The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704-681 BC), Part 1

TH E R O Y A L IN S C R I PT I O N S O F S E N N A C H E R I B , KIN G O F A S S Y R I A ( 704– 681 BC ) , PAR T 1

THE ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS OF THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD

EDITORIAL BOARD Grant Frame (Philadelphia) Director and Editor-in-Chief Barry L. Eichler (New York) Erle Leichty (Philadelphia) Karen Radner (London) Steve Tinney (Philadelphia)

PROJECT CONSULTANTS Robert K. Englund (Los Angeles) A. Kirk Grayson (Toronto) Simo Parpola (Helsinki)

Volumes Published 1╇ The Royal Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III (744–727 BC) and Shalmaneser V (726–722 BC), Kings of Assyria HAYIM TADMOR and SHIGEO YAMADA 4╇ The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, King of Assyria (680–669 BC) ERLE LEICHTY

THE ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS OF THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD VOLUME 3/1

The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704–681€BC), Part 1

A. K i r k G r a y s o n and J a m i e N o v o t n y

Winona Lake, Indiana EISENBRAUNS 2012

© Copyright 2012 Eisenbrauns All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper. ISBN 978-1-57506-241-9

The research and publication of this volume have been supported by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the University of Pennsylvania.

Cover illustration: Nineveh, Sennacherib Palace Site Museum, Room V, Slab 32. Drawing by K. E. Leaman Insua.

The text editions in this work were produced using Oracc. See http://oracc.org for further information.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sennacherib, King of Assyria, d. 681 B.C. â•… The royal inscriptions of Sennacherib, king of Assyria (704–681 BC) / [edited by] A. Kirk Grayson and Jamie Novotny. â•…â•…â•…â•… p.â•… cm. — (The royal inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian period ; v. 3/1) Akkadian texts (transliterated), with English translations; introduction and commentaries also in English. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-57506-241-9 (hardback : alk. paper) 1.╇ Cuneiform inscriptions, Akkadian.â•… 2.╇ Akkadian language—Texts.â•… ╉3.╇Assyria—History— Sources.â•… 4.╇ Sennacherib, King of Assyria, d. 681 B.C.â•… 5.╇ Assyria—Kings and rulers.â•… I.╇ Grayson, Albert Kirk.â•… II.╇ Novotny, Jamie R.â•… III.╇ Title. PJ3837.S7G79â•…2012 492′.1—dc23 2012028701

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. ♾™

ana W.G. Lambert† rab ṭupšarri

Contents

Detailed Table of Contents . List of Figures . . . . . . . . Contents of Scores . . . . . . Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . Editorial Notes . . . . . . . . Bibliographical Abbreviations Other Abbreviations . . . . . Object Signatures . . . . . . .

Introduction

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viii x xi xiii xv xvii xix xxvii xxix

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1

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I. Assyria Nineveh Cylinders — Nos. 1–13 . . . . . . . Octagonal prisms — Nos. 14–18 . . Hexagonal prisms — Nos. 19–26 . . Miscellaneous prisms — Nos. 27–33 Stone Tablets — Nos. 34–37 . . . . Steles — No. 38 . . . . . . . . . . .

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Minor Variants and Comments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Index of Museum Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Index of Excavation Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Index of Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concordances of Selected Publications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Scores of Inscriptions (on CD-ROM) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (the CD-ROM is in an envelope at the back of the book)

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29 87 161 211 219 237

243 249 255 257 265 1–411

Detailed Table of Contents

Introduction

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I. Assyria Nineveh Cylinders No. 1 —First Campaign Cylinder No. 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 3 — Bellino Cylinder . . . No. 4 — Rassam Cylinder . . . No. 5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 9 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 10 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 11 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 12 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 13 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Octagonal prisms No. 14 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 15 — “Cylinder C” . . . . . No. 16 — “Cylinder D” . . . . . No. 17 — King/Heidel Prism . No. 18 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hexagonal prisms No. 19 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 20 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 21 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 22 — Chicago/Taylor Prism No. 23 — Jerusalem Prism . . No. 24 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 25 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 26 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Miscellaneous prisms No. 27 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 28 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 29 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 30 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 31 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 32 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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1

29 40 48 55 69 71 72 74 78 80 83 84 86 87 89 106 125 146 161 164 165 167 186 203 206 208 211 213 214 215 216 217

Detailed Table of Contents No. 33 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stone Tablets No. 34 — Nebi Yunus Inscription . . . No. 35 — Ungnad/Winckler Fragments No. 36 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 37 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Steles No. 38 — Royal Road Inscription . . .

ix

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219

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219 226 233 235

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237

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List of Figures Figure 1. Plan of Kuyunjik ca. 640

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16

Figure 2. Plan of Nineveh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

19

Figure 3. BM 113203 (text no. 1 ex. 1), the First Campaign Cylinder of Sennacherib, which records the king’s first campaign and the construction of the “Palace Without a Rival” . . . . . . . . . . . . .


31

Figure 4. BM 22502 (text no. 3 ex. 1), the Bellino Cylinder of Sennacherib, which records two military campaigns and the construction of the “Palace Without a Rival” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


50

Figure 5. BM 91032 (text no. 22 ex. 2), the Taylor Prism of Sennacherib, which records eight military campaigns and the rebuilding of two wings of the armory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


171

Figure 6. Israel Museum 71.72.249 (text no. 23 ex. 1), the Jerusalem Prism of Sennacherib, which records eight military campaigns and the rebuilding of one wing of the armory . . . . . . . . .


189

Figure 7. VA 3310 (text no. 35 ex. 1), obverse of a stone tablet of Sennacherib, probably from Nineveh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

228

Figure 8. VA 3310 (text no. 35 ex. 1), reverse of a stone tablet of Sennacherib, probably from Nineveh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

229

Figure 9. BM 124800 (text no. 38 ex. 2), one of the steles of Sennacherib that were erected along the fifty-cubit-wide royal road that ran through Nineveh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

239

Contents of Scores (CD-ROM) I. Assyria Nineveh No. 1 — First Campaign Cylinder . . . No. 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 3 — Bellino Cylinder . . . . . . . No. 4 — Rassam Cylinder . . . . . . . No. 10 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Octagonal prisms No. 15 — “Cylinder C” . . . . . . . . . No. 16 — “Cylinder D” . . . . . . . . . No. 17 — King/Heidel Prism . . . . . Hexagonal prisms No. 22 — Chicago/Taylor Prism . . . . . . . . . No. 23 — Jerusalem Prism No. 24 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 27 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stone Tablets No. 35 — Ungnad/Winckler Fragments

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1 17 24 38 125 127 184 276

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346 402 405 406

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410

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Foreword

The present series of publications, Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period (RINAP), is intended to present up-to-date editions of the royal inscriptions of a number of Neo-Assyrian rulers. It is modeled on the publications of the now-defunct Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia (RIM) series and will carry on where its RIMA (Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods) publications ended. The RIM Project was initiated by A. Kirk Grayson at the University of Toronto in 1979 and over the years received extensive support from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the University of Toronto, and private individuals, in particular Laurence Shiff. In all, it produced ten volumes in its various sub-series. Grayson retired from the University of Toronto in 2000 and a few years later found it necessary to cease scholarly pursuits due to personal and family illnesses. At that time, he handed over responsibility for the work of the project to me, formerly the assistant director and at times acting director of the RIM Project. When I took up a position at the University of Pennsylvania in 2006 and the last RIM volume (RIME 1 by Douglas R. Frayne) appeared in early 2008, the RIM Project officially ceased to exist. Work on several further volumes of inscriptions of Assyrian and Babylonian rulers had already begun during the time of the RIM Project and Grayson passed on responsibility for the materials and manuscripts to me. In 2007, I initiated the current project in order to continue the task of making the official inscriptions of the several important Neo-Assyrian rulers available in up-to-date, scholarly editions. While the volumes in the new series will resemble the format of the RIM volumes in most matters, the RINAP volumes will include indices of proper names, and editions of the texts will also be available online, in connection with the Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative (CDLI). Two volumes have already appeared in this series: RINAP 1, comprising the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III and Shalmaneser V (begun by Hayim Tadmor and completed by his collaborator Shigeo Yamada), and RINAP 4, comprising the inscriptions of Esarhaddon (by Erle Leichty, with a contribution by Grant Frame). The royal inscriptions of Sennacherib will be presented in two parts, with the present volume being the first part (RINAP 3/1, by A. Kirk Grayson and Jamie Novotny); part two, also by Grayson and Novotny, is scheduled to appear in 2014. With the collaboration of Andreas Fuchs for two texts, I am preparing RINAP 2, the inscriptions of Sargon II. In addition, Jamie Novotny and Greta Van Buylaere are currently carrying out work on the inscriptions of Ashurbanipal and his successors Aur-etel-ilni and Sîn-arra-ikun. The National Endowment for the Humanities awarded the RINAP Project research grants in 2008, 2010, and 2012 to help carry out its work and my thanks must be expressed to it. My appreciation must also be extended to the University of Pennsylvania, where the project is based in the Babylonian Section of its Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Philadelphia June 2012

Grant Frame Editor-in-Chief

Preface

The preparation of this book has taken far longer than expected partly because the number of inscriptions of Sennacherib has continued to increase at a pace commensurate with the passing of the decades since the inception of the project. The delay was compounded by the unexpected closure of the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia (RIM) Project resulting in a long period when no research was done at all. Grant Frame, with the encouragement of Erle Leichty, rescued the Sennacherib project in 2007 when he founded the Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period (RINAP) Project at the University of Pennsylvania with funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities. The authors are extremely grateful to Professors Frame and Leichty for their initiative. While Kirk Grayson has been involved in research on Sennacherib since his graduate student days in the 1950s, active work on preparing the corpus of the complete royal inscriptions of this king only began in earnest under the auspices of the RIM Project in the 1980s. Lynne George and Hannes Galter, student assistants on the Project, began the systematic preparation of preliminary transliterations and bibliographies of some of the texts. When Grayson had completed RIMA 3, he personally took over work on the Sennacherib project in the mid-1990s and continued in that capacity until 2003 when family and illness forced him to stop. During that time, Grayson did the bulk of the research and collation of the texts of Sennacherib that were inscribed on clay cylinders, clay prisms, clay and stone tablets, stone horizontal prisms, and stone bull and lion colossi, preparing the transliterations, translations, scores, catalogues, introductions, commentaries, and bibliographies. In 2003, Grayson found it necessary to cease scholarly pursuits and thus work on the Sennacherib volumes was put on hold. In 2008, when the last RIM volume appeared, the RIM Project officially ceased to exist and the fate of the Sennacherib inscriptions was in limbo. Grant Frame, however, was given responsibility for the materials and manuscripts. In 2008–2009, Matthew Rutz, the Project’s postdoctoral researcher, organized the numerous paper and electronic files, carefully assessed the material, especially the inscriptions from Aur, made some preliminary notes on what work needed to be carried out, and collated several clay cylinders and prisms in the British Museum (London). After Rutz took up a position at Brown University in 2009, Jamie Novotny took over responsibility for the Sennacherib texts. He reorganized and standardized the contents of the book, prepared the front and back material, collated further texts in the British Museum (London) and Vorderasiatisches Museum (Berlin), wrote the book’s introduction and most of the on-page notes, updated and expanded the existing commentaries and bibliographies, and finalized the editions and scores. Work on the present corpus of texts necessitated extensive travel for collation of previously published inscriptions and for examination of unpublished material. The authors wish to thank the various museums and museum authorities that have cooperated in the preparation of this book. First, they would like to thank the directors, keepers, curators, and assistants of the Vorderasiatisches Museum (Berlin), Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago), British Museum (London), Yale Babylonian Collection (New Haven), and Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York). Specifically, the authors express their gratitude to John Curtis, Walter Farber, Irving Finkel, Joachim Marzahn, Jonathan Taylor, and Christopher Walker. These individuals, and their staff, have been extremely helpful and have extended to us every courtesy and assistance. Secondly, they would like to thank the Trustees of the British Museum and the Vorderasiatisches Museum for allowing the RINAP Poject to publish photographs of objects bearing Sennacherib inscriptions, and the British Institute for the Study of Iraq for giving permission to reproduce plans published in the journal Iraq. As usual with a volume in this series, numerous individuals aided in the production of the volume in some

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Preface

way. Since the preparation of this book has spanned more than two decades, it is impossible to name everyone who has contributed to RINAP 3/1 and thus any omissions is unintentional. While the authors have collated most of the texts themselves, other scholars have kindly collated some texts, provided information on pieces, or aided in some way. These include Jeremy Black, Eckart Frahm, Grant Frame, Douglas Frayne, Renee Gallery, Hannes Galter, Lynne George, Amir Harrak, Mikko Luukko, Alan Millard, John Russell, Julian Reade, Karen Radner, Matthew Rutz, Edmond Sollberger, David Stronach, and Christopher Walker. In Toronto, during the RIM years, and later in Philadelphia, several individuals contributed to the technical preparation of the volume and they deserve credit for performing tedious and time-consuming tasks. For the Toronto stage of production, the authors offer their gratitude to Lynne George and Hannes Galter for preparing and entering the preliminary transliterations of some of the inscriptions, and to Hope Grau and Jill Ruby for performing various other tasks. For the Philadelphia stage of production, the authors would like to thank the postdoctoral researchers and student assistants who helped in the completion of the volume: Hezekiah Akiva Bacovcin, Matthew Rutz, Irene Sibbing Plantholt, Zackary Wainer, and especially Andrew Knapp. Last, but by no means least, special thanks must be given to Steve Tinney for undertaking the arduous task of generating the final camera-ready copy and converting and preparing the texts for the online version. The penultimate manuscript was read by Nicholas Postgate, Greta Van Buylaere, and Martin Worthington, all of whom made numerous astute comments, welcome criticisms, and improvements, particularly on the transliterations and translations. In addition to providing valuable feedback, Martin Worthington kindly provided the RINAP Project with a near complete draft of his unpublished book Principles of Akkadian Textual Criticism. In addition, members of the RINAP editorial board and the project consultants offered helpful suggestions at various times near the completion of the volume. Their time, care, and generosity are greatly appreciated. Wilfred Lambert, to whom this book is dedicated, had been asked to serve as a reader, but sadly passed away prior to reviewing the manuscript. Lambert served as a reader for all ten RIM volumes and the first two published RINAP volumes (RINAP 1 and RINAP 4). His critical feedback, which stemmed from his vast knowledge of Mesopotamian texts (published and unpublished) and secondary literature, always improved the books immensely. The authors would like to acknowledge here their gratitude to Wilfred Lambert not only for his time, service, and generosity to both the RIM and RINAP Projects, but also for his numerous contributions to the field of Assyriology. The authors’ appreciation goes out once again to the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the University of Toronto, the University of Pennsylvania, and several private individuals, in particular Laurence Shiff and Malcolm Horsnell, whose financial support allowed for their travel to the numerous museums cited above and provided the funding necessary for them to conduct the research in Sennacherib’s inscriptions and to publish this volume. Last, but by no means least, the authors wish to record their gratitude for the ongoing support and encouragement of their families: Eunice Grayson†, Vera and Sally Grayson, and six grandchildren; Denise Bolton, Robert and Diana Novotny, and Jennifer Novotny. Toronto Philadelphia June 2012

A. Kirk Grayson Jamie Novotny

Editorial Notes

The volumes in the RINAP series are modeled upon the publications of the now-defunct Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia (RIM) Project, with a few modifications, in particular the addition of indices of proper names. Like the RIM volumes, the volumes in this series are not intended to provide analytical or synthetic studies, but rather to provide basic text editions that can serve as the foundations for such studies. Thus, extensive discussions of the contents of the texts are not presented, and the core of each volume is the edition of the relevant texts. In this volume, the order of the texts is based for the most part upon the following two criteria: (1) The city at which the structure dealt with in the building or dedicatory portion of the text was located. If that information is not preserved on the text, the provenance of the inscribed object is the determining factor. (2) The type of object upon which the inscription is written (prism, cylinder, tablet, etc.). Following the practice of the RIM series, inscriptions that cannot be assigned definitely to a particular ruler are given text numbers beginning at 1001. Certain other inscriptions that provide information relevant for establishing royal names and titles (e.g. “servant seals”) and any composed in the name of another member of the royal family (e.g., royal wives) have been given numbers that begin at 2001. In the volumes of the RINAP series, the term “exemplar” is employed to designate a single inscription found on one object. The term “text” is employed to refer to an inscription that existed in antiquity and that may be represented by a number of more or less duplicate exemplars. In these editions exemplars of one text are edited together as a “master text,” with a single transliteration and translation. Variants to the “master text” are provided either on page (major variants) or at the back of the volume (minor variants). Each text edition is normally supplied with a brief introduction containing general information. This is followed by a catalogue containing basic information about all exemplars. This includes museum and excavation numbers (the symbol + is added between fragments that belong to the same object), provenance, dimensions of the object, lines preserved, and indication of whether or not the inscription has been collated (c = collated with the original, p = collated by means of a photograph, (p) = partially collated from a photograph; and n = not collated). The next section is normally a commentary containing further technical information and notes. The bibliography then follows. Items are arranged chronologically, earliest to latest, with notes in parentheses after each item. These notes indicate the exemplars with which the item is concerned and the nature of the publication, using the following key words: provenance, photo, copy, edition, translation, catalogue, and study. Certain standard reference works (e.g., the various volumes of “Keilschriftbibliographie” and “Register Assyriologie” published in Orientalia and Archiv für Orientforschung respectively; Borger, HKL 1–3; AHw; CAD; and Seux, ERAS) are not normally cited, although they were essential in the collecting and editing of these texts. While the bibliographies should contain all major relevant items, they are not necessarily totally exhaustive; a vast amount of scattered literature exists on many of the inscriptions edited in this volume and much of this literature is of only limited scholarly interest. As noted earlier, a distinction is made between major and minor variants to a “master text”; the major variants are placed at the bottom of the page and the minor variants at the back of the book. In brief, major variants are essentially non-orthographic in nature, while minor variants are orthographic variations. Orthographic variants of proper names may at times be significant and thus on occasion these will also appear on the page as major variants. Complete transliterations of all exemplars in the style of musical scores are found on the CD-ROMs accompanying the volumes and thus any reader who finds the notes on variants insufficient for his/her needs may check the full reading of any exemplar. Such scores, however, are not

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Editorial Notes

normally given for bricks and seal inscriptions. Objects whose attribution to a particular text is not entirely certain are given exemplar numbers that are followed by an asterisk (*); for example, BM 134584 is regarded as text no. 1 ex. 1*, since it is uncertain that it is a duplicate of BM 113203 (text no. 1 ex. 1). Moreover, these exemplars are listed in separate catalogues (Catalogue of Uncertain Exemplars), beneath the main catalogue. Seven photographs are included in this volume. The selection includes the best preserved inscriptions on clay cylinders and clay prisms, as well as a stele from Sennacherib’s royal road and a fragmentary stone tablet. The photographs are not intended to be exhaustive, but rather to show a few of the object types upon which Sennacherib’s inscriptions were written. As is the normal practice for transliterating cuneiform inscriptions, lower case Roman is used for Sumerian and lower case italics for Akkadian; logograms in Akkadian texts appear in capitals. The system of sign values in Borger, Mesopotamisches Zeichenlexikon, is generally followed. Italics in the English translation indicate either an uncertain translation or a word in the original language. In general, the rendering of personal names follows the PNA; however, the names of Babylonian rulers follow the spelling used in RIMB 2. There are several differences between the RIM and RINAP styles. Among these, the most notable is that all partially preserved or damaged signs, regardless of how they are broken, now appear between half brackets ( and ). Thus, no partially preserved sign has square brackets ([ and ]) inserted in its transliteration; for example, [DINGI]R and LUGA[L KU]R appear in the transliteration as
DINGIR and
LUGAL KUR respectively. This change was made to ensure compatibility of the online RINAP editions with the standards of the Open Richly Annotated Cuneiform Corpus (Oracc), the parent site and project where RINAP Online is housed. This change was implemented in the print version in order to present identical editions in RINAP 1 and RINAP Online. Note, however, that the translations may appear more damaged than their corresponding transliterations indicate, as the translations were prepared according to standard Assyriological practices; for example,
DINGIR (= [DINGI]R) and
LUGAL KUR (= LUGA[L KU]R) are translated as “[the go]d” and “king [of the lan]d,” and not “the god” and “king of the land.” In addition to the indices of museum and excavation numbers and selected publications found in RIM volumes, the RINAP volumes also contain indices of proper names (personal names, topographical names and divine names). Online versions of the manuscripts are maintained by CDLI (Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative) and are fully searchable. Philadelphia June 2012

Grant Frame Editor-in-Chief

Bibliographical Abbreviations

AAA Abel and Winckler, Keilschrifttexte AfK AfO AHw Analecta Biblica ANET3 Animali AnOr AnSt AOAT AoF Arch. ArOr ARRIM Assyrian and Babylonian Literature AUSS Bär, AOAT 243 Bagg, Assyrische Wasserbauten Bagg, Rép. Géogr. 7/1 Bagh. For. BAR Barnett et al., Sculptures from the Southwest Palace Bauer, Lesestücke BBK Beaulieu, Cat. Bezold, Cat. Biainili-Urartu BiAr BiOr BM Guide Böhl, Chrestomathy Böhl, MLVS

Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology. Liverpool, 1908–48 L. Abel and H. Winckler, Keilschrifttexte zum Gebrauch bei Vorlesungen. Berlin, 1890 Archiv für Keilschriftforschung, vols. 1–2. Berlin, 1923–25 Archiv für Orientforschung, vol. 3– (vols. 1–2 = AfK). Berlin, Graz, and Horn, 1926– W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch, 3 vols. Wiesbaden, 1965–81 Analecta Biblica. Rome, 1952– J.B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, 3rd edition. Princeton, 1969 E. Cingano, A. Ghersetti, and L. Milano (eds.), Animali tra zoologia, mito e letteratura nella cultura classica e orientale. Venice, 2005 Analecta Orientalia. Rome, 1931– Anatolian Studies. London, 1951– Alter Orient und Altes Testament. Neukirchen-Vluyn, Kevelaer, and Münster, 1968– Altorientalische Forschungen. Berlin, 1974– Archaeologia. London, 1888–1966 Archiv orientální: Journal of African and Asian Studies. Prague, 1946– Annual Review of the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project. Toronto, 1983–91 R.F. Harper (ed.), Assyrian and Babylonian Literature: Selected Translations. New York, 1901 Andrews University Seminary Studies. Berrien Springs, MI, 1963– J. Bär, Der assyrische Tribut und seine Darstellung: Eine Untersuchung zur imperialen Ideologie im neuassyrischen Reich (=AOAT 243). Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1996 A.M. Bagg, Assyrische Wasserbauten: Landwirtschaftliche Wasserbauten im Kernland Assyriens zwischen der 2. Hälfte des 2. und der 1. Hälfte des 1. Jahrtausends v. Chr. (=Bagh. For. 24). Mainz am Rhein, 2000 A.M. Bagg, Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der neuassyrischen Zeit, Teil 1: Die Levante (=Rép. Géogr. 7/1). Wiesbaden, 2007 Baghdader Forschungen. Mainz am Rhein, 1979– The Biblical Archaeology Review. Washington, DC, 1975– R.D. Barnett, E. Bleibtreu, and G. Turner, Sculptures from the Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh, 2 vols. London, 1998 T. Bauer, Akkadische Lesestücke, 3 vols. Rome, 1953 E. Ebeling (ed.), Berliner Beiträge zur Keilschriftforschung, 2 vols. Berlin, 1921–1925 P.-A. Beaulieu, Late Babylonian Texts in the Nies Babylonian Collection (=Catalogue of the Babylonian Collections at Yale 1). Bethesda, MD, 1994 C. Bezold, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, 5 vols. London, 1889–1899 S. Kroll, C. Gruber, U. Hellwag, M. Roaf, and P. Zimansky, Biainili-Urartu: The Proceedings of the Symposium Held in Munich 12–14 October 2007 / Tagungsbericht des Münchner Symposiums 12.–14. Oktober 2007 (=Acta Iranica 51). Leuven, 2012 The Bibilcal Archaeolist, New Haven, 1938 Bibliotheca Orientalis. Leiden, 1943– British Museum. A Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities, 3rd edition. London, 1922 F.M.T. Böhl, Akkadian Chrestomathy Volume 1: Selected Cuneiform Texts. Leiden, 1947 F.M.T. Böhl, Mededeelingen uit de Leidsche verzameling van spijkerschriftinscripties, 3 vols. Amsterdam, 1933–36

xx Börker-Klähn, Bildstelen Borger, Asarh. Borger, BAL Borger, BAL2 Borger, BIWA Borger, HKL Borger, MZ Borger, WAO2 C. Breasted, Pioneer to the Past C. Breasted, Vom Tal der Könige Brinkman, PKB Brinkman, Prelude Budge, By Nile and Tigris Burstein, SANE 1/5 CAD CAH2 3/1 CAH2 3/2 CANE CDA Chavalas, ANE Chavalas and Younger, Mesopotamia and the Bible Cogan, Raging Torrent COS 2 CRRA CRRA 30 CRRA 38 CT Cuneiform Culture Curtis, Bronzeworking Curtis and Reade, Art and Empire Delitzsch, AL5

Bibliographical Abbreviations J. Börker-Klähn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen und vergleichbare Felsreliefs (=Bagh. For. 4). Mainz am Rhein, 1982 R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Königs von Assyrien (=AfO Beiheft 9). Graz, 1956 R. Borger, Babylonisch-assyrische Lesestücke, 3 vols. Rome, 1963 R. Borger, Babylonisch-assyrische Lesestücke, 2nd edition, 2 vols (=AnOr 54). Rome, 1979 R. Borger, Beiträge zum Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals: Die Prismenklassen A, B, C = K, D, E, F, G, H, J und T sowie andere Inschriften. Wiesbaden, 1996 R. Borger, Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur, 3 vols. Berlin, 1967–75 R. Borger, Mesopotamisches Zeichenlexikon (=AOAT 305). Münster, 2004 R. Borger et al., Die Welt des Alten Orients. Keilschrift – Grabungen – Gelehrte, 2nd edition. Göttingen, 1975 C. Breasted, Pioneer to the Past: The Story of James Henry Breasted, Archaeologist. New York, 1943 C. Breasted, Vom Tal der Könige zu den Toren Babylons: Der Lebensbericht des Ägyptenforschers James Henry Breasted. Stuttgart, 1950 J.A. Brinkman, A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia, 1158–722 B.C. (=AnOr 43). Rome, 1963 J.A. Brinkman, Prelude to Empire: Babylonian Society and Politics, 747–626 BC (=Occasional Publications of the Babylonian Fund 7). Philadelphia, 1984 E.A.W. Budge, By Nile and Tigris, A Narrative of Journeys in Egypt and Mesopotamia on Behalf of the British Museum Between the Years 1886 and 1913, 2 vols. London, 1920 S.M. Burstein, The Babyloniaca of Berossus (=Sources from the Ancient Near East 1/5). Malibu, 1978 The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 21 vols. Chicago, 1956–2011 J. Boardman et al. (eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd edition, vol. 3, part 1: The Prehistory of the Balkans; and the Middle East and the Aegean World, Tenth to Eighth Centuries B.C. Cambridge, 1982 J. Boardman et al. (eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd edition, vol. 3, part 2: The Assyrian and Babylonian Empires and Other States of the Near East, from the Eighth to the Sixth Centuries B.C. Cambridge, 1991 J.M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, 4 vols. New York, 1995 J. Black, A. George, and N. Postgate (eds.), A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian. Wiesbaden, 1999 M.W. Chavalas (ed.), The Ancient Near East: Historical Sources in Translation. Oxford, 2006 M.W. Chavalas and K.L. Younger, Jr., Mesopotamia and the Bible: Comparative Explorations (=Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement Series 341). New York, 2002 M. Cogan, The Raging Torrent. Historical Inscriptions from Assyria and Babylonia Relating to Ancient Israel. Jerusalem, 2008 W.W. Hallo (ed.), The Context of Scripture, Volume 2: Monumental Inscriptions from the Biblical World. Leiden, 2000 Compte Rendu de la Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. [various locations], 1950– K.R. Veenhof (ed.), Cuneiform Archives and Libraries. Papers read at the 30e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Leiden, 4–8 July 1983 (=Publications de l’Institut historique et archéologique néerlandais de Stamboul 62). Leiden, 1986 D. Charpin and F. Joannès (eds.), La Circulation des Biens, des Personnes et des Idées dans le Proche-Orient Ancien: Actes de la XXXVIIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale (Paris, 8–10 juillet 1991). Paris, 1992 Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum. London, 1896– K. Radner and E. Robson, The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture. Oxford and New York, 2011 J. Curtis (ed.), Bronzeworking Centres of Western Asia c. 1000-539 B.C. London, 1988 J.E. Curtis and J.E. Reade (eds.), Art and Empire: Treasures from Assyria in the British Museum. London, 1995 F. Delitzsch, Assyrische Lesestücke mit den Elementen der Grammatik und vollständigem Glossar, 5th edition (=Assyriologische Bibliothek 16). Leipzig, 1912

Bibliographical Abbreviations Dercksen, Trade and Finance Donbaz and Grayson, RICCA DOTT Durand, Doc. Cun. 1 Ebeling, BBK 1/2 Engel, Dämonen Eph al, Arabs Eph al, City Besieged Fales, ARIN Fales, Guerre Fifth International Congress of Economic History Finkel and Civil, MSL 16 Forrer, Provinz. Frahm, KAL 3 Frahm, Sanherib Frame, Babylonia Frame, RIMB 2 Frayne, RIME 1 Freedman, St. Louis Fuchs, Khorsabad Gadd, Stones Gallagher, Sennacherib’s Third Campaign Galling, Textbuch2 Genge, Stelen Gilgame and the World of Assyria Glassner, Chronicles Gonçalves, L’Expédition de Sennachérib Grayson, Chronicles Grayson, RIMA 2 Grayson, RIMA 3 Gressmann, ATAT2 Gressmann, ATBAT Grollenberg, Bildatlas zur Bibel Gurney, STT 2 Helsinki Atlas Herodotus, Hist.

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J.G. Dercksen (ed.), Trade and Finance in Ancient Mesopotamia: Proceedings of the First MOS Symposium (Leiden 1997) (=MOS Studies 1). Leiden, 1999 V. Donbaz and A.K. Grayson, Royal Inscriptions on Clay Cones from Ashur Now in Istanbul (=RIMS 1). Toronto, 1984 D. Winton Thomas (ed.), Documents from Old Testament Times. Edinburgh, 1958 J.-M. Durand, Documents Cunéiformes de la IVe Section de l’École pratique des Hautes Études, tome I: Catalogue et copies cunéiformes. Paris, 1982 E. Ebeling, Ein Bericht Sanheribs über seinen I. Feldzug (=BBK 1/2). Berlin, 1922 B.J. Engel, Darstellungen von Dämonen und Tieren in assyrischen Palästen und Tempeln nach den schriftlichen Quellen. Mönchengladbach, 1987 I. Eph al, The Ancient Arabs: Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent 9th–5th Centuries B.C. Jerusalem, 1982 I. Eph al, The City Besieged: Siege and Its Manifestations in the Ancient Near East (=Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 36). Leiden and Boston, 2009 F.M. Fales (ed.), Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis. Rome, 1981 F.M. Fales, Guerre et Paix en Assyrie: Religion et Impérialisme. Paris, 2010 H. van der Wee, V.A. Vinogradov, and G.G. Kotovsky (eds.), Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Economic History, Leningrad, 1970. Moscow, 1970 I.L. Finkel and M. Civil, The Series SIG7.ALAM = Nabntu (=Materials for the Sumerian Lexicon 16). Rome, 1982 E. Forrer, Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches, Leipzig, 1920 E. Frahm, Historische und historisch-literarische Texte (=Keilschrifttexte aus Assur literarischen Inhalts 3). Wiesbaden, 2009 E. Frahm, Einleitung in die Sanherib-Inschriften (=AfO Beiheft 26). Vienna and Horn, 1997 G. Frame, Babylonia 689–627 B.C.: A Political History. Leiden, 1992 G. Frame, Rulers of Babylonia from the Second Dynasty of Isin to the End of Assyrian Domination (1157–612 BC) (=RIMB 2). Toronto, 1995 D.R. Frayne, Pre-Sargonic Period (2700–2350 BC) (=RIME 1). Toronto, 2008 R.D. Freedman, The Cuneiform Tablets in St. Louis. PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 1975 A. Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad. Göttingen, 1993 C.J. Gadd, The Stones of Assyria: The Surviving Remains of Assyrian Sculpture, Their Discover and Their Original Positions. London, 1936 W.R. Gallagher, Sennacherib’s Campaign to Judah: New Studies (=Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East 18). Leiden, Boston, and Köln, 1999 K. Galling (ed.), Textbuch zur Geschichte Israels. 2nd edition. Tübingen, 1968 H. Genge, Stelen neuassyrischer Könige, Teil I, Die Keilinschriften. PhD dissertation, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1965 J. Azize and N. Weeks (eds.), Gilgame and the World of Assyria: Proceedings of the Conference held at Mandelbaum House, The University of Sydney, 21–23 July 2004 (=Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supplement 21). Leuven, Paris, and Dudley, MA, 2007 J.-J. Glassner, Mesopotamian Chronicles (=Writings from the Ancient World 19). Atlanta, 2004 F.J. Gonçalves, L’Expédition de Sennachérib en Palestine dans la littérature hébraïque ancienne (=Publications de l’Institut orientaliste de Louvain 34). Louvain, 1986 A.K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (=Texts from Cuneiform Sources 5). Locust Valley, NY, 1975 A.K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC I (1114–859 BC) (=RIMA 2). Toronto, 1991 A.K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (858–745 BC) (=RIMA 3). Toronto, 1996 H. Gressmann (ed.), Altorientalische Texte zum Alten Testament, 2nd edition. Berlin and Leipzig, 1926 H. Gressmann (ed.), Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testamente. Tübingen, 1909 L.H. Grollenberg, Bildatlas zur Bibel, 3rd edition. Gütersloh, 1959 O.R. Gurney and P. Hulin, The Sultantepe Tablets, vol. 2. London, 1964 S. Parpola and M. Porter, The Helsinki Atlas of the Near East in the Neo-Assyrian Period. Helsinki, 2001 Herodotus, Historiae.

xxii History, Historiography and Interpretation Holloway, Aur is King Hooker, Reading the Past Houwink ten Cate, Luwian Population Groups Howgego, Coins HSAO 6 ICAANE Proceedings 1 ISIMU 6 Jacobsen and Lloyd, OIP 24 JAOS JBL JCS JCSMS Jepsen, Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar JESHO JNES Josephus, Ant. Jud. JRAS JSSEA Kataja and Whiting, SAA 12 King, Cat. King, Notebook Kwasman and Parpola, SAA 6 Lackenbacher, Le palais sans rival Lambert, BWL Lambert, Cat. Lambert and Millard, Cat. Larsen, Conquest of Assyria Layard, Discoveries Layard, ICC Layard, Monuments Layard, MS C Layard, Nineveh Leichty, RINAP 4 Leick, Mesopotamia ‘Like a Bird in a Cage’

Bibliographical Abbreviations H. Tadmor and M. Weinfeld (eds.), History, Historiography and Interpretation: Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures. Jerusalem, 1983 S.W. Holloway, Aur is King! Aur is King!: Religion in the Exercise of Power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (=Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 10). Boston and Leiden, 2002 J.T. Hooker, Reading the Past: Ancient Writing from Cuneiform to the Alphabet. London, 1990 P.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera During the Hellenistic Period. Leiden, 1965 C.J. Howgego, Ancient History from Coins. New York, 1995 H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (eds.), Assyrien im Wandel der Zeiten. XXXIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Heidelberg 6.–10. Juli 1992 (=Heidelberger Studien zum Alten Orient 6). Heidelberg, 1997 P. Matthiae, A. Enea, L. Peyronel, and F. Pinnock (eds.), Proceedings of the First International Congress of the Archaeology of the Near East, Rome, May 18th–23rd 1998, Volume 1. Rome, 2000 P.A. Miglus and J. M. Córdoba, Assur und sein Umland: Im Andenken an die ersten Ausgräber von Assur / Assur y su entorno: En homenaje a los primeros arqueóloges de Assur (=ISIMU 6). Madrid, 2003 T. Jacobsen and S. Lloyd, Sennacherib’s Aqueduct at Jerwan (=OIP 24). Chicago, 1935 Journal of the American Oriental Society. New Haven, 1893– Journal of Biblical Literature. Boston, 1881– Journal of Cuneiform Studies. New Haven and Cambridge, MA, 1947– Journal of the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Studies. 2006– A. Jepsen (ed.), Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar: Dokumente aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments. Leipzig, 1975 Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. Leiden, 1957– Journal of Near Eastern Studies. Chicago, 1942– Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. London, 1834– Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities. Toronto, 1970– L. Kataja and R. Whiting, Grants, Decrees and Gifts of the Neo-Assyrian Period (=SAA 12). Helsinki, 1995 L.W. King, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, Supplement. London, 1914 L.W. King, Kuyunjik: Notes on Sculptures and Inscriptions. Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, British Museum, London (unpublished) T. Kwasman and S. Parpola, Legal Transactions of the Royal Court of Nineveh, Part I: Tiglath-Pileser III through Esarhaddon (=SAA 6). Helsinki, 1991 S. Lackenbacher, Le palais sans rival: le récit de construction en Assyrie. Paris, 1990 W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature. Oxford, 1960 W.G. Lambert, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, 3rd Supplement. London, 1992 W.G. Lambert and A.R. Millard, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, 2nd Supplement. London, 1968 M.T. Larsen, The Conquest of Assyria: Excavations in an Antique Land 1840–1860. London and New York, 1996 A.H. Layard, Discoveries among the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, with Travels in Armenia, Kurdistan and the Desert. London, 1853 A.H. Layard, Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character from Assyrian Monuments. London, 1851 A.H. Layard, The Monuments of Nineveh. London, 1849 A.H. Layard, Unfinished, made on the spot during the second season at Nimrud. Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, British Museum, London (unpublished) A.H. Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains, 2 vols. London, 1849 E. Leichty, The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, King of Assyria (680–669 BC) (=RINAP 4). Winona Lake, IN, 2011 G. Leick, Mesopotamia: The Invention of the City. New York, 2001 L.L. Grabbe (ed.), ‘Like a Bird in a Cage’: The Invasion of Sennacherib in 701 BCE (=Journal for the Study of Old Testament, Supplement Series 363; European Seminar in Historical Methodology 4). New York, 2003

Bibliographical Abbreviations Lipi ski, Aramaeans Lipi ski, State and Temple Economy 2 Liverani, Myth and Politics Livingstone, SAA 3 Luckenbill, ARAB Luckenbill, Senn. Mann and Heuss, PropyläenWeltgeschichte 2 Marcus, Manual Matthiae, Ninive Meissner, Chrestomathie Meissner and Rost, BiS Melammu 1 Melammu 2

Ménant, Manuel Menzel, Tempel Messerschmidt, KAH 1 Millard, SAAS 2 Mitchell, Bible in the British Museum NABU Nassouhi, Guide sommaire Naster, Chrestomathie OIP Olmstead, Historiography OLZ Pallis, Antiquity of Iraq Parpola, LAS Parpola, SAA 1 Parpola, Toponyms Paterson, Senn. Pedersén, Archives Pedersén, Katalog Pickworth, Nineveh 2 PNA Pongratz-Leisten, Ina ulmi rub PSBA 1R

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E. Lipi ski, The Aramaeans: Their Ancient History, Culture, Religion (=Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 100). Leuven, Paris, and Sterling, VA, 2000 E. Lipi ski (ed.), State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East 2: Proceedings of the International Conference Organized by the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven from the 10th to the 14th of April 1978 (=Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 6). Leuven, 1979 M. Liverani, Myth and Politics in Ancient Near Eastern Historiography. Ithaca, 2004 A. Livingstone, Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea (=SAA 3). Helsinki, 1989 D.D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, 2 vols. Chicago, 1926–27 D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib (=OIP 2). Chicago, 1924 G. Mann and A. Heuss (eds.), Hochkulturen des mittleren und östlichen Asiens (=Propyläen-Weltgeschichte 2). Berlin, 1960 D. Marcus, A Manual of Akkadian. Lanham, MD, 1978 P. Matthiae, Ninive. Milan, 1998 B. Meissner, Assyrisch-babylonische Chrestomathie für Anfänger. Leiden, 1895 B. Meissner and P. Rost, Die Bauinschriften Sanheribs. Leipzig, 1893 S. Aro and R.M. Whiting (eds.), The Heirs of Assyria: Proceedings of the Second Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project Held in Tvärminne, Finland, October 8–11, 1998 (=Melammu Symposium 1). Helsinki, 2000 R.M. Whiting (ed.), Mythology and Mythologies: Methodological Approaches to Intercultural Influence. Proceedings of the Second Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project Held in Paris, France, October 4–7, 1999 (=Melammu Symposium 2). Helsinki, 2001 J. Ménant, Manuel de la Langue assyrienne. Paris, 1880 B. Menzel, Assyrische Tempel, 2 vols. (=Studia Pohl, Series Maior 10). Rome, 1981 L. Messerschmidt, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur historischen Inhalts, erstes Heft (=WVDOG 16). Leipzig, 1911 A. Millard, The Eponyms of the Assyrian Empire 910–612 BC (=SAAS 2). Helsinki, 1994 T.C. Mitchell, The Bible in the British Museum: Interpreting the Evidence. London, 2004 Nouvelles assyriologiques brèves et utilitaires. Paris, 1987– E. Nassouhi, Musées des Antiquités de Stamboul, Antiquités Assyro-Babyloniennes, Guide sommaire. Constantinople, 1926 P. Naster, Chrestomathie accadienne. Louvain, 1941 Oriental Institute Publications. Chicago, 1924– A.T.E. Olmstead, Assyrian Historiography: A Source Study (=The University of Missouri Studies Social Science Series 3/1). Columbia, 1916 Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. Berlin and Leipzig, 1898– S.A. Pallis, The Antiquity of Iraq: A Handbook of Assyriology. Copenhagen, 1956 S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, 2 vols. (=AOAT 5/1–2). Kevelaer and Neukirchen, 1970 and 1983 S. Parpola, The Correspondence of Sargon II, Part 1: Letters from Assyria and the West (=SAA 1). Helsinki, 1987 S. Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Toponyms (=AOAT 6). Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1970 A. Paterson, Assyrian Sculptures. Palace of Sennacherib. The Hague, 1915 O. Pedersén, Archives and Libraries in the City of Assur: A Survey of the Material from the German Excavations, 2 vols. (=Studia Semitica Upsaliensia 6 and 8). Uppsala, 1985– 86 O. Pedersén, Katalog der beschrifteten Objekte aus Assur: Die Schriftträger mit Ausnahme der Tontafeln und ähnlicher Archivtexte (=Abhandlungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 23). Saarbrücken, 1997 D. Pickworth (ed.), Nineveh 2. Catalogue of the Small Finds, with an Introduction by D. Stronach. Leuven, forthcoming H.D. Baker and K. Radner (eds.), The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, 3 vols. Helsinki, 1998–2011 B. Pongratz-Leisten, Ina ulmi rub: Die kulttopographische und ideologische Programmatik der aktu-Prozession in Babylonien und Assyrien im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (=Bagh. For. 16). Mainz am Rhein, 1994 Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 40 vols. London, 1878–1918 H.C. Rawlinson and E. Norris, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. 1: A Selection from the Historical Inscriptions of Chaldaea, Assyria, and Babylonia. London, 1861

xxiv 3R 5R RA Rassam, Asshur

Rép. Géogr. RIM RIMA RIMB RIME RIMS RINAP RLA Ross, Letters from the East Roux and Renger, Irak in der Antike G.L. Russell, Senn.

