public discourse, Athenian males scrupulously avoided personal names when referring to women.19 David Schaps has demonstrated that when it was necessary for orators to refer to women in a court oflaw, they deliberately avoided using women's personal names (1977: 323-30). Instead, speakers identified a woman as the wife, sister, mother, daughter, niece or grand-daughter of a male.2o For example, in [Demosthenes] 40.6, Mantitheus refers to his mother as the daughter ofPolyaratus of Cholargus, and sister ofMenexenus, Bathyllus and Periander.21 In Isaeus 5.5, Menexenus illustrates the stark contrast between the public naming of men and the public naming of women. Here the speaker mentions his uncle by name, but identifies his mother only by her marriage to his father, Polyaratus. Men are labelled with their own personal names, while women are identified by reference to the names of their closest male relatives. There are exceptions to this habit of circumlocution when it came time to identify a female in judicial oratory. Schaps identifies three different situations in which it was common to refer to women by their own name: 1) women who did not have husbands or

17 A speaker's direct address of an individual can differ from the way in which a speaker refers to the individual within a particular group. Scholars refer to the former as direct usage and the latter as a referential usage. See Dickey 1996: 11-12. 18 In the discussion on ''Distinctions of Gender," Dickey does not consider that orators might transgress patterns of reference as a way to insult women (1996: 241-45). 19 This discussion focuses on the verbal use of names of women. Names of women on gravestones, dedications and honorary inscriptions conform to different rules. These inscribed media regularly record the personal names of women along with a patronymic and/or andronymic or name of another male relative. On Attic gravestones the patronymic is most common suggesting its primacy in identifYing even married women. See Vestergaard et al. 1985: 183-5. 20 Schaps 1977: 326. 2 1 See Schaps (1977: 325-26) for more examples.

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other kurioi, 2) women connected with an opponent, and 3) women no longer living.22 Other genres in fact employ the same conventions. Sommerstein has established that writers for the comic stage refer to hetairai and deceased women by personal names; while they identify the gune enguetes by the name of her husband or other male kin. 23 The evidence from comedy suggests that a prohibition on naming astai is relevant only to free men in a public context; male kin address their women by personal names in private, as do women with each other when in all-female company.24 Such conventions of naming women, as laid out by Schaps for oratory and Sommerstein for comedy, can be extended to Athenian society as common cultural practice.25 Schaps and Sommerstein contend that the conventions of naming directly relate to the issue of female reputation: Athenian citizens expected men to name women publicly only if the women were notorious in some way. To use a woman's personal name implied that the speaker and his audience were familiar and perhaps even intimate with the woman. Such familiarity connotes notoriety, since association with non-kin males was not decorous for respectable astai, and expected only of hetairai.26 The famous lines in Perikles' funeral speech hint that reputation of any kind was negative for a woman (Thuc.

22 Ninus in [Dem.] 40.9; Dem. 25.79; 392; 22.56 are a few examples of named hetairai. Dem. 39.9 is an example of naming the woman of an opponent. [Dem.] 44.9-10 and Dem. 57.20-21, 37 are examples of naming women who are no longer living. See Schaps (1977: 324-8). 23 Sommerstein 1980: 393-418. 24 lbid 394-401. 25 See Dickey 1996: 243-5. Robertson notes three exceptions to this verbal practice: dokimasia, marriage ceremony, and proof of citizenship (1998: 87). 26 Just 1989: 106-25; Hunter 1994: 115-6.

47 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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2.46).27 Thus, any violation of the standard practice of avoiding reference to women by first name would have a powerful effect.

Recognizing transgression is important when assessing the portraits of women in oratory. Naming a female in public was disrespectfhl and insulting to both the woman herself and her family, brought the woman's reputation into question, and belonged to a deliberate rhetorical strategy for denigrating opponents.2s Naming an opponent's wife, sister or niece, for example, conflated her with women oflow repute, such as hetairai and pornai. Astai were not supposed to be known to outsiders. Even if particular jurists did not know a woman themselves, they could infer from public mention of her name that others did. The jury could also wonder about the woman's status: if she were aste, they should not know her personal name, but only the name of her kurios.29 There was a contrast between an orator's reticence about the name of women in his own family and his easy exploitation of the names of his opponent's female relatives. The orator used this contrast to create an impression of moral superiority. He elevated the women in his own family and affirmed their legitimate status by withholding the name of these women. He created the effect of a bad reputation for the entire household of his opponent by naming the women in the opponent's family.

27 "Ifi also

must say something about a wife's virtue to those of you who will now be widows, I will state it in a brief exhortation. Your reputation is glorious if you do not prove inferior to your own nature and if there is the least possible talk about you among men, whether in praise or in blame." (Trans. Fantham et al. 1994: 79). 28 Schaps identifies disrespect and insult as a motivation for naming women publicly, and points out that such a use of naming was a matter of rhetorical taste, variable between orators. There was always the chance that it might reflect badly on the ethos of the speaker. "Demosthenes: that orator, it would appear, was sufficiently polite to avoid speaking disrespectfully of women even when their relatives had a suit against his clients" (1977: 37). See also Sommerstein 1980: 407. 29 Schaps also provides a few examples where women are referred to by name which do not fit into eitherofthe above three categories (Andoc. 1.16, Dem. 57.67-8, [Dem.] 43.8-10) and is quick to point out that ''the speaker in such cases has a particular interest in being as open and as explicit as possible" (1977: 328).

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An orator's deliberate violation of standard naming practices was an effective

strategy for influencing the jurors.JO In Demosthenes 39, a speech where the whole issue revolves around the use of names, the speaker insults the mother of his opponent Boeotus by using her name. The name ofPlangon is used only once in the speech, but the context of this use makes it clear that the speaker intends disrespect and wants to cast doubt on the reputation ofBoeotus's mother.Jl When Mantitheus first refers to her, she is properly 'the daughter ofPamphilus' (§ 3), the title Boeotus used for his mother in the previous trial. When Mantitheus mentions Boeotus's mother elsewhere in the same sentence with his own mother, however, he creates a contrast between the two by calling one 'mother' and referring to the other directly by name: 'By Zeus, are they to write in addition 'son of Plangon,' if they register you, but if me, the name of my mother?'32 The use ofPlangon's name is unnecessary, especially as he had just called her 'the mother of these men'(§ 3), an expression which would easily fit in the present context. By withholding his own mother's name, Mantitheus conveys that she deserves the jurors' respect. Naming Plangon implies that she is not respectable, and suggests an ambiguous status. The use of Plangon's name immediately follows the discussion of how Plangon tricked the father of

30 Dickey (1996), Sommerstein (1980) and Schaps (1977) do not consider how an orator could manipulate naming practices to his own advantage. 31 Mantitheus has to proceed cautiously in order that he does not offend his audience, since Boeotus and his brother have been recognized as legitimate. Mantias adopted them and then enrolled them in his deme (§ 4). 32 § 9: 1tpo<J1tcxpa.ypa'lfoum vi} ai.cx 'tOV ElC ITA.cxn6voc;, av cre £npa<poxnv, cxv ()' EJ.l.E, 'tfjc; EJ.Lf\c; Jl.TI'tpOc; 'tOUVOJ.l.CX. The dispute between the speaker and Boeotus concerns who rightfully should bear the name Mantitheus. In Classical Athens, the eldest son traditionally took the name of his paternal grandfather, in this case Mantitheus. Mantias did not recognize Boeotus as a son until he reached adulthood. Boeotus then claimed the name Mantitheus arguing that he is in fact the eldest. The original Mantitheus argues that Mantias only recognized Boeotus because Plangon, Boeotus's mother, tricked Mantias into doing so. Thus, he argues, only he should be Mantitheus. In addition to personal name, the name of the father and the name of the deme identify the male citizen. ln this section Mantitheus stresses the confusion if they both have the same name, and the absurdity if it is through the identification of their mothers that they can be told apart.

