The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature. Volumen 1

THE

Indiana Companion TO

TRADITIONAL CHINESE LITERATURE

W illiam H. N ie n h a u s e r , J r . Editor and Compiler C

h a r les

H

a r t m a n

Associate Editor fo r Poetry Y. W . M

a

Associate Editor fo r Fiction St

e p h e n

H. W

est

Associate Editor fo r D ram a

S O U T H E R N M A T E R IA L S C E N T E R , IN C . T A IP E I

© 1986 by William H. Nienhauser, Jr. All rights reserved. Reprinted and published by arrangement with Indiana University Press.

TAIWAN EDITION All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. T he Association of American University Presses’ Resolution on Permissions constitutes the only exception to this prohibition.

Library o f Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: The Indiana companion to traditional Chinese Literature. Bibliography: p. Includes indexes. Contents: pt. 1. Essays. — pt. 2. Entries. 1. Chinese literature—Bio-bibliography. 2. Chinese literature—History and criticism—Addresses, essays, lectures. I. Nienhauser, William H. Jr. Z8108.L5153 1985 [PL2264] 895.T09 83-49511 ISBN 0-253-32983-3 1 2 3 4 5 89 88 87 86

This volume is dedicated to my parents

Contents Preface List o f Contributors A Note on Using This Book Journals Oft-cited Works General Bibliography Major Chinese Dynasties and Periods

ix xiii xix xxi xxix xxxv xli

P A R T I: ES SA Y S BUDDHIST LITERATURE DRAMA FICTION LITERARY CRITICISM POETRY POPULAR LITERATURE PROSE RHETORIC TA O IST LITERATURE WOMEN’S LITERATURE

P A R T II: Name Index Title Index Subject Index

ENTRIES

1

*

13 31 49 59 75 93 121 138 175 195 971 992 1032

PREFACE to the Second Revised Edition

The opportunity to publish a revised version of the Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature scarcely two years after the initial publication of the book is a splendid one. That it has come as a result of assistance from several old friends—Dr. Volker Kloepsch (National Taiwan University) and Ms. Huang Hsin-hsin Jf#r#r(Student Book Company)—only enhances its import for me. At the same time, since several major reviews have appeared, none of which I intend to respond to in a manner other than revisions such as this and those of the future, I consider this an appropriate moment for a further word or two on the processes and problems of production. To begin with, I should emphasize that we had two goals in mind from the outset. First, to actually produce a work designed to facilitate the approach to traditional Chinese literature. The other editors and I agreed the work was needed and we had seen too many projects, even in the brief time that we had been associated with the field, turn lucrative seed monies into fallow plots of file cards. This objective remained paramount. At the same time we hoped to produce a work of the highest quality possible, given a number of variables, not the least of which were the contributors themselves. Many leading scholars were enthusiastic in their support. Others were less keen. A few began ths contributors and later felt compelled to abandon their resolve. But the large majority of those who stayed with the project amazed consistently with their cooperation and conscientiousness. To these human resources, we brought a Wang Computer Station. Each manuscript was retyped into the Wang, in part for easier editing and in part for the economy the process afforded. Midway into the project, however, we found the typographical errors introduced by this method threatening to overwhelm its other benefits. Indeed, Glen Dudbridge’s estimation in his balanced review that typos and the like exceeded an average of one per page may well be accurate. And this despite last minute corrections which mounted up a bill of over $2000 during the final month of production. But over five hundred such errors are corrected in this revised version as a first step towards rectifying these problems. A second feature of the Wang use may eventually redeem the employment of the machine, its employers (chief among them the editor), and the Companion itself. That is the storage of the entire manuscript on magnetic tape for easy correction and revision. Indeed, we hoped to publicize this in the Preface to the first edition and to call for the assistance of readers and reviewers toward future revisions. Indiana University Press, however, naturally wanted to refrain from mentioning revisions at a time when the unrevised version had not yet proved its marketability. This past week Mr. John Gallman, Director of Indiana University Press and a person

who played a large role in keeping the project solvent initially, informed me that twelve hundred copies of the original version had been sold—nearly all of the first print run. Thus the time is ripe for a new, revised edition. Herein over five hundred minor errors in romanization (Chinese and Japanese'), in Chinese characters, in dates, and in English have been addressed. These corrections are based on the reviews which have appeared to date,2 on letters from colleagues such as Wang Ch’iu-kuei (Princeton University), on readings by my own colleagues and students (especially R. J. Cutter, Silvio Vita, and Chan Chiu-mingBtSP!), on suggestions from the current publisher, Mr. Wei Te-wen ffcfigX of Southern Materials Center, Inc. , and his staff, and on the long list kindly “donated to the cause” by Professor Dudbridge. More importantly, we have eleven unfinished entries and about fifty others projected which we plan to include in a more thoroughly revised version within the next decade. Towards this goal—and with the computer tape in mind—I would welcome continued suggestions and corrections. As recompense, anyone wishing a record of the errors revised herein could obtain it gratis by sending me a list of his or her own suggested revisions. One major error I should like to rectify here: the omission of George Kao (GK) from the list of contributors in,the original edition. Mr. Kao contributed the entry on Ku-chi jf IS (humor) in traditional literature and a good bit of his own good humor in our subsequent correspondence. To him and other contributors who may not have received proper credit for their work until this revision my sincerest apologies. How well the earlier version of the Companion—< ■or this one—succeeds in meeting goals is to some extent a matter of personal opinion. In the four extensive reviews to date several of the introductory essays have been alternatively praised by this reviewer and razed by that. In my opinion, however, we met the goals we set up for ourselves adequately. Errors large and small abound to be sure, but the work is being put to good use by a number of colleagues and their students. We did our best. And the number of substantial and eloquent essays and entries is not small. Finally, if you would join me in looking at the Companion as a rather new sort of reference work, one which exists on a tape which can continue to be revised from your suggestions and reprinted rather inexpensively, I’m sure we’ll be able to increase the usefulness of the work over the next decades. William H. Nienhauser, Jr. flSUJlff, Madison, Wisconsin 24 December 1987 NOTES 1. Burton Watson’s comments on Japanese romanization (in his review—see footnote 2) were extremely useful. We did not change the ubiquitous gakufu (instead of the standard gafu ) for yiieh-fulSIHJ, since Morohashi still lists gakufu as a variant reading. 2. The major reviews I have seen to date are (no ranking is implied by the order): Glen Dudbridge, “Missionaries at Work,” Times Literary Supplement, 9 May 1986, 511; Burton Watson’s monstrous commentary in Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews, 8(1986), forthcoming; Helwig Schmidt-Glinzter in Chinablaetter, 14(July 1986), 56-60; and David R. Knechtges and his wife Taiping Chang, “Notes on a Recent Handbook for Chinese Literature,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, 107(1987), 293-304.

Preface

Before the ink on these pages dries it will have been over seven years since the project began. T he impetus for the work may lie in the opening line o f Georges Margouli&s’ Histoire de la litterature chinoise—“ La literatu re chinoise a 6t6 jusqu’ici et de nos jours reste encore absolument en dehors des horizons litt£raires du lecteur europ6en”—since it seems his claim holds as true today as it did when he wrote it in 1949. T o trace the history and the goals of this project, however, it is necessary to return even beyond the time o f Margouli£s to the year 1705, for it was then that Ts’ao Yin W* (1658-1712) received from the K’ang-hsi Emperor the edict to print the Ch’iian T ’ang shih JfclSit (Complete T ’ang Poetry). For the next year and a half T s’ao was beset by deadlines from his printers and from the court, his staff was riddled by infirmity, illness, and death, the project slowed while a particular textual source was sought, etc. Yet the compilation which resulted from this project, despite a num ber of problems with the text, has proved an important starting point for research into T ’ang poetry for several centuries. The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature was initiated not by royal command, but at the suggestion o f my colleague and friend Joseph S. M. Lau. Moreover, the work went on without sponsorship by any formal association or society (although the various agencies, institutions, and foundations mentioned below have been generous with their support). And it was not completed quite so quickly as Ts’ao Yin’s compi­ lation. It has rather been the efforts o f an international group o f nearly two hundred scholars (Ts’ao Yin had only a handful o f collaborators) who have made possible the completion of this volume. T he work was originally modeled on the Oxford Companions. Soon it became apparent that the entries in most o f the Oxford volumes were more concise than what would be most useful for readers of Chinese traditional literature. We also wanted to provide the reader with a good basic bibliography for each o f the subjects discussed. Employing the tables o f contents in the draft literature volume o f the Tz’u-hai, my first project assistant, Ms. Sharon S. J. Hou , and I compiled a draft list o f about seven hundred entries. We concentrated on authors, works, and genres. As an introduction to the entries, we conceived o f a series o f essays on major types o f traditional literature such as drama, fiction, criticism, poetry, prose, and rhetoric. Later, essays on Buddhist literature, Taoist literature, women’s literature, and popular literature were added. T he essays were to introduce the educated Western reader to the genres which ap­ proximate what we know as “fiction” or “poetry” in the West, as well as to provide an

overview for the more specialized student. Thus in the essay on fiction the reader would encounter discussions of such terms as hsiao-shuo 'J'R and chih-kuai which he could explore further under the entries for those subjects. The draft contents were then sent to a number of scholars in the field for their comments. T hree in particular agreed to serve as associate editors: Charles Hartman (for poetry), Y. W. Ma (for fiction), and Stephen H. West %Sn & (for drama). Their intelligence, devotion, humor, and flexibility were crucial to setting the project in motion. At this early stage we also received advice from several other scholars con­ cerning the scope and design of the project: special thanks to F. W. Mote, Nathan Sivin, H erbert Franke, and David R. Knechtges—their detailed responses to the draft table of contents helped to shape the final version. John Gallman, the director of Indiana University Press, provided me with a contract for the volume within weeks o f its con­ ception. His courage and belief in the project was also instrumental to setting it in motion and certainly contributed to funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities beginning in 1980. NEH has been our chief benefactor throughout the project, generously underwriting two summers o f research for each o f the associate editors and allowing me to reduce or eliminate my own teaching during several se­ mesters. Their patience and their guidance also merit our sincere thanks. The real “authors” of this volume are of course the contributors—approximately 170 from a dozen nations. Some were particularly cooperative—Edward H. Schafer was the first to submit an entry, and Jerry Schmidt, Sharon S. J. Hou, Edmond Yee, Bill Schultz, and Wilt Idema seemed always willing to add another assignment to their list o f entries. I have been pleased with the congeniality and dedication o f scores of my past associates and especially of colleagues I have never met except through corre­ spondence related to this project. For some time I was afraid that attempting to work with so many scholars would result in Alexander Pope’s dilemma: “Companions have I enough, friends few” (“ Letter to Gay”). Not so. Although I cannot imagine myself involved in a project of this magnitude again for some time, I must admit that the group o f individuals who worked with me on the Companion proved to me that such cooperative ventures can still be accomplished. Helmut Martin organized and directed a workshop on the Companion in June 1982 in Schwerte, West Germany. Thanks to a grant from the Alexander von Humbolt Foundation, he and I had been able to meet With Dr. Joachim Wiercimok o f the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft during the spring of 1981 to plan ithe gathering. T he Schwerte Workshop brought more than a dozen distinguished European scholars together with the editors o f the Companion for a review o f the project to date and the four hundred entries then on hand; it resulted in a rewriting or reassigning of nearly two hundred entries, also allowed me the opportunity to meet with N. G. D. Malmqvist, the genial editor o fth e Descriptive Handbook of Chinese Literary Worksfrom 1900-1949, and to benefit from his experience in working on this complementary tome. The week spent in Schwerte was without question the single most influential event of the entire compilation period, and this is attributable to the careful planning of Professor Martin, his staff at Ruhr University (Bochum), and our mentor at the sponsoring Deutsche Forschungsgemein­ schaft, Dr. Wiercimok. Debts are also owed the Association for Asian Studies, which provided seed monies,

the American Council o f Learned Societies and Dr. Jason Parker, for funding two meetings of the editorial staff and a trip to the Harvard-Yenching Library among other things, and the Research Committee of the Graduate School and the College o f Letters and Science o f the University of Wisconsin, which provided continous support in various forms. A special thanks to Linda Bock of the Dean’s Office, Letters and Science, who was instrumental in raising the matching funds for the National Endowment for the Humanities grant and who was always ready with encouragement when I most needed it, to Walt Keough, who helped put together the original proposal, to Robert Perkl, who administered a complex series of grants for us, to Donna Jahnke, who was ever ready with answers concerning grant regulations, and to Tai-loi Ma, FARE, University o f Chicago, who through regular assistance put the FARE collection “at my fingertips.” T he grant monies which did not in some form underwrite activities of the editorial staff were earned by a sequence of project assistants beginning with Sharon S. J. Hou, which included Jenny K. C. Li 3?®^, Sin-sing Kong , and Beth Po-hui Chuang ffiWlE. Besides writing several entries for which authors were not to be found, Sin-sing Kong translated the dozen or so entries we received in Chinese and coordinated the project during the spring of 1983 when I was in Taiwan. Beth Chuang was particularly helpful with the typing and proofreading of the Chinese characters. Support for her early assistance came from the National Science Foundation o f the Republic o f China, which also underwrote other expenses related to the composition of the essay on prose. Meei-chyn Wang 3E§S^ also began to work on the Companion while I was in Taipei and she has continued to offer advice and assistance since that time. Dr. David Te-wei Wang I KB® of National Taiwan University has regularly provided suggestions and assistance for the past year and a half. Asanuma Shigeru served as a reference person for questions concerning Japanese romanization. Naomi Galbreath was an effective liaison person who succeeded in calling in entries from a number of dilatory contributors. Caitlin McManus and Christine Pheley typed most of the manuscripts onto the Wang Workstation we used to typeset the text. My wife, Judith Brockway Nienhauser, typed editorial changes and supervised the pasteup of the Chinese characters. Christa Cutter and Cui Shuqin also worked on the pasteup and final editing. Ron Gray and Chan Chiuming helped with the indexes. Cheryl Arn provided various types of secretarial assis­ tance. Teresa Nealon has, among other tasks, kept the skein o f purse strings to the supporting agencies untangled for the past seven years. And students o f several classes at the University of Wisconsin and National Taiwan University read parts of the man­ uscript and offered useful suggestions. Several individuals contributed to our “gifts and match fund,” thus facilitating the completion of the project. We should like to especially thank Stephen Tse, Lester Kissel, Stanley Ginsberg, Kelly and Eva Knight, Thomas Rohlich, and Nancy A. Wang. Finally, my sincere thanks to those people who actually “made” the book, to William Kasdorf, whose expertise in computer typesetting has guided us throughout, to Joan Leffler and Steve Caldwell of Administrative Data Processing, who aided in a number of ways related to the Wang Workstation, to Tarry Curry of Indiana University Press, who coordinated the final steps of production, and especially to Lynn Lightfoot, my very patient editor at Indiana University Press, who good-naturedly but carefully nudged and nurtured the manuscript through what has seemed to be an interminable series of

corrections, additions, and changes. Without the help o f these several hundred people, the Companion could not have been completed. Only the errors and omissions remain the responsibility of the editor alone. W il l ia m H . N ie n h a u s e r , J r .

MOnchen, 14 July 1984

List of Contributors

AB AED AH AL ALo AP AR AJP AY

Anne Birrell Albert E. Dien T S W, Stanford University Andrew.Hsieh Grinnell College Andrfe L£vy KtfcJc, University o f Paris Andrew Lo, University of London Andrew H. Plaks S#3? i i , Princeton University Adele Rickett $ 3£3?, University o f Maryland Angela Jung Palandri * Z ® , University of Oregon Anthony C. Y u & B # , University o f Chicago

BL BTW BU

C. Bradford Langley , Colby College Baitao Wu^SiRS, Nanjing University Beth Upton y \

CB CC CF CFL CH CHP CHW C IT CLC CLP CM CSC CSG' CW CY CYi CYC

Cyril Birch &Z , University o f California, Berkeley Chris Connery, Princeton University Craig Fisk * Kt# , University o f Chicago Ch’i-fang Li $ , Tamkang University Charles Hartman $ Sift, State University o f New York, Albany Ching-Hsi Perng , National Taiwan University Ching-hsien Wang , University o f Washington Ching-i Tu&®i&, Rutgers University Cynthia L. Chennault Chia-lin Pao J6$Nt , University o f Arizona Colin Mackerras ^ S W, Griffith University C. S. Chang 3S• 89, University o f Michigan C. S. Goodrich K fI B , University o f California, Santa Barbara C. Witzling Cordell Yee&5£H, University o f Wisconsin Chan Ying if OS, Honan University Clara Yii Cuadrado, University o f Maryland

DB A DG DH

Daniel Bryant 6 SIR, University o f Victoria Donald G j e r t s o n U n i v e r s i t y o f Massachusetts Donald Holzman, fecole des Hautes £tudes, Paris

DL DLM DN DP DR DW

Dale Johnson *11® , Oberlin College David Lattimore, Brown University David L. McMullen IF It •, Cambridge University Douglas Nielson, University o f California, Berkeley David Pollack, University o f Rochester David Roy K & tr, University o f Chicago Douglas W ilkersontt& & , Yale University

EB ES EY

Elizabeth Bernard, University o f California, Berkeley Edward H. Schafer P S ® , University of California, Berkeley Edmond Y e e £ * * ., Pacific Lutheran Theological Seminary

GD

GGnther Debon & W1 , University of Heidelberg

GK

George Kao

GL GM

Gaylord Kai Loh L eu n g 5 R lit, Chinese University o f Hong Kong GOran Malmqvist H tft , Stockholm University

HC HF HH HHF HI HK HLL HM HSK HW

Hu Chi 48 iSS, Nanking University H erbert Franke B!5P ChUgoku kankei ronsetsu shiryb ChUgoku koten bungaku zenshu geppo *3t56IUi Chung-kuo shih chi-k’an Chung-kuo yU-wen 4’HIfS: Chung-shan hsUeh-shu wen-hua chi-k’an ^Uj^frX-fb^sfll Chung-shan Ta-hsUeh hsUeh-pao (She-hui k’o-hsUeh) Chung-shan Ta-hsUeh Yil-yen li-shih hsileh yen-chiu-so chou-k’an + U l I S ® f t sifll Chung-wai wen-hsUeh Chung-yang jih-pao + * 0 * Chutetsubun gakkai ho ChUyO Daigaku bungakubu kiyO Cina CLEAR—Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews Comparative Literature CYYY—Chung-yang yen-chiu yUan: YU-yen li-shih yen-chiu-so chi-k’an +&5FF3EIK : (Bulletin o f the Institute of History anti Philology, Academic Sinica [Tai­ wan] The Denver Quarterly Fu-jen Ta-hsUeh jen-wen hsUeh-pao Fukui kdhyO koto semmon gakkfi kenkyU kiyO (Jimbun shakai kagaku)

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Melanges publiis par I’Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoise Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies Ming-pao yileh-k’an ft Mitteilungen des Instituts filr Orientforschung der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin MS—Monumenta Serica MTB—Memoirs of the Research Department of the TdyO Bunko NAAB—New Asia Academic Bulletin Nagoya Daigaku Bungakubu kenkyil ronshu Nan-k’ai Ta-hsUeh Jen-wen k’o-hsileh chiao-hsileh yii yen-chiu hui-k’an Nan-k’ai Ta-hsileh hsileh-pao (Che-hsileh she-hui k’o-hsileh) Nan-yang Ta-hsileh Chung-kuo yil-wen hsileh-hui nien-k’an Nan-yang Ta-hsileh hsileh-pao The New China Review Nihon ChUgoku Gakkai-h6 B

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(A&9HP)

Oft-cited Works

Aoki, Gikyokushi—Aoki Masaru W:fcIE§l. Shina kinsei gikyokushi jfelSiSlfiriB®® . Tokyo, 1930. ------ , Shindai—Shindai bungaku hyOron ski JlfftSCfllSFJi® . Tokyo, 1950; included in Aoki Masaru zenshu , Tokyo, 1969, v. 1, pp. 389-581. Ayling, Collection—Alan Ayling and Duncan Mackintosh, trans. A Collection of Chinese Lyrics. Lon­ don, 1965. ----—, Further Collection—Alan Ayling and Duncan Mackintosh, trans. A Further Collection of Chinese Lyrics. London, 1969. Bauer, Golden Casket—Wolfgang Bauer and Herbert Franke, eds. The Golden Casket. Christopher Levenson, translator. Baltimore, 1967. BDRC—Biographical Dictionary of Republican China. Howard L. Boorman, ed. 4v. New York, 19671971. Birch, Anthology—Cyril Birch. Anthology of Chinese Literature. 2v. New York, 1965. Bodman, “Poetics”—Richard Bodman. “Poetics and Prosody in Early Medieval China: A Study and Translation of Kokai’s Bunky6 hifuron.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell Uni­ versity, 1978. Bryant, “Selected Ming Poeffls”—Bryant, Daniel, “Selected Ming Poems,” Renditions, 8 (Autumn 1977), 85-91. Bynner, Jade Mountain—Witter Bynner and Kiang Kang-hu. The Jade Mountain. 1929. Rpt. New York, 1972. Chang, Evolution—Kang-i Sun Chang. The Evolution of Chinese Tz’u Poetry, From Late T’ang to Northern Sung. Princeton, 1980. Chao, Pi-t’an—Chao Ching-shen . Hsi-ch’il pi-t'an . Shanghai, 1963. Chaves, Mei Yao-ch’en—Jonathan Chaves. Mei Yao-ch’en and the Development of Early Sung Poetry. New York and London, 1976. Chen-pen—Ssu-k’u ch’ilan-shu chen-pen . Cheng, Su-wen-hsileh—Cheng Chen-to 9HS& . Chung-kuo su-wen-hsUeh shih ‘t'lHfSX'SSE!. Changsha,

1938. Ch’ien,Swng'-.sA*A—Ch’ien Chung-shu Chin, Chi-ku-ko—Chin Meng-hua Taipei, 1969.

. Sung shih hsiian-chu 5f5l$>lE . Peking, 1958. Chi-ku-ko liu-shih-chung ch’il hsil-lu

.

Chinese Approaches—Chinese Approaches to Literature: From Confucius to Liang Ch’i-ch’ao. Adele Austin

Rickett, ed. Princeton, 1978. Chinese Fiction—Critical Essays on Chinese Fiction. Winston L. Y. Yang and Curtis P. Adkins, eds.

Hong Kong, 1980. Chinese Narrative—Chinese Narrative: Critical and Theoretical Essays. Andrew H. Plaks, ed. Princeton,

1977. Chow, “Shih”—Chow Tse-tsung. “The History of the Chinese Word Shih (Poetry),” in Wen-lin: Studies in the Chinese Humanities, Chow Tse-tsung, ed., Madison, Wisconsin, 1968, pp. 151209. Ch’u Tz’u—Hawkes, David. Ch’u Tz’u: The Songs of the South. London, 1959. Ch’ilan Sung tz’u—Ch’ilan Sung tz’u 5&SRIH. T ’ang Kuei-chang ed. 5v. Shanghai, 1965. Ch’ilan T ’ang shih—Ch’ilan T ’ang shih 12v. Peking, 1960. Ch’ilan T ’ang wen—Ch'in-ting Ch’ilan T ’ang wen . 20v. Taipei, 1961. Facsimile repro­ duction of 1814 edition. Chung-kuo ku-tien hsiao-shuo yen-chiu chuan-cki , v. 1-5 (Taipei, 1979-1982).

Confucian Personalities—Confucian Personalities. A rthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett, eds. Stan­ ford, 1962. Critical Essays—Critical Essays on Chinese Literature, William H. Nienhauser, Jr., ed. Hong Kong, Davis, Penguin—A. R. Davis, ed. The Penguin Book of Chinese Verse. T ranslations by Robert Kotewall and Norman L. Smith. Baltimore, 1962. Debon, Ts’ang-lang—GOnther Debon. Ts’ang-lang’s Gesprdche ilber die Dichtung, Ein Beitrag zur chinesischeh Poetik. Wiesbaden, 1962. Demi6ville, Anthologie—Paul Demi^ville. Anthologie de la poesie chinoise classique. Paris, 1962. Di6ny, Dix-neuf—Jean-Pierre Di6ny. Les Dix-neuf poemes ancien. Paris, 1963. — , Origines—Aux origines de la poesie classique en Chine. Leiden, 1968. DM3—Dictionary of Ming Biography (1368-1644). L. Carrington Goodrich, ed. 2v. New York and London, 1976. Dolby, Eight—William Dolby. Eight Chinese Plays. London and New York, 1978. ------- , History—A History of Chinese Drama. London, 1976. ECCP.—Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644-1912). A rthur W. Hummel, ed. 2v. Washington, D.C., 1943-1944; rpt. in lv. Taipei, 1964. Edwards, “A Classified Guide”—E. D. Edwards, “A Classified Guide to the T hirteen Classes of Chinese Prose," BSOAS, 12 (1948), 770-788. Frankel, Palace Lady—Hans H. Frankel. The Flowering Plum and the Palace Lady. New Haven, 1976. ------- , “Yfleh-fu”—“YOeh-fu Poetry,” in Studies in Chinese Literary Genres. Cyril Birch, ed. Berke­ ley, 1974, pp. 69-107. Frodsham, Anthology—J. D. Frodsham and Cheng Hsi. An Anthology of Chinese Verse: Han Wei Chin and the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Oxford, 1967. ------- , Murmuring—]. D. Frodsham. The Murmuring Stream, The Life and Works of the Chinese Nature Poet Hsieh Ling-ytln (385-433), Duke of K ’ang-le. Kuala Lumpur, 1967. Fu, Ch'ing—Fu Hsi-hua fafM . Ch’ing-tai tsa-chil ch’ilan-mu iftftKfO&S . Peking, 1981. — , Ch’uan-ch’i—Tu Hsi-hua. Ming-tai ch’uan-ch'i ch’ilan-mu SfJftflKFIfeS . Peking, 1959. ------- , Ming tsa-chil—Ming-tai tsa-chil ch’ilan-mu . Peking, 1958. Fu, Shih-jen—Fu Hsilan-ts’ung . T’ang-tai shih-jen ts’ung-k’ao IftftftA lt# . Peking, 1980. Fu, YUan—Fu Hsi-hua. Yiian-tai tsa-chil ch'ilan-mu . Peking, 1957. Ginsberg, Stanley M. A Bibliography of Criticism on T ’ang and Sung T z’u Poetry. Madison, 1975. Graham, Lament—William T . Graham. The Lament for the South: Yii Hsin’s Ai Chiang-nan fu. New York, 1980. Graham, Late T ’ang—A. C. Graham. Poems of the Late T ’ang. Middlesex and Baltimore, 1965. G u n d ert,Lyrik—Wilhelm Gundert, ed. Lyrik des Ostens: China. Mflnchen, 1958. Hanan, Vernacular Story—Patrick Hanan. The Chinese Vernacular Story. Cambridge, Mass., 1981. Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u—David Hawkes. Ch’u Tz’u, The Songs of the South. London, 1959. ------- , “Quest”—“The Quest of the Goddess,” AM, 13 (1967), 71-94; rpt. Literary Genres, pp. 42-68. Hervouet, Sung—Yves Hervouet, ed. A Sung Bibliography (Bibliographie des Sung). Hong Kong, 1978. Hightower, “Ch’fl Yflan”—James R. Hightower. “Ch’fl YUan Studies,” in Silver Jubilee, pp, 192223. ------- , Topics—Topics in Chinese Literature. Cambridge, Mass., 1950. Ho, Ch’ing tz’u—Ho Kuang-chung * 3 6 + . Lun Ch’ing tz’u Sliltii . Singapore, 1956. Holzman, Poetry and Politics—Donald Holzman. Poetry and Politics, The Life and Works of Juan Chi. Cambridge, 1976. Hsi-ch’il lun-chu—Chung-kuo ku-tien hsi-ch’il lun-chu chi-ch’eng . Chung-kuo hsich’fl yen-chiu-yiian , comp. lOv. Peking, 1959. Hsia, Novel—C. T. Hsia. The Classic Chinese Novel: A Critical Introduction. New York, 1968. Hsfl, Anthologie—S. N. Hsfl. Anthologie de la litterature chinoise des origines & nos jours. Paris, 1933. Hughes, Two Chinese Poets—Ernest Richard Hughes. Two Chinese Poets: Vignettes of Han Life and Thought. Princeton, 1960. Hung, Ming—Josephine Huang Hung. Ming Drama. Taipei, 1966. Idema and West, Chinese Theater—Wilt Idema and Stephen H. West. Chinese Theater 1100-1450: A Source Book. Wiesbaden, 1982. Iriya—Iriya KyOju Ogawa KyOju taikyCt kinen ChUgoku bungaku gogaku ronshu IB;!; !§*§&«• Tokyo, 1974.

Jao, “Chan-kuo’’—Jao Tsung-i , “ Chan-kuo wen-hsileh” , BIHP, 48 (1977), 153176. Knechtges, Han Rhapsody—David R. Knechtges. The Han Rhapsody: A Study of the Fu ofYangHsiung (53 B.C.-A.D. 18). Cambridge, England, 1976. ------- , Wen xuan—Wen xuan or Selections of Refined Literature. Volume One: Rhapsodies on Metropolises and Capitals. Princeton, 1982. Ku-pen—Ku-pen hsi-ch’il ts’ung-k’an . I: ch’u-chi &IM, Shanghai, 1954; II: erh-chi —H , 1955; III: san-chi = * , 1957; IV: ssu-chi B9k, 1958. Kung, “Ming ch’i-tzu”—Rung, Hsien-tsung . “ Ming ch’i-tzu shih-wen chi ch’i lun-p’ing chih yen-chiu” . Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Chung-kuo Wenhua Hsfleh-ytlan, 1979. T he fullest and most detailed study o f the Ming Archaists. ------- , “Ming-tai cn’i-tz’u ”—“Ming-tai ch’i-tzu-p’ai shih-lun chih yen-chiu” , T'ai-nan Shih-chuan hsileh-pao, 8 (1975), 41-65; 9 (1976), 169-187. A condensed version of the above. Kuo, P ’i-p’ing shih—Kuo Shao-yO WifelJSI. Chung-kuo wen-hsileh p ’i-p’ing shih . Shang­ hai, 1964. ------- , Sung shih-hua—Sung shih-hua chi-i SKifSSWft. Peking, 1937. Lin, Transformation—Lin Shuen-fu. The Transformation of the Chinese Lyrical Tradition: Chiang K ’uei and Southern Sung Tz’u Poetry. Princeton, 1978. Literary Genres—Studies in Chinese Literary Genres. Cyril Birch, ed. Berkeley, 1974. Liu, Buddhist and Taoist—Liu T s’un-yan. Buddhist and Taoist Influences on Chinese Novels. Wiesbaden, 1962. ------- , Middlebrow—Chinese Middlebrow Fiction from the Ch’ing and Early Republican Periods. Liu T s’un-yan, ed. Hong Kong, 1984. Liu-ch’ao wen—Ch’ilan shang-ku San-tai Ch’in Han San-kuo Liu-ch’ao wen • Yen K’o-chOn ed. 4v. Rpt. Taipei, 1961. Liu, Chinese Theories—James J. Y. Liu. Chinese Theories of Literature. Chicago, 1975. Liu, Classical Prose—Shih Shun Liu, trans. Chinese Classical Prose: The Eight Masters of the T ’angSung Period. Hong Kong, 1979. Liu, London Libraries—Liu T s’un-yan. Chinese Popular Fiction in Two London Libraries. Hong Kong, 1967. Liu, Lyricists—James J. Y. Liu. Major Lyricists of the Northern Sung (A.D. 960-1126). Princeton, 1974. Liu-shih—Liu-shih-chungch’il . Mao Chin 3sW, comp. N.p., 1800. Lo, Lun-wen hsUan—Lo Lien-t’ien IKJf&, ed. Chung-kuo wen-hsileh shih lun-wen hsiian » £ * . 4v. Taipei, 1979. Margouli&s, Anthologie—Georges Margouli&s. Anthologie raisonnee de la littirature chinoise. Paris, 1948. ------- , Kou-wen—ed. and trans., Le Kou-wen chinois; recueil de textes avec introduction et notes. Paris, 1925. ------- , Prose—Histoire de la littirature chinoise: prose. Paris, 1949. Mather, New Account—Richard B. Mather. Shih-skuo hsin-yil:A New Account of Tales of the World. Minneapolis, 1976. McMullen, “ Literary Theory”—David L. McMullen. “ Historical and Literary Theory in the MidEighth Century,” in Perspectives on the T ’ang, A rthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett, ed. New Haven, 1973, pp. 307-342. Miao, Studies—Ronald C. Miao, ed. Studies in Chinese Poetry and Poetics. V. 1. San Francisco, 1978. Min, “ Ming-tai”—Min, Tse SMS . “Ming-tai ch’ien-hou ch’i-tzu te shih-wen li-lun” , Wen-hsileh p ’ing-lun ts’ung-k’an (Peking), 3 (1979), 65-92. Nan-pei-ch’ao shih—Ch’ilan Han San-kuo Chin Nan-pei-ch’ao shih ikilHBSSSifcWiJ. Ting Fu-pao THbii (T2831) to the Southern School, and the Chileh-kuan lun fgfill to the Oxhead School. Among the later Ch’an treatises, the Tun-wu yao-men «fi}#ri(HTC v. 110) by Hui-hai (fl. eighth century) and the Ch’uan-hsin fa-yao W-kffiS (T 2012a) by Hsi-yfln # ji (d. 850) are important treatises for Ch’an philosophy. T he records of Ma-tsu JHffi and his disciples contained description of dramatic actions and conversations. The most scholarly and voluminous work of the Ch’an school is the Tsung-ching lu *HH(T2016) compiled by Yen-shou ®H (904-975) in one hundred chapters. It is a systematical analysis and harmonization o f Buddhist philosophy and Ch’an practice. Quotations from various authoritatively translated texts, Chinese writings, sayings, and hymns by Ch’an masters were skillfully put together into a coherent system. T he book is a treasury of Chinese Buddhism yet to be explored fully. Among all Ch’an writings, only the Liu-tsu t’anching Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch) (T2007) attributed to Hui-nengH IB(d.7l3), attained to the stature of an authoritative scripture for Ch’an in China, Son in Korea, and Zen in Japan. It records the personal experiences of the patriarch along with his thought and teachings. A number o f translations are available in European languages.

VI. Popular and Poetic Works Apart from dialogues and treatises, some Ch’an Buddhists also wrote a considerable amount o f hymns and poetry. These Ch’an contributions may be classified into the following categories: hymns, songs, and verses for transmitting the Teaching. Religious hymns existed in China long before the Ch’an Buddhists. T he hymns attributed to W ang-mingE# and Master T uift are well-known early examples. However, the flour­

ishing of Ch’an stimulated a new impulse for poetic composition as a means o f religious expression. The Hsin-hsin mingWi>\ji&(T2010), attributed to Tao-hsin, and the Cheng-tao fo>8EjII*:(T2014), attributed to the Master o f Yung-chia (Hsuan-chiieh 2c# 665-713), are good examples o f influential religious hymns. Religious songs seem to have been very popular in China during the T ’ang. A number o f such songs written by Ch’an Buddhists were discovered in the Tun-huang manuscripts. These songs were composed under the titles o f Wu-keng chuanS.W.% , Shih-erh shih+ , Hsing-lu nanlr f tli, etc. Originally, they were for popular entertainment, but Ch’an monks took over the form and composed new songs to express their religious experiences and inspirations. Verses for transmit­ ting the Ch’an teachings were highly valued by Ch’an monks during the late T ’ang and Sung period, but the literary quality o f these verses is less than one might expect. Although Ch’an monks contributed much to popular literature, they by no means monopolized the field. The Pure Land teachings were the most popular faith among Chinese masses, and this school contributed much to religious ritual and poetry. The ritualistic works known as ch’an-fa&&, o r “confessional cermonies,” claimed to originate with the Buddhist patron, Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (r. 502-549). A work called Tz’u-pei tao-ch’ang ch’an-fd &3<tltt&(T1909), attributed to the Masters o f Religion o f the Liang dynasty, is probably the earliest extant ritual if the attribution is valid. The Pure Land monks compiled new texts to serve their religious needs. T he Chuan-ching hsing-tao yilan wang-sheng ching-t’u, fa-shih tean W f i f f ± f f i < * ® ( T 1 9 7 9 ) by Shan-tao and the Ching-t’u wu-hui nien-fo lileh fa-shih-i-tsan (T1983) by Fac h a o e i g h t h century) are representative o f these Pure Land efforts. Probably because of the Pure Land success in religious rituals, other schools followed suit com­ piled ritualistic texts on certain scriptures which they considered essential for their own respective school. T he Yilan-chileh ching tao-ch’ang hsiu-cheng i IBJI®SH*iHSfS (HTC v. 128) by Tsung-mi, the Fa-hua san-mei ch’an-i (T1941), and the Chin-kuangming tsui-sheng ch’an-i (T1946) by Chih-li are examples from the Hua-yen and T ’ien-t’ai schools. These ritualistic works contained sets of intricate liturgies for the worship of various Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. They contain imaginative descriptions o f heavens and hells, stories about the retribution o f good and bad deeds, karma and rebirth. Even some o f the dry manuals used for meditative guides often contained summaries in verse, which could be intoned in the prescribed rite and easily memorized. It seems likely that such religious rituals are related to the development o f the pienwen 11* literature (see Tun-huang wen-hsileh). Both pien-wen and yiin-wen WS; have been popular topics o f recent scholarship. How­ ever, most pieces mentioned in these recent publications do not exactly belong to pienwen. Only those works which have the works pien-wen in the titles can be properly called pien-wen. The rest are certainly popular writings, but not necessarily pien-wen. Stories from Buddhist scriptures like the Fa-hua ching or the Wei-mo ching or on ideal heroes like the Buddha and his previous existences or on Mu-lien S S are typical Buddhist pienwen, because they all originated in Buddhist scripture and were recreated for the po­ pularization o f the religion. O ther pieces on traditional Chinese heroes gradually ap­ peared: the stories o f Wang L in g IR , Wu Tzu-hstift^W , and Meng Chiang-nOafeU*. T h e secularization o f popular Buddhist literature did not mean that the secular writings completely took over the religious works, however. During the later period, especially in Ming and Ch’ing times, a popular religious literature still prevailed, known as pao-

chiianH & (precious scrolls). Apart from Buddhist topics, other pao-chilan deal with Taoist o r popular-entertainment topics. The yiln-wen or rhymed literature, discovered at Tunhuang have been edited by Wang Chung-min, Jen Erh-pei, Jao Tsung-i, Pa-chow, and others. T he influence o f the pien-wen and yiln-wen of the T ’ang period on ku-tzU-tz’u* and chu-kung-tiao* has been firmly established. Buddhism was also influential in the development o f the early Chinese novel (s?e Hsi-yu chi, Jou-p’u t’uan, Feng-shen yen-i) and o f drama. T he conversion o f Chinese in­ tellectuals to Buddhism not only advanced Chinese understanding o f the religion but also brought some branches o f native Chinese literature into contact with Buddhism. Apart from historiography, which has already been mentioned, some Buddhists used poetry to express their religious sentiments and experiences. T he poems written by Chih-tun5:>® (314-366) and Hui-yGan (334-416) are the best example o f early Chinese Buddhist poetry. Although some o f these early poems are expressions o f religious experiences, their literary quality is also high. Buddhism also influenced the reeval­ uation o f the Chinese landscape in Chinese poetry which took place in the fourth and fifth centuries as best exemplified in the works o f Hsieh Ling-yfln.* When poetry be­ came the prime form o f Chinese literature during the T ’ang, some monk-poets adopted poetry as the principal medium for their religious expression. Wang Fan-chih* (T2863) and Han-shan* are two distinguished representatives. Their poems influenced many Ch’an Buddhists and other poets at large, such as Wang Wei,* Chiao-jan,* Kuan-hsiu,* and Ch’i-chi* brought Buddhist poetry into a new state: though they still wrote about religious life and thought, in the eyes of later literary critics their poetry was excellent literature in its own right. Poetic aesthetic and skill replaced religious sentiment as the chief element in these works. From the Sung period onward poems written by Buddhist monks became a regular feature in Chinese literature. These Buddhist poetic com­ positions are impressive both in quality and quantity. A recent publication, Ch’an-men i-shuwn'&9, collected 140 works o f Buddhist poetry in its first series, and more works are expected in the forthcoming series o f the same publication. T he new emphasis on literary quality rather than on religious content was not only recognized by literary critics, but also openly acknowledged by some Buddhist poets themselves. They called their poetic work Wai-chi fl- M(Secular Collections) to distinguish them from the NeifoiiWi Pa®(Religious Learning). Among the later Buddhist poets, the achievements of Tao-ch’ienSEii, or Ts’ai-liao tzu#*3P (b. 1102), Te-hung#& (1071-l 128), and Ch’isungl£ft(l 107-1172) are outstanding. T he last two are also well known for their prose writings in ku-wen* style. Poetic criticism also owes a debt to Buddhism—contributions by Chiao-jan and Yen YQ (see Ts’ang-lang shih-hua) were particularly noteworthy.

VII. Ta-tsang ching Chinese Buddhist literature has been collected and published mainly in various edition o f the Ta-tsang ching, which comprises both translated scriptures and Chinese writings. T he collection is voluminous, an accumulation o f Buddhist efforts in China for the last two thousand years. T he standard edition, the TaishO shinshu daizOkyO, for example, contains thirty-two large volumes in fine print o f translated canons. It includes Hinayana, Mahayana, and Tantric scriptures, along with various accounts of the lives

o f the Buddha. T he books of monastic discipline and philosophical treatises are also included in these volumes. Works written in Chinese comprise 24 volumes (33-55 and 85). This includes the exegesis o f translated scriptures and treatises as well as books of monastic discipline, (v. 33-43) sectarian writings o f Chinese Buddhist schools (44-48), historical works (49-52), encyclopedias and interreligious writings (53-54), catalogues and supplements (55-86). Many works in this collection are not extant in other lan­ guages, even though they were originally translated from Sanskrit o r Pali. A few of these works have been translated into European languages, but most of the collection remains for open scholarly exploration.

VIII. The Influence T he introduction of Buddhism into China not only propagated a new religion, it also transmitted Indian literature and civilization to the Chinese. T he introduction, assimilation, and transformation o f this new religion and its foreign civilization inev­ itably influenced Chinese life and culture in many ways and to a deep degree. As far as Chinese literature is concerned, the influence o f Buddhism may be summarized as follows: (1) Buddhism brought with it a number o f ideas to China, a number o f ideas that were destined to become dominant factors in the Chinese attitude towards life and death, society and cosmos. T he ideas o f impermanence (anitya) and suffering (duhkha), karma and rebirth, paradises and hells, emptiness and reality, bondage and liberation, were all essential to the development o f Chinese literary thought. (2) When during the T ’ang dynasty translation of Buddhist literature from the Indie languages into Chinese flourished, the popular form of literature prevalent was pien-wen, and Chinese poetry was dominated by lines with a fixed number of syllables and rigid rhythmns. This form was incapable o f dealing with the Indian Buddhist literature, so different in style and rich in content. Under these circumstances, the translation of Buddhist works brought in new styles o f writing that were freer, longer, m ore elegant, varied, arid intercon­ nected. At first, these new styles were only used for translations, but gradually they spread to Chinese compositions as well. Finally these styles went beyond Buddhist lit­ erature and influenced Chinese writings at large. Among the new styles introduced by Buddhist translations was the interfusion of prose and verse narratives which became the predominant stylistic feature of Chinese short stories and novels. (3) T o the Chinese, Buddhism was a new and complete way o f life:( the renunciation o f household, the striving for nirvana through monastic life, the compassionate Bodhisattva, and the hope for a new and happier life in a future existence were all new to the Chinese. These new ideas opened up Chinese thinking and provided new materials for Chinese liter­ ature. Because o f this, many writers were able to free themselves and their writings from the rigid structure of Chinese society and Confucian dogma. (4) This freedom in writing about new ways of life and new problems went deep into the psychological spheres of Chinese consciousness. T he Buddhist analyses o f psychic function and ex­ periences and the emphasis on systematic personal cultivation of mind provided Chinese writers with a new and subjective world, one that merged with the love o f nature in traditional Chinese poetry to reach far beyond this society and life, thus enriching the imaginative powers o f Chinese literature. This was true not only for literature created

by Buddhist writers; it also transformed other genres such as historiography and poetry, which had existed before the spread of Buddhism in China. In other words, Buddhism restructured old literary forms even as it was introducing new ones. (5) Buddhists also brought new subject m atter and terminology to Chinese literature. Strange animals and birds, gods and goddesses, flowers and plants, demons and spirits, peoples and tribes, transmigrations and retributions, oceans and mountains, ideas and ideals were all new items. Buddhism also brought a number of new terms and phrases into Chinese literature, many o f which still exist in modern Chinese usage. Some are no longer connected with Buddhism but have become idiomatic expressions and phrases in literary compositions. T o recapitulate: Chinese Buddhist literature comprises both canonical and other collections. The canonical literature comprises Chinese translations o f Indian scriptures, books on monastic discipline, philosophical treatises, ritual manuals, and a few hagio­ graphies. The Chinese canon also includes native Chinese compositions, which consti­ tute the foundations of Chinese Buddhism. O ther forms of literature such as histo­ riography and hagiography, dialogues and treatises, religious geography and encyclopedias, poetry and popular writings are also prominent in the canon. Some branches o f Buddhist literature extended beyond the religious realm and were absorbed in the mainstream of Chinese literature. Buddhism influenced virtually all Chinese literary thought, styles, and forms. It provided new subject matters and terminology, expanded the psychological dimensions o f the Chinese mind, and enriched the Chinese power of imagination.

E d it io n s :

Ch’an-men i-shu , Ming-fuMtSE, ed. 1980. Taipei, 1st Series. Ch’ang, Jen-hsiaWtE'fefc, compiler. Fo-ching wenhsileh ku-shih hsilan 06il83tiPSEfB*SM'R® ffifa Jf. Hofei. * . 1978. Chung-kuo hsiao-shuo shih . Dole2elov£-Velingerov2, Milena. 1980. The Peking. Chinese Novel at the Turn of the Century. To­ Plaks, Andrew. 1977. Chinese Narrative: Critical ronto. and Theoretical Essays. Princeton. Hanan, Patrick. 1973. The Chinese Short Story: Sawada, Mizuo Wfflflll*. So Mei Shin shOsetsu Studies in Dating, Authorship, and Composition. soko Tokyo, 1982. Cambridge, Mass. Sun, K’ai-ti KWI. 1957. Chung-kuo t ’ung-su ------ . 1981. The Chinese Vernacular Story. Cam­ hsiao-shuo shu-mu + ■ »«'.!'»* 0. Revised bridge, Mass. edition. Peking. Only comprehensive guide Hegel, Robert E. 1981. The Novel in Seventeenthof this kind. Century China. New York. Tarumoto, Teruo . 1983. Shimmatsu Hsia, C. T. HSSill. 1968. The Classic Chinese shOsetsu kandan iH^'MMHR . Kyoto. Novel: A Critical Introduction. New York. Tseng, Tsu-yin f ’iB.tt et al. 1982. Chung-kuo liIdema, Wilt Lukas. 1974. Chinese Vernacular tai hsiao-shuo hsU-pa hsUan-chu + B R ft d' R # tt Fiction: The Formative Period. Leiden. . ®& . Chang-chiang S ZE. Hu, Shih-ying iS±£. 1980. Hua-pen hsiao-shuo Uchida, Michio ft fflSi * . 1970. ChUgoku shOsetsu kai-lun E*'J'JSdK Sfc. 2v. Peking. no sekai 4»18'J'R®tS:Jf. Tokyo. L6vy, Andr6. 1981. Le conte en langue vulgaire ------ . 1977. ChUgoku shOsetsu kenkyu •t'B'J'R du XVIIe siicle. Paris. Wi. Tokyo. Lu H s d n [ C h o u Shu-jen HWA]. 1981. Yiian, Hsing-pei*fr*S and Hou Chung-i & Chung-kuo hsiao-shuo shih Itieh 4»B 'J'IRs6*8. 1981. Chung-kuo wen-yen hsiao-shuo shu-mu Vol. 9 of LuHsiln ch’iian-chi Peking. i t e d ' S t a . Peking. Companion to Sun The only annotated edition of the classic K’ai-ti’s guide.

LITERARY CRITICISM Craig Fisk

all the major genres of Chinese writing, literary criticism is certainly the least well known. Its history is long, however, and holds interest both as an inde­ pendent field o f study and because some acquaintance with it increases sensitivity to the history o f the literature as well as an awareness of its characteristics. Among the very general differences between Chinese criticism and Western criticism, taken as a whole, the three most important concern imitation, ficdonality, and genres. In China there were no concepts comparable to Aristotelian mimesis or Christian figura, both o f which are bound to the representation o f action in time. Rather, the object of representation is mood at a point in time and the correspondences between mind and the state o f the surrounding world. Fictionality is not a concern for essentially similar reasons. Although the fantastical, the unreal, and impersonation all have their place in Chinese literature, the literary work is generally understood by the critic as if it were personal history. Lastly, Chinese literary criticism until very recent centuries was con­ cerned almost exclusively with poetry. Dramatic theory had no part in the formation o f early criticism as it did in the West; indeed, there is no dramatic corpus of a date comparable to Greek or Roman drama. Although the earliest critical writing in China dates from the early third century (Holzman, 1978), from before that time there are statements and ideas that merit some attention as backgrounds to later criticism. The earliest remarks that shed light on the uses of poetry are contained in the Shih-ching,* which dates from the first half of the first millennium B.C. Most of these lyrics, songs, chants, and hymns have the anonymity o f oral tradition. But some have authors who say that their intent was to express sorrow, inform others o f their will, praise beauty and goodness, criticize a ruler, o r dwell nos­ talgically on the sages of earlier times. These motivations were shared by the literarily self-conscious lyric poem from the third century A.D. onwards, except that the latter added an idea of poetry as a medium o f spiritual self-cultivation. The several centuries following the period o f Shih-ching witnessed the development o f political and social views on poetry that are evident throughout the Conf 'rian Classics and other ancient texts. T he Li chi (see ching), for example, says that every five years officials of the feudal lords were made to recite songs of the people as a gauge of the political climate. T he bibliographical essay in the Han-shu also makes the claim that in ancient times rulers employed “song collectors” to measure the efficacy o f their policies (Dieny, 1968). And the statement that “song expresses the will” (USsfc) in the Shuching (see ching) was often cited in later centuries as authority for the argument that poetry has a political and collective, not an emotional and individual voice (Chow, 1979). F

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As for early social uses of poetry, historical sources such as the Tso-chuan* and the Kuo-yil* make it apparent that the cultivated man was expected to be well-versed in the Shih-ching as a mark of social polish. Passages taken out of context and bearing more or less established interpretations formed the elements o f sophisticated repartee. Confucius took this practice a step further by using these social commonplaces as philosophical exempla. In Lun-yil 1.15 he praises his disciple Tzu-kung for having ac­ quired the ability to grasp a point when it is made to him in the form of alluding to an image from one of the Shih-ching songs. But the Lun-yil is also concerned that educated young men be able to use these songs socially. Lun-yil 17.8 says that “With the Songs you can raise issues, understand others, take your place among men, and express griev­ ances.” T he Lun-yil also develops a number o f philosophical concepts that are reflected in later literary criticism. Most important among these are that literary documents m irror the character o f the age that produced them, that crafted language is necessary to effective presentation of ideas and that there should always be a fine balance between form and content. The latter idea calls for some explanation, since literature, culture, text, pattern, and what we mean by “form” here are all interrelated. A central tenet of Confucian thought is that it is the function o f culture to regulate and give shape to the basic substance of man and society. By the same token, cultivated, literary writing shapes the basic substance of human expression. It is possible, at the one extreme, for expression to be raw and untutored; or, conversely, to be overly studied, at which point substance is sacrificed. Translated into literary critical terms, Confucian thinking si­ multaneously justifies the artificiality o f literary language and stands ready to criticize art for a rt’s sake. It may also be mentioned in passing that Confucian distaste for the supernatural and fictitious played no small part in preventing the legitimation o f prose fiction in China until the cr' :cal realists of the European nineteenth century became known. Even then the novei could only become literarily acceptable by a twist on Confucian views and at the expense of poetry, which lost its status, at the same time that Confucian bureacracy and traditional education were devalued. In sum, the earliest interpretive practices in China were not concerned with either the literariness of literature, the concept o f individual expression, o r the integrity of the literary work. Aesthetics was indivisible from the ethos as a *whole. Several Han-dynasty developments had more impact on literary criticism than has usually been recognized. First was the appearance of literary commentary, a highly Confucian form that evolved from interpretive schools using the Shih-ching. T he Ch’i, Lu, Han, and Mao schools all competed for official recognition and essentially still used the Songs of the Shih-ching as exempla. T he Mao Commentary to the Shih-ching and Cheng Hsftan’s flS3:( 127-200) interpretations based on it established commentary as a critical genre. T he Han dynasty was also the first heavily text-oriented culture. T he Lun-hengffiffi of Wang Ch’ung3E2E(27-97) distinguished among four types o f learned men: the spe­ cialist in one classic, the teacher who knows many texts old and new, the political thinker who goes further in his use of broad knowledge in action, and the philosopher-writer who develops new ideas through the medium of writing. T he last o f these is the role that Wang Ch’ung ascribes to Confucius. T he Han-shu also includes the new, textoriented critical genres of bibliographical, biographical, and literary historical writing.

Finally, the emergence in the Hari dynasty o f the fu * and study o f the Ch’u-tz’u,* the shamanistic quest literature o f the South from which the fu partly grew, had several ramifications for aesthetics and literary criticism. For one thing, the use o f imperson­ ation in this poetry led to the broader notion o f personae, o r voices through which the literary man could cast himself alternately as such things as peasant, courtesan, fish­ erman, hermit, or poet o f the past. Poetry was thus no longer purely non-fictive. It had new synthetic and eclectic possibilities. Also, the highly cultivated descriptive language o f the ode helped establish the artificial dialect o f poetic language—actually a polyphony o f poetic languages. And the imagistic consistency, logical continuity, and sheer volume o f writing in the fu form made it impossible to disregard the unity and style o f individual literary “ works.” Although the fu stimulated the concept o f writing as a craft in which the broadly educated man could creatively express himself and was commonly practiced, as the historical essay in the bibliography to the Han-shu bears witness, there were also fre­ quently expressed doubts, for example by Yang Hsiung* and Em peror Hsflan, as to the Confucian propriety of the form (Knechtges, 1976). Consequently, one last critical aspect o f the Han dynasty is the application o f Confucian allegory to the fu to justify its existence. From this, literary criticism became attuned to the broader, more spec­ ulative elements o f story in allegorical interpretation. T he first work strictly devoted to literary criticism is generally considered to be T s’ao P’i’s* “ Lun wen” Hi*(Essay on Literature) in his Tien /un»H(Classical Essays). T he book itself is no longer extant, but the “Essay on Literature” was preserved in the Wen-hsUan.* T h e work provides short criticism of each o f the Chien-an ch’i-tzu (see Ch’en Lin), who were the leading contemporary writers, as well as o f Ch’fl Yflan,* Chia I,* and other earlier poets. It also includes remarks on the characteristics o f four genres: bureaucratic written proposals, personal letters and essays, the epigraph, and poetic writing in the lyric or ode forms. In the latter section T s’ao P’i puts forward his theory o f cA’i®(vital force) in literary works. T he quality o f the work is a reflection Of the “vital force” of its author, a concept that remains important in later poetry criticism. A fter this there gradually come to be more and more writings concerned exclusively with literary criticism during the Six Dynasties. Two factors are im portant here. One is the making of literary anthologies, to which critical essays largely historical in form were often appended (Rickett, 1975). T he other is the influence o f abstract, binary modes o f thought from early Chinese Buddhism. Chung Jung’s Shih-p’in* and Liu Hsieh’s Wen-hsin Hao-lung* from the early sixth century mention a number o f earlier Six Dynasties works of criticism about which very little is known. These include such works as the “Wen fu” by Lu Chi* and the Wen-chang chih by Chih Yfl.* Lu Chi’s “Wen fu” was preserved in the Wen-hstian. This elaborate, poetic essay on literature might best be described as a rhapsody on the metaphysics, craft, and psychology o f literary composition. Chih Yfl’s work appears to have been a literary anthology with an appended critical essay (Allen, 1976). From fragments preserved in other works it seems it was concerned with general evaluations. From this period there are also some fragments of texts by Shen Yiieh* and Wang PinlW on metrics. With Liu Hsieh’s Wen-hsin tiao-lung and Chung Jung’s Shih-p’in in the early sixth century, literary criticism becomes a substantial and completely independent enterprise. T he considerable reputations of both men are based solely on their literary criticism,

and both works are remarkable in size and quality. The fifty chapters of the Wen-hsin tiao-lung are equally divided between discussions of all the major literary genres and discussions o f what might best be called the dynamics o f literary works, i.e., their form, style, use of material, and rhetorical structure. Given the size of the Wen-hsin tiao-lung, it has proven difficult for scholars to point to themes that dominate Liu Hsieh’s critical thought (Gibbs, 1970). Nevertheless, Liu Hsieh seems to be simultaneously motivated by both Confucian and Buddhist ideas, because he argues for the use of the”Confucian Classics as models for contemporary writing, yet takes a strortgly Buddhist influenced approach to the abstract analysis that goes into his technical chapters. Secondly, even though he wants writers to take the Confucian Classics as models and to be diverse in their generic capabilities, Liu Hsieh’s technical chapters clearly show that his conception of literature is dominated by the lyric poetry and odes o f the early third through the early fifth centuries. Perhaps it is best to say that the Wen-hsin tiao-lung is a moderately conservative book o f criticism written in a period when the distinction between literary and nonliterary writing was not yet so sharp, and that it redefined the classics as lit­ erature. In this respect Chung Jung’s Shih-p’in seems much more modern simply because it restricts itself to criticism o f the lyric. Chung Jung says in his preface that hie limited his compass because the lyric combined the best features of all other forms o f com­ position. The central argument in Chung Jung’s views on poetry is that the essence of poetry consists in “expressing states of mind” Kf S;®. That is, poetry is a personal re­ flection that should not be adulterated by overly studied literary features such as metrics and classical allusions. But Chung Jung’s critical views are also very much centered on the landscape lyric and artful description that gives the impression of finding the poet’s emotions mirrored in the landscape. Thus the poets in his top rank are all distinguished by their ability to express emotion, those in the second rank by at least artful description, and those in the lowest rank by their inability to stand out in either regard. There is, however, much controversy over the standing accorded some poets—T ’ao Ch’ien,* for example, is in the second group, although most other traditional and modern critics would consider him among the best in the first rank (see Shih-p’in). Until recently the literary criticism that survives from the T ’ang dynasty was largely ignored, in part because the interests of the criticism seemed to clash with dominant interpretations o f T ’ang poetry and in part because T ’ang criticism was often contained in less well-known sources, such as the early ninth-century BunkyO hifuron* (i.e., Wen­ ching mi-fu lun) by the Japanese monk Kakai and Chi Yu-kung’s twelfth-century T ’angshih chi-shih.* From the earlier part of the T ’ang there are works such as Wu Ch’ing’sS*(670-749) Yueh-fu ku-t’i yao-chieh (Explanations of Old Ballads), Yilan Ching’s SR Ku-chin shih-jen hsiu-chil (Beautiful Lines by Ancient and Modern Poets) and Li Chiao’s* (644-713) P ’ing shih ko IPfftt (Poetic Modes). Wu Ching’s work was concerned with relating older ballad themes to a T ’ang audience o f poets who might want to use them, Yiian Ching’s appears to have been largely a collection o f striking couplets from earlier poets, and Li Chiao’s study served as a rather me­ chanical introduction to the topoi of early eighth-century poetry. O f greater interest both for their broad aesthetic concerns and for their relevance to High T ’ang poetry are Wang Ch’ang-ling’s* Shih ko and Chiao-jan’s* Shih-shih from the late eighth century. Both emphasize the artfulness o f making emotive and descrip­

tive language seem to merge together in the lyric and the u„." o f the lyric as an instru­ ment of personal reflection. In this they are fairly close »o Chung Jung’s Shih-p’in. In addition, Wang Ch’ang-ling’s Shih ko expounds a phenor icnology o f the creative process that suggests the poet achieves a privileged position in the world through his ability to deftly manipulate the power of words. Chiao-jan’s Shih-shih on the other hand, is es­ pecially concerned with the intellectual craft o f poetry, which has as its object, however, the appearance of total naturalness and effortlessness in its finished product. From the late T ’ang Ssu-k’ung T ’u ’s* Erh-shih ssu shih-p’in and Chang Wei’s®® Shih-jen chu-k’o t’u KrA±3? I®(Masters and Schools Among the Poets) are the most im­ portant critical works. Ssu-k’ung T ’u distinguishes among twenty-four varieties o f taste in poetry—such as “powerful,” “tranquil,” “fine and delicate,” “profound,” “archaic,” “classically elegant” and so on—and describes the character o f each in twelve lines of verse. Ssu-k’ung T ’u is also known for some of his critical letters, especially the Yii Li Sheng lun-shih shu (Letter to Li Sheng oh Poetry), which uses the metaphors o f vinegar and salt to speak of significance beyond taste or interest beyond words. Chang Wei’s Masters and Schools Among the Poets separates Mid- and Late T ’ang poets into six movements with a star poet as the “master” in each case. These six movements are described as: (I) Transforming Teachings of the Great Way (with Po Chii-i* as its master), (2) Archaic and Profound (Meng Yun-ch’ingSJM#), (3) Clear, Strange, and Elegant (Li 13>S), (4) Clear, Strange, and Bitter (Meng Chiao*), (5) Learned and Lofty (Pao Jung feSS), and (6) Clear, Strange, and Beautiful (Wu Yuan-heng Ktc 96). It should also be mentioned in passing that much important T ’ang criticism is to be found in the letters o f authors such as Han Yii,"1 Liu Tsung-yQan,* and Po Chii-i,* especially as concerns arguments about literary movements and interpretations of views on earlier literature. Epigraphs and prefaces are often also important vehicles for critical statements of this type. T he T ’ang, particularly from the mid-eighth century onwards, was a period o f much more literarily self-conscious poets and essayists, rather than of critics per se. Sung-dynasty criticism is marked by the flourishing o f poetry criticism in the new shih-hua* form that collects a writer’s critical insights and remarks in loose chronological and topical order o f the subject matter. The typical author of shih-hua was an older scholar who had spent many years collecting information on poetry, discussing poems with friends in leisurely conversation, and jotting down occasional insights. Hence, the character of remarks in the shih-hua ranges from pithy to extremely casual and tan­ gential. Rarely is there anything like a unifying theme or theory in these works, although most reflect strongly held personal opinions. The poet and essayist Ou-yang Hsiu* started the form around 1070 with his Liui shih-hua a work largely devoted to the transparent style of Mei Yao-ch’en.* At about the same time Wang An-shih* completed the Ssu-chia shih hsilan E9*|$5S(Anthology of Four Poets), which included T u Fu,* Ou-yang Hsiu, Han YQ and Li Po.* Much o f the poetry criticism over the course o f the next century was written under the heading of the opposition between Ou-yang Hsiu’s interest in naturalness of tone and Wang Anshih’s interest in strikingness of style. Critical writing in support o f the former, the Yiian-yu xifc Group, included Ou-yang Hsiu’s Liu-i shih-hua, critical remarks of Su Shih collected by later followers, Hui-hung’s®i&(107l-l 128) Leng-chai yeh-hua ft*#® (Eve­ ning Discourses from a Cold Studio), HsQ I’sSfli(teM, Y en-choui® , fl. 1110) Yen-chou

shih-hua, Chu Pien’s ^ # (d . 1154) Feng-yiieh t’ang shih-hua MM (Criticism o f Poetry from the Hall of Wind and Moonlight), and Wu K’o’s &"!(/?. 1126) Ts’ang-hai shihhuaMUftfe. Critical writing that supported the emphasis on striking style, the ShaoshuitB® Group, included Yeh Meng-te’s 3I3W(1077-1148) Shih-lin shih-hua (Crit­ icism o f Poetry by the Scholar o f Stone Forest, and poetry criticism by the writers associated with the Kiangsi School,* such as Lfl Pen-chungH *'*'(/?. 1119), who were followers of the poet Huang T ’ing-chien,* even though Huang T ’ing-chien himself was critical of Wang An-shih. A nother leading aspect o f poetry criticism in the eleventh and twelfth centuries is its overriding concern with the work o f the T ’ang poet T u Fu. Because o f the technical brilliance of Tu Fu’s poetry, his work was o f special interest to Wang An-shih, who placed him first in his Anthology of Four Poets, and to the Shao-shu Group. But there was sufficient diversity to the character o f T u Fu’s poetry that it became the touchstone for both sides. Far more remarks were devoted to T u Fu than to any other poet in the poetry criticism o f this period, as witnessed by collections such as H u T zu’s T ’iao-hsi yil-yin ts’ung-hua,* T s’ai Meng-pi’s (fl. 1247) Ts’ao-t’ang shih-hua (Criticism o f the Poet o f the Grass Cottage), and Chang Chieh’s3fi#(/Z. 1135) Sui-han t’ang iAtA/rna (Criticism o f Poetry by a Man in a Cold Season). Ko Li-fang’s * * ^ (d. 1164) Yiin-yil yang-ch ’iu WffiW& (Annals o f Verse), dating from the early twelfth century, also gives more space to T u Fu than to any other poet in what is probably the most extensive collection o f criticism by any Sung author. W hat most attracted critics about T u Fu was his skill in the blending o f feeling and landscape, in the application of allusions, in creating semantic/syntactic twists, and in casting himself into the role of voice of the people (Fisk, 1980). Among late Sung works of poetry criticism, four stand out. Chiang K’uei’s* Paishih tao-jen shih-shuo £ (Criticism o f Poetry from White Rock), Yen Yti’s Ts’anglang shih-hua* (Criticism o f Poetry by a Hermit on the Azure Stream), and Yang Wanli’s * Ch’eng-Chai shih-hua (Criticism of Poetry from the Studio of Sincerity) all em­ phasize the superiority of genius over poetic craft. Of these Yen Yu’s work is the onethat most influenced later critics through its use of Zen Buddhist metaphors, its belief that “penetra tion of the spirit” into one’s subject produced enlightened poetry, and its emphasis on the poets o f the High T ’ang as the touchstone for criticism. A fourth thirteenth-century work, Fan Hsi-wen’sfSM&£(/?. 1279) Tui-ch’uangyeh-hua W^#ffi(Night Dialogues), summarizes the key elements on the technical side o f Sung poetic criticism. These include th e aesthetics of blending the abstract and the concrete, or feeling and scene in the central couplets of the lyric; the fascination with the alchemy of borrowing and playing upon imagery and ideas, often discussed under the rubric o f “changing the bones and ex­ tracting the embryo” (Fisk, 1977) and the poetics o f word placement and verbal surprise, known as focusing attention on the “verse eye.” T he Sung was very much an age o f poetry criticism. Among the best introductions to the mass o f writing on poetry from this period are three collections o f criticism, each of which has a different type o f focus. Hu Tzu’s T ’iao-hsi yil-yin ts’ung-hua is or­ ganized by poets in chronological order, Juan Yueh’sKM(/?. 1126) Shih-hua tsung-kuei (General Compendium of Poetry Criticism) by common topics in poetry, and Wei Ch’ing-chih’s Shih-jen yil-hsieh by technical devices and poets. A common concern in poetry criticism of the Ming and Ch’ing dynasties is with the art of reading and theories of appreciation. Critics are no longer seriously writing

for contemporary poets in a prescriptive mode, as was at least partially still the case in the Sung dynasty. Rather, critics assume that the canon o f Six Dynasties, High T ’ang, and N orthern Sung poets established by the Sung can in no way be excelled by con­ temporary writing, and so their criticism is retrospective and eclectic, seeking to refine the techniques o f appreciation. Li Tung-yang’s* Lu-t’ang shih-hua (literally “ telling books”); they constitute the major ingredient of ch’il-i tt*6(theatrical entertainments with the exception o f drama and acrobatics) and provide the bulk o f the corpus o f su-wenhsUehH&X» (popular literature). Storytelling is o f course a universal human characteristic. But in China, as in other traditional cultures, there were also professional artists who told stories for a living. It is not unlikely that storytelling was one o f the many arts o f the yu% the entertainers at the feudal courts during the Chou dynasty. In writings o f the T ’ang dynasty there are scattered, meager references to professional storytelling. But the earliest systematic descriptions first appeared in the Sung. T h e capital diaries for Kaifeng and Hangchow like the Tung-ching meng Hua lu* contain descriptions of the pleasure precincts o f these metropolises, cataloguing the amusements offered and listing the most famous artists, both male and female (who often used fanciful or picturesque stage-names). T h e bestknown description o f Sung-dynasty storytelling is found in the Tu-ch’eng chi-sheng (see Tung-ching meng Hua lu) which divides the Hangchow storytellers o f its time into four schools, according to subject-matter. Exactly which four schools has been a m atter of extensive scholarly debate, but H u Shih-ying’s (1980) solution is probably the best. According to him, the Tu-ch’eng chi-sheng distinguishes the following four schools:

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1. Chiang shih-shuB&W (explicating history books), tales on the fall and rise of dynasties in Chinese history, and the wars connected with these great events of state; 2. Shuo t ’ieh-ch’i-reh K(telling o f iron-clad cavalry), tales from the recent wars between the Sung and the Chin dynasties; 3. Shuo ching iB15(telling the sutras), tales on religious subjects, both of a serious and a comic nature; 4. Hsiao-shuo (stories), tales o f romantic love and miracles, tales of crime and in­ corrupt judges {kung-an &3?[courtcases]), tales o f noble brigands and their ex­ ploits, and tales of a sudden and spectacular rise in fortune. T he Tsui-weng t’an-lu WflSISfc, most likely a source-book for the (amateur) storyteller, which in its present form dates, from the YOan'dynasty, lists in its “ Hsiao-shuo k’aip ’i” .

of the first obstacles to presenting traditional Chinese prose to the Western reader is the term prose itself. T h e English word is derived from the Latin prorsa oratio, “straightforward talk,” or prorsus, “straightforward” (as opposed to verse, from vertere, “to turn”), and the greatest virtue of prose is clarity—George Orwell claimed good prose is “ like a windowpane.” Unfortunately, the term has taken on negative connotations in English: a “prosy” old fellow, a “prosaic” problem, or a preacher “prosing” away for hours. As a result prose has been much neglected in Western criticism. This attitude has influenced studies o f Chinese literature in the West, so that there are few works on prose. Nothing could be further from the Chinese case, where wenX, the crucial mor­ pheme common to the various terms which approximate our word prose, is exalted as one of the pillars o f Chinese society. T he earliest meaning o f wen (Archaic Chinese: £, miwuri) was “drawn lines” or “fine patterns” (Thern, 1966, p. 53). It came to mean successively “refined or polished,” “ornamentation” (as opposed to “substance”), “ rhymed prose,” and finally “literature in general.” T he term which comes closest to our notion of prose (“the ordinary fprm o f written language” o r “all discourse not patterned into recurrent metric units”) is wen-chang 3t*, which may have had this mean­ ing as early as the third century o f our era (Fang, 1951, p. 560, n. 1). In the modern West a common distinction between prose and poetry is language: prose tends to reflect ordinary speech, whereas poetry employ* ? special kind o f con­ densed, charged language. Poetry is also often rhymed and exhibits a rhythm. Not so in traditional China. Although very early prose may reflect to a pertain extent the then contemporary vernacular, later* text$ do not,; T he n^djum o f most prose until the early twentieth century was wen-yen SJt, an artificial written language. Moreover, when a young student began to study prose, he took caf^ to note the figures o f speech, imagery, and rhythm of his models. T hen he.mejnorized the passage, re­ hearsed it, and finally performed it for his teacher. A sen seo f rhythm comparable to that found in the prose masters o f Rome and Greece js fcuuind in most Chinese authors and styles (Ch’i, 1982). Many rhetorical devices wer? alfp common to both p^ose. and poetry. Moreover, until the ninth century the distinction between wen £ (belles J^ttres) and pi if (utilitarian literary works) was more significant than thfrt between^pjpse ^nd verse (Lo, 1982, p. 121). < 13 * to , ;>! «om T he most admired prose writers composed a terse, laconic sty 1ft whitfh C0J(d4 be differentiated from poetry primarily by the lack >0f a*fixed rhythni, bylits use o f gram ­ matical particles, and of course by rhyme. Indeed, some schemes o f traditional Chinese ne

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literature divide all texts into yUn-wenWttc(rhymed literature) and wu y i l n - w e n (un­ rhymed literature). Another distinction between prose and verse can be seen in the close ties between poetic genres and music, at least in the formative stages (see tz’u or ch’U, for example). T here are numerous traditional classifications of prose, but most confuse genre (histories, philosophic works) with the reception of the text (the Confucian Classics) or their style (ku-wen) haphazardly. Contemporary ideas of the history of Chinese prose have been influenced by the predominance of T ’ung-ch’eng p’ai* adherents among early and mid-twentieth-century scholars who compiled many of the literary histories and anthologies available today. Under their guidance, san-wen1&X(san refers to a relaxed, irregular, and independent style, thus “free prose,” or even “essay”) has been elevated to a position of prominence. Although persuasion is at the heart o f most of these essays, there are a number of lyrical pieces. Unfortunately, this emphasis on the essay has caused the neglect of the other major forms o f Chinese prose—philosophical, historical, and documentary—a neglect which will not be totally rectified in this study. Hsieh Fang-tettttffl (1226-1289), the compiler of the Wen-chang kuei-fan1Z9& £t£!ttE&&, pp. 121-183. Taipei. Lu, Ch’ien HW. 1937. Pa-ku hsiao-shih AIM'S. Shanghai. Lu, HsflnfeSfi. 1957. “Hsiao-p’in wen te weichi” 'J'iSfcX&SlfttI, in Lu HsUn ch’ilan-chi&ft •S3, Peking, v. 4, pp. 440-443. Lfl, Tsu-ch’ien S 8H , ed., 1886. Sung wenchien $XK. 4v. Chiang-su shu-chfl. Lung, Yfl-ch’unffl^Ms. 1963. “Hsien-Ch’in sanwen chung te yfln-wen” ^fciUlfcX't’fGlilX, Ch’ung-chi hsileh-pao, 2.2 (May), 137-168, 3.1 (November), 55-87. McCaskey, M. 1971. “Categorization of Chinese Literature: Pi'ose,” in Languages and Linguis­ tics: Working Papers, No. 2 (Georgetown Uni­ versity School of Language and Linguistics), pp. 35-50. McMullen, David. 1973. “Historical and Lit­ erary Theory in the Mid-Eighth Century,” Perspectives, pp. 307-342. Ma, Y. W. 1967. “Prose Writings of Han Yfl and Ch’uan-ch’i Literature,” JOS, 7 (1969), 195-223. Maeno.Naoaki «S?it#*,ed. 1961-1962. BunshO kihan XB Taipei. Tsang, Li-holilMff, ed. 1969. Han-Wei Liu-ch’ao wen Rpt. Taipei. Ts’en, Chung-mien ^#*6. 1957. “Wen-tzu yu p’ien-li pien-wei san-t’i” in his Sui T’ang shih HiIS56. Peking, pp. 175180. Tseng, Yfl #75111*IR(

*8 S H »

£12 * )• In the fifth year . . . the lords of various states and generals and ministers all deferred to the Prince of Han [Liu Pang], wishing to make him emperor . . . The Prince of Han declined several times, but could not extract himself. So he said, “If you gentlemen insist that this . . . will benefit the country . . . . ” So on the day of chia-wu he ascended the throne at the city north to the Ssu River. 3. Tao-chuang&j£(anastrophe): a reversal or unusual arrangement of words: ( : “ ftMAtir2A ”) fragrant grains, pecked (and) left-over, parrot kernels (where “fragrant grains’’ and “parrot” are syntactically reversed, as flifilKlfcliSfi , “the parrot pecked and left the fragrant grain-kernels,” would be the normal order). Related to this scheme is the device called hsttan-tsaoM!&, a “twisted” construction: The spring is Sweet, the wine cool . . . (where the stative verbs liehtfi, “cool,” and kan^t, “sweet,” are predicated of “wrong” subjects due to a syntactic inversion). 4. Fei-pai $R0(cf. barbarismus): unintended deviation in a spoken expression intentionally re­ tained in a written form, such as Chou Ch’ang’s SJr stuttered speech in his remonstration against Han Kao-tsu’s SSSSi intention to replace the heir-apparent with a different son: “ ” (£13. “ SSif?!#”) “I am di . . . di . . . deeply convinced it should not be done . . . ” 5. Ts’ang-tiu l?isl(cf. ellipsis): a reference to a word or phrase which forms a part of a set expression by mentioning only the other portion of the expression; something like a “syntagmatic metonymy.” According to whether it is the beginning or the ending portion that

is meant but unexpressed, the figure is subdivided into ts’ang-t’ou-ytiMMWi and hsieh-hou-yil K&m, besides which there is also a related device called p’i-chieh-yattMM'(a) Ts'ang-t’ou-yil, hiding the beginning portion, as implied in the use of the phrase erh-li ffni, . and was established,” to mean “thirty years old,” because Confucius said, “I . . . at age thirty, established myself,” 5 [. ..] “M&”). (b) Hsieh-hou-yil, hiding the ending portion, such as using the phrase niu-tou-ma to refer to the word mienW, “face,” based on the set expression niu-tou ma-mien (ox­ headed and horse-faced). This device is rather important in the colloquial language. (c) P’i-chieh-yil, an “explanatory formula” in which the intended term, instead of being left out, is hidden in a pun that forms part of the expression. Like (a) and (b), this is also often used playfully and mostly in the colloquial language: M jStiHZW Chu Pa-chieh’s spine, i.e., the back of Wu-neng (which is a circumlocutory way of saying wuneng chih pei or “useless man/bunch of men” by punning on wu-neng chih pei 6. Lien-chi%IS: use of a character not appropriate for the context but “tagged on” due to its close association with the word intended (as part of a compound or a set expression): (Mi- “ ##?& ”) Moisten it with wind and rain. 7. Hsiang-ch’ien Hk& or p’ing-tiu-faMf-ffi(diacope): an “inlaying” or interlacing of a set phrase in another set phrase, i.e., a “dovetailing.” This is an effective way of turning cliches into something fresh: IKS (happy and joyous) + (heaven and earth) = (exuberantly (light and dark) = 8W7E83X—# (the willow grove happy). VcM (flower and willow) + shadowy, the flowers brighten up: another village ahead). <SfH(siIk and gauze) + (sor­ rowful and grievous) ■= SJHSiKf (silk is sadness; gauze, grief). 8. (ploce; cf. antanaclasis, polyptoton): a repetition of the same character in close interval with a change of meaning or syntactic function: “ Sfclfii: ”) treat-with-respect-due-to-the-elders the elders of our own families and in extension, the elders of other families. 9. Tui-ou or *M»-cAang$tt(parallelism, antithesis, parison): conjoining of expressions with contrasting or similar meanings by syntactic and often tonal coordinations: Soffit, J (M. “ X ft”) “Clouds follow the dragon; winds follow the tiger.” This is part of a literary device that is frequent in the Chinese language at all levels and in all genres. The next entry lists some of its variations. 10. Ts’o-tsungl&ivariations of parallelism, seen in three subtypes: (a) Hu-wenTLX: synonymous substitution for a parallel expression: ( l#SB“ 3f8B”) Jen shows in several forms: i comes in various shapes and sizes. (b) Chiao-ts’o#$H: variation in syntactic positioning: KS ( “ WWfS#®;® ”) skirt trails six scenes (of) Hsiang River’s waters; tresses curl up Wu Mountain’s one strand (of) clouds. (c) Ts’o-tuiMIH'. similar to the above, but the parallel characters are transported to form a “mis-match” (cf. hsUan-tsao in 3): )B*61 ( 3E£B ”) spring wearing out, leaves grow dense, flowers few; waking up, tea there is plenty, wine cups scanty (where Q>, “plenty,” and i t , “scanty,” in line 2 are inversed in their match with ')>, “few,” and 2S , “dense,” in line 1). 11. Ting-chen M01(anadiplosis, redouble): a repetition ©f the last character or phrase of a line (or clause) in a series of lines. There are two kinds: (a) Lien-chuWS: the repetition is carried on continuously between consecutive clauses: IS

a s*.

“ tefSSW

t ”) • • • The secluded springs and strange-looking rocks, however distant they were, there was none that we did not reach; reaching them, we would flatten the grass to sit and pour out the wine jug to get drunk; drunk, we pillowed on each other to sleep; to sleep was to dream . . . (b) Lien-huan : when the repetition occurs only after an intervention of a longer sequence of words: mWGM . SKHHfc . ? 5»S»* . - J S J« * * ■ •( & * % “ hes? ”)

May their shining light beam mildly upon you; High fame and good end to all you do. That good end is well assured; The impersonator of the Ancient tells a lucky story. The lucky story, what is it. ‘Your bowls and dishes are clean and good; The friends that helped you Helped with perfect manners. Perfect manners, irreproachable; My lord will have pious sons, (adapted from Waley) 12. Ts'eng-ti JSiS(gradation, climax; cf. auxesis): a succession of at least three related expressions so arranged as to show either a mounting or a descending in their import. Somewhat similar to lien-chu (ll.b) this also looks like a sorites: ( ,i? . “ &8RfiT”) The temporal circumstances are less crucial than the spatial factors; the spatial factors not as decisive as human endeavors. 13. Mo-chuang or mo-ni #Hd(cf. onomatopoeia): formation of a modifier or a predicate expres­ sion by reduplication of a character, usually suggestive of some properties of the subject: * # « . MWM • ( ttlt. ”) War chariots rattling lin-lin,/the horses whin­ nying siao-siao;/each traveler with bow and arrows on his belt. 14. Wan-ch’u or wei-wan%M(cf. periphrasis, euphemism): a circumlocuted way of presenting a subject or suggesting something (cf. t'iao-t’o, 2). This is subdivided into three types: (a) Hung-t’otikft: hinting at the subject by elimination of alternatives; sometimes considered as a use of foil: ”) Lately I have grown thin:/ and it’s not due to too much wine,/ nor is it from grieving over the autumn. (b) SkdnshuoW&: hedging: ? J-B. 'I'& tt. ( Hig. “ &}&£”) The Earl of Meng-wu asked [Confucius] whether Tzu-lu wasjen (benevolent). The master said, “That I do not know.” (c) Wan-chuantHH: euphemism and observation of taboos, such as referring to the death of a high-ranking person metaphorically as “the collapse of the mountain range” UlBSJW. 15. Ching-ts’e&%. (apothegm, cf. paradox): a “striking” statement. Sometimes the assertion of a truth in a seemingly self-contradictory expression: “ flfB") A good swimmer is bound to be drowned; a skillful equestrian bound to fall. 16. Ying-ch'engf&flS(cf. oxymoron, antithesis): juxtaposition of antonyms within the same phrase or clause. There are two kinds, (a) Fan-ying two antonyms put in a predication relation or one term used as modifier of the other: Jifl&il&fS ( . ch. 29) So very vulgarly refined. (b) Tui-ch’enr$$Wl: an antithetical parallelism functionally defined, i.e., one term used as a foil for another: — (lft&. “ ”) The aim of a general accom. plished; tens of thousands of men turned into dry bones.' 17. Shuang-kmnMSBor hsieh-yin ill!(paronomasia, cf. syllepsis, zeugma, antanaclasis): playing on the sound and meaning of characters to produce a double-entendre. This is most prominent in the songs of Wu (& £ft) where punnings on the names of objects abound, e.g., p’iW(as in fljRS , “bolt of fabric,” and , “couple, man and wife”) and Awan11(as in HUH, “close the door,” and U'L>, “concern the heart”): MWI* [(*©] JR3(500UK (#IS®.,4tfl-^sc. 10) The gently wavering gossamer threads [thoughts of love] waft to the leisurely courtyard. 18. Pi-yil Jt*R or p’i-yUWHk(metaphor, simile): essentially a device of explanation in Chinese usage (by comparison, examples, etc.), this trope can be seen as the perception or understanding of one thing in terms of another, but instead of substitution, it emphasizes comparison. It is normally subdivided into three major types, depending on how the tenor is expressed: (a) Aftwg-;ytiW1©:(simile): the tenor explicitly related to the vehicle by a particle: . “ * K I ± ”) Hoping to achieve what you want by means of what you have done is like going up a tree to seek fish.

(b) Yin-yil IB“ft (metaphor properly speaking): no particle is supplied to indicate the relation­ ship between the tenor and the vehicle: “ * * » ”) The water of grievance gathers and turns into a spring of anger. (c) Chieh-yOMVt or an-pMit (cryptic metaphor): both the tenor and the ground are omitted while the vehicle itself tends to become a symbol. In the example below, the “pine and cypress” are symbolic of a superior man or chiin-tzu^T (tenor), specifically about his holding fast to principles under trying circumstances (ground). “ y sp ”) Only when the year turns cold does one realize the pine and cypress are the last to lose their leaves. Ch’en K’uei in his Wen-tse mentions the construction of metaphoric expressions by distinguishing ten types of yii which include (a) and (b) above and others that are either combinations and extensions of basic comparative device of metaphor or metaphoric mode based on other criteria (e.g. tui-yil9i Ht is a metaphor couched in parallelism; chienyilfoik is based on structure, and on referentiality). A closer analysis of the various criteria implied in his classification might reveal more of the Chinese conception of metaphor, shedding light on how it functions and what its motivation is. 19. Chieh-tai ft (metonymy, synecdoche; cf. kenning, epithet): using the name of one thing for that of something else associated with it by way of contiguity of part-whole and species-genus relationships. The two major subtypes, p’ang-chieh&fe and tui-tai$itt, correspond to synec­ doche and metonymy respectively and each is further dividable into other varieties: (a) P’ang-chieh (metonymy): substitution of a characteristic or trait of an entity for the entity itself, the location for the entity, the author or producer for the entity, the tool or material for the entity (they may sometimes overlap): E. M S £ P # ( “H ”) The ‘silk trousers’ [i.e., the wealthy] never die from hunger;/a ‘scholar's cap’ [i.e., a literatus’ career] often leads one astray. (b) Tui-tai (synecdoche): substitution of the whole for the part (and vice versa), the specific for the general (and vice versa), the concrete for the abstract (and vice versa) and cause for effect (and vice versa): ffljgjg. “ HiE^i”) Thousands of sails have passed by—none is it;/the sunset glows as if full of feeling and the water flows into the distance. IS'F&J&. (sfelB. “ ”) “In wearing the firm [i.e., armor] and holding the sharp [i.e., weapon], I, Yi, am not your equal.” 20. Pi-ni tfcfll(cf. personification): a type of metaphor involving the presentation of the animate in terms of the inanimate (and vice versa) or the human in terms of non-human (and vice versa). According to whether the comparison is that of the inanimate with the animate (or human) or the human with the non-human (or inanimate), two subtypes are recognized: (a) Ni-jenMA: personification of inanimate or insentient things: ( $fSB1. ”) The candle stops shedding tears only when it turns into ashes. (b) Ni-ivuM%i: comparison of a human with an inanimate object: ( &HH. “ SrM±”) [She is] the snow on the side of the Ku Mountain;/a lotus standing amidst the Jasper Pool. 21. NienAien J6&: a type of metaphor created by extending the predicative verb of one subject (or object) to another adjacent to it: !B^l!(3g3fc. “ ^ W ’) Emerging from the afternoon nap,/but not from sorrows. 22. Kan-hsingBM: a situation (or a set of events) evoking another situation, the two being under­ stood to entertain a metaphoric relationship but the point of comparison remains unspecified. Basically the hsing mode as used in the Shih ching, this is not a trope in the normal sense (see discussion above): M'fa'KM. “ JJ^JEJi”) In the wilds there is a dead doe; With white rushes we cover her. There was a lady longing for the spring; A fine knight seduced her. (tr. A. Waley) 23. K’ua-shih^i16or k’ua-chang MF$l(hyperbole, overstatement): an exaggerated or extravagant expression not to be taken literally: HklkVt. {9.M. “ $TIK ”) My strength can uproot a mountain; my valor holds the world under its sway. 24. Tao-fank8R(cf. irony): an expression used with a meaning opposed to its literal or habitual usage; subdivided into two kinds: I

25. 26.

27.

28.

29.

(a) Tao-ti’uQWt'. usually an endearment expressed by a seemingly antagonistic term, such as calling a beloved person yiian-chia %% “my adversary” or k’e-tseng-ts’ai ITli# “you hateful person.” (b) Fan-yil Ss®(cf. sarcasm): an affirmative expression or statement meant to have an opposite intent, such as in the Jester Meng’sfKii: remark below, made when he heard that King Chuang of Ch’u intended to bury his favorite horse with the funeral ritual normally accorded a high-ranking official. “ ItltMIZ. ? H ! . ( S&8B “ “The horse is very dear to the King and with a grand state like Ch’u, what could not be asked and obtained? To bury it with the rite of a great official? No, it’s inadequate. I propose to bury it with a funeral rite accorded a king.” Sarcasm or irony has never been prominent in the Chinese tradition. When criticism is called for, it is the fengWi. mode, or "indirect criticism,” that is normally preferred, for it avoids affronting the addressee. Chuan-p’inH tSi(anthimeria): using one part of speech to function as another, a rather common trope in Chinese language for its fluidity in such transferences: HffiiSiA(SI*8. “ fcis”) Sum­ mer rain rains on a person. Yin-yung%Iffl(adaptation): adaptation of phrases or clauses with or without variation: UUra®. A^M. RSfcW(®t(k. “ ”) Hoping to approach her after the music ended,/ but then she was gone;/several peaks stood green (an adaptation of (« a . “ This device, like most of following entries, is not a figure of speech but it represents a phenomenon or device first advocated theoretically by Huang T ’ing-chien* and gradually grew pervasive in the late tz’u and particularly late ch’iI in which almost all the lines in a poem are yin-yung adaptations, the extreme form of it being the practice of chi-chil or “collection of lines,” as seen in some of the southern dramas, at the conclusion of a scene. Yin-ching311?(argumentum adverecundiam): an appeal to the authority of canonical texts by actual citation. The locus classicus sometimes is given but need not always be: CZ&&. tfc z m ft. ffl&Mffl®. m “ - » t f Wit.” ( “ * * / £ ”) Regarding;^ and i, ching and ho, the terms in each pair exist in opposition yet bring each other to completion. The I-ching says, “The world goes different ways but returns to the same source; it has hundreds of concerns but all attend to one goal.” In its specific usage, this device refers to the practice during the Warring States period of citing the classics (the Shih, Shu, I, etc.) which in the Han extended to include other canonical texts (Lun-yU, Lao-tzu, etc.). The pre-Ch’in practice of quoting from the Shih is important for its social, political, and diplomatic function, and there are different ways of going about it (quoting a passage out of its context, for instance, is a permissible practice). Yin-ching always uses the source in a positive light, unlike chi-ku (next entry) in which early material may be cited either with a positive or negative interpretation (Wang Li, 1962). Chi-kuHH or yung-shihfS ♦ (allusion, cf. exemplum): a reference to incidents, stories, t>r events contained in an earlier text (again the source need not always be given): . (49Jg “ ”) Therefore, a shih may ‘hide himself in a sack,’ or ‘escape by digging through the wall’ (the first allusion referring to Fan Chfl’s?SKI escape; the second to Yen Ho’sKH flight from an offer of official position; see &16, “? 5 K I ' a n d HM?, “if *W”). Use of allusion is a prominent phenomenon in Chinese literature; historical allusions are used to relate the present to the past and to give meaning to the current events (Kao and Mei, 1978; Lattimore, 1973). Hsi-tzu1fi3r (cf. anagram, paronomasia): a play on the shape of a character (radicals and com­ ponents), its sound (phonological figuration), or its meaning (synonymity, etymology), largely related to the peculiar qualities of Chinese orthography. It is divided into three types, each with subdivisions: (a) Hua-hsingfcM: related to the character formation, (i) Li-ho M-&: a dissection of a character into its components, such as calling a

“soldier”&(ping) a ch’iu-paB.A, referring to the surname Chang'S as kimg ch’ang or as in the following song that puns on Tung Cho’s # 4 name^F-l!#: HWH; + Bh’ ( $91 It “ 2 f?$>”) (a thousand li of grass,/how green it is;/for ten days the prognostications have indicated,/it will not live). (ii) Tseng-sunMffi: reference to a character by “substitution” and “addition,” such as the tour de force play on the surname of Wang Hsinlfff in the following: W, SS*«SE, ( m m “ & £ # « ”) When given a “word”®, he/it [ I ] is prone to “cheat/lie (?)”jK[cf.II]; put next to a “dog” ^ /j( , it turns “mad”ffi ; applying a neck and feet, it becomes a “horse”J i; and added horns and a tail, it changes into a “goat” ¥. (b) Hsieh-yinWlt-. phonological punning: (i) Chieh-yinf&H (cf. syllepsis): a homonymic pun pointing to a semantic association: M (SOIiiS- “ B^$S”) Among his friends are learned scholars,/of his acquaintances, none is a commoner (where the first syllable of hung-juWHM, “learned scholars,” is a homonym of t r , “red,” which contrasts semantically with the 6 , “white,” of pai-ting&T, “commoners”). (ii) Ch’ieh-chiao tyffl: reference to the sound of a word or character by means of its fanck'ieh && representation. *a£fitASfcil (EEg&. “ ft&igKffilll ’’) He bestowed on me new rush to make t'u-luan/mats (where &#l t'u-luan is a phonetic spelling that conflates to yield ■ , t’uan, i.e., “mats”). (iii) Shuang-fanHtB.-. an application of (ii) in both normal order and reverse order to yield a two-character compound. . («?*“ Wt&iiKJ ”) It was said that the Last Emperor’s name Shu-pao (/siuk pSu/) in fanyil [i.e., shuang-fan] would be shao-ju (/siau b’iuk/) (“lack of blessings”), which was portentous of his downfall. Such plays on words, like li-ho above, occur often in the folk tradition and reflect a system of belief in which omens and portents (e.g. as recorded in the and “ S frM” of Han-shu, are conceived as “signs” or signals pointing to the cor­ respondence between different domains of reality such as between the “heavenly pattern” ^ # and the “human pattern” A 3t). (c) Yen-i flr#: a play that explores various semantic paradigms of the language (synonymity, antonymity, polarity, etymological categories): (i) Ch’ien-fu : generation of an expression based on polar relationship of lexes, such as Lin Chih-yang’s “invention” of the titles Yu chuan%t&(lit., “right transmission”) and Shao fcw'i^lit., “young master”) by the association with Tso-chuan (lit., “left transmission”) and Lao-tzu (lit., “old master”— IKTEtt, chs. 22, 31). (ii) Tai-huantt&: direct replacement of characters by synonyms, as the replacement between the two l i n e s , ( c i t e d inW95. , 49) Heaven’s voices shook the northern corner—Divine forces agitate the north nook. (iii) Sou-tzulSff or yin-yUIBM: a transference of linguistic codes by etymological recom­ bination (cf. li-ho, 29, a, i, above); the best known example of this probably is the decoding of (yellow-silk, young-woman, daughter’s-son, garlicmortar) to read as i|g#>jgFl& (absolutely wonderful exquisite expressions), where each of the last four characters is seen to be composed of two parts which match the compounds in the original string: silk-colored, girl-young, daughter-son, mortarpeppery (see the anecdote in Shih-shuo hsin-ya,* ch. 11, “ igfij”). 30. Hui-wenM3C(cL palindrome): strings of characters or lines of a poem arranged to yield gram­ matically well-formed sentences or meaningful expressions read either forward or backward: Blue peaks, a thousand dots; several gulls [floating] lightly (when read from left to right, i.e., downward from the top in traditional printing). Light gulls, several dots; a thousand peaks, [all] blue (when read from right to left, or upward from the bottom). This has become the curio par excellence of Chinese language and is often used as an example to show its monosyllabic constituency and its syntactic flexibility. The verse form

based on the palindromic construction is called hui-wen shihWXM', several varieties have evolved. The most complex is the hsilan-chi t’i 9f38ljS in which strings of characters arranged in rows and columns (or a single string coiling on itself to form a disc-shaped block) yield numerous “poems” by changing the point of inception and the direction of reading. Examples of various kinds of palindromic verse can be found in Hui-wen lei-chil iiXffilK.

B ib l io g r a p h y :

Brooke-Rose, Christine. 1958. A Grammar of Metaphor. London. Chang, Hsin-chang. Allegory and Courtesy in Spenser; A Chinese View. Edinburgh, 1955. Chang, Hsfleh-ch’eng<MPl&. Wen shih t’ung-i * * » * . SPPY. Chang, Wen-chih 1937. Ku-shu hsiu-tz’u li . Shanghai. Chang, Yen . 1975. Hsiu-tz’u lun-shuoyilfangfa e M N IK * 8c . Taipei. Chao, I Ittll. 1960. Kai-yii ts’ung-k’ao Us IMI#. Rpt. Taipei. Ch’en, Chieh-paiBlft&. 1931. Hsiu-tz’u-hsUehi H'P. Shanghai. Ch’en, I-tsengSKWi'. 1972. Wen-shuo3t$%. Rpt. Taipei. Ch’en, K’ueiBttBS. 1962. Wen-tseXSM. Rpt. Pe­ king. Ch’en, Wang-tao SflStSi 1964. Hsiu-tz’u-hstieh fa-fan OIKPS/L. 1932, rpt. Hong Kong. Cheng, Tien and T ’an Ch’aan-chiiVi*2i, comp. 1980. Chung-kuo hsiu-tz’u-hstieh tzu-liao huipien . Peking. Makes avail­ able a comprehensive collection of excerpts from practically all relevant traditional sources except for the standard, book-length treatises like the Wen-hsin tiao-lung* and Shihjen yil-hsieh.* Cheng, Tzu-yfl 1965. Chung-kuo hsiu-tz’uhsileh te pien-ch’ien . Tokyo. Chiao-jan.* Shih shiht$&. SPTK. Ch’ien, Ta-hsin®AWf. 1963. Shih-chia-chaiyanghsin lu+ JIUIf*Srl& . Rpt. Taipei. Chin, Chao-tzu&3fe#. 1932. Shih-yung kuo-wen hsiu-tz’u hsileh . Shanghai. Chou, Hui HW. Ch’ing-po tsa-chih iUJSStlS. Chihpu-tsu-ckai ts’ung-shu. Chung, Jung 1958. Shih-p’in.* Peking. Culler, Jonathan. 1975. Structuralist Poetics. Ith­ aca. Curtius, E. R. 1967. European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages. W.R. Trask, tr. Rpt. Princeton. Dubois, J. et al. 1970. Rhetorique generate. Paris. Ducrot, Oswald and T. Todorov. 1979. Ency­ clopedic Dictionary of the Sciences of Language. Catherine Porter, tr. Baltimore.

Fan, HengftMf. Mu-t’ien chin-yil%^M^k. TSCCCP. Fang, P’eng-ch’engifWS. 1975. Hsien-Ch’in hotsung lien-heng shuo-fu ch’uan-po te yen-chiu % . Taipei. Frankel, Hans H. 1976. The Flowering Plum and the Palace Lady. New Haven. Hsieh, Chen if ft. Ssu-ming shih-hua ESI#®. TSCCCP. Hsfl Ch’in-t’ing folrfe. 1970. Hsiu-tz’u-hsilehfawei VtWf&StVk . Taipei. Hsfl, Shih-tseng #50511'. 1965. Wen-t’i ming-pien hsil shuo . Hong Kong. Hu, Chen-heng . T’ang-yin kuei-ch’ien.* SKCS. Hu, Shih. 1928. Development of the Logical Method in Ancient China. Third ed. Shanghai. Hu, TzuiWfP. T’iao-hsi yil-yen ts’ung-hua.* SPPY. Huang, Ch’ing-hsttan SI8S4. 1975. Hsiu-tz’uhsileh&t&&. Taipei. Hung, Mai.* Jung-chai sui-pi SPTK. Jakobson, Roman. 1960. “Linguistics and Po­ etics,” in Style in Language, T. Sebeok, ed., pp. 350-377. Cambridge, Mass. Jakobson, Roman and Morris Halle. 1971. Fun­ damentals of Language. The Hague. Jen, Fang f£$j. Wen-chang yilan-ch’i~$C.%M1& . TSCCCP. Kao, Yu-kung and Mei Tsu-lin. 1971. “Syntax, Diction and Imagery in T ’ang Poetry,” HfAS, 30, 49-136. ------ . 1978. “Meaning, Metaphor, and Allu­ sion in T ’ang Poetry,” HJAS, 38, 281-356. Knechtges, David. 1976. The Han Rhapsody: A Study of the Fu of Yang Hsiung. Cambridge, England. Ku, Yen-wu.* Jih chih lu . SPPY. Kuei, Yu-kuang.* 1972. Wen-chang chih-nanX Rpt. Taipei. KQkai^fll. 1975. BunkyO hifuron.* Peking. Kuo, Shao-yflWilBfll. 1979. Han-yil yil-fa hsiutz’u hsin-t’an HBff&HMffffR. Peking. Lanham, Richard. 1968. A Handlist of Rhetorical Terms. Berkeley. Lattimore, David. “Allusion and T ’ang Po­ etry” in Perspectives, pp. 405-439. Li, Ch’i-ch’ing$##II. Wen-chang ching-i SKCS.

Li, T ’iao-yuan Yii-ts’un shih-hua Ffifrfi#§5. TSCCCP. Liang, Chang-chu , comp. 1976. Chih-i ts’ung-hua IB®H E . Rpt. Taipei. ------ , comp. 1976. Shih-lil ts’ung-hua W&WLtfc. Rpt. Taipei. Liang, Shao-jen*$3:. Liang-pan ch’iu-yil-an suiin Ch*ing‘tai pi-chi ts'ungk’an Lin, Shu.* 1921. Wei-lu l u n - w e n (i.e., Ch’un-chileh-chai lun-wen &9tHj£i7k; ). Shang­ hai. Liu, Chih-chi.* Shih-t’ung&M. SPPY. Liu, Hsiang.* Shuo-yilan$t%i. SPTK. Liu, Hsieh. Wen-hsin tiao-lung '61881.* Liu, James J. Y. 1962. The Art of Chinese Poetry. Chicago. ------ . 1975. Chinese Theories of Literature. Chi­ cago. Murphy, James J., ed. 1972. A Synoptic History of Classical Rhetoric. New York. Oliver, Robert T. 1971. Communication and Cul­ ture in Ancient India and China. Syracuse, N. Y. Owen, Stephen. 1984. Omen of the World. Mad­ ison, Wis. —:----. 1979. “Transparencies: Reading the T ’ang Lyric,” HJAS, 39, 231 -251. ------ and Walter L. Reed. 1979. “A Motive for Metaphor,” Criticism, 21.4 (Fall), 287-306. Puttenham, George. 1936. The Arte of English Poesie. Gladys D. Willcock and Alice Walker, eds. Cambridge, England. Richards, I. A. 1936. The Philosophy of Rhetoric. New York. Sacks, Sheldon, ed. 1979. On Metaphor. Chi­ cago. Schlepp, Wayne. 1970. San-ch’il, Technique and Imagery. Madison, Wisconsin.

Shao, PoSPW. Wen-chien hou-lu . TSCCCP. Shibles, Warren, ed. 1972. Essays on Metaphor. Whitewater, Wisconsin. T ’ang, Piao t i l , Toho shukyO, 56 (October), 1-30. Schipper, Kristofer M. 1966. “Taiwan-chih Tao-chiao wen-hsien” , Tai­ wan wen-hsien, 17.3, 173-192. Transcript of an oral address, with a listing of manuscript texts Schipper acquired in Taiwan. ------ . 1974. “The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies,” in Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Arthur P. Wolf, ed., Stanford, pp. 309324. ------ . 1975. Le fen-teng: ritual taoiste. Paris. Study and translation of a ritual text in the Wu-shang huang-lu ta-chai li-ch’eng i. ------ . 1975a. Concordance du Tao-tsang; litres des ouvrages. Paris. Reprinted by Li Tien-k’uei as Cheng-t’ung Tao-tsang mu-lu so-yin Taipei, 1977. ------ . 1981, 1982. Index du Yun-ji qi-qian. 2v. Paris. Shen Tseng-chih*tm«(l851-1922). 1962. Hai-jih lou cha-ts’ung Pe­ king. Ch. 6 is comprised of bibliographic notes on Taoist sources. Sivin, Nathan. 1981. “Discovery of Spagyrical Invention,” HJAS, 41.1 (June), 219-235. In review of Needham, 1976. Strickmann, Michel. 1975. “Sodai no raigi: ShinshO undo to DOka nansho ni tsuite no

ryakusetsu” * f t © * * : t fyToho shukyO, 46, 15-28. ------ . 1978. “The Longest Taoist Scripture,” History of Religions, 17. 3-4 (February-May), 331-354. ------ . 1979. “The Taoist Renaissance of the Twelfth Century,” unpublished MS. of a pre­ sentation to the Third International Confer­ ence of Taoist Studies, UnterSgeri, Switzer­ land, 3-9 September 1979. ------ . 1980. “ History, Anthropology, and Chinese Religion,” HJAS, 40,201-248. In re­ view of Michael Saso, The Teachings of Taoist Master Chuang, New Haven, 1978. Tao-tsang chU-yao . N.d. 296v. Shanghai. A selection of some 175 titles from the Taotsang reprinted by Commercial Press. Ting, Fu-paoTHfit, ed. 1922. Tao-tsang chinghua lu . Shanghai. Approximately 100 titles drawn from canonic and extra-can­ onic sources. Tu, Chieh-hsiang tt^P .ed . 1983. Tao-chiao wenhsien Sli<t. 20v. Taipei. This new collec­ tion of Taoist literature includes facsimile editions of rare hagiographic and topo­ graphic works. Waley, Arthur. 1931. Travels of an Alchemist. London. A translation of Li Chih-ch’ang’s

(1193-1256) Ch’ang-ch’un chen-jen hsi-yu chi on the life and travels of the Ch’flan-chen Mas­ ter Ch’iu Ch’u-chi (1148-1227). Reviewed by P. Pelliot, TP, 28 (1931), 413-427. Wang, Meng-yOn I P S et al., eds. 1976. Sung Pai Chen-jen Yii-ch’an ch’ilan-chi 5K6MA3E(t Taipei. Writings of Pai Yfl-ch’an. Weng, Tu-chienftAtt, ed. 1935. Tao-tsang tzutnu yin-te. Peking, 1935. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series, No. 25. In­ dices to the Tao-tsang and Tao-tsang chi-yao. Yen, I-p’ing Hz"^, ed. 1974. Tao-chiao yen-chiu tzu-liao a iftP ftim . 2v. Taipei, 1974. The hagiographic works in v. 1 include a recon­ struction of Chia Shan-hsiang’s the king of Szechwan during th e Five Dynasties. Meng Hstt adored h er and conferred on her the title “ Hua-jui fu-jen,” meaning “ Lady o f the Flower Pistil.” Their kingdom later fell at the hands o f Em peror T ’ai-tsu (r. 960-975), the founder o f the Sung dynasty. Meng HsQ died soon after his surrender. Lady Hua-jui was taken to the riorth by the em peror o f Sung for his harem. Later she committed suicide at the em peror’s order, or, according to a different story, was killed by T ’ai-tsu’s brother, the Emperor T ’ai-tsung (r. 976-997).

Among women poets, Lady Hua-jui has a special place in that she lived in a tran­ sitional period when the shih verse moved from realism and didacticism to aestheticism and symbolism and when tz’u* verse was still in a developmental stage. Lady Hua-jui composed in both forms. The shih attributed to her are a group of one hundred “kungtz V ’ErH(palace poems), a number o f which are of disputed authorship, and an im­ promptu poem in response to Emperor T ’ai-tsu’s question of why her husband sur­ rendered. In the tz’u genre only two pieces survive. One, attributed by some scholars to her husband Meng Hsii, is written to the tune “Yii-lou ch’un” 5 # # (Jade Tower Spring), and the other to the tune “Ch’ou nu-erh” »8tS(T he Ugly Servant), of which only the first stanza was finished. Notwithstanding the uncertainty of authorship that envelops a great majority o f her poetic works, general characteristics can still be dis­ cerned. In sentiment and diction, her poetry deviates considerably from the major trend of the -late T ’ang period. This is especially true of her shih verse. With probably only one third of the corpus actually composed by Lady Hua-jui, the one hundred palace poems describe the scenery of the imperial harem and lives of its inmates. Composed in either five-word or seven-word chileh-chil, in a language that is simple, fluent, elegant, and fresh, each poem constitutes a vignette o f a moment of leisure or love in the lives of the palace women. Like many court poems written by her male contemporaries in the tradition o f the Six Dynasties, her works are embellished with the fragrances and the colors of palace life. Yet, unlike some o f those male poets, she does not appear to have engaged in a deliberate search for an abstruse diction. Nor do her poems seem to have been designed to arouse the erotic emotions, as were many of the court poems of her time, which dwelt on the seductive appeal of the female body. Rather, they strike an interest in the aesthetic pleasure derived either from her own experience or from that o f other court ladies. In sharp contrast to the court poems which attest the bliss o f her days in Meng Hsti’s harem, stands the seven-word chileh-chil response to Emperor T ’ai-tsu. In a brief but remarkably powerful statement, she accused the 140,000 troops of betrayal of her husband in laying down arms when faced with the Sung armies. Less can be said of her tz’u poetry. According to a story, “Yii-lou ch’un” was composed on a hot summer night when Lady Hua-jui and Meng Hsii rose from bed. Celebrating a blessed night in the privacy of a comfortably cool chamber, the poem exquisitely depicts the refresh­ ing air, the fragrant breeze, the bright moon, the charming languor o f the female persona, the stars crossing the Milky Way from time to time, and the moon, these last two being conventional symbols o f love. T he ending tempers the hitherto prevailing mood o f bliss with a sense o f grief in its apprehension of the passage o f time. In her efforts to compose tz’u, Lady Hua-jui was succeeded by a number of Sung women who lived in the two hundred years from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries when the tz’u became the principal literary form. Among these later poets, the most celebrated were Li Ch’ing-chao,* universally esteemed as China’s greatest woman poet, and Chu Shu-chen,* regarded as second only to Li Ch’ing-chao. Li Ch’ing-chao’s life spanned the turbulent years o f transition from the Northern to the Southern Sung. She was the daughter of a wealthy scholar-official family in Shantung, and her early life was spent in an atmosphere o f cultural refinement. Later she was married to a young scholar with whom she shared tastes in art and literature. T he couple often had poetry contests with each other and with their literary friends.