Bibliographical Abbreviations H.C. Rawlinson and G. Smith, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. 3: A Selection from the Miscellaneous Inscriptions of Assyria. London, 1870 H.C. Rawlinson and T.G. Pinches, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. 5: A Selection from the Miscellaneous Inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia. London, 1880–84 Revue d’assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale. Paris, 1886– H. Rassam, Asshur and the Land of Nimrod, Being an Account of the Discoveries Made in the Ancient Ruins of Nineveh, Asshur, Sepharvaim, Calah, Babylon, Borsippa, Cuthah and Van, Including a Narrative of Different Journeys in Mesopotamia, Assyria, Asia Minor and Koordistan. New York, 1897 W. Röllig (ed.), Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des vorderen Orients, Reihe B, Nr. 7: Répertoire géographique des textes cuneiformes. Wiesbaden, 1974– The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, 10 vols. Toronto, 1984–2008 The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods, 3 vols. Toronto, 1987–1996 The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Babylonian Periods, 1 vol. Toronto, 1995 The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Early Periods, 5 vols. Toronto, 1990–2008 The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Supplements, 1 vol. Toronto, 1984 The Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period. Winona Lake, IN, 2011– Reallexikon der Assyriologie. Berlin, 1932– J. Ross (ed.), Letters from the East by Henry James Ross, 1837–1857. London, 1902 G. Roux and J. Renger, Irak in der Antike. Mainz am Rhein, 2005

G.L. Russell, Sennacherib’s Annals: A Foundational Text Study. Ph.D. dissertation, Dropsie College, 1967 J.M. Russell, Senn.’s Palace J.M. Russell, Sennacherib’s Palace Without Rival at Nineveh. Chicago and London, 1991 J.M. Russell, Writing on the Wall J.M. Russell, The Writing on the Wall: Studies in the Architectural Context of Late Assyrian Palace Inscriptions (=Mesopotamian Civilizations 9). Winona Lake, IN, 1999 SAA State Archives of Assyria. Helsinki, 1987– SAAB State Archives of Assyria Bulletin. Padua, 1987– SAAS State Archives of Assyria Studies. Helsinki, 1992– Saggs, Assyria H.W.F. Saggs, The Might That Was Assyria. London, 1984 Salonen, Wasserfahrzeuge A. Salonen, Die Wasserfahrzeuge in Babylonien nach umerisch-akkadischen Quellen (=Studia Orientalia 8/4). Helsinki, 1939 SANE Sources from the Ancient Near East, 2 vols. Malibu, 1974–1984 SAOC 62 R.D. Biggs, J. Myers, and M.T. Roth (eds.), Proceedings of the 51st Rencontre Assyriologue Internationale, Held at the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, July 18–22, 2005 (=Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 62). Chicago, 2008 Scheil, Prisme V. Scheil, Le prisme d’Asarhaddon, roi d’Assyrie 681–668 (=Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études 208). Paris, 1914 Schelkle and Nitsch, Rätsel Geld W. Schelkle and M. Nitsch (eds.), Rätsel Geld: Annäherungen aus ökonomischer, soziologischer und historischer Sicht. Marburg, 1995 Schrader, KB E. Schrader, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, Sammlung von assyrischen und babylonischen Texten in Umschrift und Übersetzung, 6 vols. Berlin, 1889–1915 Schrader, KB 2 E. Schrader, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, Sammlung von assyrischen und babylonischen Texten in Umschrift und Übersetzung 2. Berlin, 1890 Schroeder, KAH 2 O. Schroeder, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur historischen Inhalts, Zweites Heft (=WVDOG 37). Leipzig, 1922 Schroeder, KAV O. Schroeder, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur verschiedenen Inhalts (=WVDOG 35). Leipzig, 1920 Schuster-Brandis, AOAT 46 A. Schuster-Brandis, Steine als Schutz- und Heilmittel: Untersuchung zu ihrer Verwendung in der Beschwörungskunst Mesopotamiens im 1. Jt. v. Chr. (=AOAT 46). Münster, 2008 Searight, Assyrian Stone Vessels A. Searight, J. Reade, and I. Finkel, Assyrian Stone Vessels and Related Material in the British Museum. Oxford, 2008 Seux, ERAS M.-J. Seux, Épithètes royales akkadiennes et sumériennes. Paris, 1967 Sex and Gender S. Parpola and R.M. Whiting (eds.), Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2–6, 2001, 2 vols. Helsinki, 2002 Sievernich and Budde, Europa und G. Sievernich and H. Budde (eds.), Europa und der Orient 800–1900. Gütersloh, 1989 der Orient G. Smith, Assyrian Disc. G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries. London, 1875

Bibliographical Abbreviations G. Smith, Senn. S. Smith, Sculptures S. Smith, Senn. Spar, CTMMA 4 SPAW Stephens, YOS 9 Studies Aro Studies Artzi Studies Astour Studies Borger Studies Dever Studies Dussaud Studies Ellis Studies Gaster Studies Kallai Studies Landsberger Studies Larsen Studies Matou Studies Moran Studies Na aman Studies D. Oates Studies Oded Studies Oppenheim Studies Parpola Studies Schretter Studies von Soden

xxv

G. Smith, History of Sennacherib Translated from the Cuneiform Inscriptions. London, 1878 S. Smith, Assyrian Sculptures in the British Museum from Shalmaneser III to Sennacherib. London, 1938 S. Smith, The First Campaign of Sennacherib, King of Assyria, B.C. 705–681: The Assyrian Text Edited with Transliteration, Translation, and Notes. London, 1921 I. Spar, Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art 4: Temple Archive and Other Texts From the First and Second Millennium B.C. New York, forthcoming Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophischhistorische Klasse, vols. 1–. Berlin, 1922– F.J. Stephens, Votive and Historical Texts from Babylonia and Assyria (=YOS 9). New Haven, 1937 Memoriae Jussi Aro dedicata (=Studia Orientalia 55). Helsinki, 1984 J. Klein and A. Skaist (eds.), Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology Dedicated to Pinas Artzi. Ramat Gan, 1990 G.D. Young, M.W. Chavalas, and R.E. Averbeck (eds.), Crossing Boundaries and Linking Horizons: Studies in Honor of Michael C. Astour on His 80th Birthday. Bethesda, MD, 1997 S.M. Maul (ed.), Festschrift für Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24. Mai 1994: tikip santakki mala bamu ... Groningen, 1998 S. Gitin, J.E. Wright, and J.P. Dessel (eds.), Confronting the Past: Archaeological and Historical Essays on Ancient Israel in Honor of William G. Dever. Winona Lake, IN, 2006 Mélanges syriens offerts à M.R. Dussaud par ses amis et élèves. Paris, 1939 M.J. Boda and J. Novotny (eds.), From the Foundations to the Crenellations: Essays on Temple Building in the Ancient Near East and Hebrew Bible (=AOAT 366). Münster, 2010 The Gaster Festschrift (=Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University 5). New York, 1974 G. Galil and M. Weinfeld (eds.), Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography Presented to Zecharia Kallai (=Supplements to Vetus Testamentum 81). Leiden, Boston, and Köln, 2000 H.G. Güterbock and T. Jacobsen (eds.), Studies in Honor of B. Landsberger on his Seventy-fifth Birthday, April 21, 1965 (=Assyriological Studies 16). Chicago, London, and Toronto, 1965 J.G. Dercksen, Assyria and Beyond: Studies Presented to Mogens Trolle Larsen (=Publications de l’Institut historique et archéologique néerlandais de Stamboul 100). Leiden, 2004 B. Hruka and G. Komoróczy (eds.), Festschrift L. Matou (=Az Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem Okori Történeti tanszékeinek kiadványai 24–25 = Assyriologia 4– 5). Budapest, 1978 T. Abusch, J. Huehnergard, and P. Steinkeller (eds.), Lingering over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Literature in Honor of William L. Moran (=Harvard Semitic Studies 37). Atlanta, 1990 Y. Amit, E. Ben Zvi, I. Finkelstein, and O. Lipschits (eds.), Essays on Ancient Israel and Its Near Eastern Context: A Tribute to Nadav Na aman. Winona Lake, IN, 2006 L. Al-Gailani Werr, J. Curtis, H. Martin, A. McMahon, J. Oates, and J. Reade (eds.), Of Pots and Plans: Papers on the Archaeology and History of Mesopotamia and Syria presented to David Oates in Honour of his 75th Birthday. London, 2002 G. Galil, M. Geller, and A. Millard (eds.), Homeland and Exile: Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Bustenay Oded (=Vetus Testamentum Supplements 130). Leiden and Boston, MA, 2009) R.D. Biggs and J.A. Brinkman (eds.), Studies Presented to A. Leo Oppenheim, June 7, 1964. Chicago, 1964 M. Luukko, S. Svärd, and R. Mattila (eds.), Of God(s), Trees, Kings, and Scholars: NeoAssyrian and Related Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola (=Studia Orientalia 106). Helsinki, 2009 R. Rollinger (ed.), Von Sumer bis Homer: Festschrift für Manfred Schretter zum 60. Geburstag am 25. Februar 2004 (=AOAT 325). Münster, 2004. M. Dietrich and O. Loretz (eds.), Vom Alten Orient zum Alten Testament: Festschrift für Wolfram Freiherrn von Soden zum 85. Geburtstag am 19. Juni 1993 (=AOAT 240). Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1995

xxvi Studies Weinfeld Studies J.G. Westenholz Studies Wilcke Tadmor, Tigl. III Tadmor and Yamada, RINAP 1 Talon, Annales Assyriennes Thomason, Luxury and Legitimation Timm, ÄAT 17 TUAT TUAT2 Ulf, Wege zur Genese griechischer Identität Unger, ABK Ussishkin, Conquest of Lachish VAS Vera Chamaza, Omnipotenz Vidal, AOAT 372 VT Wachsmuth, Alten Geschichte Walker, CBI Waters, SAAS 12 Winckler, AOF Winckler, Textbuch3 WO Worthington, Textual Criticism WVDOG YOS ZA ZK

Bibliographical Abbreviations C. Cohen, A. Hurvitz, and S.M. Paul (eds.), Sefer Moshe: The Moshe Weinfeld Jubilee Volume: Studies in the Bible and the Ancient Near East, Qumran, and Post-Biblical Judaism. Winona Lake, IN, 2004 W. Horowitz, U. Gabbay, and F. Vukosavovi (eds.), A Woman of Valor: Jerusalem Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Joan Goodnick Westenholz (=Biblioteca del Próximo Oriente Antiguo 8). Madrid, 2010 W. Sallaberger, K. Volk, and A. Zgoll (eds.), Literatur, Politik und Recht in Mesopotamien: Festschrift für Claus Wilcke (=Orientalia Biblica et Christiana 14). Wiesbaden, 2003 H. Tadmor, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, King of Assyria: Critical Edition, with Introductions, Translations, and Commentary. Jerusalem, 1994 H. Tadmor and S. Yamada, The Royal Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III (744–727 BC) and Shalmaneser V (726–722 BC), Kings of Assyria (=RINAP 1). Winona Lake, IN, 2011 P. Talon, Annales Assyriennes d’Assurnasirpal II à Assurbanipal, 2 vols. Brussels, 2011 A.K. Thomason, Luxury and Legitimation: Royal Collecting in Ancient Mesopotamia. Aldershot, 2005 S. Timm, Moab zwischen den Mächten: Studien zu historischen Denkmälern und Texten (=Ägypten und Altes Testament 17). Wiesbaden, 1989 O. Kaiser (ed.), Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments. Gütersloh, 1982– B. Janowski and G. Wilhelm (eds.), Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments, Neue Folge. Munich, 2004– C. Ulf (ed.), Wege zur Genese griechischer Identität: Die Bedeutung der früharchaischen Zeit. Berlin, 1996 E. Unger, Assyrische und babylonische Kunst. Breslau, 1927 D. Ussishkin, The Conquest of Lachish by Sennacherib (=Publications of the Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University 6). Tel Aviv, 1982 Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der Königlichen Museen zu Berlin. Leipzig and Berlin, 1907– G.W. Vera Chamaza, Die Omnipotenz Aurs: Entwicklungen in der Aur-Theologie unter den Sargoniden Sargon II., Sanherib und Asarhaddon (=AOAT 295). Münster, 2002 J. Vidal (ed.), Studies on War in the Ancient Near East: Collected Essays on Military History (=AOAT 372). Münster, 2010 Vetus Testamentum. Leiden, 1951– C. Wachsmuth, Einleitung in das Studium der Alten Geschichte. Leipzig, 1895 C.B.F. Walker, Cuneiform Brick Inscriptions in the British Museum, the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, the City of Birmingham Museums and Art Gallery, the City of Bristol Museum and Art Gallery. London, 1981 M.W. Waters, A Survey of Neo-Elamite History (=SAAS 12). Helsinki, 2000 H. Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, 3 vols. Leipzig, 1893–1905 H. Winckler, Keilinschriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament, 3rd edition. Leipzig, 1909 Die Welt des Orients. Wuppertal, Stuttgart, and Göttingen, 1947– M. Worthington, Principles of Akkadian Textual Criticism. Berlin and Boston, 2012 Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. Leipzig and Berlin, 1901– Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts. New Haven, 1915– Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie. Berlin, 1886– Zeitschrift für Keilschriftforschung und verwandte Gebiete, 2 vols. Leipzig, 1884–85

Other Abbreviations

Akk. Asn. Baub. bibl. c ca. cf. cm col(s). dia. DN ed(s). esp. et al. ex(s). fig(s). fol(s). frgm(s). gen. m MA n NA n(n). no(s). NS NT obv. p ph(s) p(p). pl(s). rev. SH Sum. var(s). vol(s).

+ (+)

Akkadian Ashurnasirpal Baubericht (“building report”) biblical collated circa confer (lit. “compare”) centimeter(s) column(s) diameter divine name editor(s) especially et alii (lit. “and others”) exemplar(s) figure(s) folio(s) fragment(s) gentilic meter(s) Middle Assyrian not collated Neo-Assyrian note(s) number(s) New Series Nabû Temple (Kalḫu) obverse collated from photo photo(s) page(s) plate(s) reverse House of Sennacherib’s son (Nineveh) Sumerian variant(s) volume(s)

Between object numbers indicates physical join Indicates fragments from same object but no physical join

Object Signatures

When the same signature is used for more than one group, the first group in this list is meant unless otherwise indicated. For example, “A” always means the Asiatic collection of the Oriental Institute unless stated otherwise. A AH Ass BM Bu DT EHE EŞ I2b IM K Ki MMA NBC ND NIN PA R Rm Sm SM Th TM VA VA Ass VAT YBC

1) Asiatic collection of the Oriental Institute, Chicago 2) Aššur collection of the Arkeoloji Müzeleri, Istanbul Abu Habba collection of the British Museum, London Prefix of excavation numbers from the German excavations at Aššur British Museum, London E.A.W. Budge collection of the British Museum, London Daily Telegraph collection of the British Museum, London Signature of objects in the collection of the École Pratique des Hautes Études, IVe Section, Paris Eşki Şark Eserleri Müzesi of the Arkeoloji Müzeleri, Istanbul Signature of objects in the collection of the Pushkin Museum, Moscow Iraq Museum, Baghdad Kuyunjik collection of the British Museum, London L.W. King collection of the British Museum, London Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York James B. Nies collection of the Yale Babylonian Collection, New Haven Prefix of excavation numbers from the British excavations at Nimrud Prefix of excavation numbers from the University of California excavations at Nineveh Signature of Neo-Assyrian historical prisms from the collection of the late A.C. Piepkorn, now in the Asiatic collection of the Oriental Institute, Chicago H.J. Ross collection of the British Museum, London H. Rassam collection of the British Museum, London G. Smith collection of the British Museum, London Signature of objects in the collection of the Sulaimaniya Museum, Sulaimaniya R.C. Thompson collection of the British Museum, London Prefix of excavation numbers from the British excavations at Nineveh Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin Aššur collection of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin Tablets in the collection of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin Babylonian collection of the Yale University Library, New Haven

Introduction

In 705, Sargon II was killed in battle and his body was never recovered. Amid the tragedy and apparently without opposition, his eldest living son and designated successor ascended the throne of Assyria on the twelfth of Abu (V).1 Sennacherib, whose name means “The god Sîn has replaced the brothers” (Akk. Sîn-a er ba) and who was about forty years old at the time, was well suited for the task, as his father Sargon had conferred on him numerous important military and administrative duties soon after he had become king in 722.2 His on-the-job training, which may have been supervised by a man called unnî, served him well during his twenty-four-year reign (704–681), both at home and on the battlefield. He personally led the Assyrian army on campaign no fewer than ten times and sponsored large-scale building projects in several Assyrian cities, Aur, Nineveh, and Tarbi!u in particular. His name and deeds, as recorded in his own words, as well as in later foreign sources, were never forgotten; Sennacherib was remembered long after his death for besieging


 
   

 described in the Bible (2 Kings
18:13–19:36 and 2 Chronicles 32:1–22) and for destroying Babylon and its revered temples.3 His fame (or infamy) revived when European explorers began uncovering the ruins of Assyrian royal cities in the mid-nineteenth century. Of the late Neo-Assyrian kings mentioned in the Bible and classical sources, Sennacherib is probably the best known.
Sources for Sennacherib’s reign are both abundant and informative. Royal inscriptions provide the bulk of the information about his successes both on the battlefield and at home, where he sponsored major building enterprises. Royal rhetoric, which does not always accurately record historical reality, is supplemented by chronographic texts (the so-called Babylonian Chronicle and Eponym Chronicle), letters, astrological reports, legal and administrative documents, and grants, as well as by numerous bas reliefs sculpted on orthostats that lined the interior walls of his ornately decorated palace at Nineveh. The Bible and some classical sources (e.g., Berossus, Babyloniaca; Herodotus, Hist.; and Josephus, Ant. Jud.) also provide insight into his reign.

1

The fact that the Assyrians were not able to recover Sargon’s body and that Sennacherib was not able to hold a funeral for his father as tradition prescribed was regarded as highly inauspicious. The so-called “Sin of Sargon” text (Livingstone, SAA 3 no. 33), probably written during the reign of Sennacherib’s immediate successor Esarhaddon, reports that Sennacherib investigated the nature of his father’s alleged sin; for a recent study, see Weaver, Iraq 66 (2004) pp. 61–66. E. Frahm (JCS 51 [1999] pp. 73–90) has suggested that the Assyrian scholar Nabû-zuqup-knu may have studied the passage about the spirits of the deceased in Gilgamesh Tablet XII in order to elucidate the consequences of Sargon II’s death. He proposes also that Sennacherib immediately transferred the royal court to Nineveh since the newly enthroned king may have feared that his father’s unburied ghost was still present at Dr-arrukn (mod. Khorsabad) and that his renovations of the temple of the god Nergal at Tarbi!u at the very beginning of his reign were inspired by Sargon’s ill fate. 2 For information on Sennacherib’s name, his family background, and his responsibilities during his father’s reign (including the relevant source material), see in particular Frahm, PNA 3/1 pp. 1113–1118 sub Sn-a-erba I–II.3b-1´; and Frahm, RLA 12/1–2 (2009) pp. 12–14 §§1–4. The name Sîn-a-erba implies that he was not Sargon II’s firstborn son; his elder brothers, it appears, had all died by the time of his birth. Because his eldest son Aur-ndin-umi was old enough to become king of Babylon in 700, S. Parpola (LAS 2 p. 231 n. 390) and E. Frahm (PNA 3/1 p. 1113 I.1) suggest that Sennacherib was born around 745. The identity of Sennacherib’s mother is unknown, but it has been suggested that she may have been Sargon’s wife Atalia. Sennacherib’s name appears as snr(y)b in the Bible (2 Kings 18:13 and 19:20); s/ n()r(y)b in Aramaic sources (including Ahiqar);  ()μ in the Septuagint;  in Herodotus (Hist. 2, 141); and Ws-rn=f in Demotic sources. For other Greek and Latin forms of his name, see Weissbach in Wissowa, Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Zweite Reihe 1/2 col. 2271; that publication does not collect the many different writings of the name which derive from Hebrew and Greek transcriptions of Sennacherib. A document from Nineveh written ca. 670 (83-1-18,231) seems to imply that giving the name of the former king Sennacherib (or that of Ashurbanipal, who was at that time either the ruling king or heir designate) to a commoner was considered taboo, a sacrilege punishable by the river ordeal; see Kataja, SAAB 1 (1987) pp. 65–68. 3 For a study of sources referring to Sennacherib from the reign of his son and successor Esarhaddon to the twentieth century, see Frahm, Sanherib pp. 21–28.