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Mantitheus into recognizing her sons as legitmate (§§ 3-4) and therefore insults the status of Boeotus' lineage. In his second speech, [Demosthenes] 40, Mantitheus increases his use of

Plangon's name, which occurs eight times. Four times he calls her 'Plangon the mother of these men,' when 'the mother of these men' would suffice.33 Four times she is simply 'Plangon. ' 34 The use of her personal name adds injury to insult. She is Plangon when Mantitheus refers to her deceit, perjury or extravagance.35 She is also Plangon when Mantitheus uses plesiazein to refer to her connection to his father(§§ 8, 27). The choice ofplesiazein is striking, since men commonly used this verb to refer to sexual intercourse with prostitutes.36Naming Plangon directly in such contexts adds strength to the accusation. By using her personal name, Mantitheus knows that the jurors will not be surprised at the behaviour he attributes to her in the same passage. In fact, they may even expect it. Reversing the normal practice of naming women has a damaging effect. In Demosthenes 39, Mantitheus initially followed standard practice and referred to Plangon as the daughter ofPamphilus (§ 3). Yet, when mentioning her father Pamphilus in his second speech, Mantitheus specifies which Pamphilus by adding 'who was the father of Plangon. ' 37 Through this reversal, Mantitheus implies that Plangon is not only notorious

33 §§ 2, 8, 27, 51. 34 §§ 10, 11, 20, 61. 35 §§ 2, 10, 11, 51. 36 Apollodoros usesplesiazein to refer to Neaira's relationship to her clients in [Dem_] 59.19, 20, 41. Also see the entry in LSJ and the discussion later on in this chapter, Acting the Part. 37 [Dem.] 40. 20: ~ -nv 1ta'titp 'tile; I1Aa'Y"(6voc;.

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in the male community, but better known than her male relatives. 38 He thus manipulates his audience into questioning Plangon's respectability, perhaps even her status, and insults the men of a family fallen on hard times.39 Identifying Pamphilus by his daughter hints at the disgrace of the father and alludes abusively to the absence of the sons from public life. The connection between naming and notoriety is also emphasized in Isaeus 6, where the speaker regularly refers to Alce by personal name. The first use highlights her career as a prostitute. The speaker draws the jurors into his confidence when he names her by saying 'whom indeed I think many of you know' (§ 19). He implies that when a woman is named, men are expected to recognize her because they know her. He addresses Alce by name four times, and each time he names her the reference is overly emphatic.40 He accentuates her personal name with demonstratives (haute and ekeine), and with phrases to indicate her notoriety, and distinguish her from astai.4 1 The speaker deliberately stresses and emphatically uses Alce's name to convey her identity as a notorious prostitute. Theomnestos and Apollodoros also use naming to prepare their audience for the identification ofNeaira as a hetaira in [Demosthenes] 59. When Neaira is named, the naming is always calculated and pronounced. Theomnestos refers to N eaira by name in 38 Inscriptions on Attic tombstones reveal that the filial relationship was more important to a

woman's identity than the uxorial relationship, even when the father was dead. The filial relationship indicated a woman's family on her father's side, giving her status and indicating her eligibility to marry a citizen. See Vestergaard et al. 1985: 185. 39 Phamphilus served as Hipparch in the Corinthian War and was elected general in 389/8 BC. He was on his way to a prominent career, when his luck changed. The expedition under his generalship failed and he was charged with embezzlement, which led the state to confiscate and sell Pamphilus's estate. At his death he apparently still owed money. The father's fall from grace and debt explain why none of his sons had a public career. On Pamphilus's career and family history see Davies, APF 9661. 40 §§ 19 (twice), 20, 55.

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the opening line of the speech. His own female relative is always 'daughter,' 'sister' or the 'mother' of her children; he never uses her personal name. The same goes for his own wife(§ 2). Neaira's name in close proximity to these carefully oblique references to the women of his own family emphasizes his contempt for her person. To make the point more obvious, Apollodoros refers to Neaira by personal name not once, but twice in his opening(§ 16). Eventually he names Neaira a record number of80 times. She is never the 'wife ofStephanos', even though Apollodoros claims the two are living as husband and wife. Apollodoros needs Neaira's name for clarity only twice: in laying the charge(§ 16) and when he identifies Neaira as the defendant. 42 The frequent use of her name otherwise is a device to influence the jurors. Whenever Apollodoros wants to emphasize Neaira's role as prostitute or her status of slave or xene, he explicitly uses her personal name. 43 Naming Neaira associates her v.ith hetairai, slaves and xenai and suggests to the jurors that Neaira is a hetaira, slave and xene. Apollodoros uses the same strategy for Neaira's daughter. When Apollodoros introduces her, he states immediately (but unnecessarily) that her name is Phano (§ 39). The immediate context contains Apollodoros's story about Neaira's move to Athens with her children, and specific identification of the children at this point in the narrative is superfluous. Phano' s name appears here because it implies negative and ambiguous status. Apollodoros also inserts her name deliberately in order to prepare the audience for his narrative about Phano later(§§ 50-87), when he will name Neaira's daughter five

41

42 43

See Demonstrating Praise and Blame further on in this chapter. §§ 25, 32, 34, 40, 47, 48. §§ 16, 17, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25,28 (twice), 34,48 (twice), 124, 126.

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more times.44 He will also suggest two names for her, Phano and Strybele, casting further doubt on her status and reputation.45 In contrast, the speaker oflsaeus 3 never provides the name ofPhile's mother. He

discusses her status as a prostitute in detail and indicates that she was well-known as a hetaira to Pyrrhus's friends and neighbors (§§ 13-14). Surprisingly he never mentions the mother's name in his brief narration. One explanation is that he does not know the mother's name.46 After all, he does name the daughter Phile four times. 47 In the middle two instances, the naming of the daughter is appropriate to the context, since the speaker is pointing out two different names used to identify her: her husband identifies her as Phile and her father's uncles identify her as Cleitarete (§ 30, 32).48 In the first and last instances when the speaker uses 'Phile', however, her name is in contrast to gnesia thugater appearing in the same sentence(§ 2, 60). After the short history on her mother's life as a hetaira, the audience becomes aware of why the speaker makes this contrast. The close connection between Phile and the speaker makes the speaker cautious to attack Phile other than suggesting that she is the daughter of a hetaira. 49 Instead, he prefers to attack Phile's mother and her mother's brother. so In some ways though, the speaker's

44

45

section.

§§50, 71 (twice), 84, 121. See the discussion on the significance ofPhano's previous name as Strybele earlier on in this

46 The events of the narrative go back at least twenty years and the mother may be long deceased.,

making it difficult to find out her name. 47 §§ 2, 30, 32, 60. 4 8 Cox argues that the speaker's use of two names here implies Phile is also a hetaira (1998: 176), but I follow the stance ofWyse that the two names emphasize instead that the witnesses are lying (1904; rpt. 1967: 310). 49 Endius, the speaker's brother, married Phile to Xenocles. For this reason, the speaker does not dispute that she is the offspring ofPyrrhus or even that she is aste. IfPhile is not aste, the speaker's family is guilty of a serious offence. Marrying an alien as aste to an Athenian male carried a heavy penalty. For this law see [Dem.] 59.52. so The rest of the discussion of this text focuses on Phile's mother and not Phile, since it is the mother whom the speaker chooses to characterize.


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reticence regarding the name ofPhile's mother reduces the credibility of his argument that the mother was a well-known hetaira. si

Demonstrating Praise and Blame The way in which an orator names a woman creates a prejudice among the jurors. Orators also influence or inflame the prejudice of jurors by using emphatic terminology and gesture to express scorn and stress a woman's notoriety even more. In addition to referring to women associated with opponents by personal name, orators can add emphasis by using a demonstrative pronoun or adjective. The demonstrative houtos for a male is typical and indicates the individual's reputation in the community or among a particular group. The demonstrative can also imply notoriety and infamy.s2 Houtos is more frequent, but ekeinos occurs with the same implications. 53 In oratory, the speaker's use of emphatic demonstratives to point out his opponent connotes contempt. 54 Using the demonstrative adjective to refer to a woman associated with a male opponent draws attention to the woman, points her out as an individual, and puts her on public display. It identifies her as a well-known member of the community, automatically suggesting a bad reputation and marking her as notorious, since reputation of any kind reflects badly upon a woman. ss

5l Some scholars question the status ofPhile's mother as a

hetaira. See Hunter (1994: 113).