They built up a vast collection of rare objets d’art, notably bronzes, rubbings from stone monuments, seals, paintings, and calligraphy. Their happiness lasted for several years, until the Jurchen invasion of Northern China in 1127. Thereupon Li and her husband fled south to the Yangtze region, leaving behind them most o f their collection. T he death of her husband two years later dealt Li Ch’ing-chao a blow from which she never recovered. For the remainder of her life, she lived alone, usually in flight, striving to save what was left of the collection. O f Li Ch’ing-chao’s tz’u poetry, very little—only some fifty poems—have survived, and some of these are o f dubious authorship. These poems display two distinct moods: the joyful animation of a happily married young woman and the sorrow o f a lonely and aging widow. Confining their examination of her work to a few pieces which have been considered genuine, modern scholars are of the opinion that the supremacy of Li Ch’ing-chao’s tz’u art lies in her gift for depicting with all intimacy, delicacy, and immediacy the genuine feelings of a woman in response to the vicissitudes of life, an achievement hitherto excelled by no one, either male or female, who has dealt with this theme of the love-sick woman so common in Chinese poetry. H er daring experi­ mentation with novel, usually difficult, prosodic devices is also praised. Literary critics beginning in her lifetime have ranked Li Ch’ing-chao among China’s most eminent poets. T he poem most often quoted was composed to the tune “Sheng-sheng man” * * « (Every Sound, Lentemente), which is noted for its unique opening, with seven pairs of monosyllabic words creating a striking melodious effect when sung slowly to the music. Although among women poets Chu Shu-chen is second only to Li Ch’ing-chao in prominence, almost nothing is known o f her life. H er poems were first published in 1182 by Wei C hung-kungH tt$, who claimed in his preface to the collection that he had obtained copies o f her works from her friends, since after her death her parents had burned all her poems. Her father is supposed to have been an official in Chekiang, and she seems to have led an affluent and happy life as a young girl. A lifelong misery is thought to have begun with her marriage. Her husband, whose name is unknown, is said to have been either an uneducated merchant or a scholar-official and indifferent or even hostile to her poetic temperament and practice. Later in life, she appears to have been abandoned by her husband and thereafter to have taken at least one lover, from whom she was also separated. Many- o f these speculations about her life, even her approximate dates, are tentative and based on her own wOrks. One theory claims she was the niece o f Chu H s i* x (l 130-1200), which would place her in the Southern Sung. However, internal evidence from her poetry suggests she was a friend o f Lady W ei«, wife of the statesman Tseng Pu *#(1035-1107), and thus lived in the N orthern Sung. The extant poetry o f Chu Shu-chen includes both shih and tz’u. Although there are poems on the cautionary implications o f historical events and on the plight of peasants of her day, political or social poetry is rare. Aptly characterized by the expres­ sion tuan ch’ang m #(broken-hearted) which is also the title o f her collected works, an overwhelming majority of her poems concern the loneliness, lovesickness, tearful selfpity, and ill health o f the abandoned-woman persona who finds relief from her sorrows in wine. Critical reception o f her works has been mixed. Her verse is said to have been very popular in the Sung and favorably received in succeeding generations. But some

scholars condemn its obsession with the theme o f boudoir laments and attribute its popularity to the vicarious pleasure readers sought in being privy to her adverse for­ tunes. Others attend to the genuineness of her emotions and her ability to embody such emotions in a language that is elegantly clear and simple, often conveying ideas which are refreshingly unconventional. After the tz’u attained the height o f its development, it became mellow and somber, lost its spontaneity, and gradually withered away. San-ch’il poetry (see ch’il), a variation o f the tz’u, took its place. During the Yflan and the Ming periods, this new poetic form was enormously popular with all groups o f writers, irrespective of sex, class, or profes­ sion. A number o f women writers, including both wives o f the scholar-gentry class and courtesans, experimented with the san-ch’il melody and left abundant specimens o f their work. T he subjects o f these women writers extend little beyond the limited confines of the boudoir lament. This weakness is offset by a successful exploration o f the innermost recesses of the female mind. In their works, the poets’ sentiments and aspirations are carefully analyzed, tender situations are vividly portrayed, and much of their inward life is thus revealed. Among the san-ch’il writers, Huang O ««(/?. 1535), the wife of Yang Shen,* a voluminous writer and learned scholar, is especially noted for her un­ bridled descriptions of love and sex (Jen, 1970). At the end o f the Ming period'and throughout the entire Ch’ing dynasty, manifold achievements in women’s literature can be seen in both the conventional elite forms and those which had a folk origin. These include the shih, tz’u, and san-ch’il, drama of the literati, storytelling, the novel and the t’an-tz’u * (A-ying, 1937; Ch’en, 1974). In view o f her varied literary talent, Wang Tuan ffian(1793-1839) may be deemed as the most noteworthy woman o f letters in the Ch’ing period. A poet, critic, novelist, editor, and publisher, Wang Tuan not only engaged herself in the two distinct enter­ prises o f literary creation and critical scholarship, but employed both the literary and vernacular languages. H er parents were both from well-known scholar-official families, and Wang Tuan reportedly began reading in infancy and composed poetry at the age o f seven. After the death o f her parents, she was-cared for by her aunt Liang Te-sh^ng ***(1 7 1 1 1847), a poet and t’an-tz’u writer. When Wang Tuan married Ch’en P’ei-chih 6*R 2(17941826), a poet-official and the son d f Gh’en Wen-shu, the champion o f women’s edu­ cation, she became not only his wife but also his collaborator in the writing o f poetry, and her verse was greatly admired fey!Her father-in-law. When Ch’en P’ei-chih died at Hankow (modern Hupei), their only son, overcome by the news, became seriously ill and thereafter was mentally deranged. T o :assuage her grief, Wang Tuan sought Con­ solation in Taoism. She died at the age o f forty-six. T he poems o f Wang Tuan were collected and printed under the title Tzu-jan-haohsileh chai shih-chi e (A Collefction Of Poems from the Studio W here One is Naturally Fond of Study). Also published WaS Ming san-shih-chia shih-hsilan » h + * # * (Selected Poetry o f Thirty Masters o f the Itftihg), her anthology, in two series, of verses from thirty leading poets o f the Ming period with a supplement containing selections from seventy minor poets o f the same period. This anthology reveals her unusual literary taste and independence of judgm ent. She accorded Kao C h’i* the highest status among poets of the Ming times, and in so doing she disagreed with such

renowned critics as Ch’ien Ch’ien-i* and Shen Te-ch’ien.* Besides the study and writing o f poetry, Wang Tuan was also interested in recreating history in the form o f fiction. H er observations of the historical episodes during the Yflan and Ming periods were brought together in a work entitled Yilan Ming i-shih x 8 ft* (The Lost History o f the Yflan and Ming). This work made her China’s only vernacular-language woman novelist. But she later destroyed the manuscript. H er literary efforts extended to the editing and printing of the works of others, including those of her husband under the title Ch’eng-huai-t’ang chi »*ffi*(A Collection from the Hall o f Pure Embraces). One of Wang T uan’s literary associates and a disciple of her father-in-law Ch’en Wen-shu, Wu T saoS * (19th century), was a prolific writer of tz’u and san-ch’il, and the producer o f a drama entitled Yin chiu tu “Sao” *cHam (Drinking Wine and Studying the “ Li sao”). A native ofJen-ho C » (modern Chekiang), she was the daughter o f a merchant and the wife of another, and was treated with slight sympathy and understanding by both. She displayed a literary predilection at an early age, and throughout her lifetime was a very popular song-writer. Later, she moved to a secluded place and took con­ solation in Buddhism, presumably for the remainder of her life. In her tz’u poetry she is generally considered to have emulated Li Ch’ing-chao, for it is characterized by an elegant and refreshing simplicity and naturalness rarely found in the works of her contemporaries. O f h er play Yin chiu tu "Sao” little is known. From fragmentary sources it may be gleaned that the writer aspired for a life and career which might be comparable to that of Ch’fl Yflan.* A nother tz’u poet of even greater renown during the Ch’ing period is Ku T ’aich’ing,* who is often considered one of the two greatest tz’u poets of Manchu origin, the other being Na-lan Hsing-te.* As is often the case with women writers, obscurity and uncertainty envelops the dates of Ku’s birth and death and her family background. She is thought to have been either of Chinese bannerman origin or a descendant of the great Manchu scholar-official O-er-t’ai (1680-1745). Later, she became a fa­ vorite concubine of I-hui&*»(1799-1838), a member of the royal family and a noted poet, calligrapher, and architect. T he couple shared common interests in travel, art, and literature. When I-hui died and a son by an earlier marriage inherited his title and estate, Ku T ’ai-ch’ing and her children were driven from the house, perhaps because of her reputed liaison with Kung Tzu-chen,* a famous scholar and poet. Thereafter she encountered considerable hardship and suffering in raising her children, and re­ portedly went blind in 1875. Ku T ’ai-ch’ing composed both shih and tz’u. Her prominence in the world of Ch’ing letters, however, rests primarily on her tz’u, collected under the title Tung-hai yii ch’ang X. M W (Songs o f the Fisherman of Eastern Sea), which matches her husband’s collection Nan-ku ch’iao ch’ang (Songs of the Woodcutter o f Southern Valley), also referred to as Hsi-shan ch’iao ch’ang ism atl (Songs o f the Woodcutter of Western Hill). T he great majority o f Ku T ’ai-ch’ing’s tz’u describe an object or a piece of scenery in nature, entitle paintings, respond to the works by her husband, or celebrate social occasions. In style and technique, she is considered to have been strongly influenced by the two great masters of the tz’u in the Sung dynasty, Chou Pang-yen* and Chiang K’uei.* Many tz’u writers of her time took to flowery rhetoric and high-flown style, but Ku T ’ai-ch’ing’s language is plain and devoid of ornate embellishment, often verging on the colloquial. No individual lines are famous, but she is generally applauded for

the atmosphere of sublimity which permeates her poetry when viewed as a whole. More specifically, her poems describing nature are marked by an exquisite picturesqueness and a rich association of ideas. She is also noted for her gifted manipulation o f rhymes to achieve desired sound effects. Besides poetry, women writers o f the late Ming period and of the Ch’ing dynasty experimented with the art of drama amd wrote plays in either the tsa-chil* or the ch’uanch’i* types. The three most celebrated female dramatists were Yeh Hsiao-wan,* who wrote Yilan-yang meng, Liang I-su «*#(/?. 1644), who produced Hsiang-ssuyen * ®M(Inkstone of Lovesickness), and Wang Y O ni* (dates unknown), the author of Fan-hua meng 'ft * 9 (Dream of Splendor and Prosperity). Yilan-yang meng was written to mourn the death of th e author’s two sisters. As indicated by the title, Hsiang-ssu yen is concerned with lovesickness; the play ends with the reunion of the two lovers. Wang Yun’s Fanhua men contains strong feminist thought—the author precedes the play with a tz’u poem in which she clearly expresses her regret that unlike men, she cannot have a good career of her own. In folk literature, there were a number of t’an-tz’u produced by female writers. T he three most celebrated t’an-tz’u works are T ’ien yii hua% Nfft by T ’ao Chen-huai* *«(/?. 1644), Tsai sheng yilan by Ch’en Tuan-sheng* (Ch’en, 1959), and Pi sheng hua tt&rt by Ch’iu Hsin-ju 6SC>ffl (c. 1805-c. 1873). In both Tsai sheng yilan and Pi sheng hua the heroine in the guise of a male attains success in the civil-service examination and achieves great fame and wealth. These two stories may embody their authors’ implied criticisms o f sexual inequality. But a more advanced thought is expressed in T ’ao Chenhuai’s T ’ien yii hua. In this story the author advocates monogamy for both sexes. This play is generally praised for its use o f only one rhyme throughout.

III. Conclusion Each of the women writers discussed in this essay has a place in Chinese literature. Viewed as a whole, literature by Chinese women displays four distinctive features, attributable to the authors’ isolation from society beyond their immediate family circle and to their placing family responsibility before individual development. First, scholarly attainment, which demands time and persistence, plays less of a role in women’s lit­ erature. Second, in the domain of creative writing, literary language was the medium more often than vernacular language. Third, works characterized by subjectivity and sensuality of expression outnumber those with a social import. Fourth, since the subject m atter necessarily affects the choice o f genre and style, it is in poetry, not fiction and drama, that women have shown their greatest achievements. Wang Tuan, for instance, was the only woman novelist, and there were no women tsa-chil dramatists until the end of the Ming period, though this literary form had already reached its height in the Yuan.

^

B ib l i o g r a p h y :

Ayscough, Florence. 1937. Chinese Women Yes­ terday and Today. Shanghai. A-yingR£ (Ch’ien Hsing-ts’un ®). 1937. Tan-tz’u hsiao-shuo p ’ing-k’ao . Shanghai. Chao, Shih-chieh *8ft ft!, ed. 1928. Li-tai nii-tzu shih-chi . Eight chilan. 4v. Shang­ hai. ------ , ed. 1956. Li-tai nil-tzu wen-chi . Twelve chilan in 1 v. Shanghai, 1922; rpt. Taipei. Ch’en, Toyoko Yoshida. 1974. “Women in Confucian Society—A Study of Three T’antz’u Narratives.” Unpublished Ph.D. disser­ tation, Columbia University. Ch’en, Tung-yQan-BKJH® . 1967. Chung-kuo funil sheng-huo shih . Shanghai, 1928, 1937; rpt. Taipei. Ch’en, Wen-shu S*S: . 1883a. Hsi-ling kuei yung a ISMS, in Wu-lin chang-ku ts’ung-pien ) Ting PingTPS, ed., v. 69-72. Chia-hui T’ang edition * * t . Sixteen chilan. ------ . 1883b. Lan-yin chi # S * , in Wu-lin changku ts’ung-pien, v. 60. Two chilan. Ch’en, Yin-k’o®*fS, 1959. Lun Tsai-sheng yilan . Hong Kong. Cheng, Shou-lin. 1926. Chinesische Frauengestalten. Leipzig. Ch’iu, Hsin-ju »■£>»'. 1971. Pi sheng hua • , in Chung-kuo t’ung-su chang-hui-hsiao-shuo ts’ung-k’an 'J'RHfll. , v. 2. Taipei. Chou, Shou-ch’ang HIS B , ed. 1846 edition. Kung-kuei wen-hsilan SHXS . Twenty-six chilan in 10 v. Hsiao P’eng-lai shan ts’angpan 'J'a*ill 11*® . Chung, Hui-ling • M . 1981. “Ch’ing-tai nilshih-jen yen-chiu” if ft# RAWS® . Unpub­ lished Ph.D. dissertation, National Chengchih University. Cosman, Carol et al., eds. 1978. The Penguin Book of Women Poets. Harmondsworth. Trans­ lations of five traditional poets. Galik, Mariln. 1979. “On the Literature Writ­ ten by Chinese Women Prior to 1917,” AAS, 15, 65-100. Guisso, Richard W. and Stanley Johannesen, eds. 1981. Women in China: Current Directions in Historical Scholarship. New York. Gulik, Robert Hans van. 1961. Sexual Life in Ancient China; A Preliminary Survey of Chinese Sex and Societyfrom ca. 1500 B.C. dll 1644 A.D. Leiden. Hsieh, Chin-ch’ing WWW. 1925. Shih-ching chih nil-hsing yen-chiu IS# ZidtWSS . Shang­ hai.

Hsieh, W u-liang***. 1927. Chung-kuo Ju-nil wen-hsileh-shih 4»HI#£:3t*s6 . Shanghai. Hsiung, Te-chi HMfc. 1979. Tien yii hua 35 Sift, in Chung-hua wen shih lun-ts’ung S tt * , 4th ed., Chu Tung-jun £ * iWet al., eds., pp. 295-328. Shanghai. Hsfl, Nai-ch’ang &7b& , comp. 1896. Hsiao-t’anluan-shih hui-k’e kuei-hsiu tz’u

nm.

Hsfl, Shu-min and Ch’ien Yfleh eds. 1934. Chung-hsiang tz’u ft * * . 6v. Shanghai. Hu, Wen-k’ai 1957. Li-tai fu-nil chu-tso k’ao .Shanghai. Hui, Ch’flnMM. 1934. Nil-hsing yii wen-hsileh * « « * •■ . Shanghai. Jen, Chung-minffi+dR , ed. 1970. YangSheng-an fufusan-ch’UMftUJzM (Rffl . Shanghai, 1934; rpt. Taipei. Kuo, Mao-ch’ien 1979. Yileh-fu shih-chi M . 4v. Peking. Levy, Howard Seymour. 1966. Chinese Footbinding: The History of a Curious Erotic Custom. New York. Li, Wei-p’in g ^ fc* . 1981. “Nan-ch’ao wenhstieh chung te fu-nO hsing-hsiang” Unpublished M.A. thesis, National Cheng-chih University. Li, Yu-ning^X¥ . 1981. “Historical Roots of Changes in Women’s Status in Modern China,” St. John’s Papers in Asian Studies, 29. ------ and Chang Ytt-fa 3f 5 , eds. 1981. Chungkuo fu-nil shih lun-wen-chi ** . Taipei. Liang, I-chen * Z.M . 1958. Ch’ing-taifu-nil wenhsileh shih . Taipei. Lieh-nil-chuan chiao-chu 71 . SPPY. Lin, Yutang. 1935. “Feminist Thought in An­ cient China,” THM, 1.2 (September), 127150. Liu, Ching-anW**, ed. 1934. Ko^yao yii funil K . Shanghai. Liu, Yfln-fen »*© , ed. 1936. Ming-yilan shihhsilan ts’ui-lou chi . Shanghai. Mei, Ida Lee. 1982. Chinese Womanhood. China Cultural Academy. O’Hara, Albert Richard. 1945. The Position of Woman in Early China According to Lieh nfl chuan. Washington, D.C. Rexroth, Kenneth. 1972. Rexroth and Ling Chung, trans. and ed. The Orchid Boat: Women Poets of China. New York. Ropp, Paul S. 1976. “The Seeds of Change: Reflections on the Condition of Women in the Early and Middle Ch’ing,” Signs, 2.1 (Fall), 5-23. Su, Chih-te * 2 « „ 1963. Chung-kuo fu-nil wenhsileh shih-hua ’t'MHHcX. MRS . Hong Kong.

Swann, Nancy Lee. 1932. Pan Chao, Foremost

chai hui-ch’ao JS^ a * * 0>, v. 26-31, Ch’en

Woman Scholar of China, First Century A.D.; Background, Ancestry, Life, and Writings of the Most Celebrated Chinese Woman of Letters. New

K’un ed. Published in T ’ung-chih (18621874) and Kuang-hsfl (1875-1908) periods. ------- . N.d. Ming san-shih-chia shih-hsUan 99H + *»«•. 2v. Wu, TsaoSW. Hsiang-nan-hstieh-pei tz’u SfB one chilan, in Ju-pu-chi-chai hui-ch’ao, v. 33. ------ . Hua lien tz’u TEH®, in one chilan, Ju-puchi-chai hui-ch’ao, v. 32. Yeh, Te-chfln***J . 1979. “T ’an-tz’u nil tsochia hsiao-chi” SWIirftaKl'E , in Yeh’s Hsich’U hsiao-shuo ts’ung-k’ao , Pe­ king, v. 2, pp. 743-747. Yen, Chi-hua RIB*. 1981. “Ch’Uan T ’ang shih fu-nii shih-ko chih nei-jung fen-hsi” 3s* r. Unpublished M.A. the­ sis, National Cheng-chih University. Yflan, Mei ed. Sui-yUan nU-ti-tzu shihm IS in Sui-yUan san shih chung I l H t «, v. 68-69. Published in Chia-ch’ing (17961820) period.

York. T ’ao, Chen-huai * j* * . 1971. Tien yU huaH ffi tE, v. 1, in Chung-kuo t’ung-su chang-hui-hsiaoshuo ts’ung-k’an. Taipei. T ’an, Cheng-pi W3ESL 1982. Chung kuo nil-hsing te wen-hsUeh sheng-huo

+

®£ » £ } £ .

Shanghai, 1931. ------ . 1958. Nil-hsing tz’u-hua Hong Kong. Tseng, Chileh-chih 1931. “Fu-nii yii wen-hsfleh” Fu-nil tsa-chih, 17.7 (July), 15-23. Wang, Ch’un-ts’ui I * # . 1931. “Chung-kuofunil wen-hsfleh t’an p’ien” Fn-nU tsa-chih, 17.7 (July), 45-53. Wang, Fan-t’ing I * # . 1968. Chung-hua li-tai fu-nU. • ■ ft* # . Taipei. Wang, Tuan S® Tzu-jan-hao-hsUeh-chai shihch’ao 8 ten chUan, in Ju-pu-chi-

P a r t II

ENTRIES

BunkyO hifuron SJttJflsfH (Chinese: Wen­ ching mi-fu-luri) is a unique collection of Chinese writings on poetics and prosody, most of which were lost in China after the T ’ang dynasty. They owe their preserva­ tion to the monk Kukai §!$ (774-835), founder o f the Shingon sect of Buddhism in Japan, who collected some o f the earliest discussions of the “four tones and eight faults” of Shen Yiieh* as well as several im portant works of literary criticism, chief among which is the Shih-ko o f the T ’ang poet Wang Ch’ang-ling.* It is hence an in­ valuable source for studying the develop­ ment of Chinese shih* poetry from the Six Dynasties to the mid-T’ang. The last character of the title identifies it as belonging to that genre of Buddhist writing known as sastra, or scholastic com­ mentary. T he title also proclaims its func­ tion as both a “literary m irror” (3tttt) and a “treasury o f marvels” (®Jff)—that is, a guide to good writing and a thesaurus of literary expressions. It was intended to serve a range of audiences, from the Bud­ dhist novice who needed to pronounce C hinese properly for the recitation o f mantras and sutras to the courtier or dip­ lomat whose social position required him to compose frequently in classical Chinese poetry and prose. It was clearly designed to be a systematic and com prehensive in tro d u ctio n to Chinese literature, edited to omit the rep­ etitions and contradictions in the Chinese authorities from which it was compiled. Its six chapter titles form a mandala of the literary universe: T he “ Heaven” chapter deals with tones and rhymes; “Earth” with models of different styles of writing; “East” and “ West” with the problems of com­ posing couplets and avoiding prosodic er­ rors; “South” with literary theory; and “ N orth” with lists of useful phrases and synonyms. Fourteen texts from which the BunkyO hifuron was compiled have been identified, eleven o f which were subse­ quently lost in China. Kakai is thus re­ sponsible for only a very few sections of the work. His major role was to edit and re-arrange material and to provide suita­ ble headings. While he occasionally in­

serted a Chinese text intact, he more fre­ quently divided an original work into pieces and scattered them under a number of headings. Kakai, also known by his posthumous ti­ tle o f Kobo Daishi, is Japan’s best-known monk. While his principal accomplishment was the importation of Esoteric, or Shin­ gon, Buddhism from China to Japan, he was also famous as a linguist, calligrapher, painter, and poet. His interests ranged from architecture to astronomy, and he served extensively at court. He is credited with the invention of the kana syllabary. He visited China from A.D. 804 to 806 and became the disciple and acknowledged heir o f Hui-kuo, seventh patriarch of the Esoteric Sect. At the same time, he col­ lected contemporary works on prosody and poetics, which on his return to Japan he gradually incorporated into the BunkyO hi­ furon, completed in 819. Though exerting a strong influence on the Japanese literary criticism o f the time, the BunkyO hifuron gradually dropped into obscurity until its rediscovery at the beginning of this cen­ tury by the Chinese bibliophile Yang Shouching. Since then it has been published in several editions and has been the subject of many textual studies, most notably those of Konishi Jinichi and Nakazawa Mareo. E d it io n s :

Ikeda, Roshfl ed. Nihon shiwa sOsho B 1922; rpt. Taipei, 1974. Chilan 7 contains the text of the BunkyO hifuron. Konishi, Jinichi ed. BunkyO hifuron ko Xtmfffmm. 3v. Tokyo, 1948-1953. V. 3 is a critical, annotated edition. Chou, Wei-te ed. Wen-ching mi-fu-lun Peking, 1975. Preface by Kuo Shao-yfl. S t u d ie s :

Bodman, “Poetics.” Cheng, A-ts’ai iWW. K’ung-hai Wen-ching mi­ fu-lun yen-chiu M. A. the­ sis, Chung Kuo wen-hua hstteh-ydan, Chungkuo wen-hsfleh yen-chiu-so, Taipei, 1976. Konishi, BunkyO. V. 1 & 2 contain the results of Konishi’s extensive research. Nakazawa, Mareo “BunkyO hifuron kokan ki” Gunma daigaku kiyO, 13.2, 14.1, 15 (1964-65); rpt. in ChUgoku

kankei ronsetsu shiryO (the series devoted to Chinese literature, language, and art), v. 2 (July-December 1964), 149-180; and v. 6 (JulyDecember 1966), 120-136. —RB

sent into exile; Cha was eventually per­ mitted to return home, where he died soon after his return. Except for one play (the Yin-yang p ’an |SfRI$l) and a substantial body o f informal essays, poetry was the main outlet for Cha Shen-hsing’s creative impulses. Consider­ ing the regularity with which he turned his thoughts and experiences into verse form, it was for him much more than a pleasant diversion. As a result, his total poetic cor­ pus numbers about six thousand poems. Two hundred or so o f these are tz’u,* and the remainder belong to one or another of the traditional shih* forms. This prolific outpouring of verse, the careful attention he later gave to the organization of his works in proper chronological order with num erous sub-units, an d th e au to b io ­ graphical nature o f much o f his verse sug­ gest that he quite consciously used various poetic forms as a means o f recording his life experiences, as a kind o f diary. It has been stated that he consciously modeled his poetry on the works o f Su Shih and Lu Yu,* which accounts for the objective, reportorial manner in which he depicts the world of his experience in all o f its fullness. Cha Shen-hsing’s nephew attributed to him a statement of poetic principles that placed primary emphasis on the ideals o f pro­ fundity, vigor, sensibility, and simplicity of diction, all qualities detectable in his own poetry. Like the Sung dynasty poets he chose to emulate, he revealed in his best poems a complex vision and the discerning intellect of a sensitive observer of the hu­ man condition in its infinite variety and changing circum stances. T h e in te rio r world of self is less his concern than the external world of man and nature. The poet Chao I* later said o f his poetry that it possessed a clarity of language and man­ ner which precluded heavy ornamenta­ tion. Although Cha Shen-hsing represents in his own unique way the continuing vi­ tality of the classical tradition, like so many poets of the later dynasties he has been neglected by the modern scholar.

Cha Shen-hsing StHfr (tzu, Hui-yu hao, Ch’u-pai T ’a-shan fftLU, Ch’a-t’ien '!Scffl, and Chii-chou 1650-1727), an official, scholar, poet, and playwright, was a native of Han-ning 8i$£ (modern Chek­ iang). His fath er, Cha Sung-chi SB*# (1627-1678), and his mother, Chung Yiin ft fll (d. 1672), were both known for their literary skills, as were several other mem­ bers of the influential Cha clan. When his quest for an official career was interrupted by the death of his father, Cha Shen-hsing was compelled by financial circumstances to take employment on the staff o f a prov­ incial governor. After a period of study with the famous scholar Huang fsung-hsi Iff;# (1610-1695), he became a private tutor to K’uei-hsii (c. 1674-1717) the younger brother of the poet Na-lan Hsingte.* He next joined the scholarly commis­ sion engaged in the compilation of the 7aCh’ing i-t’ung chih SS/fe (Comprehen­ sive Geography of the Empire). He passed the provincial examinations in 1693 but failed to secure the highest degree until a decade later. From that time until his re­ tirem ent in 1713, he served in the Hanlin Academy and participated in the com­ pilation of the standard phrase dictionary, P ’ei-wen yiln-fu and a companion anthology of poetry. His other scholarly accomplishments included work on local and provincial gazetteers, a commentary on the-I-ching, an annotated edition of the poems o f the famous Sung dynasty poet Su Shih,1" the Pu-chu Tung-p'o pien-nien-shih and various miscellaneous writings. Some time after retiring to his native place, Cha Shen-hsing and his brothers were arrested and imprisoned on the charge that one of them had impugned the imperial name. T he real cause of their difficulties was m ore likely Cha Shenhsing’s relationship with K’uei-hsii, who as a high official had become entangled in the E d i t i o n s : Yung-cheng succession affair. One of his Ching-yeh-t’ang shih chi brothers died in prison, and another was Ching-yeh-t’ang hsil-chi

SPPY. . SPPY.

ars, and whole sections o f the work were Chang, Wei-p’ing Kuo-ch'ao shih-jen lost. Such neglect may have resulted from cheng-lUeh BSHtASW. n.p., preface dated its reputation as a scurrilous work con­ 1820, ch. 19, pp. la-7b; for a short biograph­ cerned more with li ffl (advantage) than ical notice and critical comments on Cha’s proper Confucian virtues. Liu Hsiang him­ poetry. self expressed reservations about the con­ Ch’en, Ching-chang EfctfcSfc. Cha T’a-shan Hsien- tent of his compilation, for it described an sheng nien-p’u in Chia-yeh t’ang era when feudal rulers, “having rejected ts’ung-shu XM%m9.SPPY. ritual and concession, esteemed conflict ECCP, pp. 21-22. and contention, and, having cast aside hu­ —ws maneness and propriety, utilized artifice and deceit.” By the Sung dynasty, one bib­ Chan-kuo ts’e WHfS (Intrigues of the War­ liography, Ch’ung-wen tsung-mu $£, ed. Pei-Sung wen-hsileh p’i-p’ing tzu-liao hui-pien W t m . Taipei, 1978. Huang T’ing-chien ho Chiang-hsi Shih-p’ai chilan Peking, 1978. A massive collection of critical materials from the Sung dynasty to Ch’ing times. Hung, Ch’u Lao-p’u chi sfiBifc. Chen-pen, pieh-chi BUM. Taipei, 1975. Hung, P’eng &JDJ. Hung kuei-Ju chi Chen-pen, I. Taipei, 1961-1963. Hung, Yen $&. Hsi-tu chi ffiiStjS. Chen-pen, IX. Taipei, 1979. Hsieh, K’e t t f . Hsieh Yu-p’an wen-chi W&MI Ts’ung-shu chi-ch’eng Shanghai, 1935. Hsieh, I W&. Ch’i-t’ang cfu Chen-pen, pieh chi. Taipei, 1972. Jao, Chieh tttt. I-sung shih-chi flrt&HiL Chenpen, pieh-chi. Taipei, 1975. Li, P’ing Jih-she-yilan chi Chenpen, pieh-chi. Taipei, 1975. Lfl, Pen-chung. Tung-lai chih-chi JfcifcllJfc. SPTK. T’ung-meng shih-hsiin Kuo, Sung shihhua. Wang, Chih-fang I # # . Wang Chih-fang shihhua in Kuo, Sung shih-hua. S t u d ie s :

Bieg, Lutz. Huang T’ing-chien (1045-1105), Leben und Dichtung. Darmstadt, 1975. Goyama, Kiwamu #UL|^. “Ryo Hon-cho no KOsei shisha shoha zu ni tsuite” B&41©

—JDS

Chiang K’uei Hklt (tzu, Yao-chang £ 9 , hao, Po-shih taqrjen SC5EA, c. 1155-1221) was a m ajor poet, musician, and critic o f the Southern Sung period. He was born in Poyang 1?IK (modern Kiangsi), but lived there only until he was about nine or ten years old when his scholar-official father, Chiang O K B , moved the family to Han-yang jftlff (modern Hupei). Although his father died several years after the family moved to Han-yang, Chiang continued to stay in that region until the winter o f 1186 when Hsiao Te-tsao SfJR.ft, a p ro m in en t poet and scholar-official o f the time, took him to Huchou fflliHi (modern Wu-hsing in Chek­ iang). For the rest o f his life Chiang lived in the lower Yangtze region and particu­ larly in the urban surroundings of Huchou, Soochow, Hangchow, and Nanking, the richest cultural areas in the Southern Sung. Despite his vast learning and varied tal­ ents, Chiang never succeeded in getting a place in the bureaucracy. In addition to the income from selling his calligraphy, he had to rely heavily on the patronage of eminent friends living in the cultural cen­ ters of the Yangtze delta area. He lived in an age when the life o f the scholar-artistrecluse became popular among the edu­ cated elite. Chiang had unusual competence as both a creative artist and a scholar. His original compositions, especially the seventeen tz’u songs and the “Yiieh chiu-ko” ®AK (Nine

Songs for YOeh), and his notes on tz’u mu­ sic have become invaluable for the study o f Sung music. Chiang’s contribution as a critic lies chiefly in the Shih-shuo RSft (A Discourse on Poetry) and the HsU Shu-p’u (A Sequel to the Shu-p’u), the more general and theoretical o f his critical writings. The Shih-shuo consists of a long preface and thirty separate statem ents o f varying lengths. It surpasses all previous treatises, known diversely as shih-ke PIS, shih-shih lt£ , shih-hua it®, etc., as a serious, lucid, and relatively comprehensive treatment of the art o f poetry writings. It is the most important Southern Sung treatise on po­ etry before the appearance o f Yen Yii’s Ts’ang-lang shih-hua* and Chang Yen’s 3S& (1248-c. 1320) Tz’u yilan. Although the Hsu Shu-p’u is ostensibly a sequel to the Shup ’u, written by Sun Kuo-t’ing WjUB ( c . 648c. 703), it is a self-contained work in which Chiang offers a synthetic review o f the art o f calligraphy for aspiring artists. The Hsii Shu-p’u excels previous calligraphy o f the written word as an objective entity and in its rigorous techniques of structural anal­ ysis. Both critical works d em o n strate Chiang’s emphasis on the pragmatic ap­ proach to the problem of composition. Moreover, they illustrate his more “aca­ demic” attitude in presenting a systematic and objective structure of discourses on the arts. In both aspects Chiang’s critical writ­ ings exemplifies the new developments in late Sung criticism and aesthetics. Although Chiang is best known to his­ tory as a great tz’u* writer, his accomplish­ ment in shih* poetry must not be ignored. When Chiang was a young man, the influ­ ence of the Chiang-hsi (i.e., Kiangsi) School o f poetry could still be felt. In the preface to his Shih-chi (Collection of Shih Po­ etry), he said that for several years he mo­ delled himself upon Huang T ’ing-chien,* the founder o f the Chiang-hsi School. H uang reg ard ed im itation o f previous masters and wide foraging for source ma­ terials in the writings of the past as the essential principles o f com position. Huang’s shih poetry is characterized by a vigorous energy, skillful use of allusions,

and artistry in structure and expression. But Chiang soon reached an impasse in his emulation of Huang; he realized that im­ itation was stifling and turned his attention to originality and spontaneity. He looked to late T ’ang poetry for an aesthetic model. But his early immersion in Huang’s works also left a profound impression. T he best of his shih poetry, the seven-character lUshih and chUeh-chiX (see shih), appears nat­ ural and unstilted, but upon closer scrutiny it reveals the poet’s refinement, articulate energy, and craft in composition. Tz’u poetry from the late T ’ang to the N orthern Sung consists o f two distinct tra­ ditions: the “delicate restraint” (wan-yUeh Mffi) represented by Wen T ’ing-yfln,* Wei Chuang,* Liu Yung,* and Chou Pangyen,* and the “heroic abandon” (hao-fang *Jfe) represented by Su Shih.* In the for­ mer tradition, poets use the tz’u form to express their feelings and awareness, and strictly observing the intimate relation be­ tween music and poetry. Chiang is gen­ erally considered to belong to this “ortho­ dox” tradition. As in the words o f previous poets this tradition, the themes of love, lo­ neliness, grief over separation, and muta­ bility of life dominate Chiang’s tz’u poetry. H owever, C hiang depicts these ten d er feelings with the vigor he learned from Auang T ’ing-chien, creating a new style. Nearly half o f his surviving tz’u contain prose prefaces, concise pieces o f lyrical prose which can stand by themselves as ar­ tistic entities. Chiang uses the prefaces to describe the poetic situations which occa­ sioned the powerful feelings presented in the songs. Thus each preface and song complement each other to form an inte­ grated whole. About one third of his tz’u songs are cast in the mode o f yung-wu tz’u (songs on objects). These are not ob­ jective descriptions of objects but lyrical expressions o f poet’s feelings organized around small objects such as flowers, in­ sects, or plants. His famous “An-hsiang” BIS and “Shu-ying” W&, two complemen­ tary songs on plum blossom, and “Ch’it ’ien yOeh” on a cricket are among the best o f his tz’u poetry. T he yung-wu songs are characterized by the frequent use

o f allusions, a dazzling sensory impact, and their abrupt transitions. A few reveal an “objective” structure in which the objects rather than the poet’s lyrical self serve as the constitutive elements. This objective structure was further developed by Sung tz’u w riters o f th e th irteen th century. Therefore, Chiang had a commanding in­ fluence on late Sung tz’u poetry. During the great revival o f tz’u poetry in the early Ch’ing period, Chiang’s influ­ ence on the Che-hsi School* of poets rep­ resented by Chu I-tsun* was extremely great. The fact that there are more than thirty different editions o f Chiang’s col­ lected tz’u from the Ch’ing dynasty, more than there are of the collected works of any other tz’u poet, attests to the popular­ ity and achievement o f Chiang K’uei. E d it io n s :

Chiang Po-shih tz’u pien-nien chien-chiao H 6 5 Hsia Ch’eng-t’ao ed. Pe­ king, 1961. This is the authoritative edition of Chiang’s tz’u arranged chronologically. It contains Hsia’s careful collation of all pre­ vious editions, some useful notes, an exhaus­ tive collection of comments on Chiang’s tz’u by previous scholars, a critical discussion of all available editions, and an extensive bio­ graphical study. Chiang Po-shih shih-tz'u i f i S R l . Tu Tzuchuang tkfH, ed. Nanchang, 1981. Selec­ tions of the tz’u and shih with excellent com­ mentary. HsU Shu-p’u. TSCC. Standard edition of this crit­ ical text on calligraphy. Po-shih shih-tz’u chi 6SKWIJR. Hsia Ch’eng-t’ao HaMI, ed. Peking, 1959. An authoritative edition of Chiang’s shih and tz’u poetry with­ out commentary: Contains Hsia’s article on Chiang’s musical notation. Po-shih tz’u chien-chiao chi yen-chiu QCPSItSi® $25. LaiCh’iao-pen ed. Taipei, 1967. Contains a vast amount of useful materials on Chiang’s tz’u poetry. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Demteville, Anthologie, pp. 374, 408-409. Sunflower, pp. 401-405. See also Lin and Picken below. S t u d ie s :

Jao, Tsung-i B83?SS and Chao Tsun-yileh ©# Wt. Tz’u-hsileh ts’ung-k’an fsWHTU. Hong Kong, 1958.

Lin, Shuen-fu. The Transformation of the Chinese Lyrical Tradition: Chiang K’uei and Southern Sung Tz’u Poetry. Princeton, 1978. ------ . “Chiang K’uei’s Treatises on Poetry and Calligraphy,” in Theories of the Arts in China, Susan Bush, ed., Princeton, 1983. Pao, Ken-ti “Chiang Po-shih tz’u yenchiu” H6SPW9E, Fu-jen ta-hsileh jen-wen hsileh-pao, 3 (1973), 675-728. Pian, Rulan Chao. Sonq Dynasty Musical Sources and Their Interpretation. Cambridge, 1967. Picken, Laurence E. R. “Chiang K’uei’s Nine Songs for Yiieh,” Musical Quarterly, 43 (1957), 201-219. ------ . “Secular Chinese Songs of the Twelfth Century,” Studia Musicological Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 8 (1-966), 125-172. Yang, Yin-liu ti®#) and Yin Fa-lu ISfft®. Sung Chiang Po-shih Ch’uang-tso ko-ch’U yen-chiu 5K Peking, 1957. —SL Chiang Shih-ch’iian l i t ® (tzu, Hsin-yu hao, Ch’ing-jung i&SS, 1725-1784) is considered the foremost dramatist of the long reign-period o f the Ch’ien-lung Em­ peror (1736-1796) and one o f the leading poets o f the age. He was educated in the classics by his m other while the family led a ra th e r sp artan existence following Chiang’s father to a series o f minor gov­ ernm ent appointments. In 1745 the family returned to their home in Nanchang near Lake P’o-yang in Kiangsi. After a year of study Chiang Shih-ch’iian passed the dis­ trict examinations. In 1747, at the age of tw enty-three, he was successful in the provincial chii-jen examinations. However, Chiang’s first attempt at the chin-shih ex­ amination the following year was unsuc­ cessful. It was not until 1757 that Chiang finally passed the capital examinations and was assigned compilation tasks in the Hanlin Academy. In 1763, after serving ap­ proximately eight years as a minor official, he requested leave from his duties to care for his mother. He returned to govern­ ment service in 1781 in another minor post, but partial paralysis soon forced his re­ tirement to Nanchang, where he remained until his death in 1784. It was shortly after Chiang’s initial fail­ ure in the capital examinations and the

death o f his father one year later that his career as a dramatist began. Forced to find employment outside official circles, Chiang became an editor for a local history being compiled under the direction o f Ku Hsich’ang MfSS, a local official in Nanchang. While in the employ o fK u in l7 5 1 , Chiang completed I-p’ien shih (A Stone Chip), his first drama in four acts, and about the life o f Lou Fei a concubine o f the rebel Ming prince Chu Ch’en-hao (d. 1520). I-p’ien shih was the first o f five plays he wrote while in Ku’s service and one of two plays on Lou Fei. Before his success in the capital examinations, Chiang had earned recognition as a dramatist. Chiang had attracted the attention o f Yflan Mei* some years earlier, and al­ though the two poets did not meet until 1764, they corresponded regularly, ex­ changing letters and poems. While in the capital Chang wrote one drama, K ’ung-ku hsiang $ £ § (A Fragrance in Empty Val­ ley) which is based on the life of Yao Menglan to99S, the concubine of Chiang’s friend Ku Hsi-ch’ang. Hsiang-tsu lou # # .« (Tower o f Fragrant Ancestors), a piece composed twenty years later, is also about Yaors life. Following his initial retirem ent from governm ent service, C hiang moved to Nanking in 1764 and took up residence near YQan Mei. For over a year Chiang and YQan met frequently and discussed lit­ erary theory. Unlike his highly successful friend, however, Chiang was unable to support his family through his literary pro­ duction and was forced to travel south to Chekiang where he began a career as an educator. For about nine years Chang di­ rected private academies in Shaohsing, Hangchow, and Yangchow. During this period he wrote five plays, four of which are included in Ts’ang-yilan chiu-chung ch’il KH^iiA, a collection of nine of Chiang’s most popular plays. Ssu-hsien ch’iu B3&R (Four-stringed Autumn), a four-act play dramatizing Po Chfl-i’s* “P’i-p’a hsing,” was completed in 1772 and first performed in Yangchow the following summer. Hsilehchung jen S'fcA (In a Snowstorm, 1773) dramatizes an alleged event in the life of Cha Chi-tso S«& (1601-1676), a scholar-

official who taught in private academies. In 1774 Chiang completed Hsiang-tsu lou, the second o f two plays about Yao Menglan, and although both dramas appear in Ts’ang-yilan chiu chung ch’il, the latter has enjoyed much greater acclaim. Chiang’s most famous play, Lin-ch’uan meng BUIS* (Lin-ch’uan Dream), based on the life of T ’ang Hsien-tsu* and his play Mu-tan t’ing, was also completed in 1774. T ’ang’s influ­ ence on Chiang can be seen throughout Chiang’s dramatic works. Following the dea,th o f his mother in 1775, C hiang observed th e trad itio n al mourning. During this nearly three-year period he wrote only Ti-erh pei SS—P (The Second Tablet), his second play about Lou Fei. Chiang returned to Peking in 1778 to await an appointment as censor but was temporarily made a compiler in the na­ tional historiographic bureau in 1781. At this time he completed Tung-ch’ing shu £ (The Evergreen Tree), a drama in thirty-eight acts depicting the career of the Sung patriot Wen T ’ien-hsiang. It is re­ garded as one of the most important and controversial of his plays, the debate con­ cerning whether the play was written in praise of Wen’s loyalty to the Sung or as veiled criticism of the reigning Manchu government. Chiang Shih-ch’Qan was a recognized master of the highly stylized K ’un-ch’il* drama as well as the more traditional tsachil.* Lin-ch’uan meng is the most critically acclaimed of his K ’un-ch’il, while Ssu-hsien ch’iu is considered his best piece of writing. In his dramas Chiang adheres closely to the doctrines of T ’ang Hsien-tsu and the Wu-chiang School. His dramas are re­ markable for the purity and tenderness of their lyrics, a style concordant with his classical poetry. He w rote some two h u n d red tz’u and over tw enty-three hundred shih, most in the new style (sevencharacter lines). His poetry was influenced by YQan Mei. YQan, Chiang, and Chao I were known to their contemporaries as the “T hree Masters of Chiang-tso.” T he three poets adhered to YQan Hung-tao’s theory of in­ nate spiritual nature (hsing-ch’ing ttfflf) and

emphasized internal inspiration and mo­ tivation in the creative processes. Through th e p ro p er expression o f hsing-ch’ing, Chiang Shih-ch’iian believed that the poet’s true inner nature would be revealed; with­ out this innate subjective quality, one was doomed only to imitation. In Chiang Shih-ch’iian’s collected works is a cycle of thirty poems openly critical of many o f C h in a’s leading poets. While Chiang taught that poetry should be pro­ gressive and devoid o f imitation, in prac­ tice his own works fall largely within the realm of tradition and display a range of typical themes. E d it io n s :

Chung-ya T’ang shih-chi Canton, 1817. Chung-ya T ’ang wen-chi Canton, 1816. Hung-hsileh lou chiu-chung ch’il Taipei, 1971; issued also under title Chiang Shih-ch’iian chiu-chung ch’il or Ts’ang-yilan chiu-chung ch’ll MBSA 4A . S t u d ie s :

Chang, Ching 95 ft. “Chiang Shih-ch’tian Ts’angyilan chiu-chung ch’il hsi-lun” Shu-mu chi-k’an, 9.1 (June 1975), 325. Chao, Ts’eng-chiu ® “Chiang Ch’ing-jung te chiu-chung ch’ii” in Wenhsileh nien pao: lun-wen fen-lei hui-pien £#&¥ $8: Sft 81, v. 2, Hong Kong, 1969, pp. 303-310. Chu, Hsiang “Chiang Shih-Ch’Oan” Wf ± * . in Chung-kuo wen-hsileh yen-chiu 4*81% 9k9f9t, Cheng Chen-to, ed., rpt. Hong Kong, 1963, pp. 467-488. ECCP, pp. 141-142. Fu, Ch’ing tsa-chil, pp. 154-158, 366-367. Tseng, “Ch’ing-tai tsa-chil,” pp. 154-157. Wang, Wen-ju IX ® . Ch’ing shih p’ing-chu tupen WttiPttil*. Shanghai, 1916. Contains annotated selections from Chiang’s Chung-ya T’ang shih-chi. — YPC

Chiang Tsung RIB (tzu, Tsung-ch’ih IB&, 519-594) lived the span of the sixth cen­ tury and rendered significant service to the three dynasties—Liang, Ch’en, and Sui— of this era. He was a scion of the main

branch o f the Chiang clan, associated with the K’ao-ch’eng area o f Chi-yang iKHS District (modern Honan), which stemmed back ten generations to Chiang T ’ung (d. 310). He was a brilliant youth and en­ hanced his native precociousness through diligent study. O rphaned at six, he inher­ ited a large family library. At eighteen, he joined the entourage o f Ho Ching-jung at the imperial court. T here a verse he com­ posed much im pressed th e em peror. Chiang Tsung was promoted and came to the notice of court literary eminences such as Chang Tsan «>*, Wang Chiin 3-M, and Liu Chih-lin 5W238. Chiang Tsung was soon appointed to serve the crown prince, Hsiao Kang HM (503-551). At the crown prince’s salon in the Eastern Palace during the 530s and 540s, Chiang Tsung m atured in the main­ stream of Liang literary activity and par­ ticipated in the evolution o f kung-t’i* com-, position. Indeed, after the fall of the Liang and the deaths o f Hsiao Kang, Hsii Ch’ih (472-549), Yii Chien-wuM »«(/?. 520), and others, he survived as one o f the major exponents of the style during the second half o f the sixth century. Events m ight have developed differ­ ently. In 548 Chiang was selected to ac­ company Hsii Ling &R (507-582) on a mis­ sion to renew tru ce negotiations with Eastern Wei in the North. T he threat of war with other N orthern factions was in­ tensifying, so he declined the commission, pleading illness. HsO Ling never returned to the South, and in 549 the Southern cap­ ital at Chien-k’ang was sacked. With Em­ peror Wu m urdered and his own patron Hsiao Kang a puppet ruler under a rebel N orthern general, Chiang Tsung fled to Kuei-chi (modern Kiangsu) in 550, taking refuge in the Buddhist Lung-hua Monastery there (the site o f an old Chiang family residence). Here he composed his “Hsiu hsin fu” tt-kW (Prose-poem on Cul­ tivating the Mind), with a lengthy intro­ duction narrating the circumstances o f its composition. Later, he moved to Kuangchou and sought shelter with an uncle, a member of the ruling Hsiao clan, who controlled the area.

By 552, the N orthern rebels had been defeated , and H siao K ang’s seventh brother, Hsiao I fi» , proclaimed himself em peror (Emperor YQan of the Liang, r. 552-554). Hsiao I summoned Chiang to an appointment at the new capital of Chiangling. However, by 554 Chiang-ling had also been sacked by N orthern Wei forces, and Chiang did not make th e journey. For many years thereafter, he remained in the Ling-nan Mountains. Finally, in 564 he joined the then eightyear-old Ch’en dynasty, summoned to of­ fice at the rebuilt capital at Chien-k’ang. He was drafted into the crown prince’s ser­ vice and again became an intimate o f his patron. This favor continued upon the prince’s accession to the throne (Ch’en Hou-chu, r. 583-588), and Chiang even­ tually became premier. But the habits o f his youth at the Liang court seem to have cast a heavy shadow, and rather than at­ tending assiduously to national affairs, he spent his time with the emperor in sport and banqueting. The dozen cronies he kept were known as the “Hsia-k’o” (The Disrespectful). Critics were not tolerated. T he Ch’en fell in 589, but in the suc­ ceeding Sui dynasty Chiang Tsung was given an honorary title. In 594, while in Chiang-tu, he died, at the age of seventyfive. Chiang’s extant literary works typify re­ fined late sixth-century palace-style com­ position. Like the Liang exponents and earlier Southern poets, he was attracted to the yileh-fu* tradition, with its themes o f parting, hardships o f travel, “frontier” sentiments, or the softer, more romantic topics of plum-blossoms, snow, music, and so on. He also successfully addressed the fu * and various literary prose forms, and a considerable quantity o f this work sur­ vives. His shih* poetry records palace ban­ quets, parting feasts with colleagues, and leisured outings to idyllic scenic locations. His peregrinations among the southern hills are featured in a number of poems describing Buddhist mountain retreats and shrines. The atmosphere o f the salon pervades the poetry—in the elegant, courtly diction,

in the finely contrived parallelisms, and in the indications of extempore literary games in the titles o f his verses, such terms asyingchao ISSS (written to order) and fu te IRff (extemporized on a given theme). Chiang often employs the “palace plaint,” which in the T ’ang came to typify the treatment o f courtesan themes and indeed “palace style” in general. He also begins the shift from the pentasyllabic to the septasyllabic line; the direct objectivity o f earlier palacestyle yung-wu “still-life” treatm ent also be­ gins to give way to a certain abstraction. His poetry thus represents a pivot between late Six Dynasties and Early T ’ang tastes. E d it io n s :

Chiang Ling-chiln chi tL&WM, in Pai-san, v. 13, pp. 3473-3517. Chiang Tsung chi in Liu-ch’ao wen, v. 4, “Ch’Oan Sui wen” SH5X, ch. 10-11, pp. 40684078. Chiang Tsung, in Nan-Pei-ch’ao shih, v. 3, ch. 3, pp. 1677-1703. T r a n s l a t io n s :

Demteville, Anthologie, pp. 165-167. Frodsham, Anthology, p. 184. -JM

Chiang Yen flUt (tzu, Wen-t’ung 3:51,444505) is remembered above other poets for his skill in capturing the diction and spirit of his models. O f special note are his fif­ teen verses in the style o f Juan Chi.* An­ other celebrated set o f thirty verses in pen­ tameter form imitates poems by important writers of the Chien-an period (196-220, see Ch’en Lin) and by renowned literati of the Chin and Liu-Sung eras. Particular features of Chiang’s writing are his fascination with the fantastic, the brilliant glitter and color of his imagery, and his unique ability to depict heart-rend­ ing sentiment. Such features found a most suitable vehicle for expression in the fu* genre. For both the volume and quality of his compositions, Chiang is remembered as one of the greatest o f fu writers. His “Pieh fu” SOW(Prose-poem on Parting) and “Hen fu” (Prose-poem on Resent­ ment), both included in the Wen-hsilan* are widely anthologized.

His official career spanned three of the six southern dynasties: the Liu-Sung, the Southern Ch’i, and the Liang. Through native intelligence and scholarly diligence he rose from provincial obscurity to po­ sitions at the imperial court and was even­ tually elevated to the peerage as Marquis of Li-ling Actually, although his duties had for the most part been more literary than admin­ istrative, he exposed himself to personal danger by his fearless political criticism. On one occasion his pen saved him from prolonged imprisonment, and during his life he suffered only one period of rusti­ cation, and that was relatively congenial. Chiang himself claimed never to have at­ tached himself to any particular faction, and he appears to have been an isolate— there are few references to him in the bio­ graphies of his contemporaries and scarce mention of him in their works.

Wu, P’i-chi Chiang Yen nien-p’u Df. Shanghai, 1938. -JM

Chiao-fang chi (Record of the Court Entertainment Bureau) is a short work on the Chiao-fang (Court Entertainment Bu-. reau) established by the T ’ang Emperor Hsiian-tsung in 714. It was written by a certain T s’ui Ling-ch’in sometime after 762. All that is known o f T s’ui is that he was a minor court functionary and that he also wrote a one-volume annotation to Yii Hsin’s* “Ai Chiang-nan fu.” The Chiaofang-chi was originally listed in the bibli­ ography o f the Hsin T ’ang-shu under the category o f musical works (yileh-lei) in the Classics section (ching-pu). This classifica­ tion was continued during the Yiian by the compilers of the Sung-shu, but Li Chih (1192-1279) argued with some indignation that it should not be classed along with works on “classical music” (ya-yileh). Sub­ sequent bibliographers have shifted it to E d it io n s : Chiang Li-ling chi in Pai-san, v. 11, pp. the hsiao-shuo* category. The work does indeed treat “vulgar mu­ 2777-2875. sic” (su-yileh) and other entertainments of­ Chiang Wen-t’ung chi ff SPPY. fered to the T ’ang court. The preface to Chiang Wen-t’ung chi. Collated appendix com­ piled by Yeh Shu-lien JIWMf (Ch’ing). SPTK. the Record, restored to the text from the Chiang Yen chi Liu-ch’ao wen, v. 3, ch. 33- Ch’Uan T ’ang wen,* outlines the circum­ stances relating to the rather violent split 39, pp. 3140-3178. Punctuated. “Ch’Oan Liang Shih” JfeS&X, ch. 5, in Nan-Pei- between musical entertainers and classical musicians of the T ’ai-ch’ang-ssu the ch’ao shih, v. 2, pp. 1259-1288. Punctuated. office in charge of ritual music, and the T r a n s l a t io n s : subsequent formation o f the Court Enter­ Frankel, Palace Lady, 73-92. tainment Bureau. This preface is one of Frodsham, Anthology, p. 174. twenty-eight separate entries on various ------, Murmuring, v. 1, pp. 94, 95. aspects of life in the Bureau. Holzman, Poetry and Politics, p. 238. Nineteen of these entries are found in Watson, Rhyme-Prose, pp. 96-101. all three o f the extant textual traditions, one dating from the Southern Sung, the S t u d ie s : others from the early and middle Ming (see Marney, John. Chiang Yen, Boston, 1981, pp. Chung-kuo ku-tien hsi-ch’il lun-chu chi-ch’eng 444-505. Mori, Hiroyuki . Ko En ’Zattai-shi sanjfl edition, pp. 3-6). T he other nine have been su’ ni tsuite” flCSt rJtifitH + lf J C/iit- restored from various sources. Jen Pant’ang has grouped the. anecdotes into six goku bungaku ho, 27 (April 1977), 1-35. categories: 1. T s’ui Ling-ch’in’s preface; 2. Takahashi, Kazumi HfllSlB. “Ko En no Bun­ gaku” US* in Yoshikawa hakase taikyU institutions and human affairs in the Court Entertainment Bureau; 3. miscellaneous kinen Chahoku bungaku ronsytt song titles; 4. Ta-ch’il;* 5. sources o f [five] 1968, pp. 253-270. song titles; 6. T s’ui Ling-ch’in’s postscript. Toyofuku, Kenji HiSlt—. “Ko Gen no fo,” The second of these categories is the £Lflt©SR. ChUgoku chttsei bungaku kenkyil, 7 most important. In it one finds informa­ (August 1968), 55-63.

tion on the location of the Bureau, the kinds of entertainments performed and clothing worn, anecdotes concerning the em peror or the imperial family, and short accounts of the most skilled actresses. T he section on song titles lists the name o f the most important songs, and the fifth section gives an account o f how some of the titles and playJets came to be named or created. T he postscript is a lament over the fall of Hstian-tsung’s court during the An Lu-shan Rebellion. T he work is a short but indispensable source of information not only on enter­ tainments at the royal court o f the High T ’ang, but also, along with Tuan Anchieh’s Yileh-fu tsa-lu,* on the foundation and developm ent o f musical en tertain ­ ments and the Court Entertainment Bu­ reau itself. E d it io n s :

Chiao-fang-chi, 1 chilan, in Chung-kuo ku-tien hsich’il lun-chu chi-ch’eng 1P8Bft , v. 1. Peking, 1959. This is the variorum edi­ tion of the text, reconciling the three major textual traditions and appending a long list of collated variants between texts. It sepa­ rates the nineteen shared entries and places the other nine in a supplement. Chiao-fang-chi chien-ting HtftSBMil. Jen Pant’ang coll. and annot. lv. Peking, 1962. A superbly annotated edition that gives complete information on all aspects of the text, drawing on T ’ang as well as other con­ temporaneous texts. Important not only as an annotation of the text, but as a major work in the history of theater. T r a n s l a t io n s :

Idema and West, “Preface to the Record of the Court Entertainment Bureau," in Chinese Thea­ ter, pp. 96-98. S t u d ie s :

Jen, op. cit. Kishibe, Shigeo Todai ongakushi teki kenkya:gakuseihen Tokyo, 1960-61. Also as T’ang-tai yin-y eh-shih teyen-chiu, Liang Tsai-p’ing trans., 2v., Taipei, 1972. While not a study of the Chiaofang-chi per se, it is an invaluable aid to an understanding of the Record and makes ex­ tensive use of it in discussions of the Court

Entertainment Bureau of the T*ang. —SW

Chiao-Hung chi /JIIIIS (Chiao-niang and Fei-hung) is a literati-style love story about seventeen thousand characters long, writ­ ten in the YQan period. Since the Ming, Sung YQan SKii (fl. 1280) has been ac­ cepted as its author, though some say that YQ Chi m (1272-1348) or Li HsQ * * may have been the author. It is presumed that Sung YQan (nom de plume, Mei-t’ung ttP ) lived during the late Sung and early YQan period in K’an-ch’uan j&jll (Kiangsi); other than that, very little is known about his life. The main theme o f this romance is a tragic love affair between a learned young man, Shen Ch’un $*6, and his cousin Wang Chiao-niang The girl’s parents op­ pose her love for the young scholar, and when Chiao-niang is forced to marry for her family’s convenience she chooses to end her life by fasting. Shen Ch’un follows her in death. Their deaths arouse the sympa­ thy o f th e ir fam ilies, and th e ir burial mounds are placed side by side. Chiao-Hung chi is noteworthy in two re­ spects. Though technically influenced by ch’uan-ch’i (tale),* it is long for this genre, and it contains more than thirty-three tz’u lyrics. T he title comes from the the names of Wang Chiao-niang and her m other’s maid, Fei-hung ?B6*E. This story was often dramatized in the YQan and Ming periods, and most o f these pieces were entitled Chiao-Hung chi. In order to distinguish the tale from the dramas, it is often called Chiao-Hung chuan YQan editions are not extant; the oldest independent version is the Shen-Wang ch’ikou yung-lu Chiao-Hung chi $ NfjftJB (published in Fukien during the Wan-li era (1573-1619) by Mr. Cheng’s Tsung-w en sh u -t’ang now owned by I to Sohei {?)##£¥. Though it was recorded that many playwrights, including Wang Shih-fu (see Hsi-hsiang chi), drama­ tized this story, the only existing complete editions are the Chin-t’ung Yil-nil ChiaoHung chi which is a tsa-chil* written by Liu Tui JBIft (fl. 1368-1398) in

the early Ming and the Chieh-i yilan-yang Ling-yQn,* Chiao-jan resolved the tradi­ chung Chiao-Hung chi BttMMWHtLtB, a tional conflict between literature and Bud­ nan-hsi* by Meng Ch’eng-shun SW3 (fl. dhist quietism by making poetry an intel­ 1629-1649) in the late Ming. lectual instrument. Born and raised in Chiao-Hung chi was popular among the Ch’ang-ch’eng (modern Chekiang) he young (alongside Hsi-hsiang chi) through the took orders at Ling-yin Temple JIIS^ be­ early Ch’ing; but after the appearance of fore the An Lu-shan Rebellion, was in­ the Hung-lou meng,* it fell into oblivion. doctrinated in vinaya teachings, traveled Cheng Chen-to MMM rediscovered it and widely to study at monasteries throughout introduced it in the Shih-chieh wen-k’u IS the country, and remained a Buddhist all IPS:*, which has allowed this romance to his life. regain some of its former acclaim. His reputation as a poet probably first spread through poems for social enter­ E d it io n s : tainment that were composed by several “Chiao-Hung chi tsa-chtt,” in Shih-chieh wen-k’u, Cheng Chen-to, ed., v. S, Shanghai, 1936, pp. hands and are considered the true begininings o f “linked verse.” These were 957-984. written between 773 and 776 in company Chiao-Hung chuan JRjSEW, ibid., pp. 937-957. Chiao-Hung chuan fRfctt, in Ming Ch ’ing wen-yen with several prominent figures in Hu-chou, hsiao-shuo hsilan S9?l¥XS'/J''S8S, Ch’ang-sha, including Yen Chen-ch’ing MRM (709785), the noted calligrapher who was then 1981. Liu, Tui %&. Chin-t’ungyil-nil Chiao-Hung chi, Military Commissioner o f the area. It was in Ku-pen, I, photolithograph of the Ming also in this period that Chiao-jan, Yen Chen-ch’ing, Lu YQ I a u t h o r of the edition. See Fu, Ming-tai tsa-chil, p. 9. (Classic o f Tea, 760), and Meng, Ch’eng-shun SUSS. “Chieh-i yiian-yang- Ch’a-ching chung Chiao-Hung chi," in Ku-pen, II, pho­ other associates made a compilation of po­ tolithograph of late Ming edition. See Fu, etry extracts arranged by rhyme known as Ming-tai tsa-chil, p. 339. the Yiln-hai ching-yilan (360 chilan). In the 770s and early 780s he also ex-, T r a n s l a t io n s : Ito, Sohei. Kyo-Ko-ki H ttE, in ChUgoku koten changed verse with leading contemporary poets and served as a mentor for younger bungaku taikei 38 (1973). Buddhist poets such as YQan-hao5Gi6 and S t u d ie s : Ling-ch’e MR (746-816). Unfortunately, Chao, Ching-shen “Chiao-Hung chi yfl neither the Yiln-hai ching-yilan nor any of Chiao-Hung chuan” ttHEM IICtt, in Tu-ch’il Chiao-jan’s apparently quite voluminous sui-pi BffllMit, Shanghai, 1936, pp. 94-99. philosophical and anecdotal writing dating Ito, Sohei. “An Introduction to Chiao-Hung chi from this period survives. UlEiB,” Appendix to the translation of ChiaoIn 785 Chiao-jan went into semi-retireHung chi, pp. 462-491. ment near the city o f Wu-hsing SH. Im­ ------ . “Formation of the Chiao-Hung chi: Its mediately thereafter, he was engaged in Change and Dissemination,” AA, 32 (1977), the writing of his two major critical works, 73-95. the Shih-shih US and Shih-p’ing &W, and —si literary figures continued to find their way Chiao-jan (secular name, Hsieh Chou to him. Wei Ying-wu wrote: “Vainly his WS, tzu, Ch’inD-chou » * , 730-799) dom­ literary fame spreads across the lan d ,/ inated the literary scene on the lower While his dharma mind remains at peace.” Yangtze in the late eighth century with his It is likely that contact with the poet Meng versatility as a poet and his adeptness as a Chiao* at this time resulted in the influ­ conversationalist equally well-read in Bud­ ence of Chiao-jan’s theory o f active reac­ dhist, Confucian, and Taoist thought. But tion to the literary past upon the poetry he is best known for provocative literary and prose o f th e A ncient-style Prose criticism that reflects the High T ’ang Style. Movement (see ku-wen) at the turn of the A tenth-generation descendant of Hsieh ninth century. In 793 YQ T ’i ^ t t oversaw

the compilation of Chiao-jan’s complete works (in 10 chilan) at the behest of T ’ang Emperor Te-tsung and submitted them for imperial preservation. Although his reputation as a poet was founded largely upon work in regulated verse that grew out o f the tradition of Wang Wei and Ta-li shih tsai-tzu (see Lu Lun), Chiao-jan was also respected for his old-style verse and literary ballads. His poems often develop the melancholic, vanitas vanitatum themes o f a Zen Buddhist’s perspective on life, unfolding images of tranquil beauty which are then rejected as earthly illusions. Esteem for Chiao-jan’s poetry in his own time was considerable. His work was included in a contemporary anthology, the Nan hsiln chi a cpllection of thirty poets of the Ta-li period (766-780) edited by Tou Ch’ang*® in the 780s, and in several later T ’ang antholo­ gies. In 833 Liu Yfl-hsi praised Chiao-jan as the only poet of the lower Yangtze in the late eighth century who truly had depth and range in all styles. Although later crit­ ics, most notably Yen Yfl in his Ts’ang-lang shih-hua* continued to rank him high among Buddhist poets of the T ’ang, only one poem, “Hsfln Lu Hung-chien pu yfl” (Going to Visit Lu Yfl but Not Finding Him at Home), remained a com­ mon anthology piece and was included in the T ’ang-shih san-pai-shou.* O f more interest today than any o f his other work, however, is the literary criti­ cism of Chiao-jan’s Shih-shih (5 chilan), Shihp ’ing (3 chilan), and Shih-i (1 chilan). T he former two works were probably sub­ stantially completed in 785. T he Shih-i may be a simplification of the Shih-p'ing or, what seems more likely, is the series o f critical essays Chiao-jan wrote in conjunction with the Yiln-hai ching-yilan in the mid-770s. All three were well known by the early ninth century. Extracts from the Shih-i appear in the BunkyO hifuron* an anthology o f crit­ icism collected by the Japanese monk KQkai. The fit\e-chUan text o f the Shih-shih in the Shih-wan chilan lou ts’ung-shu (1879) must be close to the original, but the nu­ merous passages scattered there that begin with the words “P ’ing yiieh” IPS probably

only partially represent the full original text of the Shih-p’ing. T he Shih-shih ranks verse selected from Han to T ’ang dynasty poets in five levels o f accomplishment according to the de­ gree o f mimetic immediacy and transpar­ ency o f the verse. Chiao-jan follows the earlier critics Chung Jung (see Shih-p’in), Shen Yiieh,* Liu Hsieh (see Wen-hsin tiaolung), and Wang Ch’ang-ling* in the quest for poetry that “fully expresses the poet’s emotions through his description of scene” (S$1«tt«i) without the adulteration of al­ lusions, archaisms, or any other literary or historical accoutrements. T he progression from chilan 1 to chilan 5 is from immediacy and effectiveness to some rather dramatic examples of writing that are marred by lit­ erary fatuousness and lack o f genuine feel­ ing. T h e “Nineteen Words Concerning Style,” introduced in chilan 1 and drawn upon for comments on selections in the first three chilan, influenced the terminol­ ogy o f later critics such as Ssu-k’ung T ’u* and Yen Yfl, but also occasionally led to castigation o f Chiao-jan as a technical reductivist. T he Shih-p’ing consists o f interpretive and theoretical expositions on style, liter­ ary history, and the nature of poetic cre­ ation. Not only in poetic images, but also in writing in general and in the material world we are always dealing, says Chiaojan, merely with traces. What is beyond them or what they effect is more impor­ tant. Great poetry therefore transcends the traces to lead to enlightenment, and when Chiao-jan talks o f “the dharma of poetry” (!$&), he really means som ething th at supersedes Buddhist, Taoist, and Confu­ cian teachings. The poetry o f the Chienan poets, T ’ao Ch’ien,* Shen Ch’Oan-ch’i,* Sung Chih-wen, Meng Hao-jan,* Wang Wei,* and above all Hsieh Ling-yfin* is immediate and reflects personal experi­ ence at a specific place and time. Contrary to contemporary opinion, Chiao-jan ar­ gues that a good poem does not reject em­ bellishm ent, parallelism, o r intellectual struggle (k’u-ssu ®JS), although the end product must appear effortless (tzu-jan & jR). It is typified by “lines in which the ap­

pearance of scenery conveys em otion” ( Close to Wang Ch’ang-ling’s arguments in his Shih-ko composed a dec­ ade or two earlier, Chiao-jan’s literary the­ ory remains the best abstract exposition of the High T ’ang Style and was the first ex­ tensive statement of the juxtaposition of Zen Buddhism and the arts that became so important in later criticism. T he freshness of both the Shih-p’ing and the Shih-i arises from Chiao-jan’s zest for radical inversions o f commonly held opin­ ions. Usually denigrated in the eighth cen­ tury (and later), the poetry o f the Ch’i and Liang dynasties should be recognized, he argues, as the source o f much that com­ prises the High T ’ang Style. Furthermore, radical “transformation that sustains con­ tinuity” (t’ung-pien SSSS) with earlier liter­ ature is superior to imitatively “returning to the past” (fu-ku , fl. 1763-1774). It was published in twelve series between 1764 and 1767 and then reissued collectively in 1767. Little is known of Ch’ien except that he was also from the region o f K’un-shan Htlif, where Kun-ch’iang MR (i.e., K ’un-ch’ti*) plays originated. T he majority of the plays (430 scenes) represented in this anthology are K ’un-ch’il, And 59 Other scenes are from plays in various local styles, such as Luant’an-ch’iang flJVK, Kao-ch’iang fl®, and others. The Chui pai-ch’iu was intended as a non­ technical guide fo r theatergoers but as the texts are primarily performing ones, their notations on stage conventions are usually more meticulous and detailed than in the original versions. It also preserves scenes from many lesser works and provides a good indicator of the range o f the reper­ toire of early Ch’ing theatrical troupes. This anthology is of particular impor­ tance to students o f the history o f Chinese stagecraft, but it is also an excellent selec­ tive anthology o f the more enjoyable por­ tions o f Ming and Ch’ing plays of forbid­ ding length. E d it io n s :

E d it io n s :

Ch’ilan T’ang wen, Canton, 1901, in 20 t’ao. Standard offset edition published in Taipei, 1965; reprinted many times by various pub­ lishers. Ch'iian T’ang wen chi-shih. 3v. Shanghai, 1959. Typeset.

Chui pai-ch’iu. 1764-1767. Chin-ch’ang Pao-jen T ’ang edition, reissued as a set (1767). ------ . Wang Hsieh-ju SE1K&], collator and ed. Peking, 1955. St u d ie s :

Hu, Shih “Preface,” Wang Hsieh-ju, op. cit. Fu, Hsiian-ts’ung AMIS* , Chang Ch’en-shih 36 Cheng, Chen-to flfJSH. “Chung-kuo hsi-ch’ii te hsflan-pen” in Cheng Chentt®, and Hsfl I-min tfj&R. “T ’an Ch’ilan to, ed., Chung-kuo wen-hsileh yen-chiu + 1 X T’ang wen te hsiu-ting” WenPfflrSS, Peking, 1957; rpt. Hong Kong, 1963, hsueh i-ch’an, 1 (June 1980), 43-48. pp. 503-534.

S t u d ie s :

------ . “Chui pai-ch’iu so-yin” in his Chung-kuo wen-hsiieh yen-chiu', Peking, 1957, pp. 818-816.

-jw Chung H sing U S (tzu, Po-ching ft®:, hao, T ’ui-ku 51# and Wan-chih chii-shih H±, 1574-1624), was a poet, literary critic, anthologist, and founder of the Ching-ling School JtBt of poets that flourished in the late Ming period. A native of Ching-ling in Hukwang (modern Hupei), Chung Hsing was suc­ cessful in the examinations only relatively late in life, passing the chil-jen examination in 1603 and the chin-shih in 1610. T here­ after he served in the central and prov­ incial administrations in Peking (the Min­ istry of Works), Nanking (the Ministry of Rites), and Kweichow (where he managed , th e provincial exam ination o f 1615). Chung traveled widely, freely recom ­ mending the worthies he encountered to his friends in high places. Chung’s literary theories are embodied in the prefaces to his anthologies and in his surviving letters. He clearly distin­ guishes himself from the Archaist School o f Li P’an-lung,* then popular, that ad­ vocated imitation of the great poets of the T ’ang. Instead, Chung Hsing emphasized that poets should take inspiration from the vital essence of earlier poetry, its hsing-ling &■, or “native sensibility.” That is, Chung and his junior colleague, T ’an YOan-ch’un* praised originality over imitation, using the catchphrase shen-yu ku-ch’iao 8II983#J8 (pro­ fundity and detachment). In contrast to the Kung-an School o f Yiian Hung-tao* and his brothers, Chung and T ’an espoused re­ fined diction and original inspiration. Un­ fortunately, critics beginning with Ch’ien Ch’ien-i* were uniform in declaring Chung Hsing’s own poetry less than successful in these areas. His followers have been crit­ icized for obscurity, crudeness in diction, and pointless unconventionality. Further­ more, the Ching-ling School sought sub­ jectivity and originality with far-from-objective eyes; the modern scholar Kuo Shaoyii laments that they fell victim to a logical trap of their own making, assuming that the standards for subjectivity and origi­

nality would rem ain standard th rough time. In fact, their theoretical approach came to appear arbitrary and fallacious as soon as literary tastes changed. Chung Hsing wrote prolifically. While serving in Nanking, he published his Shihhuai Jfe* (Notes on the Histories) and soon afterward a commentary on the SUrangama sUtra entitled Leng-yen ju-shuo ffiR® St. His major works are the anthologies Ku-shih kuei #lWt (15 chilan) and T ’angshih kuei JfcWt (36 chilan) compiled to­ g eth er with T ’an Yilan-ch’un betw een 1614 and 1617. Chung’s own creative writing appeared in a block print edition o f 1622, the Yin-hsiu-hsilan chi K3HT& (proscribed during the Ch’ien-lung reign hut later reprinted). During the years 16161621, Chung edited collections of exami­ nation essays. This fact, coupled with his soaring reputation as the founder of a po­ etic school, seemingly prompted publish­ ers to attribute a great variety of works to him. Among them are a book oh letter writing (Ju-mien t’an JiJffiW), several works on the Confucian classics (of which prob­ ably the 1620 edition of the Shih-ching* with commentary is genuinely his), nu­ merous anthologies, and a few historical studies, particularly the Ming-chi pien-nien Chung’s Chung-p’ing Tso-chuan ft !¥£, I (1955), 165-275. ------ . Fu no seiritsu to tenkai iRM . Matsuyama, 1963. Suzuki, Torao Fushi taiyo BSsfc:*:®. Tokyo, 1936.

—KH

Fu Hsilan # £ (tzu, Hsiu-i m , 217-278), although rarely referred to in traditional histories o f Chinese thought, was the preem in en t Confucian th eo rist o f th e Western Chin period. He was born into a Ni-yang (modern Shensi) family noted for its steadfastness in the orthordox vir­ tues. A prot6g£ o f the reactionary Ssu-ma WI* clan, he held such offices as Grand Chamberlain, Palace Attendant (267), and Palace Aide to the Censor-in-chief (268) after the formation o f the Chin dynasty. H e probably would have achieved the highest civil office had he not several times been cashiered for intemperate behavior; he had a tendency to demonstrate moral outrage at inappropriate times. T hat he was merely dismissed rather than banished or executed indicates the high regard with which he was held by the rulers he served. Fu Hsilan’s extant literary remains in­ clude part of the collection o f his philosphical writings, the Fu-tzu Of?, memorials which are included in his biography (Chinshu ch. 47), poetry, and miscellaneous writings. The Fu-tzu, originally in several hundred chilan (its actual size and scope is uncertain), was lost after the Sung dynasty and not recovered until the compilation of the Yung-lo ta-tien & Moder n schol­ ars have since prepared expanded editions and compilations o f Fu Hsilan’s poetry. In the Fu-tzu and the memorials, which are among the major extant documents on Wei-Chin economic and frontier policies, Fu Hsilan dealt with the major problems of his day from both theoretical and prac­ tical perspectives. In theory, Fu was Con­ fucian and, foreshadowing the later Sung

orientation, M encian in tone. His ap­ proach to applying his theories, an ap­ proach typical of the late and post-Han pe­ riods, leans towards the Legalist position. His concrete proposals emphasize aspects of staffing the bureaucracy and economic concerns. Because of his criticism of in­ dividual wealth, his negative attitude towards merchants, and his emphasis on public over private values, he has even been considered a forerunner of communism by some modern Japanese scholars. More cer­ tain is his influence on Sung-dynasty lit­ erati; Ssu-ma Kuang (1019-1086), for example, quotes the Fu-tzu extensively in his Tzu-chih, t'ung-chien From a literary standpoint, Fu Hsiian’s poetry is notable for its influence on later major poets. Ch’en Hang Wtift (1785-1826) in his Shih pi hsing chien wrote that Pao Chao* and Li Po* both were influ­ enced by him. In the preface to his poem, “ Sung po p’ien” ©fflJH, Pao Chao states that he wrote it in imitation o f Fu Hsiian’s “ Kuei hao p’ien” ft MlIK (not extant). Al­ though Fu wrote in the variety of modes utilized in the third century, critics have been most appreciative o f his yileh-fu,* and have compared his best to those of Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju* and Mei Sheng.* In turn, Fu Hsuan’s poems demonstrate influence from T s’ao Chih* and others of the preceding generation. Fu wrote on themes Common to poets o f his age and was rather eclectic in his prespectives, an o th er characteristic o f third-century intellectuals. His love poems tended to be moralistic, implicitly criticiz­ ing the romantic and unconventional tend­ encies of his time, yet he also wrote poems unusually sensitive to the plight of women. His historical pieces, which perhaps reflect his early employment in the writing of the Wei-shu W* (eventually incorporated into the San-kuo chih -.&&), extoll heroes; but his poems criticizing the political and in­ tellectual trends of his own day, referring to the Ts’ao Clan and the hsilan-hstieh 2:® theorists, tend to end on notes of despair. In this regard, his poems on the theme of change (hua I t ) indicate that Fu Hsiian was a more complex figure than his philosoph­

ical writings imply, for in these poems he ten d ed to utilize T aoist im agery. His poignant poems on the transitory nature of life, certainly written in his old age, are probably his finest. E d it io n s :

Liu-ch’ao wen, v. 2, pp. 1714-1749. Nan-pei-ch’ao shih, v. 1, pp. 387-406. Kuan-ku T’ang so cho-shu Yeh Tehui * # * , ed. 1902. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Frodsham, Anthology, pp. 251-252. Gundert, Lyrik, p. 49. Waley, Translations, pp. 71-73. -JP

Fu-sheng liu-chi (Six Chapters of a Floating Life) is unique in many ways. It records the lives o f the author Shen Fu fkWL (tzu, San-po H 6, 1762-after 1803) and his beloved wife Ch’en Yiin BUS (17631803), an extraordinary couple who were cultured but not bookish, playful but not compromising; and whose strong sense of individuality and heed for privacy ran squarely against th e familial and profes­ sional expectations o f a society entrenched in Confucian behavioral standards. They were not, o f course the only couple ever to encounter troubles o f this kind, but their philosophy of life certainly aggravated the conflict and led to a vivid portrayal of trag­ edy unprecedented in Chinese literature. Shen Fu’s unpretentious style of narra­ tion also had no parallel in pre-modern China, where an open account of one’s marital life was unthinkable. But Fu-sheng liu-chi is not an autobiography in the nor­ mal sense of the term. In the extant chap­ ters (especially in certain significant por­ tions), the center of attention is not Shen himself but his wife, although the narra­ tive is consistently in the first person. W ithin a ch ap ter, th e p resentation is largely chronological, but different aspects of an event are usually given in different chapters. T he work is a thematically or­ ganized memoir, the only example of its kind in the traditional Chinese corpus. It is through this unique thematic or­ ganization that the work acquires its force and persuasion. The accounts of brief joy­

ful moments in the first two chapters do not reveal to the reader that Shen Fu and his wife were married for twenty-three years. The fourth chapter about Shen’s travels around the country is of a rather different nature. With Shen Fu as the cen­ ter of action, this chapter is little more than a recollection of unrelated trips. The third chapter, with its revelation of one tribu­ lation after another, culminates with the bitter events leading to Ch’en Yiin’s death, the touching death scene itself, and the torturous episode in which he bids farewell to her spirit and reveals the real meaning o f many of the events described earlier. If the presentation were strictly chronologi­ cal, most of the seemingly pleasant mo­ ments, as fleeting r nd occasional as they are, would easily h ave been buried in the unceasing onslaught o f various problems and conflicts. The concentration on happy times in the two opening chapters does not prepare the reader for the tremendous shock in chapter 3, and thus heightens the sense of tragedy of the final events. Ironically, the artistic excellence of the Fu-sheng liu-chi, particularly the descrip­ tion of Ch’en Yiin as a lovely, ideal com­ panion, has caused it to be regularly class­ ified as fiction. This is a misapprehension not only of the purpose and art of Shen Fu’s work, but also of the nature of fiction itself. Not much about the author, beyond what is given in the Fu-sheng liu-chi, is known. Indeed, other than this work, Shen Fu hardly achieved anything worth men­ tioning. With the exception of the scholarofficial Shih Yiin-yii,* almost none of his friends were memorable. But for the mi­ raculous discovery in the mid-nineteenth century o f a manuscript of the memoir, unpublished during Shen’s lifetime, there would be no record of Shen and his wife at all. Only the first four chapters survived, fortunately including three of major lit­ erary value. All subsequent editions are derived from this manuscript. O f the last two chapters only the titles remain. Chapter 5 would seem to concern Fu’s trip to the Ryukyus after the death of his wife, and chapter 6 philosophical is­

sues. A version including these two chap­ ters appeared in 1935, and it has had a fairly wide circulation since. But these two chapters have long been recognized as fab­ rications. Recently, Cheng I-mei (Cheng Chi-yiin tKBSS), who in the early 1930s declined an offer to “compose” the two chapters, belatedly announced that these sections were either done or ordered by Wang Chiin-ch’ing li&jW (Wang Wenju ), an editor of ts’ung-shu collections and popular reference works active in the late Ch’ing and early Republican eras. When the complete version was first pub­ lished, Wang falsely claimed to have dis­ covered them. E d it io n s :

Fu-sheng liu-chi. Shanghai, 1935. A “complete” edition which is important not for including the spurious chapters, but for the various prefaces associated with the early editions as well as an informative preface by Chao T ’iaok’uang i&??£E, a well-known editor of tradi­ tional fiction in the 1930s, and, finally, for a helpful postscript by Chu Chien-mang JfcM

2:. Fu-sheng liu-chi. Peking, 1980. Based on the 1923 P ’u-she Httt edition prepared by Yfl P’ingpo Yii’s preface and chronological summary are also included. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Lin, Yutang Six'Chapters of a Floating Life. Shanghai, 1935. Later available in many different editions, including bilingual ones, and in several of Lin Yutang’s own anthol­ ogies. Pratt, Leonard and Chiang Su-hui. Shen Fu: Six Records of a Floating Life. Harmondsworth, 1983. Reclus, Jacques. Recits d’une vie fugitive. Paris, 1967. With a useful introduction by Paul Demifeville. Ryckmans, Pierre. Six ridts au fil inconstant des jours. Brussels, 1966. Sato, Haruo and Matsueda Shigeo Fushe rokki S3. Tokyo, 1938. All these translations render only the first four chapters. St u d i e s :

Ch’en, Yil-p’i 9LHIM. “Hung-lou meng ho Fu-

sheng liu-chi”

, Hung-lou meng

hsiieh-k’an, 1980, 4 (November 1980), 211230. Cheng, I-mei. Fu-sheng liu-chi te tsu-pen went ’i” 8£*EW Jg*IHIJi, Tu-shu, 1981.6 (June 1981), 155-157. Cheng, K’ang-min "Fu-sheng liu-chi chihTa-lu tsa-chih, 18.2 (January 1959), 20-26. Dole2elov£-Velingerov&, Milena and Lubomir Dolezel. “ An Early Chinese Confessional Prose: Shen Fu’s Six Chapters ofa Floating Life,” TP. 58 (1972), 137-160. Hu, Pu-kuei “Shen Fu nien-p’u ” Sheng-liu, 1.9 (May 1945), 19-21. Liu, Fan 9M . “Fu-sheng liu-chi i-kao pien-wei” Kuo-wen chou-pao, 14.6 (February 1937), 43-52. “Shen Fu,” in ECCP, pp. 641-642. Wu, Fu-yiian “ Fu-sheng liu-chi‘Chungshan chi-li’ p ’ien wei hou-jen wei-tso shuo” Tung-fang tsa-chih, N.S., 11.8 (February 1978), 67-78. Yeh, Te-chfln “Shen San-po yfl Shih Cho-t’ang” Ku-chin, 39 (Jan­ uary 1944), 29-31. ,

the one hand there is the traditional tend­ ency toward carpe diem and the desire for longevity; on the other, the attempt to solve this contradiction by self-negation and re­ treat into the mountains, where enlight­ enment in the Tao and in Zen (ch’an) is sought. Nature plays here a double role: it appears as evil and d angerous—the mountains are unreachable; then it be­ comes the ideal place for insights into Zen, finally, in the new state of mind, becoming Zen. Thus, this opposition can also be dis­ cerned in the poetic description of nature. The view of nature as dangerous still im­ plies a consciousness o f the body that can be traced back to the hermit poetry (chaoyin shih ffiHH) o f the third and fourth cen­ tury. But when enlightenment makes na­ ture a home for the Zen Buddhist, the landscape is presented with an attitude, which although basically new, has prede­ cessors in the Six Dynasties. T he Zen Buddhist impact on the Hanshan corpus is apparent in both its form — YW M and content. Poetry becomes a medium for Han-shan *lU (Cold Mountain) is the name propagating Zen and for attacking wrong o f a person the details o f whose life and attitudes towards life and learning. It often work remain unclear. First, there is no re­ makes use of the spirit and technique of liable material proving the existence of a Buddhist didactic verse (chi fl®). Its admo­ person with this name; second, the stylistic nitions are not meant only for the gentry similarity of the poetical works associated and the Buddhists, but also for the com­ with this name is not unequivocal and does mon people. Thus, perhaps for the first not allow the assumption that they were time, poetry was aimed at educating the created by one man. It can only be said o f uneducated and the poor. At the same th e m ore than th ree h u n d red poems time, a new lyrical expression made its ap­ hapded down that they were written in the pearance in Chinese literature: simplicity T ’ang dynasty. Probably several different and the advocacy of it brought the plain compilations of poems have been edited things of life into the foreground as the ultimate goals of existence. Things rep­ together under the name of Han-shan. The poems—mostly five-syllable eight- resented in colloquial and vulgar language line verses in both the old- and regulated- are themselves—they do not have meta­ verse forms—have quite different topics, phoric or symbolic values. T he basic di­ which can usually be understood as con­ chotomy between idea and reality in the taining a basic tension between idea and work of Han-shan, between his dedication reality and between asceticism and secu­ to the world (which even finds its expres­ larization. Tightly woven with this tradi­ sion in love poems for young girls) and his tion and with the spirit of the period, the new identity in Buddha, is partly mitigated poems reflect a view o f life as unchange­ by the fact that the person of Han-shan is able decline and the never-ending human always reflecting its own self. In this re­ sorrow at the transience of existence. This spect the outer world becomes the passage gives rise to two conflicting responses: on of his consciousness into Zen.

E d it io n s :

Han-shan-lzu shih-chi

SPTK.

Snyder, Gary. “Cold Mountain Poems,” Ever­ green Review, 2.6 (Autumn 1958), 69-80; re­ printed in Riprap & Cold Mountain Poems, San Francisco, 1965; included in Cyril Birch, ed., Anthology of Chinese Literature, New York, 1965, pp. 194-202. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Pimpaneau, Jacques. Li Clodo du Dharma, 25

Poemes de Han-shan, Calligraphies de Li Kwokwing. Paris, 1975. Schuhmacher, Stephan. Han Shan. 150 Gedichte vom Kalten Berg. Dflsseldorf and K6ln, 1974. Waley, Arthur. “ Twenty-seven Poems by Hanshan,” Encounter, 3.3 (1954); 3-8. Watson, Burton. Cold Mountain. 100 Poems by the T’ang Poet Han-shan. New York and Lon­ don, 1962. S t u d ie s :

Chao, Tzu-fan

Han-shan te shih-tai ching-

shen

Taipei, 1970. Ch’en, Hui-chien MUM. Han-shan-tzu yen-chiu miUVVito. Taipei, 1974. C h’eng, Chao-hsiung . Han-shan-tzu yii Han-shan-shih Taipei, 1974. Chung, Ling. “The Reception of Cold Moun­ tain’s Poetry in the Far East and the United States,” in China and the West: Comparative Lit­ erature Studies, Hong Kong, 1980, 85-96. Pulleyblank, E. G. “ Linguistic Evidence for the Date of Han-shan,” in Studies in Chinese Poetry and Poetics, Ronald Miao, ed., San Francisco 1978, pp. 763-795. Wu, Ch’i-yO. “A Study of Han Shan,” TP, 45 (1957), 392-450. —WK

H an Wo WS (tzu, Chih-yao 9M or Chihyflan &7D or Chih-kuang 844-923) is traditionally remembered as a statesman and poet who remained loyal to the T ’ang in its final decade. Han was born in the capital, Ch’ang-an. His father was related by marriage to Li Shang-yin,* and the elder poet cast an approving eye on the poetry o f preadolescent Han Wo. Little is known of Han’s life until he passed the chin-shih examination in 889, at the age of 46, and entered government service at court. His career coincides with the reign of Chao Tsung (r. 888-904), the last T ’ang sov­ ereign. Biographers dwell on how Han

gained the em peror’s favor by defending th e sovereign’s title and person from would-be usurpers, at great personal cost. Han was finally driven from court in 903 by Chu Ch’iian-chung the first sov­ ereign of Liang, and fled to the semi-au­ tonomous state of Min M on the southeast coast. Tradition has it that he spent the remaining fourteen years o f his life in pov­ erty, devoting his time to the study of Tao­ ist alchemy. The two historical stereotypes of Han Wo seen in biographies have greatly influ­ enced critical perception of his poetry. He is usually cast as a lesser T u Fu* or T ’ao Ch’ien,* a tragic elder statesman lament­ ing political disaster, or seen as a youthful romantic rake, a prot6g6 of Li Shang-yin. His extant work is now divided into two collections: the Han Han-lin chi W tftM (Collection of Academician Han) with 226 poems, and the Hsiang lien chi (Fra­ grant Trousseau) with 95 poems. T he for­ mer collection is praised and accepted as the work of the loyal statesman; the latter is either faulted as “voluptuous, effemi­ nate paint-and-skirts poetry,” defended as allegorical criticism, or rejected as spu­ rious. This latter opinion, alive since Sung times, has been laid to rest on internal evi­ dence by m odern scholars like T en g Chung-lung, It seems certain that despite a few forgeries, the majority of poems in both collections are Han Wo’s. The com­ pilation of the Fragrant Trousseau, and its preface, are probably from a later writer. Despite critical ambivalence, Han Wo’s poetry has always attracted a small but en­ thusiastic audience. Han is praised for his clear style and ability to convey events and emotions convincingly. Living at the end of a literary golden age, he managed to assimilate completely a variety of influ­ ences. His work contains fewer images and allusions than that o f many T ’ang poets. His relatively loose style, use of repetition and grammatical particles, and creative manipulation of standard tonal patterns bothers some critics and impresses others. T he human emotional response to loss and change is one of his favorite themes. Few of Han Wo’s poems are well-known. One seven-syllable quatrain, “ I liang” BiS(

(Already Cool) is included in the T ’ang-shih san-pai shou.* “An P’in” (At Ease in Poverty) is also much admired and an­ thologized.

seventh day of the seventh month in 110 B.C. T he significant part of the story is a series of revelations made by the goddess to the sovereign, in the form o f a list of magical drugs and other esoteric texts, in­ E d it io n s : cluding a Taoist mandala showing the Han Han-lin chi ItiiW il. Wu Ju-lun and mountain residences o f divine beings. In­ Wu K’ai-sheng eds. N.p., colophon deed, this role of custodian and revealer dated 1922. The most comprehensive collec­ of arcana is typically given to Hsi Wang tion of Han Wo’s writings, with occasional Mu in Six Dynasties literature. The scen­ brief annotations. T’ang liu ming-chia chi Ss5&. Shanghai, ario is essentially that of a typical Taoist ritual in the Mao Shan 3PU4 (Shang ch’ing 1926 facsimile of Wu-rnen han-sung t’ang ft reproduction o f Chi-ku ko edition of _h#f) tradition. The major events are the Mao Chin 33W (1599-1659). Contains Han announcement o f the imminent arrival of the deity; purificatory and other prepa­ nei-Han pieh chi Wu T’ang-jen shih chi 2E)SAi$&. Shanghai, 1926 ratory rites, accompanied by musical per­ facsimile of Mao Chin edition, as above. Con­ formances and pyrotechnical displays; the ritual banquet, in the form of a hierogamy; tains Hsiang lien chi. finally, the departure of the goddess and T r a n s l a t io n s : her suite. An appended chronicle reveals Demieville, Anthologie, p. 325. that the sovereign was incapable of adher­ Upton, Beth. “The Poetry of Han Wo.” Un­ ing to the precepts o f the sacred literature, published Ph.D. dissertation, University of and so was denied the boon of immortality. California, Berkeley, 1980. A study of Han’s T he book no longer exists in its entirety work and an in-depth translation of thirty- (early editions contained two or th ree three poems. chilan, today there is only one), but the most complete version is found in the TaoS t u d ie s : Hsii, Fu-kuan R. “ Han Wo shih yfl Hsiang- tsang. * In Sung times it became common lien chi lun k ’ao ” * * ! * * * & * * # , in to attribute it to Pan Ku,* but this was never taken very seriously. T here seem to Chung-kuo wen-hsileh lun chi be some elem ents con trib u ted by Ko Taichung, 1966, pp. 255-296. Sun, K’o-k’uan . “Han Wo chien p’u ch’u- Hung,* but the more immediate sources kao” ttfflffilff&Vt, T’u-shu-kuan hsileh-pao, 5 appear to have been a lost but often quoted (1963), 119-136. Information collected from biography of the Mao brothers, and the many sources. Sun attempts to date most of Shih-chou chi* (erroneously attributed to Tung-fang Shuo ). Both of these Han's poems. works belong to the early Six Dynasties ------- . “ Han Wo shih chi ch’i sheng-p’ing” tt Shih yii shih-jen i$i^jf#A. Taipei, period, and the Han Wu-ti nei-chuan is ac­ cordingly a composition of the later part 1965, pp. 49-64. Teng, Chung-lung W+W. “Han Wo shih ch’ien- of that era; its author is unknown. The lun” **«**«**, Wen-hsileh shih-chieh chi k’an, story was very popular in T ’ang times, and 26 (Hong Kong, 1958), 48-52. A brief study many poets drew on incidents from the remarkable for its focus on prosodic features narrative, and exploited its rich, colorful and often mystical vocabulary. For in­ of Han’s poetry, rather than his life. stance, the avatars of the Jade Maidens who — BU attend on the goddess in the T ’ang ro­ Han Wu-ti nei-chuan (Intimate mance Yu-hsien k’u (see Chang Cho) show Biography of Emperor Wu of the Han) or the influence of this text; moreover, its plot Han Wu nei-chuan is a Taoist mys­ and imagery both left their mark on var­ tery in the guise of a fictional romance, ious literary traditions about Yang Kueiwhose plot is an augmentation of the tra­ feii A related work is the Han Wu ku-shih dition of the visit of the mythical Hsi Wang Mu to Emperor Wu of the Han on the 8SSS; 8Sc* (Stories of Emperor Wu of the

Han). Originally in two chilan, the most complete extant version is that edited by Lu Hsiin (see bibliography below). The work was noted already in the Sui-shu bib­ liography, as an anonymous compilation; later attributions to Pan Ku and others are spurious. Modern scholars feel, however, that the work known as Han Wu ku-shih today may not be that known to the au­ thors of the Sui-shu bibliography. The work consists of distinct anecdotes concerning Emperor Wu, his family, and his courtiers. Taoist elements are not as prevalent as in Han Wu-ti nei-chuan.

literature, comparable in stature to Dante, Shakespeare, or Goethe in their respective literary traditions. He was among that small group of writers whose works not only be­ came classics o f the language—required reading for all those with claims to literacy in succeeding g en eratio n s—but whose writings redefine and change the course of the tradition itself. Although Han Yii is best-known as a prose stylist—the master shaper of the so-called ku-wen* style—he was a stylistic innovator in the many genres in which he wrote, including poetry. And he was a major influence on the literary and intellectual life of his time, an impor­ E d it io n s : Ch’ien, Hsi-tso (1801-1844). Han Wu-ti tant spokesman for a rejuvenated tradi­ nei-chuan. Shou-shanKo ts’ung-shu tFUjBBII®, tionalism that later emerged as Sung Neo1844. A critical edition—reprinted in Schip­ Confucianism. Han Yfl was born into a family of schol­ per. ars and minor officials in the area o f mod­ Han Wu ku-shih. TSGCCP ed. ------- , in Ku hsiao-shuo kou-ch’en ir'J'iSti&iifc , Lu ern Meng-hsien SIR in Honan. He was or­ Hstin ed., in Lu Hsiin ch’iian-chi phaned at the age of two and raised in the Peking 1973, v. 8, pp. 449-471. T he most family o f his older brother Han Hui complete edition; contains 53 sections. (740-781), from whom he received his early ------- , in Han-Wei Liu-ch’ao hsiao-shuo hsilan-chu education and his disdain for the current JHHAffl'hRa* , Hong Kong, 1977, pp. 2- literary style descended from Six Dynasties 24. Contains 21 sections; based on the Ku p ’ien-wen.* The family endured southern hsiao-shuo kou-ch’en ed. exile in 777, and in the early 780s the provincial rebellions in the N ortheast T r a n s l a t io n s : Schipper, K. M. L ’Empereur Wou des Han dans caused further dislocation. Han Yii seems la Itgende taoiste; Han wou-ti nei-tchouan. Paris, to have spent these early years in the prov­ 1965. inces studying. He came to Ch’ang-an in “ Histoire anecdotique et fabuleuse de l’Em- 786, and after four attempts passed the pereur Wou des Han,” Lectures chinoises, 1 chin-shih examination in 792. He failed (1945), 28-91. three times, however, to pass the “ Erudite Literatus” examination, which would have S t u d ie s : Kominami, Ichiro 'J'ffi—fls. “ ‘Kan Butei nai- meant an immediate appointment in .the den’ no seiritsu (1)” J£rf? P3&©Mxf. , Toho central government. In desperation, he ac­ cepted employment in 796 on the staff of gakuho, 48 (December 1975), 183-227. Li, Feng-mao . "Han Wu nei-chuan te chu- Tung Chin (724-799), the military ch’eng chi ch’i liu-ch’uan” 8SS$F*3fJ6S)Sifi£S governor at Pien-chou, and remained there X I I I , Yu-shih hsileh-chih, 17.2 (O ctober until T ung’s death in 799. These were im­ 1982), 21-55. portant years for Han Yii’s intellectual de­ LO, Hsing-ch’ang S U B . “P’ing Han Wu nei- velopment, for in Pien-chou he formed chuan” in Chung-kuo ku-tien wen- lasting friendships with Li Ao,* Meng hsiieh yen-chiu ts’ung-k’an—Hsiao-shuo chih pu Chiao,* Chang Chi,* and a number of (i) Ko lesser figures who formed the nucleus of Ch’ing-ming jsrH5®l and Lin Ming-te “ Han Yii’s disciples” (WMUs?), a literary eds., Taipei, 1977, pp. 41-106. coterie that looked to Han Yii as their —EHS and WHN leader. He eventually secured his first position H an YU *Jft (tzu, T ’ui-chih 768-824) was a major figure in the history of Chinese in the central government in 802, as Eru­

dite in the Directorate of Education, an institution with which he maintained a spo­ radic lifelong association, eventually be­ coming Chancellor in 820. In 803 he re­ fused to join the political faction formed by Wang Shu-wen 3EWX. (753-806) in sup­ port of the heir apparent, Li Sung (761-806), and was exiled to Yang-shan dUl in the far South. When this faction, which included Liu Tsung-yflan* and Liu Yfl-hsi,* was vanquished in 805, Han Yu’s political fortunes also turned, and he was recalled to C h’ang-an. His anticipation during the trip and the joy of reunion with literary friends in the capital, where the new government of Emperor Hsien-tsung (r. 805-820) was being form ed, found expression in his works of the year 806, Han Yfl’s annus mirabilis. Two of his most important poems—the “Nan-shan shih” Will I# (Poem on the Southern Mountains) and the “Yflan-ho Sheng-te shih” ISIt (Poem on the Sagacious Virtue of the Age of Primal Harmony), both extolling the virtue of the new emperor, date from this year. So probably does the “Ch’iu fyuai” (Autumn Sentiments), perhaps hi? most famous agenda for a revived Con­ fucianism. But factional jealousies made life diffi­ cult anid thwarted his hopes for quick suc­ cess in the new government, and he re­ quested tran sfer to Lo-yang in 807, remaining there until 811, when he again returned to Ch’ang-an. Han Yfl was an ar­ dent royalist and supporter of the use of military power to extend central govern­ ment control over the autonomous prov­ inces of the Northeast. In this cause, he was a partisan of the great Grand Coun­ cilor P’ei T u :8 S (765-839), the architect of Emperor Hsien-tsung’s eventual sup­ pression of the separatist forces. Han Yfl took part in the campaigns against the sep­ aratists in Huai-hsi province in 817 and recorded the events in his famous “P’ing Huai-hsi pei” (Inscription on the Pacification o f Huai-hsi), a text that well demonstrates the intimate connection be­ tween his literary, philosophical, and po­ litical concerns. In 819, perhaps lulled by the success of his patron P’ei T u and misguided by ex­

cessive devotion to the emperor, he wrote the infamous “Lun Fo-ku piao” H # # * (Memorial on the Bone-Relic of the Bud­ dha), in which he intimated that Hsientsung’s participation in the veneration of a relic o f the Buddha would shorten the sovereign’s life. This was a severe act of Use majeste, and only the intervention of Han Yfl’s powerful patrons saved him from the death penalty. He was exiled to Ch’aochou on the South China coast. He was back in the capital by 820, however, where he served in a series of upper echelon posts, including that of Mayor of Ch’ang-an, un­ til his death in 824. Han Yfl’s “ancient-style” prose was an attempt to replace the contemporary p ’ienwen with a less florid, looser style better suited to the needs of a more flexible, util­ itarian prose. Han Yfl’s ku-wen was thus not an imitation of ancient prose, but rather a new style based on the ancient (pre-Ch’in and Han) ideals of clarity, conciseness, and jutility. T o this end, he incorporated ele­ ments of colloquial rhythm, diction, and syntax into both prose and poetry, while at the same time reaffirming the Confucian classics as the basis of education and good writing. His most successful ku-wen com­ positions fuse these classical ideals with contemporary realities, and the flexibility of their style furnished an example to later generations of how to relate the classical tradition to contemporary literary needs. Han Yfl is appropriately the first of the T ’ang Sung pa-ta san-wen chia l^A:*:§t3:3£ (Eight Great Prose Masters of the T ’ang and Sung), which also included Liu Tsungyflan, Ou-yang Hsiu,* Wang An-shih,* Su Hsfln* and his sons Su Ch’e* and Su Shih,* and Tseng Kung.* T he style of Han Yfl’s poetry is gov­ erned by the same passion for clarity that pervades his prose. He strives always for an accuracy and clarity appropriate to the content of the poem and its social context. Thus some critics have labeled the intri­ cate style o f the “Southern Mountains” ba­ roque. But this intricacy is not pursued for its own sake; rather the verbal complexity reinforces the actual terrain of the moun­ tains themselves. T he style becomes an ac­

curate and appropriate reflection of the reality. O n the other hand, Han Yu’s po­ etic corpus contains a great number of seemingly casual, conversational poems whose style seems quite close to popular speech. Some critics have postulated that these two. styles present a contradiction and constitute a conflict with Han Yii himself. Yet both styles are governed by the twin principles o f accuracy and appropriate­ ness. Han Yii articulated these principles several times in his letters, stating that “the language of composition should be in ac­ cord with reality” ( ) and th a t “ to ad h ere to reality in form ing expressions was precisely what the ancient authors did” ( S ). Han Yu’s theory and practice of literary style is an extension o f his drive to reju­ venate Confucianism as a viable intellec­ tual concern. Intellectual life during the T ’ang was largely dominated by the great monastic schools o f Buddhist scholasti­ cism. In the eighth century, the Ch’an school gained in popularity by virtue of its direct appeal to intuition and experience rather than looking to commentary and book learning as sources of wisdom. This movement rapidly gained ground after the An Lu-shan Rebellion of 755, and Han Yii was exposed to its influence from an early age. Although violently opposed to mohasticism and monkish exploitation of a su­ perstitious peasantry, his drive to rejuven­ ate Confucianism by encouraging personal master-disciple relationships and by estab­ lishing an orthodox line of transmission for Confucian teaching owes much to con­ temporary Ch’an practice. Politically, Han Yii favored a strong cen­ tral government. This explains the special affection he m aintained for Em peror H siem tsung, known historically as the “ restorer” of the T ’ang’s political for­ tunes. Han Yii deplored the political and cultural fragmentation that had been tol­ erated in order to hold together the mul­ tiracial and cosmopolitan T ’ang state. He was not per se anti-Buddhist and xenopho­ bic as much as he-desired a central state that vigorously promoted a cultural ortho­ doxy that was to be identical to his own

reju v en ated Confucianism . W hen th e em ­ p e ro r revealed him self to b e m o re anxious to p ro m o te raw central pow er th a n to p ro p a g ate cultural orth o d o x y , H an YQ re ­ sponded with th e sense o f o u tra g e an d b e­ trayal th a t e lu d e s from betw een th e lines o f th e “ M em orial on th e Bone-Relic o f th e B u ddha.” E d it io n s :

Ma, Ch’i-ch’ang JMW8, ed. Han Ch’ang-li wenchi chiao-chu Rpt. T aipei, 1967. The best edition o f Han Yfl’s prose. Ch’ien, Chung-lien Han Ch’ang-li shih hsi-nien chi-shih shanghai, 1957. A chronologically-arranged modern edition of the poetry with an excellent selec­ tion o f commentary. Chih-shui Jfc comp. Han Yii shih-hsilan • & fSriS. Hong Kong, 1980. Hartman, Charles. "Preliminary Bibliographi­ cal Notes on the Sung Editions of Han Yii’s Collected Works,” in Nienhauser, Critical Es­ says, pp. 89-100. A study o f the traditional editions and their relationship to each other. Hanabusa, Hideki 7EB3SHS. Kan Yu kashi sakuin Kyoto, 1964. A useful con­ cordance to Han Yii’s poetry. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Birch, Anthology, v. 1, 244-257, 262-264. Demi6ville, Anthologie, pp. 288-289. Graham, Late T’ang, pp. 71-79. Harada, Kenya JKEBjRtt. Kan Yu • & . Tokyo, 1972. A selection of Han Yii’s poetry with Japanese annotation and translation. Margoulids, G. Anthologie raisonnie de la liter­ ature chinoise. Paris, 1949. Contains numer­ ous translations of Han Yii’s best known prose pieces. Shimizu, Shigeru Kan Yu • & . Tokyo, 1959. A good small anthology of Han Ytt’s poetry with Japanese annotation and trans­ lation. ------ . Tosd hakkabun Tokyo, 1966. Japanese translations with annotation and discussion of Han YQ’s major prose texts. Sunflower, pp. 165-190. von Zach, Han YU. A complete translation into German without commentary o f Han Yii po­ etry. St u d ie s :

Chou, K’ang-hsieh WSftfc, comp. Han Yti yenchiu lun ts’ung . Hong Kong,

1978. An extremely useful collection of ma­ jo r twentieth-century scholarship on Han YO along with a reprinting of the traditional nienp ’u. An essential book. Ch’en, Yin-k’o. “Han Yfl and the T ’ang Novel,” HJAS, 1 (1936), 39-43. -------. “ Lun Han Yfl” Li-shih yen-chiu, 2 (1954), 105-114. Perhaps the most impor­ tant single article on Han Yfl. Chi, Chen-huai^SHHfe.“Han Yii te shih-lun ho shihtso” in Chung-hua hsiieh-shu lun-wen chi + Chung-hua shuchu+ ^® ® ,ed., Peking, 1981, pp. 437-459. Hartman, Charles. Han Yii and the T’ang Search for Unity. Princeton, 1985. Lo, Lien-t’ien mmm . Han Yii yen-chiu (Mi 5?$!. Taipei, 1977. Reprints all of Lo’s studies on Han Yfl’s biography, contains a useful col­ lection of traditional critical opinion on the prose and an excellent bibliography. Ma, Y. W. “ Prose Writings of Han Yfl and Ch’uan-ch’i Literature,” JOS 7 (1969), 195223. Discusses the relationship of the ku wen style to T ’ang ch’uan-ch’i fiction. Maeno, Naoaki m m m . Kan Yu no shOgai II jftO&il. Tokyo, 1976. A full-length biog­ raphy of Han Yfl. Mei, Diana Yu-shih Ch’en. “Han Yfl as a Kuwen Stylist,” THHP, N.S., 7.1 (August 1968), 143-208. Nienhauser, William H., Jr. “An Allegorical Reading of Han Yfl’s ‘Mao-Ying Chuan’ (Bi­ ography o f Fur Point),” OE, 23.2 (December 1976), 153-174. Careful analysis of this im­ portant text, with full translation. Owen, Stephen. The Poetry of Han Yii and Meng Chiao. New Haven, 1975. Also contains nu­ merous translations. Pollack, David. “Linked-verse Poetry in China: A Study o f Associative Linking in ‘Lien-chfl’ Poetry with Emphasis on the Poems of Han Yfl and His Circle.” Unpublished Ph.D. dis­ sertation, University of California-Berkeley, 1976. Pulleyblank, E. G. “Liu K’o, a Forgotten Rival of Han Yfl,” AM, 7 (1959), 145-160. Schmidt, Jerry D. “ Han Yfl and His Ku-shih Po­ etry.” Unpublished M.A. thesis. University of British Columbia, 1969. Spring, M adeline. 1983. “A Stylistic Study of T an g G uw en: T h e Rhetoric of Han Yu and Liu Zongyuan.” Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of Washington. Sun, Ch’ang-wu IS S®;. “Lun Han Yii te Ju-hsiieh yu wen-hsueh” Wen-hsiieh

p ’ing-lun ts’ung-k’an, 13 (May 1982), 239-262. Yoshikawa, Kojiro gfj 11#^®. “Kan Yu bun” mm, in Todai no shi to sambun KX, Tokyo, 1967, p p . 53-122. -c h

Hao-ch’iu chuan (The Fortunate Union), also titled Hsia-i feng-yileh-chuan (A Tale o f Chivalry and Love), is a seventeenth-century prose romance in eighteen chapters written by Ming-chiaochung jen (Man of the Teaching of Names). Usually associated with the subgenre of ts’ai-tzu chia-jen hsiao-shuo,* Hao-ch’iu is more o f a deviant work because of its espousal of chivalry and Confucian courtship. T he romance succeeds largely because of entertaining characters and a compact plot. It is set in the late Ming. T he nar­ rative begins with the twenty-year-old hero, T ’ieh Chung-yQ SR+i (Jade Within Iron), traveling to see his parents in the capital. On the way he meets a young scholar who tries to commit suicide because his fiancee has been abducted by the lascivious Sha Li Marquis of Ta-kuai. In Peking, T ’ieh learns that his father, a censor, has been imprisoned for “ falsely accusing” Sha Li of the same crime. T ’ieh Sympathizes with the scholar’s plight and intercedes on be­ half of him and his father. T ’ieh, who has a robust physique in addition to his literary talents, forces his way into Sha’s villa and rescues the girl and her parents. T ’ieh be­ comes famous as a result of this chivalrous deed. Attention shifts to the heroine, Shui Ping-hsin ^C8#c-C/ (Water Pure-Heart), who lives with her greedy, barely literate uncle, Shui YQn *S1, in Tsinan, Shantung. He is conspiring with K uoC h’i-tsu (Worse T han His Forebears or Disgrace to His Ancestors), the playboy son of the heir apparents’s chief secretary, to marry Pinghsin to Kuo and take control of the family property (Ping-hsin’s father, an assistant secretary in the Board of War, has been exiled to the frontier for supporting the unlucky general, Hou Hsiao ® #). Pingshin tricks Shui YQn by agreeing to the marriage, but writes her unattractive cou­ sin Hsiang-ku’s Ste astrological data on the marriage documents. When Kuo comes on

th e wedding day, Ping-hsin refuses to marry him on the grounds that Shui Yiin intended to marry Hsiang-ku to Kuo all along. Ping-hsin proposes that her cousin be disguised as herself and substituted as Kuo’s bride. The vivid description of their wedding night and Kuo’s rage at discov­ ering Hsiang-ku’s identity provides a re­ freshing contrast to the work’s didactic moralism. Kuo and Shui YQn try to entrap Pinghsin with several artifices but fail. Finally, they grab her when she comes out to re­ ceive her father’s pardon, which they fab­ ricated. On the road, she and Kuo’s men encounter T ’ieh, who has arrived on a “ study tour” (yu-hsiieh s&^). Hearing her cries of outrage T ’ieh rescues her and. is invited to stay as a guest of the magistrate. However, Kuo and Shui YQn slowly poison T ’ieh’s food and he falls ill. Ping-hsin gets wind of it and has him brought to her home and nursed back to health. The sentimen­ tal, moralistic conversations they have at this time betray their budding affection. T he remaining half of the plot recounts how they preserve their honor in the face o f slanderous comments by Kuo, Sha Li, and Shui YQn. Ping-hsin displays shrewd­ ness and bravery in threatening to stab herself in front of the regional inspector whom Kuo has bribed to order her to marry him. While Ping-hsin is fending off repeated strategem s, T ’ieh establishes himself by passing the examinations and acting as a guarantor for Hou Hsiao, who is almost executed. Hou, restored to his command on T ’ieh’s word, scores victories against the enemy, and he and Shui ChQi propose that T ’ieh marry Ping-hsin, but they refuse because it would be a crime against Ming-chiao (The Teaching of Names or Confucianism) while they were still being suspected of illicit sexual rela­ tions. The romance reaches a climax when the emperor and empress hear of the ac­ cusations against them and order Ping-hsin to undergo a physical examination to de­ termine if she is a virgin. Proven chaste, she and T ’ieh receive the emperor’s mar­ riage blessing, as the plot draws to a close amidst promotions and punishments.