1

2

Introduction

Texts Included in Part 1 Numerous inscriptions written in Sennacherib’s name have been recovered and most of these are housed in museum collections and private collections around the world; the majority of these are in the British Museum (London) and the Vorderasiatisches Museum (Berlin). Many other inscribed objects of his that were discovered by early excavators were too large and heavy for transport or were in such bad condition that they were reburied and left in the field. Clay, stone, and metal objects bearing texts of this once-great king originate from a broad geographic area, although most come from the two principal cities of the Assyrian heartland: Aur and Nineveh. The present corpus comprises both excavated objects and objects purchased from local dealers. Because of the large number of texts and the length of some of those compositions (several of which are over 500 lines/2500 words long), the inscriptions of Sennacherib are edited in two volumes. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib (OIP 2), the last volume to edit a substantial portion of Sennacherib’s official texts, did not even include all of the then-known (1924) inscriptions and treated many complete inscriptions as duplicates, citing only orthographic and major variants from those sources. Since the publication of Luckenbill, Senn. over eighty-five years ago, numerous new inscriptions and (better preserved) duplicates have come to light. The present volume, although it contains only thirty-eight individual texts (approximately a sixth of the known corpus of inscriptions), surpasses Luckenbill’s publication in size. The division of the Sennacherib corpus is somewhat arbitrary as we have tried to maintain a balance between Part 1 and Part 2 by including major, well-preserved inscriptions in both volumes. Because Part 2 will contain fewer long inscriptions than Part 1, all of the smaller texts will be edited in that volume. The present publication includes all historical inscriptions on clay cylinders, clay prisms, and stone tablets from Nineveh, while the second part will include historical inscriptions on bull and lion colossi from Nineveh, rock reliefs, stone horizontal prisms, and clay cylinders and prisms from other cities under Sennacherib’s authority (especially Aur and Tarbi!u). An inscription on several steles from Nineveh is also included in Part 1, while epigraphs on reliefs and inscriptions on clay tablets, bricks, threshold slabs, wall panels, stone blocks, beads, etc. are edited in Part 2. The arrangement of the inscriptions more or less follows that of Frahm, Einleitung in die Sanherib-Inschriften (AfO Beiheft 26). Note, however, that historical inscriptions on stone tablets and the text on steles (Frahm’s T 61–64) have been placed before inscriptions on bull and lion colossi, epigraphs, and texts written on door sockets, all of which were discovered in the ruins of the South-West Palace (Frahm’s T 25–60). All of the inscriptions included in Part 1 originate from Nineveh. Most of the exemplars of those inscriptions come from Nineveh, but several exemplars were discovered at Aur and Kalu (biblical Calah). These pieces (for example, text no. 4 exs. 9, 25, 43, 45, 48, 56, 60, 67, 69–70, 74 and 82–87) preserve texts duplicating inscriptions from Nineveh, including the building reports. Unless a fragment from Aur and Kalu clearly preserves an inscription unique to those cities, those pieces are treated here as duplicates of the wellknown Nineveh texts. Survey of the Inscribed Objects Included in Part 1 Clay Cylinders Inscriptions of Sennacherib written on clay cylinders and prisms from Nineveh were among the earliest cuneiform texts published in the nineteenth century, three of best known texts being the Bellino Cylinder (text no. 3), whose popular name derives from the facsimile of the inscription that K. Bellino supplied to G.F. Grotefend for publication, the Rassam Cylinder (text no. 4), which is named after its excavator H. Rassam, and the Taylor Prism (text no. 22 ex. 2), which is named after the man who purchased it (Col. J. Taylor). During the first years of Sennacherib’s reign, inscriptions were written on clay cylinders since those objects provided sufficient space for descriptions of both the king’s military campaigns and building enterprises. Text was inscribed in long lines that ran along the horizontal axis of the cylinder, from one end to the other. However, when the surface area of a cylinder proved inadequate for the space required for the ever-growing number of military reports and for more elaborate building accounts, Sennacherib had his scribes write his res gestae on upright, multi-columned clay prisms, a medium well suited for long texts. The transition from cylinders to prisms occurred in 698, the king’s 7th regnal year. Inscriptions on clay cylinders fall into two categories: (1) texts with historical narrative followed by an account of construction at Nineveh (text nos. 1–9) and (2) inscriptions with no historical narrative, but only a report of work on a single structure at Nineveh (text no. 10, but probably also text nos. 11–13). The earliest

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known inscriptions were composed ca. 702, Sennacherib’s 3rd regnal year. The First Campaign Cylinder (text no. 1), although not dated, likely comes from the first half of 702 and describes in great detail a campaign against Marduk-apla-iddina II (biblical Merodach-baladan), an account of the construction of the king’s new royal residence, Egalzagdinutukua (the “Palace Without a Rival”; the South-West Palace at Nineveh), and the creation of a botanical garden and canals for irrigation. Later that same year (702), in the Elamite month Sibti (= Arasamna [VIII]), two new texts appear: the Bellino Cylinder (text no. 3) and a text combining elements of the First Campaign Cylinder and the Bellino Cylinder (text no. 2). Both inscriptions contain reports of Sennacherib’s first two campaigns and work on the “Palace Without a Rival”; the texts differ only in the building account. Two years later, in 700, a new inscription of the king’s deeds was commissioned (text no. 4 = Rassam Cylinder and “Cylinder B”) and produced in great number, which we know since several complete cylinders have been discovered and numerous fragments bearing this text have been identified. Building on previous texts, the Rassam Cylinder contains accounts of Sennacherib’s first three campaigns, including his dealings with Hezekiah of Judah, a short passage stating that Sennacherib formed a large military contingent of archers and shield bearers from prisoners, and a new description of the king’s palace at Nineveh. The amount of text inscribed on cylinders was proving difficult for the scribes as they attempted to write this ninety-fourline inscription with the exact same line divisions on each and every cylinder. The fully preserved copies have numerous erasures, dittographies, omissions, and cramped signs, attesting to the limitations the scribes faced as they wrote this edition of Sennacherib’s res gestae on clay cylinders. Despite these problems, cylinders were used as the principal clay medium at Nineveh for one more year. Two fragments of clay cylinders (text nos. 5 and 8) are dated to 699 (the king’s 6th regnal year) and another two fragments are thought to have been inscribed at that time (text nos. 6 and 7). Despite their poor state of preservation, we can surmise that these cylinders contained reports of Sennacherib’s first four campaigns, a passage mentioning a large military contingent of archers and shield bearers being formed from prisoners, and an account of building at Nineveh. The building reports of two of the fragments (text nos. 5 and 6) are completely missing; the account of the third fragment (text no. 7) records work on the citadel wall; and the building report of the fourth cylinder fragment (text no. 8) describes the creation of a botanical garden and canals for irrigation and the construction of Nineveh’s inner and outer walls, Badnigalbilukurauu (“Wall Whose Brilliance Overwhelms Enemies”) and Badnigerimulua (“Terrorizer of Enemies”). The building report of text no. 8 probably also recorded the rebuilding of the “Palace Without a Rival.” A few clay cylinders with no historical narrative, but only a report of work on a single structure, are known from Nineveh. Although three of the four known texts in this category (text nos. 11–13) are not well preserved, the format of these inscriptions is similar to that of an inscription written on stone horizontal prisms discovered at Aur (including VA 8254). These texts recorded (1) Sennacherib’s titles and epithets (which deviate from those found in texts with military narration), (2) an account of the rebuilding of a single building (most often a temple), (3) an appeal to the building’s foundation to speak favorably to the god Aur (or the deity whose temple was being rebuilt), and (4) advice to future rulers (concluding formulae). The best preserved Nineveh example (text no. 10) records work on a temple of the god aya, the god of scribes. Since these texts are not dated and since they do not contain historical references, it is not known when these cylinders were written. Clay Prisms: General Introduction Beginning in 698, Sennacherib’s 7th regnal year, the writing of inscriptions with historical narrative on clay cylinders was abandoned in favor of a medium with more surface area, one conducive to the narration of lengthy reports of military successes and accounts of construction: hexagonal and octagonal prisms. Contrary to popular belief and despite the fact that the earliest extant hexagonal prism comes from 695 (the king’s 10th regnal year), six-sided prisms and eight-sided prisms were both used as foundation documents for the first time in 698.4 We can be certain about the date of transition since there is one known prism (text no. 14) dated to that year, the eponymy of ulmu-arri. Unfortunately, nothing has been published about the object or the text inscribed upon it except for the date the prism was written. Based on the latest editions of Sennacherib’s res gestae on cylinders (text nos. 5–8) and the known 697 edition on octagonal prisms (text no. 15), we can surmise that that inscription contained a short prologue, reports of the first four campaigns, a short passage stating that Sennacherib formed a large military contingent of archers and shield bearers from prisoners deported from conquered lands, a building report, and concluding formulae.5 4 5

Cf., for example, Reade, JCS 27 (1975) pp. 189–196; and Frahm, Sanherib p. 65. See the commentary of text no. 14 for further information.

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Octagonal prisms are presently attested for 697–694 and 691 and these inscribed objects, as evident from the concluding formulae, were deposited primarily in Nineveh’s city walls. Hexagonal prisms are presently attested for 695, 693 (or 692), and 691–ca. 687. Some of these foundation records (text nos. 22–23 and 25), those inscribed in 691–688, were placed in the armory, as indicated by their building reports and concluding formulae. Presumably, six-sided prisms were commissioned and deposited in other buildings constructed anew or rebuilt at Nineveh, for example the “Palace Without a Rival.” We assume that texts were written on octagonal and hexagonal prisms every year from 698 to 689 and conjecture that these media were used until the end of Sennacherib’s reign (681). Late in his reign, probably sometime after 689, Sennacherib had his scribes write his res gestae on decagonal clay prisms. These are very poorly attested, as this medium is represented by only two small fragments (text nos. 31–32). It is possible that ten-sided prisms replaced octagonal prisms sometime after 689 as foundation records deposited in Nineveh’s walls. Of course, this is just conjecture. In addition, short texts of Sennacherib comprising only his titles and epithets and a short statement about the god Aur supporting him as king are written on small ‘triangular’ prisms (text no. 27). It is not known if these curious prisms had some functional purpose (foundation deposit, site marker, etc.) and/or if they were scribal exercises written on practice prisms. Octagonal Clay Prisms The earliest attested eight-sided prisms (text no. 15 = so-called “Cylinder C”) were inscribed in the king’s 8th regnal year (697). That edition of Sennacherib’s accomplishments contains descriptions of his first four campaigns, a short passage stating that Sennacherib formed a military contingent from prisoners, a lengthy building report, and concluding formulae. As for the building report, it comprises: (1) an introduction to Sennacherib’s building program at Nineveh; (2) an account of the rebuilding of the palace Egalzagdinutukua and the planting of a botanical garden; (3) a report of the construction of the city walls Badnigalbilukurauu and Badnigerimulua, with their fourteen gates; (4) a general statement about other building activities at Nineveh; (5) a passage recording the building of a bridge and aqueducts; and (6) reports of the creation of gardens, orchards, a game preserve, and a marsh, and the digging of canals upstream and downstream of the city to irrigate those areas. Over the next two years (696–695), scribes of the king inscribed prisms with a text (text no. 16 = so-called “Cylinder D”) containing reports of his first five campaigns, the same passage summarizing the formation of a large military contingent of archers and shield bearers, and a building report that was nearly identical to that of the 697 edition (text no. 15). In Sennacherib’s 11th regnal year (694), inscriptions intended to be deposited in the city walls of Nineveh were updated once again. The historical narrative (text no. 17 = King and Heidel Prisms) now contained reports of the first five campaigns and military expeditions that took place in the eponymies of ulmu-Bl (696) and Aur-blu-u!ur (695), a passage summarizing the king’s spoils of war, and an updated account of the construction of Sennacherib’s palace, the creation of a botanical garden and canals for irrigation, and the building of Nineveh’s walls, which were now reported to have fifteen gates. No octagonal prisms for Sennacherib’s 12th (693) and 13th (692) regnal years are presently known, but presumably new texts were composed during those two years. The 693 edition(s) would have contained reports of the first six campaigns, while the 692 edition(s) would have had accounts of his first seven campaigns.6 The latest certain eight-sided prism dates to his 14th regnal year (691). Although that inscription (text no. 18) is very fragmentarily preserved, this 691 edition would have been one of the longest inscriptions written under the auspices of Sennacherib, as it would have been more than 800 lines long. Despite the many lacunae in the text, we are certain that that inscription contained reports of eight campaigns and a very detailed account of Sennacherib’s numerous building activities at Nineveh. Hexagonal Clay Prisms Only three fragments of hexagonal clay prisms (text nos. 19–21) are known from the period prior to 691 (Sennacherib’s 14th regnal year) and these come from prisms that were inscribed in 695–693 (or 695–692). Because only a very small portion of those inscriptions is preserved, little can be said with certainty about those editions of Sennacherib’s res gestae. It is certain, however, that the military narration of these 6

The numbering of this king’s campaigns follows the designations given in Sennacherib’s inscriptions. Therefore, the sixth, seventh, and eighth campaigns are respectively his campaigns against the Chaldeans living in Elam, against Elam, and the battle of alulê. The military expeditions of 696 and 695, which were led by his officials, are referred to by the eponymy in which they were conducted. Although the campaign of 696 is technically Sennacherib’s “sixth” campaign, that event is never referred to as such by Sennacherib’s scribes since the king did not personally lead his troops on campaign.

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inscriptions duplicates that of Smith Bull 4, an inscription written on a bull colossus stationed in Court H, Door a of Sennacherib’s palace (the South-West Palace),7 and that the military narration of the 695 edition (text no. 19) ended with an account of the fifth campaign and a short passage stating that Sennacherib formed a large military contingent of archers and shield bearers from prisoners deported from conquered lands. As for the building reports, they may have described work on the “Palace Without a Rival” (as suggested by the similarity of the military narration to texts inscribed on bull colossi stationed in that building), the armory, or some other structure at Nineveh. Most of Sennacherib’s inscriptions on hexagonal prisms come from the period between 691 and 689; certainly the best known texts of his — the Chicago Prism (text no. 22 ex. 1), the Jerusalem Prism (text no. 23 ex. 1), and the Taylor Prism (text no. 22 ex. 2) — date to this time. During Sennacherib’s 14th–16th regnal years, two nearly identical texts (text nos. 22–23) were inscribed on prisms deposited in the armory, which is located south of the citadel, along the western wall, in the mound of Nebi Yunus. Both inscriptions include a short prologue, reports of Sennacherib’s first eight campaigns, an account of the rebuilding of the armory (the “Rear Palace”), and concluding formulae. Because the month during which the Jerusalem Prism (text no. 23 ex. 1) was inscribed is not preserved, it is not known with absolute certainty which edition of this king’s res gestae is earlier: text no. 22 or text no. 23. The fact that the building report of text no. 23 is shorter than that of text no. 22 and that it describes the construction of only one wing of the armory, rather than two wings of that building, may suggest that the text inscribed on the Jerusalem Prism is earlier in date than the one written on the Chicago Prism and the Taylor Prism. After the capture and subsequent destruction of Babylon in late 689, Sennacherib continued to have texts inscribed on hexagonal prisms (text nos. 24–26). Like the period prior to 691, very few fragments of six-sided prisms have been identified for the post-689 period and those that are extant are fragmentarily preserved. When complete, text nos. 24 and 25, both of which were written ca. 688, would have included a prologue, reports of Sennacherib’s first eight campaigns, an account of the conquest of Babylon in 689, the building report, and concluding formulae; one or both texts may have also included a passage describing the king’s Arabian campaign. As for the building reports, it is not certain what the building account of text no. 24 commemorated, but that of text no. 25 recorded the rebuilding of the armory (the “Rear Palace”).8 A fragment of a prism that was inscribed ca. 687 (text no. 26) contains an inscription that summarizes Sennacherib’s many accomplishments on the battlefield and describes one of his building projects at Nineveh. The text, as far as it is preserved, duplicates (with variations) several summary inscriptions that were written on stone tablets, text nos. 34–35. It is not known where prisms inscribed with that text were deposited since their building reports are completely missing. Based on similarities with inscriptions on stone tablets, the building report of text no. 26 may have recorded work on the armory. Stone Tablets with Historical and/or Building Narrative In addition to smaller clay foundation deposits and inscribed bricks built into the superstructure of buildings and walls, Sennacherib’s scribes and craftsmen wrote out and engraved texts on a variety of large stone objects, including foundation tablets. Only a handful of stone tablets from Nineveh are known (text nos. 34–37). Each tablet was inscribed in a single column of text, on both the front and back faces. In the 1929–30 campaign of R.C. Thompson at Nineveh, a small, broken stone tablet (text no. 36) was discovered in the area between the Nabû and Itar temples. This piece likely dates to ca. 702, the same time as the Bellino Cylinder (text no. 3). When complete, the text included an invocation of gods (beginning with Aur and ending with Itar and the Sebetti), reports of the first two campaigns, an account of the rebuilding of numerous dilapidated temples located in Nineveh’s citadel (which are said to have been last built by Ashurnasirpal II), and concluding formulae. This inscription is one of the few contemporary pieces of evidence for Sennacherib working on existing temples at Nineveh. The other known texts written on tablets from Nineveh with historical and/or building narratives were all composed ca. 691–689. The largest and best preserved of these (text no. 34 = Constantinople Inscription, Memorial Tablet, and Nebi Yunus Inscription) was reported to have been discovered at Nebi Yunus in 1852 (or 1854?). That inscription contains summaries of Sennacherib’s first eight campaigns and military expeditions that took place in the eponymies of ulmu-Bl (696) and Aur-blu-u!ur (695) and a detailed description of the 7

For a copy of Smith Bull 4, see 3 R pls. 12–13. E. Frahm (Sanherib p. 107) suggests that the building report of text no. 24 may have described the rebuilding of the Sebetti temple in Nineveh. For further information, see the commentary of text no. 24 and the on-page note to vi 17´–18´ of that inscription.

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Introduction

rebuilding of the armory. Two fragmentary exemplars of another text with historical narrative (text no. 35 = Ungnad and Winckler Stone Tablet Fragments Inscription) preserve a text similar, but not identical, to text no. 34; one significant difference is that this inscription includes a report of a campaign against the Arabs. As the building report is not sufficiently preserved and since nothing is known of the original find spots of the tablet fragments, nothing can be said with certainty about where Sennacherib had tablets bearing this text placed. Based on the approximate date of composition (ca. 690–689) and the mention of the king reviewing valuable enemy booty (reading not entirely certain), these objects may have also been placed in Nineveh’s armory. A small limestone tablet discovered at the Nergal Gate of Nineveh in 1992–93 is inscribed with a text (text no. 37) concerning work on an ak tu-house (a temple for the celebration of New Year rituals) at Nineveh that Sennacherib had built outside the newly constructed wall of the city. Although only the beginning and end of the inscription are preserved, it is certain that this text did not include reports of military narration. The tablet is dated to the eponymy of Nabû-knu-u!ur (690) and the text gives some insight into political-religious reforms that were initiated in Assyria: at Nineveh the former ak tu-house, which had last been built by Sennacherib’s father and which was now situated inside the expanded circumference of Nineveh’s wall, was abandoned and replaced by a new building located outside the city, north of the Nergal Gate.9 Steles As part of his urban renewal and expansion of Nineveh, Sennacherib created a royal road. To ensure that no one would build a house that would encroach upon that royal road, the king had round-topped steles (each with an image of the king standing before symbols of his tutelary deities) erected on both sides of the road. Three of the steles (text no. 38 = Inscription from the Royal Road) lining this road, which may have run from the Aur Gate in the south wall to the Sîn Gate (formerly the Gate of the Garden) at the western end of the north wall, are extant today, while several others are reported to have been broken up and burnt into lime in the nineteenth century. The steles, although not dated, may have been inscribed ca. 693–691. Overview of Previous Editions Sennacherib has been a popular subject of study from the very beginning of Assyriology. There are numerous books, dissertations and articles devoted to him, his inscriptions, and his reign.10 Clay, stone, and metal objects bearing texts of this once-great king were among the earliest cuneiform texts brought back to Europe and deciphered in the mid-nineteenth century. The birth of the modern study of Sennacherib and his inscriptions began well before the decipherment of Akkadian cuneiform, when C.J. Rich visited Mosul in 1820 and acquired what he described as “a small earthen vase covered with cuneiform writing.” Shortly thereafter, K. Bellino, his secretary, made a facsimile of the text, which he sent to G.F. Grotefend, a man who had by that time already made several breakthroughs in the decipherment of the Old Persian language, also written in cuneiform. Throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, objects inscribed with cuneiform writing were purchased from local dealers and brought back to Europe, where they made their way into museums and private collections. The discovery of Assyrian palaces at Khorsabad (ancient Dr-arrukn), Nimrud (ancient Kalu, biblical Calah), and Nineveh in the 1840s, the display of those objects in the British Museum (London) and the Louvre (Paris), and the publication of popular accounts of their discovery (with their fanciful reconstructions) generated a great deal of interest in the decipherment of “Assyrian” cuneiform and the history of kings named in the Bible.11 From 1850 to the present, numerous works, large and small, have been devoted to Sennacherib. Because this is not the place to present a complete and detailed historical survey of the publication of the Sennacherib corpus, or to provide a complete bibliographical study of this king, we will focus on previous editions (and translations) and major studies of the corpus that have advanced our knowledge of this king’s royal inscriptions. Extensive bibliographies are provided for each text. Treatments of Sennacherib and his reign are to be found in every general history of Assyria or Mesopotamia. Particularly useful are the biographical sketches by A.K. Grayson in CAH2 3/2 and by E. Frahm in 9

At Aur, Sennacherib also rebuilt an ak tu-house outside the city. For details on the two ak tu-houses at Nineveh, see Frahm, NABU 2000 pp. 75–79 no. 66. 10 For a good historical survey of previous work on the Sennacherib corpus (1820–1997), see Levine, History, Historiography and Interpretation pp. 59–64; and Frahm, Sanherib pp. 29–32. 11 For a recent study on the early explorations of Assyria, see in particular Larsen, Conquest of Assyria.