52 Smyth 1254 provides two examples of such uses: ropyiac; ou'toc; this (famous) Gorgias, and

'tOU'touc; 'tO'i>c; cruK<pavrac; these (notorious) informers. 53 Ibid. 54 LSJ s.v. omoc;. ss Thuc. 2.46. See n. 27 above.

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In Isaeus 6 the speaker refers to Alce as 'this Alce here' (haute de he A/lee ) (§

19). The speaker has just recently introduced Alce with the addition 'whom indeed I think many of you know,' stressing her celebrity within the male community. 56 Once the speaker implies that Alce is well-known to his audience, he continues to emphasize this standing through the use of haute and, in one case, ekeine. In three out of the four times he names Alce, he points her out with a demonstrative. 57 Drawing attention to her with a demonstrative is not only emphatic; but implies notoriety and a particular status. Because astai did not associate with non-kin males, women in male company or well-known to the male community were by definition assumed to be prostitutes. The use of the demonstrative adjective haute to point out a female creates a negative impression and hints at her status as a hetaira. When Apollodoros uses demonstratives to point out Neaira, his demonstratives have an intensifying suffix. 58 His preferred form is hautei, indicating her presence in court. Neaira is named 80 times, and in 27 of these cases her name is coupled with hautei. The demonstrative is especially frequent when he is referring to charges against Neaira, her behaviour towards the city, and her career as a prostitute. Theomnestos uses it first when he charges that Neaira is a foreigner living in marriage with Stephanos and alleges that she has committed many crimes against the city(§ 14). Apollodoros uses a form of hautei the very first time he names Neaira (§ 16). He repeats it when he refers to the charge against her and to her status as alien, and at the beginning of his narratio on her

56 § 19: i\v x:ai UJ.l.OOV oiJ.L<Xt 1toA.A.oU't'fl is used adjectivally each time. 59

56



exact definition of what exactly Apollodoros means by toiaute.63 The term is meant to refer specifically to Neaira's career as prostitute and identifies Neaira as a woman who is known to have worked as a prostitute (§ 108).

In Isaeus 3, the mother ofPhile is pointed out five times with toiaute. The first use

comes right on the heels of a discussion about her sexual availability and the improbability of her status as gune (§ 16). The context establishes that toiaute, whether as adjective or substantive, refers to Phile's mother as a prostitute and, more, one who has never been married.64 In [Demosthenes] 48.56, toiaute follows a reference to a woman as

porne and alludes to her status as a prostitute(§§ 53-5). In all of these examples, toiaute functions pejoratively and is intended to draw attention to the negative aspects of a woman's character, and to cast doubt on her status. Oratory has a whole arsenal of terminology used against women. Sosin argues that in Greek oratory and classical literature he anthropos is derisive or contemptuous, "reserved for women who are somehow unwomanly, as a result of physical, moral, or legal characteristics" (1997: 77). 65 It also designates a female as extremely pitiable, but more frequently he anthropos connotes derision and contempt. 66 The insult is tied to neutrality in conveying status. Orators choose this term over gune and thugater, which are associated with astai and respect. In [Demosthenes] 59, Apollodoros refers to the prostitute Metaneira as he anthropos (§ 21 ). He anthropos is also demeaning because it

62 Smyth 333e: 'tOtoi>'t't'ft. 101 Scafuro's discussion ofTerence's Adelphoe points out that a possible counter-charge to an accusation of rape is that the raped woman was a willing partner and even a prostitute. Someone accused of adultery could argue a similar defense, especially if gifts were accepted (1997: 112). 102 Scafuro points out that on the basis of witness depositions ''the one statement in Apollodoros' description of Stephanos' arguments that can be relied upon with some confidence is that Stephanos did request a 'dowry contribution'." (1997: 139). Apollodoros's paraphrase of Stephanos' argwnent ..may not be totally fallicious," as Scafuro continues, but Apollodoros's connection between Epainetos's contribution to the dowry ofPhano and Epainetos's past seuxal relationship with Phano in the paraphrase associates Phano with payment common to the prostitution-client relationship.

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the presence of many me~ at many different houses and parties, and in various cities. 103

Sumpinein indicates that Neaira participated in the actual drinking.104 Apollodoros confirms this when he describes Neaira as drunk at the celebration of the victory of Chabrias of Axione (§ 33). Sumdeipnein stresses that Neaira commonly dined in the company of men. 1os The orator also provides witnesses who claim they recognize Neaira from various dinners and drinking parties.106 Apollodoros emphasizes that such behaviour is typical of prostitutes by combining sumpinein and sumdeipnein with 'like a

hetaira.' 107 This context is the only appearance of the phrase 'as if a hetaira' (§ 24), but the jurors will recall this association every time such activities are attributed to Neaira Similarly, in Isaeus 3.14, the speaker implies Phile's mother has dined 'with men who are strangers and mere chance corners.' 108 He claims that witnesses in a previous trial testified that Phile's mother openly dined with men at Pyrrhus's house(§§ 11-13). His statement that married women do not accompany their husbands to dinner parties points out that such activity is not usual for married women, and implies that only a hetaira would behave this way (§14). Another indication of reprehensible behaviour is Neaira's participation in the wild celebrations of the kOmos during her time with Phrynion.109 After purchasing Neaira's freedom, Phrynion brought her to Athens. He took her to a kOmos celebrating the victory 103 Neaira is described as being at the house ofKtesippos; she drinks with the poet Xenoclides in Corinth; she is at the celebration for the victory ofChabrias of Aixone at Kolias; she is present at parties held by Stephanos and Phrynion in Athens (§§ 24, 28, 33, 48). 104 §§ 24, 25 (twice), 28, 48 (twice) 105 'ta Jl.E'ta 't&v em't'Ux6v'toov.

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ofChabrias of Axione, where Neaira's behaviour is said to have been at its most depraved: the speaker claims that she was drunk and that both guests and slaves had intercourse with her. 11 0 The jurors would expect such abandonment of a kOmos and of k6mazein, but from a feminist perspective the incident is shocking and indicative of male abuse of prostitutes. The feminist perspective arouses the same reaction to Apollodoros's statement that she was a prostitute before puberty. Ill Apollodoros, however, includes Neaira's sexual intimacy with slaves and prepubescent sexual activity to indicate her depravity and sexual appetite.II2 The speaker oflsaeus 3 likewise claims that Phile's mother took part in the wild celebrations of the kOmos (§ 13). In fact, he attributes the riotous company and frequent wild parties at Pyrrhus's house to her presence and has friends and neighbours ofPyrrhus testify to the many quarrels (machai) and debauchery (aselgeia polle) accompanying these parties. The speaker makes it clear that these behaviours are far removed from the conduct expected of married women. He states that no one would dare to behave so wildly (kOmazein) towards married women(§ 14). 11 3 Extravagance is another common complaint made against women associated with an opponent. Apollodoros claims Neaira is accustomed to living comfortably. 114 She adorns herself in fine clothes and gold jewellery, and has two maidservants to attend to

I09 ElCOOJ.l.a~£ 't'a£1. J.l.E't'au'tou ([Dem.] 59.33). Omitowoju comments that Apollodoros uses the examples ofNeaira's behaviour while with Phrynion "as further support for his assertion that Neaira cannot possibly be an [aste gune]" (1997: 9). 110 lCUl ElC£l allot 't£ 1t0AA0l auvertrvovto au'tft J.l.E9oucrn 1CU9EOOOV't~ 'tOU ct»puvirov~ lCUl oi oux1eovot. oi xapptou 'tpcX1tE~av napa9eJ.l.EVOL (§ 33). Ill £pya~OJlEV11 JlEV ilOTJ 't4l O"OOJ.l.U'tl., V£(1)'tEpa o£ oooa Ol.Ct 'tO J.l.Tt1t(l) ri!v TtAt.riav au'tft 1tapetve1. (§ 22). 112 See Carey (1992): 97, 103. ll3 Note that komos and kOmazein sometimes get translated as serenade and serenading. See Loeb edition. I see no reason to specify anything other than riotous company and wild parties. This seems to be the interpretation of Hunter who refers simply to wild parties (1994: 113). 114 J.l.EJ.l.UEhllCUta J.l.Tt lCalC&c; EX£t.V ([Dem.] 59.42).