Hao-ch’iu’s similarity to Western comedy and its storehouse o f Confucian customs explain its later popularity in the West and Japan. T he romance is the first full-length work of Chinese fiction to be translated into a Western language. Takizawa Bakin adapted its plot for his unfinished histor­ ical romance, Kydkaku den (Tales of Chivalrous Men and Women). Because it possesses many qualities o f good litera­ ture—individualized characters, a serious moral purpose, readable style, and an or­ ganized plot—Hao-ch’iu has endeared itself to generations o f Chinese and foreign readers. E d it io n s :

There are numerous editions: only the most reliable and most availably are listed. Ming-chiao-chungjen. Hao-ch’m chuan. 4 chilan. Published by Tu-ch’u hsilan 1683?. Earliest extant ed. and most reliable. ------ . Hao-ch’iu chuan. Ch’eng Po-ch’Oan ed. Shanghai, 1956. Reliable, available. ------ . T’ien tso chih ho or Hsia-i fengyileh chuan. Yeh Yen-min H'KR ed. with notes. Hong Kong 1959. Text differs slightly from Tu-ch’u hsflan ed. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Percy, Thomas. Hau Kiou Choann or The Pleas­ ing History. 4v. London, 1761. Davis, John Francis. The Fortunate Union. 2v. London, 1829. D’Arcy, Guillard. Hao-Khieou-Tchoan, ou la Femme Accomplie. Paris, 1842. Kuhn, F. Eisherz und Edeljaspis; oder die Geschichte einer glilcklichen Gattenwahl. Leipzig, 1926. 2nd ed. Wiesbaden, 1947. —RCH

H o Ching-ming (tzu, Chung-mo ft IR, hao, Ta-fu Hsien-sheng 14831521) is generally considered one of the outstanding poets of the Ming dynasty. In particular, he was a leading figure in the fu-ku Qlft (archaist) movement of the midMing, being counted a lead er o f the “Ch’ien Ch’i-tzu” (Early Seven Masters— see Li Meng-yang). Ho distinguished himself at an early age, passing the chu-jen examination when he was fifteen and the chin-shih four years later. He spent most of the years 1502-1507 in

the capital, Peking, where he held office and associated with some of the leading writers of the day, including Li Tung-yang* and Li Mehg-yang.* His opposition to the powerful and corrupt eunuch Liu Chin SB® (d. 1510) eventually led him to retire from office, and he spent the years 15071511 at hbine studying and writing. He was restored to office in 1512, after the fall of Liu Chin, on the recommendation of Li Tung-yang. After several promo­ tions, he was appointed an education of­ ficial in Shensi in 1518 and remained there until failing health forced him to give up his post shortly before his death. Apart frOrn his poetry itself, the most important source of information about H o’s poetic ideals is a letter he wrote to Li Meng-yang in 1510 or 1511, after the lat­ ter had written to “correct” him for not following more closely the archaist pro­ gram o f self-conscious imitation o f model writers of the past. T he essential differ­ ence between the two men lay in their at­ titude toward the imitation of ancient lit­ erary forms. Li saw them as based on natural principles, and thus invariable by their very nature, while in Ho’s view imi­ tation was simply a valuable practice for the beginning poet, a “raft to be aban­ doned once the shore was reached.” H o’s critical judgements on specific writers have proven controversial. Ch’ien Ch’ien-i* was offended by his claim that ‘‘the way of an­ cient poetry was lost with T ’ao Ch’ien,*” and Suzuki Torao found it difficult to be­ lieve that his stated preference for early T ’ang yileh-fu poems over those of T u Fu* was a considered opinion. Poetry makes up the bulk of Ho Chingm ing’s surviving work; his sixteenhundred-o d d poems occupy twenty-six chilan in the fullest editions, with the re­ maining twelve chuan containing his prose and /«.* Five-word regulated verse seems to have been his favorite poetic form. His poetry shows both an acute sensitivity to emotional tone and a fine grasp o f struc­ tural detail. The latter characteristic in particular, according to Yokota Terutoshi, contrasts sharply with the rougher and less subtle style of Li Meng-yang. Aside from

the pieces concerning literature, the most interesting of his prose works are probably the two collections of essays on political and moral themes, the Ho-tzu (Master Ho) and the Nei-p’ien (Inner Chap­ ters), in which his insistence on strict stan­ dards and adherence to traditional values, consistent with his literary program, takes on a distinctly Legalist tinge (the first of the twelve essays in the Ho-tzu is titled “Yen chih” [On Strict Government]). A lthough H o’s literary disagreem ent with Li Meng-yang led to a good deal of friction between their students and follow­ ers, the two men continued to be on good terms personally. H o’s opposition to imi­ tation and his greatness as a poet earned him the praise of a number of important seventeenth-century critics, notably Ch’ien Ch’ien-i, who were opposed to the ideas of the Seven Masters generally. Indeed, until the twentieth century H o’s stature as a Ming poet was second only to that of Kao Ch’i.* In recent times, changing tastes and lack o f interest in Ming shih poetry have led to a decline in his reputation, to the extent that a recent reprint project in Tai­ wan, intended to bring the works o f all the Seven Masters into print, reproduced in­ stead, under his name, the works of a dif­ ferent writer altogether (Ho Ch’iao-hsin 1427-1503) without the erro r being noticed. E d it io n s :

Traditional editions are generally either in 26 chilan, containing the poetry only (as in the original edition published by Ho’s associates shortly after his death) o r in 38, including the prose works. T he most accessible version o f the 26 chilan collection is probably the Ho Ta-fu shih-chi included in the Hung-Cheng ssu-chieh shih-chi 9»jEE98§i¥&; for the 38 chilan collection, the Ta-fu chi AQL& included in the Ssu-k’u ch’iian-shu chen-pen, seventh series. There are no modern editions. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Bryant, “Selected Ming Poems,” 85-91; for Ho Ching-ming’s “Po YOn-yang chiang-t’ou wenyfleh” see p. 89. Demteville, Anthologie, pp. 476-478. Yoshikawa, Gen-Min, pp. 184-189.

til the accession of Emperor Hui-tsung in 1101, and even then he remained outside the capital, in such places as Ssu-chou, Soo­ chow, and Hangchow. So few o f the shih he wrote after 1100 survive that it is im­ possible to follow his late life with any pre­ cision. He died on March 18, 1125 in ------ . Chung-kuo wen-hsileh p ’i-p’ing shih ta-kang Ch’ang-chou . 1943?; rpt. Hong Kong, He is described by contemporaries as ex­ 1959, pp. 226-228. tremely tall, with bristling eyebrows and DMB, pp. 510-513. an iron-colored face. In his youth he was Iriya, Yoshitaka A^UBS, Mindai shibun 9?ft a great drinker and took part in horse and m x , Tokyo, 1978, pp. 48-67. dog racing. He was aggressive in debate Liu, Hai-han SOiSiS. Ho Ta-fu Hsien-sheng nienand harsh with wrongdoers. p’u HbQe&tI, in Lung-t’an ching-she ts’ung-k'o Yet this intense character also turned in­ (1923). A Summary (14 pp.) chrono-biography, to which are appended ward to intellectual and aesthetic pursuits th ree invaluable supplem ents, exhaustive of a different character. In his late years, compilations of biographical, bibliographi­ he amassed a large library and collated cal, and critical materials relative to Ho and tirelessly. He w rote tiny reg ular-script characters requiring great discipline and his work. control, qualities which carried over into Suzuki, Torao Shina shironshi H *. Tokyo, 1927, pp. 156-164. his poetry: critics praise him for the polish Yokota, Terutoshi “ Ka Keimei no of his language, the “depth and density” bungaku” Hiroshima daigaku o f his lyrics, and place him in the company bungakubu kiyO, 25 (1965), 246-261. Empha­ o f such famous writers as Liu Yung,* Su sizes stylistic analysis and comparison (based Shih, Ch’in Kuan X * (1049-1100), and on both poetry and prose) of Ho with Li Chou Pang-yen.* Meng-yang. Ho Chu’s corpus includes a variety of ------- , “Mindai bungakuron,” 67-77, 81-82. styles and themes, yet his lyrics are often T he best discussion of the disagreements be­ characterized as wan KS (delicate) or yen-yeh tween Li Meng-yang and Ho Ching-ming. !£%(voluptuous). Perhaps his most famous — DB work is “ Heng-t’ang lu” (Heng-t’ang Road), written to the tune Ch’ing-yii-anW H o Chu # • (tzu, Fang-hui 1052ISK (Ch’iian Sung tz’u, p. 513). It has a ro­ 1125) is best known as a tz’u* poet. Nearly three hundred of his lyrics survive, and at mantic, perhaps even “voluptuous” as­ least two or three are included in most an­ pect, as the speaker focuses on a vision of thologies of tz’u. Lesser known are his shih, * a woman moving away from him across the although almost six hundred are extant, waters, stirring up dust, like the river god­ dess in Ts’ao Chih’s* “ Lo Shen fu” (God­ most o f them dated by the poet himself. Ho Chu began his career in the military dess of the Lo). He imagines this woman bureaucracy, though his duties were not- spending*her youth at “ A moonlit bridge, always directly martial. In 1082-85, for ex­ blossomed co u rt,/latticed window, ver­ ample, he was in charge o f a mint in HsQ- milion door;/O nly spring would know the chou which produced iron coins for place.” Women who come and go like mys­ the army’s expenditures on the frontier terious goddesses are common in Ho’s lyr­ with Hsi-Hsia. T here he belonged to a ics, as are romantic encounters in luxuri­ “ poetry society” which studied T ’ang ous settings. Significant as this is, there is more to his poetry, and to this poem, than models and practiced versification. Later, Ho Chu secured a transfer to the the quest for love. T he most famous lines civil side of the bureaucracy, on the rec­ in “ Heng-t’ang Road” are the concluding ommendation o f Su Shih.* However, he ones: calling attention to his role as a fash­ did not ascend to a prominent position un­ ioner o f phrases, the speaker challenges St u d ie s :

Chu, Tung-jun “Ho Ching-ming p ’ip ’ing lun shu-p’ing” Wu­ han ta-hsileh wen-che chi-k’an, 1.3 (1930), 599610; also in Chu’s Chung-kuo wen-hsileh p’ip ’ing lun-chi 1941; rpt. Hong Kong, 1962, pp. 65-75.

himself to define his ennui and comes up with “One flat expanse of misty grass,/a whole city of wind-blown floss;/The rain that falls when plums are turning yellow.” By shifting away from the specific cause of his feelings and the enclosed spaces he in­ habits to this series of larger vistas, of nat­ ural images which tie his mood to the uni­ versal passing of time and the dreariness of the rainy season, the poet has made his experience deeper, more complex, and given it the rhythm of variation. As critics have recognized, there is strength within his “delicacy.” But there are also lyrics which fall into the “heroic” category, if one wished to fol­ low the traditional division of tz’u into “delicate” and “heroic.” A good example is “ Liu-chou ko-t’ou” TnWIKIB (Song of Six Prefectures, Ch’iian Sung tz’u, pp. 538-539), a tune whose music was said to be valiantly moving. The preponderance of rhyming three-character lines gives it a quick drum­ beat rhythm, even today without the mu­ sic. In his lyric, Ho Chu describes his youth as a time of frenetic carousing, high mar­ tial ambition, and comradeship, all re­ placed in old age by disillusionment, hope­ lessness, and solitude in an environment of national crisis and bureaucratic malaise. T he combination of sadness and stalwart­ ness, together with the strong rhythm of the short lines, makes this poem quite dif­ ferent from those whose theme is romantic love and, indeed, rather unique in the tz’u tradition. In short, Ho Chu was a sensitive lyricist who excelled in many modes: allusive or plain, suggestive and delicate or unfet­ tered and valiant. As the nineteenth-cen­ tury critic Ch’en T ’ing-cho BttSW wrote, his lyrics are extremely deep and dense, yet at the same time, “his brush-force flies and dances, working changes without end, impossible to name.”

T

r a n s l a t io n s :

“Lyrics by Ho Chu,” Stuart H. Sargent, trans., Renditions, 5 (Autumn 1975), 106-109. S t u d ie s :

Sargent, Stuart H. “Experiential Patterns in the Lyrics of Ho Chu (1052-1125).” Unpub­ lished Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford Univer­ sity, 1977. — SHS

Ho Liang-chttn (tzu, Yiian-lang it fi§, 1506-1573) was a noted scholar and drama lover from Sung-chiang (mod­ ern Kiangsu). In his career he was less suc­ cessful than his younger brother Liang-fu ft fll (1509-63) who passed the chin-shih ex­ amination in 1541, an honor Ho Liangchtin never reached. T he only post Ho Liang-chQn ever attained was a clerical po­ sition in the Nanking Han-lin Academy (1553-1558). The Ho family possessed a library called the Ch’ing-sen ko fltSSeBB, which according to Ho Liang-chQn, housed 40,000 books, one hundred famous paintings, and other artifacts including ancient libation cups and tripods. Unfortunately it was destroyed along with the rest of the family compound in 1555 during the pirate troubles. Ho Liang-chiin called his study the Ssuyu Chai ESSiHf (The Four Friends Studio). T he four included Chuang-tzu (see Chutzu pai-chia), Po ChQ-i,* and himself. Ho’s fantasy of friendship with such notable men of the past was matched in reality by his close relations with Wu Ch’eng-en (see Hsiyu chi). Ho’s most im portant work was the Ssuyu Chai ts’ung-shuo (Collected Sayings from the Four Friends Studio) first printed in 1569. This book sets forward Ho’s ideas on literature, music, and the classics and on various other subjects and contemporary incidents. It is a particularly important source on drama and a state­ ment o f his interest in the theater. He E d it io n s : claims to have been a drama-lover since Ch’ing-hu i-lao shih-chi 11 chilan. Li Chih-ting ed. 1916. In Sung-jen chi, his youth. He kept private troupes and taught his house-boys to sing. H e also em­ 2nd. series SfcAlfeZ*®. Li Chih-ting, comp. ployed the famous northern musician Tun Ch’iian Sung tz’u, v. 1, pp. 500-543. Jen to teach his slave-girls to perform and Tung-shan tz’u chien-chu KLUPHft. Huang Ch’ising tsa-chil,* at that time a declining art fang H®#, ed. and comp. Taiwan, 1969.

in Central China. They could, he states, remember more than fifty old dramas. Ho’s other works included the Ho-shih yii-lin (Forest o f Sayings by Master Ho) which deals with classical and histor­ ical studies. He also wrote some poetry. However, he is more noted as a commen­ tator and patron o f literature and drama than as a contributor. E d it io n s :

Ssu-yu Chai ts’ung-shuo, in Yiian Ming shih-liao pichi ts’ung-k’an chih-i 7ClU . Pe­ king, 1959. Ch’ii-'lun , in Hsi-ch’Ulun-chu. v. 4, pp. 1-14. Taken from chilan 37 of the Ssu-yu Chai ts’ungshuo. S t u d ie s :

DMB, pp. 515-518. — CM

Ho-sheng (impromptu verse) is a T ’ang term first used to describe the song and dance e n tertain m en t—depicting the beauty, fame, and deeds o f the princesses and imperial consorts—at the court o f Em­ peror Chung-tsung (r. 705-710). This form o f court performance later spread to u r­ ban centers. During the Sung period, it was one of the many types of entertain­ ments that flourished in the capital cities. The nature of ho-sheng performance in Sung times seems to have undergone some change—the dance element was no longer mentioned, and the emj)hasis was on ver­ bal skill. Kao Ch’eng’s i®* Shih-wu chi-yiian identifies ho-sheng with “singing on a topic” (ch’ang t’i-mu HBHSS ); Hung Mai* in his I-chien chih defines it as an im­ promptu composition on a given topic. This kind of composition may be shih,* tz’u,* or ch’il* verse. Its nature may be. serious or comical; the latter kind is known as ch’iao ho-sheng The three most outstanding character­ istics of ho-sheng—singing on a topic, im­ promptu composition, and comical satire— can be seen in an anecdote recorded in another Sung account, Chang Chi-hsien’s HJIK (943-1014) Lo-yang chin-sheng chiuwen chi At a gathering in a Buddhist temple, a big spider suddenly drops down from the eaves. Using this as

the topic, a woman singer who is good at ho-sheng immediately composes a poem: It stuffs itself until its belly bursts, Following its silken web, around the temple it goes. Stretching up a trap in the air, It lies in wait to devour the unaware.

Though this poem ostensibly describes the spider, it pokes fun at the fat- bellied monk at the same time. Rhyming and punning are the two essential features of this com­ position. The first, second, and fourth lines all rhyme. T he term hsiln ssu MM (follow­ ing silken web) is a pun on hsiln ssu MB (to ponder), and thus the second line sug­ gests the monk who paces around the tem­ ple trying to think of ways to trap people, perhaps for alms. A similar kind of punning and improv­ isation is found in an earlier work, Chang Cho’s* Yu hsien-k’u, in which the gentle­ man guest and the two hostesses take turns composing impromptu poems on a series o f subjects. Fruit names are used for puns such as ts’ao # (jujube)/&’ao ^ (early), fenli (to divide the pear)/fen-li &lk (sep­ aration), and yu-hsing (have apricot)/ yu-hsing (fortunate). T he practice of singing or chanting on a topic or a series o f topics is continued into modern times in hsiang sheng ffl#, comic repartee in which one perform er sings on a topic designated by his partner. Some scholars see a relationship be­ tween ho-sheng and the drama. T he t’i-mu yilan-pen II drama of the Chin period may be similar to ho-sheng, since both share the characteristic o f acting out or singing on a topic. Tunes bearing the titles of ch’iao ho-sheng and ho-sheng are still found in the N orthern and Southern ch’il repertory. O ther scholars believe ho-sheng to function as a prologue to a narrative, much like the ju-hua or te-sheng tou-hui BS3SM1 of the huapen stories. If this were the case the verses describing the West Lake scenery in the beginning of a story such as “Hsi-hu San­ ta chi” (in Liu-shih chia hsiaoshuo*) might be examples o f ho-sheng func­ tioning as prologue. However, this view could be erroneous, since no extant Sung

sources attribute such a function to hosheng. Ho-sheng has also been considered one o f the four major schools of professional storytelling in Sung times; evidence in sup­ port of this theory is still inconclusive.

script. Later, the original Liu Hsin man­ uscript was lost in a fire. Ko edited his “miscellanies” and labeled it Hsi-ching tsachi. Actually, the work in its present form dates from around A.D. 500, possibly from the hand of Hsiao Pen if it (c. 495-c. 552). Yet to speak O f an '“author” for this work T r a n s l a t io n : is misleading, since much of it is copied Idema and West, Chinese Theater, pp. 25-27. from earlier sources. The sections o f the Hsi-ching tsa-chi ex­ S t u d ie s : Hou, Pao-lin {&•#, et al. Ch’il-i kai-lun ttC hibit a loose arrangement resembling a Peking, 1980. standard history: chilan 1-3 treat various Jen, Pan-t’ang [Jen Na ffipj. T’ang hsi- subjects in chronological order from the lung Peking, 1958. early second century B.C. until the last Li, Hsiao-ts’ang “Ho-sheng k’ao” years o f the first; chilan 4 begins with events # , in Li Hsiao-ts’ang, Sung YUan chi-i tsa-k’ao during the reigns of the last emperors of SfcTC&fii*#, Shanghai, 1953, pp. 53-72. the Former Han, but “ flashes back” to the Sun K’ai-ti SMS*. “Sung-ch’ao shuo-hua jen te mid-second century B.C.; chilan 5 again chia-shu wen-t’i” in treats the early years o f the dynasty; chilan Sun K’ai-ti, Su-chiang, shuo-huayii pai-hua hsiao- 6 discusses tombs, with no particular time shuo Peking, 1956, pp. frame. In formal terms, too, the Hsi-ching 14-26. tsa-chi shares features with standard dy­ Otagi, Matsuo flSSSt&W. “GOshO to sangungi: Sanraku no shakai bungakushi no kOsatsu” nastic histories—annalistic items, lists, ta­ bles, and memoirs are all included. The ££ b&wi8 : , Bunka, 30.3 (November 1966), 1-26; 31.1 setting varies from Ch’ang-an to Ch’engtu, from the Liang court to Mou-ling dt (July 1967), 91-119. 81—the “Western Capital” of the title is a — SLY synecdoche for the Former Han empire. The contents, however, are more varied Hsi-ching tsa-chi BScJiSB (Miscellanies of the Western Capital) is a collection of than a dynastic history. Entire literary pie­ nearly 130 sections, most of which de­ ces (primarily fu*), catalogues of imperial scribe events and personages in Ch’ang-an processions, legal dissertations, accounts during the Former Han dynasty. Although o f portents and privies, books and battles the work contains some historical and lit­ all appear. T here is a strong emphasis on erary data not available elsewhere, its role the unusual. Passages on the composition in Chinese literary history is perhaps more of fu (discussing the great master of this distinguished by the attention it has re­ genre, Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju,* and his most ceived in a long series bf bibliographic noted “disciple,” Yang Hsiung*) repre­ notes or by its influence on subsequent lit­ sent some of the earliest literary criticism on this genre. erature than by its own content. Although some passages reflect a Taoist T he authorship has often been the sub­ ject of critical debate since early times. Ac­ tone, there is no consistent underlying phi­ cording to a spurious preface first circu­ losophy discernible. In a number of sec­ lated in the seventh century, the Hsi-ching tions the extravagance and opulence of tsa-chi derives from a “ Han-shu” (His­ palace life are criticized. Some sections are tory of the Former Han) compiled by Liu in first-person (ostensibly Liu Hsin)—this Hsin.* This manuscript had been handed device, which in combination with the down over generations and came into the forged preface, lends verisimilitude to the possession of Ko Hung’s* family. Ko col­ work, may have exerted an influence on lated it with Pan Ku’s* work of the same similar efforts by T ’ang authors o f ch’uantitle, copying out discrepancies and items ch’i.* Collected in a chaotic era when his­ not included by Pan in a separate manu­ torical records and libraries were ill-kept

and when the Former Han represented an Nienhauser, William H., Jr. “An Interpreta­ ideal model o f political and cultural sta­ tion” (see above). Critical study discussing textual history, editions, etc. Bibliography. bility, the Hsi-ching tsa-chi was probably in­ tended to bring together all historical and ------ . “Once Again, the Authorship of the Hsiching tsa-chi (Miscellanies of the Western Cap­ literary notices available in the compiler’s ital),” / ^ , 98 (1978), 219-236. Despite ig­ locale and era. noring an important parallel passage in the Over the centuries the Hsi-ching tsa-chi Shih-shuo hsin-yil, the conclusion that the work exerted a strong influence on shih,* tz’u,* was compiled c. 520 seems reliable. and drama. It also served as a major source — WHN for lei-shu* and has been cited by com­ m entators, both Chinese and W estern, Hsi-hsiang chi (The West Chamber from the seventh century through the Story; also known by the alternate titles Pei twentieth. hsi-hsiang itmKi, Wang hsi-hsiang IHf®, and Ts’ui Ying-ying tai-yileh Hsi hsiang-chi E d it io n s : Hsi-ching tsa-chi. SPTK. Copy of a Minged. (1552) X&M HI®IB ) has been praised by both tra­ printed by K’ung T ’ien-yin (fl. 1532- ditional and modern critics not only as the 1552) based on a copy from the library of a masterpiece of the northern tsa-chil* dra­ Mr. Fu from Szechwan. Most reliable edition. mas, but of all Chinese drama. The story ------ . Lu Wen-ch’ao*X33 (1717-1796) et al., line may be summarized as follows: a young eds. Pao-ching T’ang ts’ung-shu . scholar of great literary promise, Chang Late 18th century. A collated edition con­ ChQn-jui 36S38 (Student Chang), while on taining a terse but useful commentary (there his way from the capital to prepare for the are no others). examinations, stops off at a Buddhist mon­ astery to visit an old friend who lives in T r a n s l a t io n s : the area. By coincidence, Widow T s’ui, the Heeren-Diekhoff, Elfie. Das Hsi-ching tsa-chi, Vermischte Aufzeichungen iiber die Westliche wife of a deceased prime minister and a Hauptstadt. Weilheim (Oberbayern), 1981. A distant relative, is returning home with her complete translation noting later citations or two children to bury her husband. She has adaptions, previous translations, and possible taken up temporary lodging in the mon­ sources for each passage. Brief critical intro­ astery. Student C hang is immediately struck by the beauty of Mrs. T s’ui’s daugh­ duction. Nienhauser, William H.,Jr. “An Interpretation ter, Ying-ying, and falls deeply in love with of the Literary and Historical Aspects of the her. But she is already betrothed to an­ Hsi-ching tsa-chi (Miscellanies of the Western other man (Cheng Heng). When a local Capital).” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, military commander stages a revolt, Widow Indiana University, 1972. Contains anno- Ts’ui promises her daughter to anyone who ■ tated translations of nearly forty sections. can protect her and her daughter. Chang seizes the opportunity and has his friend, S t u d ie s : Chin, Chia-hsi . “Hsi-ching tsa-chi chiao- the powerful general T u Chiieh, suppress cheng” SK&6IBPIE, Wen-shih-che hsileh-pao, the rebellion, thereby saving Ying-ying and her family from the bandits. But Mrs. Ts’ui 17 (June 1968), 185-274. Kominami, Ichiro 'J'£5—SIS. "Saikei zakki no reneges on her promise. Student Chang denshosha tachi” Nip­ then tries to seduce the young girl, but she pon Chugoku Gakkai ho, 24 (1972), 135-152. upbraids him for his lascivious designs. The dispirited Chang then falls ill, and even­ Identifies oral traditions in this work. Ku, T ’ai-kuang 1 . “Hsi-ching tsa-chi te yen- tually Ying-ying is brought by her maid chiu” S^iSiSBIftfff^S, Tan-chiang hsileh-pao, servant Hung-niang KL& to share his couch at night. W hen th e affair is detected, 15 (September 1977). ------ . ' Hsi-ching tsa-chi tui hou-shih wen-hsfleh Madam Ts’ui promises Ying-ying to Chang te ying-hsiang” , provided he succeeds in the state exami­ Chung-wai wen-hsileh, 4.11 (April 1976), 102- nations. He departs, but is visited by Yingying’s spirit in a dream; she pines away at 118.

the monastery, waiting for news o f the ex­ amination results. When Chang succeeds and returns, he finds Cheng Heng, her original fianc£, at the monastery. Widow Ts’ui has again promised Ying-ying to Cheng Heng. Through the intervention of Tu Chaeh, the lovers are finally united in marriage. T he source of the Hsi hsiang-chi story is the T ’ang dynasty tale “Ying-ying chuan” (see Yiian Chen). T he immediate prede­ cessor and main source for the Yiian play, however, is Tung Chieh-yiian’s Hsi-hsiang chi chu-kung-tiao.* Whereas Yiian Chen’s story focuses on one central theme—Stu­ dent Chang’s seduction and later aban­ donment o f Ying-ying—Tung Chien-yQan’s Medley extensively elaborates on both plot and characterization. Furtherm ore to the delight of audiences and readers ever since, the Hsi-hsiang chi follows T ung’s revision of the ending of the story: instead of re­ jecting Ying-ying, Chang marries her and they live happily ever after. T he length (over five-thousand lines o f verse) of the T ung Chien-yQan version may help to ex­ plain the unusual length o f the YQan play, actually a series of five plays (pen £ ), each containing four acts (che ). Authorship of the Yuan tsa-chil version of the Hsi-hsiang chi is generally attributed to Wang Shih-fu 3EJt^ (ming, Te-hsin IS thirteenth century). Little is known about him. Entries in the extant versions of the Lu-kuei pu,* mention only that he was a native of Ta-tu sfc# (near modern Peking), and that he composed a total of fourteen plays, three of which are extant. Several traditional scholars, most notably Chin Sheng-t’an,* held that the play was actually the collaborative work o f Wang Shih-fu and Kuan Han-ch’ing.* Chin and other critics maintained that Wang Shihfu wrote the first four plays and Kuan Hanch’ing the final one. Modern critics such as Wang Chi-ssu have convincingly argued against such a theory. T he plot construction, characterization, and superb poetry combine to make the Hsi-hsiang chi an outstanding work of dra­ matic literature. While the central conflict of pitting the natural inclinations of two

young lovers against the forces o f conven­ tional morality (represented in the play by the stern mother) is a common theme in YQan drama, Wang Shih-fu’s tightly-knit plot skillfully blends moments of height­ ened tension, such as the scene where the monastery is surrounded by bandits at­ tempting to kidnap Ying-ying, with mo­ ments o f comic relief, such as the sacrificial scene in the temple when Ying-ying’s ex­ traordinary beauty totally disrupts what otherwise would have been a very solemn ceremony. Student Chang and Ying-ying are both rep resen ted as em otional and sensual youngsters in the beginning of the play, and their interest as characters derives from the sometimes unpredictable way they diverge from the standard roles society as­ signed to young students and virtuous maidens. Even in light of literary expec­ tations, Ying-ying is remarkably well-char­ acterized as a young girl who fits neither the category o f the virtuous maiden nor that of the licentious woman (one must re­ member that she is portrayed as the huatan character—the “painted woman”). The most memorable character in the play is Hung-niang, Ying-ying’s handmaid. De­ veloping remarkably throughout the play, she serves as the catalyst for the actions of the other characters. Though at first on the side of conventional morality (in Part I, Act II, for instance, she reprimands Chang for making “improper” inquiries about her mistress), she later becomes more sympathetic to the two when Mrs. Ts’ui withdraws her promise of Ying-ying’s hand to Student Chang. Hardly the “stock” maid-character found in most YQan dra­ mas, Hung-niang ingeniously tells halftruths, persuades and manipulates Chang and Ying-ying into action, and even defies the authority of Mrs. T s’ui, all for the pur­ pose of uniting the lovers. But the sine qua non o f any successful YQan playwright was skill at composing ch’il,* the dramatic lyrics. Wang Shih-fi» was one o f the most successful at this. W hether describing a natural scene to evoke a particular atmosphere or mood, or delineating human sentiments, he com­ poses with great skill.

Hsia, C. T. “A Critical Introduction [to the Hsihsiang chi],’’ in S. I. Hsiung, op. cit., pp. xixxxii. Tai, Pu-fan JR'F/L. Lun Ts’ui Ying-ying. Shang­ hai, 1963. Tanaka, Kenji. “Seishoki banpon no kenkyQ” E d it io n s : %, Biburia, 1 (January 1949), 107-148. Hsin-k'an ch’i-miao ch’iian-hsiang chu-shih Hsihsiang chi, (1498 ed. by the YOeh Family ■&, ------ . “Seishoki shohon no shinyOsei” HfSIB Nihon ChUgoku GakkaihO, 2 Peking), in Ku-pen, I. (1950), 89-104. Hsi-hsiang chi. Wu Hsiao-ling ed. and ------ . “Zatsugeki Seishoki ni okeru jinbutsu seiannot. Peking, 1954. Useful notes. kaku no kyftcho” WMlS'HEKi,!** Atett ------ . Wang Chi-ssu, ed. and annot. Shanghai, Tohogaku, 22 (July 1961), 67-83. 1955; revised first edition, Shanghai, 1978. Wang, Chi-ssu. Ts’ung Ying-ying chuan tao HsiExtensive annotation. hsiang chi Shanghai, 1955. Fu, Tsa-chii, pp. 52-63 has a complete list of ------ . “Hsi-hsiang chi hsfl-shuo” BlfiiiBiSift, in editions. Yiian Ming Ch’ing hsi-ch’ii yen-chiu lun-wen chi T r a n s l a t io n s : ycWmmmtoMxm, Peking,-1957, pp. 152Hsiung, S[hih]. I. The Romance of the Western 170. Chamber (Hsi-hsiang chi); A Chinese Play Written -JH in the Thirteenth Century. New York, c. 1935; rpt., New York and London, 1968. Based on Hsi-hsiang-chi chu-kung-tiao S IS K fH , Chin Sheng-t’an edition. Many liberties taken attrib u ted to T u n g Chieh-yflan ¥M?c (Master Tung), is the only chu-kung-tiao* with the text. surviving in its entirety. In the Lu-kuei-pu,* S t u d ie s : a YQan roster of playwrights and lyric writ­ Chang, Hsin-chang. “The West Chamber: The ers (preface 1330), Master Tung is said to Theme of Love in Chinese Drama,” Annual have lived during the reign o f the Chin of the China Society of Singapore, 1957, 9-19. Emperor Chang-tsung (1190-1208). Since Ch’en, Ch’ing-huang “Hsi-hsiang chi in this roster Tung heads the list of not­ k’ao-shu (shang)” ( Jt), Chung-hua ables and officials in the category “Famous hsileh-yilan, 22 (March 1, 1979), 149-200. Personages o f an E arlier G eneration Chiang, Hsing-yii ed. Ming k’an-pen HsiWhose Lyrics Have Survived,” he proba­ hsiang chi yen-chiu . Peking, 1982. A collection of articles on various Ming bly came from an elevated social class. editions, their editors, individual character­ Nothing else is known of him. The plot o f Hsi-hsiang-chi chu-kung-tiao istics, and relationships. loosely follows that of YQan Chen’s* ch’uanChou, Miao-chung “Hsi-hsiang chi tsach’i* “Ying-ying chuan,” with the major chu tso-che chih-i” Wendifference that in the chu-kung-tiao the two hsiieh i-ch’an tseng-k’an, 5 (1957), 264-277. protagonists, Ying-ying and Chang-sheng, Chou, T ’ien . Hsi-hsiang chi fen-hsi iSJBSJ m anage to overcom e all obstacles and Shanghai, 1958. Denda, Akira WES#, ed. Minkan Gen zatsugeki marry each other at the end. Hsi-hsiang-chi chu-kung-tiao consists of al­ Seishoki mokuroku WflxJUWHJieS*. To­ ternating verse sections (for singing) and kyo, 1970. Fu, Hsi-hua flUlW. Hsi-hsiang chi shuo-ch’ang chi prose passages (for narration). In all, there are 5263 lines of verse and 184—often BffigBWHft. Shanghai, 1955. Ho, Shang-hsien. “ A Study of the Western lengthy—prose passages. T here are three Chamber: A Thirteenth Century Chinese types of verse sections: a single poem set Play.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, The to a tune, a single poem and a coda, and a series of poems set to a suite of tunes University of Texas at Austin, 1976. Huo, Sung-lin Hsi-hsiang chi chien-shuo terminated by a coda. In the second and third types, all tunes and the coda in a sec­ BJiiaffllS!. Peking, 1957. This play became the basis for innu­ merable later adaptations. The story reap­ peared in Southern ch’uan-ch’i* plays, and in different forms of prosimetric literature during the Ming and C h’ing.

tion belong to the same musical mode, and Liu Chih-yilan chu-kung-tiao and Tung Hsi-hsiang all rhyming lines share the same rhyme. chu-kung-tiao,” LEW, 14 (1970), 519-527. annot. and trans. HsiT he work employs 15 musical modes Chu P’ing-ch’u hsiangchichu-kung-tiaoc/m-s/M'/j JSfffiiBISIf PI comprising 126 different tunes, and the SEP. Lanchow, 1982. An annotated edition rhymes fall into 14 rhyme groups. which provides a modern Chinese verse Compared with earlier shih* and tz’u,* translation of the song-sections of the text. the verses of Hsi-hsiang-chi chu-kung-tiao re­ Iida, YoshirO IRESW®. To Seisho ibun hyO # 0 veal new prosodic features. Chief among H U * * . Tokyo, 1951. these are the use of ch’en-tzu (added To­ “outrides”) which can extend a line to twice ------ . To Seisho goi intoku kyo, 1951. its prescribed length and a more varied Tanaka, Kenji f f l + l “TOSeisho ni mieru zorhythm within the lines (2 /3 and 3 /2 in kugonojoji” mmm^az-zmmosbZ-.Toho five-character lines, 4 /3 and 3 /4 in sevengakuho, 18 (1950), 55-77. character lines, etc.). T he verses also show ------ , “Bungaku toshite no To Seisho" 3C&
expand the concept of the genre beyond the short literary pieces that had been in­ cluded since the Sung. In fact, for its de­ scription of hsiao-shuo, the Ssu-k’u returns to quotations from Pan Ku and from Chang Heng’s* Hsi-ching fu , in which hsiao-shuo were associated with the activities and sto­ ries of fang-shih* in the court o f Emperor Wu of the Han. T he Ssu-k’u does suggest three “schools” of hsiao-shuo writers: those who narrate miscellaneous events, those who jo t down oddities they have simply heard about, and those who collect and organize sundry conversations. Even outside of official writings, there is little critical comment about early hsiaoshuo th a t addresses aesthetic issues or problems in the craft o f writing them until the second millennium of hsiao-shuo activ­ ity. In the first millennium of their exist­ ence, hsiao-shuo were described primarily in terms derivative from the Pan Ku posts­ cript. In their aggregate, Pan Ku’s remarks dealt with the pedigree of the writings and their functionality. Prior to the T ’ang, critical discussion o f hsiao-shuo did not ex­ pand much beyond these concerns. How­ ever, critical discussion of music, poetry, and graphic arts developed dramatically between the Han and T ’ang, and, from the late T ’ang and early Sung those traditions began to have a significant impact on the perception and discussion of hsiao-shuo. The critical tradition reached a zenith in the late dynasties, when men like Hu Ying-lin* and Chin Sheng-t’an* earned reputations for their hsiao-shuo scholarship and admi­ ration for their hsiao-shuo compilations. At its height, hsiao-shuo critical literature in­ cluded bibliographic guides, textual anal­ yses, and textual reconstructions, as well as manuals on both the craft of authorship and the craft of readership. It may be safely said, however, that serious interest in hsiaoshuo among the traditional literati was con­ fined to relatively few individuals, virtually all o f whom ap p ro ach ed th e m aterials apologetically. T he name itself makes the humble origins o f the genre apparent, and prevailing tastes dictated far greater in­ terest in and esteem for poetic genres, gen­ uine historical narrative, and highly crafted literary essays.

Modern scholars fixed different param­ eters for the hsiao-shuo genre than scholars in the native tradition. From early in the twentieth century, discussions of hsiao-shuo began to include works originally per­ ceived as part of the historical canon and to exclude the discredited philosophical texts listed by Pan Ku. Among newly in­ cluded materials were fictionalized records o f events and elaborated biographies o f popular figures, works that had tradition­ ally been called tsa-chuan (miscella­ neous transmissions), as well as pre-Han materials like Chuang-tzu (see Chu-tzu paichia) and the Chan-kuo ts’e,* works now identified as protofictional that contrib­ uted to the evolution of hsiao-shuo writing style and reader’s tastes. Seeking a term appropriately translatable into the English “ fiction,” with its emphasis on vernacular literature and the rise of the novel, pro­ ponents of literary and linguistic reform in early Republican China swiftly brought vernacular novels into the center of hsiaoshuo critical discussion. Development in that direction continues in present schol­ arship. T he historical analysis that underlies modern hsiao-shuo scholarship defines a se­ ries of peaks in its development, with dif­ ferent subgenres representing the zenith of hsiao-shuo writing in different literary ages. The unadorned literary chih-kuai* was the flower of Six Dynasties hsiao-shuo, as the belletristic ch’uan-ch’i* was in the T ’ang; the vernacular hua-pen* in the Sung, Yflan, and Ming; the vernacular romance yen-i Mil (revelations of meaning) in the Yiian, Ming, and Ch’ing; and the serial novels of manners and customs in the Ming and Ch’ing. Within each subgenre one finds great variety, and the historically rec­ ognized ones were consistently revitalized in subsequent times by antiquarian-minded redactors, publishers, and imitators. All major subgenres o f hsiao-shuo were written during the Ch’ing, with short-form types grouped under the rubric pi-chi. * One form of traditional hsiao-shuo scholarship was the meticulous modeling of a new work on an antique example, practiced, for example, by Chi Yiin* and P’u Sung-ling (see Liao-

chai chih-i). Some of the later chih-kuai and ch’uan-ch’i are o f considerable literary merit, but they are generally not as highly regarded by contemporary historians of literature as the works written during the pioneering periods o f the respective gen­ res. The contemporary sense o f hsiao-shuo is generally compatible with the English term “fiction” (see essay on Fiction). Scholars of both traditional and modern hsiao-shuo ob­ serve the major formal division between short stories and novels. A major concern of pioneers in the study o f hsiao-shuo was the peculiar nature of authorship in the Chinese narrative tradition. For many of the great monuments o f hsiao-shuo, ascer­ taining who did what when in the writing poses great difficulties. Many hsiao-shuo were written anonymously. Many are col­ lages of original writing and verbatim quo­ tations from earlier works and other gen­ res. Others passed through the hands of numerous writers and reached their pres­ ent form in a process of gradual accretion. Still others appear to have derived from histories, possibly having been expanded along the way by storytellers. The prob­ lems in establishing authorship of tradi­ tional hsiao-shuo underscore two features of the genre. First, either authorship of hsiao-shuo was genuinely not something in which one could take pride, or, simply as a matter of firm convention, one wrote with a pseudonym and maintained anonymity. Second, popular works often circulated in a number of different versions, and critical discussion tried to determine which ver­ sion was most engaging, rather than most authentic. Scholars of long-form fiction have fo­ cused on a group o f six novels, written dur­ ing the Ming and Ch’ing, that are re­ garded as China’s great classics, including San-kuo-chih yen-i,* Shui-hu chuan,* Hsi-yu chi,* Chin P ’ing Mei,* Ju-lin wai-shih,* and Hung-lou-meng.* Many others, including the Feng-shen yen-i, *Jou p ’u-t’uan, * and SuiT ’ang yen-i have been translated or studied extensively. Studies have been done of the historical evolution of themes, characters, and texts in both oral and written modes

and Culture, David C. Buxbaum and Fred­ and have included interpretations o f alle­ erick W. Mote, eds. Hong Kong, 1972, pp. gorical infrastructures and analysis of po­ 251-268. litical, economic, social, and intellectual —KD factors in the emergence of the novels. Studies of the short story have focused primarily on the vernacular hua-pen* of the H siao Ying-shih jf * ± {tzu, Mao-t’ing M Sung and Yuan and their relation to the H, 717-758) enjoyed a considerable rep­ mature popular tales of the Ming dynasty, utation in T ’ang times for his learning, his such as those collected in three volumes success as a teacher o f literature, his crit­ (the San-yen) by Feng Meng-lung.* The ical views, and, more controversial, his ar­ major questions, particularly with the ex­ rogant refusal to submit to factional ene­ tensive collections of urban-based roman­ mies in power. He was a lifelong friend of tic tales, have been the historical evolution Li Hua,* with whose name his is often and dating o f the texts, the interrelation joined as a forerunner of the Ku-wen yilnof oral performance literature and written tung (see ku-wen). Hsiao’s official career was unsuccessful; literature, and the social and moral con­ though he was the highest chin-shih grad­ text in which the tales were written and read. Short stories in the literary language, uate of 735, he never went on to enjoy the o f both the chih-kuai and ch’uan-ch’i types, long-term service in one o f the academic have been studied in relation to other gen­ institutions at Ch’ang-an that he seems to res of narrative and to the intellectual and have hoped for, and he disdained lower prefectural or county posts and the routine social contexts in which they flourished. administration they entailed. T he need for T r a n s l a t io n s : a patron led him in 742 to write to the Bauer, Golden Casket. ’ Birch, Cyril, trans. Storiesfrom a Ming Collection. prominent official historian Wei Shu (d. 757) one of the most extensive self­ New York, 1968. Edwards, E. D. Chinese Prose Literature ofthe T’ang apologies to survive from the mid-eighth Period, A.D. 618-906. London, 1937-38; v. II: century. In this “Tseng Wei Ssu-yeh shu” (Letter to Vice-president Wei) Fiction. he described himself as a single-minded, Traditional Chinese Stories. . isolated, and austere scholar, very differ­ S t u d ie s : ent from the ambitious, opportunistic, and Cheng, Chen-to . Chung-kuo su-wen-hsileh morally lax horde against whom he was shih Changsha, 1938; rev. ed., forced to compete. He also questioned the Peking, 1954. Hanan, Patrick. The Chinese Vernacular Story. validity o f the examinations, in which he had been highly successful, as tests o f a Cambridge, 1981. scholar’s true abilities. Both these attitudes Hsia, Novel. Li, Tien-yi. Chinese Fiction: A Bibliography ofBooks were to become established themes in later and Articles in Chinese and English. New Ha­ reform ist critical writing. O th er major events in his life, however, Hsiao described ’ ven, 1968. Liu, James J. Y. The Chinese Knight Errant. Stan­ in f u * and his choice of this genre, for ford, 1967. both narrative and analytical accounts of Lu, HsQn. A BriefHistory of Chinese Fiction. Yang his own experience, belies the convention­ Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, trans. Peking, ally accepted view that by mid-T’ang times 1959. the fu was dead as a creative literary ve­ Maeno, Naoki. “The Origin of Fiction in hicle. He also wrote social verse and pre­ China,” AA, 16 (1969), 27-37. faces for collections o f verse composed at Plaks, Narrative. T ’an, Cheng-pi HIES. Chung-kuo hsiao-shuofa­ feasts or on excursions. A collection writ­ ta shih Shanghai, 1935; rpt. ten in Liang (modern Honan), the Yu Liang hsin-chi SB* f t# (New Collection of Travels Taipei, 1973. Wilhelm, Hellmut. “Notes on Chou Fiction,” in Liang) probably consisted o f occasional in Transition and Permanence, Chinese History verse of this kind.

Hsiao’s main scholarly ambition was in the fields of history and genealogy. He was particularly interested in problems of dy­ nastic legitimacy as they affected the line o f succession (cheng t’ung jE®E ) from the Liang dynasty, from whose imperial house he was descended, to the T ’ang. His highly moralistic attitude toward historical com­ pilation was justified by appeal to the Ch’unch’iu; but he probably never completed the chronicle-style general history he planned. A fter the An Lu-shan Rebellion, his knowledge of history served him in the strategic advice he gave to officials in the (modern) Honan and Kiangsu areas. Hsiao was particularly influential as a teacher and during the T ’ien-pao period (742-755) helped a number of students who had left the metropolitan schools to pre­ pare under him for the examinations. Like other reformist critics o f his period, he em­ phasized the moral function of literature and condemned writing that showed mere technical virtuosity or powers of descrip­ tion. He also stressed, both explicitly and implicitly in his own sometimes densely al­ lusive prose style, the primacy of Confu­ cian canonical texts as models. Hsiao’s arrogance towards the dictato­ rial Grand Councilor o f the T ’ien-pao pe­ riod, Li Lin-fu (d. 752), inspired one o f his best known compositions, the “Fa ying-t’ao shu fu” (Prose-poem on Felling a Cherry Tree), which was prob­ ably regarded with both awe and slight dis­ approval at the time. His controversial reputation prevented him from being al­ lowed to accept an invitation to go to Japan as a teacher. Most of Hsiao’s writing was already lost by the end of the An Lu-shan Rebellion. T h at his friend Li Hua and some of his own former pupils promoted his reputa­ tion after his death, and that the great kuwen* writer Han Yii* knew his son, helped maintain his reputation in late T ’ang times. W hat now survives o f Hsiao’s writing is preserved by virtue o f its inclusion in early Sung anthologies. E d it io n s :

Ch’ilan T’ang shih, v. 3,ch. 154, pp. 1591-1598; and v. 12, ch. 882, pp. 9970-9971.

Ch’ilan T’ang wen, v. 7, ch. 322-323, pp. 41234150. Hsiao Mao-t’ing chi in Sheng HsQanhuai SSfitK (1844-1916), compiler, Ch’angchou hsien-che i-shu $£4+136®it If, Section 1. Rpt. Taipei, 1971. Drawn from the Wen-yilan ying-hua* and T’ang wen ts’ui.* St u d ie s :

Hiraoka, Takeo “Shikan no ishiki to kotenshOgi no bungaku” 8© 3tP, in Keisho no dento To­ kyo, 1951, ch. 2, pp. 92-139. McMullen, David. “ Historical and Literary Theory in the Mid-Eighth Century,” in Per­ spectives, pp. 307-342. Owen, High T’ang, pp. 225-246. P’an [Lfl] Ch’i-ch’ang fll [S] Ittfi. Hsiao Yingshih yen-chiu. jflS±W$!. Taipei, 1983. —DLM

H sieh Hui-lien (379-433) was a na­ tive o f Yang-hsia BB® (modern T ’ai-k’ang in Honan). Not an important literary figure, he gained his literary reputation from his association with his cousin Hsieh Ling-yGn,* and was called Hsiao Hsieh 'J'8f (Little Hsieh) accordingly. It is s^id that Hsieh Ling-ytin composed some o f his best work when he was in the company of Hsieh Hui-lien. The Hsieh was the mightiest and weal­ thiest clan of that time. Hsieh Hui-lien’s official career, however, was unsuccessful because of his licentious character and in­ volvement in several notorious love affairs. He composed more than ten pentasyllabic poems for Tu Te-ling tfcfi®, a provincial official and his lover, during th*e mourning period for his father. T h e circulation of these poems held back his advancement. Hsieh H ui-lien’s ex tan t works stand completely in the literary fashion of his time. They are devoted to the description of natural phenomena and landscape ex­ cursions or to the expression o f sorrow. His pentasyllabic verse imitates the style and the diction o f the yileh-fu.* “Tao-i” 4ft* (Washing Clothes with a Wooden Mal­ let) and “Ch’iu huai” (Autumn Med­ itations) are among his best. In addition, the “ Hsiieh fu” S|Wt (Prose-poemon Snow) which employed Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju* as a persona, is well known. He also composed

linked verse (lien-chu &#=) and various fu­ nerary genres, and can be num bered among those aristocratic nature poets who helped to further define the environment of Hsieh Ling-yQn’s poetry. E d it io n s :

Hsieh Fa-ts’ao chi Ufffi VHk. Pai-san, v. 9, pp. 21892204. Liu-ch’ao wen, v. 3, pp. 2623-2624. Nan-pei-ch’ao shih, v. 2, pp. 834-842. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

von Zach, Anthologie, v. 1, pp. 195, 336f., 429f., 545f. S t u d ie s :

Owen, Stephen. “Hsieh Hui-lien’s ‘Snow Fu’: A Structural Study,"JAOS, 94 (1974), 14-23. —WK and CPH

H sieh Ling-yUn UTSS (385-443), also known as the Duke of K’ang-lo ( M&£), was the descendent of an illustrious and affluent northern 6migr6 family of the Southern Dynasties. By universal acclaim he is considered be the foremost lyric poet of the Six Dynasties period. Though chiefly knt>wn as the “father of landscape poetry” (shan-shui shih)—an attribution not wholly appropriate, since he was by no means the first Chinese poet to make landscape a ma­ jo r vehicle to express his feelings—he was nevertheless one of the first to chisel and refine his verses with self-conscious crafts­ manship. T he skillful and subtle use of al­ lusion, ambiguity, and parallelism make them hard reading, and earned him mild censure in «his own day from critics like Chung Hung (see Shih-p’in), and nearly all later literary historians, for “facile extrav­ agance” (i-tang &*) and “diffuseness” (fanwu9HMf). But there is no denying the pow­ erful impact on the imagination of the reader of his use of natural imagery as the poet moves from joyous discovery and ex­ altation, th rough quiet tranquility, to yearning and loneliness, and even to an­ guish and despair. He was a man o f great sensitivity, given at times to violent pas­ sion, who at the age of thirty-three mur­ dered one of his retainers with his own hands for having violated his favorite con­ cubine.

From what must have been a very large corpus of poems (shih*), fewer than one hun d red have survived, over th irty o f which have been preserved in the sixthcentury anthology, Wen-hsilan.* Most of these were composed between 422 and 432, during Hsieh’s terms of office in Yungchia 3c* (m odern C hekiang) and Linch’uan Sl)ll (Kiangsi), including an inter­ lude of enforced idleness on his ancestral estate in Shih-ning (near modern Shaohsing, Chekiang). Fragments of several po­ etic essays, or prose-poems (fu*), appear in the seventh-century compendium, I-wen leichil Two of considerable length are included in his official biography (Sungshu, ch. 67). T he first of these, “Chuangcheng fu” StffiW (A Record of the Expe­ dition), details Liu YO’s ■ « (356-422) short-lived conquest o f Ch’ang-an (416418) before he mounted the Sung throne (420), an expedition in which Hsieh him­ self participated in a minor capacity. The second is the justly celebrated “ Shan-chu fu” tilBit (Poetic Essay on Living in the Mountains), written between 424 and 426, describing his Shih-ning estate and his per­ sonal philosophy of reclusion. The lyric poems fall naturally into three groups. T he first comprises poems written during his brief tenure as governor of Yung-chia on the coast, where he had been exiled during 422 and 423 after his in­ volvement in an abortive effort to help his friend and patron Liu I-chen MMff, Prince o f Lu-ling, succeed his fath e r on the throne. In these poems, notably “Wan ch’u Hsi-she T ’ang” (Leaving West Archery Hall at Dusk) and “Teng Ch’ihshang Lou” (Climbing the Loft of the Pond), though resentment over the virtual end o f his political ambitions is ev­ ident, his reaction to the natural surround­ ings he describes is, to use Francis West­ b ro o k ’s term s, one o f “ discovery and revitalization.” The second group, dated between 423 and 430, were composed after his recall from Yung-chia, while he was convalescing from what appears to have been pulmo­ nary tuberculosis on his Shih-ning estate. Here, in the company of like-minded Bud­

dhist monks and laymen, he wrote some of his most successful nature poems, com­ bining the aesthetic enjoyment of nature’s splendor with a deeply religious quest for enlightenment. Typical of these are “Teng Shih-men tsui-kao tin g ” (Climbing to the Highest Peak of Stone Gate Mountain) and “Shih-pi Ching-she huan hu-chung tso” (Writ­ ten on the Lake on the Way Back to Stone Cliff Retreat). It was in this period that he composed his “ Pien-tsung lun” (Dis­ cussion on Distinguishing What is Essen­ tial), written in dialogue form, in which he subtly and cogently argued for Chu Taosheng’s (c. 306-434) then controver­ sial theory of “instantaneous enlighten­ m ent” (tun-wu ©IS). Tao-sheng had dis­ covered this principle, along with th e universal presence o f the Buddha-nature (fo-hsing # t t ) in every creature, in the re­ cently translated Mahdparinirvdna-sUtra, the “southern version” of which Hsieh himself was to help turn into smoother Chinese a few years later. In this period Hsieh ran afoul of the lo­ cal governor, Meng I SSS, who happened to have powerful connections in the capi­ tal. Hsieh’s somewhat arrogant and dis­ solute way of life aggravated Meng. More­ over, Hsieh attempted to carry out largescale land-reclamation projects, extending his already enormous estate into mountain areas which the grand warden deemed to be public land. In 431 Meng cited him for seditious activity and recommended exe­ cution. T he emperor, unwilling to lose so talented a man, exiled him once again, to Lin-ch’uan (modern Kiangsi). The poems written in this period, “Ju Hua-tzu kang shih Ma-yiian ti-san ku” ® (Entering Hua-tzu Ridge at the Third Valley of Mt. Ma-yiian), are characterized by an overwhelming disillusionment and bitterness. Acting on reports of his “ neglect of duty,” his now numerous enemies at court soon arranged for his arrest, which with characteristic recklessness he resisted, re­ sulting in a third and final banishment to the vicinity of modern Canton in the win­ ter of 432-433. After about a year, again

on the flimsiest of evidence, he was sum­ marily executed for plotting the restora­ tion of the Chin dynasty. In his last poem he lamented: My sole re g re t is th a t my g e n tle m a n ’s resolve H as n o t fo u n d surcease in a m o u n tain setting. E d it io n s :

Nan-pei-ch’ao shih, Ch’ilan Sung shih SSKUf: ch. 3, v. 2, pp. 797-831. Huang, Chieh SI IS. Hsieh K’ang-lo shih-chu IS Rpt. Taipei, 1967; original 1924. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Chang, Hsin-chang. Chinese Literature, v.2: Na­ ture Poetry. New York, 1977, pp. 39-55. Demi6ville, Anthologie, pp. 145-148. Frodsham, Anthology, pp. 123-141. Sunflower, pp. 58-66. St u d i e s :

Bezhin, Leonid Evgen’evich. Se Lin-iun. Mos­ cow, 1980. Demteville, Paul. “Presentation d’un Po£te,” TP, 62 (1976), 241-261. Review article on Frodsham, Murmuring Stream. ------ . “La vie et l’oeuvre de Sie Liang-yun,” Extrait de I’annuaire du Collige de France, 63e annee (1962-1963) et 64e annee (1963-1964), pp. 325-331 and 349-360. Frodsham, J. D. The Murmuring Stream: The Life and Works of the Chinese Nature Poet Hsieh Lingyiln (385-433), Duke of K’ang-lo. 2v. Kuala Lumpur, 1967. ------ . “The Origins of Chinese Nature Po­ etry,” AM, 8.1 (1960), 68-104. Fukunaga, Mitsuji “Sha Reiun no shisO” MmmpISM, Tohoshakyd, 13-14(1958), 25-48. Hao, Li-ch’QanjWill. “Hsieh K’ang-lo nien-p’u” Ch’i-ta chi-k’an, 6 (1936), 39-59. KOzen, Hiroshi Sha Reiun shi sakuin tt (with ‘“Sankyo fu’ goi sakuin” and “Sha Reiun shagaishi” at S si *0-1$ appended). Kyoto, 1981. ------ . “SOshO Sha Reiun denron o megutte” «• tfoK^X, Tohogaku, 59 (1980), 44-61. Mather, Richard. “The Landscape Buddhism of the Fifth Century Poet Hsieh Ling-yOn,” JAS, 18 (1958-1959), 67-79. MenSikov, L. N. “Les paraboles bouddhiques dans la literature chinoise,” BEFEO, 67 (1980), 303-336.

Obi, Koichi 'I'&ffl—. Chugoku bungaku ni arawareta shizen to shizenkan Tokyo, 1962. ------ . Sha Reiun demon . Hiroshima, 1976. Sheridan, Seiinda Ann. “Vocabulary and Style in Six Dynasties Poetry: A Frequency Study of Hsieh Ling-yfln and Hsieh T’iao.” Un­ published Ph.'D. dissertation, Cornell Uni­ versity, 1982. Takaki, Masakazu . “Sha Reiun no shogai” » « * © £ « , Ritsumeikan bungaku, 174 (November, 1959) 32-48; 175 (Decem­ ber, 1959) 20-42. ------ ..“Sha Reiun no shifo ni tsuite no ichi k o s a t s u ” m m m o m i A i z ^ x o - # * , ru sumeikan bungaku, 180 (June, 1960), 75-107. Westbrook, Francis A. “Landscape Description in the Lyric Poetry and ‘Fuh on Dwelling in the Mountains’ of Shieh Ling-yunn.” Un­ published Ph.D. dissertation, Yale Univer­ sity, 1073. ------ . “Landscape Transformation in the Po­ etry of Hsieh Ling-yOn," JAOS, 100.3 (JulyOctober 1980), 237-254. Yeh, Ying “Hsieh Ling-yiln wen-hsfleh yfl nien-p’u” Hsilek-heng, 33 (1924), 1-18. —RBM H sieh T ’iao WHt (tzu, Hsiian-hui 3C8?, 464499) is best known for the fresh originality o f his landscape poems. For the first dec­ ade of his career he held a series of minor administrative positions in Chien-k’arig and was active in the circle o f writers gathered at the Southern Ch’i court. In 491 he was sent out as Officer of Letters and Schol­ arship to one of the imperial princes but was soon recalled on the charge o f exert­ ing undue influence on him. He later di­ rected the drafting of documents in the ministry o f the regent Hsiao Luan, but af­ ter the latter’s ruthless accession was sent out as Governor of Hsiian-ch’eng (modern Anhwei). In 498, he reported his fatherin-law’s intention to lead an army of re­ bellion against the throne. In the following year, after Hsiao Luan’s death, Hsieh re­ fused to join a plot to replace his heir. Fearing betrayal, the conspirators brought charges of sedition against him. He was sentenced to prison and died there.

Though by no means a prolific writer, his 160-odd poems span a rather wide range of forms and styles. Many of his early works were written for ceremonial occa­ sions, or were otherwise intended for pre­ sentation to the throne. There are also a number of “poems on an object” ( and lyrical yileh-fu* which demonstrate his facility in these popular genres. A few of these can be dated to the period of flour­ ishing artistic and literary activity under the patronage o f the Prince of Ching-ling. (Along with his mentor Shen Yiieh,* Hsieh is included among the writers known post­ humously as the Ching-ling pa-yu JIB*A& (Eight Friends of [the Prince of] Chingling.) O ther early works are from Hsieh’s brief but productive service in the entou­ rage of his brother, the Prince of Sui Commandery. Among works dedicated to the Prince of Sui, a charming set of short ex­ cursion poems bearing the yileh-fu title “Ku ch’ui ch’ii” RSfctt (Songs of the Drum and Flute) illustrates the optimism of this pe­ riod. His later works reflect a growing am­ bivalence towards his status, as well as a general sense o f frustration and anxiety. Indeed, this change may already be noted in the well-known poem written upon his recall to the capital in 493, “Chan shih hsia-tu yeh fa Hsin-lin chih ching-yi tseng Hsi-fu t’ung-liao” (While Serving Temporarily in the Lower Capital, I Set O ut by Night from Hsin-lin and on Reaching Jurisdiction of the Imperial City, Presented this Poem to My Colleagues in the Western Ministry). He also tu rn ed increasingly to m ore lengthy and expressive verse. Important from his later career are contemplative poems such as “ Kuan chao yii” KWB5 (Looking at the Morning Rain), in which a collage of simultaneous images serves as backdrop to the poet’s introspective mel­ ancholy. His landscape poetry is often linked with that of his kinsman and predecessor, Hsieh Ling-yiin.* Although a number of poems from his tenure in Hsiian-ch’eng (495-497) adopt the explicitly “metaphysical” idiom of previous landscape poetry, as well as

Ling-yun’s tone o f chronicle-like realism, much of his mature work shows a clear departure from past tradition. First, he de­ scribes a more subtly dynamic form of na­ ture, and one that is often humanized by the presence o f man-made artifacts. His settings are typically expansive, with greater emphasis on the horizontal dimen­ sion than on the vertical. Due to the rel­ atively simple diction of some of his land­ scape poems, the features of his scenes are more generalized, and his contrasts less pointedly drawn. Second, in earlier land­ scape poetry the repetition of a single syn­ tactic pattern throughout the descriptive couplets gave a uniform solidity to the scene, but also reinforced the separation between the external world and the emo­ tions of the persona. In Hsieh’s poems, syn­ tactic variation enlivens scene description and smoothes the change from description to emotional expression. The difference between his style and that of Hsieh Lingyun is perhaps most obvious in works where his descriptive couplets actually embody subjective realities. For instance, in “Chih HsOan-ch’eng chiin c h ’u Hsin-lin p ’u hsiang Pan-ch’iao” (On the Way to Hsiian-ch’eng Commandery I Head toward Pontoon Bridge from Hsin-lin Ford) and “Hsin-t’ing chu pieh Fan [Yiin] Ling-ling” fr^jt8U?§ [*] (Farewell to Fan [Yiin] of Ling-ling Commandery at the Island of the New Pavil­ ion), the flow of a river is one of the terms in a comparison that expresses the poet’s directional ambivalence. To some extent, his new treatment of the landscape may be understood as th e application o f tech ­ niques which were current in other poetic genres. Yet he was the only poet of his time to revitalize the landscape tradition and to signal, thereby, some of the concerns and methods of later nature poetry. Traditional criticism favorably charac­ terizes his style as spontaneous and rhythmically fluid. The sweeping drama of his opening couplets is also much admired. In this respect, however, most opinion agrees with the point first raised by his contemporary Chung Hung (see Shih-p’in) that their momentum is not always sus­

tained. His ability to give new life to clich6d images is also sometimes cited, but his im­ agery is perhaps best known for the rich variety of ways in which it describes qual­ ities of light. His collected works originally filled five chilan each of poetry and prose. The latter were omitted from a printing o f his works in the Southern Sung and are no longer extant. E d it io n s :

Hsieh Hsilan-ch’eng chi SPPY. Reprint of the Pai-ching lou edition, edited by Wu Chien j&H bf the late Ch’ing. The Paiching lou edition descends from the Southern Sung, Chia-ting era (1208-1224) reissue of Lou Shao’s edition of the Shao-hsing era (1131-1163). It was Lou Shao’s edition that first omitted Hsieh’s prose writings. This edi­ tion is reliable, but the print is difficult to read. Hao, Li-ch’ttan SCfiW. Hsieh Hsiian-ch’eng shihchu Peking, 1936. An attractive edition because of its large woodblock type. Rpt. Taipei, 1971. Hsieh Hsiian-ch’eng chi chiao-chu Hung Shun-lung WE®, ed. Taipei, 1969. Identifies discrepancies in various editions of Hsieh’s poems, and is an invaluable aid to reading the flawed SPTK. Traditional com­ mentary is included with Hung’s own anno­ tations. Hsieh Hsiian-ch’eng shih-chi SPTK. A photolithographic reproduction of a Ming hand-copied text of Lou Shao’s edition. Shiomi, Kunihiko Sha Senj6 shi ichi-ji sakuin IBSJSKf—^^51. Nagoya, 1975. A very useful index, with its own text. Wu, Shu-tang “Hsieh T ’iao nien-p’u” Hsiao-shuo yileh-pao, 17(1926), 1-14. A well researched chronology of Hsieh’s ca­ reer and works. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Demifcville, Anthologie, pp. 153-155. Frodsham, Anthology, pp. 73-74. Sunflower, pp. 159-165. St u d ie s :

Ami, Yflji ChUgoku chUsei bungaku kenkyU Tokyo, 1960. Contains a detailed study of Hsieh’s early poetry, with special focus on his “poems on an object” and their relationship to his landscape poetry.

Chennault, Cynthia L. “The Poetry of Hsieh T ’iao.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1979. Furuta, Keiichi . “Sha Cho no tsuiku hyOgen” Nihon Chilgoku Gakkai-ho, 24 (1972), 99-113. Hsieh Hsiian-ch’eng shih chu MfSM . Li Chihfang ed. Hong Kong, 1968. Includes traditional commentary, an essay on Hsieh’s life and poetry, and a brief study of Li Po’s regard for him. Hung, Shun-lung. “Sha Cho no sakuin ni arawareta kikugan” ttdtofFtftt-Sfr-fc/aW®, Nihon Chugoku Gakkai ho, 26 (1974), 176-199. KOzen, Hiroshi WHS. “Sha Cho shi no jojO” m m m com , nhogaku, 39 ( 1970), 36-57. Matsuura, Tomohisa . Ri Haku Kenkyil: jojO no kdzO Tokyo, 1976. Contains an interesting comparison between Hsieh’s images of light and those of Li Po. Sheridan, Selinda Ann. “Vocabulary and Style in Six Dynasties Poetry: A Frequency Study of Hsieh Ling-yfln and Hsieh T ’iao.” Un­ published Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell Uni­ versity, 1982. —CLC

H sin Ch’i-chi (tzu, Yu-an 6«, Miao-jii, etc.), and the absence of a reliable narrator (gossip between minor characters is a major source for information about the protagonists). Even the novel’s multiple ti­ tles and several beginnings (all in chapter 1) increase the fascination Hung-lou meng has held for successive generations o f readers. Given the repeated references to the Buddhist sense of mortal life as suffering from which one should escape, many read­ ers search the novel for religious and phil­ osophical themes. Pao-yii remains very much im m ersed in the “ red d u st” o f earthly attachments, particularly to Lin Tai-yii, until his sanity is nearly lost; only then, and through the initial assistance of Pao-ch’ai, does he manage to settle his so­ cial accounts and to break free, disappear­ ing with the monk and priest on the path toward enlightenment. O ther characters follow a similar route, particularly the pair of men who open and conclude the novel, Chia Yii-ts’un (whose name is a play on

“gossip and hearsay”) and Chen Shih-yin (“ Real Facts Concealed” through homo­ phones). While some readers claim that the perhaps greater bulk of social criticism in the novel constitutes the novelist’s primary concern, clues supplied to th e read er (“T ruth becomes fiction when the fiction’s true;/R eal becomes not-real where the unreal’s real”) stress the unreliable nature of all realities narrated here and enhance the novel’s legendary stature. Hung-hsiieh has passed through several stages and has taken diverse directions. During the late Ch’ing period students of the novel often read it as the tale of a Man­ chu prince’s illicit love affair; others saw it as an allegory for the problematic relations between Manchus and Chinese during that period of minority rule. The authorship was unknown during the Ch’ing, but later Hu Shih (1891-1962) identified autobio­ graphical features in Hung-lou meng to usher in a new phase of Redology. Studies o f texts and authorship flourished until the 1950s—and continue to do so outside the People’s Republic—when Marxist critics condemned the individualism inherent in this approach and shifted attention to the novel’s attack on the feudal social system and its ideology. The conscientious Paoch’ai thus represents the values of the Con­ fucian elite—exemplified in its uglier side by Chia Cheng—while Pao-yii and Tai-yii represent a struggle for freedom from oppression. No one school of Stone scholars satisfactorily accounts for the novel’s com­ plex symbolism, although readers trained in Western literary criticism have made substantial contributions from this per­ spective. Surely the multiplicity of levels and realms of meaning can be identified as primary proof o f the novel’s greatness. The Hung-lou meng has inspired numer­ ous sequels, imitations, and adaptations in other literary and artistic forms. One o f the most recent is a 1982 ballet on Tai-yii. International scholarly conferences have been held in Peking, Hong Kong, and Madison, Wisconsin. Exhibits of relevant materials and periodicals devoted to Stone studies have appeared in China and Hong Kong.

E d it io n s :

I. Available facsimiles of MS transcriptions 1. Ch.ia-h.sii pen (original MS, 1754). In­ complete transcription once in the posses­ sion of Hu Shih. Published in Taipei (1961) under full title Ch’ien-lung chia-hsil Chih-yen chai ch’ung-ping Shih-t’ou chi I£I8I¥^ISSUIF Subsequent reprints in both Tai­ wan and PRC. 2. Chi-mao pen (c. 1760). The transcrip­ tion originally made for Prince I t&SiiE. Ed­ ited by Feng Ch’i-jung JSJtH (Shanghai, 1981). 3. Ch’ilan ch’ao-pen . Full title, Ch’ien-lung ch’ao-pen pai-nien hui Hung-lou meng kao

A controversial 120chapter manuscript, thought by some to be one of the transcriptions used by Kao E while editing his complete version (Peking, 1963). 4. Keng-ch’en pen MM# (c. 1761). Peking, 1955. 5. Yu-chengpen ^flE # . The first Chih-yen Chai edition to become popularly available. Pub­ lished lithographically (Shanghai, first edition 1912). II. E a r l y p r i n t e d e d i t i o n s 1. Ch’eng-Kao pen Two editions (at least), chia ¥ and i Z,ed. and age, and shortly thereafter he was given annot. Peking, 1958; rpt. Taipei, 1975. The the sinecure Audience Attendant, a sort most reliable and the most readily available of court usher. He gilded his reputation edition. by sitting for the hsiu-ts’ai examination in Pai-hsi chi, Pai-hsi hsil-chi Yen province and was promoted to be Eru­ Shanghai, 1957. dite in the Court o f Imperial Sacrifices and Ssu-ch’an ch’iian, in Ch’ing-jen tsa-chii fUAittiS!. commissioned as adjutant. Cheng Chen-to RSJI3I, ed. Rpt. Hong Kong, He seems in no way to have been in­ 1969. volved in the internecine intrigues among the Liu princes through which many o f his T r a n s l a t io n s : Yang, Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang. The Palace of colleagues met their fate, nor to have been affected by the overthrow o f the Liu-Sung Eternal Youth. Peking, 1955. regime and the establishment of the Ch’i S t u d ie s : in 479. The only official record is that in Chang, Chun-shu and Hsueh-lun Chang. Lit­ 483 he was again at the capital, Chienerature and Society in Early Ch’ing China. Ann k’ang, as recorder to the powerful minister Arbor, Michigan, 1981. Chapter 2 studies Wang Chien If® (452-489). Jen ’s career Hung Sheng and his Ch’ang-sheng tien; it also prospered and he was appointed to the ser­ summarizes much of Chinese and Japanese vice of the Prince of Ching-ling, Hsiao Tzuliterature on Hung Sheng. liang jf (460-494), the great patron of Chang, P’ei-heng S *&ti. Hung Sheng nien-p’u letters. Shanghai, 1979. T he only shadow on Je n ’s career during Ch’en, Wan-nai BKH®. Hung Sheng yen-chiu W these perilous decades was cast by a mem­ Taipei, 1970. ------ . “Hung Pai-hsi hsien-sheng nien-p’u & orial he drafted on behalf of Emperor Ming Yu-shih hseh-chih, 7.2 (1968), 1- o f Ch’i (r. 494-498) during the latter’s self­ promotions leading to his usurpation o f the 52; 3 (1968), 1-46. throne. Emperor Ming deemed the text ECCP, p. 375. too abrasive, and as a result, Jen secured Fu, Ch’ing tsa-chii, pp. 78-79. Huang, Ching-ch’in Wu-t’ung yii yii no preferment during his reign. But Shen Yiieh* lent him his support, and by the Ch’ang-sheng tien pi-chiao yen-chiu year 500, Jen had attained the office of vice £»bfc|5EW3E. Taipei, 1976. Hung Shene yii Ch’ang-shene tien iNtJJ-PHtSiH. director of the Secretariat. In 501, Emperor Wu of Liang (r. 502Hong Kong, 1974. 549) took Jen into his employ. In 507, Jen Tseng, Yung-i ft'Sk®. Ch’ang-sheng tien yen-chiu was commissioned as magistrate of HsinTaipei, 1969. an (modern Honan) where he died af­ ------ . “Hung Fang-ssu nien-p’u” Chung-shan hsiieh-shu wen-hua chi-k’an, 3 ter a year’s service at the age of forty-eight. He was mourned by the em peror himself (1969), 825-941.

and given the posthumous rank o f cham­ berlain for ceremonials. During his lifetime he was admired for his literary abilities and worked as a hired pen for various princely courts. Under Emperor Wu of Liang, for example, the edicts of accession and other documents were mostly from his hand. He is said to have written in excess o f a hundred thou­ sand words. Although his poverty was a hallm ark o f his personal honesty, his household library contained over ten thousand chilan, including many rare texts. Indeed, the histories claim that after his death many of his books were borrowed to fill lacunae in the imperial holdings. Jen was a gregarious man and in his later years endorsed many o f the literati who would distinguish themselves during the Liang dynasty. Rare indeed is the Liang biography that does not include some ad­ miring remark by Jen or Shen YOeh, the “ literary barons” of the time. At the height of his reputation, when he was Emperor Wu’s palace aide to the censor-in-chief (502-507), he established the literary salon known as the Lan-t’ai chtt BMEIS (OrchidTerrace Association). In an age when talent in lyrical poetry (shih*) was paramount, the saying “Jen ’s prose (pi 0E) and Shen’s poetry” was pop­ ular. Thus, while his prose is well-repre­ sented in the Wen-hsilan,* his poetry is given no place in the Yil-t’ai hsin-yung.* Fewer than two dozen of his verses and only one fu* have been preserved, and these are mostly formal descriptions of banquets or presentation pieces. Never­ theless, while citing this neglect and sug­ gesting that perhaps Jen had an unfavor­ able influence upon succeeding literati, Chung Hung’s Shih-p’in* awards Jen a se­ cure position in the second category of poets—the equal of Shen Yueh. E d it io n s :

Jen Ckung-ch’eng chi . Pai-san, v. 12, pp. 3047-3093. Wen-chang yUan-ch'i Ch’en, Mao-jen BRittC, comm. Wen-chang yilan-ch’i chu £ ♦ IftiBK; Taipei, 1970; included in Hsileh-hai lei-pien v. 138 (in PPTSCC, series 24), Taipei, 1967.

“Ch’ttan Liang shih” ch. 6: “Jen Fang” ffiSS, Nan-Pei-ch’ao shih, v. 4, pp. 1300-1306. Jen Fang chi in Liu-ch’ao wen, v. 3, ch. 41-44, pp. 3187-3206. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

von Zach, Anthologie, v. 1, pp. 372-373, 445, v. 2, pp. 648-650, 660-662, 702-715, 737-749, 764-767, 858-867, 1024-1036. -JM

Jou p ’u-t’uan B (Prayer Mat o f Flesh, also known as Feng-liu ch’i-t’an JRiSSHR [Marvellous Tales o f the Romantic] and Hsiu-hsiang Yeh-p’uyilan tUKJIHWJk [A Fable in Predestination—Illustrated Version]), is an erotic novel probably written by Li Yii* (1611-1680). According to the preface of an early Japanese edition (1705), it is the greatest erotic novel ever written. Its erotic nature notwithstanding, it deserves high praise as a novel. T he storyteller’s con­ ventional mediation is discarded for an au­ thorial stance allowing a refined interplay of irony between the characters, the plot, the readers and, less perceptibly, the au­ thor himself. T he instructiveness of the conscious novelist may appear overindulgent, to paraphrase a remark of Liu T ’ingchi at the beginning o f the eight­ eenth century. As noted in the commen­ tary to chapter 8, the story is clearly an allegory. On the other hand, the book does not pretend to hide its realistic, porno­ graphic nature. T he repetition which often becomes tedious in such works is carefully avoided. And the narrative is neatly woven towards a climax, the outcome of which is an apt, albeit artifical conclusion of the ironical Buddhist framework which fol­ lows the prologue (i.e., the first chapter). T he structure of this rake’s progress of a sort owes much to the drama. The moralistic, Buddhist stance, which leads to self-emasculation, need not be taken seriously. Yet its assistance in de­ nouncing the stingy Confucian puritanism it attacks, is certainly intended. However, this clashes with the prologue, where the author seems to express the view that sex is healthy, not at all devitalizing (as is the usual Chinese assertion) so long as it is “taken” as if it were a drug and not “con­

sumed” as if it were an ordinary food. As a discriminating lover, the author is aware of the antinomies of conflicting claims be­ tween the sexes and within sexuality. His feminist stance, as in chapter 9, and his unusual interest in feminine sexuality, led Jeremy Ingalls to suggest the author was a woman. The controversy about the authorship, initiated by James R. Hightower, should be resolved in favor of the traditional a t­ tribution toL iY ii*(1611-l 680). T he com­ ments and contents of the novel fit his ideas well, approximate his taste in women, his craft of fiction, and his style and fluency in handling Chinese. The objection that such a mature book could not have been written at the young age of twenty-two does not stand up, since the presumed date of the preface (1633) is clearly given as 1693 in an older edition. Moreover, the said preface may not be the original one. The work could have been printed only after the death of Li Yii. For a long time its readership seems to have been restricted to a rather small circle of literate con­ noisseurs. To compare Jou p ’u-t’uan with the Chin P'ing Mei* is rather irrelevant. Chapter 3 hints at an inspiration from medium-sized erotic novels fairly numerous in the late Ming period. Political undertones no doubt have been overstressed by the first trans­ lator, Franz Kuhn; still the role played by the masterthief who opposes officialdom and is raised to the level of a saintly monk cannot be overlooked. E d it io n s :

relationships (recent facsimile versions of the 1705 edition have appeared in Hong Kong and Taiwan). T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Fushimi, Okitaka VtMmSk. Niku futon Tokyo, 1963. Kuhn, Franz. Jou Pu Tuan. Zflrich, 1959. A popular rendering which has been retran­ slated into English by Richard Martin (see below) and a number of other languages in­ cluding Chinese (Hong Kong, 1968)! Martin, Richard. Jou Pu Tuan: The Prayer Mat of Flesh. New York, 1963. From Kuhn’s Ger­ man rendering. Reprinted under the title The Before Midnight Scholar, London, 1965. Pimpaneau, Jacques and Pierre Klossowski.y«»uP’ou-T’ouan, ou la chair cotnme tapis de priire, roman publii vers 1660 par le lettri Li-Yu. Pre­ face by Ren£ Etiemble. Paris, 1962. Though it omits the poems, this is the preferred trans­ lation, which best catches Li Yfl’s wry humor. Pimpaneau did the basic translation (based on the 1693 ed.) which was polished by Klossowski, a well known author with no knowl­ edge of Chinese. St u d ie s :

Ao-ao m m . “Kuan-yil Jou p’u-t’uan” 9 , Ming-pao yileh-k’an, 79 (July 1972), 58-59. Hightower, James R. “Franz Kuhn and his translation of Jou p’u-t’uan,” OE, 8 (1964), 252-257. Huang, Chfln-tung M&M. “Feng-liu hsiao-shuo Jou p’u-t’uan: Ming-mo i-pu ch’i-t’e te se-ch’ing wen-hsfleh ming-chu” 583^ Wen-hsileh pao, 14 (September 1971), 27-29; 15 (October 1971), 28-31. Ingalls, Jeremy. “ Mr. Ch’ing-yin and the Chinese Erotic Novel,” YCGL, 13 (1964), 6063. Martin, Helmut. Appendix D: ‘Jou p ’u-t’uan, Textausagaben, Autorschaft, Datierung,” in Li Li-weng ilber das Theater, Taipei, 1968, pp. 279-301. The most thorough investigation of these subjects.

Jou p ’u-tu’an. Subtitle Chileh-hou ch’an 1693. Punctuated, four sections, each with 5 chapters. Woodblock printed. ------ . “Translated” by Chasuiro shujin flWft £A. Seishinkaku #518 (Japan), 1705. Punc­ tuated. Woodblock printed. Hsiu-hsiang Yeh-p’u yilan. Kwangtung, 1894. —AL With illustrations. Four sections, each with 4 chapters. Lithographically reproduced. No Ju-lin wai-shih (Unofficial History punctuation. of the Literati) written in the mid-eightFeng-liu ch’i-t’an. N.p., n.d.; probably early Re­ publican Period. Illustrated and punctuated; eenth century (first extant edition, 1803), occupies an important place among major lithographically reproduced. See also Martin's “Appendix D” (cited below) Chinese novels as the first lengthy sus­ which discusses 19 editions and their inter­ tained piece of satire in the fictional mode.

T he tradition of social concern it spawned was developed in the fiction of such turnof-the-century authors as Li Pao-chia,* Wu Wo-yao,* and Liu E.* Under the political stresses of more recent times, this tradition took on great vitality and can be said to dominate the twentieth-century Chinese literary scene. The morality which the Ju-lin wai-shih espouses, however, is neither modern nor political. The novel’s satire is based on idealistic Confucianism, and the eremitic standards with which it measures Chinese society can be traced to the life and career o f its author Wu Ching-tzu (17011754). A member of an aristocratic Anhwei family with a long record of success in of­ ficialdom, Wu spent his youth preparing to compete in the civil-service examination and to enter the government bureaucracy. However, his initial taste of success in be­ coming a sheng-yilan in 1723 coincided with the death of his father, whom he wor­ shiped. Weighed down by the responsibil­ ities of managing the family estate and by the memory of having had to leave the side o f a dying parent in order to compete for a conventional honor, he soon lost interest in career pursuits and began a life of dis­ sipation in the pleasure districts o f Nank­ ing. In 1733, having squandered a large part of his inheritance and fast becoming the object of ridicule in his native town of Ch’iian-chiao JktR, he decided to give up further aspiration for official position and moye permanently to Nanking. T here he led the life of a recluse, declining a final opportunity to enter officialdom by ignor­ ing advice to take a special examination in 1736. He used up the last of his capital to finance a sacrificial ceremony for a Con­ fucian sage and entered the destitution which plagued him for the rest of his days. There is much evidence in Wu’s extant poetry to indicate that he was not insen­ sitive to criticism and that his decision to give up the conventional path to wealth and status was not made without some doubt and anguish. The Ju-lin wai-shih, which provides example after example of the moral and intellectual decay which

wealth and status bring, can therefore be seen as Wu’s Apologia pro Vita Sua. It is remarkable that Wu chose fiction as the vehicle for his essentially serious task. In his time fiction was associated with en­ tertainment and was regarded as unworthy of thoughtful attention. On the other hand, there is an evident appropriateness in us­ ing fiction for satire, since it allowed Wu to present moral arguments with apparent casualness and indirection. Because Wu’s narrator adopts the ob­ jective pose and seldom interrupts to ex­ plain the point of the incidents he relates and because the particular conditions Wu criticizes have faded into history, the moral basis of the satire in the Ju-lin wai-shih has been greatly misunderstood. Nearly all critics appear to be aware of the work’s satirical nature, but in recent times have tended to judge it according to principles of realism, in either the Marxist or nine­ teenth-century European sense. The Ju-lin wai-shih, does show a finely textured depiction of detail as well as an acute awareness of the social conditions of its times. As satire, however, it is basically not intended to explore or reflect reality, but rather to persuade the reader to take a certain moral position. The account of the artist-hermit Wang Mien IM , in the opening chapter, and that of the four ec­ centrics, near the end, clearly argue for a life o f uncompromising self-cultivation, possible only to those who are unencum­ bered by the competitive quest for riches and social position. Most of the rest of the work is taken up with a variety o f char­ acters who, in one way or another, fall short o f W u’s m oral standards and descend swiftly into inhumanity and ignorance. T h e idealistic Confucian m orality is matched by the terse and noncommittal manner in which it is expressed. T he Julin wai-shih’s consistent method of pre­ senting facts for the reader to decipher can be traced to the historiography of the Ch’un-ch’iu (see ching) attributed to Con­ fucius himself. Such a method deviates from that employed in previous vernacular fiction and places a heavy demand on the reader, who is expected to have an alert

and cultivated mind. With the Ju-lin wai- S t u d i e s : shih, Chinese fiction can be said to have Cheng, Ming-li #559 Ml. Ju -lin wai-shih yen-chiu ff . Taipei, 1976. Valuable mostly moved from its folk origins a step closer for bibliography. to high-brow literature. Still, the debt the work owes to the pop­ ------ . “Ju-lin wai-shih lun-chu mu-lu pu-p’ien f l l Shu-mu chi-k’an, 11.1 ular storyteller is undeniable. Like so many (January 1977), 101-110. More bibliography. other works of fiction since the Ming, the Ho, Tse-han Ju-lin wai-shih jen-wu pen-Iin wai-shih is written in free-flowing skih k'ao-lUeh Shang­ vernacular prose, and it bears the superhai, 1957. Indispensible work on the histor­ ficial.trappings of entertainment narrative: ical background of the novel. a detached and omniscient narrator em­ Hsia, C. T. “The Scholars,” Novel, pp. 203-244. ploying a variety of phrase-markers to sig­ Hu, Shih S9S. “Wu Ching-tzu nien-p’u Hlfc nal bits of intrusive and formulaic com­ in Hu Shih wen-ts’un , Shang­ m entary. T he prose, m oreover, is not hai, 1924, Series 2 ,1,1-50. Still the best source for facts on Wu’s life. always terse and elliptical but exhibits a paradoxical exhaustiveness in description Inada, Takashi. “Jurin gaishi no iwayuru kOteiteki jimbutsu ni tsuite as well as exuberance in speeches. It is T6ky6 Gakugei Daigaku therefore more accurate to characterize the kenkyu h&koku, 13.11 (1962), 21-29. Ju-lin wai-shih as a hybrid of the folk and KrAl, Oldrich. “Several Artistic Methods in the belletristic traditions of Chinese literature. Classic Chinese Novel Ju-lin wai-shih," AO, 32 Along with the celebrated Hung-lou (January 1964), 16-43. meng* the Ju-lin wai-shih marks the mid­ Lin, Shuen-fu “Ritual and Narrative eighteenth century as the time when the Structure in Ju-lin Wai-shih,” in Chinese Nar­ Chinese novel came into its own, even as rative, pp. 244-265. the Chinese people remained totally iso­ Ropp, Paul S. Dissent in Early Modern China: "Julated from the contemporary works of De­ lin wai-shih” and Ch'ing Social Criticism. Ann Arbor, 1981. foe, Richardson, and Fielding which were shaping the directions of fiction in Enlight­ Tso-chia ch’u-pan she fPSfctiUISWi.Ju-lin wai-shih yen-chiu lun-chi Peking, enment Europe. 1955. Most convenient source for expression E d it io n s : of the Marxist view, by some of China’s lead­ Ju-lin wai-shih. Wo-hsien ts’ao-t’ang 56 ing scholars. ch. Notes by an anonymous commentator; Tsukamoto, Terukazu Nihon to Chu­ goku ni okeru Jurin gaishi kenkyu yOran ko 0 dated 1803. 4v. Rpt. Peking, 1975. Most au­ Nara, thoritative text for scholarly purposes. 1971, ------ . Tso-chia ch’u-pan she, ed. Peking, 1954. Faithful reproduction of the first 55 chtian of “Wu Ching-tzu,” ECCP, pp. 866-867. Wu Ching-tzu. Bos­ the Wo-hsien ed.; in modern type and punc­ Wong, C. Timothy ton, 1978. tuation; also explanatory notes. Available in —TW several modern reprints. ------ . Chang Hui-chien ed. and annot. Peking, 1958. Modern edition in simplified Juan Chi Sc® (tzu, Ssu-tsung P35, 210-263), son of Juan YQ* and a poet o f the first characters; useful as reference. rank, is popularly known as a drunkard and free-living Taoist, and a member o f the T r a n s l a t io n s : Tchang, Fou-jouei MtSM. Chronique indiscrete Chu-lin ch’i-hsien ti'tt-bK (Seven Sages of des mandarins. Paris, 1976. Introduction by the Bamboo Grove). His real importance in the Chinese poetic tradition rests on his Andr6 L6vy. Yang, Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang. The Scholars. eighty-tw o pen tam eter poems en titled Peking, 1957. Rpt. New York, 1972. Reset “Yung-huai shih” Uiltff (Poems from My and reissued in Peking, 1973. A generally ac­ Heart) which describe his anguish and fear curate and nearly complete translation (leaves and his desire to find constancy and purity out chapter 56 and various passages). in an inconstant and impure world.

The son o f an intimate o f the Ts’ao • family, Juan Chi was himself an official of their dynasty (the Wei) from 239 and wit­ nessed the gradual usurpation of power by the Ssu-ma family, who set up their own Chin dynasty shortly after his death. Juan Chi himself served the Ssu-ma leaders and was thus at the center of poltical life although he never really took an active part in it. He must have realized very early that the Wei were doomed and that any polit­ ical role he might play would help the Ssuma. The latter would consider, too, any lamenting of the passing of the Wei as se­ ditious. Juan C hi’s poetry th erefo re abounds in obscure satire and allegory, and some poems (e.g., nos. 56,64,66) are close to impenetrable. He is reduced to express­ ing, in the most “abstruse and distant” terms (as Ssu-ma Chao ® said of his con­ versation), the frustration and indignation o f a courtier who finds it impossible to serve his lawful sovereign. This abstraction gives his verse a special quality which Juan Chi innovated; unable to find fulfillment in politics (the normal realm o f action for a man of his class and times), he turned towards philosophy and religion, and in particular to Taoist mysticism, not, as pre­ vious poets had done, versifying Lao-tzu’s and Chuang-tzu’s doctrines mechanically, but debating with himself on philosophical and religious problems (poems 22, 41, 78), exploring, in a subjective, introverted way, themes unknown in earlier poetry. T here are also sixfu* by Juan Chi, three lun (essays), two letters, three set pieces (among which are a memorandum [tsou-chi 3113] and a memorial [chien fit ], both in­ cluded in Wen-hsilan), and a biography. His essays “ Yiieh lun” (On Music) and “T ’ung I lun” (Penetrating the /ching) are Confucian in tone, the former being extremely conservative and tradi­ tional. The “Tung-p’ing fu” JK2!5® and “ K’ang-fu fu” are strange, misan­ thropic diatribes against these two locali­ ties (in modern Shantung); “Shou-yang shan” frfiilll examines the problem of re­ treat from politics; “Chiu fu” JIW (Prosepoem on the Doves) and “ Mi-hou fu” P J&St (Prose-poem on the Monkey) are sa­

tirical. “C h’ing-ssu fu” W.SSS (Prose-poem on Purifying the Thoughts) describes, in quasi-psychedelic language, a mystical en­ counter with a sexually-alluring, immortal woman. “T a Chuang lun” Hffiit (Essay on Understanding Chuang-tzu), while osten­ sibly a diatribe against a group o f Confucianists, is actually an attempt to reanimate Confucianism with Taoist metaphysics. His longest prose work, “ Ta-jen Hsien-sheng chuan” AA5te£(S (Biography of Master Great Man), also his most influential, de­ scribes a figure inspired by Chuang-tzu who mocks vulgar Confucianists (whom he compares to a louse in a pair of drawers) and praises mystical freedom, ending in a /w-like evocation of a T rue Man (chen-jen KA). Juan Chi has always been something of a poet’s poet, his fame among the unini­ tiated being widely based on his “ Taoist” eccentricities and on his drunkenness. But the great poets of China were not mis­ taken: their quotations o f his poetry in their works and their allusions to him show that they understood his essential nobility, his purity and fidelity to Confucian principles when the times made political commit­ ment impossible. E d it io n s :

Shanghai, 1978. Punc­ tuated and with textual variants, based on the earliest edition (mid-sixteenth century). The order of the poems differs from that (based on the Ku shih-chi*) in most later editions and used in the above article. Huang, Chieh If®, ed. Juan Pu-ping Yung-huai shih-chu (preface dated 1926), Peking, 1957. The most useful commentary on the poetry alone. Liu-ch’ao wen, v. 2, pp. 1303-1318.

Juan Chi chi

T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Frodsham, Anthology, pp. 53-67. Gundert, Lyrik, pp. 47-48. See also Holzman below. St u d ie s :

Holzman, Donald, Poetry and Politics: The Life and Works of Juan Chi (210-263). Cambridge, 1976. Contains a complete translation of the poetry, fu, and most of the prose. Matsumoto, Yukio Gen Seki no shOgai to Eikaishi RSB©3iS Tokyo, 1977.

For the historical background, there is a com­ plete translation of the eighty-two poems (with commentary) and a concordance. Ch’iu, Chen-ching 6P0l£C. Juan Chi Yung-huai shih yen-chiu Yung-ho, Tai­ wan, 1980. —DH

versely affected the reception given his writings. Juan Ta-ch’eng’s best known play is Yentzu chien 1??H (The Swallow’s Love Note), apparently written to celebrate the coro­ nation o f Prince Fu in 1645. In it, two young scholars, Huo and Hsien, arrive in the captial to take the examinations, tak­ ing lodging with a famous courtesan named Hsing-yiin. Huo paints a portrait o f him­ self with the prostitute, but the scrollmounter confuses this with another order and delivers the painting to a high minis­ ter’s daughter, Fei-yiln. This sequestered maiden falls in love with the man in the painting and as she becomes more and more lovelorn, pours out her feelings in a note—conveniently carried to Huo by a swallow. He succumbs to longing for its author. T h e two men pass the examina­ tion, although Hsien resorts to cheating; civil war erupts, and the lovers become separated, taking false names for protec­ tion. Through a series of coincidences, Huo and Fei-yiin are eventually wed, Hsien is discredited, and Hsing-yiin becomes Huo’s concubine to end the drama happily. While this play and Ch’un-teng mi were performed into the twentieth century, Juan Ta-ch’eng is probably better known as a villain in K’ung Shang-jen’s* play T ’ao-hua shan. T he character Juan tries to win a young hero over to his side in the late Ming political struggles. He even attempts to bribe the man’s mistress. His gifts occasion (in scene 7) the lady’s staunch declaration of her own political scruples. When re­ peatedly snubbed for his shady dealings, Juan has the young man imprisoned to prevent their reunion. His revenge is soon thwarted by political struggles at the fall of the Ming. Ultimately he falls, a victim o f his own pettiness and greed.

Ju an Ta-ch’eng KAS3 (tzu, Chi-chih * 2 , hao, YOan-hai HiS, Shih-ch’ao 5M, and Paitzu-shan Chiao 1587-1646) was a notable dramatist and a poet. A native of Huai-ning (Anhwei), Juan came from a line of prominent po­ litical figures. He passed the chin-shih ex­ amination in 1616, but chose to join Wei Chung-hsien M&K (1568-1627) to ad­ vance his political career. Wei, one of the most powerful eunuchs in Chinese history, moved against his critics with savage fe­ rocity. Among them were members o f the T ung-lin Ifcft politico-literary faction. When Wei finally fell, Juan was deprived o f all titles, and had to live in retirement from 1629 to 1644. During these years he wrote several plays, including Ch’un-teng mi (Spring Lantern Riddles); his aim was to rationalize his former connection w ith th e eunuch faction. T h e attem pt failed; Juan was denounced in a public statement signed by 140 prominent liter­ ati. With the Manchu conquest of north China, Juan fled southward under the pro­ tection of his friend Ma Shih-ying (1591-1646). Together they headed the rum p Ming government of Prince Fu in Nanking. Juan used this position to enrich himself and to take revenge on his ene­ mies. Ultimately, he surrendered to the Manchus to punish further the Ming loy­ alists who had snubbed him. He was ac­ cidently killed on a campaign with the Manchus. Hostile historians delight in not­ ing that he died without male offspring. E d it io n s : A follower of T ’ang Hsien-tsu’s* Lin- Shih-ch’ao ch'uan-ch’i ssu-chung , rpt. ch’uan School, Juan concentrated on ro­ in Sung-fen-shih ts’ung-k’an erh-pien manticism in his plays, many of which are ?!l—it§. Tung K’ang ed. Wu-chin, 1919. now lost. According to Chang Tai,* Juan’s In turn reproduced in Ku-pen, II. Includes private performances of his own plays were the plays: (Shih ts’o-jen) Ch’un-teng-mi (+(1807-1882). T hroughout his life K’ang Yu-wei was deeply interested in the tran­ scendent philosophies of Buddhism and Taoism, but under Chu he concentrated on the more practical concerns of such Ch’ing thinkers as Wei YOan MW (17941856) and Kung Tzu-chen,* and particu­ larly the New T ext School of classical scholarship (see ching). In his early twenties K’ang traveled to Hong Kong, and, deeply impressed by the Western way of life there, he began reading intensively on the West. From this time K’ang was constantly in­ volved in promoting the reform of Chinese society and politics. From about 1888 until 1898 he wrote works urging reform, or­ ganized reformist societies, edited pro­ gressive jo u rn als, and sent num erous memorials to the Ch’ing court urging dras­ tic changes for the sake of national sur­ E d it io n s : vival. Chung-shan lang, in Ku-pen, II. Finally in 1898 he was summoned to ------ , in Chou I-pai ed., Ming-jen tsacourt by Emperor Kuang-hsii and put in chii hsilan BJAMJMiS, Peking, 1958; an an­ charge of reforming the empire, assisted notated version. P’an-tung Yileh-fu, in San-ch’il ts’ung-k’an tfcft by Liang Ch’i-ch’ao,* T ’an Ssu-t’ung M Wifi, Wu Na, ed., Shanghai, 1930, v. 1, ts’e mWl (1865-1898), and other notable pro­ gressives. However, this period of reforms 8. (subsequently known as the “ Hundred Days Tui-shan chi, in Ssu-k’u ch’iian-shu. of Reforms”) proved abortive because the Wang Lan-ch’ing, in Ku-pen, II.

Em press Dowager T z ’u-hsi launched a coup against the reformers. K’ang escaped to Japan, but some of his colleagues were executed. While in Japan and during his extensive travels around the world, K’ang helped organize the Pao-huang hui (Emperor Protection Society) to force the Empress Dowager to restore Kuang-hsii to power. After the fall of the Ch’ing dynasty, K’ang returned to China but became in­ creasingly out o f touch with political real­ ities and even supported an attempt to re­ store the imperial system. He died a bitter and disappointed man. Although K’ang’s renown as a political figure and philosopher have largely ob­ scured his contributions to Chinese liter­ ature, he was certainly one of the finest poets of late-Ch’ing times. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao rightly considered him to be a major figure in the late Ch’ing Shih-chieh ko-ming I#!? (Poetic Revolution). However, in a number of respects K’ang’s poetry is rather distinct from that o f most of the other re­ formers. K’ang identified himself closely with T u Fu,* an affinity which K’ang’s dis­ ciple Liang Ch’i-ch’ao noticed and to which K’ang himself frequently alluded. Early in his life K’ang resolved to attain sagehood, seeing himself as a savior o f the Chinese people (if not mankind as a whole). Hence, he could easily identify with Tu Fu’s noted humanity ( t ) and T u ’s desire to rescue his dynasty from political disintegration. Al­ though other poets o f the late-Ch’ing re­ form movement used poetry to promote for political and social change, none seems to have expressed his political views as pas­ sionately as K’ang. His view of himself as a sage help considerably to explain the in­ tense emotions of his poems. A nother respect in which K’ang differed from such authors as Huang Tsun-hsien* was the great influence Taoism and par­ ticularly Buddhism had upon his world view. In a set of three poems written in 1909, when K’ang was in Penang, he ex­ pressed his view of literature: “ In Indra’s net of the Avatamsaha, it [poetry] is man­ ifested layer by layer” ; or “This matter [poetry] is vague, vast, profound, mysterio u s/It has moved men for a thousand

ages and thus its miraculous sound is born.” What K’ang seems to be saying is that the process of poetic creation is like Indra’s jewel-net in which all being is reflected and re-reflected in an infinite progression, coming into being spontaneously and si­ multaneously as do the myriad phenomena of the world. Poetry is something beyond rational understanding (“vague, mysteri­ ous”) and is the result of the resonance between man and the cosmos. Such a myst­ ical view of poetry is directly at odds with that of late-Ch’ing reformers like Huang Tsun-hsien, who were willing to admit spontaneity and interaction with the uni­ verse into their view o f literature, but would have violently disagreed with the more mystical implications o f K’ang’s the­ ory. At first sight, K’ang’s mystical con­ ception o f poetry may seem to contradict his view o f the poet as Confucian sage, but the similarites between the Neo-Confucian (and particularly the New Text School) sage and the all-compassionate Bodhisattva show how blurred the lines between the two ideals can be. Many o f these poems written during the Hundred Days are con­ tained in the collection Ming-i-ko shih-chi

mnmm.

A lthough K’ang never totally aban­ doned his earlier esthetic views, his exile to Japan and subsequent travels had an enormous impact on his later verse. In one o f the three critical poems just mentioned occur the following lines: “A new world, rare, m iraculous; a m arvelous realm arises./M ore and more I search Europe and Asia, creating new sounds.” In such lines K’ang is clearly referring to the new realm of poetic creation opened up to him through his foreign experiences and re­ flected in works such as the two-hundredline poem K’ang wrote about the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem. Yet even in that piece K’ang can hardly forget his vocation as a sage and savior, and the poem becomes a vehicle to express his deep sorrow over the fate of China, which seems to be destined for destruction similar to that o f the Jewish state. As K’ang’s alienation from the po­ litical situation in early Republican China grew, he withdrew into himself. In his late

verse one senses both an increasing despair recognized as the greatest poet of the Ming over the faltering republic and an attempt dynasty. His short life, ended by a cruel to seek transcendence in nature. execution on trumped-up charges by the K’ang was an incredibly prolific writer; first Ming emperor, is often seen as em­ his poetry makes up only a small propor­ blematic of the fate of letters under the tion of his surviving works. Although most Ming. of his writings are not strictly literary, the Kao was born and grew up during the prose style that K’ang had developed by last decades of the YQan dynasty in Soo­ the time he wrote his greatest work of po­ chow, a city that had been a center of litical philosophy, the Ta-t’ung-shu Chinese literary and artistic culture for (The Book of the One World), is in har­ centuries. He became known for his lit­ mony with the grandeur of his scheme for erary talent while still a young man, but a new utopian world order, and shows how was unable to begin a normal career in the classical language could be a tool for official service because of the unsettled na­ ture of the times. After Chang Shih-ch’eng communicating modern ideas. 3R±M seized control of Soochow in 1356, E d it io n s : many of Kao’s friends became associated K ’ang Nan-hai wen-chi Shanghai, with his regime. It is very probable that 1914. K’ang Nan-hai Hsien-sheng i-chu hui-k’an Taipei, 1976. Valuable Kao was also, but firm evidence for this is difficult to find, and indeed, may have been reprint of works difficult to obtain. K ’ang-Liang shih-ch’ao Shanghai, 1914. suppressed by Kao himself. Chang Shihch’eng’s Soochow-based statelet was the last [K’ang] Nan-hai Hsien-sheng shih-chi serious obstacle to the rise of Chu YiianH. Yokohama, 1911. K ’ang Nan-hai wen-ch’ao Shanghai, chang, the first Ming emperor, and after its capture in 1366, Chang’s subordinates, 1914. and the people o f Soochow generally, were K ’ang Nan-hai wen-chi hui-pien treated with considerable severity, suffer­ Shanghai, 1917. ing exile, heavy taxation, and in some cases K’ang Nan-hai Hsien-sheng shih-chi execution. Having dissociated himself from M. Shanghai, 1937. K’ang Yu-wei shih-wen hsilan Pe­ Chang and gone into retirement early, Kao king, 1958. Ch’i escaped the worst of this retribution, but he evidently lived in considerable ap­ T r a n s l a t io n s : prehension th ro u g h o u t this period. In Thompson, Laurence G. The One-World. Philos1369, he was summoned to the capital to ophy of K’ang Yu-wei. London, 1958. serve on the editorial board compiling the Wilhelm, Hellmut. “The Poems from the Hall Yilan-shih but he retired the following of Obscured Brightness,” in Jung-pang Lo, year and returned home. In 1374, while see below. Woon, Ramon L. Y. and Irving Y. Lo, “Poets living in retirem ent, he was arrested and and Poetry of China’s Last Empire,” LEW, 9 executed in th e course o f Chu Ytianchang’s first purges. (1965), 331-361. Although only seven years of his life were S t u d ie s : passed under Ming rule, Kao’s position as Hsiao, Kung-chuan. A Modem China and a New the leading Ming poet is assured. Indeed, World, K’ang Yu-wei, Reformer and Utopian. Se­ his early death cut short what otherwise attle, 1975. might have been one of the dynasty’s most Lo, Jung-pang. K’ang Yu-wei, a Biography and a Symposium. Tucson, 1967. Both Lo’s and brilliant literary careers, for he was an ex. Hsiao’s works contain extensive bibliogra­ traordinarily gifted writer. In spite of his gifts, some critics have suggested that he phies. had not yet achieved a personal style by — JD S the time of his death, for his very facility, Kao Ch’i JS® (tzu, Chi-ti hao, Ch’ing- combined with the need to win a reputa­ ch’iu-tzu 1336-1374) is generally tion at an early age (his family was not well

off), encouraged him to concentrate much of his energy on writing self-consciously “ literary” work, occasional poems, and pieces that demonstrated his remarkable ability to evoke poetic styles o f earlier pe­ riods. In fact, he is one of the masters of the art of “imitating antiquity,” so that he has been seen as a forerunner of the archaist movement that appeared around 1500. Unlike the archaists, however, he was eclectic in his choice of models, imi­ tating styles from virtually every earlier period of Chinese literary history. Yoshi­ kawa Kojiro sees Kao as the high point in the long tradition of “citizen poets” from southeastern China, whose history went back at least to the Southern Sung period, but differing from his predecessors in that his poetry embodies a “soaring” inspira­ tion of spirit uncharactertistic o f the “cit­ izen poet” tradition in general. Primarily a poet rather than an essayist o r critic, Kao did express his ideas about poetic excellence in a preface that he con­ tributed to the collected works of an ac­ quaintance. In this he declared the three essential features of poetry to be ko & (form), i M (content), and ch’u M (interest). This relatively “non-partisan” poetics, to­ gether with his acceptance of poetry o f all previous periods (and perhaps sympathy for his unhappy end), made him one of the few Ming poets on whose greatness most later critics could agree. Kao Ch’i is often counted, together with three other poets, all his contemporaries and friends, as one of the Wu-chung ssuchieh (Four Outstanding Men of Wu). T he others were Chang Yii (1333-1385), Hsii Pen (1335-1380), and Yang Chi 4»£ (1334-c. 1383). Like Kao C h’i, these th ree men were renow ned young poets in Soochow during the period of Chang Shih-ch’eng’s regime, with which at least Yang Chi was associated. Although they eventually held office under the new dynasty, all three suffered because of Chu YGan-chang’s resentment and distrust of the Soochow literati, and only Hsii Pen seems to have died a natural death. Yang Chi died while serving a sentence at hard labor, and Chang Yii committed suicide

rather than face possible arrest. Their fate was symptomatic of the position of the ed­ ucated elite during the early Ming. Per­ haps because of this insecurity , the hundred years and more after their deaths was a period of unparalleled mediocrity in po­ etry that lasted until the appearance of Li Tung-yang* late in the fifteenth century. E d it io n s :

Kao, Ch’i. Kao T’ai-shih ta-ch’Uan chi SH. SPTK. Reprint of a 1450 edition, with tz’u* collection, K’ou-hsilan chi tnttJI, and prose works, Fu-tsao chi M M appended. The best generally available edition. —-— -. Ch’ing-ch’iu Kao Chi-ti Hsien-sheng shih-chi . SPPY. Typeset version of an edition with annotations of the poems by a Ch’ing scholar, Chin T ’an with tz’u and prose, as well as supplementary mate­ rials, appended; the most useful and readily available text. Chang, Yii. Ching-chil chi PSJI. 6 chilan. SPTK. A reprint of the earliest edition of Chang’s poems. ------ . Chang Lai-i Hsien-sheng wen-chi 3 . 1 chiian, plus supplement, in Hu Ssuching 48®®, ed., Yil-chang ts'ung-shu. Chang’s collected prose; the same ts’ung-shu* also in­ cludes a version of the Ching-chUchi in 4 chilan with a supplement and textual apparatus. Hsii, Pen. Pei-kuo chi 10 chilan. SPTK. Reprint of the Fuff edition published during the Ch’eng-hua period (1465-1488); the best text. Ibid., in Li-tai hua-chia shih-wen-chi. Reprint of a manuscript edition; contents as in the pre­ ceding, but with a brief supplement; the most accessible edition. Yang Chi. Mei-an chi 12 chilan. SPTK. Reprint of the “Chang” text, published during the Ch’eng-hua period. Ibid., in Ming-tai i-shu-chia chi hui-k’an, hsil-chi. Reprint of thie “Wang” IE text, with an ap­ pended collation record. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Bryant, Daniel. “Selected Ming Poems,” Ren­ ditions, 8 (Autumn 1977), 85-91; for Kao Ch’i’s “Chih Tun An” see p. 85. Demifeville, Anthologie, pp. 462-465. Sunflower, pp. 459-463 (Kao Ch’i only). S t u d ie s :

DMB, pp. 696-699. Fukunioto, Masakazu H&BI—. “ MinchO bun’enden, sono ichi: Gochfl shiketsu” WW

H+EBfll, Tezukayama Tanki Dai­ gaku kenkyu nempo, 26 (1978), 43-69. Mostly devoted to a translation, with copious an­ notation, of a contemporary biography of Kao Ch’i by LO Mien S&. Iritani, Sensuke A # # ^ . Ko Kei iBi®, ChUgoku shijin senshu, nisha, 10. Tokyo, 1962. Kamachi, Kanichi . Ko Seikya iS#®. 2v. Tokyo, 1966. These two volumes both include brief introductory discussions of Kao Ch’i. Mote, F. W. The Poet Kao Ch’i. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962. The rich­ est study in English of any Ming poet; mas­ terful, but chiefly concerned with biography and historical background; many transla­ tions. Weng, T ’ung-wen “Yang Chi shengnien-k’ao chi ch’i shih-chung ‘muju tou’ wenNan-yang Ta-hsUeh hsileh-pao, 6 (1972), 162-170. De­ tailed study of Yang Chi’s birthdate and re­ lated biographical questions. Yokota, Terutoshi fflXMfc. “Mindai bungak­ uron no tenkai,” pt. I Hi­ roshima Daigaku bungakubu kiyd, 37 (1977), 1320 . Yoshikawa, Kokird Gen-Minshi gaisetsu tcMRMHR. Tokyo, 1963, pp. 129-139. — DB

Kao Lien SH (tzu, Shen-fu &% fl. 15731581) is recognized within the dramatic tradition as an able poet who was a native of Ch’ien-t’ang (modern Hangchow). T here is no extant record indicating his service in public affairs either in his native city or elsewhere. His father’s name was Ying-chii H * (tzu, YQn-ch’ing SJW). Beyond this little is known of Kao. But judging from his extant works, Kao Lien’s family must have been wealthy and cultured, for he seems to have had an excellent education. He was a bibliophile and, indeed, part of his collection has fil­ tered down to posterity. But collecting books was obviously not his only interest. T he content of his work Tsun-sheng pa-chien &&A/S (Eight Discourses on Living), which covers a wide range of subjects including medicine, nutrition, esthetic criticism, an­ tiques, and botany, reveals that he was a man with diverse interests, broadly knowl­ edgeable with many talents.