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Sanherib, as well as the entries on Sennacherib by E. Frahm in PNA 3/1 pp. 1113–1127 sub Sn-a-erba and RLA 12/1–2 (2009) pp. 12–22. Translations of selected inscriptions of his, usually those with descriptions of his campaign to the Levant, often appear in collected works of Mesopotamian texts in translation, for example, Borger in Galling, Textbuch2; Oppenheim in ANET3; Borger in TUAT 1/4; Cogan in COS 2; Melville in Chavalas, ANE; and Cogan, Raging Torrent. Before discussing previous editions and major studies of this text corpus, we would like to cite here other works in which Sennacherib texts have been published. For copies, typeset Neo-Assyrian or hand-drawn facsimiles, see: Layard, Monuments; Layard, ICC; 1 R; 3 R; Ungnad, VAS 1; Messerschmidt, KAH 1; Schroeder, KAH 2; King, PSBA 35 (1913) pp. 66–94; Thompson, Arch. 79 (1929); Thompson, AAA 18 (1931); Thompson, AAA 19 (1932); and Marzahn and Rost, VAS 23. For editions/transliterations of a single text, or a very small group of texts, often accompanied by a copy and/or photograph(s), see in particular: King, CT 26; S. Smith, Senn.; Jacobsen and Lloyd, OIP 24; Thompson, Iraq 7 (1940); Heidel, Sumer 9 (1953); Grayson, AfO 20 (1963); Walker, CBI; George, Iraq 48 (1986); Galter, ARRIM 5 (1987); Ling-Israel, Studies Artzi; Ahmad and Grayson, Iraq 61 (1999); Frahm, ISIMU 6 (2003); Searight, Assyrian Stone Vessels; and Frahm, KAL 3. Information on objects inscribed with inscriptions of Sennacherib is provided in numerous museum and excavation catalogues. The most useful of these are: Bezold, Cat. 1–4; King, Cat.; Lambert and Millard, Cat.; Pedersén, Katalog; and Lambert, Cat. In 1878, G. Smith’s History of Sennacherib, Translated from the Cuneiform Inscriptions was the first book dedicated entirely to Sennacherib’s inscriptions. Work on the volume began in November 1871 and it was expected to be 300 to 400 pages long. Smith had prepared as far as page 152 when the publisher revealed to Smith that the cost of publication would far exceed the original estimate. The project was suspended, in part due to an expedition that Smith took to “Assyria.” Smith hoped to complete his history of Sennacherib when he returned, with the help of new inscriptions he expected to discover in the ruins of Nineveh. Smith never saw the completed publication of the fruits of his labors, as he died in August 1876. His manuscript was then handed over to J.W. Bosanquet to finish, but he too died suddenly. Before his death, Bosanquet was able to write a short essay on the date of the siege of Lachish (Appendix 1). In 1878, A.H. Sayce completed Smith’s History of Sennacherib, namely by preparing the final thirteen pages of the text editions. The format of the volume was modeled upon Smith’s History of Assurbanipal Translated from the Cuneiform Sources. The texts were edited passage by passage (prologue, first campaign, etc.), with the master text appearing in typeset NeoAssyrian cuneiform, beneath which appeared the corresponding transliteration and English translation. Occasionally minor variants were cited and some major variants were edited after the master text. In total, twenty-three texts were utilized, including the Bellino Cylinder (text no. 3), the Rassam Cylinder (text no. 4; = his Cylinder B), Smith Bull 4, the Taylor Prism (text no. 22 ex. 2), the Nebi Yunus Inscription (text no. 34; = his Memorial Tablet), and the Bavian Inscription. In 1890, in a volume of Neo-Assyrian historical texts edited by E. Schrader (KB 2), C. Bezold published editions of a handful of Sennacherib inscriptions. His contribution included full editions of the Taylor Prism (text no. 22 ex. 2) and the two epigraphs on the Lachish Room reliefs, and very short excerpts from the Bellino Cylinder (text no. 3), the Rassam Cylinder (text no. 4), and the Nebi Yunus Inscription (text no. 34). Bezold, unlike G. Smith, gave extensive notes on textual variants. His critical apparatus included variants from seven (hexagonal and octagonal) clay prisms, fourteen clay cylinders, one bull inscription, and two clay tablets. Three years later, in 1893, B. Meissner and P. Rost published their Die Bauinschriften Sanheribs; this was the second volume devoted entirely to the inscriptions of Sennacherib. Meissner and Rost’s edition focused only on the building reports of the then well-known inscriptions, especially those describing the construction of the “Palace Without a Rival” (the South-West Palace) and the armory (the “Rear Palace”). Five cylinders, one clay tablet, fragments of five inscribed bull colossi, and one clay prism were used in their composite edition of Sennacherib’s description of the construction of his royal residence. The building reports of the Taylor Prism (text no. 22 ex. 2) and the Nebi Yunus Inscription (text no. 34) were combined as a single account of the rebuilding of the armory. Just as Bezold had done in KB 2, Meissner and Rost provided extensive notes on minor and major variants. Unlike Smith and Bezold, they provided detailed philological commentary. In addition to the two main composite building reports, editions of eighteen other short texts, all concerned with Sennacherib’s building activities (including those at Kalu and Tarbi!u), were included in the volume. Handdrawn facsimiles of fifteen texts accompanied the editions. In 1924, D.D. Luckenbill published The Annals of Sennacherib in the series Oriental Institute Publications (vol. 2) because he felt there was “a crying need for an up-to-date publication of the Assyrian sources,” and because it seemed “the opportune moment to make available in translation a complete body of Sennacherib’s

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historical and building texts.” The acquisition by the Oriental Institute of a six-sided clay prism in “almost as perfect condition as when it left the hands of the ancient scribe” and the fact that many of Sennacherib’s inscriptions had already been edited for incorporation into the files of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary were further incentive for him to pursue this publication. Luckenbill was influenced by A.T.E. Olmstead’s Assyrian Historiography and took to heart the latter’s complaint about the growing tendency to use only “the final Assyrian edition,” and thus Luckenbill edited the earlier or alternate versions of reports known in Sennacherib’s “final edition of the annals” separately. Duplicate passages, however, were still not edited as independent texts; minor, orthographic variants appearing in those texts were cited in on-page notes. In total, sixty-four objects inscribed with texts of Sennacherib, with the Chicago Prism (text no. 22 ex. 1) as the centerpiece of the book, were utilized. Of these, seven clay cylinders, four clay prisms, two clay tablets, three bull colossi, two stone tablets, and two rock reliefs were used for his edition of the annals and their building reports. Photographs and a hand-drawn facsimile of the Chicago Prism accompanied the editions. Editions of forty-four building inscriptions, texts that did not include annalistic narration, and epigraphs were also included. Most of those were short texts inscribed on limestone blocks, door sockets, and bricks, many of which were discovered at Aur and published in copy in Messerschmidt, KAH 1 and Schroeder, KAH 2. Although Luckenbill states that he made available “a complete body of Sennacherib’s historical and building texts,” he did not publish all of the then-known inscriptions; he appears to have made use of texts published in only twelve books and journals. Nevertheless, Luckenbill’s The Annals of Sennacherib was at that time the most comprehensive volume of Sennacherib inscriptions. Three years later, in 1927, Luckenbill included the translations of The Annals of Sennacherib in his Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (vol. 2), a twovolume set that published English translations of the entire corpus of Assyrian royal inscriptions. In 1963, R. Borger published his three-volume Babylonisch-assyrische Lesestücke, which included a handdrawn facsimile and a transliteration of the Taylor Prism (text no. 22 ex. 2). Borger took the opportunity in the introduction to that text to provide up-to-date information about the historical inscriptions of Sennacherib. Relevant information was provided for inscriptions on clay cylinders, clay prisms, bull colossi, clay tablets, stone tablets, and rock reliefs. Numerous unpublished cylinders, prisms, and tablets catalogued by C. Bezold (Cat. 1–4) and L.W. King (Cat.) were listed under the edition to which they belonged. Borger, unlike Luckenbill forty years earlier, made a concerted effort to gather in one place all of the known published and stillunpublished sources for Sennacherib’s historical texts. That contribution formed the solid base upon which most future studies and editions of Sennacherib’s res gestae were to be built. In 1967, G.L. Russell completed and submitted a dissertation entitled Sennacherib’s Annals: A Foundational Text Study (Dropsie College). His work was to present a detailed study for a new edition of the Sennacherib corpus. Building upon Luckenbill’s 1924 publication, Russell’s unpublished dissertation arranged the texts into three groups (annalistic material, building inscriptions, and varia [unclassified texts]), discussed the style of the inscriptions, and presented new editions of six historical texts (with some commentary). The inscriptions edited were: the First Campaign Cylinder (text no. 1), the Bellino Cylinder (text no. 3), the Rassam Cylinder (text no. 4), the King Prism and Heidel Prism (text no. 17 exs. 1–2), Smith Bull 3, and the Judi Dagh Inscription. A list of 118 inscriptions was included in an appendix. That list was compiled for a projected new edition of the entire Sennacherib corpus, a work that was never completed. J.E. Reade felt that the textual evidence for following the evolution of Sennacherib’s building and irrigation projects in and around Nineveh was not as accessible as one could hope for. In July and August 1974, he carefully examined in the British Museum the published and unpublished Sennacherib prisms, as well as some unidentified prism fragments. His work was facilitated by W.G. Lambert, E. Leichty, and A.R. Millard. The fruits of his labors were published as “Sources for Sennacherib: The Prisms,” which appeared in JCS 27 (1975) pp. 189–196. That article presented information on all of the known and conjectured res gestae of Sennacherib that were inscribed on octagonal and hexagonal clay prisms from Nineveh. Reade’s study benefited greatly from Borger, BAL and Lambert and Millard, Cat. From published and unpublished material, Reade was able to identify twelve different prism editions, several more than previously thought. Borger published a second edition of his Babylonisch-assyrische Lesestücke in 1979. He did not, however, substantially update his study of Sennacherib’s historical texts. At a colloquium held in Jerusalem on May 9th 1979, L.D. Levine delivered a lecture on the inscriptions of Sennacherib. A few years later, in 1983, he published his “Preliminary Remarks on the Historical Inscriptions of Sennacherib” in History, Historiography, and Interpretation: Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures, edited by H. Tadmor and M. Weinfeld. In that work, he reviewed the history of research on Sennacherib’s inscriptions, provided a general discussion of the sources and corpus, and discussed various methods of editing

Introduction

9

this large corpus. The most comprehensive study of Sennacherib, his reign, and his inscriptions was published by E. Frahm in 1997. Einleitung in die Sanherib-Inschriften (AfO Beiheft 26) was the product of his 1996 doctoral dissertation (Universität Göttingen), which was written under the supervision of Borger. Frahm’s careful study not only included up-to-date information on the nearly two hundred royal inscriptions composed under the auspices of this Assyrian king, but also included detailed studies on Sennacherib’s reign and its legacy; his family; his character; previous research (1820–1996); the function of the texts; the language, structure, and style of the inscriptions; aspects of the military reports; his building activities; the role of the king in the composition of royal inscriptions; and the inscriptions as sources for Sennacherib’s religious views. For each text, Frahm provided information on the principal sources (main exemplars and duplicates), previous publications, provenance, contents, and date of composition. For many texts, he gave historical and philological commentary, including information on old misreadings of signs and words, as well as other errors (or misinterpretations) in previous publications. Difficult-to-read passages were often clarified by collation, for which he provided copies. Although some editions are provided in the volume, few texts were edited in full (for example, text no. 4 is fully edited, with all minor variants listed). The book also included a catalogue of sources and selected hand-drawn copies. Frahm did not intend his Einleitung in die Sanherib-Inschriften to be a new edition of the complete corpus of Sennacherib inscriptions; this was in part because A.K. Grayson was already preparing such a publication. It is, as indicated by its title, an introduction to Sennacherib’s inscriptions, and a very good and comprehensive primer on the subject. Military Campaigns Although many of the events of Sennacherib’s reign are well documented in his res gestae, the internal chronology of his twenty-four-year reign is not as certain as one would like. There is difficulty not only about the precise years of some of the royal expeditions, but also about how many there were. The problem of dating arises out of the fact that Sennacherib’s campaigns are generally not dated by eponym or regnal year, but are merely numbered sequentially as first, second, third, etc.12 The official numbering, which goes up to eight in the extant corpus, included only expeditions personally led by the king. Campaigns led by Sennacherib’s officials were usually excluded from royally sponsored compositions. Two of those, however, were recorded in some official inscriptions, but they were never given an official campaign number. This intentional omission of events and the fact that few texts written after his 16th regnal year (689) survive today make it impossible to know the exact number of campaigns. Chronographic texts, unfortunately, shed little light on this problem, as the Eponym Chronicle is not preserved except for the beginning of his reign, and as the Babylonian Chronicle is concerned only with events in Babylonia (and Elam). Furthermore, the latter text records events by the regnal years of Babylonian kings, without reference to Sennacherib’s regnal years.13 Thus, despite the numerous sources for Sennacherib’s reign, there are still many gaps in our knowledge. In total, twelve campaigns are recorded in the extant corpus of Sennacherib’s inscriptions. These took place between his accession year (705) and his 16th regnal year (689). Events from his 17th regnal year (688) to his death in 681 (his 24th regnal year), however, are completely unknown. Eight campaigns were given an official number, while the other four were not. Two campaigns led by the king’s officials are also known. Those events were never given an official campaign number; their date, however, is known as one inscription records the regnal years during which they took place (696 and 695; Sennacherib’s 9th and 10th regnal years). It is unclear how the second conquest of Babylon (689), which is referred to as his second campaign in the Bavian Inscription,14 and the campaign to Arabia were designated in Sennacherib’s annalistic texts since reports of the former event are not preserved in extant foundation inscriptions (those written on clay prisms) and since the latter event is known only from a badly damaged summary inscription, a text where official campaign numbers

12 In so-called “double datings” found in some colophons from Sennacherib’s reign, there are a few inconsistencies with regard to his 1st regnal year (705, 704, or 703). It has been suggested that these discrepancies arose because the Assyrians were not accustomed to dating texts by regnal year (that is, in a Babylonian fashion) or because Assyrian scribes did not always achieve precision when calculating dates according to varying calendrical systems. On “double datings,” see Millard, SAAS 2 pp. 70–71. For example, the Baltimore Inscription line 126 (Grayson, AfO 20 [1963] p. 96) states that the eponymy of Nabû-knu-u ur was Sennacherib’s 14th regnal year, thus making 703 his 1st regnal year. 13 For translations of the chronographic texts, see pp. 23–27. 14 Luckenbill, Senn. p. 83 line 43: i-na 2-i ger-ri-ia “on my second campaign.” Note that the Bavian Inscription, which will be edited in Part 2, records only two campaigns: (1) the battle of alulê (the eighth campaign) and (2) the second conquest of Babylon.

Introduction

10

were not included. More specifically, we do not know if Sennacherib referred to the second conquest of Babylon as his ninth campaign and the Arabian expedition as his tenth campaign. For details on the military campaigns narrated in the texts edited in this volume, see the five tables (Tables 1–2d) below. Table 1: Dates and Targets of Military Campaigns Year(s) 704 Late 704–Early 702

Regnal Year(s) 1st Late 1st–Early 3rd

Campaign Number/ Reference — 1st Campaign

702

3rd

2nd Campaign

701

4th

3rd Campaign

700

5th

4th Campaign

Target(s) of Campaign The Kulummians Marduk-apla-iddina II of Babylonia and his Elamite, Chaldean, and Aramean allies; Aramean tribes; the city irimmu The Kassites and Yasubigallians living in the Zagros Mountains; Ispabra of Ellipi Lulî, the king of Sidon; idqâ of the city Ashkelon; the nobles and citizens of the city Ekron, and their Egyptian and Ethiopian allies; Hezekiah of Judah and Jerusalem The Chaldean ruler zubu (Muzib-Marduk), BtYakn The inhabitants of cities located on and near Mount Nipur; Maniye of the city Ukku Kira of the city Illubru (in ilakku [Cilicia]); the cities Illubru, Ingirâ, and Tarsus Gurdî of the city Urdutu (in Tabal) the Bt-Yakn exiles living in Elam; Nergal-uzib (a king of Babylon installed by the Elamite king) Border cities of Elam (including Ri); the city Madaktu Muzib-Marduk (king of Babylon), Ummanmenanu (king of Elam), and their allies at the city alulê Babylon Teelunu, queen of the Arabs, and Hazael; the city Adummatu and another Arabian city

5th Campaign 696

9th

Eponymy of ulmu-Bl

695 694–693

10th 11th–12th

Eponymy of Aur-blu-u!ur 6th Campaign

Late 693

12th

7th Campaign

691–Late 689

14th

8th Campaign

690–Late 689 690

15th–Late 16th 15th

— —

Table 2a: Military Campaigns Narrated on Clay Cylinders Campaign 1 2 3 4

1 5–62 — — —

2 5–19 20–33 — —

3 5–19 20–33 — —

4 5–17 18–31 32–58 —

5 [...] [...] [...] [...]

6 [...] [...] 1´–14´ 15´

7 [...] [...] [...] [...]

8 5–16 [...] [...] [...]

9 5–13 [...] [?] [?]

10 — — — —

11 — — — —

12 — — — —

13 — — — —

Table 2b: Military Campaigns Narrated on Octagonal Clay Prisms15 Campaign 1 2 3 4 5 Year 696 Year 695 6 7 8 Babylon 689 Arabia

15

14 Y Y Y Y — — — — — — — —

15 i 1´–ii 10 ii 1´–37´´ iii 1–iv 14´ iv 15´–v 9 — — — — — — — —

16 i 27–ii 5 ii 6–75 ii 76–iv 37 iv 38–69 iv 70–v 32 — — — — — — —

17 i 22–77 i 78–ii 57 ii 58–iii 81 iii 82–iv 17 iv 18–60 iv 61–91 v 1–14 — — — — —

18 i 1´´–13´´ i 14´´–ii 28´ ii 1´´–iii 31 iii 1´–30´ iii 1´´–iv 10 — — iv 1´–6´ iv 7´–11´´ v 1´–vi 15´ — —

Y= Yes, campaign included. We assume that text no. 14 included the first four campaigns, but line numbers cannot be assigned since that text is unpublished and not available for study.

Introduction

11

Table 2c: Military Campaigns Narrated on Hexagonal Clay Prisms16 Campaign 1 2 3 4 5 Year 696 Year 695 6 7 8 Babylon 689 Arabia

19 [...] [...] i´ 1´–14´ i´ 15´–16´ ii´ 1´–13´a — — — — — — —

20 [...] [...] [...] [...] [...] — — i´ 1–13 [?] [?] — —

21 [...] [...] i´ 1´–7´ ii´ 1´–8´ [...] — — [?] [?] [?] — —

22 i 20–64 i 65–ii 36 ii 37–iii 49 iii 50–74 iii 75–iv 31 — — iv 32–53 iv 54–v 16 v 17–vi 35 — —

23 i 18–58 i 59–ii 34 ii 35–iii 42 iii 43–65 iii 66–iv 25 — — iv 26–46 iv 47–v 8 v 9–vi 30 — —

24 i 19–26 ii 1´–9´ [...] [...] [...] — — [...] [...] [...] vi 1´–16´ —

25 [...] [...] [...] [...] [...] — — [...] [...] i 1´–12´ [...] —

26 i 1´–4´a i 6´–8´ i 9´–13´ i 4´b–5´ i 14´–17´ i 18´ [...] ii 1´–6´ ii 7´–13´ [...] [?] [?]

Table 2d: Military Campaigns Narrated on Stone Tablets Campaign 1 2 3 4 5 Year 696 Year 695 6 7 8 Babylon 689 Arabia

34 6b–8a 12b–13a 13b–15 8b–12a 16–17a 17b–18 19a 19b–36a 36b–44a 44b–55a — —

35 [...] [...] [...] [...] [...] [...] [...] 1´–15´ 16´–29´a 29´b–52´ — 53´–9´´

36 [...] rev. 1´– 2´ — — — — — — — — — —

Babylonian and Elamite Campaigns The biggest problems Sennacherib faced were Babylonia and Elam. Throughout his reign, he wrestled with the problem of ruling the land of Sumer and Akkad, and attempted various solutions, none of which worked.17 Between 705 and 689, Sennacherib undertook military action against Babylonia and its ally, the land Elam, no fewer than six times. 18 Ultimately, Sennacherib resorted to drastic action and captured and destroyed Babylon; Marduk, the city’s tutelary deity, his entourage, and possessions were carried off into captivity, where they remained in exile until 668. The initial transition of power in Babylonia (705) appears to have been fairly smooth. Sennacherib took direct control of Sumer and Akkad,19 but the situation quickly deteriorated. Marduk-zkir-umi II led a rebellion and seized power at the beginning of Sennacherib’s 1st regnal year (704). His tenure as king was very brief; Marduk-apla-iddina II (Merodach-baladan) deposed him after only one month. For nine months,

16

Text nos. 28–33 are excluded from Table 2c since those inscriptions are not well preserved. For details on Babylonia during the reign of Sennacherib, see Brinkman, Prelude pp. 54–70; and Frame, Babylonia pp. 52–63. For studies of his Babylonian and Elamite campaigns, see for example Böhl, Orientalia Neerlandica (1948) pp. 116–137; Brinkman, Studies Oppenheim pp. 22–27; Grayson, Studies Landsberger p. 342; Levine, JCS 34 (1982) pp. 29–55; Brinkman, CAH2 3/2 pp. 32–40; Grayson, CAH2 3/2 pp. 105–109; W. Mayer, Studies von Soden pp. 305–332; Waters, SAAS 12 pp. 22–36; and Frahm, Sanherib pp. 9–11 and 14–16. 19 The Ptolemaic Canon (see below), however, refers to the two-year period between Arkeanos (Sargon II) and Bilibos (Bl-ibni) as “kingless.” Sources for the first campaign are: Text no. 1 lines 5–62, text no. 2 lines 5–19, text no. 3 lines 5–19, text no. 4 lines 5–17, text no. 8 lines 5–16, text no. 9 lines 5–13, text no. 15 i 1´–ii 10, text no. 16 i 27–ii 5, text no. 17 i 22–77, text no. 18 i 1´´–13´´, text no. 22 i 20–64, text no. 23 i 18–58, text no. 24 i 19–26, and text no. 34 lines 6b–8a. In addition to Sennacherib’s royal inscriptions, the following sources provide information on Sennacherib’s first stint as king of Babylon and the first campaign: the Eponym Chronicle (see below), the Babylonian Chronicle (see below), Babylonian Kinglist A iv 13–15 (see below), the Ptolemaic Canon (see below), the Synchronistic King List iv 1–3 (see below), and the Babyloniaca of Berossus (Burstein, SANE 1/5 [1978] p. 23; G. De Breucker’s annotated online edition of the text is also available [by subscription] on the Brill Online website: http://www.brillonline.nl/subscriber/entry?entry=bnj_a680 [2012]). Because of the ambiguity of the Assyrian sources and because data in Babylonian Kinglist A and the Babylonian Chronicle seem to imply that Sennacherib remained in charge of Babylonia in 705 and 704, scholars have been divided on the date of the first campaign. J.A. Brinkman (Studies Oppenheim pp. 22–26; Prelude pp. 56–59; and CAH2 3/2 pp. 32–34) suggests that the campaign began in late 703, while L.D. Levine (JCS 34 [1982] pp. 28–40) proposes that it started one year earlier, in late 704. Levine’s chronology is followed here, as it is by E. Frahm (Sanherib pp. 7 and 9–10; and ISIMU 6 [2003] pp. 129–130). 17 18