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her personal needs (§35). She cannot make enough money in Megara to maintain her household, but Apollodoros attributes this failing to expensive tastes. He calls her

poluteles, extravagant (§36). In Athens, it is extravagance that induces Stephanos and Neaira to blackmail her clients; otherwise they would be unable to meet their daily expenses(§§ 41-43). Apollodoros also complains that her daughter Phano is extravagant when he compares her to her husband Phrastor (§§ 50-51). They divorced, he says, because Phano wished to imitate her mother's habits and luxurious lifestyle, rather than adjust to Phrastor's ways. Phrastor is known to be hardworking and to follow a moderate lifestyle. In [Demosthenes] 40, Mantitheus accuses Plangon of similar extravagance. Plangon lives polutelOs (§ 51). Her lavish lifestyle included a host of female servants, paid for by Mantias. Mantitheus claims that Plangon's cost to Mantias's household was excessive (§ 51 ).us [Demosthenes] 48 provides a final example of a woman with an extravagant lifestyle. Olympiodorus, who is accused of keeping a hetaira at home, comes from a family of limited resources, but his hetaira is described as dressed in fine clothes and wearing gold jewellery, going around with a train of servants, and flaunting her wealth(§§ 53-55).

Olympiodorus~s

immediate relatives are contrasted with this woman

because they are far too poor to enjoy any such luxuries. The discussion of extravagance builds a negative portrait of women. Spending lavishly and adorning oneself with jewellery and expensive clothes were more common as traits of hetairai than gunaikes. 116

See Cox for hetairai as strain on the household (1998: 168-89). See Mills' discussion on secular clothing regulations for women, especially pages 264-5 (1984). Clothing is regulated according to the number of garments an aste could possess, and to the cost and decoration of such clothing. See Plut. Sol. 20.4. Also EG 83, I where (in a Pre-Roman epitaph from Athens) a girl is praised for her lack of interest in fine clothes and jewellery. Syracuse (Phylarchus FGrH II 81 F 45) and Epizephyrian Locri (Diod. Sic. 12.21) have laws suggesting that women wearing brightly coloured garments and gold jewellery were considered hetairai. Compare Hawley 1998:42-3 .. liS

1 16

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Orators use hubrizein, referring to haughty, outrageous and insulting behaviour, to describe behaviour opposite to s6phronein.111 The term is commonly applied to discredit male opponents. 118 In reference to women, the term carried additional shock value and brought forth fears of social instability. First, Athenians expected astai to exhibit

s6phrosune as their primary virtue. Secondly, Athenians considered themselves superior to women and various other groups, such as slaves. If a member from one of these groups treated an Athenian overly familiarly, or as an equal, or disobeyed an Athenian or gave

him an order, the Athenian would feel insulted, demeaned or outraged, and view the individual as having committed a serious act of hubris .119 Such behaviour implies an exchange of roles and constitutes outrage, indignity and even danger.12o Mythical examples of women who exhibit hubris are no less than Helen and Clytemnestra. 12 1

In [Demosthenes] 59, Neaira is hubrizousa (haughty) combined with asebousa (impious) and kataphronousa (contemptuous) when Th.eomnestos introduces the charge against her (§ 12). These terms bias the jurors, since they do not refer to the behaviour of a gune who would be expected to be s6phr6n. Apollodoros uses hubrizousa to describe Neaira, in the climax of his speech in the epilogue. Once again it appears in combination

withasebousa (§107). Hubrizousa and asebousa also describe Neaira's attitude and

117 LSJ s.v. i>j3pi.~£lV. Fisher 1992: Ill. Currently, debate exists on the exact meaning of hubris. Fisher concludes that for the Classical period hubris includes the implication that someone has been

insulted or dishonored. He cites Plato's use as an exception (1992: 493). Others argue that ancient authors view hubris as a disposition and often use it where there is no victim who is dishonored (Cairns 1996: 1-32 and Harris 1997: 483-6). I follow Fisher's definition here, but differ in that I do not agree that the infliction of shame or insult is always deliberate. For a discussion of s6phronein see Cairns ( 1993) and chapter 4 of this dissertation. 118 Dem. 36.42; Aeschin. I. 11 9 Fisher 1992: 117-8. 120 Fisher notes that the old male chorus of Aristophanes' Lysistrata repeatedly attack the women who take over the acropolis for their hubris (1992: 118). 121 Eur. Tro. 993-1; Aesch. Ag. See Fisher 1992: 114,289-91.


CHAPTER3

behaviour toward the city of Athens, the gods and the laws; the speakers want to show that she is not haughty only to certain individuals. Neaira's attitude makes her a danger to the city and provides a reason for the jurors to punish her. Hubrizousa is also the term used for the woman kept by Olympiodorus in [Demosthenes] 48. Her extravagance is offensive to the sisters of Olympiodorus who live in poverty, since she has bought her luxuries with money belonging to their family(§ 55). For this reason the speaker refers to her as exhibiting hubris when she walks about town in her finery. 122 It is not simply her extravagance that is insulting, but the fact that she appears to use her luxury to gloat over the other women.I23 Hubrizein and kataphronein also describe Alce's behaviour and attitude towards Euctemon's family and the city in Isaeus 6.48. Her behaviour is offensive because she transgresses both private and public boundaries. The speaker has previously discussed Alce's conduct towards the family, and now goes on to provide an example of her actions toward the city. He focuses on Alce's scandalous behaviour at the Thesmophoria: Alce dared to join in a procession of astai during the Thesmophoria and to enter the temple, an affi.-ont because of her status and reputation (§§ 49-50). The speaker uses tolman here, related to hubrizein, which repeats the accusation of hubris already made. Alce's actions were so inappropriate and impious that the boule passed a number of decrees against her (§ 50). Phano's behaviour and situation resemble the actions of Alce. As the wife of the Basileus, Phano makes offerings on behalfofthe city, leads the Gerarai in an oath, and performs a ritual marriage with Dionysus at the Anthesteria.l24 Apollodoros hints at her

122 § 55: i>~pi.l;o1.)(Ja. ElC 'trov fu,tE'tEprov.

123 Fisher 1992: 114. Also on this passage see Just 1989: 127-8. 124

[Dem.] 59.73.



audacity by reminding the jurors that it is impious for a woman ofPhano's character and status to perform such rites (§§ 73-77). The use of tolman and hubrizein in reference to Alce indicate how the present jury would likely interpret Phano's actions. 125 Likewise, Plangon reveals hubris and daring by not honoring her agreement with Mantias and by swearing (according to Mantitheus) a false oath.126 Plangon agreed to swear that Boeotus was not the son ofMantias. Mantias offered money to seal the agreement, but Plangon failed to keep her side of the bargain. She not only swore that Mantias was the father of her son Boeotus, but also of her son Pamphilus.127 The behaviour ofPhano and Plangon indicates a haughty and daring attitude.