As a dramatist, Kao Lien wrote only two ch’uan-ch’i* plays: Yil-tsan chi (The Jade Hairpin) and Chieh-hsiao chi Sb^83 (Fi­ delity and Filiality). T he former is better known—scenes from it are still performed today. Yil-tsan chi portrays the romance of P’an Pi-cheng SiKlE and Ch’en Miao-ch’ang The theme is conflict between so­ ciety and an individual who flouts social convention; at the end love triumphs. This story can be traced to a literary tale, “Ch’en Miao-ch’ang,” in Ku-chin nil-shih (Stories of Women Old and New), relating the frolic of Chang YQ-hu ilfiS! (a Sungdynasty official) at Nii-chen kuan A tsa-chil,* Chang Yil-hu wu-su nil-chen kuan SiTSIHfit:#:)*!! (Chang Yii-hu Mistakenly Lodged at Nii-chen Convent) and a huapen* story, Chang Yil-hu su nil-chen kuan chi (Chang Yii-hu Lodged at Nii-chen Convent), both of which influ­ enced Kao Lien’s work, also evolved from the same tale. Yil-tsan chi’s influence on subsequent works in drama and fiction is also consid­ erable. For example, in addition to the Peking-opera version, “ Ch’iu-chiang” ffciL (Autumn River), which is based on a Szech­ wan opera, T ’ao Chiin-ch’i six re­ gional plays listed in Ching-chil chil-mu ch’ut’an RJHIJRI (A Preliminary Index to Peking Operas), purportedly derived from Yil-tsan chi. Liu Yen-sheng SJfS3£, in Chingchil ku-shih k’ao gcDJSc## (Peking Opera Stories), notes an additional regional play (Cantonese), which may also have been modeled on Kao’s drama. Moreover, two modern novels, Ch’iuchiang (Autumn River) by Chang Hen-shui a romantic writer of the Mandarin Duck and Butterfly School, and Yil-tsan chi (1955) by Yii Jen T A , are based on Yil-tsan chi. Despite its poetic quality and literary legacy, Yil-tsan chi has drawn little favor­ able criticism from either traditional or modern critics. LO T ’ien-ch’eng the prolific Ming dramatist, relegated Kao Lien to a relatively mediocre rank (lower-mid­ dle group o f authors) in his Ch’il p ’in ftift (An Evaluation of Arias). Contemporary

critics are critical of Kao Lien’s use of rhyme, his inability to create dramatic ten­ sion, and his neglect of the ch’uan-ch’i structure. None of the critics have commented on the value of Yii-tsan chi as a piece of social criticism against the background of the rigidly Neo-Confucian Ming society. If Kao Lien’s work were approached from this point of view, it would become distin­ guished as one of the first open literary presentations of sexual mores and related social problems in the Ming. It calls for the liberation of women and advocates observance of the social and moral orders. Kao’s use of drama as a ve­ hicle of social criticism merits attention.

first as prefectural judge and later assistant commissioner-in-chief for Fukien. He fi­ nally resigned around 1356, after declin­ ing an offer of a position from Fang (with whom the Mongols had made a settlement in 1352). He then retired to Li-she $ ft where he led the life of a recluse, im­ mersing himself in drama and writing his famous P’i-p’a chi. P ’i-p’a chi SHIS (The Lute) a ch’uan-ch’i* in forty-two scenes, tells the story of Ts’ai Po-chieh who, at the urging of his father, reluctantly leaves his old parents and new wife Chao Wu-niang to go to the capital for the examinations. T here he wins first place, upon which Grand Councilor Niu pressures him to marry his daughter. T s’ai accedes. Meanwhile, his parents die E d it io n s : of starvation in the famine-stricken home; Chieh-hsiao chi, in Ku-pen, I, v. 110. the son remains unaware of this tragedy Tsun-sheng pa-chien. N.p., 1810. while his own attempts to contact home Yil-tsan chi, in Liu-shih. are thwarted by a trickster. Having barely S t u d ie s : survived the famine herself, Wu-niang Chin, Chi-ku-ko; ch. 14 contains biographical in­ makes a meager living on her way to the formation and a study on Yil-tsan chi. capital in search of her husband by singing Huang, Shang S3!?. “Hou chi” ©13 in Yil-tsan out her sad fate to the accompaniment of chi 3£Kfi3. Shanghai, 1956. Contains a critical her lute. In the capital Ts’ai Po-chieh’s new essay on Yil-tsan chi. wife takes pity oil her and arranges a re­ Lo, Chin-t’ang ■S (also known as Wuch’i-yen shih ch’ao S-bS’^FU*) is a poetry an­ thology compiled in 1697 by Wang Shihchen* (1634-1711), the eminent Ch’ing poet and literary critic. It is one of several anthologies compiled by Wang; the other major one being his T ’ang hsien san-mei chi The Ku-shih hsilan appears near the end of a long line of anthologies in China. Often this anthologizing of the lit­ erary heritage has provided Chinese critics with the context for developing an under­ standing of genre theory. Wang’s anthol­ ogy is, however, limited to shih* poetry, and thus avoids the basic question of how to categorize the diverse poetic types in classical Chinese literature. Wang needed only to decide what shih poetry was and then how to select and arrange it. W ang Shih-chen was prim arily con­ cerned with collecting old-style poetry (kushih *1$), but did include some new-style poetry (hsin-t’i shih frlflS) in later chapters. T he book is divided in half, with seventeen chilan devoted to pentasyllabic verse and fifteen to septasyllabic (with some authors, of course, appearing in both sections). The poems are arranged chronologically, ex­ cept for the common practice o f placing poems by emperors at the beginning of dynastic divisions. A group of ku-ko &SK (archaic songs), begins the septasyllabic section, but the rest o f it traditionally dates no earlier than the Han dynasty. T he pen­ tasyllabic corpus includes pieces into the T ’ang, although only five T ’ang poets are represented: Ch’en Tzu-ang,* Chang Chiuling,* Li Po * Wei Ying-wu,* and Liu Tsung-yiian* (the majority of the poems of these five poets are in “old style”). The septasyllabic section, however, includes poets up into the Yiian, with eleven from the T ’ang, most notably Wang Wei,* Tu

Fu,* and Han YO.* This may appear a slim representation of the great T ’ang shih po­ etry, but Wang compiled other antholo­ gies devoted to the verse of that era, such as the T ’ang hsien san-mei chi, which in­ cludes work by forty-two poets. The “archaic songs’- that begin the sep­ tasyllabic poetry are not generally sevensyllable verse, but rather a mixture of dif­ ferent types of poetry, including four-syl­ lable, six-syllable, and saoM verse. This inclusion seems to be Wang’s attempt to account for the development of shih poetry after the Shih-ching*; Shen Te-ch’ien* did the same thing in his famous anthology Kushih yilan* (1725). Wang also expands the definition of shih poetry to include yilehf u * which is found throughout the an­ thology. In a preface Wang names a few Han yileh-fu poems and asks “How can these Music Bureau poems not be shih poetry?” T hus he collects pentasyllabic yileh-fu poems, including the long narrative poem “ K’ung-ch’iieh tung-nan fei” in the first section. Yileh-fu poems that are not pentasyllabic are then included in the sec­ ond section, whether they are seven-syl­ lable or not (they usually are not). The Ku-shih hsilan has two prefaces by Wang (one for each major division of the text), wherein he discusses shih poetry in general and his selection of poems and poets. Wang’s Ku-shih hsilan differs from his T ’ang hsien san-mei chi in that it contains very little commentary. While T ’ang hsien is full of comments and glosses, the Ku-shih hsilan contains only short prefaces to some o f the “archaic songs” and occasional in­ terlinear notes on variants. Neither ac­ tually represents the critic’s own views, but are rather notes taken from the tradition. Thus, Wang’s Ku-shih hsilan is a fairly or­ thodox, evenhanded collection of shih po­ etry up to the T ’ang, with a smattering of later poems. As such it must have had sub­ stantial influence on Shen Te-ch’ien’s later collection o f p re -T ’ang poems. While Wang had some strong critical views, they do not seem to have affected greatly his choice of poems for this anthology.

E d it io n s :

Ku-shih hsilan. SPPY. Yil-yang shan-jen ku-shih hsilan Nanking, 1866. Index to Pre-T’ang Poetry: A Combined Index to Kushih yflan and Ku-shih hsUan. Chinese Ma­ terials Center, Research Aids Series. Chikfong Lee, compilor. Taipei, 1982. S t u d ie s :

Lun, Ming #rS9. “Yfl-yang shan-jen chu shuk’ao” A H ##, Yen-ching hsileh-pao, 5 (1929), 913-964. See entries 50 and 51 for a short description of this text. -JA

Ku-shih shih-chiu shou iSKf+AM (Nine­ teen Old Poems) are traditionally consid­ ered the earliest extant examples of pen­ tasyllabic verse, which became for several centuries the dominant form of Chinese poetry. As well as establishing the basic shih meter o f five words per line, the “ Nineteen Old Poems” also announced them es and techniques which were to reappear in Chinese poetry throughout the following centuries. Since the Six Dynasties, questions con­ cerning the dating and authorship of the “ Nineteen Old Poems” have aroused con­ siderable controversy. T he title was first given to this group of anonymous poems when they were collected in the Wen-hsilan* anthology by Hsiao T ’ung in the sixth cen­ tury. Eight of these poems also appeared in the Yil-t’ai hsin-yung,* an anthology of love poetry compiled slightly later, though in the latter collection they were attrib­ uted to Mei Sheng.* More recent critics also disagree about the origins of the “ Nineteen Old Poems.” Some maintain that they date from differ­ ent periods; others claim they represent the work of one generation or even of a single poet. Those scholars who wish to prove (in accordance with the attribution to Mei Sheng) that some of the poems have come from the Former Han argue that the pentasyllabic meter and tight parallelism date back that far. But other critics point to evidence which shows origins in the Lat­ ter Han—the poems’ use of certain taboo words and references to Lo-yang, the Lat­

ter Han capital. A number of readers have noted similarities between the anonymous “ Nineteen Old Poems” and shih poetry by known authors of the Chien-an period at the end of the Han: both bodies of verse manifest a pessimism which may be a re­ sponse to the social and political turmoil of the time; both use similar themes of sep­ aration from loved ones, long journeys, and alienation; and both employ pentasyllabic meter, similar rhyme schemes, redupli­ cated adjectives, and conventional images. For these reasons, Chien-an poets such as T s’ao Chih* and Wang Ts’an* have been suggested as possible authors of the “ Nine­ teen Old Poems.” It seems best to follow the middle road and assume thai the attribution to Mei Sheng of the Former Han is too early, while that to Ts’ao Chih or the Chien-an period is too late. The “ Nineteen Old Poems” probably represent all that remains of a large corpus of ancient-style poems in the five-word meter which flourished during the first and second centuries A.D. and were still in circulation in the Six Dynas­ ties. The “ Nineteen Old Poems” occupy a position between the popular yileh-fu* tradition and literati writings. They be­ long to a shared anonymous genre which reveals the transition from folk songs to self-conscious, elite, individual creations. Like yileh-fu songs, the “ Nineteen Old Poems” tend to use conventional formu­ las, proverbs, and “tag” endings. Some ap­ pear fragmentary, with abrupt shifts in perspective and subject m atter. Stock characters, dialogue, and apparent lowerclass awe of wealth and power all indicate an indebtedness to the folk song. How­ ever, these popular elements have clearly been reworked, and many of the “Nine­ teen Old Poems” are remarkably unified in structure, with sophisticated thematic developm ent and imagistic coherence. Often Chien-an and Wei poems imitate im­ ages, phrases, lines and topics o f the “ Nineteen Old Poems.” Critics have pos­ tulated that the “ Nineteen Old Poems” were composed by Latter Han literati who preferred anonymity because at the time the pentasyllabic shih genre was, though

widely used, not yet fully accepted in elite circles. The poems are characterized by two dominant perspectives: that o f the lonely woman in her room longing for her far­ away lover and that of the man who, forced to travel away from home, sees his life as a continual journey. Many of the poems emphasize the brevity o f human life, the vanity o f fame and fortune, and the inev­ itability of death. Some seek consolation in human community and available pleas­ ures such as wine and music. But all are concerned with the universal human con­ dition and are colored by an unrelenting melancholy. The “ Nineteen Old Poems” heavily in­ fluenced the style of pentasyllabic shih po­ etry for almost two millennia. These Han poems demonstrate the power of sugges­ tiveness and understatement. T he art of the evocative image is illustrated in open­ ing lines such as “Green, green, the grass by the river bank,/T hick, thick, the wil­ lows in the garden” or “T he clear moon shines brightly in the n ig h t,/ Crickets chirp by the eastern wall.” T he skillful use of open-ended closure is forceful in final lines such as “ Gazing at each other, never able to speak” and in suggestive interrogatives like “ Who knows when we will m eet again?” T he simplicity and directness of the “ Nineteen Old Poems” contributes to their enduring appeal: the common ex­ periences o f o rd in ary people are con­ cretely presented in images of the long road and flowing river, the shining moon and flying birds. Yet there is subtlety in the contrasts between the desolation of a lonely woman and the luxuriance of foliage or a pair of soaring cranes. Lines such as “Slen­ der, slender, she lifts a pale hand” or “White poplars, how they whisper” con­ tain a delicacy and poise which were widely im itated for h u n d red s o f years. T h e “Nineteen Old Poems” not only mark the beginning of a poetic tradition, but also are treasured as some of China’s most beautiful and immediately accessible lit­ erary works. E d it io n s :

Ku-shih shih-chiu shou chi-shih Sui Shu-sen ed., Taipei, 1971. The most

comprehensive annotated edition of the poems with an anthology of commentary by various critics.

attempted an exhaustive collection of Chou and Han verse. To this end he used all the existing historical philosophical works of the pre-Chin period. Shen was much more T r a n s l a t io n s : selective in his choice of Six Dynasties Waley, Arthur. 170 Chinese Poems. London, verse. Since Kuo Mao-ch’ien’s Yileh-fu shih1918, pp. 59-68. chi collects all extant ballads and songs o f ------ , Chinese Poems, pp. 50-57. the yileh-fu* tradition, and because the Wen------ , Translations, pp. 37-48. hsilan* preserves much o f the work of Watson, Lyricism, pp. 15-32. known Six Dynasties poets, Shen selected S t u d ie s : from these works what he considered the Cheng, Wen flK. “Lun Ku-shih shih-chiu shou best. His work begins with songs from the ‘Tung-ch’eng kao ch’ieh ch’ang’ teng san- time o f the sage kings Yao and Shun (c. shou pu tso yU T ’ai-ch’u cheng-li i-ch’ien” 2300 B.C. by tradition), the private songs of the Han emperors, verse attributed to WttF, Kan-su Shih-ta hsileh-pao Su Wu HE® and Li Ling many yileh(chi-hstteh she-hui k’o-hsfleh tMMt #£(•♦), fu ballads, and th e “ Ku-shih shih-chiu .1979, 1 (February 1979), 64-72. shou.” * Among the Six Dynasties poets, Dieny, J. P. Les Dix-Neuf Poim.es Anciens. Paris, Juan Chi,* T ’ao Ch’ien,* Hsieh Ling-yiin,* 1963. Fang, Tsu-shen “Han ku-shih shih-tai Pao Chao,* Hsieh T ’iao,* and Yfl Hsin* wen-t’i k’ao-pien” Ta-lu are particularly well represented. Ku-shih yilan was compiled with the as­ tsa-chih, 31.5 (September 1965), 13-16; 31.6 (September 1965), 30-35; 31.7 (October sistance of numerous literati from the Soo­ 1965), 31-35. chow area, including several o f Shen’s dis­ Kanno, ShOmei IttfiflE??. “KyilYakuKoshijukyu ciples. T he collection was intended as a shu” Tenri Daigaku gakuho, 85 sequel to Shen’s collection o f T ’ang verse, (1973), 65-89. T ’ang-shih pieh-ts’ai chi (1717, in Kuang, Shih-yuan B ± x . "Ku-shih ‘Ming-yiieh 20 chilan), which he compiled with the as­ chiao yeh-kuang’ ch’uang-tso nien-tai k’ao” sistance of Ch’en Shu-tzu BfcWiK. A more tim m m & XM ftSf-ft*, Ta-lu tsa-chih, 33.2 fully annotated edition of the Ku-shih-yilan, tfuly 1966), 17-19. giving additional biographical information Sui, Ku-shih. concerning the poets represented, was —MW produced in 1934 by Chu Nan-hui Ku-shih yiian (The Wellsprings of E d i t i o n s : Verse, fourteen chilan) is an anthology o f Shen, Te-ch’ien, ed. Ku-shih-yilan. 14 chilan. pre-T ’ang shih* poetry compiled in the Hunan, 1891. early Ch’ing period by Shen Te-ch’ien.* ------ , ed. Ku-shih-yilan. SPPY. In his preface, written in the summer of ------ , ed. Ku-shih-yilan. 2v. Changsha, 1939. 1719, Shen explains that he traces the —•----, ed. Ku-shih-yilan. Kuo-hsileh chi-pen ts’ungshu. Taipei, 1956. sources for the efflorescence o f shih poetry during the T ’ang. His aim was in part to ------ , ed. Ku-shih-yilan. Peking, 1957. show the evolutionary development of po­ ------ , comp. Hsiang-chu Ku-shih-yilan Chu Nan-hui, ed. 1934; rpt. Taipei, 1963. etic sensibilities as expressed in shih; he likewise sought to demonstrate the excel­ Index to Pre-T’ang Poetry: A Combined Index to Kushih yttan and Ku-shih hsOan. Chinese Ma­ lence to be found in earlier verse. This terials Center, Research Aids Series. Chiklatter aim seems to be a reaction against fong Lee, comp. Taipei, 1982. the Ming and Ch’ing fashion of imitating one or another group of T ’ang poets while T r a n s l a t i o n s : tending to ignore all others. Uchida, Sennosuke §.£.%!} and Hoshikawa Kiyotaka KoShigen ^rlSSE, 2v. To­ The earliest poems in the anthology are kyo, 1964-65. A complete translation. attributed to hoary antiquity; excluding —REH Shih-ching* and Ch’u-tz’u * Shen Te-ch’ien

Ku T’ai-ch’ing (tzu, Tzu-ch’un hao, Yuan-ch’a wai-chih SSI^fSfe, and also known as T ’ai-ch’ing ch’un # o r Hsi-lin ch’un 1799-c. 1875) was an out­ standing woman poet of mid-Ch’ing times. T here are several different versions of the dates of her birth and death and family background. According to some scholars she was of Chinese bannerman origin, but others contend that she was the great granddaughter of the Manchu scholar-of­ ficial O-er-t’ai Wl#^(1680-1745). It is said that Ku T ’ai-ch’ing was adopted out of a family surnamed Ku in the service of Yungch’i * * , the Prince Jung (1741-1766). Later, she was chosen as a concubine by Ihui (1799-1838), th e grandson of Yung-ch’i. I-hui was well-known during his day as a poet, calligrapher, and architect. Ku T ’ai-ch’ing, a beautiful, intelligent, and talented woman, was his favorite concu­ bine, and the two o f them shared common interests in travel, art, and literature. Al­ though it is quite clear that theirs was a happy life together, rumors later circu­ lated that she entered into a liaison with the famous scholar-poet Kung Tzu-chen,* and some writers have cited some of his poems as evidence of their relationship. Their reputed affair was fictionalized in the late Ch’ing novel Nieh-hai hua by Tseng P ’u.* When I-hui died, Ku T ’ai-ch’ing’s life of ease and cultured elegance came to an ab­ rupt end. I-hui’s son by an earlier marriage inherited his father’s title and estate, and he forthwith expelled Ku and her seven children from his home, perhaps because of rumors about her and Kung Tzu-chen. Poverty-stricken and lonely, she encoun­ tered numerous difficulties in raising her children, and she reportedly went blind in 1875. The suffering she experienced in her later years can be detected in her poems, some of which contain strong Buddhist overtones. Ku T ’ai-ch’ing was skilled in the writing o f shih-sty\e verse, but she was even more important as a master o f the tz’u* form. One critic ranked her among the most ac­ complished Ch’ing-dynasty woman poets o f Manchu origin and compared her skill

to the early Ch’ing masters Na-lan Hsingte* and Li E. K’uang Chou-i (18591926), who sponsored the publication of her collected works, commented that she wrote in the Sung tradition, having read little tz’u poetry by post-Sung writers, that she was strongly influenced by Chou Pangyen* and Chiang K’uei,* and that her best poems were simple and refreshing, devoid of ornament or naivete, and aptly phrased. K’uang stated that although her tz’u were less charming than Na-lan Hsing-te’s, they surpass his in style and taste. He further observed that her works should be judged as a whole, not in part. Ku T ’ai-ch’ing’s tz’u poems were col­ lected under the title Tung-hai yii ko MM iiifc (Songs o f the Fisherman o f the East­ ern Sea), thus matching her husband’s col­ lection, entitled Nan-ku ch’iao ch’ang t i l (Songs of the W oodcutter o f Southern Valley). Although her extant verse was as­ sembled and printed in two volumes in 1910 and again in 1914, it is not easily available. Perhaps as a result, her life and contributions to C h’ing-dynasty letters have not received the scholarly attention they deserve. E d it io n s :

T’ien-yu-ko chi N.p., 1910 and 1914. Tung-hai yii ko SSMK. Part two of this collec­ tion can be found in Tz’u-hsUeh chi-k’an P # &ft, 1.2, 152-166. Hsu, Shih-ch’ang, ed., Wan-ch’ing-i shih-hui chilan 188, for selections of her shih poems. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Sunflower, pp. 497-499. St u d ie s :

Man-shu Ch’i-kung “Shu Ku T ’aich’ing shih” Tz’u-hsileh chi-k’an, 1.4,26. Su, HsUeh-lin HSW. “Ch’ing-tai nil tz’u-jen Ku T ’ai-ch’ing” , Fu-nii, tsa-chih, 17.7 (). ------ . "Ch’ing-tai nan-nft liang ta tz’u-jen lienshih te yen-chiu” Wu-ta wen-che chi-k’an, 1.3 (October 1930), 525-574, and 1.4 (January 1931), 715-745. —PCL

Ku-tzu-tz’u 8 (drum lyric) was a form of narrative performing art popular dur­

ing the Sung dynasty. None of the surviv­ ing texts of ku-tzu-tz’u enlighten us about the use of the drum during performances, but references in Sung literature to related genres suggest that the drum was used much as in modern ta-ku* or drum bal­ ladry, beating the rhythm during the sung portions and punctuating action. Both wind and string instruments were used to ac­ company a ku-tzu-tz’u, contrasting with the later chu-kung-tiao* or medley, which used only string instruments. The ku-tzu-tz’u are at least superficially similar to the T ’ang-dynasty pien-wen (see Tun-huang wen-hsileh) in that they consist o f long prose sections interspersed with i nymed poetry. The prose sections usually end with a formula such as: “ Now I trouble the singer to accompany us. First settle the tune. Now listen to my coarse lyrics.” T he sung poem which follows is always in the tz'u* form, which reached its height dur­ ing the Sung dynasty, although the meter o f these poems is somewhat looser than normal tz’u. A typical performance would have required three participants, namely, the prose reciter, the singer, and one mu­ sician, although more musicians could eas­ ily have been added when available, much as in modern Chinese popular balladry. T he ku-tzu-tz’u, however, were not, strictly speaking, popular literature, since it seems they were generally performed at ban­ quets of Sung-dynasty scholar-officials, and the earliest text is written in a classical Chinese far from the spoken language. T he most extensive ku-tzu-tz’u surviving was composed by Chao Ling-chih a Sung royal prince whose talents were highly regarded by his contemporary, Su Shih.* Chao’s work is entitled Yilan Weichih Ts'ui Ying-ying shang-tiao Tieh-lien-hua ku-tzu-tz’u 7t (Drum Lyrics to the Tune of the “The Butterfly Dotes on Flowers” in the Shang Mode [on the Story of] Yiian Chen’s “Tale o f T s’ui Ying-ying”); it is based on the ex­ trem ely popular T ’ang ch’uan-chi* tale written by Yiian Chen.* According to Chao’s own account, he composed his kutzu-tz’u so that the singsong girls of his time would be able to perform Yiian’s story to

musical accompaniment. T he prose sec­ tions o f Chao’s ku-tzu-tz’u are an almost verbatim repetition of the T ’ang tale, ab­ breviated and abridged for ease of perfor­ mance. All of the tz’u poems are in the same mode and tune, unlike the later chukung-tiao or medley, which employed many different tunes. The tz’u poems are not, strictly speaking, narrative verse and tend more to the lyrical, coming at dramatic points in the story. T here are only twelve tz’u in the entire work, with the first poem summarizing the tale and the last one stat­ ing the author’s reaction to its rather tragic denouement—in this, too, closely resem­ bling modern Chinese balladry. T he other major ku-tzu-tz’u extant is the Wen-ching yilan-yang hui (Love Birds to the Death), the earliest version of which survives in a collection o f hua-pen* short stories, Ch’ing-p’ing shan-t’ang hua-pen printed in the Ming dynasty. Although this composition follows the pat­ tern o f Chao Ling-chih’s work, consisting of prose narrative interspersed with tz’u poems and has been considered an au­ thentic Sung work, recent scholarship has determined it to be a work of the early Ming. T he ten poems were to be per­ formed in the same mode as Chao’s work, the shang, but to a different tz'u tune, in this case, Ts’u hu-lu BISS# (Vinegar Gourd). However, the prose portions of this later work are very different from Chao’s, be­ cause they are written in a lively colloquial language, indicating closer links to the popular tradition. Love Birds to the Death also centers on a tragic romance, the love affair of Chiang Shu-chen MW& with her neighbor Chu Ping-chung which is terminated when Chiang’s husband, Chang Erh-kuan 3R—'#, murders the lovers. T he small number of extant ku-tzu-tz’u makes it difficult to determine the genre’s exact place in the history o f Chinese lit­ erature. Although it is impossible to prove a direct connection with the T ’ang dynasty pien-wen, it is not unlikely that the ku-tzutz’u is a distant descendant of this or re­ lated forms. One reason for the early de­ mise of the ku-tzu-tz’u was undoubtedly its monotonous musical structure, in which

one tune is repeated again and again. Even during the last century one can find nu­ merous examples of simple one-tune rural operas or ballad types that gradually added other tunes or greatly modified their orig­ inal tunes, so that the earlier, rather pri­ mitive forms were eventually transformed beyond recognition. T h e chu-kung-tiao, which first arose at the end of the Sung dynasty, admits a large number o f tunes, and, hence, may very well be a direct lineal descendant o f the ku-tzu-tz’u drum lyrics. T

ex ts:

Chao, Ching-shen Ku-tz’u hsilan Shanghai, 1957. Chao, Ling-chih. Hou-ch’ing lu §!•&. Chih-putsu chai ts’ung-shu. Hung, Pienj&W. Ch’ing-p’ing shan-t’ang hua-pen Peking, 1955. Facsimile re­ print of the preserved fragments. ------ .■Ch’ing-p’ing shan-t’ang hua-pen. Collated by T ’an Cheng-pi WIES. Shanghai, 1957. Liu, Yung-chi comp. Sung-tai ko-wu chilch’il lu-yao Shanghai, 1957. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

L6vy, Andr6. “Un document unique sur un genre disparu de la literature populaire, ‘Le rendez-vous d’amour oil les cous sont coup6s,’ ” in his Etudes sur le conte et le roman chinois, Paris, 1971, pp. 187-210. S t u d ie s :

Cheng, Chen-to flBJiil. Chung-kuo su-wen-hsileh shih Peking, 1957. Hsii, Fu-lin &AUR, et al. Chung-kuo su-wen-hsileh lun-wen hui-pien Taipei, 1978. Idema, W.L. “The Wen-ching yilan-yang hui and the Chia-men of Yttan-Ming Ch’uan-chi," TP, 67 (1981), 91-106. -JD S

Ku-wen (ancient-style prose) is a polysemous term. Its first usage, in the sense o f “ancient- or old-script texts,” was in the Han dynasty (see ching), when it designated those classical texts which had survived the Ch’in proscriptions in opposition to the chin-wen (new-script texts) which had been lost in the Ch’in and then recon­ structed and recorded from memory. Dur­ ing the Six Dynasties ku-wen signified “an­ cient texts,” referring primarily to the

Confucian Classics themselves, but grad­ ually signifying an enlarged corpus o f lit­ erary models dating from the Chou, Ch’in, and Han eras. In the T ’ang, specifically in the late eighth and early ninth centuries, there was a redefinition of ku-wen as a type of prose intentionally modelled in style and content on these ancient texts—i.e., an “ancient-style prose.” Subsequent eras use the term in anthologies of ku-wen to en­ compass all prose w ritings in which a straightforward, non-parallel style was em­ ployed to treat a single subject in an in­ dependent work or section of a work, pro­ vided this piece espoused a m oral o r philosophical message. Although there is a certain degree of shared significance between these four meanings o f ku-wen, the third and fourth are o f the most concern to students of Chinese literature. Thus although later kuwen anthologies include various passage from writings as early as those o f the Chou dynasty and although some scholars point to Chia I* as the “founder” o f the style, the Six Dynasties can justifiably be viewed as an era of p ’ien-wen* the euphuistic style of prose which became almost indistin­ guishable from the frivolous literary sub­ jects o f much o f sixth-century literature. Not that this style was without its critics: Liu Hsieh (see Wen-hsin tiao-lung), Chung Jung (see Shih-p’in), Su Cho MW(498-546), Li O $15 (fl. 600), and others assailed it. Indeed, although their influence was neg­ ligible, they are considered as the fore­ runners of the conscious effort to promote ku-wen, conceived and dubbed by modern scholars as the Ku-wen yiin-tung (Ancient-style Prose Movement). Beginning in the mid- to late-seventh century, and as a part o f the weakening of the monopoly the old aristocracy had held on literature for several centuries, there was a reaction against Six D ynasties’ thought in all forms (poetry, historiogra­ phy, philosophy, and prose) which pro­ vided a basis for an increased role in lit­ erature by advocates of ku-wen. Ch’en Tzuang,* YQan Chieh,* Tu-ku Chi,* Liang Su,* Hsiao Ying-shih,* Li Hua,* and Liu Mien WU (fl. 779-797) all promoted the

idea of modelling prose on the classics. The basic reverence for the classics, the ex­ hortation to view didacticism as the basic function of literature, and a return to a simpler, “classical” style is evident in their writings, especially those of Hsiao, Li, and Liu. But like all reforms in language or script, the Ancient-style Prose Movement was di­ rected toward a new audience, or at least attempting to arouse a new awareness in the old. And this audience, the local ed­ ucated gentry, was only in its formative stages in the late eighth century. It was not until the turn of the ninth century that significant literary changes— such as the Hsin Yileh-fu Movement (see yileh-fu), the ch’uan-ch’i* tale, and the early tz’u—appeared. Several modern Chinese scholars have considered this era the dawn o f a new age in literature. Moreover, these changes paralleled a social evolution. The An Lu-shan Rebellion had exacerbated the decline o f the old aristocracy. The stage was thus set for a revolution in prose led by a group of “new men” from local elite families who were anxious to play a role in national politics. Onto it strode two o f the greatest w riters in the history o f Chinese literatu re—H an Yii* and Liu Tsung-yuan.* It is Han Yii who functioned as the fount from which all subsequent ku-wen writings, theoretical and practical, derive. Han at­ tacked, as his predecessors had, p ’ien-wen writings for their style, which demanded regular parallel lines and the expression of an idea in a couplet—something which di­ rected the reader to the textures between lines, inhibited logical argument, and gen­ erally slowed the flow of the text. P'ien-wen was also inimical because of its long asso­ ciation with the trivial, exotic, often erotic subjects of late Six Dynasties’ literature. T o a certain extent literary development prepared the way for Han YQ. The formal features of p ’ien-wen were mnemonically ideal at a time when nearly all literature was memorized. As the vast production of texts in the seventh and especially eighth century made such a task impossible, and no doubt as progress was made in adapting

from reading aloud to silent reading, longer, discursive lines began to appear (Han YQ has one line of over eighty char­ acters). In lieu o f p ’ien-wen, Han YQ promoted the study of the Confucian Classics, while establishing a style based on them in a cor­ pus of prose writings he hoped would serve as the model for a “p u rer” literature of the future. He went beyond his eighthcentury mentors to emphasize and adopt the literary attitudes, as well as the style, of the “Canon,” and to reemphasize the Confucian nature of this corpus. Indeed, Mencius, which had been neglected before the T ’ang, influenced his style and thought heavily. Han viewed the Tao & (Way) of government as inseparable from the Tao of literature. Thus he carefully selected for revival those genres which were suited to his goals: the lun (dissertation), the shu • (personal letter), the chuan ft (biog­ raphy), the various types o f funerary in­ scriptions, the hsii If (preface), and the shuo Wt (discourse). He also recognized the im­ portance of adapting style and diction to the form of the Work. His best-known works include “Shih-shuo” 05% (Discourse on Teaching), “YQan T ao” SH# (On the Origin o f the Way), and “ Liu Tzu-hou muchih-ming” (Gravestone In­ scription for Liu Tsung-yQan). Han also believed that deprivation o r impoverish­ ment (ch’iung $ ), both literal and figura­ tive, heightened a writer’s skill (kung X ). Thus in Han YQ the Ancient-style Prose Movement took on an anti-establishment stance—ch’iung had not been related to lit­ erary motivation in the Six Dynasties— which it was to maintain with some con­ sistency throughout its history. Liu Tsung-yQan, a colleague of Han YQ, is the second great T ’ang ku-wen stylist. More eclectic than Han, the influence of Han-fei-tzu (see Chu-tzu pai-chia) and Chia I can be seen in his works. In his youth Liu established a reputation as a rescript writer, composing government documents in p ’ien-wen. Indeed, throughout his life some of his best works (especially hisfu and sao) were in a style influenced by this early period. But th rough contact with late

eighth-century ku-wen figures and Han Yii himself, Liu developed his own ku-wen dur­ ing his long southern exile (806 until his death in 819). His best-known works are his yu-chi,* which depict the landscapes of th e Hsiang River #8 system (m odern Hunan), his letters, and his allegorical writings such as “Pu-she-che shuo” IS (Discourse of the Snake-catcher). Liu believed that literature could illumine or clarify the Way (£&!HiI), a Way which he saw bifurcated in literature into historical and poetical writing. Despite receiving a number of “stu­ dents” during his sojourn in the South and keeping up a voluminous correspondence with other “disciples,” Liu’s influence on later T ’ang writers is much less felt than that of Han Yti. Late T ’ang ku-wen authors are seen as belonging to one of two schools traceable to Han and his immediate dis­ ciples: one which emphasized Tao (here re­ ferring to content, specifically the Con­ fucian Way) at the expense o f wen (here literary form or flourish). T here was also a tendency among some of Han’s followers (Fan Tsung-shih [d. 821] is normally mentioned) to weight ch’i Sf (the extraor­ dinary) too heavily in their writing, re­ sulting in obscure pieces. Other critics trace these two schools to Han and Liu them­ selves, arguing that Han led a conservative wing of the movement (later members are Li Ao,* Huang-fu Shih SltiSI [fl. 810], and Sun Ch’iao JR1f [fl. 860-888]), while Liu guided the radical wing (which includes Shen Ya-chih,* Lo Yin,* P’i Jih-hsiu,* and Lu Kuei-meng* among its adherents). Li Ao,* in a draft biography of his father-inlaw, Han Yu, asserts that most contem­ porary authors used Han’s writings as the model in preparing for the examinations. Although most ku-wen writers of this era did look to Han as their master, Li Ao’s assertion is questionable, since the style of the examinations and of court documents remained unaffected by ku-wen through the late T ’ang. The great prose collections of the ninth and early tenth centuries belong to the court rescript writers such as Li Shang-yin* (over 350 pieces), Hsii Hsiian && (916-991, over 180 pieces), and Ch’ien

YO (chin-shih, 880, 140 pieces). Col­ lections of ku-wen writers are markedly smaller—P’i Jih-hsiu’s is the largest (95 pie­ ces), Lu Kuei-meng has but 55, and Sun Ch’iao’s rather substantial reputation is built on a mere 32. Ku-wen remained a genre for outsiders, society’s marginal men, who, though they had made inroads into national politics on occasion through the examinations, lacked the socio-economic base to sustain their influence. Many of the genres revived by ku-wen authors, such as the shuo (discourse) and the tui Si (re­ sponse), show a similarity to the rhetoric of the Warring States persuaders. Like their predecessors, like Confucius himself, these late T ’ang ku-wen authors sought po­ sitions at court or with a provincial satrap through their words. In this way th eir ef­ forts paralleled the Fu-ku f*# (Return to Antiquity) Movement in shih* poetry and the Hsin yileh-fu. But because the late T ’ang courts, riddled by dissention and intrigue, were not able to seriously consider social or political reforms, this group of men ac­ tually lost influence at court throughout the last decades of the T ’ang, the Five Dy­ nasties, and the early Sung. A parallel-prose style modelled on Li Shang-yin, known as Hsi-k’un (see Hsi-k’ung ch’ou-ch’ang chi), and promoted by mem­ bers o f the old elite dominated early elev­ enth-century prose. T he great sequel to the Wen-hsilan,* the Wen-yiian ying-hua, completed in 987, is so much inclined towards parallel prose that a rival collec­ tion, the T ’ang-wen ts’ui,* an anthology of ku-wen writings and Hsin yileh-fu, was ed­ ited shortly thereafter (1011) to combat its influence. Yet despite efforts by early Sung writers such as Liu K’ai (947-1000) and Wang Yii-ch’eng,* ku-wen remained in the back­ ground. At the same time a reaction against Hsik ’un led by Shih Chieh fi-ft (1005-1045) developed. Shih emphasized the utilitarian aspects of prose, borrowing some o f Liu K’ai’s ideas (“literature is intended to al­ low one to obtain the Way” [ 3cfcWI9i] and “literature is intended to allow one to practice the Way” [ Jcklff Jt]). He attacked

all belletristic writings and called for a Pient'i #11 (Changed or Altered-body) style. His own work proved disjointed and ob­ scure, but by providing an antithesis to Hsik ’un it may have helped prepare the way for Ou-yang Hsiu’s* second act of the Ancient-prose Style Movement. This act is punctuated by the year 1059 when Ou-yang Hsiu, as chief examiner and literary arbiter of the era introduced kuwen as the medium for the chin-shih ex­ aminations. This led to the acceptance of ku-wen at court (for a time) and the pro­ liferation of the style as the major type of prose for non-official writings until the twentieth century. Ou-yang’s success was due in part to the increased role of the local gentry in Sung court politics—ku-w.en had continued to be popular in their cir­ cles. And the polarities of Hsi-k’un and Pient’i allowed Ou-yang to promote ku-wen as a middle course. But the seemingly effort­ less style Ou-yang Hsiu developed, a style which he employed equally in discursive and lyrical writings, was also a major fac­ tor. He also worked towards resolving the controversy over Tao and wen which had occupied late-T ’ang authors, arguing against the utilitarianism of Liu K’ai and Shih Chieh and for a balance of the two (see his “Yu Yiieh Hsiu-ts’ai ti-i shu” MM [First Letter to the Graduate Yfleh]). His major works include the famous “Tsui-wen-t’ing chi” (Record of the Old Tippler’s Pavilion), “ P’eng-tang lun” aSJIgSi (Essay on Factions), “Mei Shengyii shih-chi hsii” tS®#HUkff (Preface to the Collected Poetry of Mei Yao-chen*), “Ch’iusheng fu” (Prose-poem on Autumn Sounds), and the Hsin T ’ang-shu If (HI (New T ’ang History), in which he rewrote the Chiu T ’ang-shu ostensibly in order to im­ prove its style (he actually also altered the text considerably in favor of Neo-Confu­ cian ideas). As the literary doyen of the mid-twelfth century, Ou-yang Hsiu helped establish Han Yu’s reputation and effec­ tively worked compromises between var­ ious ku-wen factions, fashioning an effec­ tive, yet highly literary style. Although Ou-yang Hsiu was the most important ku-wen figure to his Northern

Sung contemporaries and was instrumen­ tal in establishing Han Yii’s corpus as a standard for the style, his successor as lit­ erary arbiter of the era, Su Shih,* has had a greater influence on writers of subse­ quent dynasties in terms of ku-wen theory. Su Shih took the ancient style a step fur­ ther away from parallel prose toward a “natural” (tzu-jan @&) prose style. The ef­ fect o f his best-known pieces, such as the “Ch’ien” ffl and “ Hou Chih-pi fu” (Prose-poems on the Red Cliff, One and Two), is a style which seems less crafted and is more suited to discursive writings. Su himself drew an analogy between his writing and water flowing from a spring (see “ Wen shuo” [On Prose]). Like Ou-yang Hsiu, Su Shih did not advocate either wen or Tao, but saw the two as in­ separable. More in concert with Neo-Con­ fucian philosophical ideas, he equated the Tao with li 8 (principle), to be found in each subject or work of art. He went fur­ ther than Ou-yang in championing liter­ ature for its own sake. The process of writ­ ing, according to Su, consists in (1) learning about objects, (2) understanding th eir principle, and (3) subjectively com pre­ hending them. This conceptualization, w’'ich Su called i it, is primary to all writ­ ing. When combined with fa& (technique or style), a literary work is created. Since the aim of literature is to convey the au­ thor’s conceptualization, clarity of style is vital. This tandem o f /a and i, albeit not always in exactly these terms, continued to influence prose theory until modern times. Su’s prose corpus is extremely rich in both the number and the types of works. Aside from the standard, formal prose genres, he left many miscellaneous notes and incomplete pieces which were later collected as pi-chi,* in works such as the Chih-lin (SW (A Forest of Records), works which in turn had considerable influence on the hsiao-p’in wen 'J'ffliX (informal es­ says) of the late Ming and Ch’ing periods. Other well-known works by Su include “Jih yQ” Hit (Allegory on the Sun), “Wu-ch’ang Chiu-ch’u T ’ing chi” (A Re­ cord of the Nine-bends Pavilion at Wuch’ang), “ Fang-ho T ’ing chi” (A

Record of Releasing-crane Pavilion), and numerous lun li (discursive essays). The Southern Sung inherited the styles o f Ou-yang Hsiu, followed primarily by Neo-Confucians such as Chu Hsi * * (1130-1200), and o f Su Shih, to be seen in the ts’e M and lun o f Hsin Ch’i-chi* and Ch’en Liang.* In North China which was under the rule of the Chin dynasty, Chao Ping-wen,* Liu Chung SM3 (tzu, Cheng-fu IE*), Wang Jo-hsQ,* and YQan Hao-wen* were noted ku-wen essayists. The movement towards a style more comprehensible to a larger audience which had begun in the Sung dynasty continued in the YQan—even court documents and the civil-service examination papers were affected. Ku-wen prose thus continued to flourish. Liu Yin 81H (tzu, Ching-hsiu 1249-1293), Yao Sui f t # (tzu, Mu-an 1238-1314), YQ Chi MM (tzu, Tao-yOan 3H0, 1272-1348), and Sun T ’ien-chQeh (see Kuo-ch’ao wen-lei) are among the noted practitioners. Although there were noted ku-wen writ­ ers such as Sung Lien,* Liu Chi,* and Fang Hsiao-ju* in the first decades o f the Ming, the major developments in ku-wen during this dynasty involved the historical per­ ception of ku-wen in the history o f Chinese prose. Li Tung-yang* and the group as­ sociated with him advocated a fu-ku move­ ment, but stressed the Han dynasty as the period in which prose (and ku-wen) reached its zenith. An opposition party, led by Kuei Yu-kuang* (who noted his support of kuwen, but his disagreement with the defi­ nition of the term by Li), T ’ang Shunchih,* and Wang Shen-chung IW 'f (15091559), argued against the slavish imitation o f Li Tung-yang’s group and the almost unintelligible prose it had produced. They also promoted T ’ang and Sung ku-wen and were the first to assemble the major writers o f these two dynasties under the heading T ’ang Sung pa-ta [san-wen] chia (see Han YQ). Their spirit and theories influenced the Ching-ling p’ai ItkK and the Kung-an p ’ai (see YQan Hung-tao), and led to a pro­ liferation of ku-wen anthologies in the sev­ enteenth and eighteenth centuries (see Bibliography below). Ming ku-wen writers

were again primarily men with little court connection or influence in an era domi­ nated by parallel-prose (pa-ku wen*) in of­ ficial circles. During the Ch’ing th e major ku-wen writers belonged to the T ’ung-ch’eng p’ai.* This group, which traced its origins to Kuei Yu-kuang and T ’ang Shun-chih and num­ bered Fang Pao,* Liu Ta-k’uei *):***t (1698-1779), and Yao Nai Kit (1732-1815) as its chief members, was based on the the­ ory of the necessity for a unity between i H (rightness) and fa (method). This em­ phasis on a balance between substance (i, by which th e N eo-Confucian Tao was meant) and form (fa) can be traced back to the two schools o f Han YQ’s followers and to Ou-yang Hsiu’s efforts to effect a compromise between them. But in Yao Nai’s writings the integration is elevated to a general literary theory which incor­ porates all literary genres. Yao also com­ piled an anthology, th e Ku-wen tz’u leitsuari,* to illustrate the theories o f the school. A rival school, the Yang-hu p’ai ISA!® (named after the district in modern Kiangsu from which its members came), was led by YQn Ching « « (1757-1817) and Chang Hui-yen.* They held similar ideas but, despite a general acknowledgment that YQn C hing’s know ledge and style sur­ passed those o f Yao Nai, had little histor­ ical significance. T he T ’ung-ch’eng p ’ai, however, through its anthology and its dis­ ciples and admirers such as Tseng Kuofan,* greatly influenced modern concep­ tions and accounts o f the development of traditional Chinese prose. T he modern scholar Kao Pu-ying M&Wi, for example, has been criticized for giving preference to ku-wen writers, specifically those ad­ mired by the T ’ung-ch’eng p’ai, in his an­ thology T ’ang Sung wen chil-yao *595 (Essential T ’ang and Sung Prose). T he modern esteem for Ssu-ma Ch’ien* and the Eight Ancient-style Prose Masters o f the T ’ang and Sung to some extent derives from the predilections o f this school, too. T here is a certain irony therein, since these ku-wen authors to a man were much less successful in their own lifetimes th an their parallel-prose, courtier counterparts.

A

n t h o l o g ie s :

Chin YUan Ming pa-ta-chia wen-hstian 4fe7G®iA (A Selection of Prose from the Eight Masters of the Chin, Yflan and Ming Dynas­ ties). Li Tsu-t’ao ed. Includes works by Yflan Hao-wen,* Sung Lien,* T ’ang Shunchih,* Kuei Yu-kuang,* and others. N.p., 1868. Chung-kuo li-tai san-wen hstian Liu Fan-sui #189it and Kuo Yfl-heng eds. 2v. Peking, 1980. Ku-wen hsi-i #£#1 8 (Explicating the Meaning of Ancient-style Texts). Lin Hsi-chung # , ed. Preface 1716, but first printed in 1680s. Emphasizes early prose (Han and preHan) and includes some poems. Poor com­ mentary, but editor’s note following each piece is of interest. Ku-wen kuan-chih, * Ku-wen kuan-chien (A Key to Ancientstyle Texts). Lii Tsu-ch’ien 08IR (11371181), ed. 2 chUan. First printed c. 1160-1180. TSCC. The earliest ku-wen anthology. Antic­ ipates Mao K’un by including seven of the Eight Masters (Lii sees Han Yfl, Liu Tsungyflan, and Ou-yang Hsiu as the models, how­ ever). The "key” is a critical analysis of the rhetoric of each of these pieces. Ku-wen p ’ing-chu S’3JF ft (Critical Notes on An­ cient-style Texts). Kuo Kung 183&, ed. Pre­ face 1703; rpt. Taipei, 1975. Includes brief biographies; the traditional commentaries are followed by a more general (often moralistic) note by the editor. The coverage is a bit un­ even: more than half the selections are from the Chou and Han and eleven selections of Su Hsiin* are provided, about the same num­ ber as from all Ming writers. Ku-wen tz’u-lei-tsuan.* Ku-wen yilan. * Ku-wenyiian-chien irASI® (A Profound Mirror of Ancient-style Texts). Selected by Shengtsu Emperor. Hsii Ch’ien-hsfleh (16311694), ed. Preface 1685. The emphasis is on • official documents through the Sung. Sung-wen chien (A Mirror of Sung Prose). Lfl Tsu-ch’ien, ed. 150 chilan. Soochow: Chiang-su shu-chii 1886. Also SKCS. Works arranged according to sixty rubrics— includes some p’ien-wen. The three most rep­ resented authors are Su Shih (276 pieces), Wang An-shih (198), and Ou-yang Hsiu (166). T ’ang Sung wen chU-yao. Kao Pu-ying, ed. 3v. Peking, 1962. The best modern collection of

T ’ang and Sung ku-wen prose; also contains some p ’ien-wen selections. T’ang Sung pa-ta-chia wen-ch’ao (A Collection of the Prose of the Eight Mas­ ters of the T ’ang and Sung). Mao K’un (1512-1601), ed. 144 chUan. 1579. T’ang Sung shih-ta-chia wen-chi #35+^: Chu Hsin Hift*:. Added Li Ao* and Sun Ch’iao Jfiti (fl. 860-888) to the original eight mas­ ters. T’ang-wen ts’ui..* Wen-chang kuei-fan A®tt® (Model Pieces of Prose). Hsieh Fang-te lttfi#(1226-1289), ed. SKCS. Also Osaka, 1794. Intended as a col­ lection to further Confucian learning and as a corpus that would provide models for the writing of ku-wen prose, this anthology con­ tains works from Han through Sung, but con­ centrates bn the Eight Masters of T ’ang and Sung. Very influential in Japan. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Liu, Shih Shun. Chinese Classical Prose, the Eight Masters of the T’ang Sung Period. Hong Kong, 1979. Margouli&s, Georges. Le kou-wen chinois. Paris, 1926. Translations of ku-wen works from the Kung-yang chuan (see Tso-chuan and ching) through the Ming; Margoulids understands ku-wen similarly to Ch’ing anthologists as more comprehensive than just the prose of the Eight Masters. His long Introduction (pp. icxvi) is still useful. ------ . Anthologie raisonee de la littirature chinoise. Paris, 1948. Contains prose and poetry, in­ cluding a number of pieces by Han Yfl and Liu Tsung-yQan. Shimizu, Shigeru JS&tSs. To So hakkahun IfSfc A * * . Tokyo, 1966. St u d ie s :

Bol , Peter K. “Culture and the Way in Elev­ enth Century China.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton, 1982. Chang, Hsfl 9M. “Sung Yflan Ming Ch’ing wen lun” in Lo, Lun-wen hsilan, pp. 1327-1334. Chen, Yu-shih. “T ’ang-Sung Prose Masters: The Theory and Art of Ku-wen.” Unpub­ lished manuscript, 344 pp. ------ . “Han Yfl as a Ku-wen Stylist,” THHP, 1 (1968), 143-207. Ch’ien, Mu i#8. “Tsa-lun T ’ang-tai ku-wen yfln-tung” Hsin-ya hsilehpao, 3 (1957), 123-168.

------ . “Chung-kuo san-wen” 'f’HlfcSC, in Chung-kuo wen-hsileh yen-chiang chi Hong Kong, 1963, pp. 36-46. Ch’ien, Tung-fu 18*^:5?. T’ang Sung ku-wen yilntung I®. Shanghai, 1962; rpts. 1979, 1982. Chin, Chung-shfi “Sung-tai ku-wen yfintung chih fa-chan” Hsinya hsileh-pao, 5.2 (August 1963), 79-146. Chung-kuo ku-tien san-wen yen-chiu lun-wen chi 2v. Peking, 1959. Edwards, E. D. “A Classified Guide to the Thir­ teen Classes of Chinese Prose,” BSOAS, 12 (1947-48), 770-788. Hartman, Charles. “Historical and Literary Backgrounds,” in Nienhauser, Liu, pp. 1525. Hightower, James R. “The Ku-wen Move­ ment,” in Topics in Chinese Literature, Cam­ bridge, Massachusetts, 1952, pp. 72-75. Kuo, Shao-yil SM8J#. Chung-kuo wen-hsileh p’ip’ing shih 'f’HXWttSPSfc. Shanghai, 1934, pp. 174-302. Liu, James T. C. “Master of Sung Literature,” in Ou-yang Hsiu, An Eleventh-century Neo-Confucianist, Stanford, 1967, pp. 141-153. Liu, Ta-chieh and Ch’ien Chung “Chien-yen ,flH, in T’ang Sung wen chil-yao, v. 1, pp. 1-7. Lo, Lien-t’ien JM>8si “T ’ang Sung ku-wen te fa-chan ytl yen-pien” ®f3?'6'XM$lil fflS?#, in Chung-kuo wen-hsileh te fa-chan kai-shu 't’HA Taipei, 1982, pp. 121-194. Locke, Marjorie A. “The Early Life of Ou-yang Hsiu and His Relation to the Rise of the Kuwen Movement of the Sung Period.” Unpub­ lished Ph.D. dissertation, London University, 1951. McMullen, David. “ Historical and Literary Theory in the Mid-Eighth Century,” in Per­ spectives, pp. 307-342. ------ . “YOan Chieh and the Early Ku-wen Movement.” Unpublished Ph.D. disserta­ tion, Cambridge University, 1968. Nienhauser, William H. Jr., “Some Preliminary Remarks on Fiction, the Classical Tradition and Society in Late Ninth-century China,” in Chinese Fiction, pp. 1-16. Obi, Koichi —. “Ryu Ben no bunron” oilfc, Shinagaku kenkyil, 27 (1962), 2737. Discusses five letters on style. Pulleyblank, E. G. “Liu K’o 8DW, A Forgotten Rival of Han YQ,” AM, 7 (1959), 145-160. ------ . “Neo-Confucianism and Neo-Legalism in T’ang Intellectual Life, 755-806,” in The

Confucian Persuasion, Arthur F. Wright, ed., Stanford, 1960, pp. 77-114. Sato, Ichiro feU—H5. “Kobun" £ A, in Chungkuo wen-hsileh kai-lun 'f’HAWtttH, Hung Shun-lung tr„ Taipei, 1980, pp. 162182. —WHN

Ku-wen kuan-chih #3:®ih (The Finest of Ancient Prose) is an anthology of ku-wen* (ancient-style prose) compiled by Wu Ch’uts’ai and Wu Tiao-hou SiPI£ and first published in 1695. T he preface in­ dicates that the work is intended for use by students and that beauty is the criterion by which sections have been selected. The title itself alludes to the Tso-chuan* (Duke Hsiang, 29) where Kuan-chih H it, literally “the observation ceases,” refers to the fact that the music and dance performed on that occasion was so outstanding as to make further performances unnecessary. Thus, we m ight tran slate th e title somewhat loosely as “T he Finest of Ancient Prose.” Ku-wen kuan-chih includes 220 selections, each edited and annotated by the compi­ lers. Several peculiarities of the anthology should be noted. Although “ancient-style prose” is often thought to stand in contrast to “parallel prose” (p’ien-wen*), the Ku-wen kuan-chih does contain several examples of the latter. In addition, there is a dispro­ portionately large number of passages from the Tso-chuan (34), the Chan-kuo ts’e* (14) and the Shih-chi* (15), particularly in view o f the fact that there are selections from neither the Chou philosophical texts nor the Pans’ highly regarded Han-shu (see Pan Ku). Later scholars have also complained that the eight selections from the Six Dy­ nasties are insufficient, that T ’ang ku-wen writers other than Han Yii* (who is rep­ resented by twenty-four selections), and Liu Tsung-yilan (who has eleven selections), are generally overlooked, and that some se­ lections from the Yiian dynasty, which is not represented at all in the anthology, should be added. These and several other “faults” have been corrected by Chao T s’ung i&W in a 1960 revision of Ku-wen kuan-chih entitled Ku-wen kuan-chih hsin-pien tiXm ikm * . This collection retains 134 se­ lections from the earlier compilation sup­

plemented by 106 others, making it slightly larger than the original collection. Ku-wen kuan-chih has becom e an ex­ tremely popular anthology, and familiarity with its contents is presupposed of students interested in the Chinese prose tradition. Indeed, Chao T s’ung compares the influ­ ence of this anthology with another fa­ mous collection, T ’ang-shih san-pai-shou* In addition to the Latin translation of one hundred of the 220 selections by Zottoli, Margouli£s’ numerous French trans­ lations, and the English language rendi­ tions by such scholars as Giles, Edwards, and Lin listed below, there is a manuscript Manchu translation of Ku-wen kuan-chih noted by Walter Fuchs in his Chinesische und mandjurische Handschriften und seltene Drucke (Wiesbaden, 1966), Nr. 223/4. E d it io n s :

Chao, Ts’ung, ed. Ku-wen kuan-chih hsin-pien. 1960; rpt. Taipei, 1972. Wu, Ch’u-ts’ai and Wu Tiao-hou, eds. Ku-wen kuan-chih. 1698; rpt. Shanghai, 1926. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Edwards, E. D. Chinese Prose Literature ofthe T’ang Period. 2v. London, 1937-38. Giles, H. A. Gems ofChinese Literature. Shanghai, 1922. Lin, Shih-shun. Chinese Classical Prose. Hong Kong, 1979. Margoultes, G. Le kou-wen chinois. Paris, 1926. Zottoli, P. A. Cursus Litteraturae Sinicae. 4v. Shanghai, 1880. —SD

Ku-wen-tz’u lei-tsuan (A Class­ ified Compendium of Ancient-style Prose and Verse; in some early editions chuan 91, closer to the intended meaning, is sub­ stituted for tsuan—most modern editions use the latter) was compiled by Yao Nai fttiR (tzu, Chi-ch’uan Hsi-pao and Meng-ku M t, 1732-1815) in 1799. This influential anthology circulated in hand­ written copies for nearly two decades be­ fore it was published under the auspices of K’ang Shao-yung (1770-1834), then the Governor-general o f Kwangtung. Yao Nai was born in T ’ung-ch’eng (Anhwei), and tutored in his youth by an uncle, Yao Fan (tzu, Nan-ch’ing I®W,

hao, Chiang-wu and Chi-t’ung 301, 1702-1771). He later came under the tu­ telage of a famous fellow townsman, Liu Ta-k’uei #1^:16 (tzu, T s’ai-fu S'Tt, hao, Haifeng mm, 1698-1779). Like Fang Pao,* Liu Ta-k’uei and Yao Fan were avid propo­ nents of ku-wen,* or ancient-style prose, and they schooled Yao Nai in that tradition. After passing the chin-shih examination in 1763, Yao Nai was appointed to the Hanlin Academy. Terms o f service with the Boards of War, Ceremonies, and Punish­ ments followed. He was subsequently as­ signed to the commission engaged in the compilation o f the Ssu-k’u ch’iian-shu tsungmu t’i-yao (see Chi YQn). Yao Nai resigned from office in 1774 and devoted his ener­ gies over the next several decades to teach­ ing in priv ate academ ies in th e lower Yangtze River Valley. Because of his rep­ utation as a prose stylist and classicist, he attracted many students and inculcated in them the literary values and concepts he had inherited from his uncle and from Liu Ta-k’uei. Through his energetic advocacy of an­ cient-style prose, the movement to restore it to widespread public acceptance made considerable headway during his lifetime and ultimately came to be known as the T ’ung-ch’eng P’ai,* after the home o f Fang Pao, Liu Ta-k’uei, and himself. By the mid­ nineteenth century, this school was able to claim a large following o f prominent offi­ cials and men o f letters, such as Kuo Sungtao (1818-1891), Chang YQ-chao ■ * « (1823-1894), HsQeh Fu-ch’eng,WIB« (1838-1894), Wang K’ai-yQn (18331916), Wu Ju-lun m m b). Lit­ erature must reflect the true feelings and unspoiled thoughts of man, which would be lost if he indulged in writing “standard literature.” In a letter to T eng Shih-yang fflSSI®, Li wrote: “Only the words in daily use, only colloquial language and simple sentences are to be studied most carefully! T his is th e only im p o rtan t th ing, but nevertheless the most difficult, too. And why? If you study the shallow words, you will find the real spirit o f man, which is in harmony with nature.” Hence Li highly respected works such as Shui-hu chuan; he commented on the 120-chapter version of the'novel, and it is possible that he himself wrote some chapters of this edition, which was provided by the famous publisher YQan Shu-tu SS&It (tzu, Wu-yai M S) and first printed in 1614. In his preface to Yiian’s edition of the Shui-hu chuan, Li called the novel an “eruption o f equitable rancor,” and praised the men gathered in the Liangshan marshes as “heroes and examples of loyalty and justice.” To Li Chih, the Shuihu chuan was a specimen of literature “breaking from inside.” As he explained to a friend, “ Normally an author is writing from the outer world to the inner world, but in my way of writing, I have to break through from an inner world to the outer world.” Li Chih’s theory o f literature is that the realities of life are by no means the art itself, but they are to be trans­

la publication du Livred bruler (1590). Geneva, formed into art. If an author neglects the 1979. Contains some translations. realities of banal life, he will never be able -----. “Li Chih (1527-1602): Additional Re­ to write real literature. This was the rea­ search Notes,” Chinese Studies in History, 8.11 son for his predilection for literature in the (Spring 1980), 81-84. vernacular language. Li Chih’s thoughts played an important Chan, liok-lam mmm. Li Chih (1527-1602) in Contemporary Chinese Historiography: New Light role during the May Fourth Movement of on His Life and Works. New York, 1980. 1919, when his anti-Confucian writings Ch’en, Chin-ch’ao Li Chih chih wen-lun were newly “discovered.” During the AntiTaipei, 1974. Lin Piao, Anti-Confucius Campaign in the Cheng, Pei-kai. “Reality and Imagination: Li 1970s he was highly praised as a “Legalist Chih and T ’ang Hsien-tsu in Search of Au­ Thinker,” and some of his important writ­ thenticity.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, ings were re-edited. His Buddhistic think­ Yale University, 1980. ing and his writings on metaphysical prob­ DMB, pp. 807-818. lems, however, were neglected during Irwin, Richard G. The Evolution ofa Chinese Novel: these years. Shui-hu chuan. Cambridge, Mass., 1953, esp. pp. 75-82. E d it io n s : Min-tse ®i#. “Li Chih te T ’ung-hsin-shuo yii Ch’u-t’an chi (First Collection of the Shun-ch’i-hsing lun” Dragon-pool). 2v. Peking, 1974. Wen-i lun-ts’ung, 9 (1979). 343-351. Fen-shu, Hsii Fen-shu Peking, 1975. Nan Shih BSC. “Chan-tou te wen-hsiieh ssuHsii Ts’ang-shu Peking, 1959; rpt., 2v., hsiang-chia Li Chih” RRflSlS:* 1974 with index of the biographies. Wen-hsileh p’ing-lun, 1979.3 (June 1979), 88I-yin SB, in Wu-ch’iu-pei Chai I-ching chi-ch’eng, 97. and in Hsii Tao-tsang itSSiiti. Lao-tzu chieh in Wu-ch’iu-pei Chai Lao-tzu Spaar, Wilfried. Die kritische Philosophie des Li Zhi (1527-1602) und ihre politische Rezeption in chi-ch’eng, Ch’u-pien. Yen Ling-feng JR8$, ed. der Volksrepublik China. Wiesbaden, 1984. Taipei, 1971. Li Chih’s Mo-tzu p ’i-hsiian is in­ Contains some translations. cluded in Wu-ch’iu-pei Chai Mo-tzu chi-ch’eng by the same editor, and Chuang-tzu chieh, in Ts’ui Wen-yin SXED. “Ssu-shu-p’ing pu-shih Li Chih chu-tso te k’ao-cheng” Wu-ch’iu-pei Chai Chuang-tzu chi-ch’eng. Che-hsiieh yen-chiu, 1980.4 (April Li Cho-wu Hsien-sheng p’i-p’ing Yu-kuei chi ^ 1980), 69-71. ; Li Cho-wu Hsien-sheng p’i-• ' ■ ■ , —WSp p ’ing Yii-ho chi Li Chowu Hsien-sheng p ’i-p’ing P’i-p’a chi Li Ch’ing-chao (tzu, I-an *5c, 1084Ku-pen, I, Shanghai, 1954. c. 1151) is China’s greatest woman poet. Shih-kang p’ing-yao ®IH§¥S!. 3v. Peking, 1974. Born in Li-ch’eng gfW (modern Chi-nan in Ssu-shu p’ing. Shanghai, 1975. There is also a Shantung), she came from a distinguished reprint of the first edition, probably late Wanli (about 1615), by Ku-chi ch’u-pan-she literary family. H er father, Li Ko-fei (Shanghai) and San-lien shu-tien (Hong Kong W, was a noted prose writer and a member Branch) in four ts’e (original size with mul­ of Su Shih’s* literary coterie; her mother, also a poet, was a granddaughter of the ticolor printing), 1976. Ts’ang-shu. 2v. Peking, 1959; rpt., 4v., with in­ illustrious Grand Councilor Wang Kungch’en (1012-1085). Nurtured in such dex of the biographies. a milieu and naturally gifted, she was rec­ T r a n s l a t io n s : ognized as a promising poet while still in Masui, Tsuneo *f Funsho. Mindai ittan no her teens. At sixteen she wrote two verses sho*m ° Kyoto, 1969. in response to a poem written by her fath­ er’s friend, Chang Wen-ch’ien 36#®. St u d ie s : In 1101, Li Ch’ing-chao was married to Billeter, Jean-Francois. Li Zhi. Philosophe maudit (1527-1602). Contribution & une sociologie du Chao Ming-ch’eng iffiWW (1081-1129), a mandarinat chinois de lafin des Ming. La genise student at the Han-lin Academy and son et le developpement de la pensee de Li Zhijusqu’d of a powerful politician who opposed the

conservative faction to which her own father belonged. Their union was happy, since they shared the same literary taste and a passion for painting and calligraphy. Having lived through the transition from the Northern Sung to the Southern, a pe­ riod when China was torn by internal po­ litical strife and beset by foreign invasions, Li Ch’ing-chao endured personal tribula­ tion. When her husband’s official career was interrupted by the power struggle in the capital, the two lived in semi-retirem ent'in Ch’ing-chou flfWI (Shantung), de­ voting themselves to research and art col­ lecting. They also catalogued rubbings from ancient bronze vessels and stone monuments; the result of their collabora­ tion, Chin-shih lu (A Catalogue of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions) in thirty chilan has unfortunately been lost. There remains only Li Ch’ing-chao’s postscript, written after her husband’s death. Li Ch’ing-chao’s personal tragedy co­ incided with the fall of the Northern Sung. In 1127, when the Jurchen sacked the cap­ ital Pien-liang (m odern K’ai-feng), Li Ch’ing-chao was in Ch’ing-chou alone, her husband having gone to Nanking to attend his m other’s funeral. When Ch’ing-chou was thrown into turmoil, Li Ch’ing-chao fled with only a few belongings. After months of arduous travels she was reu­ nited with her husband, who had by then become the mayor of Nanking. But her peace and security were short-lived. In 1129 her husband died while en route to a new post, and after that Li Ch’ing-chao drifted from place to place. In 1131 she finally settled in Lin-an (m odern Hangchow). T here she is said to have mar­ ried a minor military official, Chang Juchou divorcing him soon thereafter because of his malfeasance and his mis­ treatment of her. Not much is known about her life after that, except what can be in­ ferred from a few somber poems making references to old age. She is mentioned in the Sung-shih 5K& only in Li Ko-fei’s bi­ ography, as his talented daughter known for her versification. Despite the dearth of biographical data on Li Ch’ing-chao, her life can be recon­

structed from her works, which demon­ strate that she possessed great erudition and a versatile talent. Her early poetry, full of vitality and elegant diction, paints vi­ gnettes of her carefree days as a woman of high society who enjoyed the freedom to participate in drinking parties and po­ etry contests and who was fond o f playing on the swing and of boating. But the poems written after her husband’s death portray her as grief-stricken, “too lazy to comb her hair,” mourning the loss of her homeland and her beloved, managing to “forget the past only when drunk.” Despite her meticulous observance of the metrical rules of the tz’u* genre, Li Ch’ingchao was able to depict in everyday lan­ guage and without affectation her true state of mind and the nuances of her feelings. Her sensitivity to music and cadence, her gift for fresh imagery, and her awareness of the sensuous beauty of nature give her tz’u an inimitable quality. Unfortunately, the greater part of her works has been lost. The little that has sur­ vived is scattered in various collections. To date, five essays, eighteen shih* poems, and seventy-eight tz’u have been attributed to her. Li Ch’ing-chao’s poetry has been called narrow in scope, because it deals mainly with her personal experiences. Such crit­ icism overlooks the depth of her emotional intensity, which more than compensates for the lack of breadth in subject matter. Her impeccable craftsmanship and her liber­ ating spirit place her among the best of tz’u masters. E d it io n s :

Li Ch’ing-chao chi Shanghai, 1962. Li Ch’ing-chao chi chiao-chu Wang Hsiieh-ch’u ed. Peking, 1979. Shu-yil chi Kaoshiung, 1964. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Birch, Anthology, v. 2, pp. 358-363. Hsu, K. Y. “The Poems ofLi Ch’ing-chao (10841141),” PMLA, 77 (1962), 521-528. Liang, Paitchin. Oeuvres poetiques computes de Li Qingzhao. Paris, 1977. Rexroth, Kenneth and Ling Chung. Li Ch’ingchao; Complete Poems. New York, 1979. Sunflower, pp. 366-370.

life, rendering both poet and poetry as fic­ tional. The intent o f both prefaces is to defuse the poetry, to present it as safe to enjoy and preserve. It is telling that some twenty years after Li Ho’s death his life and work were still dealt with circum­ spectly. In 809 Li Ho took the provincial ex­ amination in Lo-yang. (His father had died sortie years before, thus he was the hope of a family consisting of his mother, sister, and younger brother; it is not supposed that he ever married.) Two prominent al­ beit controversial figures, Han Yii* and Huang-fu Shih S it® (c. 777-c. 830), were his sponsors. He easily passed and went on AJP to Ch’ang-an to prepare for the chin-shih Li H o * * (tzu, Ch’ang-chi ft* , 791-817) examination, but he was not allowed to take was a tragic-romantic poet of the late it. The complaint was that he would violate T ’ang. Born to a distant branch o f the im­ the taboo against using his father’s name perial clan, talented and with every pros­ should he participate, since the chin was pect and desire for a prominent career, he the same as that of his father’s name, Chinachieved no material success in his short su # tt. T he practice of the time was also life. It is a truism that the poets of the to avoid homophones, and on this basis the T ’ang did not measure their life’s worth charge stuck. It is not known who made by their poetry, this was a m atter for pos­ the case against Li Ho or why. In poems on his return to Ch’ang-ku terity. Rather it was high office in the gov­ S # , the family home located in modern ernm ent which counted as the essential measure of one’s impact on the world. Li Honan, Li Ho contrasted the richness and H o’s poetry reflects frustration and bitter­ fertility of place with the desolation of self. ness, offering sharp sarcasm, irony, and He had no choice but to go back to Ch’angsatire about political matters, and giving an in 811 to take the placing examination: uncompromisingly precise details in erotic his father had reached the fifth rank, first contexts. For the unusual richness of his class, and by heredity he was entitled to diction, his simultaneous bluntness and al­ any position up to the eighth rank, third lusiveness, and his courting of the ma­ class. His “Jen-ho li tsa hsii Huang-fu Shih” cabre—the unlikely, unlucky image—he tWIl.Sltrt'AlSii (Assorted Comments for earned a reputation as a difficult poet to Huang-fu Shih from the Jen-ho Quarter) read and perhaps a dangerous one to be­ expresses on various levels his feelings dur­ ing this period. Between 811 and 814 he friend. This characterization is drawn from the had the title Vice Director for Ceremon­ events of Li Ho’s life and from the prefaces ials; in effect, he was an usher. T he years in Ch’ang-an are undoubtedly to his collected poems written by his near­ contemporaries Tu Mu* and Li Shang- the period of Li H o’s many portraits of the yin.* In his influential “ Preface,” Tu Mu materially rich, emotionally difficult lives argues, ostensibly, that Li Ho goes to ex­ of courtesans. With extraordinary diction cess in his diction and loses the sense of he captures the opulence of the high-class proportion between medium and message, houses and the fragile, fugitive beauty of and that he is in fact an eccentric poet the women, often in ironic contrast to their whom the reader can choose not to un­ commercial functions, as in his “ Yeh-lai (Joys of the Night) and “Mei jen derstand. Li Shang-yin wrote a “Short Bi­ lo” ography” in which he makes legend of the shu t’ou ko” HAtftSfSK (Song of a Beauty S t u d ie s :

Chang, Shao-lin Li Ch’ing-chao. Shang­ hai, 1931. Chu, Ti Li Ch’ing-chao yii Chu Shu-chen MA. Hong Kong, 1959. Chiang, Shang-hsien HfSR. Li Ch’ing-chao tz'u hsin-shang Tainan, 1960. Chung, Ling. “Li Ch’ing-chao: Another Side of her Complex Personality,” JCLTA, 10.3 (October 1975), 126-136. Ho, Kuang-yen MSf$L Li Ch’ing-chao yen-chiu Taipei, 1977. Hu, Pin-ching. Li Ch’ing-chao. New York, 1966. SB, pp. 530-539. She, Hsiieh-man Nil tz’u-jen Li Ch’ingchao Kowloon, 1955.

Combing H er Hair). He continues the tra­ dition of boudoir poetry, his work remi­ niscent of Li Po’s poems on women. His career stillborn, Li Ho grew increas­ ingly conscious of his chronic illness and o f the immediacy of death. This fueled his interest in the question of immortality, in images of death, and in the deceit of my­ thology. With a skeptical eye he measured immortality and found it an endless series o f deaths. In his “Shen hsien” K (Spirit Strings) poems he witnesses shamanistic performances but places more magic in m etaphor than in medium. Like many of his contemporaries he read the Diamond Sutra, yet the extent of Buddhist influence in his poetry remains uncertain. One in­ stance might be found in his “Yao-hua yiieh” (Jasper Flower Music), a nar­ rative poem on the legendary visit of King Mu to the Queen Mother of the West (Hsi Wang Mu), which is also a retelling of the tragic romance of Hsiian-tsung and Yang Kuei-fei. The last couplet bears a striking resemblance to descriptions of the annual ritual o f bathing the Buddha. Evidently, religion offered him little solace, and my­ thology was itself a medium for allegory. For all that distinguishes Li Ho from more conventional poets, he is a product o f the innovators he follows. Unusual syn­ tax, a penchant for dissimilar, discordant parallels, the delight in ambiguity, the freedom to fill his poems with intensity, all reflect the achievements of Tu Fu,* the forbidding imagery of Meng Chiao,* and the influence of Han Yii. But the roman­ ticism, irony, bitter wit, delight in count­ ering traditional expectations, all belong to the poet. He saw the world in colors, fragrances, sounds, textures, and he made no pretense of doing other than inter­ preting his experiences. His landscapes often project a state of mind, where reds or flowers weep, the mist has laughing eyes, and nature is measured in human terms. Repetition, onomatopoeia, alliteration, al­ lusion—the most extensive borrowing from the Ch’u-tz’u* since Hsieh Ling-yiin*—and multiple levels of meaning in individual poems characterize Li Ho’s poetry. And given his fondness for narratives, his best efforts tend to be old-style verse.

Li Ho spent his last years seeking a po­ sition outside the court, on the staff o f a general. Unsuccessful, he returned home in 817 quite ill and died. His collected sur­ viving poems total about 240; legend has it that a spiteful cousin got hold of the collection and threw a large part of it into a privy—such was Li H o’s luck in life and legend. E d it io n s :

Li Ho koshih-pien Taipei, 1971. Li Ho shih hsilan $ HIS38. Liu Ssu-han comp. Hong Kong, 1980. San-chia p’ing-chu Li Ch’ang-chi ko-shih Peking, 1959. Includes the stan­ dard commentary by Wang Ch’i 3E8J (pub. 1760). T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Frodsham, J. D. The Poems of Li Ho (791-817). Oxford, 1970. Graham, Late T’ang, pp. 89-119. Saito, Sho **M. Ri Ga $ * . Tokyo, 1967. Suzuki, Torao Ri Chokichi kashishu 2v. Tokyo, 1961. Sunflower, pp. 228-236. St u d ie s :

Fish, Michael B. “Mythological Themes in the Poetry of Li Ho 791-817.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1973. ------ . “The Tu Mu and Li Shang-yin Prefaces to the Collected Poems of Li Ho,” in Chinese Poetry and Poetics, v. 1, R. C. Miao, ed. San Francisco, 1978, pp. 231-286. ------ . “Yang Kuei-fei as the Hsi Wang Mu: Secondary Narrative in Two T ’ang Poems,” MS 32 (1976), 337-354. Harada, Kenya (Kffl JRM. Ri Ga ronkd ^ HIfc#. Kyoto, 1981. RiGakenkyu* 1-13 (1971-1975), Kyoto: HokOsha 3? it. Mimeographed journal (sold by Hoyfl shoten /W£ • IS). Robertson, Maureen. “Poetic Diction in the Works of Li Ho (891-917 [«c]).” Unpub­ lished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1970. Tu, Kuo-ch’ing. Li Ho. Boston, 1979. —MF

Li H ua ¥ ¥ (tzu, Hsia-shu 38®, d. c. 769) was one of the most influential prose writ­ ers, critics, and literary patrons of the mid­ dle decades of the eighth century. His of­

ficial career was crucially affected by the An Lu-shan Rebellion of 755. He had passed the chin-shih examination in 735, succeeded in a palace examination, and held high office. He was also connected with some of the leaders of intellectual opinion in Ch’ang-an in the 740s and early 7 50s and was by then considered an estab­ lished literary figure. During the rebellion, however, he was captured and forced to collaborate. He presumably wrote edicts. A fter the recovery of the capital he retired to the southeast, declining summons and living in self-imposed exile until his death. Like most mid-eighth century men of letters, Li composed in the euphuistic, or­ namental, antithetical style (i.e., p ’ien-wen*), as well as in the free prose (i.e., ku-wen*) that he is traditionally held to have ad­ vocated. Two of his early and best-known works demonstrate this. His “Han-yiian T ien fu ” £ 5 6 (Prose-poem on the Hanyiian Palace) was compared by his friend Hsiao Ying-shih* to two fu* on palaces contained in the prestigious Wen-hsilan.* It was, Hsiao said, not as good as one by Ho Yen (d. 249), but better than that o f Wang Yen-shou (c. 124-c. 148). A nother of Li’s well-known works “Tiao Ku chan-ch’ang wen” (Dirge on an Ancient Battlefield) is also a highly rhe­ torical composition, using imagery from the period of Han frontier expansion and evoking the combination of romantic fas­ cination and pity that literary men felt for those who died in battle on the northern and western borders. Li’s views on literary practice and theory were given mainly in prefaces to the col­ lected works of friends. He held that lit­ erature was both the expression o f an in­ dividual’s moral life and a reflection of the moral and social climate o f the age. He also emphasized that the Confucian canon em­ bodied the highest standards of literary ex­ cellence, which contemporary literature failed to approach. Despite his disgrace and departure from Ch’ang-an after the An Lu-shan Rebellion, Li maintained wide contacts with impor­ tant figures of his day. He continued to write commemorative texts for Buddhist

clergy, records for local institutions, epi­ taphs, sacrificial prayers, and occasional verse. He also composed essays, one of his most substantial being an analysis of his­ tory in terms o f the traditional polarity o f wen X (refinement) and chih * (austerity) that indicted his own time for its excess of wen. A nother essay argued against the practice of divination using tortoise shells. A third commemorated three o f his de­ ceased friends, Hsiao Ying-shih, Liu Hsiin mm (a son o f the historian and critic Liu Chih-chi*), and Yiian Te-hsiu (696754), a cousin and teacher of the prose writer Yiian Chieh.* Most o f Li Hua’s early works were lost in the An Lu-shan Rebellion. A second col­ lection was given a preface by Tu-ku Chi,* one o f his most important followers in about 769, shortly before Li’s death. Nearly all that is extant from this collec­ tion has been preserved by virtue o f its inclusion in the general anthologies com­ piled in the early Sung. Li’s other followers include: Han YQnch’ihg HSiP, an uncle o f the great prose writer Han YO,* and Han Hui W#, Han Yii’s elder brother; Ts’ui Yu-fu (72178.0), a Grand Councilor and director of the dynastic history in the 770s; and Liang Su,* another literary figure, historian, and scholar who influenced Han Yii. T he in­ terest of these men, prepared as they were to overlook his crime of collaboration, helped ensure that his post-rebellion works were preserved and that his reputation for learning and literature remained high. E d it io n s :

Ch’ilan T’ang shih, v. 3, ch. 153, pp. 1585-1590. Ch’ilan T'angwen, v. 7, ch. 314-321, pp. 40274122. St u d ie s :

Liu, San-fu WHtt. “Ri Ka no shisO to bungaku ^ ¥©S$! cb3tP ” Chugoku bungaku ronsha, 4 (1974), 62-71. McMullen, “Literary Theory.” Owen, “Fu-ku Revival: Yiian Chieh, the Ch’ieh chung-chi and the Confucian Intellectuals,” in High Tang, pp. 243-246. —DLM

Li I (tzu, Chiin-yii Sm , 748-827), one of the leading poets of his day, belonged

to the clan of Li K’uei ^85, who attained the office of Grand Councilor during the reign of Emperor Su-tsung (r. 756-763). Li I, like his relative before him, may have resided in Honan province although the family home appears to have been in Liinghsi IB® (modern Wu-wei District in Kansu). A fter passing the chin-shih examination at twenty, Li was posted to a district office. Frustrated in that menial position, he re­ signed to accept service on the secretarial staff of a military unit on the frontier. Af­ ter nearly a decade o f service in the north­ ern marches, he was eventually recalled to the capital by Emperor Hsien-tsung (r. 806820), and during his remaining years he occupied several middle- and high-level positions in the central government. According to the official histories, Li I was known for his meanness of spirit and cruel treatm ent of the women in his life. T h ese ra th e r u n attractive personality traits, whether real or not, gained even wider currency because of the well-known classical tale “ Huo Hsiao-yii chuan” ft'JN (The Story of Huo Hsiao-yii) by Chiang Fang f&Rf (fl. early ninth century),in which he is portrayed as a self-indulgent, un­ feeling man who tyrannized his wives and concubines. Like many T ’ang classical tales this story is an amalgam of fact and fiction. Li’s suspicious and jealous tendencies Were evidently so pronounced that insane jeal­ ousy came to be called “ LiTs disease.” By the end o f the tale, the protagonist Li I is suffering from this disease—suggesting that the story may have been partly the result o f speculation into the causes o f J^e poet’s affliction o r that the tale influenced the historical accounts of Li I. T he narrative begins with Li I’s search for a suitable match. A go-between intro­ duces him to a prince’s daughter, Huo Hsiao-yii, now living in Ch’ang-an in re­ duced circumstances—she has become a courtesan. Li I is charmed by her and pledges his eternal love. He is then ap­ pointed to an official post and leaves the capita], promising to send for her later. But before he can do so, his mother forces him to marry another woman. Meanwhile Hsiao-yii languishes, seeking in vain for in­

formation about Li I. When Li returns to C h’ang-an for his wedding, he attempts to avoid his former lover. But the author re­ unites the pair through a deus ex tnachina— a knight-errant appears to Hsiao-yii in a dream and then brings Li I to her. T he knight-errant later appears before Li I and compels him to follow him to Hsiao-yii’s home. T here she reproaches Li I, swears to haunt him and his wives after her death, and dies. She apparently fulfills h er oath: each of Li I’s three rfiarriages fail. Chiang Fang may have been influenced by a similar story, YQan Chen’s “Ying-ying chuan” composed in 804—about four years before “ Huo Hsiao-yii chuan.” T he two stories not only have similar plots, but even make, use of similar poems. Like its pred­ ecessor, “ Huo Hsiao-yii chuan” is a source of later drama: T ’ang Hsien-tsu’s* Tzu-ch’ai chi. The two stories, however, do have one major difference. Li I ’s counterpart in Yiian Chen’s story, Chang, feels morally justified irt deserting the courtesan who loves him and the narrator seems to agree with him. T he narrator’s praise of Chang seems inconsistent with the sympathetic portrayal of the courtesan, Ying-ying. This discrepency has stimulated some debate over whether Chang’s justification is in­ tended seriously or ironically. If “ Huo Hsiao-yii chuan” was written as a com­ mentary on “ Ying-ying chuan,” it woud seem that some T ’ang readerstook Chang’s moralizing seriously. T he end o f Chiang Fang’s tale can be interpreted as giving Ghang, in the guise of Li I, his due. Unlikable though he may have been as a person, the Chiu T ’ang-shu (Old T ’ang History) states that he was skilled in song and poetry and that his poems were popular, some being set to music by mem­ bers of the Chiao-fang for performance at court. Members of the upper class also had his poems inscribed oh decorative panels for display in their homes. While still a relatively young man Li I was associated in the public mind with the “Ta-li shih ts’aitzu” (see Lu Lun)- Still later, he was some­ times mentioned together with Li Ho,* al­ though there is little resemblance between their poetic styles. T hat he was highly es­

teemed as a poet in his own day is revealed by the prominence accorded him in the Yillan shih WWHf, an anthology compiled un­ der imperial auspices in the later eighth century by Ling-hu Ch’u -fcJKSg (766-837), in which his poems outnumber those of any other poet. Li I is much admired for his mastery of the quatrain, which in diction and tone re­ calls the occasional social verse o f the preT ’ang era. He also excelled in pien-sai shih (frontier verse). Approximately onethird o f his extant corpus of over 160 poems belongs to that category. After years o f frontier duty when he was about forty years of age, he compiled a small collection o f his poems under the title Ts’ung-chtin shih (Poems on Following the Army) and presented them to a certain Lu Chingliang The title o f the collection is a variation On the well-known yileh-fu* song pattern, one that had previously been em­ ployed by such famous poets as Wang T s’an* and Wang Ch’ang-ling* for their frontier poems. Steeped in that tradition, it is not surprising that Li I’s frontier pie­ ces follow well-established conventions in depicting the world o f the northern bor­ der. T hat World is described as a cold and barren one, awesomely forbidding in its desolation, both physically and culturally repellant to the civilized people who live within the Great Wall. In poems of this type, Li typically evokes a brooding sense o f death, desolation, and despair. Along the border life is difficult and death is com­ mon among those men who have been sent to defend China against invasion. The world of the northern frontier could how­ ever evoke other visions, and in some cases it is portrayed as serene. Bathed in moon­ light, it possesses an ethereal beauty, with only the plaintive sounds of tribal pipes to remind the border guard of home and hearth. In still other poems in this mode, Li I occasionally sounds a heroic note. Ex­ amples of this type describe battles, or nar­ rate the story o f a young warrior o f martial prowess, and in the process celebrate the ideals of personal honor and duty to coun­ try. Taken all together, Li i ’s pien-sai verse is richly diverse and representative of the best of that tradition.

E d it io n s :

Li Chiin-yU shih-cki SPTK. Ch’ilan Tang shih, v. 5, chilan 282-283, pp. 32023231. Ch’iian T’ang wen, v. 10, chilan 481, p. 6222. “Huo Hsiao-yfl chuan, in Tang-jen hsiao-shuo, pp. 77-84. A reliable, punctuated text with useful background material. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Bynner, Jade Mountain, pp. 87-88. Wang, Chi-chen. “Huo Hsiaoyfl,” in Traditional Chinese Tales, New York, 1944, pp. 48-59. Sunflower, p. 157. St u d ie s :

Wang, Meng-ou 3:M l. “Huo Hsiao-yO chuan chih tso-che chi ku-shih pei-ching” * 'J'S # 2 Shu-mu chi-k’an, 7.1 (1972), 3-10. T’ang shih-jen Li 1 sheng-p’ing chi ch’i tso-p’in tf mAma&zpRXfPMi. Taipei, 1973. —WS and CY

Li K’ai-hsien (tzu, Po-hua 46%, hao, Chung-lu +;#, 1502-1568) was one of the forerunners of the revival of interest in Yiian drama during th e second half of the Ming dynasty, as well as a playwright in the southern ch’uan-ch’i* style. Born into a family of officials in Shan­ tung, Li K’ai-hsien passed the chin-shih examination in 1529 and served as an official almost continuously until 1541, when he was forced to retire. He lived in consid­ erable luxury on his estate for the rest of his life, collecting books, writing exten­ sively, and maintaining a troupe of actors. From a literary standpoint, the most im­ portant event in his life was the few weeks he spent visiting the playwrights K’ang Hai* and Wang Chiu-ssu* in 1531, since it was probably their interest in drama and san-ch’il I#:® poetry (see ch’ti) that inspired Li’s later contributions to ‘this branch of literature. Li’s considerable wealth allowed him to amass a large collection of Yiian-dynasty tsa-chil,* a few o f which he had printed under the title Kai-ting Yilan hsien ch’uanch’i (A m ended Versions o f Plays by Worthies o f the YQan Dynasty). To judge by the title, he revised and re­ wrote the texts that he published, a prac­

tice typical of later Ming publishers o f ver­ nacular literature. His two surviving plays, th e Pao-chien chi #KIIB (T he Precious Sword), based on the Lin Ch’ung-Kao Ch’iu episode in the Shui-hu chuan* cycle, and the Tuan-fa chi BrSSB (Cutting Off the Hair), are both ch’uan-ch’i, but follow the rhyming categories established for Yiian plays. Iwaki Hideo has suggested that this reflects Li’s view of Yiian drama as a “ model,” analogous in some ways to that o f T ’ang. poetry for the Archaist poets o f Li’s day. Li also wrote san-ch’il poetry, yilan-pen, * critical articles on painting and poetry, nu­ merous shih* poems, and prose works. His shih are conspicuous, as Yokota has pointed out, both for the number written to set rhyme words and for the predominance of bucolic subject matter, presumably reflect­ ing Li’s long period of enforced leisure in the country. Interestingly, this “playful” interest in composing to set rhymes also shows itself in Li’s san-ch’il and dramatic works. Indeed, the characterization of Li K’ai-hsien by modern Chinese critics as a “ patriotic” and “popular” writer opposed to the formalism of the Archaists (see un­ der Li Meng-yang) is superficial and one­ sided. It is based on his use of the Shui-hu cycle of legends in Pao-chien chi and on cer­ tain of his works that refer to China’s weakness in the face of pirate incursions. Li opposed the Archaists only in the later period of his life. As a younger man he was acquainted with Li Meng-yang,* for whom he always retained respect, and, as noted above, with K’ang Hai and Wang Chiu-ssu, all of whom are Archaists. Li’s importance in Chinese literature lies mainly in the area of drama, in which he helped preserve the YQan tsa-chil while contrib­ uting to the development of the southern ch’uan-ch’i that was to flower in the works o f a succeeding generation of writers, such as Hsu Wei* and T ’ang Hsien-tsu.* E d it io n s :

Li K’ai-hsien chi Lu Kung K X , ed. Pe­ king, 1959. Includes all of Li’s surviving works except for a few non-literary titles and the complete text of Tuan-fa chi, known only from a single copy in Japan.

T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Acton, Harold. “Lin Ch’ung Yeh Pen,” THM, 9.2 (1939), 180-188. Translation of one scene from the Pao-chien chi. St u d ie s :

Abe, Hirobumi H05SMB. “Gikyoku sakka Ri Kaisen no bungakukan: Nankyoku ‘HOshOdai’ o choshin ni” 1C, Kyushu Daigaku ChUgoku bungakuhai Chugoku bungaku ronshu, 5 (1976), 23-32. Chung-hung #3t. “Tu Lin Ch’ung pao-chien chi" BKfcWIMIIB, Kuang-ming jih-pao, March 18, 1956 (Wen-hsileh i-ch’an, No. 96). DMB, pp. 835-837. Hsii, Fu-ming tk&i&l. “Li K’ai-hsien ho t’a te Lin Ch’ung pao-chien chi WffiW in Yilan Ming Ch’ing hsi-ch’il yen-chiu lun-wen chi, erh-chi —Hk, Peking, 1959, pp. 282-303. Previously published in Wen-shih-che, 1957.10, 35-43. Hsfl, Shuo-fang “P’ing ‘Li K’ai-hsien te sheng-p’ing chi ch’i chu-tso’ ” , Wen-hsileh i-ch’an tseng-k’an, 9 (1962), 34-42. Iwaki, Hideo “Gekisakka Ri Kaisen: sono koten soncho no ishiki ni tsuite” ----in Iriya, pp. 605-617. Yagisawa, Hajime “Ri Kaisen to sono gikyoku” Nihon ChUhoku gakkaiho, 8 (1956), 98-115. Reprinted in Ya­ gisawa, Gekisakka, pp. 172-268. Yen, Tun-i JR&A. “Pao-chien chi chung te Lin Ch’ung ku-shih” + W«ihsileh i-ch’an tseng-k’an, 1 (1955), 245-252. Yokota, Terutoshi tKEBMft, “Ri Kaisen no shi ni tsuite,” Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyO, 22.3 (1963), 51-91. — DB

Li Kung-tso (tzu, Chuan-meng , c. 770-c. 848), was one o f the principal writ­ ers of literary-language tales (see ch’uanchi) during the T ’ang dynasty. His ances­ tral hom e was Lung-hsi Mia (m odern Kansu), but he seems to. have spent most of his long life in central and south China. T here is also evidence that he was distant kin to the T ’ang imperial family. He was a successful chin-shih examination candi­ date, probably in the mid-790s, and he subsequently held several rather low-rank­

ing positions in various administrative of­ fices in what are now the provinces of Kwangtung, Kiangsi, and Kiangsu. Many o f his positions were under officials asso­ ciated with the court faction of Li Te-yii (787-850), and in the early 840s he was clerk to Li Shen (d. 846), then Military Commissioner of Huai-nan Ji* (seat at modern Yangchow), who was one o f Li Te-yO’s principal supporters. When Emperor Hsiian-tsung assumed the throne in mid-846, Li Te-yii’s faction fell from favor (a posthumous investigation of cor­ ruption involving Li Shen provided the fi­ nal excuse for their dismissal), and in the sweep Li Kung-tso was also stripped of his official status. Wording in the memorial denouncing Li Shen and the others in­ volved in the case is understood by some to indicate that Li Kung-tso was-already dead when it was presented in 848. Only four of Li Kung-tso’s short stories survive, but they show his work to be re­ markable for its variety. The longest, en­ titled “ Nan-k’o T ’ai-shou chuan” ‘SMf (The Prefect o f South Bough), is an expanded treatment of a theme seen in Shen Chi-chi’s* earlier “Chen-chung chi” tt't’IB (The World Inside a Pillow), in that a man dreams a whole lifetime, complete with fame, fo rtu n e, and highly-placed marriage, in a brief, drunken nap. Like Shen’s earlier work, Li’s story carries a message concerning the ultimate vanity of striving for worldly fame and fortune; b u t. unlike Shen, Li tied his story more closely to the real world, his dream world being identified with an ant colony located be­ neath the “south bough” of a nearby lo­ cust tree. The second of Li’s stories, “ Hsieh Hsiaoo” Htd'IR (the heroine’s name), is one of the first treatments in Chinese literature of a crime and its solution. In the story a murderer is identified when riddles in­ volving the characters of his name are solved. Although plays on the component parts of characters appear in works as early as the Tso-chuan,* this seems to be the first appearance of the device in a fictional set­ ting. It is seen frequently is more modern fictional works.

Li’s other two surviving stories are, of lesser interest. “ Lu-chiang Feng ao” HOI MM (Old Mrs. Feng from the Lu River), which tells of an encounter with a woman who turns out to have died the previous year, is quite similar in content and style to the strange tales collected and recorded earlier during the Six Dynasties period. “ Ku Yileh-tu ching” (The Ancient Classic of Peaks and Rivers), records a story concerning a huge monkey-like river crea­ ture, and tells of Li Kung-tso later finding confirmation of the creature’s existence in an ancient scripture which he discovered in a remote mountain grotto. The scrip­ ture appears to be completely fictional, most likely intended to bring to mind the Shan-hai ching,* an, actual early book of fantastic geographical lore. Li Kung-tso is known to have associated with other contemporary writers of liter­ ary language short stories, and his stories circulated widely already during the T ’ang dynasty. “T he Prefect of South Bough” and “ Hsieh Hsiao-o” especially have be­ come standard anthology selections. E d it io n s :

Li, Fang, et al. T’ai-p’ing kuang-chi.* Peking, 1961, 343.2718-2719 [Feng ao], 467.38453846 [Yfleh-tu ching], 475.3910-3915 [Nank’o], 491.4030-4032 [Hsieh Hsiao-o]. Lu, Hsiin •Jfl; T’ang Sung ch’uan-ch’i chi IfSR Rpt. Hong Kong, 1967, pp. 75-90 [all four]. Wang, Meng-ou 3:3>B. T’ang-jen hsiao-shuoyenchiu erh-chi fk . Taipei, 1973, pp. 153-154 [Feng ao], 193-195 [Yfleh-tu ching], 201-208 [Nan-k’o], 226-229 [Hsieh Hsiao-o]. Wang, P’i-chiang 8!®l*. T’ang-jen hsiao-shuo ISA'J'Sl. Rpt. Shanghai, 1955. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Edwards, Prose Literature, v. 2, pp. 150-154 [Hsieh Hsiao-o], 206-212 [Nan-k’o]. Wang, Elizabeth T. C. Ladies ofthe T’ang. Taipei, 1961, pp. 239-261 [Nan-k’o], 323-330 [Feng ao]. Wang, C. C. Traditional Chinese Tales. New York, pp. 87-92 [Hsieh Hsiao-o]. Yang, Dragon King’s Daughter, pp. 44-56 [Nank’o].

Maeno, Naoake ilio F it® . Todai denkishu IS f t Tokyo, 1964, v. 1, pp. 120-149 [all four]. Uchida, Sennosuke and Inui Kazuo Sa— Todai denki Tokyo, 1971, pp. 211-251 [Nan-k’o and Hsieh Hsiao-o, in modern Japanese with Chinese text; exten­ sive, useful annotation]. S t u d ie s :

Knechtges, David R. “Dream Adventure Sto­ ries in Europe and T ’ang China,” TkR, 4.2 (October 1973), 101-119. KondO, Haruo afi /I # J®. “Todai shOsetsu ni tsuite, Chinchuki, Nanka taishu den, Sha ShOga den” ' t - tt4>IB, *151 , Aichi kenritsujoshi daigaku kiyO, 15 (1964), pp. 40-58. Liu, K’ai-jung SIM® . T’ang-tai hsiao-shuo yenchiu . Rev. Hong Kong, 1964, pp. 163-175. Uchiyama, Chinari . Zui TO shOsetsu kenkyu Tokyo, 1977, pp. 377411. Wang, Meng-ou. T’ang-jen hsiao-shuoyen-chiu erhchi, pp. 46-56. —d g

Li Meng-yang (tzu, Hsien-chi IRS, hao, K’ung-t’ung ffiil, 1475-1529) was an important poet and literary theorist, leader o f a group offu-ku (recovery o f antiq­ uity) reformists, or Archaists, usually re­ ferred to as the Ming ch’i-tzu (Seven Ming Masters) or the Ch’ien if ch’i-tzu (Earlier Seven Masters). Although recent research has cast a good deal of doubt on the existence of any clearly defined group o f seven, Li was certainly the outstanding exponent of Archaist literary thought in his day, and th e m ovem ent th a t he launched dominated the Chinese literary world for most of the sixteenth century before falling into disfavor under the at­ tacks of “ individualist” anti-A rchaist schools. Li Meng-yang was born o f very humble stock, a family whose members had ap­ parently been illiterate until the genera­ tion of his grandfather. In fact, it has been suggested (chiefly by Japanese scholars) that Li’s lowly origins helped to condition his later political and literary career. The straightforw ard uprightness and adher­

ence to traditional values o f the local “bravo” are reflected in his poetic style, which is direct and bold, in his literary the­ ory, which stresses a return to “ natural” forms, and in his activities as an official, characterized by repeated and fearless at­ tacks on corrupt colleagues and superiors that more than once endangered his ca­ reer and even his life. In any event, Li Meng-yang succeeded in rising far above his origins, passing the chin-shih examination in 1493. Although he returned home to his native Shensi soon after to mourn his parents, he was back in Peking in 1498 and remained there in of­ fice until 1507, except for occasional mis­ sions to the provinces. While in the capital, he joined the literary circle around the grand secretary Li Tung-yang,* an im­ portant poet and critic in his own right who had supervised the examinations in which Li Meng-yang and his followers dis­ tinguished themselves. Among Li Mengyang’s close friends was Wang Yang-ming, who passed the chin-shih in 1499 and was later to become the most important and influential philosopher of the Ming dy­ nasty. In 1507, Li was cashiered because of his opposition to the infamous eunuch Liu Chin. Although he was reinstated in 1511, he was dismissed from Office again in 1514 and spent the rest o f his life in retirement, except for a period of impris­ onment during 1521 and 1522. It was during Li Meng-yang’s years in office in Peking, from 1498 to 1507, that the group o f poets later known as the Ear­ lier Seven Masters were associated with him. In addition to Li himself, they in­ cluded two men who had passed the chinshih examinatons in 1496, the playwright and poet Wang Chiu-ssu,* and a poet of considerable talent named Pien Kung (tzu, T ’ing-shih HJf, hao, Hua-ch’flan 1476-1532); the playwright K’ang Hai,* who had taken top honors in the exami­ nations of 1502; and two of his fellow suc­ cessful examinees, Wang T ’ing-hsiang $ gffl (tzu, Tzu-heng TSS, hao, ChOn-ch’uan 8WII, 1474-1544), the only one of Li’s close associates to enjoy a long and generally successful career in the civil service and

also a philosopher who eventually took a line quite different from that o f Wang Yang-ming, and a young man who was to prove the greatest poet of his generation and Li’s only serious rival for the leader­ ship of the Archaist movement, Ho Chingming.* With the arrival in Peking of a bril­ liant young poet from Soochow in the south (the rest of Li’s circle were all norther­ ners), Hsfl Chen-ch’ing (1479-1511), who had already made a reputation as part o f the circle around the artists T ’ang Yin and Wen Cheng-ming, the group was com­ plete. In fact, however, all seven were to­ gether in Peking only for a few months early in 1505, the year o f Hsii’s success in the chin-shih examination. In addition to the “members” of the Earlier Seven Mas­ ters, a considerable number of other writ­ ers were associated with Li Meng-yang or with his literary program. Li was himself the disciple of two older writers, Li Tung-yang and Yang I-ch’ing t l —i# (1454-1530), who had led a success­ ful movement to replace the currently dominant T ’ai-ko t’i* SEBB# (Secretariat Style) with a style that allowed greater per­ sonal expression and, in particular, re­ quired a greater mastery of prosody and other aural effects in verse. Li Meng-yang went beyond this and called for the con­ scious imitation o f model forms o f antiq­ uity, prose works from the Chin and Han dynasties, and High T ’ang poetry. In his insistence upon imitation, Li differed from his m en to r, Li T ung-yang, who had stressed the importance of technical com­ mand but disapproved of imitation as such. He also found himself soon in dispute with the most promising o f his disciples, Ho Ching-ming, who believed that the imita­ tion of ancient models was indeed excel­ lent training for a poet just learning his craft, but that it could, and should, be given up once the ability to express a personal vision was developed. Li Meng-yang wrote to Ho urging him to abandon his position. Li’s first letter has been lost, but H o’s reply is extant, as are two further replies to this by Li. T he latter provides one o f the best insights into Li’s doctrines. Against Ho’s assertion of the importance of individu­

ality, Li argued that being individualist in literary creation was like being a special­ ized artisan who could practice only one skill. The forms of the ancient masters were not restrictions, Li argued, but tools like the compass and square with which a skilled carpenter could make all sorts of windows and doors. T he importance of the models lay not in their perfection per se, but rather in the innate natural principles of human existence and understanding that they per­ fectly embodied. By imitating their forms one would be brought to a state of en­ hanced understanding and sympathy with these principles, and it was this result that established the inherent importance o f lit­ erature as an activity, quite apart from the particular propositional content of a spe­ cific poem or essay. In his use of poetry as a vehicle for self-understanding, as well as in the high seriousness with which he pur­ sued his chosen vocation, Li showed him­ self to have concerns fundamentally simi­ lar to those o f his friend Wang Yang-ming, who was also seeking an understanding of the self and the nature of its experience. The literary disagreement between Li and Ho Ching-ming, though heatedly de­ bated in their exchange of letters, does not seem to have affected the personal rela­ tionship between them. Indeed, Ho was the only friend to come to Li’s rescue when, in the year after their exchange of letters, the latter came into conflict with Liu Chin. But the followers of the two men naturally tended to take sides, and Ho’s rebuttal ironically furnished much of the ammu­ nition used against the Archaists as a group by later generations o f individualist critics. In the twentieth century particularly, the Seven have been more criticized than read. The enormous effort required of the May Fourth generation to break free of the shackles of obsolete and oppressive tradi­ tions of every kind did not dispose them to look with sympathy upon an old school of poets that seemed to be insisting on the mechanical imitation of antique models. It has been left to foreign readers, particu­ larly the Japanese, to begin to restore Li and his colleagues to the respectable place they merit in the history of Chinese po­

etics, though there are recent signs that Chinese critics, too, are beginning to take a more fair and understanding view of their movement. E d it io n s :

Li, Meng-yang. K’ung-t’ung Hsien-sheng chi S’ 63 chilan. Chia-ching period (15221567); rpt. Taipei, 1976. The most accessible edition. ------ . K’ung-t’ung chi. 66 chilan. Ssu-k’u ch’iianshu chen-pen. ------ . K’ung-t’ung Hsien-sheng chi. 66 chilan Sc appendices, published by Teng Yun-hsiao iff 9W in 1602. The fullest, if not the earliest, extant edition. Pien, Kung. Pien Hua-ch’iian chi I f M , 8 chuan. Taipei, 1976. The most accessible text. ----- -. Hua-ch’Uan chi. 14 chilan. Ssu-k’u ch’iianshu chen-pen. A fuller text, especially as re­ gards the prose works. Wang, T ’ing-hsiang. Wang shih chia-ts’ang chi E f t 65 chtian. Taipei, 1976. Reprint of an edition that incorporates several works by Wang, including the earliest editions of his collected poetry and prose; the best text and the only one readily available (see also entries for Ho Ching-ming, K’ang Hai, and Wang Chiu-ssu). T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Iritani, Konsei, pp. 208-212 (Li Meng-yang). S t u d ie s :

Chien, Chin-sung USKilte. “Li-Ho shih-lun yenchiu” M.A. thesis, National Taiwan University, 1980. An excellent re­ cent study that improves our understanding of a number of crucial points. Includes the best chronology of Ho Ching-ming and Li Meng-yang. DMB, pp. 841-845. Iriya, Yoshitaka A^®B!. Mindai shibun ft* . Tokyo, 1978, pp. 48-67. Kou, P’i-p’ing shih, pp. 297-304. Kung, “Ming-tai ch’i-tzu.” ------ , “Ming ch’i-tzu.” Ma, Mao-yflan “Ltteh-t’an Ming ch’i-tzu te wen-hsfleh ssu-hsiang yfl Li, Ho te luncheng” I S S S W - t ? ,Chiang-hai hsileh-k’an, 1962.1, 26-29. Min, “Ming-tai.” Li Meng-yang is discussed on pp. 66-77, Ho Ching-meng on pp. 77-82; the approach is negatively evaluative, but based on accurate reading and reasonably well-bal­ anced.

Wang, Kuei-ling I f f . “Ming-tai ch’ien-hou ch’i-tzu te fu-ku,” Wen-hsileh tsa-chih, 3.5, 6 (1958), 24-32, 20-29. Yokota, Terutoshi fltBSHIfc, “Mindai,” 10-15. ------ . “Mindai bungakuron no tenkai” AlSltoSf^, Pt. I. Hiroshima Daigaku bun­ gakubu kiyo, 37 (1977). Probably the best and fullest treatment; Li Meng-yang is discussed on pp. 63-81, Wang T’ing-hsiang on pp. 8284. Yoshikawa, Kojiro “ R i BOyO no ichisokumen: ‘Kobunji’ no shominsei” 3s9MR fT (tzu, Tzu-yu hao, Lung-wan SIW, T ’ienrriu shan-jen 1517-1578), Liang Yu-yii (tzu, Kung-shih hao, Lanting *n-, c. 1520-1556), Tsung Ch’en Sfe'E (tzu, Tzu-hsiang hao, Fang-ch’eng shan-jen j&SiilliA, 1525-1560), and Wu Kuo-lun WBffa (tzu, Ming-ch’ing B9W, hao, Ch’uan-lou ill#,. 1529-1593), plus Li him­ self and the protean figure Wang Shihchen* (1526-1590). All seven were from the South, unlike the Earlier Seven, all but / one of whom had been northerners. Their literary program, however, was very sim­ ilar to the former group, stressing the im­ portance o f taking selected masterpieces o f the past as models for their own writing and rejecting the poetry of the Sung dy­ nasty in particular. Interestingly, Li P’anlung did not leave any substantial body of writing on literary theory or criticisiri. For explicit discussions o f the ideals >o f the Later Seven, the writings of Wang Shihchen and Hsieh Chen must be consulted. T he latter was, in fact, the original leader o f the group. Considerably older than any Of the others, he was actually only a little younger than some of the Earlier Seven. He also stands out from both groups in that he was the only member of either never to pass the chin-shih or hold office. It has even been suggested that snobbery played a part in his eventual expulsion from the Later Seven, although he is also said to have given offense to Li P’an-lung by his rudeness. In any event, his literary ide­ als were actually somewhat different from Li’s, being closer to the individual and ex­ pressive emphasis represented in the Ear­ lier Seven by Ho Ching-ming.* Even so, he was as uncompromising in his standards as any o f the Archaists. In his critical Work, the Shih-chia chih-shuo, he goes so far as to suggest “ improvements” to some T ’ang poems, something that even his fellow Ar­ chaist Wang Shih-chen could not approve. Hsieh may have supported him self by teaching poetry writing, and this sort of

teaching of “commoners” may have had something to do with the enormous influ­ ence o f the Archaists during the sixteenth century. Aside from Li, Hsieh, and Wang Shihchen (chin-shih, 1547), the other members o f the Later Seven all passed the chin-shih in 1550 and held office in Peking for some years after. Thus they resembled the Ear­ lier Seven in being essentially a group of promising young recent graduates in the capital, self-consciously articulating a lit­ erary program intended to raise standards o f composition amohg their contempor­ aries. T hey also resem bled th e earlier group iri facing a powerful political antag­ onist, in their case the minister Yen Sung, who was eventually responsible for having Wang Shih-chen’s father executed. Except for Liang Yu-yii (who returned to his na­ tive Kwangtung only three years after passing the chin-shih and died not long af­ ter) and Hsieh Chen, the members were all reassigned to provincial posts during the years 1555-1557 and were never all to­ gether again, although they did occasion­ ally meet in twos or threes in later years. After the death o f Li P’an-lung, Wang Shih-chen became the leader; he was the center of a younger group as Well (there is one inclusive listing that refers to no fewer than “Forty Masters”). Some of these men, like Wang himself, later moved closer to the individualist position that would be­ come dominant around the end o f the cen­ tury. If he was not a critic o r theorist in his own writings, Li P’an-lung was an influ­ ential anthologist. He seems to have edited a collection of T ’ang poertis, drawn from Kao Ping’s T ’ang-shih p ’in-hui, but this was not published during his lifetime. T hree published anthologies apparently based upon it are better known, although their authenticity has been disputed. One of them, the T ’ang-shih hsilan (SiHfS, became very influential in Japan and helped de­ termine Japanese taste in T ’ang poetry for many generations. E d it io n s :

Li P’an-lung. Ts’ang-ming Hsien-sheng chi ifciR 32 chilan. Taipei, 1976.

—-— . Ts’ang-ming chi. 31 chilan. Ssu-k’u ch’iianshu chen-pen. Hsieh, Chen. Ssu-ming shan-jen ch'iian-chi ESfR lUASft. 24 chilan. Rpt. Taipei, 1976. Con­ sists of Hsieh’s poems in 20 chilan, plus his critical work Shih-chia chih-shuo in 4; the best available text. -------. Ssu-ming chi. 10 chilan. Ssu-k’u ch'ilan-shu chen-pen. The poems only. ------ . Ssu-ming shih-hua. 4 chilan. The same text as the Shih-chia chih-shuo; there are editions in the Hai-shan hsien-kuan ts’ung-shu (rpt. in PPTSCC) and the Hsii li-tai shih-hua; neither is a better text than the one in Hsieh’s col­ lected works (both are slightly incomplete), nor are they any longer more accessible than it. HsO, Chung-hsing. T’xen-mu Hsien-sheng chi. 20 chilan. Rpt. Taipei, 1976. A reprint of an early edition, perhaps the original; the only acces­ sible text, and probably the best. Liang, Yu-yO. Lan-ting ts’un-kao . 9 chilan. Rpt., Taipei, 1976. Reprint of the best available edition, perhaps the original. Tsung, Ch’en. Tsung Tzu-hsiang Hsien-sheng chi. 25 chilan. Not seen, apparently the fullest text. ----Tsung Tzu-hsiang chi. 15 chilan. Rpt. Taipei, 1976, and Ssu-k’u ch’ilan-shu chen-pen. Two accessible editions, the former more so and based on an earlier copy; contents the same. Wu, Kuo-lun. Tan-sui-tung kao tSU jUX. 54 chilan. Rpt. Taipei, 1976. Reprint of a Ming edition, perhaps the- original. The Tan-suitung hsil-kao 27 chilan, is not in­ cluded in the reprint, but is available in a microfilm copy from the “Peiping Library Rare Books” collection. T

r a n s l a t io n s .