12

Introduction

Sennacherib left his Chaldean rival unchallenged, probably because his attention was drawn elsewhere.20 During those nine months, Marduk-apla-iddina strengthened his position as king by gathering support from the citizens of prominent Babylonian cities, Chaldean and Aramean tribal groups, the Arabs, and the king of Elam (utur-Naundu = utruk-Naunte II). On the twentieth day of the month ab#u (XI), Sennacherib set out from Aur with his army. In advance of the king, troops under the authority of the chief official and several provincial governors were dispatched to Kish; Sennacherib and his host marched on Cutha. While Cutha was under attack, the contingent sent to Kish faced off with Marduk-apla-iddina and his supporters. The initial confrontation at Kish met with failure. But when the main body of the Assyrian army arrived after capturing Cutha, Marduk-apla-iddina became frightened, fled the battlefield, and eluded capture. The Assyrians searched for him in the marshes, but their efforts were in vain. As his army fought and defeated other enemy contingents, Sennacherib marched to Babylon, where he plundered Marduk-apla-iddina’s palace.21 Over the course of his 2nd regnal year (703), the Assyrians brought order back to Babylonia. Numerous Chaldean-controlled cities and towns were conquered and mass deportations took place. Sennacherib attempted to rule Sumer and Akkad through a puppet ruler in Babylon. Late in the year, Bl-ibni, who is described as “a son of a rab banî (and) a scion of uanna (Babylon) who had grown up like a young puppy in my palace,” was installed as king. As the Assyrians withdrew, probably at the beginning of Sennacherib’s 3rd regnal year (702), numerous Aramean tribes were plundered, a substantial voluntary payment was received from Nabû-bl-umti (the official in charge of the city araratu), and the city irimmu was captured. For the next two years, Sennacherib left Babylonia in the hands of Bl-ibni. With Assyrian attention drawn elsewhere, Marduk-apla-iddina took the opportunity to make his presence felt. By early 700 (Sennacherib’s 5th regnal year and Bl-ibni’s 3rd regnal year), Bl-ibni’s jurisdiction appears to have been restricted to northern Babylonia; the Chaldeans were in control of the south. To remedy the situation, Sennacherib marched into Babylonia; he officially regarded this expedition as his fourth campaign.22 First, he hunted down a man called zubu (who must be identical to Muzib-Marduk), a new, influential Chaldean leader. That Chaldean was defeated at the city Bitttu; he fled before the Assyrians could capture him. Sennacherib then advanced on BtYakn. Marduk-apla-iddina, as he had done many times before, ran away. He fled by ship across the Persian Gulf to Elam; his abandoned family and supporters were captured and deported to Assyria. On his return march, the Assyrian king removed Bl-ibni and his officials, whether for incompetence or disloyalty is not known, and installed in Bl-ibni’s place Aur-ndin-umi, Sennacherib’s eldest son. This arrangement ensured Assyrian control over Babylonia for the next six years. In his 11th regnal year (694), Sennacherib decided to attack the Bt-Yakn exiles living in Elam and the Elamites who had granted them asylum; the expedition is officially designated as his sixth campaign.23 To catch the enemy off guard, Sennacherib decided to enter Elam via the Persian Gulf. Syrian ships were built at Nineveh and then sailed down the Tigris River to Opis, at which point the boats were dragged overland to the Aratu; the ships were manned by well-trained sailors from Tyre, Sidon, and Cyprus (or Ionia). Assyrian troops, horses, and their supplies and equipment were loaded onto the ships and sailed down the Tigris. Sennacherib and his elite troops, however, remained on shore and marched along the bank. Once they reached the head of the Persian Gulf, the advance was delayed for five days; this may have been due to the fact that the Phoenician sailors were not accustomed to the strong gulf tide. After this minor setback, which Sennacherib claims to have resolved by making an offering to the god Ea, the Assyrians sailed over to the Elamite coast. Upon landing, the Elamite cities that had granted asylum to exiles from Bt-Yakn were captured and plundered. The Bt-Yakn 20

The Eponym Chronicle (see below) records that Sennacherib sent his officials against the Kulummians in Tabal to avenge his father’s death. E. Frahm (ISIMU 6 [2003] p. 130) forwards the idea that “Sennacherib may have found it too risky to engage his troops in two dangerous spots in the north and in the south at the same time” and therefore did not march into Babylonia immediately after Mardukapla-iddina II seized the throne. 21 It is uncertain if Sennacherib participated in the ak tu-festival at this time, thus officially inaugurating his 2nd regnal year as king of Babylon. For ten months of his 1st regnal year, Marduk-zkir-umi II and Marduk-apla-iddina II sat on the throne in Babylon. Thus, the two years that Babylonian Kinglist A states that Sennacherib was king of Babylon (704–703) overlap with the one month and nine months that Marduk-zkir-umi II and Marduk-apla-iddina II sat on the throne (704) respectively. This coincides nicely with the Ptolemaic Canon, which records that the two years between the reigns of Sargon II and Bl-ibni were “kingless.” 22 Text no. 6 line 15´, text no. 15 iv 15´–v 9, text no. 16 iv 38–69, text no. 17 iii 82–iv 17, text no. 18 iii 1´–30´, text no. 19 i´ 15´–16´, text no. 21 ii´ 1´–8´, text no. 22 iii 50–74, text no. 23 iii 43–65, text no. 26 i 4´b–5´, text no. 28 i´ 1–2, and text no. 34 lines 8b–12a. The events are also recorded in the Babylonian Chronicle (see below), the Eponym Chronicle (see below), Babylonian Kinglist A iv 15 (see below), the Ptolemaic Canon (see below), the Synchronistic King List iv 3–4 (see below), and the Babyloniaca of Berossus (Burstein, SANE 1/5 [1978] p. 23). 23 Text no. 18 iv 1´–6´, text no. 20 i´ 1–13, text no. 22 iv 32–53, text no. 23 iv 26–46, text no. 26 ii 1´–6´, text no. 34 lines 20–36a, and text no. 35 lines 1´–15´. The events are also recorded in the Babylonian Chronicle (see below), Babylonian Kinglist A iv 17 (see below), the Ptolemaic Canon (see below), and the Synchronistic King List iv 7 (see below).

Introduction

13

exiles and the Elamites who took them in were loaded onto boats and transported back across the Persian Gulf. From all appearances, this campaign should have been a resounding success for Sennacherib. However, this was not the case, as the Assyrian king had been outwitted. While the Assyrian army was busy in Elam, the Elamite king alluu (alluta-Inuinak) had invaded northern Babylonia through the Diyala valley and occupied Sippar. The Babylonians struck a deal with alluu: they handed over Aur-ndin-umi and the king of Elam appointed Nergal-uzib (of the Gaul [Gaal] family) as king of Babylon in his place; Aur-ndin-umi was carried off to Elam. Sennacherib was caught completely off guard when he returned to Babylonia. The Assyrians had to fight their way north. The fighting was fierce and the conflict continued into the next year (693; Sennacherib’s 12th regnal year and Nergal-uzib’s 1st regnal year). Nergal-uzib managed to capture Nippur, while the Assyrians were able to take Uruk. In the month Tartu (VII), Sennacherib and Nergal-uzib fought a pitched battle near Nippur. The Assyrians won the day. Nergal-uzib was taken prisoner and carried back to Nineveh, where he was publicly humiliated. Sennacherib, enraged by the fact that the Elamite king had carried off his son, immediately sought to exact revenge on Elam. The situation in Elam was ripe to launch a full military assault: alluu (alluta-Inuinak) had just been deposed and executed in an insurrection. Almost immediately after returning home in late 693, Sennacherib mustered his army and marched directly into Elamite territory; this was officially his seventh campaign.24 Several border cities, including Ri, were captured, garrisoned with Assyrian troops, and placed under the authority of the garrison commander of the city Dr. Thirty-four cities are reported to have been captured, plundered, and destroyed. Kudur-Naundu (Kudur-Naunte), the newly enthroned Elamite king, heard the bad news and fled. Sennacherib ordered the march to the royal city Madaktu, but deep winter set in during the month "ebtu (X) and the Assyrians felt it best to return home. Thus, the final conflict with Elam was postponed. Meanwhile, Muzib-Marduk (zubu), the same influential Chaldean whom Sennacherib had defeated several years earlier (700), became king in Babylon.25 What transpired in Sennacherib’s 13th regnal year (692, Muzib-Marduk’s 1st regnal year) is not entirely clear. Chronographic sources are silent on the matter and record only that Kudur-Naundu was deposed in the month Abu (V) and succeeded by Umman-menanu (umban-menanu). Muzib-Marduk, as Sennacherib reports, was strengthening his ties at home and abroad. A substantial bribe was sent to the Elamite king, enticing Elam once again to bring its armies onto Babylonian soil. Sennacherib caught wind of the situation brewing in the south, mustered his army, and marched against the king of Babylon and his allies. This campaign, which is the eighth campaign by official reckoning, is generally thought to have taken place in Sennacherib’s 14th regnal year (691, Muzib-Marduk’s 2nd regnal year).26 Sennacherib confronted MuzibMarduk, Umman-menanu, and their allies in the plain near the city alulê. The true outcome of the battle is obscured by conflicting accounts of the event.27 The Babylonian Chronicle records an Assyrian retreat, while Sennacherib’s res gestae describe in a highly poetic style a total rout of the enemy. The fact that MuzibMarduk remained in power may suggest that the Assyrians suffered a setback at alulê. In any event, any setback was short lived, as Assyrian troops started laying siege to Babylon by the middle of 690 (Sennacherib’s 15th regnal year and Muzib-Marduk’s 3rd regnal year).28 Despite the desperate state of affairs, Babylon and Muzib-Marduk refused to submit for another fifteen months. On the 1st day of the month Kislmu (IX) 689 (Sennacherib’s 16th regnal year and Muzib-Marduk’s 4th regnal year), Babylon fell.29 Sennacherib records that he utterly destroyed Babylon and its temples by 24 Text no. 18 iv 7´–11´´, text no. 22 iv 54–v 16, text no. 23 iv 47–v 8, text no. 26 ii 7´–13´, text no. 34 lines 36b–44a, and text no. 35 lines 16´– 29´a. The events are also recorded in the Babylonian Chronicle (see below), Babylonian Kinglist A iv 18 (see below), the Ptolemaic Canon (see below), the Synchronistic King List iv 8–9 (see below), and in inscriptions of Ashurbanipal (Borger, BIWA p. 46 Prism A iv 123–127). 25 The details of Muzib-Marduk’s rise to power are not known. Sennacherib’s res gestae imply that he came to power through his own efforts (that is, not appointed by the Assyrian or Elamite king). The fact that Sennacherib does not appear to have made an immediate attempt to remove him from power may indicate that the Assyrian king was not entirely opposed to Muzib-Marduk being king of Babylon. On the other hand, it may be that his attention was drawn elsewhere or that he was carefully assessing the Babylonian problem before making his next move. 26 Text no. 18 v 1´–vi 15´, text no. 22 v 17–vi 35, text no. 23 v 9–vi 30, text no. 25 i 1´–12´, text no. 34 lines 44b–55a, and text no. 35 lines 29´b– 52´. The events are also recorded in the Babylonian Chronicle (see below). 27 For a study of the battle of alulê and other problematic battles, see Grayson, Studies Landsberger pp. 337–342. 28 A legal text dated to V-28-690 describes the grim situation in Babylon at that time: “In the reign of Muzib-Marduk, king of Babylon, there were siege, famine, hunger, starvation, and hard times in the land. Everything had changed and become non-existent. (For) one shekel of silver (one could buy) two kor of barley. The city gates were locked and there was no exit in (all) four directions. The corpses of people filled the squares of Babylon because there was no one to bury (them).” For a transliteration, see Brinkman, Prelude p. 64 n. 311 YBC 11377 lines 1–8. 29 Text no. 24 vi 1´–16´ and the Bavian Inscription lines 43b–54a (Luckenbill, Senn. pp. 83–84). The event and the period following the second conquest of Babylon are also recorded in the Babylonian Chronicle (see below), the Esarhaddon Chronicle (see below), the Ak tu

14

Introduction

diverting water from canals to completely wash away the mud-brick structures, making it impossible for future generations to recognize the ground plans of the city and its buildings. The actual destruction was probably not as bad as Sennacherib describes.30 Sennacherib ruled Babylonia directly for the next eight years (688–681), but the extent of his affairs there is not known. He did not assume the titles “king of Babylon,” “viceroy of Babylon,” or “king of Sumer and Akkad,” and he does not appear to have sponsored building activities there. His involvement may have been very limited as one Babylonian chronicle and the Ptolemaic Canon considered Sennacherib’s second tenure as ruler of Babylon to be “kingless.” Zagros Mountain Campaign Probably early in his 3rd regnal year (702), Sennacherib marched into the Zagros, where he attacked the Kassites and Yasubigallians living there; this expedition was officially regarded as his second campaign.31 The fortified city Bt-Kilamza was captured and plundered. The insubmissive inhabitants were settled in the cities ardipu and Bt-Kubatti and placed under the authority of the governor of Arrapa. Sennacherib then moved on to the land Ellipi. Ispabra, its king, who had been a vassal of Sargon II, heard about the Assyrian advance and fled; the inscriptions do not record why Sennacherib marched against Ellipi, but it may have been because Ispabra had thrown off Assyrian domination when Sargon died. The Assyrian army swept through the area, captured and plundered Ellipi’s principal cities (including i!!irtu and Kummalum), and annexed part of it. The city Elenza was reorganized as an Assyrian center. Its name was changed to Kr-Sennacherib (“Quay of Sennacherib”) and the city was put under the authority of the governor of arar. On his return home, Median rulers paid tribute to him. Expeditions to the Levant and Arabia In modern scholarship, the best known and most widely discussed military expedition of Sennacherib is his third campaign, according to the official numbering. This is not surprising as the event is also recorded in the Bible, which describes this Assyrian king’s invasion of Judah during the reign of Hezekiah and a siege of Jerusalem.32 During the early years of Sennacherib’s reign, rulers in the Levant renounced allegiance to Assyria, probably with the encouragement of the Nubian rulers of Egypt, and supported those opposed to Assyrian domination, including Marduk-apla-iddina II (Merodach-baladan) of Babylon. In his 4th regnal year (701), Sennacherib mustered his troops and marched to the Levant. Lulî, the king of Sidon, was his first target. However, before Sennacherib’s arrival, Lulî fled, leaving the cities and towns under his control undefended. The cities Great Sidon, Lesser Sidon, Bt-Zitti, arepta, Maalliba, Uû, Akzibu, and Acco were captured. Tu-Balu, a man considered loyal to Assyria, was made king of Sidon. With a large Assyrian army on the scene, several rulers in the area quickly sought to avert battle. Minuimmu of Samsimuruna, AbdiLiti of Arwad, Uru-milki of Byblos, Mitinti of Ashdod, Bdi-il of Bt-Ammon, Kammsu-nadbi of Moab, and Aya-rmu of Edom all brought gifts and tribute before Sennacherib. The bribes worked. However, not everyone was as easily cowed into submission. idqâ of the city Ashkelon, the nobles and citizens of the city Ekron, and Hezekiah of Judah fought back. idqâ’s efforts failed. Ashkelon along with the other cities under his authority fell to the Assyrians and he together with his family was captured and deported. Sennacherib put arru-l-dri, the son of a former ruler (Rkibtu), on the throne of Ashkelon. The nobles and citizens of Ekron — who had deposed Padî, their proAssyrian king, and who had handed him over to Hezekiah — became frightened and sought military support Chronicle (see below), Babylonian Kinglist A iv 19 (see below), the Ptolemaic Canon (see below), and the Synchronistic King List iv 10–11 (see below). Inscriptions of Esarhaddon record the destruction of the city, but those accounts remove all human agency from the events. See for example Leichty, RINAP 4 pp. 195–196 Esarhaddon 104 i 18b–ii 1a. 30 See Frame, Babylonia pp. 55–56. 31 Text no. 2 lines 20–33, text no. 3 lines 20–33, text no. 4 lines 18–31, text no. 15 ii 1´–37´´, text no. 16 ii 6–75, text no. 17 i 78–ii 57, text no. 18 i 14´´–ii 28´, text no. 22 i 65–ii 36, text no. 23 i 59–ii 34, text no. 24 ii 1´–9´, text no. 26 i 6´–8´, text no. 34 lines 12b–13a, and text no. 36 rev. 1´– 2´. For studies, see Levine, JNES 32 (1973) pp. 312–317; Levine, JCS 34 (1982) pp. 38–40; Grayson, CAH2 3/2 p. 112; and Frahm, Sanherib p. 10. 32 Text no. 4 lines 32–58, text no. 6 lines 1´–14´, text no. 15 iii 1–iv 14´, text no. 16 ii 76–iv 37, text no. 17 ii 58–iii 81, text no. 18 ii 1´´–iii 31, text no. 19 i´ 1´–14´, text no. 21 i´ 1´–7´, text no. 22 ii 37–iii 49, text no. 23 ii 35–iii 42, text no. 26 i 9´–13´, and text no. 34 lines 13b–15. This event is also recorded in the Bible (2 Kings 18:13–19:36; Isaiah 36:1–37:37; and 2 Chronicles 32:1–22) and classical sources (Herodotus, Hist. 2 141–142; and Josephus, Ant. Jud. X 1–23). For further information, see van Leeuwen, Oudtestamentische Studiën 14 (1965) pp. 245–272; Horn, AUSS 4 (1966) pp. 1–28; Ussishkin, Conquest of Lachish; Gonçalves, L’Expédition de Sennachérib; Grayson, CAH2 3/2 pp. 109–111; Gallagher, Sennacherib’s Third Campaign; Laato, VT 45 (1995) pp. 198–226; Frahm, Sanherib pp. 10–11; Cogan, BAR 27 (2001) pp. 40–45 and 69; Grabbe, ‘Like a Bird in a Cage’; Ussishkin, Studies Naaman pp. 339–357; and Cogan, Raging Torrent pp. 111–129.

Introduction

15

from Egypt and its Nubian rulers. The Assyrian army met the Egyptian-led coalition at the city Eltekeh and routed it. Eltekeh and the city Tamnâ were besieged, captured, and plundered, and the anti-Assyrian elements at Ekron were put to death; corpses were hung from the towers of the wall as a warning to anyone who thought of rebelling against Assyria. The turn of events must have taken Hezekiah of Judah by surprise, as he released Padî; Sennacherib returned Padî to his rightful place as ruler of Ekron. The kingdom of Judah put up a good fight against the Assyrians, but it too suffered a heavy defeat. Sennacherib boasts that he captured forty-six Judean cities, including Lachish, which fell after an intensive siege.33 Hezekiah and his elite forces were confined to Jerusalem, where the Judean is said to have been caged like a bird. The defenses of Jerusalem held, however, and the Assyrians returned home without taking the city. Before departing, Hezekiah appears to have struck a deal with Sennacherib, for he sent a substantial payment to Nineveh in exchange for remaining in power (as an Assyrian vassal). The Levant, having witnessed firsthand the might of Assyria, did not rebel again.34 In his 15th regnal year (690), possibly while Babylon was under siege, Sennacherib marched into the north Arabian desert against Teelunu, queen of the Arabs, and Hazael.35 The city Adummatu (biblical Dumah, mod. Dmat al-Jandal) and another city (name not preserved) were besieged and plundered. According to later sources, Teelunu was carried off to Assyria. Campaigns to the North and Northwest Sennacherib directed his attention to the north and northwest with a series of campaigns during his 8th (697), 9th (696), and 10th (695) regnal years.36 The king personally led the first of these, but stayed at home for the other two. During his fifth campaign (697), according to the official numbering, Sennacherib attacked the inhabitants of cities located on and near Mount Nipur (mod. Judi Dagh).37 The victories were hard earned, as the Assyrian army was not well trained in marching through and fighting in difficult, narrow mountain terrain. Official reports, including those inscribed on several rock faces in that region, record the difficulties encountered. After the Mount Nipur area was brought into submission, Sennacherib set his sights on Maniye, king of the city Ukku. As the Assyrian army approached Ukku, Maniye is reported to have abandoned the city and fled to a remote location. Ukku and thirty-three cities in its vicinity are said to have been captured, plundered, and subsequently destroyed. In his 9th (696) and 10th (695) regnal years, Sennacherib sent expeditions to Anatolia. These campaigns were led by his officials.38 His reluctance to personally go on these campaigns was likely rooted in the fact that Sargon II had been killed there and that his body had never been recovered. In 696, Assyrian troops were sent to ilakku (Cilicia), where Kira, the city ruler of Illubru, had incited rebellion and blocked the road to the land Que. It has been suggested that Que may have been once again friendly towards Assyria and possibly a vassal state, and the purpose of the campaign was to assist that pro-Assyrian area. The rebel cities Illubru, Ingirâ, and Tarsus were besieged, captured, and plundered. Kira was captured and brought back to Nineveh, where he 33

Lachish is not mentioned by name in reports of the third campaign, but it is named in an epigraph on a relief depicting the siege and conquest of that city. Archaeological excavations at Lachish confirm that the city did in fact succumb to an Assyrian siege. See Ussishkin, Conquest of Lachish for a detailed study of the relief and the archaeological evidence. 34 What happened in the Levant between 688 and 681 is unclear as there are very few extant inscriptions of Sennacherib for the post-689 period. It has been suggested that Judah rebelled a second time during this period. For the opinion that Sennacherib campaigned twice to the Levant, once in 701 and again after 689, see Shea, JBL 104 (1985) pp. 401–418; Grayson, JSSEA 11 (1981) pp. 85–88; and Grayson, CAH2 3/2 pp. 110–111. This issue falls outside the scope of this volume and thus it will not be examined here. 35 Text no. 35 lines 53´–9´´. This event is also recorded in inscriptions of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal. See for example Leichty, RINAP 4 p. 19 Esarhaddon 1 iv 1–5 and p. 30 Esarhaddon 2 ii 46–50; and Borger, BIWA pp. 69–70 K 3087 // K 3405 // Rm 2,558 lines 1b–4 (and 12). Teelunu is called Apkallatu in the inscriptions of Esarhaddon. As R. Borger (Orientalia NS 26 [1957] pp. 9–10) has already pointed out, Apkallatu is not a proper name, but rather a title which Esarhaddon’s scribes mistook as a personal name, and thus Apkallatu is the same woman as Teelunu. For studies, see Ephal, Arabs pp. 118–125; Grayson, CAH2 3/2 pp. 112–113; and Frahm, Sanherib p. 16. 36 The Eponym Chronicle records for his 1st regnal year (704) that officials of the king were sent against the Kulummians in Tabal to avenge his father’s death. Because the text is badly damaged, the outcome of the campaign is not known. E. Frahm (PNA 3/1 p. 1118 sub Sn-aerba II.3b-2´) suggests that the expedition was probably not a great success since it was not mentioned in Sennacherib’s royal inscriptions. 37 Text no. 16 iv 70–v 32, text no. 17 iv 18–60, text no. 18 iii 1´´–iv 10, text no. 19 ii´ 1´–13´a, text no. 22 iii 75–iv 31, text no. 23 iii 66–iv 25, text no. 26 i 14´–17´, and text no. 34 lines 16–17a. For studies, see Grayson, CAH2 3/2 p. 112; Frahm, NABU 1994 pp. 48–50 no. 55; and Frahm, Sanherib p. 13. 38 Text no. 17 iv 61–v 14, text no. 26 i 18´, and text no. 34 lines 17b–19. The Babyloniaca of Berossus (Burstein, SANE 1/5 [1978] p. 24) also records events of the 696 campaign. Relying on Abydenus and Polyhistor, Berossus states that the Assyrians defeated a group of Ionian warships. Polyhistor states that Sennacherib left an inscribed stele on the battlefield and that he built (rebuilt?) the city Tarsus. Abydenus records that he built (rebuilt?) the temple of Sandes (= Heracles) and that he built (rebuilt?) the city Tarsus. For studies on the 696 and 695 campaigns, see King, CT 26 pp. 9–16; Tallqvist, OLZ 14 (1911) cols. 344–345; Haider in Ulf, Wege zur Genese griechischer Identität pp. 82–91; Hawkins, CAH2 3/1 pp. 426–427; Grayson, CAH2 3/2 p. 112; and Frahm, Sanherib p. 14.