Conclusion In [Demosthenes] 40,48 and 59, Demosthenes 39, Isaeus 3 and 6, the women discussed

in detail (Plangon, the companion ofOlympiodorus, Neaira, Phano, Phile's mother and Alce) are associated with an orator's opponent. As Table 3.1 shows (see belowp. 74), speakers discuss the women using a common language. They transgress conventions of naming, and use terminology and gestures to create emphasis. Their goal is to deride women and cast doubt on female reputation. They condemn women by emphasizing notoriety, improper sexual conduct, association with non-kin males, extravagance and

125 Isae. 6.49-50 126 For women to disobey or to seek to dominate men constituted serious hubris. Fisher 1992: 118. 127 Dem. 39.3-4; 40.10-ll. On the issue of women and oaths see Cole 1996:237-9. Cole points out that women could not challenge someone to an oath, but uses the example ofPlangon to illustrate how they might trick a challenger instead. Also see Carey and Reid on Plangon's acceptance of the challenge (1985: 170-l}.

71


CHAPTER3

hubris, and aim to destroy these women's reputation within the community. 128 Referring publicly to women by personal name, discussing their sexual activities, implying that they are available to many men, claiming their association with non-kin males, and harping on their extravagance connects them to hetairai.129 Associating them with hubris also adds to their portrayal as hetairai because hubris is opposed to sophrosune, the virtue expected of married women. Speakers do not come right out and call any of these females prostitutes, but they carefully suggest by implication and innuendo that these women have the makings of a hetaira. The orators' use of imagery connected to a stereotype of the hetaira is bold in some representations of women, in others, more subtle. Some modern critics are convinced by the portraits ofNeaira and Alce that they are prostitutes, but they question the allegations about Phano, the mother ofPhile, and the woman in [Demosthenes] 48. 130 The portrait ofPlangon merely uses the image of the hetaira to cast doubt on Plangon's reputation and does not suggest her identity as such. Each orator works in his own way. The writer of [Demosthenes] 59, for example, focuses almost entirely on the two women.

In this speech and in Isaeus 3 and 6, speakers relate women's past lives in detail in the narratio because the women in these speeches are directly associated with the events under dispute. Arguments about their status as astai are important to the outcome of the case. In [Demosthenes] 59 and Isaeus 3, as one strategy for winning the case the speakers need to establish that Neaira and Phile's mother are hetairai. The detailed narratives of these three speeches provide an opportunity to malign women associated with an

Foxhall1996: 151; Hunter 1994: 111-16. Hunter includes such claims in discussing gossip about women, but does not emphasize how Athenians associate such claims with the stereotype of the hetaira (1994: 111-14). 128

129

72



opponent and discuss female behaviour in detail. Women are mentioned in passing in Demosthenes 39 and [Demosthenes] 40 and 48, but a woman is not the primary focus or target of these speeches. Plangon does not take up very much of the narrative in Demosthenes 39, and the woman in [Demosthenes] 48 does not appear until the speaker's epilogue. Nevertheless, the speakers of all six speeches describe the women with the same negative language. Similar verbal patterns and strategies suggest that the speakers draw on a generic stereotype of the hetaira when characterizing women associated with

their opponents.

130

Hunter 1994: 113; Kapparis 1999: 37-38; Foxhall 1996: 151.

73


CHAPTER3

Table 3.1: Representations of Women Compared131 Dem.39 Plangon

...,'"C 3m::;: ~ ~

CD

t:

CD

0CD

::1.

[Dem.]40 Plangon

[Dem.]48

[Dem.]59 Neaira Phano

e'taipa

2X

8X

1tOPVTt

IX

IX

1t<Xt~t0'1CT\

IX

1taA.A.aldt

IX

Name

IX

I

8X

80X

Isae.3 mother

Isae.6 Alce

2X

IX

4X

6X

-·

<X'O't'tl

2X

~

EK£tVTt

IX

tll

< CD

3

-· ::s

0 0

OQ

'
'tTtt

27X

'tOt<XU'tTt

IX

4X

4X

IOX

4X

IX

4X

x;pila9at

IX

3X

IX

<J'OV£tVCXt

IX

IX

4X

./

4X

IX

IX

av9pro1tO
'tq) St<Xt'tCilJ.lEVTtv· cix; V J.1Tt'tTJP).

83


CHAPTER4

of Plangon in terms commonly associated with astai. The references to Mantitheus' s mother and to other women, such as Mantitheus's wife, daughter and aunt, contrast with the references to Plangon and draw attention to the ambiguous position Mantitheus advances for Boeotus's mother.JO The contrast between women associated with the speaker and women associated with the opponent is even more pronounced in Isaeus 6, since here the speaker wants to convince the jurors that the opponent's claim to the inheritance ofEuctemon's estate is unfounded, based on false claims to an impossible paternity. To begin with, the speaker makes frequent reference to the women in Euctemon's family. He first mentions Philoctemon's two sisters(§ 6) who became wives of Athenians, and clearly identifies the husbands of each(§ 6, 51). He also refers to the sisters as daughters.3 1 The speaker makes it very clear that they are daughters legally recognized by Euctemon: 'the legitimate daughters ofEuctemon' he says.J2 He identifies the mother of these women and wife ofEuctemon as the daught~r ofMeix.iades ofCephisia.33 Philoctemon's own wife is gune (§§ 5, 7). Consequently the stress of the speaker is on the women's relation to male kin as sisters, daughters and wives. Alce, whom the speaker identifies as the mother of the claimants, is described in direct contrast to these women. She is he

anthr6pos, a person who lacks status and a term commonly associated with slaves or ex-

28 Davies, APF 9667. Note: Mantias divorced Plangon and then married the mother of Mantitheus, but continued to have relations with Plangon (§ 27). 29 § 20: &; -ijv 1ta:ritp 'tile; IIAayy6voc; 30 §§ 12, 4, 13, 24, 56 (twice), 57, 61 for references to other astai. 31 §§ 10, 30, 39, 40, 46, 56, 57, 58. 32 § 47: 1:ac; Ei.>JC't1]J.ovoc; 9'\lya'tipac; 1:ac; 'YVTl(p' E'tEpotc; OOO<XV lC<Xi alCOAO'I.l9000<XV 'tCi) OtOOV'tt 'ti Ot£mlE 1t0t£tv; ap' oux i>1t'llP£'tElV 'tOte; Xj)CI>JlEVOtc; Ei.c; amo-ac; ftoovac;; Ei't<X -rTtv 'tOt<XU't'llV lC<Xl 7t£ptcpav&c; E"(VCOO"JlEVTIV U1t0 1tUV'tCOV yfic; 7t£pi.o8ov Ei.py<XO"JlEVTIV 'I'TIQlEtmlE ao--riJv etvat; Translated by Carey 1992: 75. 50§§ 51, 119, 121 (twice), 122, 124. Note: the jurors will vote on whetherNeaira is an alien living with Stephanos as his wife.

88


GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS such as this that Apollodoros pointedly uses Neaira's personal name to stress even more that there is a distinction between Neaira and aste.sl The termgune is also common in this text.s2 Apollodoros regularly uses the term to signify a married woman, and frequently he uses it to imply a woman's status as aste. 53 In the prooimion of the speech, Theomnestos uses gune at least five times to refer to his

own wife and the wife of Apollodoros.s4 He calls them thugater, adelphe, and adelphide and associates these women with their male relatives to signify their respectability. Apollodoros uses gune (as well as thugater and meter) in the same way to refer to women associated with the jurors. ss He stresses their association with their male relatives to emphasize that Neaira has none. When Apollodoros quotes or paraphrases a law, gune connotes an aste married to an Athenian citizen. 56 In the case ofNeaira, however, Apollodoros avoids the term gune as far as possible. Neaira is never 'the wife of Stephanos', even though he claims the two are living as husband and wife. Apollodoros associates her with the term only when he refers to the official charge of xenia and reminds his audience that Stephanos unlawfully treats Neaira as a wife. 57 In addition, Theomnestos and Apollodoros both state that marriage between her and Stephanos is

para tous nomous.ss

51

For a more specific discussion of naming, see Names that Shame in eh. 3. 52 It occurs a total of 55 times. 53 The are a few instances where gune might translate simply as 'woman' (§§ 9, 10, 52, 56, 73, 103), but even in such examples 'wife' is often more accurate. Carey (1992) translates gune as 'woman' where the Athenian audience is more likely to understand wife, eg. §§56, 103. 54 §§ 1, 2, 7, 11, 12. ss §§ 110, 114. 56 §§ 52, (twice), 86, 87. 57 §§ 13, 38, 118 (twice), 119. 58 §§ 13, 110.