Bryant, “Selected Ming Poems”; for Li P’anlung, see p. 90. Davis, Penguin, p. 60. Demi6ville, Anthologie, pp. 484-485. Iritani, Sensuke Fukumoto Masakazu and Matsumura Takashi t&fcffiJ. Kinsei shishu Tokyo, 1971, pp. 229239 (Hsieh Chen and Li P’an-lung). St u d ie s :

DMB, pp. 845-847. Kung, “Ming ch’i-tzu.” ------ , “Ming-tai ch’i-tzu.” Kuo, P’i-p’ing shih, pp. 315-322. Lynn, Richard John. “Orthodoxy and Enlight­ enment: Wang Shih-chen’s Theory of Poetry

and Its Antecedents,” in The Unfolding ofNeoConfucianism, William Theodore deBary, et al., eds., New York, 1975, pp. 233-234. Maeno, Naoaki 85SFiSM. “Ri SOmei no buntai” 3H*S©3tlI, Tohdgaku, 4 (1952), 73-82. ------ . “Mindai kobunjiha no bungakuron” Nippon Chugoku Gakkaiho, 16 (1964), 157-165. Min, “Ming-tai”; the Later Seven and their fol­ lowers are discussed on pp. 83-92. Wong, Sui-Kit. “A Reading of the Ssu-ming Shihhua," TkR, 2.2/3.1 (1971-72), 237-249. The reading is brief and idiosyncratic. Yamagishi, Tomoni “TOshisen no jittai to gishosetsu hihan” • m n, Nippon Chugokugakkaiho, 31 (1979), 197210. A detailed study, replacing earlier at­ tempts, of the nature and authorship of two poetry anthologies whose attribution to Li P’an-lung has been disputed. Yokota, Terutoshi “Mindai bungak­ uron no tenkai, Pt. II” SBB. Hi­ roshima Daigaku bungakubu kiyO, 38 (1978), 75135. ------ , “Mindai,” 15-20, Yoshikawa, Kojiro SJII Gen-Min shigaisetsu 7G9BI3MKR. Tokyo, 1963, pp. 193-202 (Li P’an-lung). — DB

Li Pao-chia (tzu, Po-yflan 1&7C, hao, Nan-t’ing t’ing-chang 1867-1906), a prolific writer of the late-Ch’ing period, was born in Shantung, although his an­ cestral home was in Wu-chin SW® (modern Ch’ang-chou #WI in Kiangsu). He died in Shanghai at the early age o f thirty-nine. As a multi-faceted litterateur, Li was a fic­ tion writer, poet, essayist, ballad writer, seal carver, calligrapher, and the editor of sev­ eral tabloids and a periodical on fiction. His works include several novels, including the well-known Kuan-ch’ang hsien-hsing chi (The Bureaucracy Exposed), the Wen-ming hsiao-shih 3cW'J'fc (A Brief His­ tory o f Modern Times), and the Hou ti-yti SJfeSt (Living Hell). He also produced a ballad, Keng-tzu kuo-pien t’an-tz ’u (T’an-tz’u, on the Boxer Rebellion of 1900) and a collection of miscellaneous writings, Nan-t’ing ssu-hua (Four Miscellanies from the Southern Pavilion). T here are also a number of works of doubtful authorship attributed to him, such

as the novels Hai-t'ien hung-hsiieh chi SI®IE (Boundless Snow), Fan-hua meng IK (Glittering Dreams), and Chung-kuo hsien-tsai chi (Present-day China). Li Pao-chia’s life can be divided into three periods. He spent his childhood and early manhood (1867-1892) in Shantung. T hen he moved with his parents back to their native district of Wu-chin. For the next five years he studied for the hsiu-ts’ai examination, which he passed. He was un­ successful, however, in the chil-jen exami­ nation. At the age of thirty, Li Pao-chia left home, living his last ten years in Shang­ hai as a member of the new class of journalist-litterateurs. Li began as the editor arfd principal writer of several Shanghai tabloids: Chihnan pao (The Guide), Yu-hsi pao 58! JR3B (Amusement News), and Fan-hua pao 9t948 (sometimes also known as Shih-chieh fan-hua pao IftJMlHMI (T he G littering World). It was in the Fan-hua pao that Li’s first major literary work, the Keng-tzu kuopien t’an-tz’u, was serialized. His Kuanch’ang hsien-hsing chi was serialized in the same newspaper in 1903. By this time Li Pao-chia was well known and he became the editor of the reputable Hsiu-hsiang hsiao-shuo iSMIt'J'K (Illustrated Fiction), published by the largest publisher at the time, the Commerical Press o f Shanghai. From 1903 until his death, Li edited and contributed to this highly popular fort­ nightly. Li Pao-chia’s writings, characterized by some as satirical, vituperative, and exag­ gerated, were very popular at the time and suited the social and political climate of the late-Ch’ing era. Li’s Keng-tzu kuo-pien t’antz’u recounts the events of the Boxer Re­ bellion from its origins to the disastrous conclusion in 1901. Written immediately after the incidents, Li wanted to keep the record straight and the memories alive as a historical lesson. Kuan-ch’ang hsien-hsing chi, a long novel in sixty chapters written over a five-year period (1901-1905), mer­ cilessly exposes through a series o f storycycles the deceit, corruption, oppression, and exploitation rampant in government. Wen-ming hsiao-shih (1903), a shorter novel,

but also in sixty chapters, satirizes the pseudo-reformers who were not quite able to cope with the problems and complexi­ ties of modernization. Huo ti-yil, the last of Li’s major works, which he left unfinished, gives a gruesome account of the malprac­ tices of the penal and judicial systems. Artistically uneven, Li’s works served an important political and social function in a critical transitional period. These novels portrayed China in.a serious state of dis­ repair and in need o f drastic change. Al­ though Li Pao-chia himself was a moder­ ate reformer and did not believe in radical changes, his works, at least to later readers, indicated otherwise. E d it io n s :

Huo ti-yil Shanghai, 1956. Keng-tzu kuo-pien t’an-tz’u #51®. Shang­ hai, 1935. Kuan-ch’ang hsien-hsing chi 'ITWS^SB. 2v. Pe­ king, 1957. Nan-t’ing ssu-hua $1^29if. Taipei, 1971. Wen-ming hsiao-shih Hong Kong, 1958. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Lancashire, Douglas. “Modern Times,” Ren­ ditions, 2 (Spring 1974), 126-164. A transla­ tion of the first five chapters of the Wen-ming hsiao-shih. S t u d ie s :

Holoch, Donald. “A Npvel of Setting: The Bu­ reaucrats,” in The Chinese Novel at the Turn of the Century, Milena Doleielovd-Velingerovd, ed., Toronto, 1980, pp. 76-115. Lancashire, Douglas. Li Po-yilan. Boston, 1981. Li, Mao-su mmm. “Ts’ung Huo ti-yil k’an Li Po-yflan hou-ch’i tso-pin te ch’ing-hsiang ’ Kuang-ming jih-pao (Wen-hsileh i-ch’an, 545), 6 (March 1966). Mugio, Tomie SF&BSSH. “Ri Hakugen no sosaku ishiki” Shimmatsu shdsetsu kenkyil, 1 (October 1977), 41-63. Ruh, Christel. Das Kuan-ch’ang hsien-hsing chi. Ein Beispiel filr den politischen Roman der ausgenhenden Ch’ing-Zeit (Versuch einer Analyse der Idee und Struktur der Kapitel 1-30 und 60 des Werkes). Bern and Frankfurt, 1974. Wang, Chiln-nien “Wan-Ch’ing she-hui te chao-yao ching: Ch’ung-tu chin-tai liangpu ch’ien-tse hsiao-shuo”

Tu-shu, 1979 4 (July 1979), 40-45. Wei, Shao-ch’ang 8S$8il. LiPo-yilan yen-chiu tzuliao Shanghai, 1980. —PL

Li Po (or Pai) (tzu, T ’ai-po^:^ o r T ’aipai, 701-762) generally shares or competes with T u Fu* for the honor of being the greatest of the T ’ang poets. Li’s birthplace is uncertain, perhaps in Central Asia, and a minor branch of Li Po studies centers on the irresolvable question of whether Li was o f T u rk ic origin. W hatever his back­ ground, Li grew up in west China (modern Szechwan), and the conventions of the Szechwanese “ type” exerted a strong in­ fluence on his self-image. The bravura of his poetic voice belonged to a long tradi­ tion of poets from the Szechwan region, from Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju* in the Western Han to Ch’en Tzu-ang* in the Early T ’ang, and, after Li, to Su Shih* in the Northern Sung. In the mid-720s Li Po traveled down through the Yangtze Valley, seeking the social connections necessary to gain public recognition. T hro u g h his acquaintance with Wu Yiin ft® (d. 778), a failed ex­ amination candidate turned wizard, Li was summoned to the court of Hsiian-tsung in 742 and given a post in the new Han-lin Academy (an appointment that lay outside the channels of usual bureaucratic ad­ vancement). While serving in court, Li Po traded on his reputation for drunken in­ souciance and became the subject of nu­ merous anecdotes. However, the favor that he enjoyed rested on unstable ground, and in 744 he was expelled from court. T here­ after, Li wandered in the east and south­ east, proclaim ing him self an u n ap p re­ ciated man of genius who had been driven from court by powerful enemies. After the outbreak of the An Lu-shan Rebellion, he became implicated in the secondary revolt o f the Prince of Yiin. W hether Li’s com­ plicity was voluntary remains uncertain, but when the revolt was smaished, Li was ar­ rested for treason. Eventually he was re­ leased and spent his last years wandering in the Yangtze Valley, vainly seeking pa­

trons to restore him to favor with the cen­ tral government. O f the 1004 poems ascribed to Li in the Ch’iian T ’ang shih* (additional attributions in other sources bring the number to just over 1100), many are probably spurious. Li Po was an easy poet to imitate, and since most of his yileh-fu* and songs circulated orally, his name became a convenient one on which to hang poems of unknown au­ thorship. Some studies have attempted to prove the spuriousness of certain attribu­ tions, but even so, Li’s collected works in their present form may still include a great many false attributions. Although Li Po’s corpus contains about sixty pieces of prose and eight fu,* it is as a poet that Li is known. T he first part of his poetic collection contains fifty-nine pentasyllabic “ old-style” poems collec­ tively entitled Ku-feng (Old Manner). They are written in the thematic and sty­ listic tradition of the poetry of the Chienan and Wei eras, as it was understood in the T ’ang. These works date from various periods of Li’s life and include a number of concealed references to topical events. In the Ku-feng Li Po often adopts the voice of a Confucian moralist, a voice entirely proper for the style in which he was writ­ ing, but one opposed to his usual pose as inebriate eccentric. After the Ku-feng in Li’s collected works, there is a body of yileh-fu and songs (kohsing Kfr). These two categories are only loosely differentiated, the former tending to adopt the personae of various yileh-fu “types,” the latter tending to be the poet speaking in his own voice. Li was best known to his contemporaries for these yilehfu and songs, and on them his later repu­ tation was founded. “Shu-tao nan Si SSU (Hard Roads to Shu), anthologized in Yin Fan’s Ho-yileh Ying-ling chi (753), is an excellent example of Li Po’s yileh-fu in the most extravagant manner. Using wildly irregular line lengths, Szechwanese exclamations, and long subordinate clauses normally excluded from both poetry and literary prose, Li hyperbolically described the difficulties of the mountain journey from Ch’ang-an to Ch’eng-tu. In reference

to poems such as this, Li’s contemporary Yin Fan described the p o et’s work as “strangeness on top of strangeness.” Li Po’s yileh-fu and songs used folk motifs, fantastic journeys, mythic beings, and evocations of moments in history and leg­ end to create a poetry of extreme and in­ tense situations. Yet even in Li’s wildest flights of fancy there is a strong under­ current of irony, and his conscious ex­ cesses are such that the poet’s stance is re­ vealed as merely playful. Occasional poems occupy the largest part o f Li’s collected works. A few of the more famous are merely occasional applications o f the style of Li’s yileh-fu and songs, but most are formally more conventional. Li wrote such poems with great facility, and even though he frequently achieved a sim­ ple felicity beyond the reach of his more cautious contem poraries, his occasional works are often marred by carelessness. In general, Li Po lacked the carefully con­ trolled craft that.cam e so readily to his contemporaries, who were raised in the upper-class circles o f the capital. Following Li’s occasional poems in the collected works, there is a small group of private poems containing many of Li’s most famous pieces in even line lengths. Poems such as “ Ytieh-hsia tu Cho” (Drinking Alone by Moonlight) celebrate the self-image o f drunken insouciance in which Li took pride. Readers of classical poetry have always valued a poem’s ability to. embody a strong and identifiable per­ sonality; in the case of Li Po, personality becomes the subject rather than the in­ voluntary mode of the poem. Even Li’s most speculative fantasy points m ore strongly to the poet’s imaginative capacity than to the otherworldly objects o f his vi­ sion. Li Po’s poetry caused something of a sensation in the 740s and early 750s, but his stature as a contemporary poet was probably lower than that of Wang Wei* or Wang Ch’ang-ling.* As is the case with Tu Fu, little attention was given to Li’s work in the conservative atmosphere of the later part of the eighth century. T he honor accorded Li by mid-T’ang poets such as

Han Yti* and Po Chii-i* first raised Li, along with Tu Fu, to preeminence among all the poets of the dynasty. Evaluation of the relative merits of Li Po and T u Fu later became a minor critical genre, and while Tu Fu had perhaps the larger following, Li Po has had his partisans, from Ou-yang Hsiu* to the modern scholar Kuo Mo-jo. Li Po was one of the first major figures in what was to become a cult of spontaneity in Chinese poetry. Li proclaimed, and others admired, his capacity to dash off poems in the heat of wine or inspiration. In the case of Li Po, the interest in rapid and spontaneous composition was linked to a belief in innate genius that found its purest expression when untainted by the reflective considerations of craft. Such a concept of individual and innate genius, inimical to plodding poetic craft, is a his­ torical growth within civilization; and the development of such a concept of artistic genuis in China owes much to Li Po, who so often made his own genius the true topic o f his poetry. Stylistic simplicity was a natural conse­ quence of spontaneous composition (or of the desire to give the appearance of spon­ taneity). Not only is the diction and syntax of Li’s poetry generally less bookish, but Li’s poetry is hoticably more straightfor­ ward than that o f his contemporaries. Li Po often referred to persons and events of legend and history, but he did not use tex­ tual allusions with the same frequency or precision as his younger contemporary Tu Fu. Li Po paid Taoist esoterica considerable attention, but this was perhaps less a sat­ isfaction of genuine spiritual interests than appreciation o f a source of delightful ma­ terial for poetic fantasy. It is Li Po’s ca­ pacity for fantasy which, more than any other quality, sets him apart from his con­ temporaries and won him the admiration of later generations. Most T ’ang poets (with exceptions such as Li P a’s spiritual descendent Li Ho) were most comfortable treating the world before their eyes; Li Po greets the immortals and watches their flights with greater ease and familiarity than when he bids farewell to a friend.

E d it io n s :

Kuo, YQn-p’eng IPSM , ed. Fen-lei pu-chu Li T’aipo shih SPTK. Kuo’s com­ mentary includes earliest efforts by the Yttan scholars Yang Ch’i-hsien tiPFR, and Hsiao Shih-yiin • ± f t . This edition also includes Li Po’s prose. The most extensive commentary is that of Wang Ch’i (1696-1774); it is the most fre­ quently reprinted, under a number of titles. • Wang draws from the commentaries of Yang and Hsiao as well as from notes by other scholars, but he also corrects them and adds his own commentary on Li Po’s prose. For a discussion of editions, see Hanabusa Hideki A Concordance to the Poems of Li Po, Kyoto, 1957, pp. 6-30, and T’ang Mingmin K8BIR, “Li Po chi ch’i shih chih pan­ pen” unpublished M.A. thesis, Kuo-li Cheng-chih ta-hstteh, Taipei, 1975.

Matsuura, Tomohisa t&ilt&X. Ri Haku kenkya Tokyo, 1976. . Moore, Paul Douglas. “ Stories and Poems About the T ’ang Poet Li Po.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Georgetown University, 1982. Ono, Jitsunosuke 2.80. Ri Taihaku kenkyil Tokyo, 1959. Waley, Arthur. The Poetry and Career of Li Po. London, 1950. Wong, Siu-kit. The Genius of Li Po. Hong Kong, 1974. —so

Li Shang-yin 3=0518 (tzu, I-shan hao, Yii-hsi-sheng 3E8S4, also Fan-nan-sheng 91®4, 813?-858) was born in Huo-chia j#® (modern Honan), where his father was then the magistrate. He grew up in Chengchou and Lo-yang after his father’s death in 821, passed the chin-shih exami­ nation in 837, and subsequently held a T r a n s l a t io n s : number of junior posts both in the capital Cooper, Arthur. Li Po and Tu Fu. Baltimore, and in various prefectures. He never at­ 1973. tained high rank and died without office Demi6ville, Anthologie, pp. 220-246. in Cheng-chou. Eide, Elling. Poems by Li Po, with a separate vol­ Li Shang-yin’s 598 extant poems can be ume, Translator’s Note and Finding Lists. Lex­ ington, Kentucky, 1984. Elegant translations divided into four groups. T he first consists of fifty poems. A phonograph record of re­ o f ambiguous poems, either labeled “Wu constructed T ’ang music enclosed in the back t ’i” &S (Without Title), or bearing titles that are simply the opening words. Ap­ cover. Kubo, Tensui Ri Taihaku To­ parently concerned with clandestine love, these poems are subjects o f controversy. kyo, 1928. Complete Japanese translation. Obata, Shigenyoshi. Li Po, the Chinese Poet. To­ Some scholars interpret them as autobio­ kyo, 1935. graphical poems about secret love affairs Sunflower, pp. 101-114. with court ladies and Taoist priestesses. It seems fruitless to read them as pobnes a clef S t u d ie s : and try to identify the supposed prototypes These are more numerous than Li Po’s poems: for a bibliography of articles see Li Po yen- o f the dramatis personae; instead, it is more chiu lun-wen chi Peking, 1964, rewarding to reconstruct, from the text of pp. 417-425; and Chugoku koten kenkyu, 16 each poem, a dramatic context which al­ lows a consistent reading, without identi­ (1968), 78-84. Chan, Ying Li Po shih-wen hsi-nien^&ffi'X. fying the speaker with the author. Seen in this light, these poems are effective explo­ «*F. Peking, 1958. rations of various facets o f love: desire, Ch’i, Wei-han Li Po yen-chiu 3*6W^l. hope, joy, frustration, jealousy, tender­ Taipei, 1975. Eide, Elling O. “On Li Po,” in Perspectives on ness, despair. They are unusual among the T’ang, Arthur Wright and Denis Twitch­ Chinese poems for their intensity and com­ plexity o f emotion and their density and ett, eds., New Haven, 1973, pp. 367-403. Kuo, Mo-jo fMfcg. Li Po yii Tu Fu $6PM±«. richness of language. Replete with sen­ suous imagery and recondite allusions, they Peking, 1971. Lin, Keng Shih-jen Li Po Shang­ are structurally tig h t and syntactically compact. Some of them, such as “Chin se” hai, 1958.

88SI (The Richly Painted Zither), his most famous poem, actually deal with more than love, using several levels of reality and fus­ ing the past with the present, the real with the imaginary, and the historical with the mythical. T o the second group belong personal and social poems of a more conventional kind, including fond recollections of the poet’s deceased wife, affectionate descrip­ tions of his children, sad valedictions as well as playful jibes addressed to friends, and polite eulogies presented to patrons. They tend to be more straightforward in manner and simple in diction than the am­ biguous poems, but they are by no means merely perfunctory. On the contrary, they are often fresh and limpid, treating con­ ventional themes with new insight. The third group comprises poems on historical or contemporary events. Some­ times he comments on history to draw a lesson for the present; at other times he openly voices his indignation against the abuses of power by court officials, eunuchs, and provincial w arlords. A lthough his analysis of political and social conditions may not be original or even accurate, these are successful poems of protest. His sar­ casm concerning high officials and even the em peror is biting and witty, and his use of historical analogies both ingenious and in­ novative. To the last group may be assigned poems on objects (yung-wu shih IS$fi$), which also have been interpreted allegorically. In fact, the poems are heterogeneous in nature: some may contain specific references, others may be symbolic in a general way, still others may be jeux d'esprit or poetic conundrums. For instance, the willow (liu) may refer to a girl named Willow Branch (Liu-chih)—Li wrote a number of poems about her, with a preface explaining the circumstances in which he met her, but failed to have a love affair with her. Yet in other poems the willow may symbolize any beautiful woman, and in still others it may be a pun on the surname of one of Li’s patrons, Liu Chung-ying Each poem in this category has to be treated on its own terms.

Li Shang-yin’s poetry embodies passion, commitment, and conflict. It contains ele­ ments of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism without reaching a complete syn­ thesis of the three. T here are signs of a conflict between Confucian puritanism and Buddhist asceticism, on the one hand, and sybaritic hedonism associated with the popular Taoist quest for the elixir of life, on the other. T here is also a conflict be­ tween the Confucian ideal of public service and the wish to withdraw from society, prompted by both Buddhism and Taoism. These conflicts remain unresolved in Li’s poetry, although towards the end of his life he embraced Buddhism and wrote a gatha on his deathbed. In general, Li Shang-yin extended the scope o f C hinese poetry by exploring spheres o f experien ce previously u n ­ touched by poets, or by exploring familiar worlds with a new intensity and a selfawareness that often led to irony. It is per­ haps this last quality, together with his striking use o f language, that makes him particularly appealing to sophisticated modern readers. At the same time, his ex­ ploitation o f the potentials o f the Chinese language has exerted a profound influence on later poetry. A p art from being a m ajor poet, Li Shang-yin was also a master o f p ’ien-wen* He made two collections of his works in this genre, although he apparently never compiled a collection of his poetry. His p ’ien-wen pieces show some of the charac­ teristics of his poetry: skillful use of allu­ sions, exact parallelism , and elaborate phraseology. Less read than his poetry, they nonetheless remain superb specimens of this style. E d it io n s :

Fan-nan wen-chi hsiang-chu SSSiXIIPtt, Feng Hao, ed. 1765. SPPY. Fan-nan wen-chi pu-pien MWi'SCMIi i i , Ch’ien Chen-lun ed., 1864. SPPY. Li I-shan shih-chi ^ULUS^.ChuHao-ling&il #&, ed., 1659. Rpt., 1870. Commentaries by Chu I-tsun,* Ho Cho and Chi Yiin,* with the words chi p’ing tt®5 added to the title. Valuable as a collection of traditional criticism of Li’s poetry.

Li Shang-yin shih-hsilan $B8RI#j8. Anhwei Shih- tung from 1777 to 1780, for example, he fan Ta-hstieh Chung-wen hsi compiled a collection of works by local au­ ed. Peking, 1978. Selection of 104 thors, YUeh-tung kuan-hai chi (10 poems, with notes and an introduction. chilan), a collection of local folksongs (YilehLi Shang-yin shih-hsilan . Ch’en Yung- feng 4 chilan), a collection of notes on cheng Bfc&IE, comp. Hong Kong, 1980. the examination system (Chih-i k’e so-chi Yii-hsi-sheng shih chien-chu Feng fffliWSilB , 5 chilan), and a collection of his Hao 2S«r,ed. 1870. Rpt. SPPY. The standard own travel notes on Kwangtung (Nan-Yileh edition. pi-chi 16 chilan). O f Li’s literary writings, the most no­ T r a n s l a t io n s : Liu, James J. Y. The Poetry of Li Shang-yin. Chi­ teworthy are his collected essays (T’ungcago, 1969. shan wen-chi SU)£#£, 20 chilan) and poetry Takahashi, Kazumi HfitfaE. -Ri ShOin ^ 8588, (T’ung-shan shih-chi 42 chilan), his Tokyo, 1958. selected writings (T ’ung-shan hsilan-chi < von Zach, Han Yii, pp. 353-373. UlSft, 12 chilan), short stories (Wei-che ts’ung-t’an 4 chilan), and notes on S t u d ie s : f u * shih,* tz’u * ch’il* and drama (see bib­ Chang, Shu-hsiang Si®#. Li I-shdn shih hsi-lun liography below). He also edited two major Macao, n.d. Chang, Ts’ai-t’ien 363503. Yii-hsi-sheng nien-p’u poetry collections: Shu-ya SJ® (20 chilan), hui-chien 3E8S&^llf#sS. Peking, 1917; rpt. an anthology o f Szechwan poets from the Shanghai, 1963. Together with Li I-shan shih early- and mid-Ch’ing period, and Ch’ilan Wu-tai shih (100 chilan), an expan­ pien-cheng 3E. sion of Wang Shih-chen’s (1634-1711)* Ku, I-ch(in KS&19. Li Shang-yin p'ing-lun ■fflft. Taipei, 1958. work o f the same title. Liu, ibid. Li T ’iao-yiian also wrote a number of Su, Hsiieh-lin S S # . Li I-shan l ien-ai shih-chi works o f classical scholarship, and com­ k’ao ^KUUltSVIMF- Shanghai, 1927; rpt., piled several reference works on the pro­ Shanghai, 1948 as Yil-hsi shih-mi nunciation and meanings o f rare and ar­ Wu, Tiao-kung SPIfi. Li Shang-yin yen-chiu $ chaic characters and of classical phrases. mmm%. Shanghai, 1982. He was particularly adept at this latter type Yang, Liu Li Shang-yin p ’ing-chuan $ S81® o f work, producing among other things an Nanking, 1982. expanded version of Yang Shen’s* Ch’i-tzu -JL yiln SF1?® under the title Ch’i-tzu ming $ Li T ’iao-yiian ^PI56 (tzu, Keng-t’ang Itit, '^45, a dictionary of obscure words; a sep­ hao, Yu-ts’un , T ’ung-shan IEUj , Ho- arate work on archaic characters (Tzu-lu 2 chilan); a list of characters with mul­ chou iWH, Wan-chai it If, Ch’un-weng X 1734-1803) was an official, a biblio­ tiple sounds (Hui-yin is®, 2 chilan)-, a study phile, and a prolific scholar, compiler, and o f literary terms (T’ung-ku SSlfe, 2 chilan)-, editor with wide-ranging interests. From a collection of frequently-confused char­ Lo-chiang llfll (Szechwan), he passed the acters and meanings (Liu-shu fen-hao A* , 2 chuan)-, a collection of colloquial chin-shih examination in 1763* and served in a variety o f official posts until his re­ expressions found in literary works (Fang2 chUan); and a reference tirement in 1784. His official career in­ yen tsao cluded assignments in the Han-lin Acad­ work on sources of classical quotations (T’oemy and the Board of Civil Offices in yU hsin-shih iilfc§Tj&, 1 0 chUan with supple­ Peking, a term as Education Commissioner ments). Li T ’iao-yfian was an avid book collec­ in Kwangtung, and an appointment as a tor, and while working on the Ssu-k’u Circuit Intendant in Chihli. Li T ’iao-yiian is probably most notable ch’Uan-shu (see Chi Yiin) compilation proj­ for the range of his scholarly interests and ect, he had a number of rare works related his prolific writing, editing and compiling. to Szechwan province copied for his per­ During his official assignment in Kwang­ sonal library. He was interested in history

and politics as well as language and liter­ fifty years. For many years the leading fig­ ature, writing a local history of his native ure in literary circles in the capital, he ex­ district (Lo-chiang hsien-chih 10 erted a great influence on literary devel­ chuan), a work on official term inology opments both through his own work and (Kuan-hua t ® , 3 chilan), a series of notes through the influence of his many disciples on men who were famous through their and followers. He was almost too success­ success in the Ch’ing examination system ful, for the necessary compromises he made (Tan-mo lu 16 chilan), and a set of to retain influence at court—influence he notes on Szechwan (Ching-wa tsa-chi #0&lf, etc.), content, and tone (often ironic). He is considered a stylist o f the first order and his name is often paired with that of Sung Lien.* Liu’s passion for antiquity—which may also stem from his distaste for Mongol con­ temporaneity—is also evident in his verse. He has 265 ancient-style yileh-fu* poems, 54 ko-hsing ®:ff(songs), 22 four-word poems modeled on the Shih-ching,* nearly 600 lilshih (see shih), and over 230 tz’u. * T h e yilehfu, though on traditional themes such as “Wang Chao-chQn” 3EWS or “Shao-nien hsing” are unique in that they in­ clude philosophical twists to the conven­ tional subjects. “Shao-nien hsing,” for ex­ ample, begins with the traditional account of a prodigal son enjoying the pleasure dis­ tricts of the capital. The entire last half of the poem is devoted to an account of the now aging “youth” : his home town has completely changed when he returns from years of revelry in the capital; his friends and neighbors are gone; he finds himself too old to re-apply himself to study, too weak to begin farming—he can only lean on a wall and listen to the sounds of the loom at a neighbor’s (reminding him he hasn’t married). The poem closes with the persona in tears over a man who has be­ come “like a tumbleweed,” with no roots. “ Pei-feng hsing” (Song of th e Northern Winds), a seven-word chileh-chil

(see shih) written in the “border conven­ tion,” contrasts the harsh life o f the com­ mon soldiers to that o f their general, who sits in furs drinking warmed wine and en­ joying the falling snow from his window. Liu often emphasizes the didactic role o f literature in his prefaces to others’ col­ lected works (see “Chao-hsiian Shang-jen shih-chi hsii” ) and practiced it in his own work as well, many poems depicting the plight of the common peo­ ple. His “Erh-kuei” —A (Two Ghosts) is a long poem (more than 1200 characters) set in mythical antiquity. Two ghosts, Chiehlin MM and Chiieh-i H it restore the uni­ verse to order, paying especial attention to the life of the masses. They do so against the will of T ’ien-ti The poem has been understood as an allegory of Liu Chi and Sung Lien’s political efforts under the first em peror of the Ming. Although the breadth and style of Liu’s literary corpus mark him as one o f the few writers after the eleventh century to ap­ proach the excellence of the T ’ang and Sung literary giants, he is perhaps best known in his popular image as Liu Po-wen, prognosticator par excellence and hero of various tales and stories (see Hok-lam Chan, especially chapter 4). E d it io n s :

Ch’eng-i Po wen-chi Taipei, 1968. Ch’eng-i Po Liu Hsien-sheng wen-chi 1470. Best edition.

T ’ai-shih Ch’eng-i Po Liu Wen-ch’eng Kung chi %fiSS&X*. SPTK. Reproduces a 1572 edition. T he Yil-li tzu in the Hsileh-chin t’ao-yilan •StWSt is based on the SPTK, but has been carefully collated with other edi­ tions. Yil-li tzu Shanghai, 1981. A punctuated edition based on the 1470 edition, but col­ lated with the Hsileh-chin t’ao-yilan and other editions. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Chan, Hok-lam William. “ Liu Chi (1311-1375): The Dual Image of a Chinese Imperial Ad­ visor.” U npublished Ph.D. dissertation. Princeton University, 1967. Partial transla­ tion of “Shu-chih fu” on pp. 66-67. Demi6ville, Anthologie, p. 470.

Margoultes, Kou-wen, pp. 320-321. Translation o f “Ssu-ma Chi-chu lun-pu” Is . “Selected Fables from ‘Yu Li Zi,’ ” CL, October 1983,81-91. St u d ie s :

Chan, “T he Dual Image.” Ch’ien, Mu & S . “T u Ming-ch’u k’ai-kuo chuch’en shih-wen chi” , Hsin-ya hsileh-pao, 6.2 (August 1964), 243-326. Fukumoto, Masaichi . “Ryu Ki shi josetsu” HiSHMfTO,. Chugoku bungaku ho, 18 (1963), 91-107. Kao, Hai-fu “T ’an Liu Chi te “Yii-li tzu’ RHIKfft * Wen-hsileh i-ch’an tsengk’an, 10 (July 1962), 73-79. Liu, Te-yfl Ming Liu Po-wen-kung sheng-

p’ing shih-chi shih-i Taipei, 1976.

Ming, 932-938. Wang, Hsin-i I ® - . Liu Po-wen nien-p’u Shanghai, 1935. Gives detailed ac­ count o f Liu Chi including family back­ ground and early life. Is often uncritical and sometimes in erro r on chronology. —w h n

Liu Chih-chi 8U&& (tzu, Tzu-hsQan 661-721), chin-shih, c. 680, primarily known as a critic of historical writing, was a scholar-official whose service in the met­ ro politan academ ic institutions o f th e T ’ang spanned the period from 699 until he was banished from the capital in the year of his death. He compiled or took part in the compilation o f at least twelve works, was briefly a rescript writer, and partici­ pated in scholarly debates on Confucian canonical texts, on their commentaries, and on state ritual prescriptions. He also wrote verse. His highest post was that of Sec­ retary o f the Left of the Crown Prince’s Household and he was posthumously can­ onized Wen X (Literary). Liu Chih-chi’s Shih-t’ung sfi* (Generali­ ties on History), the work that has given him his reputation, was completed in 710. Attempting to do for the discipline of his­ tory what Liu Hsieh’s Wen-hsin tiao-lung* did for that of belles lettres, it critically surveyed all aspects of historical scholar­ ship from its origins in Confucian canon­ ical texts to the compilations by the early T ’ang official historians who were Liu’s

immediate precedessors in the history of­ fice. C om prising thirty-six “ inner sec­ tions” and thirteen “outer sections,” it opens with a description of six schools o f history writing in antiquity, and then fo­ cuses on two of them, pien-nien (chron­ icle) and chi-chuan (composite), as the models followed in later times. Then it re­ views in detail the constituent parts of the composite model, principally the pen-chi *£2 (basic annals), lieh-chuan ?!!(• (biogra­ phies), and shu-chih •JS (treatises). After this come a number of sections on tech­ nical matters, such as the appropriate span of a history, terms by which figures in it should be referred to, titles, and commen­ taries. A group of sections is concerned with style, narrative imitation, the tech­ nique, the problems of imitation, the de­ sirability of concise diction, and the need for moral objectivity. The “outer” portion o f the work opens with an account of the history office, first founded as a separate institution by the T ’ang itself in 629, and o f its precursors, reviews the sequence of “orthodox” (cheng IE) histories produced for successive dynasties, and goes on to col­ lect Liu’s criticisms of Confucian canonical historical texts, the Shu-ching and the Ch’unch’iu (see ching), and to plead the special value as history of the Tso-chuan* Further sections gather Liu’s miscellaneous judg­ ments and his criticisms of the “ Wu-hsing c h ih ” EfT® (M onograph on the Five Phases) in the Han-shu, a piece that he con­ sidered undisciplined and unreliable. Liu’s letter of 708 to Hsiao Chih-chung I®-®, director of the dynastic history, attempt­ ing to resign from the history office, is ap­ pended as a final section. T he Shih-t’ung is a work of wide erudi­ tion and brave critical insight, for Liu draws from, or refers to, nearly three hundred works and cites an even larger number of authors. Despite a highly moralistic per­ spective, it conveys a sense of romantic en­ thusiasm for history-writing and for the role of the individual historian. Liu’s in­ dependent imagination also led him to be­ lieve that classical antiquity, despite dif­ ferences in dress, speech, and mores, was not radically different from his own time

and was by no means as utopian as con­ vention accepted it to be. His belief in the function of history as a register of change led him to suggest, from within the disci­ pline of history as T ’ang scholars under­ stood it in its broadest sense, new topics for treatises in composite-form histories. Yet for all his strikingly organic under­ standing of the past, he believed that the compilation of histories was a discipline governed by strict formal rules and capa­ ble of great precision and consistency, and he never broke free of the classificatory, schematic approach to learning that char­ acterized official scholar,ship in T ’ang times. Liu’s sense of compartmentalization led him to demarcate history from literary composition or belles lettres, and the im­ portance of the Shih-t’ung to the literary historian, an incidental result o f Liu’s main purpose, derives from the concern he ex­ pressed in it for the concise in narrative style and diction. Probably no other writer of the medieval period stated so clearly what he considered desirable in narrative prose. Running through Liu’s critique of style is a demand that only the essential be in­ cluded. He seems to have been exhilarated by brevity and condemned any hint of wor­ diness. Conjunctions, interjections, and other particles were to be considered care­ fully. Parenthetical or editorial remarks were to be included only if they contrib­ uted substantially to the sense. “The la­ conic writer is already comprehensive With a single expression; the prolix talent can shine only with the aid of several sen­ tences.” Liu identified four basic narrative techniques: describing a man’s qualities di­ rectly; letting his actions speak for them­ selves; letting the facts be known through direct speech; and expounding them in supplementary essays or assessments. If his comments were restricted to nar­ rative in official histories, it was precisely this category of writing, commanding great prestige in the medieval scholarly world, that set the tone for other narrative gen­ res—the countless biographies, epitaphs, and reports of conduct, and beyond them

the less formal sources, collections of vi­ gnettes and anecdotes, and even ch’uanch’i* (tales).

sitat, Bonn, 1980. —dlm

Liu Chih-yUan chu-kung-tiao Sfl&stiSSil (“AH Keys and Notes” about Liu ChihGagnon, G. Avec la collaboration de E. Gag­ yiian), by an unknown author, is one of non, Concordance combinie du Shitong et du Shi­ three extant texts o f chu-kung-tiao,* a genre tong Xiaofan. 2v. Paris, 1977. o f narrative ballad which flourished in the Shih-t’ung &3S and Shih-t’ung cha-chi £51*113, twelfth and thirteenth centuries. It is writ­ Sun Yii-hsiu ISSItt, ed. Rpt. of 1602 edition, ten in alternating sections of verse and SPTK. prose, the brief prose-linking passages re­ Shih-t’ung chien-chi . Ch’eng Ch’ien-fan capitulated and amplified in verse-inter, comm. Peking, 1980. Shih-t’ung t’ung-shih SfejB##. Edited with com­ ludes sung to a muscial accompaniment. mentary by P’u Ch’i-lung ed. and T he prevalent rhymed passages are assem­ comm. Revised by P’u Hsi-ling 1893, bled into song suites, each in a musical mode different from the preceding one. SPPY. The name o f the genre (“all keys and T r a n s l a t io n s : notes”) derives from this distinctive fea­ Masui, Tsuneo Shitsu: Todai no reki- ture. The choice o f musical suites follow­ shikan SfejiJSf'i®®®#. Tokyo, 1966. With ing a fixed sequence o f modes is the introduction and index. strongest link between chu-kung-tiao and the Sargent, Stuart H. “ ‘Understanding History: later fully staged operatic dramas of the The Narration of Events,’ by Liu Chih-chi YQan and Ming dynasties, but chu-kung-tiao (661-721),” in The Translation of Things Past: is performed by a single entertainer. Chinese History and Historiography,George Kao, T he surviving text of the Liu Chih-yilan ed., Hong Kong, 1982. chu-kung-tiao is a woodblock print dating from 'the time when this particular ballad St u d ie s : was actually performed. T he small sized Fu, Chen-lun . Liu Chih-chi nien-p ’u m print, with many characters in their sim­ . 3rd ed. Peking, 1963. Hsfl, Kuan-san IFSH . Liu Chih-chi te shih-lu shih- plified popular form, comes from a work­ hsileh . Hong Kong, 1982. shop in what today would be Shansi, pre­ Hung, William. “ A Bibliographical Contro­ sumably the place o f origin o f the chu-kungversy at the T ’ang Court A.D. 719,” tiao genre. It was discovered at the site of HJAS, 20 (1957), 74-134 the ancient city o f Karakhoto by the Ko­ -------. “A T ’ang Historiographer’s Letter of zlov expedition (1907-8). T he text, com­ Resignation,” HJAS, 29 (1969), 5-52. prising forty-two folios, is incomplete. O f Koh, Byongik. “ Zur Werttheorie in der chi­ a total of twelve chapters there remain only nesische Historiographie auf Grund des Shih- the first (with one page missing), the sec­ t ’ung des Liu Chih-chi (661-721),” OE, 4 ond, the beginning of the third, a major (1957), 5-51, 125-181. part of the eleventh (except its beginning), Masui, Tsuneo. “Liu Chih-chi and the Shih and all o f the last. t’ung,” Memoirs of the Research Department of The hero, of the narrative is Liu Chihthe TOyOBunks, 34 (1978), 113-162. Contains yiian, a successful military commander of a list of editions, textual history, and a useful Sha-t’o (Turkish) origin, who founded the bibliography. short-lived Han regnum during the Five Pulleyblank, E. G. “Chinese Historical Criti­ Dynasties period in 947 and died a little cism: Liu Chih-chi and Ssu-ma Kuang,” in W. G. Beasley and E. G. Pulleyblank, eds., His­ less than a year later. T he chu-kung-tiao, torians of China and Japan, London, 1961, pp. however, ignores the historical personage and limits the story strictly to the early 135-166. Quirin, Michael. “Beitrage zur Erforschung von years of the emperor-to-be. T he first three Liu Zhiji’sS/w' Tnng." Unpublished M.A. the­ chapters describe the bitter lot of the Liu sis, Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Univer- family and Liu C hih yiian him self: his E d it io n s :

father, a soldier, was killed in battle; his widowed mother fled famine with her two little sons and later remarried. After fall­ ing out with his half-brothers, Liu Chihyiian left home and wandered penniless, until he was hired as a farmhand by a vil­ lage elder. Li San-niang the daugh­ ter of the village elder, is overwhelmed by the youth’s good looks, and impressed by the auspicious signs o f his great future; she visits him in the middle of the night, of­ fering the frightened hero half of her pre­ cious hairpin as a token of betrothal. T he father gives his consent to their marriage, because he too saw signs which augured well for the future emperor. However, Li San-niang’s two brothers, village bullies, oppose the match and try to kill Liu. At every attempt, however, Heaven inter­ venes and saves the hero. Unable to bear their insults and threats, Liu Chih-yiian takes tearful leave o f his wife (who is by now three months pregnant) and enters the army at T ’ai-yiian. A military digni­ tary, seeing both the new recruit’s awe­ some strength and auspicious signs about his head, arranges Liu Chih-yiian’s second marriage, to his daughter. Meanwhile Li San-niang is forced by her brothers to do lowly menial work, because she refuses to remarry. In due time she bears a healthy son. In chapters eleven and twelve we read o f the happy reunion o f Liu Chih-yiian and Li San-niang after a long separation. Dur­ ing the thirteen-year interval, Liu Chihyiian has risen to a high position as military governor of the area of modern Shansi. His son, taken as a newborn baby to T ’aiyiian, was brought up by Liu Chih-yiian’s new wife as her own child. On a hunting party, the boy meets accidentally with his mother, who does not recognize him and tells him her sad life story. Moved by his son’s plea to search for the poor woman’s lost husband, Liu Chih-yiian decides to res­ cue his still much abused wife and rewards her faithfulness with splendor and wealth. From now on, Liu Chih-yiian will live in perfect harmony with his two beloved wives and son. T h e two m ean b ro th ers are chided, but spared. The ballad ends with

the gathering of the whole Liu family whose numerous members had been scat­ tered all over the country. Liu Chih-yiian’s official biography, in­ cluded in the Han-shu, is focused primarily on his successful career as a skillful general and governor. As a storyteller theme, the story of Liu Chih-yQan appeared in pop­ ular chronicles called p ’ing-hua* Which re­ tained the historical framework, but en­ riched it with legends. The Liu Chih-yilan chu-kung-tiao shares basic structural features with the Tung Hsihsiang chi chu-kung-tiao HSJiftSSSU (Mas­ ter Tung’s Western Chamber Romance), the only complete text in this genre. Mas­ ter T ung’s sophisticated love story appeals to a highly literate group. In comparison, Liu Chih-yilan appears less advanced in nar­ rative techniques and musical composi­ tion. It also lacks the subtle poetic char­ acterization used in describing M aster T ung’s lovers. Yet the artistic achievement of Liu Chih-yilan resides in different qual­ ities: a thrilling plot, hyperbolic descrip­ tion o f characters harking back to the myths and legends, rumbustious humor, and a racy, rustic vernacular permeated with popular proverbs. It is highly prob­ able that Liu Chih-yilan is the only genuine “marketplace and street*’ chu-kung-tiao in existence. E d it io n s :

Cheng, Chen-to flflS®, ed. Liu Chih-yilan chuan (chu-kung-tiao) (IBS'W), in Shih-chieh wen-k’u, 2 (1935), 483-508. Contains several wrong characters which do not correspond to the original and alter the nleaning of the text.

Chin-pen chu-kung-tiao Liu Chih-yilan

StlTW

S M ii. Peking, 1937. A photolithographic reprint after photographs taken by Kano Naoki M m in 1928 in Leningrad, and later stored at Tohoku University. Unreliable, be­ cause of rather, substantial differences with the original print, probably due to correc­ tions in the negatives. Cheng Chen-to based his edition on Kano Naoki’s photographs. Liu Chih-yilan chu-kung-tiao An original woodblock print which dates from the twelfth or thirteenth century and comes from a workshop of P’ing-yang W-M in Shansi.

After its discovery by the Kozlov expedition in 1907-8, the print remained in the Lenin­ grad Oriental Institute until April 1958 when the Soviet government made a gift of this priceless volume to the People’s Republic of China, It is now in Peking National Library. The print is a fragment, with the cover miss­ ing. The actual title is only alluded to in the epilogue. Liu Chih-yilan chu-kung-tiao Wi'Uffl. Pe­ king, 1958. A photolithographic reprint of the original woodblock print with a postface by Cheng Chen-to giving details of the dis­ covery of the text, its contents, and form. Uchida, Michio ed. “ Kocho Ryu Chien shokyQchO” , in Tohoku dai­ gaku bungakubu kenkyil nempo, 14 (1963), 240323. A critical edition with excellent anno­ tations in Japanese. It is both reliable and accessible. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Dole^.elova-Velingerova, Milena and James I. Crump Jr. Ballad of the Hidden Dragon (Liu Chih-yiian chu-kung-tiao). London, 1971. S t u d ie s :

Aoki, Masaru “ RyoChien shokyucho ko” ffl»8i»S»#,S/!mag
tz’u H P , a new form that was originally borrowed from the popular yiin-yao SH tradition. It was in Liu Yung’s hand that man-tz’u gradually formed its generic con­ ventions and ultimately became a major tz’u form. Many o f his man-tz’u poems de­ pict the contemporary life in such flour­ ishing cities as Hangchow, Soochow, and Pien-ching. The immediate success of these poems lies partly in the fact that the sheer length of the man-tz’u structure seemed to be ideally suited for elaborated and par­ ticularized description. T he shortened hsiao-ling form could not have supported the same effect. By adopting the long form, Liu Yung was able to express a variety of ideas in an otherwise limited poetic genre. T he man-tz’u form was thus most suitable to his temperament and purposes. Liu Yung’s free use of colloquial lan­ guage and other devices of popular songs made him at once a controversial figure in the poetic tradition and a pioneer of tz’u style. This explains why traditional critics often had reservations in their praise for Liu Yung. A critical note by the woman poet Li Ch’ing-chao* represents the tra­ ditional assessment: “ Liu Yung trans­ formed old music into new. He published Yileh-chang chi which won great ac­ claim everywhere. Although the musical tones of his tz’u are harmonious, the lan­ guage is vulgar.” However, Liu Yung did not write all his poems in the popular style. In fact, one of his poetic merits lies in his ability to main­ tain a proper balance between the collo­ quial and the literary language. Two wellknown poems, “Yu-lin ling” and “Pasheng kan-chou” a SWW, are good ex­ amples of such artistic blending. On the one hand, his literary expressions capture the static and sublime qualities of natural imagery; on the other, his colloquial dic­ tion tends to generate a delightful sense o f the expressiveness of common speech. This particular achievement of Liu Yung has not been sufficiently recognized by tra­ ditional critics. E d it io n s :

Ch’ien, Sung-shih, pp. 33-35. Chu, Tsu-mou (1857-1931), comp. Sungtz’u san-pai-chou chien-chu SRtaJHWWS® . An­

notated by T ’ang Kuei-chang Hong Kong, 1961, pp. 26-36. Ch’iian Sung tz’u, v. 1, pp. 13-57. Liu, Yung MtK . Yileh-chang chi Cheng Wen-cho (1956-1918), annot. Taipei, 1973. T r a n s l a t io n s :

Ayling, Collection, pp. 107-109. Leung, Winnie Lai-fong, trans. “Thirteen Tz’u by Liu Yung,” Renditions, 11/12 (Spring/Au­ tumn 1979), 62-82. Liu, James J. Y. Major Lyricists of the Northern Sung. Princeton, 1974, pp. 54-99. Sunflower, pp. 320-324. S t u d ie s :

Chan, An-t’ai “T ’an Liu Yung ti Y(i-lin ling” , YU-wen hsUeh-hsi, 67 (1957), 1-4. Chang, Evolution, pp. 107-157. Includes trans­ lations. Cheng, Ch’ien. “Liu Yung and Su Shih in the Evolution of Tz’u Poetry,” Ying-hsiung Chou, trans., Renditions, 11/12 (Spring/Autumn 1979), 143-156. Hightower, James R. “The Songwriter Liu Yung: Part I," HJAS, 41.2 (December 1981), 323-376; “Part II,” HJAS, 42.1 (1982), 5-66. Ke, Kuo-liang . “Lun Liu Yung tz’u” Mskisi, Wen-hsiieh p ’ing-lun ts’ung-k’an, 13 (May 1983), 406-418. Leung, Winnie Lai-fong. “Liu Yung and His Tz’u." Unpublished M.A. thesis. University of British Columbia, 1976. Liu, Lyricists, pp. 53-99. Includes translations. Liu, James J. Y. “The Lyrics of Liu Yung,” TkR, 1.2 (October 1970), 1-44. Murakami, Tetsumi fcf-ktrH. “RyO KikyO shi no keitai jo no tokushoku ni tsuite” W# i i
t u d ie s

poetry, Ma Chih-yilan received lavish praise for the poetic quality of his plays. In mod­ ern times, he has not fared as well. Critics in the People’s Republic praise his tech­ nical skill but reject his ideology. Generally speaking, his plays contain good poetry but often lack dramatic action. While his plays draw mixed reviews, his san-ch’U songs have received unanimous critical acclaim. Among the extant 104 hsiao-ling (short lyrics) and 17 t’ao-shu 19K.(song sequences), the short lyric “Ch’iu ssu” (Autumn Thoughts) is the best known. It is much admired for its econ­ omy—a pervading sense o f desolation and sadness is conveyed by a series of natural images. The song sequence “Yeh hsing ch’uan” &fr hexagrams, but does not have the t’uan hsiang or wen-yen commentaries. 6. Fourteen texts on medical matters, dealing with such topics as: conduits of the circulatory system, fatal signs exhibited by the conduits, remedies for diseases, child­ birth, nourishing life, diet, and secret pre­ scriptions. 7. Two texts on astronomy/astrology, one called Wu-hsing chan 3 E ( P r o g n o s ­ tications Related to the Five Planets) and the other, T ’ien-wen ch’i hsiang chan £ (Prognostications Related to Astro­ nomical and Meteorological Phenomena).

T he latter is an illustrated scroll with cap­ tions and covers four kinds of phenom­ ena—clouds, ch’i, stars, and comets. 8. A text telling how to determine cer­ tain qualities in horses on the basis ofphysical appearance—Hsiang-ma ching . 9. Five texts discussing good and bad fortune in terms o f Yin-Yang and the Five Elements. T he first three relate to warfare and are called Hsingte Texts A, B, C. T he other two pertain to everyday matters and are called Chuan-shu yin-yang wu-hsing XffftMXfr (Ying-yang and the Five Ele­ ments—the Seal Script) and Li-shu yin-yang wu-hsing M9t1Hms.fi (Yin-yang and the Five Elements—in Clerical Script). 10. T he Mu-jen chan *Ad5 (Divination Using a Wooden Image). 11. Some talismans Q)-Fu-lu 12. Four diagrams (t’u U): one illustrat­ ing the “Nine Kinds of Rulers” (A i); one showing mourning garments (&%); pne being pictures o f gods (?) ( Wffl); and one illustrating therapeutic calisthenics («§l). 13. Two maps (also t’u H): one showing troop deployment in the Han kingdom of Chang-sha, the other topographical in na­ ture, showing eight prefectures in Chang­ sha. 14. Two plans (also t’uM ): one is de­ scribed as a plan for building a miniature city, the other is a plan o f a large tomb and shrine in the Changsha area. Plans have been announced for publi­ cation o f the entire corpus. T here will be six volumes, each giving facsimiles of the originals and modern character transcrip­ tions. Volume I, which has already ap­ peared, comprises the two copies o f the Lao-tzu and their eight appended texts; vol­ ume II, also out, has the Ch’un-ch’iu shihyil and the Chan-kuo ts’e. Volume III will have the I-ching and the texts appended thereto; volume IV, the medical treatises; volume V, the texts relating to the history of science (astronomy/astrology, maps and plans, the Hsiang-ma ching)', and volume VI, the texts on divination and good and bad fortune. Transcriptions of most of the texts, the I-ching materials being a major exception, have already appeared in issues of Wen-wu.

Almost all of the texts have been de­ scribed and discussed in a preliminary way, and the significance o f the texts on as­ tronomy/astrology and medicine for the history of science in China has been clearly recognized. But w ithout question, the greatest interest raised by the texts thus far concerns the possibility that in the ma­ terials appended to text B of the Lao-tzu we have texts illustrating the brand of thought known as Huang-Lao, a philoso­ phy popular in the early years o f the Han. Relevant is T ’ang Lan’s SM identification o f the four texts with the Huang-ti ssu-ching (The Four Classics of the Yellow Emperor) mentioned in the “I-wen chih” o f the Han-shu (see Pan Ku), an identifi­ cation based in part on the fact that the Shih-liu ching records conversations be­ tween Huang-ti and various ministers on matters o f political concern. If these are H uang-Lao texts th en H uang-Lao had nothing at all to do with the health and immortality cult, as has commonly been supposed. Rather, it appears to have been a kind o f political thought characterized by attention to fa (laws or models) and li 8 (principles), which follow naturally from the Tao and must be perceived by a selfless ruler and followed without inter­ ference. Mainland scholars see Huang-Lao as a branch of Legalism, but Western scholars (Jan Yiin-hua, T u Wei-ming) tend to disagree. Work has also been done on the two cop­ ies of the Lao-tzu. T he two texts are not entirely the same, but they tend to agree where they disagree with other versions o f the text. In both, parts I (chapters 1-37) and II (chapters 38-81) o f the text are re­ versed, a fact which has occasioned much speculation. Moreover, some differences occur in the sequence o f chapters: in the Ma-wang tui texts, what is traditionally chapter 24 comes between 21 and 22, 41 comes after 39, and 80 and 81 come be­ tween 66 and 67. T here are, however, no chapter names or numbers in these texts, and punctuation separating chapters is only found in part II o f text A. In general the content of the texts is the same as previ­ ously known. T here are word, phrase, and

line additions and omissions. These im­ prove the quality o f the text but seem not to affect the thought. T here are also nu­ merous character variants, many of which are chia-chieh IS# (loan characters). The heavy use o f chia-chieh, the omission and addition o f radicals to characters, and the use of different graphs for the same word— features found in all of the Ma-wang tui texts—testify to a lack of language stand­ ardization. Ma-wang tui studies are in their infancy, and questions fundamental in nature re­ main to be answered: Why were these texts placed in this tomb in the first place? Do the language, ideas, and topics o f these texts represent something unique of the culture o f Ch’u? Nonetheless, the signifi­ cance o f the Ma-wang tui texts as a source for the study o f early Han thought, med­ ical theories and practices, ideas on as­ trology, etc., is undeniable. Ma-wang tui is a major find, comparable to Tun-huang. E d it io n s :

Ch’ang-sha Ma-wdng tui shan-hao Han mu po-shu Shanghai, 1974. Transcriptions and facsimiles of the Lao-tzu texts and the eight texts appended thereto. Chan-kuo tsung-heng-chia shu WHIBSStiJ#. Pe­ king, 1976. Transcriptions in inexpensive pa­ perback. Hsi, Tse-tsung ffifPas ed. Chung-kuo T’ien-wenhsileh shih wen-chi Peking, 1978. Contains a transcription of the Wu-hsing chan. Ma-wang tui Han mu po-shu , I. Peking, 1974. Elaborately produced in tra­ ditional Chinese style—eight sewn ts’e in a latched, cloth-covered box. Has facsimiles and transcriptions of Lao-tzu A and B plus the eight appended texts. Transcriptions in simplified characters. Very expensive. ------ , I. Peking, 1980. Volume I in a large format, done in regular, modern binding. Has facsimiles and transcriptions of Lao-tzu A and B plus eight appended texts. Good quality and price is reasonable. Transcriptions are in standard characters. Some errors in the tran­ scription. ------ , II. Peking, 1979. Facsimiles and tran­ scriptions of the Chan-kuo ts’e and Ch’un-ch’iu shih-yU, produced in the same fashion as the 1974 volume I.

Ma-wang tui Han mu po-shu Lao-tzu. Peking, issues: 1974.7, 1974.9, 1974.10, 1974.11, 1976. Transcription in inexpensive paper­ 1975.2, 1975.3, 1975.4, 1975.6, 1975.7, back. 1975.8, 1975.9, 1976.3, 1976.4, 1977.1, Wen-wu ~£Ml. Transcriptions of various texts can 1977.8, 1977.10, and 1978.2 be found in the following issues: 1974.10, Yen, Ling-feng KKtt. Ma-wang tui po-shu Lao1974.11,1975.4,1975.6,1975.9,1977.1, and tzu shih-t’an Taipei, 1976. 1977.8. —RH Wu-shih-erhping-fang Peking, 1979. (tzu, Hsii-shih If Transcription plus analysis in inexpensive pa­ Mao Tsung-kang perback. #), hao, Chieh-an ,fl. 1660) was a native o f Ch’ang-chou (modern Wu-hsien S t u d ie s : MU, Kiangsu). From the scanty biograph­ Harper, Donald. “The Wu Shih Erh Ping Fang: ical information that is available, it is known Translation and Prolegomena.” Unpub­ that he collaborated with his father, Mao lished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cal­ Lun (tzu, Te-yin or, in his late ifornia, Berkeley, 1982. years, Sheng-shan ), in revising the SanHenricks, Robert G. “Examining the Ma-wang kuo chih yen-i* and the P ’i-p’a chi (see Kao tui Silk Texts of the Lao-tzu," TP, 65 (1979), Ming), and in writing critical commentary 166-199. Jan, Yfln-hua “Tao, Principle, and Law: for both works, and that he once studied The Three Key Concepts in the Yellow Em­ with C h’u Jen-huo *SAf#, who is well known for having revised the Sui T ’ang yenperor Taoism,” JCP, 7 (1980), 205-228. Kanaya, Osamu “ Hakusho Rdshi ni i. * Mao Lun went blind in middle age, and tsuite: Soo sh iry O se i no shohoteki gimmi” in revising the San-kuo, depended on his in son to write down his ideas. Since Mao Chugoku tetsugakushi no tembo to mosaku^fBIS Tsung-kang was responsible for the final Tokyo, 1976, pp. 177- edtiorial work, it is reasonable to assume that he played a more significant role in 198. Kao, Hen » ? , and Ch’ih Hsi-chao the whole task. Thus in the following dis­ “Shih t’an Ma-wang tui Han mu chung ti po- cussion, reference will be made to him only. shu Lao-tzu” , Mao Tsung-kang was an admirer of Chin Wen-wu, 1974.11, 1-7. Sheng-t’an,* who revised and wrote criti­ Lau, D. C., tr. Tao Te Ching. Hong Kong, 1982. cal comments for two major works, the This re-issue of Lau’s translation of the Lao- novel Shui-hu chuan* and the drama Hsitzu, first published by Penguin in 1963, in­ hsiang chi. * Mao did the same for the Sancludes a new translation, with accompanying kuo (which he calls the first ts’ai-tzu shu Chinese text, which is based on a conflation [book by a genius]) and the P ’i-p’a of Ma-wang-tui texts A and B. (which he calls the seventh). Like Chiifs Loewe, Michael. Ways to Paradise: The Chinese Shui-hu,* Mao’s San-kuo replaced all older Quest for Immortality. London, 1979. Discus­ versions and became the standard edition. sion of the funerary banner found in tomb Mao falsely claimed that he had obtained No. 1. a certain old edition, and called the then T ’ang, Lan KM. "Huang-ti ssu-ching ch’u-t’an” prevalent editions “vulgar.” He referred #WSim iM , Wen-wu, 1974.10, 48-52. “Tso-t’an Changsha Ma-wang tui Han mu po- to his revised version of the San-kuo* as Wen-wu, the Sheng-t’an wai-shu liHWHt (An Unau­ 1974.9, 45-57. An initial discussion of the thenticated Work by Chin Sheng-t’an). It contains a preface dated 1664 and attrib­ texts by various mainland scholars. Tu, Wei-ming “ The ‘Thought of uted to Chin Sheng-t’an, which is probably Huang-Lao’; A Reflection on the Lao Tzu a forgery by Mao himself. Mao’s version of the San-kuo was com­ and Huang Ti Texts in the Silk Manuscripts pleted in the early years of the reign of the of Ma-Wang Tui,” JAS, 39.1 (November Em peror K’ang-hsi (1662-1722). Com ­ 1979), 95-110. Wen-wu. Studies (descriptive and interpretive) pared with Chin’s revision o f the Shui-hu, of the various texts appear in the following Mao’s work on the San-kuo is of a much

smaller scale. The six major concerns of his revision are stated in his prefatory notes. 1. Revising history as presented in the story-lines o f the novel. In this Mao is guided by two principles: first, to make the stories closer to genuine history, and sec­ ond, to uphold Shu fl as the orthodox state during the San-kuo Era and thereby con­ demn Wei 'ft. In chapter 80 (chapter num­ bers refer to the 120-chapter editions), concerning T s’ao P’i’s* usurpation, the' older editions describe Empress Ts’ao as on the side o f her brother, Ts’ao P’i, while in Mao’s edition she is said to be on the side of the Han Emperor and to condemn h er brother’s action. This is an example o f alteration. An addition can be found in chapter 84, where Madame Sun’s S5, sui­ cide has no basis in extant historical rec­ ords. An example o f deletion can be found in chapter 103. T here the claim that Chuko Liang in trying to burn out Ssuma II0SI8 also had hoped to kill Wei Yen ftffi has been deleted. 2. T he addition o f interesting episodes. In chapter 107, for example, Mao has in­ cluded an episode about Teng Ai’s being ridiculed for his stuttering. 3. T he deletion or addition o f poems or pieces o f prose. All the poems attributed to Chou Ching-hsQan , for example, are deleted. Poems by celebrated poets o f the T ’ang and Sung are added. 4. The addition o f works of prose. Works o f prose from the San-kuo period, such as K’ung Jung’s* memorial recommending Mi Heng* and Ch’en Lin’s* proclamation against Ts’ao Ts’ao, are also added. 5. Rearrangement of the text. Mao dis­ cards the 240-chapter division in favor of the 120-chapter scheme, and recasts the title for each chapter in a parallel couplet. 6. T he deletion o f superfluous phrases and the general refinement and tightening o f the style. Besides revising the text, Mao disposed o f the critical remarks in the vulgar edi­ tions that had been attributed to Li Chih,* and replaced them with his own. Mao’s method of criticism is very similar to 'Chin Sheng-t’an’s on the Shui-hu chuan. His main

concerns are to comment on the person­ alities of the characters and to remark upon the artistry o f writing at critical points of interest. As Chin expresses his ill feeling towards Sung Chiang on occasion, Mao calumniates T s’ao T s’ao often. His literary analysis is largely based on the principles o f pa-ku wen. * Li Yfl* (1611-1680) was dissatisfied with Mao’s San-kuo revisions and produced an­ other version that is more faithful to the original. But Li’s version never attained the wide popularity that Mao’s enjoys. E d it io n s :

San-kuo [chih] yen-i HHiS*. 2v. Peking, 1953; lv. edition, 1955. In the 1953 edition, most of the poems that the Mao version has in­ herited from the earlier versions are ex­ punged; in the 1955 edition, however, they are restored. Mao’s critical comments are not included in these editions. Tsitrpen San-kuo yen-i Taipei, 1958. St u d ie s :

Arai, Mizuo 3fi#38IS. “MO Seisan ni tsuite” Kangakkai zasshi, 8.1 (1940), 79-91. Cheng, Chen-to “San-kuo chih yen-i te yen-hua” HHSfeSS&lSS'fb. in his Chung-kuo wen-hsiieh yen-chiu, Peking, 1957, pp. 166-239. Ogawa, Tanaki 'Nil&ffi. “Sankoku engi no Mo Seisan hihyO hon to Ri RyOO hon” HBiSil , Kanda [KiichirOj hakushi kanreki kinen shoshigaku ronshn Wffl Tokyo, 1957. Also included in Ogawa’s ChUgoku shosetsu shi no henkyU W9Z, Tokyo, 1968, pp. 153-161. Yfl, P’ing-po ft2F,flS. “San-kuo chih yen-i ytk Maoshih fu-tzu” in his Tsa-pan chi &WJI, v. 2, Shanghai, 1933, pp. 123-126. —SSK

Mei Sheng *St* (also read Mei Ch’eng, tzu, Shu d. 141 B.C.) was born in Huai-yin (modern Kiangsu). He served briefly at the court of Liu P’i *li*, the Prince of Wu H3E, but left Liu P ’i’s service when he failed to dissuade him from his plans to revolt. T he memorials Mei wrote in his attempts to persuade Liu P’i not to revolt clearly display Mei’s remarkable abilities as a rhetorician. After leaving Liu P’i’s ser­

vice, Mei went to Liang * , arriving there around 157 B.C. According to his Han-shu biography (ch. 51), Mei was the best o f the many poets attracted to the court of Prince Hsiao o f Liang This court was per­ haps the literary center of Han China in this period, since Emperor Ching (r. 156141 B.C.) had declared a dislike for the then popular tz’u-fu *W style of poetry. When Emperor Wu (r. 140-87 B. C.) as­ cended the throne he summoned Mei to court, but Mei died on the way. T he “I-wen chih” (Treatise on Literature) in the Han-shu credits Mei with authoring nine fu.* O f these, three pieces are extant: “Ch’i fa” -t® (The Seven Stim­ uli), “ Liang wang T ’u-yOan fu” (T h e R abbit G arden o f th e Prince o f Liang), and “Wang-yu Kuan liu fu” iJWW (The Willows o f the Lodge for For­ getting Troubles). T he latter two pieces are o f doubtful authenticity. Thus, Mei Ch’eng’s fame as a poet rests on the merits o f “T he Seven Stimuli” alone. “T he Seven Stimuli” represents a sig­ nificant advance in the development o f the fu . Not only is the piece strikingly long, four to five times the length of Chia I’s* “ Fu-niao fu,” but it uses a rhetorical tech­ nique known in Chinese as feng * (criti­ cism by indirection), vividly describing a long list o f excesses to display their harm­ ful effects. Some scholars argue that this technique from the time of its inception was simply an excuse for the poet to dis­ play his virtuosity, and there is little doubt that it certainly degenerated into that in later works. In either case, Mei Ch’eng’s “ T he Seven Stimuli” was widely emulated by later writers in the fu genre.

Knechtges, David R. and Jerry Swanson. “Seven Stimuli for the Prince: the Ch’i-fa of Mei Ch’eng,” MS, 29 (1970-71), 99-116. Scott, John. Love and Protest: Chinese Pomsfrom the Sixth Century B, C. to the Seventeenth Century A. D. New York, 1972, pp. 37-48 (“Ch’i fa”), von Zach, Anthologie, v. 2, pp. 607-617 (“Ch’i fa”); pp. 729-734 (memorials). St u d ie s :

Knechtges, The Han Rhapsody, pp. 30-34. JLo

Mei Ting-tso (tzu, Yfl-chin S5£, 1549-1615) is known as a scholar, poet, and dramatist. His family was originally from Hsiian-ch’eng 'S.W., but he was born in Peking where his father, Mei Shou-te was an official. When Mei was nine years old, his father resigned as Left Ad­ ministration Vice Commissioner o f Yun­ nan to return home and devote himself to studies. Under his father’s influence Mei soon became a serious student o f litera­ ture. When he was ten years old, both his elder brothers died on the same day. His father, deeply grieved, attributed the death of his sons to their over-concentration on their studies, and for the next three years Mei Ting-tso was excused from attending school. It was at his mother’s insistence that he resumed schooling at the age of thir­ teen. T hree years later his precociousness caught the attention o f Lo Ju-fang (1515-1588), an authority on Wang Yangming EBB93 (1472-1529). Lo wanted Mei to study with him, but the young man’s seeming distaste for classical studies cou­ pled with his interest in literature soon caused Lo to abandon the pursuit. This perhaps explains why Mei gave up the pur­ suit of higher tests soon after he success­ E d it io n s : fully passed the district examination. Han-shu 81ft. Hong Kong, 1970. Ch. 51, pp. In 1590, already well known as a dram ­ 2359-2365, contains Mei’s biography and atist and poet, Mei was selected to be an several memorials. Envoy. When he arrived in Peking in 1591, I-wen lei-chil K&SiJR. Peking, 1965. Contains Grand Secretary Shen Shih-hsing together the two extant fu of doubtful authenticity— with his colleagues Wang Hsi-chtteh and ‘‘Liang-wang T ’u-yilan fu” (65.1162) and the Hsii Kuo offered him a position in the Han“Wang-yu kuan liu fu” (65.1162). lin Academy. Mei turned it down, prefer­ ring retirement and studies. T he year 1591 T r a n s l a t io n s : Frankel, Palace Lady, pp. 186-211 (“Ch’i-fa”). marked the turning point in his life. From then until his death in 1615, Mei devoted Gundert, Lyrik, p. 42.

his full attention to collecting books, com­ pilation, and writing. His early work includes poetry, prose, and drama. Mei’s literary works, except for the three dramas, were collected by his friend T ’ang Pin-yin (chin-shih, 1595) and published in 1623, eight years after his death. This collection, Lu-ch’iu shih-shih chi (Collected Works from Deerpelt Stone Studio), in sixteen volumes con­ tains twenty-six chilan o f poetry, twentyfive o f prose, and fifteen of correspond­ ence. Mei also made many compilations, ranging from ancient prose to lighter gen­ res, such as the Ch’ing-ni lien-hua chi WHS K7EK2 (Lotus Flowers on Pure Soil), a col­ lection o f biographical anecdotes o f cour­ tesans known for certain virtues. As a playwright Mei is recognized as a representative o f the P’iett-ch’i p’ai if*#* (School o f Euphuism). Far from being a prolific dramatist, he composed only three dramas, two ch’uan-ch’i* Yil-ho chi 3E6E (The Jade Box) and Ch’ang-ming lii f t* * (The Thread o f Longevity), and a tsa-chil, * K ’un-lun-nu chien-hsia ch’eng-hsien MHitt (How the Bravo, K’un-lun Slave, Becomes an Immortal). Yil-ho chi was written in 1583 when Mei was thirty-five years old. His best-known work, it is based on a story about Han Hung recorded in the Pen-shih shih (The Original Incidents o f Poems) by Meng Ch’i mm (fl. 841-886) and the “Chang-tai liu chuan” JMEWf* (Account o f the Willow o f the Ornamented Terrace) by Hsfl Yaotso KA&. T he story features a double plot; a tale o f romance and separation between Han Hung and Madam Liu Wft and a story o f Li Wang-sun £ 3 :* and Ch’ing-o’s Bttt renunciation o f the world. This play shows the results o f the process o f classicization o f theatrical prose which began in the YQan and reached its pinnacle in the Ming—most of the characters, including some minor ones from the lower classes, speak in the classical language, which makes th e ir speeches rather unnatural. Mei in his later years was not very sat­ isfied with Yil-ho chi. Perhaps for this rea-' son, he wrote Ch'ang-ming lii, completing it in 1614 when he was sixty-six years old.

This drama is derived from the tale “Fuch’i fu-chiu-yQan” £ * * * » (The Conju­ gal Reunion) by Wang Ming-ch’ingIW i* o f the Sung dynasty. In this play Mei at­ tempted to rectify what he considered to be the shortcomings o f Yil-ho chi in the areas o f music, rhyme scheme, and language. Kun-lun nu chien-hsia ch’eng-hsien (better known as K ’un-lun nu), written in 1584 when he was thirty-six years old, is based on the T ’ang story “K’un-lun nu.” It por­ trays the romance o f Ts’ui Ch’ien-niu * 41 and Hung-hsiao t t * and the heroic feats o f the “slave.” E d it io n s :

Ch’ang-ming IU, in Ku-pen, I. K’un4un nu chien-hsia ch’eng-Ksien, in Sheng-Ming. Lu-ch’iu shih-shih chi. 16v. N.p., 1623. Housed in the Naikaku Bunko. Yil-ho chi, in Liu-shih. St u d ie s :

Aoki, Gikyokushi. Ch. 9 contains biographical information on,Mei and comments on Yil-ho chi and K’un-lun nu. Chin, Chi-ku-ko. Ch. 28 contains information on Mei and Yil-ho chi. DMB, 1057-1059. Yagisawa, Gekisakka, pp. 363-418. Contains in­ formation on Mei’s family background, life, literary achievements and comments on his three dramas. Yee, “Love.” Chapters 2-4 contain comments on YU-ho chi. ' —EY Mei Yao-ch'en (tzu, Sheng-yO Cft, hao, Wan-ling Hsien-sheng f8IR3te&, 10021060) is said to have initiated the “new realism” in Sung literature, together with his friend Ou-yang Hsiu.* He came from a minor-official family which settled in HsQan-ch’eng * * , ancient Wan-ling fB# (m odern Anhwei). Only his fa th e r’s brother, Mei HsOan HW- (962-1041), had been able to get a high position In the civil service. Mei Yao-ch’en was early (1014) committed to the charge o f his uncle for his education. Mei failed in all attempts to pass the chin-shih examination until 1051, and his official career was characterized by patronage and minor posts, forcing him to alternate between the capital and the prov­

inces. T he highest position he ever ob­ tained was that o f a lecturer in the Na­ tional University. His poetic corpus o f 2800 poems, edited in 60 chilan by Ou-yang Hsiu, is extant, but o f his other writings, only a commen­ tary to the Sun-tzu remains. A historical work on the T ’ang (T ’ahg tsai-chi ISWIB) and a commentary to the Shih-ching* have been lost. His literary career started about 1031 in Lo-yang, where Mei met members o f the literary circle headed by Ou-yang Hsiu. His oeuvre can be more or less divided into two parts: work written in his early phase o f social criticism and that characterized by a p ’ing‘tan (even and bland) style. This style was in contrast to the superficial, bombastic, and often obscure style o f the Late T ’ang and Hsi-k’un schools and was the beginning o f a new realism which ty­ pifies Sung literature. T he ideological basis of the sociocritical poems is a Neo-Confucianism aimed at re­ forms in the civil service, the army and in the countryside. Because o f Mei’s engage­ m ent in Neo-Confucianism, man, rather than nature, was at the center o f his lit­ erary creativity. Examples o f this kind o f poetry are “T ’ao-che” IS# (The Potter, 1036), which expresses in two paratactical images the differences between the the gentry and the common people, rich and poor, luxury and labor, “ Keng-niu” $4= (The Farm Ox, 1057), in which the ox symbolizes the farm er and his difficulties, “ ChQ-wen” JRtt (Swarming Mosquitoes, 1034), in which the corrupt civil service is compared to blood-sucking mosquitoes, and, finally, “Hsiao-ts’un” 'J'fcf (A Little Village, 1048), which describes the distress o f farmers faced with military conscrip­ tion. T he means o f social criticism was the oldrstyle verse (see ku-shih under shih), which is especially suited for the new re­ alistic style o f Mei, because it permits more emphasis on narrative. T he topics Mei chose emphasized the aesthetics of the ugly and the trivial. For the first time in Chinese literature an entire poem described an ugly stone, an earthworm, a maggot, a rat, or

a louse. In these works Mei often makes use o f the colloquial. He often moves from th e object to philosophical reflection. Faced with an ugly stone (“Y ung. . . ch’ou shih” R . . . U S [On . . . an Ugly Stone], 1059) o r earthw orm s (“ C h’iu-yin” [Earthworm], 1045), the poet emphasizes the relativity o f aesthetic perception. The most famous example o f this kind is the poem on the river-pig (“ K’o yfl shih hot’un yQ” [On Hearing Some Travelers Speak o f Eating River-pig Fish], 1037), which resulted in the nickname “River-pig Mei.” T h e poem notes the sa­ voriness o f the river-pig, but also points to a danger: if not prepared properly, the dish can become a deadly poison. T he poem concludes philosophically that the good and the bad condition each other. These poems, which belong to the late phase o f Mei’s writings, are characterized by detailed observation and description. In them experience is the starting point for literary creativity. Thus personal matters are also often made into the topic o f a poem. Thfe pain o f the poet after the death of his first wife (1044) in the cycle “Taowang” (Mourning for my Wife), o r the dimming o f his sight “Mu-hun” S # (My Eyes Go Dim, 1049), or his children, or even trivial things such as the first white hair in his beard are depicted. T he ability to notice and describe the most simple and unimportant things o f ev­ eryday life allows things to be themselves. In this is to be found a new View o f the real, a new aesthetic standpoint expressed in the stark p'ing-tan style. P ’ing-tan meant for Mei the harmony o f the poet with things and the realistic description which results from this harmony. T h e emotional tranquility based on overcoming sorrow which typified much o f previous literature led to an increased emphasis on things in Mei’s verse and provided a basis for sub­ sequent realistic Sung verse. E d it io n s :

Wan-ling chi SPTK. Wan-ling Hsien-sheng wen-chi # J R p t .

Shanghai, 1940.

his style was out o f harmony with the gra­ cious occasional poetry o f his contempor­ aries. In Meng’s own occasional poetry, even when he aspired to simple gracious­ ness, there is almost always some jarring note: whether he erred in excessive di­ rectness or in excessive obliquity, he al­ S t u d ie s : ways erred. His yileh-fu* and non-occaChaves, Mei Yao-ch’en. Hsia, Ching-kuan Mei Yao-ch’en shih M sional poems are often straightforward and consciously rough, sometimes developing Shanghai, 1940. Huo, Sung-lin Mei Yao-ch’eng shih-ko t’i- complex conceits, but usually avoiding the polish and ornament of contemporary po­ ts’ai m Peking, 1962. etics. Meng Chiao conceived of his work Leimbigler, Mei Yao-ch’en. SB, pp. 761-770. as being in the “ancient style,” and ethical Yokohama, Iseo “Bai GyOshin no messages, associated with the mid-T’ang shiron” © I51&, Kambun gakkai kaihd, revival o f C onfucian values, occur 24 (1965). throughout his poetry. Yet even in his eth­ Yoshikawa, Sung, pp. 72-78. ics there is discord, and such poems often —WK possess a shrill stridency that undermines and complicates the magisterial calm o f the Meng Chiao (tzu, Tung-yeh JKiF, 751- would-be didactic poet. 814) was the eldest and most difficult of Meng Chiao’s most interesting and dif­ the fu-ku writers who gathered around Han ficult works are his remarkable poem-seYO* at the turn of the ninth century. Meng quences: am ong these are th e fifteen was from Hu-chou (modern Wu-hsing “Ch’iu huai” fMt (Autumn Meditations), in Chekiang), and during his younger years the ten poems of “ Shih tsung” fife (Stone he seems to have had contact with the Run), the nine poems of “ Han hsi” Chiao-jan* Circle, then active in the re­ (Cold Creek), the twelve “Tiao YOan Lugion. However, it was not until 791, when shan” ^7c4-lil (Elegies for YOan), ten “ Hsia Meng went to the capital to take the ex­ ai” #!# (Laments o f the Gorges), nine amination and met the young Han Y(l, that poems on “ Hsing shang” WS (The Death he began to write poetry in the harsh, idio­ o f Apricots), and ten “Tiao Lu Yin” syncratic style for which he was later fa­ (Elegies for Lu Yin). These sequences con­ mous. tain some o f the most difficult and dis­ Meng Chiao twice failed the examina­ turbing poetry o f the T ’ang, at times verg­ tion for the chin-shih, in 792 and 793, and ing on madness. “T he Death of Apricots,” those failures occasioned angry, disillu­ for exam ple, explores th e correspond­ sioned lyrics that were to win Meng the ences and reciprocal relations between the shocked contempt o f many later readers. early death o f Meng’s infant sons and the In 796 Meng took the examination for the destruction o f blossoms in a late-spring third time and passed, but lacking the nec­ frost. T he theme might have been a merely essary support from powerful patrons in convenient analogy for another poet; in the government, he did not receive a po­ Meng Chiao the correspondences provoke sition until 800, and then it was the lowest the suspicion o f an invisible and malicious provincial post in the official hierarchy. By order governing the world’s operations. 806 Meng had given up official life and “ Cold C reek ” and “ Lam ents o f the settled in Lo-yang, where he spent the rest Gorges” likewise concern encounters with cosmic malice em bodied in landscapes. of his life. With the exception of two letters and Through such poems many later readers one brief encomium, Meng Chiao’s extant came to hate the poetry of Meng Chiao, work consists of just over five hundred but comments preserved in shih-hua* often poems, almost all pentasyllabic old-style attest to the disturbing power o f Meng verse. As Meng himself so proudly claimed, Chiao’s best work. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Chaves, Mei Yao-ch’en, passim. Leimbigler, Peter. Mei Yao-ch’en (1002-1060). Versuch einer literarischen und politischen Deutung. Wiesbaden, 1970, passim. Sunflower, pp. 311-320.

Meng Chiao’s linked-verses, written al­ ways with Han Yii and sometimes includ­ ing several other participants, show Meng in a different light. Speculative buffoo­ nery, erudite word games, and stylistic tours deforce make such poems a delight to read. “ Ch’eng-nan lien-chfl” iWW'SJ (South of the City), written on an excursion south o f Ch’ang-an, remains the greatest linkedverse in the language. For two centuries after his death, Meng Chiao’s reputation remained very high. However, a pair o f famous poems by Su Shih,* “ Tu Meng Chiao shih” * *»*$ (On Reading Meng Chiao’s Poetry), attacked Meng with a directness that only the brash Su Shih would dare. T he second of these poems begins baldly: “ I detest the poems o f Meng Chiao” (an outrageous inversion o f a conventional opening o f panegyric, “I lo v e. . .”) and continues with a memorable parody o f Meng’s easily parodied style. T he careful reader o f Su Shih will note, how­ ever, that Su borrowed extensively from the poet whose work he so abhorred. Be­ tween this attack and the growing literaryhistorical orthodoxy that freely damned th e whole m id-T ’ang style, Meng was placed back among the second rank of T ’ang poets, and his work continues to be generally unpopular. E d it io n s :

Meng Tung-yeh shih-chu . Ch’en Yenchieh , ed. and comm. Shanghai, 1939. Ch’en used a poor text, but his annotations are valuable. Meng Tung-yeh shih-chi Hua Ch’enchih IStot, ed. Peking, 1959. The best crit­ ical edition, with introduction and chronol­ ogyT

r a n s l a t io n s :

Graham, Late T’ang, pp. 57-69. Sunflower, pp. 157-164. S t u d ie s :

Lin, Tuan-ch’ang WSBIS. Meng Tung-yeh yen-chiu Nanking, 1974. Owen, Meng Chiao. Also contains numerous translations. —so Meng Hao-jan £%£& (689-740) ranks among the most renowned poets who lived

during the reign of Emperor HsQan-tsung (712-756), an age blessed with a host of gifted writers whose works constitute one o f the chief treasures of Chinese literature. Meng was a decade or more older than most of the other famous poets—Li Po,* Wang Wei,* Tu Fu*—who were active during this period. He may thus be re­ garded, along with Chang Chiu-ling,* as a senior representative of the so-called High T ’ang poets. Meng’s tie to his natal place, Hsiang-yang SU (in modern north-central Hupei) was exceptionally strong, and he seems to have spent all but eight or ten years of his life there. Hsiang-yang’s historical heritage— especially as the home o f many of the most famous recluses o f the late Han and early T hree Kingdoms (such as Chu-ko Liang ffS * [181-234], P’ang T ’ung [179214], HsO Shu [/?. 220], Ssu-ma Hui WSit [fl. 200], and P’ang Te-kung H3S&\fl. 200])—was both rich and illustrious. Abundant references to the local lore, leg­ ends, and history o f the area are found in Meng’s numerous poems oh the lovely hills and streams o f Hsiang-yang. Two sites may be noted as being of especial importance to him. T he first is his family seat, a place called “T he Garden South of the Branch (of the Han River)” or simply “South Gar­ d e n ,” located n ear Phoenix M ountain (Feng-huang shan), about three miles south o f the city. This site is also often referred to in Meng’s poems as “South Mountain.” It is this spot—not the Chung-nan Moun­ tains south o f Ch’ang-an, as commonly as­ serted—that is the locus o f his well-known poem “ Sui-mu kuei Nan-shan JKVIVIflll (Returning to South Mountain on the Eve o f the Year). T he other place with which Meng was most closely associated is Lu­ men shan (Deer Gate Mountain), ten miles southeast o f Hsiang-yang. Although the evidence is scanty, it appears that at some time Meng briefly established a hermitage for himself on the slopes o f this mountain, in conscious imitation o f P’ang Te-kung who secluded himself there five centuries earlier. Meng celebrated his habitation on Deer Gate Mountain and his self-identification with P’ang Te-kung in the famous

poem “Yeh kuei Lu-men ko” (A Song on Returning at Night to Deer Gate). Later writers invariably link Meng’s name with this mountain, although his period of residence there was short. In contrast to most writers of his day, Meng Hao-jan did not enjoy a career in government service. In 728, at the rela­ tively advanced age o f thirty-nine, he sat for—and failed—the chin-shih examination. However, a year-long stay in Ch’ang-an at this time, as well as earlier and later visits to Lo-yang, put him on familiar terms with several of his more successful contempor­ aries. In the autumn o f 737 the influential statesman and writer Chang Chiu-ling, who had recently been ousted from his high position at court and rusticated tp central China, appointed Meng as his assistant, thus allowing Meng for the first and only time in his life to don the garb o f a T ’ang official (his rank was but one step from the bottom o f the thirty-rung bureaucratic ladder). But any exhilaration Meng may have felt over this was fleeting, for he resigned this post less than a year later. Two years afterward he died, at home in Hsiang-yang. It has long been a cliche of traditional criticism to pair Meng Hao-jan and Wang Wei* as the two exemplars o f a “school” o f T ’ang “ nature poetry.” But this facile and reductive characterization, based pri­ marily on a dozen or so “anthology pie­ ces,” does justice to neither poet. In Meng’s case, an examination o f his entire oeuvre reveals him to be a poet o f more parts than is customarily acknowledged. Many o f his verses, for example, display elegantly al­ lusive turns o f phrase that remind one strongly of the work o f Six Dynasties poets o r exhibit his scholarly command of preT ’ang literature and history. Comparing his so-called “nature poems” with those of Wang Wei, reveals striking differences in the diction, tone, and view­ point o f the two writers. Meng’s depictions o f natural scenes are usually precise and individualized, with most attention given to foreground objects—in contrast to Wang Wei, whose landscapes are more general­ ized and non-specific, focusing often on large, background images. This difference

is reflected in the range o f vocabulary em­ ployed in each poet’s work: the various kinds o f flora, fauna, and topographic fea­ tures presented by Meng—and the detail with which he describes them—far exceed what one finds in Wang Wei’s verses. A notable human presence, or at least the unmistakable persona o f the poet, is an­ other feature common to Meng Hao-jan's landscapes. He is a warm poet, who does not often lose himself totally in his scenes. Meng is, however, an extremely moody and erratic poet, whose peaks o f verbal excel­ lence are sometimes commeasured by vales of unremarkable platitudes. In this regard, he is perhaps the least consistent o f the major poets o f th e period. E d it io n s :

Kroll, Paul W. and Joyce Wong Kroll. A Con­ cordance to the Poems of Meng Hao-jan. San Francisco, 1982. Keyed to the SPTK text. Meng Hao-jan chi StiSftiL SPTK. The standard text of the poems; copy of a Ming woodblock edition. Meng Hao-jan chi. SPPY. Meng Hao-jan chi chien-chu .

. Yu Hsin-li annotator. Taipei, 1968. The most thorough and best annotated edition, based on the SPTK. However, frequent ty­ pographical errors require one always to check these versions against the SPTK text.

T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Chang, Hsin-chang. "Meng Hao-jan,” in his Chinese Literature, Volume 2: Nature Poetry, New York, 1977, pp. 81-96. Demitville, Anthologie, pp. 213-215. Owen, High T ’ang, pp. 71-88. Critical transla­ tions. Sunflower, pp. 92-96. S t u d ie s :

Bryant, Daniel. “The High T ’ang Poet Meng Hao-jan: Studies in Biography and Textual History.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia, 1977. Ch’en, I-hsin KIMft. “Meng Hao-jan shih-chi k’ao-pien” Wen-shih, 4 (Pe­ king, 1965), 41-74. ------ . “T ’an Meng Hao-jan te yin-i” , T ’ang-shih yen-chiu, pp. 46-52. Frankel, Hans H. Biographies of Meng Hao-jan. Berkeley, 1952.

Kroll, Paul W. Meng Hao-jan. Boston, 1981. Contains numerous translations. ------- . “The Quatrains of Meng Hao-jan,” MS, 31 (1974-75), 344-374. Contains translations. ------ . “Wang Shih-yflan’s Preface to the Poems of Meng Hao-jan," MS, 34 (1979-80), 349369. Liu, K’ai-yang MWJ®. “Lun Meng Hao-jan ho t’a-te shih” in T ’ang-shih, pp. 29-41. Rust, Ambros. Meng Hao-jan (671-740), Sein Leben und religioses Denken nach seinen Gedichten.

Ingenbohl, 1960. Suzuki, Shoji Todai shijin ron ifftlt A », Tokyo, 1973, v. 1, pp. 75-137. Taniguchi, Akio . “Mo KOnen jiseki ko: jOkyO Cshi o megutte” • -t C„X, ChUgoku chUsei bungaku ken-

hya, 11 (1976), 48-65. — PW K

Mi H eng Mir (tzu, Cheng-p’ing IE¥, 173198) was an eccentric, unpredictable, and sometimes arro g an t young genius who lived at th e end o f the Han dynasty. Most o f his works were already lost by the time o f the compilation o f the Hou Han-shu in the early fifth century, and only a small amount survives today. The end of the Han was a turbulent time. Following a course of action favored by many men o f letters, in 194 or 195 Mi Heng vacated the North to take refuge in Ching-chou mm under Liu Piao (144208), a noted patron o f scholars. In 196 the literarily distinguished Chien-an pe­ riod (196-220) was inaugurated when Ts’ao T s’ao W* (155-220) took the last Han em­ peror under his protection and installed him in i new capital at HsQ ft (modern HsG-ch’ang hsien in Honan). In that same year Mi Heng proceeded to the HsQ area. H e seems to have been quite particular about his acquaintances there, for it is said that he carried his calling card tucked away for so long without using it that the char­ acters on it gradually became obliterated. In fact, he admired only K’ung Jung* and Yang Hsiu t## (175-219), both o f whom were later put to death by T s’ao Ts’ao. Although he was two decades older than Mi Heng, K’ung Jung was greatly im­ pressed by the younger man and used his

own access to T s’ao Ts’ao to praise Mi’s talents on many occasions. He even wrote a “Chien Mi Heng piao” KiRffS (Mem­ orial Recommending Mi Heng) which sur­ vives today. Being recommended to T s’ao T s’ao was an unfortunate ievent for Mi Heng. As long as he remained in relative obscurity his outre behavior was harmless enough, but once he came into direct contact with the powerful, his eccentricity became danger­ ously offensive. When, intrigued by K’ung Jung’s frequent praise, Ts’ao T s’ao ex­ pressed a desire to meet Mi Heng, Mi was not only unwilling to go, he also spoke recklessly. Although T s’ao Ts’ao might have had Mi killed, he was unwilling to bear the onus attendant upon that act. His decision to humiliate Mi instead provides the most famous story about Mi Heng. Ts’ao made Mi Heng one o f the drummers at a great feast. Before entering each drumm er was to change into a new uni­ form, but when Mi’s turn came, he went straight in, gave a rousing performance, and stopped in front o f T s’ao Ts’ao. When Ts’ao Ts’ao chastised him for not chang­ ing clothes, Mi Heng stripped naked on the spot, slowly donned the new outfit, and then stirringly drummed his way out. Ts’ao T s’ao had to admit that it was he himself who had been humiliated. A fter this per­ formance K’ung Jung tried to effect a reconciliation, but while T s’ao Ts’ao was willing, Mi Heng once more behaved out­ rageously. T s’ao T s’ao then determined to have the intractable Mi escorted back to Liu Piao. Once more in Ching-chou Mi Heng was treated with considerable respect by Liu and the literati there, even becoming an arbiter in matters o f writing and discus­ sion. But after a time he reverted to his old ways and was intolerably insulting to Liu Piao. Liu followed the example set by T s’ao T s’ao and in turn shunted Mi Heng off on Huang T s u i S (d. 208), the shorttempered Governor o f Chiang-hsia tC* Commandery. Though Huang treated Mi Heng well, and the two men got along well at first, before long Mi spoke insolently to Huang at a feast. When Huang scolded

him, Mi talked back. Huang Tsu originally intended only to have Mi Heng beaten, but Mi cursed him so vilely that Huang or­ dered him killed. Mi Heng might have lived even then had luck been on his side. He had become friends with Huang Tsu’s son Huang I it Si, and the latter attempted to intercede with his father but was too late. T he most important extant work by Mi Heng is the rhapsody “ Ying-wu fu” #f#W (The Parrot). It is ostensibly a represen­ tative example o f the subgenre o f the rhapsody known as yung-wu Ju &&8S (rhap­ sodies on objects), but is actually a frus­ tration fu .* Mi’s piece came to be written when a guest at a feast given by Huang I presented his host with a parrot. Huang thereupon requested that Mi pen a rhap­ sody on the bird for the delectation of the guests. T he first third o f the rhapsody is, as one might expect o f a yung-wu piece, a treatm ent of the background and rare properties of the parrot. It is in the re­ maining sixty-odd lines that the poet de­ parts from the expected, for in these lines he expresses the parrot’s misery over its fate and captive state. It is clear that the main thrust o f Mi’s rhapsody lies in its de­ parture from innocuous convention in fa­ vor of personal allegory. E d it io n s :

Liu-ch’ao wen, v. 1, “Ch’Oan Hou-Han wen” ch. 87, pp. 942-943. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Graham, William T., Jr. “Mi Heng’s ‘Rhapsody on a Parrot’,” HJAS, 39 (1979), 39-54. S t u d ie s :

Li, Pao-chfln . Ts’ao shih fu-tzu ho Chienan wen-hsileh ¥njS5?3t ¥ , Peking, 1962, pp. 69-71. —RJC

Min-ko SK (folksongs) are any anony­ mous songs which circulate among the common people. They also go by a ple­ thora of other names (min-yao K, li-ko SIR, li-yao 16, li-ch’iltb and su-ko f&ifc, su-yao H-, su-ch’iXf t), a good indication o f their broad distribution. T here are numerous special­ ized categories of folksongs, among them lien-ko Kit (love songs), nung-ko lift (farm­

ing songs), yang-ko ft** (planting songs, also an early type o f variety play), wra-AoftlK (shepherds’ songs), ch’uan-ko HBIft (boat­ m en’s songs), ch’iao-ko Jtlfc (woodcutters’ songs), ts’ai-ch’a-ko (teapickers’ songs, also the name o f a tune in northern dra­ mas), ts’ui-mien-ko ABBEW: (lullabies), and so on. O ther kinds o f folksongs include k ’uch’i-tz’u (lays expressing the sorrows o f peasant women), chiao-hua ch’iang MWUB (beggars’ laments), wan-ko MR* (funeral dirges), and feng-yao MSS (ditties revealing local custom). As is obvious from the names o f these categories, folksongs usually de­ scribe the daily life and concerns o f the com m on people. Such songs are fre ­ quently referred to collectively as ko-yao IKifi. If a distinction is to be drawn between ko and yao, the form er may be said—in ac­ cordance with an old commentary to the Shih-ching*— to have fixed rhythms and tunes, while the latter are more freely in­ toned. T here is also an old tradition, dat­ ing back to the first Chinese dictionary (Erh-ya—see ching) that yao means “an un­ accompanied song” (t’u-ko ). Orthodox poets usually scorned the vul­ garity o f the folksong, even though the folksong’s unorthodox diction, form, and choice o f subject m atter frequently in­ spired the revitalization o f poetic tradi­ tion. Many collections of Chinese poetry, beginning with the Shih-ching itself, con­ tain material that is attributed to folk origins. H ow ever, folksongs w ere fre ­ quently modified as they were recorded, and the task o f distinguishing between au­ thentic folksongs and their imitations or adaptations is an arduous one, which is fur­ ther complicated by the realization that poems composed to popular tunes could enter the folk repertoire. However, even if folksongs were modified as they were written down, structural features, vernac­ ular diction, and ribald themes still hint at folk origins. Thus, one o f the most popular collections o f folk songs, Feng Menglung’s* Shan-ko,* attests to its folk origins and inspirations by its extensive use o f Wu dialect and the erotic and humorous over­ tones o f many of the songs. T he study o f folklore in early twentiethcentury China actually began with an em­

phasis on the collection o f folksongs. Avid folklorists published songs they collected in the field in the Ko-yao chou-k’an (Folksong Weekly). In accordance with the E uropean definition o f folksong, most folklorists took care to record only songs that circulated in the repertoire. Thus they did not adhere to fixed texts, and individ­ ual songs were often represented by many versions. Their goals were to provide ma­ terial for the study of local customs and dialects and to provide inspiration and di­ rection for a new poetry that would reflect the longings o f the people in a way that classical poetry no longer could. Unfortunately, the folksong collectors did not transcribe the music that went with the songs. They did not provide much in­ formation about the contexts in which the songs were sung, nor did they engage in extensive study o f their collections. This was to be deferred until a comprehensive body of songs from every area o f China could be assembled. N evertheless, th e songs collected do provide some basis for generalization about the nature of Chinese folksongs. One o f the most striking characteristics o f Chinese folksongs is the wide regional variation. This variation is evident both in the proliferation o f sub-genres and in the differences between versions of single songs collected from different parts of China. T ung Tso-pin applies the Finnish method to variations of a single song in a mono­ graph entitled K ’an-chien t’a # life (I Saw Her). In the song “ I Saw H er,” a young boy describes how he leaves his parents’ home, arrives at the home of his future in­ laws, is entertained by the in-laws, man­ ages to catch a glimpse of his future bride, and returns home to tell his mother that he must marry her. Tung Tso-pin analyzes sim ilarities and differences am ong th e many recorded versions of this song and concludes that the geographical distribu­ tion of this song has followed major water­ ways and that two major types of the song are discernible, one found along the Yel­ low River and one in areas along the Yangtze. Themes of folksongs vary widely. Songs o f erotic love are common in the corpus

of folksongs, as are songs sung to and by children. “I Saw H er” was sung to young boys by their mothers. T here are work songs, songs about events in the distant or recent past, and admonitory songs. Some songs are serious and didactic in tone, while others are humorous or satiric. The meters of folksongs also vary in ac­ cordance with the tunes to which they are sung. Although the lines of most songs contain three or seven syllables, in some songs the lines can have four or five syl­ lables each or can vary in length. Most songs contain rhymes, but rhyming pat­ terns also vary. Songs may be sung by individuals with or without group participation. The Hakka engage in singing duels with two sides al­ ternating lines. Singers in these duels im­ provise to a great degree and continue un­ til one singer can no longer provide lines and concedes defeat. T he language o f folksongs is repetitious and formulaic. Words, phrases, and entire sentences may be repeated within one song or may appear in many different songs. It is usually (but not always) the opening lines that are migratory. Folksongs are sung in dialects This means that fieldworkers must often struggle to transcribe dialect words not found in Man­ darin. It often proves impossible for field­ workers to capture all of the rhymes and puns o f folksongs. Collectors in the early twentieth century remarked that with the advent o f wide­ spread literacy, young people no longer learned the art o f singing folksongs. They feared that as the generation they used as informants died out, genuine folksongs would become extinct. Although literate young people may learn to sing versions o f folksongs recorded in texts or may even compose songs to folk tunes, they lack the versatility and the inclusive repertoire of active bearers o f oral tradition. This makes the collections compiled in the early twen­ tieth century, however incomplete, all the more valuable. E d it io n s :

Chu, Chieh-fan & ^/L. Chung-kuo ko-yao lun Taipei, 1974.

T he miracle tales can be understood as a Buddhist adapation to didactic ends of the previously existing, indigenous Chinese chih-kuai. * In their use of tale literature as a didactic tool, the Chinese Buddhists had ample precedent in the Indian Buddhist avaddna tales, several collections of which had already been translated into Chinese by the late fourth century. But while the avaddna tales illustrated concepts of the earlier Theravada Buddhism, the miracle tales were indebted for their religious in­ spiration to the then developing Mahayana concepts of faith and piety. Although the miracle tales were a significant step in the development of the narrative techniques that were drawn upon by the writers of the later ch’uan-ch’i* tales, they were not considered fiction by their compilers. Pre­ sented as straightforward accounts of ac­ tual events, they were intended to illus­ tra te th ro u g h concrete exam ples the operation in daily life o f the basic tenets of Mahayflna doctrine. Along with descrip­ —VM and MVVe tions of the efficacy o f invocations to the Ming-pao chi SSIB (Records of Miracu­ bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and the merit lous Retribution) is a collection of Bud­ accrued through the copying or recitation dhist miracle tales compiled by T ’ang Lin of sutras, there is also a large amount of JSB8 (c. 600-c. 659), a powerful government popular Buddhist cosmological lore. There official from an established North Chinese are, for example, many tales about jo u r­ family who was also a devout lay Buddhist. neys to the netherworld which give de­ With the exception of a few memorials tailed accounts o f both its physical ap­ produced as part o f his official duties, the pearance and bureaucratic stru ctu re. Ming-pao chi is his only known work. Com­ T here are descriptions of the tortures of pleted between 653 and 655, it was widely the hells and the pleasures of the heavens quoted in Buddhist literature of the mid- and stories o f persons being reborn as an­ and late-T’ang, but was lost in China by imals or ghosts. T he tales vary in length the end of the Sung dynasty and has sur­ from fewer than one hundred characters vived only through manuscripts preserved to more than fifteen hundred. Because they in Japan. It contains fifty-three (in one were considered factual, the tales were manuscript, fifty-seven) accounts of Bud­ often used as source material by later dhist miracles and prodigies, all intended Chinese Buddhist historians and biogra­ to illustrate the concept of karmic retri­ phers. By modern times all the early collections bution, and is one o f the principal exam­ ples of the Chinese Buddhist tradition of of miracle tales had, like the Ming-pao chi, writing and collecting miracle tales. The been lost in China. Many are known only earliest known collection of such tales was through tales quoted in later anthologies compiled in South China near the end of and encyclopedias; other have been pre­ the fourth century, and although similar served in Japan. In addition to the Mingtale collections have continued to be com­ pao chi, early collections which have sur­ piled until modern times, the genre seems vived in Japan include: 1. Kuan-shih-yin ying-yen chi 361H:WBHkSS to have already passed the peak of its vi­ (Records of Miracles Concerning Avaloktality by the end of the T ’ang dynasty. Chu, Tzu-ch’ing Chung-kuo ko yao Peking, 1957; rpt. Taipei, 1961. Eberhard, Wolfram. “Pounding Songs from Peking” [Revised and translated version of “Pekinger Stampflieder,” Zeitschrift fUr Ethnologie, 67 (1936), 232-248], in Eberhard, Studies in Chinese Folklore and Related Essays, Bloomington, 1970, pp. 147-172. ------ . Taiwanese Ballads: A Catalogue. Taipei, 1972. Hu, Huai-ch’en Chung-kuo rnin-ko yenchiu +HKIKP3E. Shanghai, 1925. Ko-yao chou-k’an (Folksongs Weekly of National Peking University), 1932-1937. Facsimile re­ production Taipei, 1970. Lou, Tzu-k’uang and Chu Chieh-fan Wu-shih-nien lai te Chung-kuo su-wenhsileh Taipei, 1963. Tung, Tso-pin K’an-chien t’a. Peking, 1924; Taipei, 1970. Vitale, Guido Amedeo, barone. Chinese Folklore: Pekinese Rhymes, First Collected and Edited with Notes and Translation by Baron Guido Vitale. Peking, 1896.

itesvara) recorded by Fu Liang (374426) based on what he remembered of an earlier collection by Hsieh Fu Sf®, which had been destroyed during a rebellion in 399. The seven tales that Fu Liang re­ called are the earliest known Chinese Bud­ dhist miracle tales, and all tell of people being saved from distress by invoking the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. 2. Hsil Kuan-shih-yin ying-yen chi KMtSE! (Supplement to Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokitesvara) by Chang Yen (active mid-fifth century) adds ten tales to Fu Liang’s collection. 3. Hsi Kuan-shih-yin ying-yen chi IKftfrU 15816IB (More Records o f Miracles Con­ cerning Avalokitesvara) by Lu Kao (459-532) adds sixty-nine more tales to the two previous works. Lu’s preface is dated 501. 4. Chin-kang po-je ching chi-yen chi (Collected Records of Diamond Wisdom Sutra Miracles) by Meng Hsienchung jfelKJfe (active early eighth century) contains approximately seventy tales. Most o f them had never before been recorded, but several were drawn from three earlier collections: fourteen from Hsiao Yii’s 5BW (575-648) Chin-kang po-je ching ling-yen chi (Records o f Diamond Wis­ dom Sutra Miracles), a collection other­ wise completely lost; one from T ’ang Lin’s Ming-pao chi (the only tale in the fifty-three tale manuscript that deals with the Dia­ mond Wisdom Sutra); and ten from Lang Yu-ling’s (active mid-seventh cen­ tury) Ming-pao shih-i SW&it (Addenda to Miraculous Retribution), a continuation of the Ming-pao chi completed in 663. All of the tales in Meng’s collection, as its title indicates, tell of miracles in which the Dia­ mond Wisdom Sutra played a central role. His preface is dated 718. Collections which have been lost, but from which significant numbers of tales have survived through quotation in later works include: 1. Hsilan-yen chi filftIB (Records of Re­ vealed Miracles) is attributed to Liu I-ch’ing (see Shih-shuo hsin-yil). Thirty-five have been located in various collectanea. 2. Ming-hsiang chi KPIB (Records of Mi­ raculous Omens) by Wang Yen 3E$ (active

late fifth and early sixth centuries) was completed in the late fifth century. T he 131 tales that seem accurately attributed to the Ming-hsiang chi make it the largest and one o f the most interesting o f the early Chinese Buddhist miracle tale collections. 3. Ching-i chi ItMIB (Records o f Unusual Manifestations) by Hou Po was com­ piled at the command o f Emperor Wen of Sui (r. 581-604). Only ten quoted tales have been located. The collections mentioned above are those which were devoted solely to Bud­ dhist miracle tales. Similar tales are also found in other, more heterogeneous, col­ lections which were not specifically Bud­ dhist. E d it io n s :

Chin-kangpo-jo ching chi-yen chi, in Dai-Nihon zoku zokyo Kyoto, 1905-1912,part 1, section 2b, case 22, v. 1. Ching-i chi, in Lu Hsiln IS-®, Ku hsiao-shuo kouch’en in Lu Hsiln ch’Uan-chi && Peking, 1973, v. 8, pp. 505-509. Hsilan-yen chi, in ibid., pp. 547-559. Kuan-shih-yin ying-yen chi (and its two supple­ ments), in Makita TairyO 4ScBBI6?S, RikuchO koitsu Kanzeon-dkenki no kenkyu WfcHtffioWFfc. Kyoto, 1970, part 1. Ming-hsiang chi, in Lu Hsfln, Ku hsiao-shuo houch’en, pp. 561-648. Ming-pao chi, in (1) TaishO shinshu daizOkyO XIE rpt. Tokyo, 1973, v. 51; and in (2) Uchida Michio , Kohon MeihOki Sendai, 1955. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Ando, Tomonobu “Meishoki” 3*3813, in Iriya Yoshitaka ed., BukkyO bungakusha mm-xmm, Tokyo, 1975, pp. 295382. A complete translation into modern Jap­ anese of Lu Hstin’s 131-tale recension of the Ming-hsiang chi with helpful annotation. Gjertson, Donald E. “Ghosts, Gods, and Retri­ bution: Nine Buddhist Miracle Tales from Six Dynasties and Early T ’ang China,” University ofMassachusetts Asian Studies Occasional Papers Series, 2 (1978). Includes tales from the Kuangshih-yinying-yen chi, Ming-hsiang chi, Ching-i chi, and Ming-pao chi. ------ . “A Study and Translation of the Mingpao chi: A T ’ang Dynasty Collection of Bud­ dhist Tales.” Unpublished Ph.D. disserta­

tion, Stanford University, 1975. A complete translation with notes. S t u d ie s :

Gjertson, “A Study and Translation.” Lin, Ch’en (Wang Shih-nung I R # ). “Lu HsUn Ku hsiao-shuo kou-ch’en te nien-tai chi so-shou ke-shu tso-che” Wen-ksileh i-ch’an hsilanchi, 3 (May 1960), 385-407. Shimura, RyOji “MeihOki no denpon ni tsuite” SSU! O K * K io t't, Bunka, 19.1 (January 1955), 53-69. Shoji, Kakuichi •“Meishoki ni tsuite” RPI3 K'ov '"C, Shukan TOyOgaku, 22 (Novem­ ber 1969), 41-65. Ts’en, Chung-mien “T’ang Lin Mingpao chi chih fu-yOan” S B S , BIHP, 17 (April 1948), 177-194. Tsukamoto, ZenryO “Koitsu rikucho Kanzeon Okenki no shutsugen” ® in [Kyoto daigakujimbun kagaku kenkytljo] SOritsu nijUgo shUnen kinen ronbunshu Kyoto, 1954, pp. 234-250. Uchida, Michio. “Meihdki no seikaku ni tsuite” RS8IB £> % mH(modern Anhwei). After serving the first chilan on T ’ao Ch’ien, which opens in several official posts, he took up resi­ with a passage from Su Shih’s preface to dence in the famous literary center of Wu- a poem based on T ’ao’s “ Peach Blossom

Spring” in reaction to poems on the same subject by the T ’ang poets Wang Wei,* Liu Yii-hsi,* and Han Yii, who had all mis­ read the original “ Peach Blossom Spring” as a fantasy. Furthermore, Wang An-shih’s “ Ballad o f Peach Blossom Spring” concurs with Su Shih’s reading of T ’ao Ch’ien. The topos is political: “Fathers and sons respect each other th e re ,/ But there are no rulers and no subjects. . . . Paradise, once lost, cannot be regained,/ And those who rule by force perish overnight.” Hu Tzu’s an­ thology abounds in such conflits des interets. The T ’iao-hsi yii-yin ts’ung-hua, because it does not avoid such differences of inter­ pretation, has much material for the study of literature from the third through the early twelfth century. The late Sung critic Fang Hui once said, “The serious study o f poetics began with the T ’iao-hsi.”