Introduction

16

was flayed publicly. The next year (695), Sennacherib sent his army to the land Tabal, where Gurdî, the city ruler of Urdutu (and possibly the man responsible for Sargon II’s death), had taken up arms against Assyria. Only the city Tl-Garimme is reported to have been captured and destroyed. The campaign was far from successful, since the chief instigator remained at large. Building Activities at Nineveh Numerous texts describe Sennacherib’s renovation and expansion of Nineveh, a city that he transformed into the leading metropolis of Assyria. He began projects there almost immediately after he became king; the labor was provided by prisoners of war, including Chaldeans, Arameans, Manneans, and the inhabitants of Que, ilakku, Philistia, and Tyre. For general studies, see in particular Grayson, CAH2 3/2 pp. 113–116; Frahm, Sanherib pp. 265–276 and passim; Reade, RLA 9/5–6 (2000) pp. 389–433, esp. §§11, 13.1, 13.5–6, 14.2–3, 15.2, 15.4, and 15.8; Frahm, PNA 3/1 pp. 1121–1122 sub Sn-a -erba II.3c-1´; and Frahm, RLA 12/1–2 (2009) p. 19 §6.1.1– 8. For a detailed and comprehensive study of the “Palace Without a Rival,” see J.M. Russell, Senn.’s Palace. Only the projects recorded in texts edited in this volume will be discussed here.

Figure 1. Plan of Kuyunjik ca. 640. Drawing by J. Reade (Reprinted from Iraq 67 [2005] p. 348 fig. 1). © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq.

Introduction

17

Egalzagdinutukua: The “Palace Without a Rival” One of this king’s most ambitious projects was the construction of his royal residence and progress on its construction can be followed in texts inscribed on clay cylinders, clay prisms, and stone bull colossi between 702 and 691.39 This once-magnificent palace, which he gave the Sumerian ceremonial name Egalzagdinutukua (the “Palace Without a Rival”), has only been partially excavated. The royal residence, which is on the larger of the two Nineveh mounds, Kuyunjik, is also referred to as the South-West Palace, as it is located on the southwest part of the citadel. Early in his reign, Sennacherib razed the former palace, diverted the Tebilti River (which is reported to have flooded the area around the palace and to have eroded the previous brickwork), made a large tract of land (including areas previously underwater) suitable for building, laid the foundations of a massive mud-brick terrace, and began construction of the terrace upon which his palace would be built. The site of the previous palace was enlarged by 340 288 cubits (ca. 187 158 m). A high terrace was constructed on water-proofed stone foundations. Originally the terrace was raised 160 courses of brick, but it was later raised to a final height of 190 courses of brick. The palace, which grew in size every year, was sumptuously decorated with various types of wood, stone, and metal. Its palatial halls were roofed with beams of cedar and cypress from Mounts Lebanon and Sirra. Tall metal-banded door leaves were hung in their gateways. Some of the rooms were decorated with glazed baked bricks. Like his predecessors, Sennacherib had numerous apotropaic colossi stationed in principal gateways and had the walls of many rooms and halls lined with sculpted limestone slabs, many of which were unearthed in the mid-nineteenth century. A.H. Layard described these orthostats as “two miles of bas-relief” and Sînarra-ikun, Sennacherib’s fourth successor, referred to this building as “the palace of alabaster.”40 Unlike his forefathers, Sennacherib had colossi cast from bronze and copper using a metalworking technique he claims to have perfected. In total, he claims to have set up in the palace’s gateways twelve copper bulls, two alabaster bulls, and seventy-two bulls and sphinxes of white limestone, stone laboriously hauled from the city Bal#ya. A striking feature of the palace described in the texts was an elaborate pillared portico, a b t-appte (a b tilni in the “Amorite tongue”) that was modeled on a feature of Hittite palaces. This section included twelve striding lion colossi of bronze, which served as bases for four cedar and two copper columns. Twenty-two copper sphinxes and ten alabaster sphinxes were also used as bases for wooden columns decorated with metal inlay, but it is not clear from reports of this project where in the palace these were set up. Between 694 and late 691, Sennacherib appears to have put the finishing touches on the “Palace Without a Rival.” In 694, the (final?) dimensions are reported to have been 914 440 cubits (ca. 503 242 m). In 691, Sennacherib boasted that Egalzagdinutukua had been completed.41 Walls of Nineveh and Their Gates Inscriptions dating from 699 to 691 commemorate one of Sennacherib’s most ambitious building enterprises: the construction of Nineveh’s walls. Sennacherib states that the former circumference of the city was 9,300 cubits and that no previous ruler had built an inner or outer wall for the city. He boasts of expanding Nineveh’s circumference by 12,515 cubits, expanding the length of the city walls to a total of 21,815 cubits, and of building the outer defenses in two parts: (1) the main (or great) inner wall, Badnigalbilukurauu (“Wall Whose Brilliance Overwhelms Enemies”), constructed with limestone foundations and built to a height of 180 (later 200) courses of brick and to a width of 40 bricks; and (2) an outer stone wall, Badnigerimulua (“Wall, Terrorizer of Enemies”), whose foundations were 45 nindanu deep.42 39

Text no. 1 lines 63–86, text no. 2 lines 34–63, text no. 3 lines 34–56, text no. 4 lines 61–84, text no. 15 v 18–vii 9, text no. 16 v 41–vii 16, text no. 17 v 23–vii 52, text no. 18 vi 1´´–vii 11a, and text no. 22 vi 36–38. See Frahm, Sanherib pp. 267–269 for references in texts not included in this volume. 40 For a detailed study and for images of the numerous reliefs decorating the palace, see Barnett et al., Sculptures from the Southwest Palace. 41 As early as ca. 702, Sennacherib claims to have completed the palace, invited Aur and the gods and goddesses of Assyria inside, and to have celebrated the palace’s dedication. Of course, this is just royal rhetoric as it would have been impossible for Sennacherib to have completed such a large-scale project in such a short time. See, for example, text no. 1 lines 91–92. 42 Text no. 8 lines 9´–13´, text no. 15 vii 14–24 and 24´–29´a, text no. 16 vii 22–33 and 70–76a, text no. 17 vii 58–69 and viii 6–12, text no. 18 vii 1´–9´ and 41´–48´, and text no. 38 lines 16–18. Bricks, stone slabs, and stone blocks attest to this project; see Frahm, Sanherib pp. 141– 142 T 75–80a. Nearly the entire city wall is still visible today, as a high mound or as a modern reconstruction. Excavations near the ama Gate and the Ea Gate reveal that the inner wall was ca. 15–16 m wide, a figure consistent with the thickness of forty bricks; Reade (RLA 9/5– 6 [2000] pp. 399–400 §11.3) suggests that the inner wall was approximately 25 m high. The outer, stone wall was ca. 11 m thick and ca. 4.5 m high. BM 124938, a relief depicting Nineveh, shows the city walls Badnigalbilukurauu and Badnigerimulua. See Frahm, Sanherib p. 99 and Reade, RLA 9/5–6 (2000) p. 398 fig. 3.

Introduction

18

Sennacherib initially states that the city wall had fourteen gates (697–695), but later records that it had fifteen (694), and then eighteen (691) gates.43 Clearly, the plan evolved over time. The gates are listed counterclockwise as follows: Gate

Text nos. 15–16 (697–695)

Text no. 17 (694)

Text no. 18 (691)

I

1. and ru Gate: “The God arur Is the One Who Cuts Down the King’s Enemy” 2. Aur Gate: “May the Vice-Regent of the God Aur Endure”

1. and ru Gate: “The God arur Is the One Who Cuts Down the King’s Enemy” 2. Aur Gate: “May the Vice-Regent of the God Aur Endure”

XIII

11. Gate of the Garden: “The God Igisigsig Is the One Who Makes Orchards Flourish” Three gates facing north 12. Maqû Gate: “The God Ea Is the One Who Properly Directs (Water Flow into) My Cisterns” —

15. and ru Gate: “The God arur Is the One Who Cuts Down the King’s Enemy” 1. Aur Gate: “May the Vice-Regent of the God Aur Stay in Good Health” 2. Sennacherib Gate: “The One Who Flattens All Enemies” 3. ama Gate: “The God Enlil Is the One Who Makes My Reign Firm” 4. Mullissu Gate: “Make Sennacherib’s Dynasty as Firm as the Position of the Wagon Constellation!” 5. Step Gate: “The One Who Exorcises the ‘Flesh’ of the Asakku-demon” 6. ibaniba Gate: “The Choicest of Grain and Flocks Are Constantly Inside It” 7. alau Gate: “The Bearer of the Produce of the Mountains” Seven gates facing the sunrise, towards the south and east 8. Adad Gate: “The God Adad Is the Provider of Prosperity to the Land” 9. Nergal Gate: “The God Erra Is the One Who Slaughters Those Hostile to Me” 10. Sîn Gate: “The Divine Nannru Is the One Who Protects My Lordly Crown” Three gates facing north 11. Maqû Gate: “The God Ea Is the One Who Properly Directs (Water Flow into) My Cisterns” —

XIV

—

—

XV

12. Quay Gate: “The One Who Brings in Income from the Settlements” 14. Armory Gate: “The One Who Regulates Everything”

XVII

13. Quay Gate: “The One Who Brings in Income from the Settlements” 14. Armory Gate: “The One Who Regulates Everything” —

XVIII

—

13. Desert Gate: “The Presents of the People of Sumu el and T ma Enter Through It” Five gates facing west

II III IV V VI VII VIII

IX X XI

XII

XVI

3. Sennacherib Gate: “The One Who Flattens All Enemies” 4. ama Gate: “The God Enlil Is the One Who Makes My Reign Firm” 5. Mullissu Gate: “O Itar Bless the One Who Provides for You!” 6. Step Gate: “The One Who Exorcises the ‘Flesh’ of the Asakku-demon” 7. ibaniba Gate: “The Choicest of Grain and Flocks Are Constantly Inside It” 8. alau Gate: “The Bearer of the Produce of the Mountains” Eight gates facing the sunrise, towards the south and east 9. Adad Gate: “The God Adad Is the Provider of Prosperity to the Land” 10. Nergal Gate: “The God Erra Is the One Who Cuts Down Enemies”

Three gates facing west

3. Sennacherib Gate: “The One Who Flattens All Enemies” 4. ama Gate: “The God Enlil Is the One Who Makes My Reign Firm” 5. Mullissu Gate: “Make Sennacherib’s Dynasty as Firm as the Position of the Wagon Constellation!” 6. Step Gate: “The One Who Exorcises the ‘Flesh’ of the Asakku-demon” 7. ibaniba Gate: “The Choicest of Grain and Flocks Are Constantly Inside It” 8. alau Gate: “The Bearer of the Produce of the Mountains” Eight gates facing the sunrise, towards the south and east 9. Adad Gate: “The God Adad Is the Provider of Prosperity to the Land” 10. Nergal Gate: “The God Erra Is the One Who Cuts Down My Enemies” 11. Sîn Gate: “The Divine Nannru Is the One Who Makes Firm My Lordly Crown” — 12. Maqû Gate: “The God Ea Is the One Who Properly Directs (Water Flow into) My Cisterns” 13. Step Gate of the Palace: “May Its Builder Endure” 14. Step Gate of the Gardens: “The God Igisigsig Is the One Who Makes Orchards Flourish” 15. Quay Gate: “The One Who Brings in Income from the Settlements” 16. Step Gate of the Armory: “May Its Builder Live Forever” 17. Baralzi Gate: “The God Anu Is the Protector of My Life” 18. Desert Gate: “The Presents of the People of T ma and Sumu el Enter Through It” Ten gates facing north and west

43 Text no. 15 vii 25–23´, text no. 16 vii 34–69, text no. 17 vii 70–viii 5, and text no. 18 vii 10´–40´. Gurney, STT 2 no. 372, a text from the reign of Ashurbanipal, lists Gates II–XI, in a garbled form. On the location of the gates, see in particular King, Cat. pp. xix–xxiv; Thompson, Arch. 79 (1929) pp. 111–113; Thompson, Iraq 7 (1940) pp. 91–93; Reade, RA 72 (1978) pp. 50–54; and Scott and MacGinnis, Iraq 52 (1990) pp. 63–68.

Introduction

19

Figure 2. Plan of Nineveh. Reprinted from Scott and MacGinnis, Iraq 52 (1990) p. 73 fig. 4. © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq.

20

Introduction

Botanical Gardens, Swamps, and Related Waterworks Sennacherib created a large botanical garden beside his palace, which he claims was a “replica of Mount Amanus,” and he planted a large variety of trees in it.44 In addition, he provided the citizens of Nineveh with numerous garden plots that were planted on newly tilled soil, and created a park and a game preserve beside the city.45 Those gardens and parks required much water and the king devoted a great deal of time and effort to providing irrigation water for those areas and regulating the flow of that water. Early in his reign (ca. 702–700), Sennacherib diverted water from the usur River (mod. Khosr), near the city Kisiru, for a distance of one and a half leagues to the plain of Nineveh.46 To control the flow and to carry off excess water during the flood season, a large wet marsh was created east of the city wall (ca. 699).47 The area was stocked with flora and fauna of the Babylonian marshes and populated with migratory birds (herons), wild pigs, roe deer, and other animals. Sometime between 700 and 694, a more substantial irrigation system was needed and the requisite water was found in mountain springs northeast of the city, near Mount Mu!ri and the cities Dr-Itar, ibaniba, and Sulu. Three new canals were dug to the usur River, where their waters supplemented those of the river, thus making it possible to irrigate fields upstream and downstream of Nineveh all year long.48 Throughout the rest of his reign, Sennacherib continued his extensive waterworks program, creating at least sixteen canals that brought a constant supply of water to Nineveh.49 Bridges and Aqueducts Sennacherib built a bridge paved with limestone opposite a gate of the citadel in order to facilitate access to the citadel from the lower town; the usur River flows between the royal road and the citadel, thus preventing direct access to the upper town from the southeast.50 A second bridge was built downstream, but its precise location is not indicated in the texts. To control the flow of the waters of the usur River, Sennacherib had aqueducts built.51 Work on one of the bridges and on the aqueducts is first attested in 700 and 699 respectively. The City Squares and Streets, and the Royal Road Throughout his reign, Sennacherib boasts that he broadened the squares, streets, and alleys of Nineveh, thus brightening the city.52 As part of his transformation of the lower town, Sennacherib created a fifty-two-cubitwide royal road that ran through the city. That road may have run north from the Aur Gate in the south wall, east past the armory and the citadel, to the Sîn Gate (formerly the Gate of the Gardens) at the western end of the north wall.53 To prevent future encroachment, he erected inscribed and sculpted steles on both sides of the roadway. Reports of that project are known from texts composed ca. 693–691. 44 Text no. 1 line 87, text no. 2 line 64, text no. 3 line 57, text no. 4 line 85, text no. 15 vii 10–13, text no. 16 vii 17–21, and text no. 17 vii 53– 57. See Frahm, Sanherib p. 276 for references in texts not included in this volume. For a discussion on the location of the parks, gardens, and orchards, see Reade, RLA 9/5–6 (2000) pp. 403–405 §11.6 with figs. 6–8. For the opinion that Sennacherib’s “replica of Mount Amanus” was the origin of the “Hanging Gardens of Babylon” story, see Dalley, Iraq 56 (1994) pp. 45–58; and Dalley, HSAO 6 pp. 19–24. See also Dalley, Studies D. Oates pp. 67–73; and K.P. Foster, Iraq 66 (2004) pp. 207–220. For some critical reviews of Dalley’s proposal, see Reade, Iraq 62 (2000) pp. 195–217; and Bichler and Rollinger, Studies Schretter pp. 153–218. 45 Text no. 1 line 88, text no. 2 line 65, text no. 3 line 58, text no. 4 line 86, text no. 8 line 1´, text no. 15 viii 2´–11´, text no. 16 viii 3–15, and text no. 17 viii 16–21. For additional references, see Frahm, Sanherib p. 276. 46 Text no. 1 lines 89–90, text no. 2 lines 66–67, text no. 3 lines 58–60, text no. 4 lines 87–88, text no. 8 lines 2´–3´, text no. 15 viii 12´–19´, text no. 16 viii 15–23, text no. 17 viii 22–30, and text no. 18 viii 1´–5´. See Frahm, Sanherib p. 276 for references in texts not included in this volume. For a detailed study of Sennacherib’s waterworks program at Nineveh, see Bagg, Assyrische Wasserbauten pp. 169–224. 47 Text no. 8 lines 5´–6´, text no. 15 viii 1´´–3´´, text no. 16 viii 29–44, text no. 17 viii 46–49 and 56–59, and text no. 18 viii 7´´–17´´a. For additional references, see Frahm, Sanherib p. 276. Reade (RLA 9/5–6 [2000] p. 406 §11.7) proposes that the usur valley east of the city wall, where there were massive dams, was an appropriate location for the creation of a marsh, noting that the river was controlled by one wellpreserved dam just below al-la, at least two more upstream of Nineveh’s wall, and another dam at the city wall. 48 Text no. 17 viii 31–42. 49 Text no. 18 viii 6´–12´ records the digging of several new canals near/from the cities Girmua and lum-labir. Work at innis-Bavian and on the Jerwan aqueduct will be discussed in the introduction of Part 2. 50 Text no. 4 line 90, text no. 7 line 4´, text no. 8 line 16´, text no. 15 viii 1´, and text no. 16 vii 85–viii 3a. Stonework located at two places on the usur River may derive from bridges: one is a little upstream of Kuyunjik and the other is just inside the east city wall. The former stonework is probably the ruins of the bridge opposite a gate of the citadel, while the latter stonework is likely the ruins of the bridge just inside the city wall, by the Mullissu Gate. For further details, see Scott and MacGinnis, Iraq 52 (1990) p. 67 and p. 73 fig. 4. 51 Text no. 8 line 15´ and text no. 16 vii 81–84. 52 Text no. 1 line 91, text no. 2 line 68, text no. 3 line 61, text no. 4 line 89, text no. 7 line 3´, text no. 8 line 14´, text no. 15 viii 29´b–31´, text no. 16 vii 76b–80, text no. 17 viii 13–14, text no. 18 vii 49´–52´, and text no. 38 lines 13–16. 53 Text no. 18 vii 50´–52´ and text no. 38 lines 15–16 and 19b–23. The discovery of paving stones midway between the Nergal Gate and the northern end of the citadel may be evidence for the royal road north of the citadel mound. S. Lumsden (ICAANE Proceedings 1 pp. 817–818 and p. 825 fig. 1), based on his work in the lower town in 1989–90 (Lumsden, Mar ipri 4 [1991] pp. 1–3; and Stronach and Lumsden, BiAr 55

Introduction

21

The Moat In inscriptions composed ca. 693–691, Sennacherib boasts of widening Nineveh’s moat to a width of one hundred large cubits.54 The Citadel Wall Very little is known about work on the citadel wall since few contemporary texts refer to its rebuilding; Ashurbanipal credits Sennacherib as a previous builder, but does not describe his grandfather’s work.55 Sennacherib claims to have raised its summit as high as a mountain and to have reinforced its base with limestone. As part of the renovations, its gates were presumably rebuilt; at least one gate is mentioned as being opposite a bridge that crossed over the usur River. Work on the citadel wall was in progress in 699. The Citadel Temples Early in his reign (ca. 702), Sennacherib sponsored the renovation of several temples in Nineveh’s citadel. Among these were the temples of Sîn, Ningal, ama, Aya, and the Lady of Nineveh (= Itar/Mullissu).56 Sennacherib also renovated a shrine of the god aya (the god of scribes), but it is uncertain whether this sanctuary was part of the Nabû temple Ezida (“True House”) or was located elsewhere (possibly in Aur).57 The Armory After the completion of the “Palace Without a Rival,” or shortly before work on that palace was finished, Sennacherib began rebuilding and enlarging the armory, a large building south of the citadel and next to the western city wall that he referred to as the “Rear Palace” (ekal kutalli) and occasionally as the “Review Palace” (ekal m arti).58 The work may have begun in 691, as suggested by the earliest known sources for that project, and probably continued for several years, at least until 688 or 687.59 Sennacherib razed the former armory — which he complained was too small, poorly constructed, and dilapidated — made fallow land in its vicinity suitable for building, and constructed its replacement on a high brick terrace. The new “Rear Palace” comprised two wings and a large outer courtyard. One wing was built in the Syrian style, while another was built in the Assyrian style. Timber for its roof and doors was supplied by kings of Amurru (the West). Bull colossi, sculpted from white limestone hewn in the region of the city Bal#ya, were stationed in its gateways. Statues of sphinxes bore cedar columns; other monumental bronze protective figures (including lamassus) and decorative elements adorned its rooms and gates. The outer courtyard was designed so that horses and other animals could be exercised there. In addition, Sennacherib had a structure with four copper pillars and a cedar [1992] p. 229), proposes that the royal road ran north to the Nergal Gate, and not northwest to the Sîn Gate. He also proposes that such a road would have entered the city from the east, through the ama Gate, Nineveh’s largest city gate. 54 Text no. 18 vii 19b–22 and text no. 38 lines 18–19a. The moat is clearly visible only on the northern and eastern sides of Nineveh, about 80 m outside of the city wall. It is 70 m wide and 10 m deep (after erosion). A relief from the South-West Palace (Layard, Discoveries p. 231) may show the southwestern corner of the wall with the moat. See Frahm, Sanherib p. 99 and Reade, RLA 9/5–6 (2000) p. 390 fig. 1 and p. 400 fig. 5. 55 The concluding formulae of text no. 7 and K 2662+ (Frahm, Sanherib p. 198) mention the citadel wall. Text no. 18 vii 11b–19a may describe its rebuilding. For the Ashurbanipal inscriptions, see Borger, BIWA p. 118 Prism D viii 64–75 and p. 183 Prism E Stück 18 lines 4–8. BM 124938, a relief depicting Nineveh, shows the city walls of Nineveh, including the citadel wall. See Frahm, Sanherib p. 99 and Reade, RLA 9/5–6 (2000) p. 398 fig. 3. 56 Text no. 36 rev. 3´–14´. Because the building report of this inscription is badly damaged, it is not possible to determine with certainty how many temples Sennacherib claims to have rebuilt in this text. It is possible that this inscription recorded the renovation of four, five, or even six different temples, all of which are said to have been built/renovated by Ashurnasirpal II (883–859). E. Frahm (Sanherib pp. 107 and 273) raises the possibility that Sennacherib may have worked on the Sebetti temple ca. 688, but this is not certain. For further information, see the commentary to text no. 24 and the on-page note to vi 17´–18´ of that inscription. 57 Text no. 10 lines 11–19. 58 Text no. 22 vi 36–73a, text no. 23 vi 31–53a, text no. 25 ii´ 1´–12´, text no. 34 lines 55b–90, and probably text no. 35 lines 10´´–15´´. The building, which is buried within the small mound now called Nebi Yunus (“Prophet Jonah”), has an important Muslim shrine on top of it and therefore has not been fully explored or excavated. According to tradition, as the name of the mound suggests, Jonah was buried there; when the tomb of nan was opened in 1349, the body inside was identified as that prophet. Parts of the site, mostly along the edges of the mound, however, have been exposed and explored. For finds in this area (with references to previous literature), see Reade, RLA 9/5–6 (2000) pp. 419–420 §15.2. Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal continued work on the armory. For descriptions of their work, see Leichty, RINAP 4 pp. 22–25 Esarhaddon 1 v 40–vi 43 and pp. 33–34 Esarhaddon 2 iv 32–vi 9; and Borger, BIWA p. 117 Prism B viii 64–72 and p. 163 Prism C x 88–97. 59 We are unable to accurately estimate the length of time it took to rebuild the armory since there is a general lack of extant inscriptions from Nineveh after Sennacherib’s 17th regnal year (688). This project may have been completed ca. 688/687, finished several years after that (ca. 686–684), or may have been unfinished at the time of his death in 681.