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CHAPTER4

Apollodoros treats Phano in the same way. She is sometimes gune, but the proximity of other terms, such as he anthropos or xene for example, and the immediate context indicate that Phano is only fraudulently so.s9 Aste and gune appear together in the narrative on Phano when Apollodoros wants to distinguish a legitimate wife from Phano.60 Frequently she is thugater, but never called 'daughter ofStephanos', as the jurors would expect. Each time he uses the term daughter, Apollodoros's emphasis is on Phano's kinship to Neaira: 'the daughter of this Neaira here', which contrasts Phano with other astai whom speakers identify as daughters with the name of their father. 61 There are three levels to Apollodoros's identification ofPhano as the daughter ofNeaira First, Apollodoros transfers contempt for Neaira onto Phano by associating the two as mother and daughter.62 The pejorative addition of haute to modify Neaira's name makes the derision clear. Secondly, the connection between Phano and Neaira becomes confused at the end of the speech to the extent that Phano and Neaira appear as a single identity(§ 107). Apollodoros is no longer concerned to distinguish between the offenses of the two women. On the contrary, by using the same terms for both women he implies that their careers are identical: Neaira has committed sacrilege and Phano has acted 'like a

hetaira' .63 Thirdly, Apollodoros identifies Phano as 'the daughter of this Neaira here' because, ifNeaira is her mother, Phano cannot be aste and thus marriage with Theogones 59 §§ 72, 73, 79, 81, 110.

60 §§ 58, 60, 63. 61 §56: it 9'U"fU'ttlP ft

NEaipa~ 't<X'Il'CTicri.. Also see§§ 50, 51, 54, 55, 56 (2 times), 59 (twice), 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 69, 70, 72, 81, 82, 83. Note that Neaira is not modified with a form of hautei every time. 62 Note that Apollodoros never offers proof or testimony for the claim that Phano is Neaira's daughter. See Patterson 1994:208 and Scafuro 1997: 75. Furthermore, Scafuro emphasizes an ..ambiguity surrounding the young woman's identity" (p. 332). Kapparis finds Apollodoros's claim that Phano is the daughter ofNeaira weak and unconvincing. It is merely a way to attack the daughter's status (1999: 34-39). Also see Carey (1992: 9-11).

90


GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS is illegal.64 If Apollodoros can convince the jurors that Phano is Neaira's daughter, then Stephanos will have more trouble trying to argue that Phano' s mother was an aste. 65 Of all the children, Phano is the most vulnerable to such an attack because she is female and not (like her brothers) a member of a deme. Thus her status is always able to be challenged. 66

To Be or Not to Be Sophron So far, my arguments have shown how orators contrast women through naming and through terminology, but the contrasts reach even deeper- to a woman's very nature. For example, aste and gune not only indicate status, but also imply particular qualities. Classical Athenian society expected the aste and particularly the gune engue to manifest

sophrosune. The primary characteristic of female s6phrosune was open display of a woman's chastity and loyalty to father and husband. Sexual impropriety, even if only implied, damaged the reputation of an aste, as well as the honor of her father, husband and any children.

63 See Carey (1992: 140). Also Patterson (1994: 208-9): " .. .it is fair to say that by the end of the speech Apollodoros has created a fictional two-headed monster from the combined personae ofNeaira and Phano." 64 For the penalty of such a marriage see the law cited in § 53. 65 Apollodoros suggests Stephanos will argue that the children are his by another woman, an aste, and not Neaira (§ 119). 66 Apollodoros says little about the sons, likely because they have been recognized by their deme. See Carey (1992: 8-9) and Kapparis (1999: 32-34).

91


CHAPTER4

Helen North (1977) traces the origin of s6phrosune back to the Archaic period, and considers the full range of meanings for the term. 67 Beginning with a text of Semonides, North argues that the s6phr6n woman makes the resources of the household increase, avoids gossiping about sex, is loving, as well as beloved, chaste, faithful, dutiful and obedient. She mothers well-spoken children and knows her place within the household and within society (1977: 36-7).68 The importance of s6phrosune to a woman's character and the Archaic meanings applied to it continue into the Classical period. Being s6phr6n is frequently an aspect of the tragedians portrayal of women. 69 For example, Andromache in Euripides' Trojan Women claims she is s6phrosune because she stays indoors and does not indulge in gossip (645-56). In Euripides' Andromache, she further claims that she suckled Hector's children by other women (224-5), adding the absence of jealousy to the concept of s6phrosune.1o Xenophon further defines s6phrosune in terms of household economics.71 In his Oeconomicus, Ischomachus's wife informs her

husband that the main skill she learnt from her parents was s6phronein (7.14).72 Ischomachus replies that being s6phr6n involves behaviour which maintains and increases the value of their property, giving the term a productive function as well (7 .15). 67

North notes that s6phrosune has different meanings depending on whether it is applied to a man or a woman. For example, s6phrosune is often translated as chaste when referring to women, but the ''word does not have a comparable application to the moral or sexual conduct of men until about two centuries later, and it never ranks very high, in this sense, in the table of masculine virtues ... " (1977: 37). For the exact significance of s6phrosune to male virtue see North's comprehensive study published in 1966. 68 North notes that s6phr6n does not appear in the text of Semonides, but that the bee-woman (7 .85-91) follows a code of conduct which parallels the Classical definition of s6phr6n. S6phronein does appear, but only once, in the description of the treacherous wife who exhibits the opposite (7.1 08). 69 See for example Euripides' portrayal ofPhaedra in the Hippolytus and Alcestis in theAlcestis, as well as Andromache in Andromache and The Trojan Women. Also note Sophocles' portrayal oflsmene in the Antigone. For further discussion see North (1977: 38-40). 70 Medea in Euripides' Medea and Clymtem.nestra in Aeschylus' Agamemnon reveal the danger of female jealousy to the oikos. See North 1977:39. 71 North points out that wool working is symbolic of s6phrosune on Greek and Roman epitaphs, in New Comedy and Roman elegy to illustrate that female virtue included being a good housekeeper (1977: 42-45).


GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS Defining sophrosune also involves considering its opposite. Literary texts present the reader with an image of the woman who does not display sophrosune.13 Such a woman impoverishes her husband and is a liar and a thief. 74 In Semonides' classification of women, the women who are not sophrones are luxurious and scornful of household tasks; they eat too much and are unfaithful to their husbands. 75 In other words, such women are a drain on the household and even threaten the very survival of the oikos.