Whereas only about half o f the song titles found in the other chu-kung-tiao are shared in common with tsa-chii drama, all of the tunes of T ’ien-pao i-shih are found among the song titles of drama. The suites found in T ’ien-pao i-shih are all modes found in the ch’U* music of Yiian drama. There have been several attempts to re­ construct the story of the ballad by col­ lecting and arranging the arias found scat­ tered throughout the formularies. This process is aided by three prologues (yin-tzu 31?-) to the work, all of which summarize the action of the story. None of these at­ tempts are entirely reliable. First, Ming compilers of the music formularies were notoriously careless both in the titling and authorial attribution of suites. Secondly, since T ’ien-pao i-shih clearly uses full-length arias that are in every respect similar to tsa-chU, it is conceivable that suites from E d it io n : lost dram as about Yang Kuei-fei and Hu, Tzu iWfF. T’iao-hsi yii-yin ts’ung-hua M#3S. Liao Te-ming ed. 2v. Hong Hsiian-tsung have been attributed to Wang Po-ch’eng. T here are four lost dramas on Kong, 1976. the theme of this imperial love story, and Stu d y : all of them treat the years before the trag­ Kuo, Shao-yu Sung shih-hua k’ao 35i# edy of Yang’s death. Yen Tun-i tii&M has 5§#, Peking, 1979, pp. 81-83. A revised and expanded publication of Kuo Shao-yii’s work argued that at least one of the arias at­ that originally appeared in Yen-ching hsileh- tributed to Wang Po-ch’eng is the first act of Pai P’u’s* lost drama Hsing yUeh-kung pao, 21 (1937) and 26 (1939). which he believes was the first of a —CF pair of dramas written about the love story, the second being the justly famous Wu-t’ung T’ien-pao i-shih chu-kung-tiao : P (An All Keys and Modes on the Events yu. of T ’ien-pao Years) is one of three extant The T ’ien-pao i-shih appears to be based narrative ballads of the Chin and Yiian dy­ on Po Chii-i’s* “C h’ang-hen-ko” and on nasties (the other two are Liu Chih-yilan Yiieh Shih’s H £ “T ’ai*chen wai-chuan” * chu-kung-tiao* and Hsi-hsiang-chi chu-kung(An Unofficial Biography o f the Per­ tiao*). T he theme of the ballad is the love fectly True) and shows a story develop­ story of Emperor Hsiian-tsung of the T ’ang ment similar to that of Ch’ang-sheng tien and Yang Kuei-fei. The work is attributed (The Palace of Long Life), a ch’uanto Wang Po-ch’eng Ite® (late 13th cen­ ch’i* by Hung Sheng* of the Ming. tury) and currently exists only as scattered In its use of a complex musical structure arias in one laf.e fourteenth-century and T ’ien-pao i-shih is the most developed of the several sixteenth-, seventeenth- and eight- three extant “all keys and modes,” and its eenth-century music formularies. structure and dense language indicate that The musical structure of the ballad is perhaps it was conceived as a literary rather heavily influenced by drama, and the songs than performing work. which are attributed to the ballad are akin to the long suites (t’ao-shu) we associate with E d i t i o n s : tsa-chil rather than the shorter one- or two- Arias are found primarily in the following verse song-sets of the other chu-kung-tiao * sources:

would constitute one performance. First they Chou, Hsiang-yu ffi. Chui-kung ta-ch’eng nanwould perform one common, well-known story— pei tz’u (preface dated 1746). it was named the yen-tuan Ift©. Then the main Chu, Ch’uan T’ai-ho cheng-yin p’u portion of the tsa-chii [cheng tsa-chil lESjftfSJ ] is Wtfc (preface 1398), in Chung-kuo ku-tien hsiperformed, and together they are called the “two ch'il lun-chu chi-ch’eng , pieces." The male lead role does the directing, v. 3, Peking, 1959. the play leader [yin-hsi 3li6] issues orders, the Kuo, Hsiin SW. Yung-hsi yileh-fu (pre­ second comic role [fu-ching-se S l # 6 ] acts stupid, face 1566). SPTK. and the second male role \fu-mo-se makes Li, YU $3E. Pei-tz’u Kuang-cheng p’u ^fcPRIEIt jokes [about the second comic]. Sometimes one person dressed as an official [chuan-ku is (c. 1644). added. The one who plays the musical prelude The following are reconstructions: and the postlude is called the bandleader \pa-se Chao, Ching-shen HISS: . “T’ien-pao i-shih chuE26 ]. Generally, they take old stories and con­ kung-tiao chi-i” Hsilehtemporary affairs and treat them in a comic vein. shu chi-k’an, 3 (1940), 125-155. Basically, it is done to warn by example, or some­ times to hide indirect criticism and remonstr­ Cheng, Chen-to fHRii. “Sung Chin YUan chuance. Therefore, when they reveal it little by lit­ kung-tiao k’ao” in Chung-kuo tle, they are called “faultless insects.” wen-hsileh yen-chiu 4’HiPiff^E, Peking, 1957, pp. 931-940. Endo JitsuO Ckokonka kenkyil SIS®! A nother Sung text, the Meng-liang lu (see Tung-ching meng Hua lu), copies this pas­ Wf%£, Tokyo, 1935, pp. 84-90. sage, expanding it with the following state­ S t u d ie s : ment: Cheng Chen-to, “Chu-kung-tiao k’ao.” Generally, the whole thing is a story, and the Feng; YUan-chiin “T’ien-pao i-shih chiemphasis is on the comic; singing, reciting, and pen t’i-chi” in Ku-chil shuodialogue constitute the whole . . . . Generally, if hui Peking, 1956, pp. 230-308. there was remonstrance, or if a remonstrating West, Vaudeville, pp. 100-107. official had something he wanted to explain, and —sw the emperor would not accede to it, these per­

Tsa-chii #1*1 is a term that has many mean­ ings, most of them tied to specific, or ge­ neric, dramatic forms that evolved from the term ’s first u$e, in the late T ’ang (c. 780), to its last use in the Ch’ing period. T he confusion o f terminology persisted through the ages, but the earliest meaning o f the term was “variety show,” and it was interchangeable with another term, tsa-hsi &#i. During the subsequent Sung period, the two terms, tsa-chii, and tsa-hsi were syn­ onymous when used generally to denote that variety performance that was featured both at court and at the urban commercial theater. On the other hand, it could also refer specifically to a form of proto-drama that used a troupe of actors who specialized in farce skits. According to the Tu-ch’eng chisheng (see Tung-ching meng Hua lu), the spe­ cific tsa-chil was a four-part performance with by a musical prelude and a postlude: In the tsa-chil, the male lead [mo-ni ] was the leader, and in each instance, four or five persons

formers would clothe it in a story, hide the intent and remonstrate, but there would be no anger on the em peror’s face. T here were also parodies of country bumpkins, which were also known as tsa-pan . . . . It was the dispersal section of the tsa-chii. Formerly, in the Northern Sung, rus­ tic hicks from the villages never got to town very often, so they composed these pieces. Mostly, [the actors] costumed themselves as old village bump­ kins from Shantung or Hopeh to provide some pretext for humor.

Thus the shape of the Sung tsa-chii (as a specific performance) was in four parts: (1) Yen-tuan: a beginning section, usually per­ formed by a single actor, often the fu-ching, and usually composed o f jokes, japes, and crude doggerel. If performed at court, this often took the form o f an encomium to the emperor. (2) Cheng tsa-chil: this was generally a full-fledged performance, usu­ ally farcical, involving the whole troupe. It could be either musical or comical (see below). (3) San-tuan: a postlude, usually celebratory, musical, or dance, or as men­ tioned above, parodies of country bump­ kins.

T hree important pieces of information come from this source: first is the constit­ uent of role-types, which figure so prom­ inently in the development of Chinese theater (see Drama essay and chiao-se). The role types o f Sung-dynasty tsa-chil provided the basic form from which all other role types developed. Second, the four-part structure of the variety performance led to the four-act structure of Yiian tsa-chil. And third, already in this primitive drama is found a feature of all later forms: the ability to isolate and perform alone any of its segments. T here is extant a list of some 280 titles o f tsa-chil, found in Chou Mi’s* Wu-lin chiushih, a late Southern Sung work. From an examination of this list, and another list, in the late Yiian period (see Yilan-pen), it can be seen that Sung and Chin variety shows were composed o f five major categories of entertainments. First were the satiric skits. This form is represented mainly by the specific tsa-chil just described. The main feature of such plays were the knave-andbutt routine, in which the fu-mo and fuching engage in a scenario that ends with the knave driving the butt from the stage with a leather slapstick. Second were music and dance performances. Many of these extant titles of Sung tsa-chil have tune titles attached to them, indicating they were meant to be sung, or performed to music. Third, puppet plays are much in evidence. Fourth are the random acts that have been performed since antiquity, and which con­ tinue today. These include juggling acro­ batics, weapon play, and other assorted ki­ netic performances. Fifth and finally, since the nan-hsi* is also called Wen-chou tsa-chil, it must be assumed that these Southern Plays also constituted part of the perfor­ mance, especially in the Southern Sung. During the Chin period the variety show was also known as yilan-pen, a term that is a contraction o f hang-yilan chih pen and means literally “scripts from the en­ tertainer’s guild.” By the end of the Chin, the term tsa-chil had undergone a great change. Since the terms yilan-pen and tsachil were then interchangeable terms for the variety show, tsa-chil gradually came to

refer only to the main portion, the troupe act of the variety performance. As T ’ao Tsung-i pointed out, it was during the early Yiian that yilan-pen and tsa-chil came to mean two different things (see Yilan-pen), that is, tsa-chil came to refer to northernmusic drama, which grew as an amalgam of the farce play (or main variety perfor­ mance) and the All Keys and Modes (see chu-kung-tiao). So, in the Yiian period, yilanpen appears to have been retained to mean the variety performance, and tsa-chil came to mean the four-act music drama now re­ ferred to as Yuan tsa-chil. The numerous musical and dramatic conventions of this new four-act poetic music-drama give it great formal and ge­ neric interest. It consisted of four (rarely, five) acts with the option of a moveable demi-act, called a “wedge,” and in some earlier examples, an epilogue (san-ch’ang). Each act was actually a set (lien-t'ao USE) of arias all written to the same mode (Kungtiao ‘&H), with their accompanying dia­ logue and stage business. T here was only one singing role in a given act and the star of the troupe sang all such roles in all acts, even when that called for a female role in one act and a male role in another. Dra­ matis personae were role-typed, just as in the variety performances of the Sung. The male singing role was called the cheng-mo, the female singing role was called the chengtan (the role was derived from the yin-hsi), the secondary male role (non-singing) was called the wai, the comic-cum-villain roles were designated as ching, and on occasion there was added a venal official (ku), the clown (ch’ou), and the wicked woman (ch'atan), as well as a limited number of other role types. Most of these designations come from earlier performances. T he poetic value of these dramas is con­ siderable, and in fact, in the opinion of modern scholars, is the one factor that as­ sured their entry into the preserve of the classical canon. What has special attraction to the Chinese are the fresh and sponta­ neous lyrics of the plays. T he form created and introduced into Chinese literature a new language (see ch’ii): there were pad­ ding words, echoics, slang, aphorisms, lan­

guage from the histories, from the classics, and from the streets mixed together in prose, a compressed colloquial lyric po­ etry, and even legal injunctions—writs of divorce, etc. The language was so well con­ trolled that it could be “simple without leading to vulgarity” and “elegant without leading to the weak and flowery.” It is, in fact, the quality of the language alone that puts Yiian tsa-chii into the same class as the other great literary traditions of China. T he content and theme of the YUan dra­ mas were fairly typical of Chinese drama as a whole (see Drama essay). Since most o f the topics came from a well of tradi­ tional tales and from storyteller accounts of history, they were well known, and in the corpus of Yiian plays are many plays devoted to the theme of justice and retri­ bution—not personal retribution, but that levied by the judicial system, by ghosts and spirits in a bureaucratic underworld, and by bands of roving bandits—the Chinese equivalent of Robin Hood stories in the West (see Shui-hu chuan*). One does not find in Yiian drama specific allegory, that is, the literary retribution that later play­ wrights often satirically visited upon their contemporaries through characters in their plays. In the Yiian theater, the resentment and sense of injustice is often more gen­ eralized, and probably is attributable to the injustices that the Chinese suffered under Mongol rule. Another feature that makes Yflan theater distinct from its descendants is the number of plays that show the scholar in conflict with the merchant over the love of a singsong girl. In these plays, some of the disenchantment of the scholar is felt, whose position of social authority (nor­ mally pursued through the examination system) had been usurped by the mer­ chant, whose wealth could now bring him the benefits normally reserved for the scholar-official. In terms of staging, the Yiian tsa-chil was severely handicapped by its formal struc­ ture. Its presentation of plot was fairly cutand-dried: the first act introduced the story, the second and third acts carried the de­ velopment of the story to its high point in the third act, and the fourth act restored

social, judicial, or comic harmony. The first part of the first act was usually fluff; it was the place where the story was mechanically introduced, where characters introduced themselves through a standard four-line doggerel verse and a bit of formalized per­ sonal history. T he third act was generally the point at which the dramatic climax was reached. The fourth act was much shorter than the other three and resolved in the most manipulative and economical way possible the interpersonal or social con­ flict. Plot was also hampered by the use of a single singer. T he literary powers of the playwright were generally focused on the arias this character sang; other characters who were important to the development of the story were often given short shrift. O ther times, characters were given songs to sing that were useless to the develop­ ment of plot, story, or characterization and were there simply to fill out the prescribed aria patterns. (Moreover, it must have been quite monotonous to listen to four long arias in the northern mode, sung by one person.) These factors contribute to the haphazard plot development and inatten­ tion to historical or factual accuracy (and even to common sense) which was &major characteristic of Yiian tsa-chil. T he major writers o f tsa-chii in the Yiian were Kuan Han-ch’ing,* Wang Shih-fu (see Hsi-hsiang chi), Pai P’u,* Ma Chih-yiian,* Cheng Kuang-tsu,* Kao Wen-hsiu,* and Ch’iao Chi-fu.* It should be mentioned that during the Yiian period, tsa-chil was also used as a ge­ neric term (since it was the most represen­ tative form) to designate “northern drama” as contrasted with nan-hsi,* which was used generically to designate forms of southern drama. A major change took place in tsa-chil drama with the advent of the Ming dy­ nasty. It was at this time that it developed into a literati art, and the authorship and thematic content of tsa-chil both changed radically, as did the musical structure. If one looks at the question of authorship, both in terms of status'and of geographical distribution, th ere was a quintessential

change. O f the 108 known authors of Yiian drama 34 came from Hopeh, 11 from Shansi, 8 from Shantung, 1 from Anhui, 21 from Chekiang, 9 from Kiangsu, and 1 from Kiangsi. The other 18 authors have no registery listed. T he distribution of writers in the Ming period is far wider. T here were 125 writers of Ming tsa-chil, 83 of whom have a registery listed: 38 come from Chekiang, 24 from Kiangsu, 9 from Anhui (including 3 from the royal house and 2 foreigners: a Mongol and a Uighur), 6 from Shantung, 2 each from Hopeh and Shensi, and 1 each from Kiangsi, Szech­ wan, Fukien, and Hunan. In terms of status, Ming playwrights were much higher in the bureaucratic service and social status than their Yiian counter­ parts. As Yoshikawa Kojiro has shown, the majority of Yiian playwrights were edu­ cated, but were unemployed (or under­ employed) in traditional pursuits. If any held bureaucratic posts, they were pri­ marily scribes or clerks in local govern­ ment offices. In the Ming, however, not only did the ranks of playwrights include members of the royal family (see Chu Yutun and Chu Ch’iian), but there were at least 28 others who held high bureaucratic posts (see, for instance, Wang Chiu-ssu, K’ang Hai, and Li K’ai-hsien), and there are, in addition to these 28, at least 13 others who had taken their chin-shih ex­ aminations. Nowhere is this rise of the sta­ tus of drama so well attested as in Chu Ch’iian’s* remark that “the true tsa-chil is written by great Confucians” and that professional theater people were the “real amateurs” (see Idema and West, 1982, pp. 129-130 for a discussion of this passage). Another major difference between the Yiian and Ming playwrights is that, while Yiian writers did not write any other forms of drama, at least 31 Ming authors also wrote ch’uan-ch’i.* This accounts partially for the fact that Yiian dramatists were more prolific in the tsa-chil form. O f the 700 known Yuan plays, only 167 are extant, but of the lesser number of Ming plays— approximately 500—there are over 300 extant. T he higher survival rate of Ming manuscripts also reflects the influence of

the self-conscious bibliographical and tex­ tual tradition of the scholar. O ther consequences derived from this elevation of drama to legitimate art. One was that the thematic categories began to shrink. With the advent of the Ming many laws were promulgated to ensure that only plays that spread religious, moral, and eth­ ical values would be performed. There were o th er, m ore subtle, changes. No longer were the heroes of the bandit plays Chinese men of the greenwood, ready to challenge authority, exterminate evil, or redress grievances for the common folk. They became instead, in the plays of Chu Yu-tun,* for instance, models of compliant virtue, men who realized their mistaken course and returned to the ethical fold. (Of course, it would hardly behoove a member of the royal house to preach anti­ authoritarian behavior, especially in the days of the Yung-lo usurpation.) More and more, traditional values like chastity and filiality came to be stressed. Singsong girls, for instance, often showed no desire to quit their professions in Yiian plays, but in the Ming, in the hands of such writers as K’ang Hai* and Chu Yu-tun, they all became par­ agons of chastity. Many of the Ming plays were performed at court, and a large num­ ber of the extant tsa-chil, both YUan and Ming, exist only as “court” texts—that is, as texts of plays performed before the im­ perial family. One can imagine the limi­ tations that might place on dramatists’ choice o f material. By the beginning o f the fifteenth cen­ tury, southern singing styles began to in­ fluence the tsa-chil form. O f course, in southern drama, any number of players could sing. In the early Ming (fifteenth century), perhaps eighty percent of the plays abided by the strict formal regula­ tions of YQan tsa-chil, restricting them­ selves to fleshing out the acts from four to five, and to using the method of singing of southern drama—that is, either parcell­ ing out singing roles to any major char­ acter, or singing in unison. By the midMing, however, only sixty percent of the dramas written during that period still ad­ hered to the original stipulations o f the

Yuan form. By then, the signs o f radical transform ations were present. For in­ stance, more than one modal suite could be used within an act, songs from different modes were used within the same act—not arran g ed according to prescribed se­ quence—and southern songs and music (which had earlier been used only for comic relief) now appeared as part of the main arias. An introduction, similar to the chiamen o f ch’uan-ch’i, which gives a brief in­ troduction to the play that follows, began to appear, and finally, strings of plays be­ gan to be put together to form ,cycles. By the seventeenth century, only ten percent of the tsa-chii written still used the original conventions. The form had been so cor­ rupted that it actually utilized ch’uan-ch’i stage conventions and southern songs to the exclusion of northern modal music. T he major writers of the Ming period were Chu Yu-tun, Chu Ch’uan, K’ang Hai, W ang Chiu-ssu,* Feng W ei-min,* Hsii Wei,* Wang Heng,* Yeh Hsien-tsu,* and Ling Meng-ch’u.* As might be expected, the term tsa-chii underwent several transformations during this period. It was still used to refer generically to northern music, and was now coupled with ch’uan-ch’i, the general referrent for southern drama. With the rise o f southern influence, the dramas written to southern music were called nan tsa-chii, or “southern tsa-chii.” Toward the end of the Ming, many oneact tsa-chii plays were written, and to com­ plicate matters further, these were also called tuan-chii Sz#J, or “short plays,” to differentiate them from the other tsa-chii plays, which then could run to as many as eleven acts. The trend continued and by the interregnum between the Ming and-the Ch’ing, tsa-chii and ch’uan-ch’i as terms of designation changed again, this time to mean short plays and long plays, respec­ tively. By the Ch’ing period, the tsa-chii had undergone another transformation, and now referred to a short one- or two-act play. Cheng Chen-to (1934; preface) has divided the history of Ch’ing tsa-chii into four different periods: 1644-1722, 1723-

1795, 1796-1861, and 1862-1908. The writers of the first period, for the most part, carried to the fullest the predilec­ tions of the Ming writers. They developed tsa-chii, as they called it, to a highly refined literary form that was meant primarily for the desk-top, not for the stage. By now the tsa-chii had been transformed from a folk art, looked down upon because of its vul­ gar nature, to a highly refined classical form that was so well accepted that even the great Confucian scholars, such as Shih Yiin-yii,* Wang Fu-chih,* and Liang Ch’ich’ao* actually wrote drama. The writers of the earliest period, among whom such scholars as Wu Wei-yeh,* Hsu Shih-ch’i & 5R (fl. 1644), Hsi Yung-jen,* and Hung Sheng* stand to the fore, set the tone for the rest o f the dynasty, mak­ ing every possible attempt to remove drama from the sordid theater world. The second stage of development is represented by such playwrights as Yang C h’ao-kuan, Chiang Shih-ch’iian,* and Kuei Fu.* Cheng Chen-to calls this the period of “greatest flourishing,” but a more recent opinion by Tseng Yung-i (1975, p. 120) claims that, except for the thirty-two plays by Yang Ch’ao-kuan (known as the Yin-feng-ko tsachil*), none of the other writers can match the creativity and power o f the earliest Ch’ing playwrights. In the later periods, from 1796 to 1908, the tsa-chil went into a state of decline, although such writers as Chou Yiieh-ch’ing,* and Shih Yiin-yii tried new experiments. Chou Yiieh-ch’ing,* for instance, wrote a series of “what-if” plays, in which the historical circumstances sur­ rounding a particularly odious or sad event were reversed; Yueh Fei, for instance, de­ feats the Jurchen and returns in glory to the Sung court instead of being executed at the command of the evil Ch’in K’uei. T here was even p series of eighteen short plays that were strung together as an au­ tobiography (the Hsieh-hsin tsa-chu KizHIS by Hsii Hsi ftM). As one would expect, there are signifi­ cant differences in the themes of Ch’ing tsa-chii, owing primarily to the fact that they were pure literary plays. The three major characteristics, as far as theme is con­

cerned, are: first, many plays enlist histor­ chow, published sometime during the four­ teenth century. All of of these plays have only ical incidents in which to cloak criticism minimal stage directions and the very tersest about the fall of the Ming to the Manchus; of dialogue, often no more than prompt lines second, there are a great number of plays for the arias. The originals, which passed about women, primarily extolling them for through the hands of various book collectors their talent, their virtue, or their chastity; as curiosity pieces, are often badly printed. and third, there are very few plays on the Photolithographic reproductions of the orig­ topic of love between the sexes. Another inal editions can be found in K u-pen IV, and major characteristic is that many of the two modern editions, both of which are col­ dramas borrow stories found in litera­ lated, punctuated, and annotated versions: ture—either the classical tale, or even con­ Cheng, Ch’ien 8CSH. Chiao-ting Y uan-k’an tsa-chti temporary sources such as the Liao-chai sa n -sh ih -ch u n g Taipei, chih-i* of P’u Sung-ling or the Hung-lou 1962. meng* of T s’ao Hsiieh-ch’in.* Hsii, Ch’in-chun Hsin-chiao Yuan-k’an tsaThe term tsa-chil, then, begins by first chil san-shih-chung frfeSfTcflljiflSJH+ffi, 2v. Pe­ denoting a variety performance then, dur­ king, 1981. A superior collation and anno­ ing the Sung, a simple one-scene farce skit. tation. By the Yuan it means a four-act music- Edition B: The Ku-ming-chia tsa-chil drama with a highly conventional and stip­ edition, published serially between 1573 and ulated form. T he term is used generically 1620, is attributed to Wang Chi-te.* The col­ during the Yiian and the Ming to identify lection contains 60 plays, 44 by Yflan writers, northern drama. By the Ming, however, it and 16 by Ming writers. The work is sloppily has lost the stipulated format and begins edited, containing many errors and mistaken to include elements of southern drama in characters. The texts are primarily badly-cut both its stagecraft and its music. The socommercial editions. Although the seals on called “southern tsa-chil” indeed incorpo­ the original works indicate the hand of Wang Chi-te, when compared with Wang’s other rates southern music into its acts, and in editions (see Edition E, below), they are far reality becomes a short drama (usually four inferior. Fifty-five of the plays are also found o r five acts, but sometimes expandable to in Edition D. The worth of the edition is that eleven) in the ch’uan-ch’i mode. Thus, the it contains some plays that have not under­ term finally comes to denote short plays, gone extensive editing. w hatever th e ir form al stru ctu re, and ch’uan-ch’i is then reserved for longer plays. Edition C: T sa -ch il h sila n iStilJiS, probably printed in 1598, is the earliest Ming printed During the Ch’ing the tsa-chil becomes pri­ edition. Contains 30 plays, 29 of which are marily a short one- or two-act play, re­ Yflan editions. The language of the dramas turning in a roundabout fashion to its orig­ seems archaic, and much closer to that of inal length. Yflan editions than to the more refined lan­ E d it io n s : guage of the Ming recensions. The major value of this work is that the language of the Because of the popular nature of tsa-chil during texts is superior to later recensions. the early Yiian period, the history of texts is quite important. There are seven major collec­ Edition D: The so-called M ai-w ang kuan #E§ltt tions of Yiian texts, all of which can be found edition, edited by Chao Ch’i-mei (1563in K u-pen, IV. Understanding their textual his­ 1624). These are mostly manuscript copies, tory, however, is an important first step to un­ originally more than 300 in number, of which derstanding their literary quality. Of the seven only 242 are extant. Of these approximately collections of Yuan dramas, only one is au­ 105 are Yiian, and 135 are Ming tsa-chil (2 thentically Yflan. The rest have been preserved plays are repeated in different editions). Sev­ in various editions by scholars of the Ming and enty of them are wood-block commercial edi­ have often undergone extensive editing at the tions, copied from editions B and C. The hand of the literary collector. other 172 are all hand-copied manuscripts, most from the Ming imperial archives (nei-fu Edition A: This is a set of thirty plays from the pen The work is poorly collated but commercial book wards of Peking and Hang­

contains many plays that are unavailable else­ where. Moreover, since not much was done in the way of annotating the text, it still pre­ serves, in some cases, the original Yflan dia­ logue. The text was discovered in the war years of the 1930s and part of the contents were published by Commercial Press as: Wang, Chi-lieh I . Ku-pen Yilan Ming tsachil i*r:&7C(Wi8tiiJ. Shanghai, 1938. Edition E: Ku tsa-chil £JEHI, published by Wang Chi-te sometime between 1615 and 1622. More commonly known as the Ku-ch’u chai edition. This is an excellently cut woodblock that repeats, word for word, twenty of the plays found in Edition B and C, but is far easier to read. Edition F: Yilan-ch’il hsilan 7G#3!, edited by Tsang Mou-hsfln in 1615 and 1616. This work, originally known as Yiian-jen pai-chung ch’il 7cAW®®, contains one hundred Yflan dramas and is the most commonly used edi­ tion of Yflan plays. The work was originally printed in a very handsome edition, which may have accounted for its popularity. Tsang made many changes in the original plays, sub­ tracting or adding arias at will, often chang­ ing the focus of the original play, and de­ stroying the quality of the originals. Modern editions include: Yilan-ch’il hsilan. Shanghai, 1936. A typeset, punctuated version, the errors of which were mainly corrected in a revised version pub­ lished in Peking, 1958 in 4v. Edition G: Ku-chin ming-chil ho-hsilan "a 31 edited by Meng Ch’eng-shun,* printed in 1633. Contains sixty tsa-chil, twenty by Ming writers and forty by Yflan writers. This work is later than Edition F, and is a collection of carefully collated dramas, including margin­ alia by the editor. Since Meng was a dramatist himself, he made very judicious decisions about choosing which texts to collate, and has produced a volume of plays for reading that are far superior to those in Tsang Mou-hsiin’s edition. Cheng Ch’ien (1969) has compared all seven editions and makes the following five points: (1) The Yiian edition is the only reliable rep­ resentation of what a Yflan play was like; but its lack of dialogue makes it difficult (and sometimes impossible) to tell what is happen­ ing in the story. (2) In general, all the Ming editions are the same as far as the presenta­ tion of the plot. Where the Ming editions are

simplified or inconsistent, the Yilan-ck’il hsiian has taken great liberties to make the story complete. Meng Ch’eng-hsiin, in Edition G, has often combined the dialogue of the Yilanch’ii hsiian with the older arias, producing for all intents and purposes the best reading text. (3) The dialogue is altered significantly only in the Yilan-ch’il hsilan, which brings the plays’ spoken passages into line with mid-Ming lan­ guage. Therefore, the older editions incline towards archaic simplicity, while the last two editions reflect a more refined language. (4) The arias of all the Ming recensions are es­ sentially the same, again with the exception of Edition F, which has altered the poetry significantly, often fleshing out the fourth act to parity with the other three in length. (5) The arias of the Yflan edition (A) differ from those of the Ming editions, which in turn dif­ fer from those of the Yilan-ch’U-hsUan version. Other collections of Yflan plays: . Sui, Shu-sen Yilan-ch’il hsilan wai-pien (Shanghai, 1959), a collection of sixty-two authenticated Yuan plays not found in Yilan-ch’il hsilan. Yang, Chia-lo W&SS. Ch’iian Yilan tsa-chii 7ClHi!l. 4v. Taipei, 1962, 1963. The first two volumes collect the extant plays of the au­ thors mentioned in the first and last volumes of the Lu-kuei-pu,* and the other two vol­ umes, other plays that are by Ming authors. Generally, this work has been superseded by Ku-pen. Ku, Chao-ts’ang Yiian-jen tsa-chil hsiian xiAJtMjS. Peking, 1956. Contains excellent annotations of fifteen Yflan plays. Aoki, Masaru, Yoshikawa Kojiro, Tanaka Kenji, and Iriya Yoshitaka, eds. Genkyokusen shaku TcttS# . V. 1-2; Kyoto, 1951, 1952. V. 3-4, Kyoto, 1977. Contains excellent notes to twelve plays. The history of editions after the early Ming is much less complicated, since drama began to be written by the literati. Most of these edi­ tions will be found in Ku-pen (I, IV, IX), in G, and in other collections. Shen, T ’ai it* (c. 1600), ed. Sheng Ming tsa-chil 2v. Woodblock edition, dated 1908, 1915. Contains sixty plays by the best of the Ming writers. Chou, I-pai HS&6. Ming-jen tsa-chil hsiian WA KMS. Peking, 1958. A collection of punc­ tuated and annotated plays. Cheng, Chen-tuo #5#*®. Ch’ing-jen tsa-chu t&A JS0J. V. 1-2, Shanghai, 1931, 1934. Contains

eighty of the more than 240 texts in Cheng Chen-tuo’s collection. The best collection of Ch’ing plays. T ranslations: The translations listed here are those that in­ clude more than two plays by separate authors. For individual authors and works, see the spe­ cific entries. Bazin, Antoine Pierre Louise. Theatre chinois, ou Choix de piices de tfie&tre composees sous les empereurs mongols. Paris, 1838. Translations of four Yuan plays. ------ . Le Siecle des Youen. Paris, 1850. Sum­ maries of a number of plays. Chinesische Drama der Yilan-Dynastie, Zehn nachgelassene Obersetzungen von Alfred Forke. Mar­ tin Gimm, ed. Wiesbaden, 1978. Crump, James I., Jr. Chinese Theater in the Days ofKubulai Khan. Tucson, 1980. Idema and West, Chinese Theater. Ikeda, Taigo . Genkyoku go-shu tt. Tokyo, 1975. With annotations by Tan­ aka Kenji . Iriya, Yoshitaka A^USS and Tanaka Kenji. Genkyoku senshaku TcttSSP. V. 7-12. Kyoto, 1976-77. Li, Tche-houa . Le signe de patience, et autres piices bu theatre des Yuan. Paris, 1963. Three plays. Liu, Jung-en. Six Yiian Plays. Harmondsworth, 1972. Rudelsberger, Hans. Altchinesische Liebes-Komodien. 1923. Free renderings of five Yiian plays. Yang, Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang. Selected Plays of Kuan Han-ch’ing. Peking, 1958. Transla­ tions of eight plays. Yang, Richard Fu-sen. Four Plays of the Yiian Drama. Taipei, 1972. Studies: A, Ying “Yiian-jen tsa-chu shih” tgASI Chil-pen, 4 (1954) 12-128; 6 (1954), 123133; 7 (1954), 156-165; 8 (1954), 140-152; 9 (1954), 146-161; and 10 (1954), 119-128. Aoki, Masaru. Yilan-jen tsa-chil hsil-shuo 7cA$t Sui Shu-sen, trans. Shanghai, 1941; revised Hong Kong, 1959. Chang, Hsiang Shih tz’u ch'ilyil tz'u-hui shih KftttKRMfc*. Shanghai, 1953. Chao, Ching-shen Yilan-jen tsa-chil koushen tgAJWHMR. Peking, 1959. Ch’en, Shou-yi. “The Chinese Orphan: A YUan Play. Its Influences on European Drama of

the Eighteenth Century,” T’ien-hsia Monthly, 3 (1936) 89-115. Cheng, Chen-to. Chung-kuo wen-hsileh yen-chiu 4IB I P e k i n g , 1957. Contains impor­ tant articles on Yiian drama. Cheng, Ch’ien. Pei-ch’il hsin-p’u Taipei, 1973. ------ . Pei-ch’il t’ao-shih hui-lu hsiang-chiehit ft Taipei, 1973. Cheng, Ch’ien. Ching-wu ts’ung-pien IMS. 2v. Taipei, 1972. Twenty-four articles on tsachil by the elder statesman of Chinese drama in Taiwan. ------ . “Tsang Mou-hsiin kai-ting Yiian tsa-chii p’ing-i” rtt&tft&rTTcJilUJffil, Wen-shih-che hsileh-pao, 10(1961), 1-13. ------ . “Yflan Ming ch’ao-k’o Yiian-jen tsa-chii chiu-chung t’i-yao” TcBfJ THHP, n.s., 7 (1969), 145-155. Cheung, Ping Cheung. “Melodrama and Trag­ edy in Yiian Tsa-chil." Unpublished Ph.D.dis­ sertation, University of Washington, 1980. Ch’ien, Chung-shu. “Tragedy in Old Chinese Drama," T’ien-hsia Monthly 1 (1935), 37-46. Ch’ien, Nan-yang 41$))®. “Sung Chin Yflan hsichfl pan-yen k’ao” 35^55®®^®#, Yen-ching hsileh-pao, 20 (1936), 177-194. Chu, Chfl-i tfcSB. Yiian-ch’il su-yil fang-yen lishih Shanghai, 1956. ChUgoku koten gikyoku goshaku, sakuin Osaka, 1970. An indispensable guide to the annotations and notes to all ex­ tant modern annotated editions of drama. Crump, James I., Jr. “The Elements of Yflan Opera,’’/AS, 17 (1958), 417-434. ------ . “The Conventions and Craft of Yiian Drama,” JAOS, 91 (1971), 14-29. ------ . Chinese Theater in the Days ofKubulai Khan. Tucson, 1980. Demi6ville, Paul. “Archaismes de prononciation en chinois vulgaire,” TP, 45 (1951), 159. Dew, James. “The Verb Phrase Construction in the Dialogue of Yiian Tsaijiuh: A Descrip­ tion of the Arrangements of Verbal Elements in an Early Modern Form of Colloquial Chinese.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1965. Feng, Yflan-chiin WfcW*. Ku-chil shuo-hui isM SSifc. Peking, 1956. Important discussions on staging of drama. Forke, A. “Die Chinesische Umgangssprache im XIII Jahrhundert,” in Acles du Douzihne Congris International des Orientalistes, v. 2, Rome, 1899, pp. 49-67.

Fu, Hsi-hua

Yilan-tai tsa-chii ch’iXan-miX Peking, 1957. ------ . Ming-tai tsa-chii ch’ilan-mil. Peking, 1958. ------ . Ch’ing-tai tsa-chii Ch’ilan-mil. Peking, 1981. Fu, Ta-hsing'fS^C^ Yiian tsa-chii k’ao. Taipei, 1960. Hawkes, David. “Some Reflections on YOan tsachii,” AM, 16 (1971), 69-81. Hayden, George. “The Courtroom Plays of the Yiian and Early Ming Periods,” HJAS, 34 (1974), 168-207. ------ . “The Legend of Judge Pao: From the Beginning through the YUan Drama,” in Studia Asiatica, San Francisco, 1975, pp. 339-355. ------ . Crime and Punishment in Medieval Chinese Drama: Three Judge Pao Plays. Cambridge, 1978. Ho, Ch’ang-ch’Un RHP. YUan-ch’ii kai-lun to ttflKlSii Shanghai, 1930. HsU Chia-jui Chin Yiian hsi-ch’ilfang-yen k’ao Shanghai, 1948; revised 1956. HsU, Fu-ming Yiian-tai tsa-chii i-shu tg ft &*«*;. Shanghai, 1981. HsU, Tiao-fu Hsien-ts’un Yiian-jen tsa-chii shu-lu 5J#tgA*#»i~o © K Toko, 3 (1948), 34-42. ------ . “Gen satsugeki no daizai” 7Gte0l(DH£tt, Tohogakuho (Kyoto), 13 (1943), 128-158. Ts’ai, Mei-piao “YUan-tai tsa-chU chungte jo-kan i-yU” TcftlttU+ftSj^rFWlS, Chungkuo yii-wen, 55 (1957), 34-36. Tseng, Yung-i “Ch’ing-tai tsa-chU kailun” in Chung-kuo ku-tien hsi-chii lun-chi, Taipei, 1976,.pp. 215-243. ------ . Ming-tai tsa-chii kai-lun Taipei, 1978. Superb introduction to Ming plays.

------ . “Yu kuan Yflan tsa-chii te san-ke wenin Chung-kuo ku-tien hsi-chii lun-chi Taipei, 1975, pp. 49-106. ------ . “Yiian Ming tsa-chii te pi-chiao” tg5J 8t#J$fcfc4£, in ibid., pp. 107-116. ------ . “Ch’ing-tai tsa-ch’tt kai-lun” ifH, in ibid., pp. 117-244. Wang, Chi-ssu “Yflan-ch’fl chung hsiehyin shuang-kuan yii” x ® +16111111IS, in Kuo-wen yUeh-k’an, 67 (1948), 15-19. Wang, Chung-lin I/fe# and Ying Yu-kang Mi YUan-ch’Uliu-ta-chia 7G®/\^ci5. Taipei, 1977. Wang, Kuo-wei 3:Hft. Wang Kuo-wei hsi-ch’ii lun-wen-chi 3ES9ilt®&il3dl. Peking, 1957. Includes Sung Yiian hsi-ch’ii. shih (1915), the first history of Chinese theater during the Sung and Yflan periods. Yagisawa, Gekisakka. , Yen, Tun-i N1&M>. Yiian chii chen-i xifWIS. Pe­ king, 1960. Yoshikawa, Kojiro Gen zatsugeki kenkyu 7iMMW9i. Tokyo, 1948. Translated into Chinese by Cheng Ch’ing-mao HSfltiS under the same title, Taipei, 1954. —sw

Ts’ai-tzu chia-jen hsiao-shuo (scholar and the beauty novels) is a group of approximately fifty medium-length pop­ ular narratives, all o f which center upon the relationship between a scholar and a beauty, at the turn of the eighteenth cen­ tury (c. 1650-1730) Comic works primar­ ily concerned with love, courtship, cere­ mony, intrigue, and adventure, they have been held in low esteem by modern critics. However, although they are part of the many short and novel-length works that comprise the large second rank below the level of the six fictional masterpieces, Sankuo-chih yen-i,* Shui-hu chuan,* Chin P ’ing Mei,* Hsi-yu chi,* Hung-lou meng,* and Julin wai-shih* several deserve mention. The origin of these novels can be traced, at least in part, to earlier hua-pen* stories of com­ parable themes. T he lack of variety in theme and plot, and overproduction in a relatively short period of time, contrib­ uted to their decline. Remarks on this corpus will be based mainly on eight representative works: Yil Chiao Li,* Hao-ch’iu chuan,* P ’ing Shan Leng

Yen Liang chiao-hun PSX® (The Double Marriage—a sequel to P ’ing Shan Leng Yen), Jen-chien lo (The World Rejoices), Hua-t’u yiian (Romance of the Paintings), Hsing Ming-hua SS£?£ (Awakening Under the Peonies), and Wufeng yin E lP t (Song of the Five Phoe­ nixes). Their authors are known only by th eir pseudonyms. Sources containing thorough listings of these novels are noted at the end of this entry. Ts’ai-tzu chia-jen novels are a recogniz­ able category because they share many similarities of structure, plot, characteri­ zation, style, themes, authorship, and au­ dience. They are arranged in chapters and vary from twelve to twenty-six chapters in length. Plots are in accord with western .comic structure—meeting (courtship en­ sues), separation (barriers to love), and re­ union (marriage). Since their compass is narrower, the plots are frequently well in­ tegrated and nonepisodic com pared to plots of other vernacular novels. These novels are also complex and sometimes “overplotted,” full of the tricks, mistaken identities, and disguises that are earmarks of romantic comedy. The hero often takes more than one beauty for a wife. Double weddings occur (i.e., two couples), both ex­ panding the plot and creating a greater feeling of harmony. Journeys, chivalric ad­ ventures, and even military campaigns are common, but these elements are balanced roughly equally with domestic scenes from the life of the scholar-official class, such as audiences at court, poetry and drinking contests, the official examinations, judicial proceedings, and the like. Yil Chiao Li, whose title is composed of parts of the heroine’s names, is represen­ tative in its stereotyped characters, in its complex comic plot, and in the popularity of its themes—love, courtship, manners, poetry, an official career, and fate. In con­ trast, novels like Hao-ch’iu chuan and Hsing Ming-hua employ elements o f knight-er­ ran t fiction and th e m ilitary rom ance, forming hybrid and in some ways deviant works. T he hero of Hao-ch’iu chuan, T ’ieh Chung-yii KU1+ 5 , is depicted as a chivalrous scholar; his martial talents receive more

attention than his literary abilities, espe­ cially since he overcomes his adversaries in several vivid and humorous fight scenes. T he first half of Hsing Ming-hua follows the typical plot: The hero comes upon a beau­ tiful garden, exchanges love poems with the beauty through her maid, is kidnapped by her jealous brother, and later is rescued by a bandit leader. The second half nar­ rates how the hero, his friends, and the bandit accumulate merit by defeating reb­ els in the lake region of the mid-Yangtze River. In Hua-t’u yiian, the hero, Hua T ’ien-ho pursues a military career in helping to suppress bandits in the LiangKwang region of the south. On his way to the region, Hua visits Mount T ’ien-t’ai, where an old Taoist bestows on him two maps, one of the bandits’ lairs and one of a garden where he will meet the beauty he will marry. Such Taoist and chivalric ele­ ments doubtless were meant to cater to popular tastes. The characters are primarily drawn from the scholar-official class and its hangerson. The majority are either stereotypes or typical characters endowed with a few in­ dividual traits. Su Yu-po of Yii Chiao Li is a typical scholar: young, handsome, or­ phaned, talented, but not a knight errant o r military man. His first love, Po Hungyii, typifies the beauty: a more gifted poet, virtuous, shy, and not particularly clever. H er cousin, Lu Meng-li, is further indivi­ dualized by her boldness in arranging her own marriage to Su. Disguising herself as a boy, she gets Su to agree to marry her nonexistent “younger sister.” Chu Changchu of Jen-chien lo is another typical beauty who becomes more individualized by impersonating a scholar. She has no wish to return to womankind until she is mar­ ried. Hua T ’ien-ho and T ’ieh Chung-yii are individualized heroes infused with military prowess, physical strength, and chivalric spirit, in addition to their poetic talents. Hua is portrayed in psychological detail as he visualizes his ideal beauty in terms of his close friend’s qualities and constantly doubts that the friend can keep his prom ­ ise of finding a beauty for him. While T ’ieh

is presented as larger than life—an ideal­ istic, “ high-m im etic” character (to use Northrop Frye’s term)—there is a combi­ nation of chivalry, maturity, Confucian morality, loyalty, and simplicity in his per­ sonality that causes him to transcend the typical. O f the heroines, Shui Ping-hsin and Hsing Ming-hua of Hao-ch’iu chuan are the most individualized beauties. Ping-hsin’s altruism, cleverness, chastity, and bravery make her one of the most lovable heroines in traditional fiction. Her adroitness at foiling the numerous schemes of the vil­ lains and her moral purity constitute a large measure of Hao-ch’iu chuan’s appeal. She has remained popular into modern times in the Kwangtung folk drama Shui Pinghsin san-ch’i Kuo Ch’i-tsu JKlk'ijHfcjfiJtiL (Shui Ping-hsin Thrice Infuriates Kuo Ch’itsu). Hsing Ming-hua is a virtuous beauty beset by obnoxious suitors and an untrus­ tworthy brother. But she is distinguished more for her philosophical insight than her moral purity. In the end she plays a trick on the scholar-hero Chan I-wang making him wake up from drunkenness under the peonies and realize the vanity of wealth and rank. W hether depicted as types or more in­ dividualized characters, the protagonists tend to be epicenes. Typical scholars like P’ing Ju-heng and Yen Po-han of P ’ing Shan Leng Yen, whose title is also composed from the names of the key fig­ ures, are more effeminate than manly; and T ’ieh Chung-yii has a feminine face (hence his nickname T ’ieh Mei-jen WHA or “ Iron Beauty”). T he villains are mostly stereo­ types descended from th e villains and clowns of Yiian drama. They range from comic impostor-poets and ignorant rela­ tives to wicked eunuchs and powerful no­ blemen. A more individualized villain is Shui Yiin of Hao-ch’iu chuan, Ping-hsin’s greedy uncle. He has a sense of right and wrong, but his desire for material gain causes him to betray his niece. Later he is humiliated by Ping-hsin and repents. Mi­ nor characters in the works include maids, parents, magistrates, military offices, the emperor, astrologers, fortune-tellers, and occasionally a Taoist wizard.

Like most traditional fiction, the style of ts’ai-tzu chia-jen novels is a mixture of the rhetoric of the storyteller-narrator and elements of the historiographical tradi­ tion, with the addition of liberal amounts of poetry. Storyteller formulas are preva­ lent at the beginning and end of chapters; also common are significant plot changes in the middle of a chapter and the practice o f ending a chapter on a note of suspense in the middle of an episode. The influence o f historical writing is felt in genealogies, in the specific historical setting that fre­ quently contains the plot, and the use of local legends and beliefs and journeys to historical sites. T here are few passages of extended narrative description and most o f the action is conveyed by dialogue and dramatic narration. While the narrative is in the vernacular, the characters speak a combination of the vernacular and literary languages called kuan-hua 'SUM(official talk), which probably mirrors with some accu­ racy the speech of the scholar-official class. Dialogues and speeches are often adorned with allusions, references either to the Confucian classics or to famous poets and beauties of the past. T he authors some­ times try to overwhelm readers with their erudition, but occasional errors betray this pretense. This is further confirmed in the generally undistinguished poetry. The au­ thors compose in all the major forms— shih,* tz’u * f u * ch’u * and Hen-chU — mostly with unhappy results. One excep­ tion is the poetry of Hsing Ming-hua, which far surpasses that of the other represen­ tative works. The popular themes of love, genius, beauty, morality, Providence, and an of­ ficial career are paramount in ts’ai-tzu chiajen romances. Beauty and talent may be indispensable for a p ro p er match, but beauty is not just a physical attractiveness: It is a blend of inner virtue and a pleasing outward appearance conveyed by the word mei H. Many of the romances are didactic in their espousal of Neo-Confucian mo­ rality and propriety, especially Hao-ch’iu chuan, which is one of the most ideologi­ cally pure Confucian narratives. Others like Hsing Ming-hua and Wu-feng yin take on a

suggestive hue. Providence (yiian Ik) or Heaven’s will (t’ien-i JIM) guides the scholar and beauty together, while it also accounts for the many unexpected meetings, coin­ cidences, and twists in the plot. Ironically, many of the scholars in the works doubt the advantages of the examination system and have to be convinced by their fiancees and families to take the examinations. This perhaps points to the authors’ own dissat­ isfaction with the examinations. Most im­ portantly, the authors transformed the ro­ mantic tradition of ch’ing fflf (passion) and, one might say, made it antiromantic, sub­ stituting for it genius, wit, virtue, senti­ mentalism, and chivalry. In earlier works of the genre like Yti Chiao Li, Hua-t’u yiian, and Hao-ch’ui chuan these substitutions were fresh and entertaining for a time, but soon the genre declined into the mechan­ ical and dull volumes criticized by Ts’ao Hsiieh-ch’in* in the Hung-lou meng. T he authors, most o f whom are unfor­ tunately known only by their pseudonyms, were probably commercial writers—some conceivably having failed the examina­ tions—active in the lower Yangtze area. Their identities were privy to a small circle of writer-friends but unknown to the pub­ lic. One personality, however, emerges as a major figure since he is linked with fif­ teen novels in the capacity of author, ed­ itor, or writer of a preface: T ’ien-hua ts’ang chu-jen 35?E#i±A (Master of the Heavenly Flower Studio), who states in a preface dated 1658 to a combined edition of Yii Chiao Li and P ’ing Shang Leng Yen that he failed the examinations and wrote out of wish fulfillment. A staunch moral conserv­ ative, he appears to be on a personal cru­ sade to root out pornography and restore the “true spirit” of Confucian romance. O ther authors are far less distinct. The early Ch’ing scholars Chang Yiin I (fl. 1660), his son Chang Shao 368h (fl. 1680), and Hsii Chen (fl. 1720) have been identified as authors, but Hsii is the only one to whom authorship definitely dan be assigned. Given their emphasis on upper-class life and broad comic appeal, it can be con­ cluded that these novels were read by elite

and popular audiences alike, including women. T he same work often was printed in editions of varying quality, from hand­ some large-sized, illustrated volumes to lit­ tle “sleeve volumes” (hsiu-pen tt# ). More­ over, the reluctance of the heroine of Jenchien lo to give up her male identity links the works to the t’an-tz’u* genre of the Ch’ing, which was intended mainly for a female readership. Developing out of, and in reaction to, the previous ts’ai-tzu chia-jen romantic tra­ dition that stressed passion, these novels left a significant legacy. HungHou meng, written partly out of dissatisfaction with them, is in a sense a tragic ts’ai-tzu chia-jen novel, although it is admittedly much more as well. W en-k’an g ’s Erh-nil ying-hsiung chuan exhibits a debt to Hao-ch’iu chuan. Takizaw a Bakin *8»®* (1767-1848) adapted Hao-ch’iu chuan's plot in their un­ finished historical novel KyOkaku den (Tales o f Chivalrous Men and Women). Several of these novels were translated into Western languages in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to meet the growing European demand for translations from Chinese literature. Editions: Only a few of these novels are obtainable in modern editions. For information on the old editions, some of which in unique copies, see Sun R’ai-ti, Chung-kuo t’ung-su hsiao-shuo shu-mu rev. ed., Peking, 1957, pp. 133-150; Sun ¥*.'zi-li, Jih-pen Tung-ching so-chien Chung-kuo hsiao-chuo shu-mu rev. ed., Peking, 1958, pp. 64-67,187190; Liu Ts’un-yan Chinese Popular Fic­ tion in Two London Libraries, Hong Kong, 1967, pp. 118-122, 313-320. T ranslations: Fresnel, F. “Hoa thou youan (Hua-t’u yiian) ou le livre mysterieux,” /A, 1 (1822), 202-225. ------ . “Scenes chinoises, extraits du Hoa thou youan,” JA, 3 (1823), 129-153. Julien, Stanislas. P’ing-chan-ling-yen: Les deux jeunes filles lettries. 2v. Paris, 1826. 2nd ed. Paris, 1860. Studies: Crawford, William Bruce. “Beyond the Garden Wall: A Critical Study of Three ‘Ts’ai-tzu chia-

jen' Novels.” Unpublished Ph.D. disserta­ tion, Indiana University, 1972. Hessney, Richard C. “Beautiful, Talented, and Brave: Seventeenth-Century Chinese ScholarBeauty Romances.” Unpublished Ph.D. dis­ sertation, Columbia University, 1979. Kuo, Ch’ang-ho HiMSI. “Chia-jen ts’ai-tzu hsiaochou yen-chiu, (shang)” (_h) Wen-hsileh chi-k’an, 1 (January 1934), 194-215; 2 (April 1934), 303-323. Tai, Pu-fan “T ’ien-hua ts’ang chu-jen chi Chia-hsing Hsii Chen” ^7Eat±AW*SI in Tai Pu-fan, Hsiao-shuo chien-wen lu Hangchow, 1980, pp. 230-235. —RCH Ts’ai Yen (tzu, Wen-chi * * , b. c. 178), daughter of T s’ai Yung,* had an unusual life, which was often treated in literature, music, and art. She was born in or before 178 and was married at the age of fifteen to a literatus of the Wei $6 family whose tzu was Chung-tao #51. Soon after his early death, in or about 192, she was abducted by non-Chinese troops and eventually fell into the hands of the Southern Hsiung-nu. T here she was married to a Hsiung-nu leader and bore him two children. She lived among the Hsiung-nu for twelve years (probably in the Fen River valley in southern Shansi) until about 206, when she was ransomed and brought back to Han territory at the behest of Ts’ao T s’ao,* who then arranged her marriage to Tung Ssu **e, one of his provincial administrators. Nothing is known about the length or events of her life thereafter. Her Hou-Han shu biography presents her as a highly educated lady, skilled in liter­ ature and music, but there is no hard evi­ dence for this. No prose writings by her are extant or even mentioned. T hree re­ markable poems are attributed to her, each one relating her capture, her life among the barbarians, her separation from her children, and her return to Han China. Poem One is in 108 five-syllable lines. Poem Two consists of 38 seven-syllable lines in a very regular m eter derived from the “Chiu-ko” of the Ch’u tz’u,* with hsi Q as the fourth syllable o f every line. Both are titled “ Pei-fen shih” (Poems of La­ ment and Resentment) and are included,

ostensibly as her own work, in her biog­ raphy in the Hou-Han shu (compiled be­ tween 424 and 445). Poem Three, “ Huchia shih-pa p ’ai” SSS6+A& (Barbarian Reed-Whistle Song in Eighteen Stanzas), totals 159 lines varying in length from 5 to 14 syllables, predominantly in the meter o f the Ch’u tz’u songs, with hsi in the mid­ dle of most lines. Poem Three first ap­ peared in the Yileh-fu shih chi (late eleventh century), which gives Ts’ai Yen as the author. T he authenticity of all three poems has been debated since the eleventh century. Although scholarly opinion is still sharply divided on each poem, there is strong evi­ dence that none of the three poems is by her. They were written by three different authors, each probably responding to a tradition that she had composed a song in eighteen sections. They are instances of the literary phenomenon of dealing with historic (sometimes contemporary) indi­ viduals in the first-person form, a phenom­ enon that seems to have originated in the third century. Poems One and Two must date from the third, the fourth, or the early fifth century; Poem T hree may be as late as the eighth century. Consideration o f the poem s’ literary merits should be separated from the prob­ lem of authorship. Most Chinese critics have thought highly of Poems One and Three, and less favorably of Poem Two, though it too has its champions. T he stirring events of Ts’ai Yen’s real and imagined life have inspired many poets (beginning in her lifetime, but especially during the T ’ang and thereafter), musi­ cians (commencing perhaps in the third^ century), playwrights (from Ming to the present), and painters (starting under the Sung) to elaborate her legend. Editions: Han Wei Liu-ch’ao wen-hsileh tso-p’in hsilan tu mttxmicmfp&mm. Hong Kong, 1961, pp. 110-123. Text of all three poems with full modern commentary. Hou-Han shu (History of the Latter Han). Peking, 1965, ch. 84, pp. 2801-2803. Critical, punctuated text of Poems One and Two in their earliest version.

Wei Chin Nan-pei ch’ao wen-hsiieh shih ts'an-k'ao tzu-liao Peking, 1962, pp. 161-173. Punctuated text of Poem One with good modern commentary; punc­ tuated text of Poems Two and Three; sup­ plementary materials. Yiieh-fu shih chi. Peking, 1979, ch. 59, pp. 860865. Critical, punctuated text of Poem Three in its earliest version. T ranslations: Alley, Rewi. The Eighteen Laments. Peking, 1963. Free rendition of Poem Three. Frodsham, Anthology, pp. 9-13; Poem One. Sunflower, pp. 36-39. Studies: Frankel, Hans H. “Ts'ai Yen and the Poems Attributed to Her,"CLEAR,5(1983), 133-56. Includes translation of all three poems, a dis­ cussion, and bibliography. Kuo, Mo-jo (1892-1978) et al. Hu-chia shih-pa p’ai t’ao-lun chi Pe­ king, 1959. Articles (29) by scholars (21), pri­ marily on Poem Three. Text of all three poems. —HHF

Ts’ai Yung H I (tzu, Po-chieh tt«S, 133-T 192) was a preeminent figure in the lit­ erary and court life o f the final days of the Latter Han. His importance in literary his­ tory lies in his status as one of China’s greatest masters o f p ’ien-wen* (parallel prose) and in his strong influence on his contemporaries and on literati of succeed­ ing generations. He was born into a wealthy and powerful family in Yii hsien HI* in Ch’en-liu Commandery W®fB, which with neighboring Ju-nan&BJ and Ying-ch’uan m \ was a center for the leading intellec­ tuals of the time, as well as home to many scholars of the “ Ch’ing-liu” iti* (Purist) movement who suffered under the Pros­ cribed Factions. Major early influences on his life were his teacher Hu Kuang SB®, who held po­ sitions under Emperor Huan, and Chu Mu &&; both were leading intellectual figures. His compositions, mainly pei W and tningto (funerary stone-inscriptions), began to ap­ pear in his early twenties and established his reputation. In 159, after the rise of a

eunuch faction to power, Ts’ai was sum­ moned to serve at court. Before arriving, however, he returned to Ch’en-liu on a pretext, and remained in reclusion for twelve years. Two of his most famous works, the “Shu hsing fu” StfrW (Prosepoem on a Journey), and the “Shih hui” *P Ifc (Teachings), a reflection on the nature o f recluse life, date from this period. In 172, after a decisive defeat of the “ p u rist” faction with whom T s ’ai had maintained sympathy but a cautious dis­ tance, he accepted a court appointment. He served for nine years, ending as Court Gentleman for Consultation. During this period, he was at the center o f court-literati activity. His main accomplishments include participation in the inscribing of the classics on stone, participation in the compilation of the “Tung Kuan Hou Han Chi” (Tung Kuan Annals of the Latter Han), and many works in parallel prose. Following his opposition to certain self-aggrandizing policies of the eunuchs, he was punished and banished, and spent the next twelve years in exile, a period of diminished literary output. Tung Cho’s ascension to power oc­ casioned his second official career. At T ung’s court, Ts’ai rose through a dizzy­ ing succession of offices, becoming Inner Gentleman of the Left in 190. He was the most prominent literatus at court, and it was during this period that he had contact with and influence on Wang Ts’an, * K’ung Jung,* Yang Hsiu (175-219), and other literary figures generally associated with the following generation. The overthrow of Tung Cho resulted in Ts’ai’s death in prison in 192. T he overwhelming majority o f T s’ai’s surviving work is in four- or six-characterline parallel-prose, chiefly pei and ming, forms which had begun to enjoy a great vogue in the Latter Han. His best-known pieces in this genre include his inscriptions for Kuo Yu-tao Ch’en T ’ai-ch’iu Wdcfii, Yang T z’u and Hu Kuang. T s’ai continued, but also refined and pol­ ished, a tradition in prose writing char­ acterized by elaborate stylization and dense and elegant language th at goes back

through Ma Jung* and Chang Heng* to T s’ui Yin and Pan Ku.* Important refine­ ments were Ts’ai’s sophisticated and con­ scientious parallelism and his complex use of allusion. Much o f his parallel-prose is equal in style to that o f the Ch’i and Liang dynasties. He is often mentioned in con­ junction with Chang Heng as the foremost Han prose stylist. Only a few poems sur­ vive, some of doubtful authenticity, and though few of his fu are extant, they are known to have been very influential in sub­ ject and style. Ts’ai bridged two distinct periods in literary history, carrying on the traditions of Han court literature and serv­ ing as a model and source of inspiration to Chien-an writers. Editions: Ts’ai Chung-lang chi SPPY. Somewhat corrupt, but the most reliable text. No mod­ ern editions. Studies: Okamura, Chigeru WfcfSti. “Sai Yo o meguru Go Kan makki no bungaku no susei” 4891^88 , Japanese, satori) as a sine qua non for poetry. By this Yen Yii advocated that the poet himself should be enlightened. Huang T ’ing-chien nota bene had, in his forty-ninth year, experi­ enced mystical enlightenment. Fundamentally, the union o f poetry and Ch’an was not new; it was also stressed within the Kiangsi School. When Yen Yii uses the image of the zither with which “at a single touch three strings vibrate,” and when he says “the words have an end, but the thought is not exhausted,” he is quot­ ing Huang T ’ing-chien and Su Shih. The Ts’ang-lang shih-hua has had to sub­ mit to considerable criticism. Some cen­ sure Yen Yu’s lack of familiarity with Bud­ dhist terminology, while others point out that poetry is not to be compared to a doc­ trine “beyond text and characters.” A fur­ th e r contradiction lies in th e peculiar prominence given to Li Po and T u Fu, whose work does not display those features o f “enlightened” poetry. An author such as Wang Wei on the other hand, who was not only associated with Buddhism but whose verses are in accordance with Yen Yii’s conceptions, is not mentioned in the fundamental part of the poetic—to say nothing of the poet-monks o f the T ’ang period. Nevertheless Yen Yii had a greater ef­ fect on the poetological debates o f subse­ quent centuries than any other theorist. T he Ming, as an epoch of literary rem i­ niscence, was particularly responsive to his classicism. He influenced not only the Early Seven Masters (see Li Meng-yang) in their emulation of the High T ’ang, but also the Later Seven Masters (see Li P’an-lung) with th eir Ko-tiao shuo M (R esonance o f Spirituality Theory) of Wang Shih-chen* (1634-1711). The five chapters of the poetic are in­ corporated in the Shih-jen yil-hsieh* by Wei Ch’ing-chih: chapter 1 and 3 in chilan 1, chapter 4 and 2 in chilan 2, chapter 5 in chilan 11. Editions: Ts’ang-lang shih-hua chien-chu Hu Ts’ai-fu SD^Ti, comm. Shanghai, 1937.

Ts’ang-lang shih-hua chiao-shih Kuo Shaoyfl comm. Peking, 1961. The best an­ notated edition; makes use of the version in the Shih-jen yii-hsieh. T

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Debon, GOnther. Ts’ang-lang’s Gesprdche iiber die Dichtung, Ein Beitrag zur chinesischen Poetik. Wiesbaden, 1962. S

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Chu, Tung-juri “Ts’ang-lang shih-hua ts’an-cheng” #18 Kuo-li Wu-Han ta-hsileh wenche chi-k’an, 2.4 (1933), 693-716. Kunisaki, MokutarO “SOrO shiwa no kinsei karon e no tOei” itflUfSSOjgtftifc SO- - R i t s u m e i k a n bungaku, 180 (1960), 521-535. Yip, Wai-lim. “Yen YO and the Poetic Theories in the Sung Dynasty,” TkR, 1.2 (October 1970), 183-200. — GD

Ts’ao Chih was not a profound thinker. He was educated in the tradition of con­ servative Han Confucianism, and attracted by philosophical Taoism and neo Taoism. T here is no evidence of acquaintance yvith Buddhism. The Buddhist claims that he composed fan-pai a type of Buddhist chant, were disproved by K. P. K. Whi­ taker [BSOAS, 20 (1957), 585-597]. Much of his prose and some of his poems reiterate complaints about restrictions and isolation, appeals for military or civil em­ ployment, and eulogies of the Wei dynasty. But when read closely and critically, these writings illuminate the daily life, thoughts, aspirations, and frustrations of the elite during the transition from Han to Wei. His longest and most famous fu, “ Loshen fu” (The Goddess of the Lo River), was inspired by local legends o f the Lo River nymph and by two fu attributed to Sung YQ (“Kao-t’ang fu” and “Shen-nG fu”), not, as has often been asserted, by an infatuation with his brother P’i’s late con­ sort, n£e Chen St. He stood out in the literary circle assem­ bled by Ts’ao T s’ao and Ts’ao P’i, and in the literary movement which began during (and was named after) the Chien-an MR era (196-220). Even more than other poets of the group, he brought the anonymous yueh-fu-haW&d tradition into the literary mainstream by blending it with elements from the Shih-ching,* the Ch’u-tz’u, Han fu, and the shih o f the Han literati. He per­ fected the five-syllable line. As a result it became the predominant m eter of yileh-fu and personal shih for many generations. What puts him above his contemporaries and imitators is his rich imagination. He excels in creating idealized figures and scenes of knights-errant, warriors, hunt­ ers, dandies, beautiful women, deserted wives, banquets and entertainm ent in no­ ble society, encounters with hsien-jen #A, and fantastic travels. His reputation as a great poet has remained virtually undi­ minished, though the reasons for praising him vary considerably.

T s’ao Chih Wte (tzu, Tzu-chien post­ humously called Ch’en Ssu Wang BlJBI, • 192-232), Ts’ao Ts’ao’s* third son by his consort n^e Pien 1', was an imaginative, influential poet. He never held office, but was enfeoffed ten times in eight different places. The family elders and the court re­ stricted his freedom, and most of his adult life kept him away from the capital and his family. He was gregarious and fond of act­ ing, singing, and talking, but politically na­ ive. A court clique tried to influence T s’ao T s’ao to make Chih his heir, but in 217 T s’ao Ts’ao chose Ts’ao P’i, his first son by Lady Pien. Before and after becoming emperor (220), P’i was jealous and under­ standably suspicious of his talented, pop­ ular brother Chih and kept him isolated. T he same policy continued under P’i’s son and successor, Ts’ao Jui (Emperor Ming, r. 226-239). The number, generic classification, and authenticity of Ts’ao Chih’s extant works are problematical. In Ting Yen’s edition, there are 54fu,* 54 shih,* 67 yileh-fu,* and 158 other works. A few are almost cer­ tainly spurious, and many are suspect, but most are probably authentic, constituting E : the largest individual literary collection Difeny, Jean-Pierre, et al. Ts’ao Chih wen-chi t'ungchien Concordance des oeuvres surviving from this period. d it io n s

completes de Cao Zhi. Paris, 1977. Full con­ cordance, based on Ting Yen’s text as cor­ rected in Peking 1957 edition, which is in­ cluded in this volume, with additional corrections and textual variants. Ts’ao chi ch’iian p ’ing Ting Yen TS (1794-1875), ed. Preface dated 1865. Rpt. with a few revisions, Peking, 1957. Best edi­ tion of complete works. Based on Wan-li (1573-1620)edition by Ch’eng M, noting var­ iants in Chang P’u’s 3SW (1602-1641) Han Wei liu-ch ’ao po-san (ming) chia chi 8Sft AffllfH («) m , in the Wen hsilan, in five T’ang and Sung encyclopedias, and in thirteen other texts. Works contained neither in Ch’eng’s nor in Chang’s edition were collected by Ting Yen from eight sources and appended to Ts’ao chi ch’iian p’ing as “Ts’ao chi i-wen” • KISS *• Ts’ao Tzu-chien chi SPTK. Ming, mov­ able-type edition. Good, readily available, complete edition of bare text. Ts’ao Tzu-chien shih chu Huang Chieh MW (1873-1935), ed. Preface dated 1928. Shanghai, 1930. Typeset rpt., traditional punctuation added, Peking, 1957. Good crit­ ical, annotated edition of 36 shih and 41 yilehfu, omitting others as spurious. (Ts’eng ping t’ang) Ts’ao Tzu-chien shih chien (J§ *& ) Ku Chih (b. 1887), ed., preface dated 1935. Unpunctuated rpt. Taipei, 1966. Arranges 34 shih and 44 yilehfu in what he believes to be chronological order. Commentary, of uneven quality, cites and goes beyond Huang Chieh’s, identifies many allusions. Chronological arrangement is not reliable, but has been accepted by Yfl Kuan-ying and others. San Ts’ao shih hsilan Yfl Kuan-ying ed. Peking, 1956. Excellent intro­ ductory essay; section on Ts’ao Chih has text and well-informed, readable commentary for 51 poems. Rev. ed., Peking, 1979 adds two more poems. T

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Demi6ville, Anthologie, pp. 118-122. Frodsham, Anthology, pp. 35-50. ItO, Masafumi So Shoku Wffi. Tokyo, 1958. Forty-five poems. Kent, George W. Worlds of Dust and Jade, 47 Poems and Ballads of the Third Century Chinese Poet Ts’ao Chih. New York, 1969. Sunflower, pp. 46-49. Five poems. Watson, Rhyme-Prose, pp. 55-60.

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Cutter, Robert Joe. “Cao Zhi (192-232) and His Poetry.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1983. Di6ny, Jean-Pierre. “Les sept tristesses (Qi ai). A propos des deux versions d’un ‘podme A chanter’ de Cao Zhi,” TP, 65 (1979), 51-65. Frankel, Hans H. “Fifteen Poems by Ts’ao Chih: An Attempt at a New A pp ro ach JAOS, 84 (1964), 1-14. ------ . “The Problem of Authenticity in the Works of Ts’ao Chih," in Essays in Commem­ oration of the Golden Jubilee of the Fung Ping Shan Library (1932-1982). Hong Kong, 1982, pp. 183-201. Hsfl, Kung-ch’ih “Ts’ao Chih shih-ko te hsieh-tso nien-tai wen-t’i” Wen-shih, 6 (June 1979), 147-160. ------ . “Ts’ao Chih sheng-p’ing pa-k’ao” Btil 43s A Wen-shih, 10 (October 1980), 199219. Liu, Wei-ch’ung #1H $. Ts’ao Chih p’ing chuan Taipei, 1977. Very informative. Suzuki, Kan Gi, pp. 635-667. — H H F

Ts’ao Hsiieh-ch’in WS# (formal name, Ts’ao Chan WfS, tzu, Ch’in-pu Trill, hao, C h’in-ch’i chii-shih , Meng-Juan 9St, 1715-1763; some studies suggest c. 1724-1764) is considered China’s greatest novelist, although his sole major work Hung-lou meng* was not finished by him, and little is known about his life. T s’ao’s ancestors were famous generals and officials. One of the earlier known of these, Ts’ao Yfln was a military officer during the Five Dynasties. Yiin’s son, Ts’ao Pin (931-999), was a great general and minister of the early Sung dynasty. One of Pin’s granddaughters became a queen. T s’ao H siieh-ch’in ’s fifth-generation ancestor, Ts’ao Pao W* (also named Ts’ao Hsi-yuan!* ISii or Ts’ao Shih-hsiian Witt a), served in the Ming dynasty as an officer in Shenyang it® and moved his family from Kiangsi in China proper to Manchu­ ria, then a part of Ming territory. There, T s’ao Hsiieh-ch’in’s great-great-grandfather, Ts’ao Chen-yen WMU, may have been captured by the Manchu rulers, prob­ ably about 1630; he was made a bondser­ vant in a military force called the Plain

White Banner, after serving under Gen­ eral T ’ung Yang-hsing for a short period. T ’ung’s grand-niece later gave birth to a boy who became the K’ang-hsi emperor. The Plain White Banner, one of the most prestigious of the “T hree Upper Banners” o f the Manchu “Eight Banners,” was commanded by the powerful noble Dorgon and was instrumental in the sack­ ing of the Ming capital, Peking, in 1644. After Dorgon’s death in 1650, the Plain White Banner was put under the direct command of the mother of the First Man­ chu emperor, Shun-chih. It was she who held the real power in the court until her death in 1688. The bondservants of the banner were later made part of the Im­ perial Household, and thus some of them enjoyed the confidence of the emperors. During the early years of the Ch’ing, when the Manchu emperors needed to consolidate their control of the Chinese empire, particularly in the lower Yangtze valley, they acted to secure the rich re­ sources of that region, to watch and pacify the Han Chinese, and to report on local officials. To do this they often appointed bondservants of the Imperial Household to serve as Commissioners for Imperial Textile Supplies and Salt Inspectors in Nanking, Soochow, and Hangchow, all prominent cultural and commercial cen­ ters of this area. Although the formal sta­ tus of such a commissioner was still that of the emperor’s slave, in actuality, with two or three thousand employees under his command, handling a yearly revenue of thousands of silver taels, and sending con­ fidential reports directly to the emperor, he became a very rich and powerful per­ son. T s’ao Hsiieh-ch’in’s great-grandfather, T s’ao Hsi WS, who had served in the pal­ ace guard of the Shun-chih emperor, was appointed Comm issioner for Im perial Textile Supplies for Nanking in 1663. He stayed in that position for twenty-one years, until his death. His wife, n£e Sun (16321706), served as the K’ang-hsi em peror’s nanny, and thus Hsi’s son, T s’ao Yin,* grandfather o f the novelist, may have been the future em peror’s childhood compan­

ion. After his father’s death, Ts’ao Yin be­ came the assistant supervisor in the Nank­ ing Textile Administration, and in 1690 he was appointed textile commissioner for Soochow. Two years later, he served con­ currently as textile commissioner in Nank­ ing. In 1693, his Soochow appointment was transferred to his wife’s elder brother, Li Hsii (1655-1729), and Yin continued in the Nanking position till he died. Mean­ while, from 1704 on, commissioners T s’ao Yin and Li Hsu served in turn as Salt In­ spectors in Yangchow; this duty actually covered a large region of four rich prov­ inces. Ts’ao Yin was a talented and learned man, a well-recognized poet and play­ wright, skillful also in archery and horse­ manship. A bibliophile and patron of the arts, he enjoyed close friendships with many prominent poets, writers, and schol­ ars. Although he died before Ts’ao Hsiiehch’in was born, to a certain degree his life­ style may have influenced his grandson. In his four tours to the South in 1699, 1703, and 1707, the K’ang-hsi emperor was hosted by Ts’ao Yin. Yin’s two daughters married Manchu princes by the em peror’s order. The expenses o f these relations with the imperial court, along with the standard of living which they imposed upon the T s’ao household, left Yin deeply in debt. After Ts’ao Yin’s death, the emperor ap­ pointed Yin’s only son, Ts’ao Yung WW, to succeed him as Textile Commissioner in Nanking. But three years later Ts’ao Yung died without a son to succeed him, and so the emperor, out of concern for the family’s welfare, ordered Ts’ao Yin’s wife, Old Lady Li, to adopt one of Ts’ao Yin’s nephews, T s’ao Fu Wtt, as a posthumous son so that he would inherit Ts’ao Yung’s position. Old Lady Li seems to be the model for Grandmother Chia in the Hunglou meng. T here are two theories regarding the identity of T s’ao Hsiieh-ch’in’s father. In a memorial to the throne dated April 10, 1715, T s’ao Fu said that T s’ao Yung’s wife had been pregnant for seven months. Later it was found in a T s’ao clan genealogical record that T s’ao Yung had a son named T s’ao T ’ien-yu It seems likely that

this posthumous son of Ts’ao Yung was the novelist Ts’ao Hsiieh-ch’in, since many early writings testify that Hsiieh-ch’in was T s’ao Yin’s only grandson, and Hsiiehc h ’in ’s form al name, Chan (Favor Re­ ceived), is similar in meaning to the name T ’ien-yu (Heaven Helped). If this is the case, Ts’ao Hsiieh-ch’in spent more than eleven years of his youth living in luxury, which experience helped him later to de­ scribe the extravagant life so vividly in his novel. Another theory suggests that Ts’ao Hsiieh-ch’in was Ts’ao Fu’s son. At any rate, in January 1728, T s’ao Fu was dis­ missed from his post and his estate confis­ cated. This happened in a changed polit­ ical situation: after the K’ang-hsi emperor’s death in 1722, his ruthless son, later the Yung-cheng emperor, seized the throne in a power struggle with his brothers. He purged his brothers and their allies, with whom the Ts’ao family was suspected to have associated. Estate confiscation during the Yungcheng period was a terrifying event. In ad­ dition to having one’s property seized, one’s family and servants were usually given away as slaves. But Ts’ao Fu and a small number of members of the family were al­ lowed to move to Peking and to live in a few of the clan’s houses there. This was probably through the aid of relatives and friends who included the emperor’s fa­ vored brother, Prince Yin-hsiang, whose descendants were later found to have pre­ served copies of T s’ao’s novel, and Prince Fu-p’eng, who was the son of Ts’ao Yin’s daughter, and who still had the emperor’s favor at the time. Nevertheless, such a change of fortune must have been a great shock to young T s’ao Hsiieh-ch’in, and the ensuing six years must have been difficult. The fami­ ly’s life in Peking may have improved somewhat in the four or five years follow­ ing 1734, when the Yung-cheng regime became less strict, and after his death in 1735, as the new Ch’ien-lung emperor showed great favor to Prince Fu-p’eng. However, conceivably the Ts’ao family had to live at the mercy of such relatives. Then, in 1739 a new political purge took place,

disgracing most of Ts’ao’s relatives. Thus he had possibly reached the end o f privi­ leged life at about the age of twenty-four. It may have been around this time that T s’ao Hsiieh-ch’in started to work on the novel, spending the ten years, roughly from 1740 to 1750, writing most of it, and re­ vising it five times. Around this period he also worked for some time in the Imperial Clan’s School for the children of the no­ bility and bannermen, probably as a clerk. The dates he worked at the school are not known for certain, b\it he could not have left there before 1748, the year his last prominent relative, his cousin Prince Fup ’erig, died. At the school, T s’ao became good friends with two Manchu students of the imperial family, the brothers Tun-min Stilt (1729-c. 1796) and Tun-ch’eng KM (1734-1791). Their poems to and about Ts’ao later were to provide most of the first-hand inform ation we have about Ts’ao’s life and personality. After leaving his post at the school, T s’ao moved from place to place in the capital, hardly receiving enough help from the rich and prosperous to continue. Utterly frus­ trated, he settled in the countryside west of Peking, probably somewhere near a Plain White Banner camp below Hsiang Hill. He supported himself in part by sell­ ing his own paintings. It is also possible that he received some income from people who had copied for private sale part of the unfinished draft of his novel. At some time Ts’ao may have taken and passed the lowerrank civil-service examinations, or perhaps he inherited local official status; he may have served in the local government in Nanking in 1759. It is even possible that some imperial official asked him to serve as a painter in the court. It is definite that he had no interest in serving the govern­ ment. As a novelist and poet, T s’ao was ad­ mired and encouraged by only a handful of relatives and friends. An uncle, a cousin, and the brothers Tun-min and Tun-ch’eng, were among the few. He had one other good friend, Chang I-ch’iian a school teacher whose ancestors had also been purged for unknown reasons. Chang’s

poems are yet another valuable source of information about Ts’ao’s life. T s ’ao’s financial situation must have been very distressing to him and his family. He was a great drinker, and the money from the sale of his paintings was probably not enough to pay his wine-shop debts, while his whole family often could only af­ ford to eat porridge. Their living quarters were also quite poor and rustic. Little is known about his marital life. His first wife must have died before him. The death of his infant son in the fall o f 1762 saddened him so deeply that he fell sick and died on the eve of the Lunar New Year, February 12, 1763. He was survived by his second wife, whom he had married not long before. T s’ao Hsiieh-ch’in was a versatile and widely learned person. Besides fiction, po­ etry, and painting, he was knowledgeable in both theater and music; he was an im­ pressive singer and lute player. He might have also taken to acting in opera as a hobby. A lusty drinker and attractive con­ versationalist, as well as a great admirer of women, T s ’ao, whose unconventional thinking and behavior were influenced by Chuang-tzu and the Neo-Taoists of the Wei-Chin period, and perhaps also by Bud­ dhism, became well known by many only long after his death. S

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Chao, Kang&ffl and Ch’en Chung-i tt-MWt. Hung-lou meng hsin-t’an CHiPSrjS. Hong Kong, 1970. — :— . Hung-lou meng lun-chi Taipei, 1975. ------ . Hua-hsiang t’ung-ch’ou tu Hung-lou fEtf MAMIE*. Taipei, 1975. Chou, Ju-ch’ang IS]Sell. Ts’ao Hsileh-ch’in hsiaochuan WSTr'JMf. Tientsin, 1980. ------ . Hung-lou meng hsin-cheng tEftlpSr 8L Re­ vised and enlarged edition. 2v. Peking, 1967. Chow, Tse-tsung “Yii-hsi, hun-yin, Hung-lou meng—Ts’ao Hsiieh-ch’in chia-shih cheng-chih kuan-hsi so-ytian” 5 S - <SSnmm^fhm%mm,Lien-hoyUeh-k’an, 17 (December 1982), 18 (January 1983). Feng, Ch’i-yung Ji&if. Ts’ao Hsileh-ch’in chiashih hsin-k’ao *8*X18:»r*. Peking, 1981.

Hawkes, David. “Introduction” to The Story of the Stone. V. 1: The Golden Days. London, 1973, pp. 15-46. Hu, Shih ft*, et al. Hung lou-meng k'ao-cheng Shanghai, 1922; rev. ed. Taipei, 1961. I-su —35 (Chou Shou-liang IS-c, Nihon Chgoku gakkaiho, 20 (1968.10).

—WHN T u Jen-chieh ttfc&l (original name Chihyiian £td, tzu, Chung-liang or Shanfu # £ , hao, Chih-hsiian ihff) was a native of Ch’ang-ch’ing StS County (Shantung). T he dates of his life are not clear. He was already active as a writer shortly after 1221 and was recommended by Yiian Hao-wen* to Yeh-lii Ch’u-ts’ai in 1233. In the Chihyiian period of the Yiian (1264-1294) he was summoned by Emperor Shih-tsu (Qubilai) to serve as Han-lin Academician, but declined. It seems that he spent most of his life in retirement in the mountains of Ling-yen IMfc and Wu-feng southeast o f his native town of Ch’ang-ch’ing. Under Emperor Wu-tsung (r. 1307-1311) T u Jenchieh was posthumously awarded the rank o f Grand Master Admonisher and Recip­ ient of Edicts. He was also canonized as Wen-mu *&. This was due primarily to the initiative and influence of his son, Tu Yiian-su ttTC*, who had reached the po­ sition o f Surveillance Commissioner of Min-hai Hi® Circuit in Fukien. Tu was on familiar terms with many of the leading literati of the late Chin period, such as YUan Hao-wen, who held T u ’s po­ etry in high regard. The greater part of T u ’s productions seems, however, to be lost. A selection of his poems is collected under the title Shan-fu hsien-sheng chi Tu has also written several tomb inscriptions for Taoists of the Ch’uan-chen sect which have survived in the Taoist Canon. Only a few of T u ’s san-ch’il (see c h ’ii) have been preserved. Prom inent among these is the san-ch’U suite “Chuangchia pu-shih kou-lan” (The Country Bumpkin Knows Nothing of the Theater). This text is not only a delightful farce written in colloquial language, but an important source on theatrical perfor­ mances in the early thirteenth century, be­ cause it describes the first three parts of a

show, i.e., the prelude of instrumental mu­ sic played by a female troupe, the clown’s skit, and the final dramatic performance. Editions: Shan-fu hsien-sheng chi, in Yilan-shih hsilan, sanchi chia-chi 7Eft31— Hsiu-yeh ts’aot ’ang ed., 1694-1720, 1 ch. (poems). Ch’ao-yeh hsin-sheng t ’ai-p’ing yileh-fu Taipei, 1968, ch. 9, pp. 1-3 (Chuangchia pu-shih kou-lan). Kan shui hsien-yilan lu in Tao-tsang, ch. 5, pp. 6b-8b;'cft. 8, pp. 13b-17a (tomb in­ scriptions).

T ranslations: Crump, James I., Jr. “Yiian-pen, Yflan Drama’s Rowdy Ancestor,” LEW, 14 (1970), 481-483. Hawkes, David. “Reflections on Yiian tsa-chil," AM, 16 (1970), 75-77. West, Vaudeville, pp. 11-15. St u d ie s :

Crump, op. cit. Hawkes, op. cit. Ogawa, Yoichi 'Ml!®—. “T o Zenbu saku sankyoku ‘Chuang-chia pu-shih kou-lan’ fl** ,”Shilkan t6y6gaku, J 8 , (1967), 78-86. Wang, Te-i et al. Yiian-jen chuan-chi tzuliao so yin Taipei, 1980, p. 566 (lists practically all references to Tu Jenchieh in Chinese works). West, Vaudeville. —HF

Tu-ku Chi (tz’u, Chih-chih $ 2 , 725777) is known mainly as a literary critic, an advocate of free prose, and an early, though indirect, influence on the great free-prose writer Han Yii.* He came from an aristocratic Turkic clan that married into the imperial families of both the Sui and the T ’ang. After being successful in a T aoist-decree exam ination o f 754, he served just before the An Lu-shan Rebel­ lion as Junior Officer of Hua-yin ¥&, not far east of Ch’ang-an. After the rebellion and a period of service in the southeast, his most important posts were under Taitsung as Commissioner of the Left, Erudite in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, and Vice Director of the Headquarter Bureau. Two provincial prefectships, those of Haochou SEW and Shu-chou fBFWI (both modern

Anhwei), followed. His final posting, to the prefectship of the strategically important prefecture o f Ch’ang-chou fSW in modern Kiangsu, was particularly sought by ad­ ministrators because o f its prestige. After his death he received the canonization of H sie n * “exemplary.” Tu-ku’s views on literature were close to those o f Chia Chih,* Li Hua,* and Hsiao Ying-shih,* with whom he was acquainted. He emphasized the primacy of the Con­ fucian canon and the moral function of writing, condemned ornamental or euphuistic style, and endorsed the traditional Confucian theory of poetic composition which saw it as the patterned expression o f feelings from within. Despite his pur­ ism, he recognized, as did most of his con­ temporaries, merit in some of the devel­ opments in tonality that had taken place in verse writing earlier in the eighth century. Much o f Tu-ku’s prose writing was oc­ casioned by his official career. Two early works, the “Hsien-chang ming” (In­ scription for the Immortal’s Handprint) and “ Ku Han-ku kuan ming” (Inscription for the Ancient Han-ku Pass) prove that he could use the high-flown and hyperbolic style that was valued for such monumental pieces. After the rebellion, as an erudite in the Court of Imperial Sac­ rifices, he composed examples of one of the minor but much respected genres of T ’ang bureaucratic writing, the shih i.VtSt (discussion of canonization), in which he argued the appropriateness or otherwise o f canonization titles proposed for re ­ cently deceased officials. He also wrote a large number of epitaphs (both for mem-^ bers of his own family and for others), sac­ rificial prayers, inscriptions for institu­ tions, texts for monasteries, and occasional verse. Among Tu-ku’s admirers were Ts’ui Yufu Sife® (721-780), Chief Minister and di­ rector of the dynastic history at the start of Te-tsung’s reign and Ch’iian Te-yii W KH* (759-818), an influential, eclectic in­ tellectual of the reigns of Te-tsung and Hsien-tsung. But Tu-ku’s most important close pupil was Liang Su,* whom he taught

when he was prefect of Ch’ang-chou and who edited his literary collection. Liang Su in turn influenced the great Han Yii. Han himself was said to have been influenced by Tu-ku, whom he cannot have known personally. One of Tu-ku Chi’s sons, Tuku Yii (778-816), however, was a long-term friend of Han YU. Extant editions of Tu-ku Chi’s literary collection, the P ’i-ling chi which consists of seventeen chilan of prose and three of verse, derive from a manuscript copy made in the imperial library by Wu K’uan (1436-1504). Much of his writ­ ing was also contained in the major early Sung anthologies. Editions: P ’i-ling chi. Preface 1791. SPTK. Tu-ku’s verse may also be consulted in Ch’iian T ’ang shih, v. 4, pp. 2760-2779; his prose in Ch’iian T ’ang wen, chilan 384-393.

Studies: Lo, Lien-t’ien SW8&. “Tu-ku Chi k’ao-cheng” Ta-lu tsa chih, 48.3 (March 15, 1974), 117-138.

—DLM

Tu Kuang-t’ing (tzu, Pin-sheng hao, Tung-yin tzu 850-933), was a native of Kua-ts’ang IS# (or Chin-yiin 18 ■) in Ch’u-chou ®'>H (in modern Chek­ iang). After failing an examination in the classics he went to Mount T ’ien-t’ai where he prepared himself for the Taoist priesthood. He was invited to join the court of Emperor Hsi-tsung fll^(r. 874-888) and followed th a t sovereign into exile in Ch’eng-tu in 881, during the insurrection of Huang Ch’ao (d. 884). He returned to the capital with him in 885. Hsi-tsung died in 888. Meanwhile his captain Wang Chien I® (847-918) was bringing Szech­ wan under his personal control. He was supreme there by 891 and later created a kingdom (known to posterity as the For­ mer Shu f j S ) out of the province. Tu Kuang-t’ing was affably received at this splendid new court and was awarded high authority and magnificent titles, including the Taoist one of (Kuang-ch’eng hsien-sheng BI)S5k&) “ Prior Born of Broad Achieve­ ment.” He was appointed tutor to the heir

to the throne. Later, after further honors under the second ruler of Shu, Wang Yen 3E#f (r. 919-925), who conferred on him the title “Heavenly Master who Transmits the T ru th ” (Ch’uan-chen t’ien-shih fgfll^fi), he resigned his posts and retired to Ch’ingch’eng Mountain W®Ul, the summit of the Ming-shan IKlil complex, which had been held in high regard by Taoists since the time of the first Celestial Masters o f Later Han times. A considerable number of Tu Kuangt ’ing’s prose writings survive. T hree of these deserve special mention because of their length and the importance o f their contents. One is Yung-ch’eng chi-hsien lu St (Register o f the Transcendents Gathered at Yung-ch’eng), devoted to the careers, both mortal and immortal, of Taoist women and goddesses. These are both edifying examples of devotion, piety, and miracles, and also—differently consid­ ered—specimens of the typical wonder tale o f the late T ’ang, saturated with mystery, exoticism, and the evidence of unseen worlds. In short, this is hagiography assim­ ilated to the literary short story: its author clearly intended his readers to take his his­ tories seriously as representations o f reli­ gious truths. (The version of this collection preserved in the early Sung Taoist an­ thology, Yiin-chi ch’i-ch’ien,* which appears to be close to T u Kuang-t’ing’s original, omits a number of exalted beings of the pantheon of Highest Clarity [shang ch’ing who appear in full panoply in the Ming version of the Tao-tsang■;* on the other hand, a number o f the ladies in the former gallery are conspicuously absent from the latter.) A nother m ajor co n tribution by Tu Kuang-t’ing to the history of medieval re­ ligion is his Tung-t’ienfu-ti yiieh-tu ming-shan chi a spiritual baedeker for the subterranean worlds styled “grotto heavens” (tung t’ien), hidden in the lowest roots of China’s sacred mountains and equipped with their own skies, planets, sun, and moon. An elegant preface to this work describes also the cities of the sky, the high counterparts of those dreamlike under­ worlds, whose palaces and basilicas were

shaped from coagulated clouds and frozen mists. There is also his Li-tai ch’ung-tao chi a historical account of the hon­ ors conferred on the Taoist religion and its adherents by the royal court from the earliest times down to the tenth Century. This reverent relation of benefactions, prom otions, preferm ents, architectural endowments, celebrations, and honors is particularly rich in information about the rulers of the T ’ang, above all Emperor Hsiian-tsung. Prom inent am ong th e many sh o rter prose compositions o f Tu Kuang-t’ing is a considerable number o f highly formalized texts outlining the procedures of Taoist rituals. These fall chiefly into two groups: chai tz’u (texts for purgations) and chiao tz’u HP (texts for cosmodramas). The for­ mer category of scenario refers to rites conducted in special theaters on holy oc­ casions. The second group outlines the plots and purposes o f triumphal proceed­ ings which often marked the climax of pre­ paratory days o f purgation. Many other prose writings survive, some of them concerned with court business, some related to religious affairs. Virtually all are in some measure concerned with cosmic or metaphysical matters. T o judge from such com positions as these, T u K uang-t’ing appears as a conservative thinker, an adherent o f fashionable ortho­ doxy, which implies that, like his associate Kuan-hsiu,* he was a religious syncretist. The rather small corpus of his extant poems, however, gives a different view of his creative talents. Almost all of them have a purely Taoist content, but they are by no means merely reverent and ceremonial. Their themes range from allusions to holy grottoes and sacred mountains, through holy men, perennial cranes, and spectral apes, to the divine spectacles presented by radiant clouds and blazing stars. Like other T aoist w riters he lets his fancy roam throughout space in faery fantasies: He harnesses the moon toad, he actualizes di­ vine birds in his personal microcosm, he finds infinity in the inner space of his mind. His writing, always competent, in such in­ stances seems inspired.

To those outside the Taoist circle, Tu Kuang-t’ing is best remembered as the au­ thor of a remarkable T ’ang story “Ch’iujan k’o chuan” (The Curly-bearded Stranger). Set at the end o f the Sui dy­ nasty, the story purports to be a recon­ struction of some of the events behind the rise of Li Shih-min (599-649), who later became the T ’ang emperor T ’ai-tsung (r. 626-649). T he narrative follows the travels of Li Ching (571-649)—later a mil­ itary officer u n d er Li Shih-m in—a fte r eloping with a maid in the household of the Sui minister Yang Su (d. 606). The minister declines Li Ching’s offer to coun­ sel him, but the maid Hung-fu rec­ ognizes Li’s merit and decides to run away to him. T he love affair is not allowed to develop much further. On their way east­ ward Li Ching and Hung-fu meet a curlybearded stranger. The stranger asks Li Ching whether he knows of any men of worth. Li Ching responds that he knows of only one man—Li Shih-min—worthy of becoming emperor and later arranges a meeting between him and the stranger. At the meeting the stranger immediately rec­ ognizes that Li Shih-min is destined to be­ come emperor and gives up his own am­ bition of ruling China. He bequeaths his considerable fo rtu n e to Li Ching and Hung-fu and disappears, eventually be­ coming a ruler in another land. At one level of interpretation the story illustrates the importance of the custom of pao (reciprocation)—the stranger repays Li Ching and Hung-fu for the favors they have done. But the story’s explicit didactic purpose is to illustrate the futility of re­ bellion, o f striving against the will o f Heaven. This aim is only at the expense o f historical fact: Li Shih-min won the throne after killing his older brother, the crown prinCe. The story’s idealization of Li Shih-min’s rise to power accords with the political mood toward the end of the T ’ang. To those living in the time of frag­ mentation, Li Shih-min’s prosperous reign seem ed a golden age. “ C h’iu-jan k ’o chuan” has been interpreted as an expres­ sion of this late T ’ang nostalgia—as a po­ litical protest expressing the hope that a

true emperor would appear to restore or­ der. This interpretation, however, is dif­ ficult to fit to T u ’s political ideas, though in some poems he does lament a lack of social order. The story’s textual history indicates that there may have been some uncertainty about its intended meaning—perhaps on the author’s own part. T he story is extant in two basic versions. What is considered the earlier text appears in Tu Kuang-t’ing’s Shen-hsien kan-yiX chuan SMtliiSiBW (Encoun­ ters with Divine TranScendents), under the title “Ch’iu-hsu k’o” *L■ * (The Curlywhiskered Stranger). In this version the political allegory seems to be emphasized: The curly-bearded stranger is mentioned at the beginning as the narrative’s focus, and Li Ching’s elopement with Hung-fu is only briefly sketched. In the later text, in­ cluded in the T ’ai-p’ing kuang-chi (T ’ai-p’ing Miscellany) and believed by some to contain Tu Kuang-t’ing’s own re­ visions, th e em phasis changes. T h e stranger is not introduced until about onefourth through the story, and the romance between Hung-fu and Li Ching is de­ scribed in greater detail. More stress is placed on Hung-fu’s courage as manifested by her escape from Yang Su’s household and by her equanimity in dealing with a stranger who lies down beside her without warning to watch her comb her hair. Li Ching’s characterization changes too: A colorless character to begin with, he re­ cedes further into the background, serving as a foil to both Hung-fu and the stranger and as a plot device for bringing together various characters. Whoever revised the story seems to have realized that the relationships established in the first half—Hung-fu’s interaction with Li Ching and the stranger—would over­ shadow the political lesson drawn in the second. To compensate for this, passages stressing the story’s political import were ad d ed —for exam ple, an insertion th at reads: “ A subject who foolishly thinks of rebellion is a mantis trying to stop a rolling wheel with its arms.” Nevertheless it is the trio o f Li Ching, H ung-fu, and th e stranger—later referred to as “the three

well-traveled gallants” (feng-ch’en san-hsia kenkyU ronshu—dokyo no shisd to bunka—SH that inspired later writers. The i t - , Tokyo, 1977, pp. 523-532. characters served as subjects o f Ming “Ch’iu-jan k’o chuan k’ao” drama: for example, Ling Meng-ch’u’s* Jao, Tsung-i #L*e*«#, Ta-lu tsa-chih, 18.1 (1959), 1-4. Ch’iu-jan weng and Chang Feng-i’s HungLiu, James J. Y. The Chinese Knight-Errant. Chi­ fu chi. cago, 1967, pp. 87-88. Liu, K’ai-jung T ’ang-tai hsiao-shuo yenCheng-t’ung Tao tsang IESEjS® . Rpt. Taipei, chiu rev. ed. Hong Kong, 1964, 1976. (Individual works may be located by pp. 187-215. reference to Weng Tu-chien, Combined In­ Wu, Jen-ch’en H ttE . Shih-kuo ch'un-ch'iu + B dices to the Authors and Titles of Books in Two S ft(1793 ed.), ch. 47, pp. 5b-8a. Collections o f Taoist L iteratu re [H arvard- Yeh, Ch’ing-ping SlfiP). “ Ch’iu-jan k’o chuan Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series, te hsieh-tso chi-ch’iao” , No. 25], rpt. Taipei, 1966. For instance, No. Wen-hsileh tsa-chih, 7.2 (1959), 9-16. 599 is Tung-t'ien fu-ti yiieh-tu ming-shan chi, and — ES a n d CY No. 782 is Yung-ch’eng chi-hsien-lu.) “Ch’iu-jan k’o chuan,” in T ’ai-p’ing kuang-chi, Tu Mu tttic (tzu, Mu-chih 803-852) is ch. 193. Reliable text of the later version. a late T ’ang poet-essayist traditionally ------- , in T ’ang-jen hsiao-shuo, pp. 178-184. A known for his lyrical, romantic quatrains

Editions:

reliable, punctuated text Of the later version, appended with useful background material, including a punctuated text of the early ver­ sion.

and for similar qualities attributed to his life. The romantic image is due largely to the “Yang-chou meng chi” (Rec­ ord of a Yang-chou Dream), an embel­ : ------,T ’ang Sung ch’uan-ch’i hsilan S fS fc W S fjS , lished summation of anecdotes and leg­ Shih Yen 06ff, ed., Peking, 1963, pp. 124ends compiled shortly after Tu Mu’s death 130. A heavily annotated text. by Yu Yeh TW (fl. 867). Until recent years, Ch’iian T ’ang shih, v. 12, ch. 854, pp. 9663-9669. his many lengthy narrative poems were ne­ Ch’iian T ’ang wen, v. 19, ch. 929-944, pp. glected for the popular quatrains, but it is 12213-12394. Yung-ch’eng chi-hsien-lu (different version o f Yiin- primarily in the longer poems, as in his letters and essays, that Confucian issues are chi ch’i-ch’ien * ch. 114-116). raised and that he invariably provides tes­ T ranslations: timony on the politics o f his age. Birch, Cyril. “The Curly-bearded Hero,” in Born in Ch’ang-an at the home o f his Anthology of Chinese Literature, v. 1, New York, grandfather, Tu Yu ttffr (735-812), Tu Mu 1965, pp. 314-322. spent his childhood amid the culture and Chai, Ch’u, and Winberg Chai. “The Curlyopulence of a Grand Councilor’s estate. Bearded Guest,” in A Treasury of Chinese Lit­ However, the family’s fortunes dwindled erature, New York, 1965, pp. 117-124. rapidly after the death o f Tu Yu, and Tu Chavannes, Edouard. Le Jet des Dragons (Mem­ Mu’s father died some years later, so that oires concernant I’Asie Orientate, 3 [1919]), pp. 172-214 (translation of T ’ai-shang ling pao-ytt Tu Mu could describe his youth as a time kuei-ming chen-ta chai yen kung-i ^ J r.B W ifS when servants deserted the household and the family survived only by selling off §g«**S 5!i«[W eng Tu-chien, No. 521]). ------- . “ Les lieux celestes profondes” (trans­ property. It is implied that because of the lation o f Tung-t’ien fu-ti yiieh-tu ming-shan chi), domestic imperatives, he did not begin to Ibid., pp. 131-168. study the classics until he was twenty, but Schafer, E. H. “Three Divine Women of South he must have learned fast, for he was writ­ China,” CLEAR, 1 (1979), 31-42. ing letters to high officials and fu * (prosepoems) at twenty-three, and he passed the Studies: C havannes, Edouard. “ B iographie de T ou chin-shih at twenty-five. The “Ah-fang kung fu” (ProseKouang-t’ing,” Le Jet des Dragons, p. 130. Imaeta, JirO “To Kotei shoko” ft:ft poem on the Ah-fang Palace), composed li d '# , in Yoshioka hakase kanreki kinen dskyO in 825, supposedly presaged his success in

B ike JB*

the chin-shih examination. Ostensibly it is a critique of the excesses o f Ch’in-shih Huang-ti, but its Confucian judgments are really aimed at the brief reign of Emperor Ching-tsung (825-827). The fu is his ear­ liest poetic effort; it is considered stylisti­ cally original and a precursor of the wenfu of the Sung dynasty. His first dat­ able poem was written in 827, the same year he passed the examination, and it, too, is a lengthy, moralistic self-advertisement entitled “ Kan huai shih” (Deepseated Feelings); the title and format have been used by many poets. His career began well enough: from 828 to 833 he was an assistant to the imperial son-in-law, Shen Ch’uan-shih it#® (769827) and then moved to the staff of Niu Seng-ju 4 ^ 1 ! (d. 847) in Yang-chou. He returned to Ch’ang-an early in 835 as an Investigating Censor and by mid-year had himself transferred to Lo-yang, where he marked time for two years before retiring to care for his younger brother, Tu I ttSB (806-851), who was going blind. Various minor positions in Ch’ang-an between 838 and 842 ended with a series of prefectships in the southeast, which he considered a sixyear exile. Tu Mu returned to Ch’ang-an to a post too lowly to support his and his brother’s families, and after much lobby­ ing he was made Prefect of Hu-chou in 850. His brother died in 851; Tu Mu then returned to the capital. The expression of frustration is constant in Tu Mu’s writings, and it raises the ques­ tion of who or what kept him from high office. Thanks to Tu Yu, the Tu family had good connections with both sides in the Niu-Li factional dispute; Tu Mu eventually worked for both. His relations with Niu were particularly warm, and he seemed to have had an almost continuous co rre­ spondence with Li Te-yii (787-850). Evidence from his poetry suggests that 835 actually was the turning point in his career, when he joined those opposed to the ap­ pointments o f Cheng Chu and Li Hsiin mm as Grand Councilors. The episode took the life of one good friend and affected several careers; T u Mu found it the better part of valor to lie low in Lo-yang. Openly

in his “Li Kan” more obscurely in “Hsi shih Wen Huang-ti, san-shih-erh yiin” li (Formerly in the Service of Emperor Wen, thirty-two rhymes), and in several poems on the family estate at the Vermilion Slope (in the Southern Mountains), he describes the events of this year, argues his somewhat shameful in­ nocence, grieves over friends, and gener­ ally mourns the impact on his career. The Sweet Dew Incident, an abortive attempt to assassinate pow erful eunuchs which ended in a massacre of officials, occurred at the end of the year and seems not to have had the same relevance for Tu Mu as the earlier conflict. Throughout his life Tu Mu wrote letters to those in high places, telling them what was wrong with policy and military strat­ egy and what was right about his own cre­ dentials for advancement. A prime ex­ am ple is his “ Tsui yen” WS (G u ilty / Inappropriate Words) of 834; the title re­ fers to his presumption in criticizing policy from his lowly position, but he does so any­ way, offering an inventory o f Confucian ideals. His claim to being a military strat­ egist was belatedly lent credence by his widely accepted commentary to the Suntzu IS1? (Art of War), completed sometime before 849. He wrote Li Te-yu frequently in the 840s, when Li was Grand Councilor, to offer strategies, and once his ideas were followed (with positive results). The singlemindedness of such pieces, pedantic, for­ mal, and lyrical by turns, reflects T u Mu’s public concern and ambition. They re­ mind the reader of the link between kuwen* prose and Confucian ideals, but Tu Mu’s style is really best described as eclec­ tic. The lament of the scholar-official is sum­ marized in his “Chiu-jih Ch’i-shan teng kao” ftSfcLiiSi® (Climbing High on Mt. Ch’i on the Double Ninth). In it he makes use of the “climbing to high places” motif not to display his worth but to wax phil­ osophical and allusive on the transitory na­ ture of political life. He often is autobio­ graphical, as in “ Ta-yti hsing” (Ballad of Heavy Rain), and in “Chang Hao-hao shih” ’S&fflifffi, where he poi­

gnantly tells the story of the singsong girl, of the happy times at their first meeting, and of their consequent fates as barmaid and refugee. His many poems on partings, with travel itself as metaphor, digress to the vicissitudes of (his) public life. T u Mu’s quatrains tend to be more sub­ dued than his longer poems, although in­ ternal rhyme, alliteration, repetition, and allusion still are abundant. The total effect remains one of smoothness and under­ statement, with most allusions evident and historical, and but a few altogether ob­ scure. He favors the Later Han dynasty as the source for parallels with the late T ’ang. Irony is an often used vehicle of expres­ sion, as in his “Ch’ih pi” ^*1 (Red Cliff) and “ Po Ch’in-huai” (Mooring on the Ch’in-huai River). His romantic-erotic quatrains also provided material for the stories in the “Yang-chou meng chi.” Ref­ erence is commonly made to his “T s’eng pieh” H5W (Offered at Parting) which de­ scribed a thirteen-year-old beauty; “Ch’ien huai” SSf (Chasing Cares Away), which mentions a ten-year Yang-chou dream; and “ T ’an hua” IR7E (Sighing Over Flowers), which tells of his coming too late to find a flower/woman, it/sh e having already gone to fruit. His lifelong search for high office ended in 852 when he was made a Secretariat Drafter; he died a few months later. That a great number o f his poems (524) remain is in part the result of his careful editing, particularly of his earlier poems. It is dif­ ficult to say who the ultimate influences were for his poetry; early models and his respect for masters like Tu Fu,* Li Po,* Han Yii,* and Liu Tsung-yiian* do not fully explain his style, but anticipate his acquaintance with allegory. Editions: . Fan-ch’uan shih-chi chu SPPY. In­ cludes the standard commentary by Feng Chiwu **1§. Fan-ch’uan shih-chi chu . Peking, 1962. Modern typeset reprint of annotated edition of T u ’s poetic works. Fan-ch’uan wen-chi Q&IU'XM. SPTK. pp. 121-140. Tu Mu shih-hsilan t t t# S . Chou Hsi-fu H , ed. Hong Kong, 1980.

Tu Mu shih-hsilan. Miao YOeh JPftt, comp. Pe­ king, 1957. Tu Mu shih-wen hsilan-chu ttfe . Chu PilienJfcfl 31 and Wang Shu-chiin 3ESSIJ&, eds. Shanghai, 1982.

T ranslations: Demi6ville, Anthologie, pp. 315-316. Graham, Late T’ang, pp. 121-140. Kubin, Wolfgang. Das lyrische Werk des Tu Mu (803-852). Wiesbaden, 1976. Sawatorao, Ichino rfTSFiPISJt. To Boku tt#C. Tokyo, 1965.