Introduction

22

roof constructed; this may have been the very spot where the king sat when reviewing troops and animals, tribute, and prisoners. A New Aktu-house Sennacherib had a new ak tu-house built to the north of the Nergal Gate (ca. 690).60 Eaulezenzagmukam (“House of Joy and Gladness for the Festival of the Beginning of the Year”) was intended to replace the existing ak tu-house, which after the completion of the new city wall was now situated inside Nineveh. The new temple was probably constructed in connection with his religious reforms. It is possible that this project was abandoned before its completion.61 Sometime after the destruction of Babylon in 689, Sennacherib may have decided to construct another ak tu-house for the god Aur in the outskirts of Aur; this may explain why Ashurbanipal rebuilt the former, original ak tu-house, and not Eaulezenzagmukam. Other Projects at Nineveh Prism fragments (text no. 33) discovered in a palatial building excavated about 600 m northeast of Nebi Yunus attest to another project of Sennacherib at Nineveh. Since those inscriptions have not yet been published, we do not know the function of that building. Dating and Chronology Texts edited in this volume occasionally mention contemporary dates and the charts in this section are intended to aid the reader in understanding those dates. The Mesopotamian month names and their modern equivalents are: I II III IV V VI VI2

Nisannu Ayyru Simnu Duzu Abu Ullu Intercalary Ullu

March–April April–May May–June June–July July–August August–September

VII VIII IX X XI XII XII2

Tartu Arasamna Kislmu "ebtu, Kinnu ab#u Addaru Intercalary Addaru

September–October October–November November–December December–January January–February February–March

Unless it is stated otherwise, the dates given in this volume (excluding those in bibliographical citations) are all BC. Each ancient Mesopotamian year has been given a single Julian year equivalent even though the ancient year actually encompassed parts of two Julian years, with the ancient year beginning around the time of the vernal equinox. Thus, for example, the 3rd regnal year of Sennacherib (the eponymy of Nabû-li) is indicated to be 702, although it actually ended in early 701 and thus events which took place late in the ancient year “702” actually took place early in the Julian year 701. Several exemplars of text no. 2 and text no. 3 are dated according to the Elamite month Sibti, the seventh month of the Elamite calendar. At this time, we cannot offer a satisfactory explanation why Sennacherib’s (and later Esarhaddon’s) scribes dated some texts by Elamite months rather than Mesopotamian ones. King Lists Babylonian King List A and several synchronistic king lists record that Sennacherib was king of Assyria and Babylonia. The Ptolemaic Canon, however, does not mention Sennacherib as a ruler of Babylon, but rather records the periods that he directly controlled Babylon as “kingless.” For the convenience of the user of this volume, it has been thought useful to present translations of the relevant passages here. In this section, the entries immediately preceding and following those of the kings whose inscriptions are also edited in this volume are given when they are preserved.

60 61

Text no. 37. For evidence that there were two ak tu-houses at Nineveh, see Frahm, NABU 2000 pp. 75–79 no. 66. Frahm, JCSMS 3 (2008) p. 17.

Introduction

23

1. Babylonian King List A (CT 36 pls. 24–25; Grayson, RLA 6/1–2 [1980] pp. 90–96 §3.3) iv 11) iv 12) iv 13) iv 14) iv 15) iv 16) iv 17) iv 18) iv 19) iv 20)

5 (years) 2 (years) 1 month 9 months 3 (years) 6 (years) 1 (year) 4? (years) 8? (years) [N] (years)

Sargon (II) Sennacherib, abigal (anigalbat) Dynasty62 Marduk-zkir-umi (II), son of Arad63 Marduk-apla-iddina (II), a soldier of abi (anigalbat) Bl-ibni, E (Babylon) Dynasty64 Aur-ndin-umi, abigal (anigalbat) Dynasty Nergal-uzib Muzib-Marduk, E (Babylon) Dynasty Sennacherib Esarha(ddon)

2. Synchronistic King List (Weidner, AfO 3 [1926] pp. 70–71; Grayson, RLA 6/1–2 [1980] pp. 116–121 §3.12) Lacuna (at the end of col. iii) iv 1) [Senn]acherib, king of Assyria iv 2) Nabû-apla-iddina (was) his scholar iv 3–6)

[and Babylo]n [(...)] [...] king of Akkad. Afterwards, the people [of Ak]kad rebelled and [he] placed [A]ur-ndinumi on the throne. iv 7–9) Sennacherib Nergal-(u)zib, son of G[a]ul, (and) Muzib-Marduk, son of D[a]kkri, kings of A[kk]ad. iv 10) Sennacherib, king of Assyria and Babylon iv 11) Bl-upair (and) Kalbu (were) his schol[ars] iv 12) Esarhaddon, son of Sennacherib, king of Assyria and Babylon iv 13) Nabû-zru-ler (and) Itar-umu-re (were) his scholars -----------------------

3. A Fragment of a Synchronistic King List (Schroeder, KAV no. 9; Grayson, RLA 6/1–2 [1980] pp. 121–122 §3.13) Lacuna iv 1´) iv 2´) iv 3´) iv 4´) iv 5´)

[...] [...] [...] [...] [...]

A [ ur-ndin- umi]  [zubu (Nergal-uzib)]  [zubu (Muzib-Marduk)] Sennach[erib] Esar[haddon]

4. A Fragment of a Synchronistic King List (Schroeder, KAV no. 182; Grayson, RLA 6/1–2 [1980] pp. 124–125 §3.17) Lacuna iv 1´) [Sennacherib, k]ing of Assyria and Babylon Nabû-bni iv 2´) [ditto] Kalbu 62

For an explanation of BALA a-bi-gal (iv 12 and 16) and ERIM a-bi (iv 14), see Brinkman, Studies Oppenheim pp. 35–37 and Frame, RIMB 2 pp. 90–91. Recently, M. Valério (Journal of Language Relationship 6 [2011] pp. 173–183) has argued that the Semitic name of Mitanni (anigalbat) should be read as ani-Rabbat, a West-Semitic (Amorite) name meaning “Great ani.” If this understanding of the name is correct, then one should read BALA a-bi-gal as BALA a-bi-GAL “Habi-rabbat dynasty.” As pointed out by G. Frame (RIMB 2 pp. 90–91), it is unclear why some Assyrian kings are given dynastic affiliation (Sennacherib and Aur-ndin-umi to the abigal [anigalbat] dynasty, and Shalmaneser V to the Baltil dynasty) while others are not (Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon II, and Esarhaddon). It is also curious that King List A describes Marduk-apla-iddina II during his first regnal period (721–710) as being from the Sealand dynasty (KUR tam-), but as a soldier of abi (anigalbat) during his second regnal period (703). 63 J.A. Brinkman (Studies Oppenheim pp. 24–25 n. 137 and RLA 7/5–6 [1989] p. 379) proposes that Marduk-zkir-umi II is likely to be identified with a provincial governor of this name who is said to have been the son (or descendant) of Arad-Ea and who appeared as a witness in a kudurru composed at Babylon in 715 (Messerschmidt and Ungnad, VAS 1 no. 37 v 2–3). 64 For the interpretation that BALA E may refer to the Babylon Dynasty, see Brinkman, PKB pp. 166–171.

Introduction

24 iv 3´) iv 4´)

[ditto] [Esarhaddon], king of Assyria and Babylon

Bl-upair Nabû-zru-ler

5. Ptolemaic Canon (Wachsmuth, Alten Geschichte p. 305; Grayson, RLA 6/1–2 [1980] p. 101 §3.8) " $ !  

 "  %   μ  !   " 

     

Arkeanos (Sargon II) Kingless Bilibos (Bl-ibni) Aparanadios (Aur-ndin-umi) Rhegebelos (Nergal-uzib) Mesesimordakos (Muzib-Marduk) Kingless Asaradinos (Esarhaddon)

5 (years) 2 (years) 3 (years) 6 (years) 1 (year) 4 (years) 8 (years) 13 (years)

Eponym Dates In Assyria, each year was named after a high official, called a limmu or l mu in Akkadian, and lists of these officials (eponyms) were compiled by the Assyrian scribes. The following list of the eponym officials for the reign of Sennacherib is based upon Millard, SAAS 2 pp. 48–51, 60–61, and 71. Dated inscriptions that are included in the present volume are also noted below. A number of inscriptions whose dates may possibly be determined with some degree of confidence (e.g., instances with a clear terminus post quem for the inscription) are given in bold. Year

Regnal Year

705 704 703 702 701 700 699 698 697 696 695 694 693 692 691 690 689 688 687 686 685 684 683 682 681

Accession year 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Eponym Nasur-Bl, governor of Amedi Nabû-dn-pu, governor of Nineveh Nuya, governor of Kilizi Nabû-li, governor of Arbela annu, governor of Tl-Barsip Mitnu, governor of Isna Bl-arrni, governor of Kurbail ulmu-arri, governor of alzi-atbar Nabû-dr-u!ur, governor of Tamnunna ulmu-Bl, governor of Talmusi Aur-blu-u!ur, governor of auppa/Katmuu Ilu-issya, governor of Damascus Iddin-a, governor of Dr-arrukn Zazya, governor of Arpad Bl-muranni, governor of Carchemish Nabû-knu-u!ur, governor of Samaria Gailu, governor of atarikka Iddin-a, governor of imirra Sennacherib, king of Assyria Bl-muranni, commander of the right Aur-dainanni of Que Manzernê, governor of Kullania Mannu-k-Adad of upite Nabû-arru-u!ur, governor of Mara Nabû-a-re, governor of Samal

Dated Texts

1, 2–3, 36 4 5, 6–7, 8 14 15 16 16, 19 17 20 18, 22–23 35–36, 37 22 24–25 26

Introduction

25

Chronicles The Eponym Chronicle and three Mesopotamian chronicles provide useful information both on events of the reign of Sennacherib and on the order of those events. The standard edition of the Eponym Chronicle is that of Millard (Millard, SAAS 2) and that of Mesopotamian chronicles is the edition of A.K. Grayson (Grayson, Chronicles), but note also the recent edition by J.-J. Glassner (Glassner, Chronicles) and the on-going work by I. Finkel and R.J. van der Spek (see www.livius.org/cg-cm/chronicles/chron00.html [2012]). For the convenience of the user of this volume, it has been thought useful to present translations of the relevant passages here; these translations are adapted from the aforementioned works. 1. The Eponym Chronicle (Millard, SAAS 2, in particular pp. 48–49 and 60–61; Glassner, Chronicles pp. 164–177 no. 9, especially pp. 174–177) -----------In the eponymy of Nasur-Bl, governor The ki[ng ...]; against Gurdî, the Kulummian ... [...]. The king of the city Amedi (705): was killed (and) the camp of the king of Assyria [...]. Sennacherib [became] ki[ng] in the month Abu (V), on the 12th day.65 -----------In the eponymy of Nabû-dn-pu, T[o ...] the cities Larak, Sarrabnu, [...]; the palace of the city governor of Nineveh (704): Kilizi was built; ... in [...]; nobles against the Kulummians.66 [In the e]ponymy of Nu[ya, governor [...] of the city Kilizi] (703): [In the eponymy of Nabû-li, governor [...] of Arbela] (702): [In the eponymy of ]an[nu, governor [.... f]rom the land alzi; ... [...]. of the city Tl-Barsip] (701): [In the eponymy of] Mitnu, govern[or [.... A]ur-ndin-umi, son of [Sennacherib/the king, ...; ...] of of the city Isna] (700): the palace in the citadel [...]; large cedar beams [...]; alabaster from Mo[unt ...] from Kapardargil[â ...]; ... to/for ... [...] of the king ... [...]. [In the eponymy of B][l-arrni, [...] governor of Kurbail] (699): Lacuna Lacuna 2. Chronicle Concerning the Period from Nabû-nir to ama - uma-uk n (Grayson, Chronicles pp. 69–87 no. 1; Glassner, Chronicles pp. 193–203 no. 16 and pp. 202–207 no. 17; note also Brinkman, Studies Moran pp. 73–104, especially pp. 102–104; and Weissert, CRRA 38 pp. 273–282)67 -----------ii 6–11) [The first year of Sennacherib (704): ...] ... [...] ... [...] M[arduk-apla-iddina (II) (Merodach-baladan) ...] ... [...]. ii 12–16a) The second year [of Sennacherib (703)]: He w[ent down to Akkad and did battle with Marduk-aplaiddina (II) before Kish. Marduk-apla-iddina (II) retreated before him (and) fled to the land Guzummnu. In Babylon, Sennacherib entered the palace of] Mard[uk-apla-iddina (II) and ... his royal treasures]. ii 16b–19) He (Sennacherib) ... [... (and) plundered (it), but] he did not disperse the Babylonians. He pursued [Marduk-apla-iddina (II) ...] (to) the border [of ...], but Marduk-apla-iddina (II) [could] no[t be found].68 ii 20–23) He (Sennacherib) plundered his (Marduk-apla-iddina II’s) land, ... [...] ... [and took] the cities Larak and Sarrab[nu]. When he withdrew, he (Sennacherib) put Bl-ibni on the throne in Babylon. -----------ii 24–25) The first year of Bl-ibni (702): Sennacherib ravaged the cities irimmu and araratu. -----------65

See Weissert, CRRA 38 pp. 279–280. See Frahm, JCS 51 (1999) pp. 83–84. 67 J.A. Brinkman (Studies Moran pp. 73–104) and E. Weissert (CRRA 38 p. 273 n. 1) prefer to treat this chronographic text as made up of three separate recensions rather than duplicates; J-J. Glassner (Glassner, Chronicles pp. 193–203 no. 16 and pp. 202–207 no. 17) similarly prefers to treat this text as two separate recensions. 68 The restorations in ii 6–19 tentatively follow Glassner, Chronicles pp. 196–197. 66

26

Introduction ii 26–31) The third year of B l-ibni (700): Sennacherib came down to Akkad and plundered Akkad. He sent B l-ibni and his nobles away in exile to Assyria. B l-ibni ruled Babylon for three years. Sennacherib put his son A

ur-n din- umi on the throne in Babylon. -----------ii 32–35) The first year of A

ur-n din- umi (699): allu u-(In u inak I), his ( utruk-Naunte II’s) brother, seized utruk-Naunte (II) and imprisoned him. utruk-Naunte (II) ruled the land Elam for eighteen years. His brother allu u-(In u inak I) ascended the throne in the land Elam. -----------ii 36–45) The sixth year of A

ur-n din- umi (694): Sennacher[ib] went down to the land Elam and ravaged (and) plundered the cities Nagtu, ilmu, Pillatu, and upapanu. Afterwards allu u-(In u inak I), king of the land Elam, marched to Akkad and at the end of the month Ta rtu (VII) entered Sippar. He killed its inhabitants. The god ama did not go out of Ebabbar. A

ur-n din- umi was captured and taken to the land Elam. A

ur-n din- umi ruled Babylon for six years. The king of the land Elam put Nergal-u zib on the throne in Babylon. He (Nergal-u zib) effected an Assyrian retr[eat]. -----------ii 46–iii 6a) The first year of Nergal-u [zib] (693): On the sixteenth day of the month Duzu (IV), Nergalu zib captured, looted, (and) plundered Nipp[ur]. On the first day of the month Ta rtu (VII), the ar[my of] Assyria entered Uruk (and) plundered the gods of Uruk and its inhabitants. After the arrival of the Elamites (and) the car[ryi]ng off of the gods of Uruk and its inhabitants (by the Assyrians),69 on the seventh day of the month Ta rtu, Nergal-u zib fought against the army of Assyria in the province of Nippur. He was captured on the battlefield and taken to Assyria. Nergal-u zib ruled Babylon for one year, (actually) six months. iii 6b–9a) On the twenty-sixth day of the month Ta rtu (VII), the subjects of allu u-(In u inak I), king of the land Elam, rebelled against him, imprisoned him, (and) executed him. allu u-(In u inak I) ruled the land Elam for six years. Kudur-(Naunte) ascended the throne in the land Elam. iii 9b–12) Afterwards Sennacherib went down to the land Elam and ravaged (and) plundered (it) from the land R i as far as Bt-Burnaki (var. Bt-Bunaki). Mu zib-Marduk ascended the throne in Babylon. -----------iii 13–16a) The first year of Mu zib-Marduk (692): On the seventeenth (var. eighth) day of the month Abu (V), Kudur-(Naunte), king of the land Elam, was captured during a rebellion and killed. Kudur(Naunte) ruled the land Elam for ten months. (umban)-nimena ascended the throne in the land Elam. iii 16b–18) In an unknown year, (umban)-nimena mustered the troops of the land Elam (and) Akkad and at the city alulê he fought against Assyria (var. the army of Assyria). He effected an Assyrian retreat.70 iii 19–21) The fourth year of Mu zib-Marduk (689): On the fifteenth day of the month Nisannu (I), (umban)-nimena, king of the land Elam, suffered a stroke, affecting his mouth so that he was unable to speak. iii 22–24) On the first day of the month Kislmu (IX), the city (Babylon) was captured. Mu zib-Marduk was captured and taken to Assyria. Mu zib-Marduk ruled Babylon for four years. iii 25–27) On the seventh day of the month Addaru (XII), (umban)-nimena, king of Elam, died. For four years (umban)-nimena ru[led] El[am]. umban-alta (I) ascended the throne in the land Elam. -----------iii 28–33) The eighth year that there was no king in Babylon (681): On the third day of the month Duzu (IV), the gods of Uruk went to Uruk from [the land El]am. On the twenty-third day of the month Ta rtu (VII), umban-[al]ta (I), king of the land Elam, was stricken at midday and [di]ed at [sun]set. umban-alta ruled the land Elam for eight years. umban-alta , the second, his [son], ascended the throne. iii 34–37) On the twentieth day of the month eb tu (X), Senn[ac]herib, king of Assyria, was killed by his son in a rebellion. Sennacherib ruled Assyria for [twenty-four] years. The rebellion continued in Assyria from the twentieth day of the month eb tu until the second day of the month Addaru (XII).

69 L.D. Levine (JCS 34 [1982] pp. 44–45 n. 52), following A.L. Oppenheim (ANET3 p. 302), suggests translating this passage as “Nergal-u zib fled to the Elamite, but they (the Assyrians) carried off the gods of Uruk and his (Nergal-u zib’s) people.” 70 The scribe of BM 75976 (AH 83-1-18,1338 = Grayson’s ex. B) placed a horizontal ruling line between iii 18 and 19, but the scribe of BM 92502 (84-2-11, 356 = Grayson’s ex. A) did not.

Introduction

27

iii 38) On the eighteenth/twenty-eighth day of the month Addaru (XII), his son Esarhaddon ascended the throne in Assyria. -----------3. Esarhaddon Chronicle (Grayson, Chronicles pp. 125–128 no. 14; Glassner, Chronicles pp. 206–211 no. 18; note also Brinkman, Studies Moran pp. 88–90) -----------31´–34´) For eight years (during the reign of) Sennacherib, for twelve years (during the reign of) Esarhaddon — twenty years (altogether) — the god Bēl stayed [in B]altil (Aššur) and the akītu-festival did not take place. The god Nabû did not come from Borsippa for the procession of the god Bēl. In the month Kislīmu (IX), Ashurbanipal, [his (i.e. Esarhaddon’s)] son, ascended the throne in Assyria. 4. Ak tu Chronicle (Grayson, Chronicles pp. 131–132 no. 16; Glassner, Chronicles pp. 212–215 no. 20) 1–4) For [eight] years (during the reign of) Se[nnacherib], for twelve years (during the reign of) Esar[haddon] — twenty years (altogether) — the god Bēl s[tayed] in Baltil (Aššur) [and] the akītufestival did not take pla[ce].




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