Sophrosune is related to aidos.76 Aid6s is something visible. A woman who has this virtue exhibits appropriate emotional and behavioural responses. When addressed, she blushes. When noticed, she averts her gaze. In public, she veils her head. All of these habits identify women as sophrones. 77 Cairns sees aidos as an internalized form of social control which governs social interaction between the sexes (1993: 121). Aidos supports

astai (of all ages) in their goal of maintaining familial loyalty and honor. By exhibiting appropriate behaviour a woman demonstrates an internal feeling of aidos when in the presence of non-kin males. Maintenance of s6phrosune and demonstrations of aidos exclude astai from the law courts, the ekklesia, the deipnon and the sumposion, where Athenian males gather for political and social reasons. Speaking publicly in front of an assembly of men was unseemly for women in Classical Athens. In Lysias 32.11, the speaker stresses that the daughter of Diogeiton was not accustomed to speaking to a male audience, but felt compelled to speak in the current circumstances because of the severity of her family's

72

Also see the discussion of this passage in North 1977:46. North (1977: 44-45). 14 Hes. Op. 704-5; 78. 15 Semonides 7.57-70,46-49. Also see the discussion in North 1977:44-5. 76 Cairns (1993) discusses aid6s in Archaic and Classical literature. 77 Cairns (1993: 2-6). Also see Ferrari (1990) who discusses the pictorial representation of aid6s. 73

93


CHAPTER4 misfortunes. The speaker portrays her conduct as necessary because he wants the jurors to view the woman as sophron. Attending dinners and drinking parties was also rare for

astai. Wives, daughters or mothers did not dine and drink in the presence of non-kin males. 78 Cicero asserts that Philodamus, while entertaining Roman guests, told his visitors that Greek women did not attend the men's dinner party_79 'Women' here specifically refers to the female members ofPhilodamus' household. In a passage from Herodotus, the Macedonian Amyntas tells the Persians that it is not the custom of Greeks for men and women to appear together at asumposion (5.18). Theopompus further attests that Greek women did not attend drinking parties when he comments on the sexual license of the Etruscans by citing that they allowed their wives to attend sumposia. 80

Sophrosune and aidos also influence a woman's dress and self-presentation. Too much concern with beauty is a negative trait associated with laziness and prostitution. For Semonides, the mare-woman is so concerned with her appearance that she neglects all housework (7.57-70). In Xenophon's Oeconomicus, Ischomachus disapproves of his wife's use of white powder, rouge and platform shoes; he prefers her unadorned (10.2-8). Household work and supervision of slaves improve complexion and therefore increase his desire (10.9-13). For astai then, virtue and reputation are more important than beauty. Too much concern for elaborate adornment aroused suspicion and indicated sexual impropriety or status as a prostitute.81 78 Calame argues that ''the distinguishing mark of a hetaira of Classical Athens was that she took part in banquets for men" (1999: 111-12). 79 Cic. Verr. 2.1.25.66. As this is a later source, rio distinction is made between the deipnon and the symposion, both are referred to as symposion or, in Latin, as convivium. Hence the translation as "dinner party."

80 Theopomp. FGrH 115 F 204. 81 See Hawley (1998: 42-3): There is an increasing tendency over the fifth century BC to view 'contrived or self-obsessed beauty as a hallmark of the disreputable prostitute in contemporary comedy and prose literature.'


GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS As this brief survey shows, the concepts of sophrosune and aidos define qualities

of particular importance for aste and gune. 82 Sophrosune appears as an important female trait in epitaphs for women in the fourth century.83 Both literary and funerary uses of

sophrosune show that Athenians valued demonstrations of sophrosune by women and considered it an important virtue for women to emulate. The orators exploit this familiarity and expectation when developing a female portrait by making the concepts of

sophrosune and aidos a central part of their narratives on women. Since exhibiting sophrosune translates into the exclusion of astai from certain male activities (the deipnon, sumposion and public life), women participating in such activities are not sophrones. The only females commonly seen in such contexts are entertainers and prostitutes (women who are generally distinct from astai and gunaikes).84 An aste who does not conform to the code of behaviour laid out for the sophron woman runs the risk of having her status as aste and gune engue questioned, and of being equated with prostitutes. 85 The orators try to influence the audience regarding the virtues and status of women by associating the women with activities and behaviour opposite to sophrosune. North (1966: 135-49) considers how the orators manipulate sophrosune when representing a male opponent, but she has little to say on the use of sophrosune in portraits of women in oratory. She comments only that "sophrosyne regularly denotes chastity when it refers to feminine virtue" (1966: 140). 86 Yet, the activities and characteristics attributed to the opponent's women are regularly antithetical to 82

North (1977) and Cairns (1993) survey the literature in detail.

83 See North 1977:40 and Lattimore 1942: 293-300. 84 Just 1989: 144; Fantham et al. 1994:80. 85 See Hunter on gossip about women (1994:

113-4). Also see McClure 1999: 24; Just 1989: 143;

Gould 1980: 48; Dover 1974:98.

95


CHAPTER4

sophrosune as defined by North in her 1977 survey of other genres. 87 First, women associated with an opponent are commonly claimed to be promiscuous. Speakers claim multiple lovers for Neaira, Phano, Alce and Phile's mother. ss They further comment on each woman's sexual availability by suggesting that any man who wishes enjoys her. 89

Plesiazein, chresthai or suneinai indicate relationships with men, instead of gamein. sunoikein or echein gunaika, which are commonly used to describe marriage between an Athenian and a sophron gune. 90 Orators also associate women of the opponent with licentiousness and debauchery. The speaker oflsaeus 3.13 describes the behaviour of Phile's mother as aselgeia (lewdness). Apollodoros narrates Neaira's lascivious behaviour during her time with Phrynion: she submits to intercourse in public and slaves have sex with her at asumposion ([Dem.] 59.33-34). He states that the daughter Phano 'longed for the akolasia (debauchery) of her mother's house' and he implies that she even worked in a brothel(§

67).91

Orators also describe women associated with the opponent

as mixing openly with non-kin males to indicate the women's sexual impropriety. Apollodoros has witnesses testify to Neaira's presence at deipna and sumposia.92 The speaker oflsaeus 3.14 refers to similar testimony against Phile's mother.

86 Her article specifically on sophrosune as a feminine virtue considers tragedy, philosophy and epitaphs from the Classical period, but not oratory. 87 Ch. 3 discusses the references for the following in more detail. 88 Apollodoros mentions some ofNeaira's lovers by name: Xenokleides, Hipparchos, Timanoridas of Corinth and Eukrates ofLeukas, Phrynion ([Dem.] 5926,29, 30); In addition to two husbands, Phano has an amorous relationship with Epainetos of Andros [Dem.] 59.64-71; The speaker names Dion in connection with Alce (Isae. 6.20); Although the speaker ofisaeus 3 does not name individual lovers, he does allude to a large number oflovers ofPhile's mother (Isae. 3.11). 89 Speakers use boulesthai to indicate that anyone at any time had access to Phile's mother, Neaira and Phano. See [Dem.] 59. 19, 20, 23, 41,71 and Isae. 3.1113, 15, 16, 77. 90 For examples of the use of plesiazein, chresthai or suneimi see [Dem.] 40.8, 27; [Dem.] 59.9, 20, 30, 33, 37, 41, 47, 67, 70, 71; Isae. 3.10, 15; Isae. 620. For another discussion ofplesiazein and chresthai in opposition to echein and sunoikein see Cox 1998:182-3. 91 § 50: af...f...' £~frtet. 'ta til~ ~'Tl't~ £9T} JCa.i. 'tiJv 1ta.p' a.i>'t'ft aJCof...a.c; ICC:Xt mxt.()£i>£G8at.· it ()£ 'tOU'tOOV Jl.Tt'tTJP 0Aa'Y"(OOV, 1:p£cpouaa J..L£9' ai>'tfic; -romouc; IC<Xt eepmxi.vac; GUXv<Xc; IC<Xt a'\m11toA.u'teA.&c; ~cooa, IC<Xt eic; 't<XU'ta 1:6v 1t<X'tEpa 'tOV EJ..LOV XOP1\1'0V £au't'ft U1t0 'tfic; £m9uJ.Lt<Xc; EXOUGC:X ICC:Xt 1tOAAa ()a1tCIVTI't£, 1tEpi. tvirov J.1V11cr9Ei11V av au'trov· 106 § 13: cix; J.!Ev E'tatpa .qv 'tql ~ouA.oJlEV
cn JlE'ta 'tOOV aA.A.o'tpi.rov, Kai. 'tai>'ta JlE'ta 'tOOV emwx6v'troV. Translation adapted from the Loeb edition.