Studies: Arai, Ken . To Boku. Tokyo, 1974. Fish, Michael B. “T he T u Mu and Li Shangyin Prefaces to the Collected Poems of Li Ho,” in Chinese Poetry and Poetics, Vol. 1, by R. C. Miao, ed., San Francisco, 1978, pp. 231286. -------. “Tu Mu’s Poems on the Vermilion Slope: Laments on a Meager Career,” OE, 25.2 (1978), 190-205. Kubin, op. cit. Kung, Wen-kai. “The Prosody and Poetic Dic­ tion of Tu Mu’s Poetry,” THHP, 12 (1979), 281,307. -------. “Tu Mu: The Poet.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1976. Miao, Yiieh. TuMu chuan Peking, 1977. -------. Tu Mu nien-p’u . Peking, 1980. T ’an, Li Tsung-mu Tu Mu yen-chiu tzu-liao hui-pien tfc#CiW3SiS$MA, P’eng-lai Hsien-k’o filler, and So-lo Chuje n J£W±A, 1542-1605), was a native of Yin-hsien (m odern N ingpo, C hek­ iang). In 1577, he attained the chin-shih degree and became the Magistrate of the d istrict o f Ying-shang (m odern Anhwei). In 1578, he was transferred to Ch’ing-p’u * * (east of Soochow), where he made friends with the eminent literary men of the region, such as Shen Ming-ch’en and Feng Meng-chen M&M. They enjoyed one another’s company drinking wine and composing poems. At the same time T ’u managed to direct public affairs very well. In 1582, he was promoted to the position of secretary in the Ministry of Rites. Before long, he became a close friend o f Sung Shih-en SR1&JBI, the Marquis of Hsining ffl*. Yii Hsien-ch’ing a sec­ retary in the Ministry of Justice, who held a personal grudge against T ’u, accused him of improper relations with Sung Shih-en’s wife. T ’u lost his post, and from then on could barely eke out a living by selling his writing for money. He abandoned himself to the carefree enjoyment of wine and po­ etry and led the life of a Taoist immortal, among the mountains and rivers. T ’u Lung was a prolific writer. His col­ lected works of verse and prose include the Yu'Ch’Uan chi the Ch’i-chen-kuan chi * the Pai-yii chi and the Hungpao chi . He wrote three ch’uan-ch’i* dramas, T ’an-hua chi #7ESB (The Nightblooming Cereus), Ts’ai-hao chi IfclEiS (The Colorful Brush), and Hsiu-wen chi #f£IS (Finely Crafted Writings), which are col­ lectively known as the Feng-i-ko yiieh-fu IK (Muscial Dramas of the Mansion of Phoenix Pomp). His other miscella­ neous works include the Ts’ai-chen chi M, the Nan-yu chi the Heng-t’ang chi fHKJt, the Chiang-hsileh-lou chi the Ming-liao-tzu chi-yu KS^fSEiiS, the So-lo-kuan ch’ing-yen H&SSffifltll, and the So-lo-kuan ikao Sglitl ilSflS . O ther works that have been attributed to him are the Huang-cheng k’ao

M®# and the K ’ao-p’anyu-shih All are extant. T ’u wrote with great spontaneity; there are anecdotes that describe the swiftness and ease with which he wrote verse. While this may have been a blessing, perhaps be­ cause of this, his works contain little of enduring interest. However, his writings are not without their peculiar attractions. Wang Shih-chen* (1526-1590) says that his poetry is strangely beautiful, with a lei­ surely loftiness. T ’u was not only a writer of ch’uan-ch’i plays but also an accomplished performer. We are informed that whenever he went to the theater, he mingled with the actors and joined in the performance. On one occasion, he demonstrated his virtuosity on the drum. T ’u ’s dramas are as spontaneous as his verse and prose but are crudely structured. The T ’an-hua chi is a long piece about Mu Ch’ing-t’ai of the T ’ang. Mu had won military merit and had been awarded the title Prince o f Hsing-ting R®. A Buddhist monk and a Taoist priest persuade him to embark on a journey seeking the Way, on which he passes through various kinds of temptation before finally attaining enlight­ enment. This drama, written in T ’u’s late years, bears witness to his inclination toward Taoist speculation. T he dram a contains too many episodes. Lii T ’iench’eng’s 0 ^ ® Ch’il-p’in ®i&, while prais­ ing the drama for the fluency and beauty of its diction, points out the structural de­ fects. T he T ’an-hua chi has another pecul­ iarity (noted by Tsang Chin-shu ISSK in his preface to the Yiian ch’ii hsiian TcttSI): on occasion not a single song can be found within an act. The drama attempts to pres­ ent more of the story than the genre can accommodate. The result is an overde­ pendence on dialogue, a paucity of songs, and a badly marred play. T ’u’s other two dramas are the Ts’ai-hao chi, which relates the events surrounding Li Po’s sojourn at Emperor Hsiian-tsung’s court (T ’u probably intends here to compare himself to Li Po) and the Hsiu-wen chi, which fo­ cuses on the T ’ang poet Li Ho.* T ’u ’s dramas represent the culmination of a trend to lay emphasis on flowery dic­

tion, which had its origin in Shao T s’an ’s BPJS? Hsiang-nang chi SRSB. Hsii Lin in his preface to Hung Sheng’s Ch’angsheng tien remarks of T u ’s Ts’ai-hao chi that its diction is laden with “emeralds and gold, and that not a single phrase in simple and plain language can be found in the entire work.”

rel Stein (England and India), Paul Pelliot (France), representives of the Ch’ing gov­ ernment, Otani Kozui (Japan), and Sergei F. Oldenburg (Russia). Some manuscripts also found their way to collections in the United States, Denmark, Taiwan, and else­ where. A ltogether, the Chinese m anu­ scripts alone total over 30,000 and consti­ tute a rich resource for the study of Chinese Editions: society, history, thought, religion, lan­ Hsiu-wen chi. (1 )Ch’uan-ch’i san-chung guage, and literature. Fortunately, nearly Shanghai, 1932; a photolithographic reprint of the Wan-li MM edition. (2) Ku-pen, I, no. all of this material has now been made 73; a photolithographic reprint of the Wan- available to scholars, either in the form of microfilm copies or as photographic re­ li edition. productions and published texts. T ’an-hua chi. (1) Mao Chin, hai chi (2) KuAlthough the bulk o f the Chinese ma­ pen, I, no. 72; a photolithographic reprint of the T ’ien-hui lou SAM® edition printed dur­ terials are copies of canonical Buddhist texts written for members o f the religious ing the Wan-li period. Ts’ao-hao chi. (1) Mao Chin, ch’en chi R M . (2) establishment, there are also a significant number of writings intended for laymen. Ku-pen, I, no. 71; a photolithographic reprint These are particularly important for stu­ of Mao Chin’s edition. dents of popular literature, for among Studies: them are the earliest examples of extended Aoki, Gikyokushi, pp. 177-182. prosimetrical (chantefable) narrative and Araki, Kengo 1 * 1 ® . “To RyOto Kan ShidO” the forerunners of tz’u,* all o f which are RK ^ , Nihon Chugoku Gakkai-h6, 28 unprecedentedly written in a colloquial (1976), 187-199. language. Chao, Ching-shen “T ’u Lung te ch’uanP erhaps th e single m ost notew orthy ch’i” in his Hsiao-shuo hsi-ch’il hsink’ao '.MB®®#?#, Shanghai, 1939, pp. 199- gehre to emerge from the study of the Tunhuang manuscripts has been pien-wen # £ . 208. —SSK This designation may be rendered in En­ glish as “transformation text” and is inti­ Tun-huang wen-hsileh is a general mately related to pictures that were known term used to refer to manuscripts discov­ as pien-hsiang (transform ation tab­ ered at Tun-huang (modern Kansu) early leaux). Indeed, it may be demonstrated that in this century by the Taoist caretaker of pien-wen was a type of storytelling with pic­ the Mo-kao k’u JEi^ST (None Higher Caves, tures and that its origins can be traced also called Caves o f the Thousand Bud­ through Central Asia to India. dhas). Tun-huang lies near the western ex­ T he subjects of pien-wen may be either tremity o f the Great Wall and, during the secular or religious. T here are pien-wen T ’ang and Five Dynasties periods, was sit­ about the Han generals Wang Ling lift uated at the confluence of Chinese civili­ and Li Ling £lft, about the Han heroine zation with T ibetan, U ighur, Sogdian, Wang Chao-chiin 3EBBS, and about the lo­ Khotanese, and other strongly Buddhi- cal Tun-huang heroes, Chang I-ch’ao 31 cized cultures. This mixing of cultures is S it and Chang Huai-shen Among reflected in the languages of the manu­ the most celebrated religious stories are scripts that were sealed up in a side-room the Ta Mu-ch’ien-lien ming-chien chiu mu pienwhich tells o f Mao f cave sixteen sometime around the year wen 1035. Successive expeditions from various hamaudgalyayana’s search for his mother nations visited Tun-huang and recovered in hell, and the Hsiang mo pien-wen an enormous number of manuscripts. In % which describes Sariputra’s exciting chronological order, these Were led by Au- magic contest with the six heretics. T here

is also among the Tun-huang manuscripts a uniquely precious illustrated scroll (P4524) which closely matches thepien-wen version of the latter story. All of the abovementioned stories are genuine pien-iven written in the prosimetric form and char­ acterized by a distinctive formula (“the place [where] X [happens]; how does it go?) that occurs just before the verse portions. One of the most intriguing problems about pien-wen is how they came to be writ­ ten down and by whom. Clearly they have an intimate connection to an eighth- and ninth-century storytelling tradition known as chuan-pien Hffi (turning transformation [scrolls]). T he best information now avail­ able indicates that the performers o f these transformations were professional enter­ tainers and that individuals who became enam ored o f th e ir perform ances tra n ­ scribed them as pien-wen so that they might have a more permanent record. T he cop­ yists of the extant manuscripts were mostly lay students studying a largely secular cur­ riculum in schools attached to Buddhist monasteries. O ther types of popular narrative were also discovered at Tun-huang. Some, like the stories of Wu Tzu-hsQ and Meng Chiang-nfl i # # , both legendary figures from pre-Han times, resemble pien-wen in certain respects, but seem less likely to have been the immediate products of an oral tradition. Others, such as the story o f Chi Pu’s cursing the Han king in front of his assembled troops and Tung Yung’s M 3c reward for filial devotion, consist en­ tirely of heptasyllabic verse. Still others, including the accounts of the youthful Shun’s S extreme filial piety and Ch’iu H u’s IKS8 disloyalty to his wife, are, except for an occasional quoted poem, composed exclusively of prose. Apart from pien-wen, genres of popular literature that are identified by specific designations in the titles of recovered Tunhuang manuscripts include/«,* lun li (dis­ cussion), tsan M (eulogy), ya-tso wen (seat-settling text or introit), yilan-ch’i (legend, Sanskrit pratltyasamutpdda), and chiang-ching wen MUtX. (sutra lectures). Chiang-ching wen were part of religious services for laymen known as su-chiang

li. In contrast to pien-wen, they were de­ livered by ordained Buddhist monks, were systematic expositions of sQtras, and were marked by a recurring formula containing the word ch’ang1 functioning in the op­ tative or imperative mood. The best-known and lengthiest chiang-ching wen is the group of texts dealing with the Vimalaklrti-nirdeia-sUtra The Tun-huang manuscripts have also yielded various types of verse, including poems and ballads in the shih* form, and most notably the words of popular songs of the period. These songs are referred to interchangeably in th e m anuscripts as ch’ii,* tz’u,* and ch’il-tzu tz’u i f l (lyrics of songs). Virtually every verse is identified by a tune title, which indicates musical origins, although the music has been lost. These songs provide valuable evidence of the early stages of the development of the tz’u form, showing that the genre had widespread circulation among a popular audience during the eighth century and perhaps even before. Although most of the songs are anonymous, some are closely re­ lated to tz’u poems written by members of the literate elite; two are attributable to Emperor Chao-tsung (r. 888-904), one to Wen T ’ing-yGn,* and two more to Ou-yang Chiung.* Many of the Tun-huang ch’il-tzu tz’u arise out of the dynamic interaction between popular and elite cultures at the end of the T ’ang dynasty. Nevertheless, the majority of the tz’u songs bear characteristics of folk songs, in­ cluding colloquialisms, dialogue, formu­ laic phrases, sequential narrative, direct expression of emotion, and abrupt, frag­ mented structure. Moreover, unlike early literati tz’u, which are devoted to the theme of unrequited love, the Tun-huang poems exhibit a wide variety o f subject matter, including songs of soldiers, recluses, stu­ dents, and traveling merchants, as well as many Buddhist songs. Jen Erh-pei’s edition divides the tz’u into three categories: a handful of ta-ch’il,* suites of songs and dances with instrumen­ tal interludes; eighteen ting-ko lien-chang JgteP* (song sequences in fixed form), cy­ cles o f from 5 to 134 stanzas linked to form

a set or series of songs on a fixed chron­ ological topic such as the five watches of the night, the one hundred years o f an in­ dividual’s life, or the twelve months of the year, mostly on Buddhist themes such as “The Twelve Hours of Meditation”; about two h u n d red p ’u-t’ung tsa-ch’il (miscellaneous common songs), indepen­ dent stanzas, mostly on secular themes. The majority of these latter, isolated, secular lyrics treat the theme of love and exerted significant influence on late T ’ang literati tz’u such as those collected in the Hua-chien chi. * The discovery of the Tun-huang man­ uscripts has provided scholars with an in­ comparable fund of primary materials for the study of the popular literature of the T ’ang and Five Dynasties periods. At the same time, these materials have also had far-reaching significance for the study of Chinese popular literature in general. Be­ cause of them, many questions relating to the origins of lyric meters, extended nar­ rative, episodic construction, dramatic plot, prosimetric form, and written colloquial language have been enunciated and par­ tially answered. Editions: Chou, Shao-liang H1I0&. Tun-huang pien-wen hui-lu Shanghai, 1955. Jen, Erh-pei ££—Jfc. Tun-huang ch’il chiao-lu ® SE&ttft. Shanghai, 1955. Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan BiSfflfctt, ed. Tunhuang i-shu tsung-mu so-yin @^31. Peking, 1983. Wang, Chung-min EESS. Tun-huang ch’il-tzutz’u chi Rev. ed. Shanghai, 1956. ------ , et al. Tun-huang pien-wen chi Peking, 1957. Catalogues: Biblioth&que Nationale, Department des Manuscrits. CatiUogue des Manuscrits Chinois de Touen-houang, I. Paris, 1970. Giles, Lionel. Descriptive Catalogue of the Chinese Manuscripts from Tu.thuang in the British Mu­ seum. London, 1957. Kanaoka, Shoko. TonkO shutsudo kanbun bun­ gaku bunken bunrui mokuroku fu kaisetsu Tokyo,

T ranslations: Chen, Tsu-lung. “Note on Wang Fu’s ‘Ch’a Chiu Lun’ * » * , ” Sinologica, 11 (1961), 271287. Eoyang, Eugene. “The Great Maudgalyayana Rescues his Mother from Hell,” in Ma and Lau, Traditional Chinese Stories, pp. 443-455. Iriya, Yoshitaka BukkyO bungaku sh& Tokyo, 1975. Jao, Tsong-yi, and Paul Demi£ville. Airs de Touen-houang: Touen-houang k’iu. Textes a chanter des VIHe-Xe siicles. Paris, 1971. Waley, Arthur. Ballads and Stories from Tunhuang: An Anthology. New York, 1960. Studies: Chang, Kang-i Sun. The Evolution of Chinese Tz’u Poetry: From Late T’ang to Northern Sung. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980. Chen, Shih-chuan. “Dates of Some of the Tunhuang Lyrics,” yAOS, 88 (1968), 261-270. ------ . “The Rise of the Tz’u, Reconsidered,” JAOS, 90 (1970), 232-242. Cheung, Samuel Hung-nin. “The Use of Verse in the Dun-huang^ bian-wen,” JCL, 8.1 (Jan­ uary 1980), 149-162. Chiang, Li-hung Tun-huang pien-wen tzui t’ung-shih Rev. and en­ larged ed. Peking, 1962. Demi£ville, Paul. Recents travaux sur TouenHouang, apercu bibliographique et notes critiques. Leiden, 1970. Eoyang, Eugene C. “The Historical Context for the Tun-huang pien-wen,” LEW, 15.3 (1971), 339-357. ------ . “Word of Mouth: Oral Storytelling in the Pien-wen." Unpublished Ph.D. disserta­ tion, Indiana University, 1971. Fujieda, Akira. “ The Tun-huang Manu­ scripts,” in Essays on the Sourcesfor Chinese His­ tory, Donald Leslie, Colin Mackerras, and Wang Gungwu, eds. Columbia,. South Caro­ lina, 1973, pp. 120-128. ------ . “The Tunhuang Manuscripts—A Gen­ eral Description,” parts 1 and 2, Zinbun, 9 (1966), 1-32, and 10 (1969), 17-39. Gile ,, Lionel. Six Centuries at Tunhuang, A Short Account of the Stein Collection of Chinese Mss. in the Briiish Museum. London, 1944. Jen, Erh-pei. Tun-huang ch’il ch’u-t’an JS. Shanghai, 1954. Johnson, David. “The Wu Tzu-hsO Pien-wen and its Sources: Part I "HJAS, 40 (1980), 93-156; “Part II,” HfAS, 40 (1980), 465-505.

Kanaoka, ShOkO Tonka no bungaku S? Tokyo, 1971. Karida, KiichirO TonkOgaku gojflnen «ffi*2i+*F. Tokyo, 1960. Kota TonkO HffiR®. Tokyo, 1980-1982. A se­ ries of lectures by eminent Japanese scholars in 13 vols. Lin, Mei-i ttifctl. “Lun Tun-huang ch’fl te shehui hsing” IlifcSffifBSttftt, Wen-hsileh p’inglun, 2 (1976), 107-144. Ma, Shih-ch’ang “Kuan-yil Tun-huang ts’ang-ching tung te chi-ko wen-t’i” SHTSSt® Wen-wu, 1978.12, 21-33. Mair, Victor. “Lay Students and the Making of Vernacular Narrative: An Inventory of Tunhuang Manuscripts,” CHINOPERL, 10 (1981), 5-96. Men’shikov, Lev Nikolaevich, etal. Opisanie Kitaiskikh Rukopisei, 2v. Moscow, 1963-1967. Strassberg, Richard E. “Buddhist Storytelling Texts from Tunhuang,” CHINOPERL, 8 (1978), 39-991. — VHM and MWe

Tung-ching meng Hua lu (The Eastern Capital: A Dream of Splendors (fl. Past), written by Meng Yuan-lao 1110-1160) in 1147, is a reminiscence of the Eastern Capital of the Sung dynasty (then known as Pien-liang ft S£, modern Kaifeng). The text relates life during the last years of the reign of Emperor Huitsung (1119-1126), when the material and cultural life o f the citizens there was at its height. Over the years, this work has been used extensively in academic discussions of the literature, art, architecture, history, and economics of the N orthern Sung. T he journal is divided, in its modern edi­ tion, into ten chapters (chilan). Chapter ar­ rangement has little to do with theme, and the work itself is composed of two major sections: the first is a synchronic descrip­ tion o f everyday life in the capital, and the second is a chronological treatment o f the major festivals and rituals of the civil year, beginning with New Year’s Day and end­ ing with New Year’s Eve. T he first section begins with a descrip­ tion of the physical layout of the city, start­ ing with the walls and gates, rivers and ca­ nals, palace grounds, and the various civil and military offices that lie within the For­

bidden City (chapter 1). It then moves on to describe major streets, various official bureaus o f the central imperial and city governments, and the wards of the city it­ self. It treats tea districts, markets, wine lofts, and their assorted fare site by site, hinting indirectly at the localized nature of commerce and industrial activity in the city (chapter 2). The next section includes descriptions of wards set aside for trade and bartering as well as discussion of the major religious temples, shops, hired la­ bor, food transport, fire prevention, money and script, and early morning markets (chapter 3). The vehicles of the concubines and em­ presses, the imperial guard, and the more mundane activites of the city—butchering, wine provendering, restaurants (including names and locations of famous inns), and fish-mongering are covered in the fourth chapter. T he final chapter of the first sec­ tion lingers over local customs, entertain­ ments and performing skills of the capital “pleasure precincts,” marriage and be­ trothal customs, and pregnancy and child­ birth practices. The next portion of the work is a chron­ ological list of the major festivals and rit­ uals that occur from the lunar New Year until the end of the twelfth civil month. Chapter 6 describes the customs and rites of the first sixteen days o f the New Year, the most important of Chinese festivals. This touches not only on the role of these festivals in the life of the common citizen, but also relates an account of the imperial feast for foreign envoys, and describes the imperial visits to local temples where elab­ orate feasts were spread for civil officers. Chapter 7 details the em peror’s visit to the Garden of Jasper Trees and the Res­ ervoir o f Metal Luster to view the naval and cavalry exercises and entertainments that were put on annually in the third month. These performances were open to the public, and the citizens sallied through the parklands and bowers of the Garden and Reservoir. Here they gambled, am­ bled, fished, and viewed the theater. This chapter also relates the customs of the Clear and Bright Festival and other spring

revels, including gathering herbs in the parks that lay outside the city itself. The next section (chapter 8) covers the festivals of the fourth through the ninth lunar months, giving detailed accounts of the entertainments, foodstuffs, clothing, and customs associated with each. Chapter 9 is mainly given over to a long and elab­ orate description of the ceremony of the Emperor’s birthday, complete with a menu and theatrical bill. The final chapter re­ lates the customs of the winter festivals of the twelfth month, including the Great Ex­ orcism rite at court and lesser but equally important exorcism rituals in the houses of commoners. T he parade of war chariots and elephants through the streets of the capital, the imperial review of the Palace Guard, the ceremony of pardoning crim­ inals, and a description of the suburban sacrifice to Heaven, the most important of all court rituals, fill out the final parts of the text. This brief thematic description fails to do justice to the complexity of the material presented in this rather short work. It is notable as the progenitor of later works on Chinese capitals and cities, and for its use of a rough-hewn style that mixes poorly w ritten (by literati standards) classical Chinese with street-slang and occasional vernacular passages. It remains the most important source for early theater and narrative, and also provides a rich and var­ ied picture of the life of a Sung urbanite. Meng-liang lu 3**® (Record of the Mil­ let Dream) by Wu Tzu-mu ft § tic {fl. 1300) is a work in 20 chilan often compared to the Tung-ching meng Hua lu. Little is known of the compiler, a native of Ch’ien-t’ang (near Lin-an). This work also records the customs, products, architecture, etc., of a capital city, in this case Lin-an BIK (mod­ ern Hangchow), the capital of the South­ ern Sung. Also included is a section on sto­ rytelling that is an important source for the history of fiction. Tu-ch’eng chi-sheng WSfcflfilS (A Record of the Splendors of the Capital City), com­ piled by Kuan-yiian Nai-te-weng Hift&ft (The Patient Gaffer who Waters His Gar­ d e n -o th e r than this sobriquet it is only

known that his surname was Chao), was written in conscious imitation of the Tungching meng Hua lu. It depicts Lin-an, its shops, guilds, markets, parks, inns, and en­ tertainers in fourteen sections. It is valued as a literary source on the development of prosimetric literature. Two other works on Lin-an which are often associated with the Tung-ching meng Hua lu (included with it in one of the mod­ ern editions [Shanghai, 1956], for exam­ ple) are the Hsi-hu Lao-jen fan-sheng-lu fA K li (The Old Man o f West Lake’s Record of the Multitudinous Splendors) by Hsi-hu Lao-jen (The Old Man o f West Lake, pseud.), marked by regional and col­ loquial language of c. 1250 and the Wu-lin chiu-shih (see Chou Mi). Editions: Tung-ching meng Hua lu. Seikaido edition PIS 'S. The early extant edition, cut during the; Yiian, and not printed until the early Ming (it is printed on Waste paper from the Ming National University [Kuo-tzu-chien]). This edi­ tion carries a colophon by a certain Chao Shihhsia, who published the work in 1187. Other editions from the Ming and Ch’ing dynasties are primarily recuttings of this Ur-text. for a general discussion see Balazs and Nakazawa below. Tung-ching meng Hua lu chu MSS Teng Chih-ch’eng comm. Peking, 1957. This is the most useful text. Tung-ching meng Hua lu; Wai ssu-chung 5KK3? Shanghai, 1956. It was revised first in 1957, then in 1963, when several er­ rors that were due to poor collating were cor­ rected (without, however, mentioning them in the preface). Huang, P’ei-lieh’s KiEfiH (1763-1825) colophons to the various edi­ tions that passed through his hands are ap­ pended (pp. 63-64, 67-69). T ranslations: While there are no complete translations, the following works contain partial renderings: Idema and West. Chinese Theater, pp. 1-100 and passim. Muramatsu, Kazuya WSi—SI, in Kiroku bungahushU las****. Chugoku koten bungahu taikei ‘f a # * * ® * * , v. 56. Tokyo, 1970, pp. 1845.

Whitfield, Roderick, “Chang Tse-tuan’s Ch’ingming shang-ho t’u." Unpublished Ph.D. dis­ sertation, Princeton University, 1965. Studies: Iriya, Yoshitaka “Tdkei mukaroku no bunsho” TdhOgakuhO, 20 (1951), 135-152. Kan, Han-ch’ilan “Tung-ching meng Hua lu chung te yin-shih wen-t’i chi ch’i tz’u-hui” m airesi+fisfcfcraiisasa*. Unpub­ lished M.A. thesis, Tunghai University, Tai­ chung, 1976. K’ung, Hsien-i ?LifiMi. “Meng Yuan-lao ch’ijen” A ,Li-shihyen-chiu, 4(1980), 143-148. ------ . “Tu Tung-ching meng Hua lu chu hsiaoi” Hsileh-lin man-t’an, 4 (Peking, 1981), 119-123. Nakazawa, Kikuya “Tokei muka­ roku sho honkO” Shoshigaki, 17.1 (1941), 1-6. Sung Bibliography, pp. 150-152. Gives good ci­ tations of editions. Umeharu, Kaoru WWM. Toka makaraku Mury6roku nado goi sakuin § . Kyoto, 1979. —sw

TungChung-shu (c. 179-c. 104 B.C.) was a native of Kuang-chuan # Jll (modern Hopei). His achievement in officialdom was not as great as his enormous fame would suggest. His most noteworthy official ac­ complishment was apparently the presen­ tation of the three memorials to Emperor Wu. These pieces discussed the mutual activation of Heaven and man and the po­ litical utilization of such a principle, ad­ vocating the establishment of Confucian­ ism as the official ideology. But these petitions did not earn him an important official position. He served as prime min­ ister in two princedoms, then spent ten years teaching the Kung-yang chuan (see ching), finally retiring in 121 B.C. T here­ after he devoted himself entirely to study­ ing and writing. But whenever the court had important decisions to make, officials would be sent to ask for advice from him. Some of these responses have been col­ lected by Chang T ’ang 3iiS (d. 115 B.C.) as the Ch’un-ch’iu chiieh-yii (Decid­ ing Court Cases According to the Spring and Autumn Annals). Tung also continued

to petition the court: just before his death he presented a memorial to Emperor Wu objecting to the state monopolies of salt and iron. T he response he earned is re­ flected in the story that once when Em­ peror Wu rode past T ung’s tomb (in the w estern sub u rb o f C h ’ang-an), he dis­ mounted and saluted Tung. The tomb thus came to be known as Hsia-ma ling T.WK (Dismounting-the-Horse Tumulus). Tung is chiefly remembered as a Con­ fucian scholar, the supreme exponent of the New Text exegetic school o f the Clas­ sics (in particular, of the Ch’un-ch’iu—see ching). It is generally believed that a history of literature can dispense with his name. To be sure, T ung was neither a belletrist nor a literary theorist. Among his extant works only the “Shih pu-yii fu” (Prose-poem on Neglected Men o f Worth) can be regarded as a piece of literary writ­ ing and its authenticity is questionable. The bulk of his surviving corpus, collected in the Ch’un-ch’iu fan-lu (Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals), consists o f eighty-two essays essentially philosophical in character and political in intention. Since, in the Han dynasty, lit­ erature was considered to have important political functions, it follows that Tung’s political philosophy had significant impli­ cations for Han and subsequent theories of literature. In explicating the mutual interactions between Heaven and man in terms of yinyang and the five agents, and in speaking of portents and the like, T ung’s philoso­ phy seems to lie outside the orthodox tra­ dition of Confucianism. But Chu Hsi (1130-1200), the most orthodox of the Neo-Confucianists, claimed: “ Among the Han scholars only Tung Chung-shu was pure; his learning was strictly orthodox . . .” (Chu-tzuyil-lei , ch. 137). Tung’s philosophical doctrines can thus be said to embody the cardinal concepts o f the or­ thodox Confucian theory of literature. Tung Chung-shu was instrumental in making Confucianism the official ideology, and in so doing he also rendered the Con­ fucian theory of literature the official doc­ trine. T he classical expression o f this the­

ory can be found on the “Mao Shih hsii” (Preface to the Mao Version of the Shih-ching*), for which Tung Ching-shu’s philosophy provided an elaborate meta­ physical foundation. T u n g also elaborated the C onfucian doctrine of cheng-ming E £ (rectification of names). He held the view that there should be an exact correspondence between rec­ tified language and reality, and he worked out this correspondence in the minutest detail—even down to the level of morpho­ phonemics. For example, in a discussion of human nature (in “Shen-ch’a ming-hao” [The Profound Examination o f Names and Appellations], chapter 35 of Ch’un-ch’iu fan-lu), he puts forward the premise that “nature” means what is in­ born, and he develops this premise simply by taking the word sheng (what is inborn) as a gloss for hsing ft (nature). The con­ cepts embodied in our language are thus expressive of some essential principles of reality, which in turn are the expressions o f the Will of Heaven. Linguistic concepts as such are not merely arbitrary differen­ tiations within a closed conventional sys­ tem, as a de Saussurean structuralist would assert. Instead, those concepts—or rather, the principles that they represent—exist independently of the consciousness and will o f the language users. Those ideas are re­ vealed when, upon “profound examina­ tion,” they are perceived “clearly and dis­ tinctly.” According to Tung, however, common people are simply blind to them. It is only the sage who can perceive them and have a true understanding of the world (or the Will of Heaven). But in speaking of the Will of Heaven Tung’s philosophy is not essentially theological in character despite claims of many scholars in Main­ land China. T ung’s teleological interpret­ ation of nature culminates in the notion that nothing other than the existence of man as a moral agent can be regarded as having “ worth” in which the supposed purposiveness o f the universe must finally reside. In T ung’s speculative image man stands between Heaven above and Earth below, and his supreme goodness consists in his actively participating in the perpet­

ual creative transformation of Heaven and Earth. And though the common people are unable to perceive the “ideas,” they are not incapable of becoming good: they can be led to become so, through education. (Tung’s concept of human nature is subtle: he agreed with Mencius’ doctrine that hu­ man nature is good, but maintained that the incipient substance of goodness in hu­ man nature—reminiscent o f Mencius’ Ssutuan TO [Four Beginnings]—is brought to fruition through education. It is the duty of the sage to educate the common peo­ ple.) Since only the sage has the ability to per­ ceive the “ideas” clearly and distinctly, in the use of language ordinary people should look to the sage for guidance. And since linguistic concepts express essential truths about the world, the sage is very careful in instituting the correct use of language; the exemplary case is Confucius’s rectifi­ cation of names. Furthermore, the results of such rectification and institutionaliza­ tion are to be embodied in some paradig­ matic generic types, namely, the Classics, of which the Ch’un-ch’iu (traditionally at­ tributed to Confucius) is the supreme ex­ emplar. Fundamentally, the use of lan­ guage is aim ed at achieving a correct understanding of the Way—that is, to ap­ prehend the place of man between Heaven and Earth and thus to participate in the creative transformation of the world, so as to attain the highest goodness. Therefore, the use of language should always have as its major premise the illumination of the Way. These three cardinal concepts of the orthodox Confucian theory of literature: ming-tao Mil (to illuminate the Way), chengsheng S® (to look to the sage for guid­ ance), and tsung-ching^M (to orginate from the Classics), were later to find expression in the literary theory of Yang Hsiung,* in the Wen-hsin tiao-lung* (where these no­ tions are expounded systematically in the first three chapters), in ku-wen* theories, and in Tseng Kuo-fan’s* attempt to trace the origins of the major literary genres to the Classics in his Ching-shih pai-chia tsach’ao . As noted above, Tung Chung-shu’s phi­ losophy provided a metaphysical basis for

the Han Confucianists’ contention of the educational and the political functions of literature as expressed in the “ Mao Shih hsii.” In according man an important po­ sition and in assigning a significant role to the creative agency of man, Tung’s phi­ losophy also provided a metaphysical foun­ dation for the view that literature is a mon­ umental enterprise, having the power to “activate Heaven and Earth, and move the spirits” (“Mao Shih hsii”). It also has significant implications for the technical details of literary composition. In the “Shen-ch’a ming-hao,” for instance, he refers to an example expounded in the Kung-yang chuan (see ching) to illus­ trate that in writing, it is of the utmost importance to arrange the words in the right order. In the Ch’un-chiu it is recorded that in the sixteenth year of Duke Hsi (642 B.C.) five meteorites fell in the state o f Sung and six fishhawks flew backward over the Sung capital. In describing the event of falling meteorites the number “five” is mentioned last whereas in the case of flying fishhawks the number “six” is mentioned first. The Kung-yang Commentary gives a de­ tailed explanation for the word orders in both cases in terms of the natural sequence of observation and perception. This un­ derstanding will help in appreciating the spirit underlying the composition o f the fu,* the most popular literary genre in T ung’s time. When fu writers are engaged in what seems a luxuriant display of words, they are not merely concerned with the manipulation of language as such, but con­ sider the language to be reflecting reality in every minute detail. Furthermore, as Pan Ku* points out in the preface to his “Liangtu fu” descended from ancient poetry and, like poetry, it has important educational and political functions. Based upon the metaphysical foundation pro­ vided by a philosophy like Tung Chungshu’s, the fu writers asserted that fu, like poetry, could “activate Heaven and Earth, and move the spirits.” Editions: Ch’un-ch’iu chileh-yil &M, . PPTSCC, series 38a: Ching-tien chi-lin , v. 2. Taipei, 1968.

Ch’un-ch’iu fan-lu. SPPY. ------ . SPTK. ------ . Chen-pen, pieh-chi SO(Taipei, 1975), v. 46-47. Ch’un-ch’iu fan-lu chu & . Ling Shu * « (1775-1829), comm., in Huang-Ch’ing ching-chieh hsil-pien ,ch. 865-881, rpt. Taipei, 1962. Ch’un-ch’iufan-lu i-cheng Sffi. Su Yfl Still, comm. Taipei, 1975. Facsimile reproduction of the 1910 ed. Liu-ch’ao wen, pp. 250-258. Tung-tzu wen-chi MTJcM. PPTSCC. Chi-fu ts’ungshu Sltttfcit, v. 5. Taipei, 1966. T

r a n s l a t io n s

:

Only a small portion of Tung Chung-shu’s writ­ ings is available in translation. Partial transla­ tions of the Ch’ung-ch’iu fan-lu are in: Chan, Wing-tsit. A Source Book in Chinese Phi­ losophy. Princeton, 1963, pp. 271-288. Hughes, E. R. Chinese Philosophy in Classical Times, London, 1954, pp. 293-308. Sources of Chinese Tradition. William T. de Bary, et al., New York, 1960, pp. 174-183 and 218220. For translations of the Ch’un-ch’iu fanlu in other languages and for translations of Tung’s other writings, see the “Appendix” (pp. 267-268) in Pokora’s study below. Studies: Chou, Fu-ch’eng . Lun Tung Chung-shu ssu-hsiang . Shanghai, 1962. Ch’un-ch’iu fan-lu t’ung-chien (In­ dex du Tch’ouen ts’ieou fan lou). Chung-Fa Han-hsiieh yen-chiu-so (Centre franco-chinois d’6tudes sinologiques), ed. Peking, 1944; rpt. Taipei, 1968. Davidson, Steven Craig. “Tung Chung-shu and the Origins of Imperial Confucianism.” Un­ published Ph.D dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1982. Fung, Yu-lan. “Tung Chung-shu and the New Text School,” in Fung’s History of Chinese Phi­ losophy, trans. Derk Bodde, Princeton, 1953, v. 2, pp. 7-87. Malmqvist, GOran. Han Phonology and Textual Criticism. Canberra, 1963. Pokara, Timoteus. “Notes on New Studies on Tung Ching-shu,” ArO, 33 (1965), 256-271. Review of Chou’s study above, with rich bib­ liography. Yao, Shan-yu. “The Cosmological and Anthro­ pological Philosophy of Tung Chung-shu,” JNCBRAS, 73 (1948), 40-68. — T P an d SSK

Tung Jung W&- (tzu, Heng-yen hao, Fan-lu chii-shih % m s± , 1711 -1760) was a native of Feng-jun (Hopei). He ob­ tained a kung-shih degree around 1735 and served with distinction as prefect in several posts in south-central China. Among his friends were the dramatists Chiang Shihch’iian* and T ’ang Ying,* both of whom penned comments to his ch’uan-ch’i play, Chih-k’an chi (The Fungus Shrine). He ended his life by suicide when his m other died. Chih-k’an chi is in six chapters and sixty acts. It is based on the story of two female generals o f the late Ming, Ch’in Yii-liang SS&I and Shen Yiin-ying Ch’in YGliang received the same training, both lit­ erary and unliterary, as her brothers, and she eventually married Ma Ch’ien-ch’eng JSf tfi, a native chieftain of Szechuan who held a hereditary rank as Military Gover­ nor. Ma was falsely accused of treason by court eunuchs and thrown in prison, where he died. Ch’in Yu-liang took up his post and won high merit in the last years of the Ming. She became a high military officer and worked together with another female general o f Tao-chou Stffl, Shen Yun-ying. Shen’s father was the commander of Taochou, where he was killed by peasant reb­ els. Yun-ying then took up arms against the rebels. She defeated them and re­ covered her father’s corpse. Because of her merit, she was awarded the position of general. The fifty-fifth act, “ K’an szu” iftiE, is the climax of the drama. It tells of Ch’in LiangyG’s visit to Shen YGn-ying at Tao-chou. When they met at a local temple a divine fungus (ling-chih M S) sprouted in a grove o f bamboo. T he generals gathered some o f the plant and made two niches, side by side. Into these niches they put the tablets o f members of their families who had died in the chaos of the time. This incident sup­ plies the drama its title. The play has been criticized for its random and episodic na­ ture.

edition by Chiang Shih-ch’ttan, dated 1752, and an epigraph by Po Ch’ao ttS , also dated 1752. Studies: Aoki, Gikyokushi, Chapter 11, section 2. Yang, En-shou Tz’u-yii ts’ung-hua Is!l$ *&. PPTSCC. —XLW

T ’ung-ch’eng p ’ai filS® (T ’ung-ch’eng School) derived its name from the home­ town of the three leading essayists of the school, Fang Pao,* Liu Ta-k’uei SB:*:*! (1698-1780), and Yao Nai (see Ku-wen-tz’u lei-tsuan)—T ’ung-ch’eng (Anhwei). O f the three, Fang Pao has been regarded as the pioneer and Yao Nai the founder of the school, with Liu Ta-k’uei as a transitional figure. Fang Pao distinguished himself early in life as a prose writer and as a scholar. He ranked first in the provincial (Kiangnan) chti-jen examination in 1699 and became a chin-shih in 1706. In 1711, however, be­ cause of his involvement in a Serious Case o f literary inquisition regarding the writ­ ings of Tai Ming-shih (1653-1713), a renow ned scholar also from T ’ungch’eng, he was first imprisoned and then sentenced to serve as a nominal slave to bannermen in Peking until an imperial pardon in 1723. Afterwards, he was ap­ pointed to a variety of central government posts rising eventually to the position of Vice M inister o f Rites in 1738. But throughout his bureaucratic career his ac­ tual work was almost entirely scholarly in nature. He was in charge o f several im­ perial editorial projects including an an­ thology of pa-ku wen* examination essays and a compilation of the commentaries to the San Li HU (Three Ritual Works—see ching). As a classical scholar he has been particularly known for his view that the Chou li PIif is actually a later forgery—a view that exerted a considerable influence on the Modern Text Classical School of the late Ch’ing period. As a precursor of the T ’ung-ch’eng School, however, Fang’s most important contributions were the de­ Editions: Two editions of Chih k’an-chu are extant: a velopment of a literary theory known as Iwoodblock edition (1757) and a recut (1889) of fa mm and the compilation of an anthology the same edition. There is a preface to the 1257 of writings exemplifying it.

I-fa is a term traceable to Ssu-ma Ch’ien.* It refers to both the substance (i) and the form (fa) of literary art. In Fang’s view no prose was worthy of the name of ku-wen* if it did not successfully bring substance and form into a harmonious union. The substance is the Confucian Tao ® (or Way) as transmitted through the Ch’eng-Chu School of Neo-Confucianism; the form is essentially exemplified in the styles of such classical writers as Ssu-ma Ch’ien,* the works of the eight writers who are col­ lectively known as the T ’ang Sung pa-ta chia (see Han Yii), and Kuei Yu-kuang.* By identifying i with Tao, however, Fang did not mean that the substance of prose must be moral and didactic in nature. Rather the ideas and feelings a writer expresses in his work, whatever its subject matter, must not go contrary to the Confucian (and NeoConfucian) moral principles. Substance and form are ultimately inseparable and, ide­ ally, they ought to grow together in an organic relationship. In this way he went beyond the orthodox Neo-Confucian view of the function of literature. Literature is not merely a vehicle of the Way; in its highest form it is the Way. Fang provided classic examples of ku-wen prose for students to follow in Ku-wen yilehhsiian i4rS:iK)S (A Concise Anthology of Ancient-style Prose, 1733). His selections range from early historical writings to the masterpieces of T ’ang and Sung prose. In his preface to the anthology and elsewhere he stated that a student might readily dis­ cover for himself what the I-fa really con­ sists of by studying these examples. This anthology exerted a considerable influ­ ence on the subsequent development of the T ’ung-ch’eng School. Liu Ta-k’uei failed twice in the provin­ cial examination and therefore remained a private scholar throughout his life. In 1726 he visited Fang Pao (in Peking), and Fang immediately recognized his unusual talent as a prose writer. It was through Fang Pao’s unreserved praise that he be­ came nationally famous. In addition to his achievement in prose writing, he also made theoretical contributions to the T ’ungch’eng School. In his well-known work on

literary criticism, Lun-wen ou-chi (Casual Notes on Literature), he distin­ guishes three dual components of litera­ ture, namely, shen Oft (spirit) and ch’i M (vi­ tal force), yin iff (intonation) and chieh ® (rhythm), and tzu ^ (diction) and chii *0 (syntax). According to his analysis, spirit and vital force are the finest essences of literature, intonation and rhythm coarser elements, and diction and syntax the coar­ sest. However, he stresses that the study of literature must begin with the coarsest and end with the finest. In other words, only after diction and syntax are mastered can intonation and rhythm be grasped, and only when intonation and rhythm are grasped can a clear view of spirit and vital force be developed. It is interesting to note that Liu’s literary theory moved in the di­ rection of the theory of classical studies espoused by the K ’ao-cheng p ’ai (School of Evidential Investigation) of his day. According to this school, philology must first be studied in order to under­ stand a text, and only a full and sound un­ derstanding of a text can lead to a correct interpretation of the ideas of the sages. Liu accepted Fang Pao’s theory in terms of /fa, but his own emphasis was clearly placed more on fa than on i. His fundamental con­ tribution to the T ’ung-ch’eng School lay in the technical aspects of literary theory. T o Yao Nai, the last of the three giants, the T ’ung-ch’eng School actually owed its raison d’etre. Had it not been for his influ­ ence, the whole group of prose writers from T ’ung-ch’eng might never have been referred to as a school. In his youth Yao Nai studied under Liu Ta-k’uei and his learned uncle Yao Fan &iS (1702-1771), also regarded as a forerunner of the school. He became a chu-jen in 1750 and a chinshih in 1763. After a decade in government service, he decided to devote his whole life to teaching and scholarship. During the next forty years (1776-1815) he headed various academies in Yangchow, Anking, and Nanking and therefore gathered many talented students who later promoted the principles of ku-wen prose-writing of the school. Among his leading disciples were Kuan T ’ung s works. Many of Wang’s poems, such as his wellLo, K’ang-lieh “Ch’ii-chin shu-cheng” known “ Hsin chia niang tz’u” in Tz’u-ch’ii-lun k’ao isMHifll, Hong (Words of a Newlywed Bride), a five-syl­ Kong, 1977, pp. 303-405. lable chiieh-chu, employ a female persona Tseng, Ming tsa-chii, pp. 285-290. and carry an indirect criticism against the Wang, Ku-lu EE^i!-. Ming-tai Hui-tiao hsi-ch’il unfair treatment suffered by many women san-ch’u chi-i ( f t S h a n g h a i , at this time. 1956. Contains excerpts from T’i-hung chi and E d it io n s : information On its evolution. Chang Wang yileh-fu 363E^/£f. Hsii Ch’eng-yii —EY ^SEtF, ed. Shanghai, 1957. Peking, 1959. Wang Chien 5EJ6 (tzu, Chung-ch’u # 10 , c. Wang Chien shih-chi 751-c. 830) was a minor mid-T’ang poet T r a n s l a t io n s : best known for his kung-t’i shih* (palace- Bynner, Jade Mountain, p. 184. style) and new yiieh-fu (see yiieh-fu) poems. Frankel, Palace Lady, p. 153. He was a native o f Ying-ch’uan SSJII (mod­ Sunflower, pp. 191-195. ern Honan); the exact date of his birth is Schafer, Golden Peaches, pp. 160, 162, 205-206. unknown. After passing the chin-shih ex­ Waley, Chinese Poems, p. 119. amination in 775, Wang was appointed to ------ , Translations, pp. 314-315. serve as Defender o f Wei-nan District Watson, Lyricism, pp. 119-120. (modern Shansi). Thereafter he held Yang, Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang. “T ’ang Dy­ nasty ‘Yiieh-fu’ Songs—Chang Chieh [sic] and various provincial posts—later in his life

Wang Chien,” Chinese Literature, 1965.1, 7784.

The Yellow River flows into the sea. If you want to see a full thousand miles, Climb one more story of this tower. (Owen, High T ’ang)

S t u d ie s :

Miyazaki, Ichisada HT^Ffi®. “O Ken no shi sairon” TiyShi kenkyil, 18.3 (De­ cember 1959), 26. Nagata, Natsuki ftESJTO. “Hakuwa shijin O Ken to sono jidai: To, Godai kosho bungaku hattatsushi no ichisokumen toshite” StSi# A

-

fll ffi t L X , Kobe gaidai ronsd, 7.1-3 (June 1956), 141-165. ------ . “O Ken shiden keinen hikki” Kobe gaidai ronsd, 12.3 (August 1961), 35-52. Pien, Hsiao-hsiian “Kuan-yu Wang Chien te chi-ko wen-t’i” in T’ang shih yen-chiu lunwen chi a s m m x m , Ch’en I-hsin , ed., Hong Kong, 1970, v. 2, pp. 193-205. Tung, Chiung St#. T’ang Wang Chien kung-tz’u i-pai shou JSStfcSS-W lr . Kyoto, 1953 [reviewed in HJAS, 14 (1955), 491].

The second well-known piece, a seven-syl­ lable quatrain, is “ Liang-chou tz’u” (Song of Liang-chou), a piece depicting the isolation of the northwestern frontier. Ac­ cording to Yang Shen* the poem is an al­ legory which suggests that imperial favor and concern stopped, like the spring winds, somewhat short of the area. It is also said that this was the poem sung by the cour­ tesan in the gathering with Wang Ch’angling and Kao Shih described above. These two poems have attracted great attention from PRC scholars since the late 1950s (over fifty articles have been written on them). E d it io n s :

Ch'iian T’ang shih, v. 4, pp. 2849-2850.

— MSp

T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Owen, High T’ang, pp. 247-248. W ang Chih-huan EEZift (tzu, Chi-ling 688-742) was an accomplished writer of St u d ie s : chileh-chil (quatrains—see shih). A native of Fu, Shih-jen: “Chin-neng so tso Wang Chih-huan Ping-chou (modern Shansi), he held a mu-chih-ming” $frf|g0rf1s3:2ife*&£&, pp. series of minor posts. It would appear that 56-65. he did not seek political advancement in I-shan fiSTC. “Wang, Ts’en, Kao te pien-sai shih” life. Although only six of his poems are Chin-jih Chung-kuo, 57 (Jan­ extant, he made a reputation writing songs uary 1976). of the frontier. A well-known anecdote Ma, Mao-ytian SSstd. “Wang Chih-huan shengsuggests his contem porary rep u tatio n . p’ing k’ao-Iiieh” Chung-hua While he was drinking in a wine shop with wen-shih lun-ts’ung 4 (1979). Kao Shih* and Wang Ch’ang-ling,* sing­ —TS and PHC ing girls sang verses by the latter two bards, who then jocularly boasted to Wang Chih- Wang Chiu-ssu I A S (tzu, Ching-fu t t t , huan o f th e ir prom inence. W ang e n ­ hao, Mei-p’o $1® or Tzu-ke shan-jen 3SBS treated them to wait to see what the most lUA, 1468-1551) was a native of Hu-hsien beautiful of the girls sang, and, of course, fl fl (modern Shansi). He was the eldest son of a family of some repute; his father it turned out to be one of his songs. Despite an extremely small extant cor­ had served for many years and in many pus, two are well known. The most famous places as an educational official. Wang was is “Teng Kuan-ch’iieh lou” StttttR (As­ noted as a handsome and precocious child; cending the Tower of the Hooded Crane) he sat for, and passed, the provincial de­ which has been included in numerous an­ gree in 1489 and became a chin-shih in thologies. Although the form is strictly 1496. When he passed one of his exami­ regular (a five-syllable chileh-chil with no nations, he composed a poem in the style violations in pattern), the poem is of in­ of Li Tung-yang* and was subsequently acknowledged to be one o f his devotees. terest because of its philosophic tone: Under Li’s tutelage, Wang rose quickly in the bureaucracy. Later, however, when The bright sun rests on the mountain, is one,

K’ang Hai* and Li Meng-yang* came to the capital and advocated a return to “ancient-prose style,” Wang Chiu-ssu changed his allegiance from Li Tung-yang to K’ang Hai and Li Meng-yang. This action led Li Tung-yang to trum p up charges that Wang was part of the faction of Liu Ch’in 919, a court eunuch. When Li Tung-yang suc­ ceeded in removing Liu Ch’in from office and having him executed, he subsequently stripped Wang Chiu-ssu of his position in the Han-lin Academy, claiming that the geographical tie between Liu and Wang (they were both from the same province) was an indication of factionalism. Wang was demoted to be a Vice-magistrate of Shouchou (modern Anhwei); later, like his lifelong friend and fellow dramatist, K’ang Hai, he was cashiered for good. He and K’ang Hai returned to their home village, where they spent their time in song and drink and learned to become accomplished musicians. Wang became a poet of some renown; about 360 pieces are included in his Pi-shan yileh-fu UlilSSfff (Popular Song from the Azure Mountain). These poems are appended to his collected works, Mei-p’o-chi which went through several editions in the Ming pe­ riod. He also edited a gazetteer of his local district, the Ch’ung-hsiu Hu-hsien chih && His fame, however, rests primarily on his skill as a dramatist. He has two extant works, the Chung-shan lang yilan-pen ‘t’lii iRK# (The Wolf of Chung-shan: A Short Drama), and Tu Tzu-mei ku-chiu yu-ch’un f t? (T uF u Sells Wine and Roams in the Spring). The first drama is based on a ch’uan-ch’i* tale entitled Chung-shan lang-chuan (The Wolf of Chung-shan) and on a longer drama o f the same name by K’ang Hai. This one-act piece tells the story of a clever wolf who convinces a Mohist scholar to hide him from a band of pursuing hunters. T he scholar does so, tying the animal up and hiding him in his bookbag. When the wolf is set free, it reflects that it should eat the scholar in order to stay its hunger. The scholar convinces the wolf to consult “three wise old creatures.” The wolf asks an apri­

cot and then a bullock; both say the scholar should be eaten. The third old one of whom the question is asked turns out to be the earth-spirit of Chung-shan, who tricks the wolf back into the scholar’s bookbag, thus saving the Mohist. Tu Tzu-mei ku-chiu yu-ch’un recounts a tale in which Tu Fu,* the great T ’ang poet, runs a wine shop. The first two acts o f the drama are given over to T u Fu reviling Li Lin-fu and Yang Kuo-chung, both evil T ’ang ministers. The second two acts, in contrast to the opprobrium against the two ministers, recount the pleasures Tu Fu and T s’en Shen* had as they roamed in the countryside. This particular play is clearly political satire directed against Li Tungyang (i.e., Li Lin-fu) and Yang T ’ing-ho (Yang Kuo-chung). The pleasures of Tu Fu and T s’en Ts’an are also those of Wang and K’ang Hai in retirement. Political sat­ ire is also evident in the Chung-shan-lang yilan-pen. While Wang Chiu-ssu’s plays have drawn much attention through the years for their vehement satire, they have fared less well as literary and musical works. Li K’aihsien,* for instance, was critical of the lib­ erties that Wang took with poetic meter and musical form. O ther critics, such as Wang Chi-te,* found Wang’s poetry to be the equal of the Yiian dramatists. E d it io n s :

Mei-p'o ch’ilan-chi (1640 edition), in­ cludes Mei-p’o chi (16 chilan), Mei-p’o hsil-chi (3 chiian) and Pi-shan yileh-fu (8 chiian). This work also contains both plays. Sheng Ming, II contains both plays. Chou, I-pai H®i£. Ming-jen tsa-chil hsilan MA ftjHS, Peking, 1958, pp. 261-268. An an­ notated version of Chung-shan lang. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Crump, J. I. “Wang Chiu-ssu: The Wolf of Chung-shan,” Renditions, 7 (1977), 29-38. Dolby, William. Eight Chinese Plays. London, 1978, pp. 93-102. St u d ie s :

Cheng, Ch’ien IB*. “Pa Pi-shan yileh-fu,” in Ts’ung shih tao ch’ii Taipei, 1971, pp. 217-219. A textual study of the Pi-shan yileh-fu, originally written in 1941-1943.

------ . "Pi-shan yileh-fu shou-10 chu-li,” in ibid, pp. 213-216, originally written in 1944. DMB, pp. 1366-1367. Fu, Ming tsa-chil, pp. 85-86. Idema, W. L. “Yilan-pen as a Minor Form of Dramatic Literature in the Fifteenth and Six­ teenth Centuries,” CLEAR, 6.1 (January 1984). Discusses Chung-shan lang yilan-pen. Li, K’ai-hsien. “ Mei-p’o Wang Chieh-t’ao chuan” in Li K’ai-hsien chi, Lu Kung E63), ed., Peking, 1959. Tseng, Yung-i Ming tsa-chii kai-lun M Taipei, 1976, pp. 210-217. —sw

in form, content, and tone. A single chilan collection of ninety-two pentasyllabic chilehchil was obviously the most common of the two, being represented by five complete (P2718, P3558, P3656, P3716, and S3393) and six fragm entary m anuscripts. T h e quatrains in this “ Ninety-two Poem Col­ lection” are all didactic and gnomic, em­ phasizing such basic moral virtues as filial piety, social manners, fiscal responsibility, and abstinence from alcohol. A few of the later poems stress Buddhist piety. The first quatrain in this collection reads: Brothers should live in harmony,

W ang Fan-chih 3E5ti£ is the name associ­ cousins shouldn't mistreat each other. ated with a sizable corpus o f T ’ang ver­ Put all valuables in a common chest, don’t hoard up possessions in your own room. nacular poetry, the vast majority o f which exists only in manuscript copies found at Tun-huang in the early part of this cen­ And the last reads: tury. Fan-chih is not a given name, but a Renounce evil deeds, title, a Chinese equivalent o f Sanskrit brahdon’t resist good ones. macarin, which designates a lay Buddhist The wise who seek the Good Law will surely behold the Tathagata. zealot (thus Demi6ville’s translation “Wang le Z&ateur).” A paragraph in the T ’ai-p’ing kuang-chi* Such verses were probably composed by records that Wang Fan-chih was born from Buddhist monks to instruct the lay chil­ a tumescence on a crab-apple tree in the dren in their schools and are of little in­ garden of one Wang Te-tsu 'S&ML, a Sui trinsic literary interest. Quite otherwise is the much longer and dynasty resident of Honan. The myth of varied collection in three chilan. Although magical birth is probably a folk etymology to explain Fan-chih and testifies to the pop­ no single copy of the entire “T hree Chilan ularity of the poems in the latter half of Collection” survives, most of its contents the T ’ang. The language of the poems is can be reconstructed from seven manu­ the vernacular of the eighth century. The scripts; S778 and S5796 (chilan 1); P3211, earliest references to Wang Fan-chih also S5441, and S5641 (chilan 2), and P2914 suggest that the poems began to be pop­ and P3833 (chilan 3). T he poems are pre­ ular in Buddhist educational circles in this ceded by a preface, unfortunately undated period. The Li-tai fa-pao chi Kft&WtB, a and anonymous, which states that the col­ history o f the Ch’an sect completed about lection contains “ over th ree hundred 780, quotes a poem by Wang Fan-chih and poem s.” T o g eth er with the ninety-two explains that such verses were often used quatrains in the single chilan collection, this for instructional purposes in Buddhist in­ figure brings the number of poems attrib­ u ted to W ang Fan-chih to about four stitutions. T he late ninth-century Yiln-hsi hundred. T he poems in the “T hree Chilan yu-i lUfe'SH has a similar remark and quotes Collection” are marked by melancholy nineteen poems. This practice is perhaps meditations on the vanity of human life confirmed by the fact that several T un­ and on the impermanence and nonreality huang manuscripts containing “Wang Fanof worldly existence. T here is an almost chih poems” are obviously schoolboy cal­ macabre fascination with death, evident ligraphy exercises (notably P2842). Fi­ from the first poem in the collection: nally, the Shih-shih itiS; manuscripts divide into two distinct collections of verse, each I watch from afar the world’s people— villages and peaceful towns. attributed to Wang Fan-chih, yet different

When a family has a death in the house, the whole town comes to weep. With open mouths they bewail the corpse, not understanding that bodies go fast. Actually we’re ghosts of the long sleep, come for a time to stand on the earth. It’s almost like babies’ diapers— at once dry then wet in turn. The first to die is buried deep, the later ones are thrown in on top.

O ther poems maintain the conciseness of the quatrains in the “ Ninety-two Poem Collection,” but also possess psychological sophistication and artistic impact absent from the didactic poems: I saw the man die, and my gut was hot like fire; not that I pitied the man, I was afraid I’d be next.

guage of T ’ang poetry contains more col­ loquial elements than has hitherto been suspected. Finally, these fragmentary Wang Fan-chih texts provide a vivid picture o f the didactic use of poetry at lower, nonliterate and semiliterate levels of T ’ang society. This picture suggests that this ubiquity of poetry provided an important background for the creation of the enduring poetic masterpieces of the period. E d it io n s :

Demi£ville, Paul. L’oeuvre de Wang le Zelateur (Wang Fan-tche). Poimes populaires des T’ang, VHI-IXsiicle. Paris, 1982. The definitive work on Wang Fan-chih. Wang Fan-chih shih chwo-chi 1 C h a n g Hsi-hou iStUP, coll. and ed. Peking, 1983. St u d ie s :

Chang, Hsi-hou. “Kuan-yO Tun-huang hsiehT he poems in both collections are written pen Wang Fan-chih shih cheng-li te jo-kan without allusions in a vigorous, colloquial wen-t’i” language that intensifies the immediacy and Wen-shih, 15 (September 1982), 185-202. simplicity of the content. Demi6ville, Paul. Annuaire du College de France, Both Demi6ville and Iriya Yoshitaka 1957, pp. 253-357; 1958, pp. 386-391; 1959, have suggested th a t W ang Fan-chih— pp. 436-439. Short, work-in-progress notes “ Wang le Z61ateur”—may never have ex­ on Demi6ville’s reading of the Wang Fan-chih isted as a historical person and that the corpus. Superseded by his 1982 book, but poems now attributed to him were col­ still useful. lected together by virtue of their common ------ . “Le Tch’an et la po£sie chinoise,” Hermis didactic origin and colloquial language. 7 (1970), 123-136. Both scholars see in this process a parallel Iriya Yoshitaka “O Bonshi ni tsuite” Chugoku bungakuho, 3 (1955), to that which shaped the present Han50-60; 4 (1956), 19-56. shan* collection, which linguistic evidence —CH has demonstrated comprises poems whose dates of composition span at least a cen­ tury. In the case of Wang Fan-chih it seems Wang Fu-chih 3EJoZ. (tzu, Erh-nung M9k, probable that the “ Ninety-two Poem Col­ hao, Chiang-chai WM, Ch’uan-shan mil, Ilection” arose in this way. T he texts in the hu Tao-jen —S&jiA, Hsi-t’ang &%, 1619“ T hree Chiian Collection,” on the other 1692) came from Heng-yang $6fft (modern hand, reveal a dynamic yet basically coh­ Hunan) and is primarily known for his esive personality which suggests they are studies in philosophy and the classics. From youth on, under the influence of more likely to be the work of a single hand. his elder brother Wang Chieh-chih "SStlt The value of both collections for the his­ tory of Chinese poetry is considerable: they (1607-1686), he began preparing for the provide as close a glimpse as we are likely examinations. In 1642 he passed the chiito obtain of T ’ang dynasty popular poetry, jen, but the Manchu takeover caused him and thus constitute an important measure to return to studying the classics. After a against which to judge the “orality” of tra­ brief stint as a follower of the Ming ref­ ditionally transmitted T ’ang poetry. In the ugee prince in the south, he retired to same vein, a detailed study of the collo­ Heng-yang in 1651, declining all contacts quialisms in the Wang Fan-chih corpus will with the new dynasty and devoting himself probably suggest that the normative lan­ to scholarship.

Aside from his classical and philosoph­ ical studies, Wang was also a literary critic. T here were two ways in which a critic in traditional China could publish his literary opinions—literary tracts or anthologies. Wang Fu-chih adopted both manners of expression. His three judicious antholo­ gies—Ku-shih p ’ing-hsuan , T ’angshih p ’ing-hsiian JSISffS, and Ming-shih p ’ing-hsiian —deserve a closer scru­ tiny than they have received. But the cen­ tral work in Wang’s critical thinking is the Chiang-chai shih-hua #$?§#!§. T he Chiang-chai shih-hua is made up of entries transcribed from three o f Wang’s other works. It has widely been supposed that the present title was a late coinage, probably invented by Ting Fu-pao Triffi, the twentieth-century editor o f the Ch’ing shih-hua »i$iS (Poetry Talks from the Ch’ing Dynasty). The latest edition of the Chiang-chai shih-hua dispels that supposi­ tion, pointing out that this title was used in the earliest editions o f Wang’s corpus. The Chiang-chai shih-hua has many of the characteristics, and weaknesses, o f the con­ ventional shih-hua* It consists of disparate entries of limited length which are not al­ ways sensibly arranged into a whole. Im­ portant ideas and insights are juxtaposed with trivial assertions of personal prefer­ ence. Some points are repeated in much the same form in several places, and others are fragmented. Poems and the critical opinions of other critics are often quoted or referred to without any indication of source or location at all. But behind the apparent casualness and disorder is a vigorous mind, doing battle with some of the most taxing problems in literary criticism . T h e cen tral idea of W ang’s poetics is that poetry is a totally independent human activity which serves the needs of man’s moral and spiritual growth and enables him to be more fully integrated with the universe. Poetry is not to be confused with scholarship, not even the scholarship surrounding the Confu­ cian Classics. This insistence on the inde­ pendence of poetry would have been use­ ful in any critic; coming from Wang, whose mastery of both history and the classics was

not surpassed by many, it must be re­ garded as an accurate and objective rec­ ognition of the essential character of po­ etry. Being independent of other areas of knowledge and thoroughly human, poetry is not to be reduced to any man-made law or rule (fa ft), any contrived or mechanical regularity. Wang repeatedly condemns fa in general and, in particular, considers it misguided to seek to set up standards for poetry. In the same spirit, Wang, repro­ bates the formation of “schools” in which general similarity usurps individual style. The inner movements of a poem should be governed by the intention or will (i M) of the poet. When they are so governed, the poem has its own momentum (shih %) and develops in its own ineluctable terms. A poem that comes into existence through intention and momentum has a life and wholeness of its own. T he organic whole is like a live snake, which cannot possibly be made up of a number o f shorter worms linked together. This does not mean, however, that the poet is a “creator” of his poems in the Eu­ ropean sense. The Coleridgean poet with an imagination that “shapes,” as the Chris­ tian God shaped the world into existence, does not feature in Wang’s criticism. It is true that Wang encourages his poet to con­ template the world around him, in terms of minute details and in terms of large, abstract principles. It is also true that he sees poetry as an embodiment of things. But this acknowledgement of a bond in po­ etry between World and Poet, Poet and Language, Language and Reader occupies only a small area of Wang’s critical aware­ ness. And it is an area dominated by the Confucian ideal of man as conscious or selfconscious being. Far more characteristic of Wang’s po­ etics is the poet who is conscious without being at all self-conscious. This poet is free from the obsessions and merely private feelings o f his individual being. He is fully and harmoniously attuned to the universe and knows the peace and tranquillity that poetry permits. Unlike T u Fu,* he does not fret—because he does not assert him­ self.

It is in this view of poetry that the con­ cepts of emotion (ch’ing ffi) and scene (ching f:) become so important. In the vocabulary o f other Chinese critics, ch’ing and ching are largely technical notions. Wang gives them new definition and they come to con­ cern the nature and value of poetry, as well as something of the process of its making. They are no more than critical labels, often used for the sake of convenience. Lines of poetry to which we apply one of the labels are not necessarily devoid of the substance of the other label. Borrowing from Con­ fucian thinking, Wang explains th at “ names” £ do not always tally with “real­ ities” St. If so, things that we distinguish in name may not be distinguishable in real­ ity. In reality, “emotion” and “scene” are indistinguishable—contrary to what most critics say. This has two levels of signifi­ cance. On the literary level, Wang helps us to understand the nature of poetic lan­ guage, that metaphor and meaning are not artificially yoked together but integrated. On the moral level, he reminds us that in poetry, Man and Universe become inti­ mately engaged, and the engagement is beneficial to man. Wang’s criticism is not confined to the poet’s point of view. He also comments on the reading of poetry. In this connection, he quotes from the seventeenth book of the Lun-yil where Confucius says, “An apt quotation from the Odes may serve to stim­ ulate the imagination, to show one’s breed­ ing, to smooth over difficulties in a group and to give expression to complaints” (D.C. Lau’s translation). Commentators tend to be interested in the operative verbs in this passage (hsing P , kuan Ifi, ch’iin P and yiian £S). Wang, however, draws our attention to the auxiliary k’o-i fffW(Lau’s “may”). He enlarges the auxiliary into something of a full verb meaning “can do” and argues that k ’o-i is the key word in the pronouncement. If a poem has a single meaning intended by its poet, he continues, it should not stop each reader from reading the poem in his own way and according to his own emo­ tional response, This may seem like a will­ ful distortion of Confucius’ sense and an encouragement to read inaccurately and

subjectively; nonetheless, it is consonant with Wang’s critical beliefs. For ultimately what really matters is not the poem; it is the amelioration of personality, that of the reader and that of the poet. E d it io n s :

Chiang-chai shih-hua, in Ting Fu-pao, comp., Ch’ing shih-hua, Shanghai, 1978, v. 1, pp. 3-

22 .

collated and punctuated by I-chih bound together with Hsieh Chen’s wm Ssu-ming shih-hua KRitlS. Peking, 1961.

Chiang-chai shih-hua,

St u d ie s :

Ch’en, Yu-ch’in “ Kuan-yO Wang Ch’uan-shan te shih-lun” , in Wang Ch’uan-shan hsileh-shu t'ao-lun chi 3: Peking, 1965, pp. 466-488. ECCP, pp. 817-819. Fu, Ch’ing tsa-chil, p. 52. Kuo, Ho-ming HSU1®, “Wang Ch’uan-shan shihlun t’an-wei” 3EUU4i#lfcjfW:, Kuo-li T ’ai-wan Shih-fan Ta-hsiieh Kuo-wen Yen-chiu-so chi-k’an,

23 (1979), 855-957. Shou-ch’un H#. “Kuan-yil Wang Ch’uan-shan shih-lun chung te i-hsieh wen-t’i” JRTSflS f-Llifln436?)—

. Kuang-m ing jih-pao,

March 7, 1965, Wen-hsileh i-ch’an, 501. Tseng, “Ch’ing-tai tsa-chii,” pp. 127-129. —SKW

Wang H eng 3EH(f (tzu, Ch’en-yti R3E, 15611609), a native of T ’ai-ts’ang jzHt (modern Kiangsu), was a scholar, calligrapher, and dramatist. His father, Wang Hsi-chiieh I iSfF (1534-1611), was a high official and a scholar with an impeccable record of pub­ lic service. His family was one of the two illustrious and prominent Wang families in T ’ai-ts’ang—the other being that of Wang Shih-chen* (1526-1590). Born into such a family Wang Heng received an excellent education at an early age. He became a chil-jen in 1588. He headed the list, and some critics accused his father, who was then a Grand Secretary, along with other officials whose sons were also high on the list, of nepotism. A second examination was given to Wang, who proved his ability. He never, however, took another examination as long as his father was a Grand Secretary. After he received the chin-shih degree in 1601, ranking second among the partici­

pants, he was made a Han-lin compiler, and was subsequently assigned to a post in Chiang-nan tM. Due to ill health, he asked to retire; his request was eventually granted. He died in 1609. He left the following works: Kou-shan chi Chi-yu kao H&&^, Kuei-t’ien tz’u © ffiis, and Ming-hsin pao-chien The last, collated by him, consists of a collec­ tion of wise sayings offering moral advice on practical living. As a dramatist he was also responsible for a number of tsa-chii. * The exact total is a matter of dispute, some scholars main­ taining that he wrote four, others five. The argument has to do with two titles: Mo-naiho k’u-tao Ch’ang-an chieh (“Can’t Be Helped” Cried in the Streets of Ch’ang-an) and Chen k’uei-lei 9tMi (The Real Puppet). The first is recorded in Chung-ting ch’U-hai-mu JBJfti&B, Chin-yileh k ’ao-cheng and Ch'u-lii ftSI, under two titles: Mo-nai-ho and Ku-tao CKang-an chieh, giving the impression that there are two different plays. It appears that the au­ thors of these works erred in breaking down the title. T he extant text of the play is found under the title Hu-lu Hsien-sheng (Mr. Bottle-gourd) in the first act o f Yilan-shih i-ch’ilan MBMit by Ch’en Yiichiao,* which corresponds to the text of a Ming edition of Wang’s play housed in the Naikaku Bunko. T he second, Chen k’uei-lei, is attributed to an anonymous author in the Sheng-Ming tsa-chii but the author of Ch’il-hai t’i-yao states: “ [The author’s] name cannot be traced. But some said it was com­ posed by Wang Heng.” It may therefore be reasonable to at­ trib u te the following dram as to W ang Heng: Wang-mo-lu p ’o-sui yu-lun-p’ao 3E#E (How Wang-mo-lu Broke the Robe of the Wheel of Sorrow), also known as Yil-lun-p’ao; Mo-nai-ho k’u-tao chang-an chieh; Tsai-sheng yilan (Twice Des­ tined in Marriage); and P ’ei-chan ho-ho St (The Grand Harmony), no longer extant. The first, set in the T ’ang period, portrays the poet-painter Wang Wei’s’1' at­ tempts in the examination—an impostor, Wang T ’ui IU , pretends to be Wang Wei

in his effort to win favor from the princess. T he impostor’s impropriety is finally dis­ covered and honor is restored to Wang Wei, who at this point renounces worldly glory and returns to his native place. At the end of the drama, it is revealed that Wang Wei is a reincarnation of a Buddha. Though Yu-lun-p’ao distorts the life of Wang Wei, the work is believed to be au­ tobiographical, protesting Wang Heng’s mistreatment in 1588. In Wang’s dramas there is a strong the­ matic dependence on Buddhism as a phil­ osophical frame o f reference for the ac­ tions of the dramatis personae. This is even true in Tsai-sheng yiian, a romantic play, in which the theme of reincarnation is prom­ inent. E d it io n s :

Kou-shan chi M11)31, also shan Hsing-sheng chi

known as Wang KouTaipei, 1970. Contains poems, lyric poems, essays, memorials, eulogies, correspondence, bio­ graphies, etc., in 27 chilan. Ming hsin pao-chien W'll'SME, in Kinsei Bungaku Shiryo ruijU , Tokyo, 1972. Contains a collection of wise sayings, offering advice on practical and moral living. Mo-nai-ho k’u-tao Ch’ang-an chieh Sr, Tsai-sheng yilan and Wang-mo-ku p ’osui yU-lun-p’ao in Shen T ’ai ed., Sheng-Ming tsa-chii ch’u-chi ffiMH

n.p., 1918. The text of the first play is in the first act ofYilan-shih i-ch'uan by Ch’en Yti-chiao, which is also in the Sheng-Ming. St u d ie s :

Aoki,Gikyokushi, pp. 239-240. Contains a brief biography, an incomplete list of his plays, and comments on two of them. Fu, Ming tsa-chu, pp. 113-115. Liu, Wen-liu K ’un-ch’il yen-chiu fc. Taipei, 1969. Lo, Chin-t’ang Ming-tai-chil tso-chia k’aoItieh . Hong Kong, 1966. Con­ tains biography and a list of his plays. Tseng, Yung-i B^cH. Ming tsa-chil kai-lun 55 m m . Taipei, 1976, pp. 318-328. . Wang, Shih-chen $ ± tl. Hsiang-tsu pi-chi Safi USB. Shanghai, 1938. Chilan 12 lists two of his plays and a single comment referring to critics’ opinions on the plays. —EY

W ang Jo-hsii 3E&M (tzu, Ts’ung-chih '42., 1174-1243) is considered the leading clas­ sicist and most learned scholar of the short­ lived Chin dynasty (1115-1234), a king­ dom founded in North China by the Tungusic Jurchen people. He was a prolific writer and critic and author of two literary collections. One, called the Yung-fu chi s?ft, Hsileh yilan, 2.8 (1949), 8. E d it io n s : T ’ang, Ping-cheng “Yang Tzu-ytian Liu-ch’ao wen, v. 1, “Ch’uan Han wen,” ch. 51nien-p’u” Lun hsileh, (April 1937), 54, pp. 402-422. 25-44; (June 1937), 59-83. Pai-san, v. 2, pp. 1-38. Ting, Chieh-minT . Yang Hsiung nien-p’u Yang Tzu-yilan chi in Han Wei Liu-ch’ao JSitfclif. Taipei, 1975. ming-chia chi Ting Fu-pao —KH TU® , ed., Shanghai, 1911. ------ , in Liang Han Wei Chin shih-i-chia wen-chi Yang Shen 811§ (tzu, Yung-hsiu hao, SiiSlRIH ScS.ft, Taipei, 1973. A reprint Sheng-an 1488-1559) was perhaps the of Wang Shih-hsien’s 3i±!K (1573-c. 1619) most important shih* poet of the sixteenth revised edition. See also Chapter I, “Sources,” in David R. century not affiliated with any Archaist or Knechtges, “Yang Shyong, the Fuh, and Hann Anti-archaist literary movement. He was certainly one of the most prolific and manyRhetoric” (see below). sided scholars of the Ming dynasty. T r a n s l a t io n s : Son of a Grand Secretary (Yang T ’ingBelpaire, Bruno. Le catechisme philosophique de ho 1459-1529) and member of a Yang-Hiong-ts’e [translation of Fa yen]. Brus­ prosperous Szechwan family, Yang com­ sels, 1960. bined the advantages of birth and training Knechtges, David R. “Sweet Spring,” “Ho- with inborn literary and intellectual gifts. tung,” “Barricade Hunt,” “Ch’ang-yang,” After taking the highest place in the chin“Dissolving Ridicule,” and “Expelling Pov­ shih examination of 1511, he held office erty,” in his The Han Rhapsody, pp. 45-51, 58- until 1517 and again between 1520 and 61, 63-73, 80-85, 97-103, and 104-107. 1524. In the latter year, however, he joined ------ . The Han shu Biography of Yang Xiong (53 many other scholars at court in protesting B.C-A.D. 18). Occasional Paper No. 14, Cen­ ter for Asian Studies, Arizona State Univer­ the intention of the young emperor, Shihtsung (1507-1567; r. 1521-1567), to offer sity, May 1981. Kopetsky, Elma E. “Two fu on Sacrifices by imperial sacrifices to his father, who had Yang Hsiung, The Fu on K'an-ch’ung and The not occupied the throne (Shih-tsung had been chosen by the court from a collateral Fu on Ho-tung,” JOS, 10 (1972), 104-14. Waley, Arthur. “Driving Away Poverty,” The line, after Wu-tsung died without issue) in what became known as the Great Ritual Temple, pp. 76-80. von Zach, E. “Sweet Spring,” in Anthologie, v. Controversy. Some of the participants in 1, pp. 93-98; “The Plume,” v. 1, pp. 117- the protest lost their lives as a conse­ 125; “Ch’ang-yang,” v. l,pp. 122-131; “Dis­ quence; Yang was severely flogged and banished to Yunnan, one of the most re­ solving Ridicule,” v. 2, pp. 834-840.

mote parts of the empire. This proved to be the end of his promising career as an official. Although he enjoyed a good deal o f freedom and comfort in his place of ex­ ile, and even returned to visit his native Szechwan, he was never recalled to court, and the unrelenting Shih-tsung even re­ fused him permission to retire to private life when he reached the customary age of 65. As cruel a blow to his prospects for an official career as banishment was, it proved to be the occasion for one of the most ex­ traordinary scholarly careers in Chinese history. Far from the distractions of Pe­ king’s social and political life, without any official duties to speak of, and wealthy enough to amass an enviable library, Yang plunged into research and writing in a wide variety of fields, including literature, the fine arts, historical phonology, and the his­ tory and customs of Yunnan, his place of exile. Later scholars, in some cases moti­ vated by disapproval of Yang’s free-andeasy style of life, have proved him wrong in points of detail, but his writings remain a much-used source, especially for the study of Yunnan in early times. Unfortunately a good deal of confusion surrounds Yang’s oeuvre. Some material appears under more than one title, and the authorship of some items is disputed. Some of the responsi­ bility lies with well-meaning friends and relatives who printed Yang’s works after his death, with more enthusiasm than care. But Yang himself contributed to the con­ fusion by his attempts to pass work of his own off as fragments of lost writings of antiquity. While a young man in Peking, Yang Shen had naturally been active as a poet. He was a follower of Li Tung-yang,* formed a po­ etry society with several friends, and also associated with Li Meng-yang* and Ho Ching-ming,* the most important mem­ bers of the Archaist Movement then be­ ginning to dominate the literary scene. Whatever his literary affiliations during this early period, Yang took an independent stance after his exile, and rejected the Archaists’ doctrine that High T ’ang was the acme of shih poetry. His preference was for

Six Dynasties poetry on the one hand, and foi some later T ’ang poetry on the other. His most vehement criticism was reserved for Chu Hsi and other Sung dynasty NeoConfucianists and literary critics, except­ ing only Yen Yii, author of the Ts’ang-lang shih-hua.* His comments on poetry are found in his Sheng-an shih-hua one of the most extensive examples of the shihhua* genre from the Ming. It is a difficult text to evaluate, for several reasons. Dif­ ferent editions of it are somewhat different in their arrangement, some comments are taken without acknowledgment from the work o f earlier writers, and Yang doesn’t always reveal the basis for his judgments. It appears that Yang’s taste in poetry ran to the “sensuously beautiful” (yen 9k) both in Six Dynasties and late T ’ang. Yang’s second wife (his first died early), Huang O J*f(® (ming sometimes given as (ft, tzu, Hsiu-mei 1498-1569), like Yang, was the child o f a prominent official and a native of Szechwan. She was married to Yang in 1519, while he was still consid­ ered to have a brilliant future. After his disgrace and banishment in 1524, she re­ turned to his family home in Szechwan, where she spent the rest of her life (except for short trips and a brief period with Yang in Y unnan, 1526-1529), m anaging his property and keeping him supplied with funds. After his death, she bfoiight his re­ mains home and assumed responsibility for the care o f two sons borne to him by con­ cubines that he had taken in Yunnan. Huang was herself well educated and a gifted poet, especially in the san-ch’il ticffi form (see ch’u). Most o f her shih poetry has been lost (and what remains is not of great interest), but a collection of her ch’ii, to­ gether with Yang’s, has been published. T he striking thing about her poems is that they frankly portray her passion and long­ ing for, and some resentment of, Yang af­ te r he took his concubines, while the woman who wrote them fulfilled all the requirements of Confucian propriety in her wise and far-sighted management of her husband’s family property throughout the long years of his exile.

the four great poets o f the early Southern Sung dynasty (with Lu Yu,* Fan Ch’engta,* and Yu Mou'* W—z poet most o f whose works have been lost). He was born in Chishui County (Kiangsi) and did not ob­ tain his chin-shih degree until 1154. Sub­ sequently he served in a number of minor local- and central-government positions. But the most important event during these years was his poetic “sudden enlighten­ ment” in 1178, while he was serving as P refect o f C h ’ang-chou. Shortly a fte r­ ward, Yang was appointed to Kwangtung, where he successfully put down a local re­ bellion, and, as a result, was returned to the capital. However, after clashes with the emperor, he was finally forced out of the central government. In 1192 he resigned from a local post in protest against new Sung m onetary and fiscal policies. Throughout his entire career he was gen­ erally on the side o f officials who favored an aggressive policy against the Chin T ar­ tars. According to one of Yang’s prefaces, he first imitated the masters o f the Kiangsi School o f poetry (see Chiang-hsi shih-p’ai), then the pentasyllabic regulated verse of Ch’en Shih-tao* (strictly speaking, also a T r a n s l a t io n s : Kiangsi poet), then the heptasyllabic chilehDemieville, Anthologie, pp. 482-483. chil (see shih) of Wang An-shih,* and finally S t u d ie s : the chileh-chil of the late T ’ang poets. After DMB, pp. 1531-1535. this long stage of imitation, Yang made a Liang, Jung-jo “Huang Hsiu-mei he t’a b reak th ro u g h in 1178, exp erien cin g a te san-ch’u” SlflS&Sifc®, Ch’un wen-hsiieh, Ch’an-like enlightenment which enabled 14.40(1970), 26-39. him to discard his former masters and cre­ ------ . “Yang Shen sheng-p’ing yii chu-tso” ate a style fully his own. Since Yang burned in Tso-chia yii tso-p’in, Taichung, his juvenilia, it is impossible to follow his 1971, pp. 1-25. A useful introduction, the earliest development as a poet. But it is notes on the texts of some of Yang’s more true that many o f the poems in his earliest important works being particularly helpful. extant poetry collection show a debt to such Lu, Ch’ien ElW..“Hsin-tu Yang shih ch’ii-lun” Kiangsi masters as Huang T ’ing-chien.* KrlMiftl&Jfe, Wen-shih tsa-chih, 3.5/6 (1944), However, even before his enlightenment 74-84. Tung-ni £■!&. “Wen-hsOeh-chia Yang Sheng- there are numerous poems that do not im­ itate any of these masters and clearly ad­ an” Ts’ao-n, 1957.7 , 53-58. Yokota, Terutoshi “YO Shin no shi- umbrate his subsequent style. Yang Wan-li’s literary theory represents ron” fttSI W!#!&, Hiroshima Daigaku Bunga­ the culmination of the Ch’an-inspired aes­ kubu kiyo, 20 (1962), 207-222. thetics that had already been developing — DB in Northern Sung times. Yang Wan-li con­ Yang Wan-li (tzu, T ’ing-hsiu S3I, sidered the process by which a poet ac­ hao, Ch’eng-chai Rflf, 1127-1206) is one of quires his own style to be akin to that by E d it io n s :

Sheng-an wen-chi 81 chiian (1582; rpt. 1795); Sheng-an i-chi it# , 26 chiian (1606; rpt. 1844); Sheng-an wai-chi 100 chiian (1616; rpt. 1795, 1844). Three successive collec­ tions of Yang Shen’s works, including not only his poems and essays, but also various other writings. A collective edition in 240 chiian, Sheng-an ho-chi 'o was published in 1882. The Wen-chi, under the title Sheng-an ch’iianchi was reprinted in a typeset edition in the Wan-yu wen-k’u, and the original edition of the Wai-chi reproduced by the T’ai-wan hsfleh-sheng shu-chii in 1971; 192 chilan of miscellaneous writings are included in the Han-hai Li T ’iao-yuan, ed., rpt. in PPTSCC. Sheng-an shih-hua, in Ting Fu-pao’s Hsii Li-tai shih-hua. The fullest and most accessible text I put together after collation of all the impor­ tant earlier editions. Ting’s rearrangement of the entries, however, is inconvenient to use and obscures the coherence of Yang’s views.. The best traditional edition is that in the Hanhai. Tz’u p’in (Tz’u-hua ts’ung-pien ed.). Yang Shen fu-fu san-ch'U Shanghai, 1929. Yang Shen fu-fu yileh-fu Shanghai, 1940.

which a Ch’an adept obtains sudden en­ lightenment; i.e., both must undergo a rig­ orous period of study under a series of masters, whom they must eventually tran­ scend before they can achieve their final awakening. Such a view of literature meant that Yang Wan-li was not totally opposed to imitation during the initial stages of a poet’s career. But after the poet’s enlight­ enment, he must reject his masters and strike out in new directions—a view strongly at odds with the more imitative, “neo-classical” literary theories common among some of Yang’s contemporaries. Yang’s C h’an-inspired literary theory also had other implications for his poetic ideals. As the Ch’an master believed that after enlightenment the student could act in a totally spontaneous manner, so Yang felt that the enlightened poet could write almost effortlessly. Such poetry would be completely natural. Hence, Yang had no great love for the artificiality of the Kiangsi School. Later critics adopted one of the major technical terms used by Yang Wan-li him­ self to describe his style—huo-fa S S (live method). The term seems to be of Ch’an origin but was used by contemporary NeoConfucians. It could best be described as a non-dualistic theory of literature de­ signed to prevent stale im itation. Al­ though neither Yang himself nor any of his contemporaries have provided a defi­ nition of the term, Yang’s “live method” Seems to include a number of literary de­ vices. First, it incorporates an iconoclasm, as the author overturns his masters in or­ der to avoid imitation. Second, it invokes a widespread use o f paradox and illusionistic imagery, both of which constantly startle the reader from his normal thought patterns. Closely connected to these de­ vices is a love of abrupt shifts, which create a sensation of “sudden enlightenment” in the poetry. Finally, it is distinguished by humor and the intrusion of vernacular lan­ guage—devices imparting liveliness to po­ etry. All of these characteristics are com­ mon in Yang’s verse. The range of Yang Wan-li’s work is wide; he treats practically every theme touched

upon by other Southern Sung poets as well as some that he was the first to write about, such as the house fly. Nature provides much of Yang’s poetic material, with the mountain landscape frequently symboliz­ ing absolute truth and the experience of enlightenment. One o f the most delightful aspects of his verse is the large number of poems on plants and animals. Yet he did not totally ignore the world of man. Like other Sung authors, Yang valued the so­ cially and politically critical capabilities of verse although this type of poetry is fairly rare in his collection. Commoner is poetry which attempts to give a realistic view of Chinese peasant life, which, unlike many T ’ang authors, Yang rarely idealizes. Fi­ nally, like other Sung writers, Yang often expresses an alienation from society, the vulgar nature of which interferes with his strivings for spiritual transcendence. It is precisely this transcendent spirit, present in so much of Yang Wan-li’s poetry, which makes his work a source of delight. E d it io n s :

Ch’eng-chai chi Shanghai, 1936. Ch’eng-chai shih-chi Taipei, 1970. SPPY ed. Chou, Ju-ch’ang ffll&Bi. Yang Wan-li hsiian-chi Peking, 1964; rpt. Shanghai, 1979. Detailed annotation and excellent in­ troductory essay. T r a n s l a t io n s :

Chaves, Jonathan. Heaven My Blanket, Earth My Pillow. New York, 1975. Sunflower, pp. 372-377. S t u d ie s :

•

Chang, Chien 3SIt. “Yang Wan-li wen-hsiieh lilun yen-chiu”^ IS B.3C SUS Hi W % Kuo-lipieni-kuan kuan-k’an, 9.1 (1980), 67-95. Hu, Ming-t’ing 498938. Yang Wan-li shih p’ingshu Taipei, 1976. SB, pp. 1238-1246. Schmidt, J. D. Yang Wan-li. Boston, 1976. Yang Wan-li Fan Ch'eng-ta chilan H. Chan-chih S Z , comp. Peking, 1965. Ex­ haustive collection of critical comments on Yang from Sung to modern times. — JD S

Yang Wei-chen MMiM (tzu, Lien-fu hao, T ’ieh-ya 1296-1370) was to his contem poraries the forem ost figure in classical poetry during the transition pe­ riod between the Yuan and the Ming, Yang passed the chin-shih examination in 1327 and held a number of minor official posts during the Yiian. Yang Wei-chen’s per­ sonality seems to have joined the eccentric bon vivant to outspoken morality: that com­ bination did not augur well for an official career, and Yang never rose to a public post commensurate with his literary fame. Several times in the 1330s and 1340s he withdrew from office to travel in the Lower Yangtze Region, write poems, and enjoy himself. When the series of rebellions that even­ tually led to the downfall of the Yiian broke out in this area, Yang fled to the moun­ tains around Hangchow, refusing an in­ vitation to serve in the government of the rebel Chang Shih-ch’eng. After the found­ ing of the Ming, Yang W ei-chen also spurned repeated invitations to serve in the Ming government (although he did help out in an imperial compilation project). Yang’s unwillingness to serve two dynas­ ties was a moral position of convenience: his fame in the mid-fourteenth century was such that he led a better (and safer) life as a private citizen, teaching, writing poetry, and enjoying the hedonistic pursuits for which the Lower Yangtze Region was fa­ mous. Although much of Yang Wei-chen’s lit­ erary output is supposed to haye been lost, much survives, scattered in a confusing va­ riety of editions. Most of Yang’s prose is preserved in the Tung-wei-tzu chi in thirty chilan plus one chilan of addenda. T he Tung-wei-tzu chi contains only one and a half chilan of poetry (plus some poems in the addenda). T hat these are almost the only surviving occasional poems by Yang is a good indication of how much has been lost. An unusually large p ro p o rtio n , twenty-one chilan, of the Tung-wei-tzu chi consists of prefaces and records (chi 13); the predominance of these “private” prose genres attests to the belletristic direction of Yang’s talents (although he did have a

considerable reputation as a Ch’un-ch’iu scholar and historian). The most famous of Yang’s poetry col­ lections is the T ’ieh-ya ku yileh-fu (later published with a commentary by the Ch’ing scholar Lou Pu-ch’an # (•« ). This work consists of 416 yileh-fu* on gods, fig­ ures from legend and history, and set yilehfu situations. T hese are sensual, often wildly imaginative songs that belong more in the tradition of Li Ho* and Wen T ’ingyun* than in that of the original yileh-fu. Many of the T ’ieh-ya ku yileh-fu have pre­ faces that cite the original text o f a legend or story; the poem then gives an imagi­ native evocation of some crucial moment or main event of the story. This poetic mode, though its origins lie firmly in the ninth century, in many ways parallels the contemporary interest in drama, which also focuses on intensely lyric moments set in a narrative frame. Yang W ei-chen’s in terest in history found poetic expression in another collec­ tion, the “Yung-shih shih” (Poems on History—also with a commentary by Lou Pu-ch’an). The practice of composing a complete collection of ying-shih shih orig­ inated, like Yang’s yileh-fu style, in the ninth century. The mode of presentation o f these poems is similar to that of the T ’ieh-ya ku yileh-fu: prefaces often frame expression of some significant moment in history, usu­ ally containing an element o f ethical eval­ uation. Most of the remainder o f Yang Weichen’s poetic oeuvre are in two overlap­ ping collections: the six chilan of T ’ieh-ya hsien-shengfu-ku shih with in­ troductory notes by Chang Wan and critical comments by Huang C hin* i»; and the eight chilan of Lou Pu-ch’an’s T ’ieh-ya i-p’ien T he latter has a commen­ tary by Lou, and where the two collections overlap, Lou retains Cheng Wan’s intro­ ductory notes. The T ’ieh-ya hsien-sheng fuku shih contains a number of short series: “lute songs,” palace poems, poems on im­ mortals, the “Yung-nii shih” l§t£r5fc (Poems on Famous Women), and two series re­ creatin g th e style o f th e gently erotic Hsiang-lien chi from the late ninth or

early tenth centuries. The T’ieh-ya i-p’ien contains many o f the same series as well as a few occasional poems and a number of poems on paintings. In his extant poetry Yang Wei-chen demonstrated a remarkably consistent fas­ cination with the various poetic styles pop­ ular at the very end o f the T ’ang, a period whose poetry was usually condemned as decadent. Yang was himself denounced as a decadent writer; yet by unconscious af­ finity or conscious choice, Yang Wei-chen, the historian and Ch’un-ch’iu scholar, made an im plicit com m ent on his own age through his T ’ang models. E d it io n s :

Tung-wei-tzu wen-chi SPTK. T’ieh-ya Hsien-sheng ku-yileh-fu (with T’ieh-ya hsien-shengfu-ku shih-chi IRfSSfc SPTK. T’ieh-ya san-chung WpH# (incorporating the three works with commentary by Lou P’uch’an: T’ieh-ya yileh-fu chu T’ieh-ya yung-shih chu and T’ieh-ya i-p’ien chu 1910. S t u d ie s :

DMB, pp. 1547-1553. Maeno, Naoaki fllllf . “Min shichishi no sensei—YO Itei bungakukan ni tsuite” 50-t?■© — 8SffMj|3:P88 K.-ol'"C, ChUgoku bungakuho, 5 (1956), 41-69. —so Yeh Chih-fei * * * (named Shih-chang W*, better known by his tzu, Chih-fei, fl. c. 1650) was a native of Wu-hsien SIR (modern Kiangsu) and one of the Soochow dramatists of the early Ch’ing. Among this gr6up of ch’uan-ch’i* writers were the em­ inent dramatist Li YQ,* and such men as Chu Tso-ch’ao,* Chu Shu-ch’en,* Ch’iu Yiian,* Pi Wei $ ft, and Chang T ’a-fu.* Yeh, Pi Wei, and Chu Su-ch’en are known to have assisted Li YQ in editing Li’s cel­ ebrated work the Ch’ing-chung p ’u fti&M (A Register of Loyalty and Integrity). Yeh wrote eight ch’uan-chi dramas, two of which are extant: Hu-p’o-shih (The Man­ dolin) and Ying-hsiung hai (Heroic Resolution). Kao I ’s Hsin ch’uan-ch’i p ’in (which contains lists o f works by twenty-seven dramatists of the late Ming

and the early Ch’ing with brief comments on their dramatic styles) compares the vigor o f Yeh’s dramatic style to that energetic piece of drum music the Yil-yang ts’an-chua iHB##. Wang Chung-shao’s Chiupien tsan-yil fSjMH (Talks from a Jade Wine Ladle at a Banquet—a collection of notes, some o f which address dram a), quoting phrases from the Hu-p’o-shih, notes that Yeh’s dramatic diction is straightfor­ ward and severe. T he Hu-p’o-shih tells of the story of Hsii Hsiin # # and T ’ao Fo-nu Just as Hsii and T ’ao are about to marry, T ’ao’s father is put into jail because he once traded with the robber Chin Jan . In the course of trying to find money to re­ deem her father, T ’ao is cheated and sold into a brothel. But she steadfastly refuses to become a prostitute, and compiles a book, K ’u chieh chuan (Steadfast Chastity), to show her determination; a blind man named Chia R helps her dis­ tribute the book. When Chin Jan learns of T ’ao’s situation, he comes to her rescue, and T ’ao and Hsii are finally reunited. The hu-p’o-shih, which is variously called hunpu-ssu IR'ftl, huo-pu-ssu 'XTfM , or chin-kang t’ui &IWI®, is a musical instrument similar to the p ’i-p’a SH. The drama was so en­ titled because T ’ao’s skill at playing this instrument enchants Hsfl. In the reper­ toire of Ch’uan HI regional drama, there is a Fu-nu chuan 5KRH (also known as K ’u chieh chuan If WO) which is based on this drama. According to the Chien-weng hsien-hua MSN1IS (Casual Talks from the Cocoonjar, a collection of notes—the passage in question has been cited in Chiao Hsiin’s Chil-shuo), Yeh’s Hu-p’o-shih was modeled upon the story of Wang Ts’ui-ch’iao 3E^fl of the mid-Ming. But in fact parallels be­ tween the two stories can hardly be drawn. The essence of the story of Ts’ui-ch’iao is that she betrayed Hsii Hai &M, who then was put to death. If T ’ao Fo-nu corre­ sponds to Wang Ts’ui-ch’iao and Chin Jan to HsQ Hai, then the two stories clearly move in opposite directions. Also, accord­ ing to the Chien-weng hsien-hua, the Hu-p’oshih contains phrases that explicitly insult

the government and praise outlaws, and because o f this Yeh was thrown into jail and nearly put to death. In the extant edi­ tion of the drama, the two phrases cited as examples in the Hsien-h.ua cannot be found. Probably they have been deleted to avoid government persecution. However, less explicit phrases that produce the same effect can still be found. It is reasonable to suppose that in writing this drama Yeh was alluding to some specific events of his time. This is all the more probable if we consider the fact that the drama was writ­ ten at a time not remote from the fall of the Ming dynasty. The Ying-hsiung kai relates the story of the late T ’ang-dynasty rebel Huang Ch’ao reset in the Five Dynasties. In it Huang Ch’ao fails in an uprising and then wanders away following a monk. Thus Yeh in this piece does not choose to praise rebellion as he had elsewhere. In the older reper­ toire of ching-chil* a work entitled Ts’angmei ssu (The Plum-hoarding Mon­ astery) is based on an act taken from the Ying-hsiung kai. Yeh was not unlike the Yiian dramatists who wrote about the deeds of the robberheroes of the Liang-shan p’o SUJjfi; griev­ ing over the fall of the Ming, he gave vent to his feelings in his dramas. E d it io n s :

Hu-p’o shih. Ku-pen, III. Ying-hsiung kai. (1) Ku-pen, III. (2) Pai-ckung ch’uan-ch’i [This collection contains the hand-written copies of about a hundred works of ch’uan-ch’i and tsa-chii, copied by a man surnamed Chang 36 of Soochow, from copies that he had borrowed from Hsu Chihheng Vf2.9s. For more information about this collection, see Cheng Chen-to iMSK, “Ch’aopen pai-chung ch’uan-ch’i te fa-hsien” ifcfc in his Chung-kuo wen-hsilehyenchiu Peking, 1957,pp. 617-621.] S t u d ie s :

Chou, I-pai WB66. “Ch’ing-tai ch’u-nien te K’un-shan ch’iang” in his Chung-kuo hsi-ch’ilfa-chan shih kang-yao +®IR Shanghai, 1979, pp. 345-354. — SSK

Yeh Hsiao-wan SS'htt. (tzu, Hui-ch’ou XM, 1613-1660), a native o f Wu-hsien^W5

(Kiangsu), was a poet and dramatist of the late Ming. She was the second daughter of Yeh Shao-yiian SI8JSE (tzu, Chung-shao ft 18, 1589-1648). Both her elder sister Wanwan tttt, (tzu, C hao-ch’i BBPf) and h er younger sister Hsiao-luan 'J'K (tzu, Ch’iung-chang 9 # ) were noted for their literary talents, but both died young. Hsiaowan’s only drama, the Yilan-yang meng £ (Dream of Mandarin Ducks), was writ­ ten to mourn their early deaths. Hsiao-wan was related to Shen Tzu-cheng,* the em­ inent dramatist of the late Ming, and Shen Ching,* the founder of the Wu-chiang Mil School o f dram a w riting. Hsiao-wan’s mother, Shen I-hsiu ifcSfc (tzu, Wan-chfln 1590-1635), was a sister of Shen Tzucheng and a niece of Shen Ching, and Shen Ching was also the grandfather of Hsiaowan’s husband. With such a background, it is not surprising that Hsiao-Wan should have chosen to express her grief over the deaths of her sisters in the form of drama. Both Wan-wan and Hsiao-luan died in 1632; one edition of the Yilan-yang meng (a copy has been preserved in Japan) contains a preface by Shen Tzu-cheng dated 1636. Thus the drama must have been written between 1632 and 1636. It is a short piece in four scenes describing Hui Pai-fang’s sorrow at the deaths of his two sworn brothers. T he plot is very simple. The text is largely composed of expressive lyrics and the spoken part is insignificant. Northernstyle songs are employed throughout. In his preface to the Yilan-yang meng, Shen Tzu-cheng remarks that the euphony of the songs can be compared t6 that of Chu Yu-tun’s,* and that songs of such beauty can even rival the works of such Yflan songwriters as Kuan Yiin-shih* and Ch’iao Chi-fu.* Yeh Hsiao-wan was also a poet of con­ siderable talent. She wrote a large number of classical poems (shih*), discarding many in her late years. The remainder, no more than one-twentieth o f the original corpus, was put into a collection entitled Ts’un yil ts’ao (Remaining Grasses); but even it is no longer extant. Some fifty poems from this collection, however, have been preserved in the I-ch’i chi of Yeh

H sieh,* Hsiao-w an’s younger b ro th er. nificant change in the evaluation of Yeh They are either occasional poems written Hsieh and his poetics. The higher esti­ in memory of or in response to her rela­ mation now accorded the Yilan shih is just, tives or lyrical poems about her life. Her although the heavy-handed emphasis on other extant poems (about forty; all of them Y eh’s supposed M aterialism h in d e r a are elegies for the deceased members of proper appreciation of Yeh’s achievement. the Yeh family) can be found in the WuFrom the eleventh century on, with the meng-t’ang chi (Collection o f the emergence o f the shih-hua* as a form for Daydream Hall, first published in 1636), a the expression and retention of critical collection of verse and prose by members opinions, Chinese literary criticism be­ o f the Yeh family. came increasingly occasional, casual, sub­ jective, and disjointed. While the Yilan shih E d it io n s : is generally regarded as a work in the shihYeh, Shao-ytian, comp. Wu-meng-t’ang ch’ilanchi Shanghai, 1936. Chung-kuo hua tradition (its inclusion in the Ch’ing shih-hua attests to the view), it really wen-hsiieh chen-pen ts’ung-shu was a conscious break from that tradition. • , series 1, no. 49. A photolithographic re­ The work is not a collection of idle jo t­ print of the edition in the collection of the Pei-yeh shang-fang MHUJif in Shanghai. tings, but organized work with a strong When the Wu-meng-t’ang chi was first pub­ philosophical foundation which considers lished in 1636, the Yilan-yang meng was not the central issues that arise in the reading included. The drama is included, however, and writing of poetry and in the practice in nearly all the subsequent editions of this of literary criticism. With most poet-critics of China it is safe to concentrate on their collection. poetry and by and large ignore their crit­ S t u d ie s : icism. In the case of Yeh Hsieh, the poetry Fu, Ch’ing tsa-chil, pp. 35-36. and the rest of his prose writings are of T ’an, Cheng-pi UlElt. Chung-kuo nil-hsing te wen- limited interest. Like Liu Hsieh before him hsileh sheng-huo Shang­ in China and Aristotle in Greece, Yeh de­ hai, 1931, pp. 337-343. serves to be remembered because he wrote Yagisawa, Gekisakuka, pp. 577-652. An ex­ a profound critical work. panded version of the article listed below. T he Yiian shih is made up of four parts ------ . “Mindai joryO gekisakuka Yo ShOgan ni (in four chiian). Part one begins with a brief tsuite” (COOT , Tohistory of Chinese poetry from its first be­ hOgaku, 5 (1952), 85-98. ginnings to Yeh’s day. From the historical —ssk account, Yeh moves on to the first general Yeh H sieh mm (1627-1703) was a literary question he raises and seeks to answer— critic, author and scientist. His main crit­ whether the writing of poetry can be taught ical treatise, the Yilan shih (Origins of and learned. T he question gives Yeh the Poetry), is of a quality and historical im­ opportunity to separate poetry into poetry portance that invite comparison with Liu understood in terms of prosody and poetry Hsieh’s Wen-hsin tiao-lung,* conventionally based on personality. T he argument is tra­ regarded as the finest critical writing in the ditional, but Yeh succeeds in using it to provide for poetry a moral basis and a jus­ Chinese language. Yeh Hsieh’s collected prose, his verse, tification. T he next general issue that Yeh the Yilan shih, and an astronomical study examines is the concept of fa & (law) in are briefly described in the Ssu-k’u ch’iian- poetry. On this issue, Yeh comes very close shu tsung-mu (see Chi Yiin)—all ra th e r to isolating imposed rules from observed law; unenthusiastically. Critics have generally the distinction is comparable to that be­ accorded the Yilan shih a place subordinate tween “law” as understood in civil juris­ to the theorizings of such Ch’ing critics as diction and “law” as understood in the Wang Shih-chen* (1634-1711) and Yiian modern natural sciences; and the critical Mei.* But there has been recent and sig­ concept that this leads to is that poetry

must be understood as an autonomy. He then moves to the most important and original theoretical discussion in the Yiian shih. Poetry, according to Yeh, is like all the rest o f human experience, conceivable on three distinct levels; that of li 31 (pos­ sibility) that of shih I* (fact), and that of ch’ing fit (reality—the English translations take into account Yeh’s own explanations o f the terms). The Possibility of a thing’s happening is understood in the most gen­ eral and abstract of terms. The Fact of its happening is less general, but still abstract. T he Reality of its happening is specific and concrete. Yeh uses the first two of these terms in their accepted senses, but he re­ stores to the word ch’ing its early, pre-Ch’in meaning, with the emphasis not on “feel­ ing,” but on the “real,” the “actual.” His illustrations (trees, flowers, etc.) demon­ strate that the world is perceived and understood with varying degrees of par­ ticularity. Poetry differs from all other types of writing in that it represents the minutest, the clearest, and the most ac­ curate observation of life; therein lies the peculiarity of the language of poetry. Yeh’s speculations on this subject give one of the most satisfactory views of poetry and the poet in the entire range of Chinese critical thinking. Many of the recurrent critical problems are solved—the question, for in­ stance, of why poetic language must be permitted to be “strange,” to differ from the norms of daily discourse, or of why poetry, which insists on the sharpest and most precise visions of life with its multi­ farious details, should be regarded as a ba­ sis for moral judgments. Part two of the Yiian shih opens with a scheme intended to match the theory of Possibility, Fact, and Reality. Just as the poet’s world can be seen in those three terms, so the poet himself can be viewed in terms of four personal qualities, ts’ai % (talent), tan 81 (courage), shih W (knowl­ edge), and li t) (energy). This is a less ef­ fective scheme. Still, it should be noted that Yeh considers knowledge the most impor­ tant of the four. A collection of Yeh’s prac­ tical criticism follows. T he exceedingly de­ tailed analysis of four lines of Tu Fu’s

poetry, concentrating on the ambiguity of a key word in each case, provides the most convincing examination of the functioning o f poetic language in traditional Chinese criticism. Part three consists of further observa­ tions on the personality and emotions of the poet as a foundation for poetry. This is essentially meta-criticism. He considers the natures and implications of a number of critical notions and labels that are com­ monplace in Chinese literary criticism. He urges more caution in responses to poetry and in the critical language employed to discuss it. At the end of this part, Yeh at­ tempts to explain the decline of poetry. Part four does not measure up to the preceding parts. Yeh’s attempt to write an organized treatise relapses into the com­ mon failings of the conventional shih-hua: brief, itemized entries on periods and in­ dividual poets recorded impressionistically in a chronological order. T he Yiian shih concludes with the injunction that modern literati should be aware of the ancient mas­ ters, but not cowed by them. E d it io n s :

Yeh, Hsieh. Yiian shih. Peking, 1979. ------ , in Ting Fu-pao TU®, comp., Ch’ing shihhua, Shanghai,' 1978, v. 2, pp. 561-612. St u d ie s :

Ch’en, Hui-feng ffiBSI. Yeh Hsieh shih-lun yenchiu Taipei, 1977. Jen, Chung-chieh “Yeh Hsieh lun hsinghsiang ssu-wei” Pei-fang lunts’ung, 1979.4 (July 1979), 58-64. —SKW

• Yeh Hsien-tsu Hffffl (tzu, Mei-tu UK and Hsiang-yu ffiitfe, kao, Liu-t’ung A #5, T ’ungpai ffilffi, Hu-yilan chu-shih Utfflgi, and Tzu-chin Tao-jen 1566-1641), was a prolific dramatist of the Wu-chiang School and an official during the late Ming. A native of Yii-yao (Chekiang), Yeh came from a family of officials. He earned the chii-jen degree in 1594, but it was an­ other twenty-five years (1619) before he received the chin-shih. Because of his con­ nection with opponents of the influential eunuch Wei Chung-hsien H&K (15681627)—his eldest daughter had married the

philosopher Huang Tsung-hsi (16101695)—his official career proceeded slowly until 1626; then his overt disgust with the eunuch’s faction brought his dismissal. Af­ ter Wei died, Yeh earned a sequence of provincial posts until his retirement at age seventy. Yeh Hsien-tsu was a follower of Shen C hing’s* W u-chiang School o f dram a, which placed most emphasis on technical perfection in musical terms. Among his disciples and close friends was the dram ­ atist and novelist Yiian Yii-ling (see Sui T ’ang yen-i); the famous playwright Wu Ping* also sought his advice. His bestknown plays are in the ch’uan-chi* form, Luan-pi chi (The Barb of Love) and Chin-so chi &S8I2 (The Golden Lock). The latter is attributed both to Yeh and to Yiian Yii-ling; presumably the two collaborated on it. Luan-pi chi narrates the romantic attach­ ment between the T ’ang poet Wen T ’ingyun* and the courtesan-Taoist nun Yii Hsiian-chi.* The play is structured around the complications of their affair as it is in­ terwoven with that of another couple. It is known also for its attacks on corruption in government. Chin-so chi is an adaptation of one o f the more famous tsa-chii* plays by Kuan Han-ch’ing,* Tou 0 yiian Seven scenes are extant; like the earlier play, they narrate the plight of a guileless young woman who finds herself wrongly accused o f murder. In contrast to Kuan’s original, this version ends happily: on the execution ground Tou O appeals to the elements to testify to her innocence. When snow falls even though the time is mid­ summer, the magistrate releases her to be reunited with her father. (In the original, her father vindicates her posthumously.) In addition to his ch’uan-ch’i, Yeh com­ posed twenty-four tsa-chii plays (eleven are extant). They include romantic, historical, and philosopical themes. Among the more outstanding is I-shui han (Everlasting Fame), which n arrates th e attem p t by Ching K’o #51"! to assassinate the King of Ch’in in 227 B.C. In an epitaph, Huang Tsung-hsi praises Yeh for his skill in writ­ ing dramatic verse and for his success with the tsa-chii form.

E d it io n s :

Chin-so chi, in Ku-pen, III. Ch’ing-chin-yiianfu-ts’ao WKII|I|SS$, in Li-chao-lu ts’ung-shu l?MSEH#;.Lin Chi-hsii comp., 1 ch., rpt. n.p., 1935. Han-i chi in Yilan Ming tsa-chii. I-shui han, Sheng-Ming tsa-chii, v. 2, ch. 11. Kuang-lien chu KsSQc, in Li-chao-lu ts’ung-shu, 1 ch. Luan-pi chi, in Liu-shih, v. 6. Ma-tso chi M®fB, in Yiian Ming tsa-chil. Pei-mang shuo-fa Sheng-Ming, v. 1, ch. 15 (tsa-chii). Ssu-yen chi H#5I2, in Ku-pen, II. Includes the following four tsa-chii, also in Sheng-Ming, v. 2, ch. 12-14: Yao-t’ao-wan shan Pilien hsiu-fu f§SEil$F; Tan-kuei tien-ho ; Su-mei yii-ch’an KUSiEMf. T’uan-hua feng B7BJR, Sheng-Ming, v. 1, ch. 16 (tsa-chii). St u d ie s :

DMB, pp. 1570-1571. Dolby, History, p. 100. fu , Ch’uan-ch’i, p. 116. ------ , Ming tsa-chil, pp. 138-148. Bibliograph­ ical references for Yeh’s twenty-four plays in this form. Huang, Wen-yang (b. 1736). Ch’il-hai tsung-mu t’i-yao ttiSififii MS; Kowloon, 1967, pp. 623-625, 860-861. Hung, Ming, pp. 198-199. Tseng, Ming tsa-chii, pp. 304-317. —REH

Yen Chi-tao (tzu, Shu-yuan ftlR, 1030 or 1041P-1106 or 1119?), was a con­ temporary of Liu Yung* and Su Shih,* but he was only minimally influenced by their poetic innovations. Stylistically he is closer to poets of the generation before him, such as his father Yen Shu* and Ou-yang Hsiu.* Yen Chi-tao claims distinction as the last master of the Hua-chien chi* and Southern T ’ang style of tz’u* poetry. Little is known of Yen Chi-tao’s life; the primary source of biographical informa­ tion is the collection of all 258 of his extant hsiao-ling tz’u, entitled Hsiao-shan tz’u 'J'UJisI (Lyrics of the Little Mountain), with pre­ liminary comments by the author and a preface by his friend Huang T ’ing-chien.* As the youngest son of Yen Shu, Yen Chitao grew up sheltered in an opulent aris­

tocratic household, but after his father’s death he lost paternal protection and the desire to advance his official career. Un­ able or unwilling to provide adequately for himself and his family, Yen soon squan­ dered his inheritance and spent his later years drifting from one minor post in Honan to another. He attained some no­ toriety for his aloof unconventionality, his haughty attachment to an aristocratic way o f life even in the face of poverty, as well as his poetic virtuosity. In the preface to Hsiao-shan tz’u Huang T ’ing-chien praises Yen for his eccentric­ ity and compares his decline from pros­ perity to misery with the unhappy fate of Li Yii.* Yen Chi-tao’s own introduction recalls youthful memories o f visits to the households o f literati, where men would drink wine and compose tz’u for singing girls to perform. These girls are the ex­ plicit subjects of Yen’s retrospection. His mature poetry captures the elegance and poise of the refined, aristocratic setting, yet the tone is characterized by a profound melancholy and nostalgia. Present sadness is typically contrasted with past splendor, intensified by a conviction gained from personal experience. M emories which might offer consolation prove to be as fleeting as dreams; yet the absent-minded speaker of the poems flees the present in drinking and retrospection. T he result is a complex layering of insubstantiality. It is characteristic of a poetry of decad­ ence and nostalgia to focus on striking and complex imagery. This is illustrated by a double conceit in the second stanza of Yen Chi-tao’s poem to the tune “Tieh-lien hua” (Butterflies Lingering over Flow­ ers), which begins “Upon sobering I do not recall leaving the western pavilion” : On my robe, stains of wine; words in my poem: Drop by drop, line by line, all express sad and lonely feelings. The red candle pities itself for having no future purpose: In vain it sheds tears for me in the cold night.

T he distraught poet associates the pattern o f distinct isolated droplets of spilled wine with lines of words formed by spots of ink

on the page; the drops of melted wax drip­ ping from the candle, which suggest his own human tears, complete the set of four fluids spilled in vain and increasingly in­ tensify the feelings of desolation, futility, and despair. In an oeuvre which represents the cul­ mination of the Hua-chien chi and Southern T ’ang style, Yen Chi-tao uses conventional images in personal and em otionally charged contexts. Reiterating his intense loneliness and yearning for the women of his youth, he presents a compelling poetry of painful isolation and poignant nostalgia. Yen Chi-tao’s six extant shih* are re­ corded in the Sung-shih chi-shih.* E d it io n s :

Hsiao-shan tz'u chien 'J'llJlaliS. Wang Huan-yu ed. Shanghai, 1947. Erh Yen tz'u hsilan-chu — Hsia Chingkuan JCSfcll, ed. Taipei, 1965. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Sunflower, pp. 339-342. Frankel, Palace Lady, pp. 44-45. St u d ie s :

Lin, Ming-te Yen Chi-tao chi ch’i tz’u £ • Taipei, 1975. A study of Yen Chitao’s life and works (pp. 1-94), the text of the Hsiao-shan tz’u (pp. 98-162), and bibliography (pp. 163-165). Wan, Min-hao # . Erh Yen chi ch’i tz’u —& Shanghai, 1934. Praises Yen Chi-tao and disparages Yen Shu. —MW

Yen C hih't’ui (tzu, Chieh 531-c. 590), probably best known as the author o f the Yen-shih chia-hsiln 8&&&M (Family Instructions of Mr. Yen), was descended from a family of high status which origi­ nated in Lang-yeh ikffl (near modern Lini Bfctfr, Shantung). It was one of a number o f emigre families which came south in the early part of the fourth century, and from which officials of the Eastern Chin and its southern-dynasty successors were drawn, because their literary talents' and presti­ gious status added luster to the courts at which they served. These officials, how­ ever, wielded little power. Among Yen’s ancestors was Yen Yen-chih.* Yen fol­

lowed his father in serving at the Liang princely court of Hsiao jiff (508-554). He took part in the battles against the rebel Hou Ching who seized the capital at Nanking in 549 and attempted to usurp the throne. After Hou’s defeat in 552, Yen, who had been captured and narrowly es­ caped death, returned to serve Hsiao I, now Emperor YQan at Chiang-ling fflt, where he took part in a project to put in order the imperial library. The collection was largely burned in 554 when Chiangling was captured by the Western Wei ar­ mies; the emperor was killed, and Yen soon (556) managed to escape to Northern Ch’i, hoping thereby to find his way to the sur­ viving Liang state at Nanking. Finding this impossible, Yen took service in the North­ ern Ch’i court, rising to a relatively high position. Again, in 577, his career was dis­ ru p ted when N o rth ern C h’i was con­ quered by the Northern Chou (formerly Western Wei), and Yen was taken back to Ch’ang-an. His talents do not seem to have been utilized—there is mention of great poverty at this period—until the Sui was established in 581. Yen’s name then occurs as a collaborator on the rhyme dictionary Ch’ieh-yiln iZW (preface dated 600); he took part in the compilation of a new Wei-shu, and in various learned discussions at court concerning music, inscriptions, and the calendar. He seems to have died some time after 590. Yen’s writings include historical and lex­ icographical works, of which only frag­ ments remain, and poetry, the most im­ portant work being the autobiographical “Kuan wo sheng fu” (Prose-poem Viewing My Life), included in his biog­ raphy in Pei Ch’i-shu 1UR9 (History of the Northern Ch’i Dynasty). There is a Ming recension of his collection of short stories entitled Huan-yilan chi (originally Yilan-hun chih %%M) which has the theme of vengeful ghosts, probably compiled with the purpose of discouraging the murder of innocent persons, rather than to propa­ gate Buddhist beliefs, as is sometimes claimed. The best known of Yen’s works is the Yen-shih chia-hsiin, belonging to the genre

of advice to one’s children. But this book is also an especially rich source of infor­ mation on the society and thought of his time. It is divided into twenty sections, each of which deals with a topic such as the ed­ ucation of children, supervision of the family, personal conduct, literature, care for one’s health, and a defense of Bud­ dhism. T he format is a general statement followed by relevant citations from the classics and a few anecdotes, often from personal experience, which bear out the validity of the advice. Yen was addressing members of an elite who had easier access to official position because of nepotistic connections—he urged them to be edu­ cated and responsible, since reliance on family connections was too uncertain in times of disorder. T he ideal he set forth was popular with the literati office-seekers of later ages who found office exactly through the education he advocated. From this work Yen can be seen to have been a person of meticulous scholarship, possess­ ing high standards of integrity and a strong sense of responsibility toward his family and society, with a disdain for mere show and easy compromise. T he edifying and moralizing comments were presented in a clear style and an interesting manner, af­ fording the work a continuous popularity. Yen’s statements on literature empha­ sized control and clarity as opposed to spontaneity and purely literary consider­ ations; some critics identify Yen as one of the earliest proponents o f the ku-iven* style. He has been also considered representa­ tive of the realism and moralism associated with the North, as against the southern tendency toward aesthetic considerations, but he certainly displays evidence of sen­ sitivity to excellence in poetry, condemn­ ing only what he considers to be artificial and exaggerated. Yen’s descendants include his grandson Yen Shih-ku 88®* (581-645), the famous commentator on the Han-shu (see Pan Ku), and the more distant Yen Chen-ch’ingii flSJ®(709-785), the famous scholar and cal­ ligrapher o f the T ’ang, whose family stele, housed in the Pei-lin WW in modern Sian, is an important source of information for the life of Yen Chih-t’ui.