100


GOOD GIRLS, BAD GIRLS

In the epilogos of [Demosthenes] 59, Apollodoros contrasts Neaira with the expectations for astai, to remind the jurors of their own wives, daughters and mothers in a last attempt to ally the jurors against Neaira. First, he emphasizes the opposition through a question: "Will you decide that a woman of her character who is known for certain by all to have plied her trade over the breadth of the world is aste?"I08 Second, he manufactures a dialogue between the jurors and their wives, daughters and mothers which highlights the difference between themselves and Neaira (§§ 110-1). The women ask 'where were you?' The jurors respond 'we were at the trial ofNeaira' and list the charges against her and the details of the prosecution. The women ask 'What did you decide?' The jurors respond 'we acquitted her.' Switching back to narrative, Apollodoros informs the jurors that the most decent of the women (s6phronestatai ton gunaik6n) will be furious because the men have treated Neaira as their equal(§ 111). Thus he suggests to the jurors that their wives, daughters and mothers will view Neaira as distinct from themselves. He uses s6phr6n to emphasize that, in addition to status, they are distinct in reputation. Third, Apollodoros states the consequences of an acquittal: if the jurors acquit Neaira, they will not only give hetairai the freedom to bear children and to share in civic rituals, ceremonies and rights, but also guarantee that poor astai will take up the work of prostitutes, pornai (§§ 112-3). In a climactic moment of the epilogos, the contrast between the female relatives

of the jurors and Neaira is most apparent: So let each one of you believe that he is casting his vote, one in defence of his wife, another his daughter, another his mother, another the city and its laws and religion, so that those women are not seen to be held in equal lOB§ 108: et'ta 'tftv 'tatai>'ttlv Kat 1tepupav&v II lists shamelessness or audacity. Lloyd-Jones emphasizes shamelessness (1975: 67). Loraux argues for the bitch as symbolic of impudence (1993: 97). Also see Graver on the dog motif in Homer: "In all the passages we have looked at so far, the behaviour to which the dog metaphor is attached shows a disregard specifically for societal norms of meum et tuum" (1995: 51). 28 [Dem.] 48.55; Isae. 6.48. 29 On the issue of misogyny in Greek literature see Arthur 1973:22-5,46-7. Loraux reads between the lines ofSemonides to find the criteria for good wives (1993: 100).

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CHAPTERS distinguished them from non-Attic women by requiring that both parents of Athenian citizens be astoi.30 Thus, Perikles' citizenship law strengthened separate categories of women. Being gune took on special distinction with specific requirements. Non-Attic women included slaves, freedwomen and xenai, and Athenians did not recognize their children as astoi. To most Athenians, hetaira would imply slave, freedwoman or xene- a woman who was clearly non-Attic - because astai who became prostitutes in classical Athens were rare.3 1 The city provided a dowry for those women whose family was poor in an effort to ensure that all astai were married.32 Being a hetaira meant the male client would not recognize any of her offspring as his responsibility and that the polis would not recognize them as Athenians. The lifestyle of the hetaira was also unique in that she regularly interacted with males, attended sumposia and had a reputation for extravagance. In judicial oratory, the orator aims to distinguish the female associated with the opponent

from astai in order to influence the jurors regarding her respectability and identity as wife or daughter. Using language and characteristics commonly expected of hetairai is an effective way to mark females associated with the opponent as other. Associating women with hetairai has greater impact than portraying them simply as bad wives: hetaira indicates a certain reputation and lifestyle and brings the paternity of any children into question. Thus, hetairai versus astai becomes an exploitable polarization for the orator.

3 0 For the law see Arist. Ath. Pol. 26.4 and Plut. Vit. Per. 31.3. Scholars generally agree Peddles' citizenship law lapsed for a short period in the second half of the fifth century BC, but was otherwise in effect for the fourth century as well. See Patterson (1981: 140-50). On the implications of astai resulting from the law and the distinction between them and other women see Patterson (1981: 161-67, esp. p.162 and n. 31; also 1987: 57, 63). On a possible explanation for the implementation of this law see Boegehold 1994: 57-66. 31 Based on Isaeus 3, it is possible that astai could sometimes become hetairai but this was likely uncommon(Wyse 1904; rpt. 1967: 318-19). Also see Cox 1998: 173-75. 32 See [Dem.] 59.113.

116


SPEAKING OF WOMEN By equating women associated with the opponent with hetairai, orators not only malign women associated with opponents, but effectively distinguish them from astai. It should be no surprise that the strategy of associating women with hetairai is most common in prosecutions resulting from disputes over inheritance rights or the issue of status. Most speeches which incorporate women represent private feuds focussing on rights of citizenship and inheritance, since women were important to the family, but not to public life in Classical Athens. Characterizing a woman as a hetaira in an inheritance dispute is an effective way to argue against an opponent's status as Athenian. Of the six speeches discussed in detail, Isaeus 3 and 6 stem from arguments over familial status and the right of inheritance. Isaeus 6 concerns the rightful heir of Euctemon, while Isaeus 3 concerns a woman's status as epikleros. In [Demosthenes] 40 and Demosthenes 39, Mantitheus accuses Boeotus of personal injury, but Boeotus's questionable status is an underlying theme. In both speeches, the speaker relates Plangon's treachery that resulted in Mantias recognizing Boeotus as his son. Finally, the charge against Neaira in [Demosthenes] 59 is for xenia. If Apollodoros wins a conviction, he places the oikos of Stephanos in jeopardy by bringing the status ofStephanos's children as Athenians into question.33 [Demosthenes] 48 shows that orators can equate a woman with a prostitute in other cases and for other purposes. For instance, identifying a woman as a hetaira reduces sympathy for an opponent associated with her and functions as an attack against his character.

33

Patterson 1994:203.

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CHAPTERS

All Roads Lead to Rome The Romans fully develop the techniques and aims of the Greek orators when representing women in forensic texts. Romans too equate bad women with hetairai and contrast good and bad women. An examination of Roman rhetoric contributes to our understanding of the Greek material because of the close connection between Roman and Greek oratory. Hellenistic Greeks first introduced the Romans to persuasive speech in the early second century BC and Greek rhetoric remained the foundation of Roman rhetoric. 34 The teaching of rhetoric remained in the hands of Greeks until later in the first century BC when it began to be taught in Latin.JS Even though Latin teachers gained prominence, they continued to follow the system of rhetoric developed by the Greeks.3 6 In addition, Greek teachers were always popular and many considered them the best. 37

By Cicero's day, elite youths went to Athens for a year to finish their education.3s Cicero' s Pro Caelio is an important text for comparison because of the extended narrative and attack on Clodia A dominant technique in Cicero 's attack is to develop an opposition between good women and bad women. Cicero invokes the character of Appius Claudius Caecus and imagines him questioning Clodia (§§ 33-34)_39 The purpose of this episode is to contrast Clodia's behaviour with the behaviour appropriate for a matrona.40

34

Clarke states "Roman rhetoric was to become little more than an adaptation of Greek rhetoric" (1996: 11). Also see Kennedy 1972:4. On the incorporation of rhetoric into the Roman education system see Marrou 1964:325-41 and Gwynn 1926:34-45. Also see Clarke 1996: 10. Cic. De Or. 1.14. 35 Clarke 1996: 11-15. See Kennedy on Greek rhetoricians in Rome (1972: 337-42). 36 Clarke 1996: 15. 37 Clarke 1996: 21; Cic. Brut. 310. 38 Cicero studied rhetoric in Athens and Asia Minor at the age of25 (Cic. Brut. 310). His son also studied rhetoric in Athens. (Cic. Fam. 16.21). 39 Appius Claudius Caecus (late fourth, early third century BC) was a respected statesman and an ancestor ofClodia. A detailed discussion ofCicero's representation ofClodia is Geffcken 1973:28-43. 40 Skinner argues that Cicero uses Clodia's public visibility (her affluence and autonomy) as a weapon against her (1983: 286). Also see Hillard 1992: 50-1.

118


SPEAKING OF WOMEN Appius Claudius asks her what she is doing with a young man, who is a mere stranger

(alienus). He asks why she is so familiar with this youth that she lends him gol

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