E d it io n s :

Chou, Fa-kao WS;!®, ed. Yen-shih chia-hsun huichu Taipei, 1960. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Teng, Ssu-yu. Family Instructionsfor the Yen Clan. Leiden, 1968. S t u d ie s :

Dien, Albert E. “Yen Chih-t’ui (531-591+): A Buddho-Confucian,” in Confucian Personali­ ties, pp. 43-64. ------ . Pei Ch’i shu 45: Biography of Yen Chih-t’ui. Frankfurt, 1976. —:— . “The YUan-hun chih (Accounts of Ghosts with Grievances): A Sixth-Century Collection of Stories,” in Wen-lin, pp. 211-228. Hayashida, Shinnosuke “Gen Shi­ sui no seikatsu to bungakukan” Nihon Chugoku Gakkaiho, 14 (1962), 107-124. Katsumura, Tetsuya WWWS4. “Ganshi kakun kishin-hen to Enkon-shi o megutte” IBft TOyOshikenkyu, 26 (1968), 350-362. KOzen, Hiroshi “Gan Shisui no bun­ gakuron” ISZ It o> Kaga Hakushi taihan kinen ChUgoku bunshitetsu ronshu 1)11IS t1? ± 1979. Miao, Yiieh SM . “Yen Chih-t’ui nien-p’u SS ± m m ," Chen-li, 1 (1944), 411-422. Sato, Ichiro feBS—W. “Gan Shisui den kenkyu” S82.}&($¥f3S, Hokkaido Daigaku Bungakubu kiyo, 18.2 (1970), 1-23. Utsunomiya, Kiyoyoshi “Gan Shi­ sui no takuchikusu” M.2M, in Tamura hakushi shoju TOyOshi ronsO

Kyoto, 1968, pp. 71-88. ———. “Ganshi kakun kishin-hen oboegaki” 8S , Nagoya Daigaku Bungak­ ubu hen.kyu ronshu, 44 (1967), 27-33. ------ . “Honku-Sei-sho bun’en-den cho Gan Shisui-den no issetsu ni tsuite” mi. m co —®5 fcot'-X., Nagoya daigaku bun­ gakubu kenkyu ronshu, 41 (1966), 47-63. ------ . “Kancha seikatsu o okuru Gan Shisui” SSSiJt , TOyOshi kenkyu, 25 (1967), 509-519. Yoshikawa, Tadao “Gan Shisui shoron” ®±#fc'J'lk, TOyOshi kenkyU, 20 (1962), 353-381. —AED

Yen Fu IKffi (original ming, T ’i-ch’ien tzu, Yu-lingX^ and Tsung-kuang hao,

Chi-tao Yii-yeh lao-jen JS.ffcSA, T ’ienyen che-hsiieh-chia etc., 18541921), translator extraordinary, educator, publicist, and poet, was born in Hou-kuan County, Foochow Prefecture (modern Fukien). In late T ’ang times, the Yen fam­ ily migrated to the small village of Yangch’i hsiang (modern Fukien). Much later, Yen Fu’s grandfather, Huan-jan $ became a chu-jen in 1810 and served for a time as an education official. His father, Chen-hsien made his living as a practitioner o f traditional medicine, but he apparently had other hopes for his son (his eldest son had died some years before), for he hired a live-in tutor, Huang Shaoyen M'MVk, to instruct Yen Fu in the Con­ fucian Classics and the rigorous examination-style essay. A stern disciplinarian, Huang introduced his young charge to the scholarship of the Sung and Han schools of learning, as well as the standard-school texts. Huang’s death, followed shortly by that o f Yen Fu’s father, brought an abrupt end to Yen’s education arid a severe de­ cline in the family’s circumstances; His preparations for the civil-service exami­ nation degrees thus ended, a new and rath e r unexpected opportunity to con­ tinue his studies nevertheless soon pre­ sented itself. Tso Tsung-^t’ang (1812-1885), shortly before his transfer to the northwest as Governor-general o f Shensi and Kansu provinces, had recommended to the court that a modern shipyard and a naval academy be established in Foochow, and that Shen Pao-chen (1820-1879), like Yen Fu a native o f Hou-kuan County, be entrusted with that responsibility. Under Shen’s able leadership, both facilities Were soon in operation. In 1867 Yen Fu passed the entrance examinations to the new na­ val academy, where he specialized in nav­ igation. Thus began a five-year course of instruction in the English language, math­ ematics, modern sciences, and naval sci­ ence. Throughout his years as a cadet, Yen Fu continued to study the Confucian Clas­ sics and the pa-ku wen* essay style. He graduated in 1871 at the head of his class; there followed several years of training at

sea and a period of detached duty on the personal staff of Shen Pao-chen, then the minister of naval affairs. In 1877, Yen Fu was one of twelve graduates of the Naval Academy selected for advanced profes­ sional training in Europe. He spent nearly two years at the Greenwich Naval College in England, where he received advanced instruction in m athem atics, chem istry, physics, and naval science. In his free time, he schooled himself in English politics and social philosophy, seeking to discover the foundations of Western wealth and power. A fter his return to China, he taught for a time at his alma mater, and was then ap­ pointed dean of the newly founded Peiyang Naval Academy in Tientsin. In 1889, he was named vice-chancellor of that in­ stitution, and one year later promoted to chancellor. What must be regarded as a remarkably rapid advancement in his chosen profes­ sion apparently failed nonetheless to sat­ isfy his yearning for a voice in the conduct o f national affairs. Because a foreign-style education was still viewed with deep sus­ picion, he sought to remedy the situation by acquiring the traditional credentials for high office in the governmental bureau­ cracy.; namely, the examination degrees. In 1885, Yen Fu purchased the chien-jen degree, which qualified him to participate in the chil-jen examinations. However, he failed to pass, and he fared no better on th re e subsequent attem pts. T h u s frus­ trated, he next turned his attention to w riting and translation, which soon brought him the public visibility and influ­ ence he so much desired. During the midand late-1890s, he wrote a series of essays arguing the need for national reforms of a political, social and educational nature. These essays were initially published in Tientsin newspapers, and later in the in­ fluential Shih-wu pao. In 1898, his famous “ Shang-huang-ti wan-yen shu” (Ten Thousand Word Memorial) was pub­ lished in the Kuo-wen pao. As a result, he was ordered to appear at court for an au­ dience with the Kuang-hsQ Emperor to dis­ cuss his recommendations. This was shortly before the Empress Dowager T z’u-hsi SMI

(1835-1908) and her radically conservative allies terminated the so-called Hundred Days Reform Movement by a coup d’etat. Apparently forewarned, Yen Fu prudently withdrew to Tientsin, avoiding involve­ m ent in the swift retribution visited upon those officials who had been most inti­ mately connected with the reform pro­ gram. Before these momentous events, Yen Fu had already begun a task which would claim much of his attention over the next dec­ ade, and as a result, firmly establish him as one of the two greatest translators of that era, the other being Lin Shu.* The task of translation was one for which he was eminently qualified by virtue of his solid command of English and his wideranging reading in modern Western phi­ losophy and the social sciences. Hereto­ fore, most translations o f Western works belonged to the fields of science and tech­ nology. But with the upsurge of interest among young intellectuals in reform mea­ sures, what he was to accomplish in this realm would have a major impact on the minds of his own and later generations of readers anxious to learn about foreign so­ cial and political institutions and ideas. In 1897, his translation of and commentary on the first two chapters of Thomas Hux­ ley’s Evolution and Ethics and Other Essays appeared in the newspaper Kuo-wen pao, and the next year in book form. Wu Julun (1840-1903), a reform-minded official and educator and a leading pro­ ponent of T ’ung-ch'eng style classical prose (see T ’ung-ch’eng p ’ai), provided an intro­ duction for this epochal work. Over the next ten years, there followed in quick or­ der complete or partial translations with commentaries o f Adam Smith’s An Enquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty, Her­ bert Spencer’s Study of Sociology, Edward Jenks’s A History of Politics, Charles Louis Montesquieu’s De I’Esprit des Lois, John Stuart Mill’s System of Logic, and William S. Jevons’s Primer of Logic. Yen Fu had con­ cluded that the West’s technological su­ periority was more a symptom than a cause of its sudden rise to prominence. As the

titles of the books he selected for trans­ lation clearly suggest, he had come to be­ lieve that the exaltation of human physical, moral, and intellectual energies, the place­ ment o f heavy stress on the importance of the individual, constituted the wellspring o f Western dynamism and success in mod­ ernization. T hese were values, he b e­ lieved, that the Chinese would do well to em ulate if they were to resist foreign aggression and ultim ately claim th e ir rightful place in the world. These ideas found an enthusiastic and appreciative au­ dience among the younger generation, and his translations exerted a profound impact on the minds of many who were to become the future political and intellectual leaders o f China. T h a t his translations were couched in the laconic and difficult clas­ sical language would later prove to be a serious obstacle to their continuing pop­ ularity. Nevertheless, readers of his own day could appreciate his skillful use of the ku-wen* idiom. As a translator, Yen Fu also made a lasting contribution to the lan­ guage in the form o f neologisms he coined to express foreign terms and concepts. Moreover, his experiences as a serious translator led to the development of a the­ ory of translation. In his view, superior translation required that the translator achieve three goals: hsin iS (fidelity to the original work), ta ii (precision and intel­ ligibility of language), and ya B (elegance o f style). This formulation of the problems and ideals o f translation is still regarded as insightful and worthy of emulation. Yen Fu’s activities as a translator by no means occupied all of his energies during these years. After leaving the navy and re­ signing the chancellorship of the Peiyang Naval Academy in 1900, he took on a number of new responsibilities, including those of a member of the board of direc­ tors of the Kaiping Mining Company, the direction of a translation bureau at the Im­ perial University in Peking, then headed by Wu Ju-Iun, and a role in promoting the study of logic. Still later, he accepted the position of principal of Fu-tan Academy in Shanghai, m em bership on an advisory council for political affairs in the imperial

government (he had been named a chinshih in 1909, thus providing him with the degree status he had so long desired), the chancellorship of Peking University dur­ ing the early Republican era, and (still later) the role of an advisor on legal and foreign affairs to Yiian Shih-k’ai (18591916). His failure to publicly oppose the latter’s imperial ambitions in 1916 seri­ ously impaired his standing among young intellectuals. At the same time, it signaled changes in his thinking that began with the collapse of the dynasty in 1911 and the outbreak of World War I a few years later. The latter event tended to undercut his commitment to a pro-Western liberal out­ look, and thereafter he became increas­ ingly conservative in his views, so that later he would lend his support to those seeking to establish Confucianism as a state reli­ gion, and oppose the vernacularization and westernization movements. In 1916, somewhat embittered, Yen Fu retired from public life to devote his re­ maining years to antiquarian interests. His classical scholarship had already assumed tangible form in 1903 with the publication of his commentaries on the Wang Pi ISB (226-249) text of the Tao-te-ching (see ching)'. the Yen-shih p ’ing-tien Lao-tzu ?. A similar study of another Taoist classic was completed and published during his years of retirement—the Chuang-tzu p ’ingtien ffi? IfJK exemplified in part the degree to which thd ancient past had become for him a sanctuary from the disappointing realities of contemporary life. Yen Fu’s skill as a poet in the classical manner is often noted but seldom ex­ plained in critical terms. He was not a pro­ lific poet by normal standards, but small though his poetic corpus may be, it de­ serves more attention than it has yet re­ ceived. His collected poems, the Yil-yeht’ang shih-chi has until recently been difficult to obtain; however, selec­ tions from his shih* poems have been re­ printed from time to time along with his selected essays. Some of these poems are densely textured and verbally rich, while others are rather straightforward in man­ ner and diction, as is the case with those

poems more overtly autobiographical in nature. Yen Fu also cultivated the tz’u* forih, although only sparingly, if the few examples reproduced in Yen Chi-tao Hsiensheng i:chu are taken as rep­ resentative of his total efforts in that di­ rection. The product of fugitive moods, the tz'u poems are intrinsically less inter­ esting than his other verse. E d it io n s :

Chou, Chen-fu JSSlffi, ed. Yen Fu shih wen hsilan Peking, 1957. Annotated selec­ tions of his essays and poems. Nan-ching Ta-hsiieh Li-shih Hsi Ifc, comp. Yen Fu shih wen hsiian-chu 31tt. Kiangsu, 1975. Annotated selections of his essays and poems. Nan-yang Hsiieh-hui yen-chiu comp. Yen Chi-tao Hsien-sheng i-chuJ8MM%;£ # * . Singapore, 1959. Includes some of his essays and tz’u poems. Shen, Yiin-lung it UBS, ed. Hou-kuan Yen-shih ts’ung-k’e Taipei, ri.d. Reprint of his early essays and the nien-p’u by Wang Ch’U-ch’ang listed below. —---- . Yen Chi-tao shih wen ch’ao IfStS’. Taipei, n.d. Reprint of selected essays and poems. Yil-yeh-t’ang shih-chi JtsSSSt#^. Rpt. Taipei, 1980. S t u d ie s :

BDRC, v. 4, pp. 41-47. Chou, Chen-fu. Yen Fu ssu-hsiang shu-p’ing f? filffifflitfF. Shanghai, 1940. ECCP, p. 643. Hsia, C. T. “Yen Fu and Liang Ch’i-ch’ao as Advocates of New Fiction,” in Chinese Ap­ proaches, pp. 221-257. Liu, Fu-pen Yen Fu tefu-ch’iang ssu-hsiang Taipei, 1977. Especially pp. 98-100 for a full listing of Yen Fu’s transla­ tions and scholarly works, and pp. 101-108 for a bibliography of secondary sources. Schwartz, Benjamin. In Search of Wealth and Power, Yen Fu and the West. Cambridge, Mass., 1964. An excellent and insightful study. Wang, Ch’fl-ch’ang 3ESI#. Yen Chi-tao nien-p’u Shanghai, 1936. Wang, Shih 3Ett. Yen Fu chuang ROtff. Shang­ hai, 1957. —ws Yen-shan wai-shih (The Tale of a Yen-shan Scholar) is a short novel in p ’ien-

wen* (parallel prose) by Ch’en Chiu (tzu, Yiin-chai KJff,Jl. 1808). It is an inter­ esting attempt to adapt the euphuisticprose style to narrative and recalls the ex­ ample set earlier by Chang Tsu’s* Yu hsienk’u (although Ch’en probably never knew of the existence of the T ’ang work). As such, the text is often looked upon as an instance of the brief resurgence of parallel prose in the Ch’ing dynasty, but it also merits consideration merely as a narrative. The work does not tell an original story; it represents in parallel prose the story told in the Ming writer Feng Meng-chen’s (1546-1605) tale “Tou-sheng chuan” a work of the ts’ai-tzu chia-jen* type written in classical Chinese. Relating pri­ marily the love affair and marriage of Tou Sheng-tsuJMSffl andLiA i-ku it also contains, in addition to the essential in­ gredients of the “scholar and beauty” story, many other motifs taken from other re­ lated genres. Its plot follows the conven­ tional pattern closely: an initial meeting is succeeded by a separation (in this case caused by a fam ily-arranged m arriage forced on the hero by his father). Finally there is a reunion after certain complica­ tions have been resolved. In the “compli­ cation” and “resolution” portions of the text are incorporated the motifs and nar­ rative situations that seem to reflect the influence of earlier and contemporary fic­ tion and drama. Before the reunion can be achieved, for example, the heroine is made to suffer many trials and hardships, such as a period in a brothel, subjection to ma­ licious treatment by the hero’s jealous, wicked wife, and refuge in a nunnery. Some episodes concerning a friend of the hero’s are suggestive of the knight-errantry mo­ tif, and at the end of the story the topos of Taoist enlightenment is introduced to top off the happy ending. This source story is thus a variation on an established form by accretion of extra elements and rep­ resents the evolution of a narrative form in a cumulative mode. By retelling such an accretive Story, Yenshan wai-shih has directed its narrative en­ ergy to a different process than that nor­ mally required of a narrative (such as se­

lection, invention, and arrangement of events). T he creative imagination is shown mainly in the derivation that elaborates the given story by means of a new form of expression. T he elaboration operations most frequently employed in the text can be summarized as of three types: that of concretization (i.e., dramatization of an abstract or general term in the source text), that of “filling out” of details (i.e., making explicit the information implied in the original), and finally, that of supplemen­ tation of extra information neither im­ plied nor inferrable from the original. Generally these operations have the effect of creating new thematic emphases and narrative foci in the derivative text. Par­ allelism, even on the sentence level, also has a tendency to put the narrated events into a paired relationship, thus making each event a part of a situation rather than al­ lowing it to be perceived as a unique hap­ pening. Utilization of a ready-made story implies a literary principle on which parallel prose itself is based. By transforming the source material into a new form of expression with new import, Yen-shan wai-shih. is using an existing system of signification for the pur­ pose of its own system of meaning, while the use of allusions and literary phrases in p ’ien-wen is similarly an adaptation of old elements into a new context. This re-work­ ing and transformation of elements from the past tradition, as well as the re-channeling of the creative energy, embodies a fundamental nature of the literary activity, as literature seems to evolve through rein­ terpretation and transformation of the more constant of the elements in its own tradition. Yen-shan wai-shih is often criticized for being inept as a piece of literary work, but the criticism fails to take into considera­ tion its synthesizing nature and its peculiar form of creativity. Insipid to the modern taste, the work nevertheless sheds light on an integrating tendency of the literary de­ velopment (cf. drama in the Chinese tra­ dition)'and may be profitably studied from that perspective.

E d it io n s :

Yen-shan wai-shih. 2 chilan. Ohashi Atsushi fS, annot. Tokyo, 1878; rpt. Tokyo, c. 19071911; both in Naikaku Bunko. Yen-shan wai-shih. 2 chilan. Shanghai, 1938. With a preface by Wu Chan-ch’eng SHIS (1811). The edition contains the text of “Tou-sheng chuan” and annotations indicating the locus classicus of most allusions; it is more easily available in later reprints. —KK

Yen Shu {tzu, T ’ung-shu Hit, 9911055), was the elder of the “Two Yens” of Northern Sung tz’u * poetry. Together with his son, Yen Chi-tao,* and his fellow scholar-official, Ou-yang Hsiu,* Yen Shu carried on the late T ’ang Hua-chien chi* and Five Dynasties style. His verse is often said to be particularly influenced by the elegant tz’u poetry of Feng Yen-ssu,* a Grand Councilor of the Southern T ’ang state. Yen Shu was born in Lin-ch’uan (SW (modern Kiangsi), which had been part of the Southern T ’ang kingdom. He was a prodigy, at the age of fourteen earning the chin-shih degree and receiving his first of­ ficial position. Though he came from a rel­ atively poor family, Yen Shu was well ed­ ucated, and became a successful Confucian scholar-official. Many anecdotes recorded in the Sung-shih 35® (History of the Sung Dynasty) attest to his talent and tact as a diplomatic statesman. His moderation and sense of justice enabled him to advance quickly, and when he was appointed Grand Councilor at the age of forty-four, he be­ came one of the few southerners to achieve high rank in the Northern Sung court. Dis­ missed at age fifty-four for offenses which remain unclear, Yen Shu spent the last ten years of his life traveling and serving in provincial positions. Yen Shu’s poetry consistently reflects elite literati taste. His home became a lit­ erary salon, in which scholar-officials min­ gled with singing girls; their poetry expressd th e ir sophisticated aristocratic lifestyle of leisure and luxury. It was tra­ ditionally believed that Yen Shu’s elegant style of writing tz’u in the shorter hsiao-ling form had flourished before Liu Yung’s*

development o f the more colloquial tz’u in the longer man-tz’u form, but recent schol­ arship has revealed that the two schools coexisted at the same time. Yen Shu rep­ resented the affluent conservative literati who resisted Liu Yung’s* innovations in the popular style. Yen Shu’s 137 tz’u poems in his collec­ tion Chu-yti tz’u ft H i (Pearls and Jade) pri­ marily use the two-stanza form and employ many of the tunes used in the Southern T ’ang. They are noteworthy for their emotional restraint and subtlety. Exquisite imagery and delicate suggestivity create a graceful effect. Aristocratic decorum is balanced by personal equanimity in a set­ ting of self-conscious luxury and good taste. Though there are few obligatory court poems, most of the tz’u in Pearls and Jade are on love. In some Yen Shu’s work is gracefully fluent, musical, and slightly col­ loquial, not burdened by allusions or in­ tensity. T he mood is often tinged with melancholy, but tempered by a balanced sense of resignation and even philosophi­ cal understanding. An illustration o f Yen Shu’s acceptance o f both the beauty of the moment and the sorrow of its inevitable passing is the sec­ ond stanza of his tz’u to the tune “Huanhsi sha” (Sands o f the W ashing Stream): Mountains and rivers as far as I can see; In vain I recall what is beyond them. Amidst the fallen flowers in wind and rain One grieves even more for spring. The best thing is to love the one who’s here be­ fore my eyes.

This verse is more than a sequence of con­ ventional images for the end of spring and longing for a distant lover: in each line there is a delicately suggested tension be­ tween the' immediate and the remote, the present and the past; the pattern of these contrasts reinforces the idea that, ironi­ cally, one longs most for the lost lover or season when it is most unattainable. Yen Shu rose to prominence under the peaceful reigns of Emperors Chen-tsung (998-1022) and Jen-tsung (1023-1063), but his luxurious lifestyle and the untroubled

era do not sufficiently account for the el­ egant refinement and smooth delicacy of his verse. T he combination of his nostalgic interest in the traditional Hua-chien chiSouthern T ’ang style and his thoughtful and diplomatic temperam ent also contrib­ utes to the balanced poise and gracefulness of his poetic work. E d it io n s :

Chu-yti tz’u chiao-ting chien-chi Chang Shao-to ed. Rpt. n.p., 1971. Erh Yen tz’u hstian-chu — Hsia Chingkuan HSfcll, ed. Taipei, 1965. Yen Ytian-hsien i-wen 5cllttit3t, in Sung erh-shih chia chi 35—+3RiS, v. 17. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Sunflower, pp. 310-311. Liu, Lyricists, pp. 17-34. St u d ie s :

Wan, Min-hao Erh Yen chi ch’i tz’u —• SK&lsl. Shanghai, 1934. Praises Yen Chitao and disparages Yen Shu. Yeh, Chia-ying SUK “An Appreciation of the Tz’u of Yen Shu” James R. Hightower, trans., Renditions, 11/12 (Spring/ Autumn 1979), 83-99. Reacting against Wan Min-hao, praises Yen Shu as a mature, intel­ lectual poet. —MW

Yen Tan-tzu o r Yen T ’ai-tzu Tan & X T f i (Prince Tan o f Yen), in three chilan and of unknown authorship, has long been considered a rare piece o f fiction handed down to us from as early as the second century B.C. Concerning the adventures of the well-known political assassin Ching K’o IfW and particularly his attem pt on the life of the King o f C h’in *5E®t (r. 246-210 B.C.), this account is closely parallel to the biography of C hing K’o in Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s* Shih-chi.* What makes it signif­ icantly different and gives it a distinctively fictional character are the abundance of fantastic and supernatural elements, the extremity of exaggeration, and the ab­ surdity with which Prince Tan, Ching K’o’s patron, bends to take his revenge on the King of Ch’in for personal abuse. Ching K’o’s eccentric behavior and his demand o f lavish, and largely unreasonable, hos­

pitality from the prince also mark him not as an itinerant knight-errant eager to right wrongs, but as one relentlessly seeking a high price for his service. As seen in the Yen Tan-tzu, Ching K’o’s is an expensive “ hired gun” and an incompetent one at that. Yen Tan-tzu has a problematic textual history. First registered in the dynastic his­ tory Sui-shu and later quoted by Li Shan in annotating the Wen-hsilan,* by Chang Shou-i S '? # (T ’ang) in commentating the Shih-chi, and in the T ’ang encyclopedia Peit ’ang shu-ch’ao (Excerpts from Books in the Northern Hall), this work must have been composed before the T ’ang period. However, it had become fairly rare by the Ming. The Ch’ing scholar Sun Hsing-yen S llif (1753-1818) resurrected it from the Yung-lo ta-tien (see lei-shu) and restored the text on the basis of various previous quotations. All modern editions o f the work are based on Sun’s version, in which serious textual problems still exist, particularly toward the end. This textual situation complicates dat­ ing. Those who believed that the work could be pre-Han and might have served as the basis of the Ching K’o biography in the Shih-chi include such eminent figures as Sung Lien,* Sun Hsing-yen, Chou Chung-fu (1768-1831), T ’an Hsien W* (1830-1901), and Lu Hsiin (Chou Shu-jen SBfit/ , 1881-1936). In view o f the stylistic sophistication of the work, how­ ever, it is unlikely that it indeed dates from such antiquity. More conservative views were expressed by Li Tz’u-ming (1830-1894), Hu Yu-chin (d. 1940), and YQ Chia-hsi (1883-1955), who considered it a work composed before the Southern Dynasties (prior to ^20). Some scholars simply declare it a forgery without providing evidence, while the authorita­ tive Ssu-k'u ch’ilan-shu tsung-mu t’i-yao (see Chi Yiin) regards it a mere patchwork. The first modern scholar to make an extensive study of the work was Lo Ken-tse Hffi® (1900-1960). T he overwhelming evidence he presented in a 1929 study should at least underscore the doubts about the origin and antiquity o f the work. Kuo Wei-hsin

reexam ined the issue (1947) and con­ firmed Lo’s finding that the Yen Tan-tzu was composed during the Southern Ch’i dynasty. Unfortunately these studies have not received the attention they deserve and Yen Tan-tzu has repeatedly been referred to in later studies and translations as a unique example of pre-Han fiction. Despite a compositional date much later than previously assumed, Yen Tan-tzu, with its stylistic strength and expression of the Chinese concept o f reciprocation, still stands as fine example of early (Six Dy­ nasties) fiction. E d it io n s :

Yen Tan-tzu, in P’ing-chin kuan ts’ung-shu *£*», Sun Hsing-yen, ed., PPTSCC. Rec­ ommended text. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Franke, Herbert. Prinz Tan von Yen: Eine chi­ nesische Novelle aus der Chan-kuo-Zeit. Zurich, 1969. Rushton, Peter. “Prince Tan of Yen,” in Tra­ ditional Chinese Stories, pp. 43-49. St u d ie s :

Franke, Herbert. “Die Geschichte des Prinzen Tan von Yen,” ZDMG, 107.2 (1957), 412425. Lo, Ken-tse. “Yen Tan-tzu chen-wei nien-tai k’ao” Chung-shan Ta-hsileh Yil-yen Li-shih-hsiieh Yen-chiu-so chou-k’an, 78 (April 1929), 23-31. Also under title of “Yen Tan-tzu chen-wei nien-tai chih chiu-shuo yfl hsin-k’ao” « R » fr* in Lo Ken-tse, Chu-tzu k’ao-so Peking, 1958, pp. 416-421. Kuo, Wei-hsin. “Yen Tan-tzu k’ao-liieh” #*§, Hsiieh-i, 17.11 (November 1947), 14-20. —YWM

Yen Yen-chih (tzu. Yen-nien 384-456) was ranked together with Hsieh Ling-yun* by early literary critics as one of the two greatest poets of the Yiian-chia period (424-453). Yen as also an essayist of some distinction and served as an official in a period of considerable chaos. Yen was born near present-day Nanking where he pursued an official career, though his family hailed from Lin-i 8S#f (modern Shantung). Orphaned in early youth, he took to books with a great voracity and

soon achieved distinction through his own writing. The destitution of his early years taught him to be frugal and practical, yet led him to take an almost unnatural (for his own day and society) pride in his own achievements. At thirty he remained un­ married. He had, at the time, a chance to enter officialdom, but refused to exercise the option—a rejection of nepotism rarely found in the annals of Chinese intellectual history. During a military campaign launched against the north by Liu Yii Emperor Wu of the Sung (r. 420-422), Yen com­ posed, near the overgrown ruins of the former imperial palace at Lo-yang, two verses in the vein of Shelley’s “ Ozymandias,” which won him great acclaim. By his late thirties, the emperor had already be­ stowed upon him the title of Secretary of the Heir Apparent. Subsequent to this he held, at various times th ro u g h o u t the reigns of four Liu Sung emperors, several coveted bureaucratic appointments. Yen was eventually implicated, along with Hsieh Ling-yiin, in an abortive at­ tempt to support the Prince of Lu-ling IX St3E for succession to the throne (422). He was banished to a post as Governor of Yung-chia &*, where he composed the brooding verses “Wu-chun yung” S .B S k (In Praise of Five of the Seven Sages o f the Bamboo Grove), which placed him in fur­ ther danger and distinction. Several of the concluding couplets from these poems were intended as a mirror of his own misfor­ tunes, seen through the fates of past wor­ thies: Egrets’ plumage at times can ruffle, But your dragon-like nature bent to no man. [In Praise of Hsi K’ang] He spoke naught of worldly affairs, Yet would weep at the end of a road. [In Praise of Juan Chi] ’ Repeated recommendations never resulted in of­ fice, But one wave dispatched you to far-off exile. [In Praise of Juan Hsien] Talent concealed in the depths of daily drinking, Who can discern your true reasons for dissipa­ tion? [In Praise ot Liu Ling]

Since he clearly identified with the figures praised, the poems infuriated Yen’s ene­ mies, but he was shielded from their wrath by Emperor Wen. After biding his time in exile, Yen was eventually restored to favor and lived until his seventy-third year. Upon his death he was granted the posthumous title of Hsien M (Exemplary). Pao Chao* once told Yen: “ Hsieh Lingyun’s verse in pentasyllables is natural in its beauty—like a lotus in its early stages poking its head up above the water. Yours is a verse of well-arranged fineries, with more decorative embroidery than can meet the eye.” History has dealt even more harshly with Yen’s ornate and formalistic style, his emphasis on technique at the ex­ pense of mood. Although his reputation has since suffered because of his florid style, it should be remembered that when the ancients wrote poetry, they hoped to in­ duce the reader to contemplate the mean­ ing o f a line on several levels. In this, Yen is certainly no failure. It is a pity that only twenty-four of his poems are now extant. His works were originally compiled into a volume entitled Yen Kuang-lu chi (Works of Yen, Grand Master of the Pal­ ace). He and Shen Yiieh* were among the earliest annotators of Juan Chi’s* “Yunghuai shih.” E d it io n s :

Nan-Pei-ch’ao shih, “Ch’iian Sung shih” v. 2, ch. 2, pp. 777-789. Contains twenty-four poems by Yen. Chu, Tung-jun &3ICH. Chung-kuo li-tai wen-hsiieh tso-p’in hsilan 4v. Shang­ hai, n.d. Contains (v. 1, pp. 344-348) Yen’s poems in honor of five of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove; texts are based on an early woodblock edition of the Wen-hsilan*; heavy annotation. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Frodsham, Anthology, pp. 157-158. -JK Yin-feng-ko tsa-chii (Variety Plays of the Poetry-chanting Tower) is a collec­ tion of thirty-two one-act plays by Yang Ch’ao-kuan (tzu, Hung-tu SSffi, hao, Li-hu 3£iS8, 1712-1791). Yang was a native

o f Wu-hsi (Kiangsu) and, from child­ hood on, a dose friend of the poet Yiian Mei.* His literary talent was recognized early, but after taking the chii-jen degree he entered into an official career that was to last until his retirement at age seventy. He spent most of his later years serving as magistrate of various counties in Szech­ wan. “Yin-feng ko” was a tower he built in Ch’iung-chou USffi, Szechwan, on the supposed site of the abode of Cho Wenchiin Ssu-ma H siang-ju’s* w ifet Yang came at the end of a long line of late Ming and early Gh’ing writers who ex­ celled in the short play form, including Hsii Wei,* Yu T ’ung,* Hsi Yung-jen,* and Kuei Fu.* According to most critics, Yang was the greatest artist in this genre. As is often the case with short plays from this period, many were not suited for per­ formance. But they are tightly structured and always eminently readable for their brisk, lively, and often humorous dialogue. Though the plots of these plays are based mostly on anecdotes of well-known histor­ ical figures, Yang’s imaginative handling o f these old materials gives them a delight­ ful freshness and a new dimension. Traditionally, his best piece of work is considered to be “K’ou-lai kung ssu-ch’in pa-yen” (Remembering His Mother, Lord K’ou-lai Calls off the Ban­ quet), a moving play which celebrates filial piety and the virtue of frugality. Accord­ ing to Chiao Hsiin’s MVS (1763-1820) ChUshuo »Jift (Notes on Plays—a collection of notes on music and drama), the scholarstatesm an Ju an Yiian (1764-1849) while Governor of Chekiang, saw this play and was so moved that he also called off a scheduled banquet. Another play in the collection, “ Han-tan chiin ts’o-chia ts’aije n ” (A Mismarriage in Hantan) is noteworthy for its powerful pathos created by a juxtaposition of dream and reality. This work is all the more remark­ able for its unusual brevity—it is only two and a half printed pages long. T o most modern critics, however, com­ edy rather than tragedy is Yang’s forte. His humor is never facetious or co arseall his plays have a guiding moral purpose

set forth in a prefatory remark. Yang had the talent of.making morality entertaining without trivializing it. In his best comedies, the comic elements often depend on the moral lesson for their effect. This can be most clearly seen in “Chi C h’ang-ju chiaochao fa-ts’ang” iKJIif fcilBIS;# (Chi Ch’angju Opens the Granaries by Forging an Im­ perial Edict). Among his successful com­ edies are “T ’ou-t’ao chuo-chu Tung-fang Shuo” i r U ( T u n g - f a n g Shuo Caught Stealing Peaches), “Huang-shih P’o shou-chi t’ao-kuan” JIEi&tSl+SSBB (Steal­ ing through the M ountain Pass by G randm a H uang-shih’s Strategy), and “ Hsi-sai shan yii-weng feng-pai” ffiliilftfl (The Old Fisherman of West-border Mountain Accepts an Honorary Title). Unique in this collection is a play which addresses the question of the compatibility of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism: “Han Wen-kung hsiieh-yung Lan-kuan” mxmm& BS (Han Wen-kung at a Snow­ bound Lan-kuan). In this play, Han Yii,* a disgraced Confucian official, and Han Hsiang-tzu, a Taoist immortal, argue their beliefs With equal eloquence and cogency. In the end neither convinces the other. The transcendental view o f religion, an implicit theme of the play, is by no means original, but it is treated with a degree of sophistication rarely encountered in lit­ erary works. E d it io n s :

Yin-feng ko tsa-chii. Ch’ia-hao ch’u tniifl® ed., 1764. ------ . Wu-wai shan-fangS^f-LUif ed. 1820. — —. Liu-i shu-chii A®8%) ed., Shanghai, 1913, based on Hsieh-yGn lou handcopied version. ------ . Hu Shih-ying collated and an­ notated edition, Shanghai, 1963; the most useful modern edition, but it contains only thirty of the plays. St u d ie s :

Chou, Miao-chung “Yang Ch’ao-kuan ho t’a te Yin-feng Wenhsiieh i-ch’an tseng-k’an, 9 (June 1962), 43-61. * Chu, Hsiang “Yin-feng ko,” in Chung-kuo wen-hsileh yen-chiu Cheng Chento, ed., rpt. Hong Kong, 1969, pp. 478-480. Fu, Ch'ing tsa-chii, pp. 118-149.

Tseng, “Ch’ing-tai tsa-chii,” pp. 164-187.

poetry. In addition, Yin K’eng is also re­ membered for playing a key role in the development of chin-t’i SIS (modern style) Yin K’eng l$£ (tz’u, Tzu-chien ? S£,y?. mid­ poetry during the sixth century. While sixth century) was a leading poet in a pe­ none o f his ex tan t poems qualifies as riod which saw a flourishing of literary ac­ “modern style” in the strict sense, some tivity amidst civil disorder and dynastic bear sufficient resemblance to the latter in change. Very little is known y f his life ex­ th e ir relative brevity, th e ir tonal and cept that he was born in Wu-wei (mod­ rhythmic harmony, and their ample use of ern Kansu), served in various capacities un­ parallel structures. der both the Liang and the Ch’en dynasties, As a key figure in the development of and rose eventually to a position as prefect. the chin-t’i verse, Yin K’eng was well ap­ A short biography in the Nan-shih preciated by traditional critics and Tu Fu,* (History of the Southern Dynasties) notes who ranked him as one of the most accom­ he was well-read in the histories and adept plished poets from the Six Dynasties. at pentasyllabic verse. He is said to. have left behind three collections of literary E d i t i o n s : i f , in Nan-pei-ch’ao shih, writings, of which only thirty-five poems Ch’iian Ch’en shih v. 3, pp. 1622-1630. remain. Yin Ch’ang-shih shih-chi in Erh-yu-t’ang Yin K’eng wrote in a period which is ts’ung-shu — [also known as Changknown as the age of kung-t’i shih* (palaceshih ts’ung-shu SEftUlf], v. 11, Chang Chu style poetry), and his surviving works 36$, comp., 1821. clearly reflect the force of this tradition. ------ . TSCCCP, v. 2219. About one third of his extant works be­ longs to the categories o f ying-chih HIM T r a n s l a t i o n s : (poems written on imperial command), Demi6ville, Anthologie, p. 164. yung-wu Vs.^ (poems on objects), and kuei- Frodsham, Anthology, pp. 179-181. —ssw yiian Mffi (poems on boudoir sorrow), all o f which were standard in mid-sixth cen­ Yin Shu m*(tzu, Shih-lu 0ft, 1001-1047), tury kung-t’i shih. His work often exhibits scholar and military adviser, was a key considerable originality, especially in the transmitter of the ku-wen* prose move­ yung-wu genre. Unlike most yung-wu poetry ment begun in the ninth century by Han from the period, Yin K’eng’s “poems on Yfl.* He is said to have inspired Ou-yang objects” tend to deal with reminders of the Hsiu* to employ ku-wen instead of p ’ienseasons and are charged with a strong un­ wen* in prose writing. Yin was from Ho­ dercurrent of feeling, showing a sensibility nan MM (modern Lo-yang), a major cul­ which transcends the limitations o f the pal­ tural center, and is often referred to as ace style. “Ho-nan Hsien-sheng” (Mr. Ho­ What distinguishes Yin K’eng are his nan). landscape and many travel poems which Born into a family of officials, he passed are structured around the mode of huai- the chin-shih St± examination in 1024 and kuVHs (meditation on things past). Neither served the first six years of his career in verse-type was his invention, b ut he minor provincial posts mostly close to his brought to both an emotional realism and native city. In 1030 he was allowed to take an attention to descriptive detail rarely seen a special qualifying examination and, as a in works by his predecessors or contem­ result, was promoted to the office of Pre­ poraries. His huai-ku poems were among fect in I-yang f?4t County south of Lo-yang. This post proved important for it ena­ . the earliest efforts in pre-T’ang poetry to blend the ubi sunt motif with descriptions bled him to associate with other talented, o f actual landscape, a procedure which young officials, and to enjoy with them the helped to define the huai-ku mode as an patronage o f the ad m in istrato r o f the independent subgenre in classical Chinese greater Lo-yang area, Ch’ien Wei-yen,* an —J W a n d P T H

influential scholar, poet and politician. Among the men Yin met at this time were O u-yang Hsiu and the poet Mei Yaoch’en.* In 1034, through the recommendation of his immediate superior, Yin Shu began a two-year tour of duty in the capital, Kai­ feng, where he wrote several of his bestknown military policy statements (in ku-wen style) including “Shu Yen” (Discussing the Yen Area) and “ Hsi shu” M.1& (On Stopping Frontier Defense). Yin Shu’s close association with the reformist political fig­ ures Fan Chung-yen,* Han Ch’i (10081075), andFu Pi (1004-1083) also dates from this time. Because Fan Chung-yen at­ tacked members of the imperial govern­ ment (1036), he and his supporters, in­ cluding Yin Shu, were banished from the capital. Yin Shu’s fortunes improved in 1038 when he (along with most of Fan’s clique) was recalled to help the government put down the rebellion of the Hsi-hsia leader Chao Yuan-hao (1003-1048). Yin Shu, Han Ch’i, and Fan Chung-yen served at the war front in what is now Kansu, where Yin wrote many well-received dis­ cussions on tactics and on war strategy (again, in ku-wen). This earned him a pro­ motion (1043) to Director of Administra­ tion for the Ching and Yiian Routes and to Prefect of Wei-chou iHWI (modern P’ing-liang if,,). His career was probably furthered when Fan Chung-yen began his short-lived program to reform the central government and civil service in 1043 and 1044. But, when Fan and his supporters were demoted (1044), Yin Shu was im­ peached by a rival and removed from his post. T he following year a zealous censor un­ covered some financial irregularities in Yin Shu’s administration of Wei-chou, and Yin was reduced to the post of Supervisor of Liquor Taxes at Chiin-chou (Hupei). His health began to fail, and in 1047, while visiting nearby Nan-yang (modern T eng-hsien f&M) to seek medical help through Fan Chung-yen, he died. Ten years afterwards, Ou-yang Hsiu petitioned the em peror to exonerate Yin and to give

him a posthumous promotion. Both mea­ sures were carried out. In Yin Shu’s day, p ’ien-wen was still re­ quired form on the civil-service examina­ tions and in government documents. There were only a few Sung heirs to the ninthcentury ku-wen movement: Liu K’ai (947-1000), Mu Hsiu S * (979-1032), and Cheng T ’iao (chin-shih, 1030) are most often mentioned. None of these men seems to have been considered as important as Yin, whose roje in fostering ku-wen was ar­ gued by some very influential contempor­ aries. Fan Chung-yen maintained that Yin Shu was the true founder o f the Sung-dy­ nasty ku-wen movement (though Yin may have learned of Han Yii’s ku-wen writings through Mu Hsiu and Cheng T ’iao, with whom he is said to have associated). Ouyang Hsiu, who had admired ku-wen style as a youth, said he only began to practice this kind of writing after seeing a piece written by Yin Shu when both were visit­ ing their patron Ch’ien Wei-yen. After 1057, Ou-yang Hsiu went on to establish ku-wen as the dominant prose style when he required it on the civil-service exami­ nation for that year. Ou-yang Hsiu described Yin Shu’s style as terse and straightforward like the Ch’unch’iu (see ching). In fact, Yin wrote a history of the Five Dynasties period in the manner of the Ch’un-ch’iu (entitled Wu-tai ch’unch’iu Yin’s importance as a ku-wen stylist, however, was not recognized after Ou-yang Hsiu’s time, perhaps because his style was too much like that of the Ch’unch'iu, too terse, too limited to policy state­ ments—without the depth and breadth of applications developed by the great elev­ enth-century ku-wen masters such as Ouyang Hsiu himself. Yin was overshadowed by men who would be counted among the T ’ang Sung pa-ta san-wen chia (see Han Yu). None of his writings appear in the impor­ tant eighteenth century ku-wen anthology, Ku-wen tz’u lei-tsuan,* either. His extant writings consist mostly o f letters and policy statements written between 1034 and 1044. E d it io n s :

Yin, Shu. Ho-nan Hsien-sheng wen-chi SPTK. Preface by Fan Chung-yen; chilan 28 includes descriptions of his life and works.

S t u d ie s : fact, a special feature o f the Hsiao-shuo is Liu, James T. C. Ou-yang Hsiu: An Eleventh-Cen- Yin Yiin’s indication o f his individual tury Neo-Confucianist, Stanford, 1967, pp. 26- sources—many writers, especially those of 27, 106-107, 141-154, 170-171. tales, copied from one another without ac­ SB, pp. 1255-1257. knowledgment. Consequently, Hsiao-shuo T’ang Sung wen chii-yao Kao Pu-ying is useful for collating and reconstructing f t# * , ed., Peking, 1963, v. 2, pp. 659-665. the various works from which it was de­ Extensively annotated text of tomb inscrip­ rived. O f these sources, the Shih-shuo hsintion by Ou-yang Hsiu. yil,* with twenty-two items, appears to have —BL been the most important. Yil lin fi# , Hsiching tsa-chi,* and I yiian come next, Yin Ytin JR» (tzu, Kuan-su MM, 471-529), with nine, eight and seven items respec­ o f Ch’en-ch’iin BKSi (in modern Honan), tively. These figures underline the two was one of the scholars in Hsiao T ’ung’s main concerns of the collection: legends (see Wen-hsilan) famous literary entourage. He studied diligently and had the repu­ about famous people and supernatural sto­ tation of an encyclopedic reader. Some­ ries. It also shows that the term hsiao-shuo time between 514 and 516 Emperor Wu had a more restricted meaning in the Six o f the Liang dynasty (r. 502-549) assigned Dynasties than its present usage as a ge­ Yin Yiin to compile a collection of anec­ neric term for fiction. A poem and an incomplete letter by Yin dotes left out in the standard histories. This collection is called the Hsiao-shuo
Ch’ien-i,* Chu I-tsun,* and Yiian Mei,* has left travel diaries to posterity. The bestknown and most prolific composer of travel journals in traditional China, Hsfl Hungtsu (1586-1641; also known as Hsii Hsia-k’o & ft£), was a product of this pe­ riod. Hsu’s numerous excursions to var­ ious parts of China spanned more than thirty years, and his extant journals de­ scribing these trips contain, according to some estimates, more than 400,000 char­ acters. Certainly no other explorer-geographer-litterateur in traditional China has received more critical attention and praise than Hsii Hsia-k’o. Until very recently, China’s rich heri­ tage of “travel record literature” had gone almost completely unnoticed by historians, literary critics, and Sinologists, both in China and in the West. T he appearance of several articles, translations, and mono­ graphs-dealing with yu-chi wen-hsileh in re­ cent years, however, indicates that there has been a slight reversal o f this earlier trend. The genre remains an important one, not only because of its admirable lit­ erary qualities, but also because the trave­ logues of traditional China are valuable re­ positories of geographical, historical, and other types of information which are not generally found in th e m ore standard source works. A n t h o l o g ie s :

Yeh, Yu-ming M %}99 and Pei Yiian-ch’en K it S . Li-tai yu-chi hsilanM ft #12 S. Changsha, 1980. The best yu-chi anthology available. T

r a n s l a t io n s :

Chang, Chun-shu and Joan Smythe, trans. South China in the Twelfth Century, A Translation of Lu Yu’s Travel Diaries, July 3-December 6, 1170. Hong Kong, 1981. A complete translation, with copious notes, of Lu Yu’s Ju-Shu chi. Chavannes, fidouard. “Voyageurs chinois chez les Khitan et les»Joutchen,” /A, 9th Series, 9 (May-June 1897), 377-442; 11 (May-June 1898), 361-439. ------ . “Pei Yuan Lou, R6cit D’un Voyage Dans Le Nord,” TP, 5.2 (1904), 163-192. A com­ plete and annotated translation of Chou Hui’s Pei-ytian lu. . Li, Chi. “Hsu Hsia-k’o’s Huang-shan Travel Diaries,” in Two Studies, pp. 1-23.

Walls, Jan W. “Wang An-shih’s ‘Record of an Mirsky, Jeannette, ed. The Great Chinese Trav­ Excursion to Mount Pao-ch’an’: A Transla­ elers. Chicago, 1964. tion and Annotation,” in Critical Essays, pp. Murayama, Yoshihiro “Ri Ko no 159-165. ‘Rainan roku’ ni tsuite” lift' tcov' Watson, The Old Man, pp. 69-121. Contains ex­ X, ChUgoku koten kenkyu, 18 (1971), 43-63. cerpts from Lu Yu’s ju-shu chi. Nienhauser, Liu Tsung-yUan, pp. 66-79, treats Liu’s “Eight Records.” Weulersse, Delphine. “Journal de voyage d’un letter chinois en 1177, Wu ch’uan Lu de Fan Sun, Chi-shu ed. Chung-kuoyu-chi hsiXan 4>®)SI2S. Shanghai, 1936. Cheng-Da,” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Paris, 1967. A complete and annotated trans­ Syrokomla-Stefanowska, A. D. “Fan Ch’eng-ta’s Wu-boat Journey of 1177,” JOSA, 10.1-2 lation of Fan Ch’eng-ta’s Wu-ch’uan lu. (June 1975), 65-80. S t u d ie s : Ting, Wen-chiang T3C£C (or V. K. Ting). “On Boulton, Nancy E. “Early Chinese Buddhist Hsil Hsia-k’o (1586-1641), Explorer and Travel Records as a Literary Genre.” Un­ Geographer,” The New China Review, 3.5 (Oc­ published Ph.D. dissertation, Georgetown tober 1921), 225-337. The only in-depth University, 1982. study of Hsil in English. Chang, Chun-'Shu. “Hsii Hsia-k’o (1586-1641),” Wang, Hsuan-ch’eng EEfFK. Chung-kuo ku-tai in Two Studies in Chinese Literature, Chang t'an-hsien-chia yil lil-hsing chia tPlSi*rft$ilSISfc8c Chun-shu et al., eds., Ann Arbor, 1968, pp. KlttEfT*. Hong Kong, 1962. 24-39. -JH — ;— . “An Annotated Bibliography of Hsii Hsia-k’o,” in Two Studies, pp. 40-46. Yu T’ung (tzu, Chan-sheng R05, hao, Chen, Cheng-siang BKIEP. Wu-ch’uan lu te chu- H ui-an AS*, 1618-1704), a native o f shih Hong Kong, 1976. Ch’ang-chou SW (modern Kiangsu), was a Ch’eng, Kuang-yii “Shih-hu chi-hsing poet, calligrapher, essayist, and dramatist. san-lu k’ao-liieh” in Sung- Yu was equally well-known for his schol­ shih yen-chiu chi No. 11, Taipei, arship and for his creative talents. His writ­ 1979, pp. 505-512. ings were appreciated by the K’ang-hsi Chiang, Shao'-yiian Chung-kuo ku-tai lil- Emperor and one of his plays, Tu “Li sao” hsing chih yen-chiu ti-ifen-ts’e, Ts’e-chung ch’ifa- #l§® (Reading “Encountering Sorrow”) shu te ho tsung-chiao tefang-mien was even performed in the palace. Al­ though such distinction brought him re­ Shanghai, 1935. nown and assured him a place among the Chu, Wen and Juan Chi-ming Sung men of letters of the time, he had misfor­ Yiian Ming jih-chi hsilan HS2$. Hong tune in the examinations. Success in offi­ Kong, 1957. Includes selections from 15 cialdom did not come until he was over travel diaries, all of which are punctuated. No 60, when he was appointed in the Han-lin annotation. Academy to assist in the compilation of the Franke, Herbert. “A Sung Embassy Diary of official history of the Ming dynasty. 1211-1212: The Shih-Chin lu of Ch’eng Cho,” Many of Yu’s dramatic works reflect his BEFEO, 69 (1981), 171-207. career frustrations. Chun-tien lo (The Ho, P’ei-hsiung Liu Tsung-yilan YungPleasures of Heaven), a ch’uan-ch’i* play, choupa-chi AI2. Hong Kong, 1974. deals with the familiar theme of the tal­ Hsii, Lien .If® and Li Ching-kao Liuch’ao wen chieh chien-chu 7 ^ 4 3 ^ 5 ? Peking, ented scholar who fails to succeed in ex­ 1962. Pages 99-135 of this anthology contain aminations. But instead of following the (weeping at the temple) several of China’s earliest known prose land­ “k’u-miao” scape descriptions, all of which are written in tradition, a deity lends a sympathetic ear to a scholar’s account of his misfortune. the shu • (letter) form. Ku, Chieh-kang IPSiHI et al., eds. Chung-kuo ti-H Yu has his politically thwarted scholars re­ ming-chu hsilan-tu Peking, warded in heaven, where they are com­ pensated for positions they failed to obtain 1962. Li, Chi. The Travel Diaries of Hsil Hsia-k’o. Hong on earth. In that wonderful world beyond, all wrongs are redressed. Kong, 1974.

T he most celebrated of Yu’s five tsa-chii* plays, Tu “Li-sao” is a brilliant dramatic arrangement of material from the Ch’utz’u.* In this play Yu’s elegant poetry and the myth, heroism, and romance of his subject matter are enhanced by his sense o f the theatrical tz’u. The stage effect of the drum-dance of the shaman, the dance of the gods, and the ritualistic dragonboating are brilliant dramatic interludes. Yu’s other tsa-chii plays include Tiao P ’ip ’a en>767 Yin chiu tu "Sao" (Drinking Wine and Studying “Li sao”) by Wu Tsao, 191 Yin-feng-ko tsa-chii, 778, 932, 933, 934 Yin-hsiu-hsUan chi, 369 Yin-hsiieh wu shu (Five Writings on Phonetics), 505 “ Yin ma Ch’ang-ch’eng k’u” (Watering Horses at Water Holes at the Great Wall) by Ts’ai Yung, 961 “ Yin ma Ch’ang-ch’eng k’u hsing” by Ch’en Lin, 232 “ Yin-shih” by Juan Yii, 466 Yin-shui tz’u (Drinking Water Song-lyrics), 634 “ Yin-tzu ch’ien” (Sealed Money) by Chin Ho, 285 Yin Yiin hsiao-shuo, 934 Ying-hsiung kai (Heroic Resolution) by Yeh Chih-fei, 918 Ying-hsiung bno (Hero’s Revenge) by T ’ang Ying, 762 Ying-lieh chuan, 307, 308 Ying-t'ao chi (The Oath at the Cherry Tree) by Shih P’an, 700 “ Ying-t’ao ch’ing-i” (a T ’ang tale), 240 “ Ying-wu fu” (The Parrot) by Mi Heng, 626 “ Ying-ying chuan” (The Story of Ying-ying) by Yuan Chen, 88, 358, 359, 408, 409, 539, 949, 950 Yu-chii fei-lu (Notes Taken while Traveling ind Resting), 954 Yu-ch'iian chi, 827 “ Yu-hsi chii-shih” (The Recluse of the Lonely Perch) by Chu Shu-chen, 334 Yu-hsi pao (Amusement News), 548 “ Yu hsien” (Roving Immortal) by Chang Hsieh, 213 “ Yu-hsien k’u” (The Dwelling of Playful Goddesses) by Chang Cho, 209, 358, 397, 927 Yu-kuei chi (Women’s Quarters), 725 Yu Liang hsin-chi (New Collection of Travels in Liang), 426 “ Yu-lieh p ’ien” (On Hunting) by Ch’en Shih-tao, 215 Yu-lung chuan (Like unto a Dragon), 161 “ Yu-t’ung fu” by Pan Ku, 645 Yu-yang tsa tsu, 651, 940, 941 Yii ch’an-shih Ts’ui-hsiang i-meng, 436 “ Yii Chi-p’u shu” (Letter to Chi-p’u) by Ssu-k’ung T ’u, 718 Yii-chia le (Joys of a Fisherman's Family) by Chu Tso-ch’ao, 330, 331 Yil Chiao Li (also known as Ti-san ts'ai tzu shu [Third Book of Genius]), 34, 308, 783, 785, 941, 942 “ Yii-chieh yiian” (The Lament of Jade Steps) by Li Po, 706 Yu-ch’uang chi (The Rainy Window Collection), 588 Yil-chileh (Jade Instructions), 479 “ Yii-chung shang-shu tzu-ming” by Tsou Yang, 101

“ Yu-chung tsa-chi” (Miscellaneous Notes from Prison) by Fang Pao, 114, 115 “ YO-fu” (Fisherman) by Ch’fl Yflan, 306, 348, 352 Yii hai (A Sea of Jade), 881 Yil-han shan-fang chi-i-shu, 811 Yii-ho chi (The Jade Box) by Mei Ting-tso, 620 Yii-hsi meng (A Dream o f Lady Yfl) by T ’ang Ying, 762 “ Yfi-hsiao chuan” (Story of Yfl-hsiao, a T ’ang tale), 240 Yu-hsiian chi (Restoring the Mystery Collection), 813, 885 Yii hu-tieh (Jade Butterfly), 653 YU-i chih (A Chronicle of Being in Service), 936 “ Yfl jen shu shih-ch’i” (Letters to a Certain Person, Number Seventeen) by Ku Yen-wu, 506 “ Yfl kuan-yin” (The Jade Bodhisattva), 443 “ Yfi-lan-p’en fu” by Yang Chiung, 909 “ YO Li Sheng lun-shih shu” (Letter to Mr. Li on Poetry) by Ssu-k’ung T ’u, 718 YU-li tzu (Master of Refined Enlightenment), 112, 574, 575 “ Yfl-lieh fu” (The Plume) by Chang Heng, 211 “ Yfl-lieh fu” (Prose-poem on the Plume Hunt) by Yang Hsiung, 389 Yii tin, 935 “ Yfl-lin ling” by Liu Yung, 594 “ Yfl-lou ch’un” (Jade Tower Spring), 188 “ Yfl mei-jen” by Chiang Ch’un-lin, 260 YU-mu hsing hsing pien (Stories That Please the Eyes and Enlighten the Heart), 571 YU-ni ho (Mud Sediment River), 844 YU-p’ao en (Grace of the Imperial Robe) by Ch’iu Yflan, 323 YU-p’iao en, 323 YU-shan ts’e-fu (Jade Mountain Imperial Archives), 412 Yii-shih, 735 Yu-shih chui (The Fall of the Jade Lion) by Chang Chien, 206 YU-shih ming-yen (Illustrious Words to Instruct the World), 381 YU-t’ai hsin-yung, 68, 69, 460, 489, 516, 517, 585, 687, 732, 889, 943, 944 YU-t’ao chi (The Anguish Collection), 382 YU-ting li-tai fu-hui, 390 YU-tsan chi (The Jade Hairpin) by Kao Lien, 472, 473, 770 “ Yfl Wu Chih shu” (Letter to Wu Chih) by Ts’ao P’i, 103 YU-yang shih-hua, 322 “ Yfl Yang Te-tsu shu” by Ts’ao Chih, 103 Yii-yang ts’an-chua, 918 YU-yao ch’iang, 515 “ Yfl Yao Hsiu-ts’ai ti-i shu” (First Letter to the Graduate Yao) by Ou-yang Hsiu, 497 YU-yeh-t’ang shih-chi, 926 Yil-yen T'ang ssu-chung ch’ii, 209 Yu-yUan hsUn-meng (Searching for a Dream While Strolling in the Garden) by Lo Sung-ch’uang, 844 Yilan ch’U hsiian, 709, 828 YUan-chiieh ching tao-ch’ang hsiu-cheng i, 8 “ Yflan-ho Sheng-te shih” (Poem on the Sagacious Virtue of the Age of Primal Harmony) by Han YO, 398 Yiian-jen lun, 7 Yiian mi shih (A Secret History of the Yflan), 112 Yilan Ming i-shih (The Lost History of the Yflan and Ming), 191 “Yttan-ming yflan tz’u" (Verse on the Yilan-ming Garden) by Wang K’ai-yOn, 868 Yilan-shih (History of the YOan Dynasty), 112, 470, 736, 918 Yilan-shih (Origins of Poetry), 55, 322, 919, 920 YUan-shih Ch’ang-ch’ing chi, 948 Yilan-shih hsilan, 959 YUan-shih i-ch’ilan by Ch’en Yfl-chiao, 865 Yilan-shih kuei-chi shih-chi, 958 Yilan-shih wu-liang tu-jen shang-p’in miao-ching ssu-chu, 149 “YOan Tao” (On the Origin of the Way) by Han Yfl, 107, 495, 503 YUan Wei-chih Ts'ui Ying-ying shang-tiao Tieh-lien-hua ku-tzu-tz’u (Drum Lyrics to the Tune of “The Butterfly Dotes on Flowers” in the Shang Mode [on the Story of] Yflan Chen’s “Tale of Ts’ui Ying-ying”), 493 Yilan wen-lei (Yflan Literature Arranged by Genre), 523 Yilan-yang meng (Dream of Mandarin Ducks) by Yeh Hsiao-wan, 192, 919 Yilan-yang-tzu fa-yil (The Codified Sayings of Yflan-yang-tzu), 169 “Yflan-yu” (Distant Journey) by Ch’fl Yflan, 347, 352, 602 “Yflan-yOan ch’fl” (The Song of YOan-yOan) by Wu Wei-yeh, 901, 902 Yileh-chang chi, 594 Ytieh-chih (Monograph on Music), 681

Yileh-ching, 310 “ Yiieh chiu-ko” (Nine Songs for Yiieh) by Chiang K’uei, 262, 263 Yiieh-chiieh. shu, 908, 960, 961 Yiieh-fu chih-mi, 902 Yiieh-fu ku-chin t’i-chieh, 854 Yiieh-fu ku-t'i yao-chieh (Explanations of Old Ballads), 52 Yiieh-fu shih-chi, 491, 739, 740, 786, 959, 964, 965 Yiieh-fu tsa-lu, 269, 658, 965, Yiieh-fu ya-tz’u, 740 “YOeh-hsia tu cho” (Drinking Alone by Moonlight) by Li Po, 550 Yileh-hsiang t’ing kao, 235 Yileh-lu yin, 210 “Yiieh lun” (On Music) by Juan Chi, 464 YUeh-wei ts'ao-t’ang pi-chi, 39, 248, 249, 283 Yiieh-ya t’ang ts’ung-shu, 811 “YOeh-ytlan mu-tan” (On the Peonies of YOeh Garden) by Chiang Chieh, 259 Yiin-chi ch’i-ch’ien, 144, 149, 171, 764, 821, 965, 966, 967, 968 Yiin-hai ching-yilan, 270, 271 Yiin-hsi yu-i, 754, 860 Yiln-kuang chi (An Anthology on Nebulous Radiance), 165 Yiin-nan yeh-sheng (An Unofficial History of Yunnan), 905 Yiin-shan chi (The Cloudy Mountain Anthology), 166 YUn-yao chi, 441 Yiin-yii yang-ch’iu (Annals of Verse), 54 Yiin-yiian, 324 Yung-ch'eng chi-hsien lu (Records of the Assembled Transcendents of Yung-ch’eng), 145, 821 “ Yung-chou pa-chi” (Eight Records [of Excursions] in Yung-chou) by Liu Tsung-yflari, 107, 590, 937 Yung-chung jen (The Worker) by T ’ang Ying, 762 Yung-fu chi (Collection of the Indolent One), 865 “ Yung-huai shih” (Poems'that Sing My Innermost Thoughts) by Juan Chi, 66, 464, 488; annotators of, 932 Yung-lo ta-tien (Vast Documents of the Yung-lo Era), 19, 248, 327, 333, 353, 391 528, 637, 661, 708, 710, 929 Yung-lo ta-tien hsi-wen san-chung, 708, 726, 968, 969 “ Yung-nti shih” (Poems on Famous Women) by Yang Wei-chen, 917 “ Yung-shih” (On History) by Chang Hsieh, 213 “ Yung shih shih” (Poems on History) by Tso Ssu, 806 “ Yung-shih shih” (Poems on History) by Yang Wei-chen, 917 Yung shuang-yen san-chung (Three Versions o f Embracing a Pair of Beauties) by Wan Shu, 853 Yung t ’uan-yilan (Forever Together) by Li Y0, 556 Zen no Goroku, 201 Zoku kokuyakubun taisei, 304

Subject Index

A boldface number shows the page on which the entry for that subject begins. actors, 316, 323, 355, 525, 559, 609, 662, 700, 709, 774, 956; as playwrights, 969; critical tracts on, 84; handbooks for, 558; patrons of, 540; troupes, 13 actresses, 17, 269, 275, 557, 910 aesthetics, 49, 188; theories of, 502, 621 alchemy, 140, 379, 416, 482, 605, 610; meditative, 141; Taoist, 148, 166, 395, 566, 696, 966; works on, 138, 148 allegory, in commentaries, 947; political, 24, 103, 823, 947, 225, 226; religious, 414; theory of, 226; Western, 59 allusions, 71, 101, 112, 125, 134, 219, 228, 232, 246, 259, 263, 271, 295, 328, 390, 396, 411, 416, 428, 511, 537, 552, 610, 683, 702, 705, 706, 707, 788, 825, 872, 939 alphabets, cyrillic, 309; Korean, 305 An Lu-shan Rebellion, 70, 71, 204, 253, 269, 270, 276, 346, 399, 427, 495, 538^ 549, 562, 573, 607, 764, 7 9 8 ,8 1 3 ,8 1 5 ,8 2 0 ,8 5 5 ,8 8 0 ,8 8 7 ,9 4 9 ,9 5 1 anecdote collections, Six Dynasties, 935, 936; T ’ang dynasty, 750 Anti-Lin Piao, Anti-Confucius Campaign, 534, 591 Anti-Manchu sentiments, 218, 219, 278, 736 Archaist Movement, 72, 113, 369, 386, 439, 513, 541, 543, 544, 545, 546, 554, 555, 567, 629, 630, 659, 734, 874, 876, 913, 914 arias (see also ch’u), 14, 23, 54, 55, 58, 317, 346, 349, 351, 354, 355, 682, 752, 857; various styles of, 351 audiences, 36, 37, 80, 90; of chu-kung-tiao, 333; dramatic, 13, 23, 317, 368, 557, 558; of oral literature, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 637; of poetry, 60, 64, 69, 72; of prose, 100, 495, 498 autobiography (see also tzu-chuan), 5, 6, 66, 102, 182, 185, 198, 202, 244, 275, 392, 393, 394, 555, 605, 720, 721, 722, 803, 841, 842, 843, 814, 857, 884, 951 avadana literature, Buddhist, 145, 480, 628 ballads, 75, 80, 418, 491, 547, 548, 636, 703, 741, 845, 960, 961, 962, 963; among Tun-huang manuscripts, 830; literary, 271, 272, 961, 962, 963; narrative, 71, 578, 579; popular, 307, 466, 746, 747, 748, 749; literary, 271, 272, 961, 962, 963; popularity in late Han, 232; themes of, 51 bibliographers, 532, 810, 931; of the Han dynasty, 583, 584, 585, 586 bibliographies, 268, 332, 379, 397, 423, 424, 485, 527, 529, 584, 586, 630, 645, 651, 694, 704, 710, 716, 717, 736, 745, 761; Buddhist, 372; Taoist, 763 bibliophiles, 364, 868, 870; Ch’ing dynasty, 438, 899; modern, 763; T ’ang dynasty, 940, 941 biographies, Buddhist, 5, 156, 474, 475, 476; collections of, 736; Confucian, 156; fictional, 101; in dynastic histories, 101, 722, 786, 827, relationship to ch’uan-ch’i (tale), 358; Taoist, 145, 148, 149, 677, 678 books, earliest, 98, 255; collectors, 620, 761, 959; dealers, 355, 414 boudoir poetry, 190, 334, 335, 511, 537, 944 . Boxer Rebellion, 90, 548, 569, 580, 905, 906, 907 bronze inscriptions (see also chin-wen), 58, 97, 99, 295, 296, 297, 312, 535 Buddhism, 1-12, 66, 76, 107, 143, 144, 202, 271, 282, 292, 414, 415, 628, 704, 734, 759, 760, 790, 793, 828, 874, 880, 909, 947; clergy, 85, 387; folk traditions, 157; history of, 10, 628; influence on Chinese literature, 9, 460, 510; introduction to China, 1, 6, 10, 66; popular, 290, 747; scholars of, 439; spread to China, 1, 10; synthesis with Confucianism during the T ’ang dynasty, 529, 530, 562 Buddhist canon, 3, 7, 10, 142, 201, 305, 372, 414, 704, 810, 889 Buddhist literature, 1-12 and passim; poetry, 8, 10, 69, 510, 591, 830, 854, 861-3; stories, 33, 77, 282; translation of, 2, 9, 75 calligraphy, 175, 186, 189, 262, 263, 328, 439, 447, 532, 535, 729, 799, 826 Cantonese dialect, 87, 686, 748

capital poets, 252, 530, 531 catalogues, Buddhist, 201; Heian-period, 302; Taoist, 150, 153, 764 Cavern-heavens, 141, 146; system of, 146 Caves of the Thousand Buddhas, 828 Celestial Master tradition, 138, 139, 140, 142, 144, 151, 152, 153, 157, 161, 282; sources, 764 censorship, 18, 247, 248, 276, 310, 369, 533, 559, 597, 630; by Manchus, 364 Central Asia, languages of, 1; military campaigns in, 961; music of, 682 cha-chi (notation books), 115, 650 ch’a-tan (an unconventional female, or a wicked woman), 273, 775 Ch’an Buddhism, 5, 6, 7, 70, 71, 147, 166, 201, 202, 258, 261, 394, 399, 519, 530, 587, 788, 789, 869, 915, 947; history of, 202, 530, 861; patriarchs of, 530, 880; schools of, 6, 201, 258 Ch’an yU-lu, 6, 76, 97, 201, 202, 385 ch'an-ling, 353, 903 ch’an-ta, 353 chang-hui hsiao-shuo, 632 Ch’ang-an, pleasure quarters of, 650; society of, 346; sack by Huang Ch’ao’s rebels, 886 C h’ang-chou tz’u-p’ai, 73, 216, 225, 226, 239, 260, 323, 422, 424, 518, 847; allegorical readings r r, 904 C h’ang-sha manuscripts (see Ma-wang-tui), 340 ch’ang-tiao, 432, 634, 795 chantefable, 33, 36, 86, 87, 89, 90, 829, 848, 849; forms of, 850; Indian origin of, 85; performers of, 85; basic categories of storytelling, 85; storytellers of, 42 Chao Yttan-hao Rebellion, 934 characterization, 257; fictional methods of used in essays, 114; in drama, 408; symbolic, 691; via dialogue, 563 Che-hsi tz’u-p’ai, 225, 226, 230, 231, 260, 331, 422, 847 chen (admonitions, remonstrations), 96, 97, 284, 503, 897 C h’en dynasty (557-589), poetry of, 361; prose of, 362 ch’en tzu (padding words, i.e., extra-metrical syllables), 350, 370, 410, 515 cheng-mo (male lead), 273, 775, 959 Cheng-t'i p'ai (Orthodox School), of the Liang dynasty, 585 cheng-tan (female lead), 273, 775, 959 C h’eng-Chu School, of Neo-Confucianism, 375, 376, 837 ch'eng-yil (set phrases), 78 Chi-hsia Academy, 341 ch’i (strange, unconventional or the extraordinary), 108, 496 ch’i (vital force), in literary works, 50 Ch’i and Liang dynasties, 687; parallel prose of, 788; poetry of, 272, 596, 872; rulers, as arbiters of literary taste, 658 C h’i dynasty, poetry of, 361; prose of, 362 Chia-ching period (1522-1566), 36, 744 chia-men (prologue in drama), 18, 354, 636 Chia Pao-yQ, 453, 454, 455 chiang-ching wen (sutra lectures), 829, 830 Chiang-hsi shih-p’ai (Chiang-hsi School of Poetry), 45, 261, 262, 263, 373, 413, 447, 448, 587, 610, 867, 915, 953 Chiang-hu shih-p’ai (Rivers and Lakes Poetry School), 586, 587, 696, 788 Chiao-fang (Court Entertainment Bureau), 268, 539, 740 chiao-se (role types), 14, 20, 273, 484, 636, 774, 911, 958 Chien-an ch’i-tzu (Seven Masters of the Chien-an Era, see Ch’en Lin) 50, 232, 520 Chien-an period (196-220), 66, 102, 267, 282, 389, 490, 549, 625, 702, 878; as seen by T ’ang poets, 700; literary circle of, 271, 788, 790, 879, 953 Chien-k’ang (modern Nanking), 141, 266, 267, 430, 459, 680, 703 Ch’ien Ch’i-tzu (Earlier or Former Seven Masters—see Li Meng-yang), 113, 401, 467, 543, 544, 546, 554, 789 Ch'ien-hou ch’i-tzu (Former and Latter Seven Masters), 440 C h’ien-lung period (1736-1796), 355, 369, 377, 447, 630, 844 Ch’ien-t’ang (near Lin-an, modern Hangchow), 236, 472, 698, 832 chih-jen (describing men, see chih-kuai), 280 chih-kuai, 77, 105, 110, 129, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 339, 357, 358, 379, 425, 426, 481, 628, 666, 672, 678, 693, 710, 711, 716, 717 Chin dynasty (1115-1234), conquest of Northern Sung, 241, 336, 882, 898, 937; literature of, 91, 111, 229 Chin-hua County, Wu-chou Route (modern Chekiang), 112, 734; School of Neo-Confucianism, 734, 735 Chin-ling (modern Nanking), 168, 235, 324, 592 chin-shih examinations, formal occasions connected with, 750; of A.D. 1057, 109, 727, 728, 729, 799, 800, 935 chin-t’i (modern-style, recent-style or new-style) poetry, 682, 755, 759, 934

chin-wen (modern-text) versions of the classics, 494, 612; School of, 219, 586 chin-wen, 295, 296, 297

Ch’in dynasty, prose of, 113, 361, 362, 363, 513 Chinese, as a literary language in Vietnam, 297 ching, 48, 58, 139, 140, 141, 216, 219, 298, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 316, 339, 375, 463, 468, 484, 485, 494, 505, 518, 521, 530, 533, 574, 577, 583, 586, 590, 610, 626, 636, 659, 689, 727, 834, 835, 837, 909, 935; translation of, 877, into Korean, 305 ching (butt or comic-cum-villain—see also chiao-se), 20, 21, 22, 273, 775 ching-chii, 12, 19, 316, 317, 318, 355, 516, 771, 844, 918; as performance devoted to spectacle, 12; origins of, 316 ch in g -h si (see ching-chU) Ching-ling School, 498, 749; founder of, 369 Ch’ing dynasty (1644-1911), p ’ien-wen of, 115; poets, 332; prose, 114, 115; scholars, 98, textual studies by, 231; scholarship, 505, 506, 507, 518, 519, 553; stories, 38 ch'ing-t’an (pure conversation or pure talk), 104, 411, 704 Cho Wen-chiin, 329 Chou dynasty (c. 1027-c. 256 B.C.), literature, 284, 313; philosophical texts, 337; poetry, 59, 61, 62 ch’ou (clowns), 20, 21, 274, 434, 484, 636, 775; in ch’uan-ch’i (romance), 354 chu-chih tz’u (bamboo branch songs), 373 chu-kung-tiao (all keys and modes), 8, 13, 14, 15, 86, 88, 89, 156, 321, 332, 333, 334, 350, 408, 409, 410, 493, 494, 578, 579, 725, 741, 744, 747, 772, 773, 775, 949, 958 Chu-lin ch’i-tzu (Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove), 410, 421, 422, 463, 483 chu nom (Vietnamese transliteration system), 298, 299, 300 Chu Pa-chieh, 414, 415 Chu-tzu pai-chia, 61, 77, 121, 292, 336, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 404, 425, 468, 495, 533, 590, 610, 689, 745; rise of, 337 Ch’u, culture of, 616, 955; literary tradition of, 107 Ch’u T ’ang Ssu-chieh (The Four Eminences of the Early T ’ang—see Yang Chiung), 106, 596, 600, 872, 873, 909, 962 ch’U (arias), 14, 26, 58, 72, 76, 86, 94, 122, 162, 164, 190, 210, 218, 222, 226, 227, 229, 235, 245, 246, 333, 349, 350, 351, 370, 371, 382, 386, 405, 409, 478, 515, 516, 532, 553, 606, 611, 612, 638, 643, 652, 654,682, 700, 760, 773, 775, 784, 849, 853, 857,914, 945,963; among Tun-huang manuscripts, 830; art of singing, 226, 227; masters, of the Wu area, 609; music, 332, 334; Northern and Southern traditions, 329, 350, 406; prosody, 329, 350, 370 ch’il-i (theatrical entertainments other than drama and acrobatics), 83 ch’U-p’ai, 515, 741, 747, 844 ch’il-tzu tz'u (tz’u song words), 441; among Tun-huang manuscripts, 830 chuan (biographies), 96, 106, 107, 495, 514, 841, 842, 843, 897 chuan-tzu, 353 ch’uan-ch’i (romances), 12, 16, 19, 25, 89, 90, 122, 192, 210, 220, 235, 240, 245, 323, 330, 353, 355, 356, 382, 409, 421, 434, 435, 472, 473, 514, 521, 540, 541, 571, 608, 620, 636, 637, 673, 676, 679, 699, 700, 724, 725, 751, 753, 762, 763, 773, 776, 777, 778, 827, 828, 836, 853, 857, 900, 917, 918, 921, 922, 939, 958, 959; structure of, 18, 354 ch’uan-ch’i (tales), 33, 37, 38, 84, 88, 104, 105, 110, 144, 145, 159, 210, 245, 249, 269, 283, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 406, 409, 425, 426, 440, 493, 495, 541, 542, 543, 563, 578, 628, 665, 666, 667, 674, 675, 733, 744, 745, 751, 753, 768, 860, 949, 950, 958; historical development of, 107, 358; influence on drama, 353, 359, 666; Korean and Japanese imitations of, 276; literary characteristics of, 356, 357; relationship with ku-wen, 108; revival in the Ming dynasty, 114, 275, 276; structure of, 356 Ch’ilan-chen Taoism, 152, 157, 159, 162, 165, 166, 611, 819; patriarchs of, 158, 967 chuang-yiian (optimus or Top Graduate), 227, 507, 968 chtieh-chii (see shih), 162, 165, 167, 168, 169, 186, 188, 263, 446, 518, 575, 576, 652, 683, 686, 687, 688, 718, 755, 854, 855, 859, 945, §61; development of, 686; origins of, 687; prosody of, 685, 686, 687 civil-service examinations (see chin-shih) classical-language fiction, early history of, 372 classical-language tales, influence on drama, 717; of the Ch’ing dynasty, 248, 249 classics (see also ching, Confucian Classics), 309-316; on stone, during the Latter Han dynasty, 810; schools of interpretation, 310; translation of, 312 “T he Cloud-stopping Society” (of c h u a n -tz u singers), 353 ** collectanea (see also lei-sh u ), 636, 763, 764, 765, 768, 769, 770, 810, 811, 812, 813; a source of early fiction, 716 colloquial language, of the Ming dynasty, 734; of the Sung dynasty, 442 comedy, 482, 933; Western, 401 commentaries, 6, 68, 199, 311, 615, 671, 927, 947, 959; concluding classical-language tales, 563; literary, 49, 129, 438; on novels, 670, 797; sources of early fiction, 716; Taoist, 138, 141, 147, 149, 170 concepts of poetry, Buddhist, 696; Confucian, 696 Confucian Classics (see also ching, classics), 281, 377, 427, 538, 805, 811, 820, 834, 835, 863, 864, 869, 876, 899, 925, 952; basis of all literature, 889; as models for literature, 253; unifying force among literati, 310

Confucianism, folk traditions of, 157; imagery of in poetry, 510; literati, 101, 298; literary values of, 523; scholars, 59, 100, 101, 177, 182, 216, 225, 392, 639 cosmology, 101; Buddhist, 372, 628; Confucian, 177; Taoist, 140, 141, 148 costumes, dramatic, 12, 20, 22, 274, 345 coterie, of Han Yii, 205, 257, 398, 529; of Po Chil-i and Yilan Chen, 205 court, documents of, 95, 104, 105, 108, 586; entertainers, 83; fu , 389; genres of, 95, 108; music, 62; poetry, 59, 69, 188, 223, 224, 596, 677, 808, 815, 872, 873; prose, 109, 184, 497, 658 Court-style Poetry, 531 courtesans, 186, 190, 278, 327, 346, 508, 943, 944; official, 180 criticism (see also literary criticism), by indirection, 121; dramatic, 25; poetic, 52 critics, Chinese Marxist, 374; in the PRC, 654; literary, 76; Marxist, 455; reformist, 253 dance, 62, 321, 405, 739; in drama, 24, 26 dialects, 75, 78, 350, 748; dictionaries of, 318; regional, 98 dialogues, 114, 339, 340, 342, 348, 558; Buddhist, 10; Ch’an Buddhist, 6, 201; Confucian, 202; dramatic, 351, 355; function replaced by lyrics in drama, 25; philosophical, 314, 339 diaries, 451, 802, 868, 955; travel (see also yu-chi), 610, 611, 937 diction, 58, 102, 106, 228, 230, 253, 258, 596; colloquial in prose, 398; dramatic, 674; poetic, 209, 440, 442 dictionaries, 44, 198, 306, 315, 318, 553, 613, 626; etymological, 527; phonetic, 736; rhyme, 796, 923 didactic literature, 21, 257, 394, 949 district examinations, 264, 619 divination, 255, 256, 379, 615 documentary style, 94, 99, 113, 253 documents (see also court, documents of), collections of, 750; of the Chou dynasty, 102; government, 413 drama, 13-30, and passim; criticism of, 26, 275, 473, 558, 571, 911, 918; facial makeup, 20; history of, 13, 321, 636, 770, 776, 778, 869, 910, 968; modern, 947; music, 23, 857; Northern and Southern con­ ventions of, 13, 19, 353, 355, 474, 571; performance, 13, 17, 18, 326; regional (see also ti-fang hsi), 89; role types, 12, 636; scenery, 20; stage, 12; structure, 24; symbolic nature of, 20, 21; theory, 48 dreams, 206, 213, 330, 365, 421, 508, 509, 542, 761; in literature, 274; interpretations of, 283 drum ballads, 493, 494, 740, 741, 742, 743; of Peking, 741; performers of, 741 drums, 87, 317, 493, 741, 742; music of, 918 dynastic histories, 367, 577, 933, 939, 942, 953; biographies in, 432, 716; editorial boards, 698; histories, model for, 645; topical essays in, 343 early fiction, anthologies of, 744, 745 Early T ’ang dynasty, 207, 597; poetry, 567, 761, 788 Eastern Palace (in Chien-k’ang, capital of the Liang dynasty), 562, 942, 944 edicts, 96, 254, 460, 523, 604, 731, 732, 800 editions, of fiction, Japanese, 460; Ming, 205; of novels, 712; of shih, 365 editors, of dynastic histories, 681; of fiction, 670; of fiction and drama, 617, 618; of T ’ang poetry, 458; education, 83, 17; Confucian view of, 177; female, 177; foreign-style, 925; of women, 175, 177, 178, 179 Eight Great [Prose] Masters of the T ’ang and Sung (see T ’ang Sung pa-ta chia) Eight Immortals, 43, 345, 525 eight-legged essays (see pa-ku wen) elegies, 58, 94, 96, 97 encyclopedias (see also lei-shu), 78, 248, 279, 299, 303, 321, 322, 333, 363, 412, 484, 485, 504, 526, 527, 528, 529, 567, 628, 636, 661, 710, 722, 744, 745, 746, 769, 840, 841, 882, 883, 930, 968; Buddhist, 9, 10, 371, 372, 373, 528; popular, 353; Taoist, 138, 148, 149, 150, 479, 965, 966, 967, 968 entertainers, 83, 268, 321, 650; professional, 180 entertainment, 269, 350 entertainment districts, 16, 83; during the Sung dynasty, 13 epic, 16; China’s lack of, 77, 85 epitaphs, 96, 102, 104, 216, 230, 231, 577, 800, 820 erh-huang melodies, 316, 317 erotic literature, 207, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 307, 444, 460, 461, 558, 559, 666, 672, 673, 722; fiction, 309, 460, 461; poetry, 68, 439, 917; songs, 627, 672, 673 essays, collections of, 339, 574; for the examinations, 114, 122, 123, 642, 643 925; informal, 114; on poets, 228; personal, 114; Taoist, 147; topical, 342, 343 eulogies, 96, 97, 102, 204, 367 evolutionary cycle, of traditional novels, 699, 712 examination system (see also chin-shih, civil-service examinations), 71, 83, 143, 208, 223, 554, 802; literature of (poetry and prose), 122, 123 exile, tradition in literature, 349 f a (law, method, model, rule, or technique in prose), 113, 114, 125, 378, 497, 498, 616, 757, 864, 920

,

Fa Hai, 90 fables, 78, 79, 107, 112, 127, 129, 355, 576; didactic, 946, 947, 948; religious, 90 factions, 278, 279, 374, 387; of Li Lin-fu, 208; of Wang Shu-wen, 398 fairy-tales, 83, 88 fang-chih (local gazetteers), 115 Fang La Rebellion, 327, 713 fang-shih, 141, 281, 378, 379, 424, 694; and fiction, 379, 380 farce plays, 13, 14, 21, 22, 958, 959 Fei-lU ch'ing-ytieh she (The Scarlet and Green Association of Pure Music), 708, 709 female poets (see also women’s literature), 163, 747, 754, 761, 786, 787, 852, 894, 914, 919, 943, 944, 957 feng (criticism by indirection), 59, 619, 947 feng-shan rites, 224, 600, 689 fiction, 31-48 and passim; and history 30, 108, 720; classical-language, 34, 107, 110, 129, 280, 281, 282, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 407, 481, 578, 628, 629, 666, 667, 671,674, 675, 693, 694, 703, 704, 705, 715, 716, 717, 718, 744, 745, 751, 753, 822, 823, 824, 930, 931, 935, 936, 950; commentaries on, 292, 293; commercial value of, 44; Confucian rejection of 44, 49; 424, 525, 930, 931, 935, 936; historical, 370; popular, 303, 401, 410; sources, 169, 339, 832; vernacular-language, 303, 410, 848, 849, 941, 942 figures of speech, 93, 123, 124, 126 Five Dynasties (907-960), poetic style of, 374, 929; poets of, 758, 761 folk literature, 75-82 and passim ; ballads, 879, 962; motifs, 550; of non-Chinese peoples, 592, 593; poetry, 373 folklore, 30, 525, 626, 627, 671; as source material for plays and novels, 81; Indian, 4 folksongs, 73, 77, 185, 312, 382, 441, 490, 564, 593, 626, 627, 628, 636, 687, 742, 830, 955, 960, 961, 962, 963; collection of, 553; modern collections of, 627; regional variations, 627; rhythm of, 627 folktales, 80; collections of, 79; of Soochow, 556 forgeries, 312, 319, 320, 383, 393, 395, 406, 407, 439, 443, 588, 693, 809, 837 Former Han dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D. 8), style of prose, 102 formulas, ck’U, 351; in poetry, 59, 63; metrical in ch’ii, 350 four tones, “discovery” of, 66, 197, 684Four Worthies of the Early T ’ang (see Ch’u T ’ang ssu-chieh) fox-spirits, 38, 80, 281, 563, 675 frontier poetry, 607, 608, 798, 855, 860 fu , 388, 389, 390, 391, and passim; examination-style, 106, 893; history of, 212, 390, 390; quest-type, 632; theory of composition, 723, 724 fu-ching (butt), 14, 774, 958 Fu-chou p'ing-hua (Foochow Storytelling), 748 fu-ku (recovery of antiquity), 106, 257, 272, 439, 543, 622, 735, 815; Movement, 272, 401, 477, 496, 498 Fu-ku p ’ai (Archaists), 659 fu-mo (second male role, knave), 14, 273, 636, 774, 958 Fu-she Society, 238, 380, 505, 901 Fu Ssu-nien Library, Academia Sinica, Taiwan, 317, 748, 844 Fukien, bookdealers of, 159 funeral orations, 96, 97; inscriptions, 105, 854, 887 gatha, 85, 552

gazetteers (see also fang-chih), 360, 386, 417, 451, 505, 520 genres, catalogues of, 284; of court ritual, 95; prose, 95, 96; theories of, 128, 424, 488, 498, 503, 891, 893, 897 geographical works, 378, 505, 527, 694, 710, 711; Buddhist, 372; fantastic, 671, 672 ghosts, 275, 283, 320, 563, 576, 761, 924, 969; in classical-language stories 249, 956; in poetry, 250 goddesses, 396; of the Hsiang River, 599; of the Moon, 415; Taoist, 821 “ Great Preface” (to the Shih-ching), 59; K'ung Ying-ta's commentary on, 68 hagiography, 280, 282, 415, 821; Buddhist, 5, 10, 510; Ch’an Buddhist, 6; Taoist, 138, 143, 144, 145, 566, 567, 678, 966 Hakkas, 448; dialect areas (Kwangtung, Kwaagsi, and Fukien), songs of, 672; singing duels of, 627 Han Confucianism, 254, 342, 835 Han dynasty, as first text-oriented era in Chinese history, 49; fu , 284, 389; poetry, 62, 322; prose, as a model, 113, 114, 513; Scholiasts, 866 Han-hsiieh p’ai (School of Han Learning), of the Ch’ing dynasty, 31, 115, 502, 613, 883, 925 Han-lin Academy, 198, 247, 264, 277, 280, 451, 467, 501, 511, 522, 523, 535, 549, 553, 567, 619, 664, 698, 707, 735, 756, 801, 818, 860, 865, 868, 898, 904, 939, 949, 956, 957; of Nanking, 404 Han-Wei style, in poetry, 236 Hangchow, 916, 942, 956 hao-fang (heroic abandon), 263, 375; in tz’u, 239, 729

heptasyllabic lines, 87; poetry in, 228; regulated verse of, 236 heroic, as a style in tz'u (see hao-fang), 404 High T ’ang period, 53, 54, 269; poetry, 51,217, 277, 567, 587, 623, 677, 703, 788, 855, 856, 859, 860; as a model, 113, 914; style of, 229, 239, 270, 272, 887 HlAayana school of Buddhism, 1; scriptures of, 8 historiography, 8, 281, 282, 424, 463, 494, 511, 669, 758; Buddhist, 10, 202; Buddhist influence on, 10; of the Six Dynasties, 711; official, 112, 662 history, 30, 31, 32, 41, 75, 77, 94, 98, 105, 105, 106, 110, 112, 184, 191, 219, 221, 228, 280, 310, 311, 348, 360, 369, 378, 392, 415, 439, 457, 533, 554, 576, 577, 592, 720, 721, 722, 723; Buddhist, 5, 9, 372; criticism, 576, 577, 578; distinction from fiction, 691; dynastic, 62, 102, 228; fictionalized, 39, 40, 309, 370, 691, 849, 908, 909, 959, 960; Taoist, 138, 145, 146 ho-sheng (impromptu verse), 405, 406 Honan, dialect of, 251; drama companies in, 771; intellectuals, modern, 251, 252 Hong Kong, 304, 381, 448, 455, 468, 877; foreign imperialism in, 906; loss of in 1841, 906 Hopei, drama companies of, 771 Hou ch’i-tzu (Later Seven Masters, see Li P'an-lung), 113, 512, 545, 546, 629 Hsi-k’un ch’ou-ch’ang chi, 412, 413, 640; poets of, 280; School, 374, 621, 737; Style, 108, 279, 854, in prose; 496, 497 Hsi-k’un t’i (Hsi-k’un Style), 412, 413, 730 hsi-p’i melodies, 316, 317 Hsi-men Ch’ing, 288, 289, 290 Hsi-tiao (West City Tunes), 844 Hsi Wang Mu (Queen Mother of the West), 537, 632, 672; visit to Emperor Wu of the Han, 396 hsi-wen (see nan-hsi), 333, 474, 636, 637, 968 Hsiang-hsiang P'ai (Hsiang Province School [of Prose]), 115, 501, 502 hsiao-ling (short lyric), 214, 274, 275, 350, 351, 374, 432, 447, 467, 511, 593, 594, 612, 795, 846, 847, 886, 894, 922, 929; patterns of, 634 hsiao-p’in (informal essavs), 99, 104, 110; of the Ming and Ch’ing dynasties, 497 hsiao-shuo (see also fiction), 30, 31, 39, 268, 304, 379, 423, 424, 425, 426, 427, 443, 444, 671, 704, 744, 745, 935, 936; collections of, 744, 745; definition of, 423 hsieh-hou-yii (two-part allegorical sayings), 78, 131 Hsin-fa (New Regulatory System or New Policies), 853 hsin-t’i shih (new-style poetry), 488 Hsin-yilan (Monkey of the Mind), 415 Hsin yiieh-fu (New Music-bureau Verse), 373, 496, 590, 664, 963; Movement, 495 hsing, 126, 127, 217, 693, 701, 946 hsing-ch’ing (individual nature and feelings), 228, 451 hsing-ling (native sensibility), 113, 369, 679, 755, 957 “ Hsing-ling” School of Poetry (early Ch’ing dynasty), 840 hsii (preface), 96, 106, 107, 495, 843, 897 HsO Wen-ch’ang, traditional trickster in joke literature, 78 HsQ-YU t’i (Style of HsO Ling and YO Hsin), 516, 942, 944 Hsiian-hsileh (Dark Learning), 65, 392 HsOeh Pao-ch’ai, 453, 454, 455 hua-chi (humor, see also ku-chi), 482 Hua-chien Circle, 846; poets of, 809, 886; School of, 640; style of, 230, 923, 930 ‘hua-pen, 33, 34, 35, 36, 84, 88, 90, 110, 286, 320, 330, 381, 406, 425, 426, 436, 442, 443, 444, 445, 493, 570, 571, 588, 589, 733, 752, 782, 807, 841; connection with the novel, 35; formal features of, 35; history of, 35, 36, 88; influence from classical-language tales, 276, 744; two types of, 443 huai-ku (meditation on things past), 592, 934 huan-ku (changing the bones), 447, 448 Huang Ch’ao Rebellion, 146, 655, 718, 764, 818 Huang-Lao Taoism, 281, 616 Hui-chou (modern Anhwei), drama companies of, 771 hui-wen (palindromes), 36, 129, 135, 136, 655 humor (see ku-chi), 78, 222, 228, 246, 252, 333, 339, 346, 365, 414, 482, 483, 484, 663, 700, 704; didactic function of in ancient China, 483; tales, 80, 83 Hunan, reform movement of, 560 Hundred Days of Reforms, 449, 469, 518, 560; Movement, 926 Hung-fu, 210 Hung-hsiieh (Redology), 452, 455 Huo Hsiao-yfl, 539, 751 HY (Harvard-Yenching Index to the Tao-tsang), 766 hymns, 48, 202, 312; Buddhist, 684; Ch’an, 6; Chou dynasty, 692; for state ritual, 523; supposedly from the Shang dynasty, 692; Taoist, 142 i (rightness), 114, 378, 498

i-fa (right method, or rightness and method), 878; as theory of prose, 837, 838 “ I-wen chih” (Bibliographic Treatise [of the Han-shu]), 423 imagery, 73, 93, 446; in drama, 474; in poetry, 228, 519, 683, 684; in tz’u, 442, 556

imitation, 113, 114, 229, 230, 233, 412, 413, 423, 433, 471, 498, 506, 519, 544, 915; accepted in Chinese literary tradition, 60; of early verse, in the Ming and Ch’ing dynasties, 491 imperial family, 177, 791, of the Ming dynasty, 345; of the T ’ang dynasty, 536 Imperial Library, 253, 279, 310, 585, 586, 966; of the Sung dynasty, 413 India, 4, 5, 414, 829; civilization of, 9; languages of, 1, 9; literature of, 9, 10; poets, 3; priests, 684 Indian Buddhist literature, 9; avaddna tales, 628; texts of, 6 informal essays, 94, 97, 99, 113, 114, 198, 513 irony, 130, 133, 460, 536, 575, 675, 853, 896, 950 Japan, as a refuge for the late Ch’ing reformers, 219, 560, 868; Chinese literature in, 286, 302 jataka, 947

jokes, 78, 79, 80, 83, 321, 381, 483, 761; collections of, 78, 483 journalists, 877; of the late Ch’ing dynasty, 905 journals, satirical, 905 Judge Pao, 88 Jurchen language, expressions, in ch’il formulas, 350 Jurchens, 220, 288, 373, 437, 535, 736, 778, 866, 915, 968; music of, 350 Kaifeng (modern Honan), 13, 83, 108, 184, 241, 333, 437, 443, 467, 475, 535, 571, 705, 725, 730, 814, 831, 898, 953 K’ai-yiian period (712-742), 252, 839, 965 Kanbungaku (Chinese Studies), 302, 304 K’ang-hsi era (1661-1722), 520, 633 kao-ch'iang, 368, 515; opera, 844 k ’uo-cheng (evidential research, empirical studies), 451, 502, 520; school of, 838 Kiangnan (see also Chiang-nan), 87, 218, 796, 837; storytelling of, 84 Kiangsi, folklore of, 158 Kiangsi School of Poetry (see Chiang-hsi shih-p’ai), 53, 261, 262, 263, 373, 447, 788, 789, 867, 915 ko (songs), 165, 652, 945 ko-hsing (songs and ballads or sequences), 549, 575, 887, 897 Ko-lU p ’ai (School of Poetic Meter), 675, 857 ko-tsai hsi (Taiwan regional opera), 748 Korea, poetry of, 423, 852 KoryO court (Korea), 898; king of, 565 ku-chi (see also humor), 482, 483, 484 ku-shih (see ku-t’i shih) Ku-t’i p ’ai (Ancient-forms School), of the Liang dynasty, 585 ku-t’i shih (old-style poetry), 66, 228, 621, 682, 755, 759, 945; collections of, 488 ku-tzu-tz’u, 8, 36, 86, 88, 353, 492, 493, 494 ku-tz’u (drum rhymes, see also ta-ku and ku-tz’u-tzu), 86, 87, 89, 90, 850 ku-wen (ancient-style prose), 94, 95, 96, 112, 358, 374, 494, 495, 496, 497, 498, 499, 500, 562, 563, 799, 800, 825, 837, 838, 884, 926, 934, 935; collections of, 112; definition of, 95, 494; history of, 95, 112, 114, 494, 562, 563, 924; in the examinations, 95, 799; relationship with ch’uan-ch’i (tales), 108, 359 ■ ku-wen (ancient-text), versions of the classics, 612, 614; School of, 219, 586 Ku-wen yiln-tung (Ancient-style Prose Movement, see ku-wen), 35, 106, 107, 113, 216, 253, 390, 426, 494, 495, 589, 590, 757; history of, 108, 497, 591 “ k’u-miao” (weeping at the temple) tradition, 939 kuei-yiian (boudoir laments, see also boudoir poetry), 334, 933 K ’un-ch’a, 12, 19, 245, 265, 316, 323, 331, 355, 368, 458, 514, 515, 516, 559, 560, 561, 747, 752, 753, 763, 770, 844; first major play of, 559; history of, 515; music, 316, 317, 515; origin of, 514 K’un-shan (modern Kiangsu, west of Shanghai), 245, 355, 368, 505, 512, 515, 559 kung-an (courtcase or crime-case) fiction, 33, 37, 84, 309, 667, 907 Kung-an (modern Hunan), 954, 955 Kung-an P’ai (Kung-an School, see Yflan Hung-tao), 72, 113, 114, 369, 498, 513, 514, 749, 757, 955 kung-t’i shih (palace-style poetry, see also court poetry), 68, 266, 441, 477, 516, 517, 518, 585, 680, 858, 872, 933, 943, 944, 945, 946 kuo-feng (airs of the states), 239, 312, 692 Kwangtung, folk drama of, 784; poets, 633 Lake Tung-t’ing, 250, 253, 486 Lan-hu she (Orchid Lake School), of Kwangtung poets, 633 Lan-t’ai Archives, 645 Lan-t’ai chfl (Orchid Terrace Association), of the Liang dynasty, 460, 585

landscape, in literature, 115, 184, 208, 711; history of, 114; poetry, 8, 69, 70, 209, 221, 394, 573, 587, 610, 680, 767, 887; in prose, 103, 104, 107, 109, 113, 496, 590, 937 language, in drama, 211, 355; poetic, 191; vernacular, 395 lao-sheng (dignified elders, mature male role), 273, 316, 317 Late Ch’ing dynasty, 44, 207, 226, 560; poets of, 286; reform movement of, 294, 317 Late T ’ang dynasty, 206, 214, 216, 525; poetic style, 374, 511; poetry, 509, 567, 587, 788, as a model, 915, 917, School of, 621; poets, 536, 537, 705, 730, 761, 943, 944 Later Seven Masters (see also Hou ch’i-tzu), 789, 874 Latter Han dynasty (A.D. 25-220), literati of, 102 legends, 12, 77, 79, 80, 83, 87, 88, 89, 185, 207, 352, 579, 662; of the white snake, 90; o f T s’ai Yen, 786; religious, 90; Shui-hu cycle of, 541; Taoist and Buddhist, 384 lei-shu, 281, 315, 407, 484, 485, 526, 527, 528, 529, 716, 744, 745, 746, 769, 840, 841, 930, 963; forerunner of, 343 letters, 96, 102, 103, 104, 107, 216, 231, 232, 240, 244, 284, 367, 369, 399, 402, 464, 495, 503, 514, 519, 586, 601, 658, 727, 794, 799, 800, 854, 895, 953, 954, 957; instructional book on, 369 lexicons, 527; of Taoist literature, 171 li (principle), 112, 378, 497, 616 li-ho, 129, 134, 520 Li K’uei, 478 Li Wa, 245, 346, 359, 666 li-yen (proverbs, see also yen-yil, su-yen), 78 Liang dynasty (502-577), court of, 267; poetry of, 361; prose of, 362 Liang-shan po (Liang-shan Marsh), 712, 714; bandits of, 24, 89, 323, 533, 762, 918; tales of, 80 Liao dynasty, poets of, 322; prose of, 111 librarians, 585, 586; of the Palace Library, 336; of the Han dynasty, 583, 584 lieh-chuan (official biographies), 577, 645, 689, 690, 842, 843 lien-chu (linked verse), 128, 129, 131, 365, 428, 623, 784 Lin-an (modern Hangchow), 13, 245, 432, 535, 752, 832, 833 Lin-ch’uan School, 382, 465, 900 Lin Tai-yfl, 453, 454, 455 Ling-pao ching (Scriptures of the Numinous Gem) by Ko Ch’ao-fu, 142, 145, 149, 150, 479, 480 Ling-pao Taoism, 154, 155, 170, 481; patriarchs of, 160; revelations, 764; rites, 151 linguistics, 249, 318, 370, 371, 458, 505, 506; historical, 451 literacy, 83, 309; female, 180, 182 literary criticism, 49-58 and passim; Chinese vs. Western, 48; Confucian and Buddhist ideas in, 49, 51; early texts of, 50, 123; emphasis on poetry, 48; history of, 48-55, 65, 72, 205, 563, 696, 697, 700, 746, 788, 789, 855, 856; in letters, 52 literary games, 267 literary history, 91, 175, 185, 213, 512, 567, 772 literary salons, 266, 808, 929 literary theory, 65, 261, 262, 263, 265, 266, 271, 272, 284, 322, 323, 324, 369, 390, 498, 533, 538, 561, 679, 788, 789, 835, 915, 953; Confucian, 820, 837 literati, as an enduring and cohesive class, 60; of the Ch’ing dynasty, 795, 797; of the Ming dynasty, 21; of the Sung dynasty, 392 literature, Confucian concept of, 883; in the vernacular language, 293, 533, 534; women’s attitude toward, 182 liturgy, Taoist, 480; Taoist, texts on, 150 Liu Chih-yQan, 529, 725, 762 Liu-ch’iu (Ryukyu) Islands, poetry of, 852 liu-i (six principles of poetry), 59, 284 liu shih (six principles of literature, see also liu-i), 284 “ Liu ts’ai-tzu shu” (Six Works of Genius), 292 Lo-yang, 104, 164, 166, 184, 211, 223, 236, 241, 242, 279, 284, 398, 476, 481, 490, 536, 551, 597, 598, 599, 601, 613, 621, 622, 624, 639, 644, 645, 647, 648, 664, 797, 813, 815, 816, 824, 826, 878, 887, 909, 931, 934, 937, 948 local gazetteers (see also fang-chih, gazetteers), 210, 242, 265, 360, 554, 673, 707, 710, 739, 860 love poetry, 392, 395, 439, 441, 551, 552, 680, 681, 755, 944; o f the Southern Dynasties, 945 love stories, 90, 269, 949 Lower Yangtze Region, poets from 217 Lu, 182, 313, 314, 524; as a center of Confucianism, 337; history of, 804, 805 lii-shih (regulated verse, see shih), prosody of, 683, 684, 685, 686 lun (discursive essays or essays), 96, 102, 104, 107, 121, 221, 284, 411, 464, 495, 498, 503, 750, 829, 891, 897 lyrics, and prose, in drama, 24, 26, 644; as an instrument of personal reflection, 52 Ma-wang tui (Changsha, Hunan), 200, 340, 614, 615, 616, 617, 631; texts found in, 614, 615, 616, 617

Mackerel Spirit, 418, 419, 420 Mahayana Buddhism, 2, 3, 628; scriptures of, 1,8 makeup, dramatic, 274; color symbolism of, 22; stylization of, 22 man-tz'u, 214, 593, 594, 846, 847, 929 Manchus, 84, 85, 191, 218, 265, 278, 364, 381, 465, 492, 505, 633, 736, 791, 793, 796, 902, 957; court of, 557; examinations under, 956; language of, 306, 307, 956; literature of, 306, as translations from Chinese, 306; poets, 633, 634, 635, 636, 796; relations with the Chinese, 455 Mandarin Duck and Butterfly School, 472, 906 Manichaeanism, 154; founder of, 144; works of, 966 Mao Commentary, 49, 59, 60, 217 Mao-shan, 155, 157, 160, 168, 486, 487, 604, 605, 609, 720; patriarchs of, 604, 702; Taoist ritual of, 396; Taoist tradition of, 327 Marchen, 79, 80 May Fourth Movement, 32, 59, 91, 122, 534, 559, 560, 561, 839, 906; vernacular literary revolution, 802, forerunners of, 955 meditation, 140; Buddhist guides, 1, 6; Taoist, 141, 142, 482 memorials, 94, 96, 101, 102, 103, 111, 184, 211, 224, 231, 391, 392, 457, 464, 587, 603, 604, 618, 727, 800, 833, 854, 909 memorization, 93, 97, 340; of prose, 495; “memorization corpus,” 64, 65, 71, 73, enlargement of during the T ’ang, 69 Meng Chiang-nfl, 7, 43, 829; tale of, 88, 89 metaphors, 52, 53, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129, 132, 133, 182, 183, 184, 209, 256, 259, 290, 439, 524, 537, 649, 693, 697, 896; as trope of comparison, 127; of lovers for ruler and minister, 64; primer of, 258 meter, 490; of Ch’u-tz’u songs, 185 metrical patterns, of ch’ii, 350; in prose, 658 mi-yil (riddles), 708 Mid- and Late-T’ang poetry, six movements of, 52 Mid-Ch’ing dynasty, 225; poets of, 243 Mid-T’ang dynasty, 35, 197, 608; poetry, 567, 623, 788; poets, 550, 590, 761 min-chien wen-i (see folk literature), 77 min-ko (folksongs), 77, 626, 627, 628 Min-pao (People’s Journal), 218, 219 min-yao (see min-ko), 626 Ming dynasty, drama, 515; erotic novels, 32; founding of, 735, 916; history of, 221; literary critics of, 218; official history of, 278; loyalists, 238, 278, 557, 733, 847, 900, 918; novels, 37, 39, 41, 46; plays, 777; prose, 112, 113, 114; scholars, 596 ming-ching (clarification of the classics) examinations, 253, 948 Ming-chu chi (Bright Pearls) by Lu Ts’ai, 608, 609 miracle tales, 379, 475; Buddhist, 145, 628, 629 missionary-scholars, 876, 877 mo (male lead), 273, 636, 911 mo-chuang (onomatopoeia), 132 Modern Text Classical School, of the late Ch’ing, 837 Modern-style poetry (see also chin-t’i shih), 186, 229, 682, 884 Mohism, 337, 340; schools of, 340; texts of, 341 monasteries, Buddhist, 270,407,408, 504, 509,510,533,681,750, 829,880, descriptions of, 598, of Ch’angan, 940 Mongols, 71, 77, 309,473, 725, 768, 775, 776,902; essayists, 111; expressions in Chinese poetry, 350; history of, 870; Sung surrender to, 882 Monkey (see also Sun Wu-k’ung), 414 monks, amorous, as role type in ch’uan-ch’i (romance), 354; as poets, 8, 363, 365, 565, 852; as transmitters of Chinese literature to Japan, 302; collected sayings of, 201 Monthly Fiction, 907 motifs, biographical, 352; in poetry, 63 mou (substitution by synonyms or equivalents), 122 Mount T 'ai ,feng sacrifice at, 224; pilgrimages to, 600 Mu-lan, 437 Mu-lien, 7; tale of, 90 mu-yil shu (wooden-fish books), 87, 90, 748 music, and dance, 682; combination of northern and southern styles in k’un-ch’il, 515, 516; court, 960, 961; history of, 965; in drama, 14, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 316, 354, 371, 556; of Han-dynasty court, 63; of non-Chinese peoples, 72; of the T ’ang dynasty, 965; of the Yflan dynasty, 515; popular, 441; ritual, 268; southern-style, 437, 515, 707; Sung dynasty, 263 Music Bureau (see yileh-fu), 62, 63, 960; poetry, 55, 58; duties of, 63; employees of, 63 mythology, 30, 32, 77, 215, 348, 537, 631, 632, 671, 672; confusion with fiction, 31 myths, 79, 80, 83, 87; of magical birth, 861

Naikaku bunko, 370, 865 nan-hsi, 12, 16, 270, 473, 474, 636, 637, 708, 774, 776, 958, 968 nan-yin, 748

narrative literature, 704; ballads, 14, 772, 773; poetry, 30, 449, 961, 962, 963, 964; techniques, four basic, 577 narrators, 80; of folktales, 80 National Palace Museum (Taipei), 523, 795 National University, 211, 233, 241, 327, 458, 467, 621, 655; in Kaifeng, 799; in Nanking, 417, 512; in Peking, 568 nature poetry, 107, 277, 428, 532, 590, 610, 649, 767, 876, 880, 887; as representative of the spiritual state of the poet, 947, 948; of the Sung, 731 Neo-Confucian philosophy, 659; espoused by Northern prose writers in the Yiian, 111 New Policies (of Wang An-shih), 233, 327, 447, 726, 727, 853 New Text School (of classical scholarship), 468, 469, 834 New Yileh-fu (see also Hsin Yiieh-fu), 71, 204, 205, 859; Movement, 949 newspapers, 218, 548; of Hong Kong and Taiwan, 45; serialized Action in, 45 ni hua-pen (imitation hua-pen), 38, 443 Nieh Yin-niang, 939, 941 “ Nineteen Old Poems” (see "Ku-shih shih-chiu shou”), 64, 489, 490 niu-lang chih-nu (herd-boy and weaving-maid) story, 80 Niu-Li factional dispute, 824 No Ceremony, on New Year’s Eve, 345 non-Chinese peoples, music of as stimulus to song-poetry, 72 North China, Buddhist activities in, 475; vernacular language of, 334 N orthern and Southern Dynasties, poetry of, 361 N orthern Ch’i dynasty (550-577), 149, 892, 923; poetry of, 361 N orthern Chou dynasty (557-581), 145, 150, 923, 943; poetry of, 361 N orthern drama, 15, 636, 775, 776, 958 Northern Sung dynasty (960-1126), aesthetics, 915; court of, 335; in Action, 437, 438; poetic style, 374 Northern Wei dynasty (386-534), armies of, 267; capital of, 597, 598; poetry of, 361 Northwest China, 3, 227, 815; aristocratic families of, 106 notebooks, 79, 457 novels, acceptance in critical circles during the late Ch’ing dynasty, 561; allegorical, 797; allegorical readings of, 948; as a product of long, evolutionary cycle, 41, 42, 43; as prose, 115; authorship of, 41, 42; autobiographical, 43, 452, 843; boom in late-Ch’ing, 39, 40, 44; Buddhist influence on, 8, 9; campaigns against, 714; chapter division in, 35; classical-language, 928, 929; classification of, 39; commentaries on, 45, 46; criticism of, 440; in Ming and Ch’ing, 55; dating problems, 35; development parallel to that o f other literatures, 35; earliest full-sized, 36; editions of, 713; erotic, 32, 558, 559; historical, 40, 43, 44, 662, 732, 733, 734; history of, 37, 39, 40, 41; in Japanese translation, 304; in Korean translation, 305; in p ’ien-wen, 928, 929; indebtedness to hua-pen, 37; longest, 32; modern, 472; Mon­ golian, 309; of composite authorship, 42; of social criticism in the late Ch’ing, 802, 803; popular, 741; textual history of, 712, 713; total number of, 44; types of, 33, 34, 425; Nii-kua (Nil-wa), 325, 453, 672 nuns, 943; amorous, as role type in ch’uan-ch’i (romance), 354; Buddhist, 87, as performers o f pao-chilan, 87; Taoist, 186, 508, as sexual teachers, 180 odes, 50, 58; ancient, 72 official documents (see court, documents), 108, 112, 121, 224, 232, 367, 457, 460, 523, 596, 603, 604, 658, 6 6 0 ,7 3 1 ,7 3 2 ,7 3 6 old-script texts (see also ku-wen), 310, 314, 315; school of, 312 old-style poetry (see also ku-t’i

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